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Title: Travels Into Bokhara (Volume 2 of 3)
Author: Burnes, Alexander, Sir
Language: English
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Transcriber's Note
Sidenotes are indicated by ~swung dashes~.
Superscript is indicated by caret signs, e.g. ALEX^R.
TRAVELS
INTO
BOKHARA;
_&c. &c._
VOL. II.
LONDON:
Printed by A. SPOTTISWOODE,
New-Street-Square.
TRAVELS
INTO
BOKHARA;
BEING THE ACCOUNT OF
A JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO CABOOL, TARTARY,
AND PERSIA;
ALSO, NARRATIVE OF
A VOYAGE ON THE INDUS,
FROM THE SEA TO LAHORE,
WITH PRESENTS FROM THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN;
PERFORMED UNDER THE ORDERS OF THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT
OF INDIA, IN THE YEARS 1831, 1832, AND 1833.
BY
LIEUT. ALEX^R BURNES, F.R.S.
OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SERVICE;
AS^T POLITICAL RESIDENT IN CUTCH, AND LATE ON A MISSION TO
THE COURT OF LAHORE.
----“Per syrtes iter æstuosas,
... _per inhospitalem
Caucasum, vel quæ loca fabulosus
Lambit Hydaspes_.”
HOR.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
MDCCCXXXIV.
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTER XII.
JOURNEY IN THE DESERT OF THE TOORKMUNS.
Page
Journey to the Oxus.--Sand Hills.--Freezing of the
Oxus.--Meanness of native Traders.--The Oxus.--Oxus of
Alexander’s Historians.--Charjooee: its Bazar.--The
Desert.--Slaves.--The Caravan.--Well of Balghooee.--Dangers
of the Desert.--Seerab.--Camel’s Milk--An eastern
Caravan.--Oochghooee and wandering Toorkmuns.--Ruins of
Castles.--Moorghab.--Remarks on the Desert.--A Toorkmun
Camp.--Orgunje Officers.--Precarious Situation 1-34
CHAP. XIII.
CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNEY IN THE TOORKMUN DESERT.
River of Merve.--Amusements.--Knights and Heroines of
Merve.--Alarm.--Toorkmuns: their Laws of Plunder.--Training of
the Horses.--Reflections.--Meeting of the Caravan.--Claims
against us.--Continuation of the Desert.--Whirlwinds.--The
High Lands of Persia.--Mirage.--Plants of the
Desert.--Allamans.--Unsuccessful Party.--Arrival
at Shurukhs.--Detention.--Alarms.--Dissipation of
them.--Toorkmun Customs.--Fortitude of a Slave.--Toorkmun
Song.--Toorkmun House.--Mode of Feasting.--Success of
the Allamans.--Inconveniences.--Mad Camel.--Departure
from Shurukhs.--Increased Caravan.--Entrance
into Persia.--Moozderan or Durbund.--Approach to
Meshid.--Tarantulla.--Adventure.--Ghoozkan Slaves.--Troubled
Country 35-75
CHAP. XIV.
KHORASAN.
Arrival in Meshid.--Interview with Khoosrou Meerza.--Meshid
described.--Shrine of Imam Ruza.--Grave of Nadir
Shah.--Illumination.--Departure from Meshid.--Koochan.--Camp
of the Prince.--European Officers.--Abbas Meerza.--Interview.--
Acquaintances.---Future Plans.--Separation from Dr. Gerard 76-99
CHAP. XV.
JOURNEY AMONG THE TOORKMUNS OF THE CASPIAN.
Departure from Koochan.--Atruck River.--Boojnoord.--Toorkmun
Discipline.--Travelling in Khorasan.--Tribe of
Gireilee.--Toorkmun Acquaintance.--Running down
Partridges.--Toorkmun Bard.--Goklan Toorkmuns.--Their
Customs.---Toorkmuns of the Caspian.--Toorkmun
Patriarch.--Noble Scenery.--Toorkmun national
Songs.--Quit the Country of the Toorkmuns.--Arrival
at Astrabad.--Plague.--Arrival on the Caspian.--Adventures.--
Gardens of Ushruff.--Fortunate Escape.--The Plague.--Quit the
Caspian.--Mazenderan.--Peasantry 100-127
CHAP. XVI.
JOURNEY THROUGH PERSIA.--CONCLUSION OF THE NARRATIVE.
Quit Mazenderan.--Pass of Gudook.--Gudook the “Pylæ
Caspiæ.”--Feerozkoh.--Cure for the Taste of Quinine.--A
Koord.--Vexations of a Traveller.--Arrival at
Tehran.--Presentation to the Shah.--Return to India.--Route to
the Coast.--Quit Persia.--Conclusion 128-142
BOOK I.
GENERAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR ON PART OF CENTRAL ASIA.
Notice regarding the Map of Central Asia 147
CHAPTER I.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE KINGDOM OF BOKHARA.
Limits and Extent.--Natural and political Divisions.--Physical
Geography: Face of the Country.--Climate and Phenomena.--
Rivers.--Mountains.--Mineral Productions.--Vegetable.--Necessaries
of Life.--Fruits and Wines.--Domestic Animals.--Wild Animals.--
Birds.--Silk Worms.--Diseases: Guinea Worm.--Cities and
Towns.--Population of the Kingdom 153-185
CHAP. II.
THE RIVER OXUS, OR AMOO; WITH SOME NOTICE OF THE SEA OF ARAL.
Source and Course of the Oxus.--Sea of Aral.--Capabilities of
the Oxus.--Depth, Current, and Slope.--Inundation.--Freezing.--
Craft on the Oxus.--Mode of navigating them.--Wood of the
Oxus.--Political and commercial Advantages of the River 186-199
CHAP. III.
ON THE VALLEY OF THE OXUS, ETC.
Sketch of the Countries upon it.--Koondooz.--Budukhshan.--Ruby
Mines.--Lapis Lazuli.--Mountain Districts North of
Budukhshan.--Their Language.--Pamere.--Singular
Animal, the Rass.--Chitral.--Gilgit.--Iskardo.--Their
Language.--Kaffirs.--Their Descent from Alexander
questioned.--Their Customs 200-213
CHAP. IV.
ON THE REPUTED DESCENDANTS ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
Traditions regarding them.--Actual Condition of these reputed
Descendants.--Examination of their Claims.--Conjectures 214-219
CHAP. V.
ON THE SOURCES OF THE INDUS.
Interest attached to the Subject.--Received Opinions.--Their
Error.--Description of the Shyook, the great Head of the
Indus.--The Western Branch.--Country enclosed by both.--Name of
Cashgar misapplied.--Errors pointed out 220-226
CHAP. VI.
NOTICE OF YARKUND, AND ITS INTERCOURSE WITH PEKIN, BOKHARA, AND
TIBET.
Chinese Province of Yarkund.--Sketch of its History.--Mode of
governing it by the Chinese.--Singular Mode of communicating
with Pekin.--Inhabitants.--Kalmuks, curious Customs.--Anecdote
of the Chinese Police.--Country between Yarkund and
Tibet.--Communications with Bokhara.--Notice of Kokan 227-237
CHAP. VII.
ON THE MOUNTAINS OF HINDOO KOOSH.
Range so called.--Height.--General Features.--Productions.--
Formation of the Rocks.--True Mountain of Hindoo Koosh 238-248
CHAP. VIII.
TOORKMANIA, OR THE COUNTRY OF THE TOORKMUNS.
Toorkmania: Country so called.--Nature of it and the Toorkmuns.--
Origin of the Toorkmuns.--Tribes.--Language.--Account of Merve.--
General Characteristics of the People of Toorkmania 249-261
CHAP. IX.
ON THE INROADS OF THE TATARS, WITH A NOTICE OF THE TRIBES IN
TOORKISTAN.
Invasions of the Tatars sketched.--Sources from whence they
sprung, investigated.--Exaggerated Numbers.--Probabilities of
Success in modern Times.--Only two great tribes, Toorks and
Mundshoors.--Appearance of Tatars.--Physiognomy.--Chaghtye
and Uzbeks.--Kalmuks.--Kuzzaks and Kirgizzes.--Citizens of
Toorkistan.--Tatar and Magi Religion.--Concluding Observations 262-270
CHAP. X.
ON THE HORSES OF TOORKISTAN.
Toorkmun Horse.--Tradition of its Lineage.--Mode of
Feeding.--Varieties of the Toorkmun Horse.--Extent of the
Trade.--Great Characteristics of this noble Animal 271-277
BOOK II.
AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE COUNTRIES BETWEEN INDIA AND THE
CASPIAN SEA.
CHAPTER I.
THE PUNJAB.
Limits of Runjeet Sing’s Power.--Its Rise.--State of the
Government.--Its Decline.--Influence of the Chiefs.--The
People.--Military Strength of the Country.--Revenues and
Resources.--Foreign Policy.--General Character of the
Government.--Its probable Termination 279-298
CHAP. II.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF EVENTS IN AFGHANISTAN, SINCE THE YEAR 1809.
Introductory Remarks.--Shah Shooja deposed.--Elevation of
his Brother Mahmood.--Capture of Cashmere.--League with the
Seiks.--Loss of Attok.--Rupture with them.--Battle with the
Persians.--Seizure of the Vizier.--His cruel Death.--Fall
of Mahmood.--Recall of Shooja.--High-mindedness of his
Queen.--Shooja’s Escape.--Elevation of his Brother Eyoob.--Loss
of Cashmere.--Great Progress of the Seiks.--Total Dismemberment
of the Cabool Monarchy 299-318
CHAP. III.
CHIEFSHIP OF PESHAWUR.
Extent of it.--Military and political Strength.--Political
Relations.--Its Chief: his Government.--Productions.--Feasible
Improvements.--Its Minerals.--Coal, &c.--Great Value of the
Article 319-328
CHAP. IV.
CHIEFSHIP OF CABOOL.
Its Boundaries.--Character of Dost Mahommed Khan.--His
Relations.--Cabool: its Supplies 329-336
CHAP. V.
ON THE AFFAIRS OF WESTERN AFGHANISTAN.
Chiefs of Candahar and Herat.--Their Government 337-340
CHAP. VI.
SUMMARY ON THE AFFAIRS OF CABOOL.
Remarks on the Overthrow of the Dynasty.--Improbabilities of its
Restoration.--Relative Power of Cabool and Persia 341-345
CHAP. VII.
ON THE POWER OF KOONDOOZ.
Extent of the Chiefship.--History of its Chief, Moorad Beg: his
Policy and Power.--Revenues and Administration.--His Character 346-354
CHAP. VIII.
SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF BOKHARA.
Early History.--From the Age of Jengis Khan to that of the
Uzbeks.--Reign of Nadir Shah.--King Hyder and the present Ruler 355-361
CHAP. IX.
ON THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY POWER OF BOKHARA.
Importance of the Kingdom.--Power and Character of
the King,--Koosh Begee, or Vizier.--Supremacy of the
Church.--Administration.--Police.--Revenues.--Military Force and
Spirit of the Uzbeks.--Detail of the Troops.--Foreign Policy of
Bokhara: with China--Cabool--Persia--Turkey.--Connexion with
Russia 362-381
CHAP. X.
ON THE STATE OF KHIVA, OR ORGUNJE.
Limits.--Khiva: its Rise--Power and military
Strength.--Predatory Habits of the Khivans.--Affairs of Khiva
and Russia 382-388
CHAP. XI.
ON THE N.E. FRONTIERS OF PERSIA.--THE KOORDS AND TOORKMUNS.
Power of Persia over these Tribes.--Koord and other
Chiefs.--Weakness of the Persian Frontier 389-393
BOOK III.
ON THE COMMERCE OF CENTRAL ASIA.
CHAPTER I.
ON THE COMMERCIAL RELATIONS OF THE PUNJAB, AND THE ADVANTAGES OF
OPENING THE INDUS.
Favourable Position of the Punjab for Trade.--Extent and
Variety of its Productions--Shawls of Cashmere.--Extent of the
Manufacture.--Silks.--Cottons.--Minerals.--Vegetables.--
Advantages of opening the Indus to the Punjab Trade.--Effects
of it on the Towns of the Indus.--Articles brought into Demand
by it.--Cotton.--Chintses.--Jewellery, Cutlery, &c.--Depôt for
a Water Commerce.--Political Condition of the Country 395-412
CHAP. II.
ON THE COMMERCE OF CABOOL.
Routes from India on Cabool.--Carriers of the Trade.--
Imports.--Disposition of the Cabool Chiefs towards their
Extension.--Remarks 413-421
CHAP. III.
ON THE COMMERCE AND FOREIGN COMMUNICATIONS OF BOKHARA AND
CENTRAL ASIA.
Progress of Commerce between Europe and Asia.--Success of the
Russians.--British Indian Trade.--Alteration of the Routes of
Commerce.--Negotiations of Russia.--Exports from India and
Russia to Bokhara.--Prices of Merchandize.--Chintses.--White
Goods.--Broad Cloth.--Velvets.--Nankeens. Cochineal.--Indian
Goods.--Muslins.--Shawls.--Indigo.--Sugar.--Trade with China.--
Exports of Bokhara.--Silk.--Cotton.--Wool.--Skins.--Duties on
Trade.--Abuses in the British Custom House.--General
Review.--Russian and British Trade compared.--Opening for
British Exports 422-444
CHAP. IV.
NOTICE ON THE TRADE OF PERSIA.
State of Commerce in Persia.--Routes, and their relative
Advantages.--Description of Goods.--Hints for improving the
Trade.--Singular Instance of commercial Enterprise related 445-454
* * * * *
Observations on Lieutenant Burnes’s Collection of Bactrian and
other Coins, by Mr. H. H. Wilson, Sanscrit Professor at Oxford;
and Mr. James Prinsep, F.R.S., Secretary of the Asiatic Society
of Bengal 457
NARRATIVE.
CHAPTER XII.
JOURNEY IN THE DESERT OF THE TOORKMUNS.
~Journey to the Oxus.~
~Sand hills.~
At midday, on the 16th of August, we commenced our march on the Oxus,
which was about twenty-seven miles distant. After journeying for ten
miles, we halted in the evening at a small village, and set out at
midnight for the river, under a bright moon. For a great part of the
night our route led us among vast fields of soft sand, formed into
ridges which exactly resembled, in colour and appearance, those on the
verge of the ocean. The belt of these sand-hills, which lie between
Bokhara and the Oxus, varies in breadth from twelve to fifteen miles.
They were utterly destitute of vegetation. There was a remarkable
uniformity in their formation; the whole of them preserved the shape
and form of a horse-shoe, the outer rim presenting itself to the north,
the direction from which the winds of this country blow. On this side
the mounds sloped, while the interior of the figure was invariably
precipitous; but loose sand will ever take its position from the
prevailing winds. None of the hills exceeded the height of fifteen or
twenty feet, and they all rested on a hard base. The wind was high,
and the particles of sand moved from one mound to another, wheeling
in the eddy or interior of the semicircle, and having now and then,
particularly under the rays of the sun, much the look of water; an
appearance, I imagine, which has given rise to the opinion of moving
sands in a desert. The thermometer, which had risen to 100°, fell at
night to 70° among the sand-hills; and I have always observed that the
vicissitudes of cold and heat are greatest among sand. About an hour
after the sun had risen, we exchanged this dreary route for verdant
fields, irrigated by the Oxus; and, after winding among them for about
four miles, encamped on the verge of the river, where we hid ourselves
from the sun’s rays under the panniers of our camels.
~Freezing of the Oxus.~
We had come down upon the Oxus at Betik, which is opposite to
Charjooee, and one of the greatest ferries between Persia and
Toorkistan. There was, therefore, every facility for crossing, and the
beasts and baggage were thrown into boats, and soon transported to
the opposite bank. The farmer of the customs killed his sheep, and
invited most of the merchants to partake of his fare. He enquired very
particularly regarding us, and requested a sight of our passport. He
then waited on us in person with a couple of melons and some cakes,
which we sat down and enjoyed along with him and his party on the
banks of the river, and, I believe, mutually amused each other. This
individual mentioned, in the course of conversation, that the Oxus had
been last year frozen over from shore to shore, and that the caravans
passed it on the ice. This is rather an unfrequent occurrence, and gave
rise to a grave point of discussion and decision for the Mahommedan
doctors. The farmer had agreed to pay 100 tillas a month, as the rent
of his ferry; but since the river was passable on the ice, his boats
were useless, and he lost by the farm. He proceeded to Bokhara, and
urged his case to the king, requesting at the same time his royal
sanction to levy a tax on the travellers. “That is impossible,” said
his majesty and his advisers, “unless the farmer consents to become
answerable for the blood-money of any person who may fall through the
ice and perish.” The learned reply of the king is applauded for its
wisdom, and met with the approbation of every person but the farmer
himself, who had to pay the full amount of his contract. I will
observe, first, that, as the contractor is not answerable for the
lives of passengers in his boat, he could not be answerable for them
on the ice. Secondly, that, since he contracted with the king for the
twelve months, he should either have been relieved from payment during
the time of the freezing of the river, or, at all events, allowed
to levy a toll on the passengers. The law, however, is fruitful of
interpretation in every country; and the King of Bokhara, while he
protected his treasury from loss, had likewise the credit of appearing
solicitous about the lives of the faithful.
