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Title: Personal Narrative of Events, From 1799 to 1815
Author: Lovell, William Stanhope
Language: English
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Transcriber's Note:
Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as
possible, including inconsistent hyphenation and discrepancies in
numbers of guns. Some errors in the table of contents and chapter
summaries have been corrected. Some other changes have been made.
They are listed at the end of the text.
Italic text has been marked with _underscores_.
PERSONAL NARRATIVE
OF EVENTS,
FROM 1799 TO 1815,
_WITH ANECDOTES_.
BY THE LATE
VICE-ADM^{L.} W^{M.} STANHOPE LOVELL, R.N., K.H.
SECOND EDITION.
London:
WM. ALLEN & CO., 13, WATERLOO PLACE, W.
1879.
WITHERBY AND CO., PRINTERS,
74, CORNHILL; NEWMAN’S COURT, CORNHILL; AND 325A, HIGH HOLBORN, W.C.
_To_ Rear-Admiral Sir ROBERT BARRIE, C.B., K.C.H.
MY DEAR SIR ROBERT,
In dedicating the following pages to you, under whose command I had the
honour of serving in the Chesapeake, &c., I do it with the greatest
respect, esteem, and admiration of your conduct.
I must ever consider you as one of those officers upon whom the country
may safely rely in the hour of peril, and in whose hands it may entrust
its honour in the day of battle. Like the celebrated Bayard of old,
your career has obtained for you a character, “_sans peur et sans
reproche_.”
Your faithful friend,
THE AUTHOR.
_CONTENTS._
CHAPTER I. PAGE
First Trip to Sea--Shipmates--Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren,
Bart, K.B. 1
CHAPTER II.
Channel Cruising--Boat Expeditions--Anecdote of a Gallant
Mid--Ditto of Two Dandy Guardsmen--Expedition to Ferrol--Sir
James Pulteney, Sir Edward Pellew and the Donkey--The Unlucky
Cruise 7
CHAPTER III.
Cruise off Cadiz--Proceed up the Mediterranean to Egypt after a
French Squadron under Rear-Admiral Ganteaume, 1801 16
CHAPTER IV.
From the Peace of Amiens (1802) until the Commencement of the
Second Gallic War--Gambling 26
CHAPTER V.
From the Commencement of Second Gallic War until the Battle of
Trafalgar, 1805; with Anecdotes 30
CHAPTER VI.
The Battle of Trafalgar, and Extracts from the Log of His
Majesty’s Ship _Neptune_, on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd
October, 1805 43
CHAPTER VII.
Joined the _Melpomene_--Sent up the Mediterranean--Tremendous
Weather, with Thunder, Lightning, and Water-spouts--Ship
loses her Rudder and Main-topmast--Proceed to Malta 57
CHAPTER VIII.
Siege of Gaeta by the French--Boat Affairs--My Capture--Leghorn 62
CHAPTER IX.
Malta--Dreadful Accident by the Explosion of a Magazine in the
Town, on the Bermola side--Nearly get into a Scrape about
Breaking Quarantine--Kind Answer of the gallant Admiral Sir
Sidney Smith to the Complaint--Rejoin the _Melpomene_--Mutiny
in Fribourg’s Regiment--Cruise in the Adriatic 73
CHAPTER X.
North American Station, from 1808 to
1811--Bermuda--Anecdote--Death of Captain Conn 87
CHAPTER XI.
Lisbon--Trip to the Army of Lord Wellington--Montemor Novo,
O’Rodondo, Villa Vicosa, Elvas, Fort le Lippe 101
CHAPTER XII.
Lisbon, Cintra, Mafra, etc., 1811, 1812--Second Trip to the
Army--Taking of Badajoz 113
CHAPTER XIII.
Cadiz, Minorca, Majorca, Alicant, Carthagena, Algiers, Oran,
Altea Bay--Drive a French Privateer on Shore near Denia 124
CHAPTER XIV.
Siege of the Col de Balaguer--A Reconnoitering Party--Raising
of the Siege of Tarragona--Lieutenant-General Sir John and
Lady Murray--Rear-Admiral Benjamin Hallowell--Viscount
and Viscountess Mahon--Palermo, Veniros; Upset in a
Boat--Valencia--Holland 136
CHAPTER XV.
1814--Sent to Bermuda--Operations in the Chesapeake--The
River Patuxent--Expedition to Washington--Town of
Rappahannock--River Rappahannock--Commodore Robert Barrie,
etc. 150
CHAPTER XVI.
Operations in South Carolina--Capture of Cumberland Island
and the Fort of Point-à-Petre--An Affair with the American
Riflemen in the Woods--An Abattis--Anecdotes of the 2nd West
India Regiment--A Rattlesnake--Capture of the Town of St.
Mary’s--Destruction of the Forts and Barracks--Nassau, New
Providence--Compliment to the Royal Marines--Return Home 173
A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF EVENTS.
CHAPTER I.
First trip to sea--Shipmates--Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren,
Bart, K.B.
My father[A] and uncle both served their king and country in the
American war of independence; the former was with Lord Cornwallis’s
army when it surrendered at York to the American forces under the
command of General Washington (he was at that time an officer in the
6th Regiment of Foot); and the latter in the 4th Dragoons. Both were
magistrates for the county of Buckinghamshire, and served the office of
high sheriff for the same.
When scarcely ten years old, I joined H.M. ship _Renown_ (74) in
Torbay, bearing the flag (blue at the mizen) of one of the most
amiable men in the service, Sir John Borlase Warren, Bt, K.B., who had
commanded a squadron of dashing frigates during all the early part of
the war, and had taken and destroyed several French ships, and finished
his glorious flying squad career by capturing most of those, which,
under the command of Monsieur Bompart, had been sent with troops to
assist the Irish during the rebellion of 1798, thereby saving the blood
of thousands in Ireland, if not Ireland itself. A better or braver
officer than the late Admiral Sir J. B. Warren never lived; he was that
perfect model of a gentleman that every one might take as a pattern. I
had the melancholy honour of following him to his grave, and wept over
it tears of unfeigned sorrow.
But to commence my peregrinations. I still recollect the delight that
a letter from my father gave me when at school, informing me I was
to leave Latin and Greek, which classical knowledge was all blown
overboard and forgotten the first gale of wind at sea; and after
spending a short time at Little Missenden Abbey (which then belonged
to my father) with my mother and two sisters,[B] I proceeded to
Portsmouth, thence to find a passage to join the before-mentioned ship
in Torbay.
I bore the parting with my kind, dear, excellent mother and sisters
pretty well, because my father accompanied me to Portsmouth to see me
safely launched into a new world; but when he took leave, I thought
my heart would burst with grief. Time, however, reconciles us to
everything, and the gaiety and thoughtlessness of youth, added to the
cocked hat, dirk, spy-glass, etc., of a nautical fit out, assisted
wonderfully to dry my tears, and, in a manner, reconciled me to a new
scene of life.
Captain Pickmore, who at that period commanded the _Royal William_, at
Spithead, very kindly sent me on board the _Montague_ (74) with all my
baggage, in the admiral’s tender, to join my ship to the westward. The
first night on board was not the most pleasant; the noises unusual to a
novice--sleeping in a hammock for the first time--its tarry smell--the
wet cables for a bed carpet, and a somersault or two from my lubberly
manner of getting into it, made me draw comparisons between sleeping on
beds of down ashore, and my new abode, by no means very favourable to
the latter.
The second day after quitting Portsmouth brought us to Torbay, where
the channel fleet of thirty-six sail of the line, under Lord Bridport,
was lying at anchor. I was soon transferred to my own ship, and
introduced to my new messmates.
We lived in the gun-room on the lower deck, and in fine weather
had daylight, which was better in many respects than the old
midshipmen’s berths in the cockpit. Amongst the youngsters were some
within a year or two as young as myself; nice boys, full of fun
and mischief, who soon initiated me in the sea pranks of “sawing
your bed-posts,”--cutting you down head and foot; “reefing your
bed-clothes,”--making them up into hard balls which, if properly done,
will take one unpractised in the art a good half-hour or more to
undo. It used to be a great annoyance to come off deck after a first
or middle watch (from eight at night to twelve, or from twelve to
four in the morning), perhaps quite wet through, thinking, on being
relieved, what a nice sleep you would have, to find, on going to your
hammock, all your sheets and blankets made up into hard balls, and a
good half-hour’s work in the dark to undo them, particularly when tired
and sleepy. During your labour to effect this, you had the pleasure of
hearing the mischievous fellows that had a hand in doing it, laughing
in their hammocks, and offering their condolences by saying what a
shame it was to play such tricks when you were absent on deck, keeping
your watch, and recommending you to lick them all round, if you were
able, or at all events to retaliate the first opportunity.
Blowing the grampus (sluicing you with water), and many other tricks
used to be resorted to occasionally. Taking it all in good part, from
the persuasion that it was the customary initiation to a sea life, my
torments were few, for when the art of tormenting ceases to irritate,
it loses the effect intended, and it generally ends by your shipmates
saying, “Well, you are a good-natured fellow, and shall not be annoyed
any more.”
I must do my brother mids the justice to say that a more kind-hearted
set was not to be met with. We had few or no real quarrels the four
years we sailed together, and, whenever spare time permitted, our
evenings were spent in the amusements afforded by the old games of
cribbage, loo, draughts and able wackets, which is a kind of forfeit
played with cards, where each player is subject, for every mistake,
to one or more blows with a knotted handkerchief on the palm of the
hand. Many of them have paid the debt of nature, but some have risen
to high rank and honours, most deservedly, in the service. We were
all kept tight at work, and had at least four hours of sky-parlour
(being sent to the main-topmast-head), when our watch was over, for
every delinquency. I recollect one of my messmates was a lazy fellow,
and shocking bad relief (the Hon. Henry Dawson); he always kept the
unfortunate mid he had to relieve at least half-an-hour beyond his time
on deck, until his patience was exhausted, forcing him to the unwelcome
alternative of making a complaint to the lieutenant of the watch, who
sent down to bring his relief on deck. It frequently happened that an
old quarter-master, named Ned Cowen, was employed on this errand; he
was a complete character, and as he had sailed round the world with the
celebrated Captain Cook, and was a great favourite with us mids, we
used to get him into our berth, give the old fellow a glass or two of
grog, and make him relate his adventures.
Whenever old Ned presented himself at the Honble. H. Dawson’s hammock,
he signified the purport of his visit with this summons--“Come,
Mr. Dawson, past one bell (the half-hour after the watch has been
called), turn out, show a leg, or I am ordered to bring you up on the
quarter-deck, hammock and all; take my advice, bring a good, thick
greatcoat with you; it is a wet night, and the masthead waiting for
you--the old story, you know.” The delinquent’s tale of “overslept
myself, sir,” was quite worn out--it occurred too often; therefore
nothing was left but to mount up to the masthead, and there enjoy the
refreshing breezes, fine showers, and exhilarating air of sky-parlour,
to awaken him from his balmy slumbers.
The ship was in fine order and a perfect man-of-war, well manned and
officered. The lieutenants were good seamen, knew and did their duty
promptly, and managed the ship well.
Of the first lieutenants, two, after being promoted, found a watery
grave--poor Hawes, in the _Moucheron_, brig of 16 guns, which foundered
in a heavy gale with all his crew; and the gallant Burke shared a
similar fate in the _Seagull_, of 18 guns.
CHAPTER II.
Channel cruising--Boat expeditions--Anecdote of a gallant
mid--Ditto of two dandy Guardsmen--Expedition to Ferrol--Sir James
Pulteney, Sir Edward Pellew and the donkey--The unlucky cruise.
Our first cruise was with the channel fleet off Brest, and to me, a
boy of ten years old, it appeared a great feat, blocking up a superior
French one in their own harbour, and offering them battle daily,
without their daring to come out of port.
The winter’s cruise of 1799 and spring of 1800 was very stormy; nothing
but heavy gales from S.W. to N.W. to N.E. and E., which blew us nearly
at one time within sight of Ireland.
We had various commanders-in-chief, to each of whom the sailors had
given a peculiar nick-name. The Honble. Admiral William Cornwallis was
styled “Billy Blue,” from his flag (blue at the main), and hoisting,
the moment we dropped anchor from the S.W. gales in Torbay, a blue
Peter--a hint for every person to remain on board, ready to sail again
the moment the wind came round sufficiently to the northward to enable
the fleet to proceed down channel to resume the blockade of Brest; Lord
Bridport--“Lord Bread-bags” (Jack’s pun upon his lordship’s name);
Admiral Sir Allan Gardner--“Old Junk,” because he was a tough old
fellow, and kept the ships so long at sea upon salt junk; and Lord St.
Vincent--“Sour Crout,” from his stern deportment. The latter had no
sooner joined than he detached us with the _Defence_ (74), _Fisgard_,
and _Beaulieu_ frigates, under our orders, into the Bay of Biscay, to
annoy the coast of France.
Our first attempt was at the Penmarks, where we succeeded in cutting
out several French _chasse-marées_, and other craft, laden with brandy,
wine, and provisions for the fleet in Brest harbour. The boats were
commanded by the gallant Lieutenants Burke and John Thompson, of the
_Renown_. This service was performed with little loss. Our next attempt
was on some armed vessels in the river Quimper, coast of Brittany, but
the boats did not succeed in finding the vessels: they, suspecting a
visit, had moved higher up the river, whither it was not prudent to
follow them. The crews were, therefore, landed, and having succeeded in
destroying a fort at the entrance of the river, they returned on board
without loss.
The third attempt was at Noirmoutier, near the mouth of the river
Loire, in La Vendée--a tide harbour. Success at first crowned our
exertions; the boats of the squadron, again under Lieutenants Burke,
had already burnt three vessels, mounting from 12, 18, to 24 guns, with
some small craft, and were thinking of returning, when the ebbing of
the tide, which the gallant assailants, carried away by their ardour,
had failed to perceive, left all the boats high and dry, exposed to
the fire of the French batteries. However, Lieutenants Burke and
Thompson, with a part of the men, dragged a large fishing boat and
our barge through the mud, and got safe back to the ships, leaving
the remainder of the boats, with 76 of our best men and some officers
prisoners, besides a few killed and wounded. A poor messmate of mine, a
midshipman, named Jago, who was afterwards killed in the Mediterranean
on another cutting-out affair, in remembrance of this transaction,
called out on that occasion to some of his men who seemed disposed to
hang back, “Come, my lads, stick by me now, as you stuck by me in the
mud at Noirmoutier.”
In consequence of this untoward affair, we sailed for Portsmouth to
refit. Previous to sailing, the ship was paid. I was stationed on the
starboard gangway to keep off the boats, but leaning too far over
the side, fell overboard, and got a good ducking, but fortunately
escaped breaking my head against a boat that was alongside by falling
between her and the ship. Luckily the people in the boat picked me up
immediately, for at that time I could not swim.
After the ship had refitted, and obtained a draft of seamen and
marines, and new boats in lieu of those we had lost on the coast of
France, we joined the fleet again off Brest, under the command of Earl
St. Vincent.
In August our admiral was detached with a strong squadron to take the
naval command of the expedition, under General Sir James Pulteney,
against Ferrol.
I recollect, on this expedition, two dandy young guardsmen came on
board for a passage, and, being too late for dinner in the ward-room, a
nice beefsteak and bottle of port wine was given them at a side table.
After contemplating it a little while, with a supercilious turn of the
mouth and nose, one of them made the sage remark, that “he thought
they might be able to rough it pretty well with such fare every day in
a campaign; but, really, common port wine, beefsteaks, and potatoes,
was not fit food for guardsmen.” I’ll answer for it long before their
regiment returned from Egypt they were very glad to get much worse
fare, and if either of them lived to serve with the noble Wellington in
the Peninsula, their pride of stomach must have had many a fall.
The results of the unfortunate expedition to Ferrol are too well known
to need further record; the gallant army, to a man, regretted that
their evil genius placed them under the command of such a general, and
we, of the navy, lamented our ill-luck that prevented us from taking
the beautiful Spanish fleet that lay at anchor in the harbour.
It was reported--and, I believe, with truth--that at the very time our
troops were being re-embarked, the Spanish governor had even sent out
an officer with the keys of the fortress in his hands, and an offer of
terms to surrender; but he, seeing how matters stood, returned back
to his general, rejoicing, and informed him that the British army was
in full retreat, and part were already on board. The Spaniards had
laid a strong boom across the harbour, flanked by two very powerful
batteries--one on each side of the entrance.
Sir James Pulteney promised to take the one on the left, or larboard
hand, while the boats, filled with sailors and marines, were to storm
the other at the same time.
Seven sail of the line were prepared for action, with springs on
their cables, and a spare one out of the gun-room stern port, bent
to the sheet anchor, ready for bringing up head and stern; in short,
everything was in a forward state for the attack, and the _London_ (98
guns) was to break the boom, and the rest of the ships to follow in
line of battle.
All hearts beat with joyful expectation, when, to our utmost
surprise and indignation, a signal was made from the shore that the
commander-in-chief of the land forces had given up the idea of attack,
and boats were to be sent immediately to embark the troops.
The gallant Sir Edward Pellew, who commanded the _Impétueux_ (74), was
ready to burst with rage when he found the object of the expedition
given up, at a time when it was almost within our grasp, and without
making one serious effort to obtain it. It was reported in the squadron
that he embarked an ass, and used to go up to it, and take off his hat,
and say, “How do you do, Sir James? I hope nothing troubled you in your
sleep last night in the way of unpleasant dreams, or that the nightmare
did not disturb your rest.”
After this sad affair we sailed for Vigo Bay, where our appearance
with so large a force put the inhabitants in bodily fear. When we were
standing into the bay a large French ship (privateer) was observed to
haul under the citadel. At night the boats of the squadron, commanded
by the daring Lieutenant Burke, were sent to bring her out, which they
most gallantly accomplished, after a severe and desperate struggle. She
was called _La Guêpe_, of 18 long nine-pounders, with 244 men, sails
bent, and perfectly ready for sea, and was going to look after our
homeward-bound West Indiamen, and intended to have sailed the evening
of the day of our arrival.
She had her boarding nettings up, and everything ready for a stout
resistance. On the approach of the boats the privateer and the forts
opened a heavy fire of round and grape, but they, nothing daunted, gave
three hearty cheers, dashed on, and, after a most gallant defence, she
was boarded and brought out. Lieutenant Burke was severely wounded by a
pike through both thighs, and the French captain, who most heroically
fought his ship to the last moment, died of his wounds an hour after
she was taken. He asked (poor fellow!) if he had done all he could
to defend his ship; being answered in the affirmative, and justly
complimented on his gallant conduct, he gave a faint smile, and expired.
During the time we lay at anchor here we were in the habit of sending
a boat to haul the seine on the Bayonne islands, and we were generally
pretty successful. Amongst other fish, we frequently caught the
torpedo[C], which gave me a practical lesson of its electric powers.
On the 6th of September a tremendous heavy gale came on from the
southward and westward, in which several vessels belonging to our
convoy drifted from their anchors, and went on shore. The _Stag_,
frigate, of 32 guns, Captain Winthrop, was wrecked upon Point Subudo.
However, we fortunately saved the crew; but the men of some transports
and merchant vessels that went on shore in other parts of the bay fell
into the hands of the Spaniards. Not being able to get the _Stag_
off, she was burnt the same evening. The moment the wind and weather
permitted we sailed with the expedition from Vigo Bay, and, having seen
them safe off the coast, the admiral, according to orders, gave up his
charge to Captain Sir Alexander Cochrane, and proceeded off the Western
Islands in search of some Spanish galleons, said to be coming home in a
Portuguese convoy.
We had with us four sail-of-the-line, and three frigates.
During our cruise we fell in thrice with a large French ship
(privateer), but her legs were too nimble for us. One day, when we had
all sail set, and were carrying every stitch of canvass we could crowd
in chase, with a fine breeze, and nearing her fast, our unlucky genius,
which had attended us all this cruise, from the sprite that said “Bo!”
to old Pulteney at Ferrol, still haunted us up to the present time. We
carried away our foretop-mast, and she again escaped.
The _Renown_ being by far the best sailing ship of the squadron, the
others stood no chance with the privateer, who very quietly hauled up
her courses, and no doubt enjoyed the fun of looking at us _hors de
combat_.
Two days after we fell in with two Portuguese convoys from the Brazils,
bound to Lisbon. One we spoke; the others were boarded by the frigates
to windward. The Portuguese captains of the men-of-war pledged their
word of honour that no Spanish ships were under their protection. We,
like geese, trusted to it, or rather, the frigates did. Will it be
believed that in the above convoy were the five Spanish treasure-ships
we were looking for, which arrived a few days after safe at Lisbon! And
when they passed under the stern of the _Cynthia_, British sloop-of-war
that was lying there, they hauled down their Portuguese colours,
hoisted the Spanish, and fired a royal--and, no doubt, joyful--salute;
and well they might. They had in the five vessels ten millions of
specie, besides valuable cargoes.
We afterwards heard that this business caused a very angry communication
from our Government to that of Portugal; but they, like true
diplomatists, threw the whole blame from themselves on the weakest
party, by denying any knowledge of the transaction, dismissed and
imprisoned the captains of their men-of-war for a short time, who on
being released went to Spain, and were there promoted to rank and
honours.
After this _finale_ of our unlucky cruise, we returned to Plymouth
to refit, and get provisions and water. While there orders came
to complete our stores of all kinds for foreign service. Captain
Thomas Eyles left the ship, and Captain John Chambers White took
the command--a strict, good, and excellent officer, who has filled
a high situation at Woolwich Dockyard since the peace, and is now a
Rear-Admiral of the White. We were all delighted with the idea of
getting away from the heavy winter gales and monotonous cruising of the
channel fleet.
A word upon channel cruising. I defy any person at the present day,
except the old officers, to know the constant anxiety of the captains
and officers of the channel fleet, sailing in two or three lines in
heavy gales and thick weather. It required great attention in the
lieutenants of the watch, a most strict and careful look-out to prevent
accidents, and to have their wits always about them, ready to act at
a minute’s warning. By the good discipline kept up, the look-out was
perfect, and, to the _very great credit_ of the officers of the watch,
_scarce an accident_ occurred during the long, tiresome, and harassing
blockade of Brest, comprising a period of more than twenty years.
CHAPTER III.
Cruise off Cadiz--Proceed up the Mediterranean to Egypt after a
French squadron under Rear-Admiral Ganteaume, 1801.
In November, 1800, we sailed for Gibraltar. I was much pleased to see
the celebrated rock, so well defended by the gallant Elliot in 1782,
and to read, on the spot, Colonel Drinkwater’s most amusing history of
that famous siege.
As late as the year 1801, the greater part of the garrison was still
covered with shot and broken shells, thrown by the Spaniards at that
period. They have since been collected, and sold to be melted down for
various purposes, some probably to be again converted into missiles of
destruction.
We cruised off Cadiz in company with the _Dragon_, _Hector_, and
_Gibraltar_, of 74 guns each, until the spring of 1801, detaining the
Danish and Swedish vessels, when a French squadron of eight sail of
the line (some frigates, and a store ship), having made their escape
from Brest, at a time the channel fleet was blown off, passed us in the
night, and pushed up the Mediterranean for Toulon, to embark troops for
Egypt, to strengthen their force there.
The _Mercury_ (28), Captain Rogers, and the _Incendiary_ (fire-ship),
joined us in the morning, and informed us they had been chased by
them. Although we had only four sail of the line, no time was lost in
proceeding after them; first touching at Gibraltar for provisions,
then running over to Marjarine Bay, on the coast of Barbary, for
water, and from thence to Port Mahon, to see if chance would send us
a reinforcement. There we found the _Alexander_ (74), Captain Sir
Alexander Ball, the _Généreux_ (80), not half-manned, and the _Harlaem_
(64), _en flute_; however, they made a show of strength, and to sea we
went in search of the French squadron, under Rear-Admiral Ganteaume,
and steered for Toulon. Ill fortune attended us; for in a heavy gale,
the _Généreux_ rolled away all her top-masts, and sprung a leak, which
caused us to put back to Minorca, with our crippled ships, from which
place the above-named ship was never again in a state to accompany us.
The moment the rest of the squadron was ready for sea, our persevering
admiral again sailed, and although with one ship less, he ventured
to reconnoitre Toulon, where we found the French had also put back
damaged, and were apparently employed in refitting. We, therefore,
shaped our course for Minorca. On our way thither, to complete our
water and provisions, we chased a Spanish convoy into Cadeque, a small
port near the entrance of the Bay of Rosas; but the admiral did not
think, under existing circumstances, it was worth while risking the
loss of lives to attack them, having the prospect of an action with a
superior French force in view; we, therefore, returned to Port Mahon
to get ready to proceed after the enemy’s fleet in Toulon.
During our stay, we heard that we were to be joined at Malta by His
Majesty’s ship _Athénienne_ (64), which was not even coppered, and
had only half her complement of men. Having put the ships into as
good a state as circumstances would admit, we proceeded to Malta, and
there picked up the 64 gun-ship, which completed our ill-conditioned
squadron, viz., five good ships of the line, one 64, _en flute_, and
another 64, half-manned, and with no copper on her bottom.
With these ships we went to look for Admiral Ganteaume; and off the
island of Maretimo, we fell in with the _Salamine_ brig, of 16 guns,
which gave us information that the day before she had been chased by
the French squadron, and that by shaping our course to south-east,
we should probably see them next morning. What joy ran through the
different ships! but, alas! owing to the ill-sailing of our squadron,
all our hopes were frustrated. We did, indeed, get sight of them
the following day at dawn, far to windward, and by a shift of wind,
shortly after brought them right a-head, so that although there were
no light airs, by sun-set we could see more than halfway down their
courses; yet most of our ships, with the exception of the _Hector_ and
_Dragon_, were very far astern, some hull down. Still, however, we
hoped with three good ships of the line to bring their rear to action
in the night, and so retard them, that the next day our bad sailing
ships might pick up any birds we had winged, while we stood on after
the others; but bad fortune attended us, our only frigate, the old
_Mercury_, of 28 guns, sailed so heavily as to be unable to keep them
in view. At ten at night, foggy, hazy weather came on, we lost sight
of our game, and the next morning the horizon was so obscured that the
enemy was no longer to be seen.
What was to be done? We knew Alexandria, or some part of the coast
of Egypt, was their destination, and thither we steered. Ganteaume
guessed we should follow him thither, and, like a cunning old fox,
taking advantage of the hazy night, soon after dark hauled his wind
on the starboard tack, and doubled round us; therefore, at daylight,
in consequence of the very thick state of the atmosphere preventing
our seeing him, we preceded him to the coast of Egypt, while he shaped
his course for Cape Derne Head, and tried to land his troops a little
to the westward of Alexandria; but the few that attempted it were
soon murdered by the Arabs, and he, not feeling himself quite at his
ease for fear of our again meeting him, returned back to Toulon to
refit. After taking in water and provisions, he once more proceeded to
the coast of Egypt, and although he did not land his men, picked up
His Majesty’s ship _Swiftsure_ (74), Captain Ben. Hallowell, who was
obliged to surrender, after a gallant defence, and took his prize safe
into the harbour of Toulon.
In the meantime we kept on our course for Alexandria, and at the end
of March arrived off there, and joined the fleet of Lord Keith. Here
a sad and heavy affliction awaited our amiable admiral. The first
news was, that our gallant army had landed on the 8th, and that his
brave, handsome, and only son, who belonged to the Coldstream Guards,
had been killed on landing. He bore his loss with the resignation of a
Christian, but with the feelings of a father.
Having remained off Alexandria for a few weeks, Lord Keith detached
us in search of our old friend Ganteaume, but first of all taking
away one of our best ships, the _Hector_ (74), and giving us in lieu
the _Stately_ (64), _en flute_, a Turkish 64, and a corvette. During
our stay the captain pacha, and other Turkish admirals, came on
board on a visit of condolence to our admiral. I recollect he was a
very fine-looking man, with a long black beard, and brought his pipe
and coffee-cup bearers with him. The mouth of the pipe was set with
diamonds, and so were his coffee-cups. Old Tombrook, the captain of the
Turkish 64, that sailed with us, was introduced to the admiral, and the
captain pacha said that if he did not behave well, Sir John had only
to write a note to him, and his head should be taken off immediately
on his return to the Turkish fleet; or if the admiral preferred it, he
would send an executioner on purpose to decapitate Captain Tombrook,
and lay his head at Sir John B. Warren’s feet.
We left Alexandria the beginning of May, and sailed for Coron, in the
Morea, to procure wood, water, and fresh provisions, of which we stood
very much in need, the scurvy having begun to make its appearance from
our long continuance at sea upon bad salt and other food of the worst
quality. The bread was full of maggots and weevils, the flour musty,
and swarming with insects, the water so putrid, thick and stinking,
that often have I held my nose with my hand while I drank it strained
through my pocket handkerchief; and we were so short of this necessary
article, that our consumption was limited to two pints a day for all
purposes. Provisions, at the time I am speaking of, were not like those
supplied now-a-days from Her Majesty’s stores; everything then was done
by an infamous job contract; government paid through thick and thin
for everything, and we poor devils had to suffer in consequence of the
neglect of those persons under government winking at the nefarious jobs
of contractors, and no doubt they had weighty reasons for so doing.
I recollect, in a mid’s berth, we used to ask what such-and-such a
county was famous for. Suffolk, in our black book, was put down as
famous for supplying the navy with rotten and bad cheese. Burgoo was
served out with treacle for breakfast, instead of nice wholesome cocoa
and sugar; and will it be believed, that until the peace of 1802,
French merchants had a contract for supplying the British Navy with
French brandy, while our West Indian merchants knew not what to do with
their rum and cocoa! At last John Bull awoke from his dream, and it
struck him that soldiers and sailors liked rum just as well as brandy,
and that by giving them cocoa for breakfast it would not only assist
the West Indian merchants, but give general satisfaction throughout the
fleet.
I take this opportunity of mentioning the night-blindness which seized
several of our ship’s company after dark. It came on immediately it
began to grow dusk. First we thought it was sham, in order to skulk
from their watches, but we soon found it was not the case. The men were
first attacked off Egypt, and it was supposed it was occasioned by the
heavy dews. I have since been informed that it frequently occurs in
tropical climates.
We remained at Coron ten days, getting supplies; but gained no
intelligence of the French squadron, though the Turkish corvette had
been despatched for that purpose, to make enquiries at the different
out-ports. On her return, we sailed for Malta, where the Christian
slaves, on board the two Turkish men-of-war, were liberated on our
arrival, to the great joy of the Maltese. Having refitted, we proceeded
to Port Mahon, and from thence to cruise off Toulon. On our passage,
we had most severe thunder and lightning, which struck the _Dragon_
and ourselves, indeed, all the squadron more or less; the former’s
main-mast was injured, and our mizen-top-gallant-mast was dashed to
atoms, the top-mast shaken into laths, the mizen-mast set on fire,
and the few tin and iron pots and pans, we mids had in the gun-room,
were every one perforated in the same manner, as if a musket-ball had
been fired through them. The lightning then providentially took a
direction out of one of the gun-room ports, and escaped; several men
on board both ships were much scorched, and one man in the _Dragon_
killed. If the _Renown_ had been one of the old 74’s, whose mizen-mast
stepped in the after magazine, she must have been blown up; but,
fortunately, her’s stepped in the gun-room. We stood on for the Gulf
of Lyons, and looked into Toulon, and there saw the French ships lying
with their prize, the _Swiftsure_, some of the ships stripped, one
with her main-mast out, and no chance of their putting to sea again
for some time. We, therefore, proceeded to the Island of Elba, and
on our way fell in with two French frigates, and chased them into
Leghorn; the _Stately_ (64), _en flute_, got pretty near them, but
they slipped through her fingers. One named the _Success_, of 32 guns,
formerly British, captured by the French squadron, under Rear-Admiral
Ganteaume, on his passage from Brest to Toulon, a few months before,
was afterwards taken by the _Minerve_ (36), Captain Cockburn, and
_Phœnix_ (32), Captain Halstead, and they drove the _Bravoure_ (44) on
shore near Leghorn, and destroyed her. We then went to endeavour to
relieve the garrison of Porto Ferajo, which was closely besieged by the
French, and a sortie was agreed upon by the garrison. The intention was
to turn the enemy’s works, and destroy his batteries, and a party of
sailors and marines were landed to assist at the attack; but the troops
from Porto Ferajo, being all foreigners, in our pay, composed of Swiss
and Germans, did not know us nor we them. All parties met in the dark,
and hearing these people talk French, our men fired upon them, and they
upon us. The sortie never reached its destination--Johnny Crapaud was
not to be caught napping--our expedition partly failed in its object;
Captain Long, of His Majesty’s brig _Vincego_, was killed. “_Sauve
qui peut_” was the order of the day, and a pell-mell retreat to the
boats became necessary. Followed by the French, several were killed,
wounded, and taken prisoners, and some shot in the water, trying to
swim off to the boats. A few days after, the following ludicrous song
appeared on board, to the tune of “Vinegar Hill”:--
“Pray were you at Elba races?
