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Title: History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 8 (of 8)
Author: Merle d'Aubigné, J. H. (Jean Henri)
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 8 (of 8)" ***
THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE
IN THE TIME OF CALVIN.
VOL. VIII.
NOW COMPLETED.
D'Aubigné's History of the Reformation, in the Sixteenth
Century. 5 vols. =6.00=
D'Aubigné's History of the Reformation in the Time
of Calvin. 8 vols. =16.00=
'D'Aubigné's History of the Reformation is in all respects one
of the grandest literary and historical works of this or any
age. The author's brilliant genius imparted to its pages all
the fascination of a romance, while his research, study, and
sound judgment have invested it with an authority that has
stood the test, in its most important parts, of more than a
quarter of a century's criticism.'--N. Y. OBSERVER.
'Thirty years have now passed since we read in our student
days the first three volumes which the Carters had just
brought in an American dress. The name of D'Aubigné was soon
on every tongue. The same clear, forcible style characterizes
this latest volume, albeit maturer and richer, the same love
for the Gospel, and the same grasp of the truth of history.
The new generation, in whose presence Rome is demanding, that
the world shall move backward three hundred and fifty years,
may do well to study the volumes of this author.'--NORTH
CHRISTIAN ADVOCATE.
'D'Aubigné is a clear, incisive writer, and all of his
assertions are supported with copious notes that make the work
invaluable for controversial purposes. As a simple, historical
narrative it is unequalled.'--CHRONICLE.
'Many of our readers will remember the real pleasure and
profit with which they read the History of the Reformation
as it first appeared from the pen of Dr. D'Aubigné. He had a
new style, making every scene and character so lifelike and
striking as to impress the great points upon the mind, and
impress the reader for life.'--CHRISTIAN INSTRUCTOR.
'There is a fascination about D'Aubigné's style that has
given to his work an uncommon popularity. While he is master
of the art of expression, he has entered so fully into the
spirit of the great struggle he records, and has so completely
identified himself with the efforts and aims of its heroic
leaders, as to add to the narrative of the historian, the
enthusiasm of a chief actor in the scene.'--EPISCOPAL
METHODIST.
'Dr. Merle d'Aubigné has earned the first place among the
French historians of the Reformation.'--PROF. BONIFAS.
ROBERT CARTER AND BROTHERS,
NEW YORK.
HISTORY
OF THE
REFORMATION IN EUROPE
IN THE TIME OF CALVIN.
BY THE
REV. J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNÉ, D.D.
TRANSLATED BY
WILLIAM L. R. CATES,
JOINT AUTHOR OF WOODWARD AND CATES'S 'ENCYCLOPÆDIA OF CHRONOLOGY,'
EDITOR OF 'THE DICTIONARY OF GENERAL BIOGRAPHY,' ETC.
'Les choses de petite durée ont coutume de devenir fanées, quand
elles ont passé leur temps.
'Au règne de Christ, il n'y a que le nouvel homme qui soit
florissant, qui ait de la vigueur, et dont il faille faire cas.'
CALVIN.
VOL. VIII.
HUNGARY, POLAND, BOHEMIA. NETHERLANDS.
GENEVA. DENMARK, SWEDEN, NORWAY.
NEW YORK:
ROBERT CARTER AND BROTHERS,
530 BROADWAY.
1879.
CAMBRIDGE:
PRESS OF
JOHN WILSON AND SON.
ST. JOHNLAND
STEREOTYPE FOUNDRY,
SUFFOLK CO., N. Y.
PREFACE.
[Illustration]
With this volume we complete the publication of the work of M. Merle
d'Aubigné on the history of the Reformation. The ten volumes published
by the author himself and the three posthumous volumes are the fruit of
his long labors, begun in 1817, and continued almost uninterruptedly
until 1872.
It was in 1817, immediately after his ordination to the ministry,
and in the course of a visit to Germany undertaken to perfect his
theological studies, that M. Merle d'Aubigné conceived the project
of writing this history. Germany was at that time celebrating at
Eisenach the third centenary of the Reformation. The people were in
a state of great excitement. Humiliated by long-continued oppression
and irritated by severe suffering, Germany, which had so long been the
theatre and the victim of the sanguinary wars of the Empire, had at
length risen with an impetuous energy and a fervor of feeling which
were irresistible, and had powerfully contributed to the overthrow of
the imperial warrior who had appeared to be invincible. Rescued thus
from foreign rule, she had fallen again under the equally heavy yoke of
her former masters; and she was now turning her eyes towards Luther,
the spiritual liberator of modern times. The reformer's name was on
every tongue; and Merle d'Aubigné encountered on his way the crowds of
young German students who were journeying to the Wartburg. On the eve
of the celebration he felt an overpowering desire to take part in it.
He therefore followed the throng, and after travelling all night came
at daybreak within sight of the castle famous as the scene of Luther's
confinement. A novel spectacle here presented itself. The squares and
streets of Eisenach were filled with a motley crowd, chiefly composed
of young men. Their long hair falling upon their shoulders, their
thick, untrimmed beards, their velvet cloaks reaching to the knees,
their caps adorned with feathers or foliage, their broad embroidered
collars, their banner proudly borne aloft, surrounded by its defenders
who, with outstretched arms and drawn swords, formed its bodyguard, the
name of Luther the while resounding in all directions--this spectacle,
the antique costumes, the usages of a by-gone age, all contributed to
transport the traveller in imagination into the midst of the scenes of
three centuries ago.
The young Genevese, however, soon withdrew from these noisy scenes,
from the political and social harangues, the excitement and the tumult.
Longing for quiet, he traversed with a guide the deserted rooms of the
castle.
'This then,' he murmured, 'this is the place where, after the stormy
scenes of the Diet of Worms, Luther was able to say, "At last I am at
rest." Here was passed the captivity of the knight George. This is the
table at which he used to sit; that the window from which he looked
out upon the landscape around. Here it was that he gave himself up
to profound meditation, mingled with regret that he had consented to
withdraw from the battle-field, and with a distressing fear lest the
Pope should take advantage of his absence to crush the infant Church.
In this room he used to read the Bible in Hebrew and in Greek; here
he translated the Psalms and the New Testament, and here his fervent
prayers rose to heaven.'[1] The great movement of the sixteenth century
thus presented itself to the young man's imagination in its intimate
details, which are far more thrilling than its external aspects. He
formed the resolution to write its history; and a few weeks later
(November 23, 1817) he sketched in the following terms the plan which
he proposed to follow:--
'I should like to write a history of the Reformation. I should wish
this history to be a work of learning, and to set forth facts at
present unknown. It should be profound, and should distinctly assign
the causes and the results of this great movement; it should be
interesting, and should make known the authors of the transformation
by means of their letters, their works, and their words; and it should
introduce the reader into the bosom of their families and into their
closets. Finally I should wish that this history should be thoroughly
Christian, and calculated to give an impulse to true religion. I would
show by the evidence of facts that the aim of the Reformation was not
so much to destroy as to build up--not so much to overthrow that which
was in excess, superstition, as to impart that which had ceased to
exist, the new life, and holiness, the essence of Christianity, and to
revive or rather to create faith. I shall begin to collect materials,
and I will dedicate my history to the Protestant churches of France.'[2]
Thus, in his youthful dreams, did the pious descendant of the
refugees of the sixteenth century sketch out the leading features
of the monumental work, to the execution of which he thenceforward
uninterruptedly devoted himself. At this day when, by means of many
collections, innumerable documents relating to the Reformation have
been placed within the reach of all, it is not easy to imagine the
amount of labor and research which it cost Merle d'Aubigné to enter as
he did into intimacy with the reformers and to master their most secret
thoughts. Eighteen years had passed away before he was prepared, in
1835, to present to the public the first volume of his work.
In a preface worthy of the subject, he said:--'It is not the history of
a party that I purpose writing; but the history of one of the greatest
revolutions that was ever wrought in the condition of the human race;
the history of a mighty impulse imparted to the world three centuries
ago, the results of which are still universally recognized. The history
of the Reformation is not identical with the history of Protestantism.
In the former every thing bears the impress of a regeneration of
humanity, of a social and religious transformation which has its source
in God; while in the latter we too frequently observe a considerable
falling away from first principles, the action of party spirit,
sectarian tendencies, and the stamp of petty personalities. The history
of Protestantism might possess interest for Protestants alone; the
history of the Reformation is for all Christians, nay, rather for all
men.'
We are thus made acquainted by the author's own statement with the
purpose which he had conceived; and it is for the reader to judge how
far that purpose has been accomplished. This judgment has indeed been
already pronounced. It declares that the work of Merle d'Aubigné,
everywhere learned and accurate, animated and attractive, approaches
in some passages the very perfection of literary art. Amongst these
passages are the pleasant and lively pages in the first volumes devoted
to the youth of Luther, and in the posthumous volumes the chapters of
a more serious and severe character devoted to Calvin and his work at
Geneva.
Little is wanting to the completion of the monument erected by Merle
d'Aubigné. It is to be regretted that we can not follow John Knox in
Scotland, or Marnix in the Netherlands, to the full accomplishment of
their work. In these countries the temple door is closed before us just
as our feet are pressing the threshold. To complete his history the
author would have required two more years of life and of labor; and
this was denied him. Every thing, however, that is essential to the
history of the Reformation is narrated in these thirteen volumes.
Those portions of the work which have been most recently published are
not in all cases the latest written. Some of them were written long ago
and have never been retouched. It is not to be supposed that the author
would have published these without alteration. M. Merle d'Aubigné's
method of procedure in composition was as follows:--First, he would
make a summary study of an important period, and rapidly sketch its
history; next, he would refer to the original sources, collecting
around him all the documents which he could discover, and sometimes
making a long journey for the purpose of consulting a manuscript
preserved in some library. He would then plunge again into his theme,
familiarizing himself thoroughly with its form and its color, so as
to make it real and present to his mind, and see it as it were with
his own eyes. And, finally, he would rewrite the story, completing and
giving life to his narratives, and depicting the scenes for the reader
as he had already done for himself. The result of this process was an
entirely new work.
A third and even a fourth recasting was not seldom undertaken before
the author was satisfied: so vast and so complex was that spiritual
movement which he had undertaken to describe, so numerous and almost
inexhaustible were the documents of all kinds which he continued to
examine throughout his life.
Some of the later chapters, and particularly that which relates to
Germany, had not been subjected to this revision. The editor, however,
has not felt himself at liberty to suppress these chapters, both on
account of their intrinsic value, and because they contain information
not accessible to general readers. We hope that they will be read with
interest and profit.
The editor wishes here to express his thanks to Mr. Cates for his
valuable assistance as translator of the last three volumes of the work
into English.
The editor has now fulfilled what he considers a duty to the Christian
public, by presenting to them this last volume of a work the
composition of which was not only the principal occupation, but also
the principal enjoyment of 'the noble life, consecrated to toil,'[3] of
J. H. Merle d'Aubigné.
NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR.
[Illustration]
This closing volume of the 'History of the Reformation' is enriched
with a fac-simile of the famous Indulgence issued by Pope Leo X., the
sale of which by Tetzel in Germany, in 1517, provoked the bold and
memorable denunciation of the traffic by Luther in the ninety-five
theses which he affixed to the church door of Wittenberg. The
fac-simile is taken from a copy of the Indulgence very recently
acquired by the Trustees of the British Museum. So far as is known, no
fac-simile has been published before, nor has any previously printed
copy possessed the merit of complete accuracy. It has therefore been
thought worth while to place an absolutely exact reproduction of so
important an historical document within reach of the readers of Merle
d'Aubigné's work, although, by the accident of its recent acquisition,
it can only appear in the last instead of the first volume, its most
appropriate place.
At the request of the publishers an interesting statement has been
contributed illustrative of one passage in the Bull of Indulgence
hitherto somewhat obscure but of remarkable significance. (See
_Appendix_.)
A General Index to the eight volumes of this series--_The Reformation
in the Time of Calvin_--has been specially prepared by the Translator
for the English Edition; and it is hoped that this Index will be found
sufficiently copious, detailed, and accurate.
CONTENTS
OF
THE EIGHTH VOLUME.
[Illustration]
PAGE
PREFACE v
BOOK XIV.
THE SPANISH MARTYRS.
CHAPTER I.
THE AWAKENING IN SPAIN.
(1520-1535.)
Torquemada--The _Alumbrados_--Lutheran Books in Spain--John
d'Avila--The secret of his eloquence--His manner of speaking
of the Saviour--His pastoral activity--His influence over St.
Theresa--Sancha de Carile--Agitation of men's minds--The first
Spanish Reformer, Rodrigo de Valerio--His conversion--His
asceticism--His study of the Scriptures--John de Vergara and
his brothers--A Theological Disputation--Peter de Lerma--His
departure from Spain--Departure of Louis of Cadena--Pursuit of
John d'Avila--Alfonso Virves--His imprisonment--His rescue from
the Inquisition by Charles V. 1
CHAPTER II.
REFORMATION AND INQUISITION.
Rodrigo de Valerio--John Egidius, a scholastic
preacher--Valerio and Egidius--Conversion of Egidius--Trial
and release of Valerio--Eloquence of Egidius--Ponce de la
Fuente and Vargas--Intimacy of the Three Friends--Their
harmonious activity--Uncontroversial preaching--Their
influence--Opposition--Advance of Spiritual Religion--Eloquence
of Ponce de la Fuente--Desire of Charles V. to hear
him--Attached to the Emperor's household--Death of
Vargas--Egidius left alone at Seville--Condemnation of Rodrigo
de Valerio--His Death in Prison 21
CHAPTER III.
SPAIN OUT OF SPAIN.
(1537-1545.)
The Three Brothers Enzinas--Their character and their
studies--Their friendship with George Cassander--Their reading
of Melanchthon's Works--Francis Enzinas--Translation of New
Testament--Friendship with Hardenberg--Letter to Alasco--Visit
to Paris--James Enzinas--A martyr at Paris--Heroism of Claude
Lepeintre--John Enzinas--Conversion and zeal of San Romano--His
Letters to Charles V.--His arrest--His indignation--His
release--Journey to Ratisbon--Interviews with the
Emperor--Second arrest--In the Emperor's suite--His sufferings
and his steadfastness 38
CHAPTER IV.
PRESENTATION OF SPANISH NEW TESTAMENT TO CHARLES V.
BY ENZINAS.
(1542-1545.)
Enzinas at Louvain--The Spanish New Testament--Enzinas
at Antwerp--The Printing begun--Debates on the
Title--Completion of the Work--Pedro de Soto, Confessor
to Charles V.--His instigation to persecution--Abuse of
the Confessional--Dedication of Enzinas's Work to the
Emperor--Enzinas at Brussels--His feeling in the Emperor's
presence--Presentation of the Spanish New Testament to
the Emperor--Reply of Charles V.--The Book submitted to
the judgment of De Soto--Enzinas in the Convent of the
Dominicans--The Doctrines of De Soto--Treason--A Snare--The
Mask dropped by De Soto--Argument of Enzinas--Excitement
in the Convent--Arrest of Enzinas--His Dejection in the
Prison--Consoled by Giles Tielmans--The Examination--The
Defence--Intercession--Spiritual Consolations--A Preacher in
Bonds--Hopes deceived--A Horrible Persecution--The Queen's
Chaplain--His Trial and Flight--Escape of Enzinas--The walls
of Brussels cleared--His arrival at Mechlin--At Antwerp--A
legend--Another legend--Correspondence with Calvin--Enzinas
at Wittenberg--James Enzinas at Rome--His arrest, trial, and
condemnation--His martyrdom--Grief of Francis 58
CHAPTER V.
FANATICISM AND BROTHERLY LOVE. JUAN DIAZ.
(1545-1547.)
Studies of Diaz at Paris--His friendship with James
Enzinas--Visit to Geneva--Representative of the Reformed at
Ratisbon--Meeting with
Malvenda--Discussions--Threats--Denunciations--Alonzo Diaz
in Germany--His interview with Malvenda--Discovery of his
brother's place of refuge--Intercourse between the two
brothers--Hypocrisy of Alonzo--Fratricide 99
CHAPTER VI.
SPANIARDS IN SPAIN.
(1534-1542.)
Bartholomew Carranza--Don Domingo de Roxas--Confession
of the True Doctrine by de Roxas--Augustine Cazalla--Don
Carlos de Seso--The Marchioness of Alcagnices--Carranza's
Progress--The Reformation spread by his Books--Carranza,
Primate of Spain--His imprisonment--San Romano in Spain--Led
to execution--His glorious death--The Martyrs of the
Reformation--Death of San Romano not fruitless--Growing
boldness of the Evangelicals 112
CHAPTER VII.
QUEEN JOANNA.
(Born 1479-Died 1555.)
A shameful Captivity--Joanna's Youth--Her Marriage--Her
Opposition to the Catholic Rites--Isabella's Scheme for
excluding her from the Throne--Intrigues of Ferdinand--Meeting
of Ferdinand and Philip--Conspiracy of the two Princes--Death
of Philip--A Mournful Journey--Confinement of Joanna
at Tordesillas--Her aversion to Romish Ceremonies--Ill
treatment--Bitter Complaints--Was Joanna a Lutheran?--Her
Christian Death--A Victim of the gloomiest Fanaticism 126
BOOK XV.
ENGLAND.
CHAPTER I.
THE THREE PARTIES WHICH DIVIDED ENGLAND.
(1536-1540.)
Birth of Edward VI.--Death of the Queen--A new wife sought by
the King--Relations of Henry VIII. with the Swiss--English
students in Switzerland--A Letter to Calvin--Works of Swiss
Theologians--The King's opinions on these Works--Reginald
Pole--Made Cardinal--Legate beyond the Alps--Anger of Henry
VIII.--Pole in France and Belgium--Failure of his Mission--His
return to Rome--German Divines in England--Protracted
discussions--Ill-will of some of the Bishops--Fruitless
attempts at conciliation--Departure of the German
Doctors--Melanchthon's Letter to Henry VIII. 140
CHAPTER II.
HENRY VIII. SUPREME HEAD OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
(1538.)
Gardiner--His return to England--Instigation to
persecution--Sampson, Bishop of Chichester--A Conspiracy
against the Reformation--A return to old usages--The Minister
John Nicholson--His Treatise on the Lord's Supper--His Appeal
to the King--Appearance before the King--Examination--His
Confession of Evangelical Doctrine--His resolute Declaration on
the Sacrament--Cranmer's Answer--The King's anger--Nicholson
condemned to be burnt--His Execution--Flatteries addressed to
the King 158
CHAPTER III.
THE SIX ARTICLES.
(1538-1540.)
Negotiations for the King's Marriage--Their failure--Printing
of the Bible at Paris--The Printing stopped--Completion of
the Work in London--Divisions--Attempted Compromise--Its
failure--The King's fears--The Six Articles--Cranmer's
Opposition--Latimer's Resignation of his See--The King's
advances to Cranmer, Cromwell, and Norfolk--Cranmer's
Time-serving--Five Hundred sent to Prison--Feeling
in Germany--The Articles condemned at Wittenberg and
Geneva--Melanchthon's Letter to the King of England--The King
appeased--Puerile Games 174
CHAPTER IV.
HENRY VIII. AND ANNE OF CLEVES.
(1539-1540.)
Anne of Cleves--Praises uttered of her--Her simple
character--Her arrival in England--The King's
disappointment--His desire to get rid of her--His fear
to break off the engagement--The Marriage celebrated at
Greenwich--Henry's Complaint to Charles V.--Ill-will of
Charles--The King's distrust--Preaching of the Gospel
ordered by Cromwell--Gardiner's Sermon--Barnes's Sermon--His
boldness--His imprisonment--Numerous editions of the Bible 192
CHAPTER V.
DISGRACE AND DEATH OF CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.
(1540.)
Cromwell threatened--Loaded with honors by the King--The
King's intention--The King's letter to Cromwell--Arrest
of Cromwell--Foolish charges--The real motive of the
blow--Cromwell abandoned by all his Friends--Defended by
Cranmer alone--Cranmer's Letter to the King--The Bill of
Attainder--Heresy--The Accuser--No Trial--The Examination--The
Bill carried in both Houses--Condemnation--Cromwell's Letter
to the King--The King's hesitation--Catherine Howard--The
Queen sent away--Cromwell on the Scaffold--His profession of
Faith--His Confession and Prayer--His Death--His Character 205
CHAPTER VI.
DIVORCE OF ANNE OF CLEVES.
(1540.)
Singular impartiality--A Procession of Martyrs, three
Evangelists, three Papists--Preparations for Divorce of the
Queen-- A shameful Comedy--The King's hypocrisy--Convocation
of the Clergy--The Marriage declared void--The Divorce accepted
by Anne of Cleves 225
CHAPTER VII.
CATHERINE HOWARD, A CATHOLIC QUEEN.
(1540.)
Marriage of the King with Catherine Howard--His return to
Catholicism--Royal infallibility--Catholic reaction--Bonner,
Bishop of London--A young Martyr--The Prisons filled--The
King praised by Francis I.--Martyrdom of a Reader of
the Bible--Conspiracy against Cranmer--The Archbishop's
firmness--Charges against him--The King's hesitation--His
determination to save him--Cranmer before the Privy
Council--The King's Ring--Cranmer's Enemies confounded--The
King's love for the Queen--Terrible Revelations--Guilt of the
Queen--Cranmer's Visit to her--Frenzy of the Queen--Cranmer's
Emotion--Condemnations and Executions--The Queen Executed--Her
Guilt undoubted--Convocation of the Clergy--A sharp blow
struck at Convocation by Cranmer--Remarkable Progress of the
Reformation 234
CHAPTER VIII.
CATHERINE PARR, A PROTESTANT QUEEN.
(1542.)
Richard Hilles, a London Merchant--His Studies
and Readings--Cranmer's cautious promotion of the
Reformation--Amendment in Doctrine--Catherine Parr--Her
Character--Another Plot against Cranmer--His Forgiveness
of his Enemies--Several Martyrs--Marbeck's English
Concordance--Henry's Complaints against France--His Alliance
with Charles V.--War with France--Sympathies of the
Italians--Persecutors punished 258
CHAPTER IX.
THE LAST MARTYRS OF HENRY'S REIGN.
(1545.)
Session of Parliament--The King's Speech--The Rod and the
Royal School-master--Anne Askew--Her Trial--Examinations--Her
Release--Again Imprisoned--Her steadfastness--Her
Discretion--In Prison--Condemned to be Burnt--A Royal
Proclamation--Anne Askew tortured by the Lord Chancellor--Led
to Execution--Death of the Martyrs--Approaching triumph of
their Doctrines 271
CHAPTER X.
QUEEN CATHERINE IN DANGER OF DEATH.
(1546.)
The Queen's piety--Her rash zeal--Conversations with
the King--The King offended--Conspiracy of the Catholic
Leaders--The King's distrust--A Prosecution ordered--The
Bill of Indictment--The Queen unsuspecting--The Indictment
in her hands--Her Distress--Her Interview with the King--Her
Declaration--Rescue--Astonishment of her Enemies--Her
Forgiveness of them 284
CHAPTER XI.
CLOSE OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
(1546-JANUARY 1547.)
Disgrace of Gardiner--Two Parties at the Court--The Howards
and the Seymours--Ambition of the Howards--Proceedings against
Norfolk and Surrey--The King's impatience--Searches--A
Divided House--Execution of Surrey--Humble Appeal of
Norfolk--Inflexibility of the King--Last Hours of the King--His
Death--His Will--Henry VIII. to be condemned as a Man, a King,
and a Christian 297
BOOK XVI.
GERMANY.
CHAPTER I.
PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY.
(1520-1536.)
The Reformation a Resurrection--Pretended Unity of Rome--All
kinds of Progress produced by the Reformation--John
Bugenhagen--His Conversion--Named 'Pomeranus'--The
Reformation embraced by German Towns--Magdeburg, Brunswick,
Hamburg--Pomeranus at Hamburg--Lübeck 311
CHAPTER II.
THE PRINCIPALITY OF ANHALT.
(1522-1532.)
The Princes of Anhalt--Duke George--His
Anxieties--His Resolution--Luther's Letter--Prince
Joachim--Würtemberg--Westphalia--Paderborn--Hermann, Elector of
Cologne--Peace of Nürnberg 322
CHAPTER III.
TRIUMPH OF THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER.
(1533.)
Melchior Hoffmann--Bernard Rottmann--Rottmann's Marriage--John
Matthisson of Haarlem--John Bockkold of Leyden--Bernard
Knipperdolling--Disorders at Munster--The Visionaries in
power--Their Enemies expelled--Destruction of Books and Works
of Art--John of Leyden in power--Terror 331
CHAPTER IV.
THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER. EXCESSES.
(1535.)
The King of the Universe--Pride and Luxury--A Supper--An
Apostolate--Cruelty 342
CHAPTER V.
THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER. CHASTISEMENT.
(1535-1536.)
Siege and Famine--Vain Efforts--The Assault--Capture of
Munster--Executions--Luther's Opinion--Three Causes of the
disorder--The Finger-post 347
TRIUMPH IN DEATH.
DEATH OF LUTHER.
(FEBRUARY 18, 1546.)
Luther at Eisleben--Sense of his approaching end--Serenity of
his Faith--His last testimony--His last breath 353
APPENDIX.
Transcript of 'Indulgence' of Leo X. 359
GENERAL INDEX TO VOLUMES I.--VIII. 369
HISTORY
OF THE
REFORMATION IN EUROPE
IN THE TIME OF CALVIN.
BOOK XIV.
THE SPANISH MARTYRS.
CHAPTER I.
THE AWAKENING IN SPAIN.
(1520-1535.)
The Church of Spain had long preserved its independence with regard
to the papacy. It was at the time of the ambitious and monopolizing
Hildebrand that it began to lose it.
At the period of the Reformation it had been subject to the pope for
more than four hundred years, and great obstacles were opposed to
its deliverance. The mass of the people were given to superstition;
the Spanish character was resolute to the degree of obstinacy; the
clergy reigned supreme; the Inquisition had just been armed with new
terrors by Ferdinand and Isabella; and the peninsular situation of the
country seemed inevitably to isolate it from those lands in which the
Reformation was triumphant.
Nevertheless many minds were, up to a certain point, prepared for
evangelical reform. In almost every class the Inquisition excited the
liveliest discontent. Towards the close of the fifteenth century, a
man was often to be met with traversing Spain, surrounded by a guard of
fifty mounted attendants and two hundred foot-soldiers. This man, whose
name was Torquemada, was the terror of the people; and consequently
in his progresses he displayed the greatest distrust, imagining that
every one was bent on assassinating him. On his arrival at any place,
when he sat down to table, he trembled lest the dishes brought to him
should have been poisoned. For this reason, before partaking of any
food, he used to place before him the horn of a unicorn, to which he
attributed the virtue of discovering and even of neutralizing poisons.
Universal hatred accompanied him to the tomb. Torquemada, the first
inquisitor-general, caused eight thousand persons to be put to death,
and a hundred thousand to be imprisoned and despoiled of their goods.
Whole provinces rose against this horrible tribunal.[4] 'They steal,
they kill, they outrage,' wrote the chevalier de Cordova, Gonzalo de
Ayora, speaking of the inquisitors to the first secretary of King
Ferdinand. 'They care neither for justice nor for God himself.'[5]
'O unhappy Spain!' cried Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, councillor for the
Indies, in his distress. 'Mother of so many heroes, how this horrible
scourge dishonors thee!'[6]
Meanwhile the universities were being enlightened. Various writings,
especially those of Erasmus, were much read; and while doctors and
students learned to scrutinize more closely the state of the Church,
a spirit of inquiry began to penetrate those ancient institutions.
There were, besides, scattered here and there in the towns and in
country places, some Christians, called _Alumbrados_, who sought after
an inward light and applied themselves to secret prayer. These pious
Mystics were better prepared to receive divine truth.[7]
[Sidenote: THE AWAKENING IN SPAIN.]
More than this, political circumstances were favorable to the
introduction of the Reformation. Spain was at this time under the same
sceptre as Germany and the Netherlands, and the rays of light emanating
from the Scriptures could not but reach it. The emperor Charles the
Fifth, who was fighting against the Reformation in Germany, was to
be the means of bringing it into the country of his very Catholic
ancestors. The young Alfonso Valdès, his secretary, who was with him
at Brussels in 1520, and afterwards at Worms in 1521, was at first
struck with horror at seeing the boldness with which Luther attacked
the authority of the pope. But what he saw and heard led him gradually
to comprehend the necessity for Reformation. Consequently, when writing
from Brussels and Worms to his friend Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, Valdès
sorrowfully exclaimed, 'While the pontiff shuts his eyes and desires
to see Luther devoured by the flames, the whole Christian community is
near its ruin, unless God save it.'[8]
Books more dangerous to Rome than those of Erasmus reached Spain. A
printer of Basel, the very year in which Charles was elected emperor
(1519), packed up carefully for transport beyond the Pyrenees some
precious merchandise not yet prohibited in the peninsula, because as
yet unknown there. It consisted of various Latin works of Luther.[9] In
1520 the 'Commentary on the Galatians,' and afterwards other writings
of the reformer, were translated into Spanish.[10] The union existing
between Spain and the Netherlands had led many Spaniards to settle in
the latter country, and it may possibly have been one of these who
translated them. It is at least certain that they were printed at
Antwerp, and that merchant vessels carried them thence into Spain.
Many noble minds were stirred up and became attentive to what was
passing in Germany. Francis de Angelis, provincial of the Order of
the Angeli, who had been present at the coronation of the emperor,
was still more enlightened than Valdès himself. Being sent back to
Spain after the Diet of Worms upon an important mission, he stopped
at Basel. There he visited Pellican, and in a conversation which he
had with him he showed himself almost in agreement with Luther.[11]
All these circumstances arousing the attention of Rome, Leo X. sent
(March 20, 1521) two briefs to Spain to demand that the introduction of
the books of the German reformer and his partisans into that country
should be checked; and Adrian VI., the successor of Leo, called upon
the government to assist the Inquisition in the accomplishment of this
duty.[12]
But in Spain itself evangelical truth was then preached with
earnestness, though not with the fulness, clearness, and purity of the
reformers. There was in Andalusia a young priest who from about 1525
preached with extraordinary power. His name was John d'Avila. 'The
fervor,' says one of his biographers, 'with which he exerted himself
to sow the heavenly seed of the Word of God in the hearts of men was
almost incredible.'[13] He strove both to convert souls estranged from
God, and to lead those who were converted to go forward courageously in
the service of God. He employed no more time in the composition of his
morning addresses than he did in delivering them. A long preparation
would in his case have been impossible, on account of the numerous
engagements which his charity drew upon him from all quarters. 'The
Holy Spirit enlightened him with his light and spoke by his mouth; so
that he was obliged to be careful not to extend his discourses too
much, so abundant was the source from which they flowed.'
[Sidenote: JOHN D'AVILA.]
Seeing the great number of souls converted by his word, the question
was asked, what was the chief source of his power? Is it, they said,
the force of the doctrine, or the fervor of his charity, or the
tenderness of his fatherly kindness, joined to ineffable humility and
gentleness? He has himself decided this important point, and answered
the inquiry. A preacher, struck by D'Avila's success, and desiring the
like for himself, begged him for some advice on preaching, and on the
way to render it efficacious. 'I know no better way,' he replied, 'than
to love Jesus Christ.' This is the true science of homiletics.
Jesus Christ and his love was indeed the strength of his eloquence.
It was by setting before sinners a dying Jesus that he called them to
repentance. 'We, Lord,' he cried, 'have transgressed, and thou bearest
the punishment! Our crimes have loaded thee with all kinds of shame,
and have caused thee to die upon the cross! Oh! what sinner would not
at this sight lament over his sins!'[14] But D'Avila pointed out at
the same time in this death a means of salvation. 'They bind him with
cords,' he said; 'they buffet him; they crown him with thorns; they
nail him on the cross, and he suffers death thereon. If he is thus
treated it is because he loved you, and would wash away your sins in
his own blood! O Jesus, my Saviour, thou wast not content with these
outward sufferings; it has pleased thee to endure also inward pain
far surpassing them. Thou hast submitted to the stern decree of thy
Father's justice; thou hast taken upon thee all the sins of the world.
O Lamb of God, thou hast borne the burden alone; thou hast sufficed
thereto, and hast obtained for us redemption by thy death. We have been
made the righteousness of God in thee, and the Father loves us in his
well-beloved Son. Let us not be afraid of praising him too much for
the entire blotting out of our sins, the privilege bestowed by God on
those whom he justifies by the merits of Jesus Christ. This exalts the
greatness of those merits which have procured them so much blessedness,
although they were so unworthy of it. O Lord, be glorified forever for
this.'[15]
Nevertheless, John d'Avila, while he recognized the necessity of
justification by the death of Christ, had a less distinct conception
of it than the reformers, and gave it a less prominent place in his
teaching than they did. It was on its efficacy for sanctification
that he especially dwelt. He committed indeed the error of placing
love in the chapter of justification, instead of placing it, like
the reformers, in that of sanctification, which is its true place.
But he could not too much insist on the transformation which must
be wrought in the character and life of the Christian. 'What,' he
cried, 'is it conceivable that Jesus Christ should wash, purify, and
sanctify our souls with his own blood, and that they should still
remain unrighteous, defiled, impure?' ... He sometimes employed strange
figures to inculcate the necessity of this work. 'A creature having but
the head of a man,' he said, 'all the rest of its body being that of
a beast, would be considered a horrible monster. It would be no less
monstrous, in the sphere of grace, that God who is righteousness and
purity itself should have for his members unrighteous, defiled, and
corrupt men.'[16]
D'Avila labored not only by his discourses, but likewise by his
conversations and letters in promoting the kingdom of God in the
souls of men. He was benevolence itself. He consoled the afflicted,
encouraged the timid, aroused the cowardly, stirred up the lukewarm,
fortified the weak, sustained those who were tempted, sought to raise
up sinners after their falls, and humbled the proud. His letters
are mostly far superior to those of Fénélon. They are at least much
more evangelical.[17] 'I tell you this,' he wrote to some friends in
affliction, 'only in order to assure you that Jesus Christ loves you.
Ought not these words, that _a God loves us_, to fill with joy such
poor creatures as we are?'[18] 'Read the sacred writings,' said he
in another letter to those who wished for instruction, 'but remember
that if he who has the key of knowledge, and who alone can open the
book, does not give the power to comprehend, you will never understand
it.'[19]
[Sidenote: ST. THERESA.]
D'Avila possessed the gift of discernment. He did not, indeed, entirely
escape the influence of the period and of the country in which he
lived; but we find him exposing the pretended revelations of Madeline
de la Croix, who deceived so many, and undertaking the defence of the
pious Theresa de Cepedre, when persecuted by the Inquisition. Theresa,
born at Avila in 1515, of a noble family, had so much zeal even in her
childhood that she one day quitted her father's house with her brother
to go and seek martyrdom amongst the Moors. A relative met the two
children and took them back. She was from that time divided between the
love of the world and the love of God, throwing herself alternately
into dissipation and into the monastic life. This woman, the famous St.
Theresa, was one of those ardent spirits who rush by turns to the two
extremes. Happily she met with D'Avila, whose judgment was more mature
than her own, received his instructions, and, by his means, became
confirmed in spiritual life. Her writings, full of piety, and even
attractive in style, were translated by the Jansenists, like those of
D'Avila.[20] He was the friend and director to a poor soldier, who,
having been discharged in 1536, was converted, and turned his house
into an hospital, for which he provided by the work of his own hands,
and thus became founder of the Order of Charity. D'Avila gave to this
charitable Christian, who was called John de Dieu, the wisest counsels,
the sum of which was, 'Die rather than be unfaithful to so good a
Master.'
One day a young girl, named Sancha de Carile, daughter of a señor
of Cordova, was preparing to go to court, where she had just been
appointed maid of honor to the queen. She wished first to have a
conversation with John d'Avila, and was so touched by his words that
she thenceforth abandoned the court and the world. Instead, however,
of entering a convent, she remained in her father's house, and there
devoted herself till death to the service of Jesus Christ, whom she
had found as her Saviour.[21] It was for Sancha de Carile that D'Avila
composed his principal work, entitled _Audi, filia, et vide_ ('Hearken,
O daughter, and consider'[22]), Ps. xlv. 10. D'Avila did not side with
the doctors and disciples of the Reformation, who were continually
increasing in number in Germany. He differed from them, indeed, on
several points, but on others approached them so nearly that his
preaching could not but prepare men's minds to receive the fulness of
evangelical doctrine. The Inquisition understood this.[23]
[Sidenote: AN EXAMINATION.]
The period which elapsed between 1520 and 1535 was an epoch which
prepared the way for reformation in Spain. In the universities, in the
towns, and in country places many minds were silently inclining towards
a better doctrine. The Reformation was then like fire smouldering under
the ashes, but was to manifest itself later in many a noble heart.
Nevertheless, from time to time the flame became visible. A peasant, a
simple man without any culture whatever, who had busied himself only
about his fields, had by some means received Christian convictions.[24]
One day, when in company with some relations and friends, he exclaimed,
'It is Christ who, with his own blood, daily washes and purifies from
their sins those who belong to him, and there is no other purgatory.'
It seems that the poor man had only repeated a saying which he had
heard in some meeting, and which had pleased him, without being
penetrated by the truth which he had expressed. When, therefore,
he was cited before the inquisitors of the faith, he said, 'I have
certainly held that opinion, but, since it displeases your reverences,
I willingly retract it.' This did not satisfy the priests. They heaped
reproaches upon him. 'They may have feared,' says the author of the
_Artifices of the Spanish Inquisition_, 'that their inquisitive
faculties would stagnate and rot unless they set about finding some
knavery in the man, thus pretending to find knots in a bulrush--_nodus
in scirpo_.' 'You have asserted that there is no purgatory. _Ergo_ you
believe that the pope is mistaken--that the councils are mistaken--and
that man is justified by faith alone.' In short, they unfolded before
him all the doctrines which they called heresies, and charged the
unfortunate man with them as if he had actually professed them. The
poor peasant protested; he confidently maintained that he did not even
know what these doctrines meant. But they insisted on their charge,
and showed him the close connection which subsists between all these
dogmas. The poor man had been deprived of the ordinary means of
instruction; but these priests, who were more opposed to the Gospel
than water is to fire, says the narrator, taught and enlightened him.
Those who boasted themselves to be the great extirpators of the truth
became its propagators. The peasant of whom we speak thus attained
to the fulness of the faith which hitherto had only just dawned upon
him. It was a striking example of the wonderful way in which Divine
Goodness sometimes calls its chosen ones. There were many other such
instances.'[25]
[Sidenote: RODRIGO DE VALERIO.]
The chief reformer of Spain was to spring from a higher class. He
was born in Andalusia, the Baetica which in the eyes of the ancients
was the fairest and happiest of all the countries in the world. Near
rocky mountains, on a vast plain of picturesque and solemn aspect,
lies Lebrixa, an ancient town about ten leagues from Seville on the
Cadiz side. Here lived Rodrigo de Valerio, a young man of a rich and
distinguished family. He had, in common with the Andalusians, great
quickness of apprehension; fancy sparkled in his speech, and his
temperament was very cheerful. Like them, he was distinguished by his
love of pleasure, and it was his glory to surpass in its indulgence all
the young men with whom he associated. He generally lived at Seville, a
town called by the Romans 'little Rome' (_Romula_), which had long been
a centre of intelligence, and where the Alcazar and other monuments
recalled the magnificence of the Moorish kings. Rodrigo had received a
liberal education, and had learned a little Latin; but this had been
speedily forgotten amidst the diversions of youth. There was not a hunt
nor a game at which he was not present. He was to be seen arriving at
the rendezvous mounted on a superb horse, richly equipped, and himself
magnificently attired.[26] Easy and skilful in bodily exercises, he
carried away every prize. Full of grace and elegance, he succeeded in
winning the favor of fair ladies. His delight was to mount the wildest
horse, to scale the rocks, to dance with light foot, to hunt with horn
and hound, to draw the cross-bow or shoot with the arquebus, and to
be the leader of fashionable young men in every party and at every
festival.
All at once Valerio disappeared from society. He was sought at the
games, in the dance, at the races, but was nowhere to be found. Every
one was asking what had become of him. He had abandoned every thing.
The pleasures of the world had oppressed and wearied him, and he had
found all void and bitterness. What! thought he, play the lute, make
one's horse caper, sing, dance ... and forget what it is to be a man!
A voice had cried in his heart that God was all in all. He had yielded
to no human influence; God alone had touched him by his Spirit.[27]
The change was for this reason all the more remarkable. The lively
affections of his heart, which had hitherto rushed like a tempestuous
torrent downwards towards the world, now rose with the same energy
towards heaven. 'A divine passion,' says a contemporary, 'suddenly
seized him.[28] Casting off his old inclinations, and despising human
judgment, he applied his whole strength, both of mind and body, so
zealously to the pursuit of piety, that no worldly affection seemed to
be left in him.' If Rodrigo had then retired to a convent, all would
have been _en règle_, and every one would have admired him; but no one
could understand why, while renouncing pleasure, he did not immediately
shut himself up in one of those human sanctuaries to which alone the
world at that time gave the patent of a devout life. Some, indeed,
of the remarks made on him were very natural. He had passed from one
extreme to the other, and in his first fervor he exposed himself to
the ridicule of his old companions. The young man who had hitherto
been remarkable for the delicacy of his manners, the elegance of his
discourse, and the splendor of his dress, displayed now a somewhat
repulsive roughness and negligence.[29] Sincere and upright, but as
yet unenlightened, unacquainted indeed with any other pious life than
that of ascetics, it is not astonishing that he threw himself at first
into an exaggerated asceticism. He thought that he should thus renounce
the world more completely and make a more perfect sacrifice to the
Lord. He has lost his head, said some; he is drunk, said others. But
on closer observation the true fear of God was to be seen in him,
a sincere repentance for the vanity of his life, an ardent thirst
for righteousness, and an indefatigable zeal in acquiring all the
characteristics of true piety. But one thing above all occupied his
mind. We have seen that he had learned Latin. This knowledge, which he
had despised, now became of the greatest service to him. It was only in
this language that the sacred writings could be read; he studied them
day and night;[30] by means of hard toil he fixed them in his memory,
and he had an admirable gift for applying the words of Scripture with
correctness and promptitude. He endeavored to regulate his whole
conduct by their teaching; and people perceived in him the presence of
the Spirit by whom they were dictated.
Valerio became one of the apostles of the doctrines of Luther and the
other reformers.[31] 'It was not in their own writings that he had
learned these. He had derived them directly from the Holy Scriptures.
Those sacred books, which, according to some, are the source of such
various doctrines, then produced in every country of Christendom the
same faith and the same life.' He soon began to diffuse around him the
light he had received. People were astonished at hearing this young
layman, who had recently made one of every party of pleasure, speaking
with so much fervor. 'From whom do you hold your commission?' asked
some one. 'From God himself,' replied he, 'who enlightens us with his
Holy Spirit, and does not consider whether his messenger is a priest or
a monk.'
[Sidenote: JOHN DE VERGARA.]
Valerio was not the only one to awaken from sleep. A literary movement
in the path opened by Erasmus had, as we have already said, prepared
the way of the Gospel in Spain. One of its chiefs was John de Vergara,
canon of Toledo, who had been secretary to Cardinal Ximenes. An
accomplished Greek and Hebrew scholar, he had pointed out some errors
in the Vulgate; and he was one of the editors of the Polyglot of
Alcala. 'With what pleasure do I learn,' wrote the scholar of Rotterdam
to him in 1527, 'that the study of languages and of literature is
flourishing in that Spain which was of old the fruitful mother of
the greatest geniuses.' John de Vergara had a brother named Francis,
a professor of Greek literature at Complutum (the present Alcala de
Henares). Alcala, near Madrid, the seat of the foremost university
in the kingdom next to Salamanca, was at this epoch a centre of
intelligence, and had acquired a European renown. A breath of freedom
and life seemed to have passed over it. John and Francis, with another
Spaniard, Bernardin de Tobar, apparently their brother, put forth
their united efforts to revive the pursuit of literature in their
native land, and kindled bright hopes in the breast of the prince of
the schools. Calling to mind, as was his wont, the stories of ancient
times, Erasmus compared these three friends of letters to Geryon,
king of the Balearic Islands, the most powerful of men, of whom the
poets had made a giant with three bodies. 'Spain,' said he, 'has once
more its Geryon, with three bodies but one spirit, and the happiest
anticipations are excited in our minds.'[32] The modern Geryon,
however, failed to win the honor of the triumph promised by Erasmus. In
the Inquisition he met the Hercules who vanquished him. These eminent
men had found their way through the love of learning to the love of
the Gospel; and John had carried his audacity to such a pitch that
he aimed at correcting the Vulgate. Hereupon certain monks who knew
nothing of Latin beyond the jargon of the schools raised the alarm.
John and Tobar were arrested by the inquisitors of Toledo, cast into
a dungeon, and called upon to renounce the _heresies_ of Luther. This
charge they had not at all anticipated. It was not by the reformer,
but by his opponent, Erasmus, that they had been attracted to the Holy
Scriptures. Being as yet weak in faith, they thought they might declare
themselves unacquainted with Lutheranism; and they were released.
Certain penances, however, were imposed on them, and they were placed
under the _surveillance_ of the Inquisition?[33]
At this time, between 1530 and 1540, a great theological controversy
was being carried on in the university of Alcala. One of the champions
was Matthew Pascual, a doctor distinguished for his acquirements in
learning--he was master of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin--for his love
of letters, of the Holy Scriptures, and of a doctrine more pure
than that of the monks. The discussion had become animated; and the
opponent of Pascual, in the heat of the conflict, exclaimed--'If the
case be as Doctor Matthew maintains, it would follow that there would
be no purgatory!' Pascual had probably said with St. John that _the
blood of Jesus Christ his Son cleanseth us from all sin_. He replied
simply--'What then? (_Quid tum?_)' The monks were all agitated
at these words. 'He said _Quid tum!_ He denies purgatory.' He was
forthwith committed to the prison of the holy fathers,[34] from which
he was not liberated till long afterwards, and then with the loss of
all his property. He then left Spain. Two monosyllables had cost him
dear.
[Sidenote: PETER DE LERMA.]
There was resident at Alcala at this time a man who far surpassed
the Vergaras and the Pascuals, and whose judgments were universally
accepted in Spain as oracles.[35] This was Peter de Lerma, abbot of
Alcala, canon, professor of theology, and chancellor of the university,
skilled in the oriental languages, which he had studied in Paris, and
well versed in Scholastic theology. He was highly esteemed throughout
the whole Peninsula. He was consulted on the greatest affairs of
state; and many had recourse to him as to a touch-stone which at once
indicated to them what was good and what was evil. As he was wealthy
and belonged to a noble family of Burgos, he had great influence. From
an early age he gave himself up to the reading of the Holy Scriptures,
convinced that without them it was impossible to attain any real
knowledge of holy things. At an advanced age he read the works of
Erasmus. His mind was enlightened by them; and he acknowledged that
the studies pursued at the universities served only for vain display.
A new form was given to his activity, and his words were henceforth
remarkable for their freedom, their simplicity, and their vigor.
'Draw,' said he, 'from the oldest sources; do not take up opinions upon
the sole authority of any masters, however solid they may be.' Words
like these were altogether new in the Catholic churches. Peter de Lerma
was a kindly old man, now aged about seventy. The monks, regardless of
his age, his attainments, or the authority which he enjoyed, had him
cast into prison by their agents. His opponents attacked him in private
conferences. But the aged doctor, finding that the best reasons were of
no avail with his enemies, that they refused to listen to the truth,
and had no regard for innocence, declared that he would hold no more
discussion with Spaniards, and required them to summon learned men of
other lands, capable of understanding the evidence laid before them. To
the inquisitors this seemed to be horrible blasphemy. 'Would it not be
said,' they exclaimed, 'that the holy fathers of the Inquisition may
be in error, and that they are unable to comprehend a hundred others
better than you?' They assailed him with insults, they plagued him
in the prison, they threatened him with torture. The poor old man at
last, enfeebled by age and by persecution, and not yet sufficiently
established in the faith, as was usually the case with the converts of
Erasmus, complied with the demands of his persecutors. He then withdrew
to Burgos, his native place. Melancholy weighed him down. The energies
of his soul were crushed. His hopes for the future of his people had
vanished. He bowed down his head and suffered. Informed ere long that
it was intended to arrest him, he fled to Flanders; then went to Paris,
where he died dean of the Sorbonne, and professor of theology in that
university.
The preaching of the old man was not fruitless in Spain. Like John
d'Avila and others, he was one of those Spanish evangelicals who did
not make use of Luther's name, but asserted that they preached simply
the primitive doctrines of the Apostles. This came to much the same
thing. The tint was only a little softened and less powerful.
[Sidenote: ARREST OF JOHN D'AVILA.]
Louis of Cadena, one of his nephews, had succeeded him as chancellor of
the university of Alcala. By his elegant Latinity, and his acquaintance
with Hebrew, Arabic, and Greek, he acquired great reputation among
men of letters. Convinced that if Spain were ever to become great,
it was necessary to give her an impulse towards light and liberty,
he undertook, notwithstanding the fate of his uncle, to bring to an
end the reign of Scholasticism. Information was laid against him, as
one suspected of Lutheranism, before the Inquisition at Toledo; and
he was compelled to fly in order to escape the dungeons of the holy
office. The Inquisition in those days lost no opportunity of putting an
extinguisher over any light divinely kindled in Spain, of suppressing
thought and checking its progress.[36] Louis betook himself likewise to
Paris, where, like his uncle, he restrained his zeal to avoid exposure
to fresh persecutions.[37]
John d'Avila himself, the apostle of Andalusia, whose only thought was
the conversion of souls, and who did not meddle with controversies,
found that the monks, enraged and provoked by his refusal to engage
in disputation, denounced him to the Inquisition as a Lutheran or
_alumbrado_. In 1534, an inauspicious year for evangelical Spain, this
humble pastor was arrested at Seville, and cast into the prisons of the
holy office. But his enemies, impelled by blind hatred, had not even
informed the archbishop of Seville, Don Alfonso de Manrique, who was
at this time Grand Inquisitor. The prelate, who cherished the highest
esteem for John d'Avila, was affected on hearing what his subordinates
had just done. He pointed out that this man was no Lutheran, but was
only seeking to do good to the souls of men. D'Avila was consequently
acquitted, and he continued quietly to preach the Gospel till his
death. The inquisitors, by fastening the name 'Lutheran' on every thing
pious, rendered indirect homage to Lutheranism.[38]
[Sidenote: ALFONSO VIRVES.]
Manrique was not alone in occasional opposition to the fanaticism of
the inquisitors. Charles the Fifth himself, although strongly opposed
to every thing which appeared to him heresy, seems to have had some
relish for solid preaching. His fine understanding preferred it to the
fables of the monks. He had for his chaplain a Dominican monk named
Alfonso Virves, an accomplished orientalist and a good theologian.
Charles took him with him when he travelled in Germany; and he not only
liked to hear him preach, but also associated with him in his numerous
journeyings with a certain degree of intimacy. After his return to
Spain, the emperor would hear no other preacher. Certain monks who
coveted the privilege of preaching before the emperor were filled with
envy and hatred. They inveighed against Virves. In vain he contended,
according to the dictates of his conscience, for what he believed to
be true piety; these wretches uttered shameless calumnies against
him, and obvious falsehoods, and resorted to malicious intrigues.
This was their usual method.[39] Virves esteemed the fine genius of
Erasmus, but censured him for his too great freedom. He asserted that
his wish was to secure Spain against Lutheranism. But he had seen
in Germany the leading reformers, had enjoyed friendly intercourse
with them, and declared that he renounced the attempt to recall them
from their errors.[40] This was ground enough for a prosecution;
and without any regard to the wish of the emperor, the inquisitors
arrested his chaplain, threw him into the prison of the Holy Office
at Seville, and in eager haste prepared to sacrifice him. The news of
their proceedings reaching Charles the Fifth, he was astonished and
indignant. He was better acquainted with Virves than the inquisitors
were. He determined by energetic action to foil the conspiracies of the
monks. He felt confident that Virves was the victim of an intrigue. He
even banished Manrique, the inquisitor-general, who was compelled to
retire to his diocese, and died there. Charles did more than this. He
addressed to the Holy Office, July 18, 1534, an ordinance prohibiting
the arrest of a monk before laying the evidence before the council
and awaiting its orders. But the emperor, all-powerful as he was, was
not powerful enough to snatch a victim from the Inquisition. Virves,
whose only crime was that of being a pious and moderate Catholic,
had to undergo for four years all the horrors of a secret prison.
He says himself that they hardly gave him leave to breathe. The
inquisitors overwhelmed him with accusations, with interdictions,
with libels and with words, he says, which one can not hear without
being terrified. He adds that he was charged with errors, heresies,
blasphemies, anathemas, schism, and other similar monstrosities. To
convince them, he undertook labors which might be likened to those
of Hercules. He exhibited the points which he had drawn up by way of
preparation for an attack on Melanchthon before the diet of Ratisbon.
But all was useless. The tribunal condemned him in 1537 to abjure all
heresies, among others those of Luther, to be confined in a monastery
for two years, and to abstain from preaching for two years after his
liberation. The poor man had to appear in the cathedral of Seville, and
to retract, among other propositions, the following:--'A life of action
is more meritorious than a life of contemplation.--A larger number of
Christians are saved in the married state than in all other states.'
Charles the Fifth, determined at all cost to rescue his chaplain from
imprisonment, applied to the pope, who by a brief of May 29, 1538,
ordered that Virves should be set at liberty, and be again allowed to
preach. Charles now nominated him bishop of the Canary Islands. After
some hesitation, the pope consented to the appointment, and in 1540,
the heretic was invested with the episcopal mitre. In the following
year he published at Antwerp his _Philippicæ Disputationes_, in which
his objections to the doctrines of Luther are set forth. In the same
book, however, he asserted that heretics ought not to be ill-used, but
persuaded, and this especially by setting before them the testimonies
of Holy Scripture; because _all Scripture given by inspiration of
God is profitable_, says St. Paul, _for doctrine, for reproof, for
correction_. Alfonso Virves was one of those Spaniards whom the
Inquisition prevented from becoming evangelical, but could not succeed
in making papistical and ultramontane.[41]
Virves was not the only Spaniard who imbibed in Germany views which
nearly approached to those of the Reformation. Several learnt more
than he did in the land of Luther, and exerted an influence on the
Peninsula. Curiosity was awakened, and people wanted to know what that
reformation was of which so much was said. Spain, rigid and antique,
began to be astir. Meetings were held in the country and secret
associations were formed. The Inquisition, astonished, turned in all
directions its searching eyes. In vain were learned theologians sent to
Germany and other lands for the purpose of bringing back to the church
of Rome those who were leaving it. The doctors themselves returned to
Spain, conquered by the truth against which they were to fight.[42]
Many of them became victims to their faith after their return to their
native land; others became martyrs in foreign lands.
CHAPTER II.
REFORMATION AND INQUISITION.
[Sidenote: SECRET MEETINGS.]
Seville and Valladolid were the two principal seats of the awakening.
These towns were at this time, properly speaking, the two capitals of
Spain. In both of them evangelical Christians used to meet together
secretly to worship God in spirit and in truth, and to confirm each
other in the faith and in obedience to the commandments of the Lord.
There were monasteries nearly all the members of which had received the
doctrine of the Gospel. It had, moreover, adherents scattered about in
all parts of the Peninsula. Rodrigo de Valerio, the lay reformer of
Spain, continued his labors in Seville. He held conversations daily
with the priests and the monks. 'Pray how comes it to pass,' he said
to them, 'that not only the clergy but the whole Christian community
is found to be in so lamentable a condition that there seems to be
hardly any hope of a remedy for it? It is you that are the cause of
this state of things. The corruption of your order has corrupted every
thing. Lose no time in applying an efficient remedy to so vast an evil.
Be yourselves transformed that you may be able to transform others.'
Valerio supported these eloquent appeals by the declarations of Holy
Scripture. The priests were astonished and indignant. 'Whence comes
the audacity,' they said, 'with which you assail those who are the
very lights and pillars of the Church?[43] How dare a mere layman, an
unlettered man, who has been occupied solely in secular affairs and in
ruining himself, speak with such insolence?... Who commissioned you,
and where is the seal of your calling?' 'Assuredly,' replied Valerio,
candidly, 'I did not acquire this wisdom from your corrupt morals;
it comes from the Spirit of God, which flows, like rivers of living
water, from those who believe in Jesus Christ. As for my boldness, it
is given by him who sends me. He is the truth itself which I proclaim.
The Spirit of God is not bound to any order, least of all to that of a
corrupt clergy. Those men were laymen, plain fishermen, who convicted
of blindness the whole learned synagogue, and called the world to the
knowledge of salvation.'
[Sidenote: JOHN EGIDIUS.]
Thus spoke Rodrigo; and he was distressed to see all these priests
'unable to endure the shining light of the Gospel.' One great
consolation was given to him. The preacher of Seville cathedral at
this time was John Gil, or Egidius, a doctor, born at Olvera, in
Aragon, and educated at the university of Alcala. He possessed the
qualities of an orator; for he was a man of fine character and of
keen sensibility. But these essential qualities, instead of being
developed at the university, had lain dormant. The intellectual faculty
alone had been cultivated. There was a fire in the man's nature, but
it had been quenched by Scholasticism. Egidius had plunged into the
study of the theology of the schools, the only science then in vogue
in Spain. In this he had distinguished himself, had won the highest
academical honors, and had become professor of theology at Siguenza.
He was not content with letting the Word of God alone; he openly
avowed contempt for the study of it, ridiculed such members of the
university as diligently read the sacred books, and with a shrug of
the shoulders used to call them 'those good Biblists.' Peter Lombard,
Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and other doctors of the same class, were the
men for him. His flatterers went so far as to allege that he surpassed
them. As the reputation of Egidius was spreading far and wide, when the
office of chief canon or preacher of the cathedral of Seville became
vacant, the chapter unanimously elected him, and even dispensed with
the trial usual in such cases. Egidius, absorbed in his Scholastic
books, had never preached in public nor studied the Holy Scriptures.
He nevertheless fancied that nothing could be easier to him than
preaching, which in his view was an inferior office. He expected even
that he should dazzle his hearers by the blaze of Scholasticism, and
attract them by its charms. He therefore ascended the pulpit of the
cathedral of the capital of Andalusia. A numerous congregation had
assembled, and expecting something wonderful were very attentive. The
illustrious doctor preached, but after the Scholastic fashion. Having
put forward some proposition, he explained its various meanings.
The terms which he made use of were those of the schools, and his
hearers could hardly understand them. What frivolous distinctions!
What profitless questions! The preacher thought it all very fine: his
audience felt it to be very tiresome. They gave him, however, a second
and a third hearing; but it was always the same--dry and wearisome.
The famous theologian was thus the least popular of the preachers, and
Egidius saw his congregation lessening day by day. His sermons fell
into the greatest contempt among the people. Those who had imprudently
called him to the post began to consider how they could get rid of
him; and the preacher himself, anxious about his reputation and the
usefulness of his ministry, began to look out for a less brilliant
position, in which people might make more account of him.[44]
[Sidenote: VALERIO AND EGIDIUS.]
Rodrigo had gone with the multitude, and was one of those who were
dissatisfied with these Scholastic discourses. But he was gifted with
the discerning of spirits, and beneath the Scholastic doctor he had
been able to recognize the orator and his indisputable abilities. He
was grieved to see the gifts of God thus thrown away, and he resolved
to speak frankly to Egidius. 'Divine Providence,' says the chronicler,
'impelled him to this course.' Having made request, therefore, for an
interview with the canon, Valerio, received by him with some feeling
of surprise, but still with kindliness, began at once to speak to him
about the function of the Christian orator.[45] This function, in his
view, was not to set forth certain theses and anti-theses, but to
address the consciences of men, to present Christ to them as the author
of eternal salvation, and to press them to throw themselves into the
arms of this Saviour, that through him they might become new creatures.
'You are in need of other studies,' he said to the schoolman, 'other
books, and other guides than those which you have chosen.' Egidius was
at first astounded; his pride rebelled. 'What audacity!' he thought;
'this man sprung from the common people, ignorant and of feeble
understanding, dares to criticise me, and confidently to teach me, a
man with whom he is hardly acquainted!'[46] Nevertheless, the natural
kindliness of Egidius, and the reflection that Rodrigo was speaking of
the art of preaching, in which he had miserably failed, repressed this
first emotion. He kept his self-possession and listened attentively
to the layman. Rodrigo frankly pointed out to him the defects of his
manner of preaching, and exhorted him to search the Scriptures. 'You
will never succeed,' he said, 'in becoming really powerful as a teacher
unless you study the Bible day and night.'[47] He told him that in
order to preach salvation he must first have found it himself, and
that out of the abundance of the heart the mouth must speak. A few
hours sufficed for the enlightenment of Egidius; and from this time
he became a new man.[48] How many years had he lost, both as student
and as professor! 'I perceive,' said he, 'that all the studies and all
the labors of my past life have been vain. I now enter upon the new
path of a wisdom of which I did not know the A B C.' The weariness
and dejection of Egidius were now over, and he felt great peace and
joy. He saw God opening to him the treasury of his love. 'The heavens
were beginning to be serene and the earth peaceful.' Egidius was
naturally very open-hearted, frank, and sincere. The Gospel, the great
revelation of God's love, had for him an unspeakable charm. He received
it joyfully, and his heart resounded with a new song. He studied the
Holy Scriptures, prayed, meditated, and read good authors; and thus
made progress in the knowledge of true theology.
Rodrigo de Valerio was made glad by the wonderful change which God had
wrought through his ministry; and the victory which he had won raised
still higher his burning zeal. He began to proclaim the Gospel not only
in private meetings, but in public, in the streets and squares of the
town, near the Giralda, the convent of Buena Vitta, the Alcazar, and
on the banks of the Guadalquivir. He was denounced to the holy office,
and when he appeared before the tribunal of the Inquisition he spoke
earnestly about the real church of Christ, set forth its distinguishing
marks, and especially insisted on the justification of man by faith.
This took place a little while after the conversion of Egidius, whose
new faith was not yet known, and who still enjoyed in society the
reputation of a scholar and a good Catholic. Glad of an opportunity
of repaying his great debt, he came before the tribunal and defended
his friend. He thus exerted an influence over the judges, and they
took into consideration the lowliness of Valerio's family and the rank
which he held in society. Moreover, they said Valerio is tainted with
insanity, and it can hardly be necessary to hand over a madman to the
secular power. His goods were confiscated, he was exhorted to return
to the right path, and was then set at liberty.
The astonishing change which had been effected in Egidius was soon
remarked at Seville. Now fully persuaded of the need of repentance
and faith, and possessing salvation by personal experience,[49] his
preaching was henceforth as simple, affectionate, and fervent as it had
before been cold, ignorant, and pedantic. Abstract propositions and
fruitless disputations now gave place to powerful appeals to conscience
and to entreaties full of charity. General attention was aroused. Once
more a multitude thronged the noble cathedral, erected on the very
spot on which the Arabs had formerly built a magnificent mosque, in
which neither altar nor image was to be seen, but which was brilliant
with marbles and lamps. The Christians were now summoned to hear the
good news by bells in the summit of the Mohammedan tower, the Giralda,
whence the muezzins had once called the people to prayer. This was the
sole remnant of the mosque, and it gave its name to the church. Jesus
Christ now took the place of the false prophet and the vain forms
of the papacy; and many believed in the grace of the Son of God. In
the discourses of Egidius there was a charm which was felt alike by
the educated and the ignorant. He was the most animated and the most
popular preacher who had ever appeared at Seville; and his history
shows, better perhaps than that of any other preacher, that the first
quality of an orator is a heart burning with love and with fervent
emotion. _Pectus facit oratorem._ This man had received from God the
excellent gift of penetrating the souls of those who heard him with a
divine fire[50] which animated all their deeds of piety and fitted them
to endure lovingly the cross with which they were threatened. Christ
was with him in his ministry, says one of those who were converted
by him; and this divine Master himself engraved, by the virtue of his
Spirit, the words of his servant on the hearts of his hearers.[51]
Valerio was the layman of the Reformation; Egidius became its minister.
[Sidenote: PONCE DE LA FUENTE AND VARGAS.]
He was not long alone. During his residence at Alcala, three students
were observed to be united in close friendship with each other. These
were John Egidius, Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, and Vargas. Now
these two old fellow-students arrived at Seville. The Castilian,
Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, was born at St. Clement, in the diocese
of Cuença. The inhabitants of these districts concealed under an aspect
of coldness a free and boisterous gaiety. Ponce de la Fuente was
certainly one of these people. He had a caustic humor, was a lover of
pleasure, and ardent in all that he did. His youth had been somewhat
dissipated, and for this he was afterwards reproached by his enemies.
But he possessed also good sense and a moral disposition, which soon
led him to embrace a more regular life, even before he was acquainted
with the Gospel. He never lost, however, his cheerfulness and his wit.
He was animated by a strong desire to gain solid knowledge, and at the
same time he felt great aversion to the pedantry and barbarism of the
schools. In some respects he was like Erasmus. He was a son of the
Renaissance, and, like his master, enjoyed ridiculing the ignorance of
the monks, the fooleries of the preachers, and the hypocrisy of the
pharisees. Although he had not the genius of the great man of letters,
in some points he surpassed him. There was more depth in his faith and
more decision in his character. Contradictory qualities met in his
nature. He would hurl in all directions his satirical darts, and yet he
was full of benevolence and generosity, and was always ready to give
assistance to any one. It was, moreover, said of him that no one ever
loved or hated him moderately. His acquaintance with the human heart,
his knowledge of the egotism and the indifference which are found even
in the best men, made him very scrupulous in the selection of his
friends. But he deeply loved the few to whom he was attached; and with
his great acquirements he combined a free and cordial manner.
Ponce de la Fuente was apparently detained at Seville by the report
of the conversion of Egidius and of the great sensation which his
discourses were producing in that town. Like Vargas, he hungered and
thirsted for a truth which should satisfy all his wants, and which was
as yet unknown to him. That which these two were still in search of,
they learnt that the third had found. They hastened to his presence.
They found Egidius convinced that the knowledge of Christ surpasses
every thing besides, so that in order to obtain it there is nothing
which ought not to be given up. He had found it the chief good. He had
gained it by faith, and he was prepared for the sake of keeping it to
lose all that he possessed. The communion of the three friends became
more and more intimate, their friendship sweeter and sweeter.[52] In
their intercourse with each other they found so much solace and so much
profit to their souls that when they were parted they sighed for the
moment when they should meet again. Their souls were one. Egidius made
known evangelical truth to his old fellow-students; and on their part
Vargas, and still more de la Fuente, 'the extent of whose knowledge
was marvellous,'[53] gave him a wholesome impulse, under the influence
of which he made rapid progress both in sound literature and true
theology. The brotherly affection which united them filled their hearts
with joy; and this joy, says a reformer, was perfumed with the sweet
odor of the service of God.
[Sidenote: HARMONIOUS ACTION.]
The three friends formed a plan, and combined their efforts to spread
true piety around them. Egidius and de la Fuente divided between
them the work of preaching. Their manner of speaking differed. While
Egidius had much openness of heart, de la Fuente had much openness of
intellect. In the discourses of Egidius there was more fire; more light
in those of de la Fuente. The former took souls captive; the latter
enlightened understandings, and obtained, says a historian,[54] as
much and even more applause than his master. This means doubtless that
his influence was still more powerful. Vargas had undertaken another
department, that of practical exegesis. At first he explained in the
church the Gospel according to St. Matthew, as Zwingli had done at
Zurich; and afterwards the Psalms.[55] These three evangelists spoke
with a sacred authority, and with admirable unity. 'What harmony,'
people said, 'prevails between Egidius, Constantine, and Vargas!' But
nobody suspected that the word spoken by these three powerful teachers
was the evangelical doctrine then being preached by Luther, Farel,
and the other reformers. There was no more reference to them in the
discourses of the Spaniards than if they had not existed. All those
souls which thirsted for the truth would have been alarmed at the names
of these men, heretics in their eyes; but they were attracted by the
words full of grace and truth which were those of John, Peter, and
Paul, nay, rather of Jesus himself. The sheep entered into the fold in
which were already those who were elsewhere called by Melanchthon and
by Calvin, without in the least suspecting the fact. Their strong but
invisible bond of union was Christ, whose grace operated silently but
with the same efficacy on the banks of the Elbe, the Rhone, and the
Guadalquivir.
The reputation of Ponce de la Fuente was ere long as widespread as that
of Egidius. There was one feature in his character which doubled, nay,
which multiplied a hundredfold the force and result of his preaching.
He was free from vanity. This besetting sin of the orator, a vice
which paralyses his influence, had no place in him. He was quite
exempt from that exalted opinion of himself which is so natural to the
human heart, and especially to the public speaker. He had recovered
the first of all loves--the love of God; and this so filled his soul
that it left no room for any other. He was indifferent to the praises
of his hearers, and his only thought was how to win their hearts for
God. His reputation procured him several calls. The chapter of Cuença
unanimously invited him to be preacher at the cathedral. By accepting
the invitation he would have gained an honorable position in his own
province; but he chose rather to remain the curate of Egidius. Some
time afterwards a deputation arrived at Seville, commissioned to
announce to de la Fuente that he was called to succeed the titular
bishop of Utica as preacher at the metropolitan church of Toledo, an
office of high honor and very much sought after.[56] No one doubted
that he would accept a place which was the object of ambition to so
many men. De la Fuente, having no wish to leave Seville, where a great
door was opened to him, declined the offer. The canons persisted in
their application, pressed him and seemed bent on compelling him. In
order to get rid of their importunity, Ponce availed himself of an
objection which was certainly in character with the turn of his mind.
In the church of Toledo a dispute was at this time going on between
several members of the chapter and the cardinalarchbishop John de
Martinez Siliceo, who had decreed that the candidates elected by
the chapter should be bound to prove that they were descended from
blameless ancestors. Now de la Fuente had no reason to fear this rule
more than any other; but being driven to extremities, he replied to the
deputies with an arch smile that 'the bones of his ancestors had rested
in peace for many years, and that he would not disturb their repose.'
[Sidenote: OPPOSITION.]
It was inevitable that the labors of these evangelical men should
arouse at Seville a lively opposition. The more the hearers of the
three evangelists were rescued by their preaching from the darkness
of ignorance, and the more they shook off the dust of the middle
ages, so much the more they esteemed the noble men to whom they
were indebted for the light, and the less respect they felt for the
troop of hypocrites who had so long destroyed their souls by their
teaching.[57] Consequently the palace of the Inquisition resounded with
complaints, and nothing but threats was to be heard in the castle of
Triana, situated in a suburb of Seville, in which the tribunal of the
holy office was established. The evangelists, however, had friends so
numerous and so powerful that the inquisitors did not dare at present
to attack them. They turned their attention to the other preachers,
endeavored to awaken them, and implored them to defend the faith of
Rome, now so terribly shaken. And, in fact, the priests attached
to ancient superstitions ere long arose as out of a long sleep and
warmed their torpid zeal. The fire of Rome, well-nigh extinct, was
rekindled. There were two camps in Seville. Over the cathedral floated
the banner of the Gospel; in almost all the other churches was raised
the flag of the papacy. A contemporary asserts that it was the flag
of Epictetus, and he thinks that these priests were rather inferior
to the Stoic philosopher.[58] 'Unstring your rosaries and your beads
more frequently,' said the priests; 'get many masses said; abstain from
meat; go on pilgrimage; have such and such dresses, such an aspect, and
other poor things of the like kind.'[59] 'A fine mask of piety,' people
used to say; 'but if you examine these things more closely, what do you
find?' At the cathedral, on the contrary, the preachers urged their
hearers to read the Holy Scriptures; they set forth the merits of a
crucified Saviour and called upon men to place all their trust in him.
The evangelical preachers were fewer in number than the others, but
around them were gathered the best part of the population. Gradually
the books of the Roman service were laid aside and gave place to the
Gospel. Many hearts were attracted by the Word of God. The religion
of form lost many of its adherents, and the religion of the spirit
gained them. Among these were several inmates of the convent of the
Hieronymites, in San Isidro del Campo. But for the Inquisition, the
Reformation would have transformed Spain, and secured the prosperity
and welfare of its people.
[Sidenote: ELOQUENCE OF DE LA FUENTE.]
Ponce de la Fuente, above all, charmed his hearers not only by the
beauty of the doctrine which he proclaimed, but also by the purity
and elegance of his language, and by the overpowering bursts of his
eloquence. Those who heard it exclaimed, 'A miracle!'[60] Ponce was
a great observer, and this both by nature and by choice. He took his
stand as it were upon a height, and set himself to consider attentively
all that presented itself to him--physical phenomena, moral affections,
and human affairs.[61] By means of his learning, his experience, and
his knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, he was able to contemplate as
from an elevated position all things human and divine. He had also an
accurate judgment, a quality of the first importance to a preacher. He
had a sense of the just value of things; discretion not only guided
him in all his actions, but also inspired all his words. This explains
the popularity which he ere long enjoyed. In his view the tact of
the orator should teach him to avoid whatever would uselessly shock
the hearer, and to seek after every thing which could bring souls to
salvation. On the days when he preached, Seville cathedral presented
the finest spectacle. His service was usually at eight o'clock in the
morning; and the concourse of people was so great that as early as four
o'clock, frequently even at three, hardly a place in the church was
left vacant.[62] It was openly asserted in Seville that Ponce de la
Fuente surpassed the most illustrious orators of his own age and of the
age which had preceded it.[63] In spite of the extraordinary popularity
which he enjoyed, he had remained one of the simplest of men, free from
the love of money, without ambition, satisfied with frugal diet, with
a small library, and not caring for that wealth for the sake of which
certain public pests, said one of his friends, ravaged the church of
God. He had given proof of this by refusing the rich canonry of Toledo.
During many years Seville, more fortunate in this respect than any
other town in Spain,[64] heard the pure Gospel of Christ proclaimed.
Besides the service in the cathedral, there were meetings of a more
private character in some of the houses. The abundant harvest which
the fertile soil of Spain afterwards yielded was the fruit of these
laborious sowings.[65] De la Fuente, Egidius, and Vargas, men as
remarkable for their doctrine as for their life, were the first great
sowers of the good seed in the Peninsula. 'They deserve,' said one of
their good friends, 'to be held in perpetual remembrance.' Who can tell
what might have happened in Spain if the work of these three associated
Christians could have been longer carried on? But on a sudden Egidius
found himself deprived of his two companions in arms, and this in most
diverse ways.
Charles the Fifth happened to be in Spain just at the time when Ponce
de la Fuente was achieving the greatest success. The emperor came to
Seville; and in consequence of the high praise of the preacher which
reached him from all quarters he wished to hear him. Charles was
delighted. He was fond of fine things, and the same doctrines which,
when professed in Belgium, in some obscure conventicle by a cutler
or a furrier, he punished as frightful heresies, did not offend him
when they came from the lips of a great orator, and were proclaimed
to an immense crowd in the most beautiful church in Spain. He almost
believed that talent was orthodox. We have moreover remarked that one
of the characteristics of de la Fuente was to preach the pure Gospel,
avoiding every thing which might shock his hearers. The emperor sent
for him to the palace. Charmed with his conversation, his intelligence,
and his polished and agreeable manners, he named him one of his
chaplains. To this appointment he soon added the office of almoner,
and invited him to follow him beyond the Pyrenees. De la Fuente, being
attached to Seville, would gladly have declined the call, as he had
those from Cuença and Toledo. But this time it was his sovereign
who called him. The will of Charles the Fifth was law, and there was
no way of escape. Moreover this call, in his judgment, came from God
himself. He, therefore, prepared for his departure. Strange to say, the
emperor charged him to accompany his son Philip into the Netherlands
and to England.[66] 'I intend,' he said, 'to show the Flemings that
Spain is not without her amiable scholars and eminent orators.' De la
Fuente, therefore, accompanied Philip. He afterwards rejoined Charles
in Germany, discharged the duties of chaplain to him, and had the
opportunity of making the acquaintance of some of the reformers.
[Sidenote: DEATH OF VARGAS.]
The departure of Ponce de la Fuente left the Roman party at Seville
more at ease. They resolved now to get rid first of Vargas. This
theologian, who perhaps had neither the tact of de la Fuente nor
the fervor of Egidius, was just on the point of being cited before
the tribunals when he died. Egidius thus left alone felt keenly the
loss of his friends. He was to have no more intimate communion, no
more familiar conversations. The illustrious preacher encountered
everywhere hostile looks, and had no longer a friendly ear into
which he could pour his sorrow. His singular openheartedness exposed
him more than others to hatred. Simple and candid, when called to
speak from the chief pulpit at Seville, he attacked the enemies of
the light more openly and more frequently than his colleagues had
done.[67] Consequently, his adversaries, full of anger against him,
put into circulation the most unfavorable reports of his orthodoxy.
They surrounded him with secret agents, who were instructed to pick
up his sayings and to spy out his proceedings; and they schemed among
themselves what course they must take to get rid of a man whom they
detested. Egidius was left alone; but even alone he was a power
in Seville. If his enemies could succeed in overthrowing him, the
Inquisition would then reign without a rival. Unfortunately for
these fanatical men, Egidius counted a large number of friends among
all classes. After a careful examination of all the circumstances,
they had not courage publicly to accuse him. There was need of the
brilliant popularity of which he was subsequently the object to raise
their irritation to such a pitch that they determined to proceed to
extremities.
[Sidenote: VALERIO CONDEMNED.]
The inquisitors did not stop here. Rodrigo de Valerio, after having
been set at liberty, on the ground, they said, that he was merely mad,
had refrained, by the desire of his friends, from publicly preaching
the Gospel. Unwilling, however, to do absolutely nothing, he had
gathered together a certain number of his friends and had in a familiar
way interpreted to them the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans, that
ocean, as Chrysostom called it, which meets us everywhere at the
beginning of the awakenings.[68] Some of those who listened to him
persevered in the faith; others, at a later time, rejected it. Among
the latter in particular was Peter Diaz, who having forsaken the Gospel
entered the Society of Jesuits and died at Mexico.[69] But the brave
Rodrigo could not long submit to this restriction. Ought he to shrink,
he said to himself, from exposing his liberty, or even his life, when
the Gospel was at stake? Others had given their lives for a less object
than this. He was in hope, moreover, of arousing by his own example
other combatants who should finally win the victory. He, therefore,
laid aside timid precautions and began again to point out publicly the
errors and superstitions of Rome. He was once more denounced, and was
arrested by the Inquisition, which was quite determined this time not
to let slip the pretended madman. He was sentenced to imprisonment for
life and to wear the _san benito_, a cloak of a yellow color, the usual
garb of the victims of the Inquisition. Every Sunday and feast-day,
Valerio was taken, as well as other penitents, by the familiars of the
holy office to Saint Saviour's Church, at Seville, to hear both the
sermon and the high mass. He appeared as a penitent without repentance.
He could not listen to the doctrine of the monks without in some way
showing his opposition to it. He would sometimes rise from his seat,
and, while the whole assembly fixed their eyes on him, put questions
to the preacher, refute his doctrines, and entreat his hearers to take
care they did not receive them.[70] Rodrigo could not hear a doctrine
contrary to the Gospel without his whole soul being stirred within him.
The inquisitors, steadily persuaded of his madness, at first excused
these interpellations, which to them seemed to be the clearest proof of
his malady. But the discourses of this insane man were so reasonable
that they produced an impression. The inquisitors at length confined
him in a convent on the coast of San Lucar, where all society was
forbidden him; and here he died at about the age of fifty. His _san
benito_ was exhibited in the metropolitan Church of Seville, with this
inscription:--_Rodrigo Valerio, a false apostle who gave out that he
was sent of God_. It was after the departure of de la Fuente from
Seville that the final sentence was pronounced against Valerio.
CHAPTER III.
SPAIN OUT OF SPAIN.
(1537-1545.)
The Spaniards who at this epoch distinguished themselves by the purest
faith were those who, having been by various circumstances transported
into Germany and the Netherlands, were there brought into contact with
the Reformation and its most remarkable men. Thus it happens that
respecting these we possess the most detailed information. We are,
therefore, called to look in this chapter and the following ones at
_Spain out of Spain_.
[Sidenote: THE THREE ENZINAS.]
While Seville was a great evangelical centre in the South, and the
foremost town in Spain at the epoch of the Reformation, there were
also cities in the north of the Peninsula, which were distinguished
by some remarkable features, particularly Valladolid and Burgos. The
latter town, situated in a fertile country, and once the capital of
Castile, gave birth to four young men, who were afterwards noted for
their devotion to the Gospel, but who spent most of their lives beyond
the Pyrenees. These were James, Francis and John de Enzinas, sons of
a respectable citizen of Burgos, who had kinsmen of noble rank and
high connections, and Francis San Romano, of more humble origin, but
whose parents were 'good honest people.' His father was alcalde of
Bribiesca. These four young men, almost of the same age, were comrades
at Burgos.[71] For various reasons they quitted the town in their
youth. The father of the Enzinas, a man in his way ambitious for his
children, and holding firmly by his authority as a father, continued
to rule his sons even after they had attained their majority. He sent
them to complete their education at the university of Louvain, partly
because the course of study there was of a more liberal cast than in
Spain, and partly because he had kinsmen settled in the Netherlands,
some of whom were at the court and enjoyed the favor of Charles the
Fifth. It appeared to him that a fine career was there open to their
ambition, and that they would perhaps ultimately rise to the high
position of their father. They were indeed to find a career, but one of
a more noble and glorious kind.
The Enzinas, having arrived in the Netherlands before 1540, applied
themselves zealously to their studies. They were all of them, and
especially Francis, desirous of discovering all that was true and
good, fully determined to communicate to others the truths which they
had acquired, filled with courage to defend them against all attacks
and with perseverance to continue in the face of danger faithful to
their convictions.[72] They had the Spanish temperament, depth and
fervor of soul, seriousness and reflectiveness of understanding; and
some faults of their nature were corrected by Christian faith. Their
language had not only stateliness but thought. The sense of honor did
not in them degenerate into pride, as is so often the case; and their
religious faith, by the influence of the Gospel, was preserved from
superstition. They have been known under different names in different
countries. Their family name, Enzinas, which in Spanish denotes a
species of oak, was as usual hellenized in Germany, where they bore the
name of Dryander, and was turned into French in France, where they were
sometimes called Duchesne.
These three young men had a taste for literature, and made rapid
progress in it. While the truly noble and liberal bent of their
intellect separated them from the theologians who were virtually
imprisoned within the walls of the Scholastic method and doctrine,
their naturally religious disposition, the common characteristic of
their countrymen, led them to seek out the pious men of their day. Two
of these were the means of bringing them over from Roman Catholicism to
evangelical Protestantism; both of them conciliatory men, who, though
they belonged especially to one of the two categories, maintained at
the same time some relations with the other. One of them stood on the
Catholic side, the other on the Protestant; but they had both been
desirous of bringing about a reconciliation between the Reformation
and Catholicism. One of these men was George Cassander, born in 1515,
probably in the island of Cassandria, at the mouth of the Scheldt.
He was a good scholar, and was a perfect master of languages and
literature, law and theology, and taught with great reputation in
various universities in the Netherlands. Sincerely pious, he made
it the purpose of his life to demonstrate the agreement of the two
parties in essential doctrines and to endeavor to unite them. With
this intent he published various works.[73] The emperor Ferdinand at a
later time requested him to work for this end. The Enzinas associated
themselves with him. An intimate friendship grew up between them; they
had frequent conversations and wrote to each other when separated.[74]
But while the Catholics thought that Cassander conceded too much to
the Protestants, the latter, and especially Calvin, complained that
he conceded too much to the Catholics. He did, in fact, remain always
united with the Roman church, declared that he submitted to its
judgment, and openly condemned _schism_ and its authors.
The three brothers, endowed with an honest spirit, were resolved
to get to the bottom of things. The spirit of Cassander, timid, as
they thought, and the inadequacy of the reforms which he allowed
to be desirable, displeased them; and they gradually withdrew from
him. They looked for better guides, and studied the Holy Scriptures.
By public report they heard of Melanchthon, and they began to read
and to meditate on his writings. He was their second teacher, more
enlightened, more evangelical, and more illustrious than the first.
Melanchthon laid open to their understanding in a luminous manner the
sacred Epistles. He revealed to his reader the grace of Jesus Christ,
and this without the asperity and the violent language which are
sometimes to be met with in Luther. Melanchthon's moderation charmed
them. They had found their master.
[Sidenote: FRANCIS ENZINAS.]
About the close of 1537, Francis Enzinas, then from twenty to
twenty-five years of age, was recalled by his family to Burgos. His
relative, Peter de Lerma, had just been prosecuted by the Inquisition.
It was supposed that the views for which proceedings had been taken
against him were to be attributed to his sojourn at Paris. Those
inhabitants of Burgos who had sent their sons to foreign universities
were alarmed lest their children and themselves should be subjected to
the severities of the Inquisition. This was mainly the cause of the
return of Francis to Burgos. 'At that time,' says he, 'I was assailed
by earnest remonstrances on the part of my parents, and I began to be
looked on with suspicion by many great persons, because I would not
comply with their requirements and give up the studies, the savor of
which I had already tasted.'[75] His aged uncle, Peter de Lerma, was at
this time at Burgos. Francis went to see him, and found him unhappy and
dispirited, unable to reconcile himself to the thought of living in a
country where a man must either be in agreement with the Inquisition or
become its victim. 'Ah!' said he, 'I can no longer remain in Spain. It
is impossible for men of learning to dwell in safety in the midst of so
many persecutors.' What though he was now nearly eighty years old? What
though he must renounce, if he quitted Spain, all his goods and all his
honors? He determined to seek after another abode in which he might end
his days in peace. He would not hear of delay either on account of the
season of the year, when storms are most to be dreaded, or on account
of the war which was raging beyond the Pyrenees. He was resolved to
leave Spain immediately. Perhaps he was encouraged not to put off his
departure by the thought that the younger Enzinas might be of some
service to him in carrying out his project. The old man embarked on a
vessel which was sailing for Flanders. On his arrival there he betook
himself to Paris, where he had formerly resided. During his first
stay in the capital of France, De Lerma had been made doctor of the
Sorbonne; he now found himself the most aged member of the University.
His friends, persuaded that he had been persecuted unjustly, received
him with much respect. He spent four years at Paris.
Francis had returned to Louvain. A great thought had by this time taken
possession of his mind. His supreme desire was to see Spain converted
to the Gospel. Now what means so mighty for this end as to give to
the land the Word of God, and what a happiness it would be for him to
enrich his native country with this treasure! In former ages the Bible
had been translated, but the Inquisition had flung it into the flames.
Hardly a single copy had escaped;[76] and Spaniards proudly boasted of
the fact that their language had never served to dishonor the Book of
God by exposing it to profane eyes. Enzinas, in common with others,
supposed that the New Testament had never yet been translated into
Spanish. He therefore zealously undertook this task, but when he had
made a beginning he felt that it was not in the Netherlands that he
could conveniently accomplish it. The superstitions prevalent around
him, and the annoyances which he had to endure on the part of the
fanatical ultramontanes, made him ardently long to leave Louvain. At
the same time he felt the need of a visit to Wittenberg, to talk over
his work with Luther and Melanchthon, that he might profit by their
larger knowledge. He was already acquainted with their writings, but he
wished for their counsel, and desired an introduction to them.
[Sidenote: ENZINAS AND ALASCO.]
[Sidenote: LETTER OF ENZINAS.]
Enzinas had met Alasco at Louvain in 1536, when the latter, after
leaving Poland, had directed his steps to the Netherlands. He had been
struck with the aspect, at once serious and gentle, of the Polish
noble, and he had admired the air of stateliness and dignity which
invested his whole person.[77] But he had not yet perceived 'the
treasures which lay hidden in the depth of his soul.' Subsequently,
Albert Hardenberg arrived at Louvain. They talked together about John
Alasco, and Hardenberg expressed himself with all the warmth of a
friend. 'How can I name to you,' he said, 'all the gifts which God has
bestowed on him, his eminent piety, his pure religion, the sweetness
and the benevolence of his disposition, his wonderful acquaintance
with all the liberal sciences, his aptitude for languages?... In these
respects he surpasses all other men.'[78] These words of Hardenberg
kindled in the heart of Enzinas a warm love for Alasco; and ere long,
he says, the little spark became a great flame.[79] He would fain
have gone to him in all haste; but he was detained at Louvain by
insuperable obstacles. He attempted to write to him; but when he read
over his letter, abashed and anxious, he threw it away. At last he set
out; but when he had reached Antwerp he found himself compelled to
go back to Louvain. Not long after his return he heard that Alasco's
wife was there. She was, as we have seen, a native of this town.
Francis hastened to her dwelling. He saw the wife and the daughter
of his friend; he almost fancied that he saw the friend himself. He
availed himself of the opportunity to write to the man for whom he had
conceived one of those great and intense affections which are sometimes
found in healthy natures. He wrote to Alasco as a soldier who stands
near his captain. It appears that his parents had destined him for a
military career, and he knew the almost inflexible will of his father.
He had had conflicts to go through. A Spanish noble, doubtless for the
purpose of encouraging him to enter upon the career which his father
had chosen, had presented him with a beautiful and antique sword.
'Although,' wrote the young soldier of Christ to Alasco, 'I should see
the whole world taking up arms against me, because in spite of the
advice of respected men I dedicate myself to study, I would not slight
the gifts which God in his goodness, and without any deservings on my
part, has given me. I will strive like a man to propagate the truth
which God has revealed to us. But for this purpose I must fly far from
this Babylonish captivity, and betake myself to some place where piety
is not proscribed, and where a man may devote himself to noble studies.
I have decided to go to Wittenberg, to the university which possesses
so many learned professors, where knowledge of such various kinds is
to be found, and which enjoys the approbation of all good men. I think
so highly of the knowledge, the judgment, and the gift of teaching of
Philip Melanchthon, that for his sake alone, to enjoy the conversation
and the instruction of so great a man, I would fly to the ends of the
world.[80] Aid me in my project. This you may do by giving me letters
to facilitate my access to Luther, Melanchthon, and other scholars, and
to obtain for me their kindly regard.'
This was not all. Enzinas delivered to Alasco's wife, as an act of
homage to her husband, the antique and valuable sword presented to him
by a Spanish noble. 'You will say to me,' he adds, '"What would you
have me do with a sword?" I know that you are armed with a better, one
which penetrates deeper than any other, the Word of God. But I send you
this as a token of the love that I bear to you, and of the respect that
I feel for the gifts which God has given you.' This letter is dated May
10, 1541.
Francis Enzinas was not able to go immediately to Wittenberg. He had
to undertake a journey to Paris in the summer of 1541, partly to see
his elder brother then residing there, and partly to attend on his aged
uncle, Peter de Lerma, who was now drawing near to his end. The young
man was thus with his aged kinsman on two most solemn occasions--his
departure from Spain, and his death. Francis found him weakened, but
still enjoying the use of his fine faculties. He went frequently to
see him, and they had long and confidential interviews. The suavity of
the old man, and his seriousness unmixed with severity, charmed and
delighted Francis,[81] who from infancy had always loved and honored
his relative, and now esteemed it a privilege to testify to the last
his respectful affection. His parents wrote to him from Burgos to
take the greatest care of his aged uncle. He therefore went daily to
see him, and his visits made glad the heart of the old man. Suddenly,
in the month of August 1541, Peter de Lerma exchanged the miseries
of this world for the joys of the life eternal.[82] The patriarch
of eighty-five and the youth of twenty-five were together at this
solemn moment. Life was just beginning for Francis at the time when
it was ending for his uncle; and the former, like the latter, was to
experience all its burdens. As the sole representative of the family,
he gave the old man honor and reverence till his death.[83]
At Paris, Francis had found, as we have stated, his elder brother
James, who had gone thither by his father's command to complete his
studies; and it is possible that this interview may have been the
real purpose of his journey. James had, like his brother, a noble and
independent mind, a sensitive conscience, and a pure and innocent
nature which unsuspectingly showed itself as it was. This openness of
character exposed him to great danger. To these qualities he added
a very refined taste, which enabled him to appreciate instinctively
the works of intellect and the productions of art. James was already
convinced of the great truths of the Gospel, but his faith was
strengthened during his stay at Paris; and he exerted a beneficial
influence on some of his fellow-countrymen who were studying there at
the same time.
[Sidenote: MARTYRDOM OF LEPEINTRE.]
In this capital he did not find every thing answering to his
expectation. The professors were mostly bigots, who had a very small
stock of knowledge, but nevertheless assumed a consequential air,
although the little philosophy which they possessed made them really
less intelligent than if they had had none at all. The students had
little good-breeding, nor did they show any desire for really liberal
researches. James Enzinas was deeply moved by the heroism of the
martyrs, and the cruelty of their executioners made him shudder. One
day a very young man named Claude Lepeintre, about twenty years of
age, was conducted to the Place Maubert, to suffer there the last
penalty. He had resided three years at Geneva, serving, it appears, an
apprenticeship to a goldsmith. In that city he had found the Gospel.
After his return to Paris, his native place, 'he had endeavored to
impart to his friends the knowledge of eternal salvation.' Some people
of the house in which he carried on his trade as a goldsmith 'could
not endure the sweet savor of the Gospel of the Son of God,' and
therefore took him before the criminal judge, who condemned him to be
burnt alive. He appealed to the parliament, which, as Claude refused to
recant, added that he should forthwith have his tongue cut out. Without
change of countenance the pious young Christian presented his tongue to
the executioner, who seized it with pincers and cut it off. It is even
added that with it he struck the martyr several blows on the cheek. He
was then placed in a car to be taken to the stake. Several evangelical
Christians, students and others, such as James Enzinas, his friend the
advocate Crespin, and Eustace of Knobelsdorf, would not leave him till
his death. His martyrdom was described by all three of them. While on
his way to the Place Maubert he was subjected, say these eye-witnesses,
to 'numberless insults which they cast at him. But it was wonderful
to see his self-possession and constancy, and how he passed on with
a light heart. It might have been thought that he was going to a
banquet.' He alighted of his own accord from the car, and stood by the
post to which they bound him by coiling chains about his body. The
crowd excited against him assailed him with outcries and insults; but
he bore them with unspeakable calmness. His tongue having been torn
out, he could not speak; but his eyes were steadily fixed on heaven,
as on the abode which he was about to enter, and whence he looked for
help. The executioner covered his head with brimstone, and when he had
finished showed him with a threatening air the lighted torch with which
he was going to set fire to the pile. The young martyr made a sign that
he would willingly suffer this death. 'This youth,' says Knobelsdorf,
one of the eye-witnesses, 'seemed to be raised to a more than human
elevation.' 'This most happy end,' says another witness, Crespin,
'confirmed those who had begun to have some sense of the truth, to
which the Lord gave before our eyes a true and living testimony in the
person of Claude.'[84]
James had employed his leisure hours in composing in Spanish a
catechism which he thought adapted to impress on the minds of his
countrymen the great truths of the Gospel. Confirmed in his faith by
the martyrdom of Claude Lepeintre, weary of his Paris life, and anxious
to publish his work, he went to Louvain and thence to Antwerp. This
town offered facilities for printing it, and the ships bound for Spain
easily conveyed the books when printed into that country. Francis,
on his return from Paris, stayed for some time in Belgium, and next
went to Wittenberg, where freedom of studies was possible, and where
Melanchthon was to be found.
John Enzinas, the youngest of the three brothers, was also a lover
of the Gospel; but he led a more peaceful life than the elder ones.
He had chosen the medical profession, and had settled in Germany. He
became a professor at the university of Marburg, and acquired a certain
reputation by his works on medicine and astronomy, and by the invention
of various instruments useful for the advancement of those sciences.
But in the annals of the Reformation his name is less conspicuous than
those of his brothers.
[Sidenote: SAN ROMANO.]
Another young Spaniard, like the Enzinas a native of Burgos, and a
friend of theirs, was in 1540 at Antwerp, whither James had already
gone, and Francis likewise was to go. San Romano, of whom we have
previously made mention, had devoted himself to trade, and his
business affairs had called him into the Netherlands. There was a
fair-time at Antwerp, during which it was usual for the merchants of
various countries to settle their accounts. As San Romano was a very
intelligent young man, and was, moreover, already acquainted with
the merchants of Bremen, he was commissioned by their creditors, his
countrymen, to go to Bremen to claim and receive what was owing to
them. Another Spaniard was associated with him. It will be remembered
that Jacob Spreng, provost of the Augustines of Antwerp, had taken
refuge in this town after his escape from the persecutions of the
inquisitors. He was now preaching the Gospel there with much power.[85]
San Romano, whose business had not concluded so quickly as he might
have wished, was desirous of learning something about the doctrine
which was being preached in Germany, and which was hated in Spain.
Although he knew very little of German, he entered the church. He
drew near, he listened, and his attention was soon riveted. To his
great surprise he understood the whole sermon.[86] He was intensely
interested, enlightened, and convinced. He felt pierced as by an arrow
from the hand of God,[87] and was greatly moved. The orator's discourse
made his heart burn within him.[88] Something new and strange was going
on. No sooner was the service over than, forgetting all matters of
business, he hastened to the preacher. The latter received him with
much kindness and took him to his house.
There, when they were alone, San Romano recalled to Spreng what he had
said, repeating the whole discourse as if he had learnt it by heart.
He told him the impressions which it had produced on his heart, and
thus earnestly entreated him: 'Pray explain to me more clearly this
doctrine which I begin to relish, but which I do not yet thoroughly
understand.' The pastor marvelled at the vehemence of the young man and
at his sudden conversion. The liveliness of his new-born faith, which
seemed resolved to subdue every thing, this first ardor of a striking
transformation, astonished him. He counselled San Romano to restrain
himself and not to fail in prudence; but at the same time he taught him
carefully and kindly the great truths of salvation. San Romano remained
for three days in the pastor's house. Nothing could induce him to go
out. He had seemingly forgotten the business on which he had come to
Bremen. A divine light shone more and more clearly in his mind. During
these three days he was completely changed, like Paul at Damascus, and
became a new man.[89]
When this time had elapsed, San Romano went to pay some attention to
his business, entrusted it to his companion, and then several times
returned to converse further with his new guide. The words of the
Gospel had laid hold on him; they were his only theme of thought by
day, his only dream by night.[90] He would not miss one of Spreng's
sermons. When he returned to his abode he wrote them down and then
read them over to the pastor. More than this--he openly professed the
truth which he had learned. 'This man,' thought Spreng, 'is certainly
not like the rest of the world. Other men make a gradual progress,
but he has learnt all in a few days. He seems to be saturated with
the Word of God, although apparently he has read so little of it.
He despises the world and the life of the world; he despises every
thing for Christ, whose Word he fearlessly spreads abroad.'[91] He was
anxious not only for the salvation of those about him, but wrote long
letters to his friends at Antwerp. 'I give thanks to God,' he said
to them, 'who led me to a man by whose instrumentality I found Jesus
Christ, my true Saviour, and from whom I have gained a knowledge of
the Holy Scriptures, which I can not sufficiently prize.' He exhorted
them all to turn to God, if they would not perish forever with those
who led them astray. Lamenting the cruelty of Spain and the blindness
of the Spaniards, 'Alas!' he said, 'they will not open their eyes to
contemplate the glorious light of the Gospel, nor give attentive ear
or mind to the manifest counsels of God who calls them to repentance.'
He therefore formed a resolution. 'I purpose,' said he, 'returning to
Antwerp, to see whether the light of divine knowledge may not enlighten
the hearts of my friends. I shall then proceed to Spain, to endeavor
to convert to the true worship of God my relations and our whole city,
which is at present shrouded in the horrible darkness of idolatry.'[92]
In the ardor of his first love, San Romano imagined that nothing could
resist a truth, all the sweetness and power of which he himself knew so
well. But, alas! it was by the flames of martyrdom that he was destined
to illuminate his country.
[Sidenote: HIS LETTERS TO CHARLES V.]
His zeal no longer knew any limits. He wrote to Charles the Fifth
earnestly conjuring him to acknowledge worthily the great benefits
of God, by faithfully fulfilling his duty. 'Allay the dissensions of
Christendom,' he said, 'that the glory of God may by your means be
made manifest in the world; re-establish in Spain and in every country
which is subject to your sway the pure doctrine of Christ our Saviour.'
San Romano wrote thus two or three times to the emperor. At the same
time he wrote some evangelical books in Spanish. All this was done in
one month, or at most in forty days, while he was awaiting the answer
to the letters which he had written to Antwerp.
These had been well received by his friends, and they had instantly
understood from what malady he was suffering.[93] Far from thinking
of their own salvation as he implored them, they only thought how to
ruin him, and set all their ingenuity to work to entrap him. 'Ah!'
they wrote in terms of endearment, 'if only you return to Antwerp,
the great things of which you speak will, without the least doubt, be
accomplished.' At the same time they came to an understanding with the
Dominican monks, some of whom they appointed to watch for the moment at
which he should enter the city. 'You are to seize on him,' said they,
'you are to question him about his father, and if he differs from you
in the least on this subject you are to put him to death, or throw him
into some pit in which he will be buried as a living corpse.'[94]
[Sidenote: ARREST OF SAN ROMANO.]
The poor man, whom the answer of his friends had filled with hope and
joy, mounted on horseback, saying to himself that he should be able
without great difficulty to convert all the Spaniards to the true
religion. He arrived, passed the gates, and entered the town; but
all at once the monks in ambush surrounded him, dragged him from his
horse, and led him off as a prisoner to the house of a tradesman who
was devoted to their cause.[95] There they bound him hand and foot and
began searching his baggage. They found in it a good many books in
German, French, and Latin; some were by Luther, others by Melanchthon,
and the rest by Œcolampadius and other equally suspected authors.
They even discovered, to their great horror, insulting pictures of
the pope. They turned angrily to him, saying, 'Thou art a perfect
Lutheran.' San Romano, having fallen so unexpectedly into an ambush,
was confused, excited, and inflamed with wrath. He was a true Spaniard,
calm while nothing disturbed him, but when hurt in any way, giving vent
to the passions of a soul on fire. He had known the Gospel too short
a time to have become wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove. He
was no longer master of himself. 'You are rascals,'[96] he exclaimed.
'I am not a Lutheran, but I profess the eternal wisdom of the Son
of God, whom ye hate. And as to your dreams, your impostures, your
corrupt doctrines, I abhor them with all my heart.' 'What, then, is thy
religion?' asked the monks. 'I believe in God the Father, Creator of
all,' replied San Romano, 'and I believe in God the Son, Jesus Christ,
who redeemed mankind by his blood, and who by delivering them from the
bondage of the devil, of sin, and of death, established them in the
liberty of the Gospel.' 'Dost thou believe,' asked the monks, 'that
the pope of Rome is the vicar of Christ, that all the treasures of the
church are in his hands, and that he has power to make new articles
of faith and to abolish the others?' 'I believe nothing of the sort,'
exclaimed San Romano, horrified. 'I believe that the pope, like a wolf,
disperses, leads astray, and tears in pieces the poor sheep of Jesus
Christ.' 'He blasphemes!' said the Spaniards. 'You shall be put to
death, and by fire,' cried the monks. 'I am not afraid to die,' replied
he, 'for him who shed his blood for me.' The monks then lighted a fire;
but they contented themselves with burning all his books before his
face. But when he saw the New Testament thrown into the flames, he
could contain himself no longer. 'He is mad,' said the Spaniards; and
they carried him, bound, to a certain tower, six leagues from Antwerp,
where they kept him for eight months in a dark dungeon. Admitting,
however, that a want of moderation was excusable in the state of
extreme agitation into which he was thrown, his fellow-countrymen
caused him to be set at liberty.
San Romano then betook himself to Louvain, knowing that he should find
there friends of the Gospel. Here he met with Francis Enzinas, who had
not yet set out for Paris, and who, knowing the inexperience, boldness,
and zeal of his countryman, and the dangers which awaited him, spoke
to him frankly and wisely, advising him not to undertake, as he had
purposed, the conversion of all Spain. 'Remain,' said he, 'in the
calling to which God has called you; you may be able to do much good
in your business. Do not set yourself to speak about religion to every
person whom you meet, nor to cry out like a madman at the top of your
voice in the streets and public places. Perhaps you may not be able to
reply to the arguments of your adversaries, nor to confirm your own
by good authorities. If God has need of you he will call you, and it
will be time then to expose yourself to every peril.' 'You say truly,'
replied San Romano, 'and for the future[97] I will speak more modestly.'
[Sidenote: SAN ROMANO AT RATISBON.]
But there was in this young man a fire which nothing could extinguish.
His ruling passion was the desire to do every thing in his power which
he believed calculated to save mankind and to glorify God. He had a
wonderful fervency of spirit which prompted him to perpetual efforts,
even to what many would, perhaps, call an excess of piety and charity.
This has often been the case with the most eminent Christians. The
words of Scripture were true of him: _The zeal of thine house hath
eaten me up_. Scarcely had he promised Enzinas to be more prudent,
when he set out with a few friends for Ratisbon, where the Imperial
Diet had been opened in April (1541), and where Charles the Fifth
then was. The prince was showing, as they said, much favor towards
the Protestants. He desired, in fact, to obtain the support of the
evangelical party for the war against the Turks, who were attacking
Austria.[98] San Romano, therefore, believed the moment to be favorable
for attempting the conversion of Charles. He did not mention his design
to his companions. While, however, he went on his way in silence, he
reasoned within himself that the truth of the Gospel was obvious, and
that if the emperor, whom the Spaniards regarded as master of the
world, should once receive it, he would spread it abroad throughout
Christendom, and throughout the whole world. And he thought that if
vulgar fears should hinder him from speaking to Charles, he would be
taking upon himself an immense responsibility.
No sooner had he arrived at Ratisbon than he requested and obtained
an audience of the emperor. He entreated him to make use of his power
to repress the fanatical proceedings of the Inquisition. 'Sire,' said
he, 'the true religion is to be found amongst the Protestants, and
the Spaniards are sunk in abominable errors. Receive worthily the
true doctrine of the Son of God, which is proclaimed so clearly in
the Germanic churches. Repress all cruelty, re-establish the true
worship of God in your states, and cause the doctrine of salvation to
be proclaimed throughout the world.' Long and bold as San Romano's
discourse was, the emperor listened to it very patiently. It was not
mere ranting.[99] 'I have this matter much at heart,' replied Charles,
pleasantly, 'and I will spare no pains for it.' San Romano withdrew
full of hope.
A conference was now going on at Ratisbon between the Romanists and
the evangelical party, who, at the emperor's request, were endeavoring
to come to an agreement. Charles's moderation might well be the result
of his desire to do nothing which might interfere with an arrangement.
But no desire was manifested to render justice to the Reformation. On
the contrary, Luther wrote to the Elector of Saxony: 'All this is only
pure popish deceit. It is impossible to bring Christ and the Serpent to
an agreement.'[100] Fanatical Catholics, both Germans and Spaniards,
were already indulging in acts of cruelty towards the evangelical
Christians. At this spectacle San Romano felt his hopes vanish. He did
not, however, lose heart; but appealed a second and a third time with
great boldness to the emperor, receiving none but gracious replies from
him.
[Sidenote: SECOND ARREST OF SAN ROMANO.]
The Spaniards in Charles's suite were less politic than himself, and
they displayed much irritation at the language of their countryman.
When, therefore, the young Christian of Burgos desired to speak
a fourth time with the monarch, they had him carried off and put
into prison. Their fury rose to the highest pitch, and weary of the
consideration shown to him, they were about to seize the audacious
young man and throw him without further ceremony into the Danube.[101]
The emperor prevented this, and ordered him to be tried according
to the laws of the empire. He was then thrown into a deep dungeon,
where he was kept in chains. According to some accounts, he was bound
to the wheels of a chariot, dragged in the train of the emperor,
and even transported to Africa,[102] whither Charles at this time
betook himself on a famous expedition. This story appears to us very
improbable. However that may be, on the day when he was released from
prison he was cruelly bound and chained together with real criminals,
without the least regard to his social position or the cause for which
he had been arrested, and thus conducted on a miserable cart either
into Africa or into Spain. One of the Spaniards who had accompanied him
on the way from Louvain to Ratisbon approached the cart, and, surprised
at the barbarous manner in which his friend was treated, asked him,
'What is the meaning of this? Why are you here in company with
criminals and treated with such ignominy?' Poor San Romano, constant
in his faith and hope, raised his arms as high as he could, saying,
'Do you see these iron chains? They will procure me in the presence of
God greater honors than all the pomp and magnificence of the emperor's
court. O glorious bonds! you will soon shine like a crown of precious
stones. You see, my brother, how my arms and legs are bound and how
my whole body, weighed down by these irons, is fastened to the cart,
without being able to stir. But all these bonds can not prevent my
spirit, over which the emperor has no authority, from being perfectly
free,[103] nor from rising to the dwelling of the eternal Father to
contemplate heavenly things, nor from being there continually refreshed
by the sweet society of saints. Ah! would to God that the bonds of
this mortal body were already severed and that my soul could even now
take flight to my heavenly home! It is my firm assurance, that soon,
instead of these transient chains, everlasting joy in the glorious
presence of God will be given me by the just Judge.' Such was the faith
of the martyrs of the Reformation. There was something within them
that was free, _liberrimus animus_. There the emperor had nothing to
command, nothing to say. Thus it was that after the night and bondage
of the Middle Ages, our modern freedom took its rise. Holy and glorious
origin! San Romano's friend was so astonished and touched by these
words that he 'shed a torrent of tears.' His grief was so intense that
he could not speak, and answered only by tears and sighs. But soon the
guards, noticing perhaps this conversation, drove on at a great rate,
and the friends were separated.[104]
San Romano on his arrival in Spain was delivered over to the
Inquisition of Valladolid. The inquisitors threw him into a dark
prison, 'a most horrible subterranean hole,' says the French
translator. They subjected him to far more cruel treatment than he had
ever experienced from the soldiers; and he suffered more than in the
great dangers which he had incurred at sea, from the chains with which
he was loaded, and a thousand other torments. This took place in 1542,
and San Romano remained in prison about two years.[105]
CHAPTER IV.
THE NEW TESTAMENT IN SPANISH PRESENTED TO CHARLES THE FIFTH BY ENZINAS.
(1542-1545.)
While these events were passing, Francis Enzinas was working at
Wittenberg under the eye of Melanchthon at his translation of the New
Testament. The work was at last completed, and there remained only
to print it and send it to Spain. For this purpose Enzinas was to go
to Antwerp. He set off, therefore, from Wittenberg in the month of
January, 1543, just after his friend San Romano had been confined in
the dungeons of Valladolid. He first proceeded, by very bad roads, and
in the midst of winter, to Embden, where he wished to see John Alasco.
'We conferred on several matters, which he has no doubt communicated to
you,' wrote Francis to Melanchthon. Thence he went to the convent of
Adnard, in the neighborhood of Groningen, where Hardenberg then was.
This man's regard for the Gospel had abated, and he had determined to
pass the rest of his days in peace in his convent. Enzinas endeavored
to induce him openly to profess the doctrine of the Gospel. In this he
succeeded. Hardenberg left the convent and went to Cologne. Francis
went to Louvain, where he arrived in March, 1543.[106]
[Sidenote: ENZINAS AT LOUVAIN.]
The moment was not favorable. The Inquisition and the secular power
itself were both preparing their terrors. There was an under-current
of agitation in the city; hatred or fear was everywhere rife.
Enzinas had many friends in the city; but knowing that he came from
Wittenberg, and pretending that he 'smelt of sulphur,' those with
whom he was most intimate, far from lavishing on him marks of tender
affection, as formerly, remained mute and trembled in his presence.
He well understood the reason. The very day after his arrival, the
Attorney-General, Peter du Fief, cast into prison, as we have seen
elsewhere,[107] all of the evangelical party who fell into his hands.
An uncle whom Enzinas had at Antwerp, Don Diego Ortega, invited him to
go and see him, and he was received in that town with open arms. At
this period he was alternately at Antwerp, Brussels, and Louvain.
The persecution which had befallen a great number of his friends now
absorbed all his thoughts; but when the storm had somewhat abated, his
project of publishing his Spanish translation of the New Testament
again engaged his attention. Being modest, as distinguished men
generally are, he felt some hesitation when he considered how great an
enterprise it was, especially for a young man like himself. 'I do not
wish,' he said, 'to accomplish this work in obedience to my own impulse
alone.' He therefore consulted several men belonging to different
nations and eminent for their learning and wisdom. All of them approved
his project, and begged him to hasten the printing. 'Since the birth of
Jesus Christ,' said some of the monks, even among the superstitious,
'so great a benefit has never been offered to the Spanish people.'
'I could wish,' said another, 'to see that book printed, were it
even with my own blood.'[108] Enzinas took another step even more
humble, and which might have compromised him. It was necessary that
theological books should receive the sanction of the faculty of
theology. 'Assuredly,' said Enzinas, 'this was never required, nor
ought to be required, for the Holy Scriptures. But no matter.' He sent
his translation to the dean of Louvain by a monk of his acquaintance.
The members of the faculty, after conferring together, replied, 'We
do not know Spanish; but we know that every heresy in the Netherlands
proceeded from reading the sacred books in the vulgar tongue. It
would, therefore, be advisable not to furnish the common people in
Spain with an opportunity of refuting the decrees of the Church by
the words of Jesus Christ, the prophets, and the apostles.[109] But
since the emperor has not forbidden it, we give neither permission nor
prohibition.' This reply was at least candid and ingenuous.
[Sidenote: THE SPANISH NEW TESTAMENT.]
Enzinas did not pay much regard to the advice of the theologians of
Louvain; but the work would have had a much larger circulation if it
had been sent out under their sanction. Now both prudence and zeal
incited him to do every thing to ensure the success of his enterprise.
Having met with this refusal, he contented himself with communicating
his manuscript to Spanish scholars, who declared that they had collated
the most important passages, and had found the translation very
faithful. They urged him, therefore, to hasten the publication of so
beneficial a work.[110] He now went once more to Antwerp, intending
to have his book printed there; but he was soon to discover that
his application to the theologians of the university of Louvain, by
spreading in a certain circle a report of his enterprise, sufficed to
throw great obstacles in his way.
There were, in fact, at this time in the Low Countries dignitaries of
the Spanish Church whose eyes were open and who would not fail to use
every effort to hinder the printing of the Holy Scriptures in Spanish.
Amongst others was the archbishop of Compostella, Don Gaspar d'Avalos,
a man whom Spanish devotees considered, on account of the perfection of
his ultramontane doctrine, as a divinity among mortals,[111] but whom
men of sound judgment regarded as a fanatic. Filled with abhorrence
for the holy doctrine of the Gospel, he took every opportunity of
contending against and uprooting it. He was the first to oppose the
translation of Enzinas. 'To publish the New Testament in Spanish,' said
he, 'is a crime worthy of death.' One day, when the archbishop and the
translator were both at Antwerp, the former preached. The Spaniards,
who were at this time numerous at Antwerp, were present, and many
others came out of mere curiosity. Enzinas slipped into the church,
and, wishing to hear well, succeeded in placing himself close to the
illustrious preacher. The latter, according to the taste of the Romish
priests, delivered a controversial sermon, and it must be confessed
that he had reasons for doing so. He thundered against the books which
set forth the doctrine of the Gospel. He did not preach, said Enzinas,
he vociferated, and strove by furious clamor to stir up his audience
and excite the people to sedition.[112] He went even further. Without
naming Enzinas, he hurled covert words at him, never suspecting that
the man whom he was attacking was sitting close by him.[113]
Francis, whether after or before this sermon we do not know, went to
Stephen Meerdmann the printer, and the following conversation took
place:--
_Enzinas_: 'Are you willing to print a Spanish translation of the New
Testament?'
_Meerdmann_: 'Quite willing; such a work is desired by many.'
_Enzinas_: 'Is there any need of a license?'
_Meerdmann_: 'The emperor has never forbidden the printing of the Holy
Scriptures, and the New Testament has been printed at Antwerp in almost
every European language. If your translation is faithful it may be
printed without permission.'
_Enzinas_: 'Then prepare your presses; I take the responsibility of the
translation; do you take that of the publication. Of course I bear the
cost myself.'
[Sidenote: ITS TITLE-PAGE.]
There was nothing underhand in all this. The enterprise of Enzinas
was well known, and some approved, while others blamed it. Any one
who wished was admitted to the translator's house. One day, when he
had some members of his family with him, and before he had sent
the copy to the printer, an old Dominican monk, who scented some
heretical design underneath it all, presented himself at his door.
After the customary salutations, he took up the first page which lay
on the table in manuscript and contained the title and an epistle
to the emperor. The monk read: _The New Testament, that is, the New
Covenant of our Redeemer and only Saviour Jesus Christ._ Francis had
said _Covenant_ because he had noticed that the word _Testament_ was
not well understood; and he had inserted the word _only_ before the
word _Saviour_ to dissipate the error so common among the Spaniards,
of admitting other saviours besides the Son of God. '_Covenant_,'
said the monk; 'your translation is faithful and good, but the word
_Covenant_ grates on my ears; it is a completely Lutheran phrase.' 'No,
it is not a phrase of Luther's,' said Enzinas, 'but of the prophets
and apostles.' 'This is intolerable,' resumed the monk; 'a youth, born
but yesterday or the day before,[114] claims to teach the wisest and
oldest men what they have taught all their life long! I swear by my
sacred cowl[115] that your design is to administer to men's souls the
poisonous beverages of Luther, craftily mixing them with the most holy
words of the New Testament.' Then turning to the relatives of Enzinas,
he began to rail like a madman, endeavoring by tragical words to excite
his own family against him. Indeed, the monk had scarcely finished,
when Francis was surrounded by his relatives, beseeching him, for the
love of them, to erase the unlucky word. He did so, in order not to
offend them, but he left standing the phrase _only Saviour_, to which
the monk did not object. He then sent the sheets to the printer who put
it to press and worked off a large number.
Having received this first printed sheet, Enzinas, through excess
of caution, communicated it to a Spaniard of his acquaintance, an
elderly, well-informed, and influential man. '_Only Saviour!_' cried
he, on seeing the title. 'If you will be advised by me, omit the word
_only_, which will give rise to grave suspicions.' Enzinas explained
his reasons. The Spaniard acknowledged the truth of the doctrine, but
denied the expediency of putting it so prominently forward. The word
was omitted, and the sheet had to be reprinted.[116] The whole edition
was some time after ready to appear.
[Sidenote: PEDRO DE SOTO.]
It was now the beginning of November, 1543. The emperor had just made
war against the Duke of Cleves, had conquered him, and had obtained
by the treaty of Venloo a portion of the states of that prince. The
duke's mother, the Princess Mary, a clever woman, had died of grief
and indignation;[117] but the emperor was proud of his achievements,
and thought only of following up his triumphs of every kind. It was
to his Spanish troops in particular that Charles owed this victory. A
great number of Spaniards of every rank accompanied him, and he had
just appointed as his confessor a Dominican from the Peninsula, Pedro
de Soto, who was afterwards the first theologian of Pius IV., in the
third convocation of the Council of Trent. At this time Soto ranked,
both in the Low Countries and in Germany, among the most zealous of
the Romish priests. He sought to gain over ignorant minds, and knew
how to insinuate himself into the good graces of the great. As he had
the emperor's conscience at his disposal he 'instilled into him his
venom,[118] thus perverting the sentiments of a prince who was full
of clemency,' says Enzinas. But this supposed benignity on Charles's
part was an illusion. Policy was his great guiding motive, and he was
merciful or harsh, according as the interests of his ambition required.
It is, however, true that Soto endeavored both by his sermons and
otherwise to inflame men's minds, and especially that of Charles,
against those whom he called heretics. Whenever the Dominican preached
before Charles the Fifth and his court, he was to be seen entering
the church in a lowly manner, his head sunk between his shoulders,
his cowl pulled over his forehead, his eyes fixed on the ground, and
his hands clasped.[119] One would have thought him a man dead to the
world, who contemplated only heavenly things, and who would not harm
a fly.[120] He mounted the pulpit, threw back his cowl and gravely
saluted the emperor, and the princes and lords who surrounded him. Then
he began his sermon, speaking with a low voice and slow enunciation,
but clearly and firmly, so that his words sank the more impressively
into men's hearts. He recalled with enthusiasm the religion of their
ancestors and extolled the piety and zeal of Charles. Then, affecting
to be more and more moved, he deplored with sighs and tears the ruin
of religion and the attacks made upon the dignity of the priest, and
conjured the emperor to tread in the way marked out for him by his
predecessors. Having thus by feigned modesty insinuated himself into
the hearts of his audience, he raised his head boldly, gave vent
to the passion by which he was animated, and brought into play the
powerful artifices suggested to him by the Evil One.[121] He hurled
the thunders of his eloquence at his adversaries; he aimed a thousand
shafts at them, and subdued his audience. But if his violence took the
assembly by surprise, he shocked many, who thought with amazement: 'We
might fancy we were listening to a man who had descended from the abode
of the gods on Olympus to announce the secrets he had learned from
Jupiter,' 'He was seized,' said one of his hearers, 'with a diabolical
fury, and seemed like a priest of the mysteries, gesticulating and
leaping in a chorus of the Furies.'[122] He laid siege to the mind
of the emperor, and inflamed the princes with hatred of the divine
doctrine. This he distorted and defamed; and he strove by all means to
extinguish the salutary light of the Gospel which God had rekindled
in the midst of the darkness. Turning towards the emperor and the
princes, he proclaimed in a prophetic voice, that God would not be
favorable to them until they should have destroyed the apostates with
fire and sword. He did not conclude his discourse till he thought he
had constrained his hearers by his thundering eloquence to burn all the
Lutherans.