~Meanness of native traders.~
As we were preparing to embark, I had an example of the meanness of
native traders, of which I have had before and since many concurring
proofs. Our boat had no horses to drag it across, and it was proposed
that we should hire them; to which I gave a ready assent, saying, that
we should be happy to contribute our share of the expense. The reply
was unsatisfactory, since they wished we should bear it all; but this
was peremptorily refused, and we embarked without the horses, though
the share of each person would not have amounted to a quarter of a
rupee, and one of the merchants possessed goods that were valued at
3000 tillas. From terror, they were not so sparing of the name of
the Deity, while on the water, as, on land, they had been of their
money; but these invocations cost them nothing, and the horses would
have reduced their profits. The merchants of this country have none
of the liberal notions of the same class of people in Europe; and I
am disposed to attribute it to their superintending in person the
sale of their goods, and witnessing every outlay which is incurred on
their account. We crossed the Oxus in safety, without horses; and I
did not regret the opportunity that had presented itself; to show our
fellow-voyagers that we were as poor in our purses as in our dress and
condition. One individual, a Persian, actually sickened at the thought
of crossing the Jihoon without horses, and transferred himself to
another boat with oars, where he gave the sailors the bribe of a rupee
to row him speedily across. He arrived, with a pale face, to receive
our congratulations on his _bravery_; but this individual turned out,
in the end, one of our best friends.
~The Oxus.~
We found the stream of the Oxus with a breadth of 650 yards, and in
some places 25 and 29 feet deep; so that it was both narrower and
deeper than at the point at which we had before crossed it. Its banks
were much depressed, and completely overgrown with a rank weed, which
chokes the aqueducts. Some fish of an enormous size, weighing from
five to six hundred pounds, are procured in this river, a kind of
dog-fish, which are used as food by the Uzbeks. Across the Oxus, we
found ourselves about six miles distant from the town of Charjooee,
which was in sight. For the first time, this noble river was turned to
the purposes of navigation, since there is a commercial communication
kept up, by means of it, between that place and Orgunje.
~Oxus of Alexander’s historians.~
The Oxus is particularly mentioned under that name by the historians of
Alexander, though it appears to have been ever unknown by such a title
to the Asiatics, who call it Jihoon and Amoo. We learn from the ancient
authors, that Alexander approached this river from Bactra, or Balkh,
by a country “which exhaled the power of a summer sun, and torrefied
the sands.” The distance between Bactra and the river is even correctly
stated at 400 stadia, and we have no fables regarding the breadth of
the river. Arrian, who follows Aristobulus, tells us that the Oxus was
six furlongs broad, and in that part of its course we have described it
with a magnitude of 828 yards. The very topography of the river’s bank
may, I almost think, be traced in Curtius; for there are low and peaked
hillocks near that pass of the Oxus; and we are told that Alexander
caused fires to be lit on the high ground, “that the distressed in the
rear might perceive they were not far from camp.” There are no hillocks
below Kilef. Curtius tells us that the Oxus was a muddy river, that
bore much slime along with it; and I found that one fortieth of the
stream is clay suspended in the water. What an approximation to the
name of Maricanda in the modern city of Samarcand. It is described as
being seventy stadia in circumference; and we have seen that modern
Bokhara exceeds eight English miles, or about sixty-four of the Grecian
stadia. What an outline have we not of the character of these nations
in remote ages. “They exercised robbery, and lived by spoil.” These are
the literal words of the historian; and they explain to us the genuine
manners of the people, be they Hun, Scythian, Goth, Tatar, Toork, or
Toorkmun. Lower down the river, we have the name of the country ruled
by Pharsamanes, which is called Chorasmi, and in which the kingdom of
Kharasm, subverted by Jengis, is easily recognised. Higher up, we have
a description of Parætacæ, which was a mountainous region, as we learn
from the mention of fir trees, and the formidable “rock of Chorienes.”
This is the hill country of Karatageen, as we discover from the
similarity of its name and position. In Zeriaspes, we have, I think,
Shuhr Subz; and I could continue to multiply the coincidences, but I
doubt if the subject would excite general interest.
~Charjooee:~
~its bazar.~
In the morning we moved up to Charjooee, which in all our maps is
erroneously set down on the northern bank of the Oxus. The place is
governed by a Kalmuk, and is pleasantly situated on the verge of
culture and desolation, with a pretty fort that crowns a hillock, and
overlooks the town. It is said to have resisted the arms of Timour;
but its present condition would not impress one with any great
notions of its strength, or that conqueror’s power. The people of
Charjooee do not exceed 4000 or 5000 souls; but a great portion of
its population wander up and down the Oxus during the hot months. We
halted here for four days, since it was the last inhabited spot of
civilisation between Bokhara and Persia. The market day, or bazar,
occurred during our stay; and I proceeded along with Ernuzzar, the
Toorkmun, to see the assemblage, in which I passed quite unnoticed.
I sauntered through the bazar, much more amused with the people than
the wares they were selling, which were in every respect poor. There
were knives, saddles and bridles, cloth, and horsecloths, of native
manufacture: but the only articles of European fabric were a few beads,
and chintz scullcaps, which latter were purchased very readily. There
were also lanterns, ewers, and copper pots, in considerable number;
and the venders of many of these retailed their goods _on horseback_,
and all the purchasers were mounted. No person ever attends the bazar
in Toorkistan but on horseback; and on the present occasion there was
not a female to be seen, veiled or unveiled. Most of the people were
Toorkmuns of the Oxus, dressed in high sheepskin caps, like the natives
of Orgunje. There were about 2000 or 3000 people in the bazar; but
there was very little bustle and confusion, though there was much both
of buying and selling. The custom of having market days is uncommon in
India and Cabool, but of universal use in Toorkistan: it perhaps gives
a stimulus to trade, and is most convenient; since all the people of
the country, for miles round, assemble on the occasion. Every person
seems to think it incumbent upon him to be present. The different
articles are arranged in separate parts of the bazar, with as much
regularity as in Bokhara itself: here you may buy grain, there fruit:
here is meat, there is cloth, &c. The streets are so narrow, that the
bazar is generally held at one end of the country towns; and such
was the case at Charjooee: so that fruit, grain, or any thing which
requires to be displayed, is spread out on the ground. The bazar lasts
from eleven to four o’clock, which is the hottest time of the day.
~The desert.~
The wants of all had been supplied during our stay at Charjooee;
every one was ready to move, and every skin, pot, and pitcher was
filled to the brim, from the canals of the Oxus. At noon on the 22d we
commenced our march, and, before we had travelled a distance of two
miles, entered upon the great desert which separates the kingdoms of
Iran and Tooran. The mode of travelling in Toorkistan is to start at
midday, and march till sunset; and, after a couple of hours’ rest and
the indispensable cup of tea, to resume the task, and advance to the
stage, which is usually reached at daylight. We made the usual evening
halt, and then travelled till sunrise, when we reached Karoul, a well
of brackish water, thirty feet under ground, and lined with branches
of trees, at which we halted, a distance of twenty-two miles from
Charjooee. The whole tract presented to our view was a dreary waste of
sand-hills, but by no means so destitute of vegetation and underwood as
on the northern bank of the Oxus. They, however, occurred in the same
succession and formation as have been there described: they were quite
soft, but the sand was not dusty, and the camels slid down them with
their burthens. Here and there we came upon a sheet of indurated clay,
as if the sand-hills here also rested on a base of that kind. In these
hollows, and on the brow of the hills, we found a shrub like tamarisk,
called “kasura,” also a kind of grass, or _bent_, called “salun.” There
were likewise two thorny shrubs, called “kuzzak” and “karaghan”[1],
neither of them the common camel thorn, but on which the camels
delighted to browse. There was no water throughout the whole march,
and no signs of inhabitants but a ruined fort, that had once served as
a look-out from the Oxus. The Indian deserts of Jaysulmeer and Parkur
sank into insignificance before this vast ocean of sand. No sight is
more imposing than a desert; and the eye rests with a deep interest on
the long line of camels, as it winds its crooked course through the
frightful waste. The simile of a ship in the ocean and a camel in the
desert may be hackneyed, but it is just. The objects animate impart a
strong interest to inanimate nature.
~Slaves.~
In the middle of our march through the desert, we met seven unfortunate
Persians, who had been captured by the Toorkmuns, and were now on
their road to Bokhara, where they would be sold. Five of them were
chained together, and trod their way through the deep sand. There was
a general shout of compassion, as the caravan passed these miserable
beings; and the sympathy did not fail to affect the poor creatures
themselves. They cried, and gave a longing look, as the last camel of
the caravan passed to their dear native country. The camel on which I
rode happened to be in the rear, and I stayed to hear their tale of
woe. They had been seized by the Toorkmuns at Ghaeen, near Meshid, a
few weeks before, when the culture of their fields had led them beyond
the threshold of their homes. They were weary and thirsty, and I gave
them all I could,--a single melon; a civility, little as it was, which
was received with gratitude. What a frightful notion must not these
unfortunate beings have entertained of the country they were entering,
after their travels in such a desert. The Toorkmuns evince but little
compassion for their Persian slaves; and what other treatment is to be
expected from men who pass their lives in selling human beings. They
give them but a scanty supply of food and water, that they may waste
their strength, and prevent their escape; but beyond this the Toorkmun
inflicts no other ills. The tales which have been circulated of their
cutting the sinew of the heel, and of their passing a cord round the
collar bone, are at variance with truth, since these blemishes would
diminish the value of the slave. These unfortunate captives suffer a
much heavier calamity,--they lose their liberty.
~The caravan.~
As we reached our halting-ground in the morning, we had now an
opportunity of observing the number and composition of the caravan.
There were upwards of eighty camels, and about 150 persons, several of
them men of the first respectability, who accompanied their merchandise
to the markets of Persia. Some travelled in panniers placed on camels;
others rode, some on horses, many on donkeys; but every person, even
the meanest, had some kind of conveyance. The horsemen preceded the
camels; and, stretching themselves out on the sand with their bridles
in their grasp, stole a few moments’ sleep, till the caravan overtook
them. The scene was altogether curious and novel. Among the party there
were eight or ten Persians, who had passed many years of slavery in
Toorkistan, and, after purchasing their liberty, were now returning by
stealth to their homes. These people were delighted with our enquiries;
and, in the journey, many of them became attached to us. They would
bring melons for us; kill a sheep; draw water; and were always at
hand. Some of them had been no less than three times captured, and
as often had they redeemed themselves; for the Uzbeks are readily
imposed upon and cheated by their slaves, who make money in service.
I conversed with several of them; and it was equally painful to hear
their past sufferings and present anxiety. Their influential countrymen
in the caravan had put several of them in charge of a portion of their
merchandise, that they might be the less noticed, and considered rather
as traders than emancipated slaves; for a Persian merchant in a caravan
is generally safe. In spite of all this arrangement, some hard-hearted
wretches had told tales on the banks of the Oxus: one individual had
been forced to return to Bokhara; and some of the others had crossed
with difficulty. One single hint to the people of Orgunje would, in
all probability, yet arrest their further progress; but every one had
been well tutored. What must be the feelings of some of these men as
they approach Persia. One of them told me that he had had a wife and
a numerous family when sold into captivity, twenty-two years before;
of whom he had not heard any account since that period. If any of them
are alive, the parent will show himself among them as an apparition
from the tomb. Another of these unfortunate individuals had a tale
which was not less touching. He had been seized along with his family,
and, indeed, all the inhabitants of his village, near Toorshish; and
delivered up, by one of the Khorasan chiefs, to the Toorkmuns, who
drove, on this occasion, upwards of a hundred people to Bokhara.
At Maimunu, which is on the road, they were disposed of to other
Toorkmuns, and at Bokhara finally sold. There this unfortunate man saw
his wife sold to one, his daughter and son to others, and himself to a
different person. A humane man, hearing of his misfortunes, released
him, since he believed it good in the sight of God; and the poor fellow
lurked in Bokhara, like a bird near its nest that is robbed, in hopes
of relieving the other members of his family. He had failed, and was
now travelling into his own country, to excite the compassion and pity
of those who had known him in his prosperity. It would harrow up a
man’s heart, to listen to all the tales of the woe which is inflicted
upon mankind by these plundering Toorkmuns.
~Well of Balghooee.~
In marching from Karoul, we quitted the high road of the caravans,
which leads to Merve, and proceeded westward into the desert, by a way
that is altogether unfrequented. We had no option in the selection of
such a route, since the officer who commands the Orgunje army sent a
messenger to direct our march upon his camp. We were thus thrown into
the jaws of the lion, but were helpless; and the merchants appeared to
regret it more than ourselves. After the usual halt, we reached the
well of Balghooee twenty-four miles distant, on the morning of the 23d.
It was a small and single well, about four feet in diameter, as deep
as that at Karoul; and the Toorkmuns only discovered it after a zigzag
search of some hours. We soon emptied it (for the water was good), and
had to wait a night till it again filled.
~The desert.~
In this march the desert was overgrown with brushwood, but the tract
was entirely destitute of water; and a few rats, lizards, and beetles,
with here and there a solitary bird, were its only inhabitants. Some
of the sand-hills now attained the height of sixty feet: but at that
elevation they are invariably bare of all vegetation; which, I suppose,
cannot thrive in such an exposed situation. The highest hills were
about a distance of eight miles from the halting-place, and named
“sheer i shootr,” or “the camel’s milk,” from some allusion to that
useful animal. There was nothing peculiar in the colour of the sand,
which was quartzose. There was no turf, grass, or creeping plants;
every shrub grew separately; and the grass, which I before mentioned,
was only to be found in clumps. The heat of the sand rose to 150°: and
that of the atmosphere exceeded 100°, but the wind blew steadily; nor
do I believe it would be possible to traverse this tract in summer,
if it ceased to blow: the steady manner in which it comes from one
direction is remarkable in this inland country. It is true, that in
every direction except the north we have mountains, but they are too
distant to impede the winds. Our caravan advanced at a firm and equal
pace among the sand; nor can I discover that the progress of a camel
is much impeded in the desert. They moved at the rate of two miles
and one eighth in the hour (3740 yards); and I have since found, that
the judicious Volney assigns the distance of 3600 yards as the hourly
journey of a camel in the sands of Egypt and Syria.
~Dangers of the desert.~
We had before heard of the deserts south of the Oxus; and had now the
means of forming a judgment from personal observation. We saw the
skeletons of camels and horses now bleaching in the sun, which had
perished from thirst. The nature of the roads or pathways admits of
their easy obliteration; and, if the beaten track be once forsaken, the
traveller and his jaded animal generally perish. A circumstance of this
very nature occurred but a few days previous to our leaving Charjooee.
A party of three persons travelling from the Orgunje camp lost the
road, and their supply of water failed them. Two of their horses sank
under the parching thirst; and the unfortunate men opened the vein of
their surviving camel, sucked its blood, and reached Charjooee from
the nourishment which they thus derived. The camel died. These are
facts of frequent occurrence. The Khan of Orgunje, in his late march
into the desert, lost upwards of two thousand camels, that had been
loaded with water and provisions for his men. He dug his wells as he
advanced; but the supply of water was scanty. Camels are very patient
under thirst: it is a vulgar error, however, to believe that they can
live any length of time without water. They generally pine, and die on
the fourth day, and, under great heat, will even sink sooner.
~Seerab.~
~Camel’s milk.~
After a day’s detention to rest the camels, we marched at sunrise, and
continued our progress, with a short halt, till the same time next day.
We journied thirty-five miles, and alighted at a fetid well called
Seerab; and from well to well we had no water. We appeared to have
lost the great sand hills in our advance westward. The desert, though
it had the same features as before, now presented an undulating and
uneven country of sand, partially covered with shrubs. The soil was
salt in some places; but the water of the well was good enough after it
was some time drawn. Our Toorkmun Sirdar made his appearance shortly
after our arrival, to claim his cup of tea; and never was a schoolboy
more fond of sugar than this hoary-headed Toorkmun. I used to give it
to him to have the pleasure of seeing him grind it, though some of
the merchants wondered at our wasting it on such a person. I always
felt the happier in the company of this man, for I looked upon him as
the only bond between us and the barbarians we were to encounter. He
used also to tell us the news of the caravan, and all the particulars
of the country, which he even knew that we noted down. Ernuzzer did
not deceive us, and the tea and the sugar which he consumed, were but
a small tax for his service. In return for these favours, he promised
to give me a _bonne bouche_, when we reached the first camp of the
Toorkmuns; and when I expected nothing else than “kimmiz” or “boozu,”
mare’s milk or fermented liquor, he brought me camel’s milk, which is
the only drink of the Toorkmuns. The milk is mixed with water, and the
cream is then drawn off. It is called “chal,” and has a salt, bitter
taste. The thinner part of the milk is considered a grateful draught
by the people, but to me it tasted sour and acrid. I believed that the
Uzbeks and Toorkmuns drank mare’s milk and fermented liquors; but these
are unknown in Bokhara, and only peculiar to the Kuzzaks and Kirgizzes,
between that city and Russia.
~An Eastern caravan.~
A caravan is a complete republic; but I do not believe that most
republics are so orderly. Of our eighty camels every three or four
belonged to different individuals; and there were four Cafila-bashees.
Still there was no disputing about the arrangement or order of the
march; and it is a point of honour, that the one shall at all times
wait for the other. If a single camel throws its load, the whole line
halts till it is replaced; and one feels pleased at such universal
sympathy. These feelings make it agreeable to travel in a caravan,
for the detentions are much fewer than would really be imagined. The
more I mingled with Asiatics in their own sphere, and judged them by
their own standard, I imbibed more favourable impressions regarding
them. One does not see in civilised Europe that generous feeling,
which induces the natives of Asia, great and small, to share with each
other every mouthful that they possess. Among Mahommedans we have no
distinction of gentleman and villain,--at least, so far as hospitality
is concerned. The khan fares as simply as the peasant; and never offers
to raise a morsel to his lips till he has shared it with those near
him. I myself frequently have been partaker of this bounty from rich
and poor, for nothing is enjoyed without society. How different is
the feeling that besets the sots of lower society in Britain! Nor is
this good fellowship among the Asiatics confined to the travelled
merchant: it is to be found in the towns as well as the country. It
is a pity that civilisation, with all its advantages, does not retain
for us these virtues. Barbarians are hospitable, civilised men are
polite; but hospitality added to politeness makes it more acceptable.