Were you there in the morning?
Some were picking of grapes,[D]
Some were drinking of wine,
And some were running away,
And singing out, ‘Oh! rare Elba races.’”
We then returned to Minorca to get more troops; but shortly after our
arrival, a French man-of-war brig, from Toulon, came into the roads,
with despatches, to inform us the preliminary treaty of peace had been
signed at Amiens.
While we remained at Minorca, we lost our captain of marines (Burns),
a very worthy man. His death was singular. A vessel, a few weeks after
the arrival of the French brig, came from England, confirming the
news from France, with an order to cease hostilities; also bringing
letters and papers. It was one in the morning when the news came. Poor
Burns got up quite well, and sat laughing and talking, and hearing the
news from old England, and saying what he should do when he got upon
half-pay; called for a glass of cold water, which he drank off, and
laid down in his cot again; the cramp seized him in his stomach, and in
five minutes he was a corpse. He was much beloved in the ship, full of
humour, and a kind-hearted pleasant man. He was buried with military
honours at Port Mahon, all the officers of the ship, and many of the
squadron, attending his funeral.
CHAPTER IV.
From the Peace of Amiens (1802) until the commencement of the
second Gallic War--Gambling.
I fortunately remained in the Mediterranean during the whole of the
short peace, which helped on my mid’s time, in the _Renown_ (74), with
Captain John C. White[E], a smart officer. Our worthy and amiable
admiral struck his flag at Minorca, and returned to England, from
whence he was shortly sent, at the request of the Emperor of Russia,
to St. Petersburgh, as ambassador, and gave universal satisfaction.
Indeed, he was fully capable of wielding the sword, using the pen, or
managing the weighty matters of a court.
From Minorca we sailed for Malta--at which place we remained nine
months, without ever going out of it.
The harbour was crowded with men-of-war, and the garrison with troops,
returned from Egypt. I heard of a great deal of gambling taking
place--some duels in consequence, and suicides. Of all vices, gambling
is the worst, for you not only risk your own ruin, but that of your
family also; and a man of honour and principle stands no chance with
black-legs. A person possessed of affluence ought not to gamble,
because he cannot want another’s money, and a poor man that does so,
and plays for a large amount, must be a swindler, knowing that if he
loses he has not the means to pay; he generally, therefore, gives leg
bail for the amount.
Our time passed rather heavily during this long sojourn in one place.
We used, however, to go occasionally in a boat to St. Paul’s Bay, and
have a ride to Florean to see the catacombs, and to Cività Vecchia to
view the handsome church of St. Paul.
A malignant fever broke out in several of the ships, owing, probably,
to the great heat of the weather, when many died: it was something like
the yellow fever, and came on in August and September.
Shortly after this we embarked two companies of artillery, under a
Captain McDonald, and Lieutenants Dougal, Campbell, and Carmichael,
with orders to proceed to Gibraltar, and thence home. Owing to heavy
westerly winds, we had a six weeks’ passage, and found on our arrival
that a most serious disturbance had taken place amongst the troops
in the garrison, which ended in one of the regiments being packed
off to the West Indies. Various causes were assigned for the mutiny,
and amongst others, a too sudden change from a very relaxed state of
discipline to the opposite extreme.
After remaining here a few days, though we had expected to sail the
moment the wind came to the eastward for England, the arrival of
despatches from thence stopped our proceeding.
Napoleon’s plans, by the wisdom and foresight of the Ministry, were
seen through, and orders arrived for the detention of all the ships
of the line (at all serviceable) then in the Mediterranean, instead
of sending them to England. This created a partial murmur amongst the
different crews; but the firmness and strict discipline of our captain
and officers kept our ship’s company perfectly quiet. The crew of the
_Gibraltar_, however, broke out, and two of the unfortunate men were
hanged afterwards in Orestana Bay, Sardinia.
We sailed from the Rock in September, 1802, for Orestana Bay, in
company with the _Dragon_ (74) and _Gibraltar_ (80), and there joined
Rear-Admiral Sir R. Bickerton’s squadron. On our way an accident
occurred, which very nearly sent us back to the Rock a cripple. In the
act of wearing, we ran on board of the old _Gibraltar_. Fortunately, it
was fine weather, as we took her nearly amidships, carried away part
of our cutwater and jib-boom, but did her no damage. It was our fault.
The signal was made to wear together. We were to windward. The _Renown_
answered her helm in a moment. Not so the old _Gibraltar_, she took
longer time, and before she could get out of our way we were on board
of her.
Our time (nearly nine weeks) passed dull enough at this anchorage.
Occasionally we went shooting and fishing. Fish, however, were
scarce--although, had we taken the right method, more perhaps might
have been caught. Plenty of those beautiful large mussels, whose shells
are nearly two feet long, were to be found quite at the head of the
bay in the shallows; also mullet and rock fish; and on the different
shores various kinds of plover, and other wild fowl. But small shot was
so scarce in the squadron, that the feathered tribe were not so much
diminished as they might have been. I recollect one of the lieutenants,
named Jane (now a captain), used to employ me to roll slugs between
pieces of wood to convert them into a kind of round-shot, for which
service he generally took me with him on his shooting excursions.
The inhabitants of these parts are a wild race of beings, and mostly
clothed in black sheep skins, the wool outside.
We left Sardinia in November, and proceeded to Malta for the winter,
and on the 18th of May, 1803, put to sea with the squadron, under Sir
R. Bickerton, Bart., to cruise off Naples, matters having assumed an
hostile appearance at home.
After sailing through the Faro of Messina, when passing near the
island of Stromboli, its volcano broke out in a most beautiful
eruption, which lasted for several months. We had the good fortune
to be becalmed pretty near it for a whole night, which gave us a
magnificent illumination, and at intervals a cloud of fireworks, thrown
from its crater into the air, sent forth a brilliant light. Having
been off deck in my watch, and my quarter and station bills not being
correct and kept in good order, I had four hours of sky-parlour on the
main-royal-cross-trees, which enabled me to have a fine view of the
burning mountain, and of its river of fire, which appeared to run from
its crater into the sea.
CHAPTER V.
From the commencement of second Gallic War until the Battle of
Trafalgar, 1805; with Anecdotes.
Whilst off Naples official notice reached us of the declaration of war
against France, and we proceeded immediately off Toulon, where, in the
course of a short time, Lord Nelson arrived in a frigate, and took the
command of the fleet in the Mediterranean. His lordship’s flagship (the
_Victory_) joined us in a few weeks, having on her passage out captured
a French frigate, and some merchant vessels. We continued to cruise
in the Gulf of Lyons from June, 1803, until the 24th of July, 1804,
without ever going into any port to refit. It is true that occasionally
the whole fleet ran from the heavy gales of the Gulf of Lyons, and
took shelter in various outlandish places in Sardinia, where we could
get wood and water, such as at Agincourt Sound--amongst the Magdalen
islands--in the Straits of Bonifacio (a most beautiful anchorage,
sheltered from all winds); but the shores and country around are the
picture of desolation--no town--no trees of any size--rocks upon rocks,
and the stunted bushes of the wild myrtle and arbutus merely sufficient
for the purposes of fuel. There was a small village seven or eight
miles off, at one of the Magdalen islands, where some few got their
linen washed, but most of us in the fleet were put to our shifts to get
that necessary comfort (clean linen) accomplished.
These long cruises used to put our wits sadly to the test for
an appearance of a bit of white linen above our black cravats,
particularly when we had to answer the signal for a midshipman on board
the flagship.
Soap was almost--indeed, I might say, quite--as scarce an article as
clean shirts and stockings. It was a common thing in those days of real
hard service to turn shirts and stockings inside out, and make them do
a little more duty. Sometimes we used to search the clothes-bag to see
“if one good turn deserved another.” These expedients, added to reefed
stockings, made us appear sufficiently dandified to go and answer the
signal. Borrowing those articles that had been washed on shore--if such
a thing was left amongst one of us--was quite out of the question, for
we knew the day of repayment was very far off.
The island of Sardinia affords several good anchorages for fleets and
squadrons in particular winds: Orestana Bay, St. Peter, St. Antonio,
Cagliari, from the south-west to the south side, and Terra Nova Bay
on the north-east; besides many others for single or few ships. Porto
Conti, for instance, on the north-west part of the island, is a very
safe one. Our noble and gallant chief used to manage to get us fresh
beef twice a week--that is to say, so many live bullocks were embarked
on board each ship, and we killed them as we wanted them--by which
means, with the assistance of oranges that were procured occasionally,
few cases of scurvy occurred in the fleet, notwithstanding our long
stay at sea. But as for articles of luxury--tea, potatoes, soap, and
other sea stores for our messes--we had none.
The inhabitants of Sardinia were as wild as their country; the
mountaineers and lowlanders generally were engaged in a kind of petty
war with each other. Both parties always went armed, and murders
frequently took place. At one of the anchorages in the straits, another
mid and myself were attending a watering party--one of these fellows
rode down with a bag of cheese, made of goat’s or sheep’s milk, for
sale; he was armed with a long gun and pistols, and we had no firearms
with us. Some dispute in the bargaining, for the want of understanding
each other’s language, arose; the Sard, very coolly mounted his horse,
and taking up his cheeses, rode off a short distance, and fired at
us; the ball passed through the sleeve of the mate’s coat, and near
my head; he then galloped off, reloaded his gun, rode up, and gave us
another shot, but luckily without injury.
A midshipman of the _Victory_ was killed by these fellows a short time
afterwards in consequence of some dispute about the hiring of a horse
that had been brought down by these wild folks to the beach. The poor
mid, anxious for a ride, gave the rascal a dollar, mounted the horse,
and rode backwards and forwards for an hour on or near the beach.
The Sardinian wanted his horse, the other thought he had not had his
dollar’s worth of riding, and a warm dispute ensuing, the Sard most
deliberately shot at him with his gun, and broke his arm, so close
up that it was necessary to take it out of the socket. He bore the
operation well, poor fellow, but a fever afterwards came on, which
carried him off. Lord Nelson tried to get satisfaction, but in a wild
country like this, without law or justice, it was found impossible.
The offender made his escape to the mountains, and nothing further was
heard of him.
Shooting parties occasionally took place, but, not having dogs, the
sportsmen were seldom rewarded. Although some kinds of game were
numerous, and flocks of blue pigeons, to the amount of thousands
together, were seen, few were brought on board, for no person dared
follow them far for fear of the wind changing, when we knew the fleet
would sail immediately to regain our station. Previous to the Spanish
war we were sent by his lordship, in the _Renown_, to the Bay of Rosas,
in Catalonia, to procure bullocks and oranges for the fleet, where we
remained long enough to have our clothes washed--a luxury we stood much
in need of.
Our long cruise of near fourteen months off Toulon, amidst nothing but
gales of wind, and heavy storms of most terrific thunder and lightning,
met with no reward in the shape of prize-money.
One man-of-war schooner, of 12 guns, called the _Renard_, and
half-a-dozen small French vessels, were the only captures made by
the fleet during the above period; these, with the exception of
the schooner, not being worth sending into port, were destroyed. A
lieutenant of the _Renown_, and myself, went to Malta in the _Renard_,
and shortly after rejoined our ship off Toulon, in the _Narcissus_
frigate.
One of the marine officers had a monkey on board, who used to amuse us
with his gambols; but was rather fond of biting, for which he received
occasionally a beating from us youngsters. This brought on a coolness
between his master and us, and led at last to open war.
A cabal was formed to get Jacko a licking from his own master, by
letting him loose from his chain in the marine officer’s cabin, that he
might do some mischief; and the time chosen was when his best clothes
were put out ready for him to dine with the captain.
We knew F. was invited that day, because we had seen the captain’s
steward ask him, and his own servant go into the marine officer’s berth
(he had one in the gun-room, on the lower-deck, where we messed), and
lay out his best coat, epaulet, white trousers, etc.; and after making
all other preparations necessary for the toilet, leave the cabin, lock
the door, put the key in his pocket, and go away.
Now was the time for action. A mid of the name of O., the leader of
all mischief, undertook to get into the cabin through the lower-deck
port, by going on deck, then into the mizen chains, and from thence by
a rope’s end made fast under his arms. We let him down through the port
on the lower-deck into the cabin, and he untied the monkey. This being
done, we returned into the gun-room, and peeped through the key-hole
and cracks to see Jacko’s manœuvres.
After jumping about and chattering to himself for some little time, he
commenced operations. Unfortunately for his owner, he found a bottle
of ink, which he let fall, and it broke in pieces, splashing the ink
on the deck. The monkey was now in his glory; he seized upon the new
red coat and epaulet, and began mopping up the wet, then chattering
to himself, jumping about and appearing to feel quite delighted with
his performance, particularly when he saw the marks of his hands and
feet, stained with black, upon the red uniform. Not contented with his
exploits on the coat, he lugged down the pair of smart inexpressibles,
that looked so temptingly white, hanging over the chair, and finished
the housemaid’s work by wiping up the remainder of the ink with them.
This feat having been done, we thought we had seen enough, and went
most innocently to give information to the lieutenant of Marines, and
his servant, that Jacko was loose in the cabin, and, we were afraid,
was after some mischief, for we heard something break, and by peeping
through the key-hole, saw he had his master’s coat on the deck, and
dragging it about.
Down ran the poor marine officer, calling his servant to bring the
key. The moment the door was opened, the first glance showed the
havoc committed on the dinner dress. Jacko, perceiving his frolic was
over, retreated into his cage, from whence he was dragged to get a
good beating. The poor servant was scolded because the monkey had got
loose, who very truly said it was tied up safe when he left the cabin.
The officer swore, stamped, and raved like a madman. His dress was so
completely messed for the day, he could not dine with the captain;
and we innocent young rascals stood looking very demure, and condoling
with him on his misfortune, all the time laughing in our sleeves at the
trick we had played. We had paid off the master and monkey, who between
the two had got us sent to the mast-head occasionally for being saucy
to the marine officer, because we did not like being bitten, without
licking Jacko for it.
A reward was offered to find out who let it loose, that F. might make
the person or persons pay the damage; but it was never found out, and
on the earliest opportunity the monkey was sent out of the ship, on
board a merchant vessel we fell in with, bound to Malta, his master
having had quite enough of monkey tricks.
A ship of the line, the _Kent_ (74), Captain Pulteney Malcolm, having
been kept in the Bay of Naples to attend the royal family there, in
case of their being obliged to go to Palermo, to avoid falling into the
hands of the French, the _Renown_ was sent to relieve her. The _Kent_
was ordered home in consequence of being leaky, and very much out of
repair. Captain J. C. White wishing to return home, exchanged into the
_Kent_ with Captain Pulteney Malcolm; he took several of the midshipmen
with him, and myself amongst the number. We remained ten days at
Naples, which were employed by the captain in seeing everything worth
observation, and he was so kind as to take another youngster and myself
with him.
After the above period, we left Naples for the Bay of Salerno, at which
place we embarked a large supply of cattle and vegetables for our
fleet off Toulon. On joining them, we found our ship very weak, and
her timbers, from the looseness of several bolts, working very much,
and causing her to make a good deal of water,--in fine weather from
six to eight inches per hour, and in bad weather two feet, which kept
increasing to nearly four,--until our arrival in England.
After having given the bullocks to the ships, we proceeded to
Gibraltar, and from thence to Cadiz, where we took on board a million
and sixty thousand dollars. We anchored near a handsome French
seventy-four and frigate; the former, called _L’Aigle_, the name of the
other I forget. Whenever we passed near them, some of their crew would
abuse us; we told them to come outside, and see how soon we would take
the change out of them; but they stood too much in awe of a British
seventy-four, although we had such a tempting cargo to urge them to the
risk.
At this period, four of our frigates, under Sir Graham Moore, were
cruising off Cape St. Vincent to intercept the four Spanish frigates,
loaded with treasure, expected home. We spoke our ships off there, and
a few days afterwards they fell in with the Spaniards, took three, and
the unfortunate fourth blew up in the action with all her crew.
I always did think, and my opinion has never changed, that it was a
cruel thing to send only four frigates to detain four others, when
by increasing the force by two or three line-of-battle ships, this
might have been effected without loss of blood, or honour to the
Spaniards. If it was necessary to detain these vessels and treasure
from political motives, in order to make the king of Spain declare his
equivocal conduct, it would have been humane to have sent such a force
as would have put resistance out of the question; for what man, who was
not a traitor, could yield without fighting (and with such a valuable
cargo on board), to a force, in all appearance, not greater than his
own. It was an untoward event. After a long passage, we at length
arrived at Spithead, the ship in a very leaky, weak state. Having
landed the money, we left Portsmouth the end of October for Chatham, at
which place the ship was paid off.
Our old parson was a “rum” subject; after trying all other mess places,
he got old Pipes, the boatswain, to take him into his. They agreed
very well for a little time; but one unfortunate day, the evil genius
of poor old Fritz prevailed, for Pipes coming down rather unexpectedly
to his cabin in the fore cock-pit to get a glass of grog, having got
wet when the hands were turned up reefing topsails, he found the
parson helping himself rather too freely out of his liquor-case. This
was a crime Mr. Boatswain could not put up with. A breach immediately
ensued, and an instant dismissal from his berth took place, with the
exclamation of, “The parson is such a black; I cannot allow him to mess
with me any longer.” After this occurrence, the captain interfered, and
he again messed in his proper place with the officers in the wardroom.
And I recollect one Sunday morning before church-time, the old fellow
came into our berth, and with his hand to his stomach, began: “Oh!
my dear fellow, I feel so poorly, I do not know what to do, or how
I shall get through the service.” “What is the matter, Mr. F.?” I
enquired. “Oh! I feel such a pain.” I knew what he wanted, so I went to
the locker, took out the rum bottle, and gave a good boatswain’s glass
of grog (three parts spirits, and one water). He told me I had saved
his life, and that now he could preach very well. “Come, sir,” said I,
“take a north-wester to wash the other down,” which he did. The service
commenced soon after, and he performed it admirably.
He was a clever, facetious, and kind-hearted person; and I believe it
was money matters that drove him, poor man! to the bottle; he died
sometime after on shore. He used to tell us boys: “My dear fellows, do
as I say, and not as I do.”
Not having been in England for four years, and my brother being
encamped on Coxheath, I got permission, previous to the ship being paid
off, to go and see him. Nothing would serve me but a ride on horseback.
I was dressed out very smart in white visibles--not invisibles, as
the ladies call them--although it appears the fashion of the day to
show they wear trousers, _whose scientific, Oriental name, by-the-bye,
is fatimas_. To the young ladies I have a pretty little anecdote to
relate. I knew a very gallant officer who fell deeply in love with a
lady merely from handing her into a carriage. The moment she put her
pretty feet upon the carriage steps he was pierced by Cupid’s arrows.
He dreamed of them all night; thought of them when he awoke in the
morning; he could not drive them from his imagination during the day.
The pretty feet again appeared before his fancy when asleep the next
night, and the third day found him prostrate before them, acknowledging
their beauty, and supplicating that he might call them his own. He was
accepted. Were this not an “olla”--which means in Spanish something of
all sorts--I should not have ventured to have written the above.
To return to my ride. As I said before, I was in full dress, with
cocked hat, long coat, and side-arms, that I might appear in camp in a
becoming manner. The landlord at the inn told me he knew sailors liked
to ride fast, and promised to give me a quiet blood mare he had in
his stables, who would show me the way. She was shortly equipped, and
brought out. Upon her back I mounted; but scarcely were we out of the
town of Chatham when off she started at full speed, and ran away with
me along the turnpike road, to the amusement of some of his Majesty’s
liege subjects, and to the terror and dismay of others--up hill, down
dale, splashing myself, and every person I met, with mud, for the roads
were wet, and it began to pour with rain. The ladies and gentlemen in
their carriages as I passed them stared at me with astonishment. Having
got to a place, called Kit’s Cot Hill, I ran on board of a man riding
upon a donkey, with two sacks of flour, knocking him, donkey and cargo,
head over heels; but my steed being pretty nearly blown, I at length
stopped her.
The miller was, fortunately, not hurt, but came up in a great passion
to attack me. Luckily just at the moment some soldiers, who belonged to
the same regiment as my brother, were passing by: they took my part,
and, a parley ensuing, I explained how the untoward event had happened,
and it ended in a laugh. Not far from this was a small inn, where I put
up my flyaway, having had enough riding for one day, hired a gig, and
at last got safe to the regiment without any broken bones.
Shortly after this the ship was paid off, and I joined the _Barfleur_
(98), having had six weeks’ leave to see my friends and relate the
wonders of my four years’ voyage in foreign parts.
Throughout the four months I passed in the _Barfleur_ we were attached
to the channel fleet.
In May, 1805, I removed to the _Neptune_ (98 guns), Captain T. F.
Fremantle, a clever, brave, and smart officer, who sent me home to
pass my examination at Somerset House, in August, which I did, before
old Captain Sir Alexander Snap Hammond, whose character for turning
mids back frightened me not a little. The one examined before me not
having been sent, as from Oxford or Cambridge, to rusticate in green
fields and sylvan groves, but condemned to study six months longer in
a mid’s berth on the briny element in order to finish his nautical
education, and eat peas-pudding, burgoo and molasses, salt-junk,
lobscouse, sea-pie, and study Hamilton Moore. However, the passing
captains, seeing I was alarmed on first entering, civilly desired me to
be seated a few minutes and take courage. Having waited a short time,
and got rather better of some odd qualms and palpitations which the
unfortunate candidate turned back before me had created, I was ordered
to find the time of high-water at Plymouth, work an azimuth amplitude,
double altitude, bearings and distances, &c., which being performed,
I was desired to stand up, and consider myself on the quarter-deck
of a man-of-war at Spithead--“unmoor”--“get underway”--“stand out to
sea”--“make and shorten sail”--“reef”--“return into port”--“unrig the
foremast and bowsprit, and rig them again.” I got into a scrape after
reefing for not overhauling the reef tackles when hoisting the sails.
However, they passed me, and desired me to come again the next day
to receive my passing certificate. I made the captains the best bow
I could, and, without staying to look behind me, bolted out of the
room, and was surrounded in a moment by other poor fellows, who were
anxiously waiting their turn to be called in for examination, who asked
what questions had been put to me, and the answers I made, &c.
This important event over, I spent a few days of September with my
friends; then repaired to Plymouth, and was ordered a passage to join
the _Neptune_ (98), off Cadiz, in the _Belleisle_ (74), one of the very
last ships that sailed to join the fleet of Lord Nelson.
We had a very quick run out, and ten days before the ever-memorable and
glorious 21st of October, 1805, I rejoined my ship.
CHAPTER VI.
The Battle of Trafalgar, and extracts from the log of His Majesty’s
Ship _Neptune_, on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd October, 1805.
FEELINGS OF A CREW GOING INTO ACTION. BY LIEUT. H. GASCOIGNE, R.M.
_Extracted from a Poem called “Fame.”_
“The man who pants not for his country’s fame
Is lost to virtue and the sense of shame;
For here the common parent of us all,
Bears every claim of those whom dear we call--
Our father, mother, brother, sister, wife,
Religion, friendship--all that’s good in life,
The whole united in the single name
Of country! ever our support must claim.
Poor is the soul who could outlive the day
When honour called him, and he shunn’d the fray;
Poor is the man who yet could wish to live
When to his country death would glory give!
Pardon, O God! thou righteous Judge of all,
If willing we obey our country’s call,
Though ill-prepared; for Thou didst plant these laws,
And to Thy mercy we submit our cause!
Full expectation gives the mind to wait,
And moments lengthen in the hands of fate.”
I shall never forget the 18th, 19th, 20th, and 21st of October, 1805.
Signs of a movement in the combined fleets of France and Spain in Cadiz
were made by signal on the 18th by the inshore squadron, and on the
19th the enemy came out of port. The wind was light and the day rather
hazy, so that the body of our fleet never perceived them. Sunday we
had a fresh breeze, when some of the headmost ships saw the enemy in
shore, but they were too close under the land to be attacked. All
hearts towards evening beat with joyful anxiety for the next day, which
we hoped would crown our anxious blockade labours with a successful
battle. When night closed in, the rockets and blue lights, with signal
guns, informed us the inshore squadron still kept sight of our foes,
and, like good and watchful dogs, our ships continued to send forth
occasionally a growling cannon to keep us on the alert, and to cheer us
with the hope of a glorious day on the morrow.
And the morrow came; and with it the sun rose, which, as it ascended
from its bed of ocean, looked hazy and watery, as if it smiled in tears
on many brave hearts which fate had decreed should never see it set. It
was my morning watch; I was midshipman of the forecastle, and at the
first dawn of day a forest of strange masts was seen to leeward. I ran
aft and informed the officer of the watch. The captain was on deck in a
moment, and ere it was well light, the signals were flying through the
fleet to bear up and form the order of sailing in two columns.
The wind had moderated considerably in the night, but still our fleet,
which consisted of twenty-seven sail of the line, four frigates, a
schooner, and cutter, was much scattered. Our ship had been previously
prepared for battle, so that with the exception of stowing hammocks,
slinging the lower yards, stoppering the topsail-sheets, and other
minor matters, little remained to be done. All sail was set, and the
different ships tried to form the line in two divisions, but the
lightness of the wind, and the distance of the sternmost from the van,
prevented anything like speed in the manœuvre; in short, the line never
was properly formed, for the brave and gallant chiefs of each division
were too eager to get into battle to wait for this. The old _Neptune_,
which never was a good sailer, took it into her head to sail better
that morning than I ever remember to have seen her do before. About
ten o’clock we got close to the _Victory_, and Captain Fremantle had
intended to pass her and break the enemy’s line, but poor Lord Nelson
himself hailed us from the stern-walk of the _Victory_, and said,
“_Neptune_, take in your studding-sails and drop astern; I shall break
the line myself.” A signal was then made for the _Téméraire_ (98) to
take her station between us and the _Victory_, which consequently made
us the third ship in the van of his lordship’s column.
At this period the enemy were forming their double line in the shape
of a crescent. It was a beautiful sight when their line was completed:
their broadsides turned towards us, showing their iron teeth, and now
and then trying the range of a shot to ascertain the distance, that
they might, the moment we came within point blank (about six hundred
yards), open their fire upon our van ships--no doubt with the hope of
dismasting some of our leading vessels before they could close and
break their line. Some of them were painted like ourselves--with double
yellow sides; some with a broad single red or yellow streak; others all
black; and the noble _Santissima Trinidada_ (138), with four distinct
lines of red, with a white ribbon between them, made her seem to be a
superb man-of-war, which indeed she was. Her appearance was imposing;
her head splendidly ornamented with a colossal group of figures,
painted white, representing the Holy Trinity, from which she took her
name. This magnificent ship was destined to be our opponent. She was
lying-to under topsails, top-gallant sails, royals, jib, and spanker;
her courses were hauled up; and her lofty, towering sails looked
beautiful, peering through the smoke, as she awaited the onset. The
flags of France and Spain, both handsome, chequered the line, waving
defiance to that of Britain.
Then, in our fleet, union-jacks and ensigns were made fast to the fore
and fore-topmast-stays, as well as to the mizen-rigging, besides one at
the peak, in order that we might not mistake each other in the smoke,
and to show the enemy our determination to conquer. Towards eleven,
our two lines were better formed, but still there existed long gaps
in Vice-Admiral Collingwood’s division. Lord Nelson’s van was strong:
three three-deckers (_Victory_, _Téméraire_, and _Neptune_), and four
seventy-four’s, their jib-booms nearly over the others’ taffrails,
the bands playing “God save the King,” “Rule Britannia,” and “Britons
strike home;” the crews stationed on the forecastle of the different
ships, cheering the ship ahead of them when the enemy began to fire,
sent those feelings to our hearts that ensured us victory. About ten
minutes before twelve, our antagonists opened their fire upon the
_Royal Sovereign_ (110), Vice-Admiral Collingwood, who most nobly, and
unsupported for at least ten minutes, led his division into action,
steering for the _Santa Anna_ (112), which was painted all black,
bearing the flag of Admiral Gravina, during which time all the enemy’s
line that could possibly bring a gun to bear were firing at her. She
was the admiration of the whole fleet.
To show the great and master mind of Nelson, who was thinking of
everything even in the momentous hour of battle, when most minds would
have been totally absorbed in other matters, it was remarked by him
that the enemy had the iron hoops round their masts painted black;
orders were issued by signal to whitewash those of his fleet, that
in the event of all the ensigns being shot away, his ships might be
distinguished by their white masts and hoops.
In order to convey a more accurate notion of the commencement and of
the ensuing events of this glorious day, I shall introduce an extract
from the log-book of His Majesty’s Ship _Neptune_ (98 guns):--
“A.M., moderate and fine weather; at daylight discovered 39 strange
ships to leeward. At 6, answered the signal from the _Victory_,
Lord Nelson’s flag-ship, No. 76, to form the order of sailing
in two lines; bore up and made all sail, the fleet consisting
of twenty-seven ships of the line, four frigates, a cutter, and
schooner, in company; cleared ship for action. At 11, answered the
general telegraph signal, ‘England expects every man will do his
duty’; Captain Fremantle inspected the different decks, and made
known the above signal, which was received with cheers. At 11.30,
the signal to break the enemy’s line, and engage to leeward.
“At 12, the _Royal Sovereign_ (110), Vice-Admiral Collingwood,
most nobly broke the enemy’s line, and engaged the Spanish Admiral
Gravina, whose flag was flying in the _Santa Anna_ (112), cutting
off the 19th ship from their rear; the French and Spanish fleet, of
33 sail of the line, 4 frigates, and 2 brigs, lying-to for us to
leeward, with their heads to the northward.
“At 12.15, the _Victory_ (100), Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson, followed
by the _Téméraire_ (98), Captain Eliab Hervey, and _Neptune_ (98),
Captain Fremantle, broke the line of the enemy by the French
Commander-in-Chief’s ship, Admiral Villeneuve, in the _Bucentaure_
(84), and _Santissima Trinidada_ (138), of four decks, bearing the
flag of Rear-Admiral Don Cisneros Baltazar, the eleventh ship from
the van.