[Sidenote: HE INSTIGATES TO PERSECUTION.]
Nevertheless it was quite manifest that the emperor did not always use
such diligence as De Soto demanded of him in his seditious discourses.
Disquieted, therefore, and saddened because the monarch appeared
'backward to persecution,' he appealed to him in private, urging him to
make confession; and it was in the retired chamber in which he received
as a penitent the master of the world that he sought, by striking great
blows, to drive Charles on to persecution. 'Most sacred Majesty,' he
said, 'you are the monarch whom God has raised to the highest pitch
of honor, in order that you may defend the Church and take vengeance
on impiety, and I am the man whom God has appointed to govern your
conscience. Power has been given me, as your majesty is aware, to remit
and to retain sins. If your majesty does not purify the Church from
pollution, I can not absolve you, _ego non possum te absolvere_.' He
even menaced him with the anger of God and the pains of hell. Charles,
who was easily intimidated--even, as we know, by the approach of a
comet--'imagined himself already plunged into the abyss of hell.'[123]
The monk, perceiving this, pressed his point, and did not pronounce
absolution until he had extorted from the sovereign a promise to put
the heretics to death.
This narrative by a contemporary appears to us perfectly authentic.
There is, however, one point on which we can not follow it. We do not
believe that De Soto was a hypocrite and employed fraud and treason,
as this author seems to think. Charles's confessor was, we believe,
a fanatic, but a sincere fanatic; he really believed himself to be
prosecuting error.
No sooner had De Soto obtained the promise of Charles than he hastened
to Granvella. It was said at court that these two personages had made
a compact, by virtue of which the first minister never thwarted the
confessor in matters of religion. It might be so; but we believe that
Charles did not lightly submit his designs to the fanaticism of the
priests, nor would he, we repeat, give them the rein unless it suited
his policy.
On November 24, 1543, Charles the Fifth, after having signed the treaty
of Venloo, entered Brussels, probably by the Louvain gate. Another
personage entered the city at the same time, but by the Antwerp gate.
This was Francis Enzinas. He had, as we have said, dedicated his
translation to the emperor. 'Most sacred majesty,' said he in this
dedication, 'owing to versions of the Holy Scriptures, all men can now
hear Jesus Christ and his apostles speak in their own languages of the
mysteries of our redemption, on which the salvation and the consolation
of our souls depend. New versions are now continually being published
in every kingdom of Christendom, in Italy, in Flanders, and in Germany,
which is flooded with them. Spain alone remains isolated in her corner
at the extremity of Europe. My desire is to be useful, according to my
abilities, to my country. I hope that your majesty will approve of my
work and protect it with your royal authority.' This dedication was
dated from Antwerp, October 1, 1543.
Enzinas did not wish his book to be offered for sale until he had
presented it to the emperor; and he had come to Brussels to confer with
his friends as to where he would have to go and how he should proceed.
As soon as he had arrived he directed his steps towards the palace,
where, no doubt, one of his acquaintances resided. On approaching he
saw to his great surprise the emperor himself; just arriving at court,
surrounded by a numerous suite.[124] At this sight Francis greatly
rejoiced. 'What a happy augury!' thought he; 'this opportune meeting
should certainly give me hope that my business will succeed.'
The question now was, how to get access to Charles. Francis de Enzinas,
whose family occupied an honorable position, had several distinguished
kinsmen and friends at court,[125] to whom he could apply. He went,
therefore, to their houses, but learned to his great disappointment
that some of them had not yet arrived at Brussels; and having visited
the others, he found that these great personages were infidels who
scoffed at religion as something far beneath them. For them it was
only an instrument of government, and they were not at all inclined
to compromise themselves with the emperor by becoming patrons of
Lutheranism. Enzinas withdrew, disappointed in his expectations.
'Certainly,' said he, 'I will not ask them to use their influence in
favor of a work which they detest. Moreover, as I am connected with
them either by friendship or by blood, I am unwilling to annoy them, or
do them harm.' What, then, was to be done?
[Sidenote: ENZINAS BEFORE THE EMPEROR.]
There was one bishop at court who was in high favor with the emperor.
This was Don Francisco de Mendoza, son of the first marquis of
Mondejar, bishop of Jaen, a town not far from Granada and Cordova. He
was a man in the prime of life, grave, candid, and open-hearted, pure
in life, and a lover of piety. Enzinas went one Saturday to the palace
in which the bishop lived. The latter received his young and noble
fellow-countryman affectionately, and on learning that he came to speak
with him about his translation of the New Testament he displayed the
liveliest interest in the work.[126] 'I offer you my services in the
matter,' said he, 'and I will use all my influence with the emperor, to
induce him to receive your work favorably. Return to me to-morrow, and
we will then see his majesty.' The next day was Sunday. A great crowd
was stirring in the palace, and magnificent preparations were being
made for a high mass which was to be celebrated before the emperor.
There was a considerable number of musicians, instruments, and singers.
Enzinas shrunk back at the sight of these preparations. 'I will return
to the town to see some of my learned friends,' he said, 'and leave
them to perform their play at their leisure.'
After mass he came again. The bishop sent for him and took him into
a hall where a table was prepared for the emperor's dinner. Charles
arrived shortly after, followed by a great number of princes and
lords. He entered with much dignity and sat down to table alone.[127]
The bishop and Enzinas stood opposite to him during the repast. The
hall was quite filled with princes and nobles. Some of them waited at
table, some poured out the wine, and others removed the dishes. All
eyes were fixed upon one man alone. Charles the Fifth sat there like
an idol surrounded by its worshippers. But he was quite equal to the
part which he had to play. Enzinas observed attentively the gravity
of his appearance, the features of his countenance, the grace of his
movements, and the heroic grandeur which seemed a part of his nature.
The young Spaniard was so deeply plunged in meditation that he forgot
the purpose which had brought him there. At last he bethought himself
of it; but the great number of princes and lords around him and the
interview which he was to have with the emperor seemed to him something
so extraordinary that he was seized with fear. A sense of the greatness
of his cause however, restored to him some confidence. 'Ah!' thought
he, 'if all the princes in the world were assembled here I should
look upon them as ordained of God to bring my project to a successful
issue.' Then again the thought of addressing this august, mysterious
being, who sat there alone and silent, waited upon by the greatest
personages of the empire, excited within him the liveliest emotion.
Amidst his agitation these words of Scripture came to his mind: _I will
speak of thy testimonies also before kings, and will not be ashamed_.
These words frequently and fervently repeated in his inmost soul[128]
revived his sinking courage. 'Nothing to me now,' said he, 'are all the
powers of the world and the fury of men who would oppose the oracles of
God.'
[Sidenote: CONVERSATION.]
When dinner was finished and divers ceremonies completed, the emperor
rose and remained standing for a while, leaning on a slender staff
magnificently ornamented, and as if he were in expectation that some
one might wish to speak with him. The first to present himself was a
distinguished general who enjoyed high authority and whose exploits
rendered him dear to Charles. He delivered to him some letters, and
having kissed his hand immediately retired. The bishop of Jaen was
the next to come forward, holding by the hand Francis de Enzinas. The
bishop, in a few grave words, recommended to the notice of Charles
the work which was dedicated to him, and which was worthy, he said,
of much honor. The emperor then turned to Enzinas, and the following
conversation took place:--
_The Emperor_: 'What book do you present to me?'
_Enzinas_: 'The New Testament, your imperial majesty, faithfully
translated by me, and containing the Gospel history and the letters of
the apostles. I pray your majesty to recommend this work to the nation
by your approval.'
'Are you, then, the author of this book?'[129]
'No, sire, the Holy Spirit is its author. He breathed inspiration into
holy men of God, who gave to mankind in the Greek language these divine
oracles of our salvation. I, for my part, am but the feeble instrument
who has translated this book into our Spanish tongue.'
'Into Castilian?'
'Yes, your imperial majesty, into our Castilian tongue, and I pray you
to become its patron.'
'What you request shall be done, provided there be nothing in the work
open to suspicion.'
'Nothing, sire, unless the voice of God speaking from heaven, and
the redemption accomplished by his only Son, Jesus Christ, are to be
objects of suspicion to Christians.'
'Your request will be granted if the book be such as you and the
bishop say.' The emperor took the volume and entered an adjoining
apartment.
Enzinas was in amazement. The emperor to imagine that he was the author
of the New Testament, and that the Gospel could contain any thing
suspicious! He could hardly repress words which would have ill-suited
the place where he was. 'O thing unheard of!' said he within himself,
'and enough to make one shed tears of blood!'[130] Shortly afterwards,
by the bishop's advice, he returned to Antwerp.
The next day the emperor ordered the bishop of Jaen to hand over
the volume to a certain Spanish monk, a very celebrated man, fully
capable of judging of the translation, and to request him to give his
opinion on the subject. The bishop accordingly delivered the book to
this personage. Now this monk was De Soto, the confessor of Charles
V. When the prelate saw the confessor again, the latter said: 'This
book pleases me; I highly approve of it; there are only a few remarks
of little importance to make on the translation.... I should like to
see the author and speak to him about it.' Enzinas communicated the
invitation which he received to go to Brussels to some of his friends
and relations at Antwerp. 'Your return to Brussels,' said they, 'would
expose you to great danger.[131] If you wish to fall into the hands of
your enemies, go; but understand that in so doing you act with more
boldness than prudence.' 'I will go,' said he, 'to render an account of
my work, and this in spite of whatever may happen. I will omit nothing
that is useful or necessary to the advancement of the glory of God.' He
accordingly set out.
[Sidenote: ENZINAS AND DE SOTO.]
Enzinas met with the most friendly reception from the bishop of
Jaen, who encouraged him with the best of hopes. The prelate, being
indisposed, ordered his steward to accompany his young friend next day
to the confessor's, at the Dominican convent. Enzinas went thither at
eight o'clock in the morning, in order to be sure of finding him; but
he was told that De Soto was at the house of M. de Granvella. This was
Nicholas Perrenot de Granvella, chancellor to the emperor and father
to the famous cardinal. Enzinas returned at ten o'clock, and received
the same answer; at noon--still the same. 'We shall wait for him,' said
Enzinas.
At one o'clock the confessor arrived, and the steward having introduced
Enzinas, the monk threw back his cowl and bowed his whole body, as if
worshipping a saint or saluting a prince. 'Don Francis,' said he, 'I
esteem myself very happy in having the pleasure of seeing you to-day;
I love you as my own brother, and I have a high appreciation of the
grace which has been given you. I am naturally disposed to be fond of
men of intelligence and learning, but especially of those who apply
themselves to religion, literature, and the advancement of the glory of
God. There is so much sloth, so much corruption in our age, that if one
of our nation is raised up to promote these excellent things, it is a
great honor to Spain. I offer you, therefore all that lies in my power.
This is certainly the due of one by whose means the Spaniards are to
recover the great treasure of heavenly doctrine.[132] But,' added he,
'I can not attend to this matter just now. Come back to me at four
o'clock.' Enzinas left the monastery and went to one of his friends, a
learned and God-fearing man, who implored him not to trust to the monk,
for he was certain that he would have cause to repent of it. 'I will
do nothing rashly,' said Francis, 'but if God should see fit to send
me a cross, it will be for my good.' He returned to the convent of the
Dominicans, and arrived there before the appointed time.
De Soto was giving a lesson on the Acts of the Apostles to about
twenty Spanish courtiers who wished to pass for lovers of literature,
or perhaps to become so. Enzinas sat down quietly beside them, happy
to have this opportunity of becoming acquainted with the doctrines of
the monk. He was just at that passage in the first chapter, where it
is said that Judas, who had betrayed the Lord, fell headlong and burst
asunder in the midst. 'Therefore,' concluded he, 'all traitors ought
to be hung and rent asunder in the midst;'[133] and he exhorted his
audience to fidelity towards the emperor, lest they should fall into
the condemnation of Judas. Then coming to the election of an apostle
by the assembly of the disciples:--'This method of election,' said he,
'was only intended for those times; since then the election has been
transferred to the emperor, which is far preferable.' Besides laying
down these strange doctrines, the monk spoke incorrectly and offended
the ears of his hearers by low language.[134] He did not know Latin,
but with a view to make what he said more wonderful, or rather more
obscure, he intermingled Latin words which were worse than barbarous,
and incessantly committed grammatical errors. Enzinas, with his
cultivated mind and refined scholarship, suffered tortures both from
the words and the matter. 'It was not without sighs and tears,' said
he, 'that I listened to him.'
The lesson was finished at four o'clock. Enzinas then went up to the
monk, who began anew his flattering words; but having in hand, he said,
some very important business, he begged him to return at six o'clock.
'I will willingly wait at the convent,' said Enzinas, and he began to
walk up and down the cloisters.
[Sidenote: TREACHERY OF DE SOTO.]
The confessor lost no time. He had gone to the chancellor Granvella.
'There is a young Spaniard here,' said he, 'who by his labors and his
efforts will soon convert the whole of Spain to Lutheranism, if we do
not prevent it.[135] He has resided with Melanchthon; he discusses
religion, he blames the decrees of the Church, approves the sentiments
of its adversaries, and is gradually alluring every one to his opinion.
To spread the evil still farther he has translated the New Testament
into Spanish.... If it is allowed to be read in Spain, what troubles
it will cause! How many thousand souls will be perverted from the
simplicity of the faith!' ... Granvella was appalled on hearing these
words, and instantly gave orders to arrest Enzinas.
At six o'clock the confessor returned to the monastery and conducted
Enzinas to his apartment, cajoling him on the way with honeyed and
delusive words. When he had opened the door, Francis started. 'What
monsters!' he thought. 'Eternal God! what a number of idols!'[136]
There were four altars in the cell, and an image on each of them, St.
Christopher, St. Roch, and others, enshrined in gold and surrounded by
lighted tapers. Here it was that De Soto addressed his prayers to his
saints.
'Don Francis,' said the confessor, 'excuse me if I make you wait still
longer. I have not yet finished my devotions; permit me to conclude
them while I am walking. To while away the time, here is a book, and
the Bible besides.' He went out. The book was entitled: 'On the Cause
and Origin of all Heresies; by Alfonso de Castro, Franciscan.' The
author was an ignorant monk of Burgos, whom Enzinas knew by report.
However, he opened the book. The cause of heresies, it was asserted,
was the reading of the Bible in the vulgar tongue; and the author
exhorted the inquisitors to prevent the Spaniards from imbibing such
poison. Enzinas, disturbed and agitated, could hardly refrain from
tearing the pages. He threw the book from him. Then, on reflection, he
began to wonder whether the confessor were not plotting some treason,
and whether his comings and goings had any other aim than that of
preparing to waylay him. In order to dissipate these gloomy ideas, he
took the Latin Bible and read.
After some time De Soto came in again, and taking up the New Testament
which the emperor had sent to him, he requested Enzinas to sit down
beside him. Then lowering his eyebrows, and wrinkling his forehead, as
though to render his appearance the more formidable, he kept silence
for a while. At last he began: 'Francis, we two have met here alone
to confer upon the New Testament, in the presence of God, the angels,
and the saints whom you behold on these altars. You regard the study
of this book as profitable to piety, and I consider it injurious.
Its prohibition has been the only means of preserving Spain from the
contamination of sects. Francis, you have accomplished a most audacious
enterprise, and done an impious deed in daring to publish a version
of the New Testament in defiance of the laws of the emperor and your
own duty to our holy religion. It is an atrocious crime which merits
more than mere death. Further, you have been in Germany at the house
of Philip Melanchthon; you extol his virtues and learning everywhere,
and this alone is considered with us a proceeding worthy of capital
punishment.[137] How deplorable it is that you, still so young, and
only beginning your studies, should have fallen so low! It is my duty
to consider the good of the church universal rather than the safety
of a single man. Your crimes are so serious that I know not how you
can escape the penalty with which you are threatened.' Enzinas was
unspeakably grieved at this speech. So much superstition, impiety,
and cruelty overwhelmed him. At the same time he knew that he could
not escape the great dangers which were impending over him. In this
Dominican house he breathed the heavy and deadly atmosphere of the
Inquisition, and he seemed to behold around him its terrible features,
its chains, and its instruments of torture.
[Sidenote: THE MASK DROPPED.]
Nevertheless he took courage and, bearing witness to the Gospel,
extolled the unspeakable value of Holy Scripture, and set forth the
reasons which he felt to be conclusive for reading it. 'The Old and
New Testaments,' he said, 'were given to us from heaven, and there
is nothing more salutary or more essential to mankind. Apart from
this book we should know nothing of the only-begotten Son of God, our
Saviour, who, after having redeemed us by the sacrifice of himself,
raises us to heaven to live there with him forever. This is a doctrine
which was never taught by any philosopher, and is only to be drawn
from these sources. Without it, all human thought is blind and barren,
and no creature can obtain salvation.'[138] He said that if it were a
crime to go to Germany and to confer with the scholars of that country,
it was a crime which had been committed by the emperor, and by many
princes and excellent men who had conversed with Melanchthon, Luther,
and other doctors. He was still speaking when an unpleasant apparition
silenced him. The door had opened, and a monk of hideous aspect entered
the cell. His eyes were fierce, his mouth awry, his aspect threatening.
Every thing about him betokened a bad man, and one who was meditating
some cruel purpose. It was the prior of the Dominicans. He turned
towards Enzinas, and suppressing his malice, meekly withdrew his head
from his cowl, saluted him, and stated that his valet was below and
was come to call him to supper. This was the message agreed on between
the two monks as the signal that all was ready. 'I know the way,'
said Enzinas, who was bent on prolonging the interview; 'I shall find
my lodging without the aid of a servant; please tell him that he may
return to the house.' The prior went out. Enzinas then requested the
confessor to tell him his opinion of the translation, as the emperor
had asked for this, and it was indeed the object of their conference.
But the signal appointed had been given, and the confessor put an end
to the interview. 'It is too late now,' said he, 'come again to-morrow
if it suits you.' Enzinas, therefore, fearing to be importunate, took
leave of the monk, and De Soto's servant conducted him as far as the
court-yard. But gloomy thoughts were crowding into his mind. As he
passed through the convent he had seen a number of monks, in a state of
eagerness and excitement, some going up, others going down. In their
looks he saw strange agitation and fierceness. They cast upon him
sidelong glances expressive of terror; they spoke low to one another,
and uttered words which Enzinas could not understand.[139] It was
evident that this immoderate agitation in the monastery and among the
inmates was occasioned by some unusual occurrence. Francis conjectured
what it might be; it began to arouse anxiety in his breast; and he
wondered whether some great blow was about to fall on him.
When he reached the court-yard a man, who was a stranger to him, but
who looked civil, came up and inquired whether his name was Francis
de Enzinas. He answered that it was. 'I want to speak with you,' said
the stranger. 'I am at your service,' replied the young Spaniard. They
then passed on towards the gate of the monastery. The vast convent of
the Dominicans with its outbuildings occupied a considerable part of
the present site of the Mint, opposite the Theatre Royal, as well as
some adjacent land. The gate by which Enzinas had to go out opened upon
this place. As soon as it was unbarred he saw a large body of men armed
with halberds, swords, and other weapons of war. They threw themselves
upon him in a threatening manner.[140] Meanwhile the man who was in his
company laid hold of his arms and said, 'You are my prisoner.' 'There
was no need,' said Enzinas, 'to assemble such a troop of executioners
against a poor man like me. They should be sent against brigands. My
conscience is at peace, and I am ready to appear before any judge in
the world, even before the emperor. I will go to prison, into exile,
to the stake, and whithersoever you may please to conduct me.' 'I will
not take you far,' said the unknown. 'Had it been possible to decline
the mission which I am fulfilling, I assure you that I should have done
so. But the chancellor Granvella has compelled me, asserting that he
had received express orders from the emperor.' The prisoner, with his
guide and his guards, crossed a small street, and arrived at the prison
of the _Vrunte_, vulgarly called the _Amigo_, where the noble young man
was confined, for having translated into good Spanish the Gospel of
Jesus Christ. This took place on December 13, 1543.
[Sidenote: ENZINAS IN PRISON.]
The first four hours, from six at night till ten, were very painful.
Enzinas had a lively imagination, and he saw before him great and
numberless dangers, among which death seemed to be the least. All these
perils were drawn up in battle array around him, and he seemed actually
to see them.[141] But they did not appall him. 'How great soever may
be the perils which await me,' he said, 'by God's grace I possess, for
encountering them, a courage that is stronger and greater than they
are.' Nevertheless, the treachery of the 'wicked monk' tormented him
so much that he found it hard to endure. 'If only,' he thought, 'he
had made fair war on me, if from the first he had shown himself my
enemy....' He remained sunk in sorrow and dejection.
They had placed him in the apartment where all the prisoners were;
but as he expressed a wish to be alone, he was conducted to an upper
chamber. Weighed down with care, he was dejected and silent. The man
who had brought him there looked at him and at length said, 'Of all
those who have been brought to this place, I never saw any one so
distressed as you. Bethink you, brother, that God our Father cares for
his children, and often leads them by a way which they do not choose.
Do not, therefore, be cast down, but have good courage. Your age, your
manners, your physiognomy, all bear witness to your innocence. If you
have committed any offence incident to youth, remember the mercy of
God.' Francis listened with astonishment to the words of this man,
and then related to him the cause of his imprisonment and the means
by which it was effected. On hearing this, the man, whom he had taken
for one of the jailer's servants, appeared to be deeply affected, and
going up to Francis embraced him. 'Ah!' said he, 'I recognize in you
a true brother; for you are a prisoner for the same Gospel for the
love of which I have been enduring these bonds for eight months. You
need not be surprised, brother; for it is a characteristic of the Word
of God that it is never brought to light without being followed by
thunders and lightnings.[142] But I hear some one coming up; let us say
no more for the present.' This man was the pious and charitable Giles
Tielmans, of whom we have formerly given an account,[143] and who was
afterwards burnt. From this time he came to see Enzinas every morning
and evening, and spoke to him so forcibly and so tenderly that Enzinas
felt ready to suffer death to confirm the truth of the Gospel.
[Sidenote: EXAMINATION.]
On the fourth day of his imprisonment, the imperial commissioners,
members of the Privy Council, came to conduct the inquiry. They
entered, with great parade and a magnificence almost royal, into the
place where the prisoners were assembled. All the latter rose and
retired, leaving Francis alone with the commissioners.
The examination began in Latin. 'Francis,' said the commissioners,
'you are to tell us the whole truth, and in that case, although your
cause is most hateful, we shall treat you with gentleness, unless we
are obliged _to wrest from you by force_ what we want to know.' They
then exhibited the papers on the basis of which they proceeded to
the examination. Enzinas recognized the handwriting of the confessor
of Charles the Fifth. Two crimes especially formed the subject of
the inquiry. 'Have you been to Wittenberg?' 'Yes.' 'Have you been
acquainted with Melanchthon?' 'Yes.' 'What do you think of him?'
Francis saw that he was caught, and that his answer would put into the
hands of his enemies 'a knife for his own throat.' Still he did not
falter. Never did this noble young man disown his friends. 'I think,'
said he, 'that of all the men I ever knew he is the best.'[144] 'How
can you be so impudent,' exclaimed his judges, 'as to speak thus of
Melanchthon, a man that is a heretic and excommunicated?'
The commissioners now passed on to the second point. 'In your
translation of the epistle to the Romans, chapter iii., verse 28,'
they said, 'we find these words printed in capitals: THEREFORE WE
CONCLUDE THAT A MAN IS JUSTIFIED BY FAITH WITHOUT THE DEEDS OF THE
LAW. For what reason,' they continued, 'have you had this Lutheran
maxim set in capital letters? It is a very grave offence, and deserves
burning.'[145] 'This doctrine was not devised in Luther's brain,'
replied Enzinas. 'Its source is the mysterious throne of the Eternal
Father, and it was revealed to the church by the ministry of St. Paul,
for the salvation of every one who believeth.'
Meanwhile the tidings of the arrest of Enzinas had burst upon Antwerp
like a bomb-shell, and spread grief among all his kinsfolk and his
friends. Irritated at one time by what they called the imprudence of
the young man, at another filled with compassion for the calamity which
had befallen him, they went without delay to Brussels, his uncle Don
Diego Ortega heading the party, and proceeded direct to the prison.
'Thou seest now,' they said to him, 'the fruit of thy thoughtlessness.
Thou wouldst not believe what we told thee. What business hadst thou to
meddle with theology, or to study the sacred writings? Thou oughtest to
leave that to the monks. What hast thou got by it? Thou hast exposed
thyself to a violent death, and hast brought great disgrace and lasting
infamy upon thy whole race.' When he heard these reproaches Enzinas
was overpowered with bitter grief. He endeavored by great meekness
and modesty to assuage the anger of his kinsmen, and entreated them
not to judge of the merits of an enterprise by its result.[146] 'I am
already unhappy enough,' said he; 'pray do not add to my pain.' At
these words his kinsmen were affected. 'Yes, yes,' they said, 'we know
thy innocence; we are come to rescue thee if it be possible, or at
least to mitigate thy suffering.' They remained, indeed, a whole week
at Brussels; they went frequently to the confessor and to several great
lords, and earnestly entreated that Francis might be set at liberty,
and especially that the matter should not be referred to the Spanish
Inquisition, since in that case his death would be inevitable. But they
returned to Antwerp distressed at their failure, though not without
hope.
[Sidenote: SPIRITUAL CONSOLATIONS.]
Enzinas had gradually recovered from his excitement. Books had
been brought to him, and he read them diligently. There was one
work especially which made a deep impression on his mind. This was
the 'Supplication and exhortation of Calvin to the Emperor and to
the States of the Empire to devote their utmost attention to the
re-establishment of the church.'[147] This work was highly praised by
Bucer, and Theodore Beza said of it that perhaps nothing more vigorous
had been published in that age. 'The perusal of this work while I was
in prison,' said Enzinas at a later time to Calvin, 'inspired me with
such courage that I felt more willing to face death than I had ever
felt before.'[148]
But his chief delight was meditation upon the Holy Scriptures. 'The
promises of Christ,' he said, 'allay my sorrows, and I am wonderfully
invigorated by the reading of the Psalms. Eternal God! what abundant
consolation this book has afforded me! With what delight have I tasted
the excellent savor of heavenly wisdom! That lyre of David so ravishes
me with its divine harmony, that heavenly harp excites within me such
love for the things of God, as I can find no words to express.'[149] He
occupied himself in arranging some of the Psalms[150] in the form of
prayers, and went on with his task till he had translated them all.
Francis was not satisfied with meditation alone; he joined with it
deeds of unremitting zeal and charity. The prison discipline was not
severe. The jailer, one John Thyssens, a man of about thirty-eight, had
long carried on the trade of shoemaker, and had afterwards undertaken
by contract the maintenance of the prisoners. He was very negligent in
the discharge of his duties, and allowed a large measure of liberty to
the prisoners and their friends. Inhabitants of Brabant, of Flanders,
of Holland, of Antwerp, and gentlemen of the court came to visit
Enzinas. In this way he saw nearly four hundred citizens of Brussels,
among them some persons of quality. Many of them were acquainted with
the Gospel; others were ardently longing for the word of God, and
entreated Enzinas to make it known to them. He knew the danger to which
he exposed himself by doing this, but he did not spare himself; and
many gave glory to God because they had received from a poor prisoner
the pearl of great price, the heavenly doctrine. 'There are more than
seven thousand people in Brussels who know the Gospel,' they told him;
'the whole city is friendly to it;[151] and were not the people in fear
of their lives they would openly profess it.' It was hardly possible to
name a single town in Belgium or in Holland whose inhabitants had not
a desire to converse with him. He was a captive who proclaimed liberty
to free men. 'The word of God,' some of them told him, 'is making great
way amongst us. It grows and spreads day by day in the midst of the
fire of persecution and the terrors of death.' Both men and women sent
him money, but this he declined to accept.
Charles the Fifth, who, as we have seen, had arrived at Brussels on
November 24, 1543, only remained there till January 2, 1544. On
February 20 he opened the diet of Spire, demanded large aids both of
infantry and cavalry, and in June set out at the head of his army for
France. He took Saint-Dizier, advanced within two days' march of Paris,
causing great terror in that city, and concluded peace at Crépy. He
then returned to his own dominions, and entered Brussels October 1,
1544.[152]
[Sidenote: HOPES.]
This news awakened hopes for Enzinas on the part of his kinsmen at
Antwerp, and the most influential among them immediately set out to
solicit the release of the young man. They appealed to the confessor,
who was ready enough to make promises, to the chancellor Granvella,
to his son the bishop of Arras, afterwards archbishop of Mechlin and
cardinal, and to Claude Boissot, dean of Poligny, master of requests.
They all gave kind answers, but these were words and nothing else. The
queen of France visited Brussels, and a report was spread that all
prisoners would at her request be liberated. Some murderers, brigands,
and other malefactors were, indeed, set free; the first of them was a
parricide; but Enzinas and the other evangelicals were more strictly
and severely kept than before.[153] At the same time, the emperor
having gone to Ghent, the monks extorted from him some laws _written
in blood_, which were promulgated in all the towns, and which enabled
them cruelly to assail the Lutherans at their own pleasure.[154] 'On a
sudden there broke out in Flanders a bloody persecution, a slaughter of
Christian people, such as had never been seen or heard of.' From all
the towns, not excepting even the smallest, a great number of people
and of leading men, on being warned of the danger which was impending
over them, took flight, leaving their wives, their children, their
families, houses, and goods, which were forthwith seized by the agents
of the emperor. But there was a large number who could not fly. All
the towers were filled. The prisons in the towns had not room to hold
the victims. They brought in two hundred prisoners at a time, both men
and women. Some of them were thrust into sacks and thrown into the
water; others were burned, beheaded, buried alive, or condemned to
imprisonment for life. The like storm swept over Brabant, Hainault, and
Artois. The unhappy witnesses of this butchery asserted that 'for many
ages so many and great cruelties had not been perpetrated, nor seen,
nor heard of in all the world.' Such was the joyful entry which Charles
the Fifth made into his good country of Flanders and the good town of
Ghent, in which he was born.
Tidings of these things were brought day by day into the prison at
Brussels, frequently with a large number of captives. When Enzinas and
his friends heard of the slaughter they were amazed and terrified. Will
there be any end to this? they asked. It might well be doubted whether
such men would ever be satiated with the blood of their fellow-men!
Enzinas began to regret that, from confidence in his own innocence,
and for fear of bringing the jailer into disgrace, he had not availed
himself of several opportunities which had offered of making his escape
from prison. A circumstance which soon occurred helped to bring him to
a decision.
The queen of Hungary, governess of the Netherlands, who, from a strange
mixture of contradictory qualities, was desirous, while obliged to
execute the persecuting decrees of her brother against evangelical
Christianity, to feed upon the word of God, had chosen for her
chaplain one Peter Alexander, a true Christian man. This minister
faithfully confessed his trust in the Saviour, both in preaching and
in conversation. 'All things needful for salvation,' he said, 'are
contained in the Gospel. We must believe only that which is to be found
in the Holy Scriptures. Faith alone justifies immediately before God,
but works justify a man before his fellow-men. The true indulgences
are obtained without gold or silver, by trust alone in the merits of
Christ. The one real sin which condemns is not to believe in Christ.
The true penance consists in abstinence from sin. All the merits of
Christ are communicated to men by faith, so that they are able to glory
in them as much as if they were their own. We must honor the saints
only by imitating their virtues. We obtain a blessing of God more
easily by asking for it ourselves than through the saints.[155] No one
loves God so much as he ought. All the efforts and all the labors of
those who are not regenerated by the Holy Spirit are evil. The religion
of the monks is hypocrisy. The fast of God is a perpetual fast, and
not confined to this or that particular day. It is three hundred years
since the pure and real Gospel was preached; and now whoever preaches
it is considered a heretic.'
[Sidenote: THE QUEEN'S CHAPLAIN.]
It was a strange sight, this evangelical chaplain preaching in the
chapel of the most persecuting court in Christendom. Alexander, too,
after being frequently accused, was at length obliged to hold a
theological disputation with the confessor De Soto, in the presence of
the two Granvellas. In consequence of this disputation proceedings were
instituted against him. The confessor often came before the emperor
and declared that the whole country would be ruined if this man were
not severely punished. One day a friend of Enzinas came to see him in
prison, and told him that the queen's preacher had fled, because he
found that if he stayed an hour longer he would be ruined. Alexander
was tried and burnt in effigy, together with his Latin and French
books. As for himself, he became first a professor at the university
of Heidelberg, afterwards canon of Canterbury cathedral, and finally
pastor of the French church in London.
This flight brought Enzinas to a decision. On February 1, 1545,
after sitting a long time at table at the evening meal, he felt
more depressed than usual without knowing why. The clock struck, it
was half-past seven. He then rose, as he was wont to do, not liking
protracted meals, and began to pace up and down in a gloomy and
dejected state, so that some of the prisoners came up to him and
said--'Come, put away this melancholy.' 'Make you merry, the rest of
you, over your cups,' he answered; 'but as for me I want air; I will
go out.' No one paid any attention to what he said, nor did he himself
mean any thing particular when he spoke. He continued walking about,
uneasy, having some difficulty in breathing, and in great distress.
He thus came to the first gate, the upper part of which, constructed
of strong lattice-work, allowed him to see into the street. Having
approached it for the purpose of looking out, he felt the gate stir.
He took hold of it and it opened easily. The second was wide open,
and the third was only closed during the night. We have mentioned
the negligence of the jailer. Francis was amazed at the strange
circumstance. It seemed to him that God called him; he resolved to take
advantage of this unlooked-for opportunity, and went out.
[Sidenote: ESCAPE OF ENZINAS.]
He reached the street and was there alone. The night was very dark,
but was lighted up from time to time by the torches of passengers
traversing the streets or the squares. Enzinas, keeping a little on
one side, considered where he had better go. Every refuge appeared to
him open to suspicion and full of danger. Suddenly he remembered one
man of his acquaintance, of Christian character, in whom he placed
implicit confidence. He betook himself to his place of abode and called
him. 'Come in and stay with me,' said the man. Enzinas replied that it
appeared to him the safest plan to go out of the town that very night.
'Do you know,' he added, 'any part of the walls at which it would be
possible to clear them?' 'Yes,' said the other, 'I will guide you and
will accompany you wherever you wish to go.' The friend took his cloak
and they set out. They went on their way, quite alone in the darkness,
towards the walls. At night these parts were deserted. They found the
spot they were seeking for, and scaled the wall. At that moment the
clocks in the town struck the hour of eight.[156] Their flight had,
therefore, occupied less than half an hour. These two men cleared the
wall as easily as if they had prepared for it long before. Enzinas was
out of the town. 'I often found help of God,' said he, 'while I was in
prison; but never had I experienced it as at this moment.' He resolved
to proceed that same night to Mechlin, and early the next morning to
Antwerp.
A thousand thoughts thronged his mind as he went silently onwards in
the darkness. The gloomy fancies of the prison-house were succeeded by
joyful hopes. Much affected by his wonderful deliverance, he saw in it
a mystery, a hidden will of God. 'Assuredly,' he said, 'if I am set at
liberty, it is to the end that I may be ready for ruder conflicts and
greater dangers,' and as he walked on he prepared himself for them by
prayer. 'O Father of our deliverer Jesus Christ, enlighten my mind,
that I may know the hope of my calling, and that I may faithfully serve
the church of Jesus Christ even to the latest day of my life.'
Thus, sometimes praying and sometimes conversing with the brother who
accompanied him, Enzinas arrived before Mechlin; but as the gates of
the town were not yet opened, he had to wait a long time. At five
o'clock in the morning the officers of the town appeared, and every one
was free to go in or out. As Enzinas entered he saw in front of an
inn a vehicle just on the point of starting, in which sat a man whose
appearance was not calculated to inspire confidence. Enzinas, however,
inquired of him whither he was going. The man replied, 'To Antwerp; and
if you please to get up, the carriage is quite ready.' This man was an
agent of the inquisitors, the secretary Louis de Zoëte. He was one of
the great enemies of the Reformation; he had instituted the proceedings
against Enzinas, and had mustered the witnesses for the prosecution. He
was now on his way to Antwerp, as bearer of a sentence of condemnation
issuing from the imperial court, by virtue of which he was to order
the burning of any evangelicals then in prison. The meeting was not a
pleasant one. Enzinas and De Zoëte had probably only casually seen each
other. The young Spaniard, therefore, not recognizing his enemy, might
with pleasure avail himself of his offer. In this case it was more than
probable that he would be recognized during the journey by the police
spy, whose business was to track and seize suspected persons, as a
hunting dog tracks the game. Zoëte might possibly find means of adding
another to the list of those whom he was going to burn alive. 'Get into
the carriage,' said Enzinas to the Brussels friend who accompanied him.
He got in. The door of the hotel at which Francis had knocked was not
yet opened. While waiting the two friends, one in the carriage, the
other in the street, were talking on various subjects; and the owner of
the carriage hearing them took part likewise in the conversation. At
length the door opened. 'Go with this gentleman,' said Francis to his
friend; 'for my part I must travel faster, and shall go on horseback.'
The people of the inn, who were acquainted with him, welcomed him with
great demonstrations of joy; and on learning his position gave him a
good horse. Without losing a moment he mounted and set out. He soon
overtook the carriage and saluted its occupants. 'Make good speed,'
said his friend. 'I will go so fast,' he replied, 'that if all the
scoundrels in Brussels are determined to pursue me they shall not catch
me.' It seems impossible that De Zoëte should not have heard this, and
it must have given him something to think about.[157]
[Sidenote: A LEGEND.]
In two hours Enzinas was at Antwerp. Unwilling to expose his kinsmen
and friends to danger, he alighted at an inn, with which he was
doubtless familiar, as he had already been at Antwerp several times,
and in which he believed that he should be safe. In the evening his
travelling companion arrived at Antwerp. As soon as he saw Enzinas he
exclaimed: 'You will be greatly astonished to hear in what company I
have come, and who it is that you talked so much with at Mechlin!'
'Who was he, then?' 'The worst man in the whole country, Louis de
Zoëte.' Enzinas thanked God that he had so spell-bound the eyes and
the mind of the persecutor, that while he saw and spoke with him
he had not recognized him. The next day two persons from Brussels,
strangers to Enzinas, arrived at the inn. Enzinas meeting them at
table or elsewhere, said to them: 'What news from Brussels?' 'A great
miracle has just taken place there,' they replied. 'And pray what
may it be?' 'There was a Spaniard who had lain in prison for fifteen
months, and had never been able to obtain either his release or his
trial. But the host which we worship has procured him a miraculous
deliverance. The other evening, just at nightfall, the air suddenly
shone around him with great brightness. The three gates of the prison
opened miraculously before him, and he passed forth from the prison
and from the town, still lighted by that splendor.' 'See, my dear
master,' said Enzinas afterwards to Melanchthon, 'the foolishness of
the popular fancy, which in so short a time dressed up in falsehood a
certain amount of truth. It is quite true that three gates were found
open, else I should not have got out. But as to the brightness, the
light of which they speak, I saw no other than that of the lanterns of
passengers in the street.[158] I attribute my deliverance not to the
wonderful sacrament which these idolaters worship, but solely to the
great mercy of God, who deigned to hear the prayers of his church.'
Along with this popular rumor another was current in Brussels, but in
higher circles. The emperor was at this time at Brussels, which town he
did not leave till April 30, 1545. Don Francis de Enzinas was not an
ordinary prisoner; not a working-man, a cutler, like Giles Tielmans.
An eminent family, a good education, learned attainments, talents, the
title of Spaniard, and of a Spaniard highly spoken of in high places,
these were things greatly esteemed by many at court. Charles the Fifth
himself was far from being unconscious of their importance. He had
promised his protection to Enzinas if there were nothing bad in his
book, and many persons assured him that there was, on the contrary,
nothing but good in it. How, then, could he put to death a scholar
for having translated into good Spanish the inspired book of the
Christians? According to public rumor the judges had said: 'We can not
honorably extricate ourselves from this cause; the best plan is to set
the man free secretly.' It was added that when the jailer had announced
the flight of Enzinas to the president, the latter had replied: 'Let
him go, and do not trouble about it; only do not let it be spoken of.'
If this version were the true one, it would explain the circumstance of
Zoëte's not appearing to recognize Enzinas. But Enzinas himself did not
credit it, and it is probable that it had no better foundation than the
first story.
[Sidenote: CALVIN AND ENZINAS.]
Francis remained a month at Antwerp. On his release from prison he had
sent the news to his friends, and had received their congratulations.
Among these friends were two of the most illustrious of the reformers,
Calvin and Melanchthon, between whom, whatever may be thought of
it, there were many points of resemblance. Calvin was the man, said
Enzinas, whom he had always most warmly loved.[159] He had written
a short letter to him, somewhat unpolished in style.[160] Calvin
replied to his friend immediately in a letter which breathed the most
affectionate feeling, and which Francis thought very remarkable. It
praised his labors and his Christian conduct. 'Oh,' said Enzinas, 'in
how kindly a manner he can speak of things which in themselves are not
deserving of praise!'[161] This singular kindliness of Calvin, which
then struck all his friends, has since been much called in question.
Enzinas replied to him (August 3): 'Our friendship,' said he, 'is now
sealed; between us there is a sacred and perpetual alliance, which can
only be broken by the death of one of us. What do I say? I have this
sweet hope, that when bodily ties shall be broken, we shall enjoy this
friendship in a future life with more exquisite delight than we can in
this mortal flesh. Not till then shall we live a life truly blessed,
and one which shall endure forever in the presence of God and in the
society of the holy angels. Nevertheless, while we are still in this
exile, and while we labor earnestly and unremittingly in our calling,
each according to the ability which he has received from the Lord, let
us cultivate our friendship by fulfilling all its obligations. My dear
Calvin, I have a most grateful sense of the affection which you profess
for me, and I will spare no pains to make myself worthy of it. You will
find in me a sincere friend.... With respect to the pamphlet which you
have addressed to the States of the Empire, Luther has read it and
praises it very heartily. Melanchthon very highly approves it. Cruciger
is wonderfully fond of you, and can not sufficiently commend any
production of yours. As to the censures of others you need not trouble
yourself about them.'[162]
Enzinas not only wrote to Melanchthon, but also went to him. He arrived
at Wittenberg in March, rather more than two years after leaving the
town. He related in detail to his master what had befallen him, and
what he had seen during these two years; and Melanchthon, struck with
his narrative, begged him to write and publish it. 'An account of the
cruelties practised towards Christian people in the Netherlands,' he
said, 'which you have seen with your own eyes, and which you have in
part experienced, for your life was in danger, might if published be
of great service for the future.'[163] Enzinas at first hesitated. 'At
the very time,' said he, 'when I was driven about by the fury of the
tempest, I endured patiently my personal sufferings, considering them
by far inferior to the perils of my brethren. How then can I, in this
hour when, thanks be to God, I am in port, set myself to recount my
own history, in seeming forgetfulness of the wounds of the church?' As
Melanchthon pressed the point, Francis declared that he would yield in
obedience to his command. The friend of Luther, thus satisfied, wrote
to Camerarius (April 16, 1545): 'Our Spaniard, Francis, has returned,
miraculously delivered, without any human aid, at least so far as he
knows. I have begged him to write an account of these things, and I
will send it to thee.' The interest which Melanchthon took in these
facts perhaps justifies the place which we have assigned them in the
history of the Reformation.
[Sidenote: JAMES ENZINAS AT ROME.]
Other sorrows were to overtake the Spaniards who were scattered about
far from their native land. James Enzinas, the eldest brother of
Francis, had hardly got his Spanish catechism printed at Antwerp
before he received his father's orders to go to Rome. The ambitious
father was desirous of honors and fortune for his eldest son. He
was aware of James's talents, but he was unaware of his attachment
to the evangelical faith, and had no doubt that if he were at Rome
he would make his way to the higher dignities of the church. It was
glory of another kind which James was to find there. He was bitterly
grieved; he would have greatly preferred to go to Wittenberg. But his
conscience was so tender, his character so simple and straightforward,
his obedience to his father so absolute, that he felt bound in duty to
set out for the metropolis of the papacy. There he spent two or three
years, taking no pleasure in it, sorrowing over all that he witnessed,
and not by any means ingratiating himself with the hierarchy. His
abilities, his attainments, his character were esteemed; but he was
far from gaining any thing thereby. On the contrary, melancholy,
dissatisfaction, and even disgust, took possession of him at every
thing around him. He saw things not only contrary to Christian truth,
but contrary to uprightness and to virtue. He felt that he was in a
wrong position, and entreated his father to allow him to leave Italy,
but in vain. The old man, considering the path which two of his sons
were pursuing in Germany, probably believed that he should at least
save the eldest by keeping him at Rome. The frank disposition of James
did not allow him entirely to hide his convictions, especially from
his fellow-countrymen. Francis also, who knew him well, was very much
alarmed about him. He had no doubt that his brother, if he remained at
Rome, would be ruined. He therefore implored him to cross the Alps.
James did not indulge in any delusions. He knew that, instead of the
honors of which his father was dreaming, he could hope for nothing in
the city of the pope but disgrace and death. He determined, therefore,
to yield to the entreaties of his brother, and made ready to depart.
He might, doubtless, have quitted Rome by stratagem, and have secretly
escaped. But he was too candid entirely to conceal his purpose. One
of his countrymen was informed of it and hastened to denounce him
to the Inquisition as a heretic. James was then arrested and thrown
into strict confinement. His arrest made a great noise. A Spaniard
accused of Lutheranism! A man of learning and of an ancient family
opposed to the Church! An enemy of the pope living close by the pope!
What strange things! The Inquisition, therefore, determined to make
of this trial an imposing affair. There was 'a great assembly of the
Romans' to attend at his examination. James appeared in the presence
not only of the inquisitors, but also of the cardinals, bishops, and
all Spaniards of eminence then at Rome, and of several members of the
Roman clergy. If the popes had been unable, notwithstanding their
efforts, to keep Luther in their hands, they had now at least one of
his disciples in their power. James Enzinas, in the presence of this
imposing assembly, perceived that God gave him suddenly, and at Rome
itself, an opportunity of glorifying him and of doing, once for all,
the work to which he had desired to consecrate his whole life. He
took courage. He understood perfectly well that the 'lion's mouth'
was opening before him, the gulf of death. But neither the solemnity
of the hour, nor the brilliancy of the court, nor the thought that he
was about to be swept away by a fatal stroke, nor all that was dear
to him on earth, could make him swerve from the straight path. 'He
maintained with great constancy,' says the chronicler, 'and with holy
boldness the true doctrine of the Gospel.' He did more. Standing thus
in the presence of the princes of the Roman church, and of all their
pomp, he thought that fidelity required him to expose their errors. 'He
forthwith condemned,' says the narrator, 'the impieties and diabolical
impositions of the great Roman antichrist.' At these words a thrill ran
through the assembly. The whole court was in commotion. The prelates,
annoyed at what they heard, were agitated as if under the influence
of some acute nervous irritation. They cried out in astonishment and
anger. The Spaniards especially could not contain themselves. 'All at
once, not only the cardinals, but those of his own country who were
present, began to cry aloud that he ought to be burnt.'[164]
[Sidenote: HIS MARTYRDOM.]
After a little reflection, however, the court was of a different
opinion. If the Spaniard should publicly condemn in Rome his so-called
errors, the glory of the papacy, it was thought, would be all the
greater. The speaker was surrounded and was told that if he would
appear in the public square and retract his heresies, the Church would
once more receive him as one of her children. His fellow-countrymen
pressed around him and depicted the honors to which he might then
attain. But on such a condition he would not redeem his life. He would
rather glorify Christ and die. The wrath of his enemies burst forth
afresh. 'These fierce ministers of all impiety and cruelty,' says the
chronicler, 'became more violent than before.' James then ascended
the pile, asserting with immovable courage that all his hope was in
Christ. 'Unawed by the pompous display which surrounded him, and by
the ostentatious devotion of his countrymen, with his heart ever fixed
on God, he passed on boldly and firmly into the midst of the flames,
confessing the name and the truth of the Son of God to his latest
breath. Thus did this good servant of God end his life by a glorious
martyrdom, in the midst of all impiety, and, wonderful to tell, in the
very city of Rome.'[165]
At the news of his death his brothers and his friends were filled
with sorrow. Francis at first felt only the blow which had fallen
on his tenderest affections. At the very time when he was in daily
expectation of embracing his brother he learnt that all that was left
of him was a handful of ashes which were cast into the Tiber. This
cruel death, taking place just when Charles the Fifth was endeavoring
to crush Protestantism, and the black clouds which were gathering in
all directions, filled him with the most melancholy thoughts. 'God is
surely preparing some great dispensation of which we know nothing,'
he said. All around he saw only disorder and confusion. In this hour
of dejection he received a sympathetic and consoling letter from
Calvin.[166] The reformer directed his friend's thoughts to the blessed
life which is after death, and in which it is the privilege of the
faithful to dwell with Christ. 'I am not ignorant,' replied Enzinas,
'how true are the things which you write to me. But we are men, and
the infirmities of the flesh beset us. We can not, nay, we ought not,
to cast off all sense of sorrow. But in the midst of this distress I
rejoice that there was given to this brave Christian so much constancy
in the profession of the truth, and I am persuaded that for some wise
purpose my brother has been removed to that eternal assembly of the
blessed, in which the loftiest spirits now greet him with this song
of triumph: _These are they who have washed their robes and made them
white in the blood of the Lamb_.' Francis in his grief did not forget
his native land. 'God grant,' said he, 'that the tidings of this divine
fire,[167] wherewith my brother's soul glowed, may be diffused in
every part of Spain, to the end that the noblest minds, stimulated by
his example, may at length repent of the impiety in which at present
they are living.' This letter from Enzinas to Calvin was written from
Basel, April 14, 1547.
CHAPTER V.
FANATICISM AND BROTHERLY LOVE. JUAN DIAZ.
(1545-1547.)
[Sidenote: ENMITIES OF BROTHERS.]
History, both sacred and profane, opens, so to speak, with the
enmities of brothers. Cain and Abel, Atreus and Thyestes, Eteocles and
Polynices, Romulus and Remus, inaugurate with their murderous hatred
the origin of human society or the beginning of empires. This remark of
an eminent thinker, M. Saint-Marc Girardin, may be carried farther. In
the first days of Christianity, Jesus, when announcing to his disciples
the tribulations which awaited them, said: _The brother will deliver
up the brother to death_. Similar unnatural conduct is likewise to
be met with at the second great epoch of Christianity, that of the
Reformation. Strange! that a doctrine so worthy to be loved should be
enough to arouse hatred against those who profess it, and even hatred
of so monstrous a kind as to show itself in fratricide.
Brotherly love is one of the most beautiful features of human nature.
A brother is a friend, but a friend created with ourselves. Brothers
have the same father, the same mother, the same ancestors, the same
youth, the same family, and many things besides in common. A brother
is not merely a friend whom we meet and cling to, although that is no
small blessing; he is a friend given by God, a second self. But just
in proportion to the sacredness of the bond of brotherhood is the
depth of the evil when it is disregarded. The nearer brother stands
to brother, the deeper is the wound inflicted when they clash. The
noblest feelings of our nature are then trampled under foot, and
nothing is left but the most egotistic, the most savage instincts. The
man disappears, and the tiger takes his place. While the history of
the Reformation brings before us examples of the tenderest brotherly
affection, as, for example, in the case of the Enzinas, it presents us
also with some of those tragic catastrophes which must draw from us a
cry of horror.
[Sidenote: JUAN DIAZ.]
Among the Spaniards who were studying at Paris about 1540 there was,
besides James Enzinas, a young man from Cuença, named Juan Diaz. After
making a good beginning in Spain, he had gone in 1532 to complete his
studies at Paris, at the Sorbonne, at the Collège Royal, instituted by
Francis I. There, by his progress in learning, he had soon attained a
distinguished position among the students. At first he applied himself,
like a genuine Spaniard, to scholastic theology. He became intimate
with one of his fellow-countrymen, Peter Malvenda, a man older than
himself, and a doctor of the Sorbonne, who was subsequently much
employed by Granvella and by Charles the Fifth. Malvenda was a man
rich in resources, but also full of prejudices, superstitions, and the
pride which is the usual characteristic of the Roman doctors. Diaz, on
the contrary was characterized by great meekness, benevolence, candor
and simplicity, integrity, plain-dealing, prudence and purity of life.
Having a deep sense of the value of the sacred writings, he was anxious
to read them in the original, and therefore studied Hebrew and Greek
with unflagging earnestness. The reading of the sacred books opened
before him a new world. The conflict between two doctrines which was
agitating Christendom began within himself. What ought he to believe?
Diligent in prayer, says one of his biographers, he very fervently
prayed God to give him the pure knowledge of his holy will.[168] He
became intimate with his fellow-countryman, James Enzinas, and they
read the Scriptures together, James giving an explanation of them. The
eyes of Diaz were opened, and the same Spirit which had inspired the
sacred writers made known to him the Saviour whom they proclaimed. He
clung to him by faith and henceforth sought for righteousness in him
alone. He gave up the scholastic theology, embraced the Gospel, and
became the associate of men who shared his own convictions. Among these
were Claude de Senarclens, Matthew Budé, son of the illustrious William
Budé, and John Crespin, son of a jurisconsult of Arras, advocate to the
parliament of Paris. Impressed with the beauty of evangelical doctrine,
Diaz was convinced that he must not hide it. He burned 'to exhibit
it before the world,' he said. He felt at the same time the need of
gaining more knowledge and more power, and of being strengthened in
the faith by experienced teachers. He therefore left Paris and betook
himself to Geneva with Matthew Budé and Crespin, 'for the purpose of
seeing the state of the church in that town and the admirable order
which was established there.' Diaz stayed in the house of the minister
Nicholas des Gallars. This visit took place in 1545.[169]
After having conversed with the great reformer, set forth his faith,
and received his approval of his doctrine as good and holy, Diaz
felt it desirable to visit the evangelical churches of Germany.
His stay extended to about three months, and he then went first to
Basel, afterwards to Strasburg. Bucer and his friends were delighted
with the young Spaniard, with his acquirements, his talents, his
agreeable manners, and especially with his piety. Admitted to
familiar intercourse with them, he entered more and more fully into
the knowledge of evangelical doctrines and affairs. He enjoyed the
conversation of these Christian people and the free and hearty manners
which prevailed among them. He had no thought of quitting Strasburg;
but a circumstance which occurred about six months afterwards led to
his removal.
[Sidenote: AT RATISBON.]
As the Protestants declined to recognize the Council of Trent, which
had been opened in December, 1545, the Elector Palatine had proposed
a colloquy between the two parties, and this conference opened at
Ratisbon, January 27, 1546. Bucer had been nominated one of the
delegates on the part of the Reformation; and the Senate of Strasburg,
judging that a Spanish convert from Catholicism to Protestantism, a
man rich in knowledge and in virtue, would carry much weight in the
discussion, associated Diaz with his friend. At Ratisbon, Bucer and
Diaz found as champions of the papacy, Malvenda, whom Diaz had known
at Paris, Cochlaeus,[170] and the Carmelite monk Billik. These three
were determined to maintain the extremest doctrines of the papacy; for
seeing that the council was assembled they feared that if they made
any concession they would be struck with the same anathemas as the
Protestants. Without hesitation Diaz went to see Malvenda. Malvenda was
his senior, and he ought to pay his respects to him. Perhaps he hoped
that the ties which had formerly united them would give him some hold
on the mind of his countryman. Presenting himself, therefore, with one
of his friends, he told him with the utmost simplicity that he was
come to Ratisbon with Bucer for the purpose of defending the doctrines
of the Reformation. Malvenda could believe neither his own eyes nor
ears. He remained for a short time astounded, as if some monster had
made its appearance.[171] The expression of his countenance and the
restlessness of his movements displayed his astonishment and alarm. At
length he said: 'What! Juan Diaz at Ratisbon! Juan Diaz in Germany, and
in the company of Protestants!... No, I am deceived; it is a phantom
before me, resembling Diaz indeed in stature and in feature, but it
is a mere empty image!' The young Spaniard assured the doctor that he
really was there present before him. 'Wretched man,' said Malvenda,
'do you not know that the Protestants will pride themselves far more
on having gained over to their doctrine one single Spaniard than if
they had converted ten thousand Germans or an in infinite number of
men of other nations?' Diaz wondered at these words, for it seemed to
him that the sovereign will could convert a Spaniard as easily as a
German. Malvenda, then, no longer in doubt as to the real presence of
Diaz in flesh and blood before him, assailed him with questions blow
after blow. 'Hast thou been long in Germany? What ails thee that thou
hast come into these parts? Dost thou understand the doctrine of Martin
Bucer and the other Germans?' and so forth. Diaz, with more presence
of mind than his master, replied quietly and modestly: 'I have been
almost six months in this country. My object in coming was to see here
religion established in its purity, and to confer with the learned
men who are to be found here. The true knowledge of God is before
every thing; and in a matter so important I would rather trust my own
eyes than the false reports of evil men. I had a wish to see _this
poison_; and as I find that the churches of Germany are in agreement
with antiquity, and have in their favor the perpetual consent of the
apostles and prophets, I can not reject their doctrine.'[172]
This admiration for Germany very much astonished Malvenda. 'Oh!' cried
he, 'it is an exceedingly wretched lot to live in this country. For any
man who loves the unity of Rome, six weeks' sojourn here is a burden
as oppressive as six years; nay, say rather six centuries. Six days
in Germany make me older than a long lifetime. Every honest man must
beware of what is taught here. Much more must thou, Diaz, beware,
who belongest to a land in which the religion of our holy mother the
Church has always flourished. Respect, therefore, thine own reputation,
and do not bring dishonor on thyself, nor on thy family, nor on the
whole Spanish nation.' As Diaz was accompanied by one of his friends,
Malvenda, embarrassed, did not pursue the subject farther. But they
agreed to meet again.
Malvenda prepared to make use of his fine rhetorical powers in striking
the heaviest blows for the purpose of bringing back into the Roman
fold this sheep which as he thought had gone astray. When Diaz made
his appearance again, this time alone, Malvenda said: 'Dost thou not
perceive all the dangers which are threatening at once thy body and
thy soul? Dost thou not see the formidable thunderbolts of the pope,
the vicar of the Son of God, which are about to fall upon thee? And
dost thou not know with what a horrible execration those are smitten
whom he excommunicates, so that they become the plague of the human
race? Is it well, then, to venture, for the sake of the opinion of a
small number of people, to stir up sedition in all countries and to
disturb the public peace? Dost thou not dread the judgment of God, and
the abhorrence of all thy fellow-countrymen?' Assuming, then, the most
kindly air, he continued: 'I promise to aid thee, to befriend thee
in this matter to the utmost of my power. But do not wait until the
emperor arrives at Ratisbon; go to meet him, cast thyself at the feet
of his confessor, and entreat him to pardon thine offence.'
'I am not afraid,' replied Diaz, modestly but decisively, 'of exposing
myself to danger for the purpose of maintaining the heavenly doctrine
on which our salvation depends, or even of shedding my blood to bear
testimony to the religion of Christ. To me this would be a great honor
and a great glory.'
[Sidenote: HIS INTERVIEW WITH MALVENDA.]
Malvenda shuddered at these words. If what Diaz said was true, what
Rome said was false; and yet his fellow-countryman was ready to die
to testify the truth of his belief. 'No,' exclaimed the priest, 'the
pope, vicar of Christ, _can not err_.' 'What!' resumed Diaz, 'the popes
infallible! Monsters defiled within and without with enormous crimes
infallible!' Malvenda acknowledged that some of the popes had led
impure lives; but, as he was anxious to drop this subject, he declared
to Diaz that it was mere loss of time to come to the colloquy, and that
no good would arise from it. He added that if Diaz wished to do any
good, he ought to go to the Council of Trent, which was established
by the pope and attended by many prelates. Diaz quitted the doctor,
resolved to see him no more privately.[173]
The young Spaniard had now ruined himself with the doctor. The
affection which Malvenda had felt for him gave place to implacable
hatred, and as he had not succeeded in gaining him over, his only
thought now was to ruin him. With this view he applied to the confessor
of Charles the Fifth, of whose influence he was aware. 'There is now
at Ratisbon,' he wrote, 'a young Spaniard whom I once knew at Paris
as an obedient son of Rome, but who now avows himself an enemy of the
church and a friend of the Lutherans. If such things are permitted,
Spain is lost, and you will see her claiming to shake off her shoulders
the burdens with which she will profess to be overwhelmed. I implore
you to avert such a calamity, even if necessary by a violent remedy.'
Malvenda was not content with writing one letter. As the confessor gave
no answer, he wrote other letters, 'far more harsh and violent than the
first.'
De Soto had not answered at once because he was perplexed. He was quite
capable of feeling the worth of such a man as Juan Diaz; and, whatever
the chroniclers may have said, he had previously been struck with the
excellencies of Enzinas, and had winked at his escape. Moreover, the
case was one of real difficulty. Diaz, being one of a deputation sent
to a colloquy approved by the emperor, was protected against violent
measures, except at the cost of a renewal of the breach of faith
of which John Huss had been the victim. Just at the time when the
confessor received from Malvenda his last violent letter, he had with
him another Spaniard, named Marquina, who was entrusted with a mission
for Rome, respecting which he was conversing with the confessor. 'See,'
said De Soto, 'what trouble our Spaniards give us,' and he read to him
Malvenda's letter. Marquina, who was an old friend of Juan Diaz, had
always looked upon him as a model of honesty and piety. He therefore
said to De Soto: 'Put no faith in Malvenda's statements. He is no
doubt impelled by some private ill-will. Believe, rather, the public
testimonies of good men, who have at all times approved the character
and the doctrine of Diaz.' But De Soto was not convinced. 'We must,'
he said, 'either convert him, or get him put out of the way.' Did he
mean that he was to be imprisoned or put to death? The latter seems
the most probable conclusion. Nevertheless De Soto was not so black
as Protestant writers depict him. In 1560 he was prosecuted by the
Inquisition of Valladolid, on suspicion of Lutheranism.[174] His
intercourse with such men as Enzinas and Diaz might well tend to make
him afterwards more just towards a doctrine which he had at first
condemned. Marquina set out for Rome.
[Sidenote: ALONZO IN GERMANY.]
In this metropolis was a brother of Juan Diaz, named Alonzo, an
advocate practising before the Roman tribunals. Marquina related to
him all that he had heard about Juan. Alonzo loved his brother, but
he loved Rome still more. At this news, therefore, he was plunged into
a deep melancholy. Juan a heretic! What a misfortune for him, but what
an offence also against the Church! Alonzo, though not a thorough
bigot, was violent, and was smitten with that gloomy and cruel madness
which fancies that it is defending the church of God when persecuting
those who hold contrary doctrines. He was not without affection for
those of his own kin; but he was pitiless towards them if ever they
attacked the faith. He would rather they should all perish than be
guilty of an outrage against the Church. He was not only superstitious
but fanatical; and fanaticism is to superstition what delirium is to
fever. As soon as he was informed of the letters which Malvenda had
written to the confessor, Alonzo determined to go to Germany and to
make use of all available means to bring back his brother to the faith
or to retrieve the injury done by him to the Church. He selected as his
servant a man of evil repute, took post and went with the utmost speed
to Augsburg, and thence to Ratisbon, where he expected to find his
brother. This journey was made in March, 1546. The conference was just
on the point of closing without having accomplished any thing, and Juan
Diaz had already left Ratisbon.
Alonzo was greatly annoyed at this news, and resolved to have an
interview without delay with Malvenda. The latter had no hesitation as
to what was to be done. 'May I live to see the day,' said he, 'on which
Juan Diaz will be burnt ... and his soul thus be saved.' 'A brutal
speech,' says Crespin, the friend of Juan, 'altogether diabolical and
worthy of eternal wrath.' But in those times of error, when people
fancied that false doctrine ought to be punished like any ordinary
crime, it is possible that this priest, in uttering the wish that the
soul should be saved at the cost of the body, might imagine that it
was really a pious and charitable speech. The human understanding was
then, and had been for ages, profoundly and miserably mistaken on this
matter.
Malvenda and Alonzo discussed together what was to be done. First of
all, they said, inquiry must be made most carefully in what place,
country, town, or village, Juan then was. Malvenda summoned a Spaniard
of his house in whom he had full confidence, and bade him find out
where it was conjectured that Juan was concealed. This Spaniard, who
was a crafty man, invented a tale which he thought would ensure his
success, and presented himself to one of the friends of Juan--whether
Senarclens or another we do not know. 'Letters of great importance,'
he said, 'addressed to Diaz have arrived at the imperial court. If
he receive them, it will be of great advantage to him. We beg you,
therefore, to tell us instantly in what place we may deliver them.' The
friend of Diaz, who knew with whom he had to do, replied: 'We do not
know where he is; but if you have any papers to forward to him, please
hand them over to us and we will take care that they reach him safely.'
Alonzo and Malvenda, greatly disappointed at receiving such an
answer, devised a new trick, the success of which appeared to them
infallible. The Spaniard returned to the friend of Diaz and said: 'It
is not a question about papers only; there is now at the Crown hotel a
gentleman, a great friend of Diaz, who brings him news and letters of
the highest importance. He is bound to deliver them to him in person.
Pray come and speak to him at the inn.'[175]
[Sidenote: ALONZO FINDS JUAN.]
Alonzo's stratagem succeeded to his heart's content. He discovered
ere long his brother's place of retirement. Juan, on the approach of
Charles the Fifth,[176] felt that he could not remain at Ratisbon, and
therefore had betaken himself to Neuburg, where he ran less risk than
at Ratisbon, as the town was within the jurisdiction of Otto Henry, the
elector palatine. He was engaged there in superintending the printing
of a work by Bucer.[177] It was a great surprise to him to see his
brother, whose attachment to the papacy he well knew. The first days of
their meeting were spent in painful debates. Alonzo put forth all his
energy to snatch his brother from heresy. He made the best of all the
arguments which he thought likely to prevail with him. He reminded him
of the disgrace which would be reflected on the name of his family, the
perils to which he exposed himself, prison, exile, the scaffold, and
the stake with which he was threatened. Juan remained inflexible. 'I
am ready,' he replied, 'to suffer any thing for the sake of publicly
confessing the doctrine which I have embraced.' Failing to terrify his
brother, Alonzo attempted to seduce him. He offered him the wealth and
honors wherewith Rome would willingly have paid for reconciliation with
her adversaries. 'Follow me to Rome,' he said, 'and all these things
are yours.' Juan was still less open to the solicitations of worldly
ambition than he had been to threats of possible danger.
Alonzo soon perceived that these methods would avail him nothing, and
he therefore changed his tactics. He pretended that he was himself
overcome by the faith and the generous feeling of his brother, and
professed himself gained over to the Gospel. 'Come with me to Italy,'
said he; 'there you will find a large number of souls open to the
knowledge of the truth, and among these you will have opportunity of
doing a great work of mercy. Germany possesses pious men in abundance
to instruct it. Italy is in want of them. Come with me.' Juan was
almost carried away by this appeal. He was desirous, however, of
consulting his friends. These dissuaded him from such an enterprise,
and felt suspicious of his brother's sincerity. Diaz still hesitated.
He wrote to Bernard Ochino, pastor at Augsburg: 'I must close my eyes
to the world that I may follow only the call of Christ. May he be my
light, my guide, my support! I have not yet come to a decision. Whether
I am to set out or to remain here, I desire only to do the will of God.
My trust is in Christ, who promises me a happy issue.' His friends
Bucer, Senarclens, and others hastened to him in alarm, and at length
succeeded in dissuading him from quitting the asylum in which he was
safe under the protection of the elector palatine.
Alonzo, though deeply annoyed, dissembled his anger. He should cherish,
he said, the memory of the pleasant moments which he had spent in his
brother's company; he carried away in himself a light which he would
not allow to be extinguished; he commended himself to the prayers of
this brother who had become his father in Jesus Christ. He wept much,
and on March 26, 1546, he took his departure, his servant accompanying
him. The latter was a man accustomed to the shedding of blood. He had
been an executioner; and he made a trade of selling his services to
any one who wanted to get rid of an enemy by the sword or by poison.
The two men went to Augsburg, carefully concealing their presence. The
next day, after changing their dress, they retraced the road by which
they had come. On the way Alonzo bought a hatchet of a carpenter. He
slept in a village not far from Neuburg; and on March 27, just as the
day began to dawn, he re-entered the town with the man who was in
his service. This man knocked at the door of the house in which Diaz
lodged, and showing some letters which he said that he brought from his
brother, requested to be admitted. Notwithstanding the early morning
hour he was allowed to enter the house, and went up the stair-case
while Alonzo waited below, prepared to assist in case of need.
[Sidenote: FRATRICIDE.]
Juan, waking with a start, rose and went out of his chamber,
half-dressed, and received with kindliness his brother's messenger.
The latter handed a letter to him. The still faint light of the dawn
scarcely penetrated into the room; Juan went to the window and began
reading. Alonzo expressed to his brother the fears he felt for his
personal safety. 'Above all,' said he, 'do not trust Malvenda, who only
thirsts for the blood of the saints. From afar I watch over you, and in
giving you this warning I discharge a duty of brotherly piety.'[178]
While Diaz was reading, the murderer approached him, and, armed with
the hatchet which he had concealed under his cloak, plunged it up to
the handle in the skull of the unfortunate man, over the right temple.
So violent was the blow that the victim fell without uttering a word.
The assassin caught him in his arms and laid him quietly upon the
floor, and then fled without making any noise which might have betrayed
the horrible deed which had just been done.
The friend of Diaz, Senarclens, who was sleeping in his own chamber,
heard nothing but the footsteps of the murderer as he descended the
stairs. He rose hastily, ran to his friend, and found him dying. The
hatchet had been left buried in the wound. Juan Diaz lived an hour
longer but did not speak again. His hands were joined, his lips moved
as if in prayer, and his eyes fixed on heaven showed the mark toward
which he pressed.
Meanwhile the assassins were flying as fast as their horses could
carry them. Swiftly pursued, they passed through Augsburg without
stopping, and at length found refuge at Innspruch, in the dominions of
the archduke Ferdinand, king of the Romans. All Germany was stirred
by this odious crime; and the punishment of the guilty was demanded
from all quarters. But by the intervention of the emperor they escaped
the condemnation which they had deserved, and, if we are to believe
Castro,[179] Charles even raised the fratricide to the highest honors
and dignities.
CHAPTER VI.
SPANIARDS IN SPAIN.
(1534-1542.)
The doctrines of the Gospel were slowly spreading in Spain; their
advance was silent, but it was none the less rapid. The Catholic
Illescas, in his _Historia Pontifical_, asserts that 'so great were the
number, the rank, and the importance of the _culprits_, that if the
application of the remedy had been delayed for two or three months, the
whole of Spain would have been on fire.' The Reformation would have
wrought the salvation of this people, not only in a moral and religious
sense, but also in respect to national prosperity and greatness.
Unfortunately the papacy and Philip II. had the last word, and they
ensured its ruin.
[Sidenote: BARTHOLOMEW CARRANZA.]
We have seen that the Gospel had been well received at Seville, in
the south; it was likewise welcomed at Valladolid, in the north, the
usual seat of the king. There was one man who at this epoch, by reason
of his ability, the offices with which he was invested, the missions
which were entrusted to him, and his religious character, played
an important part in Spain. He passed for one of the most violent
enemies of evangelical truth; and such indeed he was, but ultimately
he became himself an evangelical, at least in essential points.
This was Bartholomew Carranza, who was born in 1503, at Miranda, in
Navarre, and was at this time teaching theology at Valladolid with
great applause. He had completed his studies at the university of
Alcala, and in 1520 had entered the Dominican order. While he was at
the college of St. Gregory of Valladolid, in 1527, he had undertaken
the defence of Erasmus, and had consequently been denounced to the Holy
Office. At a still earlier period he had conversed with a Dominican
older than himself, Professor Michael de Saint Martin, on _matters
pertaining to the conscience_. The doctor found that the young monk
greatly limited the power of the pope. For this he had been rebuked
and ultimately denounced to the Holy Office (November 19, 1530). But
these two denunciations came to nothing. It was found that the evidence
was not sufficient to support an accusation. On the revival of the
denunciations at a later period, Carranza, who by this time had become
an archbishop, was placed under arrest. At an early age he had felt
some relish for the truth. Had he lived in the midst of Gospel light he
would have joyfully received it; but the darkness of Rome withheld him
and for a long time led him astray. In 1534 he was appointed professor
of theology at Valladolid, and in 1539 he was named a delegate to Rome
to attend a chapter of his order. He maintained there some theses
with so much success that Pope Paul III. gave him permission to read
prohibited books. The reading of these was afterwards of advantage to
him. At this time he enjoyed the reputation of a fervent Catholic.
His opposition to heretics, his olive-colored complexion, and the
sombre costume of his order, earned him the surname of the _black
monk_. Nevertheless he displayed altogether a superior mind; and in
consequence of this he was early distinguished by Charles the Fifth.
If he were then strongly attached to Roman doctrines it was with
sincerity, because he believed them to be true; and he was, moreover, a
stranger to petty ecclesiastical superstitions.[180]
Carranza's teaching, perhaps, contributed to make the Gospel attractive
to younger minds at Valladolid. At first they showed some timidity;
but the cruel death of one of the most earnest Spanish Christians
inspired them, about the middle of the century, with more zeal and
courage. Among the disciples of Carranza was Don Domingo de Roxas,
son of the marquis of Poza--a name rendered illustrious by a great
poet--and whose mother was a daughter of the count of Selinas. This
young man, who was destined by his parents for the church, was amiable,
upright, a lover of truth, keenly susceptible and impressible, endowed
likewise with courage, but not with that immovable firmness which
belongs to powerful characters. He listened with enthusiasm to the
lectures of Carranza, who in certain cases made use of the phrases
of the reformers, while condemning their doctrines. The same was
afterwards done by the Council of Trent, to which Carranza was sent
as delegate by Charles the Fifth. He used to say that man, since his
fall, could not be justified by the power of nature; but that he is
justified by Jesus Christ. To these assertions, however, he added
explanations which weakened them. 'The moral power of man,' he said,
'is indeed diminished but not destroyed; he is able to incline himself
to righteousness, and faith justifies only so far as charity is added
to it.'
Ere long Domingo showed less timidity than his master. He laid
aside every thing that weakened the doctrine and embraced the pure
faith drawn from the Word of God. At the same time that he listened
to Carranza he was reading Luther and Melanchthon, and he thought
their doctrines more evangelical and more powerful than those of his
master. The professor trembled lest his disciple should become a
heretic and should raise up others. What to Roxas appeared a friendly
light, seemed to Carranza the signal of a conflagration. In vain
he endeavored to prove to young de Roxas the mass and purgatory.
The latter, understanding that the truth was the property of all,
communicated it to those around him. He put into circulation the works
of the reformers; he composed others himself. Among the latter was an
'Exposition of the Faith.' By these means he gained over to the Gospel
several inhabitants of Valladolid. He encountered opposition on the
part of some members of his own family; but he found access to others,
as well as to several noble houses of Castile.[181]
[Sidenote: AUGUSTINE CAZALLA.]
Another young Castilian, Augustine Cazalla, a contemporary of Roxas,
at the age of seventeen had had Carranza as his confessor; and he
attended, at the same time as Domingo, the lectures of this illustrious
master at the college of St. Gregory at Valladolid. His father was
director of the royal finances, and his mother Leonora (whose maiden
name was de Vibero), a friend of the friends of the Gospel, opened her
house to them, and freely welcomed the refugees who were driven by
persecution from their own abodes. On this account the house of Leonora
was afterwards razed, and on its ruins fanaticism erected a monumental
stone, which remained there till our own days.[182] Cazalla completed
his studies at Alcala, became canon of Salamanca, and attained a
position in the first rank of Spanish preachers. The circumstances in
which he was placed, and particularly the hospitality of his mother,
prepared him to receive the Gospel. He was even accused of having
'openly taught in the Lutheran conventicles of Valladolid.' It appears,
however, that he did not publicly declare himself for the Word of God
until the emperor, having nominated him his preacher and almoner, took
him with him into Germany, where he had frequent intercourse with the
Lutherans.[183]
Even before Cazalla decided for the Gospel Don Domingo de Roxas had
found a powerful assistant in the evangelization of Valladolid and its
neighborhood. An Italian noble, Don Carlos de Seso, born at Verona, of
one of the first families of the country, had distinguished himself
in the service of the emperor, and had, it seems, learnt something
at an early age of the doctrine of the Reformation. He settled in
Spain, and during his residence at Valladolid became intimate with
the evangelical Christians of that city. He had a cultivated mind,
great nobility of character, gentlemanly manners, and much zeal for
the truth. Having become a Spaniard, he discharged in his adopted
country certain civil functions; and this afforded him opportunities
of diffusing with more freedom the knowledge of the Gospel. He did
this zealously in some towns situated to the east of Valladolid, on
the banks of the Douro; at Toro, where this river is spanned by the
numerous arches of an immense bridge, and where Seso was _corregidor_;
and, somewhat further eastward, in the melancholy and sombre Zamora,
which the Cid had reconquered from the Moors, and where the ruins of
his palace were to be seen. His active exertions were next put forth
in another quarter. We find him proclaiming the love of God in Jesus
Christ at Valencia, to the north of Valladolid, and under the very
walls of its beautiful cathedral. He afterwards married Doña Isabella
de Castilla, niece of the bishop of Calahorra, and a descendant of
King Pedro the Cruel, and took up his abode at Villa Mediana. Here he
became very successful in the evangelization of Logroño, and the rich
and fertile districts lying around, which are watered by the Ebro. Don
Carlos de Seso was remarkable for the energy of his faith, the vigor
of his language, and the devotion of his whole being to Jesus Christ.
He was to give evidence of his courage at the time of his death, by
apostrophizing the cruel Philip II. himself, whose fanatical answer
became celebrated.[184]
[Sidenote: DE ROXAS.]
Don Domingo de Roxas had a sister, the marchioness of Alcagnices,
whose character bore much resemblance to his own, and who, like
him, attached herself to Carranza, but with still more enthusiasm.
She found in him a faithful, pious, and disinterested guide; not a
director, but a Christian friend. She as well as her brother had
frequent conversations with Carranza. Domingo on one occasion was
speaking with joy about the complete justification of the sinner by
the grace of Christ. 'But,' he added, 'I do not see how this truth
is to be reconciled with purgatory.' 'It would be no great harm,'
said Carranza, 'if there were no purgatory.' Domingo was astonished,
and replied by citing the decisions of the church. His master then
closed the discussion by saying: 'You are not at present capable of
thoroughly understanding this matter.' In a little while, Domingo,
convinced that the justification of man is the essence of Christianity,
returned to the subject; and Carranza told him that he did not see in
Holy Scripture any clear proofs of the existence of purgatory.[185] De
Roxas rejoiced to hear this, for he desired above all things that his
master should unreservedly accept the doctrines of the Gospel. But this
was not so easy as he thought, and whenever he made a timid attempt
to induce him to adopt them, Carranza at once checked him. 'Beware,'
said he, 'lest you allow yourself to be carried away by your talents.'
The disciple then withdrew disheartened. Carranza's refusal to follow
him in all the evangelical doctrines 'excited his deepest compassion,'
and also occasioned him the greatest grief. 'For,' he said, 'if Don
Bartholomew entirely received the true faith, he would induce my sister
to adopt it, so completely does the marchioness yield to his opinion.'
Filled with confidence, Roxas added: 'I am still in hope of seeing this
change effected;' and allured still further and further by his hopes he
exclaimed: 'If so great a change as this be wrought in Carranza, _the
king and all Spain will embrace this religion_.'[186]
The faith of Carranza seemed in fact to become brighter and more real,
so that the fine castles in the air which the young and ardent De
Roxas was building were not altogether unfounded. One day, not long
afterwards, Carranza, when preaching at Valladolid in Passion week,
was suddenly carried away by the liveliness of his faith and the
warmth of his love for the Saviour; and speaking as if he saw heaven
opened, as if he discerned not only the image of the Saviour, but the
Saviour himself crucified, he spoke with enthusiasm of the unutterable
blessedness of such contemplation for faithful souls, and extolled
with all his power _the justification of men by a living faith in the
passion and the death of Jesus Christ_. 'Really,' said the bishop
Peter de Castro, who was present, 'Carranza preached to-day as Philip
Melanchthon might have done.' The bishop informed the illustrious
orator of his own way of thinking; the latter replied only by keeping
profound silence.[187] Carranza afterwards preached a sermon of a
similar kind before Philip II. in London, whither he had accompanied
the king, and where he prosecuted the evangelical teachers of Oxford
and other places, while sometimes preaching the same doctrines as
they did. The fanaticism of Catholic unity and universality stifled
in his soul the claims of Christian faith. The new man, formed within
by divine grace, was in his case kept down by the natural man, whose
instincts had been rendered more cruel by the influence of Rome and the
Inquisition.
[Sidenote: WORKS OF CARRANZA.]
The marchioness of Alcagnices could not do without him. The piety
of Carranza met her deepest wants, and his attachment to Rome was a
ground of confidence to her that in adopting his faith she was not
separating from the church. Anxious to enjoy his teaching even when
he was absent, she caused copies to be made of his Spanish works,
and had translations made of those which were in Latin. In this task
she employed the friar Francis de Tordesillas. This monk, who was a
strictly orthodox man, was occasionally shocked, while making these
translations and copies, by certain phrases which appeared to have
a Lutheran tendency. He was very much grieved about it, and so much
the more because it was not only for the marchioness that he did this
work, but also for several other ladies, admirers of Carranza. What
a calamity if he should become an agent of the Lutheran heresy! And
yet there were so many fine things in those books, and Carranza was
so illustrious a doctor! The monk of Tordesillas bethought himself
of a means of preventing the evil. At the head of the manuscript he
put a _notice to the reader_, in which he said,--'that in reading the
works of Don Bartholomew, all the propositions which they contain must
be understood in the Catholic sense, and particularly those which
relate to justification, which it seems possible to interpret in an
opposite sense; that in this way there would be no danger of falling
into any error; that he had seen the author practice good works,
fasts, almsgiving and prayers, so that he, the speaker, was sure that
every thing which the doctor had written was in the spirit of the
Catholic religion.'[188] But the religious devotee labored in vain.
Most readers took simply and in the natural sense what they read.
Moreover the _notice to the reader_ was counteracted by more powerful
advice. Domingo de Roxas told both the nuns with whom he was connected,
particularly those of the convent of Bethlehem, and other persons who
showed any leaning to piety, that the evangelical doctrines, and he did
not scruple to say to many _the maxims of Luther_, were approved by a
man so virtuous and so learned as Carranza.[189]
Far from being moved to retract his doctrines by the reproaches which
he incurred on account of them, Carranza, who was of a resolute and
determined character, reasserted them in more and more positive
language. One day when he was at the village of Alcagnices, probably
on a visit to the castle, he felt it incumbent on him to make it
distinctly understood that nothing would induce him to renounce the
faith which inspired him, and that to leave no room for doubt he was
even prepared to sign a legal instrument, bond, or contract, to that
effect. For this reason, and remembering that according to a popular
proverb 'where notary has passed there is no going back,' he exclaimed
in the presence of Domingo de Roxas, Peter de Sotelo, Christopher
Padilla, and others: 'At the time of my death I will have a notary to
attest the renunciation which I make of all my good works and all the
merit of them. I rely on the works of Jesus Christ; and knowing that he
has expiated my sins I look upon them as annulled.'[190]
It is remarkable that Carranza, after declarations so evangelical,
should have been elected, and this in Spain, and against his own
will, to the highest dignity of the church, the primacy. True, Rome
afterwards made up for this gentle treatment by great severity.
This illustrious doctor and distinguished prelate, who had caused
so many evangelical Christians to be imprisoned, himself spent the
last seventeen years of his life in prison. He exalted the pope, his
government, and his ministry, as much as and more than any other
man; but he committed the crime of exalting Jesus Christ still more.
The punishment was only retarded, not averted, by his submission to
Rome. Even at the time when Carranza was still in the enjoyment of
the highest favor Valladolid saw a memorable example of punishment
instantly awarded to any one who should magnify Jesus Christ, without
caring for the pope and his church.
[Sidenote: CRUELTY OF THE INQUISITORS.]
The young San Romano, who had been converted at Bremen, and had been
arrested after making great efforts to induce Charles the Fifth to
countenance the Reformation, arrived in ill health at Valladolid at
the time when the Gospel was working in private circles, and even
in general society, but had not yet been boldly preached there as
at Seville. He had been roughly treated, and compelled to follow in
the emperor's suite as a captive, some say even into Africa; but the
treatment which he had to undergo at the hands of the inquisitors of
Valladolid, to whom he was delivered up, far surpassed in harshness
that of Charles. They confined him in a dark and horrible dungeon; they
sent to him incessantly wicked and ignorant monks, who were instructed
to worry him and to induce him to abandon his faith; they frequently
made a spectacle of him, exposing him to the laughter and contempt of
the populace, and daily loaded him with reproaches and insults, in the
hope of thereby terrifying him, breaking down his spirit, and leading
him to retract his faith. But their attempt was frustrated. They found,
on the contrary, that in some marvellous way which they could not
understand, his strength, his earnestness, and his resolution day by
day increased. He confuted the arguments of the monks, and courageously
avowed the doctrines which were the objects of their anathemas. The
sacrifice of the mass, said the monks, procures _ex opere operato_
the remission of sins. 'Horrible abomination,' said San Romano.
'Auricular confession,' resumed the inquisitors, 'the satisfaction of
purgatory, the invocation of saints'.... But he stopped them and cried
out: 'Blasphemy against God and profanation of the blood of Jesus
Christ!'[191] These monks, of orders gray, brown, or black, who buzzed
about him like wasps, and were incessantly stinging him, were amazed
at such language, and asked him what then he did believe. He replied:
'I maintain and will openly and clearly maintain to my latest breath
that there is no creature who by his own strength, his own works, or
any worthiness of his own can merit the pardon of his sins and obtain
the salvation of his soul. The mercy of God alone, the work of the
Mediator, who by his own blood has cleansed us from all sin, these save
us.' His condemnation was henceforth certain.
San Romano, and with him a great number of criminals, appeared before
a multitude of the people to receive sentence. He was condemned to be
burnt alive as a heretic, the others were absolved. 'Ah!' said one of
his friends,
"Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas."
After sentence had been passed, they put upon the head of the martyr
a paper crown, on which were depicted many horrible figures of
demons,[192] and then led him away to the place of execution.
San Romano walked on, surrounded by the mob, who heaped on him insults
'harder to bear than death.' Just beyond the suburbs of the town he
came to a wooden cross. The crowd stopped and the inquisitors wished to
compel him to adore it. 'It is not wood,' he replied, 'which Christians
adore, but God. He is present in my heart and I adore him there with
all reverence. Pass on; go straight to the place of my destination.' At
these words the people uttered loud cries, and loaded him with insults,
considering his refusal to be a crime. 'The cross,' said some of them,
'the cross would not allow a heretic to adore it.' Then fancying that
there was some divinity in the wood, the crowd pressed round it; some
drew their swords, and clove the cross into a thousand pieces.[193]
Most happy did any one think himself who could secure the smallest
fragment, for the wood was to heal them of every disease.
[Sidenote: DEATH OF SAN ROMANO.]
San Romano was accompanied by a numerous escort. He was surrounded by
archers of the Imperial Guard. Some great personages belonging to both
parties had desired to be witnesses of the last moments of this man,
whose convictions were so deep. Amongst them was the English envoy.
San Romano was placed in the midst of a great heap of wood, which was
forthwith set on fire in several places. When he began to feel the
fire he raised his head,[194] looking up to heaven, which was about to
receive him. But the inquisitors imagined that he was calling them and
would yield to their entreaties. 'Draw away the wood,' they said, 'he
wants to retract his doctrine.' The burning pieces were removed, and
San Romano was set as it were at liberty, without having taken any harm
from the fire. Turning then a look of indignation upon the inquisitors,
he said: 'What malice urges you to this? Why envy me my happiness? Why
snatch me from the true glory which awaits me?'[195] The inquisitors
then, confused and irritated, ordered him to be again cast into the
fire, which had by this time risen to great violence, and instantly
consumed him.
The sermon at this _auto-da-fé_ had been preached by Carranza,[196]
but it does not appear that he had convinced all his hearers. Some
of the archers of the Imperial Guard carefully collected the ashes
of the disciple of the Gospel. The English ambassador avowed that he
recognized in him 'a true martyr of Jesus Christ.'[197] In consequence
of this saying he was obliged to absent himself from court for several
months. The archers who had gathered up the ashes were sent to prison.
Meanwhile the inquisitors declared everywhere that San Romano was
damned, that none was permitted to pray for him, and that whosoever
should dare to hope for his salvation would be considered a heretic.
This martyrdom took place about the year 1542.[198]
The times of the Reformation abound in martyrs; and we might well ask
whether primitive Christianity, which came to an end when the reign
of Constantine began, had so great a number of them as the renovated
Christianity of the sixteenth century; especially if we take into
account the different length of the periods. The impulse which led
the martyrs of the Netherlands, of France, England, Hungary, Italy,
Spain, and other lands to give up their lives calmly and even joyfully,
proceeded from the depth of their convictions, the holy and sovereign
voice of conscience, enlightened, purified, and strengthened by the
word of God. In the souls of these lowly heroes there was a secret and
mighty testimony to the truth of the Gospel which vividly manifested
to them its grandeur, impelled them to sacrifice all for its sake, and
gave them courage to obey, although it cost them not only goods and
worldly greatness, but also the good opinion, the affection and esteem
even of those whom they most tenderly loved. Obedience, indeed, was
not always instantaneous. Sometimes there were hindrances, conflicts,
hesitation, and delay. There were also some weak consciences which
were overcome. But wherever the conscience was sound, it acquired in
the midst of difficulties more and more force, and when once its
voice was heard the victory was won. It must be understood that we
do not mean here a conscience which a man has made for himself; that
of which we speak was the highest expression of truth, justice, and
the divine will, and it was found to be the same in all regions. The
souls of these martyrs were exempt from all prejudices, pure as a
cloudless sky. They were conscientious men; and herein we have the
complete explanation of the grand phenomenon presented to us in the
Reformation. Here was a force sufficient to break through stubborn
bonds, to surmount passionate opposition, to brave torture, and to go
to the stake. No concessions were to be made, no agreement with error.
The noble martyrs of the first centuries and of the sixteenth were the
select spirits and the glory of the human race.
[Sidenote: ITS RESULT.]
The death of San Romano was not fruitless. The saying current in the
first centuries was once more verified,--the blood of the martyrs is
the seed of the church. His faith, his renunciation of the world, his
courage at the stake, his rejoicing at the near approach of death,
deeply affected such of the spectators as had a conscience not yet
seared. The evangelicals of Valladolid, who had hardly avowed their
convictions except to their most intimate friends, were emboldened.
They expressed their sympathy with the martyr, and zeal and decision
took the place of timidity and lukewarmness. No church, however, was
formed in Valladolid till some years afterwards.
CHAPTER VII.
QUEEN JOANNA.
(BORN 1479; DIED 1555.)
Among the victims immolated in Spain, in the Netherlands, and
elsewhere, by the fanaticism of Charles the Fifth and his subordinates,
there was one, the most illustrious of all, whose history has been
long hidden by a mysterious veil. This was his mother, Queen Joanna,
the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. The veil has been partly
lifted in our days by the discovery of some documents in the archives
of Simancas.[199] Although the information is not yet complete, and
perhaps may never be so, it is nevertheless possible now to get some
glimpses of the mysterious drama which darkened the life of this
unfortunate princess. Few histories are more astonishing than the
history of this woman, whom we see by some tragic destiny connected
with three executioners--her father, her husband, and her son. These
three men, King Ferdinand, the archduke Philip, and the emperor Charles
the Fifth, whom she never ceased to love, and whom God had given her
for protectors, deprived her of her kingdoms, cast her into prison,
and had the strappado inflicted on her.[200] To complete their infamy,
they circulated a report that she was mad. She displayed remarkable
intelligence, and in this respect she would have taken high rank
among princes, far above her father and her husband, if not above her
son. The latter derived from her, certainly not from his father, his
great abilities. Some celebrated physicians having been summoned by
the _Comuneros_ to inquire whether the alleged madness existed, and
having interrogated the officers and servants who were about her,
Cardinal--afterwards Pope--Adrian, one of her jailers, gave the emperor
an account of the inquiry in these words: 'Almost all the officers and
servants of the queen assert that she has been oppressed and forcibly
detained in this castle for fourteen years, under pretence of madness,
while in fact she has always been as sound in mind and as rational as
at the time of her marriage.'[201]
[Sidenote: JOANNA IMPRISONED.]
The desire to possess themselves of the supreme power incited these
three unworthy princes to deprive Joanna and to keep her in shameful
captivity. It was to her and not to her father Ferdinand, that the
kingdom of Castile belonged after the death of Isabella. It was to
her, and not to her husband Philip, nor afterwards to her son Charles,
that the Spains, Naples, Sicily, and other dominions belonged. She was
deprived of all by these traitorous princes, and received in exchange a
narrow prison.
Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile,
was born in 1479, and was brought up in Spain under the care of her
mother. Although it was not in those days the custom of the court,
as it was in the time of Philip II., to attend the _auto-da-fé_, the
whipping and the torture of heretics, these exploits of fanaticism done
to the honor of Jesus Christ and his holy mother were nevertheless at
this epoch the favorite subject of conversation at that devout court.
The prison, the whip, the rack, and the stake, were the commonplaces of
their intercourse. The compassionate heart, the sound understanding,
and all the good instincts of the young girl rebelled against these
excesses of the Roman faith; and it was soon discovered that there was
in her mind an opposition to the favorite notions of her mother, and
a deep feeling against these punishments. It was a great grief to
Isabella to see her own daughter wantonly ruining herself; for was it
not in her eyes ruin to doubt of the holiness of the proceedings of the
Inquisition? She, therefore, attempted to stifle the first germs of
disobedience. She did not shrink from extreme measures to bring Joanna
to a better mind. The marquis of Denia, chief jailer of the unhappy
prisoner, wrote to Charles the Fifth, on January 26, 1522, as follows:
'If your Majesty would employ torture against her, it would be in many
respects rendering service to God and at the same time doing a good
work towards the queen herself. This course is necessary with persons
of her disposition; and the queen, your grandmother, punished and
treated in this way her daughter the queen, our sovereign lady.'
When Joanna had attained the age of seventeen her father and mother
began to think about a marriage alliance for her; and it is easy to
understand that she was eager to accept the hand of the archduke of
Burgundy, one of the handsomest knights of his age. The prince was to
conduct her to the Netherlands, of which he had been sovereign since
1482, and thus he would withdraw her from the teaching of her mother.
Joanna's readiness was very natural under the circumstances.
Soon after her arrival in the Netherlands it was observed that feelings
to which the cruelty of the Inquisition had given birth in her noble
heart were developing themselves--indignation against the persecutors,
and love for the persecuted. It is known that in these parts were
to be found some of the Vaudois, the Lollards, and the Brethren of
the Common Life, all alike inspired with a true religious spirit.
The fresh information which Joanna now received strengthened her
previous impressions of hostility to Roman superstition. The Catholic
Isabella, alarmed at the reports which reached her, sent to Brussels
the sub-prior of Santa Cruz, Thomas de Matienzo, to see what the facts
were, and to arrest the evil. The princess, who tenderly loved her
mother, was cast down on hearing of her displeasure, and tears started
to her eyes. But her resolution did not give way. The sub-prior took
all possible pains to draw from Joanna some answer to the questions
which Isabella had charged him to ask. He was very coldly received; and
on Assumption Day, when two of the confessors of the princess presented
themselves for the purpose of receiving her confession, she declined
their services in the very presence of her mother's envoy.[202] Her
former tutor, Friar Andrew, who felt much anxiety for the soul of his
pupil, entreated her to dismiss certain Parisian theologians, who
seem to have been more enlightened than the majority of the priests,
but whom Friar Andrew called drunkards. At the same time he begged
the princess to supply their place by taking for her confessor a good
Spanish monk. But all his entreaties were fruitless. Nothing could
overcome the repugnance which she felt towards the Roman religion. On
several occasions she refused its rites, but she did not advance nor
take any active steps. Her strength was passive only.
[Sidenote: BIRTH OF CHARLES THE FIFTH.]
On February 24, 1500, Joanna gave birth to a son, who was to become
the emperor Charles the Fifth. Conspicuous amongst the magnificent
presents offered to the young prince was the gift of the ecclesiastics
of Flanders, who laid before him the New Testament, splendidly bound,
and bearing the inscription in letters of gold--_Search the Scriptures_.
Isabella was deeply distressed to see her daughter thus drifting away
from Spanish orthodoxy. It was not a complete rebellion; Joanna did not
openly profess all the doctrines called in Spain heretical. But the
queen had ordered hundreds of her subjects to be burnt for slighter
opposition than that of the princess. Would Isabella's devotion to
the Virgin go so far as to sacrifice to it her daughter? Even had she
desired it, it would not have been easy; for Joanna, as the wife of a
foreign prince, was emancipated from her mother's control. Besides,
it may well be believed that Isabella would not have committed such a
crime. Still, the question arises, would she allow a heretic to ascend
the throne of Castile? Would she expose the Inquisition, an institution
so dear to her, to the risk of being suppressed by the princess who was
to succeed her? Never. Her whole being revolted against such a thought.
The priestly party rejoiced to see these scruples of the queen, and
endeavored to increase them. King Ferdinand himself, Joanna's father,
but not a tender-hearted father, felt that it was for his own interest
to embitter more and more the feeling of her mother.
As early as 1502 Isabella's plan was formed. She would keep the heretic
Joanna from the throne which belonged to her after her own death.
On the meeting of the Cortes, at Toledo, in 1502, and at Madrid and
Alcala de Henares, in 1503, the queen caused to be laid before them
a project of law by virtue of which the government of Castile should
belong after her death to Ferdinand, in case of Joanna's absence, or
of her unwillingness or inability personally to exercise the rights
which belonged to her. This resolution was voted by the Cortes, and was
inserted by Isabella in her will, in which she set forth the conditions
which she had at first laid down. The pope confirmed the arrangement.
Thus was Joanna to be set aside from succession to the throne which
belonged to her on account of her opposition to the Inquisition and
to other Roman practices. But Isabella took care not to state this,
because she perceived that such an avowal would be dangerous. The
priesthood and the holy office were almost universally detested, and,
therefore, it was necessary to avoid asserting that they were the cause
of the exclusion of Joanna, for this would have rallied to her cause
the majority of the nation. Some pretext must, however, be found. It
should be reported that she was mad. This is nothing but the truth,
thought the priests. Is it possible that any one not mad would reject
Rome and her decrees, and put in their place some other senseless
doctrines?
[Sidenote: TREACHERY OF PHILIP AND FERDINAND.]
In 1504 Isabella died. Ferdinand publicly announced to the people,
assembled in front of the palace of Medina del Campo, that although
the crown belonged to his daughter he should continue to govern during
his lifetime. Joanna and Philip, her husband, were still in the
Netherlands. It appears that Joanna bore with meekness this robbery of
the crown by her father; but it was otherwise with her husband. Philip
energetically protested against this act of spoliation. 'Ferdinand,'
he said, 'has put into circulation a false report of the madness of
his daughter and other absurdities of the like kind, solely with a
view to furnish himself with a pretext for seizing her crown.'[203]
It has generally been stated that it was Philip's mother who had
caused the madness of his widow. But this report, it is evident, was
already in circulation at a time when she had, without contradiction,
the full possession of her reason. We have seen from what source the
report came, and the interest which her father had in causing it to be
believed.
In 1506 Philip, accompanied by Joanna, arrived in Spain for the
purpose of assuming himself the power which his father-in-law had
usurped. The majority of the people soon declared themselves on the
side of Joanna; and Ferdinand, in a fit of anger, was on the point of
encountering his son-in-law with _capa y spada_, intending to plunge
his sword into his bosom. But he observed ere long that a party was
forming, and was becoming more and more numerous, at the head of which
was the constable of Castile, whose object was to set aside both
Philip and Ferdinand, and to place the legitimate queen on the throne.
Ferdinand was perplexed, finding that he had two rivals, his son-in-law
and his daughter. It was clear to him that Joanna, as Infanta and
lawful heiress, would easily win all the hearts of the people, and
that Philip, as a foreigner and usurper, would find it hard to gain
acceptance. He resolved, therefore, to unite with Philip against his
own daughter. He gave him an appointment to meet him at Villafafila,
on June 26 (1506). The king determined to assume an appearance of
amiability. He took with him only a small number of attendants, dressed
himself plainly, mounted an ass, and thus arrived in the presence of
his son-in-law with the air of a gallant country gentleman, an amiable
smile upon his lips, and saying that he came 'with love in his heart
and peace in his hands.' Philip received him attended by a considerable
number of grandees of the Netherlands and of Spain, besides a large
body of men-at-arms. Philip himself, who was surnamed the Handsome, was
in the pride of his youth and strength. Ferdinand having dismounted
from his ass and saluted his son-in-law begged him to follow him alone
into the church. All the members of their suite were forbidden to
accompany the two princes, and guards were stationed at the entrance
to prevent any one from penetrating into the church. There, at the
foot of the altar, these two traitorous men were about to conspire
the ruin, the spoliation, and we might almost say the death of their
innocent victim, daughter of one of them and wife of the other. The
interview began. The sentinels were able occasionally to catch glimpses
of the two princes, and even to hear their voices, but they could not
understand what they said. Ferdinand spoke much and with animation;
Philip made only short answers and at times seemed to be embarrassed.
The father-in-law pointed out to his son-in-law that Joanna was on the
point of being placed on the throne by the people, and that both of
them would thus be deprived of it; that they ought to pledge themselves
to combine all their efforts to exclude her, and that they would assign
as their motive that she was incapacitated for reigning by reason of
'her malady,' which propriety did not permit them to name. It is
evident that the reference was to the alleged madness. Whether Philip,
who lived with Joanna and knew her real state, had also protested
against this false accusation, gave way at once, we can not tell.
However this may be, Ferdinand, who for a long time had not seen his
daughter, succeeded in persuading his son-in-law to adopt this pretext.
It likewise appears that there was already some talk about imprisoning
the queen.[204] While Ferdinand thus sacrificed his daughter, he felt
no scruple about deceiving his son-in-law. An agreement was concluded
between the two conspirators that the government of Castile should
belong to Philip; and in the instrument signed the same day it was
alleged that Joanna refused to accept it herself. Meanwhile the
courtiers were awaiting the two princes; and the guards having reported
the visible animation and eloquence of the father-in-law, it was
expected that he would come away triumphant. Great, therefore, was the
astonishment when it became known that he had yielded every thing to
his son-in-law. Thus the story of the madness of Joanna, first invented
in the interest of Rome, was confirmed by her father, by her husband,
and afterwards by her son Charles the Fifth, in their own interest, and
with a view to despoil her of the crown of Spain, of Naples, Sicily and
her other dominions.
[Sidenote: THE SECRET PROTEST.]
But what is to be thought of Ferdinand's concession? It was a mere
piece of acting. His ass, his modest suite, his plain unarmed arrival,
had been nothing but a comedy, the object of which was to put him in a
position to allege that he had fallen into the hands of his son-in-law,
and that the latter had compelled him to sign the agreement. He
immediately prepared a secret protest, in which he declared that Joanna
was kept prisoner by Philip on false pretences, and that he considered
it his duty to deliver her and to place her on the throne. He then
set out for Naples, delegating as his representative with Philip his
well-beloved Master Louis Ferrer, who enjoyed his entire confidence,
desiring him to look after his interests. He had hardly set out when,
after an illness of three or four days, Philip died. The current
rumor was that he had been poisoned. Some persons declared that they
knew he had received a dose of poison in his food (_bocado_). But the
scandal of a trial was dreaded, and the matter was hushed up. The
guilty Ferdinand remained master of the situation. Joanna had been
placed in confinement by her husband immediately after the interview of
Villafafila. After the death of Philip, Ferrer took possession of her.
Several princes, particularly Henry VII. of England, aspired to the
hand of this widow, heiress of several kingdoms; but Ferdinand hastened
to write in all directions that to 'his great vexation' his daughter
could not possibly think of a second marriage. This gradually gave
wider currency to the fable of her madness.
The queen was then at Burgos, and it was determined to remove her
thence to Tordesillas, where they intended to keep her in confinement.
Philip had died at Burgos, and his body was to be transferred to
Granada, to be there interred in the sepulchre of the kings. This
involved a journey from the north to the middle of Spain, and
Tordesillas lay on the road. The scheme was to have the queen set out
at the same time as the body of her husband. One and the same escort
would thus serve for both. It has been supposed that there might be
financial reasons for this arrangement. In our days, it has been
said, no one would ever think of such economy. But at that time the
want of money was incessantly obtruding itself, and people might be
well pleased to save a thousand _scudos_.[205] This conjecture is
admissible; but there were other reasons. The journey was made slowly.
On two or three occasions the queen was removed from one place to
another by night. But it is of little moment whether the journey from
Burgos to Tordesillas was made by night or by day. In any case it was a
strange spectacle, the grand funeral car, with its dismal but splendid
accompaniments, and after these the carriages of the captive queen,
about whom the most extraordinary reports were already in circulation.
It has been stated that the death of Philip had cost Joanna the loss
of her reason; it has been said that she had so much affection for her
husband that she wished to have his body always near her, as if it
were still living; that she was jealous even of her dead husband, and
would not allow her women to approach his corpse.[206] It was rumored
at the time that the queen, watching for the moment of his return to
life, refused to be separated from the lifeless body; and this very
journey was referred to as an irrefragable proof of her madness. But
these allegations are belied by facts. As the tomb at Granada was not
yet ready, the body of Philip remained for several years in the convent
of St. Clara at Tordesillas, and the queen did not once go to see it
nor did she even express a wish to do so. She used to speak of Philip
as any faithful wife would speak of her deceased husband. Her excessive
tenderness for Philip, who had behaved infamously towards her, her
resolution never to be separated from his corpse--these are fables of
modern history, invented by those who were determined to deprive her of
her rights and to thrust themselves into her place.
[Sidenote: JOANNA AT TORDESILLAS.]
Joanna arrived at Tordesillas under the guardianship of Ferrer, the
man who, it was believed, had poisoned her husband. The palace was a
plain house, situated in a barren country; the climate was scorching
in summer and very severe in winter. Joanna was confined here in a
narrow chamber, without windows, and lighted only by a candle; she
was not allowed to walk, even for a few minutes, in a corridor which
looked out upon the river. She was thus refused a liberty accorded even
to murderers. She was there, without money, attended by two female
keepers, and unable to communicate with the outer world.
The mother of Charles V. continued to show in the prison of Tordesillas
her dislike to the Roman ceremonies. She refused to hear mass; and the
main business of her keepers was to get her to attend it. The cruel
marquis of Denia, count of Lerma, who succeeded Ferrer, endeavored to
compel the queen to practices which she abhorred. 'There is not a day
passes,' he wrote, 'on which we are not taken up with the affair of the
mass.'[207] At length the queen consented to attend mass, at the end of
the corridor, either from fear of the scourge, the pain of which she
knew, or perhaps in order not to sunder herself from the religion of
Spain, of which she constantly hoped to be acknowledged as queen. But
when they brought her the _pax_, the paten which the priest offers to
great persons to kiss, she refused it, and commanded it to be presented
to the Infanta her daughter, whom they had not yet taken away from her.
At Christmas, 1521, matins were being sung in the chapel which had been
fitted up at the end of the corridor. The Infanta alone was present.
Suddenly Joanna appeared, wretchedly attired for a queen. She did not
attend the mass herself, and even wished to prevent her daughter from
attending it. She interrupted the service, ordered with a voice that
re-echoed from the walls that the altar should be taken away and every
thing else that was used in the religious ceremonies, and then laying
hold of her daughter she dragged her away from the place. Nothing could
at this time bend her; she resolutely refused to attend mass or any
other Catholic services. In vain did the marquis of Denia entreat her
to conform to the Roman practices; she would not hear of such a thing.
'In truth,' wrote the marquis to Charles V., 'if your majesty would
apply the torture (_premia_), it would be doing service to God and to
her highness.'[208]
[Sidenote: HER HARSH TREATMENT.]
The mother of Charles V. was plunged into the deepest melancholy by
the treatment to which she was subjected. Her days were a constant
succession of sorrows. Her passage through life was from one suffering
to another. All her desire was to get out of that horrible prison;
and in striving to attain this object she displayed much good sense,
earnestness, and perseverance. She begged the marquis of Denia to
allow her to quit Tordesillas, at least for a time. She wished to go
to Valladolid. She alleged as a reason the bad air she breathed and
the acute sufferings it caused her. Her health required a change of
air, and she must at least undertake a journey. Her deep feeling moved
her barbarous jailer himself. For a moment pity touched that heart of
stone. 'Her language is so touching,' wrote Denia to the emperor, 'that
it becomes difficult for the marchioness and myself to withstand her
appeals. It is impossible for me to let any one go near her, for not a
man in the world could resist her persuasion. Her complaints awaken in
me deep compassion, and her utterances might move stones.'[209] This
is not how Denia would have written to Charles if he had been speaking
of a mad woman. Moreover he requested him to destroy his letters. At
times she remained silent; and we know that the grief which does not
utter itself is only the more fatal to the sufferer. At other times
her distress broke forth. One day (April, 1525) she contrived to find
access to the corridor and filled it with her sighs and moanings,
shedding the while floods of tears. Denia gave orders immediately that
she should be taken into her narrow chamber, so that she might not be
heard.[210] At the same time he wrote to Charles V.: 'I have always
thought that in her highness's state of indisposition, nothing would
do her more good than the rack; and after this that some _good_ and
loyal servant of your majesty should speak to her. It is necessary to
see whether she will not _make any progress_ in the things which your
majesty desires.' By these things he means confession, the mass, and
other Roman rites.
In 1530, despairing of seeing the queen confess, 'I can not believe,'
he wrote, 'that so fortunate a thing can happen. However, I will use
all needful endeavors.'
The officers of Charles V., and the monks who had incessantly labored
for the conversion of Joanna to Romanism, multiplied their efforts
as her death approached. She withstood their pressing entreaties to
receive the rites, the symbols of the papacy, and people heard the
cries which she uttered while they put her to torture. She would have
neither confession nor extreme unction.
[Sidenote: DEATH OF JOANNA.]
Had Joanna become acquainted with the Reformation and the writings
of the Reformers, and with the doctrines which they professed? This
has been doubted; but it seems improbable that she should have been
ignorant of them. Joanna was a Lutheran, says one of the learned
writers who have devoted most attention to this subject.[211] This
statement is perhaps too definite. But the evangelical doctrines were
penetrating everywhere; and they must have reached the prison of
Joanna. It has been asserted that Luther at this time had more numerous
adherents in Spain than in Germany itself.[212] The keepers of the
prison perhaps prevented evangelical works from reaching the queen.
There is, however, a light which no hand of man can intercept. The
theologian de Soto, celebrated for his acquirements, as well as for his
piety, came to her on the morning of her death; and he appears to have
thought her a Christian, but not a Roman Catholic. He said: '_Blessed
be the Lord, her highness told me things which have consoled me_.' Here
is the Christian. He adds: '_Nevertheless, she is not disposed to the
sacrament of the Eucharist_.' Here is the enlightened woman who rejects
the rites of Rome. 'She committed her soul to God,' said the princess
Joanna, granddaughter of the queen, 'and gave thanks to Him that at
length He delivered her from all her sorrows.' Her last words were:
'_Jesus Christ crucified, be with me_.'[213] She breathed her last on
April 12, 1555, between five and six o'clock in the morning.
Thus died the mother of Charles V. at the age of seventy-six years.
She had been at various times kept in prison by her husband, Philip of
Austria; for ten years by her father, Ferdinand the Catholic; and for
thirty-nine years by her son, the emperor Charles V. She is a unique
example of the greatest misfortunes, and her dark destiny surpasses all
the stories of ancient times. The heiress of so many famous kingdoms,
treated as the most wretched of women, was in her last year strictly
confined in her dungeon, and lay in the midst of filth which was never
removed. Covered as she was with tumors, in anguish and solitude, can
we wonder that strange and terrifying images were sometimes produced in
her brain by her isolation, melancholy, and fear? But while she was the
victim of the gloomiest fanaticism ever met with in the world, she was
consoled in the midst of all these horrors, as her latest words prove,
by her God and Father in heaven.
The time has come for posterity to render to her memory the compassion
and the honor which are her due.
BOOK XV.
ENGLAND.
CHAPTER I.
THE THREE PARTIES WHICH DIVIDED ENGLAND.
(1536-1540.)
There were in 1536 three distinct parties in England, the papists, the
evangelicals, and the Anglican Catholics, who were halting between the
two extremes. It was a question which of the three would gain the upper
hand.
The Reformation in England was born of the power of the Word of God,
and did not encounter there such obstacles as were raised against it in
France by a powerful clergy and by princes hostile to evangelical faith
and morality. The English prelates, weakened by various circumstances,
were unable to withstand an energetic attack; and the sovereign was
'the mad Harry,' as Luther had called him.[214] His whims opened the
doors to religious freedom, of which the Reformation was to take
advantage. Thus England, which had remained in a state of rudeness
and ignorance much longer than France, was early enlightened by the
Reformation; and the nation awakened by the Gospel gave birth in the
sixteenth century to such master minds as France, though more highly
civilised, failed to produce so early. Shakespeare was born in 1563,
one year before the death of Calvin. The Reformation placed England a
century ahead of the rest of Europe. The final triumph, however, of
the Reformation was not reached without many conflicts; and the two
adversaries more than once engaged hand to hand, before one overthrew
the other.
[Sidenote: BIRTH OF EDWARD VI.]
About the middle of October, 1537, an event occurred which was of
great importance for the triumph of the Gospel. There was at that
time great rejoicing in the palace of the Tudors and in all England,
for Queen Jane (Seymour), on October 12, presented to Henry VIII. the
son which he had so much desired. Letters written beforehand, in the
name of the Queen, announced it in every place, and congratulations
arrived from all quarters. This birth was called 'the most joyful news
which for many years had been announced in England.' Bishop Latimer
wrote: 'Here is no less joying and rejoicing in these parts for the
birth of our prince, whom we hungered so long, than there was, I trow,
_inter vicinos_ at the birth of St. John Baptist.'[215] (Luke i. 58.)
_Princeps natus ad imperium!_ exclaimed the politicians. 'God grant him
long life and abundant honors!' they wrote from the Continent. Henry
was anxious that people should believe in this future. 'Our prince,'
Cromwell sent word to the ambassadors of England, 'our Lord be thanked,
is in good health, and sucketh like a child of his puissance, which
you my lord William can declare.'[216] It was all the more important
to declare this, because the very contrary was asserted. It was even
reported by some that the child was dead. As Henry feared that some
attempt might be made on his son's life, he forbade that any one should
approach the cradle without an order signed by his own hand. Every
thing brought into the child's room was to be perfumed, and measures
of precaution against poison were taken. The infant was named Edward;
Archbishop Cranmer baptized him, and was one of his godfathers.
The king created him at the age of six Prince of Wales and Duke of
Cornwall. Sir Edward Seymour, his uncle by the mother's side, was
created earl of Hertford. It was alleged that a spell had been thrown
upon the king to prevent his having a male child; and behold, he had
now an heir in spite of the spell. His dynasty was strengthened. Henry
VIII. became more powerful at home, more respected abroad.
This great rejoicing was followed by a great mourning. The queen took
cold; the women in attendance were indiscreet in their management;[217]
the queen was seized with acute pains. She was very ill during the
night of October 23, and died on the following day.
What would Henry do? He had not a tender heart. Far from rejecting
the thought of a fresh marriage, he gave an order, as we find in a
letter written on the very day of the queen's death, requiring his
ambassadors, the bishop of Winchester and Lord William Howard, to seek
another wife for him. Cromwell pointed out to them two _among others_,
Margaret, daughter of Francis I., afterwards duchess of Savoy, and
Mary of Guise, widow of the duke of Longueville, who was the mother
of Mary Stuart. The secretary of state, even before the body of the
deceased queen was quite cold, wrote: 'In the ensearching out of which
matter, his majesty desireth you both to exhibit that circumspection
and diligence that may answer to His Grace's expectation conceived of
you.'[218]
Voilà l'extrême deuil dont son âme est atteinte!
Other agents besides these took part in the search. Hutton,[219] the
envoy in the Netherlands, offered several spouses to the king. He
might make his choice. There was a daughter of the Sire de Brederode,
fourteen years of age; the widow of Count Egmont, who was forty, but
did not look so old; the princess of Cleves, but of her there was
not much to be said in praise either of her mind or her beauty; the
young widow of the duke of Milan, Christina of Denmark, niece of the
emperor, who was said to be very beautiful, of agreeable conversation
and dignified in person. The king resolved on this last alliance, which
would reconcile him with the emperor. For some time nothing was thought
of but the making of marriages in this direction. The princess Mary was
to marry Louis of Portugal, Elizabeth a son of the king of the Romans,
and Edward was to be betrothed to a daughter of the emperor.
[Sidenote: SWITZERLAND AND ENGLAND.]
The birth of the young prince had, however, another kind of
significance. The hopes of the partisans of the Catholic Mary
disappeared, and the friends of the Reformation rejoiced at the thought
that the young prince was godson of the archbishop. Many circumstances
contributed to their encouragement. They witnessed the formation of
unlooked-for ties between the evangelicals of England and those of
Switzerland; and the pure Gospel as professed by the latter began to
exercise a real influence over England. Edward, during his very short
reign, was to fulfil the best hopes to which his birth had given rise,
and the triumph to which his reign seemed destined was already visibly
in preparation.
Simon Grynaeus, the friend of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and professor
at the university of Basel had, as early as 1531, held intercourse
with Henry VIII. and Cranmer.[220] Afterwards Cranmer and Bullinger,
successor of Zwinglius at Zurich, had also become acquainted with each
other; and, as early as 1536, some young Englishmen of good family
had betaken themselves to Zurich, that they might drink at the full
fountain of Christian knowledge and life which sprang forth there.
Some of them lived in the house of Pellican, others with Bullinger
himself. These young men were John Butler, who had a rich patrimony
in England--a sagacious man and a Christian who persevered in prayer;
Nicholas Partridge, from Kent, a man of active and devoted character;
Bartholomew Traheron, who had already (1527 and 1528) declared at
Oxford for the Reformation, and had been persecuted by Doctor London;
Nicholas Eliot, who had studied law in England, and who afterwards held
some government office; and others besides.[221] Bullinger was strongly
attached to these young Englishmen. He directed their studies and, in
addition to his public teaching, he explained to them in his own house
the prophet Isaiah.
[Sidenote: ENGLISH LETTER TO CALVIN.]
There was much talk at Zurich at this time about a young French
theologian, Calvin by name, who was settled at Geneva, and had
published a profound and eloquent exposition of Christian doctrines.
The young Englishmen eagerly longed to make his acquaintance. Butler,
Partridge, Eliot, and Traheron set out for Geneva in November, 1537,
bearing letters of introduction from Bullinger to the reformer. The
latter received them in the most kindly manner. It was more than
common courtesy, they wrote to Bullinger.[222] They were delighted
with his appearance and with his conversation, at once so simple and
so fruitful. They felt a charm which drew them to his presence again
and again. The master taught well, and the disciples listened well.
Calvin was at the time in great trouble. Caroli was causing him much
annoyance, and persecution had just broken out at Nismes.[223] The
four Englishmen, being called elsewhere, took their departure deeply
saddened by the painful separation. A letter written by them shortly
afterwards is the first communication addressed by England to the
reformer of Geneva. It runs as follows:--'We wish you the true joy in
Christ. May as much happiness be appointed to us from henceforth as our
going away from you has occasioned us sorrow! For although our absence,
as we hope, will not be of very long continuance, yet we can not but
grieve at being deprived even for a few hours of so much suavity of
disposition and delightful conversation. And this also distresses us in
no small measure, lest there should be any persons who may regard us as
resembling flies, which swarm everywhere in the summer, but disappear
on the approach of winter. You may be assured that, if we had been able
to assist you in any way, no pleasure should have called us away from
you, nor should any peril have withdrawn us. This distress, indeed,
which the disordered tempers of certain individuals have brought upon
you, is far beyond our power to alleviate. But you have one, Christ
Jesus, who can easily dispel by the beams of his consolation whatever
cloud may arise upon your mind. He will restore to you a joyful
tranquillity; he will scatter and put to flight your enemies; he will
make you gloriously to triumph over your conquered adversaries; and we
will entreat him, as earnestly as we can, to do this as speedily as
possible. We have written these few lines at present, most amiable and
learned Master Calvin, that you may receive a memorial of our regard
towards you. Salute in our names that individual of a truly heroic
spirit and singular learning and godliness, Master Farel. Salute, too,
our sincere friends Master Olivetan and your brother Fontaine. Our
countrymen send abundant salutations. Farewell, very dear friend.'[224]
England at this time did justice to the Genevese reformer.