A caravan is an interesting scene at all times; and the shifts of the
pious to prevent its detention in the Toorkmun desert were not unworthy
of notice. The line was too extended to sound a general halt for
prayers; and at the appointed time, each individual was to be seen on
the back of his camel or in his pannier, performing his orisons before
the Deity, in the best manner which he could accomplish them. The laws
of the Prophet admit of a true believer being cleansed by sand, where
there is no water; and the back of a horse or a camel is as legitimate
a position for prayer, as the most splendid mosque of a city. The busy
scene on our reaching the halting-ground in the evening, was both
lively and entertaining. The Uzbeks, like ourselves, do not water their
horses when they are warm: in this journey, we had no sooner arrived
than we again took our departure, the horses were therefore permitted
to quench their thirst; and to prevent any evil effects from the water,
the animal was immediately mounted and galloped at speed over hill and
dale, for miles. This brought the water, as the Uzbeks would tell you,
to the heated temperature of the animal’s body. The easy carriage of
some of the cavaliers, and the light saddles which they rode,--some of
them little larger than racing saddles,--imparted an interest to these
scampering freaks which was most exciting.
~Oochghooee and the wandering Toorkmuns.~
Our next march brought us at midnight to Oochghooee, or the Three
Wells, which we had great difficulty in finding. We wandered to the
right and to the left, and the Toorkmuns dismounted in the dark, and
felt for the pathway with their hands among the sand. We had almost
despaired of recovering it, and were preparing for our bivouac, when
the bark of a dog, and a distant answer to our repeated calls dispelled
our anxiety, and we were soon encamped at the well. We here found a few
wandering Toorkmuns, the first we had seen since leaving the Oxus. The
well was bitter; but these shepherds seem indifferent to the quality
of the water. The country continued to change still further as we
advanced, becoming more flat and free from sand, but still running in
alternate ridges and hollows. In these we discovered some small red
sharp-edged pebbles, not unlike iron pyrites; nor did the wells which
were dug in them, yet exceed the depth of thirty feet: in the Indian
desert they are 300. The Toorkmuns rallied round us next morning, and
we had the freest intercourse with them; for they were quite ignorant
of our character, and the presence of one of their own tribe, our
Toorkmun Ernuzzer, proved a sufficient attraction to these “children
of the desert.” They spoke of the piercing cold of the winters in
this country; and assured us that the snow sometimes lay a foot deep.
We ourselves had experienced a depression of ten degrees in the
temperature since leaving the Oxus.
~Ruins of castles. Moorghab.~
We were now informed that we were approaching the camp of the Khan of
Orgunje, which, it appears, was on the banks of the Moorghab, or Merve
river, considerably below the place of that name, and about thirty
miles distant from us. We set out at noon, and by the time the sun
had set, found ourselves among the ruins of forts and villages, now
deserted, which rose in castellated groups over an extensive plain. I
have observed that we had been gradually emerging from the sand-hills;
and these marks of human industry, which we had now approached, were
the ancient remnants of civilisation of the famous kingdom of Merve,
or, as our historians have erroneously called it, Meroo. Before we
had approached them, we had not wanted signs of our being delivered
from the ocean of sand, since several flocks of birds had passed
over us. As the mariner is assured by such indications that he nears
land, we had the satisfaction of knowing that we were approaching the
water, after a journey of 150 miles through a sterile waste, where we
had suffered considerable inconvenience from the want of it. We were
not yet within the pale of habitations; but after a cool and pleasant
march, over a perfectly flat and hard plain, every where interspersed
with forts and ruins, we found ourselves, about nine in the following
morning, at a large Toorkmun camp, (or, as it is called, an Oba,) near
the banks of the Moorghab. The name of the place was Khwaju Abdoolla,
and the whole colony sallied forth to meet the caravan. We took up a
position on a hillock about two or three hundred yards distant; and the
merchants instructed us to huddle together among themselves, and appear
lowly and humble. We did so, and the Toorkmuns of the encampment soon
crowded around us, begging for tobacco, for which they brought loads of
the most luscious melons, that we cut up, and enjoyed in the company of
camel drivers and slaves, braving the sun, though I cannot say to the
detriment of our already sun-burned complexions. It now was discovered
that the Orgunje camp lay on the other side of the river, which was not
fordable but in certain places; and the merchants decided that they
themselves, with all the Cafila-bashees, should forthwith proceed in
person to the spot, and use their utmost to conciliate the officer in
charge, for the Khan had returned within these few days to Khiva. Their
great object seemed to be to effect a discharge of the duties in the
spot where they were now encamped, since no one relished trusting their
property within reach of an Orgunje detachment. If the party prayed for
success, I can add that we were equally fervent, and the deputation
set out accordingly with the good wishes of every one. We were left
among the “oi polloi” of the caravan; and when night came, stretched
our felts under a clear and cloudless sky, and slept without fear or
anxiety from our man-selling neighbours. This state of security among
such people and countries is very remarkable; but a Toorkmun, though he
can engage in a foray, and execute it with unexampled address, cannot
commit a theft in a quiet way, which is not congenial to his nature.
~Remarks on the desert.~
I have now a little leisure to speak of the desert which we had
traversed on our route to the Moorghab. In a military point of view,
the scarcity of water is a great obstacle. In some places the wells
were thirty-six miles apart; and, generally, the water was both bitter
and scanty. The water which we had transported with us from the Oxus
was not less nauseous than that of the desert; for it must be carried
in skins, and these must be oiled to preserve them from bursting.
The grease mixes with the water, which latterly became so tainted
that the horses even refused to drink it. There is nothing of which
we feel the want so much as good water. In the march, several people
of the caravan, particularly the camel-drivers, were attacked with
inflammation of the eyes; I suppose, from the sand, glare, and dust.
With such an enumeration of petty vexations and physical obstacles, it
is dubious if an army could cross it at this point. The heavy sandy
pathways, for there are no roads, might certainly be rendered passable
to guns, by placing brushwood on the sand; but there is a great
scarcity of grass for cattle, and the few horses which accompanied the
caravan, were jaded and worn out before they reached the river. A horse
which travels with a camel, has great injustice done to him; but an
army could not outstrip the motions of a caravan, and fatigues would
still fall heavily upon them. History tells us, that many armies have
fought in and crossed this desert; but they consisted of hordes of
light cavalry, that could move with rapidity. It is to be remembered,
that we had not a foot-passenger in our party. Light horse might pass
such a desert, by divisions, and separate routes; for besides the high
road to Merve, there is a road both to the east and the west. It would,
at all times, be a difficult task for a great body of men to pass from
the Moorghab to the Oxus, since our caravan, of eighty camels, emptied
the wells; and it would be easy to hide, or even fill up these scanty
reservoirs. Where water lies within thirty feet of the surface, an
energetic commander may remedy his wants, since we have an instance of
it in the advance of the Orgunje Khan to the banks of the Moorghab.
But after I have written, and, perhaps, diffusely, on the passage of
such a desert, I may ask myself, who seeks to cross it, and in the
line of what invader it lies? It is not in the route between India and
Europe; and if the descendants of the Scythians and Parthians wish to
invade and tyrannize over each other, they may do so without, perhaps,
exciting even the notice of the “fierce Britons.”
~A Toorkmun camp.~
The Toorkmun camp, or “oba,” at which we halted, presented to us a
scene of great novelty. It consisted of about 150 conical moveable
huts, called “khirgahs,” which were perched on a rising ground. There
was no order in the distribution, and they stood like so many gigantic
beehives, which, if they had not had black roofs, might not be a bad
comparison; and we might also take the children as the bees, for they
were very numerous. I wondered at the collection of so many rising
plunderers. Seeing the Toorkmuns in a body, it may be certainly
distinguished, that they have something Tatar in their appearance;
their eyes are small, and the eyelids appear swollen. They are a
handsome race of people. All of them were dressed in the “tilpak,” a
square or conical black cap of sheep-skin, about a foot high, which is
far more becoming than a turban, and gives to a party of Toorkmuns the
appearance of a soldierlike and disciplined body. The Toorkmuns are
remarkably fond of bright-coloured clothes, and choose the lightest
shades of red, green, and yellow, as the patterns of their flowing
“chupkuns,” or pelisses. They sauntered about their encampment in a
great state of listlessness; and what have they to do but to live on
the proceeds of their last foray? They have but few fields, and one or
two individuals may tend their countless flocks at pasture. Their dogs,
indeed, perform this office for them. These animals are very docile,
but ferocious to a stranger: they are shaggy, appearing to be of the
mastiff breed, and bear a high price even among these people. The
martial habits of the Toorkmuns appeared in my eyes the more striking,
as they had cleared the circle of their encampment of brushwood for
about a mile round. It had, I believe, been cut for firewood; but the
resemblance to an esplanade, or a parade ground, was none the less on
that account. In my notice of the Toorkmuns, I must not now forget the
ladies, whose head-dress would do honour to the galaxy of an English
ball-room. It consists of a lofty white turban, shaped like a military
chako, but higher, over which a red or white scarf is thrown, that
falls down to the waist. Some of these Toorkmun females were fair and
handsome, adorning themselves with a variety of ornaments, that were
attached to their hair, which hangs in tresses over their shoulders.
Their head-dress is, perhaps, a little large, but they themselves are
generally on a large scale, and as they never veil it becomes them. The
other part of their costume is a long gown that reaches to the ancle,
and hides both it and the waist, the very standard points of beauty in
our country; but so it is, that nations remote from each other differ
not more in language and laws than in taste and manners.
~Orgunje officers.~
The party which had proceeded to the Orgunje camp, returned next
morning with the deputy of the Yooz-bashee, or the Commander of an
Hundred, and his very appearance made the hearts of the merchants
thrill with fear. No taxes had been collected before this, and every
thing was uncertain. The deputy was an elderly man, with a large
“tilpak” stuck on his head, like a regimental cap. He was accompanied
by a party of desert Toorkmuns, among whom was a chief, or “aksukal,”
(literally, a white beard,) of the great tribe of Saruk. The merchants
seated the deputation in the place of honour, addressed the deputy as
he had been the Yooz-bashee himself, refreshed him with tea and tobacco
(for they now smoked in public), and presented him with silks, cloths,
raisins, and sugar, and then proceeded to display their merchandize.
Every person made an offering, and we sent two handfuls of raisins
and a bit of sugar as our homage. We sat at a short distance in our
panniers, and witnessed the whole scene. The Yooz-bashee, as I also
must call him, now spoke out to all the members of the caravan, and in
the most candid language, said, that he had been directed to levy the
lawful tax of one in forty, but that he would dispense with opening
the bales. Truth, said he, had better be told; for, if I have reason
to doubt any of you, I will then examine them, and you will experience
the wrath of the Khan of Orgunje, my lord and master. This speech was
listened to with terror; some, I believe, actually said that they had
more goods than they really possessed; and, as far as I could judge,
no one deviated from the truth. Pen and ink were called for, and the
congress proceeded to make a list of the merchandize, which was no easy
matter.
~Precarious situation.~
While the merchants were disputing about tillas, and flattering the
Yooz-bashee, we had taken up a quiet position, and even pretended
to be wrapped in sleep. I never was more awake in my life, and
was near enough to hear and see every thing. There were several
questions put regarding us, and the principal merchants spoke with
earnestness and kindness. We had never instructed them, but they
now chose to denominate us Hindoos from Cabool, who were proceeding
on a pilgrimage to the flames of Bakoo, on the Caspian. We had been
successively Englishmen, Afghans, Uzbeks, Armenians, and Jews, and
they now denominated us Hindoos. These people are very simple; nor
do they ever interrogate closely. Shortly after the subject of our
character and objects had been discussed, the Toorkmun Aksukal rose
from the party, and most unwelcomely seated himself by us. “Aksukal,”
as I have said, means white beard, though this personage had a black
enough plumage to his chin: he wore a splendid scarlet pelisse, and
never did our national uniform appear to me more formidable than on
his person; for he might have proved himself “a very Tartar” under
his British colours. He spoke a little Persian, and said, “You are
from Cabool?” to which I gave a nod of assent. The Doctor stretched
himself back in his panier, and our visitor addressed himself to an
Afghan, one of our people, of which I was glad, since it would keep up
the illusion. It is said that the natives of Orgunje are, of all the
tribes in Toorkistan, most hostile to Europeans, as well from their
vicinity to Russia, as their knowledge that the Persians, who threaten
their country, are assisted by them. They of course know nothing of
the different nations of Europe, and look upon all Europeans as their
enemies. I was not sorry when the Toorkmun chief selected another
group, and that this patriarchal “white beard” had made no discovery,
even after seeing us, and entering into conversation. The whole scene
appeared to me a perfect riddle, for we ourselves had mixed with the
Toorkmuns of our party as Europeans; and our real character was known
to every individual of the caravan. Fear may have prevented some of
them from making a full disclosure, but it was very creditable; since
I have reason to believe that the people of the Orgunje Khan would not
have willingly extended their favour towards us. We, however, had one
instance of bad feeling, in a quarter where we least of all looked for
it, at the hands of our Cafila-bashee. He required money to pay the
just taxes on goods, which he had at the outset hoped to smuggle, and
though all settlement had been made between us, and he had nearly
received the full hire of his camels, he sent in the middle of the
confusion to say, that the caravan would be detained on our account, if
we did not lend him some tillas. What a moment, and what a trial for
the temper. It was useless to complain of ungenerous treatment, and it
would have been worse to show that we felt it. I considered a couple of
tillas enough to give the wretch, though we had provided ourselves with
some three hundred of them, which I knew might befriend us, where men
are sold and bought like sheep. Evening advanced, and our transactions
with the Orgunje Yooz-bashee drew to a close. The commander of a
hundred carried off two hundred golden tillas, and all the merchants
accompanied him to his horse, and saw him beyond the limits of our
camp. Such is the dread of authority, and the power of the meanest
man who wears it. In the dusk the merchants came to visit us, and to
relate the affairs of the day over a cup of tea. We had to thank an
Uzbek, named Ullahdad, and Abdool, a Persian; but we had to make some
acknowledgment to all, for we had now become intimate with every body.
Whenever the horsemen of the caravan passed us on the road, they would
shout out to us, “Ah, Meerza! how are you?” with all the consecutive
compliments of their language. Little did many of them know, that the
name of “Meerza Sikunder,” or the secretary Alexander, which they had
given me, was so well merited; since I took every opportunity that I
secretly could to use the pen and ink, and give a secretary’s account
of all their proceedings. On this day I felt pleased with mankind, for
we were now free to prosecute our journey. The Bokharees assured me
that they were interested in our favour, from the commands of their
minister the Koosh Begee; and the Persians, of whom there were many
in the caravan, dreaded the friendship between Abbas Meerza and the
English. Individually, I did not presume to believe that either of
these great personages bestowed much care upon us, but it was pleasant
to know that such were the opinions of our companions.
CHAP. XIII.
CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNEY IN THE TOORKMUN DESERT.
~River of Merve.~
On the morning of the 29th of August we moved at dawn, with buoyant
spirits, and followed the course of the Moorghab, or river of Merve,
for twelve miles before we could cross it. We found it about eighty
yards wide and five feet deep, running within steep clayey banks, at
the rate of five miles an hour. We crossed by an indifferent ford, over
a clay bottom with many holes. There was no village; but the place is
called Uleesha. This river rises on the mountains of Huzara, and was
long believed to fall into the Oxus or the Caspian. Both opinions are
erroneous, since it forms a lake, or loses itself in one, about fifty
miles N.W. of Merve. This river was formerly dammed above Merve, which
turned the principal part of its waters to that neighbourhood, and
raised that city to the state of richness and opulence which it once
enjoyed. The dam was thrown down about forty-five years ago, by Shah
Moorad, a king of Bokhara, and the river only now irrigates the country
in its immediate vicinity, where it is covered with the tenements, or
“obas,” of the Toorkmuns; for there are no fixed villages. These people
cultivate by irrigation, and every thing grows in rich luxuriance. The
Juwaree (holcus sorghum) has a stalk thicker than a walking-stick, and
in the uncultivated parts there is the richest fodder for cattle and
the finest thorny shrubs for the camel, an animal which is here found
in vast herds. Above Merve the country is called Maroochak, and said to
be unhealthy: there is a proverb, at least, which runs thus,--“Before
God gets intelligence, the water of Maroochak has killed the man.”[2]
This river is the Epardus of Arrian, a word which, I observe in one
author, is said to mean _irrigator_,--nor is it here misapplied. The
historian would even appear to have been acquainted with its course;
for we are told that the Epardus “hides its streams in the sand, as did
many other great rivers.”[3]
~Amusements.~
The transition which we had experienced, from a sandy desert to the
verge of a running stream, was most gratifying; every one seemed
delighted, and even the animals appeared to feel the change. Throughout
the day the banks presented a spectacle of merriment and joy; the
Toorkmuns plunging into the water with their horses, and the greater
part of the caravan sporting about in the stream. We hit upon a
contrivance, which contributed not a little to our sport, and produced
a “tunga,” or the third part of a rupee, which was to be the reward
of the person who could first cross the river. The enormous sum was
solemnly vested in a committee; I believe even the blessing was said;
and sixteen competitors appeared on the occasion. It was won by a
Toorkmun of Shurukhs, who had the art of running quickest in the deep
water.