“At 12.25, three of the enemy’s ships of the line opened their fire
upon us, raking us fore and aft. At 12.35, we broke their line,
passed between, and opened our broadside and raked them on both
sides. At 12.47, we engaged a two-deck ship, with a flag at her
mizen. At 1.30, entirely dismasted her, she struck her colours; but
before that, the _Leviathan_ (74), also opened her broadside upon
her, we passed on (first giving her three hearty cheers), and bore
down and attacked the _Santissima Trinidada_, a Spanish four-decker
of 140 guns, with a flag at her mizen; raked her as we passed
under her stern; and at 1.50 opened our fire on her starboard
quarter. At 2.40, shot away her main and mizen masts; at 2.50, her
foremast; at 3, she cried for quarter, and hailed us to say they
had surrendered; she then stuck English colours to the stump of
her mainmast; gave her three cheers. At this time the _Leviathan_
and _Conqueror_ (74’s), on our starboard quarter, firing on some
of the enemy’s ships. Our standing and running rigging much
cut; foretop-gallant and royal-yard shot away; the foremast and
foretop-mast very badly wounded; three shot in the main-mast; one
cheek of the mizen mast shot away, and wounded in other places;
foreyard nearly shot in two, and ship pulled in several places;
sent down men to get up more shot, having nearly fired away all
that was on deck.
“When the smoke cleared away, observed the _Victory_, _Royal
Sovereign_, and _Téméraire_ warmly engaged, and the six van ships
of the enemy who had not been engaged had tacked, and were bearing
down to attack us. At 3.30, opened our fire on them, assisted by
the _Leviathan_ and _Conqueror_; observed one of them to have all
her masts shot away by our united fire; the rest then hauled their
wind (we learned afterwards it was Rear-Admiral Dumanoir), and
making off to the southward, and we not in a condition to follow
them, our sails being nearly shot from the yards, and, in addition
to other defects, not a brace or bowline left. Turned the hands
up to knot and splice, and bend new sails. At 5, observed 18 sail
of the enemy making off, viz., 13 sail of the line, 3 frigates,
and 2 brigs, leaving to us 20 ships of the line, 2 of which were
first-rates, viz., _Santissima Trinidada_ and _Santa Anna_. At
5.15, a French ship of the line, _L’Achille_, blew up with nearly
all her crew. Observed the _Victory_ with her mizen-mast and
all her topmasts shot away; the _Royal Sovereign_ with only her
foremast standing; unable to see the condition of the rest of the
fleet. At 6, we hailed the _Ajax_ (74), and told her to go and
take possession of a French ship of the line dismasted; saw the
_Prince_ (98) take the _Santissima Trinidada_ (138) in tow, which
had struck to us. Found we had 10 men killed, and 35 wounded, 4 of
whom shortly after died of their wounds.
“At midnight, having repaired what damages we could, made sail.
At 4 in the morning of the 22nd, we were spoke by the _Pickle_
schooner, who told us it was Admiral Collingwood’s orders. We took
some ship in tow. At daylight, observed Admiral C.’s flag in the
_Euryalus_ frigate, with the _Royal Sovereign_ in tow, who made our
signal to take her in tow, which we did.
“At daylight, it blew a fresh gale from the S.S.W.; the ships very
much scattered; all the prizes dismasted and drifting about, most
of them having been cast off from the ships that had them in tow;
and the French 84-gun ship, _Rédoutable_, while in tow of the
British _Swiftsure_, foundered with nearly all her unfortunate
crew. At daylight of the 23rd, we picked up four of her people
floating upon a piece of her wreck. Came on board of us, as
prisoner from the _Mars_ (74), Admiral Villeneuve, the French
commander-in-chief.
“In this battle we lost the brave Vice-Admiral Viscount Nelson, who
was killed on board the _Victory_ by a musket-ball from the maintop
of the French 84-gun ship, _Rédoutable_. The news of the death of
this lamented hero threw a damp over our victory, which we were
not prepared for. At noon on the 23rd, the signal was made that
the remnant of the enemy’s fleet was coming out of Cadiz to try
and pick up some of the dismasted ships and prizes; cast off the
_Royal Sovereign_, and bore up with the rest of the ships that were
able, and formed the line of battle to leeward of our dismasted
ships and prizes for their protection; on seeing which, the enemy
returned into port without accomplishing his object, but losing
another ship, the _El Rayo_ (100), for his pains!”
Thus ended this noble fight, the consequences of which were felt from
one end of Europe to the other, indeed, I may say, in all parts of the
world; and, surely, for such a day’s work, the country ought to have
voted a medal, not only to the admirals and captains, but (as was the
case at Waterloo) to every officer, seaman, and marine, in the fleet.
The loss of the _Neptune_ in this action, considering what she did, was
comparatively small; but the ship was admirably managed by her gallant
captain, who was ably supported by a clever scientific first lieutenant
(the present Captain George Acklom), who justly merited every praise
for his coolness and abilities on that memorable day.
During the time we were going into action, and being raked by the
enemy, the whole of the crew, with the exception of the officers,
were made to lie flat on the deck, to secure them from the raking
shots, some of which came in at the bows and went out at the stern.
Had it not been for the above precaution, many lives must have been
sacrificed. My quarters were the five midship-guns on each side of the
main-deck. I was sent on board the _Santissima Trinidada_, a few days
after the action, to assist in getting out the wounded men, previous
to destroying her. She was a magnificent ship, and ought now to be in
Portsmouth harbour. Her top-sides, it is true, were perfectly riddled
by our beautiful firing, and she had, if I recollect right, 550 killed
and wounded; but from the lower part of the sills of the lower-deck
ports to the water’s edge, few shot of consequence had hurt her between
wind and water, and those were all plugged up. She was built of cedar,
and would have lasted for ages, a glorious trophy of the battle; but
“sink, burn, and destroy,” was the order of the day, and after a
great deal of trouble, scuttling her in many places, hauling up her
lower-deck ports,--that when she rolled the heavy sea might fill her
decks,--she did at last go unwillingly to the bottom.
I have now by me a gilt dirk that I brought away from her, it belonged
to the Spanish admiral’s son, Don Baltazar Cisneros; I would not part
with it for its weight in gold. Of all our hard-earned prizes, only
four got safe to Gibraltar; viz., _San Ildefonso_ (74), _San Juan
Nepomuceno_ (74), _Bahama_ (74), and the old English _Swiftsure_ (74),
the rest were either sunk or burnt. Nothing being talked of now but
horizontal firing, it is to be hoped we shall fire as well and with the
same precision and effect next war, as the British fleet did on this
memorable day.
The establishment of the school for naval gunnery on board the
_Excellent_ at Portsmouth, placed as it is under the superintendence of
Sir Thomas Hastings, and other scientific officers, will, in my humble
opinion however some persons may affect to despise teaching seamen the
science of naval gunnery, be of general benefit to the service. One of
the originators of it, the gallant Captain Sir John Pechell, Bart.,
C.B., K.C.B., deserves great credit, and the thanks of the service
for the interest, zeal, and attention he has paid to it; as also does
Captain George Smith, who invented the moveable target, now used on
board our men-of-war, and several other ingenious and clever inventions
of his have been before the public. He has lately invented paddle-box
life boats for steam ships.
_List of the English Fleet, under Lord Nelson, on the 21st October,
1805-27 sail of the line, 4 frigates, 1 cutter, 1 schooner._
LORD NELSON’S DIVISION.
Guns. Killed. Wounded.
_Victory_ 100 { Vice-Admiral Viscount Nelson } 51 75
{ Captain T. M. Hardy }
_Téméraire_ 98 Eliab Harvey 47 76
_Neptune_ 98 T. F. Fremantle 10 35
_Conqueror_ 74 Israel Pellew 3 9
_Leviathan_ 74 H. W. Bayntum 4 22
_Ajax_ 74 Lieut. J. Pilfold 0 9
_Orion_ 74 Edward Codrington 1 23
_Agamemnon_ 64 Sir Edward Berry 2 7
_Minotaur_ 74 C. J. M. Mansfield 3 22
_Spartiate_ 74 Sir F. Laforey, Bart. 3 20
_Britannia_ 100 { Rear-Admiral the Earl Northesk } 10 42
{ Captain Charles Bullen }
_Africa_ 64 Henry Digby 18 44
--- ---
Total 154 383
--- ---
VICE-ADMIRAL COLLINGWOOD’S DIVISION.
Guns. Killed. Wounded.
_Royal Sovereign_ 100 { Vice-Admiral Collingwood } 47 94
{ Captain Rotherham }
_Mars_ 74 G. Duff (killed) 29 69
_Belleisle_ 74 W. Hargood 33 93
_Tonnant_ 80 C. Tyler 26 50
_Bellerophon_ 74 J. Cook (killed) 27 133
_Colossus_ 74 J. N. Morris 40 160
_Achille_ 74 Richard King 13 59
_Polyphemus_ 74 R. Redmill 2 4
_Revenge_ 74 R. Moorson 28 51
_Defiance_ 74 P. C. Durham 17 53
_Swiftsure_ 74 W. G. Rutherford 9 7
_Defence_ 74 G. Hope 7 29
_Thunderer_ 74 Lieut. Stockham 4 16
_Prince_ 98 R. Grindall 0 0
_Dreadnought_ 98 John Conn 7 26
--- ---
Total 263 794
--- ----
Grand Total 417 1177
--- ----
FRIGATES.
Guns.
_Euryalus_ 36 Hon. H. Blackwood.
_Sirius_ 36 William Prowse.
_Phœbe_ 36 Hon. T. B. Capel.
_Naiad_ 36 T. Dundas.
_Pickle_ (schooner) 12 Lieut. J. R. Lapenotiere.
_Entreprenant_ (cutter) 12 Lieut. R. B. Young.
* * * * *
_List of the French and Spanish combined fleets in action, off Cape
Trafalgar, near Cadiz, 21st October, 1805--33 sail of the line, 3
frigates, 3 brigs._
No. Guns.
1. _San Ildefonso_ 74 Taken. (Spanish.)
2. _San Juan Nepomuceno_ 74 Do. (Do.)
3. _Bahama_ 74 Do. (Do.)
4. _Swiftsure_ 74 Do. (French.)
(The above four ships arrived safe at Gibraltar.)
5. _Monarca_ 74 Taken and wrecked. (Spanish.)
6. _Fougueux_ 74 Do., do., and all her crew.
(French.)
7. _Indomptable_ 84 Do., do. (Do.)
8. _Bucentaure_ 74 Taken and wrecked, and most of
her crew. (French.)
9. _San Francisco de Asis_ 74 Taken and wrecked. (Spanish.)
10. _El Rayo_ 100 Do. (Do.)
11. _Neptuno_ 84 Do. and destroyed. (Do.)
12. _Argonaut_ 74 Driven on shore, but got off again.
(French.)
13. _Berwick_ 74 Taken and wrecked. (Do.)
14. _L’Aigle_ 74 Do., do. (Do.)
15. _L’Achille_ 74 Blew up in action, with most of
her crew. (French.)
16. _Intrépide_ 74 Taken, and burnt after the action.
(French.)
17. _San Augustin_ 74 Do., do. (Spanish.)
18. _Santissima Trinidada_ 140 Taken by the _Neptune_; sunk after
the action by the _Prince_ and
_Neptune_, in consequence of
orders to destroy her. (Spanish.)
19. _Rédoutable_ 84 Taken, and foundered with all her
crew except four. (French.)
20. _Argonauta_ 80 Taken and destroyed. (Spanish.)
21. _Santa Anna_ 112 Taken, but got into Cadiz
dismasted. (Spanish.)
22. _Algesiras_ 74 Taken, but escaped in the gale
into Cadiz. (French.)
23. _Pluton_ 74 Do., do. (Do.)
24. _San Juste_ 74 Do., but got into Cadiz with her
foremast only standing.
(Spanish.)
25. _San Leandro_ 64 Taken--got into Cadiz. (Do.)
26. _Le Neptune_ 84 Escaped. (French.)
27. _Le Héros_ 74 Escaped--lost topmasts. (French.)
28. _Principe di Asturias_ 112 Lost all her masts--escaped
into Cadiz. (Spanish.)
29. _Montanez_ 74 Escaped. (Spanish.)
30. _Formidable_* 84 Do. (French.)
31. _Mont Blanc_* 74 Do. (Do.)
32. _Scipion_* 74 Escaped. (French.)
33. _Duguay Trouin_* 74 Do. (Do.)
(The four ships marked thus (*) were taken a few days after the action
by Sir Richard Strachan’s squadron.)
_Names and Rank of French and Spanish Flag Officers in the battle._
Admiral Villeneuve, Commander-in-Chief--taken. (French.)
Rear-Admiral Magon--killed. (French.)
Rear-Admiral Dumanoir--escaped; taken afterwards by Sir Richard
Strachan. (French.)
Admiral Gravina--escaped. (Spanish.)
Vice-Admiral Alava--taken in _Santa Anna_ (112). (Spanish.)
Rear-Admiral Cisneros--taken in _Santissima Trinidada_(140). (Spanish.)
The loss of the combined fleet was twenty ships of the line, one
admiral killed, and three taken; the total killed, wounded, and taken
prisoners, was near 16,000 men and officers. In concluding the account
of the Battle of Trafalgar, I think I shall be excused for copying into
this _olla_ two beautiful extracts from unknown authors. The first
lines on the particular circumstance of each of the different powers
having a ship of the line, called the _Neptune_, in the battle:--
“Three different powers to rule the main,
Assumed old Neptune’s name;
One from Gallia, one from Spain,
And one from England came.
“The British _Neptune_, as of yore,
Proved master of the day;
The Spanish _Neptune_ is no more,[F]
The French one ran away.”
LORD NELSON’S DEATH AND TRIUMPH.
_From the Sheffield Paper, 1805._
“Intelligence of a most glorious event, accompanied with tidings
of an awful calamity (like the angels of mercy and affliction
travelling together), has arrived on our shores, and awakened the
public mind from the agony of despondence to a tumult of mingled
emotions, sorrow and joy, mourning and triumph.
“On the 21st of October, 1805, while the cowardly and incapable
Austrian, General Mack, was surrendering himself and army into the
hands of Bonaparte, the noble and lamented Lord Nelson, once more,
and for the last time, fought and conquered the united foes of his
country; but he fell in the meridian of victory, and in one moment
became immortal in both worlds.
“His career of services had been long; but it was only in the last
war that he burst upon the eye of the public as a luminary of the
first magnitude. At the battle of Aboukir, he rose like the sun in
the east, and like the sun too, after a summer’s day of glory, he
set in the west, at the battle of Trafalgar, leaving the ocean in a
blaze as he went down,[G] and in darkness when he descended.
“In ages to come, when the stranger who visits our island shall
enquire for the monument of Nelson, the answer will be, ‘Behold his
country which he has saved.’”
CHAPTER VII.
Join the _Melpomene_ (38)--Sent up the Mediterranean--Tremendous
weather, with thunder, lightning, and water-spouts--Ship loses her
rudder and main-topmast--Proceed to Malta.
Ten days after the action, I was appointed acting lieutenant of the
_Melpomene_ (38), Captain Peter Parker. The weather having moderated,
we sailed in company with the _Orion_ (74), Captain Codrington:
_Endymion_ (44), and _Weazle_ brig, (18); to look into Toulon, and
scour the Mediterranean, in search of a squadron of French frigates. We
parted from the fleet on the 8th of November, 1805, with every prospect
of a most delightful cruise, and the chance of picking up some prizes;
but a few days after leaving Gibraltar, our golden hopes were dashed to
nought, and we were sent a wreck, without a rudder, to Malta.
The weather continued moderate until the 11th, when we captured a small
Spanish settee, laden with stores of little value, and took her in tow,
for the purpose of conveying her to the commodore, but a heavy squall
coming on, we destroyed her.
On the 12th, we saw the island of Majorca, and finding the main-yard
sprung, we lowered it down, and fished it. On the 13th, owing to the
violence of the gale and heavy sea, we bore up, with the _Weazle_
brig in company, to take shelter under Majorca; at this time the ship
was labouring very hard, in consequence of a heavy cross swell. On the
14th, none of the squadron were in sight; the morning of the 15th,
about nine o’clock, a most tremendous squall came on, accompanied with
thunder, lightning, rain, and sleet, which obliged us to clew up all
our sails; shortly afterwards the main-mast was struck by lightning,
the fluid exploded by the pumps, and knocked myself and a seaman down;
the sensation I felt was that of a severe electric shock, shaking
every bone in my body, but, thank God! it did me no further injury;
the seaman, poor fellow! was a good deal burnt, but he afterwards
recovered. On examining the mainmast, we found it splintered in many
places, particularly about the hoops, and in the wake of the trusses,
where copper had been nailed on.
The next day we stood towards Barcelona, in the hopes of rejoining the
_Orion_, but between nine and ten in the morning of the 17th, the sea
rose all round us, angry, black, threatening clouds, accompanied with
water-spouts, and heavy flashes of lightning, gave us warning that
a tempest of no common kind was approaching; several land birds of
various descriptions, blown from land not in sight, settled on the deck
and rigging, in hopes of shelter from the pitiless storm; a woodcock
tried to rest upon the capstern on the quarter-deck; a hoopoe, linnets,
greenfinches, and other small birds, also endeavoured, poor things! to
find shelter, but when the first burst of the tempest came on, they
were blown to leeward, and probably perished. In the midst of all this
we had to fire guns at the water-spouts to break them, furl the sails,
and prepare for another gale. At eleven a heavy sea pooped us, stove
in the dead lights, and filled the captain’s cabin with water; the
wind increased to a perfect hurricane, and at one, the lightning again
struck the ship and hurt the main-topmast and the main-mast. At two
the storm stay-sails were blown to atoms, and the ship became entirely
unmanageable; whole seas, at times, rolled over her, one of which,
breaking on the quarter, struck the rudder, and the rudder-head gave
way, it was immediately chocked, and the ship was then steered by the
rudder pennants. Between three and four, the main-topmast was blown
over the side, the rudder-chains gave way, and we found the main-mast
sprung a few feet above the quarter-deck. The whole of the night, the
rudder, having nothing to confine it, thumped about a great deal, and
made us fear it would shake the stern-post. In the morning of the 18th,
the ship fortunately took a heavy plunge, and the rudder unshipped
itself from the stern and sank. The sea at this period was most heavy
and breaking; it stove the quarter boats, and caused the ship to
strain so much that it was necessary to keep the pumps constantly
going. Towards noon of the 18th we veered a cable astern with hawsers,
etc., and struck the mizen-topmast to try and wear ship, but found it
impossible, for the moment we got the ship four or five points from the
wind, she flew to again. On the 19th, the weather began to moderate,
but still there was a heavy sea; yet, notwithstanding the ship laboured
a great deal, we commenced making a Pakenham’s jury rudder out of a
spare maintopmast-jibboom, and other spars.
Towards evening we saw the Columbretes, small rocky uninhabited
islands, near Ivica, on the lee bow, distant four or five leagues;
finding ourselves drifting bodily down on them, we made all sail on the
foremast, in the hopes of getting the ship on the other tack, veered
away a cable astern, and with hawsers bowsed it over to windward; but
the heavy swell,--the moment we got way upon the ship, and she was a
few points from the wind, striking her abaft the beam,--made her fly to
the wind again. We therefore furled our sails, and let go an anchor in
60 fathoms, with a spring on the cable, which for a time brought us up;
but soon after midnight, during my watch, there came on a heavy squall
with thunder, lightning and rain, the ship drove, when we cut the cable
and set new storm stay-sails and fore-sail; she evidently would not
weather the rocks, but when pretty near them, it pleased Providence to
send us a shift of wind in another severe squall, which enabled us to
clear them. On the morning of the 20th the weather became moderate,
and towards evening, having completed our jury-rudder, we succeeded in
shipping it, and found to our great joy it answered with a little care
very well. The 21st we had a steady breeze from the S.W., which enabled
us to shape our course for Malta. It was necessary to keep a sharp look
out upon our rudder guys and braces, for the constant friction against
the ship’s sides, soon chafed the woulding. On the 22nd, at night,
it again blew very heavy, our starboard fore channel was very badly
started, and we found the fore-yard sprung; however the ship steered
very well, going before the gale at the rate of ten and eleven knots
per hour. On the 26th we arrived at Malta, and moored safely from the
gales in La Valette harbour. The defects of the ship were as follows: a
rudder, main-mast, two top-masts, both lower yards, maintop-sail-yard,
the starboard fore channel had to be secured, and general caulking was
wanted. In short, the ship was strained all to pieces.
CHAPTER VIII.
Siege of Gaeta by the French--Boat affairs--My capture--Leghorn.
After the repairs were made good, which took nearly two months, we
sailed for Messina, and found there some transports waiting for a
convoy to take a reinforcement of troops, with General Sherbrooke, to
Egypt.
The service being most pressing, we took them under convoy, and after
a passage of three weeks, made the low sandy coast to the westward of
Alexandria, on which were growing a few date or palm trees, planted in
a cluster. We got off the port on the following day, where we no sooner
discovered the British squadron, under Capt. Benjamin Hallowell, in the
_Tigre_ (80), all snug, than we hove to; and putting the general and
his staff on board one of the transports, started back to Messina. The
_Tigre_ fired guns and made the signal of recall, which the captain,
much to our satisfaction, would not notice, for we had no particular
relish to exchange the chance of a good cruise, for the burning sands
of Egypt, to fire at Turks behind sand banks and stone walls.
This, however, very nearly got Captain Peter Parker into a serious
scrape; for the gallant old Ben. was most wroth, and nothing saved him
from a court martial but his being a great friend of Lord Collingwood.
On our return to Sicily we went from Messina to Palermo, and from
thence to succour the fortress of Gaeta, near Terracina, besieged by
Marshal Massena, with 30,000 men. We ran in and engaged a battery
and a French man-of-war brig near Mola. The battery was thrown up in
Cicero’s Garden. Night, and a very heavy thunder storm coming on, which
blew dead on shore, obliged us to haul off and get an offing; the brig
taking advantage of the darkness, cut her cable, and got safe into
Naples.
A few days afterwards, I went with some other officers on shore, to
be introduced to the Prince of Hesse Philippsthal, who commanded the
fortress, and to look round the works and observe the French lines. It
appearing to our captain that we could flank the enemy’s works to the
N.W. of the peninsula, with the ship, in the afternoon, we stood in
and fired a few broadsides, which put them to confusion, however the
wind failing obliged us to haul off. A day or two afterwards the wind
changing and permitting us to do the same thing, again we stood in, but
the French had got something prepared for us this time, in the shape
of a good masked battery, which was so well directed that every shot
hit us, and we were glad to get off with the loss of three men badly
wounded; one poor fellow lost both his legs, another his right leg, and
the third was severely wounded by a splinter. We took the hint and did
not go there any more. Shortly after this, Rear-Admiral Sir Sidney
Smith came and assumed the command of the squadron, he used to send the
launches, armed with a carronade, every dark night to flank the French
camp on the Terracina side, with orders the moment the gun was fired to
pull either to starboard or port, in order to avoid the enemy’s shot.
Our being low on the water prevented them seeing us, so that they could
only fire at the flashes of our guns. Some shot occasionally passed
over us, but the greater part went either to the right or left. One
of the Sicilian gun-boats was sunk one night, and some of the oars
knocked out of the men’s hands, but by attending to the orders of the
gallant admiral we generally escaped. Our other orders from him were
not to go within musket shot, and directly the moon began to appear,
to disperse and return on board. One night we killed a French general
named Vaubois, who had come down to the beach with some field pieces to
return our fire.
We went hence to Palermo and landed our wounded men, when we proceeded
off Naples with a spy, dispatches, and proclamations, from King
Ferdinand the VII., to his beloved subjects, calling upon them to
rise and make a diversion to raise the siege of Gaeta; but they were
too wise to follow his advice, having neither leaders, spirit, nor
enterprise for such dangerous work. To get the above gentleman with his
dispatches, proclamations, &c., on shore, being a service of danger,
with the prospect at least of a dungeon for the remainder of the war,
should they even escape hanging, volunteers were necessary; myself and
a fine gig’s crew and a sergeant of marines, offered our services,
and engaged not to return without performing the service if it were
possible.
We were all well armed and left the ship in the gig, with the spy,
soon after dark, at the entrance of the Bay of Naples; the oars were
well muffled and greased to prevent them from making a noise. We
first rowed under the land towards Baia and Pansilippo; the night was
favourable, being very dark, and rather inclined to be stormy, with
an occasional flash of sheet lightning, which latter we could have
dispensed with; however, on we pulled, taking care not to feather the
oars, and to row as easy as possible, that we might make no splashing
in the water. At last we got to what I thought a favourable place, and
we pulled in, when just as the boat was touching the shore a whole host
of fishermen bawled out and gave the alarm. The alarm fires were lit
along the shore in a minute, and we were instantly challenged; off we
shoved the boat and told the Italian to say we were fishermen looking
for our companions. While he was talking the wind being off the land,
soon blew us out of hearing and musket shot, when we again rowed along
shore nearer Naples, and tried to land upon the rocks, not far from
Castle del Ovo; here again, however, the fellows were upon the _qui
vive_, and we again shoved off, when I determined to put a good face
upon the matter, and after passing the castle to land right under the
houses. They not expecting us there, we succeeded, and our friend the
spy, with his dispatches and proclamations, went at once into the
city, and I then shoved off and got safe back to the ship by a little
after midnight; the captain was quite happy to see us safe returned,
having so well accomplished our object. Having seen the alarm fires and
signals from the ship, he was very anxious on our account.
The spy being a clever fellow, managed his business well, and in a
fortnight after returned safe to Palermo with answers. Nothing was
done, for King Joe and his police kept too sharp a look out, to allow
his Sicilian Majesty’s corps of lazzaroni to make, or attempt to make,
any disturbance.
On our way off Cività Vecchia, near Mount Circello, in company with
the _Juno_ (32), we fell in with two French settees, who were steering
along shore towards Mola; one we sunk with our two guns, and the
other we took; both were laden with charcoal for the forges of the
French army before Gaeta; the _Juno_ went thither with our prize,
and we continued off the above place in the hope of falling in with
a French squadron, but in this we were anticipated by the _Sirius_
(36), who fell in with them, took a corvette, and dispersed the rest.
From thence we proceeded off Leghorn, and on the 18th of May, 1806, at
noon, I was sent, with seven men, armed with merely four cutlasses,
two muskets, and having only eight ball cartridges, after a French
row-boat, with orders also to attack a convoy close in shore under the
town of Leghorn. This adventure having nearly cost me my life, I shall
enter more fully into it. All hands were upon deck, ready to carry any
orders given into execution; a French row-boat passed close to the
ship, armed with musketoons and muskets, and having a crew of sixteen
men. The ship had French colours flying at the time, trying to entice
out the enemy’s convoy in shore, and therefore Captain Parker would
not permit a musket to be fired to bring-to the small vessel passing
near us. The wind was light, and the row-galley had no sooner got out
of musket shot astern, than they out sweeps and began to pull away,
suspecting, notwithstanding our French flag, that we were an English
frigate. At this time our distance from Leghorn might be about seven
or eight miles. A large polacre ship was seen to leeward, which was
taken for an enemy; we bore up and made all sail after her, when I
was called off the forecastle, and ordered to jump into the starboard
cutter and go after the aforesaid galley; so much was I hurried that
permission was not even allowed me to run below to my cabin, in the
gun-room, to get my sword and pistols, but, obeying orders, let the
consequences be what they might, having always been drilled into me,
away I went, rather sulkily I confess, and when lowered down in the
quarter-boat, I found that instead of the proper boat’s crew, any men
that happened to be nearest, had been ordered into her; amongst others,
an Italian, a native of Leghorn, who for some crime had been severely
punished three days before. Just as we were shoving off I discovered
there were neither muskets, pistols, nor swords in the boat; after
some little delay, two muskets, and four cutlasses, with two cartouch
boxes, were given us. With this equipment, I ordered the boat tackles
to be unhooked, and away we pulled, but guess my astonishment, when
upon opening the cartouch boxes, I found the gunner’s mate had given me
the wrong ones, for one contained five, and the other only three ball
cartridges. In about ten minutes after leaving the ship, the gig was
sent to join me, with orders to attack the convoy, and take as many
as possible. I therefore ordered the gig to go and attack a merchant
vessel, which I pointed out, while I went after the row-galley. A
short time brought us within musket shot; at this period the ship was
four or five miles off to leeward, and we about the same distance from
the shore. The few musket balls I had, were soon expended; observing,
however, that whenever I took up the musket and pointed it the
Frenchmen bobbed down, we pulled alongside and boarded her, and for a
few minutes we had the vessel in possession, when a gun fired from the
shore unfortunately drew my attention. The Italian whom I brought with
me thinking it a good opportunity for revenge, joined the Frenchmen,
and excited them to rise, and they being more than double our numbers,
soon overpowered us--stabbed one of my men, threw two overboard, laid
me sprawling by a blow on the head and a cut in my right hand. In
half-an-hour I was safely landed in the lazaretto at Leghorn. I must do
the enemy the justice to say, that the moment they had recaptured their
vessel, they picked up the two men thrown overboard.
We remained in the lazaretto three weeks, a surgeon coming occasionally
to see the wounded man and myself, and give us some plasters. We not
being touchable on account of our quarantine, old Sangrado brought
a long slender white stick, with which he used to feel the seaman’s
wound,--a stab in the left side,--and my hand; however we did not
trouble the old fellow long, for low diet and good constitutions soon
healed flesh wounds.
At the expiration of three weeks, we were considered free from any
possibility of our having the plague; a guard of French soldiers
was therefore sent down to the door of the lazaretto, and we were
committed to their charge and marched to the sound of an old brass
drum to the fortress at Leghorn, where I had the option, either to
sign a parole not to attempt to quit it, or be locked up in a prison.
Of two evils always choose the least,--escape was impossible, for the
castle or citadel was built upon a small islet joined to the town by a
draw-bridge; a strong guard was constantly mounted there, and at sunset
the bridge was hauled up, and the sea surrounded the place on all
sides, while sentinels were posted at every angle. I therefore was glad
to have permission from ten in the morning until six in the evening
to walk round the fortress to breathe fresh air, with a young Russian
mid who was taken with me. After that period we were locked up in the
prison of the fortress until the next morning, when we were again let
out to enjoy fresh air.
For prisoners, we were treated very well. I was allowed tenpence a
day to live upon, which, with occasional presents received from kind,
friendly people in the town, we managed very well. For the first few
nights our beds were rather too full of light and heavy cavalry; but
by adopting the plan of lying down in them a good half-hour before
going to sleep, and then throwing off the clothes, and setting to work
with a good will, in the course of a week most of the bugs and fleas
were got rid of, and we enjoyed tolerable rest.
At this period Leghorn was placed in a happy state of suspense, between
being in actual possession of the French and under the government of
the Queen of Etruria. The former held all the fortifications, as an
army of observation, while the latter was acknowledged for a short time
longer, because it suited the views of the French emperor, and we were
permitted to have a kind of acting consul there, who was a most worthy,
excellent man--the Rev. J. Hall--whose kindness I shall never forget.
He had a very delightful family. What became of them after the French
took the entire possession of the country I never knew. Some American
merchants also (particularly a Mr. Purviance) showed me every attention
when I was let out of prison. I tried, through the Rev. J. Hall, to
get myself and boat’s crew liberated, claiming the protection of the
Etrurian Government, they not being actually at war with England, and
professing neutrality, but I soon found it was useless, for they dare
do nothing to displease the French. However, most luckily for me, a
friend of Joseph Bonaparte’s, who was at that time King of Naples,
had been captured in a French corvette, _La Bergère_, and he sent out
a flag of truce to Admiral Sir Sidney Smith, offering me in exchange
for his friend, who was at Malta, which our admiral agreed to. At the
expiration of six weeks I was, to my great joy, liberated, and took
up my quarters in the town, where I remained more than a fortnight,
visited Pisa, and Monte Negro, and amused myself about the town, until
an opportunity offered of my getting to Palermo.