Much admiration was likewise felt for Bullinger. We confess ourselves
to be entirely yours, wrote to him the four Englishmen, 'as long as
we can be our own.' The works of the Zurich doctor were much read in
England, and diffused there the spirit of the Gospel. Nicolas Eliot
wrote to him:--'And how great weight all persons attribute to your
commentaries, how greedily they embrace and admire them (to pass over
numberless other arguments), the booksellers are most ample witnesses
whom by the sale of your writings alone, from being more destitute than
Irus and Codrus, you see suddenly become as rich as Crœsus.[225] May
God, therefore, give you the disposition to publish all your writings
as speedily as possible, whereby you will not only fill the coffers
of the booksellers, but will gain over very many souls to Christ, and
adorn his church with most precious jewels.'[226]
[Sidenote: WORKS OF BULLINGER.]
At the news that the mighty king of England had separated from the
pope, the Swiss theologians were filled with hope, and they vied with
each other in speeding his progress towards the truth. Bullinger
composed two works in Latin which he dedicated to Henry VIII.; the
first of them on _The Authority, the Certitude, the Stability and the
Absolute Perfection of Holy Scripture_; the second on _The Institution
and the Function of Bishops_. He forwarded copies of these works to
Partridge and Eliot for presentation to the king, to Cranmer, and to
Cromwell. The two young Englishmen went first to the archbishop and
delivered to him the volumes intended for the king and for himself. The
archbishop consented to present the book to the prince, but not till
after he had read it himself, and on condition that Eliot and Partridge
should be present, that they might answer any questions asked by the
king. Then going to Cromwell, they gave him the copy intended for him;
and the viceregent, more prompt than the archbishop, showed it the
same day to Henry VIII., to whom Cranmer then hastened to present his
own copy. The king expressed a wish that the work should be translated
into English. 'Your books are wonderfully well received,' wrote Eliot
to Bullinger, 'not only by our king, but equally so by the lord
Cromwell, who is keeper of the king's privy seal and vicar-general of
the church of England.'[227]
Other Continental divines who held the same views as the Swiss likewise
dedicated some theological writings both to the king and to Cranmer.
Capito, who was at the time at Strasburg, dedicated to Henry VIII.
a book in which he treated, among other subjects, of the mass (_de
missa_, &c.). The king, as usual, handed it to two persons belonging
to the two opposing parties, in order to get their opinions. He then
examined their verdict, and announced his own. Cranmer wrote to Capito
that the king 'could by no means digest' his piece on the mass,[228]
although at the same time he approved some of the other pieces. Bucer,
a colleague of Capito, having written a commentary on the Epistle to
the Romans, dedicated it to Cranmer, and wrote to him as follows:--'It
is not enough to have shaken off the yoke of the pope, and to be
unwilling to take upon us the yoke of Christ; but if God be for us who
can be against us? and Christianity is a warfare.'[229]
While the Swiss and the Strasburgers were seeking to enlighten England,
the Roman party on the Continent and the Catholic party in England
itself were striving to keep her in darkness. The pope, in sorrow and
in anger, saw England lost to Rome. Nevertheless the Catholic rising
in the northern counties allowed him still to cherish hope. The king
of France and the emperor, both near neighbors of England, could if
necessary strike with the sword. The pope must therefore stir up to
action not only the English Catholics, but also the courts of Paris
and Brussels. Whom should he select for the mission? Reginald Pole, an
Englishman, a zealous Roman Catholic, and a kinsman of Henry VIII.,
seemed to be the man made for the occasion. It was he who had lately
written these words--'There was never a greater matter entreated, of
more importance to the wealth of the realm and the whole church than
this [the re-establishment of papal authority]. And this same that you
go about to take away, the authority of one head in the church, was a
more principal and groundless cause of the loss of the Orient, to be in
infidels' hands, and all true religion degenerate, than ever was the
Turk's sword, as most wisest men have judged. For if they had agreed
all with the Occidental Church, they had never come to that misery;
and like misery if God have not mercy on us to return to the church,
is most to be feared in our realm.... Your sweet liberty you have got,
since you were delivered from the obedience papal, speaketh for itself.
Whereof the rest of the realm hath such part that you be without envy
of other countries, that no nation wisheth the same to have such
liberty granted them.'[230] This last assertion was doubtful.
Pole was at this time at Padua, where he had studied, and where he was
resident by permission of the king. He avoided going to Rome lest he
should offend Henry. But he received one day an invitation from Paul
III., who summoned him to the Vatican to take part in a consultation
about the general council. To comply with this summons would be to pass
the Rubicon; it would make Henry VIII. his irreconcilable enemy, and
would expose to great danger not only himself but all his family. Pole
therefore hesitated. The advice, however, of the pious Contarini, the
command of the pope, and his own enthusiasm for the cause, brought him
to a decision. On his arrival at Rome he gave himself up entirely; and
when Christmas was drawing near, on December 20, 1536, the pope created
him cardinal, together with del Monte, afterwards Julius III.; Caraffa,
afterwards Paul IV.; Sadoleto, Borgia, Cajetan, and four others.[231]
These proceedings were very seriously criticised in England. For the
vain glory of a red hat,[232] said Tonstall and Stokesley, Pole is,
in fact, an instrument of the pope to set forth his malice, to depose
the king from his kingdom, and to stir his subjects against him. There
was, however, something more in his case than a cardinal's hat; there
was, we must acknowledge, a faith doubtless fanatical but sincere in
the papacy. Not long afterwards the pope nominated him the new cardinal
legate beyond the Alps; the object of this measure being _per dar
fermento_,[233] to excite men's minds. He was to induce the king of
France and the emperor to enter into the views of the Roman court, to
inflame the Catholics of England, and, if he should be unable to go
there himself, to take up his residence in the Netherlands, and thence
conspire for the ruin of Protestantism in England.
[Sidenote: POLE DECLARED A REBEL.]
At the beginning of Lent, 1537, Pole, attended by a numerous suite, set
out from Rome. The pope, who was not thoroughly sure of his new legate,
had appointed as his adviser the bishop of Verona, who was to make up
for any deficiency of experience on the part of the legate, and to put
him on his guard against pride. Henry VIII., on learning the nature of
his young cousin's mission, was exceedingly angry. He declared Pole a
rebel, set a price on his head, and promised fifty thousand crowns to
any one who should kill him. Cromwell, following his master's example,
exclaimed, 'I will make him eat his own heart.'[234] This was only a
figure of speech, but it was rather a strong one. No sooner had Henry
VIII. heard of the arrival of Pole in France than he demanded that
Francis I. should deliver him up, as a subject in rebellion against his
king. Pole had not been long at Paris before he heard of this demand.
It aroused in his heart more pride than fear. It revealed to him his
own importance; and turning to his attendants he said, 'This news makes
me glad; I know now that I am a cardinal.' Francis I. did not concede
the demand of the angry Tudor; but he did consider the mission of Pole
as one of those attacks on the power of kings in which the papacy from
time to time indulged. When Pole, therefore, made his appearance at
the palace he was refused admission. While still only at the door, and
even before he had had time to knock, he himself tells us, he was sent
away.[235] 'I am ready to weep,' he added, 'to find that a king does
not receive a legate of Rome.' Francis I. having sent him an order to
leave France, he fled to Cambray, which at that time formed part of the
Netherlands.
[Sidenote: FAILURE OF HIS MISSION.]
No sooner was he there than, under great excitement about what had
occurred to him at Paris, he wrote to Cromwell, complaining bitterly
that Henry VIII., in order to get him into his power, did not scruple
to violate both God's law and man's, and even 'to disturb all commerce
between country and country.' 'I was ashamed to hear that ... a prince
of honor should desire of another prince of like honor, Betray thine
own ambassador, betray the legate, and give him into my ambassador's
hands to be brought to me.'[236] The like, he says, was never heard
of in Christendom. Pole had more hope of the emperor than of Francis
I.; but he was soon undeceived. He was not permitted to go out of
the town; and a courier entrusted with his despatches was arrested
by the Imperialists at Valenciennes and sent back to him. He now
resolved on taking a step towards opening communication with the
English government; and as he did not venture to present himself to
the ambassadors of Henry VIII. in France, he sent to them the bishop
of Verona. But this prelate, likewise, was not received, and he was
only allowed to speak to one of the secretaries. He endeavored to
convince him of the perfect innocence of Pole and of his mission. 'The
cardinal-legate,' he said, 'is solely charged by the pope to treat of
the safety of Christendom.' This was true in the sense intended by
Rome; but it is well known what this safety, in her view, required.
Fresh movements in the north of England tended to increase the anger of
Henry VIII. It was not enough that Pole had been driven from France.
The king now wrote himself to Hutton, his envoy at Brussels--'You shall
deliver unto the regent our letters for the stay of his entry into the
emperor's dominions; ... you shall press them ... neither to admit him
to her presence, nor to suffer unto him to have any other entertainment
than beseemeth the traitor and rebel of their friend and ally....
You shall in any wise cause good secret and substantial espial to be
made upon him from place to place where he shall be.'[237] Pole, on
his part, spoke as a Roman legate. He summoned the queen to prove her
submission to the apostolic see, and to grant him an audience; and he
made use of serious menaces. 'If traitors, conspirators, rebels, and
other offenders,' said the English ambassador, 'might under the shadow
of legacie have sure access into all places, and thereby to trouble
and espy all things, that were overmuch dangerous.'[238] Here was no
question of rebellion, Pole sent word to the regent by the bishop of
Verona, but of the Reformation; and he was sent to refute the errors
which it was spreading in England. Her opinion was that he should
return, 'for that she had no commission of the emperor to intermeddle
in any point of his legacy.'[239]
Hereupon Pole went from Cambray to Liége; but in consequence of
the advice of the bishop of Liége, he only ventured to go there in
disguise.[240] He was received into the bishop's palace, but his stay
there was 'not without great fear.'[241] He set out again on August 22,
and went to Rome. Never had any mission of a Roman pontiff so entirely
failed. The ambitious projects of the pope against the Reformation in
England had proved abortive. But one of the secrets of Roman policy is
to put a good face on a bad case. The less successful Pole had been the
more necessary it was to assume an air of satisfaction with him and his
embassy. In any case, was it not a victory for him to have returned
safe and sound after having to do with Francis I., Henry VIII., and
Charles V.? It was November when he reached Rome; and he was received
as generals used to be received by the ancient Romans after great
victories. They carried him, so to speak, on their arms; every one
heaped upon him demonstrations of respect and joy; and his secretary,
on the last day of the year, 1537, wrote to the Catholics of England,
to describe to them _the great triumph that was made at Rome for the
safe arrival of his master_.[242] Rome may beat or be beaten, she
always triumphs.
This mission of Reginald Pole had fatal consequences. In the following
year, his brothers, Lord Montague, the marquis of Exeter, and Sir
Edward Nevil, were arrested and committed to the Tower. Some time
afterwards his mother, Margaret, countess of Salisbury, the last of the
Plantagenets, a woman of remarkable spirit, was likewise arrested. They
were charged with aiming at the deposition of Henry and at placing
Reginald on the throne. 'I do perceive,' it was said, 'it should be for
my Lord Montague's brother, which is beyond the sea with the bishop of
Rome, and is an arrant traitor to the king's highness.'[243] They were
condemned and executed in January, 1539. The countess was not executed
till a later time.
[Sidenote: GERMAN ENVOYS IN ENGLAND.]
Paul III. had been mistaken in selecting the cousin of the king to stir
up Catholic Europe against him. But some other legate might have a
chance of success. Henry felt the necessity of securing allies upon the
Continent. Cranmer promptly availed himself of this feeling to persuade
Henry to unite with the Protestants of Germany. The elector of Saxony,
the landgrave of Hesse, and the other Protestant princes, finding
that the king had resolutely broken with the pope, had suppressed the
monasteries and begun other reforms, consented to send a deputation.
On May 12, Francis Burkhardt, vice-chancellor of Saxony, George von
Boyneburg, doctor of law, and Frederick Myconius, superintendent of the
church of Gotha--a diplomatist, a jurisconsult, and a theologian--set
out for London. The princes wished to be worthily represented, and the
envoys were to live in magnificent style and keep a liberal table.[244]
The king received them with much good-will. He thanked them that,
laying aside their own affairs, they had undertaken so laborious a
journey; and he especially spoke of Melanchthon in the most loving
terms.[245] But the delegates, whilst they were so honorably treated
by their own princes and by the king of England, were much less so by
inferior agents. They were hardly settled in the house assigned to
them than they were attacked by the inhabitants, 'a multitude of rats
daily and nightly running in their chambers.'[246] In addition to this
annoyance, the kitchen was adjacent to the parlor, in which they were
to dine, so that the house was full of smells, and all who came in were
offended.
But certain bishops were to give them more trouble than the rats.
Cranmer received them as friends and brethren, and endeavored to take
advantage of their presence to promote the triumph of the Gospel in
England; but Tonstall, Stokesley, and others left no stone unturned
to render their mission abortive. The discussion took place in the
archbishop's palace at Lambeth, and they did their best to protract it,
obstinately defending the doctrines and the customs of the Middle Ages.
They were willing, indeed, to separate from Rome; but this was in order
to unite with the Greek church, not with the evangelicals. Each of the
two conflicting parties endeavored to gain over to itself those English
doctors who were still wavering. One day, Richard Sampson, bishop of
Chichester, who usually went with the Scholastic party, having come to
Lambeth at an early hour, Cranmer took him aside and so forcibly urged
on him the necessity of abandoning tradition that the bishop, a weak
man, was convinced. But Stokesley, who had doubtless noticed something
in the course of the discussion, in his turn took Sampson aside into
the gallery, just when the meeting was breaking up, and spoke to him
very earnestly in behalf of the practices of the church. These customs
are essential, said Stokesley, for they are found in the Greek church.
The poor bishop of Chichester, driven in one direction by the bishop
of London and in the opposite by the archbishop of Canterbury, was
much embarrassed, and did not know which way to turn. His decision
was for the last speaker. The semi-Roman doctors at this period, who
sacrificed to the king the Roman rite, felt it incumbent upon them to
cross all Europe for the purpose of finding in the Turkish empire the
Greek rite, which was for them the Gospel. England must be dressed in a
Grecian garb. But Cranmer would not hear of it; and he presented to his
countrymen the wedding garment of which the Saviour speaks.[247]
[Sidenote: PROLONGED DISCUSSIONS.]
The summer was now drawing to an end. The German delegates had been in
London three or four months without having made any progress. Wearied
with fruitless discussions, they began to think of their departure.
But before setting out, about the middle of August, they forwarded
to the king a document in which they argued from Holy Scripture,
from the testimony of the most ancient of the Fathers, and from the
practice of the primitive church, against the withdrawal of the cup,
private masses, and the celibacy of priests, three errors which they
looked upon as having essentially contributed to the deformation of
Christendom. When Cranmer heard of their intention to leave England, he
was much affected. Their departure dissipated all his hopes. Must he
then renounce the hope of seeing the Word of God prevail in England as
it was prevailing in evangelical Germany? He summoned them to Lambeth,
and entreated them earnestly and with much kindliness[248] for the
king's sake to remain. They replied 'that at the king's request they
would be very well content to tarry during his pleasure, not only a
month or two, but a year or two, if they were at their own liberty.
But forasmuch they had been so long from their princes, and had not
all this season any letters from them, it was not to be doubted but
that they were daily looked for at home, and therefore they durst not
tarry.' However, after renewed entreaties, they said, 'We will consult
together.' They discussed with one another the question whether they
ought to leave England just at the time when she was perhaps on the
point of siding with the truth. Shall we refuse to sacrifice our
private convenience to interests so great? They adopted the least
convenient but most useful course. We will tarry, they said, for a
month, 'upon hope that their tarrying should grow into some good
success concerning the points of their commission,' and 'trusting that
the king's majesty would write unto their princes for their excuse in
thus long tarrying.' The evangelicals of Germany believed it to be
their duty to tolerate certain secondary differences, but frankly to
renounce those errors and abuses which were contrary to the essential
doctrines of the Gospel, and to unite in the great truths of the faith.
This was precisely what the Catholic party and the king himself had no
intention of doing. When Cranmer urged the bishops to apply themselves
to the task of answering the Germans, they replied 'that the king's
grace hath taken upon himself to answer the said orators in that
behalf ... and therefore they will not meddle with the abuses lest they
should write therein contrary to that the king shall write.'[249] It
was, indeed, neither pleasant nor safe to contradict Henry VIII. But in
this case the king's opinion was only a convenient veil, behind which
the bishops sought to conceal their ill-will and their evil doctrines.
Their reply was nothing but an evasion. The book was written, not by
the king, but by one of themselves, Tonstall, bishop of Durham.[250]
He ran no risk of contradicting himself. In spite of this ill-will,
the Germans remained not only one month but two. Their conduct, like
that of Cranmer, was upright, devoted, noble, and Christian; while the
bishops of London and Durham and their friends, clever men no doubt,
were souls of a lower cast, who strove to escape by chicanery from
the free discussion proposed to them, and passed off their knavery as
prudence.
[Sidenote: DEPARTURE OF THE GERMANS.]
The German doctors had now nothing more to do. They had offered the
hand and it had been rejected. The vessel which was to convey them was
waiting. They were exhausted with fatigue; and one of them, Myconius,
whom the English climate appeared not to suit, was very ill. They
set out at the beginning of October, and gave an account of their
mission to their sovereigns and to Melanchthon. The latter thought
that, considering the affection which the king displayed towards him,
he might, if he intervened at this time, do something to incline the
balance the right way. He therefore wrote to Henry VIII. a remarkable
letter, in which, after expressing his warm gratitude for the king's
good-will, he added:--'I commend to you, Sire, the cause of the
Christian religion. Your majesty knows that the principal duty of
sovereigns is to protect and propagate the heavenly doctrine,[251]
and for this reason God gives them the same name as his own, saying
to them, _Ye are gods_ (Ps. lxxxii. 6). My earnest desire is to see a
true agreement, so far as regards the doctrine of piety, established
between all the churches which condemn Roman tyranny, an agreement
which should cause the glory of God to shine forth, should induce the
other nations to unite with us and maintain peace in the churches.'
Melanchthon was right as to the last point; but was he right as to the
office he assigned to kings? In his view it was a heroic action to
take up arms for the church.[252] But what church was it necessary to
protect and extend sword in hand? Catholic princes, assuredly, drew
the sword against the Protestants rather than the Protestants against
the Catholics. The most heroic kings, by this rule, would be Philip
II. and Louis XIV. Melanchthon's principle leads by a straight road
to the Inquisition. To express our whole thought on the matter,--what
descendant of the Huguenots could possibly acknowledge as true, as
divine, a principle by virtue of which his forefathers, men of whom
the world was not worthy, were stripped of every thing, afflicted,
tormented, scattered in the deserts, mountains, and caves of the earth,
cast into prison, tortured, banished, and put to death? Conscience,
which is the voice of God, is higher than all the voices of men.
CHAPTER II.
HENRY VIII., SUPREME HEAD OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH--A MARTYR.
(1538.)
[Sidenote: RETURN OF GARDINER.]
The Romish party in England did not confine itself to preventing
the union of Henry with the Protestants of Germany; but contended
at all points against evangelical reformation, and strove to gain
over the king by a display of enthusiastic devotion to his person
and his ecclesiastical supremacy. This was especially the policy of
Gardiner. Endowed with great acuteness of intellect, he had studied
the king's character, and he put forth all his powers to secure his
adoption of his own views. Henry did not esteem his character, but
highly appreciated his talents, and on this account employed him.
Now Gardiner was the mainstay of the Scholastic doctrines and the
most inflexible opponent of the Reformation. He was for three years
ambassador in France, and during that mission he had displayed great
pomp and spent a sum equivalent, in our present reckoning, to about
sixty thousand pounds. He had visited the court of the emperor, and
had had interviews with the Roman legate. One day, at Ratisbon, an
Italian named Ludovico, a servant of the legate, while talking with one
of the attendants of Sir Henry Knevet, who was a member of the English
embassy, had confided to him the statement that Gardiner had secretly
been reconciled with the pope, and had entered into correspondence with
him. Knevet, exceedingly anxious to know what to think of it, had had
a conference with Ludovico, and had come away convinced of the reality
of the fact. No sooner did Gardiner get wind of these things, then he
betook himself to Granvella, chancellor of the empire, and sharply
complained to him of the calumnies of Ludovico. The chancellor ordered
the Italian to be put in prison; but in spite of this measure many
continued to believe that he had spoken truth. We are inclined to think
that Ludovico said more than he knew. The story, however, indicates
from which quarter the wind was blowing in the sphere in which Gardiner
moved. He had set out for Paris on October 1, 1535; and on September
28, 1538, there was to be seen entering London a brilliant and numerous
band, mules and chariots hung with draperies on which were embroidered
the arms of the master, lackeys, gentlemen dressed in velvet, with many
ushers and soldiers. This was Gardiner and his suite.[253]
The three years' absence of this formidable adversary of the Gospel had
been marked by a slackening of the persecution, and by a more active
propagation of the Holy Scriptures. His return was to be distinguished
by a vigorous renewal of the struggle against the Gospel. This was the
main business of Gardiner. To this he consecrated all the resources
of the most acute understanding and the most persistent character. He
began immediately to lay snares round the king, whom in this respect
it was not very hard to entrap. Two difficulties, however, arose. At
first Henry VIII., by the influence of the deceased queen, had been
somewhat softened towards the Reformation. Then the rumors of the
reconciliation of Gardiner with the pope might have alienated the king
from him. The crafty man proceeded cleverly and killed two birds with
one stone. 'The pope,' he said to the king, 'is doing all he can to
ruin you.' Henry, provoked at the mission of Pole, had no doubt of
that. 'You ought then, Sire,' continued the bishop, 'to do all that is
possible to conciliate the Continental powers, and to place yourself
in security from the treacherous designs of Rome.[254] Now the surest
means of conciliating Francis I., Charles V., and other potentates,
is to proceed rigorously against heretics, especially against the
sacramentarians.' Henry agreed to the means proposed with the more
readiness because he had always been a fanatic for the corporal
presence, and because the Lutherans, in his view, could not take
offence at seeing him burn some of the sacramentarians.
A beginning was made with the Anabaptists. The mad and atrocious things
perpetrated at Munster were still everywhere talked of, and these
wretched people were persecuted in all European countries. Some of them
had taken refuge in England. In October, 1538, the king appointed a
commission to examine certain people 'lately come into the kingdom, who
are keeping themselves in concealment in various nooks and corners.'
The commission was authorized to proceed, even supposing this should be
in contravention of any statutes of the realm.[255]
Four Anabaptists bore the fagots at Paul's church, and two others,
a man and a woman, originally from the Netherlands, were burnt in
Smithfield. Cranmer and Bonner sat on this commission, side by side
with Stokesley and Sampson. This fact shows what astonishing error
prevailed at the time in the minds of men. Gardiner wanted to go
further; and while associating, when persecution was in hand, with such
men as Cranmer, he had secret conferences with Stokesley, bishop of
London, Tonstall of Durham, Sampson of Chichester, and others, who were
devoted to the doctrines of the Middle Ages. They talked over the means
of resisting the reforms of Cranmer and Cromwell, and of restoring
Catholicism.
[Sidenote: BISHOP SAMPSON.]
Bishop Sampson, one of Gardiner's allies, was a staunch friend of
ancient superstitions, and attached especial importance to the
requirement that God should not be addressed in a language understood
by the common people. 'In all places,' he said, 'both with the Latins
and the Greeks, the ministers of the church sung or said their offices
or prayers in the Latin or Greek grammatical tongue, and not in the
vulgar. That the people prayed apart in such tongues as they
would... and he wished that all the ministers were so well learned that
they understood their offices, service or prayers which they said in the
Latin tongue.'[256] In his view, it was not lawful to speak to God
except _grammatically_.
Sampson, a weak and narrow-minded man, was swayed by prejudices and
ruled by stronger men; and he had introduced in his diocese customs
contrary to the orders of the king. Weak minds are often in the van
when important movements are beginning; the strong ones are in the
rear and urge them on. This was the case with Sampson and Gardiner.
Cromwell, who had a keen and penetrating intellect, and whose glance
easily searched the depths of men's hearts and pierced to the core
of facts, perceived that some project was hatching against the
Reformation; and as he did not dare to attack the real leaders, he
had Sampson arrested and committed to the Tower. The bishop was not
strong-minded and trembled for a slight cause; it may, therefore, be
imagined how it was with him when he found himself in the state prison.
He fell into great trouble and extraordinary dejection of mind.[257]
His imagination was filled with fatal presentiments, and his soul was
assailed by great terrors. To have displeased the king and Cromwell,
what a crime! One might have thought that he would die of it, says a
historian. He saw himself already on the scaffold of Bishop Fisher and
Sir Thomas More. At this time the powerful minister summoned him to
his presence. Sampson admitted the formation of an alliance between
Gardiner, Stokesley, Tonstall and himself to maintain the old religion,
its traditions and rites, and to resist any innovation. He avowed the
fact that his colleagues and himself stood pledged to put forth all
their efforts for the restoration of degenerated Catholicism. In their
opinion, nothing which the Greeks had preserved ought to be rejected
in England. One day when Bishop Sampson was passing over the Thames in
a barge, in company with the bishop of Durham, to Lambeth Palace, the
latter produced an old Greek book which he used to carry in his pocket,
and showed Sampson several places in that book wherein matters that
were then in controversy were ordained by the Greek Church.[258] These
bishops, who spoke so courageously to each other, did not speak so with
the king. They feigned complete accordance with him; and for him they
had nothing but flatteries. Cranmer was not strong, but at least he was
never a hypocrite. Sampson, however, exhibited so much penitence and
promised so much submission that he was liberated. But Cromwell now
knew what to think of the matter. A conspiracy was threatening the work
which he had been at so much pains to accomplish. He observed that the
archbishop's influence was declining at court, and he began to have
secret forebodings of calamity in which he would be himself involved.
Gardiner, in fact, energetically urged the king to re-establish all
the ancient usages. Thus, although but a little while before orders
had been given to place bibles in the churches, and to preach against
pilgrimages, tapers, kissing of relics, and other like practices,[259]
it was now forbidden to translate, publish, and circulate any religious
works without the king's permission; and injunctions were issued for
the use of holy water, for processions, for kneeling down and crawling
before the cross, and for lighting of tapers before the _Corpus
Christi_. Discussions about this sacrament of the Eucharist were
prohibited.[260] It was Gardiner's wish to seal these ordinances with
the blood of martyrs. He had begun by striking _in anima vili_; the
persecution of the Dutch sacramentarians was merely the _exordium_; it
was needful now to proceed to the very action itself, to strike a blow
at an evangelical and esteemed Englishman, and to invest his death with
a certain importance.
[Sidenote: JOHN NICHOLSON.]
There was at this time in London, a minister named John Nicholson,
who had studied at the university of Cambridge, had been converted by
means of his conversations with Bilney, and had afterwards been the
friend of Tyndale and Frith, and by his intercourse with them had been
strengthened in the faith. He was a conscientious man, who did not
suppose that it was enough to hold a doctrine comformable with the Word
of God, but, conscious of the great value of the truth, was ready to
lay down his life for it, even if there were nothing at stake but a
point looked upon as secondary. Faithfulness or unfaithfulness to one's
convictions--this was in his view the decisive test of the morality
or immorality of a man. In the age of the Reformation there were
greater preachers and greater theologians than Nicholson; but there
was not one more deserving of honor. Having translated from the Latin
and the Greek works which might give offence, and having professed his
faith, he had been obliged to cross the sea, and he became chaplain to
the English house at Antwerp. Here it was that he became acquainted
with Tyndale and Frith. Being accused of heresy by one Barlow, he
was taken to London, by order of Sir Thomas More, then chancellor,
and was kept prisoner at Oxford, in the house of Archbishop Warham,
where he was deprived of every thing, especially of books. On the
occasion of his appearance, in 1532, before the archbishop and other
prelates, Nicholson steadfastly maintained that all that is necessary
to salvation is to be found in the Holy Scripture. 'This,' he said, 'is
the question which is the head and whole content of all others objected
against me. This is both the helm and stern of both together.'[261]
There were forty-five points, and to these he made answer article by
article.[262] Shortly afterwards, in consequence of the death of Warham
and of Cranmer's appointment to the vacant see, the Antwerp chaplain
was set at liberty. He determined to remain in London, took, it seems,
from prudential considerations, the name of Lambert, and devoted
himself to the labors of a teacher, but at the same time adhered to the
resolution to avail himself of every opportunity of maintaining the
truth.
[Sidenote: HIS WORK ON THE LORD'S SUPPER.]
Being informed one day that Doctor Taylor was to preach at St. Peter's
Church, Cornhill, he went to hear him, not only because of his
well-known gifts, but also because he was not far from the Gospel. He
was later appointed bishop of Lincoln under pious King Edward, and
was deprived of that office under the fanatical Mary. Taylor preached
that day on the real presence of Christ in the bread and the wine.
Nicholson also believed, indeed, in the presence of the Lord in the
Supper, but this presence, he believed, was in the hearts of the
faithful. After the service he went to see Taylor, and with modesty
and kindliness urged various arguments against the doctrines which he
had been setting forth. 'I have not time just now,' said the doctor,
'to discuss the point with you, as other matters demand my attention;
but oblige me by putting your thoughts in writing and call again when
I am more at leisure.' Lambert applied himself to the task of writing,
and against the doctrine of the presence in the _bread_ he adduced ten
arguments, which were, says Fox, very powerful. It does not appear
that Taylor replied to them. He was an upright man, who gave impartial
consideration to these questions, and by Nicholson's reasoning he seems
to have been somewhat shaken. As Taylor was anxious to be enlightened
himself and to try to satisfy his friendly opponent, he communicated
the document to Barnes. The latter, a truly evangelical Christian, was
nevertheless of opinion that to put forward the doctrine of this little
work would seriously injure the cause of the Reformation. He therefore
advised Taylor to speak to Archbishop Cranmer on the subject. Cranmer,
who was of the same opinion, invited Nicholson to a conference, at
which Barnes, Taylor, and Latimer were also present. These four
divines had not at this time abandoned the view which the ex-chaplain
of Antwerp opposed: and considering the fresh revival of sacramental
Catholicism, they were not inclined to do so. They strove therefore to
change the opinion of the pious minister, but in vain. Finding that
they unanimously condemned his views, he exclaimed: 'Well then, I
appeal to the king.' This was a foolish and fatal appeal.
Gardiner did not lose a minute, but promptly took the business in
hand, because he saw in it an opportunity of striking a heavy blow;
and, what was an inestimable advantage, he would have on his side,
he thought, Cranmer and the other three evangelical divines. He
therefore 'went straight to the king,'[263] and requesting a private
audience, addressed him in the most flattering terms. Then, as if the
interests of the king were dearer to him than to the king himself, he
respectfully pointed out that he had everywhere excited by various
recent proceedings suspicion and hatred; but that at this moment a
way was open for pacifying men's minds, 'if only in this matter of
John Lambert, he would manifest unto the people how strictly he would
resist heretics; and by this new rumor he would bring to pass not only
to extinguish all other former rumors, and as it were with one nail to
drive out another, but also should discharge himself of all suspicion,
in that he now began to be reported to be a favorer of new sects and
opinions.'[264]
The vanity as well as the interests of Henry VIII. dictated to him the
same course as Gardiner advised. He determined to avail himself of this
opportunity to make an ostentatious display of his own knowledge and
zeal. He would make arrangements of an imposing character; it would not
be enough to hold a mere conversation, but there must be a grand show.
He therefore ordered invitations to be sent to a great number of nobles
and bishops to attend the solemn trial at which he would appear as head
of the church. He was not content with the title alone, he would show
that he acted the part. One of the principal characteristics of Henry
VIII. was a fondness for showing off what he conceived himself to be or
what he supposed himself to know, without ever suspecting that display
is often the ruin of those who wish to seem more than they are.[265]
Meanwhile Lambert, confined at Lambeth, wrote an apology for his faith
which he dedicated to the king, and in which he solidly established
the doctrine which he had professed.[266] He rejoiced that his request
to be heard before Henry VIII. had been granted. He desired that his
trial might be blessed, and he indulged in the pleasing illusion
that the king, once set in the presence of the truth, must needs be
enlightened and would publicly proclaim it. These pleasant fancies gave
him courage, and he lived on hope.
[Sidenote: LAMBERT BEFORE THE KING.]
On the appointed day, Friday, November 16, 1538, the assembly was
constituted in Westminster Hall. The king, in his robes of state,
sat upon the throne. On his right were the bishops, judges, and
jurisconsults; on his left the lords temporal of the realm and the
officers of the royal house. The guards, attired in white, were near
their master, and a crowd of spectators filled the hall. The prisoner
was placed at the bar. Doctor Day[267] spoke to the following effect:
That the king in this session would have all states, degrees, bishops,
and all others to be admonished of his will and pleasure, that no man
should conceive any sinister opinion of him, as that now the authority
and name of the bishop of Rome being utterly abolished, he would also
extinguish all religion, or give liberty unto heretics to perturb and
trouble, without punishment, the churches of England, whereof he is the
head. And moreover that they should not think that they were assembled
at that present to make any disputation upon the heretical doctrine;
but only for this purpose, that by the industry of him and other
bishops the heresies of this man here present (meaning Lambert), and
the heresies of all such like, should be refuted or openly condemned
in the presence of them all. Henry's part then began. His look was
sternly fixed on Lambert, who stood facing him; his features were
contracted, his brows were knit.[268] His whole aspect was adapted
to inspire terror, and indicated a violence of anger unbecoming in a
judge, and still more so in a sovereign. He rose, stood leaning on a
white cushion, and looking Lambert full in the face, he said to him in
a disdainful tone: 'Ho! good fellow, what is thy name?' The accused,
humbly kneeling down, replied: 'My name is John Nicholson, although of
many I be called Lambert.' 'What!' said the king, 'have you two names?
I would not trust you, having two names, although you were my brother.'
'O most noble prince,' replied the accused, 'your bishops forced me of
necessity to change my name.' Thereupon the king, interrupting him,
commanded him to declare what he thought as touching the sacrament
of the altar. 'Sire,' said Lambert, 'first of all I give God thanks
that you do not disdain to hear me. Many good men, in many places,
are put to death, without your knowledge. But now, forasmuch as that
high and eternal King of kings hath inspired and stirred up the king's
mind to understand the causes of his subjects, specially whom God of
his divine goodness hath so abundantly endued with so great gifts of
judgment and knowledge, I do not mistrust but that God will bring some
great thing to pass through him, to the setting forth of the glory
of his name.' Henry, who could not bear to be praised by a heretic,
rudely interrupted Lambert, and said to him in an angry tone: 'I came
not hither to hear mine own praises thus painted out in my presence;
but briefly go to the matter, without any more circumstance.' There
was so much harshness in the king's voice that Lambert was agitated
and confused. He had dreamed of something very different. He had
conceived a sovereign just and elevated above the reach of clerical
passions, whose noble understanding would be struck with the beauty of
the Gospel. But he saw a passionate man, a servant of the priests.
In astonishment and confusion he kept silence for a few minutes,
questioning within himself what he ought to do in the extremity to
which he was reduced.
[Sidenote: HIS ADDRESS.]
Lambert was especially attached to the great verities of the Christian
religion, and during his trial he made unreserved confession of them.
'Our Saviour would not have us greatly esteem our merits,' said
he, 'when we have done what is commanded by God, but rather reckon
ourselves to be but servants unprofitable to God ... not regarding our
merit, but his grace and benefit. Woe be to the life of men, said St.
Augustine, be they ever so holy, if Thou shalt examine them, setting
thy mercy aside.... Again he says, Doth any man give what he oweth not
unto Thee, that Thou should'st be in his debt? and hath any man aught
that is not Thine?... All my hope is in the Lord's death. His death is
my merit, my refuge, my health, and my resurrection. And thus,' adds
Lambert, 'we should serve God with hearty love as children, and not for
need or dread, as unloving thralls and servants.'[269]
But the king wanted to localize the attack and to limit the examination
of Lambert to the subject of the sacrament. Finding that the accused
stood silent, the king said to him in a hasty manner with anger and
vehemency:[270] 'Why standest thou still? Answer as touching the
sacrament of the altar, whether dost thou say that it is the body
of Christ or wilt deny it?' After uttering these words, the king
lifted up his cap adorned with pearls and feathers, probably as a
token of reverence for the subject under discussion. 'I answer with
St. Augustine,' said Lambert, 'that it is the body of Christ after
a certain manner.'[271] The king replied: 'Answer me neither out of
St. Augustine, nor by the authority of any other; but tell me plainly
whether thou sayest it is the body of Christ or no.' Lambert felt what
might be the consequences of his answer, but without hesitation he
said: 'Then I deny it to be the body of Christ.' 'Mark well!' exclaimed
the king; 'for now thou shalt be condemned even by Christ's own word,
_Hoc est corpus meum_.'
The king then turning to Cranmer commanded him to refute the opinion
of the accused. The archbishop spoke with modesty, calling Lambert
'brother,' and although refuting his arguments he told him that if he
proved his opinion from Holy Scripture, he (Cranmer) would willingly
embrace it. Gardiner, finding that Cranmer was too weak, began to
speak. Tonstall and Stokesley followed. Lambert had put forward ten
arguments, and ten doctors were appointed to deal with them, each
doctor to impugn one of them. Of the whole disputation the passage
which made the deepest impression on the assembly was Stokesley's
argument. 'It is the doctrine of the philosophers,' he said, 'that
a substance can not be changed but into a substance.' Then, by the
example of water boiling on the fire, he affirmed the substance of
the water to pass into the substance of the air.[272] On hearing
this argument, the aspect of the bishops, hitherto somewhat uneasy,
suddenly changed. They were transported with joy, and considered this
transmutation of the elements as giving them the victory, and they cast
their looks over the whole assembly with an air of triumph. Loud shouts
of applause for some time interrupted the sitting. When silence was at
length restored, Lambert replied that the moistness of the water, its
real essence, remained even after this transformation; that nothing
was changed but the form; while in their system of the _corpus domini_
the substance itself was changed; and that it is impossible that the
qualities and accidents of things should remain in their own nature
apart from their own subject. But Lambert was not allowed to finish
his refutation. The king and the bishops, indignant that he ventured
to impugn an argument which had transported them with admiration, gave
vent to their rage against him,[273] so that he was forced to silence,
and had to endure patiently all their insults.
[Sidenote: CONDEMNATION OF LAMBERT.]
The sitting had lasted from noon till five o'clock in the evening. It
had been a real martyrdom for Lambert. Loaded with rebukes and insults,
intimidated by the solemnity of the proceedings and by the authority
of the persons with whom he had to do, alarmed by the presence of the
king and by the terrible threats which were uttered against him, his
body too, which was weak before, giving way under the fatigue of a
sitting of five hours, during which, standing all the time, he had been
compelled to fight a fierce battle, convinced that the clearest and
most irresistible demonstrations would be smothered amidst the outcries
of the bystanders, he called to mind these words of Scripture, 'Be
still,' and was silent. This self-restraint was regarded as defeat.
Where is the knowledge so much boasted of? they said; where is his
power of argumentation? The assembly had looked for great bursts of
eloquence, but the accused was silent. The palm of victory was awarded
to the king and the bishops by noisy and universal shouts of applause.
It was now night. The servants of the royal house appeared in the hall
and lighted the torches. Henry began to find his part as head of the
church somewhat wearisome. He determined to bring the business to a
conclusion, and by his severity to give to the pope and to Christendom
a brilliant proof of his orthodoxy. 'What sayest thou now,' he said to
Lambert, 'after all these great labors which thou hast taken upon thee,
and all the reasons and instructions of these learned men? Art thou
not yet satisfied? Wilt thou live or die? What sayest thou? Thou hast
yet free choice.' Lambert answered, 'I commend my soul into the hands
of God, but my body I wholly yield and submit unto your clemency.'
Then said the king, 'In that case you must die, for I will not be a
patron unto heretics.' Unhappy Lambert! He had committed himself to
the mercy of a prince who never spared a man who offended him, were it
even his closest friend. The monarch turned to his vicar-general and
said, 'Cromwell, read the sentence of condemnation.' This was a cruel
task to impose upon a man universally considered to be the friend of
the evangelicals. But Cromwell felt the ground already trembling under
his feet. He took the sentence and read it. Lambert was condemned to be
burnt.
Four days afterwards, on Tuesday, November 20, the evangelist was
taken out of the prison at eight o'clock in the morning and brought
to Cromwell's house. Cromwell summoned him to his room and announced
that the hour of his death was come. The tidings greatly consoled and
gladdened Lambert. It is stated that Cromwell added some words by way
of excuse for the part which he had taken in his condemnation, and
sent him into the room where the gentlemen of his household were at
breakfast. He sat down and at their invitation partook of the meal
with them, with all the composure of a Christian. Immediately after
breakfast he was taken to Smithfield, and was there placed on the
pile, which was not raised high. His legs only were burnt, and nothing
remained but the stumps. He was, however, still alive; and two of the
soldiers, observing that his whole body could not be consumed, thrust
into him their halberts, one on each side, and raised him above the
fire. The martyr, stretching towards the people his hands now burning,
said, 'None but Christ! None but Christ!' At this moment the soldiers
withdrew their weapons and let the pious Lambert drop into the fire,
which speedily consumed him.[274]
[Sidenote: FLATTERIES.]
Henry VIII., however, was not satisfied. The hope which he had
entertained of inducing Lambert to recant had been disappointed.
The Anglo-Catholic party made up for this by everywhere extolling
his learning and his eloquence. They praised his sayings to the
skies--every one of them was an oracle; he was in very deed the
defender of the faith. There was one, not belonging to that party,
who wrote to Sir Thomas Wyatt, then foreign minister to the king, as
follows:--'It was marvellous to see the gravity and the majestic air
with which his majesty discharged the functions of _Supreme head of
the Anglican Church_; the mildness with which he tried to convert that
unhappy man; the force of reasoning with which he opposed him. Would
that the princes and potentates of Christendom could have been present
at the spectacle; they would certainly have admired the wisdom and the
judgment of his majesty, and would have said _that the king is the most
excellent prince in the Christian world_.'[275]
This writer was Cromwell himself. He suppressed at this time all
the best aspirations of his nature, believing that, as is generally
thought, if one means to retain the favor of princes, it is necessary
to adapt one's self to all their wishes. A mournful fall, which was not
to be the only one of the kind! It has been said, 'Every flatterer,
whoever he may be, is always a treacherous and hateful creature.'[276]
CHAPTER III.
THE SIX ARTICLES.
(1538-1540.)
While the Anglo-Catholic party were recovering their former influence
over Henry's mind, some members of the Roman Catholic party were
laboring to re-establish the influence of the pope. They supposed that
they had found a clue by means of which the king might be brought back
to the obedience of Rome. Henry who, while busy in preparing fires for
the martyrs, did not forget the marriage altar, was very desirous of
obtaining the hand of Christina, duchess of Milan. Now, it was this
princess, a niece of Charles V., of whom it was thought possible to
make use for gaining over the king to the pope. She was now at the
court of Brussels, with her aunt Queen Mary; and it is related that to
the first offer of Henry VIII. she had replied with a smile,--'I have
but one head; if I had two, one of them should be at the service of
his majesty.' If she did not say this, as some friends of Henry VIII.
have maintained, something like it was doubtless said by one of the
courtiers. However this may be, the king did not meet with a refusal.
Francis I., alarmed at the prospect of an alliance between Henry VIII.
and Charles V., sent word to Henry that the emperor was deceiving
him. The king did not believe it. The queen regent of the Netherlands
endeavored to bring about this union; Spanish commissioners arrived
to conduct the negotiation, and Hutton de Wriothesley, the English
envoy at Brussels, devoted himself zealously to the business. One of
the principal officers of the court, taking supper with the latter,
in June, 1538, inquired of him for news about the negotiation. Hutton
expressed his surprise 'that the emperor had been so slack therein.'
His companion remarked that the only difficulty in the matter was that
the king his (Hutton's) master had 'married the lady Katherine, to
whom the duchess is near kinswoman,' so that the marriage could not be
solemnized without a dispensation from the pope.[277]
[Sidenote: MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS.]
The emperor spoke more clearly still. Wyatt was instructed to tell
the king that the hand of the duchess of Milan would be given to him,
with a dowry of one hundred thousand crowns, and an annuity of fifteen
thousand, secured on the duchy; and that for the gift of this beautiful
and accomplished young widow all they required of him was that _he
should be reconciled with the bishop of Rome_.[278] This was fixing a
high price on the hand of Christina. The princess, considering perhaps
that it was a glorious task to bring back Henry VIII. to the bosom
of the papacy, declared her readiness to obey the emperor. The pope,
on his part, was willing to grant the necessary dispensation; but
the king must first make his submission. For a prince of such fiery
passions this was a great temptation. The chancellor Wriothesley, who
was negotiating the affair, was himself undecided about it. At one time
he eagerly advocated it, and at another time he wrote (January 21,
1539): 'If this marriage may not be had with such honor and friendship
as is requisite, that his Grace may also fix his most noble stomach in
some other place'.[279] The treaty was finally broken off, the thread
snapped, to the great regret of the Roman party. One circumstance might
influence the king's decision. Before the negotiations had been closed,
in December, 1538, the pope published the bull of 1535, in which he
excommunicated Henry VIII. Had the pontiff no hope of good from the
matrimonial intrigue, or did he intend to catch the king by fear?
Henry understood that it was not enough to oppose the king of England
to the pope. The Word of God was for him the rival of Rome. During
these years, 1538 and 1539, in which so many measures were taken
against the evangelical doctrine and its teachers, the Bible, strange
to say, was printed and circulated. This publication has one singular
characteristic; it was made by the intervention of Henry VIII.
and Francis I., the two greatest enemies of the faith of the Holy
Scriptures among all the sovereigns of the world.
The emperor and the king of France occasionally coquetted with the
king of England, whom each of them was anxious to win over to his
own side. Francis, knowing how sensitive Henry was on the subject of
marriage, offered him his son Henry of Orleans for the princess Mary.
Cromwell, who was now giving way to the Anglo-Catholic party on many
points essential to reform, was all the more desirous of holding by
those which his master would really permit. Amongst these was the
translation of the Bible. He saw in the offer made by Francis I. an
opening of which he might avail himself. An edition of the Bible,
extending to 2,500 copies, published the year before by the eminent
printer Richard Grafton in conjunction with Whitchurch, was now
exhausted. Cromwell determined to issue a new one; and as printing was
better executed at Paris than in London, the French paper also being
superior, he begged the king to request permission of Francis I. to
have the edition printed at Paris. Francis addressed a royal letter
to his beloved Grafton and Whitchurch, saying that having received
credible testimonies to the effect that his very dear brother, the king
of the English, whose subjects they were, had granted full and lawful
liberty to print, both in Latin and in English, the Holy Bible, and of
importing it into his kingdom, he gave them himself his authorization
so to do.[280] Francis comforted himself with the thought that his own
subjects spoke neither English nor Latin; and, besides, this book so
much dreaded would be immediately exported from France.
[Sidenote: THE BIBLE PRINTED AT PARIS.]
Grafton and the pious and learned Coverdale arrived at Paris, at
the end of spring, 1538, to undertake this new edition of Tyndale's
translation. They lodged in the house of the printer Francis Regnault,
who had for some time printed missals for England. As the sale of these
had very much fallen off, Regnault changed his course, and determined
to print the Bible. The two Englishmen selected a fine type and the
best paper to be had in France. But these were expensive, and as early
as June 23 they were obliged to apply to Cromwell to furnish them with
the means for carrying on _his_ edition of the Bible.[281] They were
moreover beset with other difficulties. They could not make their
appearance out of doors in Paris without being exposed to threats; and
they were in daily expectation that their work would be interrupted.
Frances I., their reputed protector, was gone to Nice. By December 13,
after six months' labor, their fears had become so serious that when
Bonner, who had succeeded Gardiner as English ambassador in France, was
setting out from Paris on his way to London, they begged him to take
with him the portion already printed and deliver it to Cromwell. The
hypocritical Bonner, not satisfied with all the benefices he now held,
was grasping at the bishopric of Hereford, which he called a _great
good fortune_, and which he succeeded in getting. He was at this time
bent on currying favor with Cromwell, on whose influence the election
depended, and therefore, hiding his face under a gracious mask, which
he was ere long impudently to throw off, he had most eagerly complied
with the request.[282]
Four days later, December 17, the officers of the Inquisition entered
the printing-office and presented a document signed by Le Tellier,
summoning Regnault and all whom it concerned to appear and make answer
touching the printing of the Bible. He was at the same time enjoined to
suspend the work, and forbidden to take away what was already printed.
Are we to suppose that the Inquisition did not trouble itself about the
royal letters of Francis I., or that the prince had changed his mind?
Either of these suppositions might be entertained. In consequence of
the dispatch of the packet to London, there were but a few sheets to
be seized, and these were condemned to be burnt in the Place Maubert.
But the officer was even more greedy of gain than fanatical; and gold
being offered him by the Englishmen for recovery of their property,
almost all the sheets were restored to them. His compliance is perhaps
partly to be explained by the consideration that this was not a common
case. The proprietors of the sheets seized were the Lord Cromwell,
first secretary of state, and the king of England. The matter did not
rest here; the bold Cromwell was not to be baffled. Agents sent by
him to Paris got possession of the presses, the types, and even the
_printers_, and took the whole away with them to London. In two months
from the time of their arrival the printing was completed. On the
last page appeared the statement: _The whole Bible finished in 1539_;
and the grateful editors added, _A domino factum est istud_.[283]
The violent proceeding of the Inquisition turned to a great gain
for England. Many French printers and a large stock of type had been
imported; and henceforward many and more beautiful editions of the
Bible were printed in England. 'The wicked diggeth a pit and falleth
into it.'
[Sidenote: ATTEMPTED COMPROMISE.]
Two parties therefore existed in England, and these frequently
concerned themselves more with the points on which they differed than
with the great facts of their religion. In one pulpit a preacher would
call for reformation of the abuses of Rome; in a neighboring church,
another preacher would advocate their maintenance at any cost. One
monk of York preached against purgatory, while some of his colleagues
defended the doctrine. All this gave rise to most exciting discussion
amongst the hearers. In addition to the two chief parties, there were
the profane, animated by a spirit of unbelief and without reverence
for sacred things. While pious men were peacefully assembled for the
reading of the Holy Scriptures, these mockers sat in public-houses
over their pots of beer, uttering their sarcasms against every body,
and especially against the priests. If they spoke of those who gave
only the wafer, and not the wine, they would say:--'That is because
he has drunk the whole of it; the bottle is empty.' At times they
undertook even to discuss, as in old times was done at Byzantium,
the most difficult points in theology, and this was still worse. The
king, anxious to play his part as head of the church, was desirous of
bringing about a union of the two chief parties, and had no doubt that
the party of the profane would then disappear. His favorite notion,
like that of princes in general, was to have but one single religious
opinion in his kingdom. Freedom was a restraint to him. He therefore
began, as the emperor Constantine had done, by attempting to gain his
end by means of a system of indifference and of subjection to his will.
In a royal proclamation he required that the party of reformation and
the party of tradition should 'draw in one yoke,'[284] like a pair of
good oxen at the plough. He did not omit, however, to read the priests
a lesson. He rebuked them for busying themselves far more with the
distribution of the consecrated wafer and with the sprinkling of their
flocks with holy water than with teaching them what these acts meant.
Indifference, however, was of course unattainable, for it implies that
each party should consider unimportant the very doctrines on which it
sets the highest value. Henry, nevertheless, boldly made the attempt.
When the parliament met on April 28, 1539, the lord chancellor
announced that the king was very anxious to see all his subjects
holding one and the same opinion in religion, and required that a
committee should be nominated to examine the various opinions, and
to draw up articles of agreement to which every one might give his
consent. On May 5 nine commissioners were named, five of whom were
Anglo-Catholics, and at their head was Lee, archbishop of York. A
project was presented 'for extirpating heresies among the people.' A
catalogue of heresies was to be drawn up and read at all the services.
The commissioners held discussion for one day, but neither of the two
parties would make any concession. As the vicegerent Cromwell and the
archbishop of Canterbury were in the ranks of the reformation party,
the majority was unable to gain the ascendency, and the commission
arrived at no decision.
The king was very much dissatisfied with this result. He had been
willing to leave the work of conciliation in the hands of the bishops,
and now the bishops did not agree. His patience, of which he had no
large stock, was exhausted. The Anglo-Catholic party took advantage of
his dissatisfaction, and hinted to him that if he really aimed at unity
he would have to take the matter into his own hands, and settle the
doctrine to which all must assent. Why should he allow his subjects the
liberty of thinking for themselves? Was he not in England master and
ruler of every thing?
[Sidenote: THE SIX ARTICLES.]
Another circumstance, of an entirely different kind, acted powerfully,
about this time, upon the king's mind. The pope had just entered into
an alliance with the emperor and the king of France. A fact of such
importance could not fail to make a great noise in England. 'Methinks,'
said one of the foreign diplomatists now in England, 'that if the pope
sent an interdict and excommunications, with an injunction that no
merchant should trade in any way with the English, the nation would,
without further trouble, bestir itself and compel the king to return
to the church.'[285] Henry, in alarm, adopted two measures of defence
against this triple alliance. He gave orders for the fortification of
the ports, examination of the condition of various landing-places, and
reviewing of the troops; and at the same time, instead of endeavoring
after a union of the two parties, he determined to throw himself
entirely on the Scholastic and Catholic side. He hoped thereby to
satisfy the majority of his subjects, who still adhered to the Roman
church, and perhaps also to appease the powers. 'The king is determined
on grounds of policy,' it was said, 'that these articles should
pass.'[286]
Six articles were therefore drawn up of a reactionary character, and
the duke of Norfolk was selected to bring them forward. He did not
pride himself on scriptural knowledge. 'I have never read the Holy
Scriptures and I never will read them,' he said; 'all that I want is
that every thing should be as it was of old.' But if Norfolk were not
a great theologian, he was the most powerful and the most Catholic
lord of the Privy Council and of the kingdom. On the 16th of May the
duke rose in the upper house and spoke to the following effect:--'The
commission which you had named has done nothing, and this we had
clearly foreseen. We come, therefore, to present to you six articles,
which, after your examination and approval, are to become binding.
They are the following: 1st, if any one allege that after consecration
there remains any other substance in the sacrament of the altar than
the natural body of Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary, he shall be
adjudged a heretic and suffer death by burning, and shall forfeit to
the king all his lands and goods, as in the case of high treason; 2d,
if any one teach that the sacrament is to be given to laymen under both
kinds; or 3d, that any man who has taken holy orders may nevertheless
marry; 4th, that man or woman who has vowed chastity may marry; 5th,
that private masses are not lawful and should not be used; or 6th,
that auricular confession is not according to the law of God, any such
person shall be adjudged to suffer death, and forfeit lands and goods
as a felon.'[287]
Cromwell had been obliged to sanction, and perhaps even to prepare,
this document. When once the king energetically announced his will
the minister bowed his head, knowing well that if he raised it in
opposition he would certainly lose it. Nevertheless, that he might
to some extent be justified in his own sight, he had resolved that
the weapon should be two-edged, and had added an article purporting
that any priest giving himself up to uncleanness should for the first
offence be deprived of his benefices, his goods, and his liberty, and
for the second should be _punished with death_ like the others.
[Sidenote: CRANMER'S OPPOSITION.]
These articles, which have been called _the whip with six strings_
and _the bloody statute_,[288] were submitted to the parliament. But
none of the lords temporal, or of the commons, aware that the king
was fully resolved, ventured to assail them. One man, however, rose,
and this was Cranmer. 'Like a constant patron of God's cause,' says
the chronicler, 'he took upon him the earnest defence of the truth
oppressed in the parliament; three days together disputing against
those six wicked articles; bringing forth such allegations and
authorities as might easily have helped the cause, _nisi pars major
vicisset, ut sæpe olet, meliorem_.'[289] Cranmer spoke temperately,
with respect for the sovereign, but also with fidelity and courage.
'It is not my own cause that I defend,' he said, 'it is that of God
Almighty.'
The archbishop of Canterbury was not, however, alone. The bishops who
belonged to the evangelical party, those of Worcester, Rochester, St.
David's, Ely, and Salisbury, likewise spoke against the articles.[290]
But the king insisted, and the act passed. These articles, said
Cranmer at a later time, were 'in some things so enforced by the evil
counsel of certain papists against the truth and common judgment
both of divines and lawyers, that if the king's Majesty himself
had not come personally into the parliament house, those laws had
never passed.'[291] Cranmer never signed nor consented to the Six
Articles.[292]
The parliament at the same time conferred on the king unlimited powers.
A bill was carried purporting that some having by their disobedience
shown that they did not well understand what a king can do by virtue of
his royal power, it was decreed that every proclamation of his majesty,
even when inflicting fines and penalties, should have the same force as
an act of parliament. Truth had already been sacrificed, and liberty
was to be the next victim.
Latimer, bishop of Worcester, did more than Cranmer. On July 1, eight
days after the close of the session, he resigned his bishopric, and his
heart leaped for joy as he laid aside his episcopal vestments. 'Now I
am rid of a heavy burden,' he said, 'and never did my shoulders feel
so light.' One of his former colleagues having expressed his surprise,
he replied: 'I am resolved to be guided only by the Book of God, and
sooner than depart one jot from that, let me be trampled under the
feet of wild horses!' He now withdrew into the country, intending to
lead there a quiet life. He took care of his flowers and gathered his
fruit. Having had a fall from a tree, he found it necessary to return
to London for the purpose of procuring surgical attendance. When the
government was informed of this, orders were given to arrest and commit
him to the Tower, and there he remained till the king's death. Shaxton,
bishop of Salisbury, likewise resigned his see, on what grounds we
do not know. Under Queen Mary he became a violent persecutor. Many
evangelical Christians quitted England, and among them especially to
be noted are Hooper, Rogers, and John Butler.[293] Cranmer remained in
his archiepiscopal palace at Lambeth; but he sent away his wife and
children to his wife's relations in Germany.
This want of fidelity on Cranmer's part is only explicable on the
ground of the efforts made by Henry VIII. to retain him. On the day
of the prorogation of parliament, June 28, 1539, Henry, fearing lest
the archbishop, disheartened and distrusted, should offer to him his
resignation, sent for him, and, receiving him with all the graciousness
of manner which he knew so well how to assume when he wished, said: 'I
have heard with what force and learning you opposed the Six Articles.
Pray state your arguments in writing, and deliver the statement to
me.' Nor was this all that Henry did. Desirous that all men, and
particularly the adherents of Anglo-Catholicism should know the esteem
which he felt for the primate, he commanded the leader of this party,
the duke of Norfolk, his brother-in-law, the duke of Suffolk, Norfolk's
rival, Lord Cromwell, and several other lords to dine the next day
with the archbishop at Lambeth. You will assure him, he said, of my
sincere affection, and you will add that although his arguments did not
convince the parliament, they displayed much wisdom and learning.
[Sidenote: THE KING AND THE PRIMATE.]
The company, according to the king's request, arrived at the
archbishop's palace, and Cranmer gave his guests an honorable
reception. The latter executed the king's commission, adding that
he must not be disheartened although the parliament had come to a
decision contrary to his opinion. Cranmer replied that 'he was obliged
to his majesty for his good affection, and to the lords for the pains
they have taken.' Then he added resolutely: 'I have hope in God that
hereafter my allegations and authorities will take place, to the glory
of God and commodity of the realm.' They sat down to table. Every guest
apparently did his best to make himself agreeable to the primate. 'My
lord of Canterbury,' said Cromwell, 'you are most happy of all men; for
you may do and speak what you list, and, say what all men can against
you, the king will never believe one word to detriment or hindrance.'
The meal, however, did not pass altogether so smoothly. The king had
brought together, in Cromwell and Norfolk, the most heterogeneous
elements; and the feast of peace was disturbed by a sudden explosion.
Cromwell, continuing his praises, instituted a parallel between
Cardinal Wolsey and the archbishop of Canterbury. 'The cardinal,' he
said, 'lost his friends by his haughtiness and pride; while you gain
over your enemies by your kindliness and your meekness.' 'You must
be well aware of that, my lord Cromwell,' said the duke of Norfolk,
'for the cardinal was _your master_.' Cromwell, stung by these words,
acknowledged the obligations under which he lay to the cardinal, but
added; 'I was never so far in love with him as to have waited upon him
to Rome if he had been chosen pope, as I understand, my lord duke, that
you would have done.' Norfolk denied this. But Cromwell persisted in
his assertion, and even specified a considerable sum which the duke
was to receive for his services as admiral to the new pope, and for
conducting him to Rome. The duke, no longer restraining himself, swore
with great oaths that Cromwell was a liar. The two speakers, forgetting
that they were attending a feast of peace, became more and more excited
and did not spare hard words. Cranmer interposed to pacify them. But
from this time these two powerful ministers of the king swore deadly
hatred to each other. One or other of them must needs fall.[294]
[Sidenote: CRANMER'S TIME-SERVING.]
The king's course with respect to Cranmer is not so strange as it
appears. Without Cranmer, he would have been under the necessity
of choosing another primate, and what a task would that have been.
Gardiner, indeed, was quite ready to take the post; but the king,
although he sometimes listened to him, placed no confidence in him. Not
only did it seem to Henry difficult to find any other man than Cranmer;
but there was a further difficulty of appointing an archbishop in due
form. Could it be done by the aid of the pope? Impossible. Without the
pope? This too was very difficult. The priesthood would not concede
such a power to the king, nor was it probable that they would accept
his choice. The king foresaw troubles and conflicts without end. The
best course was to keep the present primate, and this was the course
adopted. Herein lay the security of the archbishop in the midst of the
misfortunes and scenes of blood around him. He had made a declaration
of his faith, and he did not withdraw from it. He hoped for better
things, according to the advances which were made him. He believed that
by keeping his post he might prevent many calamities. The Six Articles
were a storm which must be allowed to blow over; and, in accordance
with his character, he bowed his head while the wind blew in that
direction.
The bloody statute was the cause of profound sorrow among the
evangelical Christians. Some of them, more hasty than others, making
use of the strong language of the time, asserted that the Six Articles
had been written, not with Gardiner's ink, as people said, 'but with
the blood of a dragon, or rather the claws of the Devil.'[295] They
have been spoken of, even by Roman Catholics of our own age, as
'the enactments of this severe and barbarous statute.'[296] But the
Catholics of that age rejoiced in them, and believed that it was all
over with the Reformation. Commissioners were immediately named to
execute this cruel law, and there was always a bishop among them.
These commissioners, who sat in London, in Mercer's Chapel, formerly a
dwelling house and the place of Becket's birth,[297] even exaggerated
the harshness of the Six Articles. Fifteen days had not elapsed before
five hundred persons were imprisoned, some for having read the Bible,
others for their posture at church. The greatest zeal was displayed
by Norfolk among the lords temporal, and by Stokesley, Gardiner, and
Tonstall among the lords spiritual. Their aim was to get a _Book of
Ceremonies_, a strange farrago of Romish superstitions, adopted as the
rule of worship.
The violent thunder-clap which had suddenly pealed over England,
and occasioned so much trouble, was nowhere on the Continent more
unexpected, nowhere excited a greater commotion than at Wittenberg.
Bucer on one side, and several refugees arriving at Hamburg on the
other, had made known this barbarous statute to the reformers, and had
entreated the Protestants of Germany to interpose with Henry in behalf
of their fellow-religionists. Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, and Pomeranus
met together, and were unanimous in their indignation. 'The king,'
they said, 'knows perfectly well that our doctrine concerning the
sacrament, the marriage of priests, and other analogous subjects, is
true. How many books he has read on the subject! How many reports have
been made to him by the most competent judges! He has even had a book
translated, in which the whole matter is explained, and he makes use
of this book every day in his prayers. Has he not heard and approved
Latimer, Cranmer, and other pious divines? He has even censured the
king of France for condemning this doctrine. And now he condemns it
himself more harshly than the king or the pope. He makes laws like
Nebuchadnezzar, and declares that he will put to death any one who does
not observe them. Great sovereigns of our day are taking it into their
heads to fashion for themselves religions which may turn to their own
advantage, like Antiochus Epiphanes of old. I have power, says the king
of England, to require that any one of my courtiers shall not marry
so long as he intends to remain at court; for the same reason I have
also power to forbid the marriage of priests. We are now entreated to
address remonstrances to this prince. The Scriptures certainly teach
us to endeavor to bring back the weak; but it requires that the proud
who compound with their conscience should be left to go in their own
way. It is clear that the king of England makes terms with conscience.
He has already been warned, and has paid no attention; there is,
therefore, no hope that he will listen to reason if he be warned anew.
Consider, besides, what kind of men those are in whose hands he places
himself. Look at Gardiner, who while exposing before all the nation
his scandalous connections (_liaisons_) dares to assert that it is
contrary to the law of God for a minister of God to have a lawful
wife.'[298]
[Sidenote: EXCITEMENT IN GERMANY.]
Thus did the theologians of Wittenberg talk of the matter. Calvin
thought with them, and he wrote, almost on the same day, that the king
of England had distinctly shown his disposition by the impious edict
which he had published.[299] The doctors of Wittenberg referred to
the Elector; and the latter, to whom Henry VIII. had communicated the
Six Articles, requested them to make one more attempt to influence
the king. Melanchthon therefore wrote to him; and after an exordium
in which he endeavored to prepare the mind of Henry, he said, 'What
affects and afflicts me is not only the danger of those who hold
the same faith as we do; but it is to see you making yourself the
instrument of the impiety and cruelty of others; that the doctrine of
Christ is set aside in your kingdom, superstitious rites perpetuated,
and debauchery sanctioned; in a word, to see that the Roman
antichrist is rejoicing in his heart because you take up arms on his
side and against us, and is hoping, by means of your bishops, easily to
recover what by wise counsel has been taken from him.' Melanchthon then
combats the several articles and refutes the sophisms of the Catholic
party on the subject. 'Illustrious king,' he continued, 'I am grieved
at heart that you, while condemning the tyranny of the bishop of Rome,
should undertake the defence of institutions which are the very sinews
of his power. You are threatening the members of Jesus Christ with
the most atrocious punishments, and you are putting out the light of
evangelical truth which was beginning to shine in your churches. Sire,
this is not the way to put away antichrist, this is establishing
him ... this is confirmation of his idolatry, his errors, his cruelty,
and his debaucheries.
'I implore you, therefore, to alter the decree of your bishops. Let the
prayers offered up to God by so many pious souls throughout the world,
for the true reformation of the Church, for the suppression of impious
rites, and for the propagation of the Gospel, move you. Do justice
to those pious men who are now in prison for the Lord's sake. If you
do this, your great clemency will be praised by posterity as long as
learning exists. Behold how Jesus Christ wandered about from place to
place. He was hungry, he was thirsty, naked and bound; he complained of
the raging of the priests, of the unjust cruelty of kings; he commands
that the members of his body should not be torn in pieces, and that his
Gospel should be honored. It is the duty of a pious king to receive
this Gospel and to watch over it. By doing so, you will be rendering to
God acceptable worship.'[300]
Had these eloquent exhortations any influence on Henry VIII.? On a
former occasion he had shown himself rather provoked than pleased by
letters of the reformer.[301] However, after the loud peal of thunder
which had alarmed evangelical Christians in every part of Europe, the
horizon cleared a little, and the future looked less threatening.
There was one point on which Henry did incline rather to Cranmer's
side; this was auricular confession. Perhaps he dreaded it on political
grounds. Now the bishops were urgent for its universal adoption, and
Tonstall wrote to the king on the subject. Henry rejected his demand
and called him a self-willed man. He seemed thus to draw towards
reconciliation with his primate. Nor was this all. A bill had passed
withdrawing heretics from the jurisdiction of the bishops, and
subjecting them to the secular courts. The chancellor, supported by
Cranmer, Cromwell, and Suffolk, and with the sanction of the king, set
at liberty the five hundred persons who had been committed to prison.
The thunderbolt had indeed trenched the seas, but nobody was hurt--at
least for the moment.[302]
[Sidenote: THE MOCK SEA-FIGHT.]
Henry resorted to other means for the purpose of reassuring those
who imagined that the pope was already re-established in England. He
exhibited to the citizens of London the spectacle of one of those
sea-fights, on which the ancient Romans used to lavish such enormous
sums. Two galleys, one of them decorated with the royal ensigns, the
other with the papal arms, appeared on the Thames, and a naval combat
began. The two crews attacked each other; the struggle was sharp and
obstinate; at length the soldiers of the king boarded the enemy and
threw into the water amidst the shouts of the people an effigy of the
pope and images of several cardinals. The pontifical phantom, seized by
bold hands, was dragged through the streets; it was hung, drowned, and
burnt.[303] It would have been better for the king to let alone such
puerile and vulgar sports, which pleased none but the mob, and to give
more serious proofs of his attachment to the Gospel.
CHAPTER IV.
HENRY VIII. AND ANNE OF CLEVES.
(1539-1540.)
At the period which we have now reached, Henry VIII. displayed in a
more and more marked manner that autocratic disposition which submits
to no control. He lifted up or cast down; he crowned men with honors
or sent them to the scaffold. He pronounced things white or black
as suited him, and there was no other rule but his own absolute and
arbitrary power. A simple and modest princess was one of the first to
learn by experience that he was a despot in his family as well as in
church and state.
[Sidenote: ANNE OF CLEVES.]
Henry had now been a widower for two years--a widower against his
will; for immediately after the death of Jane Seymour he had sought
in almost all quarters for a wife, but he had failed. The two great
Continental sovereigns had just been reconciled with each other, and
the emperor had even cast a slight upon the king of England in the
affair of the duchess of Milan. Henry was therefore now desirous of
contracting a marriage which should give offence to Charles, and should
at the same time win for himself allies among the enemies of that
potentate. Cromwell, for his part, felt the ground tremble under his
feet; Norfolk and Gardiner had confirmed their triumph by getting the
Six Articles passed. The vicegerent was therefore aiming to strengthen
at once his own position and that of the Reformation, both of them
impaired. Some have supposed it possible that his scheme was to unite
the nations of the Germanic race, England, Germany, and the North,
in support of the Reformation against the nations of the Latin race.
We do not think that Cromwell went so far as this. A young Protestant
princess, Anne, daughter of the duke of Cleves and sister-in-law of the
elector of Saxony, who consequently possessed both the religious and
the political qualifications looked for by the king and his minister,
was proposed to Henry by his ambassadors on the Continent, and Cromwell
immediately took the matter in hand. This union would bring the king
of England into intimate relations with the Protestant princes, and
would ensure, he thought, the triumph of the Reformation in England,
for Henry's wives appeared to have great influence over him, at least
so long as they were in favor. Henry was, however, seeking something
more in his betrothed than diplomatic advantages. Cromwell knew this,
and did not fail to make use of that argument. 'Every one praises the
beauty of this lady,' he wrote to the king (March 18, 1539), 'and it is
said that she surpasses all other women, even the duchess of Milan. She
excels the latter both in the features of her countenance and in her
whole figure as much as the golden sun excelleth the silver moon.[304]
Her portrait shall be sent you. At the same time, every one speaks
of her virtue, her chastity, her modesty, and the seriousness of her
aspect.' The portrait of Anne, painted by Holbein, was presented to
the king, and it gave him the idea of a lady not only very beautiful,
but of tall and majestic stature. He was charmed and hesitated no
longer. On September 16, the Count Palatine of the Rhine and other
ambassadors of the elector of Saxony and the duke of Cleves arrived
at Windsor. Cromwell having announced them to the king, the latter
desired his minister to put all other matters out of his head, saving
this only.[305] The affair was arranged, and the ambassadors on their
departure received magnificent presents.
The princess, whose father was dead and had been succeeded by his son,
left Cleves at the close of the year 1539, in severe winter weather.
Her suite numbered two hundred and sixty-three persons, among them
a great many _seigneurs_, thirteen trumpeters, and two hundred and
twenty-eight horses. The earl of Southampton, Lord Howard, and four
hundred other noblemen and gentlemen, arrayed in damask, satin, and
velvet, went a mile out of Calais to escort her. The superb cortége
entered the town, and came in sight of the English vessels decorated
with a hundred banners of silk and gold, and the marines all under
arms. As soon as the princess appeared the trumpets sounded, volleys
of cannon succeeded each other, and so dense was the smoke that the
members of the suite could no longer see each other. Every one was in
admiration. After a repast provided by Southampton, there were jousts
and tourneys. The progress of the princess being delayed by rough
weather, Southampton, aware of the impatience of his master, felt it
necessary to write to him to remember 'that neither the winds nor the
seas obey the commands of men.' He added that 'the surpassing beauty of
the princess did not fall short of what had been told him.' Anne was of
simple character and timid disposition, and very desirous of pleasing
the king; and she dreaded making her appearance at the famous and
sumptuous court of Henry VIII. Southampton having called the next day
to pay his respects to her, she invited him to play with her some game
at cards which the king liked, with a view to her learning it and being
able to play with his majesty. The earl took his seat at the card-table
in company with Anne and Lord William Howard, while other courtiers
stood behind the princess and taught her the game. 'I can assure your
majesty,' wrote the courtier, 'that she plays with as much grace and
dignity as any noble lady that I ever saw in my life.' Anne, resolved
on serving her apprenticeship to the manners of the court, begged
Southampton to return to sup with her, bringing with him some of the
nobles, because she was 'much desirous to see the manner and fashion of
Englishmen sitting at their meat.' The earl replied that this would be
contrary to English custom; but at length he yielded to her wish.[306]
[Sidenote: HER ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND.]
As soon as the weather appeared more promising, the princess and her
suite crossed the Channel and reached Dover, whence, in the midst
of a violent storm, they proceeded to Canterbury. The archbishop,
accompanied by five bishops, received Anne in his episcopal town, in
a high wind and heavy rain; the princess appearing as if she might be
the sun which was to disperse the fogs and the darkness of England, and
to bring about there the triumph of evangelical light. Anne went on
to Rochester, about half way between Canterbury and London. The king,
unable to rest, eagerly longing to see his intended spouse, set out
accompanied by his grand equerry, Sir Anthony Brown, and went incognito
to Rochester.[307] He was announced, and entered the room in which
the princess was; but no sooner had he crossed the threshold and seen
Anne, than he stopped confused and troubled. Never had any man been
more deceived in his expectation. His imagination--that mistress of
error and of falsehood, as it has been called--had depicted to him a
beauty full of majesty and grace; and one glance had dispersed all his
dreams. Anne was good and well-meaning, but rather weak-minded. Her
features were coarse; her brown complexion was not at all like roses
and lilies; she was very corpulent, and her manners were awkward. Henry
had exquisite good taste; he could appreciate beauties and defects,
especially in the figure, the bearing, and the attire of a woman. Taste
is not without its corresponding distaste. Instead of love, the king
felt for Anne only repugnance and aversion. Struck with astonishment
and alarm, he stood before her, amazed and silent. Moreover, any
conversation would have been impossible, for Anne was not acquainted
with English nor Henry with German. The betrothed couple could not
even speak to each other. Henry left the room, not having courage even
to offer to the princess the handsome present which he brought for
her. He threw himself into his bark, and returned gloomy and pensive
to Greenwich. 'He was woe,' he said to himself, 'that ever she came
unto England.'[308] He deliberated with himself how to break it off.
How could men in their senses have made him reports so false? He was
glad, he said, that 'he had kept himself from making any pact of bond
with her.' He thought that the matter was too far gone for him to
break it off. 'It would drive the duke her brother into the emperor
or French king's hands.' The inconvenience of a flattering portrait
had never been so deeply felt. It is not to be doubted that if at this
very moment the emperor and the king of France had not been together
at Paris, Henry would have immediately sent back the unfortunate young
lady.[309]
[Sidenote: HENRY'S DISAPPOINTMENT.]
Shortly after the king's arrival at Greenwich, Cromwell, the promoter
of this unfortunate affair, presented himself to his majesty, not
without fear, and inquired how he liked the lady Anne. The king
replied,--'Nothing so well as she was spoken of. Had I known as much
before as I do now, she should not have come within this realm.' Then,
with a deep sigh, he exclaimed, 'What remedy?'[310] 'I know none,'
said Cromwell, 'and I am very sorry therefor.' The agents of the
king had given proof neither of intelligence nor of integrity in the
matter. Hutton, who had written to Cromwell that the princess was not
beautiful, and Southampton, who had had a good view of her at Calais,
had both spoken to the king only of her beauty. On the following day
Anne arrived at Greenwich; the king conducted her to the apartment
assigned to her, and then retired to his own very melancholy and in an
ill humor. Cromwell again presented himself. 'My lord,' said the king,
'say what they will, she is nothing so fair as she hath been
reported ... howbeit, she is well and seemly.' 'By my faith, sir,'
replied Cromwell, 'ye say truth; but I think she has a queenly manner.'
'Call together the council,' said Henry.
The princess made her entry into London in great pomp, and appeared at
the palace. The court had heard of Henry's disappointment and was in
consternation. 'Our king,' they said, 'could never marry such a queen.'
In default of speech, music would have been a means of communication;
it speaks and moves. Henry and his courtiers were passionately fond
of it; but Anne did not know a single note. She knew nothing but the
ordinary occupations of women. In vain did Cromwell venture to say
to his master that she had, nevertheless, a portly and fine person.
Henry's only thought was how to get rid of her. The marriage ceremony
was deferred for a few days. The council took into consideration the
question whether certain projects of union between Anne and the son
of the duke of Lorraine did not form an obstacle to her marriage with
Henry. But they found here no adequate ground of objection. 'I am
not well treated,' the king said to Cromwell. Many were afraid of a
rupture. The divorce between Henry and Catherine, the cruelty with
which he had treated the innocent Anne Boleyn, had already given rise
to so much discontent in Europe that people dreaded a fresh outbreak.
The cup was bitter, but he must drink it. The 6th of January was
positively fixed for the fatal nuptials. The king was heard the day
before murmuring in a low tone with an accent of despair,--'It must be;
it must be,' and presently after, 'I will put my neck under the yoke.'
He determined to live in a becoming way with the queen. An insuperable
antipathy filled his heart, but courteous words were on his lips. In
the morning the king said to Cromwell,--'If it were not for the great
preparations that my states and people have made for her, and for fear
of making a ruffle in the world, and of driving her brother into the
hands of the emperor and the French king's hands, being now together,
I would never have married her.' Cromwell's position had been first
shaken by his quarrel with Norfolk; it sustained a second shock from
the king's disappointment. Henry blamed him for his misfortune, and
Cromwell in vain laid the blame on Southampton.[311]
On January 6 the marriage ceremony was performed at Greenwich by the
archbishop, with much solemnity but also with great mournfulness. Henry
comforted himself for his misfortune by the thought that he should be
allied with the Protestant princes against the emperor, if only they
would consent somewhat to modify their doctrine. On the morrow Cromwell
again asked him how he liked the queen. Worse than ever, replied the
king. He continued however, to testify to his wife the respect due to
her.
It was generally anticipated that this union would be favorable to the
Reformation. Butler, in a letter to Bullinger at Zurich, wrote: 'The
state and condition of that kingdom is much more sound and healthy
since the marriage of the queen than it was before. She is an excellent
woman, and one who fears God; great hopes are entertained of a very
extensive propagation of the Gospel by her influence.' And in another
letter he says: 'There is great hope that it [the kingdom] will ere
long be in a much more healthy state; and this every good man is
striving for in persevering prayer to God.'[312] Religious books were
publicly offered for sale, and many faithful ministers, particularly
Barnes, freely preached the truth with much power, and no one troubled
them.[313] These good people were under a delusion. 'The king,'
they said, 'who is exceedingly merciful, would willingly desire the
promotion of the truth.'[314]
[Sidenote: FALLACIOUS HOPES.]
But the Protestantism of the king of England was displayed not
so much in matters of faith as in public affairs. He showed much
irritation against the emperor; and this gave rise to a characteristic
conversation. Henry having instructed (January, 1540) his ambassador
in the Netherlands, Sir Thomas Wyatt, to make certain representations
and demands on various subjects which concerned his government, '_I
shall not interfere_,' drily replied the grand potentate. Wyatt having
further made complaint that the English merchants in Spain were
interfered with by the Inquisition, the emperor laconically answered
that he knew nothing about it, and referred him to Granvella. Wyatt
then having been so bold as to remark that the monarch answered him in
an ungracious manner,[315] Charles interrupted him and said that he
'abused his words toward him.' But the ambassador, who meant exactly
to carry out his master's orders, did not stop, but uttered the word
ingratitude. Henry considered Charles ungrateful on the ground that he
had greatly obliged him on one important occasion. In fact, the emperor
Maximilian having offered to secure the empire for the king of England,
the thought of encircling his brows with the crown of the Roman
emperors inflamed the ardent imagination of the young prince, who was
an enthusiast for the romantic traditions of the Middle Ages. But,
after the death of Maximilian, the Germans decided in favor of Charles.
The latter then came to England, and the two kings met. Not very much
is known of what they said in their interview; but whatever it might
be, Henry yielded, and he believed that to his generosity Charles was
indebted for the empire. '_Ingratitude!_' replied the emperor to the
ambassador. 'From whom mean you to proceed that ingratitude?... I would
ye knew I am not ingrate, and if the king your master hath done me a
good turn I have done him as good or better. And I take it so, that
I can not be toward him ingrate; the inferior may be ingrate to the
greater. But peradventure because the language is not your natural
tongue, ye may mistake the term.' 'Sir,' replied Wyatt, 'I do not know
that I misdo in using the term that I am commanded.' The emperor was
much moved. 'Monsieur l'ambassadeur,' he said, 'the king's opinions
be not always the best.' 'My master,' Wyatt answered, 'is a prince
to give reason to God and to the world sufficient in his opinions.'
'It may be,' Charles said coolly.[316] His intentions were evidently
becoming more and more aggressive. Henry VIII. clearly perceived what
his projects were. 'Remember,' said the king the same month to the duke
of Norfolk, whom he had sent as envoy extraordinary to France, 'that
Charles has it in his head to bring Christendom to a monarchy.[317] For
if he be persuaded that he is a superior to all kings, then it is not
to be doubted that he will by all ways and means ... cause all those
whom he so reputeth for his inferiors to acknowledge his superiority in
such sort as their estates should easily be altered at his arbitre.'
These words show that Henry possessed more political good sense than
was usually attributed to him; but they are not exactly a proof of his
_evangelical_ zeal.
[Sidenote: THE SAXON AMBASSADORS.]
He did something, however, in this direction. Representatives of the
elector of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse had accompanied Anne of
Cleves to England. Henry received them kindly and entertained them
magnificently; he succeeded so well in dazzling them by his converse
and his manners, that these grave ambassadors sent word to their
masters how the nuptials of his majesty had been celebrated under
joyful and sacred auspices.[318] Nevertheless, they did not conceal
from Henry VIII. that the elector and the landgrave 'had been thrown
into consternation, as well as many others, by an atrocious decree,
the result of the artifices of certain bishops, partisans of Roman
impiety.' Thereupon the king, who wished by all means to gain over
the evangelical princes, declared to their representatives 'that his
wisdom should soften the harshness of the decree, that he would even
suspend its execution, and that there was nothing in the world that
he more desired than to see the true doctrine of Christ shine in all
churches,[319] and that he was determined always to set heavenly truth
before the tradition of men.' In consequence of these statements of the
king the Wittenberg theologians sent to him some evangelical articles,
to which they requested his adherence, and which were entirely opposed
to those of Gardiner.[320] We shall presently see how Henry proceeded
to fulfil his promises.
Cromwell was anxious to take advantage of these declarations to get
the Gospel preached, and he knew men capable of preaching it. He
relied most of all on Barnes, who had returned to England with the
most flattering testimonials from the Wittenberg reformers, and even
from the elector of Saxony and the king of Denmark. Barnes had been
employed by Henry in the negotiation of his marriage with Anne of
Cleves, and had thus contributed to this union, a circumstance which
did not greatly recommend him to the king. There were, besides, Garret,
curate of All Saints' Church, in Honey-lane, of whom we have elsewhere
spoken;[321] Jerome, rector of Stepney, and others. Bonner, who on his
return from France was elected bishop of London, and who was afterwards
a zealous persecutor, designated these three evangelical ministers to
preach at Paul's Cross during Lent in 1540. Bonner, perhaps, still
wished to curry favor with Cromwell; or perhaps these preachers had
been complained of, and the king wished to put them to the test.[322]
Barnes was to preach the first Sunday (Feb 14); but Gardiner,
foreboding danger, wished to prevent him, and consequently sent word
to Bonner that he should that day preach himself. Barnes resigned the
pulpit to this powerful prelate, who, well aware what doctrine the
three evangelicals would proclaim at St. Paul's, was determined to
prevent them, and craftily to stir up prejudices against the innovators
and their innovations. Confutation beforehand, he thought, is more
useful than afterwards. It is better to be first than second; better
to prevent evils than to cure them. He displayed some ingenuity and
wit. Many persons were attracted by the notion that the Reformation
was a progress and advance. He alleged that it was the contrary; and,
taking for his text the words addressed to Jesus by the tempter on the
pinnacle of the temple, _Cast thyself down_, he said: 'Nowadays the
devil tempteth the world and biddeth them to cast themselves backward.
There is no forward in the new teaching, but all backward. Now the
devil teacheth, Come back from fasting, come back from praying, come
back from confession, come back from weeping for thy sins; and all is
backward, insomuch that men must now learn to say their Pater-Noster
backward.'[323] The bishop of Winchester censured with especial
severity the evangelical preachers, on the ground that they taught the
remission of sins through faith and not by works. Of old, he said,
heaven was sold at Rome for a little money; now that we have done with
all that trumpery the devil hath invented another--he offers us heaven
for nothing. A living faith which unites us to the Saviour was counted
as nothing by Gardiner.
[Sidenote: BOLDNESS OF BARNES.]
On the following Sunday Barnes preached. The lord-mayor and Gardiner,
side by side, and many other _reporters_, says the Chronicle, were
present at the service. The preacher vigorously defended the doctrine
attacked by the bishop; but unfortunately, he indulged, like him, in
attempts at wit, and even in a play upon his name, complaining of
the _gardener_ who would not take away the tares from the garden of
the Lord. This punning would anywhere have been offensive; it was
doubly offensive in the pulpit in the presence of the bishop himself.
'Punning,' says one, 'the poorest kind of would-be wit.' Barnes,
however, appears to have been conscious of his fault; for before he
closed his discourse he humbly begged Gardiner, in the presence of all
his hearers, to lift up his hand, if he forgave him. Gardiner lifted
up only a finger. Garret preached energetically the next Sunday; but
he studiously avoided offending any one. Lastly, Jerome preached, and
taking up the passage relating to Sarah and Hagar in the epistle of St.
Paul to the Galatians, maintained that all those who are born of Sarah,
the lawful wife, that is, who have been regenerated by faith, are fully
and positively justified.[324]
Bishop Gardiner and his friends lost no time in complaining to the king
of the 'intolerable arrogance of Barnes.' 'A prelate of the kingdom
to be thus insulted at Paul's Cross!' said the former ambassador to
France. Henry sent for the culprit to his cabinet. Barnes confessed
that he had forgotten himself, and promised to be on his guard
against such rash speeches in future. Jerome and Garret likewise were
reprimanded; and the king commanded the three evangelists to read in
public on the following Sunday, at the solemn Easter service celebrated
in the church of St. Mary's Hospital, a retractation which was
delivered to them in writing. They felt bound to submit unreservedly
to the commands of the king. Barnes, therefore, when the 4th of April
was come, ascended the pulpit and read word for word the official paper
which he had received. After this, turning to the bishop of Winchester,
who was present by order of the king, he earnestly and respectfully
begged his pardon. Having thus discharged, as he believed, his duty,
first as a subject, then as a Christian, he felt bound to discharge
also that of a minister of God. He therefore preached powerfully the
doctrine of salvation by grace, the very doctrine for which he was
persecuted. The lord-mayor, who was sitting by Gardiner's side, turned
to the bishop and asked him whether he should send him from the pulpit
to ward for that his bold preaching contrary to his retractation.[325]
Garret and Jerome having followed the example of Barnes, the king gave
orders that the three evangelists should be taken and confined in
the Tower. 'Three of our best ministers,' wrote Butler to Bullinger,
'are confined in the Tower of London. You may judge from this of our
misfortunes.'[326]
[Sidenote: EDITIONS OF THE BIBLE.]
At the same time that Henry VIII. was imprisoning the ministers of
God's Word, he was giving full liberty to the Word itself. It must be
confessed that in his conflict with the pope he did make use of the
Bible. He interpreted it, indeed, in his own way; but still he used
it and helped to circulate it. This was a fact of importance for the
Reformation in England. The first Bible named after Cranmer appeared at
this time (April, 1540), with a preface by the archbishop, in which he
called upon 'high and low, male and female, rich and poor, master and
servant, to read it and to meditate upon it in their own houses.'[327]
A magnificent copy on vellum was presented to the king. In the same
month appeared another Bible, printed in smaller type; in July another
great Bible; in November a third in folio, authorized by Henry
VIII., 'supreme head of his church.' It would seem even that there
was one more edition this year. At all events, the New Testament was
printed.[328] The enemies of the Bible were in power. Nevertheless the
Bible was gaining the victory; and the luminary which was to enlighten
the world was beginning to shed abroad its light everywhere.
CHAPTER V.
DISGRACE AND DEATH OF CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.
(1540.)
Eight days after the imprisonment of Barnes and his two friends (April
12, 1540), parliament opened for the first time without abbots or
priors. Cromwell was thoughtful and uneasy; he saw everywhere occasions
of alarm; he felt his position insecure. The statute of the Six
Articles, the conviction which possessed his mind that the doctrines
of the Middle Ages were regaining an indisputable ascendency over the
king, the wrath of Norfolk, and Henry's ill-will on account of the
queen whom Cromwell had chosen for him--these were the dark points
which threatened his future. His friends were scattered or persecuted;
his enemies were gathered about the throne. Henry, however, made no
sign, but secretly meditated a violent blow. He concealed the game he
was playing so that others, and especially Cromwell himself, should
have no perception of it. The powerful minister, therefore, appeared
in parliament, assuming a confident air, as the ever-powerful organ
of the supreme will of the king. Henry VIII., the man of extremes,
thought proper at this time to exhibit himself as an advocate of a
middle course. The country is agitated by religious dissensions, said
the vicegerent, his representative; and in his speech to the House
he set forth on the one hand the rooted superstition and obstinate
clinging to popery, and on the other thoughtless and impertinent and
culpable rashness (referring doubtless to Barnes): that the king
desired a union of the two parties; that he leaned to neither side;
that he would equally repress the license of heretics and that of the
papists, and that he 'set the pure and sincere doctrine of Christ
before his eyes.'[329] These words of Cromwell were wise. Union in
the truth is the great want of all ages. But Henry added his comment.
He refused to turn to the right or to the left. He would not himself
hold, nor did he intend to permit England to hold, any other doctrine
than that prescribed by his own sovereign authority, sword in hand.
Cromwell did not fail to let it be known by what method the king
meant to bring about this union; he insisted on penalties against all
who did not submit to the Bible and against those who put upon it a
wrong interpretation. Henry intended to strike right and left with
his vigorous lance. To carry out the scheme of union a commission was
appointed, the result of which, after two years' labors, was a confused
medley of truths and errors.[330]
[Sidenote: CROMWELL'S HONORS AND WEALTH.]
Strange to say, although Cromwell was now on the brink of an abyss,
the king still heaped favors upon him. He was already chancellor of
the Exchequer, first secretary of state, vicegerent and vicar-general
of England in spiritual affairs, lord privy seal, and knight of
the Garter; but he was now to see fresh honors added to all these.
The earl of Essex had just died, and a week later died the earl of
Oxford, who had been lord chamberlain. Hereupon Henry made Cromwell,
'the blacksmith's son,' whom Norfolk and the other nobles despised
so heartily, earl of Essex and lord chamberlain, and had his name
placed at the head of the roll of peers. Wealth was no more wanting to
him than honors. He received a large portion of the property of the
deceased lord Essex; the king conferred on him thirty manors taken from
the suppressed monasteries; he owned great estates in eight counties;
and he still continued to superintend the business of the crown. We
might well ask how it came to pass that such a profusion of favors fell
to his lot just at the time when the king was angry with him as the
man who had given him Anne of Cleves for a wife; when the imprisonment
of Barnes, his friend and confidential agent, greatly compromised him,
and when, in addition to these things, Norfolk, Gardiner, and the whole
Catholic party were striving to put down this _parvenu_, who offended
them and stood in their way. Two answers may be given to this question.
Henry was desirous that Cromwell should make a great effort to secure
the assent of parliament to bills of a very extraordinary character
but very advantageous to the king; and it was his hope that the titles
under which Cromwell would appear before the houses would make success
easier. Several contemporaries, however, assigned a different cause
for these royal favors. 'Some persons now suspect,' wrote Hilles to
Bullinger, 'that this was all an artifice, to make people conclude
that he [Cromwell] must have been a most wicked traitor, and guilty
of treason in every possible way; or else the king would never have
executed one who was so dear to him, as was made manifest by the
presents he had bestowed upon him.'[331] Besides, was it not the custom
of the ancients to crown their victims with flowers before sacrificing
them?
Henry was greedy of money, and was in want of it, for he spent it
prodigally. He applied to Cromwell for it. The latter was aware that in
making himself the king's instrument in this matter he was estranging
from himself the mind of the nation; but he considered that a great
sovereign must have great resources, and he was always willing to
sacrifice himself for the king, for to him he owed every thing, and
he loved him in spite of his faults. On April 23, four days after
receiving from the king such extraordinary favors, Cromwell proposed to
the house to suppress the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, and urged
that their estates, which were considerable, should be given to the
king. This was agreed to by parliament. On May 3 he demanded for his
majesty a subsidy of unparalleled character, namely, four tenths and
fifteenths, in addition to ten per cent. on the rents of lands and five
per cent. on the value of merchandise. This also he obtained. Next he
went to the convocation of the clergy, and claimed from them two tenths
and twenty per cent. on ecclesiastical revenues for two years. Again he
succeeded. By May 8 the king had obtained through Cromwell's energy all
that he wished for.
[Sidenote: THE KING'S LETTER TO HIM.]
On the very next day, Sunday, May 9, Cromwell received in his palace a
note from the king thus worded:[332]
'HENRY R.
'By the King.
'Right trusty and well beloved cousin,--We greet you well;
signifying unto you our pleasure and commandment is that
forthwith, and upon the receipt of these our letters, setting
all other affairs apart, ye do repair unto us, for the treaty
of such great and weighty matters as whereupon doth consist
the surety of our person, the preservation of our honor, and
the tranquillity and quietness of you, and all other our
loving and faithful subjects, like as at your arrival here ye
shall more plainly perceive and understand. And that ye fail
not hereof, as we specially trust you.
'Given under our signet, at our manor of Westminster, the 9th
day of May.'
What could this urgent and mysterious note mean? Cromwell could not
rest after reading it. 'The surety of our person, the preservation of
our honor' are in question, said the king. We may imagine the agitation
of his mind, his fears as to the result of the visit, and the state
of perplexity in which, without losing a minute, he went in obedience
to the king's command. We have no information as to what passed at
this interview. Probably the minister supposed that he had justified
himself in his master's sight. On the following day, Monday, the earl
of Essex was present as usual in the House of Lords and introduced a
bill. The day after, parliament was prorogued till May 25. What could
be the reason for this? It has been supposed that Cromwell's enemies
wished to gain the time needful for collecting evidence in support of
the charges which they intended to bring against him. When the fifteen
days had elapsed, parliament met again, and the earl of Essex was in
his place on the first and following days. He was still in the assembly
as minister of the king on June 10, on which day, at three o'clock,
there was a meeting of the Privy Council. The duke of Norfolk, the earl
of Essex, and the other members were quietly seated round the table,
when the duke rose and accused Cromwell of high treason. Cromwell
understood that Norfolk was acting under the sanction of the king, and
he recollected the note of May 9. The lord chancellor arrested him and
had him conducted to the Tower.[333]
[Sidenote: CHARGES AGAINST CROMWELL.]
Norfolk was more than ever in favor, for Henry, husband of Anne of
Cleves, was at this time enamored of Norfolk's niece. He believed--and
Gardiner, doubtless, did not fail to encourage the belief--that he
must promptly take advantage of the extraordinary good-will which
the king testified to him to overthrow the adversary of Anglican
Catholicism, the powerful protector of the Bible and the Reformation.
In the judgment of this party Cromwell was a heretic and a chief of
heretics. This was the principal motive, and substantially the only
motive, of the attack made on the earl of Essex. In a letter addressed
at this time by the Council to Sir John Wallop,[334] ambassador at
the court of France, a circular letter sent also to the principal
officers and representatives of the king, the crime of which Cromwell
was accused is distinctly set forth. 'The lord privy seal,' it was
therein said, 'to whom the king's said majesty hath been so special
good and gracious lord, neither remembering his duty herein to God,
nor yet to his highness ... hath not only wrought clean contrary to
this his grace's most godly intent, secretly and indirectly advancing
the one of the extremes, and leaving the mean indifferent true and
virtuous way which his majesty sought and so entirely desired; but
also hath showed himself so fervently bent to the maintenance of that
his outrage that he hath not spared most privily, most traitorously,
to devise how to continue the same, and plainly in terms to say, as it
hath been justified to his face by good witness, that if the king and
all his realm would turn and vary from his opinions, he would fight
in the field in his own person, with his sword in his hand, against
him and all other; adding that if he lived a year or two he trusted to
bring things to that frame that it should not lie in the king's power
to resist or let it, if he would; binding his words with such oaths
and making such gesture and demonstration with his arms, that it might
well appear he had no less fixed in his heart than was uttered with his
mouth. For the which apparent and most detestable treasons, and also
for ... other enormities ... he is committed to the Tower of London,
there to remain till it shall please his majesty to have him thereupon
tried according to the order of his laws.' It was added that the king,
remembering how men wanting the knowledge of the truth would speak
diversely of the matter, desired them to declare and open the whole
truth.
Nothing could be more at variance with the character and the whole
life of Cromwell than the foolish sayings attributed to him. Every
intelligent man might see that they were mere falsehoods invented by
the Catholic party to hide its own criminal conduct. But at the same
time it most clearly pointed out in this letter the real motive of
the blow aimed at Cromwell, the first, true, efficient cause of his
fall, the object which his enemies had in view and towards which they
were working. They fancied that the overthrow of Cromwell would be
the overthrow of the Reformation. Wallop did not fail to impart the
information to the court to which he was accredited; and Henry VIII.
was delighted to hear of 'the friendly rejoyce of our good brother the
French king, the constable and others there,' on learning the arrest of
the lord privy seal.[335] This rejoicing was very natural on the part
of Francis I., Montmorency, and the rest of them.
[Sidenote: CRANMER'S PLEA FOR HIM.]
As soon as the arrest of June 10 was known, the majority of those who
had most eagerly sought after the favor of Cromwell, and especially
Bonner, bishop of London, immediately turned round and declared
against him. He had gained no popularity by promoting the last bills
passed to the king's advantage; and the news of his imprisonment was
therefore received with shouts of joy.[336] In the midst of the general
defection, one man alone remained faithful to the prisoner--this was
Cranmer. The man who had formerly undertaken the defence of Anne Boleyn
now came forward in defence of Cromwell. The archbishop did not attend
the Privy Council on Thursday, June 10; but being in his place on the
Friday, he heard that the earl of Essex had been arrested as a traitor.
The tidings astonished and affected him deeply. He saw in Cromwell
at this time not only his personal friend, not only the prudent and
devoted supporter of the Reformation, but also the ablest minister and
the most faithful servant of the king. He saw the danger to which he
exposed himself by undertaking the defence of the prisoner; and he felt
that it was his duty not recklessly to offend the king. He therefore
wrote to him in a prudent manner, reminding him, nevertheless,
energetically, of all that Cromwell had been. His letter to the king
was written the day after he heard of the fall of the minister. 'I
heard yesterday in your grace's council,' he says, 'that he [Cromwell]
is a traitor; yet who can not be sorrowful and amazed that he should
be a traitor against your majesty, he that was so advanced by your
majesty; he whose surety was only by your majesty; he who loved your
majesty (as I ever thought) no less than God; he who studied always
to set forwards whatsoever was your majesty's will and pleasure; he
that cared for no man's displeasure to serve your majesty; he that was
such a servant, in my judgment, in wisdom, diligence, faithfulness,
and experience, as no prince in this realm ever had; he that was so
vigilant to preserve your majesty from all treasons that few could be
so secretly conceived but he detected the same in the beginning? If the
noble princes of memory, King John, Henry II., and Richard II. had had
such a counsellor about them, I suppose that they should never have
been so traitorously abandoned and overthrown as those good pious
princes were.... I loved him as my friend, for so I took him to be; but
I chiefly loved him for the love which I thought I saw him bear ever
towards your grace, singularly above all other. But now, if he be a
traitor, I am sorry that ever I loved him or trusted him, and I am very
glad that his treason is discovered in time. But yet again I am very
sorrowful, for who shall your grace trust hereafter, if you might not
trust him? Alas! I bewail and lament your grace's chance herein, I wot
not whom your grace may trust. But I pray God continually night and day
to send such a counsellor in his place whom your grace may trust, and
who for all his qualities can and will serve your grace like to him,
and that will have so much solicitude and care to preserve your grace
from all dangers as I ever thought he had.'[337]
Cranmer was doubtless a weak man; but assuredly it was a proof of some
devotion to truth and justice, and of some boldness too, thus to plead
the cause of the prisoner before a prince so absolute as Henry VIII.,
and even to express the wish that some efficient successor might be
found. Lord Herbert of Cherbury thinks that Cranmer wrote to the king
_boldly_; and this is also our opinion. The prince being intolerant of
contradiction, this step of the archbishop was more than was needed to
ruin him as well as Cromwell.
Meanwhile, the enemies of the prisoner were trying to find other
grounds of accusation besides that which they had first brought
forward. Indeed, it seemed to some persons a strange thing that he
who, under Henry VIII. was head of the church, vicegerent in spiritual
affairs, should be a heretic and a patron of heretics; and many found
in this charge an 'occasion of merriment.'[338] They set to work,
therefore, after the blow, to discover offences on the part of the
accused. After taking great pains, this is what they discovered and
set forth in the bill of attainder: 1. That he had set at liberty
some prisoners suspected of treason; a crime indeed in the eyes of a
gloomy despot, but in the judgment of righteous men an act of justice
and virtue. 2. That he had granted freedom of export of corn, horses,
and other articles of commerce; the crime of free trade which would
be no crime now. Not a single instance can be specified in which
Cromwell had received any present for such license. 3. That he had,
though a low-born man, given places and orders, saying only that he
was sure that the king would approve them. On this point Cromwell
might reasonably allege the multiplicity of matters entrusted to his
care, and the annoyance to which it must have subjected the king, had
he continually troubled him to decide the most trifling questions.
4. That he had given permission, both to the king's subjects and to
foreigners, to cross the sea 'without any search.' This intelligent
minister appears to have aimed at an order of things less vexatious
and more liberal than that established under Henry VIII., and in
this respect he stood ahead of his age. 5. That he had made a large
fortune, that he had lived in great state, and had not duly honored the
nobility. There were not a few of the nobles who were far from being
honorable, and this great worker had no liking for drones and idlers.
With respect to his fortune, Cromwell incurred heavy expenses for the
affairs of the realm. In many countries he kept well-paid agents, and
the money which he had in his hands was spent more in state affairs
than in satisfying his personal wishes. In all this there was evidently
more to praise than to blame. But Cromwell had enemies who went further
than his official accusers.[339] The Roman Catholics gave out that he
had aspired to the hand of the king's daughter, the princess Mary. This
would have been a strange and sympathetic union, between the _Malleus
monachorum_ and the fanatical Mary!
These groundless charges were followed by the true motives for his
disgrace. It was alleged that he had adopted heretical (that is to
say, evangelical) opinions; that he had promoted the circulation of
heretical works; that he had settled in the realm many heretical
ministers; and that he had caused men accused of heresy to be set at
liberty. That when any one went to him to make complaint of detestable
errors, he defended the heretics and severely censured the informers;
and that in March last, persons having complained to him of the new
preachers, he answered that 'their preaching was good.'[340] For
these _crimes_, the acts of a Christian, honest and beneficent man,
condemnation must be pronounced. Cromwell indeed was guilty.
[Sidenote: THE LEADER OF THE PROSECUTION.]
The conduct of the prosecution was entrusted to Richard Rich, formerly
speaker of the House of Commons, now solicitor-general and chancellor
of the court of augmentations. He had already rendered service to the
king in the trials of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More; the same might
be expected of him in the trial of Cromwell. It appears that he accused
Cromwell of being connected with Throgmorton,[341] the friend and agent
of Cardinal Pole. Now the mere mention of Pole's name would put Henry
out of temper. Cromwell's alliance with this friend of the pope was the
pendant of his scheme of marriage with the lady Mary; the one was as
probable as the other. Cromwell wrote from his prison to the king on
the subject, and stoutly denied the fable. It was not introduced into
the formal pleadings; but the charge was left vaguely impending over
him, and it was reasserted that he was guilty of treason. Cromwell was
certainly not faultless. He was above all a politician, and political
interests had too much weight with him. He was the advocate of some
vexatious and unjust measures, and he acted sometimes in opposition to
his own principles. But his main fault was a too servile devotion to
the prince who pretended that he had been betrayed by him; and of this
he had given a lamentable proof in the case of Anne Boleyn.
His enemies were afraid that, if the trial were conducted openly before
his peers according to law, he would make his voice heard and clear
himself of all their imputations. They resolved therefore to proceed
against him without trial, and without discussion, by the parliamentary
method, by bill of attainder; a course pronounced by Roman Catholics
themselves 'a most iniquitous measure.'[342] He ought to have been
tried, and he was not tried. He was, however, confronted on Friday,
June 11, the day after his arrest, with one of his accusers, and thus
learnt what were the charges brought against him. Conducted again to
the Tower, he became fully aware of the danger which was impending over
him. The power of his enemies, Gardiner and Norfolk, the increasing
disfavor of Anne of Cleves, which seemed inevitably to involve his own
ruin, the proceedings instituted against Barnes and other evangelists,
the anger of the king--all these things alarmed him and produced the
conviction in his mind that the issue was doubtful, and that the danger
was certain. He was in a state of great distress and deep melancholy;
gloomy thoughts oppressed him, and his limbs trembled. The prison has
been called the porch of the grave, and Cromwell indeed looked upon it
as a grave. On June 30 he wrote to the king from his gloomy abode an
affecting letter, 'with heavy heart and trembling hand,' as he himself
said.
[Sidenote: EXAMINATION OF CROMWELL.]
About the end of June, the duke of Norfolk, the lord chancellor,
and the lord high admiral went to the Tower, instructed to examine
Cromwell and to make various declarations to him on the part of the
king. The most important of these related to the marriage of Henry
VIII. with Anne of Cleves. They called upon him to state all that he
knew touching this marriage, 'as he might do before God on the dread
day of judgment.' On June 30 Cromwell wrote to the king a letter in
which he set forth what he knew on the subject; and he added: 'And this
is all that I know, most gracious and most merciful sovereign lord,
beseeching Almighty God ... to counsel you, preserve you, maintain you,
remedy you, relieve and defend you, as may be most to your honor, with
prosperity, health and comfort of your heart's desire ... [giving you]
continuance of Nestor's years.... I am a most woeful prisoner, ready to
take the death, when it shall please God and your majesty; and yet the
frail flesh inciteth me continually to call to your grace for mercy and
grace for mine offences: and thus Christ save, preserve, and keep you.
'Written at the Tower this Wednesday, the last day of June, with the
heavy heart and trembling hand of your highness' most heavy and most
miserable prisoner and poor slave,
'THOMAS CRUMWELL.'
After having signed the letter, Cromwell, overpowered with terror at
his future prospects, added:--
'Most gracious prince, I cry for mercy, mercy, mercy.'[343]
The heads of the clerical party, impatient to be rid of an enemy
whom they hated, hurried on the fatal decree. The Parliament met
on Thursday, June 17, seven days after Cromwell's imprisonment;
and Cranmer, who had attended the sittings of the House of Lords on
the previous days, was not present on this occasion. The earl of
Southampton, who had become lord keeper of the privy seal in Cromwell's
place, entered and presented the bill of attainder against his
predecessor. It was read a first time. The second and third readings
followed on Saturday the 19th. Cranmer, whose absence had probably
been noticed, was present; and, according to his lamentable system,
adapted to the despotism of his master, after having complied with the
dictate of his conscience by calling to mind the merits of Cromwell,
he complied with the will of the king, and by his silence acquiesced
in the proceedings of the House. The bill was sent to the lower House.
It appears that the commons raised some scruples or objections, for
the bill remained under consideration for ten days. It was not until
June 29 that the commons sent the bill back to the peers, with some
amendments; and the peers, ever in haste, ordered that the three
readings should take place at the same sitting. They then sent it to
the king, who gave his assent to it. The man who was prosecuted had
been so powerful that it was feared lest he should regain his strength
and begin to advance with fresh energy.
The king, meanwhile, seems to have hesitated. He was less decided than
those who at this time enjoyed his favor.
Although the lord chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, and Lord Russell had
come to announce to Cromwell that the bill of attainder had passed,
he remained still a whole month in the Tower. The royal commissioners
interrogated him at intervals on various subjects. It seems even that
the king sent him relief, probably to mitigate the severities of his
imprisonment. Cromwell habitually received the king's commissioners
with dignity, and answered them with discretion. Whether the questions
touched on temporal or ecclesiastical affairs, he ever showed himself
better informed than his questioners.[344]
[Sidenote: HIS LETTER TO THE KING.]
Henry sent word to him that he might write any thing that he thought
meet under his present circumstances. From this, Cromwell appears to
have conceived a hope that the king would not permit his sentence to be
executed. He took courage and wrote to the king. 'Most gracious king,'
he said, 'your most lamentable servant and prisoner prostrate at the
feet of your most excellent majesty, have heard your pleasure ... that
I should write.... First, where I have been accused to your majesty
of treason, to that I say, I never in all my life thought willingly
to do that thing that might or should displease your majesty.... What
labors, pains, and travails I have taken, according to my most bounden
duty God also knoweth.... If it had been or were in my power, to make
your majesty so puissant, as all the world should be compelled to obey
you, Christ he knoweth I would,... for your majesty hath been... more
like a dear father... than a master.... Should any faction or any
affection to any point make me a traitor to your majesty, then all the
devils in hell confound me, and the vengeance of God light upon
me.... Yet our Lord, if it be his will, can do with me as he did with
Susan, who was falsely accused.... Other hope than in God and your
majesty I have not.... Amongst other things, most gracious sovereign,
master comptroller shewed me that your grace shewed him that within
these fourteen days ye committed a matter of great secresy, which I
did reveal.... This I did.... I spake privily with her [the queen's]
lord chamberlain... desiring him... to find some mean that the queen
might be induced to order your grace pleasantly in her behavior towards
you.... If I have offended your majesty therein, prostrate at your
majesty's feet I most lowly ask mercy and pardon of your highness....
Written with the quaking hand and most sorrowful heart of your most
sorrowful subject and most humble servant and prisoner, this Saturday
at your [Tower] of London.
'THOMAS CROMWELL.'[345]
Cromwell was resigned to death; and the principal object of his
concern was the fate of his son, his grandchildren, and likewise of
his domestic servants. His son was in a good position, having married
a sister of the queen Jane Seymour. 'Sir, upon my knees,' he said, 'I
most humbly beseech your gracious majesty to be good and gracious lord
to my poor son, the good and virtuous woman his wife, and their poor
children, and also to my servants. And this I desire of your grace for
Christ's sake.' The unhappy father, returning to his own case, finished
by saying, 'Most gracious prince, mercy, mercy, mercy!'[346] Cromwell
wrote twice in this manner; and the king was so much affected by the
second of these letters that he 'commanded it thrice to be read to
him.'[347]
Would Cromwell then, after all, escape? Those who were ignorant of what
was passing at court looked upon it as impossible that he should be
sacrificed so long as Anne of Cleves was queen of England. But the very
circumstances which seemed to them the guarantee of his safety were to
be instead the occasion of his ruin.
Henry's dislike to his wife was ever increasing, and he was determined
to get rid of her. But, as usual, he concealed beneath flowers the
weapon with which he was about to strike her. In the month of March,
the king gave, in honor of the queen, a grand fête with a tournament,
as he had done for Anne Boleyn; and amongst the numerous combatants,
who took part in the jousting were Sir Thomas Seymour, the earl of
Sussex, Harry Howard, and Richard Cromwell, nephew of the earl of
Essex, and ancestor of the great Protector Oliver.[348]
[Sidenote: CATHERINE HOWARD.]
One circumstance contributed to hasten the decision of the king.
There was at the court a young lady, small of stature, of a good
figure and beautiful countenance, of ladylike manners, coquettish and
forward, who at this time made a deep impression on Henry. This was
Catherine Howard, a niece of the duke of Norfolk, now residing with
her grandmother, the duchess-dowager, who allowed her great liberty.
Katherine was in every respect a contrast to Anne of Cleves. Henry
resolved to marry her, and for this purpose to get rid forthwith of
his present wife. As he was desirous of being provisionally relieved
of her presence, he persuaded her that a change of air would be very
beneficial to her, and that it was necessary that she should make
a stay in the country. On June 24 he sent the good princess, who
felt grateful for his attentions, to Richmond. At the same time he
despatched the bishop of Bath to her brother, the duke of Cleves,
with a view to prepare him for the very unexpected decision which was
impending over his sister, and to avert any vexatious consequences.[349]
Cromwell, then, had no aid to look for at the hands of a queen already
forsaken and ere long repudiated. He could not hope to escape death.
His enemies were urgent for the execution of the bill. They professed
to have discovered a correspondence which he had carried on with the
Protestant princes of Germany.[350]
Cromwell's determination to offer no opposition to the king led him
to commit serious mistakes, unworthy of a Christian. Nevertheless,
according to documents still extant, he died like a Christian. He was
not the first, nor the last, who in the presence of death, of capital
punishment, has examined himself, and confessed himself a sinner.
While he spurned the accusations made by his enemies, he humbled
himself before the weightier and more solemn accusations of his own
conscience. How often had his own will been opposed to the commandments
of the divine will! But at the same time he discovered in the Gospel
the grace which he had but imperfectly known; and the doctrines which
the Catholic church of the first ages had professed became dear to him.
On July 28, 1540, Cromwell was taken to Tower Hill, the place of
execution. On reaching the scaffold he said: 'I am come hither to die,
and not to purge myself.... For since the time that I have had years
of discretion, I have lived a sinner and offended my Lord God, for the
which I ask Him heartily forgiveness. And it is not unknown to many of
you that I have been a great travailler in this world, and being but
of a base degree, was called to high estate; and since the time I came
thereunto I have offended my prince, for the which I ask him heartily
forgiveness, and beseech you all to pray to God with me, that he will
forgive me. O Father, forgive me! O Son, forgive me! O Holy Ghost,
forgive me! O Three Persons in one God, forgive me!... I die in the
Catholic faith.... I heartily desire you to pray for the king's grace,
that he may long live with you in health and prosperity.'
By insisting in so marked a manner on the doctrine of the Trinity,
professed in the fourth century by the councils of Nicaea and
Constantinople, Cromwell doubtless intended to show that this was the
Catholic doctrine in which he asserted that he died. But he did not
omit to give evidence that his faith was that of the Scriptures.
[Sidenote: EXECUTION OF CROMWELL.]
After his confession, he knelt down, and at this solemn hour he uttered
this Christian and fervent prayer:[351] 'O Lord Jesu! which art the
only health of all men living and the everlasting life of them which
die in thee, I, wretched sinner, do submit myself wholly unto thy most
blessed will, and being sure that the thing can not perish which is
committed unto thy mercy, willingly now I leave this frail and wicked
flesh, in sure hope that thou wilt, in better wise, restore it to
me again at the last day in the resurrection of the just. I beseech
thee, most merciful Lord Jesus Christ! that thou wilt by thy grace
make strong my soul against all temptations, and defend me with the
buckler of thy mercy against all the assaults of the devil. I see and
acknowledge that there is in myself no hope of salvation, but all my
confidence, hope, and trust is in thy most merciful goodness. I have
no merits nor good works which I may allege before thee. Of sins and
evil works, alas! I see a great heap; but yet through thy mercy I
trust to be in the number of them to whom thou wilt not impute their
sins; but wilt take and accept me for righteous and just, and to be
the inheritor of everlasting life. Thou, merciful Lord! wast born for
my sake; thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake; thou
didst teach, pray, and fast for my sake; all thy holy actions and
works thou wroughtest for my sake; thou sufferedst most grievous pains
and torments for my sake; finally, thou gavest thy most precious body
and thy blood to be shed on the cross for my sake. Now, most merciful
Saviour! let all these things profit me, that thou freely hast done
for me, which hast given thyself also for me. Let thy blood cleanse
and wash away the spots and foulness of my sins. Let thy righteousness
hide and cover my unrighteousness. Let the merits of thy passion and
blood-shedding be satisfaction for my sins. Give me, Lord! thy grace,
that the faith of my salvation in thy blood waver not in me, but
may ever be firm and constant; that the hope of thy mercy and life
everlasting never decay in me: that love wax not cold in me. Finally,
that the weakness of my flesh be not overcome with the fear of death.
Grant me, merciful Saviour! that when death hath shut up the eyes of
my body, yet the eyes of my soul may still behold and look upon thee;
and when death hath taken away the use of my tongue, yet my heart may
cry and say unto thee, "Lord! into thy hands I commend my soul; Lord
Jesu! receive my spirit!" Amen.'[352]
This is one of the most beautiful prayers handed down to us in
Christian times.
Cromwell having finished his prayer and being now ready, a stroke of
the axe severed his head from his body.
Thus died a man who, although he had risen from the lowliest to the
loftiest estate, never allowed himself to be seduced by pride, nor
made giddy by the pomps of the world, who continued attached to his
old acquaintances, and was eager to honor the meanest who had rendered
him any service; a man who powerfully contributed to the establishment
of Protestantism in England,[353] although his enemies, unaware of the
very different meanings of the words 'Catholicism' and 'Popery,' took
pleasure in circulating the report in Europe, after his death, that he
died a Roman Catholic; a man who for eight years governed his country,
the king, the parliament, and convocation; who had the direction of all
domestic as well as foreign affairs; who executed what he had advised,
and who, in spite of the blots which he himself lamented, was one of
the most intelligent, most active, and most influential of English
ministers.[354] It is said that the king ere long regretted him.
However this may be, he protected his son and gave him proofs of his
favor, doubtless in remembrance of his father.
Another nobleman, Walter, Lord Hungerford, was beheaded at the same
time with Cromwell, for having endeavored to ascertain, by 'conjuring,'
how long the king would live.[355]
CHAPTER VI.
DIVORCE OF ANNE OF CLEVES.
(1540.)
[Sidenote: ROME TRIUMPHANT.]
The Catholic party was triumphant. It had set aside the Protestant
queen and sacrificed the Protestant minister; and it now proceeded to
take measures of a less startling character, but which were a more
direct attack on the very work of the Reformation. It thought proper to
put to death some of those zealous men who were boldly preaching the
pure Gospel, not only for the sake of getting rid of them, but even
more for the purpose of terrifying those who were imitating them or who
were willing to do so.
Of these men, Barnes, Garret, and Jerome were the most known. They
were in prison; but Henry had hitherto scrupled about sacrificing men
who preached a doctrine opposed to the pope. The party, moreover,
united all their forces to bring about the fall of Cromwell, who had
been confined within the same walls. After his death, the death of the
preachers followed as a matter of course; it was merely the corollary;
it was a natural consequence, and needed no special demonstration; the
sentence, according to the Romish party, had only to be pronounced to
be evidently justified. On these principles the king's council and the
parliament proceeded; and two days after the execution of Cromwell,
these three evangelists, without any public hearing, without knowing
any cause of their condemnation, without receiving any communication
whatsoever,[356] were taken out of prison, July 30, 1540, to be
conducted to Smithfield, where they were to be deprived, not only of
their ministry, but of their lives.