~Knights and heroines of Merve.~
We were now in the vicinity of Merve, and several members of the
caravan, on their approach to the river, declared that they had a view
of the elevated mound of its ruined castle. I sought in vain, but
the other spectators were looking for their native city, and wished,
perhaps, to persuade themselves that they beheld it. I listened to
the tales of valour which these people related to me of one Bairam
Khan and a chosen body of seven hundred, that long resisted the arms
of the Uzbeks of Bokhara, till Shah Moorad finally subdued them by a
stratagem in war, and forcibly transferred the whole population to his
capital. Nor was I less gratified to hear the patriotic tale of the
heroines of Merve, the wives and daughters of the gallant band. It is
recorded, and it is believed, that on one occasion, when the forces of
Bokhara invaded the land of Merve, during the absence of Bairam Khan
and his knights, these fair ones embodied and appeared in the field.
The Uzbeks were intimidated at the sight of troops whom they believed
they had surprised, and fled with precipitation, leaving the heroines
of Merve their virtuous victors: nor is this a solitary instance of
female triumph over man. The people of Merve, in their loss of country
and liberty, retain the same reputation for valour which characterised
their ancestors; and, to this day, when they quit the country, their
valiant partners are held in Bokhara as a pledge of their fidelity, and
may on no account cross the Oxus.
~Alarm.~
Some circumstances here came to our knowledge that called for prudence
and caution, and which appeared to excite the justest alarm. As our
party had arrived at the Orgunje camp, they found the chief in the act
of despatching a body of 350 Toorkmuns on a foray to the frontiers of
Persia. Our friends had arrived even in time to give these barbarians
the usual “fatha;” for, whatever they felt, it was impossible to appear
otherwise than pleased at their intentions. The Yooz-bashee in their
presence charged the robbers to be of good cheer, and remember the
good work on which they were to be engaged, and the golden “tillas”
to be reaped in the country of the Kuzzilbash. “Go,” exclaimed he,
“and bring the Prince Royal of Persia, Abbas Meerza himself to the
feet of the Khan Huzrut.” The Allamans mounted in a moment, and one
of the merchants, who seemed to have had his senses about him, begged
that the formidable band would spare our caravan. The Yooz-bashee
gave instructions to that effect; but they now shook their heads, and
seemed but little disposed to put the honesty of such men to a trial.
They turned over all the bearings of the case in their minds, and
looked very woful. As a member of the party, I could not help asking
for information on the _blessings_ which they had been called on
gratuitously to bestow on such a horde. “Fatha,” said a Persian, “I did
take the name of the holy Prophet, but it was that these man-selling
scoundrels might never return.” Our conductor Ernuzzer himself said,
that it was an abomination to have made such a use of the first
sentence of the Koran; so easy is it to make the ritual of a faith
correspond with the wishes. The doctor and myself, I believe, were the
only members of the caravan who would have liked to have a peep at the
ferocious Allamans; but I dare say it was fortunate that our curiosity
was not gratified. Since such a horde of plunderers was abroad, it
was decided that we should march upon Shurukhs, a large Toorkmun
settlement, and there await the result of their expedition, which the
merchants of the caravan had more desire to hear of than witness. The
party had been instructed to proceed by easy marches, as the Toorkmuns
always do in their forays, and was expected to return on the tenth day.
~Toorkmuns; their laws of plunder.~
~Training of the horses.~
On the 30th of August we retraced the greater part of yesterday’s
route, and travelled down the opposite bank of the river for about
sixteen miles, when we again halted among the Toorkmuns in their native
state, at an encampment called Kunjookoolan. We here mixed among them
without hesitation, and gathered many particulars concerning them. The
Toorkmuns are Toorks; but they differ from the Uzbeks, and are entirely
devoted to a pastoral life. There are several great tribes of the race,
all of whom claim a common origin; we had seen the Ersarees on the
Oxus, and were now mingling with the tribe of Saruk, beyond which are
the Salore. Towards the Caspian lie the Tuka, Goklan, and Yumood, all
of them great tribes, and of which I shall speak as we advance. Among
our Saruk acquaintances there was one individual who had passed his
days in making incursions into Persia, and in his odious traffic had
acquired a perfect knowledge of the language of that country, which
enabled me to learn the genuine sentiments of a Toorkmun robber. His
name was Noornyaz; and in his forays he had accompanied the largest and
smallest parties: he had, indeed, only returned with three captives,
that had been secured by the small number of six horsemen. He described
the manner of approaching Persia by slow and short stages, and that,
after reaching the frontiers, they frequently hovered for days in sight
of a fort to watch for a favourable opportunity of capture. If none
presents itself, they make a dash in upon the fields in the morning,
as the shepherds and husbandmen pursue their occupations, and bear off
with speed whoever they may seize. If hotly pursued, they relinquish
a spare horse with which every two individuals is provided, and carry
off the more valuable slave. In such a transient expedition every
thing depends on the fleetness of their horses, and the Toorkmuns
accordingly bestow the utmost care upon them. My Toorkmun acquaintance
said, that he was now preparing his horse for another foray, which
consists in exercising him most severely after a long abstinence
from food and water, which brings the animal to a matchless state of
hardihood. They do not permit them to taste green forage, but confine
them to dry food, which they believe hardens the flesh. They sweat
them till their fat entirely disappears, and of this they judge by the
quantity of water which the horse drinks, since it is very small if
his flesh has been properly reduced. The Toorkmun horse, with such a
training, far surpasses in bottom those of Europe and Arabia; but he
is a coarse-looking animal, and has neither the sleekness nor beauty
of coat which we see in India or our own country. Since the life and
fortune of the Toorkmun are identified with the goodness of his horse,
we can account for the care and attention that he bestows upon him.
The little food to which he is inured enables his rider to provide
with ease for his own wants: he carries the grain for the horse and
himself, as well as bread and flour: in his advance he sometimes buries
these in a well-known place, till he shall return from the foray; and
when the Toorkmun retreats into his native desert, he is thus supplied
with provisions, though he may have been weeks from his camp, which he
shares with the victims of his capture, whom he drags into miserable
servitude.
~Reflections.~
In the catalogue of human miseries there are few more severely felt,
and the consequences of which are more destructive to domestic
happiness, than the cruel system of man-stealing. Great as are the
miseries produced by this, the hordes who engage in it appear to
derive none of the luxuries or enjoyment of human life from such an
occupation, and live in rags and penury, seemingly without advantage
from their devastations. The terror which the Toorkmuns inspire among
the people of the neighbouring countries is fearful, nor is this
surprising, since they evince such fortitude and persevering energy in
their dangerous occupation. We cannot fail to admire their address, and
acknowledge their valour, at the time that we deplore the lot of the
unhappy country on which they display their prowess. The manners and
customs of the Toorkmuns, in the odious practices which they pursue
against their fellow man, sap the best principles of human nature,
and we consequently find this people wanting in much of the honour
which is often seen among half-civilised nations. “A Toorkmun,” the
people will tell you, “is a dog, and will only be kept quiet with
a bit of bread, like a dog: give it then, is the doctrine of the
traveller, and pass on unmolested.” They have likewise the character
of being perfidious and treacherous, nor is it altogether unmerited.
The Persians have endeavoured, but without success, to put a stop to
these reckless inroads of the Toorkmun, but he himself lives in a
desert where he is safe, and is encouraged by the ready sale which he
finds for his captives in the favoured countries that lie beyond his
own desolate region. In their expeditions into Persia, some Toorkmuns
are occasionally captured, and an exorbitant ransom has been placed
upon their heads, but yet they have been redeemed by their kinsmen. A
Toorkmun passes his life either in a foray, or in preparing for one;
and it is a disgraceful fact, that the chiefs of Khorasan have long
and unnaturally leagued with these enemies of their religion and their
country, to barter a still greater portion of unfortunate Persians into
their hands, and eternal slavery. Avarice is the most baneful of our
vices.
~Meeting of the caravan. Claims against us.~
Now that we were beyond the power of the Orgunje troops, the merchants
of the caravan assembled in conclave to bemoan the loss of their money
in a new tax, and to devise ways and means to recover it. It appeared
to the majority, that the Firingees, that is, ourselves, should bear a
portion of the burthen, and the assemblage waited on us in the evening
to express their wishes, and request that we would bear one fourth of
all the duties. Since the payment of the regular customs had induced
the officer to forego the usual fee on each pair of panniers, we had
certainly escaped every kind of tax, and this was evidently owing to
the wealth and size of the caravan with which we were travelling. The
Orgunje officer, too, it was now stated, had been bribed to the amount
of ten tillas. It appeared both reasonable and just that we should
bear our share of this outlay, and I therefore offered the usual tax
of a tilla on each of our camels, since it would tend to diminish the
general expenditure of the caravan. It was a point that called for the
exercise of discretion and judgment, since a total denial might have
converted a friendly into a hostile party; and, on the other hand, it
at all times behoved us to be most sparing in our expenses. In the
present instance, I had the good fortune to conciliate by my concession
the principal merchants of the party. There were several who still
called on us to pay a fourth share of the tax; but as I ascertained
that no additional expenses had been incurred on our account, and the
duties would have been levied whether we had been present or absent,
I declined compliance, and stated to them that we were travellers,
and their guests, in a foreign land, and hoped for their forbearance
and justice. The Toorkmun chief, our friend Ernuzzer, appeared at
this stage of our conversation, to enter his protest against such an
outrage to hospitality as the demand which had been made upon us; but
I had already made up my mind, and passed my word. The rights of the
stranger are much respected among these people, and the cry of the
many died away into the feeble vociferations of the poorer traders,
whose scanty means made them feel more heavily the levy that had been
made upon them. In one respect the character of an European in such
countries is ill suited for a traveller; he is believed to possess
boundless wealth, though he may be sunk in poverty; an Asiatic, in his
expenses, has nothing in common with the opinions of an European.
~Continuation of the Desert.~
~Whirlwinds.~
We now commenced our march in the desert westward of the Moorghab
river, and made a progress of thirty-seven miles. The tract was
entirely different from the opposite side, and about the middle of the
journey the desert changed into a level, hard, flat surface, which it
ever afterwards preserved. The camels moved up in four strings abreast
of each other, and we continued to advance in that order. The tract
put me much in mind of the Run of Cutch, though there were patches
of bushes, which are not to be seen in that most singular region.[4]
The country was destitute of water, but there were many remains of
caravansarais and cisterns that had been built by the philanthropic
Abdulla Khan of Bokhara. In this neighbourhood, and more particularly
while on the banks of the river, we witnessed a constant succession of
whirlwinds, that raised the dust to a great height, and moved over the
plain like water-spouts at sea. In India these phenomena are familiarly
known by the name of _devils_, where they sometimes unroof a house; but
I had not seen them in that country either of such size or frequency as
now prevailed in the Toorkmun desert. They appeared to rise from gusts
of wind, for the air itself was not disturbed but by the usual north
wind that blows steadily in this desert.
~The highlands of Persia.~
~Mirage.~
As we halted in the morning of the 1st of September, at a ruin which
bore the name of Kalournee, we descried the hills of Persian Khorasan.
In the direction where they rose I had observed the atmosphere to be
clouded since we reached the banks of the Moorghab, and we might have
perhaps seen them sooner, though they still appeared in the haze of
distance. As we discovered these mountains at sunrise, a magnificent
mirage shone in the same direction. One could trace a river, and its
steep and opposite banks; but, as the sun ascended, the appearance
vanished, and left the same flat and cheerless country in which we were
now encamped. The high banks of the river had no existence, and the
water was but vapour set in the rays of light.
~Plants of the desert.~
As we approached Shurukhs, we could distinguish a gradual, though
almost imperceptible rise in the country. We exchanged the shrubs that
I have before described, for the tamarisk and the camel’s thorn, which
does not grow in the desert. The most singular of the plants which a
new zone presented to us, was one called “gyk chenak” in the Toorkee
language, which literally means, the deer’s cup. It grows like hemlock
or assafœtida (and has as bad a smell), only that a leaf, shaped
precisely like a cup, surrounds each knot or division of the plant’s
stalk. In this natural bowl the rains of spring are collected, and
supply the deer with water. Such is the popular belief, and such is the
name. We afterwards saw a plant not unlike the deer’s cup among the
hills eastward of Meshid. A gum, like tallow, exuded from it, and it
shot up as an annual among the high lands.
~Allamans.~
~Meet an unsuccessful party.~
We had been treading in our last marches on the very ground which had
been disturbed by the hoofs of the Toorkmuns who were advancing on
Persia. It was with no small delight that we at last lost our traces
of the formidable band, which we could discover had branched off the
high road towards Meshid. Had we encountered them, a second negotiation
would have been necessary, and the demands of robbers might not have
been easily satisfied. “Allamans” seldom attack a caravan, but still
there are authenticated instances of their having murdered a whole
party in the very road we were travelling. Men with arms in their
hands, and in power, are not to be restrained. After losing all traces
of this band, we came suddenly upon a small party of Allamans, seven
in number, who were returning from an unsuccessful expedition. They
were young men, well mounted and caparisoned, in the Toorkmun manner; a
lance and a sword formed their arms; they had no bows, and but one led
horse. Their party had been discomfited, and four of them had fallen
into the hands of the Persians. They told us of their disasters, and
asked for bread, which some of our party gave them. I wish that all
their expeditions would terminate like this.
~Arrival at Shurukhs.~
~Detention.~
We reached Shurukhs at sun-rise on the 2d, after having performed a
journey of seventy miles in forty-four hours, including every halt.
During this period we had only marched for thirty-two hours, and the
camels sometimes stepped out at the rate of two and a half miles an
hour, which I had never before seen. All the camels were males, since
they are believed to undergo fatigue better than females. Our caravan
alighted round an old tomb, with a lofty dome, and it was unanimously
decided, that so long as the Allamans were abroad, it would not be
prudent to prosecute our journey. It was therefore resolved to _sleep_
in Shurukhs (to use a phrase of their own), the greatest haunt of
the Toorkmun robbers; a paradox truly, since we were to settle among
thieves to avoid the thieves abroad. We, however, possessed but humble
influence in the party, and had only to meet the general wish. The
merchandize was piled round the tomb, the people took up a position
outside of it, and at night the camels and horses formed a triple
barrier. Such were the arrangements for our protection, and, as will
be seen, not more than were necessary. The Toorkmuns crowded among us
during the day, and brought tunics of camel-cloth for sale, which were
readily purchased; but there was not an individual of the caravan who
trusted himself at a distance from it: and how could it be otherwise,
when we hourly saw the “Allamans” passing and repassing in front of
us, and knew that the chief subsistence of the people was derived from
these “chupaos?”
~Shurukhs.~
The Toorkmun settlement of Shurukhs consists of a small and weak fort,
almost in ruins, situated on a hillock, under cover of which most of
the inhabitants have pitched their tenements. There are a few mud
houses, which have been built by the Jews of Meshid, who trade with
these people; but the Toorkmuns themselves live in the conical houses
or khirgahs, peculiar to their tribe. They are constructed of wood,
surrounded by a mat of reeds, and covered in the roof with felts,
that become black with soot. Shurukhs is the residence of the Salore
Toorkmuns, the noblest of the race. Two thousand families are here
domiciled, and an equal number of horses, of the finest blood, may be
raised in case of need. If unable to cope with their enemies, these
people flee to the deserts, which lie before them, and there await the
termination of the storm. They pay a sparing and doubtful allegiance
to Orgunje and Persia, but it is only an impending force that leads
to their submission. When we were at Shurukhs they had a Persian
ambassador in chains, and refused to grant a share of the transit
duties to the Khan of Orgunje, which they had promised in the preceding
month, when that chief was near them. These are commentaries on their
allegiance. The Salore Toorkmuns are ruled by twelve _aksukals_, the
heads of the different families; but they acknowledge no particular
allegiance to any individual person. The country around Shurukhs is
well watered by aqueducts from the rivulet of Tejend, which is a
little brackish, but its waters are usefully employed in fertilising
its fields. The soil is exceedingly rich, and possesses great aptness
for agriculture; the seed is scattered, and vegetates almost without
labour. The harvest is rich, and they reap it, like true republicans,
without a tax. The inhabitants repeat a tradition, that the first of
men tilled in Shurukhs, which was his garden, while Serendib or Ceylon
was his house! There is not a tree or a bush to enliven the landscape,
for the Toorkmuns despise gardening. The crops of wheat and juwaree
are here most abundant, and the melons are only inferior to those of
Bokhara.