Luckily, a Danish merchant brig was at this time ready for sailing, and
I took my passage on board her, for, just when I was going to embark,
an order came from King Joseph for me to be sent to him at Naples.
My passport was signed and given me, and my bill of health from the
quarantine office was likewise in my possession; the wind being fair,
the brig was getting under. Had I been differently situated with regard
to money and clothes, I would have risked placing myself in the hands
of King Joseph, for the delight of travelling, even as a prisoner, by
land to Naples, for the novelty of the thing; but my thread-bare coat,
empty pockets, and tattered garments decided me to get on board the
Dane as fast as possible, and run the risk of being taken out “_vi et
armis_,” rather than go in such a shabby plight to Naples. Our acting
consul hurried me off, telling me the police were after me. I was
immediately put into a boat, and got safe on board, with two of my
men, and the young Russian, who, by-the-bye, afterwards turned out to
be a Frenchman, sent into our service by Bonaparte, through Russian
influence, with some of their own youngsters, and passed off on our
Government as a Russian. All that I can say is, that he was a clever,
smart lad. I met him in Paris in 1818 (Lieutenant de Vaisseau), when
he laughed at the trick that had been played, and told me several more
Russian midshipmen in our service were young Frenchmen. This was done
by some of the Emperor Alexander’s official servants, when it was the
policy of Russia after the fatal battle of Austerlitz, in December,
1805, to endeavour to please Napoleon. Very probably the Russian agent
received a douceur for the transaction, and as for humbugging John
Bull, and taking advantage of his good-nature, this, added to a breach
of faith and confidence, was of little consequence when compared with
other matters.[H]
I must confess that, until the time we were safe under sail, which was
more than an hour after we got on board, my eye watched every boat with
anxiety, expecting to see some French soldiers sent to take me out;
nor was I quite satisfied of my safety until we had sailed through the
Piombino Passage, which we did before dark, when I began to think I
might whistle with safety, being well “out of the wood,” and in the
probable track of some of our cruisers.
After a pleasant passage of five days, we arrived safe at Palermo,
and from thence I proceeded in a transport for Malta to look for the
_Melpomene_.
CHAPTER IX.
Malta--Dreadful accident by the Explosion of a Magazine in the
town, on the Bermola side--Nearly get into a scrape about breaking
quarantine--Kind answer of the gallant Admiral Sir Sidney Smith
to the complaint--Rejoin the _Melpomene_--Mutiny in Fribourg’s
regiment--Cruise in the Adriatic.
On my arrival at Malta I learnt that the ship was on a cruise, and
that she had lost, a short time after I was taken, our gallant first
lieutenant, Andrew Thompson, who was killed, with most of his boat’s
crew, in boarding,--in the middle of the day, with the barge alone,--a
French armed settee, with six long nine-pounders, off Leghorn; but the
few survivors--Lieutenant Gascoigne, R.M.; Mr. W. Butler, mid; and a
noble fellow, a sergeant of marines, named Milligan, with eight seamen,
all that remained out of twenty-five men--gallantly hooked on the boat,
and carried the vessel, driving some of her crew overboard, and causing
the rest to beg for quarter.
At the prize agent’s I found my chest of clothes, which had been left
behind to be forwarded to England, it not being expected I should
rejoin the ship. This was a great and unexpected comfort. The delight
of a nice new coat, linen, &c., after my poor ragged dress was a
treat, which, fully to enjoy, a person should be placed in a similar
situation.
I was sent on board the _Madras_ (guard-ship) to wait for a passage to
join the _Melpomene_, when, in August, a dreadful accident happened.
I was awakened out of sleep about six in the morning by a tremendous
noise, and the bursting of shells. I jumped out of bed, and ran upon
deck, thinking we were in action, when a shell fell upon the wharf
to which the ship was secured, burst, and killed the gunner of the
_Madras_. An immense cloud of black smoke and dust was hovering in the
air, and cries, shrieks, and groans were heard in every direction: a
magazine in the centre of the town of Bermola, nearly opposite the
dockyard, in which many live shells had been placed by the French
during the siege in 1800, had exploded. A party of artillerymen had
been sent to take out the fuses, and by some unfortunate accident
one shell had gone off, for one or two explosions were heard before
the magazine blew up. How the event happened of course not a soul
employed was left to tell, and, in addition to a sergeant’s party of
artillerymen, nearly 300 of the inhabitants were killed or seriously
injured; part of two streets were thrown down, and many more houses
were severely shaken.
A short time after this shocking event, a transport was directed to
sail for Palermo, and a passage thither was ordered for me to look for
my ship. Outside of Malta harbour we were boarded by a boat, bringing
a lieutenant and some men from a vessel in quarantine to join their
ship also at Palermo. The wind, which had been fair, suddenly changed,
and the weather appearing unsettled, the master prudently bore up,
and returned into harbour. I thought it very hard to be placed in
quarantine, because we had taken the above officer and men out from the
lazaretto, therefore the moment the ship dropt anchor, without waiting
for the pratique boat to come alongside, I got into a shore boat, and
landed in the town of Valette.
Fortunately, as soon as I had landed, the captain of the _Madras_
met me, and instantly sent me back to the transport, saying, if the
quarantine officer found me out, I should be sent to prison. The next
morning the wind came fair, and we put to sea. Just when we had got
clear of the harbour--the pratique office having gained intelligence of
my visit to the shore--a boat was sent after the ship to take me out,
and place me in the lazaretto; but the wind freshening, we left her
astern, and proceeded on our voyage to Palermo, where I expected that
nothing more would have been thought of the matter.
From thence I went on board the _Thunderer_ (74), for a passage to
Naples, where I was taken very ill with a kind of cholera morbus, which
in a few hours reduced me very much, but a good constitution enabled me
soon to recover from its attack, although it left me very weak for some
time.
On our arrival off Naples we found cruising at the entrance of the bay
the gallant Admiral Sir Sidney Smith, who sent for me on board the
_Pompée_ (80), and said, “What is this you have been doing? You are
a very pretty fellow! This morning a brig came from Malta, bringing a
formal complaint against you from the governor for breaking quarantine,
and requesting me to send you back there to be tried; but,” added he,
in the kindest manner, “never mind, I have answered them, and told them
they, not you, were to blame, for had they done their duty you could
never have got on shore, and it was entirely owing to their neglect
that you transgressed the quarantine laws.” That answer settled the
matter, and I never heard anything more of the affair, although, after
joining the _Melpomene_, which I did in the course of a few days, the
ship was sent to Malta to refit.
I was quite delighted to get back to my old ship, and be under the
command of her dashing gallant young captain, who, had he not been
killed afterwards in America, would have now been one of the best
officers in the service. Shortly after our arrival at Malta, in
September, a most serious mutiny broke out in a foreign regiment in
our service, quartered at Fort Recazzoli, called “Fribourg’s,” or
the Greek Light Infantry. It was composed of Germans, Swiss, French,
Greeks, Istrians, Dalmations, and Albanians. Most of the officers were
Germans, and the discipline of the regiment did not suit the ideas of
these mercenaries; added to which, some of the Albanians and Dalmatians
had been most shamefully cajoled by emissaries, under false promises,
into our service. In those countries a kind of clanship prevails, and
some of the heads of those clans were told, that if they would enter,
with their followers, into this regiment, they would receive the rank
of captain. These wild chiefs, thinking it a great thing to be made
captain at once in the British service, embarked with their followers,
and came to Malta, where, instead of being placed in the situation they
expected, they were put into the ranks, and one or two of them made
a sergeant or corporal. This, with other causes, created a general
disgust, and a secret plan was formed by these wild tribes to rush
into the officers’ mess-room, while at dinner, and murder every one of
them indiscriminately. Suspecting, however, that their plan had been
discovered, they did not wait for dinner time, but about two or three
o’clock in the afternoon, rose upon the few officers that were in the
fort at the time, killed a captain, the adjutant, and quarter-master,
wounded the colonel and major, whose lives were saved by the Germans,
and hauling up the drawbridge, demanded terms, which were that the
regiment should be disbanded, and themselves sent back to their own
country.
In the fort at this time was a gallant young officer of artillery,
Lieutenant Fead, with a few of his men, one or two of whom refusing,
like good soldiers, to quit their post without orders from their own
officer, the mutineers killed them, making Lieutenant Fead prisoner,
obliging him to point the guns and mortars towards the town of La
Valette.
Fort Recazzoli is a strong isolated fortress on the left hand side of
Malta harbour as you come in from the sea, and in which was a large
magazine of gunpowder. The mutineers held out several days, and
threatened to fire upon the town of La Valette if their terms were not
immediately agreed to. One day indeed they did fire a few shells, but
Lieutenant Fead purposely gave the mortars so much elevation, that the
shells dropped quite clear of the town. Things had remained in this
state for two or three days, with all the garrison at Malta and the
seamen and marines of the few ships in harbour on the alert, boats
rowing guard, the batteries manned, and a cordon of troops drawn round
the fort; when, on the afternoon of the second day a grand tiraillade
was heard within it, the Germans and Swiss, with the few artillerymen
who had taken no part in the mutiny, and had been disarmed by the
others, watching an opportunity, made a rush, destroyed the guard at
the drawbridge, let it down, and sallied forth out of the fortress,
bringing with them one or two wounded officers and forty-five of the
principal malcontents; the remainder hauled up the drawbridge and held
out for several days, again demanding terms, and threatening to blow up
the magazine if they were not complied with.
The mutineers being now reduced to a few, early in the morning, we
stormed the place with scaling ladders, when part of the 44th Regiment
and some sailors got possession of most of the fort; but the mutineers
had not been idle, they had built up a kind of high breast-work of
large loose stones before the magazine, within which they retreated,
and kept up a brisk fire of musketry--a ball from which grazed my hat
and stuck in the wall near me. They used occasionally, from behind
this breast-work, to demand a parley and terms, always ending with
the threat of blowing up the magazine, with themselves, in which
were several hundred barrels of gunpowder. General Valette, who
commanded the garrison, very properly refused to listen to any but an
unconditional surrender--things having gone too far.
We stationed our men under the bomb proofs, it being the general
opinion of the engineer officers that when the magazine did blow up
the greatest explosion would be towards the sea, where the wall of the
magazine was weakest, and that under the bomb proof the men would be
comparatively safe; and as these desperate fellows had declared, that
if when St. John’s clock should strike the hour of nine in the evening,
their terms, free pardon and safe conduct back to their own country,
were not complied with, they would set fire to the train and blow
themselves and the fortress up, we awaited the event with much anxiety.
A strong suspicion existing that they had undermined the garrison, and
had made a passage out for themselves at the back of it, I was sent to
row guard to intercept any attempt they might make to escape by water.
At about nine, off went the train, and a most awful explosion took
place; the whole sea wall was blown to atoms, and the shock like that
of an earthquake was felt far and near, some fish in the harbour made
a spring out of the water, which showed they also were sensible of the
vibration. Three of the 44th Regiment who were posted sentinels were
killed by the falling stones, and a few more were hurt. I immediately
pulled on shore and had communication with the fort, and then went
and made my report to the senior naval officer. These desperate
wretches, at first, were considered to have perished, but, about a week
afterwards they were brought in, nearly starved to death, having been
unable to make their escape from the island. They were immediately
tried by a court martial and hanged.
To return to those forty-five mutineers dragged out of the fortress by
the sortie. They were also brought before a military tribunal; fifteen
of them were condemned to be hanged, and most of the remainder to be
shot. The execution was most terribly mismanaged: it presented, indeed,
a shocking spectacle. But I will say no more upon the subject, further
than to the last moment these poor wretches continued to vent their
abuse on the English, and the men sentenced to be hanged endeavoured to
keep up the spirits of those that were about to be shot--even when the
ropes were round their necks they called to them, saying, “What are you
crying for? It is we that ought to bewail our fate of being hanged like
dogs instead of being shot like men.”
I recollect seeing a Catholic priest very busy on the scaffold, wishing
to persuade the criminals to kiss the crucifix before they were
launched into eternity, but they kicked him off, and spat in his face,
telling him he was no better than themselves.
In November we sailed on a cruise off Corfu, and from thence up the
Adriatic, where we spent a very stormy winter, blockading Venice,
anchoring occasionally at Trieste, and under Cape Salvatore, the
islands of Lissa, Sansego, and various other places. The N.E. winds in
winter blow most furiously from the Istrian and Dalmatian mountains,
and, if caught by these winds on the Italian coast, a ship is placed in
a most critical situation; a heavy, short sea rises with the wind, and
you are obliged to carry a press of canvas to prevent being driven on a
lee shore.
A Russian squadron of seven sail of the line, besides frigates and
transports, with troops on board, arrived from Naples early in the
spring of 1807, and anchored off Trieste, the Emperor of Russia having
withdrawn his alliance from us, professing neutrality, in consequence
of the great success of the French army under Napoleon in Austria,
&c. The Russian admiral, Greig, very politely sent to Captain Pat.
Campbell, of the _Unité_, the senior officer in the Adriatic, to say
that he intended to send a ship of the line with the transports to
land the troops they had on board at Venice, we being off the port
blockading it, in company with the _Unité_. Captain P. Campbell replied
that two British frigates would never suffer one Russian seventy-four,
with her convoy, to break the blockade, and therefore requested, if
that was the admiral’s intention, he would take his whole force, which
would prevent any collision between us.
Admiral Greig very properly did so, and saw his convoy enter safely the
port of Venice.
During the nine months we cruised in this sea we took and destroyed
a great many of the enemy’s small vessels; but our prize concerns
were unfortunately entrusted to agents, who became insolvent, and
our hard-earned money was in consequence lost. I shall in the sequel
suggest a plan for the management of prize-money, in the event of our
again being engaged in war, it having fallen to my lot to lose every
penny by the breaking of four agents in different parts of the world,
into whose hands we entrusted the management of our prize affairs.
These honest people have an easy way of getting rid of money committed
to their charge. A ship brings captured vessels into harbour; on board
comes Mr. A., B., C, or D., with a smirking face and soft tongue,
making low bows, hoping he may have the honour,--being an accredited
agent under a bond for £20,000,--to transact the affairs of H.M.
ship! Officers generally being strangers in the port, and having
orders frequently to proceed to sea again in forty-eight hours, after
completing water and provisions, have no time to look after or make
inquiries about _stability_ of prize agents, and therefore trust the
concerns to the first that comes. The moment a ship is fitted out she
goes to sea on another cruise--probably for three or four months;
the prizes in the meanwhile are sold by the agent. Now, what does
he generally do with the money? Why! speculates with it on his own
account. If the scheme answers, he puts the amount of his speculation
into his own pocket--we, whose the money ought to be, never getting any
part of it. If it fails, the prize agent breaks, and off he starts,
paying perhaps not a shilling in the pound. Oh! but then you have got
his bond for £20,000! What matters this amongst a whole fleet, when he
runs away with perhaps more than £100,000 of their money!
I am not putting an extreme case--this did happen more than once--and
it would astonish the public if the whole system of prize-plundering
agents that was carried on last war could be laid open. They would,
indeed, wonder men could be so easily led to trust persons with large
sums of money without knowing more about them. My reply is, necessity
obliges them.
Now, the remedy I propose is this. Let the Government, in the event of
another war, take the prize agency into their own hands, and deduct an
eighth or a quarter to cover all expenses, and, whenever ships leave a
station, let the money be sent to England. Government would have the
use of it; the officers and ships’ companies would be sure to receive
the remainder; and it would be much better to give up an eighth or a
quarter to Government to make sure of the rest than to lose, as has
happened in many cases, every sixpence of our hard-earned reward.
But to return to our cruise. One morning watch, during the time we were
washing decks, and when the after-skylight gratings were off, a strange
sail was seen from the topmast-head. Without thinking of such things as
hatchways, back I ran from the fore part of the quarter-deck to hail
the maintop-masthead, and to ask the man looking out what she looked
like, when, just as I had placed my speaking-trumpet to my mouth, head
over heels down the after-hatchway I fell, bang into the gun-room.
Fortunately, I came off with only a severe bruise, and the spraining of
my right ankle, which laid me up for three weeks.
The vessel proved to be an enemy’s small coaster, called a “trabaculo,”
the rig of which is merely two large lug-sails, with a boom at the foot
of them, with a jib, and sometimes a stay-sail and top-sail, to be set
flying when going before the wind. She was in ballast, from Chiozza,
bound to Ancona for a cargo. On searching the prisoners for letters and
papers, we found concealed in their waistbands and linings of their
clothes seven hundred and sixty-eight gold Venetian zechins, besides
some dollars, which we took the liberty of extracting. They belonged
to a rich Venetian merchant, and he had sent the money on board, under
the charge of the master of the vessel, to purchase her cargo. On
our chasing him, seeing no means of escape, he distributed the money
amongst the men to sew in their dresses.
When we first captured him, finding the vessel without anything in her,
Captain Parker was on the eve of letting her go, when the prying eyes
of a young mid made the discovery of the concealed money, which we took
from them, and then allowed the vessel, with her crew, to return to her
own port, she not being worth the trouble of sending to Malta.
Some prizes in a gale of wind having been driven on shore near Pesaro,
on the coast of Italy, a flag of truce came off to offer an exchange
of prisoners, to which we gladly acceded. I was sent thither, with
two boats, to bring back our seamen and petty officers. The French,
seeing us coming, got the men down on the pier, to have them ready.
Several officers of that nation, who were standing there, came bowing
and scraping to the stairs of the landing-place, making a great number
of fine speeches, and offering me refreshments of all kinds, if I would
do them the honour to walk up into the town, which I gladly accepted,
hoping to rest my boats’ crews and stretch my legs for half-an-hour on
shore, after blockading their ports for six months.
Just when I was stepping out of the boat I observed they held a
consultation. Afterwards one of the officers came up to me, and said
that he was very sorry, but orders had just arrived for them on no
account to suffer me to come out of my boat. Now this was utterly
false, no one having come near them, for I kept my eye upon them the
whole time. “It was very unfortunate--they were quite in despair
about it,” holding up their hands, shrugging up their shoulders,
and making wry faces all the time; “they wished so much to show me
civility--refreshments were already laid out at their lodgings--but
what could they do?--they were so sorry--but orders must be obeyed.”
So, taking off their cocked hats, they wished me adieu. I returned the
salute, thanked them for the trouble they had taken in getting a repast
ready for me, which the authorities would not permit me to enjoy; then
off we shoved the boats, and, after a long pull, got back to the ship
with our exchanged shipmates, much amused with the French offer of
refreshments, which it was never intended I should partake of.
We continued in the Adriatic until the end of September, 1807, when
we proceeded to Trieste to embark Lord Pembroke and suite, and carry
them to England. They had come from Vienna. Amongst his lordship’s
suite were Sir William A’Court, the present Lord Heytesbury, and a Mr.
Hammond. They were all pleasant, gentlemanly men, and although bred in
Courts, where little else than cold-heartedness and deceit are learned,
they in a short time won the esteem of us unsophisticated sailors.
After a stormy passage of nearly six weeks, we anchored at Spithead,
when I found myself appointed lieutenant of H.M. Ship _Swiftsure_
(74), bearing the flag of my much-esteemed friend and admiral, Sir
John Borlase Warren, who had been appointed commander-in-chief on the
Halifax station.
After an absence from England of three years, the ship being on the
point of sailing, I could only get one day’s sight of home, when I set
off to join my new ship at Plymouth, and the end of November sailed
for the North American station to relieve Admiral Berkeley, where we
remained three years and a half.
CHAPTER X.
North American station, from 1808 to 1811--Bermuda--Anecdote--Death
of Captain Conn.
We had a long passage out, running far to the southward, and crossing
the tropic of Cancer before we hauled to the westward for the islands
of Bermuda. In a squall we carried away the fore-yard, which, being a
bad stick, went in three pieces. However, we soon made another, which
answered our purposes remarkably well, and at the end of six weeks we
arrived in Murray’s anchorage.
These islands consist of a group of three hundred and sixty-five, which
the Bermudians tell you is the reason there are three hundred and
sixty-five days in the year. They are very picturesque, and covered
chiefly with sweet-smelling cedar trees, of whose timber several fine
18-gun sloops-of-war and small schooners have been built.
Had the Bermudians been permitted to follow their own plan, no doubt
these would have been very safe vessels: but our Navy Board took out a
_patent for making coffins_, and sent them out plans and dimensions,
from which they were by no means to deviate. The consequence was,
such a tribe of little tubs, in the shape of two and three-masted
schooners, were built, that it was absolutely throwing money away
to construct them. Several of them, indeed, did founder, with all
their crews. The ship-sloops were certainly better--I may say, with
truth, they were favourites--very good sea boats, and in every respect
excellent vessels.
Besides cedar trees, these islands produce arrow-root of the best
quality, tobacco, Indian corn, &c., but not in sufficient quantities
for their own consumption: they, therefore, import flour and other
articles of food from the United States, and other places. Abundance of
fish is taken, such as grouper--which is a fine, firm fish of the rock
species, frequently weighing several pounds--chub, porgay, and various
other kinds; and in the spring of the year a spermaceti whale fishery
is carried on, this species frequenting those seas at that period.
The scenery of these islands is very pretty. Everything here is in
miniature--little hills, valleys, and lakes; whilst blue and red birds,
flitting about under a brilliant sun, give the whole the appearance
of fairy land. The heat in summer is very oppressive, and the heavy
tempests of wind, or, to use the native expression, “the blow,”
accompanied with frightful storms of thunder and lightning, are most
terrific. In winter the gales generally commence from the S.S.W. to
S.W., and then fly round to the N.W. at once in a most severe squall.
The approach to the Bermudas, amongst coral rocks and breakers,
is attended with great danger, unless you are quite sure of your
reckoning. Before the great improvements in navigation, many an
unfortunate vessel was wrecked on them.
The whole chain of these islands is formed like the coral banks in the
south seas; there are no real springs of fresh water, and most of the
inhabitants get this necessary article from tanks attached to their
houses to catch the rain, and when these are dry they go to wells dug
in different parts of the sea coast, through which the salt water
filters, and becomes tolerably sweet. From these the men-of-war, too,
generally get their supply, which has the effect of Cheltenham water,
and saves the trouble of applying to the doctor.
With regard to society, much depends upon the military and naval
commanders-in-chief, the regiments, and king’s ships. Some of the
Bermudian families are highly respectable.
Much merriment was afforded one evening at a party, to which a naval
captain, who is now dead, was invited. He had come in from a long
cruise, and had been paying his addresses to a certain young lady
living on one of the islands; but the tongue of slander had been busy
against him during his absence, and on his making a proposal she
refused him. This came to the ears of the lady of the house, who,
wishing to quiz the poor man, and to be very facetious, forgetting that
her husband had but one eye, and was not very handsome otherwise, began
her attack thus: “So, Captain ----, I hear Miss ---- has refused you,”
and went on very cruelly to torment the poor man, in his distress,
as ladies _can_ do sometimes when they wish to be _mischievous_. He
bore it all for a long time with great patience and forbearance; being
goaded at length beyond endurance, he rose from his chair and said,
“Mrs. ----, when such an old, ugly fellow as your husband, with but one
eye, can get a pretty young woman like yourself for a wife, I ought
never to despair.” And out he walked, the tables fairly turned on
the facetious dame. Having mentioned the word “slander” in the above
anecdote, I am induced to add another story by way of advice to young
ladies.
Whenever your friend--and many young ladies have a confidential
one--abuses or throws out hints to the prejudice of your absent lover,
listen to her with caution. The following little tale will point out
the necessity of not relying entirely upon the recommendation of bosom
friends in love affairs, for it is an old saying that all advantages
in love, war, law, and elections are considered fair. Two young ladies
from twenty-three to twenty-five years of age, who lived in a large
town in the north, were first cousins, and dear confidential friends;
the one, a widow, had soft, pretty, languishing, blue eyes, that said,
“pray do love me;” the other, a spinster, had black, sparkling eyes,
that said, “you shall love me.” The former had an offer of marriage
from a widower, who had a son about fifteen years of age, whom he
wished to put into a profession previous to his marriage, but wanted
some ready money to do so. He, therefore, proposed that the fair
widow should advance him the money necessary to enable him to do it.
She, very properly, consulted her friends; some gave one opinion,
some another. She hesitated between love and money--she called in her
cousin, Miss Black-eyes, who strongly advised her by no means to part
with her cash. She still hesitated, asked other advice--sent for her
cousin again--went so far as to purchase her wedding dress and make
preparations for furnishing a house. In the meanwhile Miss Black-eyes
had had frequent communications with the gentleman, and also with
her cousin. At last, she got some friends to back her opinion, and,
finally, the match was broken off. But the same day the spinster gave
the money to the gentleman, who had a license ready--off they went to
the next parish and were married. Therefore, I say, be very cautious in
adopting any opinion where the least chance of a clash of interest is
likely to exist, particularly in _love_ affairs.
Our cruises in winter, during the time we were on this station, were
generally to the southward. Sometimes we ran down to the island of
Porto Rico, the Mona passage, and off Anegada, with the hope of
picking up some of the French vessels from Martinique or Guadaloupe;
but the whole time we remained here, nearly four years, only one ship
letter-of-marque, a schooner, and brig, fell into our hands.
In our summer cruises, we, on one occasion, went to Madeira; another
time to Fayal, one of the western isles, and when there, paid our
respects to the nuns in the convents, and bought some of their pretty
wreaths for ladies’ hair, beautifully made of parrots’ feathers, in
imitation of myrtle. When first we went to the bars of the convent,
the abbess sent some of the elder sisters to offer flowers for
sale, but these finding no market, she changed her set, and the next
time some pretty, interesting young nuns offered their goods, which
we immediately bought from such fair hands. If the old harpy of an
abbess went away for a minute they used to smile, talk, and give us
their hands to kiss through the grates; and their handsome dark eyes
seemed to say, “Oh! that these bars were removed, that I might get out
of this horrid prison, to which I am consigned by sordid parents to
make way for some male branch of the family.” Several of these young
ladies, we were informed, had been expatriated from Portugal, from that
motive. A short time after we left Fayal, one young nun did make her
escape with a captain in the navy, who very honourably married her;
but her poor friend, who tried to accompany her, met with a serious
accident, falling down and breaking her leg, when getting out of the
convent window. She was taken back to her cell, where, it was said, she
underwent purgatory upon earth.
When on the North American station I met with a severe hurt, while
making sail in chase, which laid me up for a considerable period. A
rope having got loose, struck me on the face, broke my jaw, and knocked
out five of my teeth.
In winter, the ships used to rendezvous at Bermuda; during summer at
Halifax, Nova Scotia. At the latter place we used to enjoy pleasant
society, amongst very kind-hearted and friendly people, whose pretty
daughters made sad havoc with the hearts of both the army and navy.
After one of our long summer cruises I got leave of absence for ten
days, and travelled with a friend, an officer of the Royal Engineers,
in his gig, across the country to Annapolis Royal; the scenery did not
strike me as being particularly interesting. I saw a great deal of
barren, dreary, uncultivated land, that wanted the hand of man to clear
it, and make it “bring forth its fruit in due season.”
Driving along the road we frequently started coveys of spruce
partridges. I used occasionally, when time permitted, to get a shot
at them. These birds do not, like our partridges, take to the fields,
but on rising from the ground always fly into fir trees; they are very
stupid, and once in a tree will allow you to shoot them all, provided
you begin with the lowest and proceed upwards.
I recollect at one place where we breakfasted after leaving Windsor, a
large brown bear and two cubs had been caught during the night in a pit
fall; the old one was shot in the pit, and the young ones kept alive,
probably to be sent to England.
The native Mic Mac Indians are a poor race, those, at least, that I saw
in Halifax and its neighbourhood. They are confined to a few families.
They used to come to the town in their slight bark canoes, bringing
game, and skins of the silver and black fox, and boxes made of the bark
of the birch tree, ornamented with the small quills of the porcupine,
dyed of various colours. I have often been in their wigwams, and always
found the people civil. Some of the young squaws were passable, but
the old women frightful. These wigwams are easily built: half a dozen
poles placed triangularly and covered with the bark of the birch tree,
is the general plan; the fire is in the middle of the hut, the smoke
finding its way out at the top, and by the door-way. These habitations
appear warm, and the inmates healthy. When travelling, the women
carry their babies in a kind of basket, strapped to their back, which
resembles the lower part of a fiddle-case, peeping out of which their
little smoked faces have a curious appearance. After disposing of their
wares, these people generally get drunk and fight, the men beating
the squaws, who, in their turn, belabour the men. It not unfrequently
happens that those who return by water contrive to upset their canoes,
when they lose all the articles they have bought; it is, however, very
rare that any of the crew are drowned. Fish of various sorts are most
abundant, and the market very good. The harbour of Halifax is safe, but
sometimes difficult to make, on account of the thick fogs, which in
particular winds,--those from south-east to south-west,--hang about the
coast.
A very provoking circumstance occurred to one of the lieutenants,
who was a Welchman, and a married man, during a cruise, caused by a
nanny-goat eating his letters that he had just received from England,
previous to his having read them.
A schooner joined us at sea from Bermuda, bringing the mail and letters
from there and Halifax, Nova Scotia. We all felt very anxious about
news, for it was nearly ten months since we had heard from “sweet
home;” in consequence of our being out cruising, and going from place
to place, they had missed us.
The weather was squally when the above vessel joined us with the
letters, and by the time her boat had reached us, and they were
delivered to their owners, it was necessary to turn the hands up to
reef the topsails. Poor M----, for fear his letters should get wet in
his pocket, for it began to rain as well as blow, left them for safety
on the rudder-head in the wardroom, and went on deck to his station. No
sooner was the evolution performed than down he ran below, thinking,
poor fellow! to have a nice, quiet reading of his two letters from his
wife, giving an account of a new bit of mischief that had been added to
his establishment during his absence, for he had left his wife near her
confinement, previous to his leaving England. Now, only imagine M----’s
rage, vexation, and consternation, on beholding Mrs. Taffy, the Welch
goat, mounted on the rudder-head, very quietly eating up the letters.
One was quite gone, and a very small corner of the other sticking out
of the goat’s mouth, which she was endeavouring to masticate with all
possible dispatch. “Nanny” was seized by the throat in a moment, and
measures adopted to make her disgorge the precious writing, but all in
vain, for she had taken such good care to bite them in small pieces,
in order that they might the more easily be swallowed, and readily
digested, that not a fragment larger than a crown piece was recovered,
and he had to wait eight long months more, before he got others to tell
him the contents of those, and give him information about his family.
This was a trial of temper. We commiserated, sympathised, and found
fault with him for not putting them in his pocket, writing-desk, or
any safer place than where he had left them; in short, he had all
Job’s comforters, but was obliged to have recourse to Dame Patience,
hoping that some other vessel might soon come from home and bring him
others. Eight long months elapsed ere he received information from
England--making in the whole nearly eighteen months--a vexatious period
at any time, but still more so in his case. The goat had been used to
run in and out of the ward-room, for she was a great pet, and generally
after dinner had some biscuit and a little wine or grog given to her,
which she was very fond of. After the unfortunate affair of the letters
she was banished for a month. After that period it was forgotten, and
she came in for her biscuit and grog as usual.