Henry, however, was not free from uneasiness. He had openly asserted
that he leaned neither to one side nor to the other; that he weighed
both parties in a just balance; and now, while he is boasting of his
impartiality, every body persists in saying that he gives all the
advantage to the papists. What is he to do in order to be just and
impartial? Three papists must be found to be put to death at the
same time with the evangelicals. Then nobody will venture to assert
that the king does not hold the balance even. The measure shall be
faultless and one of the glories of his reign. The three papists
selected to be placed in the other scale bore the names of Abel, Powel,
and Fetherstone. The first two were political pamphleteers who had
supported the cause of Catherine of Aragon; and the third was, like
them, an opponent of royal supremacy. It seems that in this matter
the king also made allowance for the composition of his own council,
which comprised both friends and enemies of the Reformation. Amongst
the former were the archbishop of Canterbury, the duke of Suffolk,
viscounts Beauchamp and Lisle, Russell, Paget, Sadler, and Audley.
Amongst the latter were the bishops of Winchester and Durham, the
duke of Norfolk, the earl of Southampton, Sir Antony Brown, Paulet,
Baker, Richard, and Wingfield. There was therefore a majority of one
against the Reformation, just enough to turn the scale. Henry, with a
show of impartiality, assigned three victims to each of these parties.
Preparations were made at the Tower for carrying out this equitable
sentence. In the court-yard were three hurdles, of oblong shape, formed
of branches of trees closely intertwined, on which the culprits were
to be drawn to the place of execution. Why three only, as there were
six condemned? The reason was soon to be seen. When the three prisoners
of each side were brought out, they proceeded to lay one evangelical
on the first hurdle, and by his side a papist, binding them properly
to each other to keep them in this strange coupling. The same process
was gone through with the second and the third hurdles;[357] they then
set out, and the six prisoners were drawn two and two to Smithfield.
Thus, in every street through which the procession passed, Henry VIII.
proclaimed by this strange spectacle that his government was impartial,
and condemned alike the two classes of divines and of doctrines.
[Sidenote: PAPIST AND PROTESTANT MARTYRS.]
The three hurdles reached Smithfield. Two and two, the prisoners were
unbound, and the three evangelicals were conducted to the stake. No
trial having been allowed them by the court, these upright and pious
men felt it their duty to supply its place at the foot of the scaffold.
The day of their death thus became for them the day of hearing. The
tribunal was sitting and the assembly was large. Barnes was the first
speaker. He said: 'I am come hither to be burned as a heretic.... God I
take to record, I never (to my knowledge) taught any erroneous
doctrine ... and I neither moved nor gave occasion of any
insurrection.... I believe in the Holy and Blessed Trinity; ... and that
this blessed Trinity sent down the second person, Jesus Christ, into the
womb of the most blessed and purest Virgin Mary.... I believe that
through his death he overcame sin, death and hell; and that there is
none other satisfaction to the Father, but this his death and passion
only.' At these words Barnes, deeply moved, raised his hands to heaven,
and prayed God to forgive him his sins. This profession of faith did not
satisfy the sheriff. Then some one asked him what he thought of praying
to the saints. 'I believe,' answered Barnes, 'that they are worthy
of all the honor that Scripture willeth them to have. But, I say,
throughout all Scripture we are not commanded to pray to any
saints.... If saints do pray for us, then I trust to pray for you within
the next half-hour.' He was silent, and the sheriff said to him: 'Well,
have you any thing more to say?' He answered: 'Have ye any articles
against me for the which I am condemned?' The sheriff answered: 'No.'
Barnes then put the question to the people whether any knew wherefore he
died. No one answered. Then he resumed: 'They that have been the
occasion of it I pray God forgive them, as I would be forgiven myself.
And Doctor Stephen, bishop of Winchester that now is, if he have sought
or wrought this my death, either by word or deed, I pray God forgive
him.... I pray that God may give [the king] prosperity, and that he may
long reign among you; and after him that godly prince Edward may so
reign that he may finish those things that his father hath begun.'[358]
Then collecting himself, Barnes addressed three requests to the sheriff,
the prayer of a dying man. The first was that the king might employ
the wealth of the abbeys which had been poured into the treasury in
relieving his poor subjects who were in great need of it. The second
was that marriage might be respected, and that men might not live in
uncleanness. The third, that the name of God might not be taken in vain
in abominable oaths. These prayers of a dying man, who was sent to the
scaffold by Henry himself, ought to have produced some impression on
the heart of the king. Jerome and Garret likewise addressed affecting
exhortations to the people. After this, these three Christians uttered
together their last prayer, shook hands with and embraced each other,
and then meekly gave themselves up to the executioner. They were bound
to the same stake, and breathed their last in patience and in faith.
On the same day, at the same hour, and at the same place where
the three friends of the Gospel were burnt, the three followers
of the pope, Abel, Fetherstone, and Powel were hung. A foreigner
who was present exclaimed: '_Deus bone! quomodo hic vivunt gentes?
Hic suspenduntur papistæ, illic comburuntur antipapistæ._' The
simple-minded and ignorant asked what kind of religion people should
have in England, seeing that both Romanism and Protestantism led to
death. A courtier exclaimed: 'Verily, henceforth I will be of the
king's religion, that is to say, of none at all!'[359]
[Sidenote: PROPOSED DIVORCE OF THE QUEEN.]
Cromwell and these six men were not to be the only objects of the
king's displeasure. Even before they had undergone their sentence,
the king had caused his divorce to be pronounced. In marrying Anne
of Cleves, his chief object had been to form an alliance with the
Protestants against the emperor. Now these two opponents were by this
time reconciled with each other. Henry, therefore, deeply irritated, no
longer hesitated to rid himself of the new queen. He was influenced,
moreover, by another motive. He was smitten with the charms of another
woman. However, as he dreaded the raillery, the censures, and even the
calamities which the divorce might bring upon him, he was anxious not
to appear as the originator of it, and should the accusation be made,
to be able to repel it as a foul imposture without shadow of reality.
He resolved, therefore, to adopt such a course that this strange
proceeding should seem to have been imposed upon him. This intention
he hinted to one of the lords in whom he had full confidence; and the
latter made some communications about it, on July 3, to the Privy
Council. On the 6th his majesty's ministers pointed out to the upper
house the propriety of their humbly requesting the king, in conjunction
with the lower house, that the convocation of the clergy might examine
into his marriage with Anne of Cleves, and see whether it were valid.
The lords adopted the proposal; and a commission consisting of the lord
chancellor, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the dukes of Norfolk
and Suffolk, presented it to the commons, who gave their assent to
it. Consequently the whole House of Lords and a commission of twenty
members of the lower house appeared before the king, and stated that
the matter about which they had to confer with him was of such an
important character that they must first request his permission to lay
it before them. Henry, feigning utter ignorance of what they meant,
commanded them to speak. They then said,--'We humbly pray your majesty
to allow the validity of your marriage to be investigated by the
convocation of the clergy; we attach all the more importance to this
proceeding because the question bears upon the succession to the throne
of your majesty.' It was well known that the king did not love Anne,
and that he was even in love with another.[360] This is a striking
instance of the degree of meanness to which Henry VIII. had reduced his
parliament; for an assembly, even if some mean souls are to be found in
it, undertakes not to be despicable, and what is noblest in it usually
comes to the surface. But if the shameful compliances of the parliament
astonish us, the audacious hypocrisy of Henry VIII. surprises us still
more. He stood up to answer as if in the presence of the Deity; and
concealing his real motives he said,--'There is nothing in the world
more dear to me than the glory of God, the good of England, and the
declaration of the truth.' All the actors in this comedy played their
parts to perfection.[361] The king immediately sent to Richmond some
of his councillors, amongst them Suffolk and Gardiner, to communicate
to the queen the demand of the parliament and to ascertain her opinion
with respect to it. After many long conferences, Anne gave her consent
to the proposal.[362]
[Sidenote: EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.]
The next day, July 7, the matter was brought before Convocation by
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, who was very anxious to see a Roman
Catholic queen upon the throne of England. A committee was nominated
for the purpose of examining the witnesses; and of this committee the
bishop was a member. An autograph declaration of the king was produced,
in which he dwelt strongly on the fact that he took such a dislike to
Anne as soon as he saw her that he thought instantly of breaking off
the match; that he never inwardly consented to the marriage, and that
in fact it had never been consummated.[363] Within two days all the
witnesses were heard. Henry was impatient; and the Roman party urgently
appealed to the assembly to deliver a judgment which would rid England
of a Protestant queen. Cranmer, out of fear or feebleness (he had just
seen Cromwell lose his head), went with the rest of them. In his view
the will of Henry VIII. was almost what destiny was for the ancients--
---- Des arrêts du destin l'ordre est invariable. ----
On July 9, Convocation, relying upon the two reasons given by the
king, and upon the fact that there was something ambiguous in Anne's
engagement with the son of the duke of Lorraine, decided that his
majesty 'was at liberty to contract another marriage for the good of
the realm.'[364] None of these reasons had any validity.[365] Nor
did Henry escape the condemnation and the raillery which he had so
much feared. 'It appears,' said Francis I., 'that over there they are
pleased to do with their women as with their geldings,--bring a number
of them together and make them trot, and then take the one which goes
easiest.'[366]
[Sidenote: THE DIVORCE ACCEPTED.]
The archbishop of Canterbury on July 10 reported to the House of Lords
that Convocation had declared the marriage null and void by virtue both
of the law of God and of the law of England. The bishop of Winchester
read the judgment and explained at length the grounds of it, and the
house declared itself satisfied. The archbishop and the bishop made
the same report to the Commons. On the following day--Henry did not
intend that any time should be lost--the lord chancellor, the duke
of Norfolk, the earl of Southampton, and the bishop of Winchester
betook themselves to Richmond, whither the innocent queen had been
sent for change of air, and informed her, on the king's behalf, of the
proceedings of parliament and of Convocation. Anne was distressed by
the communication. She had supposed that the clergy would acknowledge,
as it was their duty to do, the validity of her marriage. However
it may be, so sharp was the stroke that she fainted away.[367] The
necessary care was bestowed on her, and she recovered, and gradually
reconciled herself to the thought of submission to Henry's will. The
delegates told her that the king, while requiring her to renounce the
title of queen, conferred on her that of his adopted sister, and gave
her precedence in rank of all the ladies of the court, immediately
after the queen and the daughters of the king. Anne was modest; she
did not think highly of herself, and had often felt that she was not
made to be queen of England. She therefore submitted, and the same day,
July 11, wrote to the king,--'Though this case must needs be most hard
and sorrowful unto me, for the great love which I bear to your most
noble person, yet having more regard to God and his truth than to any
worldly affection, as it beseemed me ... I knowledge myself hereby to
accept and approve the same [determination of the clergy] wholly and
entirely putting myself, for my state and condition, to your highness's
goodness and pleasure; most humbly beseeching your majesty ... to
take me for one of your most humble servants.' She subscribed herself
'Your majesty's most humble sister and servant, Anne, daughter the
Cleves.'[368]
The king sent word to her that he conferred on her a pension of three
thousand pounds, and the palace at Richmond. Anne wrote to him again,
July 16, to thank him for his great kindness, and at the same time
sent him her ring.[369] She preferred--and herein she showed some
pride--to remain in England, rather than to go home after such a
disgrace had fallen upon her. 'I account God pleased,' she wrote to her
brother, 'with what is done, and know myself to have suffered no wrong
or injury.... I find the king's highness ... to be as a most kind,
loving and friendly father and brother.... I am so well content and
satisfied that I much desire my mother, you, and other mine allies so
to understand it, accept and take it.'[370] Seldom has a woman carried
self-renunciation to such a length.
CHAPTER VII.
CATHERINE HOWARD, A CATHOLIC QUEEN.
(1540.)
Who should take the place of the repudiated queen? This was the
question discussed at court and in the town. The Anglican Catholics,
delighted at the dismissal of the Protestant queen, were determined to
do all they possibly could to place on the throne a woman of their own
party. Such a one was already found. The bishop of Winchester, for some
time past, had frequently been holding feasts and entertainments for
the king. To these he invited a young lady, who though of small stature
was of elegant carriage, and had handsome features and a graceful
figure and manners.[371] She was a daughter of Lord Edmund Howard, and
niece of the duke of Norfolk, the leader of the Catholic party. She
had very soon attracted the attention of the king, who took increasing
pleasure in her society. This occurred before the divorce of Anne. 'It
is a certain fact,' says a contemporary, 'that about the same time many
citizens of London saw the king very frequently in the daytime, and
sometimes at midnight, pass over to her on the river Thames in a little
boat.... The citizens regarded all this not as a sign of divorcing
the queen, but of adultery.'[372] Whether this supposition was well
founded or not we can not say. The king, when once he had decided on a
separation from Anne of Cleves, had thought of her successor. He was
quite determined, after his mischance, to be guided neither by his
ministers, nor by his ambassadors, nor by political considerations,
but solely by his own eyes, his own tastes, and the happiness he might
hope for. Catherine pleased him very much; and his union with Anne
was no sooner annulled than he proceeded to his fifth marriage. The
nuptials were celebrated on the 8th of August, eleven days after the
execution of Cromwell; and on the same day Catherine was presented at
court as queen. The king was charmed with Catherine Howard, his pretty
young wife; she was so amiable, her intercourse was so pleasant, that
he believed he had, after so many more or less unfortunate attempts,
found his ideal at last. Her virtuous sentiments, the good behavior
which she resolved to maintain, filled him with delight; and he was
ever expressing his happiness in 'having obtained such a jewel of
womanhood.'[373] He had no foreboding of the terrible blow which was
soon to shatter all this happiness.
[Sidenote: THE NEW QUEEN.]
The new queen was distinguished from the former chiefly by the
difference in religion, with a corresponding difference in morality.
The niece of the duke of Norfolk, Gardiner's friend, was of course an
adherent of the Catholic faith; and the Catholic party hailed her as at
once the symbol and the instrument of reaction. They had had plenty of
Protestant queens, Anne Boleyn, Jane Seymour, and Anne of Cleves. Now
that they had a Catholic queen, Catholicism--many said popery--would
recover its power. Henry was so much enamored of his new spouse that,
in honor of her, he once more became a fervent Catholic. He celebrated
all the Saints' days, frequently received the holy sacrament, and
offered publicly thanksgiving to God for this happy union which he
hoped to enjoy for a long time.[374] The conversion of Henry, for the
change was nothing less, brought with it a change of policy. He now
abandoned France and the German Protestants in order to ally himself
with the empire; and we find him ere long busily engaged in a project
for the marriage of his daughter Mary to the emperor Charles V. This
project, however, came to nothing.[375] Gardiner, Norfolk, and the
other leaders of the Catholic party, rejoicing in the breeze which
bore their vessel onward, set all sails to the wind. Just after the
divorce of Anne of Cleves, and by way of a first boon to the Romish
party, the penalties for impure living imposed on priests and nuns were
mitigated.[376] In contempt of the authority of Holy Scripture as well
as of that of parliament itself, Henry got an Act passed by virtue of
which every determination concerning _faith_, worship, and ceremonies,
adopted with the sanction of the king by a commission of archbishops,
bishops, and other ecclesiastics nominated by him, _was to be received,
believed, and observed by the whole nation_, just as if parliament
had approved every one of these articles, even if this decree were
contrary to former usages and ordinances.[377] This was a proclamation
of infallibility in England for the benefit of the pope-king, under
cover of which he might found a religion to his own taste. Cranmer
had established in all cathedral churches professors entrusted with
the teaching of Hebrew and Greek, in order that students might become
well acquainted with sacred literature, and that the church might
never want ministers capable of edifying it. But the enemies of the
Reformation, who now enjoyed royal favor, fettered or abolished this
institution and other similar ones, to the great damage both of
religion and the country.[378] The Catholic ceremonies, on the other
hand, abrogated by Cranmer and Cromwell--the consecration of bread
and of water, the embers with which the priest marked the foreheads
of the faithful, the palm branches blessed on Palm Sunday, the tapers
carried at Candlemas, and other like customs--were re-established; and
penalties were imposed on those who should neglect them.[379] A new
edition of the 'Institution of a Christian Man' explained to the people
the king's doctrine. It treated of the seven sacraments, the mass,
transubstantiation, the salutation of the Virgin, and other doctrines
of the kind to which conformity was required.[380] At length, as if
with a view to ensure the permanence of this system, Bonner was made
bishop of London; and this man, who had been the most abject flatterer
and servant of Cromwell during his life, turned about after his death
and became the persecutor of those whom Cromwell had protected.
[Sidenote: BONNER, BISHOP OF LONDON.]
At the spectacle of this reaction, so marvellous in their eyes, the
Anglican Catholics and even the papists broke out with joy, and awaited
with impatience 'the crowning of the edifice.' England, in their view,
was saved. The church was triumphant. But while there was rejoicing
on the one side, there was mourning on the other. The establishment
of superstitious practices, the prospect of the penalties contained
in the bloody statute of the Six Articles, penalties which had not
yet been enforced but were on the point of being so, spread distress
and alarm among the evangelicals. Those who did not add to their
faith manly energy shut up their convictions in their own breasts,
carefully abstained from conversation on religious subjects, and looked
with suspicion upon every stranger, fearing that he might be one of
Gardiner's spies.
Bonner was active and eager, going forward in pursuit of his object
and allowing nothing to check him. Cromwell and Cranmer, to whom he
used to make fair professions, believed that he was capable of being
of service to the Reformation, and therefore gave him promotion in
ecclesiastical offices. But no sooner had Cromwell been put in prison
than his signal deceitfulness showed itself. Grafton, who printed the
Bible under the patronage of the vicegerent, having met Bonner, to whom
Cromwell had introduced him, exclaimed, 'How grieved I am to hear that
Lord Cromwell has been sent to the Tower!' 'It would have been much
better,' replied Bonner, 'if he had been sent there long ago.' Shortly
after, Grafton was cited before the council, and was accused of having
printed, by Cromwell's order, certain suspected verses; and Bonner, for
the purpose of aggravating his criminality, did not fail to report what
the accused had said to him about the man who had been his own personal
benefactor. The chancellor, however, a friend of Grafton, succeeded
in saving the printer of the Bible. Bonner indemnified himself for
this disappointment by persecuting a great many citizens of London. He
vented his rage especially on a poor youth of fifteen, ignorant and
uncultivated, named Mekins, whom he accused of having spoken against
the Eucharist and in favor of Barnes; but the grand jury found him 'not
guilty.' Hereupon Bonner became furious. 'You are perjured,' he said to
the jury. 'The witnesses do not agree,' they replied. The one deposed
that Mekins had said the sacrament was nothing but a 'ceremony'; and
the other that it was nothing but a 'signification.' 'But did he not
say,' exclaimed the bishop, 'that Barnes died holy?' 'But we can not
find these words,' said the jury, 'to be against the statute.' 'Upon
which Bonner cursed and was in a great rage.'[381] 'Retire again,' he
said, 'consult together, and bring in the bill.' Mekins was condemned
to die. In vain was it shown that he was a poor ignorant creature and
that he had done nothing worse than repeat what he had heard, and this
without even understanding it. In vain, too, did his father and mother,
who were in great distress, attempt to mitigate the harsh treatment to
which he was subjected in prison. The poor lad was ready to say or do
any thing to escape being burnt. They made him speak well of Bonner and
of his 'great charity towards him'; they made him declare that he hated
all heretics, and then they burnt him.[382] This was only the beginning
and Bonner hoped by such proceedings to prepare the way for greater
triumphs.
[Sidenote: PERSECUTION IN LONDON.]
The persecution became more general. Two hundred and two persons were
prosecuted in thirty-nine London parishes. Their offences were such as
the following--having read the Holy Scriptures aloud in the churches;
having refused to carry palm branches on Palm Sunday; having had one or
other of their kinsfolk buried without the masses for the dead; having
received Latimer, Barnes, Garret, or other evangelicals; having held
religious meetings in their houses of an evening; having said that the
holy sacrament was a good thing, but was not, as some asserted, God
himself; having spoken much about the Holy Scriptures; having declared
that they liked better to hear a sermon than a mass; and other the like
offences. Among the delinquents were some of the priests. One of these
was accused of having caused suspected persons to be invited to his
sermons by his beadle, without having the bells rung; another of having
preached without the orders of his superior; others, of not making use
of holy water, of not going in procession, &c.[383]
The Inquisition which was made at this time was so rigorous that
all the prisons of London would not hold the accused. They had to
place some of them in the halls of various buildings. The case was
embarrassing. The Catholics of the court were not alone in instigating
the king to persecution. Francis I. sent word to him by Wallop, 'that
it had well liked him to hear that his majesty _was reforming_ the
Lutheran sect, for that he was ever of opinion that no good could come
of them but much evil.'[384] But there were other influences at court
besides that of Francis I., Norfolk, and Gardiner. Lord Audley obtained
the king's sanction for the release of the prisoners, who, however, had
to give their promise to appear at the Star Chamber on All Souls' Day.
Ultimately they were let alone.
But this does not mean that all the evangelicals were spared. Two
ministers were at this time distinguished both for their high
connections and for their faith and eloquence. One of these was
the Scotchman, Seaton, chaplain to the duke of Suffolk. Preaching
powerfully at St. Antholin's church, in London, he said,--'"Of
ourselves we can do nothing," says St. Paul; "I pray thee, then, where
is thy will? Art thou better than Paul, James, Peter, and all the
apostles?" Hast thou any more grace than they? Tell me now if they
will be any thing or nothing?... Paul said he could do nothing.... If
you ask me when we will leave preaching only Christ, even when they do
leave to preach that works do merit, and suffer Christ to be a whole
satisfier and only mean to our justification.' Seaton was condemned
to bear a faggot at Paul's Cross.[385] Another minister, Dr. Crome,
was a learned man and a favorite of the archbishop. This did not
prevent the king from commanding him to preach that the sacrifice of
the mass is useful both for the living and the dead. Crome preached
the Gospel in its simplicity at St. Paul's on the appointed day, and
contented himself with reading the king's order after the sermon. He
was immediately forbidden to preach.[386]
Laymen were treated with greater severity. Bibles, it is known, had
been placed in all the churches, and were fastened by chains to the
pillars. A crowd of people used to gather about one of these pillars.
On one occasion a young man of fine figure, possessed of great zeal,
and gifted with a powerful voice, stood near the pillar holding the
Bible in his hands, and reading it aloud so that all might hear him.
His name was Porter. Bonner sharply rebuked him. 'I trust I have done
nothing against the law,' said Porter; and this was true. But the
bishop committed him to Newgate. There this young Christian was put
in irons; his legs, his arms, and his head were attached to the wall
by means of an iron collar. One of his kinsmen, by a gift of money,
induced the jailer to deliver him from this punishment; and the favor
they accorded him was to place him in the company of thieves and
murderers. Porter exhorted them to repent, and taught them the way of
salvation. The unhappy man was then cast into the deepest dungeon, was
cruelly treated, and loaded with irons. Eight days afterwards he died.
Cries and groans had been heard in the night. Some said that he had
been subjected to the torture called the devil, a horrible instrument
by which, in three or four hours, the back and the whole body were torn
in pieces.[387]
[Sidenote: CONSPIRACY AGAINST CRANMER.]
Meanwhile, a far more formidable blow was preparing. Cromwell, the
lay protector of the Reformation, had already been sacrificed; its
ecclesiastical protector, Cranmer, must now fall in the same way. This
second blow seemed easier than the first. Since the fall of Cromwell,
men of the utmost moderation thought 'there was no hope that reformed
religion should any one week longer stand.'[388] All those of feeble
character sided with the opposite party. Cranmer alone, amongst the
bishops and the ecclesiastical commissioners of the king, still upheld
evangelical truth. This obstacle in the way of the extension of
English Catholicism must be utterly overthrown. A commission of from
ten to twelve bishops and other competent men was formed to deliberate
as to the means of inducing the primate to make common cause with
them. Two bishops, Heath and Skyp, who enjoyed his confidence, 'left
him in the plain field.'[389] All these bishops and laymen, proud of
their victory, met at Lambeth palace, the abode of Cranmer, in order
to prosecute their scheme. After a few words exchanged to no purpose,
the two last-named bishops begged the archbishop to go down with them
into the garden, and there, as they paced up and down the paths, they
plied him with such reasons as they thought most urgent to induce him
'to leave off his overmuch constancy and to incline unto the king's
intent.' One or two friends of the primate joined them, and they made
use of all the resources of their eloquence and their policy for the
purpose of shaking his resolution. But Cranmer was like the river
which flowed quietly past his dwelling, which nothing can turn from
its course. He even took the offensive. 'You make much ado to have me
come to your purpose,' said he; ... 'beware, I say, what you do. There
is but one truth in our articles to be concluded upon, which if you do
hide from his highness ... and then when the truth can not be hidden
from him, his highness shall perceive how that you have dealt colorably
with him ... he will never after trust and credit you.... As you are
both my friends, so therefore I will you to beware thereof in time, and
discharge your consciences in maintenance of the truth.'[390]
[Sidenote: CHARGES AGAINST HIM.]
This was far from pacifying the bishops. Doctor London and other agents
of the party which looked up to Gardiner as its head, took in hand
to go over the diocese of the archbishop with a view to collecting
all the sayings and all the facts, true or false, which they might
turn to account as weapons against him. In one place a conversation
was reported to them; in another a sermon was denounced; elsewhere
neglected ritual was talked about. 'Three of the preachers of the
cathedral church,' they were told, namely, Ridley, Drum and Scory, 'are
attacking the ceremonies of the church.' Some of the canons, opponents
of the primate, brought various charges against him, and strove to
depict his marriage in the most repulsive colors. Sir John Gostwick,
whose accounts as treasurer of war and of the court were not correct,
accused Cranmer before the parliament of being the pastor of heretics.
All these grievances were set forth in a memorial which was presented
to the king. At the same time, the most influential members of the
privy council declared to the king that the realm was infested with
heresies; that thereby 'horrible commotions and uproars' might spring
up, as had been the case in Germany; and that these calamities must be
chiefly imputed to the archbishop of Canterbury, who both by his own
preaching and that of his chaplains had filled England with pernicious
doctrines. 'Who is his accuser?' said the king. The lords replied:
'Forasmuch as Cranmer is a councillor, no man durst take upon him to
accuse him. But if it please your highness to commit him to the Tower
for a time, there would be accusations and proofs enough against him.'
'Well then,' said the king, 'I grant you leave to commit him to-morrow
to the Tower for his trial.' The enemies of the archbishop and of the
Reformation went away well content.[391]
Meanwhile, Henry VIII. began to reflect on the answer which he had
given to his councillors. There is nothing to show that it was not made
in earnest; but he foresaw that Cranmer's death would leave an awkward
void. When Cranmer was gone, how should he maintain the conflict with
the pope and the papists, with whom he had no mind to be reconciled?
The primate's character and services came back to his memory. Time was
passing. At midnight the king, unable to sleep, sent for Sir Antony
Denny and said to him, 'Go to Lambeth and command the archbishop to
come forthwith to the court.' Henry then in a state of excitement,
began to walk about in one of the corridors of the palace, awaiting
the arrival of Cranmer. At length the primate entered and the king
said to him: 'Ah, my lord of Canterbury, I can tell you news.... It is
determined by me and the council, that you to-morrow at nine o'clock
shall be committed to the Tower, for that you and your chaplains (as
information is given us) have taught and preached, and thereby sown
within the realm such a number of execrable heresies, that it is feared
the whole realm being infected with them no small contentions and
commotions will rise thereby amongst my subjects, ... and therefore the
council have requested me, for the trial of this matter, to suffer them
to commit you to the Tower.'
[Sidenote: THE KING'S INTERVENTION.]
The story of Cromwell was to be repeated, and this was the first
step. Nevertheless, Cranmer did not utter a word of opposition or
supplication. Kneeling down before the king, according to his custom,
he said: 'I am content, if it please your grace, with all my heart to
go thither at your highness's commandment, and I most humbly thank your
majesty that I may come to my trial, for there be that have many ways
slandered me, and now this way I hope to try myself not worthy of such
a report.' The king, touched by his uprightness, said: 'Oh Lord, what
manner of man be you! What simplicity is in you!... Do you not know...
how many great enemies you have? Do you consider what an easy thing it
is to procure three or four false knaves to witness against you? Think
you to have better luck that way than Christ your master had? I see
it, you will run headlong to your undoing, if I would suffer you. Your
enemies shall not so prevail against you, for I have otherwise devised
with myself to keep you out of their hands. Yet, notwithstanding,
to-morrow when the council shall sit and send for you, resort unto
them; and if in charging you with this matter they do commit you
to the Tower, require of them... that you may have your accusers
brought before them and that you may answer their accusations....
If no entreaty or reasonable request will serve, then deliver unto
them this ring'--the king at the same time delivered his ring to the
archbishop--'and say unto them: If there be no remedy, my lords, but
that I must needs go to the Tower, then I revoke my cause from you and
appeal to the king's own person by this his token to you all. So soon
as they shall see this my ring, they know it so well, that they shall
understand that I have resumed the whole cause into mine own hands.'
The archbishop was so much moved by the king's kindness that he 'had
much ado to forbear tears.' 'Well,' said the king, 'go your ways, my
lord, and do as I have bidden you.'[392] The archbishop bent his knee
in expression of his gratitude, and taking leave of the king returned
to Lambeth before day.
On the morrow, about nine o'clock, the council sent an usher of the
palace to summon the archbishop. He set out forthwith and presented
himself at the door of the council chamber. But his colleagues, glad
to complete the work which they had begun by putting the vicegerent
to death, were not content with sending the primate to the scaffold;
but were determined to subject Cranmer to various humiliations
before the final catastrophe. The archbishop could not be let in,
but was compelled to wait there among the pages, lackeys, and other
serving-men. Doctor Butts, the king's physician, happening to pass
through the room, and observing how the archbishop was treated, went
to the king and said: 'My lord of Canterbury, if it please your grace,
is well promoted; for now he is become a lackey or a serving-man, for
yonder he standeth this half hour without the council-chamber door
amongst them.' 'It is not so,' said the king, 'I trow, nor the council
hath not so little discretion as to use the metropolitan of the realm
in that sort, especially being one of their own number; but let them
alone, and we shall hear more soon.'
At length the archbishop was admitted. He did as the king had bidden
him: and when he saw that none of his statements or reasons were of
any avail with the council, he presented the king's ring, appealing at
the same time to his Majesty. Hereupon, the whole council was struck
with astonishment;[393] and the earl of Bedford, who was not one of
Gardiner's party, with a solemn oath exclaimed: 'When you first began
this matter, my lords, I told you what would come of it. Do you think
that the king will suffer this man's finger to ache? Much more, I
warrant you, will he defend his life against brabbling varlets. You
do but cumber yourselves to hear tales and fables against him.' The
members of the council immediately rose and carried the king's ring to
him, thus surrendering the matter, according to the usage of the time,
into his hands.
[Sidenote: AN APPROACHING CHANGE.]
When they had all come into the presence of the king, he said to them
with a severe countenance: 'Ah, my lords, I thought I had had wiser
men of my council than now I find you. What discretion was this in
you, thus to make the primate of the realm, and one of you in office,
to wait at the council-chamber door amongst serving men?... You had
no such commission of me so to handle him. I was content that you
should try him as a councillor, and not as a mean subject. But now
I well perceive that things be done against him maliciously; and if
some of you might have had your minds, you would have tried him to the
uttermost. But I do you all to wit, and protest, that if a prince may
be beholding unto his subject' (and here Henry laid his hand solemnly
upon his breast), 'by the faith I owe to God, I take this man here, my
lord of Canterbury, to be of all other a most faithful subject unto us,
and one to whom we are much beholding.' The Catholic members of the
council were disconcerted, confused, and unable to make any answer. One
or two of them, however, took courage, made excuses, and assured the
king that their object in trying the primate was to clear him of the
calumnies of the world, and not to proceed against him maliciously. The
king, who was not to be imposed upon by these hypocritical assertions,
said: 'Well, well, my lords, take him and well use him, as he is worthy
to be, and make no more ado.' All the lords then went up to Cranmer,
and took him by the hand as if they had been his dearest friends. The
archbishop, who was of a conciliatory disposition, forgave them. But
the king sent to prison for a certain time some of the archbishop's
accusers; and he sent a message to Sir J. Gostwick, to the effect that
he was a wicked varlet, and that unless he made his apologies to the
metropolitan, he would make of him an example which should be a warning
to all false accusers. These facts are creditable to Henry VIII. It
was doubtless his aim to keep a certain middle course; and like many
other despots he had happy intervals. There were other evidences of
this fact. Four great Bibles appeared with his sanction in 1541; two of
them bearing the name of Tonstall, the other two that of Cranmer.[394]
Moreover, a sudden change was approaching which was to alter the whole
course of things.
At the end of August, 1541, Henry went to York,[395] for the purpose of
holding an interview with his nephew, the king of Scotland, whom he was
anxious to persuade to declare himself independent of the pope. Henry
made magnificent preparations for his reception; but Cardinal Beatoun
prevented the young prince from going. This excited the bitterest
discontent in Henry's mind, and became afterwards the cause of a
breach. The queen, who accompanied him, endeavored to divert him from
his vexation; and the king, more and more pleased with his marriage,
after his return to London, made public thanksgiving on All Saints' Day
(October 24), that God had given him so amiable and excellent a wife,
and even requested the bishop of Lincoln to join in his commendations
of her. This excessive satisfaction was ere long to be interrupted.[396]
[Sidenote: DISCLOSURES ABOUT THE QUEEN.]
During the king's journey, one John Lascelles, who had a married sister
living in the county of Sussex, paid her a visit. This woman had
formerly been in the service of the old duchess of Norfolk, grandmother
to the queen, and by whom Catherine had been brought up. In the course
of conversation the brother and sister talked about this young lady,
whom the sister had known well, and who had now become wife to the
king. The brother, ambitious for his sister's advancement, said to her:
'You ought to ask the queen to place you among her attendants.' 'I
shall certainly not do so,' she answered; 'I can not think of the queen
but with sadness.' 'Why?' 'She is so frivolous in character and in
life.' 'How so?' Then the woman related that Catherine had had improper
intercourse with one of the officers of the ducal house of Norfolk,
named Francis Derham; and that she had been very familiar with another
whose name was Mannock. Lascelles perceived the importance of these
statements; and as he could not take upon himself the responsibility
of concealing them, he determined to report them to the archbishop.
The communication greatly embarrassed Cranmer. If he should keep the
matter secret and it should afterwards become known, he would be
ruined. Nor would he less certainly be ruined if he should divulge
it, and then no proof be forthcoming. But what chiefly weighed upon
his mind was the thought of the agitation which would be excited. To
think of another wife of the king executed at the Tower! To think
of his prince, his country, and perhaps also the work which was in
process of accomplishment in England, becoming the objects of ridicule
and perhaps of abhorrence! As he was unwilling to assume alone the
responsibility imposed by so grave a communication, he opened his mind
on the subject to the lord chancellor and to other members of the
privy council, to whom the king had entrusted the despatch of business
during his absence. 'They were greatly troubled and inquieted.'[397]
After having well weighed the reasons for and against, they came to
the conclusion that, as this matter mainly concerned the king, Cranmer
should inform him of it. This was a hard task to undertake; and the
archbishop, who was deeply affected, durst not venture to make _viva
voce_ so frightful a communication. He therefore put down in writing
the report which had been made to him, and had it laid before the king.
The latter was terribly shocked; but as he tenderly loved his wife
and had a high opinion of her virtue, he said that it was a calumny.
However, he privately assembled in his cabinet the lord privy seal, the
lord admiral, Sir Antony Brown, and Sir Thomas Wriothesley, a friend
of the duke of Norfolk, who had taken a leading part in the divorce of
Anne of Cleves, and laid the case before them, declaring at the same
time that he did not believe in it. These lords privately examined
Lascelles and his sister, who persisted in their depositions; next
Mannock and Derham, who asserted the truth of their statements; the
latter, moreover, mentioning three of the duchess of Norfolk's women
who likewise had knowledge of the facts. The members of the council
made their report to the king, who, pierced with grief, remained
silent for some time. At length he burst into tears, and commanded the
duke of Norfolk, the queen's uncle, the archbishop of Canterbury, the
high chamberlain, and the bishop of Winchester, who had promoted the
marriage, to go to Catherine and examine her. At first she denied every
thing. But when Cranmer was sent to her, on the evening of the first
inquisition, the words of the primate, his admonitions, the reports
which he made to her, which proved that her conduct was perfectly well
known, convinced her of the uselessness of her denials, and she then
made full confession, and even added some strange details. It does
not appear that the queen felt it her duty to confess her offences to
God, but she resolved at least to confess them to men. While making
her confession she was in a state of so great agitation that the
archbishop was in dread every moment of her losing her reason. He
thought, according to her confessions, that she had been seduced by the
infamous Derham, with the privity even of his own wife. The household
of the duchess-dowager of Norfolk appears to have been very disorderly.
Cranmer wrote down or caused to be written this confession, and
Catherine signed it.[398] He had scarcely left the unhappy woman, when
she fell into a state of raving delirium.
[Sidenote: THE QUEEN'S FRENZY.]
The king was thrown into great excitement by the news of Catherine's
confession of the reality of his misfortune. The very intensity of
his love served to increase his trouble and his wrath; but, for all
this, some feeling of pity remained in his heart. 'Return to her,' he
said to Cranmer, 'and first make use of the strongest expressions to
give her a sense of the greatness of her offences; secondly, state
to her what the law provides in such cases, and what she must suffer
for her crime; and lastly express to her my feelings of pity and
forgiveness.' Cranmer returned to Catherine and found her in a fit
of passion so violent that he never remembered--so he wrote to the
king--seeing any creature in such a state. The keepers told him that
this vehement rage had continued from his departure from her.[399]
'It would have pitied,' said the good archbishop, 'any man's heart
in the world to have looked upon her.' Indeed, she was almost in a
frenzy; she was not without strength, but her strength was that of a
frantic person. The archbishop had had too much experience in the cure
of souls, to adopt the order prescribed by the king. He saw that if
he spoke first to her of the crime and its punishment, he might throw
her into some dangerous ecstasy, from which she could not be rescued.
He therefore began with the last part of the royal message, and told
the queen that his majesty's mercy extended to her, and that he had
compassion on her misfortune. Catherine hereupon lifted up her hands,
became quiet, and gave utterance to the humblest thanksgivings to the
king who showed her so much mercy. She became more self-possessed;
continuing, however, to sob and weep. But 'after a little pausing, she
suddenly fell into a new rage, much worse than she was before.'[400]
Cranmer, desirous of delivering her from this frightful delirium,
said to her: 'Some new fantasy has come into your head, madam; pray
open it to me.' After a time, when her passion subsided and she was
capable of speech, she wept freely and said: 'Alas, my lord, that I am
alive! The fear of death grieved me not so much before, as doth now the
remembrance of the king's goodness. For when I remember how gracious
and loving a prince I had, I can not but sorrow; but this sudden mercy,
and more than I could have looked for, showed unto me so unworthy at
this time, maketh mine offences to appear before mine eyes much more
heinous than they did before; and the more I consider the greatness of
his mercy, the more I do sorrow in my heart that I should so misorder
myself against his majesty.' The fact that the compassion of the king
touched Catherine more than the fear of a trial and of death, seemed
to indicate a state of mind less wayward than one might have expected.
But in vain Cranmer said to her every thing calculated to pacify her;
she remained for a long time 'in a great pang;' and even fell soon
into another frightful passion. At length, in the afternoon she came
gradually to herself, and was in a quiet state till night. Cranmer,
during this interval of relief, had 'good communications with her.'
He rejoiced at having brought her into some quiet. She told him that
there had been a marriage contract between her and Derham, only verbal
indeed, she said; but that nevertheless, though never announced and
acknowledged, it had been consummated. She added that she had acted
under compulsion of that man.[401] At six o'clock, she had another
fit of frenzy. 'Ah,' she said afterwards to Cranmer, 'when the clock
struck, I remembered the time when Master Heneage was wont to bring
me knowledge of his Grace.' In consequence of Cranmer's report, Henry
commanded that the queen should be conducted to Sion House, where two
apartments were to be assigned to her and attendants nominated by the
king.[402]
Charges against Catherine were accumulating. She had taken into
her service, as queen, the wretched Derham and, employing him as
secretary, had often admitted him into her private apartments; and
this the council regarded as evidence of adultery.[403] She had also
again attached to herself one of the women implicated in her first
irregularities. At length it was proved that another gentleman, one
Culpeper, a kinsman of her mother, had been introduced, in the king's
absence on a journey, into the queen's private apartments by Lady
Rochford, at a suspicious hour and under circumstances which usually
indicate crime. Culpeper confessed it.
[Sidenote: EXECUTIONS.]
Now began the condemnations and the executions; and Henry VIII.
included in the trial not only those who were guilty but also the near
relatives and servants of the queen, who, though well knowing her
offences, had not reported them to the king. On the 7th, the council
determined that the duchess-dowager of Norfolk, grandmother to the
queen, her uncle, Lord William Howard, her aunts Lady Howard and Lady
Bridgewater, together with Alice Wilks, Catherine Tylney, Damport,
Walgrave, Malin Tilney, Mary Lascelles, Bulmer, Ashby, Anne Haward
and Margaret Benet were all guilty of not having revealed the crime
of high treason, and that they should be prosecuted. On the 8th the
king ordered that all these persons, Mary Lascelles excepted, should
be committed to the Tower: and this was done. Lord William Howard was
imprisoned on December 9; the duchess of Norfolk on the 10th, and Lady
Bridgewater on the 13th. All of them stoutly protested their ignorance
and their innocence.[404] On December 10, 1541, Culpeper was beheaded
at Tyburn; and the same day Derham was hung, drawn and quartered.[405]
Meanwhile, the duke of Norfolk had taken refuge at Kenninghall, about
eighty miles from London. On December 15, he wrote to the king, saying
that by reason of the offences committed by his family he found himself
in the utmost perplexity. Twice in his letter he 'prostrates himself
at the king's feet;' and he expresses 'some hope that your Highness
will not conceive any displeasure in your most gentle heart against
me; that, God knoweth, never did think thought which might be to your
discontentation.'[406] There did, however, remain something in the
'most gentle heart' of Henry VIII.
Parliament met, by the king's command, on January 16, 1542, to give
its attention to this business. Thus it was to the highest national
assembly that the king entrusted the regulation of his domestic
interests. On January 21, the chancellor introduced in the upper house
a bill in which the king was requested not to trouble himself about the
matter, considering that it might shorten his life; to declare guilty
of high treason the queen and all her accomplices; and to condemn the
queen and Lady Rochford to death. The bill passed both houses and
received the royal assent.[407]
On February 12, the queen and Lady Rochford, her accomplice, were taken
to Tower Hill and beheaded. The queen, while she confessed the offences
which had preceded her marriage, protested to the last before God and
his holy angels that she had never violated her faith to the king. But
her previous offences gave credibility to those which were subsequent
to her marriage. With regard to Lady Rochford, the confidant of the
queen, she was universally hated. People called to mind the fact that
her calumnies had been the principal cause of the death of the innocent
Anne Boleyn and of her own husband; and nobody was sorry for her. The
king pardoned the old duchess of Norfolk and some others who had been
prosecuted for not disclosing the crime.
[Sidenote: THE QUEEN'S GUILT.]
These events did not call forth within the realm many remarks of a
painful kind for Henry VIII.; but the great example of immorality
presented by the English court lessened the esteem in which it was held
in Europe. There was no lack of similar licentiousness in France and
elsewhere; but there a veil was thrown over it, while in England it
was public talk. Opinion afterwards became severe with regard to the
king; and when his conduct to three of his former wives was remembered,
people said of the disgrace cast on him by Catherine Howard, he well
deserved it. As for the Catholic party, which had given Catherine
to Henry and had cherished the hope that by her influence it should
achieve its final triumph, it was greatly mortified, and it has been so
down to our own time. Some Catholics, referring to these offences, have
tried to lessen the abhorrence and the shame of them by saying 'that
a conspiracy was hatched to bring the queen to the scaffold.' But the
evidence produced against Catherine is so clear that they have been
obliged to alter their tone. Catholicism assuredly has had its virtuous
princesses in abundance, but it must be acknowledged that she who
became its patroness in England in 1541 did not do it much honor.[408]
The elevation of Catherine Howard to the throne had been followed by an
elevation of Catholicism in England; and the fall of this unhappy woman
was followed by a depression of the party to which she belonged. This
is our reason for dwelling on her history. These last events appear to
have given offence at Rome. Pope Paul III. displayed more irritation
than ever against Henry VIII. One of the king's ambassadors at Venice
wrote to him at this time,--'The bishop of Rome is earnestly at work to
bring about a union of the emperor and the king of France for the ruin
of your majesty;' and the secret reflection that the count Ludovico de
Rangon had been in England filled the pope with fury[409] and rage.
The zeal and the caution of Cranmer in the affair of Catherine had
greatly increased the king's liking for him. Cranmer, however, was in
no haste to take advantage of this to get any bold measures passed in
favor of the Reformation. He knew that any such attempt would have had
a contrary result. But he lost no opportunity of diffusing in England
the principles of the Reformation.
Parliament met on January 16, 1542, and the Convocation of the clergy
on the 20th of the same month. On Friday, February 17, the translation
of the Holy Scriptures was on the order of the day. The suppression of
the English Bible was desired by the majority of the bishops, most of
all by Gardiner, who, since the fall of Catherine Howard, felt more
than ever the necessity of resisting reformation. As he was unable to
re-establish at once the Vulgate as a whole, he endeavored to retain
what he could of it in the translation, so that the people might not
understand what they read and might abandon it altogether. He proposed
therefore to keep in the English translation one hundred and two
Latin words 'for the sake of their native meaning and their dignity.'
Among these words were--_Ecclesia_, _pœnitentia_, _pontifex_,
_holocaustum_, _simulacrum_, _episcopus_, _confessio_, _hostia_, and
others. In addition to the design which he entertained of preventing
the people from understanding what they read, he had still another in
regard to such as might understand any part of it. If he was desirous
of retaining certain words, this was for the purpose of retaining
certain dogmas. 'Witness,' says Fuller, 'the word _Penance_, which
according to _vulgar sound_, contrary to the original sense thereof,
was a _magazine of willworship_, and brought in much _gain_ to the
_Priests_ who were desirous to _keep_ that _word_, because that
_word kept them_.'[410] Cranmer gave the king warning of the matter;
and it was agreed that the bishops should have nothing to do with
the translation of the Bible. On March 10 the archbishop informed
Convocation that it was the king's intention to have the translation
examined by the two universities. The bishops were greatly annoyed; but
Cranmer assured them that the king's determination was to be carried
out. All the prelates but two protested against this course. This
decree, however, had no other object than to get rid of the bishops,
for the universities were never consulted. This was obviously a blow
struck at the Convocation of the clergy.[411]
[Sidenote: HYPOCRISY OF BONNER.]
The change which resulted from the disgrace of the Howards was apparent
even in the case of the enemies of the Reformation. Bonner, bishop
of London, a man at once violent and fickle, who after the death of
Cromwell had suddenly turned against the Reformation, after the death
of Catherine made a show of turning in the contrary direction. He
published various admonitions and injunctions for the guidance of his
diocese. 'It is very expedient,' he said to the laity, 'that whosoever
repaireth hither [to the church] to read this book, or any such like,
in any other place, he prepare himself chiefly and principally with
all devotion, humility and quietness to be edified and made the better
thereby.' To the clergy he said: 'Every parson, vicar and curate shall
read over and diligently study every week one chapter of the Bible,...
proceeding from chapter to chapter, from the beginning of the Gospel
of Matthew, to the end of the New Testament.... You are to instruct,
teach and bring up in learning the best ye can all such children of
your parishioners as shall come to you for the same; or at the least
to teach them to read English,... so that they may thereby the better
learn and know how to believe, how to pray, how to live to God's
pleasure.'[412]
CHAPTER VIII.
A PROTESTANT QUEEN, CATHERINE PARR.
(1542.)
[Sidenote: RICHARD HILLES.]
The principles of the Reformation were spreading more and more, and
especially among the London merchants; doubtless because they held more
intercourse than other classes with foreigners. These men of business
were much better informed than we in our days should suppose. One of
them, Richard Hilles, had large business transactions with Strasburg
and the rest of Germany; and while engaged in these he paid some
attention to theological literature. He not merely read, but formed
an opinion of the works which he read, and was thus at the same time
merchant and critic. He read the _Ecclesiastical History_ of Eusebius,
as well as his _Preparation_ and _Demonstration_; but he was not
satisfied with Eusebius. He found in his writings false notions on
free-will and on the marriage of ministers. Tertullian, on the other
hand, charmed him by his simplicity, his piety, and likewise by the
soundness of his judgment on the Eucharist; but he found much fault
with his work on _Prescriptions against Heretics_.[413] Cyprian edified
him by the fulness of his piety; but he was shocked by his overmuch
severity, and by his opinions on satisfaction, which in his view were
derogatory to the righteousness of Christ. Lactantius he loved as the
defender of the cause of God; but he sharply criticised his opinions on
the virtue of almsgiving, on the necessity of abstinence from flowers
and perfumes, _illecebræ istæ voluptatum arma_, on the method of making
up for evil works by good ones, on the millennium, and many other
subjects. Origen, Augustine, and Jerome were also included in the cycle
of his studious labors.[414] Hilles considered it a great loss, even to
a merchant, to pursue no studies. He found in them a remedy against the
too strong influences of worldly affairs.
For him, however, the essential matter was the study of the Word
of God. He used frequently to read and expound it in the houses of
evangelical Christians in London. Bishop Gardiner, when examining
one of Hilles' neighbors, said to him: 'Has not Richard Hilles been
every day in your house, teaching you and others like you?' Some
ecclesiastics one day called upon him, while making a collection for
placing tapers before the crucifix and the sepulchre of Christ in the
parish church. He refused to contribute. The priests entreated his
kinsmen and friends to urge him not to set himself against a practice
which had existed for five centuries. No custom, said he, can prevail
against the word of Christ--'They that worship Him must worship Him in
spirit and in truth.' The priests now increased their threatenings, and
Hilles left London and went to Strasburg, keeping up at the same time
his house of business in London. The reader of Tertullian, Cyprian,
Origen, and Augustine, on leaving the banks of the Rhine, went to
Frankfort and to Nürnberg to sell his cloth.[415] Moreover he made
a good use of the money which he received. 'I send herewith to your
piety,' he wrote to Bullinger, 'ten Italian crowns, which I desire to
be laid out according to your pleasure, as occasion may offer, upon the
poor exiles (rich, however, in Christ), and those especially, if such
there be, who are in distress among you.'[416]
The more Henry VIII. felt the loss which he had sustained by the death
of Cromwell, the more did he feel drawn to Cranmer and to the cause he
advocated. Already, in this same year, 1542, he addressed to Cranmer
some letters for the abolition of idolatry, ordering the disuse of
images, relics, tapers, reliquaries, tables and monuments of miracles,
pilgrimages and other abuses.[417]
While laymen thus joined knowledge with faith, and business with
teaching, Cranmer was slowly pursuing his task. When parliament met,
January 22, 1543, the archbishop introduced 'a Bill for the advancement
of true religion.' This Act at once prohibited and enjoined the reading
of the Bible. Was this intentional or accidental? We are disposed to
think it accidental. There were two currents of opinion in England, and
both of them reappeared in the laws. Only it is to be noted that the
better current was the stronger; it was the good cause which seemed
ultimately to gain the ascendency on this occasion. It was ordered
that the Bibles bearing Tyndale's name should be suppressed; but the
printers still issued his translation with hardly any alteration,
shielding it under the names of Matthew, Taverner, Cranmer, and even
Tonstall and Heath.[418] It was therefore read everywhere. The Act
forbade that any one should read the Bible to others, either in any
church or elsewhere, without the sanction of the king or of some
bishop. But at the same time the chancellor of England, officers of
the army, the king's judges, the magistrates of any town or borough,
and the Speaker of the House of Commons, who were accustomed to take a
passage of Scripture as the text of their discourses, were empowered
to read it. Further, every person of noble rank, male or female, being
head of a family, was permitted to read the Bible or to cause it to
be read by one of their domestics, in their own house, their garden
or orchard, to their own family. Likewise, every trader or other
person being head of a household was allowed to read it in private;
but apprentices, work-people, &c., were to abstain. This enactment,
thus interdicting the Bible to the common people, was both impious and
absurd; impious in its prohibition, but also absurd, because reading
in the family was recommended, and this might be done even by the
domestics. The knowledge of the Scriptures might thus reach those to
whom they were proscribed.[419]
[Sidenote: CRANMER'S ENDEAVORS.]
At the same time, on the demand of Cranmer, the Act of Six Articles was
somewhat modified. Those who had infringed its clauses were no longer
to be punished with death, if they were laymen; and priests were to
incur this penalty only after the third offence. This was certainly no
great gain, but the primate obtained what he could.
He also endeavored to render as harmless as possible the book 'A
necessary doctrine and erudition for any Christian Man,' which
was published in 1543,[420] and was called 'The King's Book,' to
distinguish it from 'The Institution of a Christian Man,' which was
called 'The Bishop's Book.' This book of the king held a middle course
between the doctrine of the pope and that of the Reformation, leaning,
however, towards the latter. The grace and the mercy of God were
established as the principle of our justification. Some reforms were
introduced with respect to the worship of images and of the saints;
the article on purgatory was omitted; large rights were granted to the
church of every country; the vulgar tongue was recognized as necessary
to meet the religious wants of the people. Still, many obscurities and
errors were to be found in this book.
An event was approaching which would draw the king more decisively to
the side of the Reformation. Although he had now made five successive
marriages, and had experienced, undoubtedly by his own fault, only a
long series of disappointments and vexations, he was once more looking
for a wife. A law which had been passed after the discovery of the
misconduct of Catherine Howard terrified the maidens of England, even
the most innocent among them; they would have been afraid of falling
victims to the unjust suspicions of Henry VIII. He now determined to
marry a widow.
Catherine Parr, the widow of Lord Latimer, was now at the court.
She was a woman of good sense, of virtuous and amiable character,
beautiful, and agreeable in manners,[421] and was past the prime
of youth. She had, however, one defect which often attaches to
noble characters,--a want of prudence. She did not always perceive
and practise what was best to be done under certain circumstances.
Especially was she wanting in that human prudence, so necessary at the
court, and particularly to the wife of Henry VIII.; and hereby she was
exposed to great danger. The king was now in a declining state; and his
bodily infirmities as well as his irritable temper made it a necessity
that some gentle and very considerate wife should take care of him. He
married the noble dowager[422] on July 12, 1543; and he found in her
the affection and the kind attentions of a virtuous lady. The crown
was to Catherine but a poor compensation; but she discharged her duty
devotedly, and shed some rays of sunshine over the last years of the
king. The queen was favorable to the Reformation, as was likewise her
brother, who was created earl of Essex, and her uncle, made Lord Parr
of Horton. Cranmer and all those who wished for a real reformation
were on the side of the new queen; while Gardiner and his party,
now including the new chancellor, Wriothesley, taking alarm at this
influence which was opposed to them, became more zealous than ever
in the maintenance of the old doctrine. These men felt that the power
which they had possessed under Catherine Howard might slip out of their
hands; and they resolved to spread terror among the friends of the
Reformation, not excepting the queen herself, by attacking Cranmer. It
was always this man at whom they aimed and struck their blows, nor was
this the last time they did so.
[Sidenote: PLOT AGAINST CRANMER.]
The prebendaries of Canterbury and other priests of the same diocese,
strongly attached to the Catholic doctrine, and disquieted and shocked
by the reforming principles of the archbishop, came to an understanding
with Gardiner, held a great many meetings among themselves, and
collected a large number of reports hostile to the archbishop. They
accused him of having removed images, and prohibited the partisans of
the old doctrines from preaching; and the rumor was soon everywhere
current that 'the bishop of Winchester had bent his bow to shoot at
some of the head deer.' The long list of charges brought against the
primate was forwarded to the king. Amongst the accusers were found
some members of Cranmer's church, magistrates whom he had laid under
obligation to him, and men who almost daily sat at his table. Henry was
pained and irritated; he loved Cranmer, but these numerous accusations
disturbed him. Taking the document with him, he went out, as if going
to take a walk alone on the banks of the Thames. He entered his bark.
'To Lambeth,' he said to his boatmen. Some of the domestics of the
archbishop saw the boat approaching: they recognised the king, and
gave information to their master, who immediately came down to pay
his respects to his Majesty. Henry invited him to enter the bark;
and when they were seated together, the boatmen being at a distance,
the king began to lament the growth of heresy, and the debates which
would inevitably result from it, and declared that he was determined
to find out who was the principal promoter of these false doctrines
and to make an example of him. 'What think you of it?' he added.
'Sir,' replied Cranmer, 'it is a good resolution; but I entreat you
to consider well what heresy is, and not to condemn those as heretics
who stand for the word of God against human inventions.' After further
explanations, the king said to him: 'You are the man who, as I am
informed, is the chief encourager of heresy.' The king then handed to
him the articles of accusation collected by his opponents. Cranmer took
the papers and read them. When he had finished, he begged the king
to appoint a commission to investigate these grievances, and frankly
explained to him his own view of the case. The king, touched by his
simplicity and candor, disclosed to him the conspiracy, and promised
to nominate a commission; insisting, however, that the primate should
be the chief member and that he should proceed against his accusers.
Cranmer refused to do this. The commission was nominated. Dr. Lee, dean
of York, made diligent inquiry, and found that men to whom Cranmer
had rendered great services were in the number of the conspirators.
Cranmer bore himself with great meekness towards them. He declined to
confound and put them to shame as the king had required him to do; and
the result was, that instead of condemning Cranmer, every one of them
acknowledged that he was the first to practise the virtues which he
preached to others, and thus showed himself to be a true bishop and a
worthy reformer.[423]
[Sidenote: PERSECUTION AT OXFORD.]
As Gardiner and his colleagues had failed in their attempt to bring
down the head deer, they determined to indemnify themselves by
attacking lesser game. A society of friends of the Gospel had been
formed at Oxford, the members of which were leading lowly and quiet
lives, but at the same time were making courageous confession of the
truth. Fourteen of them were apprehended by Doctor London, supported
by the bishop of Winchester. The persecutors chiefly directed their
attack against three of these men. Robert Testwood, famed for his
musical attainments and attached as a 'singing-man' to the chapel of
Windsor College, used to speak with respect of Luther, ventured to
read the Holy Scriptures, and exhorted his acquaintances not to bow
down before dumb images, but to worship only the true and living God.
Henry Filmer, a churchwarden, could not endure the fooleries which the
priests retailed in the pulpit; and the latter, greatly stung by his
criticism, accused him of being so thoroughly corrupted by heresy that
he alone would suffice to poison the whole nation. Antony Peerson, a
priest, preached with so much faith and eloquence, that the people
flocked in crowds to hear him, both at Oxford and in the surrounding
country places.
A fourth culprit at length appeared before the council. He was a poor
man, simple-minded, and of mean appearance. Some loose sheets of a book
lay upon the table in front of the bishop of Winchester. 'Marbeck,'
said the bishop, 'dost thou know wherefore thou art sent for?' 'No, my
lord,' he replied. The bishop, taking up some of the sheets, said to
him: 'Understandest thou the Latin tongue?' 'No, my lord,' he answered,
'but simply.' Gardiner then stated to the council that the book he held
in his hand was a Concordance, and that it was translated word for
word from the original compiled for the use of preachers. He asserted
'that if such a book should go forth in English, it would destroy
the Latin tongue.' Two days later Gardiner again sent for Marbeck.
'Marbeck,' said the bishop, 'what a devil made thee to meddle with the
Scriptures?[424] Thy vocation was another way ... why the devil didst
thou not hold thee there?... What helpers hadst thou in setting forth
thy book?' 'Forsooth, my lord,' answered Marbeck, 'none.' 'It is not
possible that thou should'st do it without help,' exclaimed the bishop.
Then addressing one of his chaplains: 'Here is a marvellous thing; this
fellow hath taken upon him to set out the Concordance in English, which
book, when it was set out in Latin, was not done without the help and
diligence of a dozen learned men at least, and yet will he bear me in
hand that he hath done it alone.' Then, addressing Marbeck, he said:
'Say what thou wilt, except God himself would come down from heaven and
tell me so, I will not believe it.' Marbeck was taken back to prison,
and was placed in close confinement, with irons on his hands and feet.
He was five times examined; and on the fifth occasion a new charge was
brought against him;--he had written out with his own hand a letter of
John Calvin.[425] This was worse than spending his time over the Bible.
Gardiner exerted himself to the utmost to secure the condemnation of
this man to death, in company with Testwood, Filmer, and Peerson. The
queen was now hardly on the throne. These three Christians were burnt
alive; and they met death with so much humility, patience, and devotion
to Jesus, their only refuge, that some of the bystanders declared that
they would willingly have died with them and like them.[426] But the
persecutors failed in their attempt with respect to Marbeck. Cranmer
was able to convince the king that the making of a Concordance to
the Bible ought not to be visited with death. It is well known that
Henry VIII. attached much importance to the Holy Scriptures, which
he considered the most powerful weapon against the pope. Marbeck,
therefore, was spared.
[Sidenote: WAR WITH FRANCE.]
It is, moreover, no wonder that there should still have been martyrs.
The queen, indeed, was friendly to their cause; but political
circumstances were not favorable. After forty years' alliance with
France, Henry VIII. was about to declare war against that kingdom. The
pretexts for this course were many. The first was the alliance of the
king of France with the Turks, 'who are daily advancing to destroy
and ruin our holy faith and religion, to the great regret of all good
Christians,' said the Council.[427] A second pretext was that the sums
of money which France was bound to pay annually to the king had fallen
in arrear for nine years; there was also the question of the subsidies
granted by France to Scotland during the war between Henry VIII. and
the Scots; the reception and protection of English rebels by Francis
I.; and the detention in French ports of faithful subjects of the king,
merchants and others, with their ships and merchandise. In the despatch
which we have just cited, the king also declared that, if within twenty
days the grievances set forth were not redressed, he should claim the
kingdom of France unjustly held by Francis I. The French ambassador
replied in a conciliatory manner. Diplomacy made no reference to other
grounds of complaint of a more private character, which perhaps throw
light upon those which occasioned the rupture. Francis I. had jested
about the way in which Henry VIII. dealt with his wives. Henry had
sought the hand of French princesses, and they had no mind for this
foreign husband; and lastly, Francis did not fulfil the promise which
he had made to separate from Rome. There were many other pretexts
besides, more or less reasonable, which determined the king to invade
France.
While withdrawing from alliance with Francis I., Henry could not but
at the same time enter into closer relation with Charles V. This
reconciliation seemed natural, for the king of England was really, in
respect to religion, more in harmony with the emperor than with the
Protestants of Germany, whose alliance he had for some time desired.
But Charles required first of all that the legitimacy and the rights of
his cousin, the princess Mary, should be acknowledged; and this Henry
refused to do, because it would have involved an acknowledgment of
his injustice to Catherine of Aragon. A solution which satisfied the
emperor was ultimately devised. It was provided by Act of Parliament
that if Prince Edward should die without children, 'the crown should
go to the lady Mary.'[428] But in this Act no mention was made of her
legitimacy. The result of the concession of this point to Charles V.
was to bring on England a five years' bloody persecution, and to give
her people Philip II. for their king. In default of any issue of Mary,
Elizabeth was to succeed to the throne. After the passing of this Act,
in March, 1543, a treaty of alliance was concluded between England and
the Empire.
The war which Henry VIII., 'king of England, _France_, and Ireland,'
said the parliament, now carried on against Francis I. has little to
do with the history of the Reformation. The king, having named the
queen regent of his kingdom, embarked for France, on July 14, 1544,
on a vessel hung with cloth of gold. He was now feeble and corpulent,
but his vanity and love of display were always conspicuous, even when
setting out for a war. Having arrived on the frontier of France he
found himself at the head of 45,000 men, 30,000 of whom were English.
The emperor, who had got the start of him, was already within two
days' march of Paris; and the city was in alarm at the approach of the
Germans. 'I can not prevent my people of Paris from being afraid,' said
Francis, 'but I will prevent them from suffering injury.' Charles paid
little respect to his engagement with Henry VIII., and now treated
separately with Francis at Crespy, near Laon, September 19, and left
the king of England to get out of the affair as well as he could.
Henry captured Boulogne, but this was all that he had of his kingdom of
France. On September 30 he returned to London.
[Sidenote: SYMPATHIES OF THE ITALIANS.]
The war, however, continued until 1546. England, abandoned by the
emperor, found sympathy in a quarter where it might least have been
expected,--in Italy. The Italians, who were conscious of the evils
brought on their own land by the papacy, were filled with admiration
for the prince and the nation which had cast off its yoke. Edmund
Harvel, ambassador of Henry VIII. in Italy, being at this time at
Venice, was continually receiving visits from captains of high
reputation, who came to offer their services. Among these was Ercole
Visconti of Milan, a man of high birth, a great captain, and one who,
having extensive connections in Italy, might render great services
to the king.[429] The French were now making an attempt to retake
Boulogne; but the Italian soldiers who were serving in their army were
constantly going over to the English, at the rate of thirty per day.
The Italian companies were thus so largely reduced that the captains
requested permission to leave the camp for want of soldiers to command;
and permission was given them.[430] In this matter the pope was
involved in difficulty. He had undertaken to furnish Francis I. with a
body of four thousand men; but as the king was afraid that these Roman
soldiers would pass over to the English army,[431] he requested Paul
III. to substitute for these auxiliaries a monthly subsidy of 16,000
crowns. 'As the Italian nation,' added the English ambassador in his
letter to Henry VIII., 'is alienate from the French king, so the same
is more and more inclined to your Majesty.' From this episode it is
evident that Italy was at this time favorably disposed towards the
Reformation.
But if in Italy there were many supporters of Protestantism, in England
its opponents were still more numerous. The fanatical party had
attempted in 1543 to expel Reform from the town of Windsor by means of
martyrdom. But the account was not settled; it still remained to purify
the castle. It was known that Testwood, Filmer, Peerson, and Marbeck
himself had had patrons in Sir Thomas and Lady Cardine, Sir Philip
and Lady Hobby, Dr. Haynes, dean of Exeter, and other persons at the
court. Dr. London, who was always on the look-out for heretics, and a
pleader named Simons, sent to Gardiner one Ockam, a secretary, with
letters, accusations, and secret documents as to the way in which they
intended to proceed. But one of the queen's servants reached the court
before him and gave notice of the scheme. Ockam on his arrival, was
arrested, all the papers examined, and evidence was discovered in them
of an actual conspiracy against many persons at the court. This aroused
great indignation in the king's mind. It is highly probable that these
gentlemen and their wives owed their safety to the influence of the
queen and of Cranmer. London and Simons, unaware that their letters
and documents had fallen into the hands of their judges, denied the
plot, and this even upon oath. Their own writings were now produced, it
was proved that they were guilty of perjury, and they were condemned
to ignominious punishment. London, that great slayer of heretics,
and his colleague, were conducted on horseback, facing backwards,
with the name of perjurer on their foreheads, through the streets of
Windsor, Reading, and Newbury, the king being now at the last named
town. They were afterwards set in the pillory and then taken back to
prison. London died there of distress caused by this public disgrace.
It was well that the wind should change, and that persecutors should
be punished instead of the persecuted; but the manners of the time
subjected these wretches to shocking sufferings which it would have
been better to spare them.[432]
CHAPTER IX.
THE LAST MARTYRS OF HENRY'S REIGN.
(1545.)
Henry VIII., sick and fretful, was easily drawn first to one side, then
to the other. He was a victim of indecision, of violent excitement and
of irresolution. His brother-in-law, the duke of Suffolk, who of all
the members of the Privy Council was the most determined supporter
of the Reformation, had died in August, 1545, and that body was
thenceforward impelled in an opposite direction, and carried the king
along with it.
[Sidenote: RECANTATION OF SHAXTON.]
Shaxton, having resigned his see of Salisbury after the publication
of the Six Articles, had been put in prison, and had long rejected
all proposals of recantation addressed to him. Having aggravated his
offence while in prison by asserting that the natural body of Christ
was not in the sacrament, he was condemned to be burnt. The bishops of
London and Worcester, sent by the king, visited him in the prison and
strove to convince him. This feeble and egotistic man readily professed
himself persuaded, and thanked the king 'for that he had delivered him
at the same time from the temporal and from the everlasting fire.' On
July 13, 1546, he was set at liberty. As he grew old his understanding
became still weaker; and in Mary's reign the unhappy man was one of the
most eager to burn those whom he had called his brethren.[433]
While there were men like Shaxton, whose fall was decisive and final,
others were to be met with who, although in their own hearts decided
for the truth, were alarmed when they found themselves in danger of
death, and subscribed the Catholic declarations which were offered to
them. But after having thus plunged into the abyss, they lifted up
their heads as soon as possible and again confessed the truth. One
of this class was Edward Crome, who, at this period, gave way on two
occasions, but recovered himself.[434]
Many other blemishes were visible in the general state of the Anglican
church; and the obstinacy of the king, in particular, in maintaining
in his kingdom, side by side, two things in opposition to each other,
the Catholic doctrines and the reading of the Bible, subjected the
sacred volume to strange honors. The king in person prorogued the
parliament on December 24, and on this occasion made his last speech
to the highest body in the state. He spoke as vicar of God, and gave
a lecture to the ministers and the members of the church. It was his
taste; he believed that he was born for this position, and there was in
his nature as much of the preceptor as of the king. Moreover, there was
nothing which offended him so much as the attempt to address a lecture
to himself. Any one who did so risked his own life. But while he was
easily hurt, he did not shrink from hurting the feelings of others. He
handled the rod more easily than the sceptre.
[Sidenote: SPEECH OF HENRY VIII.]
The Speaker of the House of Commons having delivered an address
to the king in which he extolled his virtues, Henry replied as
follows:--'Whereas you ... have both praised and extolled me for the
notable qualities you have conceived to be in me, I most heartily thank
you all that you put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to endeavor
myself to obtain and get such excellent qualities and necessary
virtues.... No prince in the world more favoreth his subjects than I
do you, nor any subjects or commons more love and obey their sovereign
lord than I perceive you do me. Yet, although I with you, and you with
me, be in this perfect love and concord, this friendly amity can not
continue except you, my lords temporal, and you, my lords spiritual,
and you, my loving subjects, study and take pains to amend any thing,
which is surely amiss and far out of order, ... which is, that charity
and concord is not among you; but discord and dissension beareth rule
in every place. St. Paul saith to the Corinthians, in the thirteenth
chapter, "Charity is gentle, charity is not envious, charity is not
proud," and so forth. Behold then what love and charity is amongst
you when one calleth the other heretic and anabaptist; and he calleth
him again papist, hypocrite, and pharisee. Be these things tokens of
charity amongst you? Are these the signs of fraternal love between you?
No, no, I assure you that this lack of charity amongst yourselves will
be the hindrance and assuaging of the fervent love between us, except
this wound be salved and clearly made whole. I must needs judge the
fault and occasion of this discord to be partly by the negligence of
you, the fathers and preachers of the spiritualty.... I see and hear
daily that you of the clergy preach one against another, ... and few or
none do preach truly and sincerely the Word of God.... Alas! how can
the poor souls live in concord when you preachers sow amongst them, in
your sermons, debate and discord? Of you they look for light, and you
bring them to darkness. Amend these crimes, I exhort you, and set forth
God's word, both by true preaching and good example-giving; or else
I, whom God hath appointed his vicar and high minister here, will see
these divisions extinct.... Although (as I say) the spiritual men be
in some fault ... yet you of the temporalty be not clean and unspotted
of malice and envy; for you rail on bishops, speak slanderously of
priests, and rebuke and taunt preachers.... Although you be permitted
to read Holy Scripture, and to have the Word of God in your mother
tongue, you must understand that it is licensed you so to do, only to
inform your own conscience, and to instruct your children and family;
not to dispute and make Scripture a railing and a taunting stock
against priests and preachers, as many light persons do. I am very
sorry to know and hear how unreverently that most precious jewel, the
Word of God, is disputed, rhymed, sung, and jangled in every alehouse
and tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same....
Be in charity one with another, ... to the which I, as your supreme
head and sovereign lord, exhort and require you; and then I doubt not
but that love and league, which I spake of in the beginning, shall
never be dissolved or broken between us.'[435]
The school-master had not spoken amiss. The parliament did not make
the retort, 'Physician, heal thyself,' though it might have been
applicable. One of the measures by which the king manifested his 'sweet
charity' proves that, if he were not, like some old school-masters, a
tyrant of words and syllables, he tyrannized over the peace and the
lives of his people.
[Sidenote: ANNE ASKEW.]
There were at the court a certain number of ladies of the highest rank
who loved the Gospel--the duchess of Suffolk, the countess of Sussex,
the countess of Hertford, Lady Denny, Lady Fitzwilliam,[436] and
above all the queen. Associated with these was a pious, lively, and
beautiful young lady, of great intelligence and amiable disposition,
and whose fine qualities had been improved by education. Her name
was Anne Askew. She was the second daughter of Sir William Askew,
member of a very ancient Lincolnshire family. She had two brothers
and two sisters. Her brother Edward was one of the king's bodyguards.
The queen frequently received Anne and other Christian women in her
private apartments; and there prayer was made and the Word of God
expounded by an evangelical minister. The king, indeed, was aware of
these secret meetings, but he feigned ignorance. Anne was at this
time in great need of the consolations of the Gospel. Her father, Sir
William, had a rich neighbor named Kyme, with whom he was intimate;
and being anxious that his eldest daughter should marry a rich man, he
arranged with Kyme that she should wed his eldest son. The young lady
died before the nuptials took place; and Sir William, reluctant to let
slip so good a chance, compelled his second daughter Anne to marry
the betrothed of her sister, and by him she became the mother of two
children. The third sister, Joan, was married to Sir John Saint-Paul.
The Holy Scriptures in the English version attracted Anne's attention,
and ere long she became so attached to them that she meditated on
them day and night. Led by them to a living faith in Jesus Christ,
she renounced Romish superstitions. The priests, who were greatly
annoyed, stirred up against her her young husband, a rough man and
a staunch papist, who 'violently drove her out of his house.'[437]
Anne said, 'Since, according to the Scripture, "if the unbelieving
depart, let him depart. A brother or a sister is not under bondage in
such cases,"[438]--I claim my divorce.' She went to London to take
the necessary proceedings; and either through her brother, one of the
guards, or otherwise, made the acquaintance of the pious ladies of the
court and of the queen herself.
It was a great vexation to the enemies of the Reformation to see
persons of the highest rank almost openly professing the evangelical
faith. As they did not dare to attack them, they determined to make
a beginning with Anne Askew, and thereby to terrify the rest. She
had said one day, 'I would sooner read five lines in the Bible than
hear five masses in the church.' On another occasion she had denied
the corporal presence of the Saviour in the sacrament. She was sent
to prison. When she was taken to Sadlers Hall, the judge, Dare, asked
her, 'Do you not believe that the sacrament hanging over the altar
was the very body of Christ really?' Anne replied, 'Wherefore was St.
Stephen stoned to death?' Dare, doubtless, remembered that Stephen had
said, 'I see the Son of man sitting _at the right hand of God_.' From
this it followed that He was not in the sacrament. He preferred to
answer, 'I can not tell.' It is possible, however, that his ignorance
was not feigned. 'No more,' said Anne, 'will I assoil your vain
question.' Anne was afterwards taken before the lord-mayor, Sir Martin
Bowes, a passionate bigot. He was under-treasurer of the Mint, and
in 1550 obtained the king's pardon for all the false money which he
had coined. The magistrate gravely asked her whether a mouse, eating
the host, received God or no? 'I made no answer, but smiled,' says
Anne. The bishop's chancellor, who was present, sharply said to her,
'St. Paul forbade women to speak or to talk of the Word of God.' 'How
many women,' said she in reply, 'have you seen go into the pulpit and
preach?' 'Never any,' he said. 'You ought not to find fault in poor
women, except they have offended the law.' She was unlawfully committed
to prison, and for eleven days no one was allowed to see her. At this
time she was about twenty-five years of age.
One of her cousins, named Brittayne, was admitted to see her. He
immediately did every thing he could to get Anne released on bail.
The lord-mayor bade him apply to the chancellor of the bishop of
London. The chancellor replied to him, 'Apply to the bishop.' The
bishop said, 'I will give order for her to appear before me to-morrow
at three o'clock in the afternoon.' He then subjected her to a long
examination. He asked her, amongst other things, 'Do you not think that
private masses help the souls departed?' 'It is great idolatry,' she
replied, 'to believe more in them than in the death which Christ died
for us.' 'What kind of answer is this?' said the bishop of London. 'It
is a weak one,' replied Anne, 'but good enough for such a question.'
After the examination, at which Anne made clear and brief replies,
Bonner wrote down a certain number of articles of faith, and required
that Anne should set her hand to them. She wrote, 'I believe so much
thereof as the Holy Scripture doth agree unto.' This was not what
Bonner wanted. The bishop pressed the point, and said, 'Sign this
document.' Anne then wrote, 'I, Anne Askew, do believe all manner of
things contained in the faith of the Catholic Church.' The bishop, well
knowing what Anne meant by this word, hurried away into an adjoining
room in a great rage.[439] Her cousin Brittayne followed him and
implored him to treat his kinswoman kindly. 'She is a woman,' exclaimed
the bishop, 'and I am nothing deceived in her.' 'Take her as a woman,'
said Brittayne, 'and do not set her weak woman's wit to your lordship's
great wisdom.' At length, Anne's two sureties, to wit, Brittayne and
Master Spilman of Grays Inn, were on the following day accepted, and
she was set at liberty. These events took place in the year 1545.
[Sidenote: SECOND ARREST OF ANNE ASKEW.]
Anne having continued to profess the Gospel, and to have meetings
with her friends, she was again arrested three months later, and was
brought before the privy council at Greenwich. On the opening of the
examination she refused to go into the matter before the council, and
said, 'If it be the king's pleasure to hear me, I will show him the
truth.' 'It is not meet,' they replied, 'for the king to be troubled
with you.' She answered, 'Solomon was reckoned the wisest king that
ever lived, yet misliked he not to hear two poor common women; much
more his grace a single woman and his faithful subject.' 'Tell me your
opinion on the sacrament,' said the lord chancellor. 'I believe,' she
said, 'that so oft as I, in a Christian congregation, do receive the
bread in remembrance of Christ's death, and with thanksgiving ... I
receive therewith the fruits also of his most glorious passion.' 'Make
a direct answer to the question,' said Gardiner. 'I will not sing a
new song of the Lord,' she said, 'in a strange land.' 'You speak in
parables,' said Gardiner. 'It is best for you,' she answered; 'for if I
show the open truth, ye will not accept it.' 'You are a parrot,' said
the incensed bishop. She replied, 'I am ready to suffer all things at
your hands, not only your rebukes, but all that shall follow besides,
yea, and all that gladly.'
The next day Anne once more appeared before the council. They began
the examination on the subject of transubstantiation. Seeing Lord
Parr, uncle to the queen, and Lord Lisle, she said to them, 'It is a
great shame for you to counsel contrary to your knowledge.' 'We would
gladly,' they answered, 'all things were well.' Gardiner wished to
speak privately with her, but this she refused. The lord chancellor
then began to examine her again. 'How long,' said Anne, 'will you halt
on both sides?' 'You shall be burnt,' said the bishop of London. She
replied, 'I have searched all the Scriptures, yet could I never find
that either Christ or his apostles put any creature to death.'
Anne was sent back to prison. She was very ill, and believed herself
to be near death. Never had she had to endure such attacks. She
requested leave to see Latimer, who was still confined in the Tower;
but this consolation was not allowed her. Resting firmly, as she
did, on Scriptural grounds, she did not suffer herself to swerve.
To her constitutional resolution she added that which was the fruit
of communion with God; and she was thus placed by faith above the
attacks which she experienced. Having a good foundation, she resolutely
defended the freedom of her conscience and her full trust in Christ;
and not only did she encounter her enemies without wavering, but
she spoke to them with a power sufficient to awe them, and gave
home-thrusts which threw them into confusion. Nevertheless she was
only a weak woman, and her bodily strength began to fail. In Newgate
she said,--'The Lord strengthen us in the truth. Pray, pray, pray.'
She composed while in prison some stanzas which have been pronounced
extraordinary, not only for simple beauty and sublime sentiment, but
also for the noble structure and music of the verse.[440]
By law, Anne had a right to be tried by jury; but on June 28, 1546,
she was condemned by the lord chancellor and the council, without
further process, to be burnt, for having denied the corporal presence
of Christ. They asked her whether she wished for a priest; she smiled
and said she would confess her faults unto God, for she was sure that
He would hear her with favor. She added: 'I think his grace shall well
perceive me to be weighed in an uneven pair of balances.... Here I take
heaven and earth to record that I shall die in mine innocency.'[441]
[Sidenote: ROYAL PROCLAMATION.]
It was proved that Anne had derived her faith from the Holy Scriptures.
Gardiner and his partisans therefore prevailed upon the government,
eight days before the death of this young Christian, to issue a
proclamation purporting 'that from henceforth no man, woman or person
of what estate, condition or degree soever he or they be [consequently
including the ladies and gentlemen of the court as well as others],
shall, after the last day of August next ensuing receive, have, take or
keep in their possession the text of the New Testament, of Tyndale's or
Coverdale's translation in English, nor any other than is permitted by
the Act of Parliament; ... nor after the said day shall receive, have,
take or keep in his or their possession any manner of books printed
or written in the English tongue which be or shall be set forth in
the names of Fryth, Tyndale, Wycliffe, ... Barnes, Coverdale, ... or
by any of them; ... and it was required that all such books should be
delivered to the mayor, bailiff or chief constable of the town to be
openly burned.[442]
This was a remarkable proceeding on the part of Henry VIII. But events
were stronger than the proclamation, and it remained a dead letter.
[Sidenote: TORTURE OF ANNE ASKEW.]
Anne's sentence was pronounced before the issue of the proclamation.
The trial was over, and there was to be no further inquiry. But her
death was not enough to satisfy Rich, Wriothesley and their friends.
They had other designs, and were about to perpetrate the most shameful
and cruel acts. The object which these men now proposed to themselves
was to obtain such evidence as would warrant them in taking proceedings
against those ladies of the court who were friends of the Gospel.
They went (July 13) to the Tower, where Anne was still confined, and
questioned her about her accomplices, naming the duchess-dowager of
Suffolk, the countess of Sussex and several others. Anne answered, 'If
I should pronounce any thing against them, I should not be able to
prove it.' They next asked her whether there were no members of the
royal council who gave her their support. She said, none. The king is
informed, they replied, that if you choose you can name a great many
persons who are members of your sect. She answered that 'the king was
as well deceived in that behalf as dissembled with in other matters.'
The only effect of these denials was to irritate Wriothesley and his
colleague; and, determined at any cost to obtain information against
influential persons at the court, they ordered the rack to be applied
to the young woman. This torture lasted a long time; but Anne gave
no hint, nor even uttered a cry. The lord chancellor, more and more
provoked, said to Sir Antony Knevet, lieutenant of the Tower, 'Strain
her on the rack again.' The latter refused to do this. It was to no
purpose that Wriothesley threatened him if he would not obey.
Rich, a member of the privy council, had frequently given proof of
his baseness. Wriothesley was ambitious, inflated with self-conceit,
haughty, and easily angered if his advice was not taken. These two men
now forgot themselves; and the spectacle was presented of the lord
chancellor of England and a privy councillor of the king turned into
executioners. They set their own hands to the horrible instrument, and
so severely applied the torture to the innocent young woman, that she
was almost broken upon it and quite dislocated. She fainted away and
was well-nigh dead.[443] 'Then the lieutenant caused me to be loosed;
incontinently I swooned, and then they recovered me again. After that
I sat two long hours, reasoning with my Lord Chancellor on the bare
floor, where he, with many flattering words, persuaded me to leave
my opinion.'[444] Henry VIII. himself censured Wriothesley for his
cruelty, and excused the lieutenant of the Tower. 'Then was I brought
to a house,' says Anne, 'laid in a bed, with as weary and painful
bones as ever Job had.' The chancellor sent word to her that if she
renounced her faith she should be pardoned and should want for nothing,
but that otherwise she should be burnt. She answered, 'I will sooner
die.' At the same time she fell on her knees in the dungeon and said:
'O Lord, I have more enemies now than there be hairs on my head; yet,
Lord, let them never overcome me with vain words, but fight thou, Lord,
in my stead, for on thee I cast my care. With all the spite they can
imagine, they fall upon me, who am thy poor creature. Yet, sweet Lord,
let me not set by them that are against me; for in thee is my whole
delight. And, Lord, I heartily desire of thee, that thou wilt of thy
most merciful goodness forgive them that violence which they do, and
have done, unto me. Open also thou their blind hearts, that they may
hereafter do that thing in thy sight, which is only acceptable before
thee, and to set forth thy verity aright, without all vain fantasies of
sinful men. So be it, O Lord, so be it.'[445]
The 16th of July, the day fixed for the last scene of this tragedy, had
arrived; every thing was ready for the burning of Anne at Smithfield.
The execution was to take place not in the morning, the usual time,
but at nightfall, to make it the more terrible. It was thus, in every
sense, a deed of darkness. They were obliged to carry Anne to the
place of execution, for in her state at that time she was unable to
walk. When she reached the pile, she was bound to the post by her
waist, with a chain which prevented her from sinking down. The wretched
Shaxton, nominated for the purpose, then completed his apostasy by
delivering a sermon on the sacrament of the altar, a sermon abounding
in errors. Anne, who was in full possession of her faculties, contented
herself with saying, 'He misseth and speaketh without the Book.' Three
other evangelical Christians were to die at the same time with her:
Belenian, a priest; J. Lacels (Lascelles), of the king's household,
probably the man who had revealed the incontinence of Catherine
Howard, a deed for which the Roman party hated him; and one Adams,
a Colchester man. 'Now, with quietness,' said Lacels, 'I commit the
whole world to their pastor and herdsman Jesus Christ, the only Saviour
and true Messias....' The letter from which we quote is subscribed,
'John Lacels, late servant to the king, and now I trust to serve the
everlasting King, with the testimony of my blood in Smithfield.'[446]
[Sidenote: MARTYRDOM.]
There was an immense gathering of the people. On a platform erected
in front of St. Bartholomew's church were seated, as presidents at
the execution, Wriothesley, lord chancellor of England, the old
duke of Norfolk, the old earl of Bedford, the lord-mayor Bowes, and
various other notabilities. When the fire was going to be lighted, the
chancellor sent a messenger to Anne Askew, instructed to offer her the
king's pardon if she would recant. She answered, 'I am not come hither
to deny my Lord and Master.' The same pardon was offered to the other
martyrs, but they refused to accept it and turned away their heads.
Then stood up the ignorant and fanatical Bowes, and exclaimed with a
loud voice, '_Fiat justitia!_' Anne was soon wrapt in the flames; and
this noble victim who freely offered herself a sacrifice to God, gave
up her soul in peace. Her companions did likewise.[447]
These four persons were the last victims of the reign of Henry VIII.
The enemies of the Reformation were especially annoyed at this time
to see women of the first families of England embrace the faith which
they hated. On a woman of most superior mind, but young and weak,
fell the last blow levelled against the Gospel by _the defender of
the faith_. Anne Askew fell; but the great doctrines which she had so
courageously professed were soon to be triumphant in the midst of her
fellow-countrymen.
CHAPTER X.
QUEEN CATHERINE IN DANGER OF DEATH.
(1546.)
It might be asked how it came to pass that the queen did not put a
stop to these cruel executions. The answer is easy--she was herself
in danger. The enemies of the Reformation, perceiving her influence
over the king, bethought themselves that the execution of Anne Askew
and of her companions did not advance their cause; that to make it
triumphant the death of the queen was necessary; and that if Catherine
were ruined, the Reformation would fall with her. Shortly after the
king's return from France, these men approached him and cautiously
insinuated that the queen had made large use of her liberty during his
absence; that she diligently read and studied the Holy Scriptures;
that she chose to have about her only women who shared her opinions;
that she had engaged certain would-be wise and pious persons to assist
her in attaining a thorough knowledge of the sacred writings; that she
held private conferences with them on spiritual subjects all the year
round, and that 'in Lent every day in the afternoon, for the space of
an hour, one of her said chaplains, in her privy chamber,' expounded
the Word of God to the queen, to the ladies of her court and of her
bed-chamber and others who were disposed to hear these expositions;[448]
that the minister frequently attacked what he called the abuses of the
existing church; that the queen read heretical books proscribed by
royal ordinances; further, that she, the queen of England, employed her
leisure hours in translating religious works, and in composing books
of devotion; and that she had turned some of the psalms into verse,
and had made a collection entitled _Prayers or Meditations_. The king
had always ignored these meetings, determined not to see, what was
nevertheless clear, that the queen was an evangelical Christian like
Anne Askew, who had lately been burnt.
[Sidenote: ZEAL OF THE QUEEN.]
Catherine was encouraged by this consideration on the part of the king.
She professed her faith in the Gospel unreservedly, and boldly took up
the cause of the evangelicals. Her one desire was to make known the
truth to the king, and to bring him to the feet of Jesus Christ to find
forgiveness for the errors of his life. Without regard to consequences
she allowed her overflowing zeal to have free and unrestricted course.
She longed to transform not the king alone, but England also. She often
exhorted the king 'that as he had, to the glory of God and his eternal
fame, begun a good and a godly work in banishing that monstrous idol of
Rome, so he would thoroughly perfect and finish the same, cleansing and
purging his church of England clean from the dregs thereof, wherein as
yet remained great superstition.'[449]
Was the passionate Henry going to act rigorously towards this queen
as he had towards the others? Catherine's blameless conduct, the
affection which she testified for him, her respectful bearing, her
unwearied endeavor to please him, the attentions which she lavished on
him, had so much endeared her to him that he allowed her the privilege
of being free spoken; and had it not been for the active opposition
of its enemies, she might have propagated the Gospel throughout the
kingdom. As these determined enemies of the Reformation were beginning
to fear the total ruin of their party, they strove to rekindle the
evil inclinations of Henry VIII., and to excite his anger against
Catherine. In their view it seemed that the boldness of her opinions
must inevitably involve her ruin.
But the matter was more difficult than they thought. The king not only
loved his wife, but he also liked discussion, especially on theological
subjects; and he had too much confidence in his own cleverness and
knowledge to dread the arguments of the queen. The latter therefore
continued her petty warfare, and in respectful terms advanced good
scriptural proofs in support of her faith. Henry used to smile and
take it all in good part, or at least never appeared to be offended.
Gardiner, Wriothesley and others who heard these discourses were
alarmed at them. They were almost ready to give up all for lost; and
trembling for themselves, they renounced their project. Not one of them
ventured to breathe a word against the queen either before the king or
in his absence. At length, they found an unexpected auxiliary.
[Sidenote: THE KING OFFENDED.]
An ulcer burst in the king's leg, and gave him acute pain which
constantly increased. Henry had led a sensual life, and had now become
so corpulent, that it was exceedingly difficult to move him from one
room to another. He insisted that no one should take notice of his
failing powers; and those about him hardly dared to speak of the fact
in a whisper.[450] His condition made him peevish; he was restless,
and thought that his end was not far off. The least thing irritated
him; gloomy and passionate, he had frequent fits of rage. To approach
and attend to him had become a difficult task; but Catherine, far from
avoiding it, was all the more zealous. Since his illness Henry had
given up coming into the queen's apartments, but he invited her to come
to see him; and she frequently went of her own accord, after dinner,
or after supper, or at any other favorable opportunity. The thought
that Henry was gradually drawing near to the grave filled her heart
with the deepest emotion; and she availed herself of every opportunity
of bringing him to a decision in favor of evangelical truth. Her
endeavors for this end may sometimes have been made with too much
urgency. One evening when Wriothesley and Gardiner, the two leaders of
the Catholic party, were with the king, Catherine, who ought to have
been on her guard, carried away by the ardor of her faith, endeavored
to prevail upon Henry to undertake the reformation of the church. The
king was hurt. His notion that the queen was lecturing him as a pupil
in the presence of the lord chancellor and the bishop of Winchester,
increased his vexation. He roughly 'brake off that matter and took
occasion to enter into other talk.'[451] This he had never before
done; and Catherine was surprised and perplexed. Henry, however, did
not reproach her, but spoke affectionately, which was certainly on his
part the mark of real love. The queen having risen to retire, he said
to her as usual, 'Farewell! sweet heart.'[452] Catherine meanwhile was
disquieted, and felt that keen distress of mind which seizes upon a
refined and susceptible woman when she has acted imprudently.
The chancellor and the bishop remained with the king. Gardiner had
observed the king's breaking off the conversation; and he thought, says
a contemporary, 'that he must strike while the iron was hot;' that he
must take advantage of Henry's ill humor, and by a skilful effort get
rid of Catherine and put an end to her proselytism. It was a beaten
track; the king had already in one way or another rid himself of four
of his queens, and it would be an easy matter to do as much with a
fifth.
Henry furnished them with the wished-for opportunity. Annoyed at having
been humiliated in the presence of the two lords, he said to them in an
ironical tone: 'A good hearing it is when women become such clerks; and
a thing much to my comfort, to come in mine old days to be taught by my
wife.' The bishop adroitly availed himself of this opening, and put
forth all his powers and all his malice to increase the anger of the
king. He urged that it was lamentable that the queen 'should so much
forget herself as to take upon her to stand in any argument with his
Majesty;' he praised the king to his face 'for his rare virtues, and
especially for his learned judgment in matters of religion, above not
only princes of that and other ages, but also above doctors professed
in theology.' He said 'that it was an unseemly thing for any of his
majesty's subjects to reason and argue with him so malapertly,' and
that it was 'grievous to him (Gardiner) for his part, and other of his
majesty's counsellors and servants to hear the same.' He added 'that
they all by proof knew his wisdom to be such, that it was not needful
for any to put him in mind of any such matters; inferring, moreover,
how dangerous and perilous a matter it is ... for a prince to suffer
such insolent words at his subjects' hands, who, as they take boldness
to contrary their sovereign in words, so want they no will, but only
power and strength, to overthwart him in deeds.[453] Besides this, that
the religion by the queen so stiffly maintained did not only disallow
and dissolve the policy and politic government of princes, but also
taught the people that all things ought to be in common.'[454] The
bishop went on to assert that 'whosoever (saving the reverence due to
her for his majesty's sake) should defend the principles maintained
by the queen, deserved death.' He did not, however, dare, he said,
to speak of the queen, unless he were sure that his majesty would be
his buckler. But with his majesty's consent his faithful counsellors
would soon tear off the hypocritical mask of heresy and would disclose
treasons so horrible that his majesty would no longer cherish a serpent
in his own bosom.
[Sidenote: THE KING'S DISTRUST.]
The lord chancellor spoke in his turn; and the two conspirators did
every thing they could to stir up the anger of the king against the
queen. They filled his head with a thousand tales, both about herself
and about some of her lady-attendants; they told him that they had
been favorable to Anne Askew; that they had in their possession
heretical books; and that they were guilty of treason as well as of
heresy. Suspicion and distrust, to which the king's disposition was too
naturally inclined, took possession of him, and he required his two
councillors to ascertain whether any articles of law could be brought
forward against the queen, even at the risk of her life.[455] They
quitted the king's presence, promising to make very good use of the
commission entrusted to them.
The bishop and the chancellor set to work immediately. They resorted to
means of every kind--tricks, intrigues, secret correspondence--for the
purpose of making out an appearance of guilt on the part of the queen.
By bribing some of her domestics they were enabled to get a catalogue
of the books which she had in her cabinet. Taking counsel with some of
their accomplices, it occurred to them that if they began by attacking
the queen, this step would excite almost universal reprobation. They
determined, therefore, to prepare men's minds by making a beginning
with the ladies who enjoyed her confidence, and particularly with those
of her own kindred--Lady Herbert, afterwards countess of Pembroke,
the queen's sister, and first lady of her court; Lady Lane, her
cousin-german; and Lady Tyrwit, who by her virtues had gained her
entire confidence. Their plan was to examine these three ladies on the
Six Articles; to institute a rigorous search in their houses with a
view to find some ground of accusation against Queen Catherine; and, in
case they should succeed, to arrest the queen herself and carry her
off _by night, in a bark_, to the Tower. The further they proceeded
with their work of darkness, the more they encouraged and cheered each
other on; they considered themselves quite strong enough to strike at
once the great blow, and they resolved to make the first attack on the
queen. They therefore drew up against her a bill of indictment, which
purported especially that she had contravened the Six Articles, had
violated the royal proclamation by reading prohibited books, and, in
short, had openly maintained heretical doctrine. Nothing was wanting
but to get the king's signature to the bill; for if, without the
sanction of this signature, they should cast suspicions on the queen,
they would expose themselves to a charge of high treason.[456]
Henry VIII. was now at Whitehall; and in consequence of the state of
his health he very seldom left his private apartments. But few of his
councillors, and these only by special order, were allowed to see him.
Gardiner and Wriothesley alone came to the palace more frequently
than usual to confer with him on the mission which he had entrusted
to them. Taking with them their hateful indictment, they went to the
palace, were admitted to the king's presence, and after a suitable
introduction they laid before him the fatal document, requesting him
to sign it. Henry read it, and took careful note of its contents;
then asked for writing materials, and notwithstanding his feebleness
he signed it. This was a great victory for the bishop, the chancellor
and the Catholic party; and it was a great defeat for the Reformation,
apparently the signal for its ruin. Nothing was now wanting but a writ
of arrest, and the chancellor of England would send the queen to the
Tower. Once there, her situation would be hopeless.
So cleverly had the plot been managed, that during the whole time the
queen had neither known nor suspected any thing; she paid her usual
visits to the king, and had gradually allowed herself to speak to
him on religion as she used to do. The king permitted this without
gainsaying her; he did not choose to enter into explanations with
her. He was, however, ill at ease. The burden was oppressive; and one
evening, just after the queen left him, he opened his mind to one of
his physicians, in whom he placed full confidence, and said: 'I do
not like the queen's religion, and I do not intend to be much longer
worried by the discourses of this _doctoress_.' He likewise revealed
to the physician the project formed by some of his councillors, but
forbade him, upon pain of death, to say a word about it to any living
soul. Apparently forgetting the wives whom he had already sacrificed,
Henry was thus coolly preparing, at the very time when he was himself
about to go down to the grave, to add another victim to the hecatomb.
[Sidenote: BILL OF INDICTMENT.]
The queen, although encompassed with deadly enemies who were contriving
her ruin, was in a state of perfect calmness, when suddenly there
burst upon her one of those heavy squalls which in the twinkling of an
eye dash the most powerful vessels against the rocks. The chancellor,
contented with his triumph, but at the same time agitated, snatched up
the paper which, now bearing the king's signature, ensured the death of
the queen. Vehement passions sometimes distract men and produce absence
of mind. In this case it appears that Wriothesley carelessly thrust
the paper into his bosom, and dropped it while crossing one of the
apartments of the palace.[457] A pious woman of the court, happening
to pass that way shortly afterwards, saw the paper and picked it up.
Perceiving at the first glance its importance she took it immediately
to the queen. Catherine opened it, read the articles with fear and
trembling, and as soon as she saw Henry's signature, was struck
as by a thunderbolt, and fell into a frightful agony. Her features
were completely changed: she uttered loud cries, and seemed to be in
her death-struggle. She too, then, was to lay down her life on the
scaffold. All her attentions, all her devotion to the king, had availed
nothing; she must undergo the common lot of the wives of Henry VIII.
She bewailed her fate, and struggled against it. At other times she had
glimpses of her own faults and uttered reproaches against herself, and
then her distress and her lamentations increased. Those of her ladies
who were present could hardly bear the sight of so woful a state; and,
trembling themselves, and supposing that the queen was about to be put
to death, they were unable to offer her consolation. The remembrance of
this harrowing scene was never effaced from their minds.[458]
Some one brought word to the king that the queen was in terrible
distress, and that her life seemed to be in danger.[459] A feeling
of compassion was awakened in him, and he sent to her immediately
the physicians who were with him. They, finding Catherine in this
extremity, endeavored to bring her to herself, and gradually she
recovered her senses. The physician to whom Henry had revealed
Gardiner's project,[460] discovering from some words uttered by the
queen that the conspiracy was the cause of her anxiety, requested leave
to speak to her in private. He told her that he was risking his life
by thus speaking to her, but that his conscience would not allow him
to take part in the shedding of innocent blood. He therefore confirmed
the foreboding of danger which was impending over her; but added that
if she henceforward endeavored to behave with humble submission to his
majesty, she would regain, he did not doubt, his pardon and his favor.
[Sidenote: DISTRESS OF THE QUEEN.]
These words were not enough to deliver Catherine from her disquietude.
Her danger was not concealed from the king; and, unable to endure
the thought that she might die of grief, he had himself carried into
her room. At the sight of the king Catherine rallied sufficiently to
explain to him the despair into which she was thrown by the belief
that he had totally abandoned her. Henry then spoke to her as an
affectionate husband, and comforted her with gentle words; and this
poor heart, till then agitated like a stormy sea, gradually became calm
again.
The king could now forget the faults of the queen; but the queen
herself did not forget them. She understood that she had habitually
assumed a higher position than belonged to a wife, and that the king
was entitled to an assurance that this state of things should be
changed. After supper the next evening, therefore, Catherine rose and,
taking with her only her sister, Lady Herbert on whom she leaned,
and Lady Jane, who carried a light before her, went to the king's
bed-chamber. When the three ladies were introduced, Henry was seated
and speaking with several gentlemen who stood round him. He received
the queen very courteously, and of his own accord, contrary to his
usual practice, began to talk with her about religion, as if there was
one point on which he wished for further information from the queen.
She replied discreetly and as the circumstances required. She then
added meekly and in a serious and respectful tone,--'Your Majesty doth
right well know, neither I myself am ignorant, what great imperfection
and weakness by our first creation is allotted unto us women, to be
ordained and appointed as inferior and subject unto man as our head;
from which head all our direction ought to proceed. And that as God
made man in his own shape and likeness, whereby he being endued with
more special gifts of perfection, might rather be stirred to the
contemplation of heavenly things and to the earnest endeavor to obey
his commandments, even so also made he woman of man, of whom and by
whom she is to be governed, commanded and directed.... Your majesty
being so excellent in gifts and ornaments of wisdom, and I a silly
poor woman, so much inferior in all respects of nature unto you, how
then cometh it now to pass that your majesty in such diffuse causes of
religion will seem to require my judgment? Which when I have uttered
and said what I can, yet must I, will I, refer my judgment ... to your
majesty's wisdom, as my only anchor, supreme head and governor here in
earth, next unto God, to lean unto.' 'Not so by St. Mary,' said the
king; 'you are become a doctor, Kate, to instruct (as we take it),
and not to be instructed or directed by us.' 'If your majesty take it
so,' replied the queen, 'then hath your majesty very much mistaken
me, who have been of the opinion, to think it very unseemly and
preposterous for the woman to take upon her the office of an instructor
or teacher to her lord and husband, but rather to learn of her husband
and be taught by him. And whereas I have, with your majesty's leave,
heretofore been bold to hold talk with your majesty, wherein sometimes
in opinions there hath seemed some difference, I have not done it so
much to maintain opinion, as I did it rather to minister talk, not only
to the end your majesty might with less grief pass over this painful
time of your infirmity,[461] being attentive to our talk, and hoping
that your majesty should reap some ease thereby; but also that I,
hearing your majesty's learned discourse, might receive to myself some
profit thereby; wherein I assure your majesty, I have not missed any
part of my desire in that behalf, always referring myself in all such
matters unto your majesty, as by ordinance of nature it is convenient
for me to do.' 'And is it even so?' answered the king; 'and tended your
arguments to no worse end? Then perfect friends we are now again, as
ever at any time heretofore.' Then, as if to seal this promise, Henry,
who was sitting in his chair, embraced the queen and kissed her. He
added: 'It does me more good at this time to hear the words of your
mouth, than if I had heard present news of a hundred thousand pounds
in money had fallen unto me.' Lavishing on Catherine tokens of his
affection and his happiness, he promised her that such misapprehensions
with regard to her should never arise again. Then, resuming general
conversation, he talked on various interesting subjects with the queen
and with the lords who were present, until the night was advanced;
when he gave the signal for their departure. There may possibly have
been somewhat of exaggeration in Catherine's words. She had not been
altogether so submissive a learner as she said; but she felt the
imperative necessity of entirely dispersing the clouds which the
ill-will of her enemies had gathered over the king's mind, and it is
not to be doubted that in saying what she did she uttered her inmost
thought.
[Sidenote: RECONCILIATION.]
Meanwhile the queen's enemies, who had no suspicion of the turn things
were taking, gave their orders and made their preparations for the
great work of the morrow, which was to confine Catherine in the Tower.
The day was fine, and the king wishing to take an airing went in the
afternoon into the park, accompanied only by two of the gentlemen
of his bed-chamber. He sent an invitation to the queen to bear him
company; and Catherine immediately arrived, attended by her three
favorite ladies in waiting. Conversation began, but they did not talk
of theology. Never had the king appeared more amiable; and his good
humor inspired the rest with cheerfulness. In his conversation there
was all the liveliness of a frank communicative disposition, and the
mirth, it seems, was even noisy.[462] Suddenly, forty halberds were
seen gleaming through the park trees. The lord chancellor was at the
head of the men, and forty bodyguards followed him. He was coming
to arrest the queen and her three ladies and to conduct them to the
Tower. The king, breaking off the conversation which entertained him so
pleasantly, glanced sternly at the chancellor, and stepping a little
aside called him to him. The chancellor knelt down and addressed to the
king, in a low voice, some words which Catherine could not understand.
She heard only that Henry replied to him in insulting terms, 'Fool,
madman, arrant knave!' At the same time he commanded the chancellor
to be gone. Wriothesley and his followers disappeared. Such was the
end of the conspiracy formed against the king's Protestant wife by
Wriothesley, Gardiner, and their friends. Henry then rejoined the
queen. His features still reflected his excitement and anger; but as
he approached her he tried to assume an air of serenity. She had not
clearly understood what was the subject of conversation between the
king and the chancellor; but the king's words had startled her. She
received him gracefully and sought to excuse Wriothesley, saying:
'Albeit I know not what just cause your majesty has at this time to
be offended with him, yet I think that ignorance, not will, was the
cause of his error; and so I beseech your majesty (if the cause be not
very heinous), at my humble suit to take it.' 'Ah, poor soul!' said
the king, 'thou little knowest how evil he deserveth this grace at thy
hands.'[463]
CHAPTER XI.
CLOSE OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
(1546-JANUARY, 1547.)
[Sidenote: THE NEW COURT.]
Weighty consequences followed the miscarriage of the conspiracy formed
against the queen. It had been aimed at the queen and the Reformation;
but it turned against Roman Catholicism and its leaders. The proverb
was again fulfilled,--'Whoso diggeth a pit shall fall therein.' The
wind changed; Romanism suffered an eclipse, it was no longer illumined
by the sun of royalty. The first to fall into disgrace with Henry VIII.
was, as we have seen, Wriothesley. The king displayed his coolness
in various ways. The chancellor, disquieted and alarmed for his own
pecuniary interests, was annoyed to see preparations for establishing
a new Court of Augmentations, by which his privileges and emoluments
would be lessened. He earnestly entreated the king that it might not be
established in his time. 'I shall have cause,' he wrote, on October 16,
'to be sorry in my heart during my life, if the favor of my gracious
master shall so fail, that partly in respect of his poor servant he do
not somewhat of his clemency temper it. Thus I make an end, praying God
long to preserve his Majesty.'[464] In spite of all his efforts, he
lost the royal favor, and the new court which he so much dreaded was
erected.
A still heavier blow fell upon Gardiner. After the reconciliation
between Henry and Catherine, he was obliged to abstain from making his
appearance at the court.[465] On December 2, he wrote to the king:
'I am so bold to molest your Majesty with these very letters, which
be only to desire your Highness, of your accustomed goodness and
clemency, to be my good and gracious lord, and to continue such opinion
of me as I have ever trusted and, by manifold benefits, certainly
known your Majesty to have had of me ... declare mine inward rejoice
of your Highness' favor, and that I would not willingly offend your
Majesty for no worldly thing.' This man, at other times so strong, now
saw before him nothing but disgrace and became excessively fearful.
He might be overtaken by a long series of penalties. Who could tell
whether Henry, like Ahasuerus of old, would not inflict upon the
accuser the fate which he had designed for the accused? The bishop,
restless, wrote to Paget, secretary of state: 'I hear no specialty
of the king's majesty's miscontentment in this matter of lands, but
confusedly that my doings should not be well taken.'[466] No answer to
either of these two letters is extant. Towards the end of December,
the king excluded Gardiner from the number of his executors and from
the council of regency under his successor, Edward; and this involved
a heavy loss of honor, money, and influence. Henry felt that for the
guardianship of his son and of his realm, he must make his choice
between Cranmer and Gardiner. Cranmer was selected. It was in vain that
Sir Antony Browne appealed to him, and requested him to reinstate the
bishop of Winchester in this office. 'If he be left among you,' said
the king, 'he would only sow trouble and division. Don't speak of it.'
The conspiracy against the queen was not the sole, although it was the
determining, cause of Gardiner's disgrace.[467]
This, however, was but the beginning of the storm. The first lord of
the realm and his family were about to be attacked. If Henry no longer
struck to the right, he struck to the left; but he dealt his blows
without intermission; in one thing he was ever consistent, cruelty.
[Sidenote: PARTIES AT THE COURT.]
In addition to the suffering caused by his disease, the king was
oppressed by anxiety at the thought of the ambition and rebellion which
might snatch the crown from his son and create disturbances in the
kingdom after his death. The court was at this time divided into two
parties. One of these was headed by the duke of Norfolk, who, owing
to his position as chief of the ancient family of the Howards, allied
even to the blood royal, was next to the king the most influential
man in England. He had long been lord treasurer, and had rendered
signal services to the crown. Opposed to this party was that of the
Seymours, who had not hitherto played any great part, but who now, as
uncles to the young prince, found themselves continually advancing in
esteem and authority. Norfolk was the chief of the Catholic party;
and a great number of evangelical Christians had been burnt while
he was at the head of the government. His son, the earl of Surrey,
was likewise attached to the doctrines of the Middle Ages, and was
even suspected of having associated in Italy with Cardinal Pole. The
Seymours, on the other hand, had always shown themselves friendly to
the Reformation; and while Norfolk supported Gardiner, they supported
Cranmer. It appeared inevitable that, after the king's death, war would
break out between these chiefs, and what would happen then? The more
Henry's strength declined, the more numerous became the partisans of
the Seymours. The sun was rising for the uncles of the young prince,
and was setting for Norfolk. The duke, perceiving this, made advances
to the Seymours. He would have liked his son to marry the daughter of
the earl of Hertford, and his daughter, widow of the duke of Richmond,
the natural son of the king, to marry Sir Thomas Seymour. But neither
Surrey nor the duchess were disposed to the match. There was therefore
nothing to expect but a vigorous conflict; and the king chose that
the victory of the one party and the defeat of the other should be
determined in his lifetime and through his intervention. To which
of the two parties would the king give the preference? He had always
leaned for support upon Norfolk, and the religious views of this old
servant were his own. Would he separate from him at this critical
moment? After having from the first resisted the Reformation, would he,
on the brink of the grave, give it the victory? The past had belonged
to Roman Catholicism; should the future belong to the Gospel? Should
his death belie his whole life? The infamous conspiracy formed against
the queen by the Catholic party would not have been enough to induce
the king to adopt so strange a resolution. A circumstance of another
kind occurred to determine his course.
At the beginning of December, 1546, Sir Richard Southwell, who was
afterwards a member of the privy council under Queen Mary, gave the
king a warning that the powerful family of the Howards would expose
his son to great danger. Before the birth of Edward, Norfolk had been
designated as one of the claimants of the crown. His eldest son was a
young man of great intelligence, high spirit and indomitable courage,
and excelled in military exercises. To these qualifications he added
the polish of a courtier, fine taste and an ardent love for the fine
arts; his contemporaries were charmed by his poems; and he was looked
upon as the flower of the English nobility. These brilliant endowments
formed a snare for him. 'His head,' people said to the king, 'is filled
with ambitious projects.' He had borne the arms of Edward the Confessor
in the first quarter, which the king alone had the right to do; if,
it was added, he has refused the hand of the daughter of the earl of
Hertford, it is because he aspires to that of the princess Mary; and
if he should marry her after the death of the king, prince Edward will
lose the crown.
The king ordered his chancellor to investigate the charges against
the duke of Norfolk and his son, the earl of Surrey; and Wriothesley
ere long presented to him a paper, in the form of questions, in his
(Wriothesley's) own handwriting. The king read it attentively, pen in
hand, hardly able to repress his anger, and underlined with a trembling
hand those passages which appeared to him the most important. The
following sentences are specimens of what he read:--
'If a man coming _of the collateral line to the heir of the crown_, who
ought not to bear the arms of England but on the second quarter ... _do
presume_ ... to bear them in the first quarter, ... _how this man's
intent is to be judged_....
'If a man compassing _with himself to govern the realm do actually
go about to rule the king_, and should for that purpose advise his
daughter or sister to become his harlot, thinking thereby to bring it
to pass ... what this importeth.
'If a man say these words,--If the king die, who should have the rule
of the prince but my father or I? what it importeth.'[468]
[Sidenote: THE ARREST.]
On Saturday, December 12, the duke and the earl were separately
arrested and taken to the Tower, one by land, the other by the river,
neither of them being aware that the other was suffering the same fate.
The king had often shown himself very hasty in a matter of this kind;
but in this case he was more so than usual. He had not long to live,
and he desired that these two great lords should go before him to the
grave. The same evening the king sent Sir Richard Southwell, Sir John
Gate, and Wymound Carew to Kenninghall, in Norfolk, a principal seat of
the family, about eighty miles from London. They travelled as swiftly
as they could, and arrived at the mansion by daybreak on Tuesday. They
had orders to examine the members of the family, and to affix seals to
the effects.
The Howard family, unhappily for itself, was deeply divided. The
duchess of Norfolk, daughter of the duke of Buckingham, an irritable
and passionate woman, had been separated from her husband since 1553,
and apparently not without reason. She said of one of the ladies who
were in attendance on her, Elizabeth Holland,--'This woman is the cause
of all my unhappiness.' There was a certain coolness between the earl
of Surrey and his sister, the duchess of Richmond, probably because
the latter leaned to the side of the Reformation. Surrey had also had
a quarrel with his father, and he was hardly yet reconciled to him. A
house divided against itself will not stand. The members of the family,
therefore, accused each other; the duchess, it may be believed, did not
spare her husband, and the duke called his son a fool. When Sir Richard
Southwell and his two companions arrived at Kenninghall on Tuesday
morning, they caused all the doors to be securely closed so that no one
might escape; and after having taken some evidence of the almoner, they
requested to see the duchess of Richmond, the only member of the family
then at the mansion, and Mistress Elizabeth Holland, who passed for
the duke's favorite. These ladies had only just risen from their beds,
and were not ready to make their appearance. However, when they heard
that the king's envoys requested to see them, they betook themselves as
quickly as possible to the dining-room. Sir John Gate and his friends
informed them that the duke and the earl had just been committed to the
Tower. The duchess, deeply moved at this startling news, trembled and
almost fainted away.[469] She gradually recovered herself, and kneeling
down humbled herself as though she were in the king's presence. She
said: 'Although nature constrains me sore to love my father, whom I
have ever thought to be a true and faithful subject, and also to
desire the well-doing of his son, my natural brother, whom I note to be
a rash man, yet for my part I would nor will hide or conceal any thing
from his Majesty's knowledge, specially if it be of weight.' The king's
agent searched the house of the duchess of Richmond, inspected her
cabinets and her coffers, but they found nothing tending to compromise
her. They found no jewels, for she had parted with her own to pay her
debts. Next, they visited Elizabeth Holland's room, where they found
much gold, many pearls, rings and precious stones; and of these they
sent a list to the king. They laid aside the books and manuscripts of
the duke; and the next day by their direction the duchess of Richmond
and Mistress Holland set out for London, where they were to be examined.
[Sidenote: DIVISIONS OF THE HOWARDS.]
Mistress Holland was examined first. She deposed that the duke had said
to her 'that the king was sickly, and could not long endure; and the
realm like to be in an ill case through diversity of opinions.' The
duchess of Richmond deposed 'that the duke her father would have had
her marry Sir Thomas Seymour, brother to the earl of Hertford, which
her brother also desired, wishing her withal to endear herself so into
the king's favor, as she might the better rule here as others had done;
and that she refused.'[470] This deposition appears to corroborate one
of the charges brought against Norfolk by the chancellor. Nevertheless,
the supposition that a father, from ambitious motives, could urge his
daughter to consent to incestuous intercourse is so revolting, that one
can hardly help asking whether there really was any thing more in the
case than an exercise of the natural influence of a daughter-in-law
over her father-in-law. The duchess corroborated the accusation
touching the royal arms borne by Surrey, his hatred of the Seymours,
and the ill which he meditated doing them after the king's death; and
she added that he had urged her not to carry too far the reading of the
Holy Scriptures.
Various other depositions having been taken, the duke and his son were
declared guilty of high treason (January 7). On the 13th, Surrey was
tried before a jury at Guildhall. He defended himself with much spirit;
but he was condemned to death; and this young nobleman, only thirty
years of age, the idol of his countrymen, was executed on Tower Hill,
January 21.[471] Public feeling was shocked by this act of cruelty,
and every one extolled the high qualities of the earl. His sister, the
duchess of Richmond, took charge of his five children, and admirably
fulfilled her duty as their aunt.[472]
[Sidenote: NORFOLK'S APPEAL TO THE KING.]
The king was now dangerously ill, but he showed no signs of tenderness.
People said that he had never hated nor ruined any one by halves; and
he was determined, after the death of the eldest son, to sacrifice the
father. Norfolk was very much surprised to find himself a prisoner
in the Tower, to which he had consigned so many prisoners. He wrote
to the lords to let him have some books, for he said that unless
he could read he fell asleep. He asked also for a confessor, as he
was desirous of receiving his Creator; and for permission to hear
mass and to walk outside his apartment in the daytime. At the age of
seventy-three, after having taken the lead in the most cruel measures
of the reign of Henry VIII., from the death of Anne Boleyn to the death
of Anne Askew, he now found that the day of terror was approaching
for himself. His heart was agitated and fear chilled him. He knew the
king too well to have any hope that the great and numerous services
which he had rendered to him would avail to arrest the sword already
suspended over his head. Meanwhile the prospect of death alarmed him;
and in his distress he wrote from his prison in the Tower to his royal
master:--'Most gracious and merciful sovereign lord, I, your most
humble subject, prostrate at your foot, do most humbly beseech you to
be my good and gracious lord.... In all my life I never thought one
untrue thought against you or your succession, nor can no more judge or
cast in my mind what should be laid to my charge than the child that
was born this night.... I know not that I have offended any man...
unless it were such as are angry with me for being quick against such
as have been accused for sacramentaries.' And fancying that he detected
the secret motive of his trial, he added: 'Let me recover your gracious
favor, with taking of me all the lands and goods I have, or as much
thereof as pleaseth your Highness.'[473]
The charges brought against Norfolk and Surrey were mere pretexts. No
notice having been taken of the letter just cited, the old man, who was
anxious by any means to save his life, determined to humble himself
still further. On January 12, nine days before the death of Surrey,
in the hope of satisfying the king, he made, in the presence of the
members of the privy council, the following confession:--'I, Thomas,
duke of Norfolk, do confess and acknowledge myself... to have offended
the king's most excellent majesty, in the disclosing... of his privy
and secret counsel... to the great peril of his Highness.... That I
have concealed high treason, in keeping secret the false and traitorous
act... committed by my son... against the king's majesty... in the
putting and using the arms of Edward the Confessor,... in his scutcheon
or arms.... Also, that to the peril, slander, and disinherison of the
king's majesty and his noble son, Prince Edward, I have... borne in
the first quarter of my arms... the arms of England.... Although I be
not worthy to have... the king's clemency and mercy to be extended to
me,... yet with a most sorrowful and repentant heart do beseech his
Highness to have mercy, pity, and compassion on me.'[474]
All was fruitless; Norfolk must die like the best servants and friends
of the king, like Fisher, Sir Thomas More, and Cromwell. But the duke
could not be condemned with so little formality as Surrey. The king,
therefore, assembled the parliament; a bill was presented to the House
of Lords, and the three readings were hurried through on January 18,
19, 20. The bill, sent down to the Commons, was passed by them, and was
sent back on the 24th. Although it was customary to reserve the final
step to the close of the session, the king, who was in haste, gave his
assent on Thursday the 27th, and the execution of Norfolk was fixed for
the morning of the next day. All the preparations for this last act
were made during the night; and but a few moments were to intervene
before this once powerful man was to be led to the scaffold.