~Alarms.~
Two days after our arrival at Shurukhs, and when I venture to say we
had often congratulated ourselves at the near prospect of successfully
terminating our journey, we experienced an alarm that at least showed
our congratulations were premature. One of the Toorkmun chiefs of the
place appeared in our part of the encampment, and summoned the Hajee,
one of our people, to attend him, near enough for me to overhear their
conversation. He commenced a long list of interrogatories regarding
us, and stated that he had heard from persons in the caravan that we
possessed great wealth, and had travelled into the remotest parts of
Toorkistan. Such being the case, continued he, it was impossible for
him to grant us permission to prosecute our journey, until the commands
of Ullah Koli, Khan of Orgunje, were received concerning us. This
formidable announcement would even have appeared more frightful, had
not the Toorkmun added on his departure, that his fellow chiefs were
ignorant of our presence in the caravan, and that we might perhaps
consider his good wishes not unworthy of being purchased. The matter
was however serious, since it discovered that there were persons in the
caravan who were ill-disposed towards us, and it was certain that the
Toorkmuns had the power of enforcing all which the person in question
had threatened. Immediate measures were necessary, and I lost no time
in adopting them. There were five or six merchants of respectability
in the caravan, and I went to the two principal persons, whom I have
before named, and related the affair to them with perfect candour. I
should have gone to Ernuzzer the Toorkmun, but he had in former days
lived at Shurukhs, and, in his change to the life of a citizen, had
forfeited much of the influence he might be supposed to possess among
his countrymen; nor did I even unfold to him the circumstances till we
reached Meshid. I observed that the communication equally excited the
uneasiness of the merchants, and once more discovered that these people
were really concerned for our safety. They poured forth their wrath
against the informer, and expressed in unequivocal language the fears
which they entertained from the Vizier of Bokhara on one side, and the
Prince Royal of Persia on the other. One of the merchants advised that
I should immediately produce the firman of the King of Bokhara; but in
this I differed, and the opinion of the other was more in consonance
with my own judgment. Abdool undertook to negotiate the _feeding of the
dog of a Toorkmun_; but it may be imagined that there was little to
cheer us under such circumstances. A cheerful countenance was, however,
indispensable, that we might the better meet the difficulties, and, if
possible, frustrate the hopes of the villain who had betrayed us.
~Dissipation of them.~
The first piece of intelligence which assailed us on the following
morning was the loss of a beautiful little black pony, which had been
stolen from his pickets during night. It is customary in this country
to chain the horse’s leg to the iron pin, and then padlock it; but we
had not adopted this precaution. I regretted this loss more than I
might have done a more serious misfortune. The sturdy little creature
had followed me from Poona in the centre of India, had borne me in many
a weary journey, and I cannot tell how much it vexed me to leave him
in such a country, and in such hands. The whole caravan assembled to
express their regret at the theft, and assured me that I should either
have the pony or his value; but they did not understand that in my
estimation he stood above all price. I was obliged to turn to other
matters, and it was a more solid source of consolation to find that we
had satisfied the demands, and silenced the threats of the Toorkmun
chief at a most moderate sacrifice. He became master of our stock of
tea, and we should have added the sugar, had it been worth presenting;
and this peace offering, crowned with two gold tillas (each valued
at about six and a half rupees), satisfied a chief who had us in his
power. Doonmus, for so he was named, was the “Aksukal” of 300 families,
and one of those who share in the plunder and taxation of Shurukhs. We
were much indebted in this difficulty to Abdool, who happened to be an
acquaintance of the Toorkmun, and whom we had brought over to us by
some acts of civility. We might not have escaped so readily from the
talons of any of the others; and it was curious that the fellow who had
wished to profit by us was the friend of the merchant with whom we were
most intimate.
~Toorkmun customs.~
This sunshine of our prosperity admitted of our entering with greater
spirit into our enquiries regarding the Toorkmuns, and I gathered some
characteristic incidents of the people. They are as romantic in their
customs of marriage as in their habits of plunder. They do not enter
into the conjugal state with the simple forms of Mahommedans; for the
communication between the sexes is unrestrained, and attachments are
formed that ripen into love. But the daughter of a Toorkmun has a high
price, and the swain, in despair of making a legitimate purchase,
seizes his sweetheart, seats her behind him on the same horse, and
gallops off to the nearest camp, where the parties are united, and
separation is impossible. The parents and relatives pursue the lovers,
and the matter is adjusted by an intermarriage with some female
relation of the bridegroom, while he himself becomes bound to pay so
many camels and horses as the price of his bride. If the person be
rich, these are generally paid on the spot; but if, as more often
happens, he is without property, he binds himself to discharge his
debt, which is viewed as one of honour; and he proceeds on forays to
Persia, till he has gained enough to fulfil his engagement. His success
in these generally converts him into a robber for the rest of his
days; and the capture of the Kuzzilbash has now become indispensable
to settle in life the family of a Toorkmun. The young lady, after her
Gretna Green union, returns to the house of her parents, and passes a
year in preparing the carpets and clothes, which are necessary for a
Toorkmun tent; and, on the anniversary of her elopement, she is finally
transferred to the arms and house of her gallant lover.
~Fortitude of a slave.~
A circumstance lately happened at Shurukhs, which was repeated to us
by many of the people, and exhibits additional examples of the love
of liberty, and the despair which is inspired by the loss of it. A
Persian youth, who had been captured by the Toorkmuns, dragged out a
miserable life of servitude in Shurukhs. He was resolved to be free,
and chose the opportunity of his master being at an entertainment, to
effect his object. He saddled the best horse of his stable, and on the
very eve of departure was discovered by the daughter of his lord, who
attempted to give the alarm. He drew his sword, and put the girl to
death. Her cries alarmed the mother, whom he also slew; and as he was
bidding his final farewell to Shurukhs, the master himself arrived. The
speed of the horse, which had so often been employed in the capture
of his countrymen, now availed this fugitive, who was pursued, but
not overtaken; and thus, by an exertion of desperate boldness, did he
regain his liberty, leaving his master to deplore the loss of his wife
and his daughter, his horse and his slave.
~Toorkmun customs.~
I have mentioned that our camp at Shurukhs lay by the shrine of a
Mahommedan saint. He flourished 824 years since, under the name of
Aboolfuzzul Hoosn, as appears by an inscription on the tomb, and he is
yet revered by all the Toorkmuns. If one of them fall sick, he invokes
the manes of the saint; if his horse or his camel suffer from disease,
he circumambulates his tomb, in the hope and conviction of relief.
The Toorkmuns have no mosques; they say their prayers in the tent or
in the desert, without ablution, and without a carpet. They have few
Moollahs or priests, for the church has little honour among them, and
they are but poor followers of the prophet. They have no education to
assuage the fiercer passions, which renders the men unsusceptible of
pity, and the women indifferent to chastity. The men perform all the
out-door employments, and the women work at home. The Toorkmuns are
a race of people who court alternate activity and idleness. Abroad
they evince the greatest spirit, and at home saunter about in idleness
and indolence. They are fond of their horses, and of singing songs in
honour of them. At night I have listened to the panegyrics on the feats
of the “Chupraslee” and “Karooghlee” horses, the never-ending theme
of praise. “Karooghlee” means a warrior as well as a horse, but it
describes a famous breed now said to be extinct. “Chupraslee,” though
it means but swift, is applied to a particular horse of reputed speed.
I longed to record some of these Toorkmun songs, but at Shurukhs we
could gather only these few lines:--
~A song.~
“I keep an Arab horse for the day of battle,
I live on that day under his shade,
In the conflict I slay a hero,--
Keep an Arab horse, hold a shield of iron.
Kurooghlee!
“In the day of battle I bend my bow of iron,
Erect on my horse, no one can dismount me.
I am an only child, I have no brother or sister,--
Keep an Arab horse, hold a shield of iron.
Kurooghlee!
“If I breathe, the ice of the mountains melts,
The water of my eyes would turn a mill,
So said Jonas the Puree,--
Keep an Arab horse, hold a shield of iron.
Kurooghlee!”
~A Toorkmun house.~
After the alarm which we had already experienced in Shurukhs, it was
not desirable that we should mingle much with the people; but I had
great curiosity to see them, and our Toorkmun Ernuzzer said I was
invited to a friend’s house, and I accompanied him without further
consideration. I was very agreeably surprised to find these wandering
people living here, at least, in luxury. The tent or khirgah was
spacious, and had a diameter of about twenty-five feet. The sides were
of lattice-work, and the roof was formed of laths, which branched
from a circular hoop, about three feet in diameter, through which the
light is admitted. The floor was spread with felts and carpets, of
the richest manufacture, which looked like velvet. Fringed carpets
were also hung up round the tent, which gave it a great finish, and
their beauty was no doubt enhanced by their being the work of wives
and daughters. On one side of the tent was a small press, in which
the females of the family kept their clothes, and above it were piled
the quilts on which they slept. These are of variegated coloured
cloth, both silk and cotton. From the circular aperture in the roof,
three large tassels of silk were suspended, differing in colour, and
neatly wrought by some fair young hand. Altogether, the apartment and
its furniture bespoke any thing but an erratic people; yet the host
explained to me that the whole house could be transported on one camel,
and its furniture on another. On my return I expressed my surprise at
such comfort, but my companions in the caravan bade me not wonder at
such a display, since the Toorkmuns were _man-eaters_ (adum khor), and
got their food for nothing. Many a nation has been written down as
cannibals on as slight grounds; but the people merely meant to tell me
that they lived on the proceeds of man-selling. Before I quitted the
tent, the host produced bread and melons, according to their custom, of
which we partook, with about fifteen other Toorkmuns, who had dropped
in. They cut up a melon with great dexterity and neatness, separate
the pulp from the skin, which is not thicker than that of an orange,
by a single sweep of the knife, then dividing it into a dozen pieces.
I listened for about half an hour to their conversation, the subject
of which I could comprehend to be slaves and horses. They took me for
a native of Cabool, from the loongee which I wore as a turban, nor did
I undeceive them. They all got up as I left, and bade me good-bye with
all the respect of a good Mahommedan. They might not have injured me
had they known the truth, but they would have detained me with endless
questions; and, as it was, I saw their customs without inconvenience. I
was never so much struck with the Tatar features as in this assemblage.
The Toorkmun has a skull like a Chinese, his face is flat, his cheek
bones project, and his countenance tapers to the chin, which has a most
scanty crop of hair. He is by no means ugly, and his body and features
are alike manly. Their women are remarkably fair, and often handsome.
~Toorkmun mode of feasting.~
I might have followed up my acquaintance, and dined with the Toorkmuns
in the evening; but, since I did not do so, I shall describe their
feast from Toorkmun authority. When they invite a stranger to dinner,
they send to say they have killed a sheep. They are not very choice in
their cookery. Their cakes are baked about two feet in diameter, and an
inch thick, of the coarsest flour, and generally mixed up with slices
of pumpkin. These are always eaten fresh. When the party assembles,
the cloth is spread, and each person crumbles down the piece of cake
which is laid before him. The meat is then brought, which consists of
one entire sheep, boiled in a huge Russian pot. They separate the flesh
from the bones, and tear it into as small pieces as the bread, with
which it is mixed. They shred about a dozen of onions, and throw the
whole mess into the pot where the meat has been boiled, and mix it up
with the soup. It is then served out in wooden bowls, one of which is
placed before every two persons. Their mode of eating is as singular
as that of preparation; they fill their open hand, and commencing from
the wrist, lick it up like dogs, holding the head over the bowl, which
catches all that falls. Each of the two in his turn fills his hand, and
holds his head over the bowl. Melons follow, and the repast concludes
with a pipe of tobacco. The women do not eat with the men.
~Success of the Allamans.~
On the seventh day after our arrival at Shurukhs, when every one
was enquiring about the “Allamans,” or robbers, who had preceded us,
they began to drop in upon us by twos and threes, with their horses
lame and jaded, and by evening upwards of a hundred had arrived. They
stopped by the caravan, and gave us a glowing account of their foray,
congratulating themselves in boastful strains at their success. They
had made their descent near Meshid four days previously, about ten in
the morning, and rode up to the very walls of the city, driving men and
animals before them. Not a soul appeared to arrest their progress; and
when they numbered their spoil a few miles from the city, they found
115 human beings, 200 camels, and as many cattle. Since then they had
returned without haste, and now skirted Shurukhs for refreshment. On
the way they had already divided their booty. A fifth was given to
the Khan of Orgunje, and the party had to congratulate themselves at
the number of able-bodied men, and the few _white-beards_, old ones,
among their prisoners. Returning through the hills, they encountered
the videttes of a small party of horse, who are stationed to give
information at Durbund, which lies between Shurukhs and Meshid. In the
scuffle, one of the Toorkmuns was wounded, and they captured one of
the videttes and fifteen horses. They put the unfortunate Persian to
death, as an offering to God for the success which attended them; since
they pretend to consider the murder of a heretic Kuzzilbash as grateful
to the Almighty; and they generally kill most of the old persons who
fall into their hands, as a propitiatory offering to the Creator. The
Toorkmuns, indeed, defend their capture of these unfortunate human
beings, on the ground of their conversion to a true religion, and
consequent salvation. Unhappily for mankind, the history of the world
presents us with too many and similar instances of this mistaken and
religious zeal. The Spaniards pursued their conquests in the New
World under the specious pretence of disseminating Christianity; they
sacked the empires of Mexico and Peru, and butchered their inoffending
inhabitants; while their priests impiously blessed their inhuman
outrages.[5] They, too, like the Toorkmuns, propitiated their king by
a present of a fifth of their spoil. Human nature, under king or khan,
is the same in all countries, whether we contemplate the frenzy and
avarice of the Spaniards in America, or the roaming Toorkmun in the
Scythian deserts.
The opportunity which was afforded us of seeing these robbers,
inspired a good opinion of their courage, for many of them were
indifferently armed. They all had swords, most had light, long lances,
quite different from those used by the Uzbeks, and a few had small
matchlocks. Their horses looked quite done up, and walked as if on beds
of gravel; but they had been thirteen days in motion, with scanty food
and much work. While we admire the courage of these men, what shall we
think of the Persians, who are encamped within two days’ journey of
Meshid, under the heir-apparent of their throne, and numbering an army
of twenty thousand men?
~Inconveniences.~
~Mad camel.~
The return of the Orgunje Allamans should have now settled our
movements, but some timid being spread a rumour that half of the
robbers yet lay in wait for our caravan on the Persian frontier. Our
departure was therefore still put off, and I cannot say that I felt
comfortable in such quarters. We had no tent or shelter for ten days
but the rotten walls of an old tomb, which were infested with reptiles.
Though our bed had always been the ground, and we had long ceased
to feel the aches which one experiences from an occasional bivouac
in civilised life, we could not now spread a carpet, lest we should
appear too rich among the Toorkmuns, who stated in upon us at all
times, and frequently asked us questions. Our bread, too, had been ten
times coarser than “bannocks of barley meal,” not half so palatable.
We could with great difficulty read or write for a single hour during
the day, and the time passed as heavily as possible, exhausting our
patience. During our detention, one of the camels was said to have gone
mad, whether from ennui or some more cogent cause I knew not. The poor
creature foamed at the mouth, groaned, and refused its food. The case
was referred to us, as he was pronounced to be possessed of a devil;
but of course without avail. At length they fell on the expedient of
frightening the camel, by clashing a lighted torch before his eyes and
body, and kindling reeds and furze under his nose. They also passed a
red-hot iron over his head; and the animal assuredly improved under
this rough treatment, of burning the devil who had lodged in so ugly a
creature.
~Departure from Shurukhs.~
~Increased caravan.~
At length, on the 11th of September, after a detention of ten long
days, we joyfully quitted Shurukhs at sunrise. The Toorkmuns maintained
their character to the last. After giving us leave, and agreeing to tax
us at the first stage, they waited till we had fairly started, and then
sent orders to stop the caravan. They demanded a tilla and a half on
every camel; which is the customary transit duty for an escort to the
Persian frontier. The party came only a few miles, and then returned,
tired of escorting; nor were we sorry to get so well rid of them. Our
caravan had now been increased by the junction of two others, which
had come up during our stay, and formed a numerous body: but I fear
there were more timid than fighting hearts among us. There were men,
women, and children; merchants, travellers, pilgrims, and emancipated
slaves. There were Uzbeks, Arabs, Persians, Afghans, Hindoos, Jews,
natives of Budukhshan and Cashmeer; Toorks and Toorkmuns; a Nogai
Tatar, a wandering Kirghiz from Pameer, and ourselves, natives of
Europe. Last, not least, was a young Persian girl, about fifteen
years old, whom we had picked up at Shurukhs, and who was said to be
of exquisite beauty. She had been captured by the Toorkmuns; and her
loveliness overcoming their avarice, she had at first been detained by
her captor. The arrival of our caravan and so many merchants, however,
tempted his cupidity; and he offered his charge for sale. A merchant
of Tehran purchased her for seventy-seven gold tillas; and the poor
girl, who was walking about a few hours before, and saw and was seen by
every one, was now literally packed up in a pannier. She had changed
her character from slave to wife; for it signifies nought that she may
have another husband, since she is surely born again who comes out of
the hands of the Toorkmuns. This was a leap year; but a lady may be
there allowed at all times to fall in love. The fair one of whom I
speak made a set at the first merchant who visited her; and stated,
as an inducement to her purchase, that she would join any creed they
liked. This Persian girl is not the first of her sex who has changed
her doctrines with her name.
~Entrance into Persia.~
We halted in the afternoon at a cistern, eighteen miles distant from
Shurukhs, the fort of which was yet visible; for we had travelled over
level country, broken in some places by gravelly hillocks. At the third
mile we crossed the dry and pebbly bed of the small river of Tejend,
which rises in the neighbouring hills, and is lost in the sands. This
is not the Herat river, nor is it the Ochus, for no such great river
as appears in our maps has existence. Its pools were saline, and much
of the soil was also salt. There were remnants of civilisation, but
neither fields nor inhabitants. We again set out about eight at night
with a full moon; and, after an advance of seven or eight miles,
entered among defiles and hills, and found ourselves at Moozderan
or Durbund, the frontier post in Persia, a little after sunrise,
and forty-five miles from Shurukhs. The whole of the latter part of
the route lay in a deep ravine, where there is imminent danger in
travelling from the “Allamans” of the desert. We pushed on with great
celerity and greater fear: every instrument of war was in requisition,
every match was lit, and the slightest sound brought the horsemen to
a halt; for we hourly expected to encounter the Toorkmuns. After a
night of such anxiety, we beheld with pleasure the look-out towers of
Durbund, eleven of which crown the crest of the range, and command its
passage. We here found a few irregular soldiers, the first subjects of
the “Great King” whom we encountered. They were dispirited after the
attack of the Toorkmuns, since this was the party which had lost their
horses, and some of their fellow-soldiers.