On one of our spring cruises, in May, 1810, we lost our captain (John
Conn), who, in a fit of derangement, jumped overboard out of his stern
cabin, and was drowned. He was a thorough seaman, and very much beloved
by us all. He served in Lord Rodney’s fleet in the action of the 12th
of April, 1782, and commanded the _Dreadnought_ (98), at the battle
of Trafalgar. He was mate of the _Ramilies_ (74), Rear-Admiral Thomas
Graves, when she was lost in that dreadful gale, which proved fatal
to the _Ville de Paris_ (110), _Glorieux_ (74), _Centaur_ (74), and
various other men-of-war, transports, and merchant ships, in the gulf
stream, not far from the latitude of Bermuda, when returning to England
in August of that year with the prizes taken by Lord Rodney.
He gave me a piece of advice respecting the coast of America which I
shall never forget, and as it is of that sort which all seamen liable
to be sent on the North American station ought to be acquainted with,
I shall mention it here. “Never lay your ship to at night in a gale
of wind to the S.S.W. on the coast of America on the larboard tack,
for the wind generally flies round at once to the N.W. with a heavy
squall, and takes the ship flat back.” It was this, and lying-to under
a main-sail, which caused the loss of the _Ramilies_ at that period. He
often gave me an account of that misfortune. It was as follows:--“We
were on the larboard tack, with a reefed main-sail set. The gale
commenced from S.E., and gradually came round to the S.S.W., blowing
extremely hard. When in the middle watch of the night of the 16th of
October, 1782, the wind flew round in a most tremendous squall to the
N.W., taking the ship aback, and throwing her nearly on her beam ends.
We tried to brace the main-yard round, but, finding it impossible, we
cut the foot rope of the main-sail, which was quite a new one, with
the hope of splitting it, but it was bound so tight against the mast
and rigging that we could not effect this. The ship at this time had
great stern-way upon her; the sea, breaking over her poop, stove in
the dead-lights and windows, and filled the ward-room and admiral’s
cabin with water, and before anything could be done the main-mast,
mizen-mast, and foretop-mast went over the side; the stern-post was
much shaken, and the ship, nearly a new one, sprung a dangerous leak.
At daylight the whole convoy was scattered; many of the vessels
dismasted--some had foundered--and the sea was covered with wreck;
the wind blowing a hurricane. By dint of perseverance, having thrown
overboard most of her guns and heavy stores, we succeeded in keeping
the ship afloat until the 22nd, when, finding she would not float much
longer, we took advantage of a lull of wind, and saved the crew on
board a few of the merchant ships that had continued by her.”
Captain J. Conn also mentioned that had the orders of Rear-Admiral
Graves been attended to the ship would probably not have been lost. The
admiral came out of his cabin in the middle watch, and, after looking
about him and making his remarks to the officer on deck, said, “It
looks black under the lee bow, and I see some flashes of lightning.
Should the clouds appear to near you, immediately haul up the main-sail
and wear ship.” Unfortunately the admiral went into his cabin without
sending for the captain, who slept in the ward-room. The moment the
admiral had gone in, the officer of the watch ran down to Captain S.
M., and mentioned the directions he had received. The captain replied,
“It is my positive order you do no such thing without first coming to
acquaint me.” The lieutenant of the watch had scarcely got on deck when
he saw that a most violent squall, with shift of wind, was about to
take place. Down he ran to acquaint his captain, according to orders,
but before he could get again upon the deck to give the necessary
directions the mischief had been done: she was taken aback, lost her
masts, and was finally abandoned and burnt--all owing to adhering too
closely to etiquette. The captain very properly was never employed
afterwards.
From Bermuda we sailed to Halifax, where, one afternoon, a man fell
from the main-top, and striking first against the main-rigging, then
against the spare topsail-yard in the chains, dropped into the sea.
Being on deck, I ran to the gangway, and, seeing no time was to be
lost, jumped overboard, and, fortunately, getting hold of the man
just as he was sinking, I kept him up until a boat was sent to our
assistance. His fall having been broken by the main-rigging, previous
to his striking the topsail-yard, was probably the cause of his life
being saved.
After remaining in port some time, orders arrived from England for the
7th Fusiliers, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Blakeney, to proceed to
join the army of Lord Wellington. We embarked the headquarters and four
hundred men of this fine regiment. The remainder were sent out in other
men-of-war, and, after a passage of three weeks, were landed at Lisbon.
The officers were a most pleasant, gentlemanly set of men; but out of
the whole of those whom we took thither only the gallant Sir Edward
Blakeney (now a Major-General) and another are alive.
After returning to Halifax nothing of interest occurred on the station
for the remainder of our time, except that Captain Charles Austen, a
very amiable man and excellent officer, who had been placed in command
of the _Swiftsure_ in lieu of Captain Conn, who was drowned, was
appointed to the _Cleopatra_, Captain Lloyd joining the former ship in
his stead.
We returned to England in the spring of the year 1811, and the ship was
paid off at Chatham.
After a month at home, I took a passage in the _Port Mahon_, brig, of
18 guns, to Lisbon, and on the 11th of June arrived in the Tagus, and
was placed on the Admiralty list for promotion.
CHAPTER XI.
Lisbon--Trip to the Army of Lord Wellington--Montemor Novo,
O’Rodondo, Villa Vicosa, Elvas, Fort le Lippe.
I was appointed to a ship in the Tagus by the commander-in-chief,
Admiral Sir G. Berkeley, whose amiable family treated me with great
kindness and attention.
Having but little to do, I passed much time in examining the
beautifully situated, but dirty town of Lisbon. If it were not for the
scavenger dogs which prowl about and take “pot luck,” the streets would
be impassable from filth. Having a brother[I] in the 14th Dragoons,
with the army of Lord Wellington, whom I had not seen for more than
seven years, and a remount of horses arriving from England for the
regiment, amongst which was one for my brother, I thought it a very
good opportunity of going to see him.
The admiral having been so obliging as to grant me a month’s leave of
absence, on the 19th of July, I accordingly left Lisbon, placing on the
horse a pair of saddle bags, blanket, great coat, sword and pistols,
together with some hams and brandy, which I was told would be very
acceptable in camp.
After a short ride, I embarked in a Portuguese passage boat, with a
motley group of persons. A sail of three hours brought me safe to Aldea
Galega, a small town on the southern bank of the Tagus.
I was now about to travel in a strange country. Unable to speak the
language, and having no servant to take care of my horse, the troops
having gone forward the previous day, I began to fear I should be
placed in some difficulty. Before me was a march of five or six
days,--during which my steed would require that care a groom only
could bestow,--I determined, however, to push on and trust to fortune,
and my Portuguese vocabulary. Looking about the miserable town of
Aldea Galega for mules, I was lucky enough to meet with a dismounted
dragoon, belonging to the 14th, going to Lisbon, who informed me that
the detachment of his regiment, which I ought to have accompanied, had
marched from Galega only the day before, and that by my making all
haste, I most likely should overtake them in less than forty-eight
hours. I pressed this man into my service, went to a commissary, got
two mules, on one of which I put my baggage, mounting the soldier, with
three days’ rations for myself and cattle, on the other. In the evening
we left this town for a place called Pegoeus, twenty miles distant,
and after a most disagreeable ride through a long stunted wood, with a
heavy sandy soil, in which the horse and mules sank half-way up their
knees at every step, a little before midnight reached Pegoeus, a most
wretched place, consisting of three miserable dirty hovels, very much
resembling cow-houses, into one of which we entered, in order to rest
the horse and mules. Sitting down upon my baggage, I loaded my pistols,
as the house was full of ill-looking Portuguese and Spanish muleteers
and peasantry, nearly all armed, and half drunk, and making a great
noise. Some people I was informed had been robbed a few hours before of
everything, near this very place. Although very much tired, sleeping
was out of the question; I was therefore glad when daylight arrived.
While my cattle were being saddled, I was fain to undress by the
road-side, and shake off some score of fleas that were scampering over
me in all directions: then mounting my horse, a cool ride of five hours
brought me to a small village called Vendas Novas, where I remained a
short time to get something to eat, and rest the animals. Here we were
fortunate enough to get tea and eggs for breakfast, and I heard to my
great joy, that the detachment was only three hours’ march ahead of me.
At half-past nine we left this place, and after riding sixteen miles
in the heat of the day, almost broiled, reached a tolerably good town
called Montemor Novo, built on a hill. At this place are the remains of
a Moorish castle.
I joined the troops going to the army under the Hon. Major Butler, with
whom I took up my quarters, and the next day sent the dragoon back
with the mules. On the following morning at five we marched for a town
called Arryoles, where we arrived at ten.
Most of the Portuguese villages and towns in the Alemtejo are dull
and uninteresting, at least they appeared so to me. The next morning
early, we moved to a small clean town called Vemeiro, only eight miles
distant, which, losing our way, we did not reach until noon. I found it
very pleasant marching with the troops, not but that it was distressing
to put the inhabitants to so much trouble and inconvenience turning
them out of their rooms to quarter officers and soldiers in them. It is
but justice however to say that the British officers and men generally
conducted themselves with so much propriety, forbearance, and good
feeling towards the natives of the different towns where they were
billeted, that mutual regrets frequently took place at parting. God
forbid, old England ever should be the scene of warfare. Contending
armies are one of the greatest scourges with which Divine providence
can afflict a nation. Even your allies cannot avoid bringing with
them desolation for a time, by destroying crops of all kinds, to
prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. In short, ruin and
devastation follow in the train of an army, whether friend or foe.
Being near the town of Usagree, in Estramadura, with a brigade of
dragoons, I remember seeing whole fields of wheat, &c., cut down
and given as green food to the horses of our army. The French being
expected almost immediately to occupy the position we were then in,
the commanding officer very properly thought it better to secure the
grain for ourselves than leave it to fall into the hands of the enemy.
A poor old Spaniard came up to the gallant colonel, the late Sir Felton
Harvey, and, shaking his grey locks, implored him to spare his only
field, which was to preserve himself and family from starving, and
which he beheld our troops cutting to feed their horses. The reply was
that we were his friends; that we were obliged to take the corn, since
our horses must not starve; that, if they did not eat it, those of the
French, his mortal enemies, would. The colonel concluded by giving the
poor man an order on the commissary to pay him in dollars equal to
what had been taken away. I give this anecdote for the edification of
such of my countrymen as are apt, through ignorance, let us hope, to
malign the conduct of our soldiers in the Peninsula, and who grudge
the officers and men of both army and navy their hard-earned half-pay
or pension, a return surely not more than sufficient for averting the
horrors of war from the hearths of their fellow subjects.
The constant state of alarm and anxiety that the whole of Spain and
Portugal suffered while the contending armies were hovering about
was extreme. As long as the British troops occupied their towns and
villages, the poor inhabitants knew they had nothing to fear; but the
moment the French came, plunder and destruction were the order of the
day, and in very many cases, outrages were committed through mere
wantonness: houses unroofed, the sides of others stove in, and the
furniture destroyed. Our soldiers were the “lion and the lamb”; those
of the French, to use Voltaire’s expression, the “tiger and the monkey.”
I was informed at Villa Vicosa, by a genteel Portuguese family, of the
continual fear they lived in, and they related to me the following
circumstance:--One night the alarm was given that the French were
advancing into the town, nearly every person having gone to bed.
Immediately all the church bells began tolling to give warning;
everyone, even the sick, arose, these latter were put into cars, each
person taking what things he could carry with him--one a bed, another
articles of clothing, chairs, tables, or whatever else might be useful
in their hiding places. After they had gone a short distance, it was
found to be only a false alarm. An enemy’s foraging party had been
seen during the evening in the neighbourhood, but had, fortunately for
them, taken another direction. At this period our troops were in the
north of Portugal, and the French having a strong garrison in Badajoz,
used to send out occasionally a marauding party, which caused the above
consternation!
We left Vemiero on the 23rd July, and arrived at Estramoy the same day.
It is rather a large inland town, and once had been a garrison, the
works of the fortifications remained, but the guns had been removed,
the city being commanded by an eminence at the back of it still
higher than the hill on which it is built. Unlike most other towns in
Portugal, it is tolerably clean. On the following morning we marched
from hence to a pretty neat little village called O’Rodondo, where we
arrived at ten, and I had the pleasure of once more meeting my brother,
who had just recovered from a sabre cut in his face, received at the
battles of Fuentes d’Onor, which knocked out two of his teeth and split
his tongue.
Since we had parted in the year 1804 on the peaceful shores of England,
what trials and scenes had we both gone through and witnessed. He had
been on the expedition under Sir Samuel Achmuty, at the taking of Monte
Video, in South America; in four general actions; the two bloody days
of Talavera in 1809; the battle of the Coa, Busaco, Fuentes d’Onor,
where he was wounded, besides several warm affairs and skirmishes; and
since then he was in the battles of Llerena, Salamanca, Vittoria,
Pyrenees, Orthes, Toulouse, and numerous outpost affairs.
He has lately been sent with Lord William Russell as one of the
Lieut.-Colonels employed by our Government as military reporters
when Don Pedro returned to Portugal, the events of which period he
has published in his “rough leaves.” He at present commands the
15th Hussars, and is with his regiment at Madras, having sailed
from Gravesend, with the headquarters of his regiment, on board the
_Herefordshire_, East Indiaman, on the 4th of June, 1839.
I, too, had been tried in fire at Trafalgar, and on various boat
expeditions, etc., and had been wounded, and taken prisoner.
We remained at O’Rodondo three days, during which time I rode with my
brother to various places in the neighbourhood. On the 28th of July,
the regiment moved to Villa Vicosa, where we found some fine infantry
regiments preparing for a march to the northward to invest Ciudad
Rodrigo.
I liked Villa Vicosa much better than any other town I had yet seen
in Portugal, the inhabitants were very civil, and I was introduced to
several families, and did hope we should remain here for some days; the
country round about it was pleasant, and a park full of deer, belonging
to the Prince Regent, used to furnish us occasionally with venison.
Those officers who had a regency certificate had permission to shoot in
it.
Operations against Ciudad Rodrigo having been determined upon, we only
remained here three days, during which time I visited Elvas, Borba,
Alandroal, and other places. From Elvas, I had a very good view of
Badajoz, with the river Guadiana, and the surrounding flat country.
The town and fortifications of Elvas are well worth seeing, they are
on a large scale, and built on a high hill. This being one of the
principal frontier towns of Portugal, great pains had been taken by
Count Le Lippe[J] to render the works as strong as possible. After he
had completed the fortifications, he found it necessary to erect a
strong fortress or castle, on a high hill, which commanded the best
part of them, and which is considered so strong, that it is supposed to
be impregnable; it is named after himself. Report says that a garrison
of 15,000 men in Elvas, and 1200 in Fort Le Lippe, with plenty of
provisions, would keep those places in defiance of any numbers that
might be brought against them.
There is at Elvas a very large, fine, and curious aqueduct, differing
from any I had yet seen: it has three tiers of arches, raised one above
the other, and of great height.
The French army having made a movement to the northward, orders arrived
in the evening for the 14th Dragoons to march at daylight the next
morning for Estramoy, where they halted for the night. Next day they
moved forward to Frontiera, and from thence to O’Crato, where are the
remains of an old Moorish castle. We left this town on the morning of
the 5th of August, and on our arrival at the miserable village of
Gafete, my leave of absence having expired, I was obliged, to my great
sorrow, to return to Lisbon. So, bidding my brother and friends of the
regiment adieu, I struck off for Abrantes, thirty miles distant.
Colonel Hervey very kindly sent a dragoon to escort me thither, the
road being rendered dangerous by marauding parties of the natives. I
was now mounted upon a nice little French horse. He had belonged to the
French 1st Hussars, and had been taken from the enemy in a charge by my
brother’s troop. I reached Abrantes by five in the evening, and, having
got a tolerable billet and something to eat, was glad to go to rest.
At ten the next morning I quitted Abrantes alone, the soldier having
gone back to his regiment, which was ordered to cover the siege of
Ciudad Rodrigo.
I had still eighty-four miles to ride to Lisbon, which was not very
pleasant to do alone at that period, considering the excited state and
wretched poverty of the country.
At sunset I arrived at Santarem, thirty-six miles from Abrantes. This
latter is a large, dirty town, standing upon a hill that commands the
country around it. The river Tagus runs at its foot, over which is a
bridge of boats that can be removed at pleasure. The French marshal,
Junot, derived his title from this city.
At Santarem I picked up an English soldier, who undertook the care of
my horse. This is a large town. Part of it is built on a high hill: the
remainder standing in a valley.
When here last year the French committed great devastation, unroofing
some of the houses, and staving in the sides of others, besides
plundering and destroying whatever they could lay their hands on.
My billet had been unroofed, and part of its sides were torn down.
I found a mattrass spread on the floor, but without the necessary
accompaniment of clothes. The fleas, as is usual in such places,
were exceedingly troublesome; but, having ridden all day under a hot
sun, sleep soon overcame this annoyance, and I remained unconscious
of their attacks till seven the next morning, when I arose, and,
after taking a refreshing swim in the Tagus in order to get rid of my
lively bed-fellows, ate my breakfast, and then rode to Villa Franca,
twenty-four miles. The heat of the weather being very great, and my
horse loaded with my saddle bags, it was impossible for me to go faster
than a walk, so that it was evening before I reached that place.
In the course of the day I passed through several small villages that
the French had nearly destroyed. The inhabitants were beginning to
return and put the remains of their houses in order.
At Villa Franca I got a tolerably good dinner, but was almost talked
to death by the landlady, an Irishwoman, at whose house I had put up,
and who inquired the news of the army--what they were about--whither
going--where such a regiment was, &c., &c., forgetting that I was tired
and wanted rest.
Early next morning I left for Lisbon, and, after a ride of six hours,
passing by part of the lines of Torres Vedras, at which men were still
working, I reached that city.
I had ridden, for the first time in my life, more than five hundred
miles, and nearly the whole of it in the sun during the hottest part
of the day, in the months of July and August, without its doing me the
least harm, and never feeling over fatigued.
CHAPTER XII.
Lisbon, Cintra, Mafra, etc., 1811, 1812--Second trip to the
Army--Taking of Badajoz.
I spent the remainder of the year in the Tagus, making, when duty
permitted, excursions up that river to some of the small islands, near
Alhandra, where we used to find snipe, quail, and other wild fowl.
Sometimes we landed on the south side of the Tagus, to shoot red-legged
partridges and woodcocks, which we occasionally met with near the
Prince’s Quinta. But the most delightful place for snipe and wild fowl
was Loares, on the road towards Torres Vedras: the swamps being there
alive with various kinds of them, and amongst others, bittern, kites,
hawks, and I have seen, now and then, an osprey.
In March, 1812, I made a very pleasant excursion to Cintra, Mafra, and
Colares, with the present Lord By----, and some other officers of the
_Barfleur_. On our road, we went to see the palace of Calous, where, in
some of the rooms are, very well painted, the whole of the adventures
of Don Quixote.
Cintra, fifteen miles distant from Lisbon, is situated on the
north-east side of the rock. It is certainly one of the most romantic
places I have seen, and commands an extensive and beautiful view of
the country and of the sea. The buildings most worthy of observation
are: first, the Penia convent, rising from the rock of Lisbon; it is
about three hundred and twenty years’ old, and is tenanted by three
monks. From hence is a fine prospect, comprising Cape Espichel,
Peniche, and the Burling islands. Another convent, called the Cork,
from its being lined with that wood, built also on the rock, and having
fifteen monks for its inmates, next attracts attention. This was
founded about three hundred years ago. Beyond, on an extreme point of
the rock, are the ruins of a Moorish castle, mosque, prison, and baths:
the latter supposed by some to be of Roman origin. The Marquess of
Marialva’s palace, where the convention was signed, is very fine, and
pleasantly situated.
Rising amongst rocks, and embosomed in orange, lemon, and pomegranate
trees, Penia Verde must not pass unnoticed. Its original possessor, Don
Juan de Castro, who died A. D. 1723, and whose remains, at his request,
were interred in a particular spot in the garden, discovered much of
the interior of Brazil: besides being of great use to the Government
in several important matters. On his return to Lisbon he petitioned
for a pension, which being most ungratefully refused, he so willed his
property and possessions as to prevent them in any way benefiting his
country, which had turned a deaf ear to his claims for compensation
for the services he had rendered her. This fact our guide adduced
as a reason for the grounds being found in their wild and neglected
condition.
The king’s palace, an old gloomy edifice, did not much take my fancy.
What most struck me there was a shower-bath, lined with white marble,
or, perhaps, pantiles, and which, on turning a pipe, throws the water
in all directions. It not unfrequently happened that visitors were
taught a practical lesson of its powers. It used to be a joke to get
them to step into the bath room, the machinery was put in motion, and
they underwent a good drenching as the reward of their curiosity.
The prince’s palace of Romalyan I thought pretty, and its situation,
looking towards Lisbon and the sea, quite delightful. The Marquis of
Marialva has other gardens than those adjoining his palace, which we
went to see, on account of the figures they contain; amongst them
are shoemakers, and an old woman spinning, all as large as life; by
touching some wires they are set in motion and immediately begin their
work.
We one day rode to the village of Colares, prettily situated near the
sea, and famous for its wine, which is so excellent that I am surprised
it is not more frequently met with in England; it is something in
flavour between claret and burgundy.
In the garden of a Signor Tomazine, at the above place, is a mineral
spring, but I am ignorant of its qualities. Would not this afford
a capital speculation to an M.D. Let me advise one to analyse the
spring, rent it--write a pamphlet upon its good qualities--recommend
it strongly for the cure of all kinds of complaints, particularly
consumptions and pulmonary affections. The fine beautiful air of
Cintra, and its romantic scenery he could always call in to his aid as
a good and faithful ally in all extreme cases; and when he occasionally
failed, he might say the case was desperate, and the patient’s time
was come. With the assistance above mentioned, he would be sure to
effect some cures, and make his fortune; steam vessels would bring him
patients and friends to attend them, some of the latter would probably
in time fall sick, and, therefore, he might justly calculate upon
getting a few of them also on his books as patients. I hope, should any
medical gentleman take this hint, he will remember me gratefully in his
will, for depend upon it, the speculation will answer much better than
many of the railroads.
Before leaving Cintra, on our return to Lisbon, we made an excursion
to Mafra to see an eminent building, containing, besides a convent and
church, a palace for the king, and another for the queen. I believe
that, with the exception of the Escurial in Spain, this is the largest
pile of building in Europe. I was told that in one quadrangle alone,
the French, previous to the convention, had quartered 15,000 men. From
the roof is a fine view of the country for many miles. There is also a
topada, or park, of some extent, belonging to it. From the church rises
a dome, something like that of St. Paul’s in London. There are likewise
two steeples. The interior, which contains some good paintings, and
several pieces of sculpture in alto-relief, on scriptural subjects, is
well worth inspection. These were executed at Rome, and showed the
hand of a great master. There are also statues of all the saints, in
white marble. Its six organs are considered very fine, and according
to the padres, the Mafra ring of bells is the best in the world. This
palace, at the time we saw it, was the depôt for the formation of the
Portuguese army.
I have not dwelt much on Lisbon, a city so generally known, that to
notice its public buildings, aqueduct, etc., would be superfluous in a
narrative like the present. We had a few slight shocks of an earthquake
during the time I was there, which created a little alarm, and caused
all the church bells to be set ringing for the people to come to mass.
On the 16th of March I had permission to accompany my brother to his
regiment, which was then at Olivença, in Spain, covering the siege
of Badajoz. Our route to the army was the same as before, through
the Alemtejo to Elvas; we crossed the river Guadiana by the ford of
Xerumaha to Olivença, in Estramadura, where the regiment remained until
the 4th of April.
Marshal Soult having advanced towards Badajoz to try and raise the
siege, the cavalry, both heavy and light, were sent forward as far as
Villaloa, Almandralajo, and Villa Franca, to oppose him; some brigades
of infantry occupying Albuera on nearly the same spot where Lord
Beresford fought the battle.
I remained behind to see the siege, and pay a visit to my old friends
of the 7th Fusiliers, with a Captain Daniel Capel, of the 14th. On the
5th of April I went with them to look at the breaching batteries, and
to visit an old acquaintance, who had been wounded the day before by
a musket-ball through the side, while doing duty as an engineer in the
trenches. Poor fellow! he was afterwards killed on the Pyrenees by
lightning; he belonged to the 37th Regiment. I spent a very pleasant
day with the Fusiliers, but it was doomed alas! to be the last with
several of my gallant friends, and amongst others, poor Saint Pol, who
the next night was mortally wounded at the storming of the large breach.
On my return, late in the evening, to my quarters at Olivença, what
with the haze in my head, occasioned by wine, the foggy state of the
evening, the smoke from the fire of the different batteries, the
captain of dragoons and myself lost each other, and our way. By mistake
my horse, who had been taken from the enemy, took the wrong road, and
instead of going to the left, towards a ford that we had to cross at
some distance in rear of the camp, he chose to take me to the foot of
the bridge leading to Badajoz, where the enemy had a cavalry picket;
fortunately for me, we had a strong covering party of the 43rd Regiment
lying down on the ground. Being unable to give the countersign, these
were going to shoot me for a French officer. They seized my steed, and
knocked me off his back with the butt end of a musket. I was dragged on
the ground back to the camp, where I had to encounter the jokes of my
friends, softened it is true by sincere congratulations on my escape.
My horse, whose head had been turned from Badajoz, got loose, and
managed to find his way back to Olivença, where I was _lucky_ enough
to find him the next day; for sometimes lost horses were borrowed
to carry baggage, commissary stores, or other articles, and they
undergoing various metamorphoses, such as cropping the ears and tails,
with other little changes in their appearances, the lawful owners could
with great difficulty recognise their own steeds.
These slight-of-hand tricks used occasionally to be played; and with
an army consisting of so many thousand troops, composed of various
nations, and covering a vast extent of country, it was not a very easy
matter to trace a lost animal, whether horse, mule, or donkey.
On the evening of the 6th, Badajoz was stormed and taken. _No other
troops in the world_ could have carried a citadel so strong, and so
manfully defended; they behaved most _nobly_, in spite of death and
destruction, which were dealt around with _no sparing hand_.
Our army was indeed a gallant band of warriors, such as we shall never
see again; such as the world probably will never again produce.
Having rejoined the 14th Dragoons at Valverde, I proceeded with them
to the several towns of Almendrab, Santa Martha, Villalva, Villa
Franca, Fuente de Meastro, Rebeiro, and nearly to Usagre. Marshal Soult
pushed forward his cavalry, and some outpost skirmishing took place.
Near Villa Franca, the 12th, 14th, and 16th Light Dragoons, with six
regiments of heavy horse, having joined and drawn up, we expected a
general cavalry action. It passed over, however, with some skirmishing
in front with a numerous body of the enemy’s dragoons, who manœuvred
to cover the retreat of their army.
I recollect one of Soult’s scouts, a Spaniard, being taken by a patrol
of the 14th Dragoons. This fellow was observed stealing, under cover of
night, in the direction of our pickets, when he was seized and brought
in. Being threatened with instant death unless he gave up his despatch,
he fell on his knees and implored for mercy, directing the officer
to cut the third leather button from his coat, when he would find
what he demanded. On taking off the button, a tiny slip of paper was
discovered, on which was written these words, “Hold out: I am coming.”
I saw this _morceau_; it was short and to the purpose. It had been sent
by the marshal to the governor of Badajoz.
My leave of absence having expired, I was obliged to return towards
Lisbon. I had been all day with my brother on the advanced picket,
looking at our videttes and those of the French, near Usagre, when,
having laid down in my clothes to get a little rest, orders arrived to
again advance. No engagement, however, being expected, I was advised to
remain where I was for the night, and to set out in the morning on my
route for the Tagus.
Next day, whilst quietly retracing my steps thither, a brilliant
cavalry affair took place near the above-named town and Llerena, when
the French were completely routed, and many prisoners made. I was sorry
I had not remained to witness the rencontre, but consoled myself with
the reflection that I had probably been saved a broken head, where I
should have gained neither credit nor thanks.
The second day after leaving the army I reached Badajoz, and went over
the defences of that city, which bore strongly the marks of recent
strife. Not the least affecting evidence of mortal affray were the
bodies of several of my gallant countrymen floating in the ditch,
and which people were employed in removing in order to their being
buried. The more I examined the works, the greater my astonishment
at the bravery and perseverance of our troops. By one unacquainted
with military tactics, time alone would have been pronounced capable
of effecting the ruin before him. He could never have conceived it
possible that walls so apparently impregnable would have yielded to the
force of a besieging army. But for the escalade, indeed, failure had
been inevitable where success was now complete, insured as it had been
by immense sacrifice of life.
My road from Badajoz lay through Olivença, where I crossed the river
Guadiana to Xerumaha, and proceeded thence to Villa Vicosa and San
Miguel de Mechada, where I fell in with some French prisoners marching,
under a strong escort, to Lisbon. They had formed part of a division,
under General Girard, when he was surprised and routed by the gallant
Sir Rowland Hill near Miranda.
The fifth day brought me to Evora, where, announcing to the inhabitants
glad tidings of victory, I got an excellent billet at the house of a
padre, who gave me the best dinner and bed I had had for some time.
Evora, the capital of the Alemtejo, is a fine old town, and has still
visible the remains of a Roman wall. Here, too, is the aqueduct, built
by the General Sertorius, which is in tolerable repair after the lapse
of so many ages. This place is fortified, and contains an episcopal
palace.
Time pressing, I set forward the next morning, my friend, the priest,
having obtained an order from the Juis de Fori for a muleteer to attend
me, and convey my baggage on a mule. The fellow turned rather sulky,
so much so that I was obliged to drive him on with my pistol to Vendas
Novas, where, after a hot ride of thirty-six miles, I had to sit up all
night to guard my baggage and prevent the rascal running away, such I
had been informed being his intention the moment I had gone to bed. The
window of my room looking into the street, I told my friend that if he
attempted to escape I would shoot him on the spot. This had the desired
effect, and next morning I proceeded, still driving the Spaniard on
before me, to that dirty place, Pegoeus, where, falling in with a party
of English soldiers, I gave him in charge to them.
The following day I arrived, after a ride of five hours, at Aldea
Galega, where, dismissing my muleteer, who made many humble apologies
for his behaviour, I embarked in the ferry-boat, and crossed over to
Lisbon. The fellow, it appeared, was fearful of being again pressed at
Aldea Galega into the service of the commissaries to carry stores or
provisions to the army.
Captain Hood Linze, of H.M.S. _Ocean_ (98), being obliged to invalid on
account of a severe wound from the stab of a madman, I was, on the 11th
June, 1812, appointed acting commander of H.M.S. _Brune_.
CHAPTER XIII.
Cadiz, Minorca, Majorca, Alicant, Carthagena, Algiers, Oran, Altea
Bay--Drive a French Privateer on shore near Denia.
On the 13th of June I sailed in H.M. Ship _Brune_ for Cadiz, at that
time besieged by Marshal Soult. I waited on Admiral Legg, and our
ambassador (Sir Henry Willesley), and delivered my despatches, and,
after remaining there two days, proceeded to Gibraltar and Minorca,
where I was placed under the orders of Rear-Admiral Benjamin Hallowell,
who, on the 4th July, sent me to Palma Bay, Majorca, to collect
Spanish troops, and embark them on board transports and the _Brune_.
After making two or three trips between the two above-named islands,
I embarked Major-General Whittingham’s brigade of Spanish troops, who
were not a bad-looking body of men.
I dined occasionally with his Excellency the Governor-General of the
Balearic islands, the Marquis de Coupigny, who was a very pleasant,
gentlemanly person, and at whose table I met several of the Spanish
_noblesse_, who had taken refuge at Palma during the troubles on the
continent.
I observed that smoking was not uncommon with the Spanish ladies.