Two victims were now awaiting the remorseless scythe of destiny. Death
was approaching at the same time the threshold of the palace and that
of the prison. Two men who had filled the world with their renown, who
during their lifetime had been closely united, and were the foremost
personages of the realm, were about to pass the inexorable gates and to
be bound with those bonds which God alone can burst. The only question
was which of the two would be the first to receive the final stroke.
The general expectation was, no doubt, that Norfolk would be the first,
for the executioner was already sharpening the axe which was to smite
him.
[Sidenote: LAST HOURS OF HENRY VIII.]
While the duke, still full of vigorous life, was awaiting in his
dungeon the cruel death which he had striven so much to avert, Henry
VIII. was prostrate on his sick bed at Whitehall. Although every thing
showed that his last hour was at hand, his physicians did not venture
to inform him of it; as it was against the law for any one to speak
of the death of the king. One might have said that he was determined
to have himself declared immortal by act of parliament. At length,
however, Sir Antony Denny, who hardly ever left him, took courage and,
approaching the bedside of the dying monarch, cautiously told him that
all hope, humanly speaking, was lost, and entreated him to prepare for
death. The king, conscious of his failing strength, accused himself of
various offences, but added that the grace of God could forgive him all
his sins. It has been asserted that he did really repent of his errors.
'Several English gentlemen,' says Thevet, 'assured me that he was truly
repentant, and among other things, on account of the injury and crime
committed against the said queen (Anne Boleyn).'[475] This is not
certain; but we know that Denny, glad to hear him speak of his sins,
asked him whether he did not wish to see some ecclesiastic. 'If I see
any one,' said Henry, 'it must be Archbishop Cranmer.' 'Shall I send
for him?' said Denny. The king replied: 'I will first take a little
sleep, and then, as I feel myself, I will advise upon the matter.' An
hour or two later the king awoke, and finding that he was now weaker,
he asked for Cranmer. The archbishop was at Croydon; and when he
arrived the dying man was unable to speak, and was almost unconscious.
However, when he saw the primate, he stretched out his hand, but could
not utter a word. The archbishop exhorted him to put all his trust in
Christ and to implore his mercy. 'Give some token with your eyes or
hand,' he said, 'that you trust in the Lord.' The king wrung Cranmer's
hand as hard as he could, and soon after breathed his last. He died at
two o'clock in the morning, Friday, January 28, 1547.[476]
By Henry's death Norfolk's life was saved. The new government declined
to begin the new reign by putting to death the foremost peer of
England. Norfolk lived for eight years longer. He spent, indeed, the
greater part of it in prison; but for more than a year he was at
liberty, and died at last at Kenninghall.
Henry died at the age of fifty-six years. It is no easy task to sketch
the character of a prince whose principal feature was inconsistency.
Moreover, as Lord Herbert of Cherbury said, his history is his best
portrait. The epoch in which he lived was that of a resurrection of the
human mind. Literature and the arts, political liberty, and evangelical
faith were now coming forth from the tomb and returning to life. The
human mind, since the outburst of bright light which then illumined it,
has sometimes given itself up, it must be confessed, to strange errors;
but it has never again fallen into its old sleep. There were some
kings, such as Henry VIII. and Francis I., who took an interest in the
revival of letters; but the greater number were alarmed at the revival
of freedom and of faith, and instead of welcoming tried to stifle
them. Some authors, and particularly Fox, have asserted that if death
had not prevented him, Henry VIII. would have so securely established
the Reformation as not to leave a single mass in the kingdom. This is
nothing more than a hypothesis, and it appears to us a very doubtful
one. The king had made his will two years before his death, when he was
setting out for the war with France. In it, his chief object was to
regulate the order of succession and the composition of the council of
regency; but at the same time it contains positive signs of scholastic
Catholicism. In this document the king says: 'We do instantly desire
and require the blessed Virgin Mary His mother, with all the holy
company of heaven, continually to pray for us and with us while we live
in this world, and in time of passing out of the same.'
[Sidenote: HIS WILL.]
Moreover, he ordained that the dean and canons of the chapel royal,
Windsor, and their successors forever, should have two priests to say
masses at the altar.[477] The will was rewritten on December 13, 1546;
and the members of the Privy Council signed it as witnesses. But the
only change which the king introduced was the omission of Gardiner's
name among the members of the council of regency. The passages
respecting the Virgin and masses for his soul were retained.
Henry had brought into the world with him remarkable capacities, and
these had been improved by education. He has been praised for his
application to the business of the State, for his wonderful cleverness,
his rare eloquence, his high courage. He has been looked upon as a
Mæcenas, and pronounced a great prince. His abilities certainly give
him a place above the average of kings. He regularly attended the
council, corresponded with his ambassadors, and took much pains. In
politics he had some clear views; he caused the Bible to be printed;
but the moral sentiment is shocked when he is held up as a model.
The two most conspicuous features of his character were pride and
sensuality; and by these vices he was driven to most blameworthy
actions, and even to crimes. Pride led him to make himself head of
the church, to claim the right to regulate the faith of his subjects,
and to punish cruelly those who had the audacity to hold any other
opinions on matters of religion than his own. The Reformation, of
which he is assumed to be the author, was hardly a pseudo-reform; we
might rather see in it another species of _de_formation. Claiming
autocracy in matters of faith, he naturally claimed the same in matters
of state. All the duties of his subjects were summed up by him in the
one word _obedience_; and those who refused to bow the head to his
despotic rule were almost sure to lose it. He was covetous, prodigal,
capricious, suspicious; not only was he fickle in his friendships,
but on many occasions he did not hesitate to take his victims from
amongst his best friends. His treatment of his wives, and especially
of Anne Boleyn, condemns him as a man; his bloody persecutions of the
evangelicals condemn him as a Christian; the scandalous servility which
he endeavored, and not unsuccessfully, to engraft in the nobles, the
bishops, the house of commons and the people, condemn him as a king.
BOOK XVI.
GERMANY TO THE DEATH OF LUTHER.
CHAPTER I.
PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY.
(1520--1536.)
The light of the Gospel had risen upon Europe, and had already pervaded
the central and southern portions of this quarter of the world. A new
age had begun. The work of the Reformation was not done like that of
a council, by articles of discipline; but by the proclamation of a
Saviour, living and ever-present in the church; and it thus raised
Christendom from its fallen state. To the church in bonds in the rude
grasp of the papacy it gave the freedom which is to be found in union
with God; and withdrawing men from confessionals and from cells in
which they were stifled, it enabled them to breathe a free air under
the vault of heaven. At the time of its appearance, the vessel of the
church had suffered shipwreck, and the Roman Catholics were tossed
about in the midst of traditions, ordinances, canons, constitutions,
regulations, decretals, and a thousand human decisions; just as
shipwrecked men struggle in the midst of broken masts, parted benches,
and scattered oars. The Reformation was the bark of salvation which
rescued the unhappy sufferers from the devouring waters, and took them
into the ark of the Word of God.
The Reformation did not confine itself to gathering men together,
it also gave them a new life. Roman Catholicism is congealed in
the forms of the Middle Ages. Destitute of vitality, possessing no
fertilizing principle, humanity lay buried in its old grave-clothes.
The Reformation was a resurrection. The Gospel imparts a true, pure,
and heavenly life, a life which does not grow old, nor fade, nor
disappear like that of all created things, but is continually renewed,
not indeed by its own efforts, but by the power of God, and knows
neither old age nor death. Time was needed for the Gospel, after being
buried for ages by the papacy, to throw off all its swaddling-clothes,
and resume its free and mighty progress; but its advance was made by
an impulse from on high. After having restored to Europe primitive
Christianity, the church which sprang from the Reformation overthrew
the ancient superstitions of Asia, and of the whole world, and sent a
life-giving breath over the fields of death. Churches everywhere called
into existence, assemblies of men abounding in good deeds, these are
the testimonies of its fertility. The missionaries of this Gospel,
although they lived in poverty, spent their days in obscurity, and
often encountered death even in a cruel form, nevertheless accomplished
a work more beneficial and more heroic than princes and conquerors
have done. Rome herself was moved at the sight of all the stations
established, all the Bibles put into circulation, all the schools
founded, all the children educated, and all the souls converted.
There is, however, one point on which the papacy imagines that it may
claim a triumph, that is, unity; and yet on this very point it fails.
Roman Catholics know no other unity than that of the disciples of human
science,--of mathematics, for example. Just as all the pupils in a
school are agreed about the theorems of Euclid, the papacy requires
that all the faithful, who in her opinion ought to be nothing but
pupils, should be agreed about the dogmas which she establishes in
her councils or in her Vatican retreats. Unity, she says, is the
assertion of the same decrees. The Gospel is not satisfied with this
scholastic uniformity; it demands a union more intimate, more profound,
more vital--at once more human and more divine. It requires that all
Christians should 'be likeminded, having the same love, being of one
accord, of one mind;' a true 'fellowship of the Spirit;'[478] and this
union it founds upon Christ, on the truth--'that there is no salvation
in any other,' and on the fact that all those who are saved have in Him
the same righteousness, the same redemption.[479] Christ reveals the
divine nature of Christian unity,--'I in them,' he said, 'that they may
be one as we are one.'[480] This is assuredly something different from
the mechanical and scholastic unity of which the Roman doctors make
their boast. The unity of the Gospel is not a crystallization like the
unity of Rome, it is a movement full of life.
[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE REFORMATION.]
All kinds of human progress date from the Reformation. It produced
religious progress by substituting for the forms and the rites which
are the essence of Romish religion, a life of communion with God. It
produced moral progress by introducing, wherever it was established,
the reign of conscience and the sacredness of the domestic hearth.
It produced political and social progress by giving to the nations
which accepted it, an order and a freedom which other nations in vain
strive to attain. It produced progress in philosophy and in science,
by showing the unity of these human forms of teaching with the
knowledge of God. It produced progress in education, the well-being
of communities, the prosperity, riches, and greatness of nations. The
Reformation, originating in God, beneficially develops what pertains to
man. And if pride and passion sometimes happen to impede its movement,
and to thrust within its chariot wheels the clubs of incredulity, it
presently breaks them, and pursues its victorious course. Its pace is
more or less speedy; various circumstances make it slow or swift; but
if at one time it is slackened, at another time it is accelerated. It
has been in action for three centuries, and has accomplished more in
this time than had been effected in the preceding sixteen centuries.
It is upheld by a mighty hand. If the truth which was again brought to
light in the sixteenth century should once more be entombed, then the
sun being veiled the earth would be covered with darkness; it would no
longer be possible to discern the way of salvation; moral force would
disappear, freedom would depart, modern civilization would once more
sink into barbarism, and humanity, deprived of the only guide competent
to lead it on, would go astray and perish hopelessly in the desert.
We have narrated in our early volumes the great achievements of the
Reformation in Germany, at Worms, Spire, Augsburg, and elsewhere. While
these events were astonishing all Europe, the Spirit of God was gently
breathing, souls were silently awakening, churches were forming, and
the Christian virtues were springing up afresh in Christendom. What
took place at that period was very much like what frequently happens
in the world of nature. In the higher regions there are great gales,
clouds charged with electricity, thunders, lightnings, and torrents of
rain. Then in the lower regions, in the valleys and on the plains, the
fields refreshed, reviving, grow green again, 'and the earth brings
forth first the fruit, then the ear, after that the full corn in the
ear.'
The Reformation had made great progress in Germany. The Word of God
everywhere advanced with much power; and the waters which had gushed
forth at Wittenberg, spreading around, quenched the thirst of many
souls. Believers were found in all classes, but especially among the
traders of the towns.
[Sidenote: JOHN BUGENHAGEN.]
In an island of the Baltic, formed by the two eastern arms of the
Oder, and belonging to Pomerania, stands the small town of Wollin,
formerly a nest of Danish pirates. Here was born, on June 24, 1485, a
man of singular goodness, who became one of the champions of Christian
civilization in the sixteenth century, John, son of the councillor
Gerard Bugenhagen. He entered in 1502 the university of Greifswald,
a town situated on the same sea, and applied himself to the study
of languages, the humanities, and also theology. In 1505 he went
to Treptow, another town on the Baltic, further eastward, and was
appointed rector of the school. He was so successful as a teacher
that Bodelwin, abbot of a neighboring convent, invited him to become
professor of theology in a college instituted for the teaching of the
sciences. Here he expounded the Scriptures, for the most part according
to the views of Augustine and Jerome. Priests, monks, and townsmen came
to hear him; and although he was not ordained, his friends strongly
urged him to preach. This he did, to the great delight of his hearers,
among whom were some of noble rank.[481]
'Alas!' said Bugenhagen, afterwards, 'I was still in the strait bonds
of pharisaic piety, and I had no true understanding of the Holy
Scriptures. We were all so deeply sunk in the doctrine of the pope,
that we had not even a wish to know the doctrine of the Word of God.'
There were however desires and longings in his heart; but what he
wanted remained as a writing in cipher, of which he was unable to
discover the key. It was quite suddenly at last that he found it.
Towards the close of 1520, he dined with some professors and friends
at the house of Otto Slutov, one of the patricians of the town and
inspector of the church of Treptow. Slutov had just received a copy
of Luther's 'Babylonish Captivity.' 'You must read that,' he said to
Bugenhagen, as he laid the volume upon the table, around which the
guests were seated. Availing himself of the invitation, the rector
turned over the leaves of the book during dinner-time, and after having
read some passages he said aloud to the company present,--'Since the
birth of Christ, many heretics have attacked and roundly abused the
church; but among them there has not been one more execrable than the
man who has written this book.' He, however, took away the volume by
leave of his host, read it and reread it, meditated and deliberately
weighed its contents; and at each perusal scales seemed to fall from
his eyes. Some days afterwards, finding himself in the same company, he
made a confession to them. 'What shall I say to you? The whole world
is blind and plunged in the deepest darkness. This man alone sees the
truth.' He read to his friends page after page, undertook the defence
of each paragraph, and brought most of them to the same convictions
that he had received himself. J. Kyrich, J. Lorich, the deacon
Kettelhut, Abbot Bodelwin and others acknowledged the errors of the
papacy, and endeavored to turn people from their superstitions and to
make known to them the merits of Jesus Christ. This was the beginning
of the Reformation in Pomerania.
[Sidenote: CONVERSION OF BUGENHAGEN.]
Bugenhagen began to read Luther's other writings; and he was especially
charmed with his exposition of the difference between the Law and the
Gospel, and of the doctrine of justification by faith. Persecution soon
began, instigated by the bishop of Camin. Bugenhagen, who earnestly
desired to see the places whence the light had come, betook himself to
Wittenberg, arriving there in 1521, shortly before the departure of
the reformer to Worms. The Pomeranian was joyfully received by Luther
and Melanchthon, who thenceforth usually called him 'Pomeranus.' His
desire was to be a student, not a teacher; but having begun, in his
own room, to explain the Psalms to his countrymen, he did this with
so much clearness, such unction and evangelical life, that Melanchthon
requested him to give the course publicly. He now became one of the
professors of the University, and at the same time pastor of the parish
church. He was afterwards (1536) appointed superintendent-general.
Melanchthon and Pomeranus completed, each on his special side, the work
of Luther. Melanchthon did so in the scientific sphere, by means of
his classical culture, and in the political sphere by his discretion.
Pomeranus, though undoubtedly inferior to both of them, had great
experience and much knowledge of men, and he possessed at the same
time gentleness and firmness, abundance of tact and a practical turn
of mind, and to all these qualities he added energetic activity. He
was thus enabled to render great services in all that related to
ecclesiastical organization.[482] There was hardly an important church
in whose formation his assistance was not sought. We have already met
with him in Denmark.[483]
We have elsewhere seen how the Gospel had been brought to Erfurt by
Luther and by Lange, how Frederick Myconius, converted partly by
Tetzel's excesses, had preached the Gospel at Zwickau, and how the word
had renovated other towns in connection with Wittenberg. When a friend
of Luther, Nicholas Hausmann for instance, was called to some place
for the work of the Reformation, and came to ask the great doctor's
advice, the latter answered: 'If you accept the call, you will make
enemies of the pope and the bishops; but if you decline it, you will
be the enemy of Christ.' This was enough to induce them to enter upon
the work.[484] The evangelical doctrine had been publicly preached at
Frankfort-on-the-Main by Ibach, just after the famous diet of Worms.
Assemblies of evangelical deputies had been held there in June, 1530,
December, 1531, and May, 1536, and this town had joined the alliance of
Smalkalde.
The cities of Lower Saxony were the first to be touched by the light
which proceeded from electoral Saxony. Magdeburg, where Luther had been
at school and had personal friends, had early shown itself friendly to
evangelical principles. One day, an old clothier came and stood at the
foot of the monument erected in this town to the illustrious Emperor
Otto the Great, in memory of his conquests in the tenth century; and
the zealous partisan of the spiritual conqueror of the sixteenth
century began to sing one of Luther's hymns and to sell copies of it.
People were at the time coming out of a neighboring church, where mass
had been said. Many had received the leaf, but the burgomaster who
was passing with others of the faithful had the seller arrested. This
caused the fire which was smouldering under the embers to flame forth.
The parishioners of St. Ulrich assembled in the cemetery, elected eight
good men to undertake the government of the church. The parish of St.
John took part in the movement; and all declared that they attached
themselves to their sovereign pastor, bishop, and pope, Jesus Christ,
and were ready to fight bravely under this glorious captain. On June
23, 1524, the citizens met together in the convent of the Augustines
with seven evangelical pastors, and determined to request the Council
that nothing but the Word of God should any longer be preached, and
that the Lord's Supper should be administered regularly in both kinds.
On July 17, the communion was thus celebrated in all the churches; and
the town council, on the 23d of the same month, informed the elector
that 'the immutable and eternal Word of God, hitherto obscured by thick
shadows, now shone forth, by God's mercy, more brightly than the sun,
for the salvation of sinners, the happiness of the faithful, and the
glory of God.'[485] They requested the elector at the same time to send
Amsdorff to them.
[Sidenote: REFORMATION AT BRUNSWICK.]
Brunswick followed next. The Reformation was introduced into this town
chiefly by means of Luther's hymns, which were sung alike in private
houses and in the streets. Incumbents of benefices were in the habit
of paying young ecclesiastics to preach in their stead. These deacons,
usually called 'hireling priests' (_Heuer-pfaffen_), generally
embraced evangelical doctrines, and induced their flocks to do so too.
Sometimes one of them would strike up, instead of the hymn to the
Virgin Mary, one of these new German hymns, and all the congregation
would sing it with him. The clergy endeavored to maintain the
Scholastic doctrine; but if the people heard from the lips of their old
pastors false quotations from the Holy Scriptures, voices were raised
in all directions to correct them. The ecclesiastics in office then
summoned to their aid Doctor Sprengel, a preacher highly esteemed in
those parts. But at the close of his sermon, a townsman rose and said:
'Priest, thou liest.' He then struck up the hymn of Luther beginning--
O Gott vom Himmel sieh darin--
and the whole congregation sang it heartily with him. The old pastors
applied to the Council to rid them of these troublesome deacons; but
the people, on the other hand, demanded to be rid of their useless
pastors.
The Council, after some hesitation, was at length overcome by the
evangelical movement, and passed a decree (March 13, 1528) that the
pure Word of God alone should be preached at Brunswick. 'Christ grant
that his glory may increase!'[486] said Luther when he heard the news.
At the same time the Council begged the Elector of Saxony to send
Pomeranus, who, accordingly, on May 12, proceeded to Brunswick, to
the great joy of all the people. So admirably did he execute the task
of organization that the Brunswickers entreated the Elector to allow
him to remain with them a year longer. But Luther assured the prince,
September 18, 1528, that the doctor could not possibly be longer
spared. 'Wittenberg,' he added, 'is at this time of more importance
than three Brunswicks!'[487] This was a moderate assertion; Luther
might have said more. For the church of Brunswick Pomeranus drew up
ordinances on schools, preaching, the church festivals, baptism, the
Lord's Supper, and discipline. Sin was to be punished, but not the
sinner. He prepared similar constitutions for various great towns
in North Germany. The mendicant monks now left Brunswick, and the
Reformation was established.
[Sidenote: HAMBURG AND LUBECK.]
The assistance of Luther and Melanchthon was soon after sought by a
more important town. The Gospel had made its way into Hamburg; but the
priests and especially the Dominican Renssburg opposed it with all
their might. The citizens required of the Council (April 21, 1528) that
the preachers should be examined according to the Holy Scriptures, and
that all those who were found not to be in agreement with them should
be dismissed. Next day, a conference between the two parties was held,
in the presence of the senate and a commission of the townsmen. But
Renssburg spoke in Latin, in order that the laity might not understand
him. As the Roman Catholics put forward exclusively the authority of
the Church, five of their number were banished from the town; and some
of the most influential of the townsmen felt it necessary to escort
them, lest the populace should do them any injury. Pomeranus was at
this time called to Hamburg, to organize the evangelical church; and
when the Council further applied for an extension of the time of his
sojourn, Luther on this occasion supported their request. Hamburg was
for him undoubtedly a place of greater importance than Brunswick. But
the town made very large demands. On May 12, 1529, Luther wrote to
the Elector: 'The Hamburgers would fain have Pomeranus stay with them
forever.'[488] Now, new students were daily arriving at Wittenberg, and
the faculty could not dispense with the services of Pomeranus. Luther
therefore entreated the Elector to recall him, and declared himself
willing to persuade the Council and the University to do the same. For
Hamburg also Pomeranus drew up an ecclesiastical ordinance.
At Lübeck a powerful and compact party, composed of the clergy, the
Council, the nobles, and the principal men of business, resisted the
Reformation, the doctrines of which were steadily gaining ground among
the townsmen. A psalm in German having been sung by the domestic
servants in some house, the whole family was punished, and Luther's
sermons were burnt in the market-place in 1528. Two evangelical
ministers, Wilhelmi and Wahlhof, were expelled. A certain priest,
John Rode, preached that Christ had redeemed only the fathers of the
Old Testament, and that all who were born after him must obtain their
salvation by their own merits. People used to go about singing to him,--
Celui qui doit nous mener au bercail,
Nous fait, hélas! tous tomber dans la fosse.
At a great meeting of the townsfolk, those who meant to remain
Catholics were bidden to go apart. Only one person stirred from
his place. The Council was in want of money and demanded it of the
townsmen, who in reply demanded religious liberty. In 1529 the banished
ministers were recalled. In 1530 the Catholic preachers had to evacuate
all the pulpits; and in 1531 Pomeranus gave the town an ecclesiastical
ordinance.[489]
CHAPTER II.
THE PRINCIPALITY OF ANHALT.
(1522-1532.)
[Sidenote: DUKE GEORGE OF ANHALT.]
The Reformation met with difficulties in the principality of Anhalt,
but the young princes who now ruled the two duchies of which the
principality consisted, had had a pious mother, and the seed which
her hand had sown in their hearts overcame all obstacles. One of the
princes, Wolfgang, had held intercourse with Luther as early as 1522
and had, as we have seen, most willingly signed the Confession of
Augsburg.[490] The other three, however, had not followed his example.
John, on the contrary, had signed the Compromise of Augsburg, and it
was not easy for him to draw back. Surrounded by powerful neighbors
entirely devoted to Rome, the elector of Brandenburg, Duke George
of Saxony, and the archbishop elector of Mentz, it seemed scarcely
possible for them to extricate themselves from the net. Joachim
was of a feeble and gloomy temper. Moreover, Prince George was an
ecclesiastic at the age of eleven, a canon of Merseburg since 1524,
and provost of the chapter of Magdeburg, and seemed to be called to
the highest offices of the church. He was born at Dessau in 1501. From
his childhood he had shown a strong attachment to church ceremonies
and to the traditions of the fathers; and the doctrines of Luther
were afterwards depicted to him in the blackest colors. 'This man,'
they told him, 'proscribes good books, authorizes bad ones, and
abolishes all the holy ordinances. All his followers are Donatists
and Wickliffites.' He was henceforth a vehement opponent of a system
which, according to his judgment, was destructive of Christianity.
When the ministers of Magdeburg attempted to win over the members of
the Chapter to the Reformation, he roughly rebuked them. As he was an
honest man and was desirous of qualifying himself to contend against
the errors of the Protestants, he began to search for arguments in
the Holy Scriptures and in the fathers of the church, but it was
not possible for him to find any. On the contrary, he was utterly
astonished to find that Holy Scripture was opposed to many of the
established customs of the church; and that in what was called the new
doctrine there were many articles which were found in the Bible, and
which had been held by the fathers. His mother, although she continued
in the church and counselled her sons not to violate its unity, had
believed that she was saved by grace alone, and had with special
emphasis professed this faith at the time of her death. George had
embraced this faith at an early age; and the bishop of Merseburg had
confirmed him in it by rebuking one day a preacher who had exalted
human merits, and to whom he had said energetically: 'Not a single
living man is righteous.' He repeated the words three times in the
presence of George; and now George found the doctrine distinctly
asserted in the sacred writings. He wondered within himself whether it
could be on this account that the friends of Rome spoke of the Bible
as a heretical book and forbade people to read it. But at other times
recognizing in it this truth, of which God had kept alive a spark in
his heart,[491] he was not a little alarmed, for he saw that it was
the very doctrine of Luther. 'I see,' he said to himself, 'that the
fathers very much praised the Holy Scriptures, considered them the
foundation, and would have no other.' And now the doctors of the church
refuse to test their teaching by Scripture! He therefore put to some of
them the question on what basis the doctrines of the church were made
to rest; and they could not tell him. He observed at the same time,
in many of those who defended abuses, spiteful passions, injustice,
and calumny; and honest George was at a loss what to think about it.
He fell into a deep melancholy, a state of restlessness and distress
of mind which nothing could relieve.[492] 'On the one hand,' said he,
'I see the building threatening to fall; on the other I see troubles,
disagreements, and the revolt of the peasants.' Luther had indeed
opposed this revolt; but, for all that, the prince was terrified and
in great distress. 'What shall I do? Which side must I take? God grant
that I may determine to do only that which is right, and resolve not
to act against my own conscience.' He was haunted by these thoughts
day and night. At a later time he said: 'How many a night have I been
agitated and depressed, suffering unutterable heaviness of heart.
Something dreadful appeared before me; He knows, from whom nothing is
concealed. My whole being shuddered. How often this passage came into
my mind,--"The sword without, and terrors within." I could do nothing
else but cry unto God, as a poor sinner who supplicates his grace.'
In 1530 he received a copy of the Confession of Augsburg, which
Wolfgang had signed. He had up to this time read very little the
writings of the reformers; and he found that the evangelical doctrine,
as set forth in this document, was entirely different from what had
been told him. The fundamental doctrines of the apostolical churches
were clearly asserted in it, and the ancient heresies were convincingly
refuted. The refutation of the Protestant Confession drawn up by the
Roman doctors disgusted him. He now began to read the works of Luther,
and was struck by the fact that the author exhorted men to good works,
although he would have no one place confidence in them. He found,
indeed, that Luther was sometimes rather fiery; 'but,' said he, 'so are
Jeremiah, Isaiah, Ezekiel and other prophets.' He found that the Gospel
of Christ was again in the pulpits. He recollected that his mother had
one day said to him with sorrow,--'How is it that our preachers, when
they have to speak of the Gospel of Christ, do so with less warmth than
the new ministers?' And he thought within himself,--'While the poor
people to whom the cowl of St. Francis, satisfaction, and their own
merits are recommended, die wretchedly, those who are now directed to
Jesus Christ leave this world with joyful hearts.'
[Sidenote: HIS ZEAL FOR THE TRUTH.]
Ere long this prince, who was subsequently known as George the Pious,
showed himself zealous for the truth, and gained over his brothers John
and Joachim to the Gospel. On Holy Thursday, 1532, when a Dominican
who preached at Dessau had vigorously contended against the practice
of administering the Supper in both kinds, George dismissed him. The
three brothers now gave complete freedom to the Reformation. Duke
George of Saxony took care to warn them that they would draw upon
themselves the Emperor's displeasure, and that George would not attain
to the high honors which he had had reason to hope for. But all this
was ineffectual. Towards the close of the summer, Luther wrote to the
princes in the following terms: 'I have heard, illustrious princes,
that by the power of the Spirit of Christ an end has been put in your
dominions to impious abuses, and that you have introduced the practices
of Christian communion, not without exposing yourselves to great danger
and to the threats of powerful princes. I give God thanks that He has
imparted to the three brothers the same spirit and the same strength.
Christ, the "weak" king, is in truth and forever the king almighty, and
such are the works which he accomplishes. He acts, he lives, he speaks,
both in himself and in his members. The beginnings of every work of God
are weak, but the results are invincibly strong. The roots of all trees
are at first mere slender filaments, or rather a sort of pulp which
solidifies; nevertheless from them are produced those huge trees, those
oaks, of which are constructed vast buildings, ships and machines.[493]
Every work of God begins in weakness and is completed in strength. It
is otherwise with the works of men.' On September 14, Luther sent his
friend Hausmann to the princes as pastor, 'a man who loves the Word
of God and teaches it with discretion.' Prince George, on the ground
of his ecclesiastical offices, considered himself to be invested with
a legitimate authority in the church of his own dominions. Luther
calls him 'right reverend bishop.' When he heard how much George had
to suffer 'on the part of Satan, the world, and the flesh,' and that
machinations of all kinds were set on foot for attacking him, he made
haste to fortify him, writing to him as follows:--'Christ himself hath
said--"Be of good comfort, I have overcome the world." If the world be
overcome, so likewise is the prince of the world; for when a kingdom is
conquered the king also is conquered. And if the prince of this world
be conquered, all that proceeds from him shares his defeat,--fury,
wrath, sin, death, hell, and all the arms in which he confidently
trusted. Glory be to God, who hath given us the victory.'[494]
[Sidenote: PRINCE JOACHIM.]
Prince Joachim, a feebler man than George, found himself assailed by
powerful princes who exerted themselves to turn him away from the
Gospel, and his resolution was shaken. Luther therefore endeavored
to strengthen him. 'Let your Highness but call to mind,' said he,
'that Christ and His word are higher, greater, and surer than a
hundred thousand fathers, councils, and popes, whom the Scriptures
call sinners and sheep gone astray. Let your Highness then be full
of courage. Christ is greater than all devils and all princes.'[495]
A year later, Luther, understanding that Joachim had fallen into a
state of melancholy, wrote several letters to him. 'A young man like
you,' he wrote to him, 'ought to be always cheerful. I counsel you
to ride on horseback, to hunt, to seek for pleasant society in which
you may piously and honorably enjoy yourself. Solitude and melancholy
are penalties and death for all, but especially for a young man. God
commands us to be joyful. "Rejoice," says the Preacher, "rejoice, O
young man, in thy youth, and let thy heart cheer thee in the days of
thy youth."'[496]
On March 16, 1534, a meeting was held of all the ecclesiastics of
the principality of Anhalt; when, in spite of the opposition of the
archbishop, they were ordered to celebrate the Lord's Supper, according
to the institution of Christ. Prince George appointed to the livings
men who had studied at Wittenberg, and sent his candidates to Luther
for examination and consecration.
The country, which takes its name from the ancient castle of Anhalt,
the walls of which are still to be seen in the forest of Harzegerode,
was one of those in which the Reformation was most peacefully carried
out.
We have elsewhere treated of the reformation of Bremen, of Augsburg,
and of Würtemberg. Pomerania was not yet reformed, although Pomeranus,
the reformer to whom it had given birth, took so prominent a part in
the work in many towns and countries. The duke, Bogislas, and the
bishop of Camin were resolutely opposed to the Reformation; but here
and there amongst the townsmen were ardent aspirations towards the
Gospel; and occasionally, likewise, there were excesses and destruction
of images. The clergy and the nobles were on the side of the pope;
the towns were for the Bible; and the two camps were almost at war.
The duke on his travels, in 1523, passed through Wittenberg, and the
bishop of Camin, as curious as the duke, appears to have accompanied
him. The reformer in his sermon spoke, amongst other things, of the
carelessness and luxury of bishops. The duke smiled and looked at
his companion.[497] Bogislas sent for Luther, conversed with him in
a friendly manner, and said: 'I should like for once to confess to
you.' 'I am quite willing,' said the reformer; 'my only fear is that
as your Highness is a great prince, you are also a great sinner.' The
duke made frank reply that this was only too true. The duke felt also
the influence of his son, the young prince Barnim, who had studied at
Wittenberg from 1518 to 1521, and who had attended the disputation
at Leipsic in 1519. His brother George, on the other hand, brought
up at the court of Duke George of Saxony, had there imbibed a hatred
of the Gospel. After the death of Bogislas, these two princes became
leaders of the two opposing parties. Barnim sent word to the allies of
Smalcalde--'What my brother builds up, I shall cast down.' The mother
of George appeared friendly to his purpose; and her son Philip having
come to an understanding with Barnim, a diet was convoked, in 1533, at
Treptow. The towns laid before it a scheme of reformation, which was
well received; and Pomeranus was summoned to settle the new order of
things. The nobility, however, and the clergy, particularly the bishop
of Camin, still energetically opposed the evangelical work.
[Sidenote: WESTPHALIA.]
The conflict was severe in Westphalia.[498] Evangelical truth was
well received in some places. Children used to sing Luther's hymns at
the doors of houses; the members of a family would sing them by the
fireside; the most fearless ventured to do the same in the open air, at
first in the evening twilight, and then in the daytime. At length some
ministers arrived. Monks and nuns were now seen quitting their convents
and embracing the Gospel. At other places, as for instance at Lemgo,
the pastor, at first stoutly opposed, would set out for some reformed
town in order to see how matters were going on there, and on his return
would reform his own church. But in some districts violent resistance
was offered. At Soest, a conflict took place between a victim and the
executioner. The latter having made an ineffectual stroke and inflicted
only a severe wound, the victim, a robust man of the lower class,
snatched away the weapon, repulsed the executioner and his assistant,
and was carried off in triumph by the crowd to his own house, where,
however, he died on the following day, of the blow which he had
received.
[Sidenote: THE SPIRITUALS.]
In other places a struggle between cruelty and humanity took place
among the persecutors, and on some occasions humanity triumphed. At
Paderborn, a town in which Charlemagne held several diets and where
many Saxons were baptized, the community without asking leave of higher
authorities had opened the churches to evangelical preaching. Hermann,
elector of Cologne, who subsequently entertained very different views,
being named administrator of the bishopric, arrived in the town
attended by guards and by influential men of the country who were
devoted to the papacy. Appealed to by these men, by the chapter, and
by the council which implored him to punish the illegal proceedings
of the townsfolk, he allowed at first things to take their course.
The people were, however, called together in the garden of a convent
at which the elector was staying. They were told that he was desirous
of taking a gracious leave of them. The townsfolk arrived; but they
suddenly found themselves encompassed by armed men, and the leaders of
the evangelical party were seized and cast into prison. They were put
to the torture; they were led out to the scaffold, around which the
people were gathered, and the approaches to which were covered with
gravel intended to absorb the blood of the victims, and there sentence
of death was read to these honest and pious citizens. Nothing now
remained but to behead them. The chief executioner came forward and,
turning to Hermann and all the dignitaries around him, said: 'These men
are innocent, I would sooner die than behead them.' At the same time
a voice was heard from the midst of the crowd; it was that of an aged
man who came forward with difficulty, leaning on his staff. 'I also
am guilty like those you have condemned, and I ask to be put to death
with them.' The wives and daughters of the prisoners had assembled in
a neighboring house. The door now opened, and they approached, some
smiting themselves on the breast, others with dishevelled[499] hair;
they cast themselves at the feet of the elector and entreated pardon
for these innocent men. Hermann, who was not cruel, could not refrain
from tears, and he granted the pardon which was sought at his hands.
Nevertheless, the evangelical doctrine was prohibited in the town. The
people were even forbidden to engage domestic servants who came from
places where the new doctrine was professed.[500]
We have elsewhere seen how some countries and towns more or less
recently reformed, had felt the need of union after the decree of the
diet of Augsburg, of 1530, and had formed at Smalcalde, March 29,
1531, an alliance for six years, by which they engaged to defend each
other.[501] Under these circumstances, and considering that the Sultan
Solyman was advancing towards Austria with an immense army, the Emperor
had determined to treat with the Protestants, and the religious peace
of Nürnberg was concluded, July 23, 1532. The leaguers of Smalcalde,
nevertheless, were still subject to molestation, for various reasons,
by the tribunals of the Empire. The landgrave of Hesse, by a bold
measure, re-established the Protestant duke, Ulrich of Würtemberg, in
his dominions, thus opening them to the Reformation and increasing the
power of the League of Smalcalde.[502]
CHAPTER III.
THE TRIUMPH OF THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER.
(1533.)
Unfortunately, there was going on at this time a fanatical movement,
which the Roman Catholics were fain to turn to account against the
Reformation, but which in truth furnished no ground of reproach against
it; for the attitude of the Reformation towards the fanatics was
chiefly one of resistance and suppression. When after a long winter the
springtide comes again, it is not only the good seed which grows up,
but weeds too appear in abundance. It could not happen otherwise in
this new springtide of the church, which is called the Reformation. The
mightiest power of the Middle Ages--the Papacy--was assailed. In place
of the opinions which it had professed and imposed on the world for
centuries, the reformers presented evangelical doctrine. It was easy to
understand that not all who rejected the views of the Roman pontiffs
would accept those of the reformers, but that many would invent or
adopt others.
There was a diversity of doctrines, and sometimes, even within the
limits of a single party, all manner of opinions. This was the case
with the so-called _Spirituals_, who have been erroneously named
Anabaptists, for opposition to infant baptism, so far from being their
distinctive doctrine, was hardly their badge. They held in general the
power for good of the natural will (free-will). Haetzer denied the
divinity of Christ, and led a bad life. Many of them said, 'Christ
took nothing of human nature from his mother, for the Adamic nature is
accursed.' There were some who looked upon the observance of Sunday as
an antichristian practice. These fanatics fancied themselves alone to
be the children of God, and like the Israelites of old believed that
they were called to exterminate the wicked. One of this sect, Melchior
Hoffmann, after being in turn in kings' courts and in ignominious
imprisonment, went into Alsace, supposing that at Strasburg the new
Jerusalem was to come down from heaven, and that from this town would
go forth the messengers charged to gather together God's elect. Almost
all of them expected that the end of the world was very near at hand,
and some even fixed the day and the hour.
[Sidenote: BERNARD ROTTMANN.]
These fanatics, in consequence of the persecution to which they were
subjected in South Germany, in Switzerland, and in Holland, turned
their steps towards the regions bordering on the Rhine, where more
freedom was to be enjoyed, and where the Reformation was not yet
thoroughly organized. Munster, in Westphalia, was a strong town,
fortified with a citadel, and the seat of a bishop, with a cathedral,
and a numerous body of clergy. Near the town stood a church dedicated
to St. Maurice; here a false reformer preached a false reformation.
This preacher was one Bernard Rottmann, a fiery man, eloquent and
daring, who had to some extent apprehended the reformed doctrine,
but whose heart remained unaffected by it. As he used to deliver
fine discourses, the townspeople flocked to hear him; and at length
requested that he should be called into Munster. Some influential men
among the Roman Catholics, acquainted with the man, and anxious to
avoid any disturbance, offered him money to go away.[503] Rottmann
accepted the money and took his departure, thus giving the measure of
his faith and zeal. He then visited several towns and universities
in Germany, but made no stay anywhere, and in the course of a few
months returned to Munster. Some of the citizens and the populace,
who were very fond of listening to his declamation, joyfully welcomed
him; but the bishop and the clergy were opposed to his preaching
in the churches. His partisans now set up a pulpit for him in the
market-place, and his hearers increased in number daily. Two pastors
from Hesse, taking Rottmann for a minister of good standing, joined
him, and drew up a statement of the errors of Rome in thirty-one
articles, and submitted it to the council. The priests were then
assembled at the town-hall, and the council laid the document before
them. 'This is indeed our doctrine,' they said, 'but we are not
prepared to defend it.' They were consequently deprived. The bishop,
who had quitted Munster, resolved to cut off the supply of food to the
town--a measure not exactly within a pastor's function, whose call is
to feed his flock. The townsmen, provoked, arrested most of the canons
and the priests and imprisoned them; and it was arranged in 1533, that
evangelical doctrine should be preached in the six churches of the
town, and that the old abuses should be no longer allowed except in the
cathedral.[504]
Among the most respected inhabitants of Munster was the syndic Wiggers,
whose wife, continually followed by a host of admirers, was a person
of doubtful character. She had a great admiration for Rottmann, and,
clever woman as she was, knew how to captivate him. Her husband died
shortly afterwards, and the rumor was spread that she had poisoned
him.[505] This is, however, uncertain. Whatever the fact may be,
Rottmann married her, and thus showed again, that although he was a
preacher of the Gospel, he did not practise it. Honorable men now
withdrew from his society. This circumstance, with others, drove him to
take an extreme course.
In 1533 a very large number of enthusiasts from the Netherlands arrived
at Munster. One of these, Stapreda, from Meurs, became Rottmann's
colleague, and preached vigorously their particular doctrines.[506]
Rottmann, abandoned by his old friends, threw himself into the arms
of these new ones, and strongly advocated their views. Great alarm
was excited in Hesse. Hermann Busch, of Marburg, came to Munster to
oppose the fanatics, and in consequence of a dispute between him and
Rottmann the adherents of the latter received orders to leave the town.
They concealed themselves for a time and then reappeared. The pastor
Fabritius, sent to Munster by the landgrave of Hesse, who was growing
more and more alarmed, earnestly exhorted the senate and the people to
be steadfast in sound doctrine. But one of the visionaries, pretending
to be led by divine inspiration, went about the town towards the end of
December, 1533, exclaiming: 'Repent ye and be baptized, or the wrath of
God will destroy you.'[507] Ignorant men were filled with terror and
hastened to obey.
[Sidenote: MATTHISSON AND BOCKHOLD.]
At the beginning of 1534, the strength of the party was augmented
by the arrival of some famous recruits. On January 13 two men made
their entrance into Munster, strangely apparelled, with an air of
enthusiasm in their countenances and in their actions, and honored by
the visionaries as their leaders. These were a prophet and an apostle;
the former, John Matthisson, a baker from Haarlem, the latter, John
Bockhold, a tailor from Leyden.[508] Bockhold had made his journeyman's
tour, had run over Germany, and also, it was said, had visited Lisbon.
On returning to his native land, he had taken a shop at Leyden, near
the gate which leads to the Hague. The working men who rallied round
the prophet had in general very little relish for work. This youthful
tailor, for example, felt it very irksome to sit all day with his legs
crossed, threading needles and sewing pieces of stuff and buttons.
General tradition represents Bockhold as a tailor, but it is stated
by some writers that he was a cloth-merchant. His father held some
office in the magistracy at the Hague; but his mother, a native of
Westphalia, belonged to the servant class. However this may be, he gave
up his shop, and took, in conjunction with his wife, a public-house for
the sale of beer and other drinks; and here he led a gay and even a
dissolute life. The new tavern-keeper had not read much, but he had a
certain amount of education and a good address. He was keen, crafty,
ambitious, daring, eloquent, and full of animation.[509] There were at
this time in most of the towns in the Netherlands, and particularly at
Leyden, poetical societies; and John Bockhold was ambitious to shine
as an orator. He made speeches which were remarkable for fluency and
copiousness of diction. He even composed comedies and acted in them. He
took part in the conversations, and caught the spirit of opposition to
the church which prevailed in these assemblies. He made acquaintance
with some of the enthusiasts; was fascinated by the notion of a new
kingdom in which they were to be leading men; and thought that he
should be able to find there better than elsewhere a great part to play
himself. Matthisson, as we have stated, chose Bockhold for one of his
apostles.
[Sidenote: THEIR PROCEEDINGS AT MUNSTER.]
At the time of the arrival of these two men, there was living at
Munster a notable townsman named Bernard Knipperdolling. This man
having been in Sweden had associated with some of the enthusiasts of
that country. He was now eager to receive into his house two persons
already so famous. The latter set to work without delay. Their wish
was to make Munster the capital of the sect, and with a view to this
they made use of all means calculated to gain over men's minds. By
their figure, their unusual attire, their fervor, their eloquence, and
their enthusiasm, they produced a powerful impression. These men were
bold, but also shrewd, and sought to propitiate every body. Bockhold
succeeded even in gaining access to the evangelical ministers. He spoke
to them at first in the pure language of the Gospel; then he asked
one or another, what he thought of this or that point on which the
visionaries had peculiar views. If their answers were not such as he
required, or if passages of Scripture were noted in support of their
opinions, he would smile, and sometimes shrug his shoulders. It was
not long before his friends and he openly proclaimed the new kingdom of
which they were the fore-runners. But the evangelical ministers implored
the people to remain faithful to pure doctrine and to maintain it
against the fanatics.[510]
Women were the first to believe in that earthly and heavenly kingdom
which was thus proclaimed, and which was flattering at the same time
to their senses and their understanding. First some nuns, then some
women of the middle class, and afterwards men embraced the doctrines
published by Bockhold. Rottmann, who by his wrong-doing had forfeited
the good opinion of the evangelicals, now threw himself into the
arms of the new party, which received him most favorably; and he
began to preach with his utmost eloquence the fantastic kingdom of
the visionaries. The crowd that flocked to listen to his sermons was
immense, and to hear, people said, was to be converted. The report
became current that he possessed a secret charm, of such sovereign
power that all persons on whom he chose to practise it were immediately
enchanted and bound to the sect. It was the charm of novelty, of
pride, and of error. Women, who joined the party, sharply rebuked the
burgomaster because he was friendly to Fabritius, the pious evangelical
minister from Hesse, who declined to become a convert to the new
kingdom. Working men wanted to be reputed masters. A blacksmith's boy
began to preach the new Gospel; and when the council ordered him to be
imprisoned, all his comrades assembled and compelled the magistrate to
release him.
A collision between the two parties seemed inevitable. On February 8
(1534), the enthusiasts, believing themselves strong enough, took up
arms and suddenly seized the great square; the evangelicals remaining
masters of the walls and the gates of the city. The latter were the
stronger party, and many talked of making an attack with artillery
upon the fanatical multitude and of expelling the intruders from the
town. While the most prudent men were engaged in deliberation, the
_illuminés_ had the strangest visions. 'I see,' said one, 'a man with
a golden crown; in one hand he holds a sword, in the other a rod.'
Many declared that 'the town was filled with ruddy-brown flames, and
that the horseman of the Apocalypse, mounted on a white horse, was
advancing, conquering and to conquer.' The good pastor Fabritius,
whom they had scandalously insulted, pleaded on behalf of them. He
entreated that the mad ones should be leniently dealt with. In other
quarters it was expected that there would be a vigorous resistance
and great slaughter. Men of conciliatory disposition would fain avoid
shedding the blood of their fellow-citizens; and some were afraid that
the bishop, who was near with his troops, would take advantage of the
conflict to get possession of the town.[511] Two proposals were made to
the visionaries; liberty secured to both sides in matters of religion,
but submission to the magistrates in civil matters. This was a victory
for the enthusiasts; they were triumphant, and 'their countenances,'
says one of themselves, 'became of a magnificent color.'[512]
[Sidenote: A MOURNFUL SPECTACLE.]
This was, indeed, the beginning of their kingdom. They now summoned
their adepts to Munster from all quarters, and these came in crowds,
especially from Holland. The period for the election of the Council
having arrived (February 20, 1534), not one of the former magistrates
was re-elected. Some working men, who pretended to be illuminated by
the Spirit, superseded them and distributed all offices among their
own friends. Knipperdolling was named burgomaster. A few days later
(February 27) there was held at the town-hall a great meeting of the
Christians, as they called themselves. The prophet Matthisson remained
for some time motionless, and seemed to be asleep. Suddenly he rose
and exclaimed: 'Drive away the children of Esau (the Evangelicals);
the inheritance belongs to the children of Jacob.' The streets were at
the time almost impassable in consequence of a storm of wind with rain
and snow; but the enthusiasts dashed into the midst of it, impetuously
rushing about, and crying out with all their might, 'Wicked ones,
begone!' They forcibly entered people's houses, and expelled from them
all who would not join their party. All the magistrates, the nobles,
and the canons who were still in the town, were compelled to leave it;
the poor likewise. The unfortunate city presented at this time the most
mournful spectacle. Mothers, in terror, would snatch up their children
half-naked in their arms and go away pale and trembling from their
abodes, carrying with them nothing but some beverage to refresh the
poor little ones on the way. Young lads with a scared look, holding
in their hands a bit of bread which their school-masters had given
them to comfort them or to allay their hunger, went side by side with
their parents, with bare feet, through the snow; and old men, leaning
on their staffs, quitted the town at a slow pace. But on reaching the
gates, the wanderers were searched; from the mothers the fanatics took
away the beverage intended for their young children, from the lads the
bread which they were carrying to their mouths, and from the old men
the last small coins which they had taken up at the moment of their
departure,[513] and then they drove them all out of the town. They
went forth at hap-hazard, not knowing whither they were to go, having
nothing to eat or to drink, and deprived of the pitiful savings of
a long and laborious life.[514] The prophet Matthisson had at first
intended that all those who did not accept the new kingdom should be
put to death. But they did them the favor of only banishing them,
pillaged, however, and almost naked, taking from them their coats if
they happened to be good,[515] and then drove them away, crying out,
'Wicked! Pagans!'
[Sidenote: TERROR.]
The new community was now organized; and Matthisson ere long
exercised over it supreme authority. Prophets who gave themselves
out for inspired did not wait for the millennial kingdom, or for the
resurrection of the dead, or for the advent of the Saviour. They were
quite equal, they thought, to their task. They despised knowledge.
They prohibited all intercourse with the _pagans_, that is to say, the
evangelicals. Those who received the new baptism indispensable for
admission into their imaginary kingdom, and they alone, were saints.
Marriages previously solemnized were annulled; laws were abolished
on the ground that they were opposed to liberty. All distinctions of
rank were suppressed; community of goods was established; and all the
property of those who were banished was thrown into a common fund.
At the same time, seeing that their first duty was to break with a
corrupt world, that irreconcilable enemy of the saints, orders were
given to destroy all those evil things of which the men of the world
made use. Images, organs, painted windows, clocks, seats adorned with
sculptures, musical instruments, and other things of a similar kind,
were removed into the market-place, and there solemnly broken to
pieces. The masterpieces of the painters of the Westphalian school were
not spared. Books and manuscripts, even the rarest, were some of them
burnt and others thrown upon dunghills.[516] This was all done, they
declared, by divine inspiration. People were at the same time ordered
to deliver up all gold, silver, jewels, ornaments, and other precious
things. Property was superseded by communism; and any one who failed
to bring these superfluities to the public office was put to death.
The leading fanatics divided among themselves the fine houses of the
canons, the patricians, and the senators, and settled in them in plenty
and comfort. A large number of adventurers in quest of fortune, and
of fanatics who coveted the good things of the world more than they
acknowledged, arrived at Munster from Holland and the neighboring
countries. They looked upon it as a fine opportunity, and were eager
to have a share of the spoil, and ready enough to lay hands on a large
portion of it. To each handicraft some special duty was assigned. The
tailors for example, were charged to see that no new form of dress was
introduced into the community. These people made it a matter of as much
moment to avoid the fashion as other people did to follow it.
Meanwhile, the main business was the defence of the town. Young lads
even were in training for this task, and not without good reason; for
in the month of May, 1531, the bishop of Munster invested the episcopal
city. He, however, made no progress; for the town, admirably fortified,
was situated on a plain, and there was no rising ground in its
neighborhood on which the besiegers could establish themselves. Some
of the soldiers who were taken prisoners in the sorties were beheaded
by order of the prophets; and their heads were set up on the walls, to
show their comrades what fate awaited them.[517]
The prophet Matthisson, who had at least the virtue of courage, was
killed in an attack made by the besieged. Bockhold took his place.
He was not so brave, but was more ambitious than his predecessor,
and applied himself to the organizing of this strange community. The
magistrates were nominated by Rottmann the preacher and Bockhold the
prophet. Their decrees were executed by Knipperdolling. This man had
authority to put to death, without form of trial, any one who was
detected in violating the new laws. For this purpose he was always
accompanied by four satellites, each carrying a drawn sword; and thus
attended he paraded the streets, at a slow pace, and with a penetrating
glance which spread terror all around.
CHAPTER IV.
THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER. EXCESSES.
(1535.)
It was not long before the new king gave the rein to his passions.
Munster became the scene of the grossest debaucheries and the most
revolting cruelties. Fanaticism is usually accompanied by immorality,
and with faith morality is thrown overboard. Bockhold, not contented
with Matthisson's office, wanted also to have his wife, the beautiful
Divara. He was already married, but that was of no consequence. He
began to preach polygamy, adducing the examples of the Old Testament,
but passing by what the New says, that God in the beginning ordained
the union of one man with one woman, an institution confirmed and
sanctioned by the Saviour. This scandalous proceeding was at first
opposed by several members of the community, and there was even an
evangelical reaction. At the head of the gainsayers was a blacksmith.
Some of the prophets were arrested, and there was talk of recalling
the exiles. The evangelical party seemed to be on the point of revival;
but the enthusiasts were the stronger party, and their opponents were
shot or beheaded.
[Sidenote: THE KING OF THE UNIVERSE.]
The prophets became more numerous. A working goldsmith, named
Tausendschur, pretended to great revelations. Urged on, no doubt,
by Bockhold, he called together the whole body of the saints, and
said,--'The will and the commandment of the Father who is in heaven is
that John of Leyden should have the empire of the whole world, that he
should go forth from the town with a powerful army, that he should put
to death indiscriminately all princes and kings, and that destroying
all the wicked he should take possession of the throne of David his
father.'[518] Bockhold, who was present, at first kept silent, and
appeared to know nothing of this revelation. But when Tausendschur
had finished, the Leyden tailor fell on his knees, and said that ten
days before the same things had been revealed to him, but that he had
refrained from announcing them, lest he should seem desirous of the
sovereignty. At length, he said, he submitted to the will of God,
applying to himself this saying of Ezekiel,--'David my servant shall
be their king, and he shall make an everlasting covenant with them.'
He therefore declared himself ready to undertake the conquest of
the world. This scheme was, doubtless, on his part, a mere piece of
trickery, but it abundantly served his ambition. The madmen and fools
who believed in it, voluntarily submitted to the man who was to be king
of the universe; and the hope of occupying the chief places in this
universal kingdom filled them with zeal for the support of Bockhold.
Even if there were any doubters, they knew that the impostor would not
hesitate to cut off their heads, if that should be necessary for the
establishment of his empire. Bockhold, whose mother was a serf of
Westphalia, assumed in the capital of this province the pomp and attire
of a king. He surrounded himself with a court composed of a large
number of officers and magistrates. The churches were pillaged; and
the king and his ministers decked themselves with the silk vestments
enriched with gold and silver which they took out of the churches, from
the officiating ministers and from the most wealthy citizens.[519] He
had a seal made, representing the world with two swords which pierced
it through and through. This he hung about his neck on a gold chain
adorned with precious stones, as a symbol of his power. He bore a
golden sword with a silver hilt; and on his head he had a triple crown
made of the finest gold. To all this ostentation the ex-journeyman,
now a king, added debauchery. Besides Divara, who was his queen, he
took fifteen wives, all under twenty years of age, and he declared that
he would have three hundred.[520] His queen and these young girls he
attired magnificently. Each of his apostles and other adherents also
had several wives. He considered it necessary to keep his followers in
a state of drunkenness, to prevent them from foreseeing the catastrophe
which was impending over them. He assumed the title of king of the
new temple, and rode about the town invested with the insignia of his
office, and escorted by his guards. All who met him were obliged to
fall on their knees. Three times a week he made his appearance in the
public square, and sat upon a lofty throne, a sceptre in his hand and
a crown upon his head, and surrounded by a body of his satellites. In
this position he delivered his judgments. Knipperdolling, one step
below him, with a drawn sword in his hand, held himself in readiness
to execute them. Whosoever wished to bring any matter before him was
compelled to fall on his knees twice in approaching the throne, and
then to prostrate himself with his face to the ground.
[Sidenote: A SUPPER.]
In October there was a great religious festival, which Bockhold called
the Lord's Supper. A table of 4,200 covers was prepared for men and
women. The king, the queen, and their principal officers, served on
the occasion. Bockhold perceiving a stranger in the crowd ordered him
to be arrested and brought before him. 'Wherefore,' said he, 'hast
thou not on a wedding garment?' He pretended to believe that the man
was a Judas, and ordered him to be expelled; then going out himself,
he beheaded him with his own hands. He then re-entered, exulting and
smiling at this exploit.[521]
When the repast was over, he asked if they were all ready to do the
will of God. 'All,' they replied. 'Well, then,' said the king, 'this
will is that some of you should go forth to make known the wonderful
things which God has done for us.' He forthwith nominated six of
them to go to Osnabruck, and the same number to go to various other
towns in the neighborhood. He gave to each of them a piece of gold of
the value of nine florins and a viaticum. On the same evening these
apostles quitted Munster; and on their arrival at the towns which had
been assigned to them, they made their entrance, filling the air with
horrible outcries. 'Be converted,' they said, as they went along the
streets; 'repent! The time which God in his mercy leaves you is short.
The axe is laid at the root of the tree. If you do not receive peace,
your town will soon be destroyed.' Next, presenting themselves to the
assembled senate, they spread their cloaks upon the ground, threw
down their pieces of gold,[522] and said,--'We proclaim peace to you;
if you receive it bring hither what you possess and place it with
this gold. Our king will ere long have conquered the whole world and
subdued it to righteousness.' Those envoys who had been despatched to
the towns belonging to the bishop of Munster were at first favorably
received; but presently they were all arrested, and several were put
to the torture. Not one of them, however, would acknowledge himself in
error. 'We wait for new troops from Friesland and from Holland, and
then,' repeated they, 'the king will go forth and will subdue the whole
earth.' They suffered the extreme penalty of the law, as men guilty of
sedition.
The king encountered difficulties not only in the neighboring towns,
but likewise in his own capital, and even in his harem. There was at
Munster a woman of great courage and determination, who boasted that
no man should ever marry her. John of Leyden commanded that she should
be carried off and placed in the number of his wives; but the woman,
with her independence of character, finding the morals and the manners
of this harem intolerable, made her escape. This was in the king's
eyes a very great crime. He therefore had her arrested, conducted her
himself to the great square, cut off her head with his own hand, and
then, filled with wrath and vengeance, trampled her body in the dust.
Bockhold had ordered that all his other wives should be present at this
hateful scene, and had directed them to sing a hymn of praise after the
execution. These unhappy creatures did, accordingly, strike up their
song in the presence of the mutilated and desecrated body of their
companion.[523]
CHAPTER V.
THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER. CHASTISEMENT.
(1535-1536.)
[Sidenote: CHASTISEMENT.]
The landgrave Philip of Hesse having, meanwhile, entered Westphalia
with the troops which had just made the conquest of Würtemberg, Munster
was soon so completely invested that nothing, and especially no food
supplies, could any longer enter the town. The dearth became more and
more severe, and the miserable people were driven to have recourse for
sustenance to the most unaccustomed food. They ate the flesh of horses,
dogs and cats, dormice, grass, and leather; they tore up books and
devoured the parchment. Half the population of the town, it was said,
died of starvation. These fanatics had trusted in the word of their
king and prophet, and had awaited with confidence the succor which he
promised them; but, as this succor did not arrive, murmurs began to be
heard from some of them, and others appeared to go mad. Bockhold had
told them that, if it were necessary for saving his people, 'the stones
would be turned into bread.' Consequently, some of these votaries might
be seen stopping in the streets, biting the stones and attempting to
tear them to pieces, in expectation of their being converted into
nourishment.[524] At length despair, madness, and inhumanity proceeded
to the bitterest extremities. The wife of the senator Menken, one of
the working men raised to this dignity by Bockhold, killed her three
children, salted their bodies, and placed the parts thus cured in jars,
in this way making abominable provision for her own subsistence, and
on this she fed day by day.[525] The wretched inhabitants of this
ill-fated town wandered with tottering steps about the streets, the
skin wrinkled over their fleshless bones, their necks long and lank,
hardly able to sustain the head, their eyes haggard and opening and
shutting with sudden jerk, their cheeks hollow and emaciated, with
lips which death seemed to be about to close, corpses in appearance
rather than living beings. In the midst of this appalling spectacle
which recalls the greatest distresses recorded in history, even the
destruction of Jerusalem, there was, it is said, in the king's palace
abundance, feasting, and debauchery.[526]
The enthusiasts, during this time, were causing much trouble in
Holland; but they did not succeed in bringing help to their brethren.
At the beginning of 1535 a certain number of them proposed to burn
Leyden; fifteen were arrested and beheaded. In February others ran
naked about the streets of Amsterdam by night, crying out, 'Woe! woe!
woe!' They also were executed. Near Franeker, in Friesland, three
hundred of them assembled and took possession of a convent; but they
were all put to death. Bockhold, impatient to get the succor of which
he was in sore need, delegated Jan van Geelen, a clever, crafty man,
to stir up a revolt in Holland, and to return to his aid with an army
which should raise the siege of Munster, and help him to conquer
the world. Jan van Geelen, by a feigned renunciation of his errors,
obtained a pardon from Queen Mary. Having entered Holland, he was able
secretly to attract a large number of followers; and in a short time
he conceived the project of surprising Amsterdam by night. He did, in
fact, get possession of the town-hall; but the townsmen, aroused by the
tocsin, drove away the fanatics with cannon-shot, not without suffering
great losses themselves, particularly in the death of a burgomaster.
The rebels were cruelly treated. Many of them were stretched upon
butchers' blocks, had their hearts torn out, and were then quartered.
On all these occasions a certain number of women were, as usual,
drowned.[527]
[Sidenote: CAPTURE OF MUNSTER.]
[Sidenote: EXECUTIONS.]
These successive defeats made an impression on Bockhold and his
partisans. They lost all hope of aid from Holland. The landgrave,
Philip of Hesse, one of the most powerful chiefs of Protestantism,
had brought up his forces to put an end to the scandals of Munster.
The bishop of this city, impelled by the desire to reconquer it,
had assembled for the purpose some Roman Catholic soldiers. One of
Bockhold's men escaped from the town and pointed out the way to capture
it.[528] In the night of June 24, 1535, two hundred lansquenets cleared
the foss and scaled the wall at a point where it was very low. They
were no sooner within the town, than they uttered cries and beat the
drum. The men of the king of Zion leaped out of their beds and ran to
arms. The conflict began and was for a moment doubtful; but one of the
city gates having been opened from within, the army of the besiegers
entered and the fight became terrible. A hundred and fifty horse or
foot soldiers lost their lives. On the side of the besieged many also
fell, and amongst others Rottmann who, resolved not to suffer the
disgrace of captivity, threw himself with intrepidity into the midst of
the fire and perished. The king and two of his principal counsellors,
Knipperdolling and the pastor Crechting, made their escape and hid
themselves in a strong tower, where they hoped to escape the notice
of the conquerors.[529] But the soldiers penetrated into their place
of concealment, dragged them out and made them prisoners. Bockhold at
first braved it out, and assuming the air of a king spoke arrogantly
to the bishop. Two theologians of Hesse endeavored to bring him to
repentance; but he obstinately held to his opinion, admitting no
superior to himself on earth. Reflection, however, wrought a change.
Bockhold was not a fanatic, but an impostor; and he felt that the only
way to save his life was to abjure his errors. He asked for a second
conference with the two Hessians and feigned conversion. 'I confess,'
he said to them, 'that the resistance I have offered to authority
was unlawful; that the institution of polygamy was rash, and that
the baptism of children is obligatory. If pardon should be granted
me, I pledge myself to obtain from all my adherents obedience and
submission.' He likewise acknowledged that he had deserved to die ten
times over. This was the behavior of a knave, willing to abandon even
his imposture, if, by so doing, he might save his life. Knipperdolling
and Crechting, on the contrary, persisted in their views, and asserted
that they had followed the guidance of God. Cruelty of various kinds
was inflicted on these wretched men. They were led about publicly,
during the month of their detention, like strange animals, as a
spectacle to the several princes and their courts, to whom they and
their pretended king were made a subject of ridicule.[530] Bockhold did
not derive from his confessions the advantage which he expected. The
three leaders were all sentenced to the same punishment, the penalty of
high treason to a supreme head. This took place in February, 1536. In
the barbarous period of the Middle Ages imagination had been racked for
the invention of the most cruel punishments. These three wretches were
conducted to the great square of Munster, where Bockhold, as king,
had borne the sceptre and the triple crown, and his executive minister
Knipperdolling the sword. They were then laid out naked; and their
bodies were plucked to pieces with hot pincers, until at length, amidst
hideous tortures, pincers, fire, sword and excruciating sufferings had
put an end to their life.[531] This process lasted an hour. Cochlæus
himself exclaims,--'Cruel, horrible punishment! a terrible example
to all rebels!' Knipperdolling and Crechting bore with courage the
frightful infliction, and Bockhold, apparently recovering good sense,
was determined not to die the death of a coward. Not a groan escaped
him. After he had breathed his last they pierced his heart with a
dagger.
It was Philip of Hesse and his soldiers of the reformed party who
chiefly contributed to put an end to the disorders and cruelties of
which Munster had been the scene. The only result of this episode for
Protestantism was to demonstrate that it had no connection with the
fanaticism of these would-be inspired ones. Protestant opinion was on
this occasion distinguished by various characteristic features. Its
intention was that punishment should be inflicted not for the religious
doctrine of the enthusiasts, but only for their rebellion and other
ordinary crimes. There have been, indeed, and there are especially
at the present time a large number of pious and zealous Christians
who advocate adult baptism; and we are bound to respect them although
we do not share their views. Moreover the baptism practised by the
enthusiasts of Munster, was not that of the sect of Baptists; it was a
proceeding which denoted adhesion to the fanatical system the triumph
of which they pretended to insure, a ceremony such as is adopted in
many secret societies. The essential characteristics of their system
were their alleged visions, their unquestionable licentiousness, the
confusion which they brought upon the institutions of social life,
their tyranny and their cruelty.
Various opinions were entertained as to the punishment which ought to
be inflicted on them. Luther by a letter expressed clearly and briefly
what he thought on the subject. He was not greatly troubled. 'It does
not disturb me much,' he said; 'Satan is in a rage, but the Scripture
stands fast.'[532] The landgrave Philip was always an advocate of the
most lenient measures; he had no desire that the punishment of death
should be inflicted upon them, as had been done in other countries. He
consented only to their being imprisoned; and he insisted that they
should be instructed. The evangelical towns of Upper Germany acted upon
the same principle and refused to stain their hands with the blood of
these unhappy men. But it was decreed by a majority of the Germanic
Diet, that all enthusiasts who persisted in their false doctrines
should be put to death. Thus were confounded, as it has been said,
two things as remote from each other as heaven and earth, evangelical
doctrine and the confusion introduced into churches and states by
these fanatics. The unfortunate men were put to death, whether they
were visionaries or not; and not only were culpable disorders put down
with a strong hand, but evangelical doctrine was also banished from
Munster.[533]
[Sidenote: CAUSES OF THE DISORDERS.]
Three causes especially contributed to bring about these hideous
disorders of the fanatics. First, the bloody persecutions carried on
by Charles V. in the Netherlands against all those who desired to
worship God according to their conscience; next, the doctrines of
the enthusiasts, mingled sometimes with immorality, which Tanchelme
of Antwerp, Simon of Tournay, Amalric of Bena, the Turlupines, the
Pseudo-Cathari, and the Brethren of the Free Spirit, had for centuries
professed in different countries, and especially in the Netherlands
and on the banks of the Rhine, and which had lately been revived
there by emissaries from Germany; and finally, the need for a change
in the social order felt at this period by the least industrious and
most fanciful men of the lower orders, and especially of the class of
artisans.
After the terrible catastrophe which put an end to the kingdom of Zion,
there still remained, undoubtedly, some enthusiasts and libertines,
particularly David Joris. But many of them settled down and returned
to more wholesome doctrines. One of these, Ubbo of Leuwarden, had been
consecrated bishop of the new sect and had in turn consecrated others,
Menno Simonis in particular. Ubbo made public confession of his error;
'I have been miserably mistaken,' he said, 'and I shall lament it as
long as I live.'[534]
We have narrated the horrible episode of Munster, and we have exhibited
it like one of those placards which we have sometimes met with in the
Alps, nailed to a post near an abyss, on which were to be read such
words as these,--'Traveller, beware! any one approaching falls and
rolls over, and hurled from rock to rock, is dashed to pieces and
killed, the sad victim of his rashness.'
TRIUMPH IN DEATH.
(The night of the _18th February, 1546_, at Eisleben.)
Luther had throughout his life refused the aid of the secular arm, as
his desire was that the truth should triumph only by the power of God.
However, in 1546, in spite of his efforts, war was on the point of
breaking out, and it was the will of God that his servant should be
spared this painful spectacle.
The Counts of Mansfeld, within whose territories he was born, having
become involved in a quarrel with their subjects and with several Lords
of the neighborhood, had recourse to the mediation of the reformer. The
old man--he was now sixty-three--was subject to frequent attacks of
giddiness, but he never spared himself. He therefore set out, in answer
to the call, and reached the territory of the Counts on the 28th of
January, accompanied by his friend the theologian Jonas, who had been
with him at the Diet of Worms, and by his two sons, Martin and Paul,
the former now fifteen, and the latter thirteen, years of age. He was
respectfully received by the Counts of Mansfeld, attended by a hundred
and twelve horsemen. He entered that town of Eisleben in which he was
born, and in which he was about to die. That same evening he was very
unwell and was near fainting.
Nevertheless, he took courage and, applying himself zealously to the
task, preached four times, attended twenty conferences, received the
sacrament twice, and ordained two ministers. Every evening Jonas and
Michael Coelius, pastor of Mansfeld, came to wish him good-night.
'Doctor Jonas, and you Master Michael,' he said to them, 'entreat of
the Lord to save his church, for the Council of Trent is in great
wrath.'
Luther dined regularly with the Counts of Mansfeld. It was evident from
his conversation that the Holy Scriptures grew daily in importance
in his eyes. 'Cicero asserts in his letters,' he said to the Counts
two days before his death, 'that no one can comprehend the science of
government who has not occupied for twenty years an important place in
the republic. And I for my part tell you that no one has understood the
Holy Scriptures who has not governed the churches for a hundred years,
with the prophets, the Apostles and Jesus Christ.' This occurred on
the 16th of February. After saying these words he wrote them down in
Latin, laid them upon the table and then retired to his room. He had
no sooner reached it than he felt that his last hour was near. 'When
I have set my good lords at one,' he said to those about him, 'I will
return home; I will lie down in my coffin and give my body to the
worms.'
The next day, February 17, his weakness increased. The Counts of
Mansfeld and the prior of Anhalt, filled with anxiety, came to see
him. 'Pray do not come,' they said, 'to the conference.' He rose and
walked up and down the room and exclaimed,--'Here, at Eisleben, I was
baptized. Will it be my lot also to die here?' A little while after he
took the sacrament. Many of his friends attended him, and sorrowfully
felt that soon they would see him no more. One of them said to
him,--'Shall we know each other in the eternal assembly of the blessed?
We shall be all so changed!' 'Adam,' replied Luther, 'had never seen
Eve, and yet when he awoke he did not say "Who art thou?" but, "Thou
art flesh of my flesh." By what means did he know that she was taken
from his flesh and not from a stone? He knew this because he was filled
with the Holy Spirit. So likewise in the heavenly Paradise we shall be
filled with the Holy Spirit, and we shall recognize father, mother, and
friends better than Adam recognized Eve.'
[Sidenote: LUTHER'S PRAYER.]
Having thus spoken, Luther retired into his chamber and, according to
his daily custom, even in the winter time, opened his window, looked
up to heaven and began to pray. 'Heavenly Father,' he said, 'since in
thy great mercy thou hast revealed to me the downfall of the pope,
since the day of thy glory is not far off, and since the light of thy
Gospel, which is now rising over the earth is to be diffused through
the whole world, keep to the end through thy goodness the church of
my dear native country; save it from falling, preserve it in the true
profession of thy word, and let all men know that it is indeed for thy
work that thou hast sent me.' He then left the window, returned to
his friends, and about ten o'clock at night retired to bed. Just as he
reached the threshold of his bedroom he stood still and said in Latin,
'In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum, redemisti me, Deus veritatis!'
The 18th of February, the day of his departure, was now at hand.
About one o'clock in the morning, sensible that the chill of death
was creeping over him, Luther called Jonas and his faithful servant
Ambrose. 'Make a fire,' he said to Ambrose. Then he cried out,--'O Lord
my God, I am in great pain! What a weight upon my chest! I shall never
leave Eisleben.' Jonas said to him, 'Our heavenly Father will come to
help you for the love of Christ which you have faithfully preached to
men.' Luther then got up, took some turns up and down his room, and
looking up to heaven exclaimed again,--'Into thine hand I commit my
spirit; thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth!'
Jonas in alarm sent for the doctors, Wild and Ludwig, the Count
and Countess of Mansfeld, Drachstadt, the town-clerk, and Luther's
children. In great alarm they all hastened to the spot. 'I am dying,'
said the sick man. 'No,' said Jonas, 'you are now in a perspiration and
will soon be better.' 'It is the sweat of death,' said Luther, 'I am
nearly at my last breath.' He was thoughtful for a moment and then said
with faltering voice,--'O my heavenly Father, the God and Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ, the God of all consolation, I thank thee that thou
hast revealed to me thy well-beloved Son, Jesus Christ, in whom I have
believed, whom I have preached, whom I have confessed, whom the pope
and all the ungodly insult, blaspheme, and persecute, but whom I love
and adore as my Saviour. O Jesus Christ, my Saviour, I commit my soul
to thee! O my heavenly Father, I must quit this body, but I believe
with perfect assurance that I shall dwell eternally with thee, and that
none shall pluck me out of thy hands.'
He now remained silent for a little while; his prayer seemed to have
exhausted him. But presently his countenance again grew bright, a holy
joy shone in his features, and he said with fulness of faith,--'God
so loved the world that he gave his only-begotten Son, that whosoever
believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life.' A
moment afterwards he uttered, as if sure of victory, this word of
David,[535]--'He that is our God is the God of salvation; and unto God
the Lord belong the issues from death.' Dr. Wild went to him, and tried
to induce him to take medicine, but Luther refused. 'I am departing,'
he said, 'I am about to yield up my spirit.' Then returning to the
saying which was for him a sort of watchword for his departure, he said
three times successively without interruption,--'Father! into thine
hand I commit my spirit. Thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth! Thou
hast redeemed me, O God of truth!'
[Sidenote: HIS LAST HOURS.]
He then closed his eyes. They touched him, moved him, called to him,
but he made no answer. In vain they applied the cloths which the
town-clerk and his wife heated, in vain the Countess of Mansfeld and
the physicians endeavored to revive him with tonics. He remained
motionless. All who stood round him, perceiving that God was going to
take away from the church militant this mighty warrior, were deeply
affected. The two physicians noted from minute to minute the approach
of death. The two boys, Martin and Paul, kneeling and in tears, cried
to God to spare to them their father. Ambrose lamented the master, and
Coelius the friend, whom they had so much loved. The Count of Mansfeld
thought of the troubles which Luther's death might bring on the Empire.
The distressed Countess sobbed and covered her eyes with her hands that
she might not behold the mournful scene. Jonas, a little apart from the
rest, felt heartbroken at the thought of the terrible blow impending
over the Reformation. He wished to receive from the dying Luther a last
testimony. He therefore rose, and went up to his friend, and bending
over him, said,--'Reverend father, in your dying hour do you rest on
Jesus Christ, and stedfastly rely upon the doctrine which you have
preached?' 'YES,' said Luther, so that all who were present
could hear him. This was his last word. The pallor of death overspread
his countenance; his forehead, his hands, and his feet turned cold.
They addressed him by his baptismal name, 'Doctor Martin,' but in vain,
he made no response. He drew a deep breath and fell asleep in the Lord.
It was between two and three o'clock in the morning. 'Truly,' said
Jonas, to whom we are indebted for these details, 'thou lettest, Lord,
thy servant depart in peace, and thou accomplishest for him the promise
which thou madest us, and which he himself wrote the other day in a
Bible presented to one of his friends: Verily, verily, I say unto you,
if a man keep my saying, he shall never see death.'[536]
Thus passed Luther into the presence of his Master, in full reliance
on redemption, in calm faith in the triumph of truth. Luther was no
longer here below, but Jesus Christ is with his people evermore to the
end of the world, and the work which Luther had begun lives, is still
advancing, and will extend to all the ends of the earth.
APPENDIX.
_Transcript of 'Indulgence' of Leo X.--the words which are abbreviated
in the original being written in full._
Albertus dei et apostolice sedis gratia . sancte Moguntinensis sedis
. ac Magdeburgensis ecclesie Archiepiscopus . primas . et sacri
Romani imperii in germania archicancellarius . princeps : elector
ac administrator Halberstattensis . Marchio Brandenburgensis .
Stettinensis . Pomeranie : Cassuborum Sclauorumque dux | Burggrauius
. Nurenbergensis Rugieque princeps . Et guardianus fratrum ordinis
minorum de obseruantia conuentus Moguntini . Per sanctissimum |
dominum nostrum Leonem Papam decimum per prouincias Moguntinensem ac
Magdeburgensem ac illarum et Halberstattenses ciuitates et dioceses
necnon terras | et loca illustrissimi et illustrium Principum dominorum
Marchionum Brandenburgensium temporali dominio mediate uel immediate
subiecta nuncii et commissarii : ad infrascripta specialiter deputati
. Vniuersis et singulis presentes literas inspecturis Salutem in
domino . Notum facimus quod sanctissimus dominus | noster Leo diuina
prouidentia Papa decimus modernus : omnibus et singulis utriusque
sexus christifidelibus : ad reparacionem fabrice basilice principis
apostolorum sancti Petri de vrbe : iuxta ordinationem nostram manus
porrigentibus adiutrices : vltra plenissimas indulgentias ac alias
gratias et facultates quas christifideles ipsi obtinere possunt
: iuxta literarum apostolicarum desuper confectarum continentiam
misericorditer etiam in domino indulsit atque concessit : vt idoneum
possint | eligere confessorem presbyterum secularem . uel cuiusuis
etiam mendicantium ordinis regularem . qui eorum confessione diligenter
audita . pro commissis per eligentem | delictis et excessibus : ac
peccatis quibuslibet : quantumcumque grauibus et enormibus : etiam in
dicte sedi reseruatis casibus : ac censuris ecclesiasticis : etiam
ab | homine ad alicuius instantiam latis . de consensu partium etiam
ratione interdicti incursis . et quarum absolutio eidem sedi esset
specialiter reseruata. Preterquam machinationis in personam summi
pontificis : occisionis episcoporum aut aliorum superiorum prelatorum
et iniectionis manuum violentarum in illos aut alios prelatos .
falsificationis | literarum apostolicarum . delationis armorum et
aliorum prohibitorum ad partes infidelium ac sententiarum et censurarum
occasione aluminum tulfe[537] apostolice de partibus infidelium ad
fideles contra prohibitionem apostolicam delatorum incursarum semel in
vita et in mortis articulo quotiens ille imminebit . licet mors tunc
non subsequatur | Et in non reseruatis casibus totiens quotiens id
petierint plenarie absoluere et eis penitentiam salutarem iniungere .
necnon semel in vita et in dicto mortis articulo : plenariam omnium
peccatorum indulgentiam et remissionem impendere . Necnon per eos
emissa pro tempore uota quecumque (vltramarino : visitationis | liminum
apostolorum et sancti Jacobi in compostella : religionis et castitatis
votis dumtaxat exceptis) in alia pietatis opera commutare auctoritate
apostolica | possit et valeat . Indulsit quoque idem sanctissimus
dominus noster prefatos benefactores eorumque parentes defunctos qui
cum charitate decesserunt in precibus : | suffragiis : elemosynis
: ieiuniis : orationibus : missis : horis canonicis : disciplinis
: peregrinationibus : et ceteris omnibus spiritualibus bonis que
fiunt : et fieri poterunt in tota vniuersali sacrosancta ecclesia
militante : et in omnibus membris eiusdem in perpetuum participes
fieri . Et quia deuotus | Philippus Kessel[538] presbyter ad ipsam
fabricam et necessariam instaurationem | supradicte basilice principis
apostolorum iuxta sanctissimi domini nostri Pape intentionem et nostram
ordinationem de bonis suis contribuendo se gratum | exhibuit. In cuius
rei signum presentes literas a nobis accepit Ideo eadem auctoritate
apostolica nobis commissa : et qua fungimur in hac parte | ipsi quod
dictis gratiis et indulgentiis vti et eisdem gaudere possit et valeat
per presentes concedimus et largimur. Datum Auguste | sub sigillo per
nos ad hec ordinato. Die xv Mensis Aprilis Anno domini M.D.xvij.
Forma absolutionis totiens quotiens in vita.
Misereatur tui &c. Dominus noster Jesus christus per meritum sue
passionis te absoluat : auctoritate cuius et apostolica mihi in hac
parte commissa: et | tibi concessa ego te absoluo ab omnibus peccatis
tuis. In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti Amen.
Forma absolutionis et plenissime remissionis : semel in vita et in
mortis articulo.
Misereatur tui &c. Dominus noster Jesus christus per meritum sue
passionis te absoluat : et ego auctoritate ipsius et apostolica mihi
in hac parte commissa : et tibi | concessa te absoluo . primo ab omni
sententia excommunicationis maioris vel minoris si quam incurristi .
deinde ab omnibus peccatis tuis : conferendo tibi plenissimam omnium |
peccatorum tuorum remissionem remittendo tibi etiam penas purgatorii in
quantum se claues sancte matris ecclesie extendunt . In nomine patris et
filii et spiritus sancti Amen.
* * * * *
NOTE.--If one effect produced by the perusal of this often-talked-of
document be surprise at the extent of the remissions offered to
those who should 'stretch out a helping hand towards the repair of
the fabric of the Church of the prince of the apostles, St. Peter of
Rome,' another surely is amazement at the seeming incongruity of the
exceptions. 'Indulgence' is extended to crimes and excesses and any
kind of sin, however 'grave and enormous,' but is withheld not only
from 'conspiracy against the person of the Pope, murder of Bishops
or other superior prelates, laying violent hands on them or on other
prelates, forgery of apostolic letters, exportation of arms and other
forbidden goods to heathen parts,' but also from _the importation
of alum from heathen to Christian parts, contrary to the apostolic
prohibition, by which the faithful who wanted alum were required to use
only that obtained from Tolfa belonging to the Pope_.
Superficially regarded, this last exception is suggestive of a
commercial monopoly enforced by the threat of spiritual penalties; and
so clearly has it been seen that a damaging significance might readily
be attached to it, that the accuracy of the passage has frequently been
doubted. M. Audin, who in his Histoire de Martin Luther, vol. i. pp.
429-432, gives a copy of the 'Indulgence,' renders the passage thus:
'occasione aluminum (_sic_) sanctæ ecclesiæ,' &c. By using the word
sic, and by appending the note 'Tiré d'une source protestante par un
protestant,' M. Audin would seem to have intended to suggest not merely
that he doubted the correctness of the copy to which he had had access,
but also that the apparently objectionable features of the document
might be attributable to inaccuracy.
But transactions of which the causes are imperfectly understood may
give rise to very erroneous opinions; and in this case even the most
cursory glance at the state of Europe during the pontificate of Pius
II., when the alum-works of Tolfa came into existence, will show that
there were grave reasons for treating the importation of alum as a most
heinous offence--reasons which might well affect the decrees of the
Pope, and which had not lost their importance in the time of Leo X.
Until the discovery that alum could be obtained from the hills near
Tolfa, the Italians had been dependent for their supplies of this
commodity, which they used in very considerable quantities, upon the
Turks, who, it is to be borne in mind, had but a few years previously
taken Constantinople, and who were now the scourge and dread of
Christendom. The Papal view as to the use to which the discovery should
be turned is shown in the following extract from a brief of Pius II.:--
'Item quoniam diebus nostris faciens nobiscum Dominus
misericordiam suam de absconditis terræ, uberrimas pretiosi
aluminis venas antea nunquam inventas miraculo quodam in
montibus nostris, qui in patrimonio B. Petri in Tuscia prope
arcem Tolpham sunt patefecit, volens videlicet, ne ultra
ex fidelium pecunia Turchorum in eos persecutio cresceret,
sed ilia ad defensionem nostram uti possemus, justum et
pietati suæ placitum reputantes, fructum omnem, qui antehac
ex comportato in Christianitatem transmarino alumine penes
impios Turchos in Christianorum exitium erat, modo ad nos in
suffragium ecclesiæ catholicæ transeat, præsertim cum alumen
nostrum, magistra experientia, virtute perfectius, pretio
vilius, numero autem sit adeo abundans, ut usui Christianorum
in omnem partem satisfacere possit, ex parte omnipotentis Dei
Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti, ac nostra ex hoc sancto
tribunali apostolica voce hortamur atque requirimus omnes,
et singulos profitentes nomen Christianum, ne posthac alumen
a Turchis aliisque infidelibus emant, &c. Dat. Romæ apud S.
Petrum anno MCDLXIII. vii. id. Aprilis, pontificatus nostri
anno v.' (Raynaldus, 'Annales Ecclesiastici,' tom. 29, p. 376).
In his 'History of Inventions, Discoveries,' &c. (_Bohn's Standard
Library_), Beckmann, who, in treating of Alum, quotes several accounts
of the works at Tolfa, says:--'The Pope himself has left us a very
minute history of this discovery, and of the circumstances which gave
rise to it;' and, alluding to the conflicting statements respecting the
discoverer, he adds:--'But as I do not wish to ascribe a falsehood to
the Pontiff, I am of opinion that the history of this discovery must
have been best known to him. He has not, indeed, established the year
with sufficient correctness; but we may conclude from his relation that
it must have been 1460 or 1465.[539] The former is the year given by
Felician Bussi; and the latter that given in the History of the City
of Civita Vecchia.' Beckmann's rendering of the Pope's history, though
the account is here and there open to criticism, throws much light on
the passage in the Indulgence and is otherwise very interesting. It
is in these terms:--'A little before that period came to Rome John di
Castro, with whom the Pontiff had been acquainted when he carried on
trade at Basle, and was banker to Pope Eugenius. His father, Paul,
was a celebrated lawyer of his time, who sat many years in the chair
of Padua, and filled all Italy with his decisions; for lawsuits were
frequently referred to him, and judges paid great respect to his
authority, as he was a man of integrity and sound learning. At his
death he left considerable riches, and two sons arrived to the age of
manhood, the elder of whom, following the profession of the father,
acquired a very extensive knowledge of law. The other, who was a man
of genius, and who applied more to study, made himself acquainted with
grammar and history; but, being fond of travelling, he resided some
time at Constantinople, and acquired much wealth by dyeing cloth made
in Italy, which was transported thither and committed to his care, on
account of the abundance of alum in that neighborhood. Having by these
means an opportunity of seeing daily the manner in which alum was made,
and from what stones or earth it was extracted, he soon learned the
art. When, by the will of God, that city was taken and plundered about
the year 1453, by Mahomet II., Emperor of the Turks, he lost his whole
property; but, happy to have escaped the fire and sword of these cruel
people, he returned to Italy, after the assumption of Pius II., to whom
he was related, and from whom he obtained, as an indemnification for
his losses, the office of Commissary-General over all the revenues of
the Apostolic Chamber, both within and without the city. While in this
situation he was traversing all the hills and mountains, searching
the bowels of the earth, leaving no stone or clod unexplored, he at
length found some alum-stone in the neighborhood of Tolfa. Old Tolfa
is a town belonging to two brothers, subjects of the Church of Rome,
and situated at a small distance from Civita Vecchia. Here there are
high mountains, retiring inland from the sea, which abound with wood
and water. While Castro was examining these, he observed that the grass
had a new appearance. Being struck with wonder, and inquiring into the
cause, he found that the mountains of Asia, which enrich the Turkish
treasury by their alum, were covered with grass of the like kind.
Perceiving several white stones, which seemed to be minerals, he bit
some of them, and found that they had a saltish taste. This induced him
to make some experiments by calcining them, and he at length obtained
alum. He repaired therefore to the Pontiff, and addressing him said,
"I announce to you a victory over the Turk. He draws yearly from the
Christians above three hundred thousand pieces of gold, paid to him
for the alum with which we dye wool different colors, because none
is found here but a little at the island of Hiscla, formerly called
Aenaria, near Puteoli, and in the cave of Vulcan at Lipari, which,
being formerly exhausted by the Romans, is now almost destitute of that
substance. I have, however, found seven hills so abundant in it, that
they would be almost sufficient to supply seven worlds. If you will
send for workmen, and cause furnaces to be constructed, and the stones
to be calcined, you may furnish alum to all Europe; and that gain
which the Turk used to acquire by this article being thrown into your
hands will be to him a double loss. Wood and water are both plenty,
and you have in the neighborhood the port of Civita Vecchia, where
vessels bound to the West may be loaded. You can now make war against
the Turk: this mineral will supply you with the sinews of war, that is
money, and at the same time deprive the Turk of them." These words of
Castro appeared to the Pontiff the ravings of a madman: he considered
them as mere dreams, like the predictions of astrologers; and all
the cardinals were of the same opinion. Castro, however, though his
proposals were often rejected, did not abandon his project, but applied
to his Holiness by various persons, in order that experiments might be
made in his presence on the stones which he had discovered. The Pontiff
employed skilful people, who proved that they really contained alum;
but lest some deception might have been practised, others were sent to
the place where they had been found, who met with abundance of the like
kind. Artists who had been employed in the Turkish mines in Asia were
brought from Genoa; and these, having closely examined the nature of
the place, declared it to be similar to that of the Asiatic mountains
which produce alum; and, shedding tears for joy, they kneeled down
three times, worshipping God, and praising his kindness in conferring
so valuable a gift on our age. The stones were calcined, and produced
alum more beautiful than that of Asia, and superior in quality. Some
of it was sent to Venice and to Florence, and, being tried, was found
to answer beyond expectation. The Genoese first purchased a quantity
of it, to the amount of 20,000 pieces of gold; and Cosmo of Medici for
this article laid out afterwards seventy-five thousand. On account
of this service, Pius thought Castro worthy of the highest honors
and of a statue, which was erected to him in his own country, with
this inscription:--"To John di Castro, the Inventor of Alum;" and he
received besides a certain share of the profit. Immunities and a share
also of the gain were granted to the two brothers, lords of Tolfa, in
whose land the aluminous mineral had been found. This accession of
wealth to the Church of Rome was made, by the divine blessing, under
the Pontificate of Pius II.: and if it escape, as it ought, the hands
of tyrants, and be prudently managed, it may increase and afford no
small assistance to the Roman Pontiffs in supporting the burdens of
the Christian religion--_Pii Secundi Comment . rer . memorab . quæ
temp . suis contigerunt. Francof._ 1614, _fol. p._ 185'
Dr. Georg Voigt, in his 'Enea Silvio de Piccolomini als Papst Pius der
Zweite und sein Zeitalter,' vol. iii. pp. 546-48, says:--
'Ein Glückszufall brachte dem Papste noch eine ganz
unerwartete Quelle von Einnahmen. Unter ihm wurden die
berühmten Alaungruben von Tolfa entdeckt. Der genannte
Giovanni de Castro, ein Mann der rührigsten Industrie, der
zu Konstantinopel die Färbung italienischer Zeuge betrieben,
bei der Eroberung der Stadt jedoch nichts als sein Leben und
seine technischen Kenntnisse davongetragen, war der Finder.
Umherschweifend auf dem einsamen culturlosen Waldgebirge,
das sich unweit Civita-vecchia mit seinen Ausläufern bis
zum Meer erstreckt, stöbernd unter den Steinen, Erden und
Pflanzen mit dem eigenthümlichen Antriebe solcher Naturen,
bemerkte er zunächst ein Kraut, das er auf den alaunhaltigen
Bergen Asiens gesehen, dann weisse Steine, die der salzige
Geschmack und gar die Auskochung als Alaun erwies. Freudig
eilte er zum Papste und verkündete ihm den Sieg über die
Türken, zunächst den Industriellen, da der Orient durch den
Alaun jährlich über 300,000 Ducaten von den Christen verdiene.
Von anderer Seite wird der Astrolog Domenico di Zaccaria
aus Padua wenigstens als Mitentdecker angegeben.[540] Pius
indess erwähnt nur de Castro. Er und die Cardinäle hielten
die Entdeckung anfangs für eine alchymistische Träumerei.
Doch bestätigten Sachverständige, dass das Gestein wirklich
Alaun und dass es in jenen Bergen in betriebsfähiger Masse
vorhanden sei; das reichliche Wasser der Gegend und der
nahe Seehafen begünstigten den Bau. Es wurden Gewerbsleute
aus Genua berufen, die einst bei den Türken den asiatischen
Alaun behandelt; sie weinten vor Freude, als sie das Mineral
erkannten, nach der Abkochung zeigte sich seine Güte: 80
Pfund hatten den Werth von 100 Pfund türkischen Alauns.
Proben wurden nach Venedig und Florenz versandt. Genuesische
Kaufleute schlossen zuerst einen Ankauf für 20,000 Ducaten
ab. Dann Cosimo de' Medici einen für 75,000. Der Papst fasste
den Vorsatz, das Geschenk Gottes auch zur Ehre Gottes, zum
Türkenkriege zu verwenden; er ermahnte alle Christen, fortan
nur von ihm, nicht von den Ungläubigen den Alaun einzukaufen,
zumal da der seinige nach der Erfahrung besser und billiger
sei.[541] Schon im Jahre 1463 wurde tüchtig in den Gruben von
Tolfa gearbeitet, 8,000 Menschen waren dabei beschäftigt: der
Finder wie die Besitzer des vorher unfruchtbaren Districtes
erhielten eine Quote des Gewinnes, der dem apostolischen
Schatze jährlich gegen 100,000 Ducaten einbrachte. In der
Wahlcapitulation von 1464 wurden sämmtliche Einkünfte von
Alaun für den Türkenkrieg bestimmt.'[542]
* * * * *
From Dr. Voigt's statements that as early as the year 1463, 8,000
men were employed in the alum-works of Tolfa, and that the profit to
the apostolic treasury, after the claims of the discoverer and the
proprietors had been duly recognized, amounted to 100,000 ducats a
year, and from the date of the Pope's Brief quoted above, it would seem
that the discovery could scarcely have been made later than 1462, the
year assigned to it by Niccolo della Tuccia.
The following extract from R. Harrison's translation of A. von
Reumont's 'Lorenzo de' Medici,' carries on somewhat further the
history of this famous mine and of its position in regard to the Papal
Government:--
'The Pope's affection and confidence were shown in various ways. The
Roman depository, i.e., the Receiver's office, was handed over to the
Medici, with the permission to choose as their representative Giovanni
Tornabuoni, director of the Roman bank. New privileges were also
granted to them in connection with their share in the farming of the
alum-works of Tolfa. It was an important concession. In the days of
Pope Pius II., Giovanni di Castro, son of the famous jurisconsult,
Paolo, the principal co-operator in the revision of the Florentine
statutes (finished in 1415), discovered alum-deposits in the rock while
making geological investigations in the hilly country between Civita
Vecchia and the territory of Viterbo, in the vicinity of Tolfa. He
instantly perceived the importance of his discovery, which promised
to free the West, hitherto poor in this mineral, from a tribute to
the distant East, made more inaccessible by the Turkish conquests. In
fact the produce soon amounted to 160,000 gold florins; and it is well
known what sanguine hopes Pius II., whose eyes were directed towards
the East, indulged, that this new source of revenue would aid his
enterprises. Genoese houses had employed themselves with the alum-trade
till the Medici concluded a contract with the Papal exchequer, which
afterwards gave rise to many unpleasant misunderstandings with the
financial department.'--(Vol. I. p. 275).
An account of the alum of Tolfa is also given in vol. v. chap. i., of
the 'Voyages du P. Labat de l'Ordre des FF. Prescheurs, en Espagne
et en Italie;' and in the article 'Alaun,' in the 'Oeconomische
Encyclopädie,' by Dr. J. G. Krünitz, which is in part derived from
Labat's work.
GENERAL INDEX
TO
VOLUMES I.--VIII.
_Aarau_, meeting of pastors at, to complain of exile of
Megander, vi. 367;
deputation sent to Berne, 367
_Abelard_, ii. 18; iii. 44
_Ab Hofen_, Thomas, Bernese deputy to Geneva, ii. 311 _sqq._;
his evangelical work, 312;
opposition and dejection, 314;
death, 316
_Adam_, iii. 301 _sqq._
_Adrian VI._, Pope, attempts to prevent introduction of
Luther's works and followers into Spain, viii. 4
_Adrian_, Dr., umpire at conference of Schässburg, vii. 384
_Agrippa_, Cornelius, at Strasburg, i. 360;
his career, 363;
his book on marriage, 363
_Alasco_, John, Baron, primate of Poland, vii. 433, 443;
unfriendly reception of his nephew John, 445;
his devotion to the papacy, 445;
examines John, 446;
his death, 450
-- Stanislaus, vii. 433;
at court of Francis I., 442
-- Yaroslav, vii. 433;
gets his brother John appointed a bishop, 452;
interview with John, 458;
his relations with Zapolya, 458;
military service and imprisonment, 458;
his death, 459
_Alasco_, John, Polish reformer, his birth and early life, vii. 434;
sets out to visit European courts and universities, 434;
at Louvain, 434;
meets Zwinglius at Zurich, 435;
difficulty of fixing dates of his travels, 436, _note_;
grateful remembrance of Zwinglius, 436;
becomes guest of Erasmus, 437;
influence of Erasmus on him, 438, 439;
studies at Basel under Pellican, 439;
friendship with Glareanus, 439;
enjoined by King Sigismund to leave Basel, 441;
uncertainty of his next course, 442;
in Italy, 442;
again in Poland, 443;
his struggles, 444;
worldly associations, 444;
decline of faith, 445;
false reports about him, 445;
examined by the primate, 446;
renounces doctrines of the Reformation, 447;
urges Erasmus to write to the king, 448;
named provost of cathedral church of Gnesne, 448;
reads and corresponds with Melanchthon, 449;
leans towards Luther, 449;
coolness of Erasmus, 450;
his place among reformers, 451;
has to give up hope of reforming Poland, 451;
appointed bishop of Wesprim, 452;
bishop of Cujavia, 452;
his difficult position, 452;
refuses bishopric of Cujavia, 453;
leaves Poland, 454;
goes to Mentz and Louvain, 454;
offers made to him, 455;
marries, 456;
his life at Embden, 456, 457;
declines offer of pastorate there, 458;
attends death-bed of his brother Yaroslav, 458, 459;
returns to Friesland, 459;
writes to Hardenberg, 459;
accepts direction of churches in Friesland, 462;
invited to Poland, 462;
his task in Friesland, 462;
charges against him, 463;
opposition of John of Falkenberg, 464;
writes to Bullinger, 464;
conflict with the monks, 465;
his appeal to Countess Anna, 466;
victory over John of Falkenberg, 467;
aims at union of Protestant sects, 468;
has a conference with Menno, 468;
with David Joris, 470;
his ministry, 471;
his church government, 471;
relations to Erasmus, Zwinglius, and Melanchthon, 472;
his _Epitome of doctrine_, 472;
again appeals to Countess Anna, 473;
resigns office of superintendent, 473;
resumes it, 474;
death of his child, 474;
his country home, 475;
his first letter to Calvin, 475, _note_;
at Louvain, 548, 552;
meetings with Francis de Enzinas, viii. 43, 59
_Albany, John Stuart_, duke of, i. 414;
special ambassador of Francis I. to Clement VII., ii. 148;
his career, 148, 155;
commands French fleet escorting Catherine de' Medici to Nice, 189;
escorts Clement VII. to Marseilles, 190;
regent of Scotland, vi. 15;
returns to France, 15;
again in Scotland, defeated by the English, finally quits the
country, 21
_Albert_, duke of Prussia, protects the reformed in Poland, vii. 431
_Albigenses_, the, ii. 102
_Alcagnices_, Marchioness of, her conversations with Carranza, viii.
117;
gets his works copied and translated, 119
_Alcala de Henares_, viii. 13;
a theological disputation at, 14
_Alciati_ of Milan, at Bourges, ii. 23
_Aleander_, papal nuncio, obtains edict of persecution for the
Netherlands, vii. 488;
receives recantation of Spreng, 490
_Alençon_, Duchess of [_Margaret of Angoulême_]
_Alençon_, Duke of, i. 346
_Alesius_, presents Melanchthon's _Common places_ to
Henry VIII., v. 106;
account of him, 186;
present at convocation, 187;
his speech, 188, 189;
refused admission, 190;
his birth and early life, vi. 11;
publicly refutes Luther's doctrine, 51;
his interviews with Patrick Hamilton, 52;
refuses to condemn him, 75;
preaches before the synod, 76;
assailed by Prior Hepburn, and imprisoned, 76, 77;
released by command of the king, 77;
immediately imprisoned again, 78;
urged to escape, reluctant to leave Scotland, 80, 81;
his flight, 81, 82;
embarks at Dundee, 83;
his wanderings, 84;
his letter to James V., 90, 91
_Alexander VI._, Pope, i. 119, 211;
his decree on printing, ii. 173
_Alexander Canus_ (_Dumoulin_), goes to Geneva, iv. 195;
attempts to arrest him, 198;
seized and banished, 205;
leaves Geneva, 206
_Alexander_, Dr., preaches at Dantzic, vii. 425
_Alexander_, Peter, chaplain to the Regent of the Netherlands,
viii. 86;
holds a disputation with De Soto, 87;
his flight, trial, and burning in effigy, 87;
pastor of French church in London, 88
_Alva_, Duke of, i. 325
_Amadeus V._ of Savoy, i. 17;
seizes the château de l'Ile, 17;
becomes _vidame_, 18;
bids for popular favor, 18
_Amadeus VIII._, his attempt on Geneva, i. 19;
his abdication, 21;
nominated pope by Council of Basel as Felix V., 21;
makes himself prince and bishop of Geneva, 21;
his death, 21
_Amadeus IX._, i. 22
_Amman_, Louis, vi. 434
_Amsterdam_, beginning of the Reformation at, vii. 531 _sqq._;
arrests of evangelicals by night, their execution, 535;
Jan van Geelen's attempt to surprise, viii. 348
_Amyot_, Jacques, iii. 76
_Anabaptists_, burnt by Henry VIII., v. 63; viii. 160 [_Spirituals_]
_Ancina_, Messire d', i. 116, 122
_Anderson_, Lawrence, his birth and early life, vii. 239;
receives evangelical doctrine, 240;
administrator of diocese of Strengnaes, 240;
friendship with Olaf and Lawrence Peterson, 241;
before Gustavus, 258;
appointed chancellor of the kingdom, 258;
his character, 259;
advises Gustavus, 259;
translates the New Testament, 269;
advises the king on church power, 281;
his speech at Diet of Westeraas, 285 _sqq._;
deputy with Olaf to the king, 291;
his speech on return of the king, 293;
president of synod of Orebro, 299
_Anderson_, William, a Protestant of Perth, vi. 178;
seized and condemned to death, 181;
hung, 181
_Andronicus_, invited into Switzerland by Farel, iii. 233 _sqq._;
joins Farel, 235
_Angelis_, Francis de, viii. 4
_Angers_, University of, declares for divorce of Henry VIII.,
iv. 40
_Angoulême_, city, iii. 5
_Angus_, Earl of, marries Margaret, regent of Scotland, vi. 15;
takes the Great Seal, 22;
defeats Lennox, 24;
renews proscription of New Testament, 43;
keeps the king in subjection, 72;
banished, 74;
joins English army against the Scots, 138;
accompanies the liberated nobles to Scotland, 158;
reinstated, 161;
imprisoned, liberated, 184
_Anhalt_, Principality of, the reformation in, viii. 322;
the princes of, 322;
Luther's letter to them, 326;
the reformation established in, 327
_Anna_, Countess [_Friesland_]
_Annates_, in England, abolished, iv. 87
_Anne Boleyn_, meets Henry VIII., ii. 105; iv. 21, 27;
lodged in palace at Greenwich, 103;
marriage of, 118, 127;
included in Clement's excommunication of Henry VIII., 128;
appears as queen, 131;
her marriage pronounced lawful, 135;
presented to the people, 135;
her coronation, 136;
unsatisfied, 137;
her course and fate, 138;
change in her character, v. 32;
protects evangelicals, 32;
orders liberation of Harman, 33;
her bringing up, 119;
her good works, 120, 121;
esteem for Latimer, 121;
Tyndale's present to, 122;
character of, 124;
opposite views of her, 125;
hostility of Norfolk, 126;
her difficult position, 127;
jealousy of Jane Seymour, 128;
gives birth to a dead son, 129;
co-operates with Cranmer, 130;
her choice of bishops, 130, 131;
forebodings, 132;
commends her daughter Elizabeth to Parker, 133;
charges against her, 133, 134 _sqq._;
ordered to keep her room, 138;
before the council, 139;
taken to the Tower, 140;
her sympathy, 141;
watched, 145;
agitation, 146;
her letter to the king, 150 _sqq._;
alleged pre-contract of marriage not proved, 153;
her trial, 155 _sqq._;
sentenced to death, 157;
her address to the judges, 158;
asks pardon of the princess Mary, 162;
her execution, 165 _sqq._;
effect of her death in Europe, 170, 171
_Anne_ of Beauregard, v. 427, 428
_Anne of Cleves_, proposal for her marriage with Henry VIII.,
viii. 193;
her portrait, 193;
the marriage arranged, 193;
at Calais, 194;
a game of cards, 194;
reaches Canterbury, 195;
at Rochester, seen by the king, 195;
received by him, 197;
enters London, 197;
married, 198;
hopes, 198;
scheme contrived for her divorce, 230 _sqq._;
consents, 231;
receives report of judgment of convocation, 232;
her submission, 233;
a pension and a palace for her, 234
_Anne_ of Cyprus, i. 21, 22, 23;
accused by her son Philip to her husband, 25
_Annonay_, the 'holy virtues' of, i. 429;
preaching of Stephen Machopolis at, 430;
of Rénier, 430;
of Jonas, 430;
arrest and imprisonment of many evangelicals, 431
_Anschar_, apostle of Scandinavia, vii. 120
_Antwerp_, vii. 481;
beginning of reformation at, 483 _sqq._;
persecution, 492;
the convent of the Augustines destroyed, 499;
open-air meeting of the reformed, 503;
murder of Nicholas, 504;
preaching attended by crowds, 517
_Aosta_, Lutheranism at, v. 451 _sqq._;
assembly of estates at, 452;
resolution against Lutheranism, 453;
monuments of Calvin's passage through, 454
_Apologists_, Christian, iii. 10, 182
_Appeals_ to the pope, abolished in England, iv. 179
_Aquinas_, Thomas, Calvin's admiration of, i. 387; ii. 167
_Arcimbold_, sells indulgences in Scandinavia, vii. 127;
gains over the King of Denmark, 128;
sends his brother to Gothland, 236
_Aresen_, Johan, bishop of Holum, vii. 226;
his quarrel with bishop of Skalholt, 226;
vanquished in single combat, 226;
takes up arms against the reformation, 229;
usurps the see of Skalholt, 229;
arrested and executed with his sons, 230;
barbarous revenge of his partisans, 230
_Arlod_, Jean d', i. 271; iv. 313; v. 352;
imprisoned at Chillon, 353
--, Domaine d', iii. 364;
proscribed by the bishop, 439;
seized and imprisoned, 441, 457.
_Arnold_ of Winkelried, i. 194
_Arran_, Earl of, vi. 152;
his character, 154;
proclaimed regent of Scotland, 154;
his evangelical chaplains, 155;
favors project of marriage of Mary Queen of Scots with Edward of
England, 158;
confirmed in the regency, 161;
dismisses his chaplains, 168;
refuses the hostages to Henry VIII., 171;
assembles an army at Edinburgh, 172;
his irresolution, 173;
joins the cardinal at Stirling, 173;
submits to the pope and is absolved, 174;
accompanies Beatoun to Perth, sanctions martyrdom of Protestants,
181;
and persecution in Forfarshire, 182;
flies from Edinburgh with Beatoun, 183;
gives up Wishart to Beatoun, 197;
writes to the cardinal about him, 197
_Arras_, martyrs at, i. 349; iii. 142
_Artois_, preaching of Berquin in, i. 332, 333
_Aske_, Robert, heads revolt of Catholics in Yorkshire, v. 206;
the _pilgrimage of grace_, 206;
at Pomfret Castle, 209;
confronts the Lancaster herald, 209;
resolves to march on London, 210
_Askew_, Anne, account of, viii. 274;
her marriage and separation, 275;
imprisoned, her examinations, 276;
before Bishop Bonner, 277;
liberated on bail, 277;
again arrested, examined, 277, 278;
her firmness, 279;
condemned to be burnt, 279;
again examined and tortured by Wriothesley and Rich, 280, 281, and
_note_;
her martyrdom, 283 _sqq._
_Athanasian Creed_, the, vi. 317
_Audley_, Sir Thomas, Speaker, iv. 9;
appointed Chancellor, 91;
one of Fryth's examiners, 151;
begs for gift of convents, v. 99;
member of commission of inquiry into conduct of Queen Anne, 136,
139; viii. 226
_Augsburg_, Diet of, ii. 216, 255, 415, 421; vii. 170;
influence of the confession in Hungary, 345
_Augustines_, at Geneva, i. 44
_Augustine_, St., iv. 46
_Austria_, ii. 215, 216;
delegates at Diet, of Augsburg, 217, 218, 219
[_Ferdinand_ of Austria, _Philip_ of Hesse]
_Avalos_, Don Gaspard d', opposes publication of Spanish New
Testament, viii. 61
_Avenches_, iii. 212
_Avignon_, Francis I., holds council at, ii. 214;
the embroiderer of, iv. 325;
seized and ill-used, 325;
reaches Geneva, 326
_Avila_, John d', his preaching in Andalusia, viii. 4, 5, 6;
exposes the fraud of Madeline de la Croix, 7;
defends St. Theresa, 7;
counsels Sancha de Carile, 8;
arrested by the Inquisition, and acquitted, 17
_Babinot_, Albert, iii. 46;
sent by Calvin to preach, 58;
at Toulouse, 59, 61
_Baduel_, Claude, ii. 257;
seeks introduction to Margaret of Navarre, 258;
visits her, 259;
his career, 259;
envoy from Margaret to Melanchthon, iv. 368
_Baillot_, Jacques, of Neuchâtel, advocates giving help to
Geneva, v. 323;
on the march, 327
_Bainham_, James, iv. 106;
arrested and tortured by More, 106;
before Bishop of London, 107;
his abjuration and sentence, 107;
remorse, 108;
repentance, 108;
condemned, 109;
visited by Latimer, 109;
martyrdom, 110
_Bakker_, Johan van, with his father denounced as a Lutheran, vii.
510;
sent to Louvain, becomes a priest, 511;
imprisoned, liberated, goes to Wittenberg, 511;
returns, and is banished, 511;
wanderings, 511;
separates from Rome, 512;
opposes indulgences, 512;
arrested, 513;
his trial, 513;
imprisoned, 514;
his father, 515;
his martyrdom, 515, 516
_Balard_, syndic of Geneva, i. 204;
elected syndic, 263;
cited, 292, _note_; iii. 282, 286, 290;
recommends celebration of the mass, v. 367;
his views, 411;
examined before the Council, vi. 502 _sqq._
_Balkerley_, Martin, imprisoned at Edinburgh for reading the
Scriptures, vi. 113;
pays a ransom and is left in prison, a double ransom demanded,
113;
liberated, 113
_Balleyson_, M. de, i. 278, 291, 295, 297
_Balue_, Master, deputy of the Sorbonne, ii. 287
_Bandière_, Ami, i. 267, 270, 276, 292;
leads the search for Pontverre, and is wounded, ii. 379
_Bandière_, Jean, i. 292
_Bandini_, Francesco, Archbishop of Siena, receives deputation
accusing Paleario, iv. 444;
consents to support the charge, 445
_Baner_, Eric, in charge of Gustavus Vasa, vii. 245
_Baptism_, a reformed, at Geneva, iv. 249
_Barbarossa_, iv. 465
_Barbier_, instigates plot against reformers at Geneva, v. 244
_Bar-le Duc_, conference and treaty of, ii. 224 _sqq._, 297
_Barlow_, Dr., prior of Bisham, his embassy to Scotland, vi.
100, 101;
ready to preach, 105
_Barnes_, envoy to reformers at Wittenberg, v. 106;
sent by the king to invite Melanchthon, 107;
well received by Elector of Saxony, 107;
joined by Fox and Hare, 109;
takes part in negotiating marriage of the king with Anne of Cleves,
viii. 202;
appointed to preach at Paul's Cross, superseded by Gardiner, 202;
preaches, 203;
reprimanded by the king, 204;
reads a retractation, and again preaches, 204;
committed to the Tower, 204;
with Garret and Jerome and three Papists, burnt at Smithfield,
227, 228
_Barton_, Elizabeth [_Maid of Kent_]
_Basel_, council of, i. 21;
embassy to Geneva, ii. 390, 392;
treaty with landgrave of Hesse, 420;
conferences at, vi. 325; vii. 43, 44
_Baud_, Claude, syndic of Geneva, attempts to direct Catholic
rioters, iii. 375;
plants the city banner, 379;
refuses to give the signal for attack, 385;
takes part in consultation for peace, 395; iv. 200;
searches for Froment, 205
_Bayfield_, Richard, in prison, iv. 83;
his martyrdom, 84
_Beatoun_, David, abbot of Arbroath, negotiates return of his
uncle, the primate, to St. Andrews, vi. 28;
one of the judges of Patrick Hamilton, 61;
accompanies James V. to Paris, 108;
again in France, made bishop of Mirepoix, 108;
negotiates marriage of James with Mary of Lorraine, 109;
his character and aims, 110, 111;
created cardinal, 111;
unites with the king against the gospellers and the nobles, 112;
finds money for the king, 113;
his arrogance, 113;
goes to France to seek aid for Scotland, 115;
persecutes the gospellers, 116 _sqq._;
demands the burning of Kennedy and Russel, 123;
succeeds his uncle as primate, 124:
his persecutions checked by the king, 126;
holds assembly of prelates and nobles at St. Andrews, 126;
aims at ruin of Henry VIII., 133;
prevents interview of James and Henry, 135;
visits James V. on his death-bed, 149;
under alleged will of the king claims to be president of the
council of regency, 153;
opposes appointment of Arran to the regency, 154;
appointed chancellor, 155;
resists scheme for marriage of Mary Queen of Scots with Prince
Edward of England, 158;
excluded from the council and imprisoned, 159;
results of his arrest, 160;
liberated, 169;
his intrigues against the regent, 169;
convokes the clergy, 170;
induces the regent to refuse the hostages, 171;
removes the two queens to Stirling, 172;
receives submission of Arran and absolves him, 174;
crowns the queen, 175;
resolves to crush the Reformation, 177;
goes to Perth, condemns six Protestants to death, 181;
persecutes them in Forfarshire, 182;
on appearance of English army at Leith, flies from Edinburgh with
Arran, 183;
sets a body of armed men to waylay Wishart, 196;
imprisons Wishart, 197;
convokes the bishops, 197;
arms his men to escort them and Wishart, 198;
presides at his trial, 198 _sqq._;
witnesses his martyrdom, 205 _sqq._;
marries his daughter to David Lindsay, 208;
quarrels with Norman Lesley, 209;
a conspiracy formed against him, orders his partisans to meet him
at Falkland, 209;
his castle seized by Norman Lesley, 211;
murdered, 212;
opinions on the murder, 214
_Beatoun_, James, primate of Scotland, gathering of the
Hamiltons in his palace, vi. 16;
dissensions with the queen-mother and the nobles, 22;
deprived of the Great Seal by Angus, 23;
plots with the priests against Angus, 23;
in concealment in Fifeshire, 24;
returns to St. Andrews, 28;
cites Patrick Hamilton before him, 28;
invites him to a conference, 48;
cites him on a charge of heresy, 54;
orders his arrest, 59;
pronounces sentence on him, 64;
sanctions imprisonment of Alesius, 78;
condemns Seaton's doctrines, 88;
imprisons Thomas Forrest, 92;
leaves his see to his nephew David, 124
_Beatrice_ of Portugal, married to duke Charles III., i. 218;
reception of, at Geneva, 219 _sqq._;
birth of a son, 234;
deputation of women to her in behalf of Levrier, 251;
quits Geneva, 251; ii. 452
_Beaugency_, ancient custom at, ii. 6
_Becon_, Thomas, quoted, iv. 162
_Beda_, syndic of the Sorbonne, advises persecution of
Lutherans, i. 332, 333;
reports on Berquin's works, 334;
principal of Montaigu College, 386;
attacks Berquin, 403;
his refutation of Erasmus, 404;
arrested, 405;
attacked by Berquin, 406;
urges persecution of Berquin, 431, 432; ii. 34, 36, 40;
attacks the professors, 59;
his charges dismissed by the parliament, 60;
adopted by the Sorbonne, 60;
declaims against reformers, 90;
urges arrest of preachers, 119;
general in the war against Lutherans, 121;
sets mendicant friars to work, 121, 122;
confined to his house by the king's order, 124;
breaks loose, 125;
appears before the parliament, 129;
banished, 130;
his departure, 133;
censor of books, 167;
detects heresy in Margaret's _Mirror_, 167;
returns to Paris, 230;
attacks professors of University of Paris, 230;
demands burning of Roussel and others, 231;
his debate with Roussel in the prison, 233;
his _Remonstrance_ read by the king, 233;
imprisoned, 233;
accuses the king, iii. 115;
charged with treason, his imprisonment and death, 116; iv. 40
_Bell_, Dr., joint commissioner to Oxford University, iv. 33
_Bellantes_, Antonio, his friendship with Paleario, iv. 439;
his mother, 440;
her property stolen by the monks, 440
_Bellantes_, Faustus, warns Paleario, iv. 441;
at his trial, 441, 451
--, Evander, at trial of Paleario, iv. 451
_Bellegarde_, Sieur de, prepares ambuscade for Levrier, i. 246;
seizes and takes him to castle of Bonne, 247;
tortures him, 251;
treachery to Bonivard, ii. 406;
envoy to the emperor, iii. 282;
bribes the grand equerry, 262;
has audience of Charles V., 263;
interview with Granvella, 265;
his letter to the duke, 266;
his plans against Geneva, 267;
projects a fortress, 273
_Bellessert_, Captain, commands one of the bands against
Lutherans, iii. 378;
strikes down Philippe, and is wounded by him, 387
_Bembo_, Pietro, Cardinal, iv. 432, 465, 482
_Benoit_, Andrew, goes to Geneva, vi. 299
[_Spirituals_]
_Berger_, Nicholas, assassinated by Pennet, iv. 233
_Bergeron_, G., syndic of Geneva, i. 308
_Bernard_, Carmelite, martyrdom of, vii. 516
_Bernard_ of Lublin, vii. 422
_Bernard_, Claude, iii. 277, 296, 314;
his daughter, 325, 327, 328;
rescues Froment, 347;
aids in rescue of Olivétan, 363;
leads Huguenots in the fight in the Molard, 416;
receives evangelists into his house, v. 245, 247, 250;
proposes suppression of the mass, &c., 275
_Bernard_, Jacques, superior of Franciscans, converted by
Farel's preaching, iv. 254; v. 251;
preaches in convent church, 251;
undertakes a public disputation, 253;
ten theses, 254, 255, 263;
at the debate, 265 _sqq._;
appointed pastor at Geneva, vi. 414
_Bernard_, John, i. 57, 134, 256; ii. 333
_Bernard_, Louis, throws off his priestly robes, iv. 283;
marries, 305;
writes to Calvin, vii. 14
_Berne_, i. 154, 155, 182;
friendly to Geneva, 276, 277;
embassy to Geneva, 280;
exiles at, 283;
receives news of Huguenot triumph at Geneva, 302;
alliance with Friburg and Geneva, 303, 305, 306, 307, 308, 310,
376;
Genevese and Savoyard deputations to, ii. 307;
admonishes duke of Savoy, 338;
warns Geneva, 338;
triumph of the Scriptures at, 346;
Bernese Lutherans at Geneva, 385, 390, 392, 400, 420;
prepares to succour Geneva, 424, 432;
asks help of Geneva, 442;
refuses help to Geneva, 445;
deputies propose renunciation of alliance, 446;
demands it again, 449;
Genevese embassy to, 450;
alliance maintained, 450;
joint-suzerain of Orbe, iii. 205;
orders that all fathers of families should attend Farel's
preaching, 217;
opens churches at Granson to reformers, 238, 239;
with Friburg publishes first act of religious liberty in
Switzerland, 244;
intervenes in favor of religious liberty at Geneva, 365;
counter embassies to, from Geneva, 402, 403, 404;
embassy to Geneva, 428;
the deputies counsel yielding to the bishop, 453;
sends Farel to Geneva, iv. 207;
embassy to Geneva, 215;
protects the reformers, 216;
compels opening of a church to them, 219;
insists upon trial of Furbity, 220;
deputies assist at his examination, 243 _sqq._, 255;
farewell of the embassy, 256;
intervention on behalf of Maisonneuve, 273;
Genevese embassy to, 309;
exhorts Savoy and Burgundy to cease hostilities against Geneva,
317, 318;
intervenes for Maisonneuve and Janin, 322;
supports duke of Savoy, 340;
refuses aid to Geneva, v. 316;
negotiates with duke of Savoy on its behalf, 360;
helps Geneva, 372;
declares war against duke of Savoy, 373;
march of the army under Nägueli, 374;
demands sovereignty of Geneva, 397;
reduction and annexation of Vaud, 398;
the envoys at Aosta, 450, 451;
the Bernese take Yverdun, and abolish Romish worship, vi. 229;
edict issued for disputation at Lausanne, 234;
ordinances for the Pays de Vaud, 263;
treaty with Lausanne, 265;
issues edict of reformation for the Pays de Vaud, 272;
synod of, 320;
another synod convoked, 327;
a patched-up peace, 327;
another synod, 327 _sqq._;
deputies of, at Geneva, support the malcontent Huguenots, 340;
letter to the Reformers, 348;
an embassy to Geneva promised, 348;
and not sent, 349;
sanctions the Genevese confession, 350;
dismissal of Megander, 367;
deputation of country pastors to Berne, 367, 368;
views of Bernese on church and state, 371;
on worship, 372;
convoke a synod at Lausanne, 373;
letters to Calvin and the Council of Geneva, 376;
letter of the council to the Genevese on behalf of Calvin and
Farel, 418;
delegates sent with them to Geneva, 431;
received by the council, 433;
dispute about treaty with Geneva, 512;
a new treaty, 513;
quarrel about it, 514;
summons the Genevese to a trial at Lausanne, 516;
sentence against Geneva, 516;
proposes fresh discussion, 517
_Berquin_, Louis, arrested and liberated, i. 332;
his character, 332;
preaching in Artois, 332;
assailed by priests and nobles, 333;
his books examined by the Sorbonne, 334;
imprisoned, 335;
interrogated, 343;
threatened with the stake, 343;
proceedings stopped by Francis I., 344;
partial liberation, 358;
set free, 377;
his task, 378;
resolves to attack the papal power, 403;
letter to Erasmus, 404;
rejects advice of Erasmus, 405;
attacks Beda and the Sorbonne, 406;
censured by Erasmus, 407;
abuse of, 431; ii. 30;
judges appointed to try him, 33;
Margaret's intercession, 34;
arrested, 35;
his letter discovered, 35;
sentence pronounced, 36;
appeals, 37;
efforts of Budaeus, 38;
a fall and a recovery, 39;
sentenced to be burnt, 40;
execution hurried on, 41;
martyrdom, 43 _sqq._;
effect on spectators, 44, 55
_Berthaud_, appointed to preach in Paris, ii. 117;
his end, 119;
confined by the king's orders, 125;
forbidden to preach, 228;
burning of, demanded by Beda, 231;
set free, 234;
arrested, iii. 113;
before the king, 117;
sent to a convent, 125
_Berthelier_, Philibert, Genevese patriot, i. 2;
his character and aim, 30, 36, 39;
accepts from the Bastard the government of Peney, 40;
friendship with Bonivard, 47, 50;
tears up his commission, 56;
his school of liberty, 59, 64;
frustrates attempt of the duke to seize Levrier, 64;
his intercourse with Bonivard, 66, 67, 68;
calls a meeting of patriots, 69 _sqq._;
his exhortation to unity, 70;
watched by agents of the bishop, 71;
practical joke about Claude Gros' mule, 73;
threatened with a fine by the vidame, 74;
scheme to get rid of him, 76, 80;
demanded by the bishop, 83;
warned, 83;
escapes with the Friburgers, 84;
the search for him, 84;
at Friburg, 84;
his speech to the guilds, 86;
offered a pardon by the duke, 92;
alleged to be a 'charmer' 97;
his return to Geneva, 110;
promotes the Swiss alliance, 110;
obstacle to destruction of liberty, 112;
his trial, 112;
his energy and devotion, 130, 131;
his proposition for consultation of patriots, 134;
his friendship with Marty, of Friburg, 136;
rouses the Genevese to action, 143;
tried by the syndics and acquitted by the council, 144;
rejects bribe offered by the duke, 153, 160, 161, 173, 178, 185;
the bishop 'watches for' him, 188;
his serenity, 188;
his retreat, 188;
arrested, 189;
in prison, 190;
his religious faith, 191;
refuses to be tried by Desbois, 192;
proposal to rescue him, 193;
sentence of death, 195;
execution, 196;
procession through Geneva, 196;
impression produced by his death, 197;
_sanguis semen_, 198, 213, 282;
his memory honored, 314; iv. 210
'_Bésolles war_,' the, i. 181, 207
_Beyaerts_, Jan, vii. 550, 551;
removes pictures from the churches, 552;
arrested, 554, 555
_Beza_, Theodore, i. 386, 396, 398; ii. 8, 19, 21, 22;
birth and early life of, first meets Calvin, 23
_Bible, the_, in French, prohibited in France, i. 342;
difficulty of obtaining at Paris, ii. 87;
Latin, of Stephens, 87;
first French published, v. 272;
act passed by Scottish parliament for freedom to read, vi. 163
[_Tyndale_, _Cromwell_, _Cranmer_, and names of various versions]
_Biderman_, John [_Blanchet_]
_Billik_, Carmelite, papal delegate at _Ratisbon_, viii. 102
_Bilney_, Thomas, character and opinions of, iv. 77;
his preaching, 78;
friendship with Latimer, 78;
arrested, 79;
attempts of monks to convert him, 79;
his trial, 80;
condemned, 80;
his last evening, 81;
martyrdom, 82, 83, 93
_Bishopers and Commoners_, at Geneva, ii. 329, 350
_Bishops_, of England, their reply to petition of the Commons,
iv. 13, 14;
the reply criticised, 15;
resist attack on their privileges, 17;
their subterfuge, 18;
alliance with the king against reformers, 72;
attempt to impose on lower clergy the payment promised to the
king, 73 _sqq._;
begin persecution of Lutherans, 77;
submit to the king, 89;
their oath at consecration, 89;
renounce orders of the pope prejudicial to the king, 90;
election of, regulated, 180;
declare the papacy a human invention, 181;
suspension of their jurisdiction, v. 83;
decline to answer German envoys, viii. 156;
find a compromise impossible, 180, 181;
protest against referring the translation of the Bible to the
universities, 257
_Bishops_, government by, i. 284, 285;
arguments for temporal power, iii. 452
_Bishops_ in Denmark, excluded from the Diet, vii. 220
'_Bishop's Book_,' the, viii. 261
_Blancherose_, physician, takes part in disputation at
Lausanne, vi. 242, 245, 250, 253, 254
_Blanchet_, i. 69;
his adventures, 109;
imprisoned at Turin, 114;
his examination, 115;
tortured, 116, 121;
sentenced to death, 122;
beheaded, 123;
treatment of his remains, 123, 124;
agitation in Geneva, 124, 127, 182
_Blois_, Roussel and Lefèvre at, i. 363;
a 'placard' on the king's door, iii. 106
_Bockhold_ [_John of Leyden_]
_Bocking_, Friar, instigates imposture of Maid of Kent, v. 8, 9;
before Star Chamber, 15
_Bocquet_, Christopher, preaches at Geneva, iii. 329;
again, 336, 353;
ordered to leave Geneva, 354
_Boehmer_, Edward, his researches on the brothers Valder, iv.