~Moozderan or Durbund.~
After we had surmounted the pass of Durbund, our caravan alighted
in the fields beyond the fort of Moozderan, which stands on an
isolated spur of table-land, as you descend the pass. The place was
once peopled; but the Khan of Orgunje some years since seized its
inhabitants _en masse_, and razed their defences. In repair, it might
protect the road into Persia; but a peasant cannot risk his life
unless he receives the protection of his king. There is a beautiful
fountain of tepid water, which springs up under Moozderan; and makes
for itself, and some kindred streams, a channel down the valley, where
the fruit trees and gardens of the exiled inhabitants may still be
seen. It appeared a charming spot to us after so long a sojourn among
desolation. The men on the pass showed us a cave, of which they had
many fabulous tales, describing it to be without a termination. It was
lately the scene of great slaughter and distress, for the population
retired into it when pressed by the Khan of Orgunje; and as they issued
like bees from the hive, they were put to death or sent in perpetual
exile across the desert.
~Approach to Meshid.~
Our arrival in Persia afforded the greatest source of joy to many of
the persons in the caravan, who, though natives of Bokhara, were yet
Shiahs. I thought that when we quitted that holy city, we should have
done with such sanctified spots; but the capital which we were now
approaching, Meshid i Mookuddus, the sacred Meshid, appeared, by every
account, to be even more holy than Bokhara. When we should behold its
gilded dome, I now heard that every one would fall down and pray. The
Persians here began to speak boldly of their creed, which they had so
long concealed; and the spirit of the place might now be discovered by
the tale of a person in the caravan, who was by no means illiterate.
A merchant, who had lately travelled to Meshid, overloaded one of his
camels, which fled, immediately on its reaching the city, to the shrine
of the holy Imam Ruza, and lowed out its complaints. The animal was
received, I presume, into the list of the faithful, since the priests
of the shrine added him to their flock, adorned him with housings
and bells, and gave him precedence of all other camels. The merchant
confessed his cruelty, sued for forgiveness, and was pardoned at the
sacrifice of his camel. To these and such tales an European must always
listen and wonder; for though we have asserted, on the authority of
the Koran itself, that the creed of the Mahommedan is not supported
by miracles, its votaries admit no such doctrine; and enumerate the
hundred thousand deviations from the laws of nature, which have
happened for the benefit of the Mahommedan church. I had ventured among
the Uzbeks to speak of the Koran and its contents, which I admitted
I had read in translation. “Fool that you are,” was the reply; “how
is it possible to transfer that holy book to another language, when
every letter of every word has a distinct and individual meaning,
that is only to be comprehended in the original?” I never afterwards
paraded my biblical research; for while I found my knowledge of their
Koran arraigned, I also heard, for the first time, that the Old and
New Testament were nowhere to be found but as an incorporation with
the Koran, since the copies of both Jews and Christians were vitiated
forgeries! The arts of the priests of Islam bring to our remembrance
the similar impositions of the Catholic church in by-gone ages. In
Europe, however, the churchmen did really understand the learned
language of the scriptures; but, among the Mahommedans, there are
Moollahs who can only read, while they do not understand their version.
There are of course many scholars, but there are distinct classes who
_do_ and _do not_ understand; nor do they hesitate to speak of their
learning or their ignorance, since the reading of the Koran is a
sublime occupation, that covers the worst of sins.
~Tarantulla.~
~Adventure.~
We could not yet consider ourselves within the protection even of the
holy Meshid, which was thirty-eight miles from Moozderan; we therefore
moved at nightfall. In the bustle of departure I killed a huge reptile
of a “tarantulla,” or an enormous spider, crawling on my carpet. Its
claws looked like those of a scorpion, or small lobster, but the body
was that of a spider. I was assured of its poisonous nature, and the
natives insisted that it squirted its venom instead of stinging. We
were soon on the wing, and wound our way up the valley of the Tejend,
which was now a beautiful brook. We commenced our journey in terror,
and ere long met with an adventure that increased the rapidity of
our march. About midnight the braying of a donkey intimated to some
palpitating hearts that we were in the neighbourhood of human beings,
where none should exist. The shout of “Allaman, Allaman!” spread like
lightning; and the caravan, in a moment, assumed the appearance of a
regiment in open column, closing up in double march to form a square.
The foremost camels squatted instantly, and the others formed behind
them. Matches were lit on every side, swords were drawn, pistols
loaded, and the unhappy merchants capered in front of their goods, half
mad with fear and fury. The unarmed portion of the caravan took post
among the camels, which really formed a tolerable square, increased
as they were to the number of one hundred and twenty. The anxiety was
intense, it was general; the slaves were more terrified than the rest,
for they well knew the fate of capture by the Toorkmuns. After about a
quarter of an hour’s detention, one of the party discovered that the
Allamans, of whom we were standing in such awe, were a party of twenty
poor wandering Eimauks, who had been gathering die (boozghoom) on the
hills. They were more terrified than us, for their number made their
fate inevitable had we been Toorkmuns. Immediately the mistake was
discovered, a shout of delight raised the camels, and the caravan moved
on at double its usual speed, with seven or eight camels abreast; nor
did it stop at the prescribed halting-ground, but pushed on some eight
or ten miles farther when the day dawned. No sooner had we finished a
scanty meal than it was again in motion, and a little after mid-day
we reached Ghoozkan, the first inhabited village in Persia, and about
fourteen miles from Meshid.
~Ghoozkan slaves.~
~Troubled country.~
We halted a few hours at Ghoozkan, and had an opportunity of observing
the supreme joy of the poor slaves, who had now reached their native
land in safety. Many of the merchants gave them clothes and money
to assist in their journey homewards, and it was with pleasure that
we joined in the charitable feelings of the caravan. A few ducats
purchased much happiness. Ghoozkan is peopled by Teimurees, a tribe
of Eimaks, and has a population of about a thousand souls. They were
a miserable looking set of beings, who used bandages as stockings,
and covered their heads with brown sheep-skin caps. The whole of the
inhabitants turned out to see us pass, and many of the poor creatures
asked, in melancholy strains, of the different passengers, if we
did not bring letters from their captive friends in Toorkistan. The
Toorkmuns seldom spare Ghoozkan in their forays; and the last party had
carried off six of their children, and put four of their peasants to
death. One wonders that human beings would consent to live in such a
spot. The circle of the villages around Meshid gets more circumscribed
yearly, and in the one which we first entered every field had its
tower, built by the cultivator, as a defence to which he might fly
on seeing the approach of a Toorkmun. What a state of society, that
requires the ploughshare and the sword in the same field! We loaded the
camels after a watch of night, and set out for Meshid, the gates of
which we reached long before the sun had risen, not more to our own joy
than that of the poor Persian slaves, who had performed every step of
the journey with a palpitating breast.
CHAP. XIV.
KHORASAN.
~Arrival in Meshid.~
At dawn, on the morning of the 14th of September, we found our caravan
waiting, in anxious expectation, under the walls of Meshid. At sunrise
the keys of the gate were brought, which was at once thrown open to us.
A new scene burst upon our view, with a rapidity which one only sees
in theatrical representation. We had left a desert and the wandering
Toorkmuns, and now advanced, in stately order, through a crowded
city, arresting the notice of all the inhabitants. We had exchanged
the broad face and broader turbans of the Toork and Tartar for the
slim and long-faced Kuzzilbash, with a fur cap on his head, and his
ringlets curling up behind, who now stood idly looking at us, with his
hands in his pockets. The street which we entered was spacious and
handsome; an aqueduct passed through it, and its banks were shaded by
trees, while the splendid cupola and gilded minarets of the shrine
of Imam Ruza terminated the perspective. A hundred and twenty camels
passed up this avenue, and entered the spacious caravansarai of the
Uzbeks. We followed in course, and seated ourselves on the balcony of
the building, that we might the better observe the busy scene of the
area beneath us. The inundation had, however, filled this extensive
caravansarai, and we were necessitated to seek for an abode in a
humbler place, which we found hard by.
The Prince Royal of Persia, Abbas Meerza, was now in the neighbourhood
of Meshid; and though this country had been visited by few Europeans,
we knew that there were British officers in his Royal Highness’s
service. I lost no time, therefore, in despatching an express to the
camp, which was about a hundred miles distant: but we were agreeably
surprised to receive a polite message from Mrs. Shee, the lady of
Captain Shee, who was then in Meshid; and it was equally pleasing to
have it conveyed by a messenger who spoke our own language, one of
the serjeants of the Prince’s army. During our stay in Meshid, we
found ourselves more comfortable than since we had left India, and
experienced many acts of civility and attention. We gladly changed the
barbarous custom of eating with our hands; and, though our fair hostess
was a Georgian, who only spoke Persian, we fancied ourselves once more
among the society of our country.
~Interview with Khoosrou Meerza.~
I was soon astir to see the city of Meshid; and first visited the
ark, or citadel, where I was suddenly surprised by the presence of
Khoosrou Meerza, the son of the Prince, and the young man who had been
deputed to St. Petersburg on the massacre of the Russian ambassador,
now the acting governor of Meshid, while his father kept the field. He
appeared to have profited by his journey to Europe, and conversed with
me for an hour, asking much about our travels, and then jested on my
beard and dress, which he assured me would be a great curiosity in my
native land. He enquired whether I was a Catholic or a Protestant; and
recurred with wonder to our having reached Persia in safety. He begged
I would visit him on the following day, which I did not fail to do,
being favourably impressed with this the first specimen of the royal
house. I found the Prince next morning transacting business in the ark;
and the ceremonial of approaching this scion of royalty was as formal
as if he had been sovereign of the land. He is a most talkative person,
and gave me an account of his journey to Russia, speaking with the
highest encomiums of the education and polished manners of the ladies
in that country. One of his suite, who appeared to be a privileged
person, said, that his Highness could never be excused for having
returned to Persia without one of these angels. The Prince declared
that it was impossible, and referred it to me, who was in duty bound
to tell him, that a person of his rank might have married the most
illustrious. Khoosrou Meerza appeared to be about twenty-three years of
age. He has had, of course, great advantages over other Persians; but
I liked his capacity and his remarks. He asked me if the ancient art
of staining glass had been revived; if our progress in sculpture was
yet thought to rival Greece; and if the unicorn had been found in any
quarter of the world. He then enquired whether it was most difficult to
introduce discipline among irregular troops, or a new system of laws
and government in a country. “With Europeans,” he said, “every thing
is based on history and experience; but in Persia there are no such
guides. Persia, which held a supremacy before the age of Mahommed, has
now sunk into a state of torpor and bigotry, and has no literature but
the Koran. In Europe, there are those who study the Bible, as well as
those who are devoted to science: but,” added he, “there is very little
religion in Russia among the higher ranks with whom I associated.” I
must confess that I was pleased to hear the youth talk so learnedly,
since a knowledge of one’s ignorance is the first step to improvement.
~Description of Meshid.~
I lost no time in visiting the city of Meshid; but I need not present a
diffuse or long account of it, since I find that there is both a minute
and correct one in Mr. Fraser’s admirable work on Khorasan.[6] The
holy city of Meshid surrounds the tomb of the Imam Ruza, the fifth in
descent from Ali, and three streets branch out in different directions
from the shrine. Two of them are wide and spacious, shaded by trees,
and enlivened by running water. A chain, drawn across the streets,
within a hundred yards of the shrine, encloses its bazar and the riches
of Meshid, and keeps out cattle and animals from the sanctified spot.
Here the hive has swarmed, for all other parts of Meshid are in ruins,
though its walls enclose a circuit of about seven miles. I cannot
rate its population at forty thousand souls. The greater portion of
the enclosed space is devoted to the use of a cemetery, since it is
believed that the dead may rest in peace near an Imam. There are also
shady gardens to please the living. The inhabitants of Meshid seem
to delight in burrowing in the ground; all the houses are entered by
a descent; and it is said, that the earth so scooped out has been
applied to the repairs and building of the house. The town is well
supplied with water from aqueducts and spacious cisterns. The natives
of Toorkistan will tell you, that the Imam Ruza removed to Meshid
on account of the wickedness of the people and the necessity for his
presence. The Uzbeks have a couplet, which states, “that if Meshid had
not its cerulean dome, it would be the common sewer of the world.”[7]
The Persians, on the other hand, describe it, in poetical language,
as “the most enlightened spot on the face of the earth, for there are
the rays of the Creator of the world.”[8] Who will judge between the
parties? At Bokhara, a Shiah is a Soonee; at Meshid, a Soonee wishes to
be thought a Shiah.
~Shrine of Imam Ruza.~
I paid an early visit to his holy shrine; for I experienced in my
peregrinations through Meshid none of the bigotry or jealousy which
seem so constantly to have beset Mr. Fraser. About the centre of the
city the sepulchre rests under a gilded dome, which is rivalled by twin
minarets of burnished gold, that shed resplendent light in the rays
of the sun. A spacious mosque of azure blue rears a loftier dome and
minarets close to the tomb, and was built by Gohur Shah, a descendant
of the illustrious Timour. The pilgrim who visits this shrine must
first travel the bazar and cross the chain, when he enters a sanctuary,
which no crime admits of being violated. He then proceeds under a lofty
archway, and finds himself within a spacious quadrangle, the work of
the great Abbas, which is a resting-place for the living and the dead.
It is surrounded by small apartments, like a caravansary, which is a
“madrissu,” or college, and the pavement is formed of tombstones, that
cover the remains of those whose devotion and wishes have led to their
being here interred. The arches and sides of the area are ornamented
with a painted tile, not unlike enamel, which has a chaste and rich
appearance. On the western side of the square lies the entrance to the
shrine, which leads under a lofty Gothic arch, of the richest gilding.
It is further adorned by mirrors let into the wall, and illuminated
after sunset by tapers suspended from the roof. Beyond this threshold
an infidel may not pass but in disguise, and my judgment conquered my
curiosity. I might have escaped in the crowd; but I might have been
discovered, though I learn that the beauties of the place deserve a
risk. The richness increases the fervency of the pilgrim’s devotion,
who enters it by a gate of silver; and the tomb is said to be shielded
from the touch of the profane by railings of steel and brass, on which
plates of silver and wood, with blessings and prayers carved upon them,
are suspended. Innumerable lamps of gold hang over the grave, which
are lit upon the “eed” and the holidays of the saints, to honour the
festival and enable the priests to display with advantage the riches
and jewels that pious individuals have consecrated at this shrine.
On the side opposite the entrance is the beautiful mosque of Gohur
Shah; and here I walked without timidity. It is a fine specimen of
architecture, and the arch, in which the “mihrab,” or niche towards
Mecca, is placed, is superbly adorned and most chastely executed. It is
beautified by lofty blue minarets on either side, which rise in rich
effect and grandeur.
~Grave of Nadir Shah.~
Meshid has no buildings but its shrine. There are some colleges and
a spacious and unfinished caravansary, with twenty-one others in
different parts of the city; but still it is the burial-place of
the great Nadir Shah. His grave, now dishonoured and marked by the
ruins of the edifice that once sheltered it from the elements, is
one of the most interesting sights to a traveller. What a field for
rumination in such a spot! The fountains and flowers which encircled
it have disappeared; the peach-tree, which put forth its blossom on
the returning spring, has fallen under the axe, and the willows and
cypresses have been torn down. In their place a crop of turnips had
been sown by some industrious citizen. Shade of Nadir, what a change
is here! he who shook the kingdoms of the East, has been denied in
death the small quadrangle of a garden, which the affection of sons
had hallowed to the merit of a parent. This is the reward of him who
delivered his country from a foreign usurper, and who studied his
country’s good: but the well-being of a state does not necessarily
comprehend the well-being of _all_ its members. Nadir aimed the blows
of despotism at the family which has succeeded to his empire, and he
maimed the successful individual, who seized upon his kingdom and
ejected his sons. Aga Mahommed Khan Khoju was mutilated in his youth
by Nadir; but he retained the feelings of a man, and dug up the bones
of the conqueror, in revenge for his disgrace. Report adds, that he
sent them to Tehran, and placed them under the step which leads to the
audience hall, that the courtiers and every one might trample upon
them. We can readily comprehend the chagrin of a monarch who was not a
man; and if his wrath excites our contempt, it enlists our sympathy.
A eunuch himself, he spared his country from those banes of a palace.
There are still some of Nadir’s descendants living in Meshid; but they
are blind and in destitute circumstances. My informant told me that
they often applied to him for bread.
~Illumination.~
We soon received a reply to our communication from the Prince Royal’s
camp, and were invited to pay our respects to Abbas Meerza, who had
just captured the fortress of Koochan, which was said to be one of
the strongest in Persia. The intelligence of its fall was received in
Meshid with great enthusiasm, and followed by an illumination of three
successive nights: for no monarch since the days of Nadir had ever
subdued the chiefs of Khorasan. We dined _à la Perse_ with Abdool, our
old travelling friend, who is a merchant in Meshid, and then proceeded
to view the illumination. Among the devices, I most admired the shop of
a butcher, who had illuminated eight or ten sheep, by placing lights
behind their fat and tallow, which he had cut into delicate stripes. I
gave him credit for his ingenuity, if he kept his meat from roasting.