Whence this custom originated it is perhaps difficult to determine,
unless, indeed, the habit of using tobacco--to which the other sex
are immoderately addicted--has gradually, from social motives, been
adopted by the fair; for we can hardly suppose that a practice so
generally reprobated by them should at once be resorted to by ladies
as a recreation, or even solace. The compliment, if such it be, ought
to be duly appreciated by their husbands. But what will not woman do
or suffer to conduce to the comfort or to mitigate the care of him she
loves!
In Spain are to be seen beautiful women in every rank of life, with
very fine eyes, pretty feet and hands. They generally carry a fan--a
most useful auxiliary whilst conversing; indeed, they would be hardly
able to talk without one. Their dress is calculated to set off a good
figure and fine features to great advantage.
After embarking the brigade of General Whittingham, we proceeded
to Alicant. The castle and fortress of this place make a figure
in history, particularly during the war of succession, and bring
to remembrance the brave and chivalric conduct of the Earl of
Peterborough. The anchorage in the bay is good, and, with a long scope
of cable, ships may ride out a heavy gale with the wind in, for the
under-tow is so great that you ride with little strain on the cables.
After the battle of Salamanca, Soult, thinking his situation before
Cadiz insecure, raised the siege, and retired into the interior; but
it being doubtful whether he might not make a dash at Carthagena,
Rear-Admiral Sir Sidney Smith proceeded thither from Gibraltar in
the _Tremendous_ (74), to communicate with the general commanding our
army at Alicant and Rear-Admiral Hallowell on the subject. I was,
therefore, sent thither with two Spanish regiments, embarked on board
transports, to be ready to act in case of necessity, but with orders on
no account to land the troops, unless the place was threatened, as a
bad periodical yellow fever was raging in the town with great violence.
The gallant admiral (Sir Sidney Smith), however, would take me on
shore to show me the best places to plant cannon and take up position
in case of attack. After this, we must go to the hospital to inquire
into the nature of the fever, &c. Every now and then he gave me a pinch
of snuff, telling me not to swallow my saliva, and there would be no
danger of catching the disease. In the course of a week I was attacked
by fever, but, being in the outer roadstead, the fresh air probably
prevented its attaining that malignancy it had reached in the town, but
it was some weeks before I perfectly recovered.
The _Tremendous_ (74), with the admiral, sailed the day after our visit
to the city to join the fleet off Toulon. Several other men-of-war
arrived in the course of a few days with more troops from headquarters.
Whether Soult was deterred by the sickness prevailing in the place, or
had heard of the reinforcements, he passed on his route, and we all
returned to Alicant.
Shortly after, I was sent to Altea Bay, to lie there and protect any
transports that might arrive to procure water.
During my stay there the French sent a detachment of three hundred
infantry and a squadron of cavalry from Denia to forage and levy
contributions. Having only my own ship’s company--which altogether, men
and boys, amounted to only one hundred and forty--it was impossible
for me to land and fight them, but by making a show with our boats,
and firing a few shots, we dislodged them from the town, and prevented
their plundering it or getting any contributions from the inhabitants.
They succeeded, however, in our neighbourhood, and in the course of a
couple of days collected a quantity of forage, &c., and retired upon
Denia.
Within one day’s march of Altea was a Spanish division of troops,
to whom I immediately sent the moment intelligence of the enemy’s
intention of paying us a visit reached me.
The officer I dispatched got to them the same evening, and returned
back the following morning, three hours before the arrival of
the enemy. The Spaniards, with their usual alertness, sent two
regiments--about twelve hundred men--_exactly five days_ after the
French had retired.
On the 8th of December, 1812, a convoy of transports were placed under
my orders to proceed to Oran, on the coast of Barbary, to procure corn
and bullocks for the army and navy, but heavy gales from the S.W.
obliged us to run into the bay of Algiers, where we remained about a
fortnight.
Our consul, Mr. MacDonald, was extremely civil, and occasionally I
slept at his country house, a few miles out of the town; but being
unaccustomed to the noise of the jackals that came nightly to the very
walls of his yard in search of food, I was frequently disturbed by them.
The Dey of Algiers ordered us a daily supply of fresh provisions and
vegetables. On my departure I proffered my services to take whatever
his Highness might have to send to his servant, the Bey of Oran. He
thanked me, through our consul, and requested me to take a stone
coffin for the Bey’s son, which I delivered safe. The Dey was so much
indisposed during my stay that I was unable to obtain an audience. We
had a great deal of saluting--twenty-one guns on anchoring--twenty-one
guns on landing; three guns whenever he sent off his present of fresh
meat and vegetables, which latter was considered in the light of three
salaams.
After a passage of two days from Algiers, we reached the fine, safe bay
of Marsalquiver, three miles from the town of Oran, where all ships
anchor in winter, it being nearly land-locked.
No time was lost in having an interview with the Bey, who was civil;
but I had a long discussion previously with his guards, who refused me
admittance to his presence unless I took off my boots, and employed
menaces to enforce their demands. However, finding me obstinate, and
our vice-consul, who was a Spaniard, telling them I had come from
Algiers with a present from his Highness the Dey, they permitted me to
pass, and I never was troubled afterwards.
The Bey was a venerable-looking man, of about sixty-five years of age,
thin, and of middle stature, with a fine, long, white beard, hard
features, but a scowl upon his countenance that showed he could, when
he thought proper, play the tiger.
He promised the supplies I requested in ten days, said he wished to be
on the best terms with the English, and thanked me for bringing the
stone coffin for his son’s tomb; gave me coffee without sugar, and
a pipe to smoke, and appeared much amused with my awkward manner of
sitting cross-legged like a Turk.
He was surrounded by his principal officers, in full dress, with
silver-gilt swords and pistols in their girdles.
The admiral or captain of the port was a handsome, mild, gentlemanly
person. The old Bey, the morning of my arrival, had been administering
summary justice, for on my going into the market-place I saw three
ill-looking Moors hanging by the neck. It is not the fashion in Barbary
to place caps over the criminals’ faces before they are executed. Upon
inquiring what those three wretches had been doing, the vice-consul
gave me the following account:--“A Moorish merchant, with a special
passport from the Bey, had permission to travel into the interior to
traffic, when he and his party were waylaid on the mountains, robbed,
and all, except one, murdered. The person who escaped immediately
informed the proper authorities, who reported it to the Bey. A body
of troops was instantly sent to the mountains, who arrested all the
chiefs of the tribes, and brought them before his Highness. He, looking
at them sternly, said, ‘On such a day a merchant from my city, with my
passport, was murdered and robbed on the mountains. If in three days
from this time you do not bring before me the whole of the offenders,
your own heads shall answer for it. Begone!’ In less than forty-eight
hours eleven fellows were brought in, and led directly to the palace.
The Bey demanded who committed the murder. Three men were pointed out.
They did not deny it. ‘Very well,’ said the Bey, ‘take these men, and
instantly hang them up in the market-place.’ Three others, who had
been most active in plundering, had their right hands cut off, and the
remaining five received each from three to five hundred bastinadoes on
the soles of their feet.” The third evening, at sunset, the murderers
were cut down and buried.
They have a very expeditious way of staunching the blood after
amputation. The stumps of the arms are plunged into a kind of boiling
pitch, which has the effect of searing the arteries. Over this is
placed a dressing and bladder, when the sufferers are turned out.
I used to go occasionally, with our vice-consul and some of my
own officers, out shooting. We always found the people tolerably
civil--except the boys, who used to abuse and spit at us, calling us,
amongst other names, Christian dogs. Now and then we got a shove and a
sly stone.
Coming home one evening from an excursion to a small lake, about
sixteen miles distant, where we had been for the purpose of shooting
flamingos, &c., we got into a serious scrape, owing to a young
commissary having taken his servant, a Portuguese boy, with him, who
did not understand managing a horse.
We had ridden fast across the country from the lake to get back before
the gates of Oran were shut, which they always were at sunset, when,
just as we were entering the town and trotting on, we met a party of
Turkish and Moorish boys, who tried to frighten our horses by throwing
up their loose garments in the animals’ faces, and making a great
noise. All our horses stood this, except the one on which the servant
boy was mounted, which reared up, and, dashing forward, knocked down
with his fore feet one of the young Turks who had been most forward
in the mischief. His head was a good deal cut, and bled profusely.
We should have said he was very justly served. Not so the Moors and
Kabiles. A hue and cry was instantly raised, and we were followed by a
mob, demanding the life of the poor Portuguese for having, he being a
Christian, drawn the blood of a true follower of the prophet. Pushing
on to the vice-consul’s, we jumped off our horses, shoved in the young
Portuguese, and locked and barricaded the doors. The Moors and Kabiles
surrounded the house, making a great clamour, insisting that the
servant should be immediately given up and put to death. Nothing but
their fear of the English prevented them breaking into the place. We
hoisted our colours on the flagstaff at the consul’s house, when it was
considered a fortress, and respected accordingly.
In a city like Oran, where each man is a spy on his neighbour, the news
was fortunately not long in reaching the ears of the Bey, who, on the
first intimation of the danger that threatened the consul’s residence,
sent down a party of troops, with the captain of the port, to restore
order, and act as circumstances might require. Some management was
necessary to get the captain of the port into the house, as also to
keep out the Moors, who, had they laid hold of the boy, would certainly
have murdered him.
We at length succeeded, and then explained that, returning from
shooting, we had ridden full trot into the town in order to get home
before the gates were closed at sunset, clearly showing that but for
the boys frightening our horses no harm could possibly have happened.
He said that he did not in the least doubt the truth of our story, but
should the boy die,--accidents not being provided against in their
code of laws,--nothing short of the death of the Portuguese lad would
appease the populace, since blood, and Turkish blood, too, had been
spilt.
I proposed putting on my uniform and attending the vice-consul and
captain of the port to the palace, which was done. Passing through the
crowd was not very agreeable, but, under the protection of a guard, we
reached our destination in safety.
The old Bey laid down the Moorish law with great clearness, arguing the
point calmly, and evidently with a friendly feeling towards us.
He had been making enquiries, he said, and had found our account of
the transaction to be quite correct; that he knew the Turkish boy was
a great rascal, and though he had been rightly served, it would be
difficult to pacify the Moors, especially since the offender was not an
Englishman. “True,” I replied; “but he is a subject of our ally, and
under my protection, and nothing but extreme necessity shall compel me
to give him up.” “Keep him out of sight,” replied his Highness, “and
never again let eyes be cast on him in this place, or I will not be
answerable for his life. Come here to-morrow.”
We returned to the consul’s, and the captain of the port dispersed
the mob, assuring them the Bey would take care that justice was done.
With the morning’s dawn again came our clamorous foes; but having in
the meantime had communication, through our friend the captain of the
port, with the boy’s parents, we had learned there was no fear of the
young Turk dying, who, though he had received a severe cut and some
bruises, was doing well. A hint, too, was given us that a few dollars
would assist to heal the wound and soften the rigour of justice. We
went early next morning to the palace, when the Bey informed us of what
we already knew, that the boy would not die from the injuries he had
sustained. Then entering into conversation, “Consider,” said he, “if a
like event had happened to you in a town in England? You knew it was
wrong to ride fast near a populous town.” We pleaded our apprehensions
of being locked out all night. “You ought to have come home sooner
then; but to return to my first question. If in your own country such
an accident had happened, what would be the consequence?” I replied
that we should have had to pay the doctor’s bill, and in the case of
a poor person to give something extra to the parents for the loss of
time in nursing him. “Very well, then, you shall do the same here; but,
take my advice, never ride fast through a large town again, and smuggle
your Portuguese off to the ships for fear of accident;” which I did
the earliest opportunity. The Bey then said, “Who furnished you with
horses?” The vice-consul informed him. “What! my slave? they were mine,
and the fellow had let them to you without my leave; he has been the
cause of the whole. Here,”--clapping his hands, that an officer might
come,--“go directly and give my groom five hundred bastinadoes for
letting out my horses without asking my permission.” Making our bows
we retired, when just outside the door we met Achmet the groom in the
hands of two fierce looking Moorish officers of justice, taking him to
the market-place to undergo his punishment. He fell on his knees, and
implored us to ask his master to pardon him. We stopped the officers
of vengeance, and after a little solicitation, the Bey listened to our
request, and the man was pardoned, who, when he met us, wanted to kiss
our feet for saving him from being bastinadoed. I believe the fellow
was a rogue, who intended to pocket the money, thinking his master
would not find him out. Thus ended the affair, the commissary paying
sixty Spanish dollars to the mother of the young vagabond.
Having embarked our supplies for the army, we returned to Alicant with
the convoy, and the 21st of January, 1813, proceeded to Gibraltar to
refit, where we remained three weeks, and then rejoined Rear-Admiral
Hallowell, who sent us to our old station in Altea Bay,[K] and from
thence to cruize off Denia, near which place we drove a French felucca
privateer on shore, mounting two brass nine-pounders and swivels, with
small arms, and bilged her. Our next destination was another trip to
Oran, on the coast of Barbary, with four transports, for cattle and
corn. We had a capital run there and back with our live cargo.
CHAPTER XIV.
Siege of the Col de Balaguer--A Reconnoitering Party--Raising
of the Siege of Tarragona--Lieutenant-General Sir John and Lady
Murray--Rear-Admiral Benjamin Hallowell--Viscount and Viscountess
Mahon--Palermo, Veniros; upset in a boat--Valencia--Holland.
Towards the end of May, 1813, embarking 300 men of the 67th Regiment,
under Colonel Prevost, an officer who had distinguished himself at the
battle of Barrosa, we sailed with the expedition from Alicant to lay
siege to the castle of the Col de Balaguer and the city of Tarragona.
The land forces, under the command of Lieut.-General Sir John Murray,
consisted of about 20,000 men, but, unfortunately, not more than 5000
were British and Germans, the rest being Spaniards and Sicilians. The
naval part was under the orders of that intelligent and indefatigable
officer, Rear-Admiral Benjamin Hallowell.
On the 3rd of June, when off the castle of the Col de Balaguer, the
whole of the 67th Regiment, with Rolle’s and Dillon’s, and a company of
artillery, making together about 900 men, were ordered to invest it.
The navy was placed under the command of the gallant Captain Charles
Adams, of the _Invincible_ (74), by whose great exertions the troops,
guns, and stores were soon landed, and who personally superintended
every difficult and dangerous undertaking during the siege. Captain
Carroll, of the _Volcano_, was landed to assist troops, and a more
intrepid and excellent officer could not have been selected.
The fortress was situated on a high hill, in a most difficult pass,
through which winds the main road from Tortosa to Tarragona. It was
armed with twelve heavy pieces, two ten-inch mortars, two howitzers,
and had a garrison of more than a hundred men. Its elevated position,
and surrounding heights, difficult of access, required the greatest
labour to drag up the guns and mortars necessary to establish our
batteries. No time, however, was to be lost; Marshal Suchet, with
10,000 men, being in full march from the neighbourhood of Valencia to
relieve it, and succour Tarragona.
After a siege of five days the place surrendered. I had the pleasure of
assisting, with a party of seamen, to form the mortar battery, which
was no sooner opened than the shells were thrown with such precision
by the artillery that an expense magazine was blown up in the castle,
which, just as our breaching battery was about to open, capitulated.
An artilleryman and myself had a most providential escape. Being very
busy placing sand bags on the battery, on the morning of the 8th, just
before day-break, down came three of the enemy’s shells. I ordered the
working party to get behind the sand bags, and lie flat on their faces
to avoid the splinters. One shell from an howitzer exploded behind us;
two ten-inch followed, one fell about a couple of yards in front of me
and the artilleryman, which made us both jump to get out of its way,
when down came the second on the other side of us. The man called out
very coolly--“I’ll be d---- if we are not done now!” After falling on
the ground both fuses went out, and, much to our satisfaction, the
shells, of course, did not explode.
Captain Stodart, of the _Strombolo_, a brave officer, was employed to
form the breaching battery, and Lieutenants Corbyn and P----, of H.M.S.
_Invincible_, worked like slaves with their party to drag the heavy
guns up hills, or what in England would be called mountains, by tackles
and purchases.
The commander of the French fort was perfectly astonished to see the
places the guns had been dragged up in so short a time; and Suchet, who
calculated upon its holding out ten days, was in a great rage when he
heard it had been taken in five. I have his address to his corps upon
the subject by me now, in which he informs his army “that a military
commission will sit upon the conduct of the commander of the fortress
of Balaguer.”
We had done our part, and were looking for intelligence from our army
before Tarragona with anxiety, as we could at night see the shells in
the air, and hear the firing on both sides.
Colonel Prevost, and Captain Charles Adam, of the _Invincible_,
thinking it advisable to make a reconnaissance towards Tortosa to
gain intelligence of the advance of the French marshal (for the
information we got from the Spaniards was so vague that we could place
no dependence upon it), on the morning of the 9th of June they,
in company with Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, Captain Arabin (Royal
Artillery), Captain Du Cane, of the 20th Light Dragoons, with four of
his men and myself, started from the castle we had taken, at three in
the morning, all well mounted, to try and get a peep into Tortosa,
about twenty miles from Balaguer, and where it was reported Suchet was
to arrive in the course of the day.
After a pleasant ride of about sixteen miles, and as we had just got
a glimpse of Tortosa, on reaching the summit of a hill we all at once
entered a serpentine road, surrounded by high banks and ravines, which
completely prevented our seeing beyond a short distance. Jogging on
quietly, we met an old Spanish woman thumping two mules past us as hard
as she could, calling out, “Los Franceses, los Franceses,” but not a
word more could we get out of the _signora_. We, therefore, rode on
to the next turn of the road, when, just at the corner, plump we came
upon the advance guard of the French army, a regiment of cuirassiers.
They for a moment stopped their horses, being as much surprised to see
us as we were to meet them. With one glance they saw who we were--out
came their carbines and swords--pop, pop, and a charge, which knocked
over one of our dragoons, and “_sauve qui peut_,” or the devil take the
hindmost, became the order of the day. Away we scampered--they after
us, with a regular view halloa, and a flourish of French fashionable
words, but not of the most select phraseology. Reader, if you wish
to know them, I refer you to the scene of Madame Rambouillet and
the Novice in Sterne’s “Sentimental Journey.” After a capital gallop
of four miles, we regularly beat them, with the loss of only one of
our party, who in the charge was knocked head over heels and taken
prisoner. Luckily for us we had left a corporal’s guard of the 20th
Light Dragoons about four miles in our rear upon a steep eminence,
which commanded a good view of part of the road. The corporal, seeing
how matters stood, and that we were coming back a deuced deal faster
than we went, with a French regiment of cavalry after us, very cleverly
came trotting up, and showed himself at the top of the hill with his
men. The enemy, thinking we had a strong body of cavalry there, pulled
up their horses and gave over the chase.
Our ride had not been for nothing--we had had a good gallop, and found
out where our neighbours were, who towards evening drove in our picket
of dragoons, and established themselves not far from us.
News was immediately sent to Lieutenant-General Sir John Murray,
who was before Tarragona, of the arrival of the French army in our
neighbourhood.
Our situation was strong, and having the castle, which commanded the
road, neither cannon nor cavalry could pass from Tortosa. Marshal
Suchet came the next day and had a peep at the fortress, sent some
light troops across the mountains to feel us, and halted his army a few
miles off.
Lieutenant-General Sir John Murray, as I said before, had nearly
20,000 men, but, unfortunately for him, only 5000 were British and
Germans--the rest Spaniards and Sicilians, on whom he could place no
dependence in the hour of need--otherwise no general ever had a better
opportunity of beating a divided army.
We had stopped Suchet, with his 10,000 men, from advancing on the
Valencia side by the capture of the castle of Col de Balaguer:
therefore he would only have had to cope with the Barcelona corps of
8000, and the Lerida of 2000 men, so that, after leaving a sufficient
number of men to carry on the siege for a day or two, which the
rear-admiral even offered to do with the sailors and marines alone, he
might have beaten the enemy in detail. I am speaking, supposing he had
had 16,000 or 20,000 British or German soldiers; but really with such a
set, strong in point of numbers, but wanting the vigour and bottom of
English troops, it certainly would have been running a great risk, and
he had not the nerve to attempt it.
Great blame was attached to the general for embarking in such a hurry,
and leaving his guns and stores behind. The gallant, clever naval chief
felt it most severely, fearing lest any blame should be attached to
him for not taking on board the stores and artillery: he, therefore,
remonstrated very warmly upon the subject, but it was in vain.
The whole may be summed up in a few words. Marshal Suchet retired to
Tortosa--the Lerida corps back to their old quarters--the Barcelona
retrograded also--the Anglo-Spanish and Sicilian army embarked in a
hurry--we blew up the castle of Balaguer that had been taken--the
French garrison of Tarragona sallied forth, took all our battering
train and stores, which we had been collecting, at a great expense, for
months before, into the town, and played checkmate with the guns that
had taken Badajos, for it was the same train. In short, all the troops
ran away from each other the same day.
No sooner was the army embarked than the commander of the forces,
learning that the French corps had retired, requested they might be
re-landed the next day, which was complied with, but it was then too
late--we had lost our battering guns and stores, and nothing could be
done.
Lieutenant-General Lord William Bentinck arrived shortly afterwards,
the troops were again embarked, and I was ordered to proceed to Alicant
and take on board Sir John and Lady Murray, and convey them to Palermo,
he being appointed to the command of the forces there.
I found the Honourable Lady John Murray a most agreeable, clever,
sensible, pleasant woman, and Lieutenant-General Sir John Murray a
very amiable man in private life, and although much condemned at the
time for not fighting Marshal Suchet and taking Tarragona, yet neither
those who had the command of the army previous to him, nor General Lord
William Bentinck, who took the command of the troops from Sir John
Murray, gained more laurels or succeeded much better than he did.
To move and manage a Spanish army in those days was next to an
impossibility. They were too proud to be taught, and too ignorant and
obstinate to do anything of themselves.
Having landed my passengers at Palermo, I embarked three hundred of the
44th Regiment to join the army of Lord William Bentinck on the coast
of Catalonia. I met at the above city Viscount and Viscountess Mahon,
with their two children, fine boys of ten and eleven years’ old. His
lordship wished to go to Minorca, and, as we had orders to touch there,
I had much pleasure in giving them a passage.
On our arrival at Port Mahon we were placed under quarantine, which
prevented my landing Lord and Lady Mahon and family. The accommodation
being not suited to ladies at the lazaretto, I was delighted when my
amiable passengers made up their minds to remain on board.
Having received orders to proceed to the coast of Catalonia with the
troops, we sailed at the end of August for the mouth of the river
Ebro, but, not finding the expedition there, we shaped our course for
Tarragona, and on the 4th of September joined the admiral, who directed
me to land the 44th Regiment at Villa Nova. The town of Villa Nova and
the village of Veneros nearly join. There is an open roadstead for
ships, and the winds from the S.E. to S.W. throw in a heavy swell upon
the bar and beach. The holding ground is good, and numerous vessels
during many parts of the year arrive for the purpose of shipping wine,
which is either rafted off or taken on board in the country boats.
The wine is most excellent, and of different kinds, both white and
red. The latter is so good, and so much resembles port, that when I
was there ten ships and brigs were lying in the roads taking it in,
to be landed at Oporto, and converted into port wine for the English
market. I was informed that there were annually sent from this place
to Portugal ten thousand pipes. Another very pleasant wine there was,
“Alba Flora,” besides sweet wines of various kinds, one of which had
the sparkling qualities of champagne.
It had been blowing strong from the southward previous to our arrival,
and the swell had not gone down.
Between the ships and the landing-place was a bar, on which the sea
broke with great violence, and which boats had to pass. Those belonging
to the country being well calculated for going through the breakers,
and whose crews were acquainted with the place, dashed through the surf
extremely well.
I thought that by following them in my shell of a gig, and waiting for
a smooth, after three successive waves had broken upon the bar, I might
get safe also; but I was soon taught a different lesson--the sea was
more nimble than the gig, and although the men pulled to the utmost
to go faster than the breakers, yet they beat us hollow, and taking
the boat up on one of their white tops, spun us over in a moment.
Fortunately we had not far to swim, and as soon as the waves had beaten
us over the bar we got into quite smooth water, when, sticking to the
boat and oars, we soon reached the shore, though not without a precious
good ducking. We had, unfortunately, the viscountess’s poor abigail in
the boat, who never before had had such a swim in salt water, so it was
something new to her, and gave her an opportunity of adding a paragraph
to her letter when she wrote home, describing her foreign travels by
sea, land, and _under the water_. She was nearly drowned, poor thing!
but keeping her on her back we swam with her ashore. She was carried to
a Spanish house, wrapped up in blankets, where a few drops of comfort
in the shape of brandy, and some hours’ repose, made her as lively as a
lark again.
By the way of drying myself, and getting the salt water out of me, I
mounted a mule, and rode to Villa Franca, the head-quarters of our
army, distant about thirteen miles, to see some old military friends.
The country around was very pretty, and we had a fine view of the
celebrated Mount Serrat, rising from a plain in numerous mountains and
spires,[L] with convents upon them; but the whole of that part of the
country was forbidden ground, being occupied by the French army. On my
return in the evening I visited my water-nymph, and was happy to find
her quite recovered from the severe morning’s ducking. I offered to
take her off again with me in the gig, which she, like a wise woman,
declined; being a novice in the art of swimming, and not liking the
first lesson I gave her, she preferred returning to the ship next day
in a country boat. The day having turned out fine, the swell towards
evening had somewhat gone down, though it was still so great that I was
nearly swamped going back to the ship.
On taking leave of the gallant Rear-Admiral Benjamin Hallowell next
day, he gave me a letter of thanks, and did me the honour to say he was
sorry to part with me; the regrets were mutual, for it was a pleasure
to be under the command of an officer of his abilities and experience.
He has not many months ago paid the debt of nature, full of years and
honours, beloved and respected by all who knew him, and generally
regretted by the service. He was one of those
“Who take them for all in all,
We ne’er (I fear), shall see their like again.”
Such men as Lords Howe, Duncan, St. Vincent, Nelson, Saumarez, Keats,
Hallowell, &c., are not mushrooms of a day’s growth, but the experience
of a long and hazardous service in all parts of the world had braced
their nerves and trained their minds to the task, which they performed
with such _credit_ to themselves and _honour and glory to their
country_.
On the 8th September we sailed from this anchorage for Tarragona, which
place the French had evacuated, having first destroyed most of the guns
and blown up part of the fortifications. Everything looked miserable
and wretched in the extreme. Many of the houses were knocked to pieces,
and the poor inhabitants, returning back to view the birthplaces of
themselves and ancestors, found them reduced to a heap of ruins. I rode
with my agreeable passengers to Reus, the second largest town in the
province of Catalonia, where we dined after the Spanish fashion upon
olla podrida, and other messes, stuffed full of garlic and bad oil.
After walking about the town, and looking at a handsome church, the
windows of which were of stained glass, we returned on board and sailed
for Valencia. The peasantry of this province and of Catalonia are as
fine a race of men as I ever saw in any country--tall, strong, and well
made.
On the 15th September we anchored off the Grao de Valencia, and the
next morning communicated with our consul according to orders, and
landed Viscount and Viscountess Mahon and family, who took up their
abode with Mr. Tupper, our representative, who was very civil and
polite, and showed us the lions of the city. The cathedral was very
fine, from the top of which we had a most magnificent view of a very
fertile valley, producing rice, maize, flax, and other grain, besides
almond and vine trees, the latter covered with beautiful purple and
white grapes.
A small river runs past Valencia, over which are two tolerably fine
stone bridges. We had a view also of the lake of Albufera, from which
the French marshal, Suchet, derives his dukedom.
Valencia is one of the best towns I have seen in Spain, and the road
from the grao, or beach, is extremely pretty, having trees planted
on each side, to afford shelter from the sun. Neat little thatched
cottages, scattered here and there, put me for a short time in mind of
England.
After dinner at the consul’s, which was served up in the Spanish
style, we went to the opera, and sat in a box with some pretty Spanish
ladies, friends of Mr. Tupper. The opera was in honour of the Marquis
of Wellington. It represented the Spaniards driving the Moors out of
Spain; afterwards we had a fandango, and the whole concluded with a
farce, the subject taken from Gil Blas, where he entertains at supper
the sycophant.
Having re-embarked Viscount and Viscountess Mahon, I sailed for Altea
Bay to complete our water. Altea has an export trade of almonds and
raisins; several vessels during the summer and autumn months call there
for a cargo. The anchorage is good, and sheltered from most winds,
except those from south-east by east to south-south-west, which seldom
blow direct on shore. I rode out several heavy gales there in the
frigate I commanded, by giving her nearly two cables.
From this place we proceeded to Alicant, where we landed some stores
for the garrison; and after showing the Viscount and his amiable lady
the celebrated castle, we went to Gibraltar, where we unfortunately
found the yellow fever raging to that degree amongst the inhabitants,
that all intercourse was forbidden. The garrison was encamped on Europe
Point, for the benefit of more air.
On the 5th October we sailed for England, touching at Lisbon on our
way, and after a stormy passage of three weeks anchored in Plymouth
Sound, from which place we were sent to the Motherbank to perform three
weeks’ quarantine. On the 20th of November we moved to Spithead, where
I landed my most agreeable and pleasant passengers with very great
regret. I had had them on board for more than three months, so that my
cabin felt quite a desert without their society.
After being detained at Portsmouth a few days, we proceeded to the
Downs, and on the 14th December between six and seven hundred of His
Majesty’s 37th and 56th Regiments were sent on board, with orders
from Admiral Foley for me to land them at Goree, or the Brill, or
Helveot Sluys; but owing to the winds and tide we were unable to fetch
either. I therefore anchored off Schevelling, and communicated with our
ambassador, Lord Clancarty, at the Hague, who desired the troops to be
landed at the village of Schevelling. His excellency wishing to see me
at the Hague, I went there to wait upon his lordship.
The little I was enabled to see of Dutchland, gave me a favourable
opinion of the cleanliness of its people; and the neat pretty cottages
from the beach to the city struck me as being particularly picturesque.
Schevelling itself is nothing but a fishing place amongst sand hills;
but the town of the Hague was neat, and in summer must be a pleasant
place. But as the severe winter of 1813 was just commencing, I was
obliged to hurry off from the coast as fast as possible, for fear of
being caught upon a lee shore.
On our passage back to the Downs, the two branch pilots very nearly ran
the ship upon the Galloper Sands in a fog, which obliged us to anchor
off the light for a tide. The next day, however, we arrived safely in
the Downs, and from thence we were sent to Sheerness to be docked and
refitted.
CHAPTER XV.
1814--Sent to Bermuda--Operations in the Chesapeake--The River
Patuxent--Expedition to Washington--Town of Rappahannock--River
Rappahannock--Wedding Party--Commodore Robert Barrie, &c., &c.
The ship having undergone the necessary repairs, which was very heavy
work during the severe winter of 1813, towards the end of March we
sailed for Spithead, where we embarked three hundred and fifty marines,
and proceeded, in company with the _Tonnant_ (80), _Regulus_ (44), and
_Melpomene_ (38), _en flute_ to Bermuda, at which place we arrived
after a passage of eight weeks.
Nothing particular occurred on our voyage out, except my having the
measles very badly, which, not knowing what ailed me, I had driven
inwardly by cold bathing.
We remained at Bermuda until the 3rd of July, when, in company with
the _Asia_ (74), _Regulus_, and _Melpomene_, we proceeded to the
Chesapeake, and made Cape Henry on the 11th, and anchored in Synhaven
Bay. The following morning we proceeded up the Chesapeake, and on the
15th joined Rear-Admiral Cockburn in the _Albion_ (74), who was lying
at anchor, with two frigates, at the entrance of the river Patuxent.