457 _note_, 467 _note_
_Bohemia_, the Reformation in, vii. 417;
the Calixtines, 417;
the Taborites, 417
_Boiling to death_, penalty for poisoning, iv. 68
_Bois-le-Duc_, martyrs at, vii. 537
_Boisseau de la Borderie_, Jean, iii. 46
_Bologna_, Conference of, ii. 142 _sqq._;
another congress, iv. 22;
meeting of Clement VII. and Charles V., 126;
beginning of reformation at, 451;
address of evangelicals to John of Planitz, 452
_Bologna_, University of, appealed to by Henry VIII. on his
divorce, iv. 40;
the judgment, 41
_Boniface VIII._, Pope, ii. 461
_Boniface_, Cardinal bishop of Ivrea, arrests Curione and his
friends, iv. 416
_Bonivard_, Francis, his arrival at Geneva, i. 46;
birth and education, 46;
friendship with Berthelier, 47, 50, 57;
rejects proposal made to him to seize Levrier, 63, 64;
warns him, 64;
his character, 67;
fascinates Berthelier, 67;
their intercourse and aims, 67, 68;
his difference with the bishop, 72, 76, 80, 83, 96;
attempts to save Pécolat, 98;
resolves to 'bell the cat,' 100;
gets inhibition of the metropolitan served on the bishop, 100;
his advice to Pécolat's friends, 103, 104;
goes to Rome, 117;
what he saw there, 118;
fails in his suit for bishopric, 120;
warned of danger at Turin, 121;
his flight, 121;
discouraged, 131, 134, 143, 151, 153;
his speech in chapter, 157;
his protest, 159;
pacifies the people threatening the canons, 160, 161, 168, 169;
escapes from Geneva, 173, 175;
betrayed, 185;
compelled to resign his priory, 186;
imprisoned by the duke, 186, 191, 199;
set at liberty, 211, 245, 255, 264;
his estimate of La Baume, 265;
restored to his priory, 314;
advocates expulsion of the prince-bishop, ii. 329, 334, 336;
detested by papal party, 348;
threatened with expulsion from his priory, 348;
his estimate of excommunication, 349;
reflections on state of Geneva, 352, 353;
his reply to proposal of Huguenots, 354;
his fief at Cartigny, 358;
maintains reciprocity of rights between prince and subject, 358;
obtains support of the council to his claim, 359;
takes possession of Cartigny, 360;
loses it, 360;
his expedition to recover it, 360;
his grass mown by Pontverre, 371;
among the Lutherans, 385;
his raids to recover his rents, 401;
fires at the papal proctor, 401;
illness of his mother, 402;
obtains safe-conduct to visit her, 403;
at Seyssel, 403;
slandered at Geneva, 403;
perplexity, 404;
safe-conduct extended, 405;
proposes to give up his priory, 405;
at Moudon, 406;
journey to Lausanne, 406;
kidnapped, 407;
imprisoned at Chillon, 408;
treatment, 408;
liberation of, demanded and refused, 432;
incidents of his confinement, v. 399;
orders given for his death, 400;
liberated, 401;
made free of city of Geneva, marries, 416;
a prediction fulfilled, 417, 418
_Bonivard_, Jean Aimé, prior of St. Victor, i. 46;
orders his culverins to be cast into church bells, 47;
his death, 47
_Bonner_, Edmund, envoy to Marseilles, iv. 168;
forces his way into the pope's palace, 169;
presents the king's appeal to a council, 170;
threatened by the pope, 173;
ambassador in France, viii. 177;
conveys to Cromwell the Bibles printed at Paris, 177;
appointed bishop of London, 202;
declares against Cromwell, 211;
his activity, 237;
assails Grafton, 238;
persecutes citizens of London, 238 _sqq._;
admonitions to his diocese, 257
_Borthwick_, Sir John, cited before Cardinal Beatoun, escapes
to England, vi. 127;
his property confiscated and his effigy burnt, 128;
withdraws from the court, 168
_Bothniensis_, Nicolaus, president of assembly at Upsala, vii. 340
_Bothwell_, Earl of, opens negotiations on the part of Scottish
nobility with Northumberland, vi. 85;
withdraws from the court, 168;
sides with Beatoun, 169;
prohibits preaching of Wishart in Haddingtonshire, 194;
arrests him, 196;
gives him up to the regent, 197
_Boulet_, Bernard, treasurer of Geneva, i. 257;
assaulted by Richardet, 258;
his friends turn it to account, 259;
reports it to ducal council, 259;
appears at a general council, 260;
condemned, 285
_Bourbon_, Constable of, i. 325, 337
_Bourges_, University of, ii. 23;
centre of reformed doctrine, 24, 29;
declares for divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 40
_Bouteville_, Prior of, iii. 14, 17
_Boxley_, fraud of monks at, v. 89
_Brandenburg_, George, margrave of, vii. 392
_Brask_, bishop of Linkoping, resolves to suppress the Lutheran
heresy, vii. 242, 243;
entreats the pope that Olaf may be sentenced to death, 244, 257;
his violence, 262;
remonstrates with Magnus, 263;
demands trial of the reformers, 263;
circulates books against them, 264;
his services to Sweden, 268;
letters to Gustavus, 268;
excommunicates Olaf, 268;
stirs up the people against him, 269;
censures the primate, 276;
attends diet of Westeraas, 282;
at secret meeting of the bishops, instigates opposition to
reforms, 283;
gains Thure Joensson, 284;
his speech at the diet, 287;
deprived of his castle, 294, 295;
leaves Sweden, 295;
his death, 295
_Brereton_, William, arrested, v. 136;
examined, 148;
beheaded, 159
_Briconnet_, bishop of Meaux, i. 355, 366, 428; ii. 57; iii. 76
_Brion_, Denis, burnt, iv. 364
_Brothers_, enmities of, viii. 99;
love of, 119, 120
_Brouwart_, Jean de, i. 349
_Brown_, George, made archbishop of Dublin, v. 131
_Bruccioli_, translates New Testament into Italian, iv. 410
_Bruly_, Pierre, preaches at Ghent, vii. 546;
removes to Strasburg, 547
_Brunswick_, beginning of reformation at, viii. 319;
evangelical preaching decreed, 319;
organization by Pomeranus, 320
_Brussels_, the reformation at, vii. 565;
persecution, 568 _sqq._
_Bucer_, reformer, his qualifications as peacemaker, ii. 02;
his confidence in Margaret, 63;
letter to Luther, 63, 88, 89, 183;
interview with William Du Bellay, 245;
mission of Chelius to, 263;
his proposals examined before Francis I., 264 _sqq._; iii. 67;
his opinion of Servetus, 86, 150, 152, 153, 154;
with Calvin visits Erasmus, 156;
condemns divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 42, 349, 352, 353;
prepares to go to France, 361;
his works read in Italy, 408;
joint envoy to Henry VIII., v. 118;
proposes a conference with Calvin, vi. 275;
advocates union of Lutherans and Zwinglians, 324;
defended by Myconius and Grynæus at Basel, 325;
gets another synod held at Berne, 327;
with Capito goes to Berne, 327;
his views, 328;
agrees to Calvin's view of the sacrament, 329;
revises Megander's catechism, 366;
attends synod of Zürich, 422;
invites Calvin to Strasburg, 445;
acquaintance with Juan Diaz, viii. 101;
delegate to conference of Ratisbon, 102;
writes to Cranmer, 147, 187
_Buchanan_, George, sent to Paris, vi. 16;
his epitaph on Madeleine of Valois, 108;
account of him, 118;
imprisoned, 119;
escapes to France, 119
_Buckmaster_, Dr., vice-chancellor of Cambridge University,
iv. 29, 30, 31, 37;
presents the sentence on the divorce to the king, 37;
conference with the king, 38
_Budaeus_, William, ii. 9;
one of the judges on trial of Berquin, 36;
tries to save him, 38 _sqq._, 40, 50, 65, 140;
present at torture of De la Croix, 242; iv. 393
_Budé_, Matthew, goes with Juan Diaz to Geneva, viii. 101
_Bugenhagen_ [_Pomeranus_]
_Bullinger_, iv. 353; vi. 323; vii. 23; viii. 144, 145;
dedicates works to Henry VIII., 146, 147
_Bulls, papal_, proclamation of Henry VIII. against, iv. 44
_Burgos_, viii. 38, 41
_Burgundians_, at Geneva, i. 9;
compilation of code, i. 9;
first and second kingdoms of the, 9
_Burgundy_, Marshal of, takes part with Savoy in advance on
Geneva, iv. 310, 315
_Burrey_, Denis, governor to Erick, son of Gustavus Vasa, vii. 325,
326;
goes in search of Erick and is slain by his order, 329
_Bursinel_, meeting of knights at, Order of the Spoon instituted,
ii. 355
_Butler_, John, writes to Bullinger, viii. 198
[_Students, English_]
_Cadan_, peace of, ii. 255; iv. 373
_Cadena_, Louis of, opposes scholasticism, viii. 16;
his exile, 17
_Cajetan_, Cardinal, sent into Hungary, vii. 351
_Calcagnini_, Celio, iv. 427
_Calixtines_, the, in Bohemia, vii. 417;
correspond with Luther, 418, 421;
the majority adopt his views, 421
_Calmar_, blockaded by the Danes, vii. 246
_Calmar_, Union of, vii. 121;
violated by Sweden, 128;
dissolved, 257
_Calvi_, bookseller of Pavia, circulates the works of the reformers,
iv. 407, 408
_Calvin_, i. 2, 4;
distinction between his reformation and that of Luther, 4;
his influence on politics, 4;
his disciples in foreign countries, 5;
founder of American republic, 5;
the charge of despotism against him, 5;
his plea for Servetus, 6;
his work, 68, 317;
his great idea, 319;
the complete reformer, 321;
his origin, 322;
compared with Margaret of Angoulême, 323 _sqq._;
enters college of La Marche, 381;
influence of Mathurin Cordier on him, 382, 383;
removes to Montaigu College, 384;
a Spanish professor, 385;
classical studies, 385;
his moral and devout character, 386;
a strict Romanist, 386;
a hard student, 386;
has a benefice, visits Noyon, 387;
first breath of the new Gospel, 387;
friendship with Olivétan, 388;
chronology of his student life obscure, 388;
intercourse with Olivétan, 389;
resists Olivétan's innovations in religion, 389;
secret struggles, 390;
alarm of his teachers, 390;
confession to the priest, 391;
distress of mind, 391;
conversion, 394;
reverence for church authority, 396;
investigates claims of the pope of Rome, 397;
longing for unity with truth, 398;
results of his conversion, 398;
its date, 399;
shyness and reserve, 400;
his father's grief and plan, 400, 401;
consents to study law, 401, 404
--, goes to Orleans, ii. 1;
enters household of Duchemin, 2;
falls under influence of L'Etoile, 3, 4, 5;
proctor of the Picard nation, 6;
demands the _maille de Florence_ at Beaugency, 6;
a close student, 7;
visits house of F. Daniel, 8;
acquaintance with Wolmar begins, 9;
studies Greek, 10;
his fellowship with Wolmar, 11;
inward struggles, 11;
accused of schism, 12;
sympathy with the Psalmist, 12;
phases of his conversion, 14;
renunciation of the world, 15;
his motto, 16;
his great qualities recognized, 16;
study of the Bible and of the law, 17;
sought as a teacher, 17;
teaches in families, 18;
called to Noyon, 20;
his father's illness, 20 _sqq._;
his first extant letter, 21;
first meeting with Beza, 22;
goes to Bourges, 23;
reads works of Luther and Melanchthon, 24;
Wolmar's appeal to him, 25;
hesitation, 25;
preaches, 27;
intrigues of priest, 28;
again called to Noyon, his father's death, 29, 47, 48;
curé of Pont l'Evêque, 49;
preaches, 49;
goes to Paris, 50, 51;
his visitors, 51 _sqq._;
visit to a nunnery, 52;
social habits, 54;
renounces the law, 54;
speaks at secret meetings, 55;
his extensive correspondence, 56;
returns to Paris, 58;
observant of the Sorbonne, 60;
works in obscurity, 61;
his activity, 87;
rejects Daniel's proposal of office in Roman church, 84;
his commentary on Seneca, 85;
publishes it, 86;
form of his name, 86;
makes his book known, 87;
a search for Bibles, 87;
interview with a young 'Frondeur,' 89;
writes to Bucer, 89;
intercourse with La Forge, 90;
with Tillet, 91;
abstinence, 92;
first intercourse with Margaret of Navarre, 93;
declines to enter her service, 93;
quoted, 123;
preaches at Paris, 138, 176, 178, 183, 184;
his labors at Paris, 198;
writes address for Cop to deliver, 199;
the address, 199;
his idea of a universal church, 202;
in favor with Margaret, 205;
interview with her, 205;
his arrest ordered by the parliament, 209;
escapes, 210;
recognized on his way, 211;
in concealment, 212, 262;
his narrative of conversion of the provostess of Orléans,
272 _sqq._
--, flight, iii. 4;
received by Du Tillet, 6;
his _Doxopolis_, 8;
his studies, 9;
sketches his _Christian Institutes_, 10;
combats materialism, 12;
love of nature, 13;
teaches Greek, 14;
visits prior of Bouteville, 15;
conferences, 16;
sermons, 18;
preaches in Latin, 18;
visits Roussel, 22;
visits Lefèvre, 23;
goes to Poitiers, 44;
attends disputations at the university, 45;
his friends, 47;
his teaching, 47;
visits the lieutenant-general, 48;
in the garden, 48;
his grotto, 51;
view of the mass, 52, 53;
sends evangelists into France, 58;
care for the young, 60;
leaves Poitiers, 64;
renunciation of Roman orders, 64, 65;
goes to Paris, 66;
saddened, 77;
first contact with the Spirituals, 78;
attacks them, 81, 82;
encounters Servetus, 86;
agrees to conference with him, 87;
Servetus absents himself, 87;
first theological work, _Psychopannychia_, 88;
his bitterness, 89;
leaves Paris, 91;
reaches Strasburg, 91;
comments on procession of relics, 127 _sqq._;
his mission, 149;
received by Zell, 150;
friendships, 153;
his estimate of Strasburg reformers, 153;
meets Erasmus at Friburg, 156;
goes to Basel, 157;
received by Catherine Klein, 157;
silent growth, 159;
friendships, 160;
his book on _Immortality_ criticised, 161;
translation of New Testament, 162;
hears of persecution at Paris, 163;
his plea for compassion, 163;
effect of the martyrdoms on him, 169;
resolves to publish his _Institutes_, 170;
goes to the fountain head, 171;
account of the _Institutes_, 172, 180;
letter to the king, 182;
publication of the _Institutes_, 191;
starts for Italy, 192;
his object, 193;
agreement of Luther and Calvin, 368;
in preparation for Geneva, 458
--, his influence in England, iv. 2;
condemns divorce of Henry VIII., 42;
his place in the Reformation, 208;
protests against union with popery, 353;
writes to Francis I., 383;
welcomes Caraccioli at Geneva, 464;
expected at Ferrara, 489
--, expected at Ferrara, v. 421;
arrives at Ferrara, 421;
his interviews with the duchess, 422, 423;
preaches, 426;
his portrait painted by Titian, 431;
intercourse with Master François, 431 _sqq._;
his letter to Duchemin, 436, 437;
writes to Roussel, 439 _sqq._;
his influence in Italy, 441;
arrested by the Inquisition, 444;
rescued, 445;
his wanderings, 446;
reaches Aosta, 447, 451;
'Calvin's farm,' 452, 453;
monuments of his flight, 454;
returns to France, 455;
at Noyon, 455;
arrives at Geneva, 456;
meeting with Farel, 458;
consents to stay at Geneva, 462;
visits Basel, 463;
his vocation as reformer, 464;
his concession to the state, 465;
his place in history, 466 _sqq._;
mention of him in a council minute, 469
--, his arrival at Geneva, vi. 221;
refuses any official charge, 222;
reader in holy Scripture, 222;
character of his teaching, 223;
his view of church discipline, 225;
retained by advice of the council, 228;
goes with Farel to Lausanne, 228, 236;
his speeches at the disputation, 247, 255;
begins to take part in church government, 273;
his work compared with Luther's and Zwingli's, 275;
elected pastor at Geneva, 276;
biographies of him, 276 _note_;
prepares a catechism, 280, 281;
and a confession of faith, 282;
his memoir on order in the church, 285 _sqq._;
requires that all should profess the reformed faith, 292;
encounters the Spirituals, 299 _sqq._;
intervenes between Viret and Caroli at Lausanne, 300, 307;
accused of Arianism by Caroli, 308;
his reply, 309;
avoids use of the term 'Trinity,' 310;
writes to Megander, 312;
goes to Berne, urges assembly of a synod, 312;
at synod of Lausanne, 313;
unmasks Caroli, 315;
his confession on the Trinity, 315;
his views of the early creeds, 317;
confronts Caroli at synod of Berne, 320;
his speech at another synod, lays the storm between Zwinglians
and Lutherans, 331, 332;
gains support of the civil power in church affairs, 333;
pleads for the hospitals and the schools, 334;
proposes compulsory swearing to the confession of faith, 337;
at the council, 347;
goes to Berne, vindicates himself and the reformers, 348;
applies to the council for their support, 350;
proposes to the council to exclude the disturbers from the Lord's
Supper, 352;
difference with Du Tillet, 356;
blames the proceedings of the government and is warned to let it
alone, 364;
writes to Bucer, 370;
excluded by Berne from colloquies of the Vaudois, 372;
sent with Farel and Jean Philippe to synod of Lausanne, 373;
has conference with Bernese delegates, 375;
before the council, 377, 378;
protests against imprisonment of Courault, 383;
refuses to accept order for adoption of Bernese usages, and is
forbidden to preach, 386;
his perplexity, 389, 390;
with Farel declines to administer the supper, 392;
his embarrassment, 392, 393;
preaches, 398, 399;
a disturbance in the church, 401;
banished, 403;
is refused a hearing by the council, 405;
sentence of the general council, 406;
his reflections, 408;
leaves Geneva, 409;
goes to Berne, 416;
with Farel complains to the council, 416, 417;
at synod of Zürich, 421 _sqq._;
his demands, 422;
returns to Berne, 426;
interview with Kunz, 427;
before the senate, 429;
reconducted to Geneva by Bernese, 431;
banished by vote of general council, 439;
at Berne, 441;
at Basel, 442;
at Strasburg, 445;
returns to Basel, 446;
settles at Strasburg, 447;
his letter to the Genevese, 453;
his position at Strasburg, 456, 457, 458;
pastor and teacher, 459, 460;
his view of the Lord's Supper, 461;
his poverty, 462;
at Frankfort, 473;
meets Melanchthon, 474 _sqq._;
replies to Sadoleto, 487 _sqq._;
intercourse with Caroli, 498;
refuses to return to Geneva, 504;
household troubles, 504;
marriage projects, 505, 506;
Idelette de Bure, 508;
married, 509;
difference between wives of Luther and Calvin, 510;
attends assembly at Hagenau, 511;
fruits of exile, 526
--, his recall desired, vii. 3;
letter to his friends, 3, 4, 5;
his perplexity, 6, 9, 10;
deputy to conference at Worms, 7;
receives letter of recall, 8;
his reply to Geneva, 10, 11;
meets Melanchthon and Cruciger at Worms, 15;
friendship with Melanchthon, 15 _sqq._;
his Song of Victory, 19;
deputy to diet of Ratisbon, 21;
letter to Bernard, 21;
loses his friend Feray, 23;
his estimate of Contarini, 25;
his part at Ratisbon, 26;
his reply to manifesto of the papacy, 27-36;
resists concessions made by the Protestants, 37;
writes against reference to a council, 38;
his moderation, 39;
complains of the princes, 40;
leaves Ratisbon, 41;
at Strasburg, 42;
edict of expulsion revoked, 43;
writes to Farel, 47;
leaves Strasburg, 48;
visits Farel at Neuchâtel, 49;
returns to Geneva, 51;
his house there, 52, 53;
benefit of his Strasburg life, 53;
before the council, 54, 55;
colleagues appointed to draw up with him articles of a
constitution of a church, 55, 56;
his project of the ordinances, 60;
his desire for frequent communion, 74;
limits of his responsibility for ecclesiastical ordinances, 80, 81;
his active duties, 82;
his preaching, 82;
his method, 83;
his sermon to young men, 86;
on fitful devotion, 87;
on self-love, 88;
on grace unbounded, 90;
on predestination, 92;
his impartiality, 103;
efforts for peace, 104;
gentleness and strength, 105;
loses his friend Porral, 110;
illness of his wife, 110;
reconciles Pierre Tissot and his mother, 112, 113;
his place in the Reformation, 115 _sqq._;
his doctrines moderate, 117;
compared with Zwinglius, 117;
his desire for union, 118
--, correspondence with Enzinas, viii. 98;
visited by English students, 144;
his view of the _Six Articles_, 189
_Cambray_, treaty of, ii. 61
_Cambray_, bishop of, his cruelties, iii. 437
_Cambridge_, University of, appealed to by Henry VIII. on his
divorce, iv. 30;
meeting of the doctors, &c., 30;
a committee appointed, 31;
sentence, 32;
disowns primacy of the pope, v. 20
_Camillo_, Giulio, invited to Paris by Francis I., iii. 74
_Campbell_, Alexander, prior of the Dominicans, his interviews
with Patrick Hamilton, vi. 52;
reports them to Beatoun, 53;
accuses him on his trial, 62;
insults him at the stake, 67;
dies mad, 68
_Campbell_, John, of Cessnock, protects Lollards, vi. 6;
denounced by monks, 7;
acquitted by James IV., 8
_Campeggio_, papal legate, ii. 144;
deprived of See of Salisbury, iv. 180;
at diet of Nürnberg, 410, 411;
reclaims see of Salisbury, v. 173
_Canaye_, Jacques, iii. 75
_Canirmius_, Frederick, vii. 500
_Canons_, i. 157;
conspiracy of, at Geneva, 311;
imprisoned, ii. 326;
liberated, 331;
quit Geneva, 332
_Canterbury_, visitation of, v. 85, 86;
state of the monasteries, 86, 87
_Capito_, i. 361, 380; ii. 246; iii. 150, 153, 154, 244;
writes to Calvin, vi. 275;
at synod of Berne, 329;
agrees to Calvin's view of the sacrament, 332;
attends synod of Zürich, 421;
approves the course taken by Farel and Calvin, 424, 425;
his distress, 464;
dedicates a book to Henry VIII., viii. 147
_Cappel_, battle of, ii. 256, 442;
announced at Geneva, 444; iii. 166
_Caraccioli_, Galeazzo, iv. 464;
friendship with Caserta, 464;
converted, goes to Geneva, 464;
made cardinal, v. 64
_Caraffa_, Giovanni Pietro, Cardinal, iv. 476, 479, 482;
made cardinal, 487; viii. 149
_Cardinals_, college of, refuses consent to papal gift of
Geneva to Savoy, i. 52;
hats asked for by Charles V., Francis I., and Henry VIII., ii. 162
_Carlstadt_, invited by Christian II., goes to Denmark, vii. 133;
offends by his violent speech and is dismissed, 135, 136
_Carmentrant_, a creature of the Bastard of Savoy, i. 71, 72, 112
_Carne_, Sir E., envoy with Revett to the pope, v. 3, 4;
interview with Du Bellay at Bologna, 4;
too late, 5
_Carnesecchi_, Pietro, among friends of Valdez, iv. 473;
character and career of, 473;
his power under Clement VII., 474;
goes to Naples, has interview with Charles V., 473;
religious decision, 476, 477, 479, 480
_Caroli_, Peter, escapes to Switzerland, iii. 123;
accounts of, v. 259;
Farel's interview with him, 261;
offers himself as umpire at a disputation, 262;
takes part in disputation, 266 _sqq._;
at disputation of Lausanne, vi. 243 _sqq._;
made first pastor of Lausanne by the Bernese, 265;
his career and character, 303, 304;
between Rome and the Gospel, 304;
quarrels with Viret, 305;
condemned to made a retractation, 307;
but is spared, 307;
his ambition, 307;
accuses Calvin and others of Arianism, 308;
retracts the charge, 311;
unmasked and condemned at synod of Lausanne, 314, 318;
appeals to Berne, 318;
agitation caused by the debates, 319, 320;
at synod of Berne, exposed by Farel, 321, 322;
deprived of his functions and banished, 322;
his flight, 322;
turns to the reformers, vi. 498;
at Strasburg, 498;
goes to Metz, 499;
his death, 499
_Carranza_, Bartholomeus, birth and early life of, viii. 112, 113;
denounced to the Inquisition, 113;
promotions, 113;
his influence at Valladolid, 113;
his almost evangelical teachings, 113;
fervor of his preaching, 118;
preaches before Philip II., in London, 118;
assertion of evangelical faith, 120;
elected primate of Spain, 120;
his last years, 120;
preaches at the burning of San Romano, 123
_Cartelier_, Francis, i. 41, 150, 168;
gives signal for entry of Savoyards into Geneva, 171, 176, 181,
300;
character, ii. 308;
condemnation, 308;
pardoned by the bishop, 309
_Carthusians_, of London, refuse to take oath of succession, v. 47;
take it, 48;
commanded by the king to reject papal authority, 59;
their resolution, 59;
a general confession, 60;
again commanded to acknowledge royal supremacy, 60;
three priors sent to the Tower, 61;
and found guilty of high treason and executed, 62, 63
_Casale, Da_, agent of Henry VIII. at papal court, v. 64, 77;
informs the pope of divorce of Queen Anne, 161, 172
_Caserta_, Giovanni Francesco, iv. 464
_Cassander_, George, account of, viii. 40, 41
_Cassilis_, Kennedy, Earl of, taken prisoner by the English, vi.
146;
liberated and sent to Scotland by Henry VIII., 157;
on failure of Henry's scheme, returns to captivity, 171;
released with his brothers, 171;
a friend of Wishart, 192
_Catherine_ of Aragon, Queen of Henry VIII., iv. 26;
refuses arbitration, 67;
leaves Windsor, 71;
writes to the pope, 87;
refuses to appear before Cranmer at Dunstable, 133;
her firmness, 133;
the divorce pronounced, 134;
her cause and fate compared with Anne's, 137, 138;
joins in conspiracy against Henry VIII., v. 13;
her firmness, 19;
her marriage declared null and her child illegitimate, 19;
writes to Mary, 111;
refuses to renounce title of Queen, 111, 112;
austerities, 112;
illness, letter to the king, 114;
her death, 115
_Catherine de' Medici_, i. 363;
marriage of, with Henry duke of Orleans, proposed by Francis I.,
ii. 149;
what she brought to France, 150;
intrigues around her, 152;
full powers sent by Francis for concluding the contract, 155;
escorted to Nice by French fleet, 189;
the marriage celebrated at Marseilles, 195;
in her train, Death, 195;
and corruption, 196, 215; iii. 49;
opposes plans of Francis I., iv. 355
_Caturce_, Jean de, studies New Testament, ii. 78;
at Twelfth Night Supper at Limoux, 78, 79;
arrested, 79;
condemned to be burnt, 81;
his degradation, 80;
a Dominican preacher confounded, 81;
burnt, 81
_Cauvin_, Gerard, i. 387, 400; ii. 20 _sqq._, 29, 48
-- Anthony, ii. 48, 49
-- Mary, ii. 48
_Cazalla_, Augustine, attends lectures of Carranza, viii. 115;
his mother, 115;
preacher to Charles V., accompanies him to Germany, 115
_Celibacy_ of the clergy, iv. 115
_Chablais_, Provena de, summons Geneva to receive duke Charles
III., i. 165;
declares war, 166
_Chabot_, put to the torture, iv. 325
_Chabot_, Philippe de, ii. 184
_Chaillon_, Anthony de [_Bouteville_]
_Chamois_, François, at Geneva, demands withdrawal of Calvin's
'Confession,' vi. 484
_Champion_, Anthony, bishop of
Geneva, i. 26;
his attempt to reform the clergy, 27
_Chapeaurouge_, Etienne de, syndic of Geneva, i. 292;
endeavors to stop the fight in the Molard, iii. 418;
appointed syndic, iv. 242;
again, v. 394;
refuses to swear to the Confession, vi. 340;
at the general council, 343;
elected syndic, 361;
one of the delegates to Berne, 512;
signs a treaty, 513;
again sent to Berne, 514;
arrested, liberated on bail, 516;
his flight, 518;
sentenced to death, 519
_Chappuis_, Eustace, i. 91;
employed to make a breach between the Swiss and the Genevese, 91;
at Friburg, 92;
Savoyard ambassador to Swiss Diet, 153, 200;
Imperial ambassador to England, iv. 22
_Chappuis_, Dominican, intrigues for duke of Savoy, ii. 369, 370;
banished from Geneva, 370, 371;
takes part in great disputation, and is ordered to leave Geneva,
v. 265
_Charlemagne_, at Geneva, i. 11, 12;
characteristics of his age, vi. 317
_Charles V._, i. 9, 91, 218, 234, 266;
receives news of battle of Pavia, 324;
his projects, 324;
proposes dismemberment of France, 325;
receives Margaret of Valois, 328;
unmoved by her appeals, 329;
proposes to imprison her, 336;
consents to liberate Francis I., 337;
the treaty, 337, 356, 363, 379;
accuses the Evangelicals, ii. 70, 103, 106;
repulses Soliman, 107;
passes into Italy, 108;
at Bologna, 142;
his schemes, 143;
demands a general council, 143;
conference with the pope, 144;
appeals to the cardinals, 145;
proposes Italian League against Francis I., 146;
amused with scheme of marriage between Henry, duke of Orleans,
and Catherine de Medici, 150;
tries to prevent it, 152 _sqq._;
proposes marriage of Catherine with Sforza, 153, 154, 155;
his new manœuvres, 156;
rejects scheme of a lay council, 160;
gets Italian League formed, 162;
asks for cardinal's hat, 162;
his displeasure against Henry VIII., 162;
leaves Bologna, 163;
tries to prevent meeting of the pope and Francis I., 186;
demands justice for Queen Catherine, his aunt, 186;
tries to draw the Swiss into the Italian League, 187;
unconcerned about his brother's danger, 250, 254, 283;
sack of Rome, 319;
supports Savoy against Geneva, 390;
interferes at Geneva, 395;
will crush Protestantism, 421;
censures attack on Geneva, 421;
at Augsburg, 429;
his letter to the Genevese, 430;
counsels the bishop to cede Geneva to son of the duke of Savoy,
452;
gives audience to Bellegarde, iii. 262;
his answer, 263, 264;
orders Genevans to extirpate the Reformation, 273;
meets the pope at Bologna, iv. 22;
receives embassy from Henry VIII., rebukes the ambassador, 26;
leaves Bologna, 27;
war with Solyman, 116;
conferences with Clement VII., 117;
exasperated at divorce of Catherine, 164, 177;
his ambassadors oppose policy of Clement, 177;
supports duke of Savoy and bishop of Geneva, 342, 344, 454, 455,
458;
hears Occhino preach, 468;
prohibits intercourse with Lutherans, 472;
calls Carnesecchi before him, 475;
ordered to execute the pope's sentence against Henry VIII., v. 4;
preparations, 5, 21;
censures execution of More and Fisher, 76;
offers Milan to Francis I. and secures his alliance, 113;
keeps Milan, 115;
promises support to English Catholics, 202;
writes to Henry VIII., 221;
requires the Swiss to aid duke of Savoy against Geneva, 315;
destruction of Geneva part of his plan, 370;
keeps Milan, 377;
concludes alliance with James V. of Scotland, vi. 86;
attempts to prevent disputation at Lausanne, 233;
convokes a conference of theologians at Frankfort, 473;
at Diet of Ratisbon, vii. 26;
interviews with Christian II. of Denmark, 138, 184;
favors enterprise of Lübeckers in behalf of Christian, 207, 208;
his attachment to the Netherlands, 481;
his edict of persecution, 488;
introduces the Inquisition, 491;
his characteristics, 507, 508;
his persecution in the Netherlands, 508;
concludes peace of Madrid, 520;
alliance with the pope, 524;
treaty of Cambray, resolves to extirpate evangelical doctrine, 524;
issues a new edict of persecution, 534;
patronises Virves, viii. 18;
rescues him from the Inquisition, 19;
appoints Ponce de la Fuente one of his chaplains, 34;
at Diet of Ratisbon, 55;
gives audience to San Romano, 55;
his victory over duke of Cleves, 64;
appoints De Soto his confessor, 64;
enters Brussels, 67;
entertained by Mendoza, 69;
invades France, 85;
returns to Brussels, 85;
promulgates edicts of persecution, 85;
his treatment of his mother Joanna, 126;
his birth, 129;
conditionally approves marriage of Henry VIII. with duchess of
Milan, 175;
interview with Sir T. Wyatt, 200 _sqq._;
alliance with Henry VIII., 267;
invades France, concludes a separate peace, 268
_Charles_ the Bold, i. 313; iii. 236
_Charles III., the Good_, duke of Savoy, i. 29;
his character, 32;
his scheme for getting possession of Geneva, 33, 34;
claims the culverins of Bonivard, 48;
his character, 48;
made sovereign of Geneva by Leo X., 50;
the bull recalled, 52;
rebukes the bishop, 62;
sends La Val d'Isère to arrest Levrier, 63;
conspires with the bishop against Levrier and Berthelier, 65;
goes to Geneva, 75;
visits Lyons, 79;
alarmed at the bishop's proceedings, 91;
employs Chappuis, 91;
goes to Friburg and Berne, 92;
renews alliance with the Swiss, 92;
determines to put Pécolat to death, 96;
plots with the bishop at Geneva, 111;
receives embassy from Genevese about death of Blanchet and Navis,
128;
another embassy, 132;
demands death of Berthelier and others, 134;
resolves to break alliance of Swiss and Genevese, 145;
his embassy to Geneva, 146;
tampers with the Friburgers, 152;
gains support of Swiss diet, 154;
intrigues with the canons of Geneva, 157;
secretly raises an army, 162;
surrounds Geneva, 162;
insolent embassy, 163;
formally summons Geneva, 165;
declares war, 166;
plots with the Mamelukes, 168;
at castle of Gaillard, 169;
grants a truce, 171;
attacks Geneva, 171;
his promises, 172;
enters the city, 174;
pillages it, 176, 177;
his proclamation, 179;
imprisons Bonivard, 186;
with the bishop restricts liberties of Geneva, 203;
returns to Turin, 205;
his marriage, 218;
attempt to seduce the Genevese, 218;
entry into Geneva, 219 _sqq._;
declines to attend the 'mystery,' 228;
birth of a son, 234;
his attempts at usurpation resisted by Levrier, 239 _sqq._;
fails in attempt to gain him, 240;
claims sovereignty of Geneva, 240;
unmasks his batteries, 242;
frightens the episcopal councillors, 244;
threatens Levrier with death, 245;
orders his seizure, 246;
offers to give up Levrier in exchange for liberties of Geneva, 250;
his oppression of Genevese, 261;
threats of his council, 265;
blows hot and cold, 266;
demands the superior jurisdiction, 267;
begins persecution of Huguenots, 269;
his troops in Geneva, 270;
alarmed at exodus of the patriots, 277;
demands withdrawal of appeal to Rome, 278;
urges on persecution of Genevese, 278;
enters Geneva, 279;
foiled by Swiss intervention, 281;
his stratagem, 281;
detected, 282;
a new scheme, 285;
assembles a general council at Geneva, 286;
claims sovereignty, 287;
his amnesty, 288;
received as protector, 288;
thwarted, 289;
leaves Geneva, 289;
sends de Lullins to Berne, ii. 307;
plots against bishop of Geneva, 322;
his scheme against Geneva, 323;
its failure, 323, 324;
irritation against the bishop, 330;
orders Genevese to liberate the canons, 331;
claims and threats, 338;
tries to win the bishop, 343;
claims authority in matters of faith, 350;
rebukes the canons, 351;
reconciled with the bishop, 362;
convokes a synod, 367;
intrigues to make his son prince of Geneva, 368;
sends the silver keys, 369, 370;
instigates dissolution of Swiss alliance, 389;
sends embassy to Geneva, 390;
seeks help of the pope, 393;
covets St. Victor's, 402;
meets the bishop at Gex, 415;
will attack Geneva, 416;
censured by the emperor, withdraws his army, 422;
prepares another attack, 432;
Diet of Payerne, 432;
threatens Geneva, 445;
withdraws, 447;
desires cession of Geneva to his son, 452;
prepares another attack, 453;
sends Bellegarde to the emperor, iii. 262;
forms new plot against Geneva, iv. 308;
his troops march for Geneva, 311;
panic and retreat, 314, 315;
advised by the Swiss to cease from hostilities, 317, 336;
attempts to gain over the Genevese, 341;
prepares to ruin Geneva, 342;
forbids his subjects to attend disputation at Geneva, v. 257;
applies to the pope for intervention at Geneva, 301;
the de Montfort of the crusade, 314;
his supporters, 314;
summons Genevese to expel heresy and restore the bishop, 317;
prepares for war, 319;
orders attack on Geneva, 357;
receives Bernese deputation at Aosta, 361;
asks for a truce, 362;
orders attack, 366;
sends another army under Medici, 370;
offers cession of territory, including Geneva, to Charles V., 377
_Charles de Syssel_, bishop of Geneva, i. 29
_Charles of Egmont_, vii. 509;
his letter to the pope, 509;
his persecution of Lutherans, 525, 526
_Charles_, duke of Sudermania, head of Protestants in Sweden, vii.
340;
administrator of the kingdom, then king, 340;
convokes assembly at Upsala, 340
_Chautemps_, Jean, ii. 455;
character of, 457;
visits Farel, iii. 277, 331;
receives Froment, 348;
aids in rescue of Olivétan, 363, 414;
proscribed by the bishop, 439;
escapes, 441;
his wife Jaquéma seized, 442
_Chelius_, Ulric, his mission to Wittenberg, ii. 260 _sqq._;
visits Melanchthon, 261;
Luther, 261;
Bucer, 263;
Hedio, 264;
returns to Paris, 264
_Children_, assemblage of, join Catholic bands at Geneva, iii. 383,
385
'_Children of Geneva_', i. 73, 88
_Christaudins_ of Meaux, i. 427 _sqq._;
one of them burnt at Paris, 427
Christian II., king of Denmark, his character and aims, vii. 126;
marries Isabella, sister of Charles V. 127;
favors the papal legate, 127;
suppresses revolt of Sweden, 128;
his vengeance, massacre of the nobles and prelates, 129, 130;
his interest in the Reformation, 130;
publishes a code, 134;
meets Charles V. in the Netherlands, 135;
consents to repel the Lutheran doctors, 135;
alliance formed against him, 136;
influence of Sigbrit over him, 136;
submits to the States, 137;
his flight, 137;
seeks aid of Charles V., Henry VIII., and other princes, 138;
deserted, 138;
a hearer of Luther, 138;
death of his wife, 139;
persuades Michelsen to publish translation of New Testament, 145;
his intrigues, 184;
obtains a fleet and an army and lands in Norway, 185;
acknowledged king there, 186;
invades Sweden and is repulsed, 186;
submits to Frederick, 187;
his letter to Frederick, 188;
goes to Copenhagen and is made prisoner of state, 188, 189;
confined at Sonderburg, 190;
Luther's letter in his behalf, 192;
enterprise of the Lübeckers, 207;
flies from Stockholm, 256;
set aside, and his dominions divided between Frederick and
Gustavus, 265
_Christian III._, king of Denmark, vii. 147;
sent to Germany, becomes a Lutheran, 148;
signs articles of capitulation of Copenhagen, 149;
resumes government of the duchies and demands electoral diet, 195;
elected king by diet in Jutland, 211;
besieges Lübeck, 211;
proclaimed king, 212;
defeats the Lübeckers, 213;
invests Copenhagen, 213;
visits Sweden, 213;
receives surrender of Copenhagen, 215;
enters the city, 216;
consults the leading men, 216;
introduces representation of the people, 218;
invites Pomeranus to organize the new church, 221
_Christina_, duchess of Milan, sought in marriage by Henry
VIII., viii. 174;
the match conditionally sanctioned by Charles V., 175;
the treaty broken off, 175
_Christopher_, son of duke Ulrich, of Würtemberg, birth and
early life of, ii. 108;
saved from the Turks, 108;
at diet of Augsburg, 109;
his project, 109;
follows Charles V. to Italy, 110;
his escape, 110;
protected by duke of Bavaria, 111;
claims Würtemberg, 111;
his character and protectors, 112, 142;
his claim considered by Francis I. at Avignon, 216;
his intercourse with Du Bellay at Augsburg, 217;
his supporters, 218;
his cause won, 220;
returns to Würtemberg, 253;
won to the Reformation, 255
_Chrysostom_, cited, ii. 18; iv. 46
_Church and State_, separate spheres of, distinguished by
Bonivard, i. 158;
separation of, in Geneva, advocated by dukes of Savoy, 241;
confusion of two provinces, ii. 352;
conflict of, in England, iv. 60, 88, 307;
the church made department of the state by Henry VIII., v. 24;
three kinds of relation between, 28;
twofold enfranchisement, 250;
separate existence of, 406; vi. 353, 354;
difference between Berne and Geneva about, 371;
relation of, at Geneva, vii. 78 _sqq._;
Melanchthon's view of, questioned, viii. 157
_Church_, the true, iv. 124
_Church Government_, views of Bucer and Melanchthon, ii. 267, 268;
church in transition, iii. 328
_Clarenbach_, Adolph, preaches in Guelderland, vii. 525;
burnt at Cologne, 526
_Claude_, pastor of Ollon, iii. 302
_Claude de Genève_, proscribed by the bishop, iii. 439
_Clement VII._, Pope, i. 239, 261, 266;
authorizes persecution of Lutherans in France, 331;
approves treaty between Charles V. and Francis I., 337, 402;
thwarts Henry VIII., ii. 103;
French embassy to, 105;
alarmed, 106;
at Bologna, 142;
opposed to a general council, 143;
conference with Charles V., 144;
reasons for inaction, 145;
a disciple of Machiavelli, 146;
'moves softly,' 146;
agrees to marriage of Catherine de' Medici with Henry duke of
Orleans, 149;
promises an Italian state to Francis I., 149;
refuses to marry Catherine to Sforza, 153;
asks Francis I. for full powers for marriage contract, 153;
receives them, 155;
altercation with Charles, 156;
joins the Italian League, 162;
leaves Bologna, 164;
agrees to meet Francis I., 164;
announces marriage contract of Catherine to the cardinals, 185;
obstacles raised to his journey to France, 186 _sqq._;
makes up his mind to go, 188;
opinions about the voyage, 190;
arrives at Marseilles, 191;
the Latin address to him, 193;
his promises to Francis, 194;
publishes bull against heretics, 194;
officiates at marriage of Catherine de' Medici, 195;
departs for Rome, 197;
failing health, 197;
declines to help King Ferdinand, 250;
alarmed at progress of Philip of Hesse, 253;
appealed to for help by duke of Savoy, 393;
his attainments, and perplexity, 395;
grants subsidy to the duke, 396;
a grace to Geneva, 433;
publishes another, 434;
publishes a Jubilee, 460;
commands bishop of Geneva to return, iii. 424;
meets Charles V. at Bologna, iv. 22;
troubled about English embassy, 23;
his brief to Henry VIII., 24;
gives audience to English ambassadors, 25;
puts off Cranmer, 28;
nominates him grand almoner, 43;
English address to him, 43;
proposes bigamy to Henry VIII., 44;
calls upon him to take back Catherine, 87;
conferences with Charles V., 117;
sends bulls for inauguration of Cranmer as primate, 121;
again suggests bigamy to Henry VIII., 125;
goes to Bologna, 126;
conferences with Charles V. about divorce of Henry VIII., 126;
murmurs against, in England, 127;
issues brief of excommunication against Henry, 128;
annuls Cranmer's sentence, 138;
cites Henry to appear at Rome, 164;
revokes proceedings of English courts and excommunicates the king,
164;
meeting with Francis I., 167;
creates four French cardinals, 169;
Henry's appeal to a council presented to him by Bonner, 170;
his wrath, 171;
conversation with Francis I., 172;
rejects the appeal, 173;
threatens Bonner, 173;
accord with Francis I., 177;
consents to a council, 176;
holds a consistory, 181;
promises condemnation of Henry VIII., 182;
disquieted, 183;
appeal of Geneva to, 340;
death of, 354;
alarmed by spread of Lutheranism in Italy, 410; v. 3, 22, 48;
sends Cardinal Cajetan into Hungary, vii. 351;
writes to F. Frangipani to support Catholic faith in Hungary, 369;
co-operates with Charles V. in persecution in the Netherlands,
509;
his brief to the bishop of Liége, 509;
issues new species of indulgences, 512;
alliance with Charles V. at Barcelona, 524
_Cleyne_, Martin van, vii. 547
_Clifford_, Lord, holds Skipton Castle for the king, v. 209
_Cloet_, Jerome, vii. 549, 550;
arrested, 556
_Clotilda_, wife of Clovis, i. 9
_Clovis_, conversion of, i. 9
_Cochlaeus_, writes to James V. of Scotland against circulation
of the New Testament, vi. 91, 92;
invited to Denmark, declines to go, vii. 161, 162;
papal delegate at Ratisbon, viii. 102
_Coiffard_, ii. 51
_Coligny_, iii. 3
_Colladon Family_, The, Calvin's friendship with, ii. 27
_College of Navarre_, Paris, the priests' comedy performed, ii. 174;
search of police for author, 179;
arrest of the actors and the head of the College, 179
_Colonna_, Vittoria, friend of Valdez, iv. 465
_Comet_, apparition of a, iii. 313; iv. 187
_Commons, House of_, its petition to Henry VIII., iv. 10 _sqq._;
the bishops called upon to answer it, 12
_Communal liberties_, destroyed by princes and bishops, i. 111
_Communion_, frequent, recommended by Calvin, vi. 285
_Compey_, Philibert de, proscribed, iii. 439, 457
_Conciliation_, needful, iii. 196
_Confession of Faith_, prepared by Farel and Calvin, vi. 282;
questions as to its authorship, 284;
adopted by Council of Geneva, 289
_Confession, Auricular_, in England, demanded by some of the
bishops, rejected by Henry VIII., viii. 190
_Conscience_, rights of, iii. 1, 2
_Constance_, Council of, i. 19; ii. 245
_Contarini_, Gaspare, Cardinal, iv. 366;
ambassador to Charles V. at diet of Worms, 484;
senator of Venice, 484;
ambassador to the Pope, 484;
at coronation of Charles V., 485;
joins Oratory of Divine Love, 485;
created cardinal, 485;
his views of church reform, 487 _sqq._, 490;
at diet of Ratisbon, vii. 25;
advises a reference to a council, 38
_Conversion_, i. 399, 401
_Convocation_ of the clergy, in England, at St. Paul's, v. 180;
division and strength of parties, 181;
Latimer's sermon, 181 _sqq._;
lay element, 184;
denunciation of the _mala dogmata_, 185;
Alesius admitted, 188;
refused admission, 190;
character of Convocation, 190;
accepts the king's _Articles of Religion_, 195;
remedial measures passed, 196;
dissolved by the king, 197;
declares for divorce of Anne of Cleves, viii. 231, 232;
discussion about translation of the Bible, 256, 257
_Cop_, Nicholas, Professor, visits Calvin, ii. 52, 53;
intercourse with Calvin, 93;
rector of the Sorbonne, 180;
his speech on the priests' comedy, 180, 181;
delivers address on '_Christian Philosophy_,' 200;
its effect, 202;
his heresies laid before the parliament, 202;
his defence, 203;
summoned before parliament, 206;
goes in state, 206;
is warned and returns home, 207;
escapes to Switzerland, 208;
intercourse with Calvin, iii. 160
_Copenhagen_, surrenders to King Frederick vii., 149;
_Diet_ of, 171;
methods of procedure of the two parties, 172;
the Lutheran Confession, 172, 174;
charges of the prelates, 177;
reply of Evangelicals, 177;
a public discussion rejected by the prelates, 178;
appeal of the Evangelicals to the king, 180;
Master Mathias, 181;
success of the pastors, 182;
iconoclasts, 183;
popular rising for liberation of Tausen, 201;
entered by the Lübeckers, 208;
besieged by army of Christian III., 213;
state of the city, 214;
capitulates, 215;
entered by the king, 216;
the university reorganized by Pomeranus, 222
_Coppet_, conference at, v. 341
_Coppin_, one of the Spirituals, iii. 77
_Cordier_, Mathurin, at College of La Marche, i. 382;
influences Calvin, 383;
influenced by him, 384;
flies from Paris, iii. 124;
teaches in schools of Geneva, vi. 296;
banished, 467
_Cornelis_, Giovanni, sets out for Wittenberg, iv. 415;
arrested, 416
_Cornou_, Jean, burnt, iv. 364
_Cornu_, Pierre, Cordelier, ii. 135
_Cortesi_, Gregorio, iv. 482
_Cotta_, Otto Melia, joins in plot against Paleario, iv. 440,
441;
one of a deputation to archbishop of Siena, 444;
at trial of Paleario, 447
_Council, General_, demanded by Charles V., opposed by Clement
VII., ii. 143 _sqq._;
rejected by Clement, 157;
reasons _pro_ and _con_, 157;
called for by the cardinals, 254
_Council, Lay_, proposed by Francis I., ii. 158;
would constitute a revolution, 158;
rejected by Charles V., 160;
arrangement at council of Trent, 160
_Council of Halberds_, i. 287 _sqq._
_Courault_, appointed to preach in Paris, ii. 117;
his preaching, 118;
confined by the king's order, 125;
forbidden to preach, 228, 229;
burning of, demanded by Beda, 231;
set free, 234;
opposes the _placards_, iii. 95;
arrested, 113;
before the king, 117;
sent to a convent, escapes to Switzerland, 125;
meets Calvin at Basel, 164;
reports the prosecution, 164;
urges acceptance of Calvin's Confession by all the Genevese, vi.
292;
attends synod of Lausanne, 313;
forbidden to preach, 377;
preaches at St. Peter's, 381, 382;
arrested and imprisoned, 382;
a protest against his imprisonment, 383;
bail refused, 384;
banished, 403, 407;
leaves Geneva, 409;
takes refuge at Thonon, 412;
his death, 448
_Courtelier_, Father, sent to Geneva, iv. 246;
submits his doctrines to the council, 246;
his sermon, 247;
interview with Farel, 250;
his preaching compared with Farel's, 257;
gives evidence against Maisonneuve, 297, 298
_Coverdale_, Miles, iv. 2;
account of, v. 197;
his Bible, 198;
the king's sanction to it refused, 198;
accompanies Grafton to Paris, to prepare new edition of Tyndale's
Bible, viii. 177
[_Grafton_]
_Coxe_, Leonard, gets John Fryth liberated, iv. 141, 142
_Cracow_, Luther's doctrines introduced at, vii. 430
_Cranmer_, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, presents to Henry
VIII. his treatise on the king's marriage, iv. 23;
ambassador to the pope at Bologna, 23;
his audience put off, goes to Rome, 28;
nominated grand almoner by the pope, 43;
sent to Nürnberg, 114;
intercourse with Osiander, 114;
marries, 116;
negotiates with Elector of Saxony, 116;
with imperial chancellor, 116;
selected by the king for primate, hesitates, 117;
goes to Italy, attends meeting of the pope and the emperor, 117;
returns to England, 118;
objection to the primacy, 119;
consents, 121;
sends the pope's bulls to the king, 121;
his protest, 121;
consecrated, 122;
takes the oath, 122;
energy and weakness, 123;
papal order interred at his consecration, 124;
his letter to the king, 131;
a second, 132;
receives royal licence, 132;
his court at Dunstable, Henry VIII. and Catherine summoned, 133;
pronounces divorce of the king and queen, 134;
declares marriage of Henry and Anne Boleyn lawful, 135;
his sentence annulled by the pope, 138;
appointed one of Fryth's judges, 151;
wishes to save him, 151, 159;
detects imposture of Maid of Kent, v. 15;
leader of evangelical party, 22, 46;
his explanation of royal supremacy, 50, 51;
his character, 53, 54;
proposes translation of the Bible, 55;
a compromise, 55;
proceeds with the task, 56;
visitation of London and Winchester, 57;
his sermon at visitation of Canterbury, 85, 98, 99:
intercedes for Princess Mary, 111;
his communications with Queen Anne, 120, 130;
hears of the queen's arrest, 142;
writes to the king, 143;
his false conscience, 144;
the charges laid before him, 145;
declares null the marriage of the king with Anne Boleyn, 160, 184,
186, 190;
signs the king's Articles of Religion, 195;
suggests remedial measures, 196;
his cowardice and submission to the king, 226;
asks permission for Tyndale's Bible to be sold, 227;
baptizes Edward (VI.), viii. 141, 146;
urges union with German Protestants, 153;
conference with German envoys, 154;
presses them to delay their return, 155;
has a conference with Lambert, 165;
condemns his views, 166;
at Lambert's trial, 170;
speaks against the Six Articles, 183;
retains his see, 184;
courted by the king, 185, 186;
a banquet, 186;
necessary to the king, 186;
difficulty of filling his place, 186;
his _Bible_ published, 205;
writes to the king in behalf of Cromwell, 212, 213;
absents himself from parliament on the reading of bill of
attainder, 218;
consents with Convocation to divorce of Anne of Cleves, 231;
his provision for education of ministers set aside, 236;
conspiracy against him, 241;
accused to the king, 243;
interview with him, 244, 245;
receives the king's ring, 245;
summoned before the council, presents the ring, 246;
formally reconciled with the lords, 247;
embarrassed by disclosures of Lascelles against the queen, 248;
reports them to the king, 249;
sent with Norfolk to examine the queen, 250;
receives her confession, 250;
in favor, 256;
introduces a _Bill for the Advancement of Religion_, 260;
its absurdities, 260;
obtains modification of _Six Articles_, 261;
revises the _King's Book_, 261;
plot of bishops and priests against him, 263;
interview with the king, 263;
acquitted by the commission, 264;
pleads for Marbeck, 266;
interview with the king on his death-bed, 307
_Crawar_, Paul, burnt at St. Andrews, vi. 5
_Crespin_, John, goes with Juan Diaz to Geneva, viii. 101
_Crocus_, Cornelius, account of, vii. 532;
undertakes to write against Luther, 531;
writes against Sartorius, 533
_Crome_, Dr., forbidden to preach, viii. 240;
his falls and recovery, 272
_Cromwell_, Sir Richard, commissioner for visitation of
monasteries, v. 84
_Cromwell_, Thomas, iv. 37;
presents to the king Tyndale's _Practice of Prelates_, 53;
writes to Vaughan, 57;
suggests attempt to gain Fryth, 59;
his expedient for making the king supreme over the clergy, 61;
announces it to Convocation, 62;
demands recognition of royal supremacy, 63;
character of, 87;
advises abolition of papal power in England, 87;
in advance, 89;
sends the Maid of Kent to the Tower, v. 15;
Protestant leader, 23, 46;
visits More and Fisher in the Tower, 64;
advises abolition of the monasteries, 81;
named vicegerent and vicar-general for visitation of churches and
monasteries, 82;
his commissioners, 84;
lays the Black Book before parliament, 95, 98, 139, 161, 184;
his position at Convocation, 184, 186;
invites Alesius to attend, 186, 188;
signs the king's Articles of Religion, 195;
made lord privy seal, and vicegerent in ecclesiastical matters,
197;
his instructions to the priests, 197;
his efforts in behalf of Tyndale, 219, 221, 226;
his report on birth of Edward VI., viii. 141;
presents works of Bullinger to the king, 146;
arrests Bishop Sampson, summons him before him, 162;
his interview with Lambert, 172;
extols the king, 173;
resolves to issue another edition of the Bible, 176;
orders seizure of the presses, types, &c., at Paris, 178;
his _Bible_ completed, 178;
sanctions the Six Articles, 182;
quarrels with Norfolk, 185;
his aims, 192;
recommends Anne of Cleves to the king, 193;
conversations with the king, 196, 197;
blamed by Henry, 197;
his desire to have the Gospel preached, 201;
his measures, 206;
his speech in Parliament, 206;
his promotions, 207;
created Earle of Essex, 207;
his possessions, 207;
his fiscal measures, 208;
a note from the king, 208;
accused of treason and sent to the Tower, 209;
the charges against him, 210;
the real aim of his enemies, 211;
bill of indictment against him, 214;
denies alleged alliance with Pole, 215;
bill of attainder adopted, 216;
his alarm and distress, 216;
his letter to the king, 217;
the bill passed, 218;
renewed examinations, 218;
again writes to the king, 219;
anxiety for his family, 220;
his last days, 221;
his confession and prayer, 222-224;
his execution, 224;
his character, 224
_Culdees_, the, their influence in Scotland, vi. 4, 5
_Culpeper_, viii. 253;
beheaded, 254
_Culverins_, Prior Bonivard's, i. 47;
claimed by duke of Savoy, 48
_Curione_, Celio Secundo, birth and early life of, iv. 413, 414;
reads Luther, Melanchthon, and Zwinglius, 414;
sets out for Wittenberg, 415;
arrested, 416;
placed in a monastery, 416;
puts the Bible in place of relics, 417;
escapes to Milan, 418;
his philanthropy, 418;
marries, 418;
returns to Piedmont, 418;
defends Luther against Dominican preacher, 420;
again imprisoned, 420;
harshly treated, 421;
prison thoughts, 422;
escapes, 423;
teaches at Pavia, 424;
attempts to seize him baffled, 425;
escapes to Ferrara, 425
_Curtet, Aimé_, appointed syndic of Geneva, iv. 242
_Curtet_, Castellan of Chaumont, burnt at Annecy, vi. 486
_Curtet, Jean Ami_, attempt to murder him, iii. 459; iv. 186
_Cyriaci_, Martin, goes to study at Wittenberg, vii. 347;
returns to Leutschau, 355
_D'Adda_, Stephen, iv. 232, 233
_Dalecarlians_, The, demand banishment of Lutherans, vii. 277;
declare for the pretender 'Nils Sture,' 278;
treat with Gustavus, 297;
revolt suppressed, 297
_Danès_, Pierre, ii. 51;
cited, 59;
at Council of Trent, 65;
accused by Beda, 230
_Daniel_, Francis, Calvin a visitor in his family, ii. 8, 9;
his sister a nun, 52, 57;
his views for Calvin, 84;
asks for Bibles, 87, 93;
Calvin's letter to, iii. 8
--, Robert, ii. 58
_Daniel of Valence_, at Waldensian synod, iii. 255;
refuses to sign the new confession, 259;
goes to Bohemia, 260
_Danish New Testament_, published by Michelsen, vii. 145, 146
_Dantzic_, beginning of reformation at, vii. 424, 425;
opposition, 425;
toleration established, 426;
Romish worship abolished, 427;
invites Pomeranus, 427;
Hanstein sent, 428;
Catholic deputation to King Sigismund, 428;
his severity, 429;
preaching of Klemme, 429
_Darcy_, Lord, head of Catholic league, v. 202;
joins insurgents of Yorkshire, 206;
at Pomfret Castle, 209;
on the march southward, 210, 211;
executed, 213
_Dates_, coincidence of, iii. 131
_Dauphiny_, i. 349, 359; iii. 123
'_Day of the Ladders_,' ii. 384
_De Bresse_, i. 116
_De Chalans_, René, Count, Marshal of Aosta, ii. 405, 406, 408;
his hostility to the Lutherans, v. 449
_De Cornibus_, Pierre, invited to disputation at Geneva, v. 259
_De Glautinis_, accompanies Farel to Granson, iii. 235;
preaches 238;
insulted by monks, 238
_De la Croix_, Father Laurent, condemned as heretic at Geneva, ii.
235;
preaches in France, 236;
at Lyons, 236;
visits the prisons, 237;
escapes discovery, 237;
his Easter preaching, 240;
arrested and condemned to death, 240;
removed to Paris, 241;
before the parliament, tortured, 242;
condemned to be burnt, 243;
his degradation, 243;
martyrdom, 244
_De la Fosse_, (Barnabas Voré), sent to invite Melanchthon to
France, iv. 358, 362, 365;
importance of his mission, 373, 374;
visits Melanchthon, 375, 378 _sqq._
_De la Mare_, Stephen, Genevese envoy with Hugues to Friburg, i. 140;
elected syndic, 149;
interview with the bishop of Geneva, 186, 187, 206;
at general council, opposes Swiss alliance, 307;
goes to Switzerland with Mamelukes to break it off, 313;
appointed pastor at Geneva, vi. 414;
charges against him, vii. 4
_De la Mouille_, William, ii. 316, 362
_De la Place_, Pierre, iii. 14, 44, 47, 48, 50
_De la Tour_, Sieur, martyrdom of, with his servant, i. 414
_Delorme_, watches Maisonneuve at the tournament, iv. 226
_Democracy_, i. 320
_Denia_, Marquis of, keeper of Queen Joanna, viii. 128, 136, 137, 138
_Denis_, a Christaudin, i. 427;
his reconversion attempted by Briçonnet, 428;
burnt, 429
_Denmark_, beginning of the Reformation in, vii. 120 _sqq._;
union of Calmar, 121;
the crown offered to Frederick, duke of Holstein, 137;
accepted by him, 142;
Michelsen's translation of New Testament introduced, 146;
assembly of the council at Copenhagen, 153;
its resolutions against Lutherans and Lutheran books, 153;
progress of the Reformation in, 160;
alarm of the bishops, 161;
agitation, Diet of Odensee, 162 _sqq._;
demands of nobles and priests, 164;
the royal ordinance, 165;
submission of the prelates, 165;
Diet of Copenhagen, 171 _sqq._;
progress of the Gospel, 182;
death of Frederick, 193;
interregnum, intrigues of the priests, 195;
Electorial Diet opened, 196;
demands of the bishops, 196, 197;
the compact published, 198;
the election adjourned, 199;
edict for prosecution of Lutherans, 205;
polemical publications, 206;
invasion of the Lübeckers, 208;
Christian II. restored, 208;
assembly of the Diet in Jutland, 209;
proclamation of Christian III., 211;
surrender of Copenhagen, 215;
arrest of the bishops, 217;
first representation of the people in the Diet, 218;
charges against the bishops, 219;
the compact signed, 220;
the bishops excluded from the Diet, the Reformation established,
220;
the bishops liberated, 220;
constitution of evangelical church promulgated, 223;
separation of Sweden from, 265
_Denny_, Sir A., viii. 307
_De Pesmes_, Percival, iii. 366, 368, 376;
bears the banner of Geneva, 378, 379, 407, 411; iv. 207, 312;
escapes from Geneva, 316
_De Prangins, Sire de Rive_, Governor of Neuchâtel, v. 323;
forbids departure of auxiliaries for Geneva, 323;
orders the men to return home, 325
_Derham_, Francis, viii. 248, 250, 252;
hung, 253
_D'Erlach_, Sieur, Swiss envoy to Geneva, i. 154;
his speech, 154;
leads Swiss army to Geneva, ii. 424;
envoy with Nagueli to duke of Savoy, v. 361
_Desbois_, Jean, appointed to examine Berthelier, i. 192;
passes sentence of death on him, 195
_Des Fosset_, iii. 75
_De Simieux_, sent to Geneva to hunt up charge against
Maisonneuve, iv. 291
_Devay_, Mathias Biro, his birth and early life, vii. 367;
conversion, 367;
goes to study at Wittenberg, 367;
returns to Hungary, 372;
his sympathy with Melanchthon, his completeness, 372, 373;
pastor at Buda, 373;
removes to Kaschau, 374;
successful labors, 374;
denounced to King Ferdinand, 375;
seized and carried off by the bishop of Eger's agents, 375;
harshly treated in prison, 375;
cited before Bishop Faber, 376;
liberated, goes to Buda, 376, 377;
imprisoned by Zapolya, 377;
set at liberty, 378;
received by Count Nadasdy, at Sarvar, 378;
replies to Szegedy, 379;
visits Melanchthon at Wittenberg, 379;
at Basel publishes his works, 381;
returns to Hungary, 381;
his Grammar, 382;
his preaching, 382;
driven away by Turkish invasion, 391;
at Wittenberg, 391;
goes to Switzerland, 392;
becomes acquainted with Calvinism, 394;
returns to Hungary, 394;
pastor and dean at Debreczin, 397
_De Veigy_, canon of Geneva, his mission to duke of Savoy, ii.
351;
expelled from Geneva, 351;
examines Farel, iii. 288;
commands one of the bands against Lutherans, 378;
charged to burn out the Lutherans, 388; iv. 218
_Deventer_, envoys of Charles V. sent to inquire after
Lutherans, refused admission, vii. 536
_De Versonay_, Marin, account of, iii. 411;
incites to conflict, 412
_De Versonex_, F., v. 309
_De Vio_, Cardinal, protests against preaching of Occhino, iv. 467
_Diana_ of Poitiers, iv. 355
_Diaz_, Alonzo, informed of his brother Juan's heresy, viii. 106;
goes to Ratisbon, 107;
consults with Malvenda, 107;
their schemes for finding Juan, 108;
finds him, 108;
takes leave, 110;
returns, murders Juan, 111;
flies to Innspruck, 111
_Diaz_, Juan, account of, viii. 100;
his conversion and friendships, 101;
goes to Geneva, 101;
visits Strasburg, 101;
delegate with Bucer to conference of Ratisbon, 102;
meets with Malvenda, 102;
resists his endeavors to win him back to the Pope, 103-105;
leaves Ratisbon, 109;
at Neuburg, 109;
visited by his brother Alonzo, 109;
declines to go to Rome, 110;
murdered by Alonzo, 111
_Diaz_, Peter, viii. 36
_Diesbach_, John of, commands Swiss auxiliaries at Pavia, iv. 321;
his widow seeks intervention of Berne, 322
_Diesbach_, Nicholas of, avoyer of Berne, iv. 321
_Diesbach_, Rodolph of, envoy to Court of France, iv. 322;
account of, 322;
pleads for Maisonneuve and Janin, 322;
succeeds, 328;
delivers them up to Genevese authorities, 329;
with Nägueli, envoy to duke of Savoy, v. 361
_Diesbach_, Louis of, Bernese ambassador to Pays de Vaud, v. 340;
at conference of Coppet, 340, 341, 343, 345;
seized by Savoyards and released, 350;
at Geneva, 355
_Diesbach_, Sebastian of, head of Swiss embassy to Geneva, i. 313;
again, ii. 391;
reports failure, 392;
deputy to Geneva, 445;
again, 449;
again, advocates religious liberty, iii. 428;
advises consent to episcopal citation, 453;
head of Bernese embassy to Geneva, iv. 215;
demands a disputation between Furbity and the reformers, 216;
at the tournaments, 218 _sqq._;
colloquy with Furbity, 220;
demands his punishment, 221
_Diplomacy_, v. 339
_Dispensations_, papal, abolished in England, iv. 180
_Dobszynski_, writes in praise of Wycliffe, vii. 422
_Dominicans_, at Geneva, their vices, i. 44, 236; iv. 200;
compared with Franciscans, 245
_Dort_, beginning of Reformation at, vii. 485;
complaint of Dominicans, 486;
reply of Henry of Nassau, 486
_Douglas_, Gavin, competition for see of St. Andrews, vi. 10
_Douglas_, Sir George, guardian of James V., vi. 24;
discovers flight of the king, 73;
joins English army against the Scots, 138;
returns to Scotland, 158;
reinstated in his honors and estates, 161;
imprisoned, liberated, 184;
at the preaching of Wishart, 193
_Doullon_, Nicholas, martyrdom of, i. 393, 394
_Du Bellay_, Jean, bishop of Paris, Cardinal, ii. 50, 65, 74, 75;
appoints two evangelical monks to preach in Paris, 117;
warns the king of danger, 126, 134, 150, 152, 183;
delivers Latin address to the pope at Marseilles, 193;
ordered to persecute heretics, 196;
closes the churches, 228;
takes part in preparing French version of the reformers' opinions,
284, 287; iii. 135; iv. 4, 7;
his efforts at mediation between England and the pope, 177;
awaits success, 181;
pleads with the consistory for delay, 181;
his ancestry, 356;
driven from France, 357;
at head of moderate Catholic party, 357;
advises the king to invite Melanchthon to France, 357;
created cardinal, 362;
ambassador to Rome, 365;
writes to Melanchthon, 365, 368;
interview with English envoys at Bologna, v. 4
_Du Bellay_, William, views of, ii. 95;
desires union of France and Germany, 95;
ambassador to Germany, 95;
at Schweinfurth, 97;
proposals to the Protestants, 99;
addresses the landgrave of Hesse, 100;
concludes agreement with Protestants, 102;
sent to England, 102;
negotiates alliance between Francis I. and Henry VIII., 103;
supports Christopher of Würtemberg, 112, 151;
his project of a lay council, 159 _sqq._;
quoted, 162;
hopes of reformers fixed on him, 183;
opposes publication of bull against heretics, 194;
a friend of freedom, 215;
explains transition from Marseilles to Avignon, 216;
ambassador to Diet of Augsburg, 216;
negotiates with the Swiss Protestants, 217;
supports Christopher at Augsburg, 218 _sqq._;
in Germany, 220;
negotiates with Philip, landgrave of Hesse, 222;
opposed by Luther and Melanchthon, 222;
has interview with Bucer at Strasburg, 246;
returns to Paris, 246;
estimate of Melanchthon, 246;
hopes, 253, 257, 260, 263, 282;
takes part in preparing French version of reformers' opinions,
284;
submits it to the Sorbonne, 285, 287;
his estimate of Bucer, iii. 67;
ambassador in England, takes gifts for Francis I., iv. 39;
his ancestry, 356;
character, 356;
advises the king to invite Melanchthon to France, 357, 362;
letter to Melanchthon, 366, 367;
envoy to Smalcalde, 394;
has audience of Elector John Frederick, 395;
received by German princes and deputies, 396;
demands a congress, 397;
a consultation held, 398 _sqq._;
receives reply of the princes, 404, 405;
failure of his mission, 405
_Du Bourg_, John, iii. 72;
arrested, 112;
his martyrdom, 120
_Du Châtel_, Pierre, ii. 65;
opposes persecution, iii. 113
_Duchemin_, Nicholas, character of, ii. 1;
Calvin in his house, 2, 7, 9;
appointed ecclesiastical judge, v. 436
_Du Crest_, Nicholas, premier syndic of Geneva, iii. 364, 374;
takes part in consultation for peace, 395;
envoy to Berne, 402;
fails, 405; iv. 190, 200;
searches the bishop's palace, 235, 255;
escapes from Geneva, 316
_Dumont_, syndic of Geneva, deputy to the bishop, i. 460
_Dumoulin_, [_Alexander Canus_]
_Dunbar_, Gawin, archbishop of Glasgow, chancellor of Scotland,
with the primate and other prelates placed at the head of the
government, vi. 74;
deprives the nobles of their jurisdiction and sets up a College of
Justice, 85;
presides at prosecution of Kennedy and Russel, 121;
intimidated by agents of Beatoun, condemns them, 122;
threatened by James V., 125;
becomes chancellor, 162;
opposes the law giving freedom to read the Bible, 162;
takes possession of church at Ayr, to prevent Wishart preaching,
187
_Duncan_, Andrew, captured by the English at Flodden, vi. 9;
attempts rescue of Patrick Hamilton, 59;
captured by Beatoun's troops and banished, 59
_Dunkeld_, bishop of, counsels peace, vi. 16;
with other prelates placed at head of the Government, 74;
his interview with Thomas Forrest, 104
_Dunstable_, Cranmer's court at, iv. 133 _sqq._
_Duprat_, Cardinal, i. 342, 346, 360, 400, 409;
character and position, 410;
sides with Rome, 411;
at synod of Paris instigates persecution of Lutherans, 415;
appeals to Francis I., 416;
his ambition and aggrandisement, 417;
his quarrel with the parliament of Paris, 417;
combines with the parliament against Lutherans, 417, 429; ii. 33,
67, 120;
sent to Paris to stop intrigues of the Sorbonne, 126;
arrests Le Picard, 127;
his spies, 128;
summons the priests, 128;
the doctors of the Sorbonne, 128, 212, 218; iii. 113, 115
_Dutch New Testament_, published, vii. 501;
Old Testament, 517;
the whole Bible, 517
_Duvillard_, J., appointed syndic of Geneva, iv. 242
_Eck_, Dr., at Diet of Ratisbon, vii. 25;
declines invitation to Denmark, 162
_Edinburgh_, entered by Lord Hertford and English army, vi. 184;
pillaged and burnt, 184
_Edward VI._, King of England, proposal for his marriage with
Mary Queen of Scots, vi. 157;
the treaty concluded, 165;
frustrated, 171;
his birth, viii. 141;
created Prince of Wales, 141;
hopes excited by his birth, 143
_Egidius_, John, preacher at Seville, viii. 22, 23;
his scholastic sermons, 23;
his interview with Valerio, 24;
conversion, 24, 25;
his evangelical preaching, 26;
interview with Ponce de la Fuente and Vargas, 27, 28;
division of labor with them, 29;
opposition aroused, 31;
loses his two friends, 34, 35;
schemes of his enemies, 35
_Egmont_, Nicholas van, inquisitor in the Netherlands, vii. 491, 493
_Ehrard_ of Nidau, account of, v. 376
_Einarsen_, Gisser, vii. 228;
sent to Copenhagen, 228;
made bishop of Skalholt, 228;
his death, 229
_Einarsen_, Morten, elected bishop of Skalholt, taken prisoner
by Bishop Aresen, vii. 229
_Eliae_, Paul, vii. 125;
interpreter of Reinhard, 131;
sent to Odensee, 131;
attacks Reinhard, 132;
preaches against Lutheranism, 147;
attends conference at Copenhagen, 171;
remains silent, 181;
publishes apology for the mass, 182;
draws up plea for the bishops, 206
_Eliot_, Nicholas [_Students_, English]
_Eliot_, Sir Thomas, begs for gift of convents, v. 99
_Elizabeth_, Queen, birth of, iv. 166;
excitement in London, 166;
commended to care of Parker, v. 133
_Elizabeth_ of Arnex, plots against Farel, iii. 213;
her conversion, 226
_Engelbrechtsen_, Olaf, archbishop of Brontheim, receives
Christian II., vii. 185;
flies to the Netherlands, 223, 224
_England_, laity and clergy, iv. 1;
Scriptural reformation, 2;
special character of Reformation in, 3, 4;
the Romish and political parties, 5;
the Society of Christian Brethren, 6;
Table-talk, 8;
popular excitement, 8;
petition of the Commons, 10;
reforms of the clergy, 16;
abolition of pluralism, 18, 19;
English address to the pope, 43;
the clergy predominant, 60;
royal supremacy recognized by clergy, 65, 66;
popular agitation, 67;
beginning of persecution, 76;
importance of choice of new primate, 113;
papal authority set aside by parliament, 130;
separation from France, 174;
general movement against papal supremacy, 178;
abolition of papal privileges, 179;
Romish exactions, 179;
the tree lopped, 180;
a critical epoch, v. 1, 2;
people and clergy against Rome, 7;
confusion, 53;
effect of execution of More and Fisher, 75, 76;
general visitation of churches and monasteries ordered, 82;
suppression of lesser monasteries, 96;
advantageous results, 100, 102, 103;
state of parties after Queen Anne's death, 171;
sarcasms against the papacy, 180;
the King's Articles of Religion published, 192;
evangelical reaction, 198;
prosecutions, 200;
insurrection in the North, 202 _sqq._;
renewal of, 212;
invasion of, proposed by Paul III., vi. 109;
three parties in, viii. 140;
source and effect of the Reformation in, 140;
relations with Swiss reformers, 143;
various parties, attempt at compromise, 179 _sqq._;
the Six Articles, 181 _sqq._;
Cranmer's Bible and others published, 205;
Catholic policy on marriage of Henry VIII., with Catherine Howard,
236
_Enthusiasts_, The, in the Netherlands, vii. 538 _sqq._
[_Spirituals_, The]
_Enzinas_, Francis de [_Enzinas_, The], returns to Burgos,
interview with Peter de Lerma, viii. 41;
desires conversion of Spain, 42;
undertakes translation of New Testament, 43;
his acquaintance with Alasco, 43;
with Hardenberg, 43;
writes to Alasco, 44;
presents his sword to him, 45;
goes to Paris, 45;
attends death-bed of Peter de Lerma, 45;
goes to Wittenberg, 48;
completes his translation of the New Testament, 58;
visits Alasco and Hardenberg, reaches Louvain, 59;
at Antwerp, 59;
opinions on his New Testament, 60;
submits it to the dean of Louvain, 60;
obstacles, 61;
interview with the printer, 62;
with a Dominican, 63;
the title-page criticised, 63;
goes to Brussels, 67;
dedication of his New Testament, 67;
difficulty of access to Charles V., 68, 69;
interviews with Mendoza, 69;
presented to the emperor, 71;
the conversation, 71;
interview with De Soto, 72;
hears his sermon, 74;
interviews with him, 75 _sqq._;
excitement in the convent, 78;
arrested, 79;
imprisoned, 79;
his dejection, 79;
consoled by Tielmans, 80;
his examination, 81;
reproached by friends, 82;
reads Calvin and the Psalms, 83;
his numerous visitors, 84;
failure of attempts in his behalf, 85;
resolves to fly, 88;
escapes, 89;
in danger at Mechlin, 90;
reaches Antwerp, 91;
a legend about him, 91;
another tale, 92;
his correspondence with Calvin, 93;
goes to Wittenberg, intercourse with Melanchthon, 94;
counsels his brother to leave Rome, 95;
hears of his death, 97;
writes to Calvin, 98
_Enzinas_, James de [_Enzinas_, The], at Paris, viii. 46;
his character, 46;
impressed by heroism of martyrs at Paris, 46;
his Catechism, 48;
sent by his father to Rome, 95;
his dissatisfaction, 95;
resolves to leave Rome, arrested by the Inquisition, 96;
his trial, 97;
his martyrdom, 97 _sqq._
_Enzinas_, John de [_Enzinas_, The], settles in Germany, viii. 48
_Enzinas_, The, viii. 38;
sent to Louvain, 39;
their character, 39;
religious disposition, 39;
friendship with Cassander, 40;
study the Bible and read Melanchthon, 41;
[_Enzinas_, Francis de, James de, and John de]
_Eperies_, Conference of, vii. 410
_Erasmus_, i. 331;
approves Berquin's propositions, 344, 378, 403;
attempts to restrain Berquin, 405;
again, 407;
his colloquies proscribed by the Sorbonne, 407;
shrinks from conflict, 408;
writes to Margaret of Angoulême, 412;
advice to Berquin, 432; ii. 1;
warns Francis I., 32, 299; iii. 155;
meeting with Calvin, 156;
breaks with him, 157, 166;
his followers, iv. 349, 454, 455, 458;
laments More, v. 75;
depicts court of Brussels, 222;
the ideal of John Alasco, vii. 434;
receives Alasco as his guest, 437;
his counsels, 438;
his controversy with Luther, 438;
esteem for Alasco, 440, 441;
mourns his departure, 441;
letter to Alasco, 442;
writes to King Sigismund, 448;
his coolness towards Alasco, 450;
friendship with Viglius, 476, 477;
a forerunner of reformation, 485;
assailed by theologians of Louvain, 487;
his opinion of the monks, 491, 517;
read in Spain, viii. 2;
writes to Valerio, 13, 14
_Erdoed_, Conference of, vii. 409
_Erick_, king of Sweden, the government resigned to him by Gustavus,
vii. 323;
his character, 324;
seeks the hand of the princess Elizabeth of England, 325;
his character and attainments, 325;
instructed in Calvin's principles, 326;
abolishes Catholic rites, opens Sweden to all Protestants, 327;
his madness, 328;
slays Nils Sture, 328;
his flight, 329;
slays Burrey, 329;
escapes from his guards, his wanderings, 329;
taken to Stockholm, 330;
conferences with his brother John, 330;
deprived and imprisoned, 331;
his treatment, 331;
his murder ordered by John III., 336, 337;
his death by poison, 337
_Erick, St._, Feast of, vii. 332
_Eszeky_, Emeric, preaches at Tolna, vii. 413;
application of the priests to pasha at Buda against him, 414;
declared free to preach, 414;
establishes a school, 414
_Etampes_, Duchess of, ii. 184
_Europe_, awakening of, i. 315
_Evangelicals._ [_Lutherans_, _England_, _France_, _Geneva_]
_Evangelists_, sent out by Calvin, iii. 58;
abuse of, 62
_Excommunication_, Calvin's view of, vi. 286, 288
_Exeter_, Marquis of, charged with treason and executed, viii. 152
_Faber_, John, bishop of Vienna, writes against Luther, vii. 375;
appointed bishop, 376;
cites Devay before him, 376
_Fabri_, John, Friburg envoy to Geneva, i. 154, 155
_Fabri_ (Chr. Libertet), iii. 161;
joins Farel at Morat, 202;
sent to Neuchâtel, 203;
removes to Bole, 305;
Catholic riot in his chapel, 306;
rising of Protestant peasants, 307;
another riot, 308, 309;
with Viret at Lausanne, vi. 229;
his trials, 270
_Facts and Ideas_, iii. 409
_Faith and Science_, iii. 61, 62; vi. 32, 33
_Farel_, William, i. 2, 305, 317;
at Strasburg, 362 _sqq._;
light of France, 370;
invited to La Marche, 372;
his qualifications as reformer, 374;
hesitation, 375;
his connection with family of Mirabeau, 375;
preaches at Gap, 376;
arrested and rescued, 376;
school-master at Aigle, 377, 381, 386; ii. 100, 263, 436;
his perils, 439;
his attention fixed on Geneva, 439;
calls Toussaint to go there, 439;
consulted by evangelicals of Paris, iii. 94;
draws up a protest, 95;
the great evangelist, 199;
development and character, 199;
scene of his labors, 201;
at Morat, joined by Fabri, 202;
preaches at Orbe, 204;
at Avenches, 212;
again at Orbe, riot at his sermon, 212;
plot of women, 213;
assaulted and rescued, 214;
his strange congregation, 216;
another, 217;
sermon on penance, 217;
care for the ministry, 219;
meets with Viret, 221;
their friendship, 224;
the Lord's Supper at Orbe, 227;
invites preachers into Switzerland, 232;
letter to Andronicus, 233 _sqq._;
goes to Granson, 235;
rough reception at the convents, 237, 238;
goes to Morat, 238;
imprisoned at Granson, 239;
assailed in a church, 240;
invited to Waldensian synod, 251;
his journey, 253;
the discussions, 255, 257;
resolves to visit Geneva, 261;
reaches Geneva, 275;
consults with Olivétan, 275;
interview with Huguenot leaders, 277 _sqq._;
agitation against him, 281;
appears before the town council, 282;
conspiracy against, 285;
summoned before episcopal council, 285;
the examination, 288 _sqq._;
tumult, 289;
threats, 291;
assault, 291;
dangers, 292, 293;
banished, 293;
attempt to kill him, 295;
escapes, 297;
at Yvonand, 298;
invites Froment to go to Geneva, 298;
urges Olivétan to translate the Bible, 300;
sent by Bernese to Geneva, iv. 207;
his character, 208, 211;
at the tournament, 217;
disputation with Furbity, 222 _sqq._, 244, 247, 249;
interview with Father Courtelier, 250;
preaches in the convent at Rive, 253, 257;
domestic trials, 259;
letter to evangelicals of Paris, 259;
presides at first evangelical marriage, 278;
at first evangelical Pentecost, 282;
before the council, 306;
protests against union with popery, 353;
attempt to poison him, v. 246;
promotes a public disputation, 252;
invitations, 256;
interview with Caroli, 261 _sqq._;
preaches at the Madeleine, 278;
summoned before the Council, 278;
preaches at the Cathedral, 281 _sqq._;
before Council of Two Hundred, 293;
preaches to nuns of St. Claire, 302;
exhorts the council, 364, 366, 408, 409;
calls for a general confession, 410;
asks for help, 418;
meeting with Calvin, 458;
presses him to stay at Geneva, 459 _sqq._;
urges the council to retain Calvin, vi. 228;
goes to Lausanne 229, 237;
his theses at the disputation, 237;
his opening speech, 238;
opposes protest of the canons, 238;
his closing discourse, 256, 259;
his search for pastors, 268, 269;
presents the confession of faith to the Council, 283;
his reverence for Calvin, 295;
made a citizen of Geneva, 297;
his depressed state, 312;
attends synod of Lausanne, 313;
with Calvin at the council, 347;
accompanies him to Berne, 348;
excluded by Berne from colloquies of the Vaudois, 372;
sent to synod of Lausanne, 373;
before the council, 377, 378;
protests against imprisonment of Courault, 383;
with Calvin declines to administer the Supper, 391, 392;
in defiance of prohibition preaches, 396;
a disturbance in the church, 397;
banished, 403, 407;
leaves Geneva, 409;
goes to Berne, 416;
at synod of Zurich, 420 _sqq._;
returns to Berne, 426;
interview with Kunz, 427;
with Calvin before the senate, 430;
reconducted to Geneva by Bernese, 431;
banished by vote of general council, 439;
at Berne, 441;
at Basel, 441;
goes to Neuchâtel, 446;
his letter to the Genevese, 455;
urges Calvin to return to Geneva, vii. 22;
edict of expulsion revoked, 43;
deprived and banished from Neuchâtel, 49;
reinstated, 50;
a man of action, 114, 115
_Farnese_, Alexander [_Paul III._]
--, Cardinal sent by the Pope to Charles V. at Ratisbon, vii. 26
_Favre_, Francis, Genevese deputy to Berne, ii. 307, 348;
assailed by Mamelukes, iii. 449;
envoy to Berne, iv. 309
_Felix V._ [_Amadeus VIII._]
_Feray_, Claude, vii. 22, 23
_Ferdinand_, the Catholic, deprives his daughter Joanna of her
crown and imprisons her, viii. 127;
assumes the government of Castile, 128;
meeting with Philip, 132;
agreement between them, 132, 133;
his secret protest, 133;
his delegate left with Philip, 134
_Ferdinand_, of Austria, King of Bohemia and Hungary, ii. 109;
invested with duchy of Würtemberg, 109, 217;
threatened by alliance of Francis I. and Philip of Hesse, appeals
to the pope, 249, 250;
his army defeated by Philip, 253;
loses Würtemberg, 255;
attempts to maintain papal power in the duchy, 255;
opposes Zapolya and is crowned King of Hungary, vii. 364;
publishes edict against the Lutherans, 365;
supported by Charles V., 370;
annuls edict of toleration, 370;
less hostile to the Reformation, 384;
appoints a conference between the bishops and Szantai, 384;
his embarrassment, 386;
interview with the bishops, 386, 387;
banishes Szantai, 387;
concludes agreement with Zapolya, 390;
issues ordinance for maintenance of Catholic faith, 399;
another, 400;
his desire for union of the two churches, 408
_Ferrara_, Hercules, duke of, his marriage at Fontainebleau, i. 418
_Ferrara_, Renée, duchess, of [_Renée_ of France]
_Ferrara_, University of, declares for divorce of Henry VIII., iv.
41;
knowledge of evangelical doctrines at, 427, 489;
influence of Calvin at, v. 422 _sqq._;
the Inquisition, 444
_Feyt_, Florentius, Jesuit, sent to Sweden, vii. 333
_Fief_, Peter du, conducts persecution at Louvain, vii. 554;
remonstrance of the townsmen, 556, 569
_Finlason_, James, one of the Perth Protestants, condemned by
Cardinal Beatoun, vi. 180, 181;
hung, 181
_Fisher_, John, bishop of Rochester, iv. 4, 5;
defends the church, 16;
summoned before the king, 17;
his subterfuge, 18;
rumor of attempt to poison him, 68, 141;
supports Maid of Kent, v. 10, 12;
attainted, sentenced to death, 16, 17;
refuses to take the oath of supremacy, 46;
attainted, 46;
steadfast, 46;
visited by Cromwell, 64;
made cardinal, 64;
his last moments, 66;
death, 67;
characterised, 74;
effect of his death at Rome, 76
_Fitzherbert_, Anthony, commissioner for suppression of lesser
monasteries, v. 100
_Fitzwilliam_, Sir William, lord-admiral, iv. 5
_Fitzwilliam_, Lord, Governor of the Tower, delivers Fryth to
messengers of the primate, iv. 153
_Flaminio_, Marco Antonio, poet, iv. 427;
birth and early life of, 477, 478;
character, 478;
at Naples with Valdez, 479 _sqq._;
at Rome, with Pole and Caraffa, 481
_Florence_, iv. 432
_Folengo_, Giovanni Battista, account of, iv. 482, 483
_Fontainebleau_, rejoicings at, i. 418 _sqq._;
interrupted, 422
_Forest_, Father, defends Catherine of Aragon, iv. 103
_Forman_, Andrew, competitor for see of St. Andrews, vi. 10;
seizes the castle and monastery, 10
_Forrest_, Henry, Benedictine, imprisoned by Beatoun, vi. 92;
degraded, 93;
burnt, 93
_Forrest_, Thomas, Augustine, reads the writings of St.
Augustine, vi. 103;
priest of Dollar, 103;
denounced, 104;
his interview with the bishop of Dunkeld, 104;
arrested, 116;
examined before the cardinal, 116;
burnt, 118
_Fouquet_, [_Trois-Moutiers_, prior of]
_Fox_, Edward, high almoner, deputed with Gardiner to obtain
opinion of Cambridge University on the king's divorce, iv. 29;
with Longland, that of Oxford, 33;
summoned to Windsor, 35;
ambassador to Germany, v. 109;
concludes alliance with the princes, 110;
sent to conduct discussion with Protestants at Wittenberg, 116;
has audience of Elector of Saxony, 117;
his speech at Convocation, 188
_France_, struggles in, i. 5;
royalty in, 285;
springs of reformation, 316;
state of, 322 _sqq._;
after battle of Pavia, 323;
dismemberment of, proposed by Charles V., 325;
persecution of Lutherans in, 332;
proclamation against the Bible in French, Luther's works and
doubt, 342;
who will be the reformer of? 369, 378;
councils against heresy, 417, 418;
hopes of reformers, ii. 132;
progress of reform, 183 _sqq._;
flight of evangelicals from, 212;
proposal for union with German Protestants, 214;
rival plans of reform, 256;
spirit of liberty in, 286;
evangelization of, begun by Calvin, iii. 55, 58;
progress of the Gospel, 60, 66;
'year of the placards,' 92 _sqq._;
importance of, iv. 361;
invasion of, by Henry VIII., viii. 267
_Francis I._, of France, i. 79, 234, 266, 285;
captured at Pavia, 324;
suppliant to Charles V., 325;
at Madrid, 326;
illness, 328;
recovery, 329;
patron of letters, 336;
orders persecution to be stayed, 336;
his abdication, 336;
his contradictory oaths, 337;
treaty with Charles V., 337;
inconsistency, 338;
stops proceedings against Berquin, 344;
returns to France, 352;
refuses permission for Count of Hohenlohe to go into France, 353,
354;
liberates Lutheran prisoners, 358, 359;
consents to marriage of Henry d'Albret and Margaret, 378;
his promises to them, 379;
treaty with Charles V., 379;
his attitude towards the Reformation, 402;
arrests Beda, 405;
exasperation against the Sorbonne, 406;
hesitation between Rome and the Reformation, 410, 411;
deaf to appeal of Duprat, 415, 416;
deaf to the priests, 417;
goes to Paris, 422;
investigates case of mutilation of image of the Virgin, 424;
sanctions persecution, 426;
consents to inquiry against Berquin, 432
--, warned by Erasmus, ii. 32;
signs treaty of Cambray, 61;
his children restored, 62, 63, 65;
his marriage and coronation of his queen, Eleanor, 65 _sqq._;
the Protestants accused to him, 70;
receives envoy and letter from German Protestant princes, 71;
proposes a council, 72;
hears Lécoq preach, 75;
has secret interview with him, 75;
veers towards reform, 94;
sends Du Bellay to Germany, 95;
and to England, 102;
alliance with Henry VIII., 103;
meets him, complains of the pope, 104;
treaty with Henry, 105;
sends embassy to the pope, 105;
threatens separation from the papacy, 106;
alarm in Europe, 106;
confines heads of both parties in their own houses, 124;
warned by Henry of Navarre and Du Bellay, 126;
receives deputation from Sorbonne, 126;
insults the deputies, 127;
banishes Beda, 130;
sends ambassadors to conference of Bologna, 142, 146;
aims at alliance with Henry VIII. and the pope, 148;
consequences of his scheme, 148;
sends special ambassador to Bologna, 148;
proposes marriage of Henry duke of Orleans with Catherine de'
Medici, 149;
claims an Italian state, 149;
hesitation, 154;
sends the pope full powers for the contract, 155;
his policy, 157;
proposes a lay council, 157;
a meeting with Clement arranged, 163;
silences Montmorency accusing Margaret, 177;
orders inquiry on the decision of the Sorbonne, 180;
meets Clement VII. at Marseilles, 192;
his demands, 194;
at marriage of his son with Catherine de' Medici, 195;
orders persecution of heretics, 197;
intrigues with Protestants, 197;
holds a council at Avignon, 214;
his policy in Germany, 216;
goes to Bar-le-Duc, 221;
invites Philip of Hesse to a conference, 224;
discusses affairs of Germany, 224;
desires to see Melanchthon, 225;
concludes treaty with Philip, 226;
returns to Paris, 232;
refuses to burn Roussel and others, 232;
imprisons Beda, 233;
vacillation, 234;
sets free the preachers, 234;
quotes Scripture, 247;
co-operates with Bucer and Du Bellay, 247;
gives audience to waywode of Wallachia, 248;
receives news of Philip's victory, 254;
sends Chelius to Germany, 260;
receives memoirs of German doctors, 264;
holds conferences in the Louvre, 265;
approves Melanchthon's views, 282;
sends envoy to Germany and confesses his mistakes, 283;
orders French version of reformers' opinions, 284;
his tactics, 285;
difference between him and Henry VIII., 295;
leans towards the Reformation, 296;
supports demands of Savoy against Geneva, 390
--, steps towards reformation, iii. 67;
a 'placard' on his door, 106;
his exasperation, 107;
orders search for evangelicals, 107;
returns to Paris, 113;
harsh towards Margaret, 115;
recalls her to Paris, 116;
interview with her preachers, 117;
pardons them, 125;
orders procession of relics, 127;
his penitence, 130;
his speech, 133;
present at torture and death of martyrs, 137, 138, 139;
orders extirpation of Lutherans, 140;
abolishes printing, 140;
his motives, 144;
writes to German princes, 148;
illusions about him, 167;
Calvin's letter to, 182
--, inclines towards Rome, iv. 127, 165, 167;
meeting with Clement VII., 167;
conference with English envoys, 167;
conversation with the pope, 172;
their accord, 174;
attempts mediation between England and the pope, 177;
at Pavia, 321;
appeal of Bernese to, in behalf of Maisonneuve and Janin, 322;
liberates them, 328;
his letter to the syndics of Geneva, 330, 348, 349;
writes to German princes, 351, 354;
inclines to reform, 357;
invites Melanchthon to France, 358;
his letter to Melanchthon, 363;
his sincerity questionable, 364;
publishes amnesty, 368;
instructs Cardinal du Bellay, 368;
proposes a conference between Catholics and reformers, 369;
gives up the scheme, 371;
his political designs, 393;
proposes to write to Elector of Saxony, 394;
his views of reformation set forth by Du Bellay at Smalcalde, 399
_sqq._;
plays two parts, 405;
his anger at Carnesecchi, 475
--, proposes interview with Henry VIII., v. 21;
sends embassy to him, 58, 75;
accepts alliance of Charles V., 114;
proposes crusade against Henry, 114;
prepares for war with the emperor, 116;
secretly aids Geneva, 360, 365;
resolves to invade Savoy and the Milanese, 377
--, refuses to deliver up Cardinal Pole to Henry VIII., viii. 150;
expels Pole from France, 159;
opposes marriage of Henry VIII. with duchess of Milan, 174;
proposes marriage of Henry of Orleans with princess Mary of
England, 176;
authorizes printing and importation of Bibles by Grafton, 176;
rejoices at Cromwell's fall, 211;
and at persecution of Protestants in London, 240;
pretexts of Henry VIII. for war with, 267;
concludes peace with Charles V., 268
_Francis_, bishop of Geneva, i. 21, 26, 33
_Franciscans_, at Geneva, i. 44;
compared with Dominicans, iv. 245
_Frangipani_, Francisco, vii. 369, 383
_Frankfort_, Protestant deputies at, ii. 97;
assembly of Protestant Princes at, v. 118;
Conference of theologians at, vi. 473 _sqq._;
beginning of reformation at, viii. 317
_Frederick_, duke of Holstein, forms alliance with Lübeck
against Christian II., vii. 136;
his character, 141;
a canon of Cologne, resigns the canonry, 141;
accepts crown of Denmark, 142;
promises not to tolerate Lutherans, 142;
resolves to maintain impartiality, 143;
his edict of toleration, 145;
his son Christian in Germany, 147, 148;
enters Copenhagen, 149;
professes Lutheranism, 149;
his coronation, 154;
liberates Tausen, 155;
convokes diet at Odensee, 162;
his speech, 162, 163;
by his ordinance establishes freedom of conscience, 164;
assembles a conference of the bishops and the Lutherans, 171;
prohibits preaching of the Lutherans, withdraws the prohibition,
173;
his impartiality, 181, 183;
allies himself with German princes, 184;
assembles army and fleet, 186;
imprisons Christian II., 190;
his death, 193;
his character and his family, 194
_Frederick the Wise_, i. 406;
his reply to the king of Hungary, vii. 349
_Fregoso_, archbishop of Salerno, made cardinal, iv. 487
_Friburg_, citizenship of, granted to Genevese patriots, i. 37;
envoys of, at Geneva, protect Berthelier, 84;
another deputation to Geneva, 87;
indignation at refusal of safe-conduct for Berthelier, 87;
Genevese embassy to, demands alliance, 140, 141;
offer of alliance accepted by Geneva, 148, 149;
the duke of Savoy tries to break the alliance, 152;
disturbances, 152;
Fabri sent to Geneva, 154;
the alliance confirmed, 156;
the canons of Geneva declare against it, 159;
deputation sent to Geneva, 169;
alliance renounced by Mamelukes, 179;
sends army to Geneva, 179;
message to the duke, 180;
protects and receives fugitive patriots of Geneva, 275;
promises help, 280;
embassy to Geneva, 281;
arrival of wives and children of exiles, 283;
alliance with Berne and Geneva, 303;
departure of Genevese exiles, 304, 305, 307, 310, 313,
314; ii. 391, 392, 400, 404, 415, 418, 419, 423, 431, 441;
asks help of Geneva, 442;
outrages of Friburgers at Geneva, 444;
demands renunciation of alliance, 449;
alliance maintained, 450;
complains of Lutheran proceedings, 466;
joint-suzerain of Orbe, iii. 205;
deputation from Orbe to, 212;
orders liberation of priests, 231;
with Berne publishes first act of religious liberty in
Switzerland, 244;
sends embassy with threats to Geneva, 354;
mediation of Friburg merchants between Catholics and Lutherans,
393;
urges bishop of Geneva to return, 423;
demands satisfaction for Wernli's death, 428;
deputies of, attend the bishop on his return, 432;
rumors of intervention at Geneva, 447;
the deputies demand justice for Wernli's death, 447;
support episcopal citation, 451, 453; iv. 231;
renounces alliance with Geneva, 258
_Friesland_, religious condition of, vii. 457;
a battle-field of religious parties, 457;
Countess Anna, 461, 463;
John of Falkenberg, 464;
Countess Anna's reply to Alasco, 467;
suppression of Romanism, 467;
disorders, 473
_Frobenius_, iv. 407
_Froment_, Christian Anthony, iii. 298;
urged by Farel to go to Geneva, 298, 299, 312, 313;
goes to Geneva, 314;
coldly received, 314;
departs but returns, 315;
advertises his school, 316;
his proceedings, 316;
success, 317;
alarm, 319, 320;
conversion of Claudine Levet, 323;
disputation with Pellier, 331;
ends with a riot, 333;
advised not to preach, 335;
preaches at the Molard, 338;
forbidden by syndics, continues, 341;
interrupted by armed priests, rescued by Bernard, 347;
attempted concealment, 347;
employed as a servant, 348, 350;
attacked and rescued, 351;
goes to Yvonand, 352;
results of his labors at Geneva, 352;
returns to Geneva, iv. 195;
attempts to arrest him, 198;
refutes Furbity, 204;
assailed in the church, rescued by Maisonneuve, 204 _sqq._;
leaves Geneva, 206;
returns, 215;
at the tournament, 217;
at first evangelical Pentecost, 282, 330;
attempt to poison him by Antonia Vax, v. 246;
at the disputation, v. 268
'_Frondeur_,' an unhappy, ii. 88;
at Strasburg, 88;
returns to France, 89;
received by Calvin, 89
_Fryth_, John, sought for by Henry VIII., iv. 59;
married, 59;
account of him, 139;
his true Catholicism, 140;
assists Tyndale, 140;
returns from the Low Countries, 140;
his reply to More and others on purgatory, 141;
in the stocks at Reading, 141;
liberated, goes to London, 142;
his doctrine of the Lord's Supper written down, 143;
a copy treacherously taken to the Chancellor, 143;
leaves London, 143;
Tyndale's letter to, 144;
hunted by More, 144;
arrested, 145;
reads More's reply to him, 146;
writes the _Bulwark_, 147;
other labors in prison, 147;
some liberty allowed him, 148;
visits Petit, 149;
the bishops bent on his death, 150;
ordered for trial, 151;
his judges, 151;
taken by Cranmer's messengers to Lambeth, 154;
will not step backwards, 154, 155;
the scheme for his escape, 156;
refuses to escape, 158;
his trial at Croydon, 159;
his view of the sacrament, 159;
again sent to the Tower, 160;
his cause transferred to bishop of London, 160;
sentenced to death, 161;
in Newgate, 161;
burnt at Smithfield, 162;
influence of his writings, 162; v. 34
_Funeral Procession_ of the Papacy, at Geneva, ii. 347
_Furbity_ Guy, Dominican, sent to Geneva, iv. 200;
preaches in the Cathedral, 201;
challenges Lutherans, 203;
answered by Froment, 204;
tumult in the church, 204 _sqq._;
eulogizes St. Thomas of Canterbury, 207;
watched by city guards, 212;
prevented from leaving Geneva, 213;
appears before the council, will not speak, 217, 218;
his trial demanded by Bernese, 219;
colloquy with Diesbach, 220;
disputation with Farel, 222 _sqq._;
visits Pennet in prison, 240;
summoned before the council, 243;
his apologies in the Cathedral, 244;
violently assailed and again imprisoned, 245;
his release requested by Francis I., 330;
liberated, 330;
declines to take part in disputation, v. 266, 267;
liberated, 407, 408
_Gabriel Dune_, Gardiner's agent against Tyndale, v. 35 _sqq._
_Gaillard_, Castle of, Duke Charles III. at, i. 169
_Galle_, Peter, champion of the papacy against Olaf Petersen, vii.
274;
discussion with Olaf at Westeraas, 290
_Gallican Liberties_, ii. 245, 246, 286
_Gambara_, nuncio, ii. 144
_Gardiner_, Stephen, deputed to obtain opinion of Cambridge
university on the king's divorce, iv. 29, 31, 32;
made bishop of Winchester, 72;
his interviews with Fryth in the Tower, 146;
one of Fryth's examiners, 151;
envoy to Marseilles, 167;
jealousy of Bonner, 168;
resolves on death of Tyndale, v. 35;
his agents, Philips, and Gabriel, 35, 41;
opposes translation of the Bible, 55;
opposes visitation by Cranmer, 57;
opposes alliance with German Protestants, 110;
his reply to Pole, 177;
his policy, his embassy to France, viii. 158;
complains to Granvella of calumnies about himself, 158;
his entry into London, 158;
urges the king to persecution of heretics, 160;
his secret conferences with other bishops, 161;
instigates prosecution of Lambert, 166;
at his trial, 170, 187;
preaches at Paul's Cross instead of Barnes, 202;
brings subject of the king's divorce before Convocation, 231;
reads the judgment, 232;
introduces Catherine Howard to the king, 234;
sent with Norfolk to examine the queen on charges made against
her, 250;
his argument for keeping Latin words in English Bible, 256;
takes part in plot against Cranmer, 263;
persecutes evangelicals of Oxford, 264 _sqq._;
examines Anne Askew, 278;
gets royal proclamation issued against New Testament and many
religious books, 279, 286, 287;
instigates Henry against the queen, 288;
intrigues against her, 289;
with Wriothesley, draws up indictment against her, 290;
in disgrace, appeals to the king, 293;
excluded from number of the king's executors and from the council
of regency, 298
_Garret_, evangelical preacher, viii. 202;
preaches at Paul's Cross, 202;
reprimanded by the king, 204;
committed to the Tower, 204;
burnt at Smithfield, 226-228
_Gaudet_, Pierre, iv. 284;
settles at Geneva, v. 237;
sets off for Gex, 238;
seized and taken to Peney, 239;
tortured, 240;
his death, 241
_Gaudri_, Bishop of Laon, slain, ii. 450
_Gazzini_, Pietro, Bishop of Aosta, ii. 367;
commissioned to seek help of the pope for Duke of Savoy, 393;
his opposition to the Lutherans, v. 449, 450
_Geelen_, Jan van, 'Spiritual,' excites revolt in Holland,
attempts surprise of Amsterdam, viii. 348;
fate of his followers, 349
_Geneva_, centre of Reformation, i. 1;
characteristics of the movement, 2;
importance of political element, 3;
great things to be studied in small at, 7;
Roman, German, Christian influences combined, 8;
Burgundian conquests, 9;
the gospel first brought to, 10;
its first bishop, 10;
early history and liberties, 11;
Charlemagne at, 11;
the Counts of, 12;
their castles and mode of life, 12;
growth of power of the bishops, 13;
the first prince-bishop, 13;
coveted by House of Savoy, 14;
seizure of the castle by Peter of Savoy, 16;
placed under his guardianship, 16;
attempt of Amadeus V., 17;
the vidamy, 18;
rectors of the city elected, 19;
attempt of Amadeus VIII., 21;
visit of Pope Martin V., 19;
the fair transferred to Lyons, 26;
surrounded by states of Savoy, 27;
renovation preparing, 28;
excitement at, about death of bishop Charles de Seyssel, 29, 30;
entry of the Bastard of Savoy, 38;
settlement of Savoyards in, 41;
given to Savoy by Leo X., 50;
excitement and opposition, 50;
consent of cardinals refused, the bull recalled, 52;
corruption fostered by Philibert the Fair, 58;
assembly of patriots, 69;
terror caused by torture and death of Pécolat, 83;
peril, 86;
Swiss alliance sought, 87;
excommunication riot, 105;
plot of the duke, the bishop, and the count, 111;
agitation caused by deaths of Blanchet and Navis, 124 _sqq._;
meeting of the council, 127;
embassy to Duke of Savoy, 128;
critical position of the Republic, 129;
another embassy to the duke and the bishop, 132;
consultation of patriots, 134;
rejection of sealed letter from the bishop, 138;
the Great Council, 138;
conflict of ecclesiastical and secular society in, 139;
fruitless debate on Swiss alliance, 141;
excitement, 142;
reception of ducal embassy, 146;
Swiss alliance carried, 148;
election of Huguenot syndics, 149;
Mameluke organization, 150;
the canons in danger, 159;
surrounded by ducal army, 162;
insolent ducal embassy, 163;
ordered by Swiss Diet to receive the duke, 164;
summoned by Charles III., 165;
reply of the Syndics, 165, 166;
preparations for war, 166;
a truce, 170;
attack of the duke frustrated, 171;
entered by the duke, 174;
distribution of his army, 174;
conquered, 176;
pillaged, 177;
Friburg army at, 180;
the plague, 183;
entered by the bishop, 187;
Mameluke reaction at, 200;
restriction of liberties, 203;
the decrees revoked, 206;
Huguenots recover their liberties, 207;
papal citation, 208;
procession organized by priests, 210;
Pierre de la Baume, prince-bishop, 215;
time of depression, 217;
vanity of the Genevese, 219;
entry of the duke and duchess, 220;
'mystery' performed, 222;
seeming success of Savoyard seductions, 224;
New Testament introduced, 225;
quarrels with Savoyards, 232;
corruption and disorders, 235, 236;
agitation caused by seizure of Levrier, 248;
indignation at his execution, 255;
departure of the duke, 256;
vengeance of Savoyard council for assault on Boulet, 261;
election of Huguenot syndics, 263;
appeal of Council to the pope against Savoy, 264;
the delegates stopped by the duke, 266;
appeal withdrawn, 268;
the ducal army near, 269;
enters, 270;
exodus of patriots, 270;
entered by Charles, 279;
about to surrender independence, 280;
Swiss embassy to, 280;
departure of wives and children of exiles, 282;
'council of halberds,' 287;
departure of the duke, 289;
mission of Lullin, 290;
justification of the fugitives, 290 _sqq._;
return of the bishop, 297;
election of Huguenot syndics, 301 _sqq._;
old constitution restored, 302;
Swiss alliance concluded, 304;
return of exiles, 304;
Council, 305;
General Council, 307 _sqq._;
gleams of reformation, 310;
conspiracy of canons, 311;
flight of Mamelukes, 312;
Swiss embassy, 313;
alliance sworn, 313;
rejoicings, 314
--, the new situation, ii. 302;
the castles, 303;
traders, 303;
measures of defence, 306;
deputation to Berne, 307;
immoralities, 318;
project of the duke against, 322;
warnings, 323;
delivered from the canons, 325, 326;
the bishop made a citizen, 328;
civil jurisdiction conceded, 328;
new party forms, 333;
immorality attacked, 334;
claim and threats of the duke, 338;
flight of the bishop, 340;
constitution formed, 344;
fall of the ducal arms, 344;
excommunication and interdict pronounced against, 345;
papal letters prohibited, 346;
funeral procession of the papacy, 347;
bids the duke mind his own business, 350;
assailed by 'gentlemen of the Spoon,' 357;
civil jurisdiction revoked, 363;
menaced by the bishop, 363;
reply to his envoys, 364;
the messenger of the council insulted, 366;
intrigues in the convents, 370;
arrival and departure of auxiliary troops, 372;
insolence and death of Pontverre, 376 _sqq._;
a Genevan crucified, 383;
'Day of the Ladders,' 383, 384;
embassies from the Swiss and from Savoy, 390;
will not give up Swiss alliance, 391;
defies the emperor, 395;
emperor and pope unite against, 396;
war begun by duke and bishop, 416;
march of allies on, 417 _sqq._;
still a Catholic city, 417;
blockaded, 418;
skirmishes, 419;
night attack, 420;
retreat of Savoyards, 422;
arrival of Swiss troops, 424 _sqq._;
preachings in the cathedral, 426 _sqq._;
truce of St. Julien, 428;
declines intervention of the emperor, 431;
another attack threatened and frustrated, 431, 432;
Diet of Payerne, 432;
a pilgrimage to St. Claire resisted, 433;
another allowed, 434;
'de Christo meditare,' 437;
agrees to help Berne and Friburg, 442;
again threatened by the duke, 442;
election of Catholics, struggles, 444;
threatened by the duke, 445;
Swiss alliance adhered to, 446;
withdrawal of ducal army, 447;
preparation by sufferings and dangers, 447 _sqq._;
Swiss alliance cancelled by patricians, 449;
but maintained by citizens of Berne, 450;
cession of, to son of the duke proposed, 452;
agitation about the General Pardon posted up by Lutherans, 463
_sqq._;
Friburg embassy and threats, 466;
placards and preaching prohibited, 466;
first official act in favor of reformation, 467;
letter from archbishop to the syndics, 468;
standard of the Gospel raised, 472;
conflict of two parties, 472 _sqq._
--, saves Europe, iii. 199;
Farel's arrival at, 275;
progress of reformation, 325, 328;
tumult, 333, 334;
Froment's sermon at the Molard, priests in arms, 338, 339;
balance of parties, 350;
agitation against Lutherans, 366;
conspiracy, 367;
both parties armed, 371;
disturbance in the cathedral, 372;
Catholic preparations to fight, 375;
the corps formed, 376;
mustering of the corps, 377;
distresses in the homes, 381, 382;
the Huguenots on the defensive, 390;
bloodshed prevented, 392;
mediation of Friburgers, 393;
peace proclaimed, 395;
articles of peace, 397;
disquietude, 401;
holiday evening and a brawl, 411;
the tocsin, 413;
fight in the Molard, 415 _sqq._;
the bishop invited to return, 425;
his entrance, 433;
a general council, 434;
the Charters consulted, 436;
episcopal proscriptions, 439;
deputation of elders to the bishop, 451;
resolution of the Sixty, 453;
of the Two Hundred, 455;
gathering perils, 460
--, the part of Geneva in the Reformation, iv. 184;
agitation about Lutheran prisoners, 186;
the bishop's final departure, 192;
evangelical preaching authorized by the Council, 196;
plot of the Catholics, 211;
both parties in arms, 211;
Bernese embassy to, 215;
the tournament, 217 _sqq._;
the bishop's _coup d'état_, 231;
assassinations and tumult, 232, 233 _sqq._;
the bishop's palace searched, 236;
the cathedral searched, 237;
four Huguenot syndics, 242;
Savoyard procession forbidden to enter, 279;
another enters and is driven out, 280 _sqq._;
image-breaking, 281;
Whitsuntide procession, 284;
embassy from France, 292;
Feast of Corpus Christi, 304;
rumors of attack by bishop and duke, 308 _sqq._;
preparations, 309;
plans of the invaders, 310;
advance on the city, 311;
treachery within, 311;
a warning, 312;
called to arms, 312;
retreat of the Savoyards, 315;
vigilance, 317;
city and suburbs described, 323;
destruction of suburbs ordered, 324, 326;
opposition of Catholics, 327;
the houses razed, lamentations, 333, 334;
ramparts built, 335;
the see removed to Gex, 338;
excommunications by the bishop, 339;
appeal to the pope, 340;
prepares for defence, 342
--, three parties to uphold the Reformation, v. 232;
Huguenot magistrates elected, 232;
a monk allowed to preach the Gospel, 234;
riot of women in the church, 236;
plots of Roman Catholics, 243;
a disputation announced, 256;
refusal of the papists, 257;
the debate, 264 _sqq._;
its effect, 274;
trade or intercourse with Geneva forbidden by the bishop, 270;
misery in the city, 276;
Farel at the Cathedral, 280 _sqq._;
forbidden to preach there, 283;
images broken, 285;
campaign against idols, 288 _sqq._;
mass suppressed, church property confiscated, 295;
the monks dumb before the Council, 299;
flight of papists, 299;
hospital and school founded, 309;
mendicity abolished, 310;
end of Romanism, 311;
proclaimed as infected by duke of Savoy, 314;
skirmishes and alarms, 314;
refuses to expel heresy and restore the bishop, 317;
news of battle of Gingins, 346;
storming of convent of St. Jean, 357;
blockaded, 358;
assault repulsed, 358;
coins money, 360;
refuses a truce, 362;
the troops partly withdrawn, 363;
rejects offer of French protectorate, 365;
attack on the church of our Lady of Grace repulsed by Jessé, 366,
367;
night attacks by Savoyards, 368;
the _war of Cologny_, 369;
famine, 375;
Bernese help promised, 376;
entrance of Nagueli, and the Bernese army, 387;
the castles burnt, 392, 393;
rejects sovereignty of Berne, 397;
attack on Chillon, 399 _sqq._;
evangelization of the town and the country, 404, 405;
difficulties with the priests, 406;
morals in the city, 408;
the General Confession (21st May), 412 _sqq._;
return of refugees, 415;
toleration, 416, 417;
action of the Government in religious affairs, 465
--, importance of the services of Geneva to freedom and religion,
vi. 219, 220, 221;
arrival of Calvin, 221;
church discipline before his time, 224;
long preparation of the Genevese for triumph of the Reformation,
226, 227;
conference of pastors at, 273, 274;
Calvin's Confession of faith adopted, 284;
his articles on order and discipline allowed, 289;
measures of the council, 290, 291;
Convocation of the people, the Confession adopted, 294;
but refused by many, 294;
discipline by the state, 297;
description of the city, 298;
parties at, 335;
the Confession sworn to, 337 _sqq._;
resistance of the Huguenots, 338 _sqq._;
a general Council, 341;
the remonstrance, 342, 343;
confusion, 344;
deputation to Berne, 348;
refusal of the council to exclude any from the Supper, 354;
disorders, 355, 356;
two parties in the republic, 358;
election of syndics, 360;
victory of the opposition, 361;
proclamation against disorders, 362;
refuses to entertain project of submission to France, 363;
confusion of church and state at, 365;
Bernese usages adopted, 379;
disturbances, 380;
confusion, 386 _sqq._;
Easter Sunday 1538, 395;
banishment of the reformers decreed, 403, 407;
dismay at their departure, 412;
licentiousness of the vulgar, 413;
the new pastors, 414;
reply to Bernese letter, 419;
resistance to return of Farel and Calvin, 431;
Bernese delegates received, 433;
vote of banishment of the reformers by general council, 439;
the ceremonies established, 449;
new pastors, 449, 450;
party strife, 450;
disorders, 451;
despotism, 465, 466;
the rector and regents of the College banished, 467;
election of new syndics, 471;
suppression of disorders, 471;
letter from Sadoleto received by the Council, 480;
effect of Calvin's reply to it, 496, 497;
Catholic priests before the Council, 500, 501;
dispute about treaty with Berne, 512;
a new treaty signed, 513;
quarrel about it, 514, 515;
summoned by Berne to a trial at Lausanne, the treaty rejected by
general Council, 515;
judgment against Genevese delivered at Lausanne, 516;
a general reconciliation, 516;
agitation about the quarrel with Berne, 517;
flight of the Articulants, 518;
a riot, 521;
fate of the Articulants, 524
--, proceedings for recall of Calvin, vii. 5;
letter of the Council, 8;
edict of expulsion of the reformers revoked, 43;
letters of the Syndics to Zurich, Basel and Strasburg, 43 _sqq._;
value of these documents, 45;
preparation for reception of Calvin, 50;
a day of humiliation, 59;
the 'Ordinances' considered by the Council, 61, 62;
adopted, 63;
Geneva to be made an ecclesiastical fortress, 65;
the name of Jesus engraved on the gates, 77;
relation of church and state at, 77 _sqq._;
state of men's minds at, 96;
new pastors, 106;
moral change, 111
_George_, Duke of Anhalt, his birth and early life, viii. 322;
his adherence to Rome, 323;
searches the Scriptures, 323;
inquiry and perplexity, 324;
reads Luther, 325;
gains over his brothers to his views, 325;
exercises episcopal authority, 325
_Gérac_, castle of, iii. 15 _sqq._
_German Envoys_ in England, viii. 153 _sqq._;
their long stay, fruitless discussions, 155;
their view, 155;
leave England, 157
_German Protestant Princes_ send envoy to Francis I., ii. 71;
envoy sent to, 72;
proposal for union of France with, 214;
English embassy to, v. 109;
attempt at alliance renewed, 117, 118;
assembly at Frankfort, 118;
embassy to Henry VIII., 118;
renounce his alliance, 170;
send envoys to Henry VIII., viii. 153;
discussion at Lambeth, 154
_Germans_, The, papal treatment of, i. 120
_Germany_, affairs in, ii. 95 _sqq._;
peasant revolt in, compared with Pilgrimage of Grace, v. 207
_Gex_, meeting of duke of Savoy and bishop of Geneva at, ii.