In one street I saw an effigy dangling in the air, which I, of course,
set down as the Koord chief who had been captured at Koochan; but this
was no other person than the accursed Omar. It must have edified the
Soonees to witness the holy caliph between earth and heaven; but I had
none of my Bokhara acquaintances to give me their comments. Besides the
effigy on the gibbet, we had a real exhibition of a man suspended from
a beam laid across the street, and that, too, in a blaze of light. How
the contrivance was made I did not discover; for he had a rope round
his neck, and kicked and acted to reality. As the crowd gazed on this
curious exhibition, a wag fixed eight or ten tapers to the head of a
butting ram, and let him loose among the assembly, where he forced his
way as well by his horns as the lights that crowned him. Altogether the
scene approached much nearer a genuine British illumination than I had
ever expected to see in Asia.
We now prepared for our journey to camp, and took leave of all our
Bokhara acquaintances and friends; visiting most of them at the
caravansary, where we had a parting cup of tea. Many of the slaves came
to see us, and we now hailed them as freemen. I was sorry to bid adieu
to Ernuzzer the Toorkmun; but I gave him a letter to the Vizier of
Bokhara; and, as it contained all the news of Khorasan, he seemed proud
to be its bearer, and was anxious to set out on his return. We had now
less fear of being thought rich; so we clothed our friend in a dress,
and amply rewarded him for his services. I stuck a pistol in his girdle
as he was leaving; and, though of the coarsest manufacture, it seemed a
mighty gift to a Toorkmun. I had also to prepare a variety of letters
to our friends in Toorkistan, to whom I was pledged to write. I did
not require such a pledge: for at a distance from them, and many more
of our friends on this side the Indus, I remembered innumerable acts
of kindness which had contributed to our comfort and happiness while
living among them, which I could not now forget. In Meshid, perhaps,
our feelings were more pleasing than in any part of the journey; for
we had the prospect of soon seeing our countrymen, and the rest of our
undertaking was, comparatively speaking, easy. We could now dress in
respectable and clean clothes, without being called on to pay for our
comforts.
~Departure from Meshid.~
After a week’s stay at Meshid, we quitted it on the 23d of September,
and marched up the valley of the Meshid river to Ameerabad, a distance
of forty miles. It was dark before we reached the stage, and we were
benighted; we therefore spread our felts in a field, and bivouacked
through the night. We espied the lights of some travellers near us, and
they sold us wheat, with which we fed our ponies. About twelve miles
from Meshid, we passed the ruins of Toose, which is the ancient capital
of Khorasan; but the inhabitants have transferred themselves to Meshid.
The valley of this river is rich; and it was pleasant to see extensive
fields, in a dry country, watered by irrigation. Ameerabad, which we
did not see, is a strong fortress, and was captured by the Prince,
about a month before we arrived, after a siege of five weeks. It is
situated in the district of Chinaran.
~Koochan.~
We continued our progress up the valley for sixty miles, and reached
Koochan on the third day of our leaving Meshid. This is said to be
the coldest part of Khorasan; and it may well be believed, when the
thermometer fell to 29° at sunrise in September. As water boiled at
206°, we were about 4000 feet above the sea. The valley varied in
breadth from twelve to twenty miles, and there were some verdant
spots under the hills, where the finest fruit is produced. Otherwise
the country was bare and bleak. The hills have no wood, and are even
destitute of brushwood. They rise to the height of 2000 or 3000 feet
above the valley. We passed many villages by the way; but they were now
deserted, on account of the war against the Koords. The roads were hard
and excellent. We met many of the soldiers returning to their homes,
since the campaign had terminated. They were a favourable specimen
of the troops of Khorasan; for they were provided with arms that had
serviceable flint locks, which I had not seen since leaving Cabool. The
men were small, but they were merely the “Eeljaree,” or militia of the
country.
~Camp of the Prince.~
~European officers.~
We reached the camp of Abbas Meerza a little before noon, and found
ourselves once more in European society. So complete was our disguise,
that we had to make ourselves known, though we were expected. We sat
down to breakfast with Captain Shee, Mr. Barowski, and Mr. Beek,
who now compose the corps of officers in the Prince’s service. How
delighted did we feel to hear our native language, and learn the news
and events which had been passing in our protracted absence! We had
arrived at an eventful moment, as the fortress had but a few days
fallen, and we yet threaded our way among fascines and gabions, sap,
mines, outworks, batteries, covert ways, and all the other works of
a besieging army. Nothing could be more gloomy than the walls of the
town. The parapet had been nearly dismantled; some of the towers had
been blown up; all were battered; and the soldiery, now relieved from
the dangers of the campaign, were filling up the ditch in listless
idleness. This fosse was a barrier of a most formidable nature;
for it was about thirty-five feet deep and twenty broad, though it
narrowed towards the bottom. The Prince’s army had effected a lodgment
across it; and a few more hours would have settled the fate of the
fortress, when its chief surrendered at discretion. Koochan is a strong
fortress, about a mile and a half in circumference, and was defended
by a garrison of 8000 men. The assault would have been attended with
bloodshed, and its fall is entirely to be attributed to the European
officers, whose science and skill had been grafted on the labour and
exertion of the Persians.
~Introduction to Abbas Meerza.~
In the evening, we were introduced to the Prince Royal, by Captain
Shee. His Royal Highness was proceeding to inspect his park of
artillery, and we met him by the way. He received us in a most engaging
and affable manner; offered us his congratulations at the great success
of our journey through countries which he had not believed accessible
to Europeans. He then assured us, that our troubles were at an end,
since we had reached a land where our nation was respected. I thanked
the Prince for his kindness, and then briefly replied to the various
questions which he put regarding the countries we had visited. By
this time we were standing in front of his artillery, while the whole
of his court were about fifty yards in rear of us. The Prince gave a
signal, and about six or eight persons advanced. He introduced two of
them as his sons; another as Ruza Koli Khan, the conquered chief of the
proud fortress. There was also another Koord chief; and Yar Mahommed
Khan, the minister of Herat. What a sight did the great Koord chief
present to us, now standing in homage before his conqueror and the
artillery which had subdued him. It appears that the parade had been
ordered, to give him a sight of the park, and we had arrived at the
opportune time to witness the spectacle. The Prince, turning towards
me, said, “You must see my artillery;” and we then passed down the
line with his Royal Highness, examining each gun as we approached it.
Abbas Meerza took great pains to explain every thing concerning them;
and the enquiries and looks of the unfortunate Ruza Koli Khan drew
forth many a smiling remark. The chief appeared bewildered, and I
thought he feigned insanity. He asked the Prince to give him a large
mortar, which we were all admiring; Abbas Meerza told him not now to
trouble himself about these things. The guns, which had fallen with the
fortress, were drawn up in line, with the other artillery; they were
Russian ordnance, cast in 1784, and had been captured from the present
King of Persia. The Koord chief pretended not to recognise them; and,
when he heard of their history, made a just enough remark, that they
were good enough for Koochan. In the place of this chief, I should
have considered it no dishonour to be subdued by a park of thirty-five
guns, from four to 32-pounders, in the best state of efficiency. The
Prince then witnessed the exercise of the corps; bearing the amplest
testimony to the merits of Captain Lindsay (now Sir Henry Bethune),
the British officer who had organised it, and of whom he spoke with
kindness. The ceremony then terminated, and we retired from the scene
with much gratification at an interview with a Charles the Second in
Persia. I was disappointed in Abbas Meerza’s appearance. He has been
handsome, but is now haggard, and looks an old man; he has lost his
erect carriage, his eye waters, and his cheek is wrinkled. He was
plainly dressed, and walked with a stick in his hand. His eldest son,
Mahommed Meerza, was present; but he has not the manners or dignity of
his parent, though he is also an agreeable person.
~Interview with Abbas Meerza.~
On the following morning we paid our respects to the Prince Royal in
his tents, and found him transacting business with his minister, the
Kaim Mukam, and several other persons who were standing round him.
There was no state or pomp to mark so great a personage. When the
Prince had settled some matters on which he was engaged, he gave us a
dose of politics, and talked of the incomparable advantages to England
of upholding Persia, and begged I would explain in my own country his
present situation; which, though at the head of a successful army,
was most embarrassing, since he had no money to pay it. I told the
Prince that I regretted to hear such a detail of his difficulties,
and I could only hope that he would surmount them all. I did not tell
him, as I have ever felt, that I consider the payment of money to such
a cabinet as derogatory to the name and honour of Britain; since it
has tended more to lower our reputation in Asia than our most martial
deeds in India have done to raise it. There was not, however, wanting
a share of cant in the Prince’s oration; for he gravely assured me
that he had now taken the field to suppress the sale and capture of
his subjects as slaves by the Uzbeks. The motive was praiseworthy; but
mark the conclusion:--“I am entitled, therefore, to the assistance of
Britain: for if you expend annually thousands of pounds in suppressing
the slave trade in Africa, I deserve your aid in this quarter, where
the same motives exist for the exercise of your philanthropy.” I was
pleased with the ingenuity and earnestness of the reasoning, which
his Royal Highness had, no doubt, derived from some English newspaper
or English friend. The Prince now turned to other matters, and asked
regarding my education, and the notes which I had taken of the unknown
country I had visited. “I am aware of your custom to do so,” said
he; “and it is this general observance of it which has exalted your
nation in the scale of civilisation.” He enquired if I had met with
any potatoes in my travels; and, on my replying in the negative, he
produced a basketful of his own rearing, with evident satisfaction.
They were a fair specimen, and do most decidedly entitle his Royal
Highness to be elected an honorary member of a horticultural society.
In the true spirit of a courtier, the Prince returned to the Uzbeks
and the different countries of Toorkistan with which he thought me
best acquainted. He asked, if I had met with any explanation of those
passages in the History of Timour, where the undermining of a tower is
described, and its then being destroyed by fire. I was not prepared
for such a question, and mentioned the Greek fire used at the siege of
Constantinople, and the circumstance of Timour’s vicinity to China,
where it is believed that the art of making gunpowder was then known.
I had not at this time heard that the undermined towers were supported
by wooden frameworks, which, when set fire to, ceased to support the
bastion, and it consequently fell. I next replied to the Prince’s
queries regarding the customs of the Uzbeks. He smiled at their
abomination of tobacco; since they sold it publicly, and mentioned that
the servants of an envoy, whom he had lately received from Orgunje,
caught the smoke as it came out of their master’s mouth. I had not
seen such barbarism in Bokhara. When I related to the Prince the
spiritual notions of the Uzbeks, and some instances of their hearing
witness against themselves, he related to us a similar occurrence in
the life of Ali:--A female, who was _enceinte_, called for death, as
an atonement for her sins. The Caliph desired her to appear when her
offspring was born. She did so, and again accused herself; and he gave
the command for her being stoned to death, but prohibited every one
from lifting a stone who was in the least impure. The Caliph put the
woman to death himself. I told his Royal Highness that I regretted I
had not heard the tale, that I might have replied to the Uzbeks. The
Prince then requested me to give him some notes on the resources of
the country about Shurukhs, which he shortly intended to visit. I gave
them without hesitation. Abbas Meerza, during this interview, spoke
of geography and mathematics by these names, and evinced a tolerable
proficiency in the first of these sciences. He spoke of New Holland;
but he did not enlighten me on one of his favourite plans, by which
he purposes to consign all his brothers and nephews to that country
on his accession to the crown.[9] Never was any thing more visionary.
I now intimated my wishes to prosecute my journey among the Toorkmun
tribes to the Caspian Sea; and the Prince, with great urbanity, assured
me that I might visit any portion of the Persian dominions. He spoke
of the danger of journeying among Toorkmuns; but desired his secretary
to prepare a “rukum,” or order, which would ensure protection, and
suggested our accompanying a Khan, who was proceeding in that quarter.
He also offered a letter to his brother, the Prince of Mazanderan, and
had it intimated to his son, who was then in his camp, that I would
proceed in that quarter. We then took our leave of Abbas Meerza, much
gratified by the interview. I cannot say that I was strongly impressed
with his talents; but they evidently rise above mediocrity, and he is
said to be swayed in his councils by others; he is, in every sense of
the word, a perfect gentleman.
~Acquaintances.~
In the Persian camp we had many visiters, and found much to amuse us
in the bustling scene. We found two of the Persian gentlemen, who had
been in England, Meerza Baba, the Hukeem Bashee, and Meerza Jaffier,
both of whom now sighed for the return of the days which they had
passed in England. There, they were _lions_: here, they were among
their countrymen. Meerza Baba is an intelligent and agreeable man; and,
in an Asiatic, I have never seen a more perfect approach to an English
gentleman, both in language and manners. I jested with him about Hajee
Baba; but that work has given great offence in Persia, and the Hukeem
Bashee assured me that the English did not understand the Persians. I
can hardly agree with him, for I afterwards saw a good deal of Hajee
Babaism in the land.
~Future plans. Separation from Dr. Gerard.~
Since we had entered Khorasan my fellow-traveller, Dr. Gerard, had
come to the resolution of turning down upon Herat, and Candahar,
and thus retraceing his steps to Cabool, in preference to advancing
upon the Caspian. The main object of our journey had been now nearly
accomplished, and the route of Herat, which promised him some
gratification, had been travelled in safety by Lieutenant Arthur
Conolly[10], an enterprising officer of the Bengal Cavalry, and all
the French officers of Runjeet Sing. We now, therefore, prepared
to separate, after a weary pilgrimage of nine months which we had
performed together. Our feelings on such an occasion may be imagined;
but we parted with the knowledge, that we had almost brought the
original design of our undertaking to a close, and that both to the
east and west all serious dangers were at an end. At Koochan I also
permitted the Hindoo lad to return to India, along with Dr. Gerard;
and, at his own request, I discharged my faithful Afghan servant, who
had accompanied me from Lodiana. His name was Sooliman, a native of
Peshawur. He was quite unlettered; but he had kept both my secrets
and my money where there were many inducements to betray. He had
proved himself worthy of my confidence; and the feelings with which I
parted from him were those of unmingled approbation and regard. By the
opportunity which presented itself I wrote to all our native friends in
Cabool, and even to Runjeet Sing himself. It would be presumptuous to
believe that the many titled personages I addressed were my friends,
though their professions had been great: but, if the rulers and
governors of countries and cities be set aside, there was yet a long
list of good and worthy men as correspondents, whose good wishes, I
do not hesitate to say, I desire. It will not be out of place to name
the individuals I addressed on this occasion, since we experienced
civilities and kindness from all.
Koosh Begee, of Bokhara.
Sirdar Dost Mahommed Khan, of Cabool.
Nuwab Jubbar Khan, of Cabool.
Sirwur Khan Lohanee, of Cabool, at Bokhara.
Sirdar Sooltan Mahommed Khan, of Peshawur.
Peer Mahommed Khan,}
Saed Mahommed Khan,} his brothers.
Moorad Ali Khan Nazir, of Peshawar.
Ghoolam Kadir Khan,}
Meer Alum, } Sons of Cazee Moolah Hoosun.
Toghy Hosn Caboolee, of Lodiana.
Shere Mahommed Khan (his son), Bokhara.
Moollah Ruheem Shah Cashmeeree, Cabool.
Naib Mahommed Shureef, Cabool.
Mean Fuzil huq Sahibzadu, Peshawur.
Meean Sado Deen, Peshawur.
Maharaja Runjeet Sing, Lahore.
Sirdar Lenu Sing, Majeetia.
Sirdar Huree Singat, Attok.
Meerza Saeed ibn Yar Mahommed Balkhee, Bokhara.
CHAP. XV.
JOURNEY AMONG THE TOORKMUNS OF THE CASPIAN.
~Departure from Koochan.~
On the 29th of September, I bade farewell to my fellow-traveller and
the officers of the Prince’s service, and commenced a journey to
the shores of the Caspian. I joined Humza Khan, who had been lately
appointed Governor of the Toorkmuns east of that sea, and now proceeded
with a party of about three hundred persons, composed of Koords,
Persians, and Toorkmuns; but the alarms for personal safety, which
had so often troubled me in days that were gone, had now, I may say,
vanished, for I looked upon all those around me as friends. My costume
led to many mistakes among the party; and, after I had satisfied the
Khan that I was the “Firingee” recommended to his care by the Prince,
I felt rather disposed to mix with the others as one of themselves,
since a better opportunity would be afforded for judging of the people.
We bivouacked, after a march of twenty-six miles, beyond Shirwan, a
strong fortress, with a deep wet ditch, that was now being dismantled
by orders of the Prince. From the small number of labourers engaged on
this work of spoliation, I suppose it will be soon abandoned, and that
the place will rise in due time as one of the strong-holds of Khorasan.
~Atruck River. Boojnoord.~
We followed the course of the Atruck river, which rises near Koochan,
till within ten miles of Boojnoord, when we left it running westward
as a small rivulet, and crossed several mountain ridges. A march of
thirty-eight miles brought us to Boojnoord, a rather large place,
standing in a spacious valley, and the residence of one of the Koord
chiefs, who prudently tendered his allegiance on the approach of the
Prince, and now owed the possession of his fortress to his share of
discretion. We here saw, for the first time, the wandering inhabitants,
or Ilyats, of Khorasan, about a thousand of whose black tents were
scattered around. They did not appear to differ from the Ghiljees
of Cabool. On our march to Boojnoord we met the peasantry crowding
in bodies to occupy their native villages. They had fled on the
commencement of the war, and now returned on the success of the Prince:
the poor creatures stopped to ask the particulars of the campaign;
but the women and children could hardly believe us any other than
plundering Koords. The year had passed away without a crop; but, if
the country returns to a state of peace, it may yet become prosperous
and happy. War has desolating effects everywhere; but it is fearful
to be befriended by a Persian army. The enemy who opposes it fares
best, since he has no billets sent to him for grain and supplies; the
pittance of the obedient subject is actually devoured.