I was placed under the orders of Captain J. Nourse, of the _Severn_
(44), and sent up the river Patuxent for the purpose of assisting to
blockade the American flotilla, under Commodore Barney, whose broad
pennant was flying in a sloop of eight guns, and who had under his
command seventeen gun-boats, each carrying a long 32, 24, or 18-pounder
in the bow, and a 32-pound carronade in the stern, and manned with a
crew of from sixty to seventy men.
We ran thirty miles up the river, to the village of Benedict, in
company with the _Severn_, _Ætna_, and _Manly_ (brig).
Rear-Admiral Cockburn proceeded with the others into the river Potomac
to annoy the enemy in that quarter. As we advanced, the gun-boats
retreated up the river to a town called Nottingham, twenty-five miles
above Benedict, where, from the shoalness of the water, we could
not follow them with the ships. During the time we continued in the
Chesapeake we had guard-boats rowing every night to prevent the Yankees
from trying the effect of their torpedoes or fire ships.
From the 17th of July until the 17th of August our time was taken up
in making incursions into different parts of the country, with 300
marines, attacking and, to use an American expression, “scaring the
militia,” getting fresh provisions, destroying their store-houses
and other public buildings, with the arms found there. Some of the
Americans used to say, “What did King George send you here from the
old country to come and scare us for? We don’t go to yours to frighten
you, I guess. Your confounded sarpents come and anchor in our waters;
then send their barges, full of armed men, who are pulling about day
and night, landing here and there, scaring us and our families very
considerably--tarnation seize them.” Our reply used to be, “You must
ask your President, Jim Madison: he invited us.”
A great many black slaves, with their families, used to take advantage
of our visits to come away with us. Some of their first exclamations
were, “Me free man; me go cut massa’s throat; give me musket,” which
many of them did not know how to use when they had it.
Another favourite expression, when we wanted them to work, was, “No, me
no work--me free man.” It was, therefore, necessary to explain to these
new freemen--which explanation, I fear, will frequently have to be
repeated in our West India colonies, with other arguments--that we must
all work and gain our livelihood by the “sweat of our brow,” whether
bond or free; but they considered work and slavery synonymous terms.[M]
Republicans are certainly the most cruel masters, and the greatest
tyrants in the world towards their fellow men. They are urged by the
most selfish motives to reduce every one to a level with, or even
below themselves, and to grind and degrade those under them to the
lowest stage of human wretchedness. But American liberty consists in
oppressing the blacks beyond what other nations do, enacting laws
to prevent their receiving instruction, and working them worse than
donkeys. “But you call this a free country, when I can’t shoot my
nigger when I like--eh?”
While on the coast of America we embarked from fifteen hundred to two
thousand slaves--the young men we formed into a black corps, and,
taking possession of the small islands of Tangiers, we drilled and
endeavoured to make our recruits of some use. The aged men, with the
women and children, were sent to Halifax, Nova Scotia, and from thence
a free colony was formed at the island of Trinadada, in the West Indies.
Towards the middle of July and the month of August some parts of this
coast are subject to tornadoes. We had one of them on the 25th of
July, which obliged us, although lying at anchor in a river, to let go
a second. The previous day and that morning had been extremely close
and sultry. The storm came on from the north-west, with the greatest
violence, accompanied by a few claps of thunder and vivid flashes of
lightning: such was its force that, although in smooth water, the ship
heeled so much over that our main-deck guns nearly touched the water;
and a fine schooner of seventy tons burthen, tender to the _Severn_,
with a long 18-pounder on board, at anchor near us, without topmasts,
her sails furled and gaffs on deck, was turned bottom upwards in a
moment, and one poor fellow drowned. Its fury was spent in about ten
minutes, but during its continuance we saw immense trees torn up by
the roots, barns blown down like card houses of children, and where
the strength of the current of wind passed scarcely anything could
withstand its violence. Trees and other things continued to be swept by
us for sometime, and when the tornado was over we observed, at a turn
of the river, so much large timber, lumber, and other articles floating
down the tide that my gallant senior officer, Captain Nourse, who is
since dead, poor fellow! thought at first it was the American flotilla
coming to attack us, and he was just on the point of returning to his
ship to prepare for a fight, he having come on board to dine with me,
when I discovered, by means of a spy-glass, the approaching flotilla
was perfectly harmless.
This circumstance was mentioned a short time afterwards to that _most
gallant_ officer, Captain Napier, who commanded the _Euryalus_,
but Charley would not believe that the force of wind could upset a
schooner of seventy tons, lying at anchor with all her sails furled,
with her gaffs on deck, and without even top-masts; however, on the
dashing, brilliant expedition, under Sir James Gordon, up the Potomac
to Alexandria, above Washington, he had an opportunity of judging
for himself when (part of a tornado passing across the bows of the
frigate) he saw in a moment both his bowsprit and fore-topmast broken
in two, like twigs.
Having heard that the enemy’s gun boats had moved down from Nottingham
towards Benedict, on the 10th August I was ordered to proceed twenty
miles up the river with five boats to reconnoitre. On landing I was
informed they had been there two days before, but that they had
returned to Upper Marlborough. On rowing up the river we fell in with
a canoe, containing one white man, who was pulling from Leonard creek
to the opposite shore; on seeing us he endeavoured to get to land, but
not being able to do so, jumped overboard and was drowned. We had every
reason to believe he was one of our deserters.
On the 13th I again went up the river to ascertain the movements of
Commodore Barney, but gained little information further than that he
was with the flotilla at Nottingham.
The next day we received an account of a party of American militia
having arrived in the woods, at the back of our watering-place, with
the intention of surprising some of our men; we therefore landed before
daylight between three and four hundred marines and seamen, headed by
Captain Nourse and myself, accompanied by Captain Coles, R.M., and
separated into four parties, with the hope of being able to cut some of
them off; but from the thickness of the woods and their knowledge of
the country, the enemy succeeded in getting away from us.
On one of our foraging excursions we were beset by a being so well
described by old Cobbet, in his “Cottage Economy,” ycleped “Methodist
parson,” who put on his canonicals, and began to whine and cant, and
wished to preach a sermon on peace. Captain Nourse very properly told
him to be off--that we must attend to our “calling” as well as he
to “his,” that Jim Madison had “called us,” and, therefore, we must
perform our duty.
About this time a private of the marines belonging to my ship did a
very gallant thing: to use an Irishism he surrounded three American
dragoons, and took them, horses and all, prisoners. His name was Pat
Gallaghen, or Gahagen. He effected this extraordinary feat in the
following manner:--whenever boats were sent for water a sergeant’s
party of marines accompanied them, it being necessary to post videttes
to watch for the approach of an enemy. The casks in the launch had been
filled, and all the party, except this man, who was placed near a stack
of hay, had withdrawn. While the picket, who had to descend a cliff
towards their boats, were out of sight, Pat observed five dragoons
ride down to the corner of a wood, near a gate; keeping his eye on
the party, he concealed himself behind the hay-rick, two of the men
remained inside the gate, a long musket-shot off, whilst the others,
after ascertaining, as they thought, that no _Britishers_ were near,
came galloping up to see the boats go off, and without observing the
sentry in his hiding place, halted. The marine, very bravely putting
his musket to his shoulder, called out--“You three d---- rascals, if
you do not immediately jump off your horses and deliver yourselves up
prisoners I’ll shoot the whole of you at once, for I have you all in a
line.” Off they got, and the sergeant at that moment shewing his head
above the cliff to recall the vidette, they were very quietly taken to
the beach, and themselves and horses brought safely on board.
This brave man, from his immoderate fondness of liquor, was unfit to
be promoted; therefore, all that could be done for him was to give him
the money arising from the sale of the horses. Now, here was a proper
subject for a medal or order of merit, which might have had the effect
of rousing his pride, and curing him of the baneful evil of drinking to
excess. But alas! it was the fashion to confer such distinctions on a
very few.
Look at the brave fellows who gained the battles of the Peninsula! With
the exception of Waterloo, no field was honoured with a medal.[N] Of
the navy, not a man below the rank of captain obtained any badge of
distinction, notwithstanding the many general engagements that took
place, and the numerous most daring boat expeditions met with the same
neglect. Since it was impossible to grant promotion in every instance,
this would have been an easy and gratifying mode of awarding the meed
of praise to many deserving individuals.
I am not particularly fond of France or of any foreign country, but I
must do the continental powers the justice to say they understand human
nature, and know when to reward their officers and men better than we
do. The practice of making their sentries carry arms to the veteran
with his medal or order of merit works wonders on the _morale_ of their
soldiers; and I do _most sincerely and conscientiously believe_ that,
had this plan been adopted in our army and navy during the late war,
not one half of the _desertions or punishments_ would have taken place
in either service.
It is revolting to honourable feeling to meet in society at home or
abroad, foreigners from nearly all nations covered with insignias or
medals; while we,--who have had the pleasure of beating them in every
part of the world, and which, with God’s blessing, should our king and
country need our services, we shall be too happy to do again,--have
neither.
On the 17th of August, the _Tonnant_ (80), Vice-Admiral Sir A.
Cochrane; _Royal Oak_ (74), Rear-Admiral P. Malcolm; several frigates
and smaller men-of-war, with twenty sail of transports, having on
board the 4th, 21st, 44th, and 85th Regiments of foot, and the marine
battalion, under Lieut.-Colonel Malcolm, joined the squadron under the
command of Rear-Admiral Cockburn, at the mouth of the river Patuxent.
The land forces were commanded by the gallant Major-General Ross.
We weighed on the morning of the 20th, and sailed up the river to
Benedict, where we landed the troops, which, including artillery,
sailors, and marines, did not muster more than 4500 men.
On the evening of the above day all the boats of the fleet, manned and
armed, divided into divisions and sub-divisions, of which I commanded
one, left the ships, advanced up the river towards Lower Marlborough
to attack the American gun-boats, under Commodore Barney, and likewise
to act on the right flank of our army. As we advanced, the enemy’s
flotilla retired sixty miles further up the river to a place called Pig
Point, where, in a most favourable position for defence, surrounded by
banks and narrow creeks, with a wooded country on one side, and hills
on the other, which were to have been lined with riflemen and other
troops, it was their intention to have awaited the attack.
Late in the evening of the 21st the boats reached Nottingham, when we
fired on a few American dragoons, and drove them out of the town. Our
army arrived a short time afterwards. The next day, at noon, we came up
with the vessels of the enemy, who on our approach set them on fire,
and blew them all up, except one, which, together with five merchant
schooners, we brought away. This service was performed with little loss
on our side, for the advance of our infantry had driven the Americans
from the woods, who had fallen back upon the main road to Washington.
One division of boats proceeded to Upper Marlborough to keep up a
communication with our army; the remainder occupied a position at Pig
Point to cover a retreat.
No sooner was the flotilla destroyed than the brave and dashing
Rear-Admiral Cockburn joined the troops, and marched with them to
attack the city of Washington.
This most gallant and daring affair was accomplished by 4500 British
infantry, after first beating an American army of more than four times
their own number, with their President, “Jim Madison,” at their head,
who appeared on the field of battle mounted upon a white horse, and
wearing a huge cocked hat. He addressed the American army previous to
the battle of Bladensburgh, and recommended them to do their duty and
fight well for the honour of their country, kill and make prisoners of
all the Britishers, and then, wishing them success, and saying fighting
was not in his province--he left that to the gallant generals who
understood the art of war--he put spurs to his horse, and rode off to
Washington to order refreshments and a grand _fête_ to be got ready at
the capital for the victorious army of the United States.
General Ross, Rear-Admiral Cockburn, and all the field officers of the
to-be-captured army, were to have been invited; but they forgot the
advice of Mrs. Grundy in her cookery book, “Catch your hare first.”
This is an absolute fact, for when our troops entered Washington the
evening of the battle, tables were very elegantly laid out in the rooms
of the President’s house, and wine placed in coolers ready iced, which
the _great politeness_ of the Americans left free for us to drink, for
fear their presence might prevent our people feeling quite at home and
at their ease.
But to return to the advance of our troops. No sooner did the enemy
see the steady and undaunted forward movement of part of the 4th, with
the whole of the gallant 85th Regiment,--commanded by two fine, brave,
dashing fellows, Colonel Thornton and Major Brown,--attempt to pass
the bridge over the river Potomac, “which they had left to allow the
Britishers to cross, that they might take them all prisoners” (the
Americans having destroyed all the others), than they opened a most
destructive fire from their heavy batteries of 24-pounders, which they
had thrown up to enfilade it, and which were commanded by a brave old
fellow of the United States’ Navy, Commodore Barney, who was wounded
and taken prisoner, and whose flotilla of gun-boats we had previously
destroyed at Pig Point, in the river Patuxent. He, however, made his
escape with seven or eight hundred seamen, joined the American army,
and was of great service in working and firing the guns in their field
batteries, which were supported by a very heavy fusilade of musketry.
The round and grape shot from the heavy guns in battery made fearful
gaps in the ranks of the advancing column, but, nothing daunted, they
gave three cheers, and rushed on in the most daring manner, which the
enemy observing, it created a panic amongst them, and they gave way,
declaring, I was informed, “that it was of no use their staying there
to be shot, for the Britishers did not mind being killed at all.” So
off they went, and never stopped until they got on the other side of
Washington.
The whole of the narrative of the attack on Washington and Baltimore
has been so ably and faithfully described by the gallant author of the
“Subaltern,” that I shall confine myself to our naval affairs, but I
thought the above anecdotes, which are not mentioned in his work, were
worth preserving to show the character of the natives.
After having been twelve days and nights in an open boat, I was not
sorry to return to my ship, but the moment the troops were re-embarked,
a difficult navigation down the river precluded all idea of rest.
The fag to officers and men of every description, during the whole of
the operations in the Patuxent, was very harassing, and the labour of
getting up to Baltimore without pilots, feeling our way with the lead,
whilst boats on each bow and one a-head were sounding also, gave little
time for respite. The heat of the weather too was very great, the
thermometer varying only from 79° to 82° in the shade, during most of
our severest services, which added much to the exhaustion.
On the 8th of September we again landed the troops, now reduced to four
thousand men, at a place called North Point, on the right hand side of
the Patapsco river, leading to Baltimore. It was unfortunate that we
ever attempted it, for most of the enemy’s army beaten at Washington
had been sent to strengthen the works, and the whole population were in
arms against us. The Americans seeing us approach, very wisely brought
out several large ships and sunk them in the channel, under the guns of
Fort Mac-Henry, which prevented the naval part of the expedition from
acting near enough to be of any use with their guns.
The only chance perhaps that might have given any hope of success was
the offer of the gallant Rear-Admiral Cockburn to make a dash with all
the boats of the fleet, and try and storm Fort Mac-Henry, keeping the
troops on board until the issue of this measure was decided. Could we
have once got possession of it, the little army might have been landed
with ease, and the place been our own in a few hours. But the higher
powers decided against his plan. Poor General Ross was killed, having
been shot by a rifleman from a tree. He was brought down, wrapped up
in a union jack, attended by his aide-de-camp; I placed the body in my
boat, and sent it on board. He was beloved and universally respected
by both the army and navy. By his untimely fall the little hope we
had of succeeding vanished, and although the gallant Brook did all
that a man could do, yet the strength of the enemy’s field-works
that they had thrown up was so great,--and there being ten to one
against us, intrenched as they were behind breast-works bristling with
cannon,--caused the admiral to request the army to fall back, and we
re-embarked them.
Just before Sir Alexander Cochrane left the Chesapeake some Americans
came on board of Sir Pultney Malcolm’s ship to treat for the exchange
of prisoners. Colonel Brook, and Captain Dix, who commanded the
_Menalaus_, frigate, were on board at the time. Boasting of their good
marksmen, Jonathan thought to be very witty by telling Captain Dix, who
was fat and broad made, “I guess, captain, you cover a deal of ground.
You had better not come on shore, for our riflemen can shoot a duck
through the head with a single ball at two hundred yards: therefore you
will stand no chance.” “Very probably they are good shots,” replied
Colonel Brook, “but you forget one thing--the poor duck was not a
soldier with a red jacket on his back, and a musket, with a bayonet at
the end of it, in his hand, ready to return the fire and use the steel.
That makes a deal of difference with regard to steady shooting.”
I was placed under the orders of Captain Robert Barrie, of the _Dragon_
(74), and left with him in the Chesapeake, having on board part of
Colonel Malcolm’s battalion of marines, commanded by Captain Coles of
that corps, a good and clever officer; the remainder were embarked
in other ships, while the fleet and transports, under Sir Alexander
Cochrane, proceeded out of the Chesapeake to the southward.
No sooner did our senior officer, Captain Robert Barrie, find himself
free to act according to his own able judgment, than, with a mind
capable of planning, and a heart as bold as a lion to execute, he
undertook all kinds of expeditions, or, as our commodore used to call
them, “shooting parties.” “Come,” he used to say, “we have not had a
shooting party this some time: I have just had information that a body
of Yankee militia, with a field-piece or two, are in such a place--we
must go and take it from them.” Boats were manned and armed--the marine
battalion, under Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm, about 400 strong, the
commodore always at their head, were put into them, and away we used to
go. Bang, bang from the field-pieces--a tiraillade from the American
musketry--three cheers and a dash from us, and the guns were ours: the
militia taking themselves off to the woods, and we dragging the guns
to our boats, frequently five, six, and seven miles, with an enemy’s
force, double and treble our numbers, looking at us. In short, during
the time we continued in the Chesapeake the American militia had no
sinecure, for they never knew where we intended to land, and we had too
much sense to go twice to the same place without an object in view.
At this period provisions of all kinds began to run short; it was
therefore necessary to put all hands on half allowance, and make
frequent excursions to try and procure flour and cattle.
On one of these foraging parties, the late Captain Tom Alexander, at
the head of 200 seamen and marines, did a very gallant thing: he was
attacked by 1,100 American troops,--with two squadrons of cavalry and
five field pieces,--while he was busy getting cattle; the enemy’s
horse made a charge, but not knowing that a swamp was between them
and Alexander’s party, the horses sank up to their chests in mud, and
began floundering about; he immediately commenced his fire upon them,
which put them to the right-about, leaving half-a-dozen dragoons, who
had been thrown from their horses, sticking with their heads in the
mud; some of the sailors mounted these fellows in a moment, and shoving
their heads deeper into the mire, there left them. After this, he
embarked his men with the exception of three, who were made prisoners,
and returned on board, leaving the cattle for a more convenient
opportunity.
The commodore, on the 1st of November, gave the following order to his
squadron in the Chesapeake:--
“H.M. Ship _Dragon_, Nov. 1st, 1814.
“Chesapeake Bay.
“The provisions of the squadron under my command getting extremely
low, and it being very uncertain at this advanced season of the
year when a supply can arrive, I find myself under the painful
necessity of placing the ship’s company and marine battalion on
short allowance.
“You are therefore to place the crew and marines on board your ship
upon half allowance, so as to make your provisions last for two
months from this date.
“You will signify to your crew that I trust it will not be
necessary to continue this restriction long, and that I shall
try by every means in my power to procure temporary supplies
from the enemy. In the meantime, I am satisfied their zeal for
their country’s cause will point out the absolute necessity
of persevering in the blockade of the Chesapeake to the last
extremity, and that the temporary privations they are reduced to
will be borne with the utmost cheerfulness.”
“(Signed) ROBERT BARRIE,
“Captain and Senior Officer.”
In November we proceeded up the river Rappahannock for the purpose of
attacking the American militia, 600 strong, who had some fieldpieces
posted at Farnham Church.
We first took the town of Rappahannock, driving the enemy out of it,
who ran away so fast that they dropped their colours, which we took.
On one side of them, under the American eagle, was this motto, “Death
or victory”; on the other, “Down with the tyrants.” However, they
were “scared” from death, and ran away from victory. We then attacked
the militia at Farnham Church, and captured two of their fieldpieces;
afterwards returning to Rappahannock we embarked some flour and
tobacco, and then retired down the river to our ships, without in the
least injuring the town.
We had with us on this expedition Major Brown, of the 85th Regiment,
who had been severely wounded at the battle of Bladensburgh, and on
the falling back of our army from Washington, he, with several other
officers and men, who were too ill to be removed, were left behind. He
was a fine gallant fellow, and now commands the 2nd Battalion of Rifles.
I must take this opportunity of confirming two statements of my gallant
friend Captain J. Scott, which he mentions in his memoirs. First,
with regard to the unjust accusation of plundering: all I can say is,
that I saw nothing of the kind, unless taking provisions when we were
starving upon half allowance may be called so; but on every principle
of war we were entitled to forage, and for which in many cases we paid.
The orders of both Admiral Cockburn and Captain Barrie were positive
against plundering.
With respect to the second, I can vouch for his account of the
poisoning the spirits at Benedict being perfectly true. In consequence
of what had taken place, if we wished to eat or drink anything that
was found in their houses placed out ready for us upon their tables,
we used to force the natives to eat a part first, that, in the event of
its being poisoned, they might die with the Britishers.
We used occasionally to purchase cattle from the Americans. The plan
agreed on was this: they were to drive them down to a certain point,
where we were to land and take possession; for the inhabitants being
all militiamen, and having too much patriotism to sell food to “King
George’s men,” they used to say, “put the money under such a stone or
tree, pointing to it, and then we can pick it up, and say we found it.”
More ways than one to cheat the old gentleman.
Having seen in some publications several comments upon our mode of
warfare in America, and no person yet ever having taken the trouble
to place the facts before the public in its different bearings, it is
high time that our side of the question should appear. According to the
old proverb, “there are always two sides to a story.” The truth of the
matter was this:--
At the commencement of hostilities, America invaded Upper Canada,
took York Town, and at the very beginning of a severe winter, having
first sacked the place, and turned the inhabitants out into the
snow to perish, burnt it to the ground. Had it been taken by storm,
after a severe resistance, the laws of war would have sanctioned the
proceedings; but the case was far different, little or no resistance
being made.
General Sir George Prevost wrote a letter of remonstrance, not only
to the American officer commanding the division, but also to the
Government, reprobating the mode of warfare they had just adopted, and
calling upon both to disapprove of it by a public manifesto, and punish
the parties concerned. An evasive answer was returned, and we got no
redress. Sir George Prevost sent copies of the correspondence to the
naval commander-in-chief, and retaliation was in consequence determined
upon; and that their Government might feel we had the power to repay
the favour they had conferred upon poor York Town, and other places,
we had orders to destroy all public buildings, and such private houses
also as had been fortified or fired from, inasmuch as they had been
placed in the light of a fortress; _and the blaze that burnt York, in
Upper Canada, reached Washington_.
This, and the endeavouring to destroy our men-of-war by torpedoes,--the
blowing up of Lieut. Geddes, and the barge’s crew of H.M. Ship
_Ramilies_ (74), by means of gun locks fixed in barrels of powder,
with lines made fast to casks of flour, biscuits, or other “notions,”
as Jonathan used to call them,--were among the causes which led to our
system of warfare.
Small vessels, called coasters, were laden in this manner:--the upper
part of the hold consisted of an assortment of all kinds, and the under
filled with casks of gunpowder; they were then placed directly in the
way of our ships at anchor off their harbours, their crews taking to
a boat and making their escape on shore when they observed our’s near
them in chase. A vessel of this kind was taken by the boat of the
_Ramilies_ (74), off New London, commanded by that most intelligent and
excellent officer, Sir Thomas Hardy, who, suspecting from the manner
she was thrown in his way that all was not right, had her anchored two
good cables’ length from his ship, and kept her there two or three
hours before he would allow any person to go on board, thinking that
by that time any mechanism invented for so diabolical a purpose would
explode. After the above period poor Lieut. Geddes, whom I knew well,
volunteered to go with the barge’s crew to examine the cargo very
carefully; Sir Thomas Hardy still felt doubtful, but was at length
induced by the repeated solicitations of Geddes to allow him to go,
but with particular injunctions to be careful. It is supposed that in
hoisting up a cask of flour or biscuits they pulled the line that was
made fast from it to the barrel of powder, the explosion immediately
took place, when a lieutenant, midshipman, and barge’s crew, sixteen in
number, some of the best men in the ship, were blown to atoms.
This fatal and melancholy catastrophe probably saved many of our
gallant countrymen, as well as some of our men-of-war, by acting as
a warning, and putting us on our guard against this _most dastardly_
method of carrying on the war.
The Americans had observed that several of our ships, the moment they
captured a coasting vessel, hauled her alongside to take out her
cargo, which frequently consisted of flour, biscuits, or other useful
articles. They, therefore, fitted out several explosion vessels on the
above plan, hoping thereby to blow up some of our seventy-four gun
ships or frigates, and very probably they would have succeeded with
any other except the _Ramilies_, but her wary captain, fortunately
suspecting some trick would be attempted, never suffered them to come
sufficiently near.
These circumstances combined brought about our visit to Washington. The
above is the real state of the case: it requires no comments, and every
just man must say they were rightly served.[O]
On the 10th November, I was ordered up to Sharp’s Islands, near
Baltimore, to cover the _Dragon’s_ tender and boats, that were sent
to capture the steam packet that went occasionally from thence to
French Town, but they arrived too late, she having crossed before they
arrived. However, they took several schooners and sloops, and the
packet from Baltimore to Elk Town.
On the 15th of December, Rear-Admiral Cockburn rejoined the squadron
from Bermuda, and gave us orders to proceed in company with the
_Dragon_ (74), and _Regulus_ (44), and a schooner, to the coast of
South Carolina. Having completed our provisions from a transport
brought by the admiral, we left the Chesapeake on the 18th of December,
which none of the squadron very much regretted, for the heavy north
gales and cold weather made our boat operations in the Chesapeake
anything but agreeable.
CHAPTER XVI.
Operations in South Carolina--Capture of Cumberland Island and the
Fort of Point-à-Petre--An Affair with the American Riflemen in the
Woods--An Abattis--Anecdotes of the 2nd West India Regiment--A
Rattlesnake--Capture of the Town of St. Mary’s--Destruction of the
Forts and Barracks--Nassau, New Providence--Compliment to the Royal
Marines--Return Home--Concluding Remarks.
On the 11th of January, 1815, we took possession of Cumberland Island
without meeting any resistance. The marine battalions, commanded
by Colonel Richard Williams and Colonel Malcolm, and the two flank
companies of the 2nd West India Regiment, under Major Bradley, were
disembarked, encamped, and works thrown up for protection--rumours
being afloat that the enemy intended to attack us.
Having waited some days for the arrival of the rear-admiral, and the
ships being greatly in want of water, Commodore Barrie determined
on making an attack upon the fort of Point-à-Petre and the town of
St. Mary’s, South Carolina. The boats of the squadron were ordered
to attack the fort by water, under the command of two most excellent
officers--Captain C. B. H. Ross[P] and Captain Samuel Jackson, of the
_Albion_ and _Lacedemonian_--while the Royal Marine battalion, with
the commodore, part of the 2nd West Indian Regiment, and a few seamen,
with myself, landed, to march through the woods and assail it in the
rear. After advancing about a couple of miles we saw a few riflemen,
who immediately retired into the woods. We kept on a kind of footpath
and soon came to an abattis, behind which the enemy was posted, who
immediately opened a brisk fire, but by bugling, cheering, and blazing
away right and left, we drove them out and arrived at the fort which
they had abandoned, just as the boats landed. The battery mounted
six 24-pounders, and two brass 6-pounder field pieces. During this
bush-fight a tragic economical occurrence, worthy of Joey Hume, took
place. While scrambling over the fallen timber of the abattis, after
the American sharpshooters, two blacks of the 2nd West Indian Regiment
stumbled upon one of them; the rifleman fired and missed, one of the
blacks put his musket to his shoulder and was going to shoot him when
the other called out “Ta’am, why for you poil king cartridge? tick him,
Ta’am, tick him!” which between the two was immediately accomplished.
Each party lost some killed and wounded, but the woods being very thick
we made few prisoners.
During the time we were here, and at Cumberland Island, we had some
sharp white frosts and a little ice, two things the West Indian blacks
had never seen; they were puzzled not a little, particularly when they
beheld their own breath. The keen morning air having rendered their
faces of a sickly purple colour, their major enquired what was the
matter; their reply was: “Major, me no know--me no like it at all--me
no see ’um, but he bity me toe a my finger.” When we laughed at their
droll description, they said, breathing hard, “Eh! you no see smoke
come out of my mouth, ah! massa major, he bity me toe a my finger!”
shaking and rubbing their hands, and stamping with their feet, “Bad
country this, no like em at all.” Several of these poor fellows were
frost bitten, and lost their limbs.
After the capture of the fort and barracks we embarked, and proceeded
up the river to the town of St. Mary’s, which surrendered without
further opposition. We made the inhabitants pull down their own fort
and stockade in the town, took possession of the shipping and stores,
and destroyed the public buildings.
A curious thing occurred on board one of the ships: a rattlesnake
_versus_ grog or, finding a Tartar. During the time I was pulling
about, taking possession of some of the vessels, and sending boats
to others, I was startled by a tremendous noise on board one of the
prizes, and saw the men running up the rigging in all directions,
while others took to the boats. I went directly alongside to see what
was the matter, thinking that some torpedo or clock-work, such as had
blown up poor Lieut. Geddes, of the _Ramilies_, off New London, had
been discovered. Upon inquiry I found that a rattlesnake had been the
cause of all the row. Some of the boats’ crews on going on board very
naturally went down below into the cabin, and other parts of the ship
to see what she contained. Jack spied in the master’s cabin a large
case, the wire-work of which was placed against the ship’s side, and
which in their hurry they had not observed. The vessel, I must remark,
was bound to France. Seeing this case the thought instantly struck them
that it must contain wine or spirits; they were determined, after all
their toil, to have a good drink before any of the officers came below;
an iron crowbar and cutlasses soon ripped open the top, when, instead
of rum, wine, or brandy, out jumped a large rattlesnake, at least two
yards’ long--away flew the sailors up the hatchways, some got into the
boats, others in the rigging, the snake made one spring up the ladder,
and was on deck after them in a moment--he soon jumped overboard, and,
the vessel being pretty close to the shore, made his escape into the
rushes and we saw no more of him.
After remaining here a few days, I accompanied Captain Ross and Captain
Jackson forty miles up the river, to bring down the _Countess of
Harcourt_ Indiaman, that had been captured by a privateer some months
before. In going up and down the river St. Mary’s we saw several large
alligators sleeping on the banks, which at a little distance were taken
for logs of timber, until they began to plunge into the water; we
fired at several, and observed the balls strike the scales, but they
bounded off, apparently without doing them any injury. I saw some of
the Americans with the upper part of their shoes made of the skin, it
had been tanned, and wore well, the knobs looked curious. I regretted
afterwards I did not procure some of the shoes and tanned skins, and
bring them home with me to England.
After returning with the Indiaman, which we loaded with cotton, etc., I
was ordered to proceed to Nassau, New Providence, to bring 300 more of
the 2nd West India Regiment, it being the intention of the rear-admiral
to make some attack further to the northward.
We reached the Bahamas in ten days, first making the hole in the rock
at the island of Abacco, which is a most excellent land-mark: it lies
in lat. 25°, 56 N., long. 77°, 20 W. from London. Then, steering S. by
E., 18 leagues, we arrived off the bar of New Providence, where we took
a pilot to conduct us to the anchorage. An immense shark followed us
over the bar, and remained by the ship during our stay, and proceeded
with us again when we sailed. The water was so very clear that we saw
him daily at the bottom. He was too cunning to take bait, though now
and then he would come up to the top, eat the bones and bits of biscuit
thrown overboard, and try and get the piece of beef off the hook, but
never would swallow it.
On my return from New Providence with troops, we again took on
board part of the marine battalion from the fort and barracks of
Fort Washington at Point-à-Petre, the guns of which we embarked;
then, blowing up the works and burning the barracks, we returned to
Cumberland Island to plan further annoyances to the enemy.