415, 424
_Ghent_, the Reformation at, vii. 546 _sqq._
_Ghinucci_, deprived of see of Worcester, iv. 180
'_Ghost of Lyons,_' i. 408
_Giberto_, Giovanni Matteo, bishop of Verona, iv. 478, 482
_Gingins, Aimé de_, abbot of Bonmont, i. 31;
elected bishop of Geneva, 32;
set aside by the Pope, 35;
pensioned by the Bastard, 40, 157, 159, 160, 169; ii. 410, 467;
episcopal council at his house, iii. 284;
presides at examination of Farel, 288, 292, 397;
armed gathering at his house 412; v. 257;
flies from Geneva, 308;
discovered by the Bernese at Divonne, ransoms himself, 386
_Gingins_, Francis de, lord of Divonne, account of, v. 385, 386;
a ransom exacted from him by the Bernese, 386
_Gingins_, battle of, v. 332 _sqq._;
effect of it, 355
_Giraldi_, Lilio, iv. 427
_Girard_, Aimé, deputy to bishop of Geneva, i. 262, 270, 276;
ii. 366, 378
_Gjöe_, Henry, holds Copenhagen for Christian II., vii. 149;
capitulates to Frederick, 149
_Gjöe_, Magnus, councillor of Denmark, embraces the
Reformation, vii. 149;
head of reform party, 164;
his speech at the electoral diet, 197;
refuses to sign the compact, 198;
in Jutland, 209;
urges election of Christian III., 210;
announces to him his election, 212
_Gjöe_, Brigitta, vii. 204
_Glareanus_, his intercourse with Alasco, vii. 439
_Gnapheus_, William, vii. 500;
takes part in translating New Testament, 501;
arrested and imprisoned, 501;
liberated, 502;
again arrested, 519;
his _Tobias and Lazarus_, 519
_Goch_, Jan van, vii. 482
_Golden Bull_, The, read at Geneva, ii. 460
_Goldenhauer_, Gerhard, preaches in Guelderland, vii. 525;
goes to Strasburg, 526;
Professor of Theology, Marburg, 526
_Gonin_, Martin, Waldensian deputy to Granson, iii. 251, 252,
298, 302, 303 _sqq._
_Gonzaga_, Giulia di, among friends of Valdez, iv. 465;
Barbarossa's attempt to carry her off, 465;
her religious struggles, 468;
conversations with Valdez, 469 _sqq._
_Gosseau_, Jacques, vii. 551, 570
_Gostwick_, Sir John, accuses Cranmer, viii. 243;
the king's menace to him, 247
_Gothus_, Lawrence, appointed archbishop of Upsala, vii. 333
_Gottschalken_, Oddur, vii. 226;
secretary to Œgmund, 226;
translates the New Testament, 227;
his translation printed, 228
_Goulaz_, Jean, takes part in posting up General Pardon at
Geneva, ii. 463;
affray with a canon, 465;
fined, 466;
visits Farel, iii. 277, 278, 296, 314;
supports Froment, 319, 372;
with Porral charged to maintain good morals in the city, vi. 289;
renounces citizenship of Geneva, and is imprisoned, 470, 471;
assists Calvin in preparing constitution of a church, vii. 56
_Gourlay_, Norman, condemned and burnt with Straiton, vi. 96
_Grafton_, Richard, asks permission to sell Tyndale's Bible,
v. 227;
interview with Cranmer, 227;
with Whitchurch, authorized by Francis I. to print and import the
Bible into France, viii. 176;
with Coverdale goes to Paris, 177;
their difficulties, 177;
the printing stopped by the Inquisition, 178;
and completed in London, 178;
cited before the Council, 238;
saved by intervention of Wriothesley, 238
_Graham_, Patrick, primate of Scotland, deprived and imprisoned
for life, vi. 6
_Gramont_, Cardinal de, ambassador to Clement VII., ii. 105;
to Conference of Bologna, 142;
characterized, 147
[_Tournon_]
_Gramont, De_, Bishop of Tarbes, ambassador to the emperor, iv. 24;
confers with Earl of Wiltshire, 27
_Gran_, Archbishop of, cites evangelists of Hermanstadt before
him, vii. 350;
goes to Rome, 351;
takes part in suppression of Lutheranism, 352
_Granson_, battle of, iii. 236;
the churches opened to Farel by order of Berne, 238;
a fray in the church, 240
_Granvella_, Imperial chancellor, iii. 265;
gives to Bellegarde answer of the emperor to duke of Savoy, 265;
his relations with de Soto, viii. 67;
orders arrest of Enzinas, 75
_Grapheus_, Cornelius, account of, vii. 492;
seized by Inquisitors, 492;
apologizes and is imprisoned, 492;
retracts, 493;
his property is confiscated, imprisoned for life, 493;
his appeal fruitless, 494
_Greenwich_, tournament at, v. 137 _sqq._
_Gregorius_, Matthias, Bishop of Strengnaes, vii. 237;
massacred at coronation of Christian II., 239
_Gregory_, Father, orator of Roman party at Conference of
Schässburg, vii. 384 _sqq._
_Grimani_, Marco, legate, sent to Scotland, vi. 166;
co-operates with Lennox, 167
_Gringalet_ and _Levrat_, monks, intrigue for duke of Savoy, ii. 369;
banished from Geneva, 371
_Grivat_, George, precentor, iii. 226;
preaches at Orbe, 227
_Groningen_, reformers at, vii. 502
_Groot_, Gerard, vii. 482
_Gros_, Claude, his mule, i. 73, 74;
mock auction, 74;
his complaint before the vidame, 74
_Grynæus_, Simon, his intercourse with Calvin at Basel, iii. 160,
167;
condemns divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 42;
defends Bucer, vi. 325;
takes part in the synod of Berne, 327;
his letter to Calvin and Farel, 442;
receives Calvin into his house, 443;
his early life, vii. 346;
proclaims evangelical doctrines at Buda, 346;
seized, imprisoned and banished, 354;
Professor at Basel, 354; viii. 143
_Guarino_, Francesco, sets out with Curione for Wittenberg, iv. 415;
arrested, 416
_Guéné_, William, instigates persecution at Brussels, vii. 569
_Guerin_, iii. 328, 352, 356, 358;
presides at the Lord's Supper at Geneva, 360;
leaves Geneva, 361
_Guidacerio_, of Venice, publishes commentaries on Scripture, ii. 90;
accused by Beda, 230
_Guido_, iii. 298, 301, 303 _sqq._
_Guillaume_, Thomas, named chaplain to Earl of Arran, vi. 155;
outcry against him, 156;
forbidden to preach, goes to England, 168
_Guillet_, M., i. 42
_Gundebald_, at Geneva, i. 10
_Gustavus Vasa_, his birth and boyhood, vii. 244;
his first campaign, 245;
one of the hostages assigned to Christian II., taken prisoner and
confined in Jutland, 245;
escapes to Lübeck, pursued, 246;
returns to Sweden and enters Calmar, 246;
escapes to the mountain district, attempts to rouse the peasants,
246;
his wanderings, 247 _sqq._;
his interview with archbishop Ulfsson, 248;
hears of the Stockholm massacre, 249;
in concealment in Dalecarlia, 249;
recognized at Ornaes, 251;
received by Perssons, 251;
denounced, escapes, 251;
pursued and wounded, again escapes, 252;
his appeal to the peasants, 253;
proclaimed captain of all the communes of Sweden, 254;
growing success, 255;
the Danish camp broken up by his followers, 255;
takes possession of Westeraas, 255;
besieges Stockholm, and takes it, 255;
convokes a diet at Strengnaes, 256;
proclaimed king there, 257;
his interview with the reformers, 258;
his policy, 258;
appoints Anderson chancellor, 258;
conversations with him, 259;
at Malmoe, arranges with Frederick the separation of the kingdoms,
261;
refuses to persecute the Lutherans, 261;
appoints Magnus primate, 262;
expels the iconoclasts, 266;
makes a progress through the provinces, 267;
present at Olaf's marriage, 267;
bids the bishops translate the New Testament, 269;
demands part of the tithes for state purposes, 270;
at Upsala on the Feast of St. Erick, 271;
confers with the Chapter on church temporal power, 272;
attends public disputation between Olaf and Peter Galle, 274;
declaration of his purpose, 279;
cites the primate before him, 279;
resolves on reformation, 280;
convokes Diet at Westeraas, 281;
his speech and abdication, 287, 288;
in retirement, 289;
receives deputations from the Diet, 291;
returns to the Diet, 293;
his requirements, 293;
his victory, 296;
suppresses revolt of the Dalecarlians, 297;
his coronation, 298;
convokes a synod, 298;
his political view of religion, 299;
undertakes restoration of the schools, 304;
marries Catherine of Saxe-Lauenburg, 307;
discovers and frustrates scheme of alliance of Hanse Towns and
Denmark against him, 308;
his ecclesiastical measures, 309;
compared with Olaf, 309;
his coolness towards Olaf, 309;
rebuked by him, 310;
marries a second time, 312;
his letter to the primate, 312;
anger against Olaf and his brother, 314;
commands them to be brought to trial, 315;
compared with Henry VIII., 316;
his claim to rule the Church, 317;
absolute in church and state, 318;
his rule of the church, 320;
orders arrest of the bishop of Strengnaes, 321;
excuses for severity, 321;
declines to join the League of Smalcalde, 322;
his speech on resigning the government to his son, 322, 323;
last conversations, 323, 324;
death, 324;
grief over his sons, 325
_Guy Regis_, Superior of Grey Friars, iii. 237, 238;
contends with Farel and Viret, 239
_Gyldenstern_, Count, his interview with Tausen, vii. 170
_Gyldenstern_, Knud, commander-in-chief of forces of Denmark, vii.
186;
receives submission of Christian II., 187;
his convention annulled, 189
_Gypsies_, banished from England, iv. 68
_Hacket_, Sir John, at Brussels, iv. 163;
attempts to seize Tyndale's New Testaments in the ports of the
Netherlands, vi. 25
_Halidon_, battle of, vi. 138
_Haller_, Berthold, invites Farel to Switzerland, i. 376; ii.
400; v. 316, 360;
blesses the Bernese army, 373;
his death, vi. 325
_Hamburg_, Congress at, German mediation between Christian III.
and Lübeck, vii. 214;
beginning of reformation at, viii. 320;
church organized by Pomeranus, 320, 321
_Hamilton_, made archbishop of St. Andrews after murder of
Beatoun, vi. 215
_Hamilton_, Catherine, her trial before the ecclesiastical
court, vi. 97;
leaves Scotland, 98
_Hamilton_, James, Lord, detained by the Lesleys as a hostage,
vi. 214
_Hamilton_, John, of Linlithgow, accompanies Patrick Hamilton
to the Netherlands, vi. 29
_Hamilton_, John, abbot of Paisley, arrives in Scotland, vi. 167;
his influence on the regent, 167;
interviews with Beatoun, 168;
alarms the regent, 172
_Hamilton_, Sir James, at Council at Edinburgh, demands reforms,
vi. 105;
treasurer, charged to seize heretics, 128;
imprisoned and put to death, 129
_Hamilton_, Sir James, resolves to rescue his brother Patrick, vi.
55;
is prevented, 56;
cited before ecclesiastical court, leaves Scotland, 97;
is condemned, excommunicated and deprived of his estates, 97
_Hamilton_, Sir Patrick, vi. 12;
his great reputation, 13, 14;
counsels peace, 16;
slain in affray at Edinburgh, 16
_Hamilton_, Patrick, his birth and early life, vi. 12;
sent to Paris, 14;
abbot of Ferne, 14;
becomes acquainted with Luther's writings, 17;
death of his father, 17;
returns to Scotland, 18;
enters University of St. Andrews, 19;
refuses to enter on the monastic life, 20;
begins to preach, 20;
lays open the New Testament, 26;
cited before Beatoun, 28;
escapes to the Netherlands, 29;
arrives at Marburg, 30;
visits Lambert of Avignon, 31;
member of the university of Marburg, 34;
his evangelical theses, 37 _sqq._;
sails for Scotland, 40;
at Kincavil, 43;
his zeal, 43;
his brother and sister, 44;
his ministrations, 45;
preaches at Linlithgow, 46;
his marriage, 47;
invited by Beatoun to a conference, 48;
goes to the conference, 49;
avows his principles, 49;
his interviews with Alesius, 51;
with Alexander Campbell, 52;
cited to answer a charge of heresy, 54;
appears before the bishops, 57 _sqq._;
his doctrines declared heretical, 58;
arrested and confined in the castle of St. Andrews, 59;
his trial in the Cathedral, 61 _sqq._;
declared a heretic, 64;
at the stake, 66-68;
the effects of his martyrdom, 70-72
_Hanse Towns_, alliance of, with Denmark, against Gustavus
Vasa, vii. 308;
German and Swedish participators put to death, 308;
rumors, 308
_Hardenberg_, Albert, vii. 435;
declines invitation to Friesland, 458;
remains in convent of Aduwert, 459, 460;
denounced as a heretic, 460;
escapes imprisonment, 460;
his inward conflicts, 460, 461;
leaves the convent, goes to Wittenberg, 461;
meets with Francis de Enzinas, viii. 43;
again, 59;
leaves his convent, 59
_Harman_, Richard, liberation of, ordered by Queen Anne, v. 33
_Harvel_, Edmund, ambassador in Italy, viii. 269
_Haughton_, Prior, refuses to take oath of succession, v. 47;
sent to the Tower, 48;
takes the oath, 48;
resolves to resist the king's command, 59;
sent to the Tower, 61;
found guilty of high treason and executed, 62, 63
_Haussmann_, Nicholas, viii. 317, 326
_Haveloos_, Antoinette, vii. 548;
receives Alasco as her guest, 548;
her daughter Gudule, 549, 551;
her widowhood, 553;
arrested, 556;
buried alive, 563, 564
_Hawkins_, English ambassador to conference of Bologna, ii. 163
_Heath_, Archdeacon, ambassador to Germany, v. 109;
signs alliance with the princes, 110;
takes part in discussion at Wittenberg, 116
_Hedio_, ii. 246;
visit of Chelius to, 264;
his proposals examined before Francis I., 265 _sqq._; iii. 150
_Henry III._ of England, i. 16
_Henry V._ of England, i. 20
_Henry VIII._ of England, i. 356, 378
--, ii. 99, 102;
alliance with Francis I., 103;
meets Francis I., 104, 105;
dances with Anne Boleyn at Calais, 105;
treaty with Francis, 105;
alarm in Europe, 106;
his opinion of marriage of Henry duke of Orleans with Catherine
de' Medici, 151;
displeasure of Charles V. against, 162;
tries to prevent meeting of the pope and Francis I., 185;
his marriage with Anne Boleyn, 186;
censured by the pope, 186;
contributes to recovery of Würtemberg from Austria, 254, 294, 296
--, personification of Anglo-Saxon tendency, iv. 2;
summons a parliament, 4;
opens it, 9;
requires the bishops to answer petition of the Commons, 12;
his character and intentions, 20, 21;
motives, 21;
sends embassy to the emperor and the pope, 22;
invites opinions of universities, 29;
letter to Oxford, 33;
another, 35;
receives Cambridge deputation, 37;
sends gifts to Francis I., 39;
sends agents to Italy, 40;
his proclamation against papal bulls, 44;
tries to gain the evangelical doctors, 45;
reads Tyndale's _Practice of Prelates_, 53;
sends Vaughan in search of Tyndale, 54;
exasperated by his report, 57;
fails to gain Tyndale, 58;
aims at being head of the church, 61;
demands recognition of supremacy, 63;
agrees to compromise proposed by Warham, 64;
his supremacy recognized by the clergy, he pardons them, 66;
desires Catherine to leave Windsor, 71;
authorizes persecution of Lutherans, 76;
will not allow his cause to be tried at Rome, 86;
compels submission of the bishops, 88;
errors of his policy, 91;
his court, 95;
his see-saw policy, 105;
chooses Cranmer as primate, 116;
marriage with Anne Boleyn, 118;
insists on Cranmer's primacy, 119;
converses with him, 120;
demands necessary bulls of the pope, 121;
marriage with Anne Boleyn, 127;
excommunicated by Clement VII., 128;
obtains decision in favor of divorce from Convocation, 131;
requires Cranmer to modify his letter, 131;
insists on supremacy, 132;
summoned before Cranmer at Dunstable, 133;
the divorce pronounced, 134;
his marriage with Anne declared lawful, 135;
presents her to the people, 135;
informs the pope, the emperor, &c., of his divorce and marriage,
138;
threatened with excommunication, 138;
orders trial of Fryth, 151;
cited to appear at Rome, appeals to a general council, 164;
his isolation, 165, 166;
sends envoys to Germany, 165;
sends Gardiner and Bryan to Marseilles, 167;
sends Bonner, 168;
a proclamation drawn up, 174;
announces to foreign states his determination to reduce the power
of the pope, 176;
his message to Francis I., 176;
dispenses with a council, 177;
condemned by the pope, 182, 348
--, condemned by the pope, v. 2;
proposes arrangement with the pope, 3;
writes his book against the pope, 5;
informed of sayings of Maid of Kent, 10;
admits her to an audience, 11;
conspiracy against him, 13, 14;
his supremacy recognized by monks, 20;
interviews with Francis I., 21;
abolishes power of the pope by proclamation, 23;
anger against Queen Anne, 34;
_summus episcopus_, 42;
his tyranny, 49;
his new title ratified by Parliament, 49;
consents to translation of the Bible, 56;
his fixed idea, 56;
papal decree against him withdrawn, 58;
danger of insurrection, 60;
hesitates about execution of More and Fisher, 64;
bull of Paul III. against, 76;
his excuses, 77;
at Reading Abbey, 79;
makes advances to German Protestants, 106;
writes to Melanchthon, 107;
sends Barnes to invite him, 107;
sends another embassy to Germany, 109;
requires Catherine to renounce her title, 112;
renews attempt at union with German Protestants, 118;
attracted by Jane Seymour, 127, 128;
required by the pope to put away his wife, 131;
resolves to get rid of her, 133;
appoints commission of inquiry, 135;
summons Parliament, 136;
at Greenwich tournament, 137;
withdraws, 138;
orders the queen to keep her room, 138;
sends her to the Tower, 140;
effect of her letter to him, 152;
attempts to prove a pre-contract of marriage, 153;
determines to annul the marriage with Queen Anne, 160;
puts her to death, 167;
at a hunting party, 168;
will maintain rupture with Rome, 173;
Pole's book presented to him, 174, 177;
his marriage with Jane Seymour ratified by Parliament, 178;
plays the pope, 191;
his _Articles of Religion_, 192 _sqq._;
dissolves Parliament and Convocation, 196;
refuses to sanction Coverdale's Bible, 198;
threatens insurgents of the North, 205;
his energetic policy, 208;
sends Lancaster herald to the rebels, 209;
abandons Tyndale, 221;
authorizes sale of Tyndale's Bible, 227
--, his quarrel with James IV. of Scotland, vi. 9;
receives Scottish exiles, 99;
projects marriage of his daughter Mary to James V., 99;
the title of _Defender of the Faith_ withdrawn from him by
the pope, 109;
sends Norfolk to observe events in Scotland, 114;
sends Sir R. Sadler to Scotland, 124, 133;
invites James V. to an interview at York, 134;
goes to York, 135;
his wrath at abandonment of the interview by James, 136;
writes to him, 137;
prepares for war, 137;
refuses to receive ambassadors, 139;
his manifesto, 140;
orders exposure of the captive Scots in London, 146;
projects marriage of his son Edward with Mary queen of Scotland,
157;
his arrangement with the banished nobles, 157;
his scheme resisted by Beatoun, 158;
adopted by Scottish council, 159;
frustrated by refusal of the hostages, 171;
declares war against Scotland, 175;
his aims, 184;
desires to see Melanchthon, 476;
Calvin's opinion of him, 476
--, promises aid to Christian II. of Denmark but does not give it,
vii. 138
--, birth of his son Edward, viii. 141;
on death of Queen Jane seeks another wife, 142;
several ladies proposed, 142;
demands delivery up of Cardinal Pole by Francis I., 150;
writes to Hutton, 151;
begins persecution of Anabaptists, 160;
issues ordinances against the reformed faith, 163;
arranges for trial of Lambert, 166;
presides at the trial, 167 _sqq._;
extolled by the Catholic party, and by Cromwell, 173;
seeks the hand of the duchess of Milan, 174;
the treaty broken off, 175;
sanctions printing of the Bible, 176;
attempts a compromise between the conflicting parties, 179;
failure of the scheme, 180;
his measures of defence against alliance of the pope, the emperor,
and the King of France, 181;
his 'Six Articles,' 181;
his proclamations declared to be laws, 183;
his attentions to Cranmer, 184;
appeal of Melanchthon, 189;
exhibits a sea-fight on the Thames, 191;
his autocratic temper, 192;
marriage purposes, 192;
Anne of Cleves, 193;
the marriage arranged, 193;
incognito sees her at Rochester, 195;
returns to Greenwich, 196;
his perplexity, 196;
conversations with Cromwell, 196, 197;
receives Anne at Greenwich, 197;
determines to get rid of her, 197;
his antipathy, 198;
communications to the emperor, 199, 200;
receives delegates of Elector of Saxony and Landgrave of Hesse,
201;
promises to them to soften harshness of the Six Articles, 201;
imprisons Barnes, Garret, and Jerome, 204;
ill-will towards Cromwell, 205;
heaps honors and wealth upon him, 207;
reasons why, 207;
his want of money, 208;
gives assent to bill of attainder against Cromwell, 218;
permits him to write to him, 219;
a fête in honor of the queen, 220;
his scheme for getting rid of her, 221;
sends three Protestants and three Papists to the stake together,
226 _sqq._;
scheme for the divorce of his wife, 229 _sqq._;
the divorce pronounced by Convocation, 232;
marries Catherine Howard, 235;
becomes a Catholic, 235;
adopts a Catholic policy, 236;
royal infallibility by Act of Parliament, 236;
consents to Cranmer's committal, 243;
his interview with Cranmer, 244;
gives him his ring, 244;
submission of the council, 246;
Bibles published under his sanction, 247;
goes to York to meet the King of Scotland, 247;
the interview prevented by Beatoun, 248;
receives disclosures respecting the queen, 249;
investigations by the lords, 249;
sends Cranmer to her, 250;
sends her to Sion House, 252;
orders prosecutions, 253;
the queen executed, 254;
letters to Cranmer, 260;
marries Catherine Parr, 262;
receives list of charges against Cranmer, 263;
has interview with him, 264;
nominates a commission, 264;
his pretexts for war with France, 267;
private occasions of offence, 267;
alliance with Charles V., its conditions, 268;
invades France, 268;
takes Boulogne, 269;
prorogues Parliament, 272;
his last speech, 272, 273;
proscribes English New Testament and many religious books, 279;
overlooks the Queen's evangelical zeal, 285, 286;
his ill-health, 286;
offended with the queen, 287;
signs bill of indictment against her, 290;
informs his physician, 291;
visits the queen, 293;
visited by her, 293 _sqq._;
prevents her arrest, 296;
erects new Court of Augmentations, 297;
chooses Cranmer as guardian of his son and the realm, 298;
his fears of conflict after his death, 299;
receives a warning of ambition of Surrey, 300;
orders investigation, 300;
sends Norfolk and Surrey to the Tower, 301;
illness, 304, 306;
interview with Cranmer, 307;
his death, 307;
his epoch, 308;
his will, 308;
his character, 309, 310
_Henry d'Albret_, King of Navarre, his character, i. 345;
escapes from prison, 345;
courts Margaret of Angoulême, 346, 356;
their marriage, 378;
visits Béarn, 413;
at St. Germain, ii. 30;
at Roussel's preaching in the Louvre, 114;
complains to the king of agitation in Paris, 124;
warns the king at Meaux, 126;
strikes Margaret, iii. 28
_Henry_, duke of Orleans, his marriage with Catherine de'
Medici proposed by Francis I., ii. 149;
solemnized at Marseilles, 195;
his character and position, iv. 355
_Henry of Nassau_, governor of Flanders, his reply to the
Dominicans of Dort, vii. 486
_Henry_, a monk of Tournay, martyrdom of, vii. 522
_Hepburn_, John, competitor for see of St, Andrews, vi. 10;
storms the castle, 10
_Hepburn_, Patrick, prior of St. Andrews, one of the judges of
Patrick Hamilton, vi. 61;
denounces Alesius, 75;
assails and imprisons Alesius, 76, 77;
ordered to release him, casts him into a fouler dungeon, 77;
compelled by the king to liberate him, 78;
again imprisons him, 78;
appoints John Hay keeper of the prison, 79;
pursues Alesius, 82;
misses him at Dundee, 83;
demands tithe of fish of David Straiton, 94;
proceeds against him for heresy, 94
_Heretics_, L'Etoile's view on treatment of, ii. 4;
in England, withdrawn from episcopal jurisdiction, viii. 191
_Herman_, fanatic, at Groningen, vii. 542;
his pretensions, 543;
imprisoned, 544
_Herman_ of Liége, goes to Geneva, vi. 299 [_Spirituals_]
_Hermanstadt_, Transylvania, evangelists at, vii. 350;
expelled, 350;
persecution at, Lutheran books burnt, 353;
disturbances by the monks, 369;
the monks banished, 370
_Hertford_, Edward Seymour, Earl of, commands English army in
Scotland, vi. 184;
pillages and burns Leith and Edinburgh, 184; viii. 141
_Hewet_, Andrew, burnt with Fryth, iv. 162
_Hildebrand_ and Calvin, vi. 255
_Hilderley_, made bishop of Rochester, v. 130
_Hilles_, Richard, account of, viii. 258;
suspected by Gardiner, goes to Strasburg, 259
_History_, various kinds of, iii. 198; vi. 1, 2
_Hoen_, Cornelius, vii. 501;
arrested and imprisoned, 501;
sent to the Hague, 502
_Hoffman_, Melchior, vii. 541; viii. 332
_Hohenlohe_, Count of, [_Sigismund_]
_Hollard_, Christopher, iii. 204;
protests against the friar's sermon at Orbe, 207;
assaulted by the women, and imprisoned, 207;
liberated, 209;
iconoclast, 228;
procures arrest of priests, 230
_Holstein_, duchy of, the Reformation established in, vii. 225
_Holyrood Palace_, pillaged and burnt by the English, vi. 184
_Honter_, John, his labors in Transylvania, vii. 395
_Hosius_, Cardinal, sends Jesuits to Sweden, vii. 333;
his instructions, 334;
writes to the king and queen, 335
_Howard Family_, The, divisions in, viii. 302
_Howard_, Catherine, passion of Henry VIII. for her, viii. 221;
account of her, 234;
married to Henry, 235;
accompanies him to Scotland, 248;
disclosures about her made by Lascelles, 248 _sqq._;
examined, denies the charges, 250;
makes confession to Cranmer, 250;
her delirium, another interview with Cranmer, 250, 252;
sent to Sion House, 252;
many prosecutions ordered by the king, 253;
condemned and executed, 254;
effects of the disclosures, 255
_Howard_, Harry, at a tournament, viii. 221
--, Lord William, his embassies to Scotland, vi. 101;
sent to the Tower, viii. 253
_Hubberdin_, preaches against the reformers, iv. 97;
his mountebank tricks, 98
_Hugonin_, of Arnex, iii. 213;
pleads for friar Juliani, 214;
converted, 226;
imprisoned, 231
'_Huguenots_,' origin of the term, i. 88;
its first meaning political, 89;
meetings of, at Geneva, 135;
a war-cry, 142;
rapid growth of the party, 148, 181;
excluded from the councils, 200;
recover their liberties, 207;
unsuccessfully attempt conciliation, 208;
the founders of modern liberty, 254;
support appeal to the pope against duke of Savoy, 268;
persecution of, by the duke, 268 _sqq._;
exodus, 270;
the fugitives attacked by troops of the duke, protected by
Friburgers, 272;
arrival at Friburg, 273;
their wives and children join them, 283;
justification of the fugitives, 293 _sqq._;
election of Huguenot Syndics, 301 _sqq._;
resent tyranny of the prince-bishop, ii. 318;
invite Bonivard to put himself at their head, 353;
resolve to eat meat in Lent, 355;
claim right of free inquiry, 388;
their bold front against Savoy and other powers, 392;
complaint of the fiscal against them, 397;
sentenced, 397;
their negative Protestantism, 399;
intercourse with Swiss Evangelicals, 399;
imprisoned by allies of the bishop, 416;
assailed by Friburgers, 444;
discuss encroachments of the clergy, 462;
[_Lutherans_] massacre of, iii. 3;
leaders visited by Farel, 277, 278;
visit him, 280;
attend disputation between Froment and Pellier, 331, 332;
advocate religious reformation, 348;
demand the Scriptures, 349;
arms of the flesh, 409;
fight in the Molard, 411 _sqq._;
proscription, 438;
prepare resistance to bishop's removal of prisoners, iv. 187;
armed attendance on Farel's preaching, 211;
assassinations, 232, 233;
consultation, 235;
search the bishop's palace, 236;
Huguenot syndicate, 242;
demand a church, 250;
occupy grand auditory at Rive, 252;
discoveries among the relics, v. 287 _sqq._;
their heroism contributes to triumph of the Reformation, vi. 226;
division among them, 279, 335;
resist faith by compulsion, and influence of foreigners, 336, 337;
refuse to swear to the Confession, 338;
decree of banishment against them, 339;
the decree a dead letter, 339;
their opposition to the rule of Calvin, 358
_Hugues_, Besançon, i. 36, 37;
opposes surrender of culverins to Duke of Savoy, 48, 50, 67, 87;
leader of the Huguenots, 89;
syndic, 111, 134, 137, 138;
envoy to Friburg, 140;
his speech to Genevese assembly, 147;
proposes Swiss alliance, 148;
envoy to Friburg, 156, 160, 161, 164, 180, 182, 200, 205;
his interview with La Baume, 212;
becomes his adviser, 212;
his promise to the duke, 256;
his qualifications for leadership, 262;
elected syndic, refuses the office, 263;
resists claims of the duke, 267;
treacherous visit of Vuillet to, 271;
missing at Friburg, 273;
escapes by night, 274;
at Friburg, 274;
his speech before the senate, 275;
detects the duke's stratagem in the safe-conduct, 281, 300, 302;
speech on return of the exiles, 305;
proposes Swiss alliance at general council, 306, 307;
his conservatism, 309, 310;
elected captain-general, ii. 306;
influenced by Ab Hofen, 316;
the bishop's gift to him, 320;
bishop's envoy to Berne, 321;
frustrates the duke's plot against Geneva, 324;
sets a watch, 327, 333;
assists flight of the bishop, 340;
escapes seizure by Savoyards, 341;
replies to menaces of the bishop, 364;
mission to Berne and Friburg, 368, 402;
hostile to Bonivard, 404;
his resignation, 450;
his death, 451;
a martyr of liberty, 451;
the bishop's letter to, iii. 268 _sqq._;
date of death, 273
_Hugues_, Denis, i. 292
_Hugues_, Guillaume, syndic of Geneva, ii. 468; iii. 282, 286, 291
_Hungary_, invaded by Turks, ii. 107;
King John supports duke Christopher of Würtemberg, 218;
evils of submission to Rome, vii. 342;
revolts, 342;
fitness of the people for the Reformation, 343;
kept back by persecution, 343;
early partial enlightenment, 343;
marriage of Louis II., 344;
beginning of the Reformation, 345;
Luther's writings introduced, 346;
and condemned, 346;
first evangelical preachers, 346;
eagerness of students to go to Wittenberg, 347;
persecution sanctioned by the king, 348;
intolerance of the priesthood, 348;
edict for burning of heretics, 355;
invasion of, by Sultan Solyman, 356;
unprepared, 357;
rout of Mohacz, 360, 361;
persecution breaks out, 364, 365;
emigration of Christians, 366;
conversion of magnates, 368;
persecution slackened, 369;
again invaded by Solyman, 370;
influence of Confession of Augsburg, 371;
Devay and other reformers, 372 _sqq._;
the first printing press in, 381;
Conference of Schässburg, 384, 385;
progress of Reformation, 388;
adoption of Zwinglian views, 389;
agreement between the two kings, 390;
death of Zapolya, his son proclaimed king, 391;
invasion by Turks in his support, 391;
disorder and distress, 392;
progress of Reformation, 393, 394;
persecution instigated, 399;
the Pope and Mohammed in, 406 _sqq._;
effects of Council of Trent in, 408;
conference of Erdoed, 409;
conference of Eperies, 410;
progress of the Gospel, 415
_Hungerford_, Walter, Lord, executed, viii. 224
_Hunter_, James, Protestant of Perth, vi. 180;
condemned to death by Cardinal Beatoun, 181;
hung, 181
_Huntley_, Earl of, defeats the English at Halidon, vi. 138;
in command of army at Edinburgh, 141;
a mutiny, 141;
takes part in conference against the regent, 169
_Hus_, John, ii. 102; vi. 5;
his followers in Bohemia divided, vii. 417, 421
_Hutton_, English envoy at Brussels, viii. 142, 151, 174
_Ibach_, preaches at Frankfort, viii. 318
_Ibrahim Pasha_, takes Peterwaradin, vii. 356
_Iceland_, vii. 225;
its bishops, 225;
resists imposition of new constitution of the church, 229;
gradual extinction of Roman services, 230.
[_Aresen_, Johan.]
_Icelandic New Testament_, vii. 228
_Image-breakers_, imprisoned, iv. 309;
at Geneva, v. 285-292 _sqq._;
at Lausanne, vi. 231, 266, 267
_Individuality and Community_, iv. 372, 373; vi. 277
_Innocent VIII._, Pope, i. 45
_Inquisition_, The, introduced in the Netherlands, vii. 491;
in Spain, Torquemada, viii. 2;
destroys Spanish Bible, 42;
at Paris, prohibits Regnault from printing Bibles and seizes those
printed, 178
_Irenaeus_, i. 9
_Isabella_, Queen of Spain, her severity towards her daughter
Joanna, viii. 128;
sends confessors to her, 128;
her distress, 129;
her plan of excluding her from the throne, 130;
her death, 131
_Isabella_, sister of Charles V., marries Christian II. of
Denmark, vii. 127;
adheres to evangelical faith, 139;
her death, 139
_Islamism_, action of, in Hungary, contrasted with that of
Roman church, vii. 407 _sqq._, 414, 415, 416
_Italian League_, concluded at Bologna, ii. 162
_Italian New Testament_, by Bruccioli, iv. 410
_Italy_, beginning of Reformation in, iv. 406;
spread of its doctrines by students and soldiers, 409;
enthusiasm for Luther, 409;
revival of, promoted by two groups of Christians, 476;
wave of reformation reaches the Vatican, 481;
two camps, 488;
Italian sympathy with England in war with France, viii. 269, 270
_James IV._ of Scotland, examines and acquits Campbell of
Cessnock and his wife, vi. 8;
killed at Flodden, 9
_James V._ of Scotland, his minority, vi. 9;
his defective education and devotion to pleasure, 22;
declared of age, 23;
submits to the priests, 23;
sent by them on pilgrimage to St. Duthac, 55;
complains to Henry VIII. of his treatment by Angus, 72;
escapes in disguise to Stirling Castle, 73;
banishes Angus and assumes to govern, 74;
his character, 74;
places the government in the hands of the priests, 74;
orders liberation of Alesius and the other canons, 77;
compels Hepburn to release Alesius, 78;
concludes alliance with Charles V., 86;
receives secret embassy from the emperor, 86;
accepts order of the Garter from Henry VIII., 101;
rejects proposal of marriage with Mary of England, 101;
gets severe laws passed against reading the Bible, 102;
demands reforms, 105;
gives up proposed interview with Henry VIII., 106;
sends secret mission to Rome, 106;
quarrels with the queen-mother, 106;
offers aid to Francis I., 107;
marries Madeleine of Valois, 107;
loses his wife, 108;
marries Mary of Lorraine, 109;
under Cardinal Beatoun's influence, 111;
prepares for war with England, 114;
present at the burning of five martyrs, 118;
corresponds with Henry VIII., 125;
demands reform, and threatens the bishops, 125;
again takes the side of the priests, 128;
invests Sir James Hamilton with functions of an inquisitor, 128;
imprisons and puts him to death, 129;
birth of his son, 129;
embarks on a voyage, 129;
rebukes the cardinal and prelates, 130;
birth of a second son, 130;
his remorse, 130, 131;
death of his sons, 132;
agrees to meet Henry VIII. at York, 134;
bribed by the prelates, abandons the interview, 136;
threatened with war by Henry, 137;
obtains subsidies of the prelates, 137;
after Halidon proposes negotiation, 139;
assembles his army at Edinburgh, 140;
abandoned by the army, 141;
holds a council at Holyrood, sanctions a proscription against the
reformation party, 142;
flight of his army at Solway, 145;
his distress, 147;
returns to Edinburgh, 147;
secretly leaves the city, 148;
birth of his daughter, Mary Stuart, 149;
last interview with the cardinal, 149;
his death, 150;
his character, 150
_Janin_, the armorer, iv. 202, 205;
accompanies Maisonneuve to Lyons, 266;
arrested, 267;
conversations with the prisoners, 287 _sqq._;
dejection, 290;
his liberation sought by Bernese, 322;
liberated by order of Francis I., 328;
restored to Geneva, 329
_Janssen_, Thure, grand master of the Court of Sweden, supports
Christian II., vii. 185;
put to death by Christian, 186
_Jean de Courte-Caisse_, prince-bishop of Geneva, i. 20
_Jean de La Rochetaillée_, prince-bishop of Geneva, i. 20
_Jeanne d'Albret_, birth of, i. 413;
edits _Novels_ of her mother, ii. 171
_Jerome_, evangelical preacher, v. 199;
preaches at Paul's Cross, viii. 203;
reprimanded by the king, 204;
committed to the Tower, 204;
burnt at Smithfield, 227, 228
_Joachim_, prince of Anhalt, viii. 322;
supports the Reformation, 325;
wavering, encouraged by Luther, 327
_Joanna_, Queen of Spain, account of, viii. 126 _sqq._;
kept in captivity, 127;
her marriage with Archduke Philip, 128;
her hostility to Rome, 128;
birth of her son (Charles V.), 129;
excluded from the throne, 130;
reported to be mad, 130;
goes with Philip to Spain, 131;
her rights sacrificed by agreement between her father and her
husband, 132, 133;
death of her husband, 134;
placed in confinement, 134;
her hand sought by several princes, 134;
removed to Tordesillas, 134, 135;
rumors, 135;
her treatment, 135, 136;
her religious belief, 136, 139;
her death, 139
_Joensson_, Thure, marshal of Sweden, vii. 281;
his pride and vanity, 285;
agrees with Brask, 285, 287, 288;
his demands, 291;
escapes into Norway, 297
_John_, the Bastard of Savoy, his birth and breeding, i. 33;
his bargain with Duke Charles for bishopric of Geneva, 33, 34;
sent to Rome, 34;
honorable reception of, by Leo X., 35;
nominated bishop, 35;
exasperation of the Genevese, 36, 37;
accepted by the majority, 37;
enters Geneva, 38;
proclaimed sovereign, 39;
tampers with Berthelier, 40;
feasts the young men, 41;
a mere servant of the duke, 53;
his tyranny and extortion, 53;
carries off Claude Vandel, 55;
refuses to release him, 55;
flies from Geneva, 57;
pardons a robber, 61;
reproved by the duke, 62;
escapes from Geneva, 65;
joins in the duke's plot against Levrier and Berthelier, 66;
visits the duke at Lyons, 79;
tortures Pécolat, 81 _sqq._;
demands Berthelier, 83;
refuses safe-conduct for Berthelier, 87;
declares he will not return to Geneva, 90;
seizes Pierre d'Orsières, 90;
returns, 92;
liberates d'Orsières, 92;
accused by the syndics before the duke, 93;
demands torture for Pécolat, foiled by Levrier, 98;
inhibition of the metropolitan served on him, 102;
threatened with excommunication, laughs at the archbishop, 103;
excommunication published in Geneva, 104;
plots with the duke, 111;
orders arrest of Bonivard, 117;
his treatment of the bodies of Blanchet and Navis, 123;
indignation of Genevese, 126;
his reply to their letter, 129;
Mameluke deputation to, 132;
demands death of Berthelier and others, 134;
his sealed letter to Genevese, 137;
rejected by the Council and the people, 138, 182;
at Troches, conspires with Mamelukes, 184;
raises troops, 186;
enters Geneva, 187;
his message to the council, 187;
arrests Berthelier, 189;
refuses a just trial, 192;
puts him to death, 196;
revolutionizes Geneva, 199;
retires to Pignerol, 265;
forbidden by Leo X. to return to Geneva, 206;
appoints a coadjutor, 212;
his death-bed, 212 _sqq._, 285
_John III._, King of Sweden, vii. 322, 323, 324;
his claims and arrest, 327;
conferences with Erick, 330;
succeeds his brother, 330;
cruel treatment of Erick, 331;
his queen, a Romanist, 332;
won over to the Catholic side, 332;
publishes an ordinance in favor of Romanism, 332;
Romanism in the ascendent, 333;
sends embassy to the pope, 335;
persecutes the Protestants, 336;
his instructions for the murder of Erick, 336, 337;
his report to Duke Charles, 337;
received into Romish communion, 338;
claims duchies of Bari and Rossano, 339;
loses his wife and marries again, 339;
persecutes the Catholics, 339;
his death, 340
_John Louis_, bishop of Geneva, i. 21;
his character, 23;
gives protection to his father, Louis, 23
_John_ of Falkenberg, marries Dorothea of Austria, vii. 464;
opposes Alasco in Friesland, 464;
attempts to get him banished, 464
_John of Leyden_ (John Bockhold), iv. 374;
his preaching in the Netherlands, vii. 542;
arrives at Munster, viii. 335;
account of him, 335, 336;
on death of Matthison becomes king, 342;
his debauchery, 342;
undertakes conquest of the world, 343;
his pomp, 344;
his wives, 344;
sends out his apostles, 345;
beheads a woman, 346;
excites revolt in the Netherlands, 348;
captured by troops of Philip of Hesse, 350;
feigns conversion, 350;
his cruel fate, 351
_John of Lucerne_, i. 116
_John of Molines_, at Waldensian synod, iii. 255;
refuses to sign the new confession, 259;
goes to Bohemia, 260
_John_, prince of Anhalt, signs Compromise of Augsburg, viii. 322;
supports the Reformation, 325
_John_, son of Christian II., the hope of the Catholic party, vii.
184;
his death, 193
_Jomory_, archbishop of Cologne, commands Hungarian army
against Solyman, vii. 360
_Joris_, David, account of, vii. 469;
his conference with Alasco, 470;
at Basel, 470; viii. 353
_Joubert_, William, martyrdom of, i. 347, 348
_Joye_, Amadeus de, i. 69;
carries off the image of St. Babolin, 201;
imprisoned, 202;
his trial, 202;
threatened with torture, 203;
permitted to escape, 203
_Joye_, George, account of, v. 31;
his New Testament, 32
_Jubilee_, The, ii. 460
_Julian de' Medici_, i. 34;
his marriage with Philiberta of Savoy, 49, 50
_Juliani_, Michael, friar, preaches against reform at Orbe,
iii. 205, 206;
arrested, 209;
his trial, 214;
liberated, 215
_Julius II._, Pope, i. 119; iv. 131
_Justification_, ii. 268, 269
_Kempis_, Thomas à, vii. 482
_Kennedy_, imprisoned, vi. 120;
tried before archbishop of Glasgow, 121;
burnt, 123
_Killon_, a monk, his tragedy acted at Stirling, vi. 115;
arrested, 116;
burnt, 118
'_King's Book_,' The, viii. 261
_Kingston_, lieutenant of the Tower, receives Queen Anne, v.
140, 141, 163;
at her execution, 164
_Kirkcaldy_, James, of Grange, reveals to the king the projects
of Beatoun, vi. 129;
withdraws from the court, 168
_Kirkcaldy_, William, takes part in conspiracy against Cardinal
Beatoun, vi. 210;
assists at seizure of castle of St. Andrews, 211;
obtains conditional promise of protection from Henry VIII., 215
_Kirwan_, preaches against Peto, iv. 105
_Kiss_, Stephen. [_Szegedin_, Stephen]
_Klaessen_, Wendelmutha, account of, vii. 520;
imprisoned, 520;
her trial and martyrdom, 522
_Klein_, Catherine, receives Calvin at Basel, iii. 157
_Knevet_, Sir Antony, refuses to continue torture of Anne
Askew, viii. 281
_Knevet_, Sir Henry, at Ratisbon, investigates rumor about
Bishop Gardiner, viii. 159
_Knipperdolling_, Bernard, receives Bockhold and Matthisson at
Munster, viii. 336;
burgomaster, 338;
has power of life and death, 342, 344;
his cruel fate, 351
_Knox_, John, i. 6;
his birth and boyhood, vi. 14;
a disciple of Mayor, 18, 19;
hears preaching of Guillaume, 156;
a follower of Wishart, 192;
keeps watch over him, 192;
parts with him, 195
_Kunz_, pastor at Berne, vi. 325, 367, 369, 370;
hostile to Calvin, 371;
the ape of Luther, 372;
one of the presidents of synod of Lausanne, 374;
undertakes to advise the Genevese to recall the reformers, 426;
account of him, 426;
visited by Calvin and Farel, 427;
his wrath, 428, 429;
places Calvin's articles in the hands of Vandel, 435
_La Baume_, Pierre de, coadjutor of bishop of Geneva, i. 212;
at death-bed of the bishop, 213;
his character, 214;
appointed Bishop of Geneva, 215;
his entry into the city, 215 _sqq._, 235;
his worldly policy and vacillation, 261;
receives deputation respecting Savoyard oppression, 262;
his promises, 262;
invited by Genevese to plead their cause at Rome, 264;
as agent of Charles V. goes to Milan, 265;
fugitives from Geneva repulsed by his officers at St. Claude, 273;
his anxiety, 284;
called to Geneva, 296;
his reception, 297;
won over by Vandel, 298;
braves and fears the duke, 299;
resists election of Huguenot syndics, 300, 301;
at general council, 308;
protests against Swiss alliance, 308;
flight from Geneva, 311;
vacillation, ii. 309;
disposes of benefices vacant by sack of Rome, 317;
his alarm, 319;
sequestrates property of the Mamelukes, 320;
seeks alliance with the Swiss, 320;
the duke's plot against him, 322;
escapes, 324;
in concealment, 325;
attends a general council and is made free of the city, 328;
concedes civil jurisdiction, 328;
abduction of a girl, 335;
compelled to restore her, 336;
his fears, 338, 339;
his flight by night, 340;
negotiation with the duke, 343;
takes his ease, 343, 349;
reconciled with the duke, 362;
hateful to Geneva, 363;
revokes civil jurisdiction, 364;
his menaces, 364;
anger at reply of Geneva, 366;
insults the messenger, 366;
prohibits reform, 389;
demands release of Mandolla, 411;
appeals to Knights of the Spoon, 412;
authorizes them to make war on Geneva, 413;
meets the duke at Gex, 415;
the attack frustrated, 422;
liberates his prisoners, 429;
asks intervention of the emperor, 429;
prepares another attack, 431;
applies to the pope, 432; iii. 268;
his letters to Besançon Hugues, 268-272;
receives deputation from the council, 324;
urged by Friburgers to return to Geneva, 423;
commanded to do so by Clement VII., 424;
invited by Genevese, 425;
hesitation, 426;
preparations to receive him, 430;
his entrance, 433;
orders a procession, 433;
at a general council, 434;
his despotic plans, 437;
proscribes Huguenots and Evangelicals, 438, 439;
invites the proscribed to his palace, 440;
seizes and imprisons them, 441;
what to do with them, 443;
a strange request, 444;
refuses a lawful trial to the accused, 448;
receives deputation of elders, 450;
will not yield, 451;
uneasiness, iv. 185;
resolves to remove Lutheran prisoners, 186;
compelled to surrender them, 189;
anxious to leave, 190, 191;
visit of the syndics to, 191;
his flight, 192;
his name a byword, 194;
forbids preaching, 196, 198;
his letters disregarded, 199;
a proclamation, 213, 230;
meditates a _coup d'état_, 231;
his palace searched, 236;
his plot discovered, 239;
result of the discovery, 242, 297;
accuses Maisonneuve of relapsing, 298;
urges his punishment, 299, 307;
forms a new plot, 308;
marches for Geneva, 311;
retreats, 315;
cuts off supply of food from the city, 337;
favors brigandage, 337;
transfers see to Gex, 338;
excommunicates Genevese, 339;
forbids the faithful to attend a disputation, v. 257;
forbids speaking or trading with Genevese, 270;
created cardinal, vi. 479
_La Forge_, Stephen de, his intercourse with Calvin, ii. 90;
receives him at Paris, iii. 68;
his zeal, 76;
his household, 89;
burnt, 141; iv. 259, 267
'_La Gaborite_,' martyrdom of, iii. 142
_Lamb_, Robert, Protestant of Perth, vi. 178;
seized and condemned to death by Cardinal Beatoun, 181;
hung, 181
_Lambert_, Denis, vi. 271, 272
_Lambert_ of Avignon, i. 339, 340;
called to Marburg, vi. 31;
intercourse with Patrick Hamilton, 31, 32, 34;
his testimony to Hamilton, 34
_Lambert_, Jean, iv. 240, 241; v. 352;
imprisonment at Chillon, 353;
burnt at Chambery, vi. 486
_Lambert_, Jean, assists Calvin in preparing constitution of
Church of Geneva, vii. 56
_Lambert_, (John Nicholson) seized and sent to London, iv. 92;
his examination, 93 _sqq._;
liberated, 95;
settles in London, account of him, viii. 163, 164;
his interview with Dr. Taylor, 165;
conference with Cranmer and others, 165;
his views condemned, 165;
appeals to the king, 165;
writes his _Treatise on the Sacrament_, 166;
his trial before the king, 167 _sqq._;
condemned, 172;
burnt, 172
_Lambert_, Savoyard ambassador to Swiss Diet, i. 153;
again sent, 162
_Langerben_, Michael, colleague of Olaf Peterson at Stockholm, vii.
261
_Lannoy_, i. 325
_La Sarraz_, Michael Mangerot, Baron of, ii. 412;
commissioned to make war on Geneva, 413;
character of, 416;
takes the field, 416, 417;
at battle of Gingins, v. 336 _sqq._;
in command at blockade of Geneva, 358
_Lascelles_, John, his disclosures about Queen Catherine
(Howard), viii. 248 _sqq._;
examined by the lords, 249
_Latimer_, Hugh, his sermon before the court, iv. 37;
the king tries to gain him, 45;
strengthened by the Fathers, 46;
letters to the king, 47 _sqq._;
his oratory, 49;
his boldness, 50;
accused to the king, 51;
protected by him, 77;
friendship with Bilney, 78;
tries to save him, 80;
laments for him, 83;
hated by priests and courtiers, 95;
sermon in the city, 95;
quits the court, 97;
summoned before bishop of London, 98;
examined, 99, 100;
maintains freedom of preaching, 100;
appears before Convocation, 101;
excommunicated, 101;
will not recant, 101;
absolved, 102;
visits Bainham in the Tower, 109;
the popular orator of Protestantism, v. 23;
chaplain to Queen Anne, 23;
his view of monasticism, 97;
the queen's esteem for, 121;
bishop of Worcester, 130;
preaches before Convocation, 181 _sqq._;
on the pilgrimage of grace, 206;
his letter on birth of Edward VI., viii. 141;
opposes the Six Articles, and resigns his see, 184;
retires to the country, 184;
committed to the Tower, 184
_Latomus_, takes part in persecution at Louvain, vii. 556, 559
_Lauder_, John, official accuser under Cardinal Beatoun, vi. 116,
121;
at the trial of Wishart, 199 _sqq._
_Laufen_, battle of, ii. 253
_Laurent_, Peter, professor at Malmoe, vii. 169
_Laurent_, Philip, ii. 8
_Lausanne_, Farel and Viret driven from, iv. 256;
offers troops to Geneva, 317;
preaching of Viret and Fabri at, vi. 229, 230;
image-breaking, 231;
a disputation appointed by Berne, prohibited by Charles V., 234;
its importance, 235;
the Romish and Protestant champions, 236;
the opening, 238;
manuscript Acts of the Disputation, 238 _note_;
protest of the canons against the discussion, 240;
results of the meeting, 260;
moral reform at, 261;
treaty with the Bernese, 264;
synod of, 313;
another, convoked by Bernese, 373;
discussion refused to Genevese deputies, 374;
the usages of Berne accepted, 374
_La Val d'Isère_, seignior of, i. 62;
attempts to gain Bonivard, 63;
vows to seize Levrier, 64;
escapes from Geneva, 65
_La Vaux_, opposition to reformation at, vi. 267
_Lay power_, growth of, i. 285;
assembly of laity and clergy discussed, ii. 293;
laymen and clergy, 311 _sqq._;
encroachments of clergy, 462;
triumph of, in England, iv. 19;
one of the forces of Protestantism, 298;
in primitive church, v. 26, 27;
revival of, in England, 83
_Le Clerq_, curé, searches for Margaret's 'Mirror,' ii. 172;
his act disavowed by Sorbonne, 181;
his defence, 182;
imprisoned, 233
_Le Comte_, John, iii. 74, 92;
invited to Switzerland by Farel, 232
_Lecoq_, his preaching at Paris, ii. 74;
before Francis I. and the court, 74;
a secret interview with the king, 75;
pronounced an arch-heretic, 76;
examined by doctors of the Sorbonne, 76;
retracts, 77
_Lee_, Edward, ambassador to Charles V. and the pope, iv. 22;
made archbishop of York, 72;
disowns primacy of the pope, v. 20;
sent to Queen Catherine, 112;
encourages the Catholic revolt in Lincolnshire, 204;
at Pomfret Castle, 209, 213; viii. 180
_Lefèvre_, of Etaples, publishes his New Testament, i. 225, 317;
flies from persecution, 332, 335, 367, 368;
at Paris, 361, 362;
consoles Margaret, 412; ii. 9, 57, 68;
his Bible, 90;
at Nérac, iii. 21;
interview with Calvin, 23, 24;
his _Mass of Seven Points_, 117;
his New Testament, 162;
used by Olivétan, 358;
allowed to be printed at Geneva, 358;
invited to take part in disputation at Geneva, v. 258;
his Bible compared with Olivétan's, 272
_Leighton_, Dr., v. 82;
commissioner for visitation of monasteries, 84;
his proceedings, 85 _sqq._
_Leith_, the English fleet at, vi. 183;
entered by the army, 184;
pillaged and burnt, 184
_Lennox_, John Stuart, Earl of, marches on Edinburgh, vi. 23;
defeated by Angus and slain, 24
_Lennox_, Earl of, supporter of the French party, 166;
at conference against the regent, 169;
enters service of Henry VIII., 176;
marries Lady Margaret Douglas, 176
_Leo X._, Pope, i. 34;
brings about marriage of Philiberta of Savoy with his brother
Julian, 34, 35;
nominates the Bastard of Savoy bishop of Geneva, 36;
false steps, 36;
his character, 49, 50;
gives Geneva to Savoy, 50;
annuls censures of archbishop of Vienne in Pécolat's case, 106,
114, 118;
characterized by Bonivard, 119;
forbids the Bastard to return to Geneva, 206;
his summons to syndics of Geneva, 208, 211;
prohibits introduction of Luther's works into Spain, viii. 4
_Lepeintre_, Claude, account of, viii. 47;
his martyrdom, 47, 48
_Le Picard_, champion of the Sorbonne, ii. 121, 126;
arrested, 127;
before the parliament, 129;
banished, 130;
his departure, 133;
returns, 230;
with Beda renews persecution, 230;
imprisoned, 233
_Lerma_, Peter de, abbot of Alcala, viii. 15;
imprisoned by the Inquisition, 16;
submits, 16;
his exile and death, 16, 41, 42;
his last days, attended by F. de Enzinas, 45
_Le Sage_, Charles, iii. 46, 47, 53
_Lesley_, John, conspires against Cardinal Beatoun, vi. 209;
assists at seizure of castle of St. Andrews, 211;
slays the cardinal, 212
_Lesley_, Norman, quarrels with Cardinal Beatoun, vi. 209;
conspires against him, 209;
his plan, 210;
seizes the castle of St. Andrews, 211
_L'Etoile_, Pierre de, teaches at Orléans, ii. 1;
his influence, 3;
his view on treatment of heretics, 4
_Leutschau_, Christian courage at, vii. 401
_Levet_, Claudine, iii. 320;
hears Froment, 321;
alone with the Bible, 322;
her conversion, 323;
dress and charities, 325;
her friends, 326;
meetings, 327;
threatened by Catholic rioters, 388;
advises flight of her husband, 441;
character of, 442; iv. 195; v. 304, 305
_Levet_, Aimé, iii. 320, 327;
Froment concealed in his house, 351, 358;
proscribed by the bishop, 439;
escapes, 441;
his wanderings, 445;
pursued and taken, 446;
liberated, iv. 195;
invites Froment, 195, 235;
refuses to honor relics and is imprisoned, 258, 324;
elected syndic, v. 394
_Levrat_, Jean, iv. 311, 312;
arrested, 316
_Levrier_, Aimé, i. 61, 62;
doomed to destruction by duke of Savoy, 62;
the scheme proposed to Bonivard, 63, 64;
warned by Bonivard, 64;
the attempt frustrated, 65;
foils the Bastard in Pécolat's trial, 98;
his proposal for saving Pécolat, 99, 104, 130, 134, 138, 200;
proposes deprivation of the bishop, 206;
commissioned to go to Rome, 206;
proof against Savoyard seductions, 233;
his character, 237;
frustrates the duke's attempt to usurp the vidamy, 239;
his interview with Charles at Bonne, 240;
leads opposition to his demand of sovereignty, 241;
his death determined on, 243;
refuses to leave Geneva, 244;
before the duke, 244;
seized and carried off by Bellegarde to Bonne, 247;
the bishop's councillors refuse to intervene, 249;
the duke's plot, 250;
debate in the Council, 250;
tortured, 251;
his calm courage, 252;
execution by night, 253 _sqq._;
consequences, 254, 282;
his memory honored, 315
_Levrier_, Pierre, i. 37, 74, 93, 94
_Libertines_, The, ii. 91; iii. 78;
[_Spirituals_]
_Liberty_, Modern, three sources of, i. 8;
morality necessary to, 59;
first declaration of religious liberty, iii. 429;
Rome and liberty incompatible, v. 61
_Libraries_ of convents in England, destroyed or carried off, v. 99
_Lichtenberg_, astrologer, ii. 249
_Liesveld_, publishes a Dutch Bible, vii. 517
_Limburg_, a family of martyrs at, vii. 536, 537
_Lincolnshire_, Catholic revolt in, v. 204 _sqq._
_Linlithgow_, vi. 12, 46, 125
_Lippomano_, iv. 482
_Lisle_, Lord, commander of English fleet sent to Leith, vi. 183
'_Little Geneva_,' ii. 55
'_Little Germany_,' ii. 63
_Littlejohn Smallfoot_, abbot of Bonmont's fool, i. 74, 75
_Lollards_, The, ii. 102
_London_, persecution by Bonner at, viii. 238 _sqq._
_London_, Dr., commissioner for visitation of monasteries, v. 84;
collects information for accusation of Cranmer, viii. 242;
arrests evangelicals at Oxford, 264;
at Windsor, 270;
set in the pillory and imprisoned, 270
_Longland_, bishop of Lincoln, Chancellor of Oxford, deputed to
obtain opinion of the university on the king's divorce, iv. 33
_Longueville_, John, Count of, ii. 83
_Lorraine_, Cardinal of, i. 366;
presides at discussion with Lecoq, ii. 76
_Losonczy_, Stephen, account of, vii. 411;
expels Szegedin and other pastors, 412
_Louis II._ of Hungary, marries Mary sister of Charles V., vii. 344;
character of, 344;
declares against reformation, 348;
writes to Elector of Saxony against Luther, 349;
urged by the pope proscribes the Reformation, 352;
issues edict for burning of heretics, 355;
summoned by Solyman to pay tribute, 357;
prepares to resist invasion, 357;
sets out to meet the Turks, 358;
his army, 359;
defeat and death at Mohacz, 361
_Louis XI._, of France, i. 25
_Louis XVI._, iii. 131
_Louis_, Duke of Savoy, i. 22;
takes refuge at Geneva, 23
_Louisa_ of Savoy, regent of France, persecutes Lutherans, i. 331;
stops proceedings against Berquin, 344, 365;
her character and influence at court, 409;
takes part against the Reformation, ii. 31, 33;
her illness, 68;
will die governing, 69;
her death, 69, 418; iii. 205
_Louvain_, vii. 435;
Luther's writings introduced, 484;
rage of the theologians, 484;
Erasmus assailed, 485;
appeal of the doctors to the governess Margaret, 486;
arrival of Alasco at, 548;
pestilence at, 553;
persecution of the reformed at, 554;
night arrests, 554, 555;
the examinations, 556 _sqq._;
the torture, 560;
martyrdom, 562 _sqq._;
cowards, 568
_Louvre_, The, opened for Lutheran preaching by Margaret of
Navarre, ii. 114 _sqq._
_Loys_, Fernand de, represents Lausanne at the disputation, vi.
236, 243, 264
_Lübeck_, resolves on invasion of Denmark, vii. 207;
[_Oldenburg_, Count of] besieged by Christian III., 211;
with other Hanse Towns allied against Denmark, 308;
resistance to the Reformation at, viii. 321;
church organized by Pomeranus, 322
_Lucas_, elder of the Hussites, vii. 418, 420
_Ludovico_, attendant of the legate at Ratisbon, imprisoned
for a calumny against Bishop Gardiner, viii. 159
_Luft_, Hans, Marburg printer, publishes writings of Tyndale, vi. 30;
his illness at Wittenberg, 36
_Lugrin_, Sieur de, at castle of Gingins, lies in wait for
Swiss auxiliaries, v. 333;
battle of Gingins, 335 _sqq._
_Lullin_, Jean, i. 233;
insults the servants of duke of Savoy, 233;
resists claims of the duke, 267, 270, 276;
returns to Geneva, 290;
rouses the citizens, 290-292;
envoy to Switzerland, ii. 381;
again, 415;
assailed by Mamelukes, iii. 449; iv. 187, 188, 195;
envoy to Berne, 309;
to Lucerne, 343; v. 315;
a leader of opposition, vi. 340;
elected syndic, 361;
one of the delegates to Berne, 512;
signs a treaty, 513;
refuses to go again, 514;
arrested, liberated on bail, 516;
his flight, 518;
sentenced to death, 518
_Lullin_, Pierre, v. 411, 412
_Lullin_, Sire de, governor of the Pays de Vaud, v. 341;
at Coppet, arrests Claude Savoie, 341;
his schemes, 342;
meets fugitives from battle of Gingins, 344;
invites Maisonneuve to treat for peace, 352;
imprisons the envoys at Chillon, 353;
prepares for blockade of Geneva, 358;
orders seizure of Maisonneuve, 363
_Lund_, Archbishop of, arrested, vii. 217
_Luther_, i. 3, 103, 118, 120, 183, 201, 209;
his influence at Geneva, 210, 216, 235, 237;
his starting-point, 319, 332;
his writings introduced at Strasburg, 339;
prohibited in France, 342, 352, 374, 386, 388, 430; ii. 72, 94;
opposes war, 96;
and diplomacy, 98, 99;
prevails, 101;
opposes alliance of Francis I. and landgrave of Hesse, 222 _sqq._;
aversion of Chelius to, 261, 263, 408, 436; iii. 25, 49;
a letter on the evil times, 147;
organ of a new creation, 171;
agreement of Luther and Calvin, 368;
condemns divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 42;
Lambert's esteem for, 93;
on use of images, 102;
conference with Melanchthon, iv. 383;
writes to the elector, 384;
has interview with him, 384, 386;
opposes journey of Melanchthon to France, 387, 389;
writes to Jonas, 389, 390, 410, 414, 454, 483; v. 80;
his view of Henry VIII., 108;
takes part in discussion with English divines at Wittenberg, 116;
refuses concession, 117, 183, 292;
his writings read in the schools of Paris, vi. 17;
and proscribed in Scotland, 21;
rumor of his death in Germany, 35;
his illness, 36;
receives sick persons into his house, 37;
on marriage, 46;
approves the confession of Basel, 325;
greets Calvin, 462;
again, 496;
difference between wives of Luther and Calvin, 510;
an originator of Reformation, vii. 114;
invited by Christian II., 133;
his letter to King Frederick on behalf of Christian II., 192, 221,
235;
his letter to Gustavus Vasa, 318;
his writings introduced in Hungary and condemned, 345;
his letter to the Queen of Hungary, 362;
receives emigrants from Hungary, 366;
visited by Devay, 367;
his reply to Hungarian pastors about Devay, 396;
condemns the United Brethren, 418;
receives deputation from them, 419;
addresses to them his _Worship of the Sacrament_, 420;
writes to the Calixtines, 421;
receives deputation from Dantzic, 427;
his advice to them, 428;
ordinance against him published at Thorn, 430;
his message to Christians of Livonia, 432, 484, 485, 486, 488, 494;
interview with a Dutch _illuminé_, 505;
writes to Antwerp Christians, 505, 506;
read in Spain, viii. 3, 53;
confers with Melanchthon and others on the _Six Articles_, 188,
189;
his works read by Bugenhagen, 316;
sale of his hymns at Magdeburg, 318;
and at Brunswick, 319, 320;
his sermons burnt at Lübeck, 321;
intercourse with prince of Anhalt, 322;
his letter to the princes, 326;
to Duke George, 326;
to Joachim, 327;
intercourse with the duke of Pomerania, 328;
his last visit to Eisleben, intercourse with the Counts of
Mansfeld, 354, 355;
illness and death, 355-358
_Lutherans_, in France, persecuted, i. 332;
martyred, 333 _sqq._;
extirpation of, demanded by clergy, and refused by Francis I., 411;
denounced by Duprat, 414;
private meetings stopped, pastors seized, ii. 229, 230;
burning of, decreed, 231;
seizure of three hundred, 232;
at Geneva, 385;
post up a General Pardon, 463;
increase of, 467;
call themselves Evangelicals, 467;
edict for extirpation of, by Francis I., iii. 140;
at Geneva, agitation against, 367;
the doctors condemn divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 42
_Lutry_, Canon, locks up the belfry, i. 307;
meeting of canons at his house, 311;
flight, 311;
his house entered, 312
_Lutry_, in the Pays de Vaud, reformation at, vi. 267, 268
_Lyndsay_, Sir David, vi. 126, 127, 133;
withdraws from the court, 168
_Lyons_, persecution at, i. 10;
Geneva fairs transferred to, 26;
visited by Francis I., 79;
distribution of New Testaments from, 225;
preaching of De la Croix at, ii. 236 _sqq._, 240;
church of, iv. 268;
inquisitional court at, 268;
meeting of prelates at, vi. 479, 480
_Lyra_, Nicholas, iii. 332
_Machiavelli_, i. 199; ii. 146, 148, 157, 227
_Machopolis_, Stephen, preaches at Annonay, i. 430
_Macrin_, i. 363
_Madeleine_ of Valois. [_James V._ of Scotland]
_Madrid_, Treaty of, i. 337, 412; vii. 520
_Magdeburg_, beginning of Reformation at, viii. 318
_Magnus_, papal legate in Sweden, vii. 257;
his policy, 257;
his advice to the king, 261;
made primate, 262;
becomes tolerant, 262;
his embarrassment, 263;
cites the reformers before the chapter of Upsala, 263;
declares them excommunicated, 264;
changes his policy, his ostentation, 270, 271;
entertains the king, 272;
demands the trial of Olaf, 273;
cited before the king, 279;
goes to Rome, 280
_Maid of Kent_, the, account of, v. 7 _sqq._;
appears before Henry VIII., 11;
her threats, 11;
a conspiracy, 13;
arrested, 15;
makes confession, 15;
executed, 17
_Maison-Neuve_, Baudichon de la, Syndic of Geneva, i. 142, 205;
welcomes the New Testament, 226, 256;
imprisoned at Lyons, ii. 237;
deputy to Berne, 307;
influenced by Ab Hofen, 316, 332, 333;
organizes 'funeral procession of the papacy,' 347, 462;
posts up a General Pardon, 463, 467;
visits Farel, iii. 277, 314;
a zealous Protestant, 354;
with Salomon goes to Berne, 363, 365;
his friends assemble to defend him, 371;
his daughter Micah, 381;
gathering of Lutherans in his house, 385;
his courage, 386;
a prayer, 386;
proposal to burn his house, 389;
goes to Berne to oppose Du Crest, 403, 421;
escapes from proscription, 441;
at Berne, 443, 448; iv. 187;
his Lutheranism, 187, 188;
heads the Huguenots and compels the bishop to surrender his
prisoners, 189;
his success, 192;
impetuosity, 196;
has preaching in his house, 197;
rescues Froment in the cathedral, 205;
secures his escape from Geneva, 206;
complains at Berne, 206, 207;
his character, 209, 210;
demands arrest of Furbity, 210;
his house threatened by Catholics, 211;
keeps order at Farel's preaching, 212;
watches over him during the tournament, 226, 236, 241, 246;
a baptism in his house, 248, 249;
takes possession of the Grand Auditory at Rive for Farel's sermon,
252;
at Frankfort, 256;
at Lyons, 261;
sells a reliquary, 261;
his bold speaking, 262, 263;
defends Renier, 264;
hostility to, aroused, 265;
again at Lyons, 266;
arrested, 267;
summoned before inquisitional court, 268;
his trial, 269 _sqq._;
agitation in Geneva, 271;
his brother's efforts, 271 _sqq._;
again examined, 273, 274;
answer of the court to Bernese demand, 275;
examined by inquisitors, 273, 289, 290;
false witness, 292;
enquiry continued, 293;
placed in solitary confinement, 293;
challenges the judges, 294;
harshly treated, 296;
confronted with Courtelier, 297;
the bishop's accusation, 298;
chooses to be tried in France, 299;
intervention of Genevese magistrates, 299;
final summons of the court, 300;
pronounced heretical, 300;
the sentence, 301;
his liberation sought by Bernese, 322;
liberated by order of Francis I., 328;
restored to Geneva, 329;
leader in campaign against idols, v. 289, 304;
named captain-general, 318;
leads troops to aid of Wildermuth, 346;
invited by de Lullin to treat for peace, 351;
sends envoys to Coppet, 352;
returns to Geneva, 354;
discovers treachery of his trumpeter, 356;
pleads cause of Geneva in Switzerland, 362
_Malbuisson_, Jacques, iv. 312
_Malbuisson_, Jean de, i. 219
_Malbuisson_, Pierre de, i. 269; iii. 374;
takes part in consultation for peace, 395; iv. 200, 208, 255
_Malmoe_, the Reformation at, vii. 157 _sqq._;
school of theology founded at, 169
_Malvenda_, Peter, viii. 102;
his interviews with Juan Diaz at Ratisbon, 103, 104, 105;
writes to De Soto, 105;
interview with Alonzo Diaz, 108
'_Mamelukes_', a party name at Geneva, i. 89;
organization of, 149, 150;
go out to duke of Savoy, 167;
plot with him, 168;
draw up proscription list, 177;
haggle with the headsman, 177;
renounce alliance with Friburg, 179;
conspire with the bishop at Troches, 184;
come into power, 200;
vote for withdrawal of appeal to the pope, 268;
draw up proscription lists, 268;
consent to withdraw appeal, 278;
fawn on the duke, 279, 280;
accept his sovereignty at 'council of halberds,' 287;
oppose justification of fugitives, 295;
dismissed from office, 301;
conspiracy, 311;
flight, 312, 313;
their property sequestrated by the bishop, ii. 320;
fugitives condemned to death, 355;
join in attack on Geneva, 355;
their plots against Lutherans, iii. 368 _sqq._;
arms of the flesh, 405;
a council at the episcopal vicar's, 409;
fight in the Molard, 415 _sqq._;
invite the bishop to return, 426;
exiles forbidden to enter Geneva, 431;
support absolute power of the bishop, 435;
demand justice for Wernli's death, 448;
their fanaticism, 448;
their triumph, 461;
alarmed at success of Lutherans, iv. 196;
flight of, 318;
brigandage, 319
_Mandolla_, procurator-fiscal, ii. 409;
flies from Geneva, 410;
imprisoned, 410;
his release demanded by the bishop, 411;
released, 429
_Mannock_, viii. 248, 249
_Manrique_, Don Alfonso de, archbishop of Seville, procures
acquittal of D'Avila, viii. 17;
his banishment and death, 18, 19
_Marbeck_, examined by Bishop Gardiner, viii. 265;
vindicated by Cranmer and acquitted, 266
_Marburg_, publication of Tyndale's writings at, vi. 30;
foundation of a university, 31;
its inauguration, 32;
its principles, 32, 33
_Marcii_, burnt at Toulouse, ii. 82
_Marcourt_, Antoine, pastor at Geneva, vi. 449, 450;
with Morand at Berne, 452;
leaves Geneva, vii. 2
_Marcus Aurelius_, i. 9
_Marennes_, Countess of, account of, v. 425
_Marennes_, Count of, v. 425, 428
_Margaret_ of Angoulême (of Valois), Queen of Navarre,
character and position of, i. 322;
compared with Calvin, 322, 323;
her desire for reformation, 326;
journey to Spain, 326;
nurses her brother, Francis I., 328;
at Toledo, 329;
fruitless appeals to Charles V., 329;
before the council, 330 _sqq._;
admiration of Spaniards for her, 330;
her acquirements and courage, 331;
procures release of Berquin, 332;
pleads for the exiles, 335;
escapes arrest by flight from Spain, 336, 337;
her influence over Francis I., 338;
corresponds with Count Sigismund, 340;
her scheme of reformation, 341;
invites Count Sigismund to France, 341;
intercedes for Berquin, 343 _sqq._;
courted by Henry d'Albret, 346;
her first marriage, 346, 347, 352, 353 _sqq._;
her religious poems, 355;
marriage schemes, 356;
obtains release of the prisoners, 358;
pleads for Toussaint, 359;
receives refugees from Strasburg, 361, 362;
goes to Paris, 364;
receives Toussaint, 364;
her hopes, 365, 368, 371;
as a missionary, 372 _sqq_.;
gets Berquin liberated, 377;
her marriage, 378;
prevents persecution of Lutherans, 411;
at Fontainebleau, 413;
birth of her daughter, 413;
returns to Paris, 414;
at Fontainebleau, 418;
her _Marguérites_, 421 _sqq._;
her university of Bourges, ii. 23;
her sorrows at court, 31;
intercedes for Berquin, 34, 37, 40, 42;
her Martyr's hymn, 46, 61;
appeals to Bucer, 62;
birth and death of her son, 64;
at wedding of Francis I. and Eleanor, 65;
her hymn 'The fountain,' 67;
attends her mother's death-bed, 68 _sqq._;
protects Lefèvre, 68;
her dream of reformation, 69, 71;
revises her prayer-book, 73;
invites Calvin into her service, 93;
projects scheme of evangelical preaching, 113;
opens a hall in the Louvre for Roussel, 114;
her zeal, 114;
her plan of reformation, 117;
defamed, 120, 122;
fury of the Sorbonne against her, 165;
enemies at court, 166;
her _Mirror of the Sinful Soul_, 166 _sqq._;
her tales of the monks, 170 _sqq._;
seizure of the _Mirror_ by the Sorbonne, 172;
violence of the monks, 172;
corresponds with Montmorency, 173;
her book prohibited, 173;
satirized in the priests' comedy, 174;
interview with Calvin, 205;
retires to Béarn, 213;
pleads for Lutherans, 234;
returns to Paris, 238;
her ambition, 238, 247;
visit of Baduel to, 258 _sqq._;
at Nérac, iii. 20 _sqq._;
interested in Calvin, 25;
at Pau, 26;
secret observance of the Lord's Supper, 27;
her mystery, _The Nativity_, represented, 29 _sqq._;
her alarm about the placards, 114;
intervenes for Roussel, 115;
leaves Paris, 115;
recalled, 116;
her scheme of compromise, 116;
procures liberation of her preachers, 124;
sends Baduel to Melanchthon, iv. 368; v. 119, 120;
procures a bishopric for Roussel, 438
_Margaret_ of Austria, Governess of the Netherlands, vii. 486;
her reply to doctors of Louvain, 486;
carries out edict of persecution, 488;
present at suppression of Augustinian convent, 499, 518;
her views of reform, 518;
her death, 529
_Margaret_, widow of James IV. of Scotland, regent for her son,
vi. 9;
marries Angus, 15;
appeals to Henry VIII. for aid against Albany, 20;
desires a divorce, 22;
conspires with Beatoun against Angus, 23;
flies from Stirling, 24;
returns to Holyrood, 27;
quarrels with James V., 106;
her death, 137
_Margaret_, Countess of Salisbury, joins conspiracy against
Henry VIII., v. 14;
arrested, viii. 152
_Marot_, Clement, arrested, i. 332;
liberated, 358;
escapes to Italy, iii. 122;
writes to Francis I., 140; iv. 370;
at Ferrara, v. 426, 428;
ordered to leave Ferrara, 443
_Marquina_, delegate to conference of Ratisbon, his interview
with De Soto, viii. 106;
returns to Rome, 106;
reports heresy of Juan Diaz to Alonzo, 106
_Marriage_ of priests discussed, ii. 293
_Marseilles_, meeting of Clement VII. and Francis I. at, ii. 192;
iv. 167
_Martin V._, Pope, i. 19;
twice nominates a prince-bishop of Geneva, 20
_Martin_ of Kalmance, vii. 367;
umpire with Dr. Adrian at conference of Schässburg, 384;
their embarrassment, 385;
goes to Wittenberg, 393;
colleague of Devay at Debreczin, 398;
his characteristics, 398;
assassinated by a priest, 398
_Marty_, Councillor of Friburg, receives Berthelier, i. 85;
at Geneva, 136;
again sent to Geneva, 170;
his interview with duke Charles, 170;
his advice to the Council, 171, 172;
remonstrates with the duke, 178, 181
_Martyr_, Peter, (_Vermigli_), iv. 427;
parentage and early life of, 433;
disinherited, enters a monastery, 433;
character, 433, 434;
begins to preach, 434;
studies Hebrew, 435;
called to Naples, 435, 461;
search after truth, 461;
his preaching, 462;
his audience, 463
_Martyr_, Peter, of Anghiera, iv. 455; viii. 2, 3
_Martyrs_, youthful, i. 347 _sqq._; ii. 45;
a hymn, 46;
at Paris, iii. 118 _sqq._;
136, 141, 182;
effects of deaths of, iv. 111;
Roman as well as Protestant, v. 52;
multitude of, in the 16th century, viii. 124;
heroes of the conscience, 125
_Mary_, Princess, of England, refuses to renounce her title, v. 111;
Cranmer's intercession for her, 111;
separated from her mother, 111;
Anne Boleyn asks pardon of her, 162;
restored to favor, 178
_Mary_, queen of Scots, her birth, vi. 149;
marriage of, to Edward of England projected by Henry VIII., 157;
the treaty concluded, 165;
failure of the scheme, 171;
her coronation, 175
_Mary_, Regent of the Netherlands, iv. 163; v. 221;
her marriage with Louis II. of Hungary, vii. 344;
her character, 344, 345;
her coronation, 348;
her distress after Mohacz, 362;
consoled by Luther, 362;
appointed Governess of the Netherlands, 364, 529;
the pope's complaint of her to the emperor, 529;
difficulty of her position at Brussels, 530;
inconsistencies, 530;
appoints Peter Alexander her chaplain, viii. 86;
favors marriage of Henry VIII. with duchess of Milan, 174
_Mary_ of Lorraine, marries James V. of Scotland, vi. 109;
left a widow, 150;
resists scheme for marriage of her daughter Mary with Edward
of England, 158;
present at submission of Arran to the pope, 173;
induces Bothwell to give up Wishart to the regent, 197
_Mass_, The, views of Bucer and Melanchthon, ii. 269;
massmongers, 290, 291;
conversation on, iii. 48;
Calvin exposes it, 53;
the _placards_ against, 94 _sqq._;
Lefèvre's _Mass of Seven Points_, 117;
opinion of Francis I. on, iv. 400;
suppressed at Geneva, v. 295, 297;
Calvin on its evil influences, 432, 433;
differences about, at Ferrara, 435
_Masson_, Peter, Waldensian, sent to Basel, iii. 247;
conference with Œcolampadius, 247;
executed at Dijon, 250;
effect of his martyrdom, 252
_Master_, priest of Kent, instigates imposture of Maid of Kent, v. 8;
before Star Chamber, confesses conspiracy, 15
_Materialism_, iii. 11, 12
_Mathurin_, Friar, appears before parliament of Paris, ii. 129;
banished, 130;
his departure, 133
_Matthison_, John, vii. 541; viii. 335;
instigates expulsion of evangelicals from Munster, 339;
exercises chief authority, 340;
killed at siege of Munster, 341
_Maurienne_, bishop of, i. 78;
sent by duke of Savoy to bribe Genevese patriots, 152, 158, 161,
212, 228;
deputy to the duke about seizure of Levrier, 249;
again, 250;
attends 'council of halberds,' 286
_Maximus_, a Greek monk, revises Slave version of the Bible, vii.
432;
confined in a convent, 433
_Maxwell_, Lord, vi. 144, 145;
surrenders to the English, 146;
set at liberty and sent with others to arrange marriage of Prince
Edward with Mary, queen of Scots, 157;
proposes a law giving freedom to read the Bible, 162
_Mayence_, Albert, archbishop of, iv. 386
_Mayor_, John, teaches philosophy at Paris, vi. 17;
teaches at Glasgow, 18;
his doctrines, 18, 19;
his _De Jure Regni_, 19;
removes to St. Andrews, 19
_Meaux_, ii. 57
_Mecklenburg_, Albert, duke of, besieged in Copenhagen, vii. 215;
submits to Christian III., 215
_Medici_, Giangiacomo, account of, v. 370;
takes command of Savoyard troops against Geneva, 371;
his flight before the Bernese, 381;
letters to him seized by the Bernese, 384
_Medici_, Lorenzo de', i. 50
_Medici_, Lorenzo II., de', ii. 142
_Medici_, Cardinal de, iv. 173
_Megander_, at disputation of Lausanne, vi. 246;
presides at synod of Lausanne, 314;
his influence at Berne, 324;
head of delegates to Basel, 325;
opposes Kunz and Meyer, 326;
opposes Bucer and Capito at synod of Berne, 329;
his catechism revised by Bucer, 366;
retires to Zurich, 367
_Mekins_, accused by Bonner, tried and burnt, viii. 238, 239
_Melanchthon_, ii. 72, 73;
sent with Luther to Philip of Hesse, 222 _sqq._;
Du Bellay's estimate of him, 246;
opposes Philip, 249, 252, 257;
introduces Baduel to Margaret of Navarre, 258;
anxieties, 260;
mission of Chelius to, 261 _sqq._;
his desire for union, 261;
sketches plan of new church, 262;
his proposals examined before Francis I., 265 _sqq._, 284;
iii. 84, 145, 147; iv. 349, 352;
his conciliatory character, 357;
invited to France, 357;
resolves to go, 361;
letter to bishop of Paris, 361;
letter to Sturm, 362;
receives envoy of Francis I., 375;
his perplexity, 375, 377 _sqq._;
decision, 376;
his character, 377;
applies to the elector, 380;
opposed by the courtiers, refused permission by the elector to go
to France, 382;
confers with Luther, 383;
objections of Germans to his going to France, 385, 386;
his grief, 388;
letter to du Bellay, 389;
letter to Francis I., 391;
to du Bellay, 392;
to Sturm, 393;
goes to Smalcalde, 395;
at conference with du Bellay, 398;
draws up answer to him, 404;
his _Commonplaces_ circulated in Italy, 408, 411;
his letter to Campeggio, 411;
laments More, v. 75;
corresponds with Henry VIII, 106;
horror at execution of More and Fisher, 107;
declines invitation to England, 107;
takes part in discussion with English divines at Wittenberg, 116;
appointed joint envoy to Henry VIII., 118;
the embassy given up, 170;
interview with Calvin at Frankfort, vi. 474 _sqq._;
his dream, 478;
friendship with Calvin, vii. 15 _sqq._, 236, 379, 380;
writes to Count Nadasdy, 380;
appeals to Margrave of Brandenburg in behalf of Hungarian exiles,
392;
corresponds with Alasco, 449;
his works read by the Enzinas, viii. 41;
intercourse with Francis de Enzinas, 93, 94;
writes to Henry VIII., 157;
his view of the office of kings in relation to the church, 157;
confers with Luther and others on the _Six Articles_, 188, 189;
writes to Henry VIII., 189;
compared with Pomeranus, 317, 320
_Melville_, James, conspires against Cardinal Beatoun, vi. 212, 213
_Mendicants_, The, ii. 121;
excite sedition at Paris, 122
_Mendoza_, Don Francisco de, bishop of Jaen, his interviews with
Enzinas, viii. 69;
entertains Charles V., 69, 70;
presents Enzinas to him, 71
_Menno_, his conference with Alasco, vii. 468
_Merlin_, grand penitentiary, ii. 42, 44
_Meyer_, Sebastian, pastor at Berne, vi. 326;
his doctrine of the sacrament, 326, 367, 369, 370
_Michael d' Aranda_, made bishop, i. 359;
at Strasburg, 362, 380; ii. 236
_Michelsen_, private secretary to Christian II., vii. 145;
completes and publishes Danish New Testament, 146;
his preface, 146, 157
_Michod_, Jean, at disputation of Lausanne, vi. 236, 244
_Middle Ages_, The, i. 318
_Milan_, duchy of, offered by Charles V. to Francis I., v. 113
_Milon_, Bartholomew, paralytic, conversion of, iii. 69 _sqq._;
imprisoned, 111;
martyrdom, 119
_Mirabeau_, Farel and, i. 375
_Modena_, spread of Lutheranism at, iv. 428
_Mohacz_, battle of, vii. 360, 361;
its effect on Europe, 361
_Moine_, Thomas, head of lay opposition to reform at Geneva,
iii. 330, 363, 365, 366, 367, 368, 396; iv. 312
_Molard_, Claude du, syndic of Geneva, ii. 468
_Mollerus_, Henry, of Zutphen, vii. 494;
at Wittenberg, 494;
his theses, 495, 496;
preaches at Antwerp, 496;
prior of the Augustines, 496;
arrested, 497;
rescued, 497;
his wanderings, 498;
preaches at Bremen, 498;
in Holstein, 499;
murdered, 499
_Mollio_, John, teaches at Bologna from the New Testament, iv. 453;
expelled from the university, 453
_Monachism_, ii. 170; iv. 401; v. 58
_Monasteries_, in England, state of, v. 80;
suppression of, urged by Cromwell, 81;
middle course proposed and adopted, 82;
the system rotten, 83;
the commissioners for visitation, 84;
Canterbury, 85;
Langton Abbey, 86;
Fountains, 88;
Mayden-Bradley, 88;
Bristol, 88;
fraud at Hales, 88;
fraud at Boxley, 89;
discoveries in, 89;
Norton Abbey, 91;
Woolstrop Abbey, 91;
the nunneries, 91;
permission to leave, given to young monks and nuns, 93;
Report of Commissioners, 93;
deliberations of council on, 94;
debate in parliament, 96;
the smaller, secularized, 96;
bill for suppression of, 96;
petitions of nobles for gifts of, 98, 99;
libraries destroyed, or carried off, 99;
suppression of, carried out, 100;
closing scenes and sufferings, 100, 101;
gain to learning, 102;
crown revenues increased, 103;
the process completed, 105;
popular discontent and agitation about, 202-204;
restoration of monks to their convents in Yorkshire, 206, 207
_Monathon_, Genevese delegate to Berne, vi. 512;
signs a treaty, 513;
again sent, 514;
arrested, liberated on bail, 516;
flight from Geneva, 518;
sentenced to death, 518
_Montague_, Lord, iv. 70;
charged with treason and executed, viii. 152
_Montaigne_, ii. 297
_Montbel de Verey_, Sieur de, commands French auxiliaries sent
to Geneva, v. 359;
defeated by de la Sarraz in the mountains, reaches Geneva, 364;
proposes French protection, 365
_Montbèliard_, pledged to France by Ulrich, ii. 226
_Montchenu_, Seigneur de, invites Genevese to become subjects
of the king of France, vi. 362;
at Annecy, 485
_Montheron_, Abbot of, betrays Bonivard to duke of Savoy, i. 184;
receives priory of St. Victor, 186;
his death at Rome, 211
_Montius_, ii. 42, 44
_Montluc_, John de, at Paris, ii. 115, 116; iii. 180
_Montmorency_, warns Margaret of Angoulême of intention of
Charles V. to arrest her, i. 336;
sets Berquin free, 377;
supports petition against him, ii. 33, 68;
hostile to Margaret, 166;
corresponds with her, 173;
intrigues against her, 173;
silenced, 177; iii. 107;
treachery towards Margaret, 115;
opposes union of Catholics and reformers, iv. 370
_Montrotier_, Sieur de, commands Savoyard army, i. 162, 167, 174, 176
_Montyon_, syndic of Geneva, i. 111, 132;
pronounces acquittal of Berthelier, 144, 148, 150, 168;
syndic, 200;
again, 263;
at 'council of halberds,' 288, 290, 293;
at election of syndics, 300
'_Morality_,' a, performed at Geneva, i. 305
_Morand_, Jean, pastor at Geneva, vi. 449;
with Marcourt, vindicates himself at Berne, 452;
resigns and leaves Geneva, vii. 2
_Moravia_, the Reformation in, vii. 417
_More_, Sir Thomas, ii. 299;
appointed chancellor, iv. 5;
opens the parliament, 9, 55, 59;
presents decisions of universities on the king's divorce to
parliament, 67, 75;
orders arrest of Bilney, 79;
a persecutor, 85;
his fanaticism, 90;
resigns the seals, 91;
arrests and tortures Bainham, 106;
tries to bend him, 106;
proposes to answer Fryth, 141;
threatens Tyndale, 143;
answers Fryth, orders search for him, 144;
hatred of the Reformation, 145;
his book against Fryth, 146;
doubts about the Maid of Kent, v. 10;
attempts to win him over, 12;
his name struck out of indictment, 16;
fears, 45;
refuses to take the oath of supremacy, 46;
attainted, 46;
visited in the Tower, 46, 47;
harsh treatment, 52;
sees Carthusians led to execution, 62;
visited by Cromwell, 64;
summoned before the King's Bench, 68;
condemned to death, 69;
the parting with his daughter, 69 _sqq._;
his last days, 71;
execution, 73, 74;
characterized, 74;
laments for him, 75
_Morel_, George, Waldensian, sent to Basel, iii. 247;
conference with Œcolampadius, 247;
imprisoned at Dijon, escapes, 250
_Moulins_, Bertrand des, iii. 78
_Mountjoy_, Lord, royal commissioner sent to Queen Catherine, v. 18
_Mullinen_, Gaspard de, head of Swiss embassy to Geneva, i. 280;
receives from Duke Charles safe-conduct for exiles, 281
_Munster_, Westphalia, viii. 333;
preaching of Rottmann at, 333;
the priests deprived, and arrested, 333;
arrival of fanatics from the Netherlands, 334;
Bockhold and Matthison, 335;
Knipperdolling, 336;
spread of their views, 337;
the town seized by the Visionaries, 337;
they establish themselves in power, 338;
expulsion of evangelicals, 339;
the new kingdom set up, 340;
image-breaking, 340;
communism, 341;
investment of, by the bishop, 341;
Tausendschar, 343;
a festival, 345;
invested by Philip of Hesse, 347;
famine, 347, 348;
captured, 349.
[_Spiritualists_, _John of Leyden_]
_Myconius_, Oswald, meets Calvin at Basel, iii. 165;
account of, 166;
his _council sermon_, 167;
president of the church, 167;
sympathy with Calvin, 167; vi. 323;
takes part in synod of Berne, 327
_Myconius_, Frederick, one of the German envoys to England, viii.
153;
preaches at Zwickau, 317
'_Mystery_,' performed at Geneva, i. 222;
another, '_Monde Malade_,' by the Huguenots, 228;
at Pau, _The Nativity_, iii. 29 _sqq._
_Nadasdy_, Count, promotes the Reformation, vii. 378;
receives Devay into his house at Sarvar, 378;
sets up the first printing press in Hungary, 381
_Nägueli_, Francis, Bernese deputy to Geneva, ii. 445;
ambassador to the Pays de Vaud, v. 340;
at Conference of Coppet, 340, 343, 345, 348;
seized by Savoyards and released, 350;
at Geneva, 355;
head of deputation to duke of Savoy, 361;
commander of expedition against Savoy, 373;
meets the Savoyards at Morges, 378, 379;
his victorious march, 380-384;
enters Geneva, 387;
his interview with the council, 390;
his march for Chambery, 395;
reduces Vaud, 398
_Navarre_, King of. [_Henry d'Albret_]
_Navarre_, Queen of. [_Margaret of Angoulême_]
_Navis_, Andrew, i. 42, 69, 73, 74, 76;
imprisoned at Turin, 115;
his examination, 116;
removed to Pignerol, 116;
his torture and confession, 116, 117;
sentenced to death, 122;
beheaded, 123;
treatment of his remains, 123, 124;
agitation in Geneva, 125, 131, 183
_Navis_, Pierre, i. 42, 73, 112;
his character, 113;
demands arrest of Berthelier, 113;
his accusations, 113;
grief over death of his son, 125, 131
_Nemours_, Philip, duke of, takes part in attack on Geneva, ii. 416,
431
_Nergaz_, Michael, syndic of Geneva, i. 128, 136, 137, 138,
150, 168, 267;
attempts to break off alliance of Geneva with the Swiss, 314
_Netherlands_, the contest against Philip II., i. 5;
home of a free people, vii. 480;
industry and commerce, 480, 481;
suzerainty of Austria, 481;
Charles V., 481;
Catholicism, in, 482;
fore-runners of the Reformation, 482;
intercourse with foreigners, 484;
voices in praise of Luther, 487;
edict of persecution, 488;
a Christian triumvirate, 500, 501;
illuminism, 505;
unknown enlighteners, 506;
persecution by Charles V., 508;
persecution authorized by Clement VII., 509;
a new edict, 519;
a new placard demands delivery of Lutheran books, on pain of
death, 524;
martyrs, 525-528;
Mary queen of Hungary regent, 529;
increase of evangelicals, 531;
the Bible eagerly read, 534;
a new edict of persecution, 534, 535;
night arrests, 535;
martyrs, 537, 538;
lasting effects of these persecutions, 538;
the Enthusiasts, 538, 539;
their influence and pretensions, 540;
arms found in their possession, 541;
origin of the Reformation in, 544 _sqq._;
its progress, 545;
general persecution, 552; viii. 85;
troubles caused by the Spiritualists, 348, 349
_Neuchâtel_, iii. 305, 307;
evangelical faith established in, 307;
offers troops to Geneva, iv. 317;
gives help to Geneva, v. 323;
the men forbidden to go by De Prangins, 323;
the muster, 324;
again forbidden, 325;
part return, 326;
the volunteers betrayed, 330;
battle of Gingins, 333;
auxiliaries entrapped, 349;
troubles in the church, vii. 49
_Nevil_, Sir Edward, charged with treason and executed, viii. 152
_Nicholson_, John. [_Lambert_]
_Nicolai_, Lawrence, Jesuit, sent to Sweden, vii. 333
_Nidau_, the heroine of, v. 321
'_Nils Sture_,' pretender to Swedish crown, vii. 278;
detected, escapes to Norway, 279
_Noircarmes_, envoy of Charles V., ii. 70
_Norfolk_, Duke of, President of the Council, iv. 5, 38;
conveys to Pole the king's offers of English sees, 70, 90;
recalled from Italy, 138, 176; v. 49;
hostility to Queen Anne, 127;
member of commission of inquiry into her conduct, 135;
informs her of charges against her, 139;
conducts her to the Tower, 140;
sent to examine her, 149;
on commission for trial of Weston, Norris, etc., 154;
presides at trial of Queen Anne, 155;
pronounces sentence of death, 157;
sent to Princess Mary, 178;
commands against insurgents in the North, 208;
his proclamation to them, 211;
sent to Berwick to watch Scotland, vi. 114;
his reports, 114, 115;
enters Scotland and retires, 140;
presents the Six Articles to the house of peers, viii. 181;
quarrels with Cromwell, 186;
envoy to France, 200;
accuses Cromwell of treason, 209;
in favor with the king, 210;
examines Cromwell in the Tower, 217, 218;
sent with Cranmer to examine the queen as to charges against her,
250;
retires to Kenninghall, 253;
writes to the king, 253;
one of the presidents at burning of Anne Askew, 283;
chief of the Catholic party, 299;
his proposals to the Seymours, 299;
charges against him and his son investigated, 300;
committed to the Tower, 301;
the king's delegates at Kenninghall, 301 _sqq._;
depositions taken, 303, 304;
declared guilty of high treason, 304;
in the Tower, 305;
his letter to the king, 305;
his confession, 305;
bill of attainder passed, 306
_Norfolk_, Duchess-dowager of, sent to the Tower, viii. 253;
pardoned, 254
_Norman_, George, governor to sons of Gustavus Vasa, vii. 318, 319;
the high position assigned to him, 319
_Norris_, Henry, charge against him, v. 133;
at Tournament at Greenwich, 138;
arrest of, 139;
examined, 148;
indicted, 154;
tried and sentenced to death, 154;
beheaded, 159
_Northumberland_, Duke of, denies pre-contract of marriage
between Anne Boleyn and himself, v. 153;
one of her judges, 156;
refuses to join Pilgrimage of Grace, 207;
his conference with Bothwell as to intervention of Henry VIII. in
Scotland, vi. 86
_Norway_, receives Christian II. as king, vii. 186;
Danish fleet sent against, 186;
loses its independence, 224;
state of the church in, 224;
constitution of the Danish church imposed in, 224
_Noyon_, i. 317; ii. 47
_Nürnberg, Peace of_, ii. 101; iv. 115; viii. 331
_Nürnberg_, the Gospel at, iv. 114, 188
_Nyon_, conference of Knights of the Spoon at, ii. 374
_Occhino_, Bernardino, iv. 427;
early life and character of, 428, 429;
joins the Capuchins, 429;
conflicts, 430;
his preaching, 431 _sqq._;
at Naples, 467;
forbidden to preach, 473
_Odensee_, Diet of, vii. 162 _sqq._
_Odin_, vii. 120
_Œcolampadius_, i. 365, 367; iii. 84;
Waldensian deputation to, 247;
condemns divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 42
_Oldenburg_, Count of, at the head of the Lübeckers in Denmark,
vii. 207, 208;
enters Copenhagen, 208;
conquers Zealand, 208;
gets Christian II. recognized as king, 208, 209;
his demands on Copenhagen, 212;
submits to Christian III., 215
_Olivétan_, Pierre Robert, his character and scholarship, i. 388;
intercourse with Calvin, 389, 398;
tutor at Geneva, ii. 455;
his missionary zeal, 456 _sqq._;
a pioneer, 459;
his disappearance, 460;
speaks against the jubilee, 461;
forbidden to preach, 466, 467; iii. 275;
consulted by Farel, 275, 276;
summoned before episcopal council, 285;
assaulted before the council, 291;
banished, 293;
escapes, 296, 297;
promises to translate the Bible, 300, 301;
journey to the Pays de Vaud, 301 _sqq._;
assisted by Waldenses, 304;
his work, 356;
questions of translation, 358;
is refused permission to print his Bible, 358;
contradicts Dominican preacher, and is banished from Geneva, 363;
completes his French Bible, v. 272;
his translation compared with Lefèvre's, 272;
his death, vi. 463
_Opposition_, uses of, iii. 195
_Oratory of Divine Love_, founded at Rome, iv. 481, 482
_Orbe_, in the Jura, iii. 203;
sale of pardons at, 204;
history of, 205;
commission of Bernese and Friburgers appointed to arrange
differences, 212 [_Farel_];
evangelical worship established, 231;
tumult at, 243
_Ordinances, Ecclesiastical_, The, of Geneva, projected by
Calvin, vii. 60;
submitted to the councils, 61;
Calvin's concessions, 62;
adopted, 62, 63;
their aim, 63 _sqq._;
view of the ministry, 66, 67;
of schools and charities, 68, 69;
of election of pastors, 70, 71;
of teachers, 71;
of elders, 72, 73;
the Consistory, 72, 73;
preaching declared the chief duty of the pastors, 73;
public prayers, 75;
functions of the elders, 75;
severity of discipline, 75, 76;
subjects before the Consistory, 99 _sqq._
_Orebro, Synod of_, vii. 299;
authority of Scripture recognized, 300;
regulations for preaching and schools, 300;
reduction of Saints' Days, 301;
compromise as to rites and ceremonies, 302;
'Form of Reformation' signed, 302
_Orléans_, ii. 1;
students at university of, 3;
democratic spirit, 3;
early heretics at, 12;
conversion of wife of the provost, 272 _sqq._;
the provost and the monks, 273;
apparition in the convent, 275;
inquest on the spirit, 277;
appeal of the provost to the king, 278;
commission appointed, arrest of the monks, 278;
confession of the novice, 280;
the monks condemned, 281;
University of, declares for divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 40
_Orsières_, Pierre de, i. 90;
head of deputation to John the Bastard, 90;
imprisoned by him, 90
_Orsières_, Hugonin d', i. 90
_Osiander_, intercourse of, with Cranmer, iv. 114;
at Nürnberg, 188
_Ousberghen_, Jan van, pastor at Louvain, vii. 549, 551, 553
_Ousberghen_, Justus van, vii. 569, 570;
arrested, 570;
his trial, 571;
imprisoned, 572;
before the Judges, 573;
his martyrdom, 574
_Oxford, University of_, appealed to by Henry VIII. on his
divorce, iv. 33;
opposition, 34;
disputations, 34;
voting, and the sentence, 36;
disowns papal supremacy, v. 25;
state and visitation of, 84
_Oxford_, Society of friends of the Gospel at, viii. 264;
fourteen arrested by Dr. London, prosecution of Testwood, Filmer,
and Pierson, 264;
their martyrdom, 266.
[_Marbeck_]
_Paderborn_, the arrest and threatened execution of
Evangelicals at, by Elector of Cologne, viii. 330;
appeal of women, and pardon of the prisoners, 330
_Padua_, University of, declares for divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 41
_Paleario_, Aonio, lectures at Sienna, iv. 435;
his birth and education, 435;
quits Rome, goes to Sienna, 436;
his poem on immortality, 437;
conversion, 437;
his marriage, and family, 438;
love of nature, 438;
friendship with Bellantes, 439;
hated by the monks, 440;
a plot against him, 440;
catechized by monks, 441;
goes to Rome, 441;
returns to his family, 443;
accused of heresy, 443;
a deputation to the archbishop against him, 443, 444;
trial before the senate, 446;
his defence, 447 _sqq._;
acquitted, 451, 476
_Palladius_, bishop of Zealand, vii. 222, 224
_Pallavicini_, Battista, iv. 41
_Panter_, Master David, arrives in Scotland, with abbot of
Paisley, vi. 167
_Pantheism_, of the Spirituals, iii. 79 _sqq._
_Papacy_, The, in danger, ii. 294.
_Papists and Protestants_, three of each sent to the stake
together, viii. 227 _sqq._
_Paradis_, Paul, accused by Beda, ii. 230
_Pardon, General_, A, posted up in Geneva, ii. 463
_Paris_, decree of the parliament against Lutherans, i. 331;
martyrs at, 347 _sqq._;
synod, 415;
image of the Virgin mutilated, 423 _sqq._;
the new learning at, ii. 50;
secret meetings of evangelicals, 55;
university of, 59;
carnival, 112;
agitation caused by Lutheran preaching, 119;
reforming itself, 134;
satires of the students, 135;
suspense, 139;
flight of evangelicals from, 213;
Lutheran preaching at, 227;
prohibited, 228;
private meetings, 228, 229;
the _placards_ posted up, iii. 97;
the parliament convoked, 108;
arrests, 110;
martyrs, 118;
fugitives, 121;
Procession of Relics, 127;
martyrs, 137, 141;
Terror, 143;
persecution of Lutherans, iv. 258;
martyrs at, viii. 46, 47
_Parker_, Matthew, account of, v. 122;
named almoner to Queen Anne, 123;
his subsequent history, 123, 124;
Princess Elizabeth commended to his care, 133
_Parr_, Catherine, Queen of Henry VIII., viii. 262;
favors the Reformation, 262;
accusations against her, 284;
her zeal, 285, 286;
attentions to the king, 286;
her friends examined by Gardiner and Wriothesley, 289;
distress on discovery of the plot, 291;
visited by Henry, 293;
visits him, 293;
her declaration, 293 _sqq._;
her arrest prevented, 296
_Partridge_, Nicholas. [_Students, English_]
_Pascual_, Matthew, takes part in disputation at Alcala, viii. 14;
imprisoned by the Inquisition, 15
_Pau_, iii. 26
_Paul III._, Pope, iii. 156;
account of, iv. 354;
promises a council, intends reform, 354, 366, 485;
creates cardinals, 487;
attempts at reform, 489;
persecutes the reformers, 490; v. 3, 48;
withdraws decree of Clement VII. against Henry VIII., 58;
creation of cardinals, 64;
indignant at execution of Fisher, 76;
his bull against Henry, 76;
receives news of divorce of Queen Anne, 161;
desires alliance of England, 172, 173;
supports Duke of Savoy against Geneva, 302, 314;
proposes to Duke of Ferrara expulsion of the French, 442;
proposes alliance between the emperor and the kings of France and
Scotland for invasion of England, vi. 109;
sends Cardinal Farnese to diet of Ratisbon, vii. 27;
his manifesto characterized, 36;
fears and hopes for England, viii. 147;
invites Pole to Rome, 148;
creates him cardinal with others, 149;
sends him as legate to France, 149;
willing to sanction marriage of Henry VIII. with duchess of
Milan, 175;
publishes the bull against Henry, 175;
forms alliance with the emperor and the king of France, 181;
his irritation against Henry VIII. 255;
subsidizes Francis I., 269
_Paulet_, William, on commission of inquiry about Anne Boleyn, v. 136
_Paulsen_, Oegmund, bishop of Skalholt, vii. 225;
his quarrel with the bishop of Holum, 226;
victor in single combat, 226;
sends Einarsen to Copenhagen, 228;
resigns the see to Einarsen, 228;
accused of murder, his death, 229
_Pave_, Master, directs execution of Bainham, iv. 109;
his despair, 110;
he hangs himself, 111
_Pavia_, introduction of works of reformers at, iv. 408
_Pavia_, battle of, i. 276, 323;
news of in Spain, 324;
effect of, in Europe, 325, 328, 345, 346; iv. 321
_Payerne_, diet of, ii. 432;
meeting of evangelicals at, 470;
their letter to Geneva, 470
_Pays de Vaud_, The, iii. 198;
conquest of, by Bernese, spread of the Reformation in, vi. 228;
a disputation appointed, 232;
the project opposed by Friburg, 233;
and by Charles V., 233 [_Lausanne_];
image-worship suppressed, 263;
Bernese ordinances, 263;
edict of reformation, 272;
the pastors forbidden to admit Calvin and Farel to their
colloquies, 372
_Pécolat_, Jean, i. 72;
his character and position, 77, 78;
his saying about the bishop, 78;
accused of attempt to poison the Bastard, 79;
stratagem for his arrest, 79;
seized and imprisoned, 80;
put to the torture, 81, 82;
report of his death, 82, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93;
his trial, 94;
new examination, 95;
threatened with the torture, 95;
declared innocent, 95;
handed over to the priests, 96;
again threatened with torture, 96;
the demon in his beard, 97;
tries to cut out his tongue, 97;
Bonivard's intervention, 99;
appeal on his behalf to archbishop of Vienne, 99;
removed to Peney, 102;
his release demanded by the archbishop, 103, 104;
liberated, 106, 107;
the order countermanded, 106;
his triumphal return to Geneva, 107;
his dumbness, 108;
his depositions produced at Berthelier's trial, 112, 161, 205,
214, 267, 271, 276;
becomes a bishoper, ii. 333;
a fray, 337;
proscribed by the bishop, iii. 440
_Pécolat_, Stephen, i. 99, 103
_Pellican_, Conrad, vii. 439;
teaches Alasco, 439
_Pellicier_, ii. 65
_Pelliez_, Claude, preaches against Froment at Geneva, iii. 330, 331
_Pempflinger_, Mark, Count, protects evangelists in
Transylvania, vii. 350;
commanded by the king to extirpate heresy, 355;
resolves to appeal to the king, 359;
saves evangelicals from the monks, 361
_Peney_, Castle of, its brigands, v. 238, 239;
Genevese attack on, repulsed, 241;
burnt, 393
_Pennet_, Claude, iv. 232;
assassinates Berger, 233;
in hiding, 235;
seized, 238;
his execution, 241
_Pennet_, Pierre, iv. 202;
gives evidence against Maisonneuve, 270
_Pennet_, the jailer, iv. 232;
assassinates N. Porral, 233;
in hiding, 241;
escapes to Savoy, 241
_Perceval_, Claude, iii. 78
_Perenyi_, Peter, magnate of Hungary, becomes a Lutheran, vii. 368;
adopts views of Zwinglius, 389
_Perrin_, Ami, iii. 277, 296, 314;
supports Froment, 319, 331, 332;
receives Froment, 348;
attacks agent of the priests, 411;
leads Huguenots in the fight in the Molard, 416;
proscribed by the bishop, 439;
seized and imprisoned, 441, 457; iv. 205, 235; v. 283;
takes part in breaking images in the cathedral, 285, 287;
leader in campaign against idols, 289;
complaint against him at the council, vi. 344;
commissioned to arrange for return of Calvin, vii. 3;
assists Calvin in preparing constitution of a church, 56
_Persecution_, impious, iii. 1;
Roman, 3
_Pertemps_, Claude, assists Calvin in drawing up constitution
of a church, vii. 56
_Perth_, account of evangelicals at, vi. 177 _sqq._;
persecution by Cardinal Beatoun, 180;
agitation in the town, 181
_Pescara_, Marquis of, i. 324
_Peter of Savoy_, his early life, i. 15;
created Earl of Richmond by Henry III. of England, 16;
seizes castle of Geneva, 16;
assumes protectorate of Geneva, 16;
rejected, 17;
his death, 17
_Peter of Savoy_, bishop of Geneva, i. 21
_Petersen_, Geble, bishop of Bergen, declares for the
Reformation, vii. 224
_Peterson_, Lawrence, his birth and character, vii. 232;
chooses the study of theology, 233;
at Strengnaes, 237;
witnesses the massacre of Stockholm, 239;
narrowly escapes, 239;
with Olaf at his father's funeral, 242 _sqq._;
before Gustavus, 258;
Professor of Theology at Upsala, 260;
cited before the chapter, 263;
excommunicated, 264;
his character, 305;
elected primate, 306;
marries the king and crowns the queen, 307;
hated by the canons of Upsala, 307;
betrothed to a kinswoman of Gustavus, 307;
conspiracies of the canons against him, 307;
devotion to his work, 312;
marries Gustavus to a second wife, 312;
assailed by Burrey, 326;
opposes Burrey's views on the Supper, 327;
offers no opposition to ordinance re-establishing Romanism, 333;
his death, 333
_Peterson_, Olaf, his birth and character, vii. 232;
scenery of Orebro, 233;
chooses the study of theology, 233;
sets out for Rome, 235;
hears of Luther and goes to Wittenberg, 235;
becomes a friend of Luther, 235;
his zeal and attainments, 236;
sails for Stockholm and is driven to Gothland, 236;
gets the seller of indulgences expelled, 236;
reaches home, settles at Strengnaes, 237;
deacon, and chancellor of the bishop, 237;
begins the Reformation in Sweden, 237;
attractiveness of his teaching, 238;
witnesses the massacre of Stockholm, 239;
narrowly escapes, 239;
his influence over Lawrence Anderson, 240;
his preaching opposed by Dr. Nils, 240;
visits Orebro and attends his father's funeral, 241, 242;
discussions with his mother, 242;
denounced with his brother by the Carmelites, 243;
hostility of Bishop Brask, 244;
preaches at Strengnaes, 256;
before Gustavus, 258;
preacher at Stockholm and secretary of the town, 260;
his character, 260;
violently assailed, 261;
cited before the chapter of Upsala, 263;
excommunicated, 264;
marries, 267;
excommunicated by Brask, 268;
translates the New Testament, 269;
trial of, demanded by the primate, 274;
public disputation with Peter Galle, 274 _sqq._;
declared victor, 276;
discussion with Galle at Westeraas, 290;
deputy with Anderson to the king, 291;
proclaims Gustavus king, 298;
assists at synod of Orebro, 299;
insists on recognition of authority of the Scriptures, 300;
his concessions, 302;
superintendent of schools at Stockholm, 304;
offends the king, 309, 310;
compared with Gustavus, 310;
his complaints, 310;
loses the king's friendship, 311;
rebukes the king, 312;
his proceedings about the mock-suns, 313;
charges against him, 314, 315;
condemned to death, 316;
ransomed, 316;
preaches again, 317;
he submits to the king, 317
_Petit_, Jacques, deputy of the Sorbonne, ii. 287
_Petit_, John, iv. 18;
in the Tower, 79;
visited by Fryth, 149
_Petit_, Peter, vii. 125
_Petit_, William, bishop of Senlis, ii. 73;
translates Margaret's revised prayer-book, 73
_Peto_, his invective against Henry VIII., iv. 104;
summoned before the council, 105
_Petre_, Dr., at Convocation of clergy, v. 184
_Petrovich_, Count Peter, guardian of John Sigismund Zapolya, vii.