While we were absent at the Bahamas, Captain Phillot, of the
_Primrose_, brig, had been sent ninety miles up the river to attack
some troops and destroy their stores of provisions, but the river
becoming narrow, and the Americans lining the banks with sharpshooters,
besides felling trees to stop the boats, he failed in the object,
having lost several men killed and wounded, amongst the latter Captain
Phillot himself severely. Had the enemy not prematurely shown their
intention, they would have blocked up the boats, and probably captured
them all. As it was, nothing but the coolness and bravery of the
commander, and officers and men under his orders, prevented it.
Just at this period we received the news of the total failure of
our southern expedition to New Orleans, which event gave us deep
and sincere regret, but we hoped by a gallant dash to wipe out our
distressing feelings at such an unfortunate event; but while in the
midst of preparations we received intelligence that the olive branch
of peace was received, and the demon of war between parent and child
had ceased. Had it arrived immediately after the taking of Washington,
how great would have been our delight! As it was, although we could not
help feeling a secret pleasure at the prospect of returning home to our
families and friends, yet the throwing away so many valuable lives in
the swamps of New Orleans cast a damp on our spirits, and a secret wish
to try and blot it from our memories by some gallant achievement.
Previous to returning to Nassau, I had the honour to receive a public
letter of thanks from my brave and worthy commodore, Barrie. To have
his approbation was, indeed, a flattering testimonial, and I look back
at this hour with pleasure when we served together on the other side of
the Atlantic, and I hope, if ever England should be again plunged in
war, that fortune may place me under his command.
On the 6th of March the ship I commanded was ordered to proceed to
Nassau with the 2nd West India Regiment, and from thence to Bermuda,
where we arrived the beginning of April with a re-captured English
brig. After remaining there a fortnight, and receiving letters of
thanks from Sir Alexander Cochrane and Rear-Admiral Cockburn, addressed
to my officers and ship’s company, as well as two others to myself,
we proceeded to Halifax, Nova Scotia, at which place we embarked the
98th Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Douglass, and sailed, in a heavy
snow-storm, on the 20th of May with a convoy of transports for England,
and arrived at Spithead in June, after a passage of twenty-two days.
From the period of our sailing from Britain (April, 1814) until the
same month, 1815, we had been constantly employed upon a variety of
harassing services and desultory warfare, with the gallant Royal Marine
battalions, under the present colonels, Sir R. Williams[Q] and Sir John
Malcolm, and it would be the height of injustice not to bear witness
to their most brave, able, and steady conduct on every occasion. But
where did they ever do otherwise? From the sun’s rising in the east
to its setting in the west, in both hemispheres, it has witnessed the
devoted bravery and loyalty of the whole corps of Royal Marines.
After remaining sometime at Spithead, orders came for us to embark part
of the suite of the Duchess D’Angoulême. After making the necessary
preparations, and expending some of my own money in the outfit, we
received counter orders.
In August the ship was ordered to Sheerness to be paid off; on the 23rd
I was promoted to the rank of captain, and on the 9th September the
pennant was hauled down, and I parted from my old officers and ship’s
company with very great regret. Thus ended my naval services for the
present, after nearly seventeen of the best years of my life in active
warfare; and I have now to thank God for His protection and providence
on many trying occasions.
I shall conclude by making a few remarks before closing this narrative
upon the unfortunate mistake this country committed with regard to
our quarrel with the United States, and also upon the actions which
took place between our frigates and theirs, and upon the subject of
searching for English sailors on board their vessels.
The great error that England committed was her not having declared war
against America two or three years earlier than she did. She ought to
have done it on account of their having aided and assisted our mortal
enemy, by carrying on the trade for France in vessels belonging to the
United States, and not have allowed them to become the aggressors,
to choose their own time, and make the first attack. Had she done so
in 1808-1809, or even in 1810, America would have been completely in
our power, for the whole of her merchant vessels covered the seas,
and her few men-of-war were not particularly well manned. The embargo
had been on two years, by which time most of her trading vessels were
safely returned from every part of the world; and her seamen being
thrown out of employ, were glad to enter on board their men-of-war and
privateers for the chance of prize money. But she being now ready,
and having secured nearly all her merchant vessels safe in their own
ports, first insulted the British flag by sending a 58-gun frigate,
the _Constitution_, to attack the _Little Belt_ corvette of 18 guns
then cruizing on the American coast to intercept French vessels. This
large frigate of 58 guns, and 487 men, _very gallantly_ fired into the
little sloop of war of 18 guns and 120 men, killed and wounded several
of them; but she in a very spirited manner returned the fire of this
greatly superior force, and killed some of her men. Commodore Rogers,
of the American 58-gun ship, pretended to make an apology to Captain
Bingham, of His Majesty’s ship _Little Belt_, by saying he took her for
a frigate, or he should not have fired into her.
This was done with the hope of making England declare war, and thereby
putting the onus upon her, and making the war in America more popular;
but that failing, and they having an army ready to invade Canada,
urged on by Bonaparte in 1812, threw down the gauntlet, and commenced
hostilities, uniting with France against the liberties of Europe.
Their few frigates being beautifully manned, and immensely superior
to ours in size, guns, and number of men, took three of our 48-gun
frigates after a severe action. But I do maintain the British navy
lost no honour. The enemy’s ships mounted 58 guns, 24 and 42-pounders,
with a complement of 487 picked seamen and marines; whereas our ships
carried only 48 guns, 18 and 32-pounders, all badly manned, and one,
the _Guerrière_, with only 187 men at quarters, the other two, the
_Java_ and _Macedonian_, had nearly their complement of 300 men such as
they were. The strength, size, and number of guns of the American ships
were too great for ours.
Persons not conversant with nautical affairs, imagine that one frigate
is as good as another; but that is not the case, for it is very clear
that a man of five feet four inches, weak in proportion, cannot stand
against a man of six feet, with nearly double his strength, although
both are called men.
Another circumstance must be mentioned, which is this. A ship capable
of carrying 58 or 60 heavy guns, 30 of which are long 24-pounders on
her main deck, must be a much stronger and larger ship, both in hull,
masts, and yards, and her masts several inches in diameter bigger
than the smaller ship, carrying only 28 18-pounders on the main deck;
therefore three, indeed two, if in a fresh breeze of wind, 24-lb. shot
striking the main-mast in the same place or nearly so, of the smaller
vessel, would knock it away, whereas it would require double the
number of the 18-pound shot to cut away that of the larger ship, giving
so many more advantages to the bigger ship against the smaller, by the
latter being so much sooner crippled.
The ridiculous, silly, and mischievous hue and cry that was raised
in this country, in consequence of the above action, by a malicious,
envious party, to pluck from the navy some of her laurels, needs no
comment. It gave a lustre to the above frigate actions of our enemy
all over the world which they did not deserve, and made them think
themselves much more superior than they were, until the fight between
the English frigate, _Shannon_ (48), Captain Philip Broke, and the
_Chesapeake_ (49), Captain Laurence, off Boston. The latter had fifty
more men than the former, but was taken in fifteen minutes by the
gallant Captain Broke, and the ship’s company of the _Shannon_. This
brilliant affair, followed a short time afterwards by the action of the
_Endymion_ (50), Captain Henry Hope, that mounted 24-pounders on her
main deck, and 32-pounders on the quarter-deck, against the _President_
(60), 24-pounders and 42-pounders, which she also captured, proved to
them that, when we were more evenly matched, the navy of England was
still mistress of the seas.
It was long seen by those who chose to make use of their senses that
the disputes between the two countries must end in a rupture; and that
the American Government were determined to side with France, and pick
a quarrel with us, and that a war was inevitable. They knew that the
whole attention of the British Government was taken up by the great
struggle in Europe, and therefore few, if any, troops could be spared
from the great theatre of war on the Peninsula; they considered this
the time therefore to demand new maritime law.
The right of search (which for ages had been the acknowledged or
assumed law of all European belligerent nations), for enemies’
merchandize carried in neutral vessels, America was determined to
oppose. Instigated by intrigues, and offers of all kinds, made by
French emissaries sent for that purpose, Bonaparte found his Milan
decrees, declaring the whole coasts of Great Britain and her extensive
colonies in the four quarters of the world in a state of blockade, to
be of no use without a navy to support it, and not having one that
dared show its face upon the ocean, had no means to carry his decrees
into execution. His eagle eye at once saw that by making a tool of
the United States, and embroiling them with England, he might make a
great diversion in his favour. He, therefore, induced their cabinets to
enter into his plans, backed, it was said, “_by good, weighty, golden
reasons_, and insisted upon a new maritime law,” which would strike a
death blow at our dominion of the sea, and at once evade all blockade.
The law I allude to was, that the neutral flag or vessel should permit
the ship wearing it to carry the cargo of an enemy free of capture from
the other belligerent, who met it on the sea or elsewhere.
It was very extraordinary that America found little fault with France,
who first commenced the general blockade by the issue of her Milan
decrees, and who confiscated all the United States’ vessels that were
captured by her men-of-war or privateers with British colonial or
other produce on board, coming directly or indirectly from any port of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and her colonies. Had they merely
touched or been driven by stress of weather into an English port, or
even boarded by a British cruiser, it was sufficient to condemn them
as lawful prizes in a French Court of Admiralty, when met at sea by
French armed vessels, and detained. England waited with great patience,
thinking that all the neutral powers, but above all America, would
protest against the measure, and join her who was fighting for the
liberties of all the world against the iron grasp of Bonaparte, and his
intended universal dominion. The United States, on the contrary, put up
with the seizure of their vessels by France, and when Great Britain was
obliged, after the greatest forbearance, to declare the whole coast of
France and her allies in a state of blockade--which she had the means
of doing, having more than one thousand men-of-war of different sizes
at sea or in commission, ready effectually to carry this measure into
operation--they grew outrageous because she would not permit them to be
our secret enemy, and carry the trade of France in their ships, under
the new maritime law they proposed, viz., that a neutral ship and flag
were to make an enemy’s cargo neutral also. The above was one of the
causes that led to the war.
Impressment of seamen or sailors out of their vessels is another source
of complaint against this country. To this latter act England was
driven by the conduct of citizens of the United States, decoying men
to desert whenever any of our ships, whether men-of-war or merchant
vessels, put into their harbours. The enticing our seamen away to man
their vessels naturally made us search for British subjects whenever
British men-of-war boarded any of our ships, whether at sea or in
foreign parts, particularly when we knew the easy method by which
English subjects were naturalised and gained American protections.
I recollect a very fine young seaman whom we took out of an American
ship at Messina in Sicily, when I was a lieutenant of the _Melpomene_
frigate. On being brought on board he produced his United States’
protection, and requested to be sent back to his ship. He wrote to the
American consul to claim him, and the master of his ship came on board
to demand him as an American citizen. Having strong suspicion that he
was an English subject,--notwithstanding the clamour raised by the
Yankee master and consul, and the production of his protection; yet,
from his not having any nasal twang when he spoke, and not using the
general slang words of that country, such as “I guess,” “I calculate,”
etc.,--we kept him on board that night. The next morning he came on the
quarter-deck of the frigate, and gave up his American protection and
said, “I will not deny my country--I am a native of Swansea, in Wales,
and I got that protection when I sailed last voyage in a merchant ship
from Liverpool to New York, in the following manner. On my arrival at
New York I was told that by paying two dollars I could get a protection
of citizenship, which would prevent my being pressed on board an
English man-of-war. The way it was managed was this:--I was put into
a large cradle made on purpose to hold men; I was then rocked by them
for a minute or two, and afterwards taken before the proper authorities
by the old couple, who made oath they had known me ever since I was
in my cradle--no further questions were asked, the matter being quite
understood between the parties,--I paid the fees, the protection was
granted, and, having given the old folks two dollars for their trouble,
I became a ‘registered American citizen,’ and that, sir,” he said, “is
the way British seamen are kidnapped in the States--in short, it is a
regular trade, and hundreds of seamen that have protections got them in
the same manner.”
A knowledge of the various tricks played on the other side of the
Atlantic to entice away our seamen, made the officers of the British
navy more anxious to recover their sailors, which of course at times
caused some irritating disputes with the masters and skippers of the
American vessels. These magnified every trifle, and reported all the
circumstances to people who were paid by that part of the press in the
French interest to make the worst of everything, in order to inflame
the public mind against this country, particularly after the affair of
the _Leopard_ (50), taking our deserters out of the American frigate
_Chesapeake_ (48), and the unfortunate event of H.M.S. _Leander_, when
a man was killed by accident by her firing to bring-to a vessel under
the United States’ flag off New York for the purpose of examining her.
The Americans acted with great wisdom and foresight previous to
their declaration of war, by putting on the embargo and passing the
“Non-intercourse Bill” with England two years before. By that wise
act they were enabled to get home their trade from all parts of the
world, and having done this, they insulted our flag by sending a 58-gun
ship, commanded by Commodore Rogers, to fire into the _Little Belt_
corvette of 18-guns, commanded by Captain Bingham, cruising near their
coast, and killing several of her men and wounding others. This affair
had two meanings. First to revenge the death of their citizens slain
in the _Chesapeake_ frigate, and on board the merchant ship off New
York; and secondly to induce us to declare war against them, to make
it more popular with the generality of the people of the States, that
the Government might be able to throw the blame upon England. Britain
having her hands full in other places, fighting for the liberties of
the world, making at the same time a desperate struggle for her own
existence, and most nobly striving to liberate other powers from the
grasp of Bonaparte, was not willing at this most critical period to
have another foe; she therefore tried something in protocol fashion of
the present day, but it failed as all half-measures generally do.
America laughed at it, and commenced biting our heels, while John
Bull was tossing the dogs in front. They had the wisdom to perceive
the great error England had committed in not seeing that war was
inevitable, and that she ought to have declared it two or three years
before, and not have allowed her to get the whole of her vessels safe
into port. Our politeness and good breeding enabled them to secure
all or most of their shipping, in order to enable them to man their
ships of war and privateers with picked sailors. Their seamen being
thrown out of employ, were glad to enter on board their men-of-war
and privateers for the almost certain chance of a rich harvest, by
capturing our East and West Indiamen.
This was the great mistake England committed; for had we gone to war
at an earlier period when the seas were covered with American merchant
ships, they would have been swept into our harbours, and she would have
been completely at our mercy, and twelve months at that time would have
settled our disputes far more amicably than the unsatisfactory method
adopted in the year 1815.
Natural affection, intimate connections with this country, a common
language, and a wish to incline to a reasonable adjustment of claims,
would probably have settled our quarrel, and not have left the boundary
line as a further bone of contention. But we were unfortunately so
delighted with the success of our allies and our own gallant army,
by the capture of Paris, and other deeds in Europe, added to the
abdication of Napoleon, that American matters were left nearly in the
same state as before the war, although we had the means at that period
to have settled everything in a most satisfactory manner. The country
was like,--or might be compared to,--soldiers and sailors who had
received so much pay and prize-money that they got drunk. Great Britain
was intoxicated with the honour and renown which their countrymen in
the army and navy had gained for them, and never thought of the morrow.
Indeed, up to the present time, 1839, they have been living upon the
_principal_ of _credit_, for we have put, I fear, very little by or out
to interest which was _then gained_, and which has been most woefully
frittered away ever since, until the country has at last almost run
bankrupt: for we are spit upon in Spain, treated with contempt in
Portugal, despised in France, laughed at in Russia, kicked in Canada,
and in a fine olla podrida in India and China.
FINIS.
NOTE.--Vice-Admiral William Stanhope Lovell, R.N., K.H., was born
September 15th, 1788. Married, 2nd January, 1822, Selina, youngest
daughter of Sir Henry Crewe, Bart., of Calke Abbey, Derby, and by
her, who died on the 30th March, 1838, had issue one son and three
daughters, who survive him. Vice-Admiral Lovell died in 1859,
“_sans peur et sans reproche_.” Was buried at Bexley, Kent.
_APPENDIX._
Having, in the foregoing narrative, stated, in justification of our
mode of warfare in America, some of the causes which led to our
adoption of the system of retaliation, I beg to subjoin two extracts
from the Annual Register of the year 1814, as well as copies of public
documents, which a friend has most kindly favoured me with, which fully
bear me out in saying that we were in a manner compelled to adopt the
system we pursued, _i.e._, to teach the Americans that we had the power
to return with interest the inhuman mode of warfare with which they
began the campaign.
“From several causes it was not to be expected that the war between
Britain and America would be carried on in the most humane and
honourable mode, especially by the Americans; they had not yet
forgotten the war of the revolution, and by our employment of the
Indians, _though they set us the example_, the consequences were
such as might be dreaded. In their different invasions of Canada,
the greatest inhumanities were exercised; especially at Sandwich,
at the settlements on the Thames, at York, and at Fort George.
Finding that remonstrances against this mode of conducting the war
produced no effect, General Sir George Prevost at length issued
a proclamation announcing a severe retaliation on the Americans,
while at the same time he earnestly deprecated this mode of
warfare.”--_Annual Register_, p. 318, _Principal Occurrences_, 1814.
“A proclamation issued by General Sir George Prevost, Bart.,
announces, after long forbearance, a severe retaliation on the
Americans for their inhuman mode of warfare in their different
invasions of Canada, especially for their having, in the midst of
a severe Canadian winter, wantonly burnt the beautiful village of
Newark, and turned out _four hundred helpless women and children_
to perish in the snow, and through the severity of the season,
_without shelter, and without a remnant of property_. This case is
made out with the utmost distinctness against the Americans, not
only in this, but in a number of other instances, at Sandwich, at
the settlements on the Thames, at York, and at Fort George. General
Sir George Prevost earnestly deprecates this mode of warfare; but
he justly observes that ‘since it has been so long persevered in by
the enemy, retaliation becomes an imperious duty.’ But he at the
same time says, ‘that he will no longer pursue a system of warfare
so revolting to his own feelings, and so uncongenial to the British
character, unless forced to it by the future measures of the
enemy.’”--_Annual Register_, p. 27; _Principal Occurrences_, 1814.
I trust that I have fully vindicated our mode of warfare in America,
by showing that we were driven to it by the great inhumanities
so frequently committed by the enemy, and when forbearance and
remonstrance failed, nothing was left but to teach them that when
goaded beyond endurance--_four hundred helpless women and children
turned out to perish in the frost and snow of a severe Canadian winter_
from the village of Newark, besides wanton barbarities committed in
various other places--the British lion was at length aroused from
his slumber, and that the fires which the Americans had lit in other
places, reached the public works of their capital--Washington.
Copies of Correspondence.
“Head-quarters, British Troops,
“Bank of the St. Lawrence,
“14th Nov., 1813.
“Sir,--
“The object of the present communication, which is made by
desire of the officers in command of the British forces in this
neighbourhood, is, in the first instance, to claim as prisoners
two American officers who were taken on the morning of the 11th,
previous to the action, and deserted to their own shore while on
the way to Prescott.
“I enclose a copy of their paroles.
“William Gilkinson, Esq., of Prescott, is the bearer of this flag,
and I am instructed to request that you will facilitate his passage
to the Commanding General of the United States’ Army, to whom he is
desirous of making a representation on the subject of the plunder
and destruction of his property by the American troops in this
neighbourhood. And on this subject I am instructed to protest in
the most solemn manner against that system of rapine and plunder
of the property of the peaceful and unoffending inhabitants which
has marked the progress of the American army during its short
continuance in this province; and I am further to entreat that his
Excellency the Commander-in-Chief of the United States’ Army will
allow no consideration arising out of the circumstances of the
disparity of rank of the British officer by whom he is so called
upon, to restrain his Excellency from immediately disavowing this
system so disgraceful to a civilized army, and affording every fair
indemnity to the individual sufferers; or that he will, by an open
avowal that the system complained of is an authorized one, leave
it in the option of the general officer (hourly expected to assume
the command of the powerful and rapidly increasing British force in
this neighbourhood), to employ it in such acts of just retaliation
upon the persons and property of the inhabitants of the right bank
of the St. Lawrence as he may think fit, as commensurate with the
treatment of the inhabitants on this side.
“I have the honour to be, Sir, very respectfully,
“Your most obedient humble servant,
“(Signed) T. HARVEY, Lieut.-Col.,
“D.C.G. to the British Forces
“in the Canadas.”
“Head Quarters, Montreal,
“2nd June, 1814.
“Sir,--
“I have the honour to transmit to you a copy of a letter which I
have written to Lieut.-General Drummond, in consequence of the
late disgraceful conduct of the American troops in the wanton
destruction of private property on the north shores of Lake Erie,
in order that if the war with the United States continues, you may,
should you judge it advisable, assist in inflicting that measure
of retaliation which shall deter the enemy from a repetition of
similar outrages.
“I have, &c.,
“(Signed) GEORGE PREVOST,
“Commander of the Forces.
“To Vice-Admiral the Honourable
“Sir A. COCHRANE, K.B., &c., &c.”
“Head Quarters, Montreal,
“1st June, 1814.
“Sir,--
“It is with sincere regret and disappointment that I perused the
detail of illiberal and wanton devastation and unjustifiable
outrage reported in your letter of the 27th ult., and Major-General
Riall’s of the 19th, to have been committed in the vicinity of
the village of Dover, and on its unoffending inhabitants, by the
conflagration of their dwelling-houses and their mills.
“I cherished the hope that the severe, although just, retaliation
inflicted for the destruction of the village of Newark would have
deterred the enemy from similar acts of barbarity; under that
impression, I issued a proclamation of the 4th January last, which
has since been most scrupulously adhered to by the troops under
my command, and it is with painful reluctance I now feel myself
compelled to return to a system so abhorrent to those principles of
humanity which have always animated and characterized Britons.
“But such horrors cannot be suffered to remain without notice or
unrevenged; you must, therefore, transmit by a flag of truce to the
officer commanding the American force nearest to you a statement of
those atrocities, with information that you have my instructions
to inflict a severe retribution for them; you may assure him that
the same will be repeated for every act of such outrage committed
on the defenceless and peaceable settlers of our frontier, and that
the British fleet on the coast of America will be called upon to
assist in the measure of just retaliation.
“I have, &c.,
“(Signed) GEORGE PREVOST,
“Commander of the Forces.
“To Lieut.-Gen. DRUMMOND, &c., &c.,
“Com. Upper Canada.”
“Tonnant, Halifax,
“5th Oct., 1814.
“Sir,--
“I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency’s
letter of the 3rd August, acquainting me of the repetition on the
part of the enemy of the disgraceful outrages committed by him on
the north shores of Lake Erie.
“I have therefore reiterated my order of retaliation of the 18th
July, of which a copy was sent to your Excellency, and given
further directions for the distressing him south of the Delaware,
to the utmost of our power; from that river northward I have
restrained the squadron from acting in full execution of its
purport until I see what change the late events may produce in that
quarter.
“I have the honour to be,
“Your Excellency’s most obedient humble servant,
“ALEXANDER COCHRANE,
“Vice-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief.
“To his Excellency
“Lieut.-General Sir GEO. PREVOST, Bt.,
“Commander of the Forces, &c., &c.”
“Head Quarters, Montreal,
“August 6, 1814.
“My Lord,--
“I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship a copy of a
letter I have addressed to Vice-Admiral the Hon. Sir A. Cochrane,
respecting the late wanton and disgraceful conduct of the enemy in
the burning of the villages of Queen Town and St. David’s, on the
Erie frontier.
“J. W.
“To EARL BATHURST.”
“Head Quarters, Montreal,
“30th Sept., 1814.
“Sir,--
“I have the honour to acknowledge your three letters of the 19th
inst., which have been laid before the Commander of the Forces,
with regard to the miseries which the enemy have again made on
Port Talbot; his Excellency is of opinion that it is the act of
Westbrook, who is gratifying private animosities with a heartless
band; he scarcely conceives it to have been authorized by the
Government of the U.S., and requests to be informed who commanded
the enemy’s force employed on this occasion. The Commander of
the Forces hopes that precautionary measures have been taken
to frustrate the design of the enemy upon Long Point, should
the execution of it be attempted. If you consider it necessary
to retaliate for the unjustifiable act of carrying off Colonel
Burnell, you have his Excellency’s authority to do so, or else, if
you prefer it, two respectable American citizens may be taken as
hostages for him from Hamilton.
“To Lieut.-General DRUMMOND.”
WITHERBY & CO., Printers, 325a, High Holborn, W.C.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] Colonel Thomas Stanhope Badcock, of Little Missenden Abbey,
Bucks, and of Maplethorpe Hall, Lincolnshire, married Anne, daughter
of William Buckle, Esq., of the Mythe House and Chasely, in
Gloucestershire, by Anne, daughter of George Turberville, Esq. The
family is descended from Sir Salathiel Lovell, of Harleston, co.
Northampton, one of the Barons of the Exchequer, whose youngest
daughter _Jane_ married Richard Badcock, Esq. Of the two elder
daughters, _Maria_ married Joseph Townshend, Esq., and died without
issue; _Penelope_ married the Rev. Michael Stanhope, D.D., canon
of Windsor, and died 1738, leaving with other issue Arthur Charles
Stanhope, Esq., father of Philip Stanhope, who, succeeding to the
honours of his family in 1773, became fifth Earl of Chesterfield. Sir
Salathiel Lovell had two sons, _Samuel_, his heir, a Welsh judge, who
married in 1692 Miss Sergeant, and left one son, _Samuel_, and one
daughter, _Rachel Jane_, married in 1732 Richard Edgeworth, Esq., of
Edgeworthstown, co. Longford, who died in 1764, leaving issue.
[B] The eldest, _Anne_ Bethia, married 21st September, 1809,
Lieut.-General Sir Jasper Nicholls, K.C.B. (Commander-in-Chief at
Madras and afterwards Commander-in-Chief in India), and had eight
daughters and one son. Lady Nicholls died at Rome in 1844. _Sophia_
Lovell married 9th June, 1814, the Rev. James Duke Coleridge, D.C.L.,
eldest son of Colonel Coleridge, of Heath’s Court, Ottery St. Mary’s,
Devon, and had two daughters. Mrs. Coleridge died at Torquay in 1874.
[C] _Torpedo vulgaris._
[D] It was near a vintage.
[E] Afterwards Sir John Chambers White.
[F] Taken and destroyed.
[G] The French ship of the line, _L’Achille_, on fire and blowing up.
[H] Being a man of plain common-sense, I never could to this day
understand the policy of our training up foreign officers of all
nations in our service to sting ourselves. Surely our rulers forget the
sensible fable of Æsop, “The countryman and the viper.” We took the
Russians from frost and snow, thawed them in our bosoms, and the time
may yet come when they may sting us. “_Tempus omnia monstrat._”
[I] Sir Lovell Benjamin Lovell, K.C.B., K.H., commenced in the Royal
Bucks Militia in 1804, and entered as cornet (by purchase) the 14th
Light Dragoons, November, 1805; served at the taking of Monte Video,
under Sir Samuel Auchmuty, in 1807, and subsequently in the Peninsula,
including the battles of Talavera, the Coa, Busaco, Fuentes d’Onor
(wounded), Salamanca, Vittoria, the Pyrenees, Nive, Ortherg, and
Toulouse; actions or skirmishes near Talavera, Sexmiro, Val de la
Mula, La Meares, Freixeda, Guarda, Coimbra, Valle, Venda de Sierra,
Pombal, Redinha, Miranda de Corvo, Coa, Galligos, Nave d’Aver, Espiga,
near Fuentes d’Onor, Llerena, near Salamanca, St. Christova, Bueda,
Castrillos, Foncastin, Matylla; at Burgos, Osma, Huarte, Pampeluna,
Vale de Bastan, Pass of Maya, Lines of Ainho, Cambo, Hasparren, Helite,
Garris, Sauveterre, St. Gladie, Buelho, Garlier, San Roman--total, 10
general actions, 40 minor actions or skirmishes, besides attending 7
sieges; was at the siege of Oporto, being one of the military reporters
under Lord William Russell. Appointed to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of
the 15th Hussars, March 21st, 1834; appointed Brigadier-General of the
cantonment of Bangalore, 1841, and Major-General in India, September,
1841; gazetted to the command of the Hyderabad subsidiary force,
February 15th, 1847, and took command March 3rd, at Secunderabad;
appointed Major-General in 1854, and Colonel of the 12th Lancers, 29th
November, 1856. Sir Lovell Benjamin Lovell received the war medal,
with eleven clasps, for Busaco, Fuentes d’Onor, Badajoz, Salamanca,
Vittoria, the Pyrenees, Nive, Orthes, and Toulouse. He died at Brighton
in 1861. Sir Lovell and his brother assumed by sign manual the surname
and arms of Lovell in 1840.
[J] Prince Lippe Bückeburg.
[K] During our stay in Altea Bay, in 1812, I was invited by the
Spanish authorities in the town to assist at the proclaiming of the
new constitution, and accordingly landed my officers and marines to
be present at the ceremony of reading them. A few of the Spaniards
cheered, as well as ourselves, and called out, “Viva Fernando Septimo;”
but it appeared to me they were not very enthusiastic about it at that
period; indeed they did not seem to care two straws whether they had
the old or new constitution--to get rid of the French was the first
object.
[L] (!) Peaks.
[M] Amongst so many new black freemen in the West Indies, of course
many cases of delinquency must occur. Why not transport all troublesome
and bad characters to Africa? They originally came from thence, and it
would be only returning them back to their own country. Just land them
on the beach at Bonny, and leave them to find their own way amongst
their countrymen, or send them to Fernando Po to clear the forests and
make roads, which would ventilate the island and make it more healthy.
[N] Medals were given in 1848(?) for the Peninsula wars, and to the
survivors of the Battle of Trafalgar also in 1848. An English merchant,
whose name I cannot remember, gave to some of those who were present at
the Battle of Trafalgar (among the fortunate recipients was my father)
medals, having on one side the profile of Lord Nelson, and on the
reverse side the representation of the ships going into action, with
the date, October 1st, 1804, and round it the memorable words signalled
to the fleet: “England expects every man will do his duty.” This medal
is much prized by the family, as is also the dirk previously mentioned.
(M.S.L.)
[O] The revilers of our American mode of warfare should bear in mind
other circumstances, viz.: that America seized the opportunity of
declaring war against us at a most critical period, when we were not
only making a desperate struggle for our existence as a nation, but
also to liberate other powers from the iron grasp of Bonaparte, and
fighting in the cause of liberty itself. That must not be forgotten on
our side of the question.
[P] The rear-admiral, in the _Albion_, arrived on the previous evening,
when Captain Ross joined with the boats of that ship in the attack on
the fort by water.
[Q] Lieutenant-Colonel Williams, of the Marines, was not at the capture
of Washington. He was then in Canada, and joined us at Cumberland
Island previous to the attack on Fort Washington, at Point-à-Petre.
Transcriber's Note:
The following is a list of changes made to the original. The first
line is the original line, the second the corrected one.
Page 108
We remained at O’Rodonto three days, during
We remained at O’Rodondo three days, during
northward to invest Cuidad Rodrigo.
northward to invest Ciudad Rodrigo.
Operations against Cuidad Rodrigo having been
Operations against Ciudad Rodrigo having been
Page 110
was ordered to cover the siege of Cuidad Rodrigo.
was ordered to cover the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo.
Page 114
nexts attracts attention. This was founded about
next attracts attention. This was founded about
Page 124
4th July, sent me to Palma Bay, Minorca, to collect
4th July, sent me to Palma Bay, Majorca, to collect
Page 138
_Invincible_, thinking it advisable to make a reconnoissance
_Invincible_, thinking it advisable to make a reconnaissance
Page 183
of the _Eudymion_ (50), Captain Henry Hope, that
of the _Endymion_ (50), Captain Henry Hope, that
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