390;
promotes the Reformation, 411
_Philibert_, the Fair, corrupts the Genevese, i. 58
_Philiberta_ of Savoy, i. 34;
her marriage with Julian de' Medici, 49
_Philip_, Archduke of Austria, viii. 126, 127;
marries Joanna of Spain, 128;
protests against assumption of government of Castile by Ferdinand,
131;
goes with Joanna to Spain, 131;
meets Ferdinand, 132;
agreement with him, 133;
his death, 134, 139
_Philip_, Landgrave of Hesse, ii. 71, 100, 101;
his character, 221;
supports Christopher of Würtemberg, subsidy promised by France,
221, 222;
Luther and Melanchthon sent to dissuade him, 222, 223;
meets Francis I. at Bar-le-Duc, 224;
explains to him affairs of Germany, 224;
concludes a treaty, 226;
his cautious proceedings, 248;
opposition to his scheme, 249;
marches against Austria, 252;
defeats imperial army, 253;
on Austrian frontier, 253;
concludes peace, 255;
makes treaty with Zurich and Basel, 420;
takes Munster, iv. 374;
delegates of, at conference with du Bellay, 398;
receives embassy from Henry VIII., v. 109;
alliance concluded, 110;
founds university of Marburg, vi. 31;
invests Munster, viii. 347;
takes it and puts an end to reign of Spiritualists, 349, 350;
his lenient measures, 351
_Philip_, Count of Genevois, leads unsuccessful attack on Geneva,
i. 171;
enters with the army, 173;
named governor, 175;
disarms the people, 175, 176.
[_Nemours_, Duke of]
_Philip_ (_Lackland_) of Savoy, i. 22;
his quarrel with his mother, 23;
captures her treasures, 24;
interview with his father at Geneva, 25;
his marriages, and accession to the throne of Piedmont, 48
_Philip_, Thomas, imprisoned for heresy, iv. 179;
discharged by parliament, 179
_Philip_, bishop of Utrecht, vii. 504, 510;
his death, 514
_Philippe_, Jean, Syndic of Geneva, i. 219;
his character, 227;
provides a 'mystery,' 227;
resists claims of duke of Savoy, 267, 270;
elected syndic, 300 _sqq._, 302, 304;
appointed commander of auxiliaries for Berne, ii. 442;
as captain-general, attempts to stop Catholic insurgents, and is
struck down, iii. 387;
wounds Bellessert, 387, 397;
assailed by Mamelukes, 449; iv. 186, 308;
his feud with Sept, v. 317;
resigns, 318;
refuses to go to preaching, vi. 225;
at the council, 345;
elected syndic, 361;
attends synod of Lausanne, 373;
intrigues with Cardinal de Tournon at Lyons, 479;
named Captain-general, 517;
his character, 519;
heads a riot, 521;
conceals himself, 522;
arrested, 522;
his trial, 523;
executed, 523
_Philips_, Harry, Gardiner's agent in plot against Tyndale,
v. 35 _sqq._;
consults imperial government, 37;
procures arrest of Tyndale, 38 _sqq._;
denounces Poyntz, 220
_Picard_, Pérot. [_Wingle_]
_Picardy_, Vaudois in, i. 349;
study of the Scriptures in, 388
_Piedmont_, beginning of Reformation in, iv. 412
_Pierrefleur_, P. de., iii. 205;
deputy to Friburg, 212, 229;
procures liberation of priests at Orbe, 230
_Pilgrimage of Grace_, v. 206;
compared with peasant revolt in Germany, 207;
supported by the nobles, 207;
the king's energy, 208;
agitation in London, 208;
siege of Skipton Castle, 209;
Lancaster herald sent to the rebels, 209;
the march southward, 210;
proclamation of Norfolk, 211;
conditions of peace, 212;
the rebels disperse, 212
'_Placards_,' ii. 135, 136;
at Paris, iii. 92;
Farel's, 95;
discussion about, 95, 96;
posted up, 97;
contents, 97 _sqq._;
character of, 102;
effect of, 104;
posted on the king's door, 106;
effects of, iv. 350
_Plater_, Felix, iii. 191
_Plater_, Thomas, printer, iii. 166, 167;
prints Calvin's _Institutes_, 191;
and his letter to the king, 191
_Plato's_ 'Philetes,' i. 303
_Pluralism_, and non-residence abolished in England, iv. 18, 19
_Poille_, arrested, iii. 112;
martyrdom, 120 _sqq._
_Pointet_, Master, ii. 229;
his martyrdom, iii. 69
_Poitiers_, Calvin at, iii. 44 _sqq._
_Poland_, beginning of Reformation in, vii. 421, 422;
project of reform presented to the Diet, 422;
state of the country, 423;
Luther's works known, 423;
Dantzic, 424 _sqq._;
Thorn, 429;
Cracow, 430;
a middle party, 430, 431;
progress of the Reformation, 431
_Pole_, Reginald, account of, iv. 69;
rejects the king's offers of promotion and condemns the divorce,
70, 71;
permitted to leave England, 71;
his influence on Flaminio, 481, 482;
made cardinal, 487; v. 14;
laments More, 75, 174;
his defence of unity of the church quoted, 174 _sqq._;
ordered to return to England, 177, 191;
takes part in insurrection of the North, 212;
quoted, viii. 148;
invited by Paul III., goes to Rome and is made cardinal, 149;
the creation criticised in England, 149;
nominated cardinal-legate, 149;
his mission, 149;
declared a rebel by Henry VIII., 149;
expelled from France, 150;
writes to Cromwell, 150;
his courier arrested by order of the emperor, 150;
attempts to communicate with English ambassadors, 151;
demands audience of the regent of the Netherlands, 151;
returns to Rome, 152;
his reception, 152;
fatal consequences of his mission, 152
_Polish translation_ of New Testament by Seclucyan, vii. 424
_Pomerania_, beginning of Reformation in, viii. 315;
struggles, 328;
the duke at Wittenberg, 328;
his sons, 328;
a church organized by Pomeranus, 329
_Pomeranus_ (Bugenhagen) ii. 99;
account of him, vii. 221;
invited to Denmark to organize the evangelical church, 221;
reorganizes the university, 221;
crowns the king and queen, 222;
consecrates evangelical bishops, 222;
invited to Dantzic, 427; viii. 188;
his birth and early life, 315;
reads Luther's _Babylonish Captivity_, 316;
goes to Wittenberg, 316;
professor and pastor, 317;
a church organizer, 317;
at Brunswick, 320;
at Hamburg, 321
_Ponce de la Fuente_, Constantine, account of, viii. 27, 28;
interview with Egidius, 28;
union and division of labor with him and Vargas, 29;
his freedom from vanity, 30;
declines promotion, 30;
his eloquence, 32, 33;
appointed chaplain to Charles V., 34;
accompanies Philip to the Netherlands, 35
_Pontanus_ (_Bruck_), interview with Melanchthon, iv. 382;
at conference with Du Bellay, 398
_Ponthus de St. George_, abbot of Valence, iii. 55;
invites Calvin, 56;
becomes a Lutheran, 57
_Pontverre_, lord of. [_Ternier_]
_Pope of Rome_, The, his pretensions, i. 396;
penalties of _præmunire_ imposed on recognition of his
authority in England, v. 179
_Pope_, Sir Thomas, v. 72, 73
_Porral_, Ami, syndic of Geneva, i. 93, 94, 256, 292, 296; ii. 333,
468;
visits Farel, iii. 277;
elected syndic, v. 394;
requires attendance on preaching, vi. 224;
attends disputation of Lausanne, 237;
with Goulaz, charged to maintain good morals in the city, 289;
his zeal ridiculed by the youth, 290;
persecuted, 469;
charges De la Mare with heresy, vii. 3;
assists Calvin in preparing constitution of a church, 56;
sickness and death, 107-110
_Porral_, Nicholas, assassinated by Pennet, iv. 232, 233
_Porter_, sent to Newgate for reading Bible, dies there, viii. 241
_Portier_, episcopal secretary, iv. 231, 235;
in hiding, 237;
seized, 238;
his papers discovered, 239;
tried, 241, 242;
condemned to death, 256
_Portugal_, i. 219;
'fashions of,' 221
_Possevin_, Antoine, Jesuit, in Sweden, receives John III. into
the Romish communion, vii. 338;
his influence over Swedish church, 338
_Poyntz_, Thomas, receives Tyndale, v. 29;
attempt of Gardiner's agent to gain him, 37;
friendship with Tyndale, 218;
letter to his brother on behalf of Tyndale, 218;
applies to Cromwell, 219;
denounced by Philips, 220;
escapes to England, 220
_Præmunire, statute of_, enforcement of, against the clergy,
threatened by Henry VIII., iv. 62;
averted, 66;
penalties of, inflicted for recognition of papal authority, v. 179
_Pragmatic Sanction_, ii. 245
_Prierias_, his book against Luther, i. 120
_Priesthood_, formal, ii. 26
_Priests_, immorality of, i. 43;
complaints at Geneva, 44, 45;
encroachments of, ii. 239, 397, 398;
sentence against, 398, 399;
priests and pastors, vi. 218
_Primer_, The, circulated by Cranmer, v. 130
_Prince-bishop_ of Geneva, the first, i. 13;
popular election of the, 14;
evils of temporal power of the bishops, 309, 310;
church power of, questioned, 310;
concession of civil jurisdiction, ii. 328;
authority of, questioned, 329;
fall of, iv. 193
_Printers and Booksellers_, flight of, from Paris, iii. 123
_Printing_, abolition of, in France, iii. 140
_Progress_, of all kinds, produced by the Reformation, viii. 313
_Prophetess_, A, i. 204
_Protestantism_, and Freedom, i. 3;
two kinds of, iii. 356
_Purgatory_, iv. 141, 400
_Quintin_, one of the Spirituals, iii. 78;
encounters Calvin, 78, 79, 81
_Ramel_, J. L., syndic of Geneva, i. 111, 205, 271; iii. 333
_Ramus_, Peter, iii. 158, 179
_Rantzau_, John, tutor to the son of Christian II., accompanies
him to Germany, vii. 147;
won over to Lutheranism, 148;
drives the Lübeckers out of Jutland, 212;
charged to arrest the bishops, 217
_Rastell_, iv. 141;
Fryth's regard for, 147;
his conversion by Fryth's treatise, 148
_Ratisbon_, Conference at, iv. 371; viii. 55, 56, 102
_Raveleson_, James, a Protestant of Perth, vi. 178, 179;
seized and condemned to death by Cardinal Beatoun, 181;
hung, 181
_Reading Abbey_, visited by Henry VIII., v. 78;
the abbot sent to the Tower, 79
_Reff_, Johan, bishop of Opsloe, accepts the Reformation, vii. 224
_Reformation_, The, spread of, in Switzerland, i. 310;
beginnings of, at Geneva, 310;
in France, 316, 317;
its work, 318;
Calvin's idea, 319;
necessity for the three principles of Luther, Zwinglius and
Calvin, 320;
Margaret of Angoulême's plan, 341;
prepares for unity, 357;
conversion its fundamental act, 402;
opposed by parliament of Paris and by the Sorbonne, 403;
the dominant force, 410;
contained germ of modern liberties, 416;
sources of, ii. 13, 15;
substitutes evangelical for Roman church, 26;
advances in France, 67;
cross currents in Germany, 96;
auxiliaries of, 135;
progress, 138, 183, 184;
proposed fusion with Catholicism, 245;
begun in Würtemberg, 255;
question between Rome and the Reformation, 297;
need of, 299 _sqq._;
brings about union of faith and morality, 319;
beginning of, at Geneva, negative, 387;
'de Christo meditari,' 437;
nature of, 453;
negative Protestantism not enough, 454;
general awakening of the West, iii. 7, 8;
in South of France, 19;
its teachings, 49;
friendly to Science, 61, 62;
a creation, 171;
stagnation after first struggles, 197;
importance of, 198;
benefits women, 208;
the scriptural, iv. 2;
internal and external, 2;
character of, in England, 2, 3;
wrought by the Scriptures and evangelical men, 92;
part played by England and by Geneva in, 184;
evangelical preaching ordered at Geneva, 196;
beginning of, in Italy, 406;
in England conduces to general prosperity, v. 103;
origin of, in England, 120;
protests of, 283, 298;
the originators of, vii. 114, 115;
Calvin its lawgiver, 115, 116;
one of the secondary epochs, 119;
the revived Gospel, 523;
its method and results, viii. 311, 312;
originated all kinds of progress, 313, 314
_Regnault_, Francis, printer, viii. 177;
his Bibles seized by the Inquisition and himself prohibited from
printing more, 178;
the presses, types, &c., seized by Cromwell's agents and taken to
London, 178
_Regnier de la Planche_, Pierre, invites Calvin, iii. 48;
gained to Protestantism, 49
_Reinhard_, Martin, sent to Denmark, vii. 130;
preaches in German, 131;
burlesqued at instigation of the priests, 131, 132;
deprived of interpreter, leaves off preaching, 132;
his report to Luther, 133
_Reinhold_, Matthew, envoy to Francis I., ii. 71;
questioned by courtiers, 71
_Relics_, ridiculed by Genevese, ii. 385;
procession of, at Paris, iii. 126 _sqq._
_Rémond_, Florimond de, on Calvin, ii. 16, 27 _note_; iii. 16
_Renaissance_, The, i. 380, 383; ii. 299
_Renée_ of France, duchess of Ferrara, iii. 193;
her early life, iv. 425;
marries duke of Ferrara, 426;
her character and tastes, 426;
the scholars gathered around her, 427; and v. 420;
expects Calvin, iv. 489;
receives him with du Tillet, v. 421;
deprived by the duke of her French friends, 442, 443;
rescue of Calvin ascribed to her, 446
_Rénier_, Stephen, burnt, i. 430;
defence of, by Maisonneuve, iv. 264
_Rennsburg_, Dominican, opposes the Reformation at Hamburg, viii. 320
_Resby_, John, burnt at Perth, vi. 5
_Resistance_, Right of, in the Middle Ages, ii. 336
_Reva_, Francis, vii. 389, 400
_Revett_, William, envoy with Carne to the pope, v. 3, 4
_Revival_, religious, epochs of, ii. 102
_Rhodius_, John, vii. 501, 510
_Riccio_, Bartolomeo, iv. 427
_Rich_, Richard, conducts prosecution of Cromwell, viii. 215;
takes part in torture of Anne Askew, 281
_Richardet_, Claude, i. 93, 94, 206;
elected syndic, 241;
calls Boulet to account and assaults him, 258;
commands auxiliaries for Friburg, ii. 442;
refuses to go to preaching, vi. 224;
elected syndic, 361;
introduces French agents into the city, 363;
takes part in riot under Philippe, 519;
killed, 524
_Richerme_, put to the torture, iv. 324
_Ridicule_, in controversy, iii. 406
_Rillaert_, Matthew van, vii. 550
_Ritter_, Erasmus, vi. 326, 327, 367;
one of the presidents of synod of Lausanne, 374;
advocate for Calvin and Farel at Geneva, 434
_Robert de la Marche_, his sons at Paris, i. 371;
invite Farel, 372
_Rochford_, Lord, envoy to Francis I., ii. 151.
[Wiltshire, Earl of]
_Rochford_, Lady, plots against Queen Anne, v. 126, 127, 134;
viii. 253;
condemned and executed, 254
_Rochford_, Lord, charge against him, v. 134;
at Greenwich tournament, 138;
arrest of, 139;
examined, 148;
condemned to death, 159;
beheaded, 159
_Roennov_, Joachim, chosen bishop of Roeskilde, vii. 168;
investigates persecution of Lutheran preachers, 182;
threatened by the populace, 202;
saved by Tausen, 203;
sanctions evangelical preaching at Copenhagen, 204;
his futile attempt to persecute, 205;
takes oath of allegiance to Christian II., 208;
arrested, 217;
refuses to submit, his death, 221
_Rogers_, assists Tyndale in translation of the Bible, v. 215;
gets the Bible printed, 215, 216
_Rogers_, John, preacher, his imprisonment and death, vi. 182
_Romain_, Mark, iii. 204;
procures liberation of Hollard, 209;
assaulted by the women, 210
_Rome_, ecclesiastical corruption at, i. 118;
causes assigned, 119;
sack of, ii. 319
_Rome_, Church of, a persecuting power, iii. 3;
its character in the 16th century, vi. 42;
action of, in Hungary, contrasted with that of Islamism, vii. 406
_sqq._, 414-416
_Roovere_, Paul van, vii. 549;
arrested, 556;
recants and is imprisoned, 561
_Roper_, Margaret, v. 16;
visits her father in the Tower, 46;
again, 62;
after his sentence, 70, 71;
last offices, 72
_Roset_, Claude, i. 271;
visits Farel, iii. 277, 397
_Roset_, Michel, i. 88, 210, 267
_Rosselli_, Lucio Paolo, writes to Melanchthon, iv. 411;
defends him, 412
_Rottmann_, Bernard, preaches at Munster, viii. 333, 334;
marries, 334;
joins the Spirituals, 337;
killed at siege of Munster, 349
_Rough_, John, chaplain to Earl of Arran, vi. 156;
outcry against him, 156;
dismissed, 168
_Roussel_, Gerard, i. 332;
recalled to France, 362;
at Paris, 367;
his weakness, 370, 371;
interview with sons of Robert de la Marche, 371, 380, 412; ii.
56, 93;
declines to preach in Paris, 113;
preaches in the Louvre, 115 _sqq._;
denounced by the Sorbonne, 120;
confined to his house by the king's order, 124;
the order revoked, 130;
his timidity, 134, 138;
forbidden to preach, 228;
burning of, demanded by Beda, 232;
refused by the king, 232;
debate with Beda in the prison, 232;
set free, 234;
appointed to preach at Notre Dame, 238;
prevented by the populace, 239;
at Nérac, iii. 21;
compromise, 22;
interview with Calvin, 23;
celebrates the Lord's Supper at Pau, 27;
arrested, 113;
before the king, 117;
sent to a convent, 124;
made bishop of Oleron, v. 438
_Roxas_, Don Domingo de, influenced by Carranza's teaching, viii.
114;
adopts doctrines of the reformers, 114;
conversations with Carranza, 117
_Rozet_, Claude, banished from Geneva, vi. 407;
superseded as secretary to the Council, 438;
ordered to give up the Confession of Faith, 485;
assists Calvin in preparing constitution of a church, vii. 56
_Russel_, Jerome, imprisoned, vi. 120;
tried before archbishop of Glasgow, 121;
burnt, 123
_Russel_, Sir John, sent against insurgents of the North, v. 205
_Russia_, movements of reform in, vii. 432, 433
_Rythove_, Peter, summoned before the judges, escapes, vii. 558
_Sacraments_, The, views of Bucer, ii. 269;
discussed between the Sorbonne and the ministers, 291, 292
_Sadler_, Sir Ralph, ambassador of Henry VIII. to Scotland, vi.
124, 133;
charged to conclude marriage treaty between Prince Edward and
Queen Mary, 164;
his report of Beatoun's intrigues, 170;
insulted by the Scots, 170;
complains to the regent, 171;
demands the hostages and is refused, 171;
his letter to the regent, 174
_Sadoleto_, cardinal, iv. 392, 432, 437;
invites Paleario to Rome, 441;
defends him at Sienna, 445, 482;
made cardinal, 487;
account of, vi. 479;
at meeting of prelates at Lyons, 479;
his letter to Geneva, 480 _sqq._; viii. 149
_Sadolin_, of Viborg, professes Lutheranism, vii. 156;
first professor in the Free School, 156
_St. Andrews_, competitors for the see of, vi. 10;
its university, 19;
seizure of the castle by conspirators against Cardinal Beatoun,
211;
the castle unsuccessfully besieged by the regent, 215
_St. Anthony_, founder of monasticism, v. 97
_St. Anthony_ of Padua, his image broken, iv. 280
_St. Augustine_, Calvin's resemblance to, ii. 26
_St. Babolin_, image of, carried off by de Joye, i. 201
_St. Bernard_, cited, i. 43
_St. Clair_, Sir John, commissioner for suppression of lesser
monasteries, v. 100
_St. Claire_, convent of, Orbe, iii. 204
_St. Claire_, convent of, Geneva, burnt, ii. 425;
the Friburgers billeted in, 426;
processions and vigils of the nuns, 428;
pilgrimage to, 433;
another, 434 _sqq._;
pride of the nuns, 435;
alarm at Farel's teaching, iii. 280, 333;
sympathize with attack on Lutherans, 380, 422;
a midnight alarm, iv. 319, 320;
line of ramparts carried through the garden, 335;
the nuns invited to a disputation, v. 258;
their last mass, departure of father-confessor, 296;
Farel preaches to the nuns, 302;
departure of the nuns, 306
_St. Firmin_, martyr, story of, ii. 6
_St. George, Brotherhood of_, i. 135
_St. James_, _neuvaine_ in honor of, at Paris, ii. 122
_St. Jullien_, army of Savoy at, i. 162;
truce of, ii. 428
_St. Theresa_, viii. 7;
her friendship with John d'Avila, 7
_St. Thomas_ of Canterbury, iv. 207
_St. Victor_, Priory of, Geneva, i. 46, 185;
restored to Bonivard, 314; ii. 400, 401;
annexed to hospital of Geneva, 402;
ordered to be demolished, iv. 332, 333
_Saints_, intercession of, ii. 289, 290
_Saleneuve_, Sieur de, i. 146;
Savoyard ambassador to the Swiss diet, 153, 181, 291, 295, 297
_Salomon_, Claude, iii. 277, 331;
with Maisonneuve goes to Berne, 364, 365;
with Maisonneuve at Berne, 403; iv. 195;
his gentleness, 196, 235
_Sampson_, Richard, bishop of Chichester, his embarrassment at
Lambeth conference, viii. 154;
opposes prayers in the vulgar tongue, 161;
committed to the Tower, 162;
acknowledges alliance with Gardiner and others for defence of the
old religion, 162;
on the Thames with Bishop Tonstall, 102;
liberated, 162;
at Lambert's trial, 167, &c.
_Sancha de Carile_, viii. 8
_San Romano_, Francis, viii. 38;
at Antwerp, 49;
sent to Bremen, 49;
hears Spreng preach, 49;
his visits to him, and conversion, 50;
his resolve, 51;
writes to Charles V., 51;
schemes of his friends at Antwerp, 52;
returns to Antwerp and is seized by the monks, 52;
his books burnt, 53;
imprisoned, 54;
counsel of Enzinas to him, 54;
his fervency, 54;
at Ratisbon, has audience of Charles V., 55;
again imprisoned, 56;
harshly treated and removed, 56;
heroic endurance, 57;
in the dungeons of the Inquisition at Valladolid, 58, 121;
harsh treatment, 121;
condemned to be burnt, 122;
led to execution, 122;
burnt, 123;
declared to be damned, prayer for him prohibited, 124;
date of his martyrdom, 124 _n._;
results of his death, 125
_Sarrasin_, iii. 59, 60
_Sartorius_, John, vii. 532;
his conversion and zeal, 532, 533;
assailed by Crocus, 533;
his works, 533;
death, 534
_Saunier_, iii. 251;
accompanies Farel to the Pays de Vaud, 253;
reaches Geneva, 274;
interviews with Huguenots, 277 _sqq._;
appears before the town council, 282, 285, 286;
assaulted before episcopal council, 291;
banished, 293;
escapes with Farel, 294;
named director of College at Geneva, v. 310;
his success, vi. 296;
made a citizen, 297;
banished, 467;
edict of expulsion revoked, vii. 43
_Savoie_, Claude, syndic of Geneva, ii. 468; iii. 277, 333; iv. 195;
envoy to Lucerne, 343; v. 315;
at Berne, 316;
asks aid of Wildermuth, 321;
at Neuchâtel, 322;
on the march, 328;
goes to Coppet, 331;
seized by de Lullin, 341;
disappears, 345;
strikes a new coinage for Geneva, 360;
elected syndic, 394;
suspended from office for receiving letter from a French agent,
vi. 363;
imprisoned, 470;
escapes to Berne, 470;
renounces citizenship of Geneva, 470
_Savoy_, the House of, covets Geneva, i. 14, 15;
importance of struggle with Geneva, 15;
Peter of, 15, 16;
Amadeus V., 17, 18;
Amadeus VIII., 18, 20;
Peter, John Louis, 21;
Amadeus IX., Philip Lackland, 22;
Charles III., 29;
sides with the emperor, 276;
loses Geneva, 301, 302;
its rights threatened by Swiss alliance with Geneva, ii. 303;
deputation to Berne, 307
_Saxony_, the Reformation in, viii. 318
_Saxony_, John, Elector of, ii. 71, 100;
his death, 101;
John Frederick, Elector of, opposes alliance of Francis I. and
landgrave of Hesse, 222;
rejects overtures of Henry VIII., iv. 165;
gives audience to Melanchthon, 380;
refuses him leave to go to France, 382;
his character, 383;
his fear of Melanchthon's concessions, 386;
letter to him, 387;
letter to Francis I., 390;
goes to Smalcalde, 394;
gives audience to du Bellay, 395;
receives Barnes, envoy of Henry VIII., v. 108;
another embassy, 109;
alliance with Henry concluded, 110;
receives embassy from him, 117, 118
_Scala_, Julius Cæsar della. [_Scaliger_]
_Scaliger_, settles at Agen, ii. 77
_Schässburg_, Conference of, vii. 384, 385, 394
_Schleswig_, duchy of, the Reformation established in, vii. 224
_Schoener_, George, envoy to France, iv. 322
_Scholasticism_, fall of, at Oxford, v. 84
_Schools_, evangelization of, iii. 60, 61
_Schweinfurth_ on the Maine, Conference at, ii. 97 _sqq._
_Sclercx_, Catherine, before the Judges, vii. 557
_Scotland_, the Reformation in, i. 5;
two periods, vi. 3;
impulses from the South, 4;
the Culdees, 4, 5;
the Lollards, 5;
the Hussites, 5;
struggle between the king and the nobles, 6;
first glimmerings of the Reformation, 6;
Campbell of Cessnock, 6, 7;
war with England, Flodden, 9;
conflicts of king, priests and nobles, 9;
election of a bishop, 10;
election of priests, 10;
Alesius, 11;
Patrick Hamilton, 13;
beginning of the Reformation, 18;
the writings of Luther prohibited by the parliament, and ordered
to be confiscated, 21;
flight of Beatoun, 24;
Tyndale's New Testament imported, 25;
preaching of Patrick Hamilton, 45 _sqq._
[_Angus_, Earl of, _James V._, _Hamilton_, Patrick,
_Beatoun_, Primate];
the nobles deprived of their jurisdiction, a _College of
Justice_ set up, 85;
their project of a union with England, 86;
the New Testament proscribed, 90;
skirmishes on the Marches, 91;
the priests attempt to make a breach between James V. and Henry
VIII., 100, 101;
progress of the Reformation, 132;
war with England, 137 _sqq._;
battle of Halidon, 138;
persecution stayed, 139;
a proscription list, 142;
invasion of England, 144;
an English envoy murdered, 148;
death of James V., 150;
ambitious attempt of Beatoun, 153;
Regency of Arran, 154;
scheme for marriage of the queen with Edward of England, approved
by the Council, 158;
meeting of lords at Perth, their demands, 160;
the lords cited to Edinburgh, 161;
meeting of the parliament, the marriage scheme approved, 161;
Act passed for freedom to read the Bible, 163;
joy of the people, 163;
conclusion of the marriage treaty at Greenwich, 165;
the hostages refused, 171;
troops assembled by both parties, 172;
war declared by Henry VIII., 175;
the English fleet at Leith, 183;
Edinburgh pillaged and burnt, 184;
murder of the Cardinal, 212;
why the Gospel triumphed, 215, 216;
results of the Reformation, 217
_Scott_, Thomas, of Pittgorno, his crimes, remorse, and death,
vi. 130, 131
_Scripturists_, The, iii. 93
_Scriptures_, interpretation of, iv. 223, 224
_Seaton_, Alexander, Dominican, preaches evangelical doctrine, vi.
87;
condemned by Beatoun, 89;
quits Scotland, 89;
becomes chaplain to duke of Suffolk, 89
_Seaton_, condemned to bear a faggot, at Paul's cross, viii. 240
_Seclucyan_, John, translates New Testament into Polish, vii. 424
_Senarclens_, Claude de, viii. 101;
present at death of Juan Diaz, 111
_Seneca_, Calvin's commentary on, ii. 87;
cited, 89
_Senlis_, Bishop of, sent to Paris with Duprat, to stop
intrigues of the Sorbonne, ii. 126
_Sept_, Michel, i. 267, 271, 276, 292;
appointed syndic of Geneva, iv. 242;
receives warning of impending attack on Geneva, 312;
his feud with Philippe, v. 317;
suspended from office for receiving letter from a French agent,
vi. 363
_Sergine, De_, Friburg notary, i. 290;
at council of Geneva, 293, 294
_Servetus_, Michael, Calvin's plea for, i. 6;
account of him, iii. 84;
goes to Paris, 85;
invites Calvin to a conference, 86;
does not appear, 87;
result of his death, 197
_Seso_, Don Carlos de, viii. 116;
his evangelical labors, 116;
marriage, 116
_Seville_, beginnings of reformation at, viii. 21;
labors of Egidius, Ponce de la Fuente and Vargas, 29 _sqq._;
opposition to them, 31
_Seymour_, Edward, v. 132;
created Earl of Hertford, viii. 142.
[_Hertford_]
_Seymour_, Jane, attracts notice of Henry VIII., v. 126, 128, 179;
birth of her son Edward, viii. 141;
her death, 142
_Seymour_, Sir Thomas, v. 132; viii. 221, 299
_Seymours_, the, friendly to the Reformation, viii. 299;
proposals of duke of Norfolk for alliance with, 299
_Seyssel_, Claude de, i. 49, 75;
his judgment on the mock auction, 76;
made archbishop of Turin, 91;
attempts to withdraw Pécolat's case from the syndics, 93, 111
_Sforza_, Bona, queen of Poland, vii. 431
_Shaxton_, bishop of Salisbury, v. 130;
opposes the Six Articles, viii. 183;
resigns his see, 184;
imprisoned, liberated, 271
_Shrewsbury_, Earl of, sent against insurgents of the North, v. 205
_Siderander_, Peter, account of, ii. 132, 137;
watches at the Sorbonne, 139
_Sienna_, iv. 436
_Sigismund I._, king of Poland, vii. 422;
receives Catholic deputies from Dantzic, 428;
summons leading reformers, goes to Dantzic, 428;
his severe measures, 529;
becomes king of Sweden, persecutes the Protestants, 340;
driven away, 340
_Sigismund_, Count, of Hohenlohe, conversion of, i. 339;
endeavors to propagate Luther's doctrines in France, 339, 340;
his _Book of the Cross_, 340;
writes to Margaret of Angoulême, 340, 354;
leave refused for him to go into France, 354
_Simon_, Michel, preaches at Bourges, ii. 29
_Sinapi_, Giovanni, iv. 427;
at Ferrara, v. 427
_Sinclair_, Oliver, vi. 124, 142;
commander-in-chief at Solway, 144;
captured by the English, 146
_Six Articles_, The, presented to the peers, viii. 181;
passed, 183;
characterized, 187;
commissioners appointed to carry them out, 187;
five hundred victims, 187;
indignation in Germany, 188;
conference of Luther, Melanchthon and others, 188;
the five hundred liberated, 191;
promise of the king to soften their harshness, 201;
modified, 261
_Sixteenth Century_, characterized, i. 7, 316, 325, 410;
state of the papacy in, ii. 144;
first politico-religious war of, 251, 252;
excitement and suspense, 300;
moral revival, iv. 229, 269;
persecution in, explained, 302;
epoch of transformation, 346 _sqq._
_Sixtus IV._, decree of, respecting printing, ii. 173
_Slave Version_ of the Bible, revised by Maximus, vii. 432
_Smalcald_, meeting of Protestants at, ii. 96;
alliance of, 97; and viii. 328; iv. 394;
mission of du Bellay to, 394 _sqq._;
conference between the two parties, 398 _sqq._
_Smeton_, Mark, charge against him, v. 133;
interview with the queen, 137;
arrested, 137;
examined, 148;
indicted, 153;
tried and sentenced to death, 154
_Society and the State_, i. 28
_Soleure_, i. 182;
friendly to Geneva, 276;
sends embassy to Geneva, 280; ii. 390, 392;
mass restored, 444;
the Reformation crushed, vi. 323
_Soliman_, Sultan, invades Hungary, ii. 107; iv. 116, 117;
vii. 356;
demands tribute of Louis II., 357;
battle of Mohacz, 360, 361;
ravages Hungary, 361;
again invades Hungary, confirms Zapolya as king, 371;
prohibits oppression of Protestants, 371
_Solway_, flight of the Scots at, vi. 145;
its effect on the nation, 151
_Sorbonne_, The, i. 331, 334, 343, 346;
opposes the Reformation, 403;
attacked by Berquin, 406;
proscribes Erasmus, 407, 414, 415, 418, 429;
instigates the people against Berquin, 431, 432; ii. 32;
demands trial of Berquin, 33;
condemns the professors, 59;
Lecoq examined by the doctors, 77;
closes pulpits of Paris against Roussel, 114;
agitation caused by evangelical preachings, 119;
denounces Roussel, 120;
meets with repulses, 120;
scurrilous attacks, 120;
doctrines of Roussel, 123;
complains to the king, 124;
sends deputation to him, 126;
threat of revolt, 127;
doctors summoned before Duprat, 128;
alarmed by condemnation of Beda, 130;
calls for the stake, 136;
placards, 136, 137, 141;
increasing alarm at progress of Lutherans, 165;
furious against Margaret of Navarre, 165;
finds heresy in her _Mirror_, 167;
seizes all the copies, 172;
prohibits the book, 173;
disavows the priests' comedy, 181;
apologizes to the king, 182, 183;
alarm at Cop's inaugural address, 201;
debates, 203, 228;
stops private meetings of Lutherans, and seizes preachers, 229,
230;
imprisons three hundred Lutherans, 232, 271;
alarm of, at articles of reform, 285, 286;
defends the old doctrine, 286;
conference with the ministers, 287 _sqq._;
growing alarm, 294;
schemes, 294, 295;
anger about the 'placards,' iii. 105;
avenged on Margaret, 112;
pronounces against divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 39;
declares for it, 40;
protests against union with Lutherans, 353;
refuses conference with reformers, 369;
opposes concession to them, 394
_Soto_, Pedro de, confessor to Charles V., viii. 64;
his appearance, 64;
his preaching, 65, 66;
instigates persecution, 66;
applies to Granvella, 67;
examines New Testament of Enzinas, 72;
receives Enzinas, 73;
a sermon, 74;
his report to Granvella, 75;
his treachery, 75 _sqq._;
holds a disputation with Alexander, 87;
perplexed about case of Juan Diaz, 106
_Soubise_, John of, conversion of, at Farrara, v. 428;
his zeal, 429
_Southampton_, Earl of, one of the escort of Anne of Cleves, viii.
194;
writes to Henry VIII., 195;
lord keeper, presents bill of attainder against Cromwell, 218
_Spain_, ecclesiastical state of, viii. 1;
Torquemada and the Inquisition, 2;
the universities, 2;
political circumstances favorable to the Reformation, 3;
relation between Spain and the Netherlands, 3;
introduction of Luther's works and partisans prohibited by Leo X.
and Adrian VI., 4;
preaching of John d'Avila, 5;
preparation for reform, 8;
an examination before the Inquisition, 9;
the chief reformer, 10 _sqq._;
awakening of curiosity, 20;
silent progress of the Gospel, 112
_Spandemayer_, preaches at Malmoe, vii. 158 _sqq._
_Spanish Version_ of the Bible, destroyed by the Inquisition, viii.
42;
of the New Testament, by Enzinas, completed, 58
_Spirituals_, The, iii. 77, 78;
their doctrines opposed by Calvin, 80, 81;
their dupes, 82;
their cunning, 82;
at Geneva, vi. 299;
their pantheism, 300;
Herman and Benoit heard before the Council, 301;
a public disputation, 301;
they refuse to retract, 302;
banished from Geneva, 302;
their fanaticism, viii. 331, 332;
subjected to persecution, 332;
at Munster, 334;
[_Munster_, _John of Leyden_, _Matthison_, _Knipperdolling_,
_Rottmann_];
cause troubles in Holland, 348, 349;
their proceedings not connected with Protestantism, 351;
severity of the German Diet, 352;
three causes of their disorders, 352, 353
_Spoon_, order of the, originated by de Ternier, ii. 357;
the 'gentlemen' assail the Genevese, 357;
raid on the meadows, 371;
meeting at Nyon, 373;
death of the leader Pontverre, 379;
disorders and violence of, 379, 380;
threaten attack on Geneva, 383;
respond to appeal of the bishop, 413;
commissioned to make war on Geneva, 413;
led by La Sarraz, take the field, 416;
march on Geneva, 417;
retreat, 422;
castles assailed by Swiss troops, 423, 424
_Spreng_, Jacob, account of, vii. 483;
at Wittenberg, 483;
his preaching at Antwerp, 488;
arrested and condemned to be burnt, recants, 489, 490;
preaches at Bruges, arrested and taken to Brussels, 490;
escapes to Bremen, 491;
his preaching there, viii. 49;
interviews with San Romano, 50, 51
_Statilius_, bishop of Stuhlweissenburg, vii. 383, 386
_Stirke_, Hellen, a Protestant of Perth, vi. 178;
seized and condemned to death by Cardinal Beatoun, 181;
drowned, 182
_Stirling Castle_, meeting of priestly party in, vi. 23
_Stockholm_, massacre of nobles and prelates by Christian II.
at, vii. 129, 130, 239;
blockaded by the Danes, 246;
fortified against Gustavus, 255;
besieged by him for two years and taken, 256;
iconoclasts at, 265
_Stokesley_, ambassador to Charles V. and the pope, iv. 22;
calls a meeting of priests at St. Paul's, 73;
a clerical riot, 73, 74;
complains of Latimer to the King, 80;
condemns Bayfield to be burnt, 84;
condemns Tewkesbury, 85;
examines Latimer, 99;
Bainham, 107;
one of Fryth's examiners, 151;
presides at his trial, 160;
sentences him to death, 161;
summoned before parliament to answer complaint of Philips, 179;
opposes translation of the Bible, v. 55, 57, 181, 189;
opposes admission of Alesius to Convocation, 190;
opposes union with German Protestants, viii. 154;
at Lambert's trial, 170;
visits Shaxton in prison, 271;
examines Anne Askew, 277, 278
_Straiton_, David, vi. 94;
charged with heresy, 94;
his conversion, 95;
imprisoned, 96;
burnt, 97
_Strappado_, The, at Paris, iii. 137
_Strasburg_, introduction of Luther's writings, i. 339;
refugees at, 362 _sqq._;
learning and theology at, iii. 150;
the Antioch of the Reformation, vi. 456;
the plague at, vii. 23, 42, 45;
sends delegates to Ratisbon, viii. 102
_Strengnaes_, Diet of, vii. 256;
offers throne of Sweden to Gustavus, 257
_Students, English_, at Zurich, viii. 143;
visit Calvin at Geneva, 144;
their letters to him, 145;
and to Bullinger, 146;
present Bullinger's works to Cranmer, Cromwell and the king, 146
_Students_, satires of the, ii. 135
_Sture Family_, The, in Sweden, suspected of conspiracy against
King Erick, vii. 328;
several imprisoned, 328;
Nils slain by Erick, 328
_Sturm_, John, at Paris, ii. 115, 116, 120;
his report to Germany, 131;
as lecturer, 132; iii. 75;
dejection, 144;
writes to Melanchthon, 145; iv. 349, 350;
account of, 358, 359;
letter to Bucer, 359;
presses Melanchthon to go to France, 359;
writes to him, 368;
at conference between du Bellay and Germans at Smalcalde, 398;
joint envoy to Henry VIII., v. 118
_Suabian League_, The, ii. 220
_Suffolk_, Duke of, Vice-president of the Council, iv. 5, 21;
one of Fryth's examiners, 151;
member of commission of inquiry into conduct of Queen Anne, v. 135;
on commission for trial of Norris, Weston, &c., 154;
at trial of the queen, 155, 157;
sent against insurgents of the North, 208;
his death, viii. 271
_Supremacy, Royal_, in England, demanded by Henry VIII., iv. 61;
discussed in Convocation, 62 _sqq._;
compromise agreed to by the king, 64;
Convocation silent, 65;
conceded by Convocation of York, 65, 66;
dangers of, 66;
recognized by monks and priests, v. 20;
abolition of papal supremacy by Henry VIII., 24;
protests against, 43;
mental reservations, 43;
meaning of title, 'Supreme head of the church,' 50, 51;
Carthusians refuse to acknowledge, 59
_Surrey_, Earl of, at trial of Queen Anne, v. 155; viii. 300;
his character and endowments, 300;
committed to the Tower, 301;
family quarrels, 302;
depositions, 303, 304;
condemned and executed, 304
_Sussex_, Earl of, commissioner for suppression of lesser
monasteries, v. 100;
head of commission sent to Queen Catherine, 112, 161
_Sweden_, violates the union of Calmar, vii. 128;
laid under interdict by the pope, 128;
the revolt suppressed by Christian II., 128;
the massacre at Stockholm, 129, 130;
renewed revolt of, 136;
sends an army against the Lübeckers, 213;
influences of nature and of race on the Reformation, 231, 232;
social life in, 234;
the Reformation begun, 237;
massacres by Christian II., 250;
Gustavus proclaimed king, 257;
compact of separation from Denmark signed, 265;
the pretender, 'Nils Sture,' 278;
Diet of Westeraas, 281 _sqq._;
abdication of Gustavus, 288;
his return, 289;
submission of the bishops, 294;
the compact of Westeraas, 295;
fall of Romanism, 296;
ecclesiastical confusion, 298;
synod of Orebro, 299;
'Form of Reformation' signed, 302;
obstacles to reformation, 302, 303;
progress, 305;
the throne declared hereditary, 318;
form of church government, 320;
accession of Erick, 325;
of John III., 331;
Romanism re-established, 333;
Jesuits at Stockholm, 333;
Jesuits expelled, 339;
Sigismund succeeds, 340;
Charles, 340;
assembly at Upsala, 340;
Protestantism re-established, 341
_Swedish New Testament_, published, vii. 269
_Swiss_, The, alliance with Geneva, i. 148;
the diet declares for duke of Savoy, 154;
intervention between Geneva and Friburg, 182;
help of, sought by Hugues, 275, 276;
protest of Genevese in favor of alliance, 294;
alliance concluded, 304;
opposition to it, 307;
voted by general council, 308;
embassy to Geneva, 313;
alliance sworn, 313;
decline to join Italian League, ii. 187;
decline to take part in wresting Würtemberg from Austria, 217;
the Bernese and Friburgers take opposite sides at Geneva, 353;
send embassy to Geneva, and propose dissolution of alliance,
390 _sqq._;
army sent to Geneva, 423;
alliance maintained by diet of Payerne, 432;
adhered to by Geneva, 446;
cancelled by patricians, 449;
maintained by citizens, 450;
at diet of Lucerne, consent to restoration of duke and bishop at
Geneva, iv. 344;
required by the duke to restore them, v. 315.
[_Berne_, _Friburg_, _Zurich_]
_Switzerland_, evangelical movement in, iii. 94;
debates as to union with Lutherans, vi. 324
_Sylvestre_, John, vii. 381;
his translation of New Testament, 393
_Szalkai_, Cardinal, undertakes to suppress Lutheranism in
Hungary, vii. 352
_Szantai_, Stephen, preaches in Hungary, vii. 383;
conspiracy against him, 383;
at conference of Schässburg, 385;
banished, 387
_Szegedin_, Stephen, vii. 401;
his labors, 402, 403;
his writings, 403;
view of the Supper, 404;
brutal treatment and banishment of, 405;
removes to Temeswar, 410;
banished, 412
_Szegedy_, Gregory, writes against Devay, vii. 379
_Taborites_, The, [_United Brethren_]
_Taccon_, Jean, i. 37, 56
_Taccon_, Pierre, i. 37
_Tandy_, Jean, at disputation of Lausanne, vi. 251 _sqq._
_Tast_, Hermann, preaches Lutheran doctrines in Schleswig, vii. 144,
145;
his labors, 145;
chaplain to the king, 156
_Tausen_, John, Danish reformer, his birth and early life, vii. 121,
122;
enters a monastery, 123;
receives tidings from Germany, 123;
sets out for Louvain, 124;
reads Luther's writings, 124;
goes to Wittenberg, 125;
returns to his convent, 125;
teaches at university of Copenhagen, but is recalled, 136;
his preaching in the convent, 150;
its effects, 150;
exiled to Viborg, 151;
his teaching there, 152;
tried and imprisoned, 154;
his dungeon a pulpit, 155;
liberated and made chaplain to the king, 156;
driven from the convent, 166;
his preaching prohibited, 166;
disputes with the monks, 167;
his first publication, 168;
appointed by the king pastor at Copenhagen, 169;
head of Protestant party at diet of Copenhagen, presents the
evangelical confession, 174;
cited by the bishops, 200;
condemned to death, 200;
the sentence commuted to banishment, 201;
a popular rising in his favor, 201;
discharged, 202;
again preaches at Copenhagen, 204;
bishop of Ribe, 223
_Taylor_, Dr., his sermon on the real presence, viii. 164;
interview with Lambert, 165
_Temporizers_, The, iii. 93
_Ternier_, Francis de, lord of Pontverre, i. 194;
hostile to alliance of Swiss and Genevese, ii. 303, 304;
turns highwayman, 304 _sqq._;
assembles a body of knights, 355;
hostility to Geneva, 356;
originates order of the Spoon, 357;
reconciles the duke and the bishop, 361, 362;
his raid on meadows of Geneva, 372;
convokes Knights of the Spoon at Nyon, 373;
passes through Geneva, 373;
presides at Nyon, 'down with Geneva,' 374, 375;
again passes into Geneva, 376;
his insolence, 376;
fight with citizens, 377;
wounds Bandière, 379;
slain, 379;
his funeral, 380;
his plot discovered, 380
_Tewkesbury_, John, tortured by the bishops, iv. 84, 85;
arrested and again put on the rack, 85;
his martyrdom, 85
_Theology_, restoration of, iii. 170
_Thiene_, Gaetano de, iv. 482
_Thomas_, a friar, at Geneva, i. 57
_Thorn_, Diet at, ordinance against Luther published, vii. 430;
disturbances, 430
_Tielmans_, Giles, vii. 565 _sqq._;
arrested, 569;
his intercourse with Ousberghen, 573;
put to the torture and burnt, 575;
consoles Enzinas, viii. 80
_Tifernus_, Michael, appointed tutor to Christopher of
Würtemberg, ii. 108;
aids his escape from Charles V., 110
_Tillet_, Jean de, iii. 13, 14
_Tillet_, Louis du, his character and intercourse with Calvin, ii.
91;
receives him, iii. 6;
accompanies him to Poitiers, 44, 64, 91, 150, 151, 154, 157;
his doubts and sufferings, 163, 192;
with Calvin arrives at Ferrara, v. 421;
at Strasburg, 455;
meets Calvin at Geneva, 457;
difference with Calvin, vi. 356;
quits Geneva, 357;
re-enters Catholic church, 358
_Titian_, at evangelical meetings at Ferrara, v. 430;
paints portrait of Calvin, 431 and _note_.
_Tobar_, Bernardin de, viii. 13;
arrested by the Inquisition, 14
_Tondebinder_, Claus, preaches at Malmoe, vii. 157 _sqq._;
futile attempts to silence him, 159;
assists in publishing Danish hymn-book, 160;
Professor of Theology, 169
_Tonstal_, Cuthbert, bishop of Durham, opposes royal supremacy, iv.
63;
communicates Pole's book to the king, v. 174;
writes to Pole, 177;
opposes union with German Protestants, viii. 154;
at Lambert's trial, 170
_Tonsure_, The, iii. 64
_Tordesillas_, Francis de, translates Latin works of Carranza,
viii. 119;
his 'notice to the reader,' 119
_Torgau_, meeting of Protestants at, ii. 96
_Torquemada_, Inquisitor-general, viii. 2
_Toulouse_, superstition at, ii. 77;
trial of Caturce, 80 _sqq._;
university of, declares for divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 40
_Tour-Landry_, Chev. de la, his works on education, iv. 356, 357
_Tournon_, Cardinal de, presides at discussion with Lecoq, ii. 76;
ambassador to the pope, 105;
to Conference of Bologna, 142;
characterized, 147;
policy of the embassy, 147, 155; iii. 107;
instigates persecution, 113; iv. 308, 370;
opposes union with Lutherans, 370, 371;
obtains absolution from the pope for Caroli, vi. 322;
presides at meeting of prelates at Lyons, 479
_Toussaint_, Pierre, imprisoned, i. 350;
liberated, 359;
goes to Paris, 360;
at court, 364;
his disgust, 367;
leaves Paris, 368, 377;
called to preach at Geneva, ii. 439;
declines, 440;
invited into Switzerland by Farel, iii. 232
_Tracy_, William, his remains exhumed and burnt, iv. 76
_Traheron_, Bartholomew. [_Students, English_]
_Trajetta_, duchess of. [_Gonzaga, Giulia di_]
_Transubstantiation_, v. 283;
discussed at Lausanne, vi. 245
_Transylvania_. [_Hungary_, _Hermanstadt_, _Honter_, John,
_Leutschau_]
_Trent_, Council of, arrangement for a lay council, ii. 157, 158;
anathematizes the doctrines of the Reformation, vii. 408;
its effect in Hungary, 408
_Tricks_ of the monks, ii. 385 _sqq._
_Trinity_, The, Servetus and Calvin on, iii. 84 _sqq._
_Trois-Moutiers_, Prior of, iii. 45, 63
_Troll_, Gustavus, archbishop of Upsala, imprisoned, vii. 128;
crowns King Frederick, 154;
supports Christian II., 185;
commander of the Lübeckers, 213
_Turin_, introduction of reformed doctrines at, iv. 412
_Tyndale_, William, iv. 2;
his _Practice of Prelates_ presented to the king, 53;
sought for by the king, 54;
meets with Vaughan, 55;
his warning to Henry, 56;
distrusts the clergy, 56;
second meeting with Vaughan, 58;
a gulf between him and the king, 58;
friend of Lambert, 92;
his translation of New Testament read in London, 105, 111;
assisted by Fryth, 140;
letter to Fryth, 144;
another, 151;
at Antwerp, v. 29;
his labors and charities, 30;
his New Testament in demand, 30;
his protest of integrity as translator, 31;
Gardiner's plot against him, 35;
beset by Gardiner's agents, 35;
treacherously arrested, 40;
imprisoned at Vilvorde, 40;
presents his New Testament to Queen Anne, 122, 197;
his peculiar work as translator, 214, 215;
assisted by Rogers, 215;
his joy at the printing of his translation, 216;
intercourse with the jailor and his family, 217;
efforts of Poyntz to save him, 218;
of Cromwell, 219;
his liberation promised, 219;
conflict with Romish doctors, 220;
abandoned by Henry VIII., 221;
before the court, 222;
undertakes his own defence, 222;
condemned, 223;
degraded, 224;
his religious courage, 224;
his martyrdom, 225, 226;
circulation of his New Testament, 226;
sale of his Bible authorized by Henry VIII., 227;
universally read, 228;
Hacket ordered to burn his New Testaments, vi. 25;
they are imported in Scotland, 25;
publication of his writings at Marburg, 30;
new edition of his Bible, viii. 177, 178;
his Bible suppressed, but issued without his name, 260
_Ulrich_, duke of Würtemberg, ii. 100;
expelled from his states, 100;
his cause supported by France at Augsburg, 219, 221, 226;
restored, 253, 255;
promotes reformation, 255
_Uniformity_, in church government and worship, ii. 97
_Union with God_, three acts necessary to, i. 319
_United Brethren_, The, in Bohemia, vii. 417;
differences about the Supper, 418;
condemned by Luther, 418;
send a deputation to him, 419;
send a statement of their views, 420
_Unity_, ecclesiastical, sought by three parties, iv. 348 _sqq._;
common feature of the three, 350, 372;
Roman and Christian contrasted, viii. 312
_Universities_, decisions of, on divorce of Henry VIII.
presented to parliament, iv. 67;
visitation of English, v. 84
_Upsala_, assembly of, re-establishes Protestantism in Sweden,
vii. 340
_Urbino_, Duke of, at war with Leo X., i. 114;
duchy of, ii. 149
_Utenhov_, Nicholas, vii. 547
_Valdez_, Alfonso de, birth of, iv. 454;
sees Luther's works burnt, 455;
his _Dialogue_, on events at Rome, 455 _sqq._;
attacked by Castiglione, 457;
defended by his brother, 457;
at Augsburg, 458; viii. 3
_Valdez_, Juan de, birth of, iv. 454;
his _Dialogue between Mercury and Charon_, 457;
_Hundred Considerations_, 457 _note_;
in Italy, 459;
character of, 459, 460;
at Chiaja, 460;
_Considerations_, 466 _sqq._;
conversation with Giulia di Gonzaga, 469 _sqq._;
his _Spiritual Abecedary_, 469 _note_
_Valerio_, Rodrigo de, Spanish reformer, his birth and early
life, viii. 10, 11;
his renunciation of the world, 11;
studies the Bible, 12;
begins to propagate evangelical doctrines, 12;
his labors at Seville, 21;
his influence over Egidius, 24;
preaches publicly, 25;
arrested by the Inquisition, defended by Egidius and liberated,
25, 26;
teaches the Gospel privately, 36;
then publicly, and is imprisoned for life by the Inquisition,
36, 37;
his death, 37
_Valeton_, Peter, iii. 73;
arrested, 110;
his books seized, 111;
tortured, 137;
burnt, 138
_Valladolid_, beginnings of reformation at, viii. 21, 112
_Vandel_, Claude, and his sons, i. 54;
the father kidnapped by the Bastard of Savoy, 55;
liberated by episcopal council, 57, 87;
syndic, 111, 134, 148, 206
_Vandel_, Hugues, ambassador to the Swiss, ii. 400
_Vandel_, Pierre, i. 292; iii. 277;
wounded in the Cathedral, 372, 385;
proscribed by the bishop, 439;
seized and imprisoned, 441, 457;
leader in campaign against idols, v. 289, 305; vi. 435;
account of him, 435;
gets possession of Calvin's articles, 435;
reads them before the council, 436
_Vandel_, Robert, i. 207, 292, 293;
wins over the bishop of Geneva, 297, 298;
at election of syndics, 300;
defends the Reformation, 310;
bishop's envoy to Friburg and Basel, ii. 320;
a fray, 337, 348, 369;
envoy to Switzerland, 381;
again, 415;
again, 450;
visits Farel, iii. 277
_Vandel_, Thomas, v. 235
_Van der Hulst_, Franz, inquisitor in the Netherlands, vii. 491, 493;
takes the lead in persecution of Henry of Zutphen, 497
_Vargas_, viii. 27;
interview with Egidius, 28;
shares the labors of Egidius and Ponce de la Fuente, 29;
his death, 35
_Vatable_, Francis, ii. 51;
cited, 59;
accused by Beda, 230
_Vaudois_, in Picardy, i. 349
_Vaughan_, Stephen, sent by Henry VIII. to find Tyndale, iv. 54;
meets with him at Antwerp, 55;
their conference, 56;
second meeting, 58;
searches for John Fryth, 59;
envoy to Elector of Saxony, 165
_Vax_, Antonia, account of, v. 244;
consents to take part in plot against reformers at Geneva, 245;
poisons Viret, 246;
her remorse, 247;
tried, and condemned, 248;
executed, 249
_Vedastes_, John, i. 361, 362
_Venice_, appearance of Protestantism at, iv. 410
_Vergara_, John de, his attainments, viii. 13;
corrects the Vulgate and is arrested by the Inquisition, 13, 14
_Vergara_, Francis de, viii. 13
_Vergerio_, legate, papal ambassador at Smalcalde, iv. 399;
interview with Luther, v. 108
_Vernou_, Jean, iii. 46;
sent by Calvin to preach, 58, 61
_Veron_, Anthony, iii. 46
_Veron_, Philip, sent by Calvin to preach, iii. 58, 59, 61, 62
_Vevey_, Reformation at, vi. 267
_Viborg_, vii. 151;
free school at, 154;
Reformation at, 155;
departure of the monks, 167;
a printing press established, 168
'_Vidamy_,' The, of Geneva, i. 18;
attempt of duke of Savoy to usurp, 238, 242
_Vienne_, Archbishop of, i. 99;
summons bishop of Geneva to hear judgment in Pécolat's case, 99,
100;
threatens the bishop with excommunication, 103;
his official posts up the excommunication in Geneva, 104;
his censures annulled by the pope, 106
_Vienne_, persecution at, i. 10
_Viglius_ of Zuychem, vii. 476;
his admiration for Erasmus, 476;
President of Council of Mechlin, 477;
President of Privy Council, 477;
inward conflict, 477;
secret report about him, 478;
his moderation, 479
_Vilvorde_, castle of, v. 40
_Viret_, Pierre, early life of, iii. 220;
goes to University of Paris, 221;
meets with Farel, 221;
refuses the tonsure, 222;
his struggles, 222;
friendship with Farel, 224;
preaches at Orbe, 225;
his place among the reformers, 225;
imprisoned at Orbe, 239;
accompanies Bernese embassy to Geneva, iv. 215;
at the tournament, 217;
presides at a reformed baptism, 249;
takes part in first evangelical Pentecost, 281;
summoned before the Council, 306;
poisoned by Antonia Vax, v. 246;
contends with Caroli at the disputation, 269;
preaches at Lausanne, vi. 230;
takes part in the disputation, 241 _sqq._;
condemns image-worship, 262;
second pastor, with Caroli, 265, 266;
dispute with him, 305, 306;
intervention of Calvin, 306, 307;
at synod of Lausanne, 313;
pleads for recall of Calvin and Farel to Geneva, 433, 443;
goes to Geneva, vii. 12;
Calvin's colleague, 56;
assists Calvin in preparing the Ordinances, 60;
returns to Lausanne, 110
_Virgin, Image of the_, at Paris, mutilated, i. 423 _sqq._;
processions, 425, 426;
miracles, 426, 427;
at Geneva, broken, iv. 186;
appearance of the Virgin, at Geneva, 279
_Virves_, Alfonso, chaplain to Charles V., viii. 18;
slandered by the monks, 18;
his esteem for the reformers, 18;
imprisoned by the Inquisition, 18;
intervention of Charles V., 19;
condemned, 19;
his retractation, 19;
liberated and made a bishop, 19;
his _Philippicæ Disputationes_, 19
_Viry_, Sire de, ii. 382;
withdraws from attack on Geneva, 384
_Voré_, Barnabas. [_De la Fosse_]
_Voruz_, Sieur de, betrays Bonivard to duke of Savoy, i. 185, 186;
his reward, 186
_Vuillet_, Messire, governor of Gex, his treacherous visit to
Hugues, i. 271;
his prey escapes him, 274;
orders pursuit, 274
_Waim_, Gervais, envoy of Francis I. to German princes, ii. 72;
his rashness at Wittenberg, 72
_Waldenses_, The, ii. 102; iii. 245, 246;
send a deputy to Wittenberg, 246;
synod at Merindol, 246;
deputation (Morel and Masson) to Œcolampadius, 247;
story of Peter Waldo, 248;
confessions of the Barbes, 249;
the deputies go to Strasburg, 250;
are imprisoned at Dijon, Masson put to death, 250;
synod proposed, Farel invited, 251;
tell their story at Granson, 251;
two parties at the synod, 255;
synod opened, 255;
new confession signed, 258;
old manuscripts, 259;
agree to French translation of the Bible, 260;
contribute to Olivétan's, 304
_Wallachia_, the waywode has audience of Francis I., ii. 248
_Wallop_, Sir John, ambassador in France, viii. 210, 211
_Waltham Abbey_, the monks netted, v. 81, 82
_Warham_, William, archbishop of Canterbury, iv. 13;
proposes a compromise on supremacy, 64;
orders exhumation and burning of Tracy's remains, 76;
examines Lambert, 94;
presides at examination of Latimer, 99;
invites him to visit him, 100;
excommunicates him, 101;
his character, protest against reformation, 113;
death, 113, 116;
his belief in Maid of Kent, v. 10
_Watteville_, J. J. de, avoyer of Berne, i. 174;
deputy to Geneva, ii. 445;
intervenes at Granson, iii. 241;
encounter with the sentinels, 241;
reviews the Bernese army, v. 375;
ambassador to disputation of Lausanne, vi. 239;
presides at synod of Berne, 328;
deputy to Geneva, 517
_Wernli_, Peter, Canon of Geneva, iii. 363, 368, 396;
his activity, 406;
conducts high mass, 408;
prepared for battle, 412;
his appeal, 415;
gives the signal for battle, 416;
slain, 417;
his body found, 419;
consequences of his death, 420;
the funeral, 421;
a miracle, 422;
removal of the body to Friburg, 422, 425, 447, 454; iv. 194
_Wessel_, Johan, vii. 482
_Westeraas_, Diet of, vii. 281;
the banquet, 282;
secret meeting of the bishops, 283;
their engagement, 284;
speech of the chancellor, 285;
speech of the king, his abdication, 287, 288;
popular agitation, 289;
discussion between Olaf and Peter Galle, 290;
return of the king, 293;
Compact of, signed, 295
_Weston_, Sir Francis, charge against him, v. 134;
at Greenwich tournament, 138;
arrest of, 139;
examined, 148;
indicted, 153;
tried and sentenced to death, 154;
beheaded, 159
_Westphalia_, conflicts of the Reformation in, viii. 329
_Wickliffe_, John, iv. 2;
known in Poland, vii. 422
_Wildermuth_, Jacob, account of, v. 320;
undertakes to help Geneva, 321;
takes command of auxiliaries, 324;
dismisses cowards, 326;
his plan of march, 327;
in the Jura, 329 _sqq._;
guides offered, 330;
the men betrayed, 332;
defeats Savoyards at Gingins, 334 _sqq._;
duped by Savoyards at Coppet, returns home, 350
_William of Orange_, i. 5
_William_, of Zwoll, preaches and is arrested, vii. 526;
burnt at Mechlin, 527
_Wiltshire_, Earl of, ambassador to Charles V. and the pope, iv. 22,
24;
audience with the pope, 25;
audience with Charles V., 26;
reproved by Charles, 26;
conference with De Gramont, 27;
presents Cranmer's book to the pope, 28;
returns to England, 28;
at the coronation of his daughter Anne, 136;
one of Fryth's examiners, 151; v. 126, 136, 155
_Winding-sheet, Holy_, Feast of the, iii. 407
_Windsor_, persecution of evangelicals at, viii. 265, 266
_Wingle_, Pierre de, printer, v. 272, 273
_Winsheim_, Dr., professes evangelical faith in Hungary, vii. 346;
banished, becomes professor at Wittenberg, 354
_Wishart_, George, account of, vi. 185;
his return to Scotland, 185;
preaches at Dundee, 186;
forbidden to preach, 186;
goes to Ayr, preaches in the market-place, 187;
in country places, 188;
returns to Dundee on outbreak of the plague, 188;
attempt to murder him, 189;
escapes ambuscade of the cardinal, 190;
at Invergowrie, his night of prayer, 190;
at Leith, 192;
prohibited preaching in Haddingtonshire, 194;
his last sermon, 195;
dismisses Knox, 195;
arrested by Bothwell, 196;
imprisoned at Hailes, 197;
given up to the regent, and by him to the cardinal, 197;
cited before the cardinal, 198;
his trial, 198-203;
sentenced to death, 203;
the communion refused him, 204;
preparations for his execution, 205;
his martyrdom, 206, 207;
its effects in Scotland, 207, 208
_Wittenberg and Geneva_, i. 183, 191;
first echo of Wittenberg at Geneva, 209, 216, 305; ii. 434, 437
_Wittenberg_, discussion between English and German divines at,
v. 116, 117;
the plague at, vi. 36, 37;
the university transferred to Jena, 37
_Wolfgang_, prince of Anhalt, signs Confession of Augsburg, viii.
323
_Wolmar_, Michael, ii. 9, 10, 11;
called to Bourges, 23;
his appeal to Calvin, 25
_Wolsey_, Cardinal, i. 356; iv. 44, 60, 61
_Women_, join Catholic bands at Geneva, iii. 383, 384;
weep and pray, 391
_Wormorsen_, Francis, Carmelite, preaches at Malmoe, vii. 159;
professor there, 169;
his apology for the evangelicals, 206;
made bishop of Lund, 222
_Worms_, Conference of theologians at, vii. 8;
transferred to Ratisbon, 18
_Wriothesley_, Chancellor of England, conducts negotiation for
marriage of Henry VIII. with duchess of Milan, viii. 174;
arrests Cromwell, 210;
takes part in examination of Anne Askew, 276;
tortures her, 281;
presides at her burning, 283, 287, 289;
with Gardiner intrigues against the queen, 289;
aids in drawing up bill of indictment, 290;
drops it in the palace, 291;
attempts to arrest the queen, 296;
in disgrace, 297;
investigates charges against Norfolk and his son, 300, 301
_Würtemberg_, duchy of, affairs of, ii. 100 _sqq._, 215,
216, 217, 220;
treaty between Francis I. and Philip of Hesse for deliverance of,
226;
preparations for war, 251;
restoration of Duke Ulrich, 253, 254;
opened to the Reformation, 255
_Wyatt_, Sir Thomas, ambassador, quoted, viii. 175 _n._;
his interview with Charles V., 199 _sqq._
_Wynram_, Gilbert, accompanies Patrick Hamilton to the
Netherlands, vi. 29
_Yorkshire_, Catholic revolt in, v. 206
_Yvonand_, iii. 298, 300
_Yverdun_, sends a procession to Granson, iii. 239;
taken by the Bernese, vi. 229;
the Reformation introduced by force, 229
_Zapolya_, head of the grandees of Hungary, vii. 357;
crowned King of Hungary, 364;
opposed by Ferdinand of Austria, 364;
publishes edict against the Lutherans, 364;
supported by Solyman, 370;
does homage to him, 371;
imprisons Devay at Buda, 377;
liberates him, 378;
concludes agreement with Ferdinand, 390;
marries Isabella of Poland, 390;
his death, his son proclaimed king, 391
_Zapolya, John Sigismund_, proclaimed King of Hungary, vii. 391;
supported by Solyman, 391
_Zell_, Matthew, his preaching at Strasburg, i. 339, 361; ii. 246;
receives Calvin, iii. 150;
prosecuted, 151;
his wife Catherine, 151;
lodges persecuted Christians, 151;
Catherine's failings, 152, 153
_Zoete_, Louis de, agent of the Inquisition, meets Enzinas at
Mechlin, viii. 90
_Zurich_, i. 182, 277, 310; ii. 390, 392, 399, 400;
treaty with landgrave of Hesse, 420, 442, 443;
defeat at Cappel, 444;
synod of reformed churches at, vi. 420;
articles of Calvin and Farel approved by the synod, and their
recall recommended, 425; vii. 43, 44;
English students at, viii. 143, 144
_Zwinglius_, i. 201, 277;
his special work, 319, 352; ii. 311, 313, 314;
encourages Ab Hofen, 314, 436, 438, 439, 443; iii. 49, 165;
condemns divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 42;
his works read in Italy, 408, 461;
a man of action, vii. 114;
his views compared with Calvin's, 117;
his doctrine received in Hungary, 389, 395;
intercourse with Alasco, 435;
defended by Alasco, 436
THE END.
_530 BROADWAY, NEW YORK._
_November, 1877._
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Journal de Merle d'Aubigné._
[2] _Ibid._
[3] Jules Bonnet, _Notice sur Merle d'Aubigné_. Paris, 1874.
[4] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, i. p. 285.
[5] _Ibid._ p. 349.
[6] Martyris, _Epist. Lib._, ep. 333.
[7] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. p. 3.
[8] Martyris, _Epp._, pp. 689, 722.
[9] Frobenius to Luther, February 14, 1519.--Walch., xv. p. 1631.
[10] 'Libellus Lutheri de libertate christiana et de servo arbitrio in
Hispanicum idioma translatus.'--Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. 168.
[11] Melch. Adami, _Vitæ Theol._, p. 288.
[12] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, i. p. 419.
[13] Works of John d'Avila, translated by Arnauld d'Andilly. Paris,
1773.
[14] Works of John d'Avila, p. 671.
[15] Works of John d'Avila, pp. 684, 685, 688, 714, 715, 717.
[16] _Ibid._ pp. 710, 712.
[17] There are four books of them, containing in all 162 letters,
generally very lengthy.
[18] Works of D'Avila, p. 397.
[19] _Ibid._ p. 95.
[20] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. 6, 138. Works of
D'Avila, p. 122.
[21] Works of D'Avila, p. 397.
[22] It is an exposition of Christian doctrine, viewed not from the
dogmatical, but from the spiritual and practical point of view.
[23] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. p. 7.
[24] 'Homo simplex, ruri perpetuo addictus, &c.'--Montanus,
_Inquisitionis hispanicæ artes_, p. 31.
[25] 'Adoranda hic maxime est divina providentia erga eos quos
elegit ... cujus rei, vel is ipse rusticus luculentum exemplum esse
possit.'--Montanus, _Artes Inq. hisp._, pp. 32, 33.
[26] 'In equis, in equorum apparatu, in ludis, in vestium luxu, in
venationibus, etc.'--_Artes Inq. hisp._, p. 260.
[27] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. p. 148.
[28] 'Repente divinus quidem furor eum corripit.'--Montanus, pp. 260,
269.
[29] 'In cultu corporis antea molliculo et splendido, tum vero horrido
et sordido apparebat.'--Montanus, p. 261.
[30] 'Sacras litteras diu noctuque versabat.'--_Ibid._
[31] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. p. 148.
[32] 'Rursus Hispanias habere suum _Geryonem_, sed auspicatissimum,
tricorporem quidem, sed unanimem.'--Erasmi _Epp._, lib. xx. ep. 15.
[33] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. pp. 7, 8. _Epp. Th.
Mori et Lud. Vives_, col. 114.
[34] 'Propter hoc unum verbum, sine mora in custodiam SS. PP. est
traditus.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 156.
[35] 'Illius judicium instar oraculi.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p.
158.
[36] Llorente, ii. p. 456. _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 123.
[37] Llorente, ii. pp. 430-431.
[38] Llorente, iii. pp. 6, 7.
[39] 'Tam impudentibus calumniis, tam evidentibus mendaciis, tam
malitiosis artibus.'--Erasmi _Epp._ lib. xviii. ep. 2.
[40] Virves, _Epist._, Ratisbon, April 15, 1532. Burcheri _Spicil._, v.
pp. 12-16.
[41] Llorente, ii. pp. 8-14.
[42] 'Qui ad alios illuminandos amandati erant, ipsimet lumine capti
ad nos redierunt, deceptique ab hæreticis.'--G. de Illescas, _Hist.
Pontiffical y Catolica_, i. p. 672.
[43] 'Unde illa audacia qua in sanctos patres ecclesiæ lumina atque
columnas... inveheretur?'--Montanus, pp. 261, 262.
[44] 'Magno contemptui esse cœpit, quo in die magis magisque
aucto.'--Montanus, p. 258.
[45] 'Eum exacte edocuit Christiani concionatoris officium.'--Montanus,
p. 258.
[46] 'Obstupescebat primo Ægidius.... Unus e media plebe, idiota,
etc.'--Montanus, p. 258.
[47] Llorente, ii. pp. 139, 140.
[48] 'Fuit divina monenti tanta spiritus Dei vis in dicendo ut ab ea
hora Ægidius in alium virum mutatus.'--Montanus, p. 259.
[49] 'Præcipue sua ipsius experientia erat edoctus.'--Montanus, p. 263.
[50] 'Igneam quamdam pietatis facem.'--_Ibid._, p. 231.
[51] 'Adesse Christum qui verba, eo externe ministrante, in ipsis
visceribus suorum virtute spiritus sui exararet.'--Montanus, p. 201.
[52] 'Familiaris consuetudo atque arcta amicitia.'--Montanus, p. 265.
[53] 'Constantini Fontii, viri ad prodigium usque eruditi.'--_Ibid._
[54] Llorente, ii. p. 273.
[55] A learned and pious historian, M'Crie, who devoted much attention
to the history of the Reformation in Spain, states that Vargas
first explained the Epistle to the Romans. But Montanus de Montes,
a contemporary and friend of Egidius, says--'_Prælegebat evangelium
Matthæi, quo absoluto accepit Psalmos._' P. 281.
[56] 'Capitulum cum honorifica legatione accercebat.'--Montanus, p. 279.
[57] 'Vilesceret vero indies assidua congressione lucis hypocritarum
turba.'--Montanus, p. 266.
[58] 'Ad Epicteti Stoici placita ... eo Epicteto inferior.'--Montanus,
p. 238.
[59] 'De crebris jejuniis, de mortificatione, vestitu, sermone,
vultu ... ad missas complures, ad sacrorum locorum frequentationes, et ad
multa alia nugamenta.'--Montanus, p. 238.
[60] 'Accessorat ea Hispaniæ linguæ peritia et facundia quæ
quibuscumque illius studiosissimis miraculo esset.'--Montanus, p. 278.
[61] 'Videbatur enim veluti a specula quadam humana omnia negotia
contemplari.'--Montanus, p. 278.
[62] 'Tantus erat populi concursus ut quarta, sæpe etiam tertia, noctis
hora vix in templo inveniretur commodus ad audiendum locus.'--_Ibid._,
p. 279.
[63] 'Clarissimos antecelluit.'--_Ibid._, p. 278.
[64] 'Ea urbs omnium totius Hispaniæ felicissima.'--Montanus, p. 240.
[65] 'Illa enim messis quæ per totos jam octo aut decem annos
colligitur, ex illa laboriosa novatione provenire certum
est.'--Montanus, p. 240.
[66] 'Constantinus (de la Fuente) a Cæsare et filio Philippo ascitus
Hispali discedere cogeretur,'--Montanus, p. 282.
[67] 'Qui ut simplicitate ingenii et auctoritate præstabat, apertius et
frequentius lucis hostes lacessebat.'--Montanus, p. 266.
[68] 'A Valerio Nebrissensi ex d. Pauli epistolæ ad Romanos familiari
interpretatione (veritatem) ante didicerat (Diazius).'--Montanus, p.
268.
[69] Peter is not to be confounded with one of the two brothers Juan
and Alfonso, whose tragic history holds a place in the annals of the
Reformation.
[70] 'Sæpe e sua sede surgens, spectante universo populo,
concionatoribus contradixit.'--Montanus, p. 264.
[71] 'Quem olim in nostra civitate adolescentem puer familiariter
novi,' says Francis Enzinas of San Romano.--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii.
p. 174.
[72] 'Virum gravem admodum constantemque et fortem in iis
asserendis defendendisque quæ vera atque recta esse discendo
comperisset.'--Camerarius, _Melanchthonis Vita_, p. 324.
[73] 'De officio pii viri in hoc dissidio religionis. Consultatio de
articulis fidei inter papistas et protestantes controversis,' &c.
[74] 'Illustrium et clarorum virorum epistolæ, scriptæ a Belgis vel ad
Belgas,' pp. 55, 58. Lugd. Batav., 1617.
[75] _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. 172, 173.
[76] M'Crie, _Reformation in Spain_, pp. 403, 414.
[77] 'Cum gravitatem illam vultus pari suavitate conjunctam, et totius
corporis majestatem vere heroicam contemplarer.'--Gerdesius, iii.
_Monumenta_, p. 83.
[78] 'Divinitus donatus præ ceteris mortalibus.'--_Ibid._
[79] 'Scintillula ignis ... ut totum fere pectus conflagrare
videretur.'--Gerdesius, iii. _Monumenta_, 83.
[80] 'Vel ad extremum orbem advolare.'--Gerdesius, iii. p. 85.
[81] 'Cujus suavi colloquio et minime molesta gravitate mirifice
delectabar.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 166.
[82] Miserias hujus mundi cum æterna vita commutavit.'--_Memoirs of
Enzinas_, ii. p. 166, in the scholarly edition of M. Campan. (Brussels,
1862.)
[83] 'Usque ad cineres summa sum eum reverentia prosecutus.'--_Ibid._
[84] Illust. et Clar. Virorum _Epp._ selectæ, a Belgis vel ad Belgas
scriptæ; Leyden, 1617. Ep. from Knobelsdorf to Cassander, July 10,
1542; from James Dryander to Cassander, pp. 38-45, 55, 60. Crespin,
_Actes des Martyrs_, iii. p. 127.
[85] See vol. vii. p. 491.
[86] 'Totam concionem intellexit.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 176.
[87] 'Divino quodam œstro percitus.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p.
176.
[88] 'Ipsum inflammavit concionatoris oratio.'--_Ibid._
[89] 'Toto triduo... in alium quemdam hominem prorsus novum est
immutatus.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 178.
[90] 'Nihil toto die meditabatur, nihil nocte somniabat, præter eas
sententias.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 178.
[91] Letter from Spreng to Enzinas, Jan. 6, 1546. Archives of
Protestant Seminary at Strasburg.
[92] 'Postea in Hispaniam commigrare ut parentes ac totam denique
civitatem nostram... converteret.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 182.
[93] 'Quo morbo laboraret.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 184.
[94] 'In aliquod antrum, quasi vivum cadaver insepultum
detruderent.'--_Ibid._, p. 184.
[95] 'Ex equo deponunt, et captivum in ædes cujusdam mercatoris
deducunt.'--_Ibid._, p. 186.
[96] 'Pessimi nebulones.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 188.
[97] _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 198.
[98] See the opening speech of the Diet.--_Sleidan_, ii. p. 125 _sqq._
[99] 'Longam atque audacem orationem ... audivit imperator
patienter.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 200.
[100] 'Es ist unmöglich Christum zu vergleichen mit der
Schlangen.'--_Luth., Epp._, v. p. 376.
[101] 'Volebant eum, sine mora, in Danubium præcipitem dare.'--_Memoirs
of Enzinas_, ii. p. 202.
[102] 'Etiam (ut audivi) in ipsam Africanam expeditionen.'--_Ib._, p.
206.
[103] 'Nihil tamen obstant hæc omnia vincula, quin meus animus alioqui
liberrimus, in quem nihil habet juris imperator.'--_Memoirs of
Enzinas_, ii. p. 204.
[104] 'Nimium in via properabant.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 206.
[105] The conclusion of San Romano's story will be found in ch. vi.
_infra_.
[106] _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. pp. 9-13.
[107] Vol. vii. p. 554.
[108] 'Vel suo sanguine librum impressum.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p.
140.
[109] 'Responsandi ex prophetarum, Christi, et apostolorum scriptis
adversus Ecclesiæ decreta.'--_Ibid._, p. 146.
[110] 'Utilis illa admodum, atque proficua futura sit
opera.'--Gerdesius, _Hist. Reform._, iii. p. 166.
[111] 'Ut divinum quoddam numen inter mortales existimetur.'--_Memoirs
of Enzinas_, ii. p. 126.
[112] 'Insanis vociferationibus, non dicam concionantem, sed vere
furentem, et concionem ipsam ad seditionem excitantem.'--_Memoirs of
Enzinas_, ii. p. 128.
[113] 'Non pauca ille in te oblique dicitur ejaculatus... cum
tu ipse proximus illi sederes,... quem tamen ipse non potuit
agnoscere.'--_Ibid._
[114] 'Juvenculum heri aut nudius tertius natum.'--_Memoirs of
Enzinas_, i. p. 188. This is evidence of the youth of Enzinas.
[115] 'Jurare per sacrosanctam cucullam.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p.
190.
[116] The title stood finally thus: 'El Nuevo Testamento de nuestro
Redemptor y Salvador Jesu Christo, traduzido de Griego en lengua
Castellana por Francisco de Enzinas, dedicado á la cesarea Magestad. En
Enveres, en casa de Estevan Mierdmanno, en el anno de MDXLIII.'--In 8vo.
[117] 'Cognitis pactionis hujus legibus ... e vita, velut indignabunda,
excedens humanis valedixit.'--Ubbo Emmius, 832. Ranke, _Deutsche
Geschichte_, iv. p. 295.
[118] 'Eum præsentaneo veneno pungit.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p.
100.
[119] 'Inflexo capite in humeros, cucullo usque ad oculos demisso,
terram intuens, modeste,' &c.--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 100.
[120] 'Qui ne muscam quidem lædere possit.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii.
p. 100.
[121] 'Tum admonet omnes machinas quas illi suggerit Satanæ
furor.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 102.
[122] 'Vel in ipso furiarum choro bacchantem.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_,
ii. p. 100.
[123] 'Imperator existimat se jam nunc in imo Tartari esse
demersum.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 106.
[124] 'Eodem tempore quum ego, ad aulam accedebat
(imperator).'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 196.
[125] 'In aula habebam non paucos neque vulgares amicos et
cognatos.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 196.
[126] 'Nostræ Novi Testamenti interpretationi unice favebat.'--_Memoirs
of Enzinas_, i. p. 200.
[127] 'Singulari quadam majestate procedens, solus assedit
mensæ.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 200.
[128] Ps. cxix. 46. 'Hæc sententia in animo meo frequenter atque
ardenter repetita, sic vires reficiebat,' &c.--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i.
p. 202.
[129] 'Tunc auctor es istius libri?'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 206.
[130] 'O rem unam lacrymis plane sanguineis deplorandam.'--_Memoirs of
Enzinas_, i. p. 208.
[131] 'Rem esse cum magno periculo conjunctam.'--_Ibid._, p. 212.
[132] 'Cujus opera thesaurum amplissimum cœlestis doctrinæ Hispani
homines sunt consecuti.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 218.
[133] 'Omnes proditores et suspendi et crepare medios
debere.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 228.
[134] 'Spurco sermone miseras auditorum aures exercebat.'--_Ibid._, p.
226.
[135] 'Ut paulo post totam Hispaniam ad lutheranismum
converteret!'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 66.
[136] 'Deum immortalem! qualia illic portenta, quot idolorum
formæ!'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 236.
[137] 'Quod unum apud nos extremo dignum supplicio judicatur'--_Memoirs
of Enzinas_, i. p. 246.
[138] 'Ex istis fontibus haurienda est (doctrina) sine quibus sterilis
et cæca est humana cogitatio.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 256.
[139] 'Videbam magnam monachorum turbam sursum deorsum cursitantium,
nescio quid inter se susurrantium....'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p.
266.
[140] 'Qui hastis, gladiis ac multiplici armorum genere instructi
capiti meo imminebant.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 268.
[141] 'Pericula ... non secus quam si omnia coram
prævidissem.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 6.
[142] 'Nunquam in lucem erumpit, quin fulgura et tonitrua
subsequantur.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 16.
[143] Vol. vii. pp. 565-576.
[144] 'Judico hominem esse omnium quos ego unquam viderim
optimum.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, p. 54.
[145] 'Ingens facinus ac incendio dignum.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, p. 60.
[146] 'Ne opus alioqui laudabile ab eventu rerum æstimarent.'--_Memoirs
of Enzinas_, ii. p. 50.
[147] 'Supplex exhortatio ad invictissimum Cæsarem Carolum V. et
illustrissimos principes,' &c., 1543.--_Calv. Opp._, vi.
[148] 'Ut plane sentirem me ad mortem paratiorem quam ante
fueram.'--_Cod. Genev._, 112, fol. 67, August 3, 1545. _Calv. Opp._,
xii. p. 127.
[149] 'Profecto sic me Davidicum plectrum harmonia sua plane cœlesti
rapiebat.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 78.
[150] M. Campan, editor of the _Memoirs of Enzinas_, conjectures
that this is the work which was first published in 1628, under the
title, _Los Psalmos de David, dirigidos in forma de oraciones_.--See
_Bibliotheca Wiffeniana_, p. 142.
[151] 'Universam civitatem in favorem evangelicæ doctrinæ
propendere.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 82.
[152] Sleidan, vol. ii. book xv. pp. 226-232. _Papiers d'Etat_, iii. p.
67.
[153] 'At vero qui propter religionem captivi erant, multo angustius et
crudelius asservantur.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 374.
[154] 'Leges sanguine scriptæ ... ut liceret illis pro suo arbitrio in
Lutheranos grassari.'--_Ibid._, p. 384.
[155] 'Facilius per nos ipsos quam per sanctos impetramus....'
Fifty-six similar propositions had been brought together against
Alexander.--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. 390-411.
[156] 'Cum hora media octava audita esset, priusquam in carcere
a mensa surrexissem, eram jam in ipsis mœnibus cum pulsaretur
octava.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 420.
[157] _Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. pp. 420-425.
[158] 'Nullum ego vidi luminis splendorem, nisi tædarum quæ tunc in
plateis circumferebantur.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 426.
[159] 'Quem ego semper impensissime amavi.'--Dryander Calvino, Aug. 8,
1545.
[160] 'Epistolio subrustico.'--_Ibid._
[161] 'Quod laude dignum non est, officiose prædicare.'--_Ibid._
[162] Dryander Calvino. _Bibl. de Genève_, MS. 112. This letter, which
we have formerly had occasion to quote, is unpublished. [It has just
been published in _Calv. Opp._, xii. p. 126.--EDITOR.]
[163] _Memoirs of Enzinas_, i. p. 7.
[164] Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, book iii. p. 170.
[165] Crespin, _Actes_, book iii. p. 170.
[166] 'Grata mihi fuit tua consolatio de casu fratris
acerbissimo.'--Unpublished letter from Francis Dryander (Enzinas) to
Calvin. _Bibl. de Genève_, MS. 112. (Since published in _Calv. Opp._,
xii. p. 510.)
[167] 'Utinam vero hæc divina incendia per omnes Hispaniæ fines
spargantur.'--_Calv. Opp._, xii. p. 510. Theodore Beza places the
martyrdom of James Enzinas in 1545; Dr. M'Crie in 1546. As the letter
of Enzinas to Calvin is dated in April, 1547, might not his death be
with more probability assigned to the early months of this year?
[168] Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, art. _Diaz_.
[169] Calv. _Epp. Opp._, xii. pp. 130, 150.--'Apud
Gallasium.'--_Ibid._, p. 336.
[170] Calv. _Opp._, xii. p. 253.
[171] Bericht von dem Regensb. Colloq. von G. Major, Wittenberg, 1546;
Von M. Bucer, Strasb., 1546.--Calv. _Opp._, xii. p. 252.
[172] Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, book iii. p. 172.
[173] Diaz wrote down the conversation which he had with Malvenda, and
from his papers we derive our information about it.--Crespin, _Actes
des Martyrs_, book iii. p. 174.
[174] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, iii. p. 88.
[175] The close of the chapter is missing in the manuscript. We add a
few pages respecting the mournful death of Juan Diaz.--EDITOR.
[176] 'Quum Cæsar appropinquare dicebatur, Neoburgum se contulerat,
quod oppidum est sub ditione Othonis Henrici.'--Calv., _Opp._, xii. p.
336.
[177] Sleidan, _Reform._, book xvii.
[178] Jules Bonnet, _Récits du seizième siècle_, p. 228.
[179] Castro, _Spanish Protestants_, p. 44.
[180] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, pp. 184-187.
[181] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. p. 238.
[182] It was removed during the regency of Espartero. The street is
named _Calle del doctor Cazalla_.
[183] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. pp. 222, 223.
Illescas, _Historia Pontifical_, ii. p. 337.
[184] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, ii. pp. 235, 236, 407.
Illescas, _Historia Pontifical_, i. p. 337.
[185] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, iii. pp. 202, 204.
[186] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, iii. pp. 203, 208.
[187] _Ibid._, pp. 198, 199.
[188] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, iii. 205, 206.
[189] _Ibid._, p. 208.
[190] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, iii. p. 210.
[191] 'Adversus Deum blasphemiam et sanguinis Christi
profanationem.'--Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, iii. p. 208.
[192] 'Corona chartea in qua erant mille horribilissimorum cacodæmonum
figuræ depictæ.'--Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, iii. p. 210.
[193] 'Strictis gladiis ad crucem, quam in mille partes
dissecuerunt.'--Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, p. 210.
[194] 'Levavit caput aliquantulum.'--_Histoire de l'Inquisition_, iii.
p. 212.
[195] 'Quare me a vera gloria abstraxistis.'--_Ibid._, p. 214.
[196] Llorente, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, p. 188.
[197] 'Legatus Angliæ qui ... verum Christi martyrem agnoscebat, ad
aliquot menses ex aula exulavit.'--_Memoirs of Enzinas_, ii. p. 216.
[198] Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, book iii. p. 157. Llorente says
1540. De Castro, p. 41, says: 'That event must have happened in 1545
or 1546.' Crespin and M'Crie, p. 174, say 1544. In order to determine
the date we must observe that Enzinas (ii. p. 173) writes the narrative
while he is himself a prisoner at Brussels, and that he escaped in
1545. M. Campan assigns the date 1543, the year in which the account
was written. This account follows that which relates to Peter de Lerma,
who died in August, 1541.--EDITOR.
[199] Calendar of letters, dispatches, and state papers, relating to
negotiations between England and Spain, edited by G. A. Bergenroth.
London: Longmans & Co. 1868.
[200] _Premia, Dar cuerda._
[201] Letter from Cardinal Adrian to the emperor, Sept. 4,
1520.--Bergenroth, _Calendar of Letters_, &c.
[202] Reports of Friar Thomas de Matienzo, August, 1498.
[203] Instructions of the archduke Philip to John Heidin.
[204] Instruccion del rey don Fernando. Granvella's _State Papers_,
July 29, 1506.
[205] See the interesting narrative of these events entitled _The
Emperor Charles the Fifth and his mother Joanna_, in Professor Sybel's
_Historische Zeitschrift_, vol. xx. p. 244. Munich: 1868.
[206] Robertson, _History of Charles the Fifth_, book i.
[207] Letter of the marquis of Denia of July 3, 1518.
[208] The marquis of Denia to the emperor, January 25, 1522.
[209] 'Mover piedras.'
[210] Letter of the marquis of Denia of May 25, 1525.
[211] 'Johanna war eine Lutheranerin.'--Sybel, _Historische
Zeitschrift_, xx. p. 262.
[212] _Ibid._, on the authority of the instructions for the duke of
Alva of April 12, 13, and 14, 1521 (Archives of Simancas).
[213] Sandoval, bishop of Pampeluna, _History of Charles
V._--Valladolid, 1604.
[214] 'Der tolle Heinze.'--Luther, _Contra Henricum regem Angliæ_.
[215] _Latimer, Works_, vol. ii. p. 385. (Parker Society.)
[216] _State Papers_, vol. i. pp. 570, 571; vii. p. 715; viii. p. 1.
[217] 'Which suffred her to take greate cold and to eate things that
her fantazie in syknes called for.'--_State Papers_, viii. p. 1. The
story that the cæsarian operation had been performed and that the
mother was sacrificed to the child appears to have been invented by the
Roman party.
[218] _State Papers_, viii. p. 2.
[219] _Ibid._, pp. 5, 6.
[220] See his letter to Henry VIII., _Original Letters relative to the
English Reformation_, ii. p. 554 (Parker Society).
[221] _Original Letters_, &c., pp. 621, 316, 608, 225, 226.
[222] _Ibid._, p. 623.
[223] Letter from Geneva to the ministers of Zurich, November 13,
1537.--Calv., _Opp._, x. p. 129.
[224] _Original Letters relative to the English Reformation_, ii. p.
621.
[225] Irus, a beggar of Ithaca; Codrus, an inferior poet of the time of
Domitian.
[226] _Original Letters_, &c., ii. p. 620.
[227] _Original Letters_, &c., ii. pp. 611, 618.
[228] Cranmer to Capito, _Original Letters_, p. 16.
[229] Bucer to Cranmer, _Ibid._, p. 525.
[230] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, vol. i. part 2, Appendix, lxxxiii.
[231] _State Papers_, vii. p. 669. Wallop to Viscount Lisle.
[232] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. p. 461.
[233] Beccatelli.
[234] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. p. 477.
[235] 'Quum ... ad fores pene ejus aulæ pervenissem, nec tamen
intromissus sum, sed antequam pulsare possem, exclusus fuerim.'--Pole's
_Epp._ ii. p. 85.
[236] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. Appendix, No. lxxxiv.
[237] _State Papers_, vii. p. 681. King Henry VIII. to Hutton.
[238] _Ibid._, p. 693.
[239] _State Papers_, vii. p. 700.
[240] 'Dissimulato vestitu.'--Pole, _Epp._ ii. p. 49.
[241] _State Papers_, vii. p. 702.
[242] _State Papers_, viii. p. 9.
[243] Robert Warner, November 21, 1538. _Original Letters illustrative
of English History_ (Ellis), ii. p. 97.
[244] 'Splendide vixerant legati et liberalem mensam
exhibuerant.'--Seckendorf, book iii. sec. 16.
[245] 'Singularem erga me benevolentiam.... Sermones mihi tuos
amantissimos perferri.'--Melanchthon to Henry VIII., _Corp. Ref._, iii.
p. 671.
[246] Cranmer to Cromwell, _Letters_, p. 379.
[247] Strype, _Memorials_, i. pp. 504, _sqq._ Cranmer, _Letters_, &c.
[248] 'So gentilly as I could.'--Cranmer, _Letters_, p. 377.
[249] Cranmer, _Letters_, p. 370.
[250] The document drawn up by the German doctors, and the answer of
the king, prepared by Tonstall, are to be found in the _Cotton MSS.
Cleop. E._ They were printed by Burnet (i. p. 491) and by Strype, in
Appendices to their histories.
[251] 'Præcipuum hoc officium esse summorum principum propagare et
tueri cœlestem doctrinam.'--_Corp. Ref._, iii. p. 671.
[252] 'Illud præcipue est heroicum pro ecclesia contra tyrannos arma
gerere.'--_Ibid._
[253] Some historians have supposed that Gardiner's embassy had lasted
only two years. The dates we give are taken from a paper written by
the bishop,--_The Account of his expenses_. His suite is described by
Wriothesley.--_State papers_, viii. p. 51.
[254] 'Adversus pontificis molimina atque technas.'--Gerdesius, _Ann._,
iv. p. 284.
[255] 'Aliquibus statutis in parliamentis nostris in contrariam editis,
cæterisque contrariis non obstantibus quibuscumque.' (Royal Commission
of October 1, 1538.)--Wilkins, iii. p. 836.
[256] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. p. 500.
[257] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. p. 504.
[258] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. pp. 500 _sqq._
[259] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. p. 496.
[260] Strype, Wilkins, &c.
[261] Fox, v. p. 193.
[262] The forty-five points and the answers to them are given in Fox,
_Acts_, v. pp. 181-225.
[263] Fox, v. p. 228.
[264] Fox, v. p. 228.
[265] Fox, Burnet, Godwin.
[266] This apology, entitled _A Treatise of John Lambert upon the
sacrament, addressed to the king_, is given in Fox, v. pp. 237-250.
[267] 'Fox saith it was Day, bishop of Chichester; but in that he
was mistaken, for he was not yet bishop.' It was in fact Bishop
Sampson.--Strype, _Mem. of Cranmer_, ch. xviii. (Translator's note.)
[268] 'The king's look, his cruel countenance, and his brows bent unto
severity,' &c.--Fox, v. p. 229.
[269] Fox, _Acts_, v. pp. 188, 189.
[270] _Ibid._, p. 230.
[271] 'Quodam modo.'
[272] Fox, _Acts_, v. pp. 232, 233.
[273] Fox.
[274] Fox, Godwin, Crespin, Collyer, Burnet, &c.
[275] Biblioth. Anglaise, i, p. 158. Gerdesius, _Ann._, iv. p. 286.
[276] Bossuet.
[277] _State Papers_, viii. p. 32.
[278] 'If your Majesty will hearken to the reconciling with the bishop
of Rome.'--Wyatt's Report to the king. _State Papers_, viii. p. 37.
[279] _State Papers_, viii. pp. 127, 156.
[280] 'Franciscus, &c.... quod... sacram Bibliam tam Latine quam
Britannice sive Anglice imprimendi... et in suum regnum apportandi et
transferendi libertatem... concesserit....'--Burnet, i. Records, p.
286. Strype, _Memorials of Cranmer_, Appendix, No. xxx.
[281] _State Papers_, i. p. 575. Anderson, _English Bible_, ii. p. 27.
[282] See Bonner's letter to Cromwell of September 2, 1538; Fox,
_Acts_, v. p. 150; and another of later date, p. 152.
[283] A few copies of this Bible are still to be found in various
libraries.--Anderson, _English Bible_, ii. p. 31.
[284] Royal Proclamation. Rolls, Henry.
[285] Castillon, Feb. 2, 1538. Ranke, v. p. 159.
[286] 'The king's mind so fully addicted, upon politic respects.'--Fox,
v. p. 264.
[287] Lord Herbert of Cherbury, _Life and Reign of King Henry VIII._,
p. 510.
[288] _Ibid._
[289] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 265. Lord Herbert says the same,--'Cranmer
for three days together in the open assembly opposed these articles
boldly.'--_Life of Henry VIII._, p. 512.
[290] Strype's _Memorials of Cranmer_, ii. p. 743.
[291] _Ibid._, Appendix, No. 40.
[292] Defence against Gardiner, p. 285.
[293] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i., p. 545.
[294] Fox, _Acts_, v. pp. 265, 398. Strype, _Mem. of Cranmer_, p. 74.
Burnet, _Hist. Ref._, i. p. 481.
[295] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 359.
[296] Lingard, _Hist. of England_, v. p. 131.
[297] Anderson, English Bible, ii. p. 63.
[298] 'Vintoniensis führet im Lande umher zwei unrüchtige Weiber mit
sich in Mannskleidern.' For this opinion of the four theologians see
the letter to the Elector signed by them.--_Corp. Ref._, iii. p. 796.
[299] Letter to Farel, from Strasburg, October 27, 1539, Calv. _Opp._,
x. p. 425.
[300] 'Circumit Christus esuriens, sitiens, nudus, vinctus, conquerens
de pontificum rabie.... Hunc agnoscere, excipere, fovere pii regis est
officium.'--Henrico VIII., regi Angliæ, _Corp. Ref._, iii p. 819.
[301] _Ibid._, p. 800.
[302] Fox, Hall, Burnet.
[303] Le Grand, _Divorce_, ii. p. 265.
[304] Cotton MS. Vitellius, B. xxi.
[305] _State Papers_, i. p. 619. Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._,
p. 517. Cott Libr., _App._ xxiii. fol. 104.
[306] Southampton to Henry VIII., _State Papers_, viii. p. 213.
[307] One document, _The coming of Lady Anne_, states that the
interview was at Blackheath.
[308] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 517.
[309] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, Depositions of Sir A.
Brown, Lord Russell, &c.
[310] Cromwell to the King. Burnet, _Hist. Ref._, i. p. 297.
[311] Hall, Lord Herbert, Burnet, _Records_.
[312] _Original Letters relative to the English Reformation_, ii. pp.
627 and 628, Feb. 24 and March 29, 1540. (Parker Society.)
[313] 'The word is powerfully preached by Barnes and his
fellow-ministers.'--_Ibid._
[314] Partridge to Bullinger, Feb. 29, 1540.--_Original Letters, &c._,
ii. p. 614.
[315] 'Unkind handling.' (Wyatt to Henry VIII.)--_State Papers_, viii.
p. 240.
[316] _State Papers_, viii. p. 241.
[317] _Ibid._, p. 249.
[318] 'Exposuerunt auspicia nuptiarum fuisse læta et sancta.'--_Corp.
Ref._, iii. p. 1005.
[319] 'Ut vera doctrina Christi luceat in Ecclesiis.'--_Ibid._, p.
1007. Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. p. 548.
[320] 'Articuli in Angliam missi.'--_Corp. Ref._, iii. p. 1009.
[321] _History of the Reformation_, First Series.
[322] This is Fox's opinion (_Acts and Monuments_, v. p. 420); the
former is the more probable.
[323] Gardiner's Sermon, Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 430.
[324] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 429. Gal. iv. 22.
[325] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 433.
[326] _Original Letters, &c._, ii. p. 632.
[327] _The Bible in English, with a prologue by the Archbishop of
Canterbury._ The king's copy is in the British Museum.
[328] Anderson, _English Bible_, index, p. ix.
[329] Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i. p. 550.
[330] _The Necessary Erudition of a Christian Man._
[331] _Original Letters, &c._, i. p. 202.
[332] Cotton MS. Tit. B. 1. p. 406.
[333] _State Papers_, viii. pp. 244, 276, 282, 289, 295, 299 (Henry to
Wallop).
[334] _State Papers_, viii. pp. 349-350.
[335] Henry VIII. to Wallop.--_State Papers_, viii, p. 362.
[336] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 520.
[337] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 521. Cranmer, _Works_,
ii. p. 401.
[338] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 522.
[339] 'The cardinal of Belly ... showed me that the said Prevey Seales
intent was to have marryed my lady Mary.'--Wallop to Henry VIII. _State
Papers_, viii. p. 379.
[340] See Cromwell's _Attainder_. Burnet, _Records_, i. No. 16. Lord
Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 521.
[341] Anderson, _English Bible_, ii. p. 110.
[342] Lingard, _Hist. of England_, v. p. 143. The same course had been
adopted with respect to the Countess of Salisbury; and Cromwell, it was
said, was implicated in that case. It must, however, be observed that
this lady was not executed till a year after Cromwell's death.
[343] Cromwell's Letter to Henry VIII. Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 301.
[344] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 401.
[345] Burnet, _Records_, ii. p. 214.
[346] Cotton MS. Titus, B. 1, fol. 267. Original Letters, &c. (Ellis)
Series ii. p. 160.
[347] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 402.
[348] Hall.
[349] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 529.
[350] Le Grand, _Divorce_, ii. p. 235.
[351] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 403.
[352] Fox, v. p. 403. It is possible that the prayer may have been
written in the prison.
[353] _State Papers_, viii. p. 396. Pate to Norfolk.
[354] The distinguished historian, Mr. Froude, bears the same testimony.
[355] _Original Letters_, &c., i. p. 202. Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry
VIII._, p. 526.
[356] Fox, v. p. 434.
[357] 'Drawn to the place of execution two upon a hurdle, one being a
papist and the other a protestant.'--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 439.
[358] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 435.
[359] 'Næ! in posterum ego regiæ religionis ero, hoc est,
nullius!'--Gerdesius, _Ann._, iv. p. 300.
[360] 'They had perceived that the king's affections were alienated
from the Lady Anne to that young girl ... whom he married immediately
upon Anne's divorce.'--_Original Letters relating to the English
Reformation_, i. p. 205.
[361] The judgment of Convocation, Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 303. Lord
Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 522. Strype, _Eccles. Mem._, i.,
Appendix, pp. 306 sqq.
[362] Letter of Henry VIII. to Clerk and Wotton.--_State Papers_, viii.
p. 404. The king's testimony is confirmed by that of Anne.--_Ibid._, i.
p. 637.
[363] 'The king's own declaration.'--Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 302.
[364] 'In libertate contrahendi matrimonii cum alia.'--Judgment of
Convocation.--_Ibid._, p. 306.
[365] A document preserved in the archives of Düsseldorf proves that
any engagement between Anne and the Prince of Lorraine had been
formally broken off.
[366] Letter from Bochetel to the English ambassador.--Le Grand,
_Divorce_, iii. p. 638.
[367] 'The news stroke her into a sudden weakness and fainting.'--Lord
Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 523.
[368] Anne to the king.--_State Papers_, i. p. 638.
[369] _Ibid._, pp. 641, 644.
[370] Anne to her brother.--Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 307. This letter
is also to be found in the _State Papers_, i. p. 645, with material
variations. The passages cited are, however, almost identical.
[371] Lingard himself remarks (_Hist. of England_, vi. ch. 4) that it
was at a dinner given by the bishop of Winchester that Catherine for
the first time attracted the king's attention.
[372] _Original Letters relative to the English Reformation_ (Parker
Soc.), p. 202.
[373] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 534.
[374] 'Catharinam Houwartham tantopere amabat ut feria omnium
sanctorum, sacra Domini cœna utens,' &c.--Gerdesius, _Ann._, iv. p.
306. Burnet, Rapin, Thoyras, &c.
[375] _State Papers_, viii. pp. 442, 451, 453, 456, 476.
[376] Act 32 Henry VIII., c. 10.
[377] Act 32 Henry VIII., c. 26.
[378] 'In ventos abiere infelici cum regionis tum religionis
fato.'--Gerdesius, _Ann._, iv. p. 301.
[379] Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. pp. 842, 847.
[380] Three editions of this book were published, in 1537, 1540, and
1543.
[381] Burnet, _His. Ref._, i. p. 543.
[382] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 442.
[383] Fox, in his _Acts_, v. pp. 443 to 449, gives the names of all
these persons, naming also their parishes and their offences.
[384] Wallop to Henry VIII., January 20, 1541.--_State Papers_, viii.
p. 517.
[385] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 449.
[386] _Ibid._ Collyer, ii. p. 184.
[387] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 451.
[388] Cranmer, _Works_, i. p. xvi.
[389] Cranmer, _Works_, i. p. xvii.
[390] _Ibid._, p. xvii.
[391] Cranmer, _Works_, i. p. xvii.; Strype, _Mem. of Cranmer_, p. 102.
Burnet.
[392] Cranmer, _Works_, i. p. xviii.
[393] 'The whole council being thereat somewhat amazed.'--Cranmer,
_Works_, i. p. xix.
[394] Cranmer, _Works_, i.; Strype, _Mem. of Cranmer_; Burnet, _Hist.
Ref._; Anderson, _English Bible_, ii. p. 139.
[395] 'The king to the chancellor.'--_State Papers_, i. p. 689.
[396] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 534.
[397] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 535.
[398] The confession is given by Burnet, _Hist. Reform._, iii. p. 224.
[399] Cranmer to the king, _Works_, ii. p. 408. _State Papers_, i. 689.
[400] Cranmer, _Works_, ii. p. 408.
[401] Cranmer, _Works_, ii. p. 409. _State Papers_, i. p. 690.
[402] _State Papers_, i. p. 691. The Council to Cranmer.
[403] 'His coming again to the queen's service was to an ill intent of
the renovation of his former naughty life.'--_Ibid._, p. 700.
[404] Letters to the Privy Council.--_State Papers_, i. pp. 702, 704,
706, 708.
[405] Lord Herbert of Cherbury, Turner, and other historians say that
Culpeper was executed on November 30. But we follow the documents
signed by all the members of the council, which bear date December
10.--_State Papers_, i. p. 707.
[406] _State Papers_, i. p. 721.
[407] The bill is given by Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 567.
[408] The Roman Catholic historian Lingard, in his _History of
England_, at first put forward the idea of a conspiracy;--'A plot was
woven';--but in a later edition, he felt compelled to relinquish the
idea of conspiracy and to substitute that of _discovery_;--'A discovery
was then made.' The word _complot_ remains in the French version of his
work.
[409] 'The bishop of Rome is in great furor and rage against
him.'--Harvel to the king. _State Papers_, ix. pp. 21, 22.
[410] Fuller, _Church History_, Book v. p. 239.
[411] Burnet, i. p. 570. Anderson, _English Bible_, ii. p. 152.
Gerdesius, _Ann._, iv. p. 308.
[412] Bonner's _Admonition and Injunctions_, i., _Records_, pp. 379,
380.
[413] Letter from Hilles to Bullinger, of December 18, 1542, the date
of Catherine's trial.--_Original Letters relative to the English
Reformation_, i. pp. 228, 229. (Parker Soc.)
[414] _Original Letters relative to the English Reformation_, pp.
234-235.
[415] _Original Letters_, &c., i. p. 240.
[416] _Ibid._, p. 241.
[417] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 463.
[418] Anderson, _English Bible_, i. p. 569; ii. pp. 80, 156.
[419] 'An Act for the advancement of true religion and the abolishment
of the contrary.'--Strype, _Mem. of Cranmer_, p. 142.
[420] Wilkins, Burnet, Strype, Todd, _Life of Cranmer_, i. p. 332.
[421] 'She was endued with singular beauty, favor and comely
personage.'--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 554.
[422] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 561.--Strype, _Mem. of
Cranmer_, &c.
[423] Cranmer, _Works_, ii. p. ix. Burnet, _Hist. of the Reform._, i.
p. 593. Strype, Fox, Todd, _Life of Cranmer_, i. p. 349.
[424] Fox, who relates these circumstances, adds in a note,--'Christ
saith--_Scrutamini Scripturas_; and Winchester saith--The devil makes
men to meddle with the scriptures.'
[425] 'An epistle of Master John Calvin, which Marbeck had written
out.'--Fox, _Acts_, v. pp. 483, 484.
[426] _Ibid._, pp. 464-496.
[427] Despatch from the Privy Council to the French ambassador.--_State
Papers_, ix. p. 388.
[428] Act of Succession, 35 Henry VIII. c. 1.
[429] Harvel to Henry VIII.--_State Papers_, x. p. 492.
[430] 'Three of their captains have desired leave to depart for lack
of men.'--Poynings to Henry VIII., Boulogne, August 15, 1546.--_State
Papers_, x. p. 570.
[431] 'Fearing lest the Italians should pass over to England.'--_State
Papers_, x. p. 492.
[432] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 496.
[433] Burnet, _Hist. Ref._, i. p. 617.
[434] Cranmer, _Works_, ii. pp. 339, 398. Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 537. Bale,
_Works_, pp. 157, 161, 441. Bradford, _Writings_, i. pp. 290, 374, 529.
[435] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 598. Fox, _Acts_, v. p.
534.
[436] Bale, _Select Works_, p. 226 (Parker Society).
[437] Bale, _Select Works_, p. 190.
[438] 1 Cor. vii. 5, 15.
[439] 'He flung into his chamber in a great fury.'--Bale, _Select
Works_, p. 177 (Parker Society). Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 543.
[440] Anderson, _English Bible_, ii. p. 198.
[441] Bale's _Works_, p. 216. Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 546.
[442] Proclamation of July 8, 1546.
[443] 'My Lord Chancellor and Master Rich took pains to rack me in
their own hands, _till I was nigh dead_.' Bale's _Works_, p. 224.
Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 547. Burnet also relates the fact and adds some
details:--'The lord chancellor, throwing off his gown, drew the rack
so severely.' But Burnet is inclined to doubt the fact. The evidence
of Anne Askew is positive. Burnet's doubt means nothing more than a
bishop's respect for a lord chancellor.
[444] Letter from Ottwell Johnson to his brother, of July 2. Anderson,
_English Bible_, ii. p. 196.
[445] Bale's _Works_, p. 238. Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 549.
[446] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 552.
[447] _Ibid._, p. 550.
[448] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 553.
[449] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 554.
[450] _State Papers_, i. p. 869. It is in this letter of September 17,
1546, that the first mention of the king's state is to be found.
[451] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 555.
[452] _Ibid._, v. p. 555.
[453] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 556.
[454] Gardiner's malicious interpretation of Acts iv. 32, where it is
stated that the Christians had all things in common.
[455] 'The drawing of certain articles against the queen, wherein her
life might be touched.'--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 556.
[456] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 557. Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p.
624.
[457] 'Cum enim Cancellarius ex improviso scriptum illud regis manu
notatum e sinu in quem id recondiderat perdidisset.'--Gerdesius,
_Ann._, iv. p. 352.
[458] 'The queen fell incontinent into a great melancholy and agony,
bewailing and taking on in such sort as was lamentable to see, as
certain of her ladies and gentlewomen, being yet alive, who were then
present about her, can testify.'--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 558.
[459] 'Almost to the peril and danger of her life.'--_Ibid_.
[460] It seems to have been Dr. Wendy.
[461] 'Was rather to pass away the time and pain of his
infirmity.'--Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 624.
[462] 'In the midst of their mirth.'--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 560.
[463] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 561. Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p.
625.
[464] _State Papers_, i. p. 882.
[465] 'I have no access to your majesty.'--_State Papers_, i. p. 884.
[466] _State Papers_, i. p. 884.
[467] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 625.
[468] This paper is printed in _State Papers_, i. p. 891. The words
underlined by the king are here printed in italics.
[469] 'Sore perplexed, trembling and like to fall down.'--Letter from
Gate, Southwell and Carew to Henry VIII.--_State Papers_, i. p. 888.
[470] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 627.
[471] The date usually given is the 19th. We follow _Lord Burleigh's
Notes_.--Merden's _State Papers_.
[472] She appointed as their preceptor John Fox, the evangelical author
of the _Acts and Monuments of the Martyrs_, which we frequently quote.
[473] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 630.
[474] Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 631.
[475] Thevet, _Cosmog._ i. p. 16.
[476] Fox, Acts v. p. 689. Lord Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._, p.
634. _Original Letters_ (Ellis), ii. p. 137.
[477] The will is to be found in Fuller, _Church History of Britain_,
pp. 243-252, in Rymer, _Fœdera_, &c.
[478] Phil. ii. 1, 2.
[479] Acts iv. 12.
[480] John xvii. 22, 23.
[481] 'Obter nun wohl noch nicht geweyhet war, vermahneten ihn
doch gute Freunde öffentlich zu predigen.'--Seckendorf, _Hist. des
Lutherthums_, p. 434.
[482] Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, p. 435, &c. Cramer, _Pomer.
Chr._ Herzog's _Theol. Ency._ ii., and various biographies.
[483] _History of the Reformation_, second series, vii. p. 270.
[484] 'Si pasturam assumis, papæ et episcoporum hostem te facies; si
repugnaveris Christi hostis eris.'--Gerdesius, _Hist. Ref._ ii. p. 50.
[485] 'Das unüberwindliche ewige Worte Gottes, mit einem Schatten
verdunkelt, nun heller als die Sonne.'--Seckendorf, _Hist. des
Lutherthums_, p. 665. Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p. 376.
Gerdesius, _Hist. Ref._ ii. p. 132.
[486] 'Christus faciat gloriam suam crescere.'--Luther, _Epist._ iii.
p. 290.
[487] 'So liegt auch mehr an Wittenberg zu dieser Zeit denn an
drey Braunschweig.'--Ibid. p. 377. See also Richter, _Evang.
Kirchenordnungen_. Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, pp. 666, 919.
Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p. 378.
[488] 'Dass er sollte ewiglich bey Ihnen bleiben.'--Luther, _Epist._
iii. p. 399. Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, p. 924. Richter,
_Evang. Kirchenordnungen_.
[489] Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, p. 1160. Ranke, _Deutsche
Geschichte_, iii. p. 384. Richter, _Evang. Kirchenordnungen_.
[490] _History of the Reformation_, First Series, vol. iv. book xiv.
chap. 6.
[491] 'Anfänglich nicht wenig erschreckt, weil Gott, in seinem Herzen
dies Fünklein immer erhalten.'--Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, p.
1414.
[492] 'Welches alles bey ihm grosse Betrübniss, Bekümmerniss und
Herzensangst erweckt.'--Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, p. 1415.
[493] 'Omnium arborum radices in principio sunt tenuia fila ... et
tamen producunt trabes et robora quibus tantæ moles domorum, navium, et
machinarum construuntur.'--Luther, _Epist._ iv. p. 400.
[494] 'Victo regno, victus est rex.'--Luther, _Epist._ iv. p. 440.
[495] 'Christus ist grösser dann alle Fürsten.'--_Epist._ iv. p. 448.
[496] Eccles. xi. 9.
[497] 'Solle der Herzog gelächelt und den Bischof angesehen
haben.'--Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, p. 599.
[498] Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p. 492.
[499] 'Traten aus einem nahen Hause die Frauen und Jungfrauen der
Stadt hervor, jener mit offener Brust, diese mit zerstreuten
Haaren...'--Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p. 496. Hamelmann, _Hist.
renovati Evangelii_. Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, p. 1291.
[500] Compromise of October 18, 1532.
[501] _Hist. of the Reformation_, Second Series, vol. ii. book ii.
chap. 21.
[502] _History of the Reformation_, Second Series, vol. ii. chaps. 22
and 23.
[503] 'Mediocrem pecuniæ summam ei dant pontificii.'--Gerdesius, _Hist.
Reform._ iii. p. 93.
[504] 'Und allein im Thurme die alten Missbräuche beybehalten
wurden.'--Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, p. 1465.
[505] 'Amore Rotmani virum veneno interemit.'--Manlius, _Excerpta_, p.
485.
[506] Sleidan, _De statu religionis_, lib. x.
[507] 'Sin minus jam ira Dei vos obruet.'--Gerdesius, iii. p. 98.
[508] 'Johannes a Leidis artificio _sartor_.'--Cochlæus, _Acta
Lutheri_, p. 252.
[509] Gerdesius, _Hist. Reform_, iii. p. 95. Ranke, _Deutsche
Geschichte_, iii. p. 531.
[510] 'Et a fanaticis hominibus incorruptam defendere.'--Gerdesius,
_Hist. Reform_, iii. p. 95.
[511] 'Per eam pugnam urbe potiretur.'--Cochlæus, _Acta Lutheri_, p.
251.
[512] Arnold, _Kirchen-Historie_. Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p.
533.
[513] 'Vascula cervisiæ plena quo mulieres fatigatos in itinere
parvulos recreaturæ videbantur, adimerent ... manibus panes ... ad
leniendam famem ... raperent.'--Cochlæus, _Acta Lutheri_, p. 252.
[514] Kersenbroik, quoted by Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p. 526.
Hamelmann, 1216. Corvinus _apud Schardium_, ii. p. 315.
[515] 'Vestem non ad modum bonam.'--Cochlæus, _Acta Lutheri_.
[516] 'Intus humanis excrementis illitos.'--Kersenbroik, _Bellona
anabapt._ Sleidan, _De statu religionis_, lib. x. p. 150.
[517] Cochlæus, p. 252.
[518] 'Reges atque principes omnes promiscue interficiat'--Sleidan,
lib. x. p. 161. Gerdesius, _Hist. Ref._ iii. p. 102.
[519] 'Se suosque ministros exornavit holosericis, auratisque et
argenteis indumentis, quæ ex templis abstulerat.'--Cochlæus, p. 253.
[520] 'Duxit quindecim uxores et trecentas se ducturum
declaravit.'--Sleidan, lib. x. p. 161. Gerdesius, iii. p. 123.
[521] Ranke, iii. p. 540.
[522] 'Coram senatu expandentes in terra pallia sua,' &c.--Cochlæus, p.
254.
[523] Kersenbroik, Raeumer, _Geschichte Europas_, ii. p. 467. Ranke,
iii. p. 542.
[524] 'In lapides aliquoties dentes acuisse referuntur, sperantes juxta
regis vaticinium illos conversos iri in panem.'--Gerdesius, iii. p. 154.
[525] 'Cum trium liberorum mater facta esset, eos omnes occiderit, sale
condierit et comederit.... Infantium manus ac pedes, urbe capta, in
salsamentis dicuntur reperti.'--Gerdesius, iii. p. 154.
[526] Hortens. in _Ep. ad Erasmum_, p. 152. Kersenbroik, in _Bello
Monast._ p. 59. Gerdesius, iii. p. 104. Ranke, iii. p. 555. Raeumer,
_Geschichte Europas_, ii. p. 467.
[527] Brandt, _Reform._ i. p. 51.
[528] 'A milite transfuga episcopo ... via indicata ... capiendi
civitatem.'--Gerdesius, iii. p. 104.
[529] 'Rex vero latitans in turri quadam.'--Cochlæus, p. 255.
[530] 'Huc, illuc, ad principes ducebantur spectaculi et ludibrii
causa.'--Gerdesius, iii. p. 105.
[531] 'Supplicio ultimo candentibus forcipibus distracti
decesserunt.'--Sleidan, lib. x. p. 166. Heresbach, _Epist. ad Erasmum_,
Corvinus. Gerdesius, iii. p. 105. Ranke, iii. p. 561. Brandt, _Ref._ i.
p. 54.
[532] 'Parum curo. Satan furit sed stat Scriptura.'--Luther, Epp. iv.
p. 548.
[533] 'Si qui improvide commiscerent ea quæ toto tamen cœlo
distabant, Evangelii purioris professionem cum violentis illis
Ecclesiarum et Rerumpublicarum perturbatoribus.'--Gerdesius, iii. p.
106. Compromise of the Diet of 1529. Seckendorf, Raeumer, Ranke.
[534] 'Deplorabo quoad vixero.'--_Ubbonis Confessio_, in Gerdesius,
iii. p. 113.
[535] Psalm lxviii. 20.
[536] John viii. 51.
[537] See NOTE, p. 361.
[538] This name has first been written Keschel--altered to Kessel.
[539] Pius II. died in 1464.
[540] 'Gaspar Veronensis, p. 1038, 1043.'
[541] 'Diese Aufforderung nimmt sich in der Gründonnerstagsbulle v.
7 April, 1463, bei Raynaldus, 1463, n. 84 etwas wunderlich neben den
Flüchen aus.'
[542] 'Die ausführlichste Nachricht giebt Pius, _Comment._ p. 185, 186,
einige werthvolle Notizen Niccolo della Tuccia, _Cronaca_, etc. ed.
Orioli. Roma 1852, p. 307. Die verschiedenen Zeitangaben dürfen nicht
irremachen: nach Tuccia geschah der Fund im Mai 1462, wobei er richtig
bemerkt, dass der Papst damals in Viterbo war; damit stimmt Pius'
Angabe in den _Commentarien_. Als ef jene Bulle erliess, war der Bau
schon im Gange. Den Ertrag giebt auch Card. Papiens. _Comment._ p. 394
an.'
Transcriber's Note:
1. Spelling and punctuation errors have been corrected.
2. Original spelling has been retained where necessary.
3. Italics are shown as _xxxx_.
3. Bold print is shown as =xxxx=.
4. Underscored print is shown as ~xxxx~.
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