~Toorkmun discipline.~
Four miles from Boojnoord, we left the valley in which it is situated,
and entered among hills. It was difficult to trace any range either
to our right or left, but those on the south were covered with pine
trees. The climate was moist and pleasant, and there were many rich and
beautiful spots of cultivation among the bare hills. The vineyards of
Sarewan, which were in a deep glen, are quite enchanting. Though the
country was mountainous, the road was excellent; and, after a march of
thirty-six miles, we reached Kila Khan, in the district of Simulghan,
which is richly watered from the hills. We were now upon the line of
inroad of the Tuka Toorkmuns, who engage in constant forays between
Meshid and Tehran; and the mountains and roads over which we trod must
ever be crossed by them. Our own party, however, consisted of two
hundred Toorkmuns of the Goklan and Yamood tribe, who had served in
the Prince’s army, and were now discharged: such was their share of
the glories of the Khorasan campaign. We had had a specimen of their
native propensities in our second march from the camp, where they met a
party of villagers proceeding to sell their grapes. The poor peasants
were mercilessly beaten, and the Toorkmuns pillaged the greater portion
of the contents of their baskets. By the laws of an enlightened
country, they might not have been blameable, if they were actually in
want of food. The spoil was shared equally among them, and he who had
knocked down fared no better than he who was in the rear: they even
brought me a share of the captured property. It was in vain that the
Khan endeavoured to discountenance these practices, for he possessed
no authority over them. At length they received a salutary check at
Sarewan, where the villagers turned out in a body, and knocked down a
trespasser, which frightened his comrades. I secretly rejoiced at their
discomfiture.
~Travelling in Khorasan.~
What a long Fursukh is that of Khorasan, says a traveller, who has
toiled from sun-rise nearly to sun-set, and who can no longer cling to
his jaded horse, but by the prong in front of his saddle. An European,
who canters and gallops onwards, can form no just conception of the
fatigue of a forty-mile stage in Khorasan, where every step must be
walked, and there is no inn or refreshment at the end of it. “By the
head of the Prophet!” said one of the party, as we neared our halting
ground, “this road is longer than the entrails of Omar, for my back and
my knees have lost their feeling.” I had a hearty laugh at the quaint
comparison, and also sympathized in his fatigue. “Pidr sokhtu!” (Burn
his father!) continued the talkative Persian, “I never was so worn
out.” In our party we had several lively fellow-travellers; and, on a
few days’ acquaintance, the Persian appeared to me a better sort of
being in his country than abroad, where his vanity is beyond endurance.
~Tribe of Gireilee.~
A march of thirty-eight miles brought us to the site of a village
called Shahbaz; but we had now lost all traces of inhabitants, though
the country was rich. The tribe of Gireilee had in former years tilled
the soil, and tended their cattle: but human beings appear to be
considered in these countries as much property as horse-flesh; and Aga
Mahommed Khan had transferred the whole race to Mezenderan. The rich
pastures of the country lay neglected: for what peasant would seek his
abode near the Tuka Toorkmuns, whose tents lie but a few miles distant
beyond the hills. In the society of two hundred of these people, we
even did not feel ourselves altogether safe. In all our bivouacs,
I had hitherto escaped the damp ground as a bed, but I rose in the
morning stiff and benumbed by humidity and dews. The sun soon dried
my clothes, and good spirits (I do not mean brandy) prevented any evil
consequences. We were now travelling among mountains, with alternate
hill and dale, and over a wild and romantic country. There were a few
stunted pine trees on the hills, but they were oftener bare of every
thing but grass. All the people were kind and conversable; and man
requires little else even in the arid regions of Khorasan.
~A Toorkmun acquaintance.~
A Toorkmun who had proffered his acquaintance, by the way asked me
abruptly to tell him the news of Bokhara, recognising, I suppose, in my
costume the dress of that country. He addressed me in Persian, which
was no doubt as foreign a language to him as myself. “I am a Firingee,”
said I; when the Toorkmun pulled up his horse, and said, “Come, do not
think you can play the fool with me, for Firingees have no beards;
and your shaved head and dress belie your assertion.” It was in vain
that I continued to convince him of my real character. “Soonee, or
Shiah, which are you?” said he. “Be it so,” replied I, “since you are
determined to have me a Mahommedan;” and I repeated the names of the
first four Caliphs, the watchword of the Soonees and Toorkmuns, who are
all of that persuasion. “Bravo!” cried my new acquaintance; “I knew I
was right;” and we journeyed together with great delight, I personating
a character which had been forced upon me: nor was it sufficient that
my creed was settled; the Toorkmun also fixed my country, which was
Cabool. I did not allow the opportunity to pass which thus presented
itself of improving my knowledge of the Toorkmuns, whose lands we were
once more to enter.
~Running down partridges.~
My friend dashed off with great precipitation among a crowd of his
countrymen, to run down a “kubk,” or partridge, which rose near us.
This is an easier matter than would be at first imagined, as the number
captured soon proved. These birds fly once or twice, seldom thrice,
and are then picked up. The Toorkmuns were delighted with the sport,
and I participated in their excitement, though I did not join in it.
The long spears with which they were armed, their great activity, and
the horsemanship which they displayed, gave what I imagined to be a
just resemblance to their “chupao,” when in search of human beings.
At a gallop, a Toorkmun cavalier leans forward on his saddle, which
gives him an air of eagerness that is singularly interesting. The whole
scene was worthy of the ancient Parthia, the very country that we now
traversed.
~A Toorkmun bard.~
Among the Toorkmuns I noticed an individual loitering by the way, and
humming some notes as he went, to which his leg and his arm seemed to
be keeping time, while an instrument like a “sitar,” or lute, served to
convince me that I had at last got hold of a character for whom I had
been searching--a bard of the Toorkmuns. “Sulam alaikoom,” said I to
the bard; who returned it most graciously. But, alas! our conversation
here ended, for he knew no language but Toorkee, and my acquaintance
was but sufficient to tell him that I knew it not. Instinct set the
bard to the task which I wished; and he struck up one of the airs of
his tribe; but the paces of our horses did not admit of his using his
instrument. Music is an expensive accomplishment in all countries; and
the bard began to interrogate me as to his reward, hinting that he must
not be wasting his arts in vain. An interpreter between us informed him
that he should have a good pilao in the evening; but the Toorkmun gave
a glance behind him, and asked who would cook the pilao for a man who
had not even a servant. Here was a hint to travel in state. The bard
dropped in the rear to ask who I might be; and I did have the pleasure
in the evening of giving him a pilao, and removing his doubts of my
solvency. For this I had a promise of introduction to the minstrels of
his clan.
~Goklan Toorkmuns.~
Six miles from Shahbaz we took leave of the hill and dale which we
had so long traversed, and descended into a valley, which contained
the source of the river of Goorgan. For about twenty miles we wound
gradually through it, without the smallest marks of civilisation: but
our day’s journey terminated among the tenements of the Toorkmuns,
which I was delighted once more to behold. These people are of the
tribe of Goklan, and amount to about nine thousand families. No scene
could be more enchanting than that on which we had now entered: the
hills were wooded to the summit, and the hue of the different trees was
so varied and bright, as hardly to appear natural. A rivulet flowed
through the dell; and almost every fruit grew in a state of nature. The
fig, the vine, pomegranate, raspberry, black currant, and the hazel,
shot up everywhere; and, as we approached the camp of the Toorkmuns,
there were extensive plantations of the mulberry. The different groups
of tents were pitched in grotesque order in the open lawn near the
river; and our party halted at one of their settlements on a beautiful
shelf of green turf, that lay at the base of a cloud-capped hill,
clothed with the richest foliage. The Toorkmuns received their new
Governor with every respect, and appropriated a certain number of
their tents for his accommodation: one of these was kindly bestowed on
me; and I now found myself for the first time since leaving India (I
except the camp of Abbas Meerza) under the shelter of a tent, and that
too among the Toorkmuns. I also received buttered cakes and melons, as
their guest, and fared sumptuously.
~Customs of the Toorkmuns.~
On winding through the valley, we had an opportunity of witnessing an
interesting sight in the welcoming of a chief, or “Aksukal,” who had
accompanied us from Koochan. We had only known him as a Wild Toorkmun;
and, for my own part, I had scarcely noticed him: but here he was a
noble, and, what is greater, a patriarch. He had been summoned by the
Prince Royal, and now returned to his home. For miles before reaching
the camp, the Toorkmuns crowded upon us to bid him welcome: all of them
were on horseback--men, women, and children; and several of them cried,
as they kissed his hand. At length, in a shady and picturesque part of
the valley, a party, which appeared more respectable than the others,
had dismounted and drawn up. This was the family of the chief: he
leaped upon the ground with the enthusiasm of a youth, rushed forward,
and kissed in succession four boys, who were his sons. The scene was
pathetic; and the witty Persians, who had before been imitating some
of the actions and exclamations of the Toorkmuns, were silenced by
this fervent flow of affection. Three of the boys were under ten years
of age, yet they mounted their horses with spirit, and joined the
cavalcade. There were no bells to ring the peals of joy which this
day pervaded the Goklan Toorkmuns: nor were they required to give
more certain indication of their delight. A party of their countrymen
had returned in safety from battle; the clan had gathered from every
quarter; and, as they took up their position in the rear, they gave to
us, who were indifferent spectators, the cordial salutation of friends.
The women said, “Koosh geldee” (You are welcome), and crossed their
hands on their breasts, as we passed them, in token of sincerity:
I never witnessed a scene of more universal joy. A horseman, more
delighted than the rest, appeared with his horse sinking under a load
of bread, which he distributed in cakes to every one he met, with this
remark:--“Take this, it is good in the sight of God: take it, you are
a guest and a stranger.” It was impossible to look on such scenes with
an eye of indifference; and could I but give in more graphic language
the scenes of this day among the Toorkmuns, it would excite the warmest
emotion: and yet I speak of the lawless Toorkmuns, who plunder and
desolate the land: so true is it, that the character of mankind is
made up of the most glaring inconsistencies and contradictions.
~Toorkmuns of the Caspian.~
The Khan whom I had accompanied, was now busily engaged in the
duties of his new occupation. He was the harbinger of good news to
the Toorkmuns: for they, who plunder every one, had been themselves
plundered by the Mezenderan troops, who had proceeded to join the army
through their territories. The Prince had ordered a register of their
losses to be communicated; and our Khan moved from camp to camp as a
welcome visiter. I continued with him for four days, which I passed in
pleasing observation of Toorkmun habits and customs. No opportunity
could have been more favourable to the purpose, since we were every
where well received by them; and I appeared in the suite of a great
man. The tribe of Goklan Toorkmuns is subject to Persia, which has
asserted its supremacy for the last thirty-six years. Their allegiance
is unwilling, but it is complete; for they have exchanged the habits
of rapine for the peaceful vocation of agriculture. They want the
affluence and comfort which I have described among the Toorkmuns of
Shurukhs. The Yamood tribe, which lies between them and the Caspian,
have been also subdued by Persia; but the greater number of that clan,
which is said to amount to twenty thousand families, enables them
frequently to resist and rebel. The Goklans, however, have no political
power. The Tuka Toorkmuns, which skirt, to the north, both these tribes
that I have named, maintain their independence of Persia. The customs
of the Toorkmuns do not differ from those about Bokhara, only that they
more nearly resemble citizens. The women conceal the face below the
mouth; though I cannot say that the personal charms of those whom I
saw during our stay here would induce even a forward youth to sue for
a kiss, or a sight of their ruby lips. Their dress more assimilates to
that of Persia than those of the desert.
~A Toorkmun patriarch.~
In our travels from one tenement to another, I met a man of about sixty
years of age, who first attracted my notice, by observing every one
dismount as he advanced, and proceed to kiss his hand; for which he
gave his blessing. This was a Syud of the Toorkmuns. A Persian, who
had observed my watchful attention to what was passing, called out
to the aged man that I was an European; and we were soon engaged in
conversation. He held the unpromising name of Mahommed Ghilich, or the
“Sword of Mahommed;” but the universal respect bestowed upon him had
softened his manners; and age had mellowed his voice: his sentiments,
too, were pleasing. He asked if all Franks were Christians; and when
I told him they were, he said, “It is well to follow our own creed: a
Jew, a Christian, a Mahommedan, will be one in death.” Our conversation
then turned upon the Toorkmuns; and he lamented their sale of human
beings, since a difference of religion afforded no just grounds for
such cruelty. “It was a propensity of their race,” said he; “for their
dispositions were wicked, and they listened not to his advice. But am
I speaking to a ‘Firingee?’” said the aged man, abruptly interrupting
himself; “I have never before seen one; and how should I in so remote
a country. Where is the country of the Franks; and where is the desert
of the Toorkmuns? There must be something peculiar in our destiny,”
continued he to muse aloud with himself, “which has brought you and
me together. Our spirits (roh) must have had intercourse in another
world, to meet in this;” which was a singular remark. After travelling
together for about three miles, we stopped at a mound of earth which
had a pole stuck in the centre, and several of which we had already
seen. “What is this?” enquired I. “It is called a _Yoozka_; and marks
the place where some one has died or been laid out as a corpse. The
Toorkmuns say a blessing as they pass the spot, and hope for the favour
of the deceased. It is an old custom among us, and you will see many
others as you advance.” They are not graves, but mounds or barrows
raised in honour of the dead. I entertain an impression that the usage
is Tatar; but I had no opportunity of further investigation. The
venerable Syud was crossing to the top of a neighbouring hill, where
was his home and six sons. He clasped my hand, blessed me, wished me a
safe journey to my country; and consigning me to God, according to the
custom of the people, we parted.
~Noble scenery.~
At length we cleared the valley of the Goorgan river, and debouched
upon the plain eastward of the Caspian. The landscape was very
imposing. To our left, the hills, now running in a range, rose up to a
great height, clad to the summit with forest trees and foliage. To our
right, the extensive plains, which are watered by the rivers Atruk and
Goorgan, and richly verdant, were studded with innumerable encampments
of Toorkmuns, and diversified by flocks and herds. In our front, at a
distance, we descried the lofty mountains of Elboorz, that seemed to
shut up an otherwise boundless plain. Such a scene would have delighted
any one; much more a wanderer from the deserts of Scythia.
The Khan, before I took my departure, gratified my curiosity on
the subject of Toorkmun minstrelsy, by sending two “Bukhshees,” or
Bards, to amuse me with their lyre and lays. The instrument was a rude
two-stringed _sitar_, to which they sung the national airs in Toorkee.
They first gave me an “Attack of the Tuka Toorkmuns on the Persians;”
and the following literal translation will give some notion of a
Toorkmun war song:--
~Toorkmun national songs.~
THE TUKA TOORKMUNS TO THE KOORDS.
Lootf Ali Khan! Your greatness is gone, it is time to lead you
away captive, Begler![11] It is time to marshal our forces
at night, and prepare for a “chupao”[12] in the morning.
The dust of your fields shall blow away under the hoofs of the
Toorkmuns.
The Tukas will bear off your daughters arrayed in velvet.
Thanks be to God, my name shall abound unto the skies.
If you know the year of the goat[13], know that I shall then
plunder Meshid.
All your hopes in Khorasan shall be broken. You will now be obliged
to flee to Tehran, Begler!
I have an hundred noble youths who watch you.
Nor do they lack attention; they will drag you to my presence, Begler!
Oh, Begler! I’ll bear off your guns to Khiva: your power is gone.
I’ll assemble my warriors on the plain.
If you have sense, remember my advice.
Send me a youth and a beautiful girl as a tribute.
Oh, Bhaee Mahomed![14] this is the time of my happiness.
The Koords, though a Persian tribe, are as much addicted to plunder as
the Toorkmuns; and there is, perhaps, greater spirit in the following
song in reply to the Tuka Toorkmuns:--
THE KOORDS TO THE TUKA TOORKMUNS.
Begler! Give my respects to the Tukas. There is a place called
Urkuj.[15]
You have long enough enjoyed it.
You have sat in Urkuj for many a year. It is now time, Begler! that
you should decamp.
We shall now pitch our tents on the meadows of Nisaœ.[15]
We shall sound the trumpet of retreat as you flee.
Our horsemen will capture those who attempt to escape.
We shall trample under foot those who lag behind.
We shall gaze on your lovely daughters.
Our brave warriors, clad in their armour, shall gallop over your
plains.
Our soldiers will charge beyond your fort, Begler!
The walls of Akkul[15] will tremble at the report of our artillery.
I shall bring a powerful army along with me.
I shall pass beyond the plains of Kipchak.[16]
My advanced guard will dismount in the field of Maimuna.
Your people will be annihilated in the sands of the desert.
When you are driven among the sand hills,
Your feet will blister, and your mouths will be parched.
Wherever you may be, my guides will ferret you out.
When they have marked you down, we shall seize you and your
families.
Oh, Dooshkoon![17] I speak thus from myself:
That plain, now so beautiful, will shortly appear to you a bed of
thorns.
~Quit the country of the Toorkmuns.~
With these national lays closed my acquaintance with the Toorkmuns. I
passed down upon Astrabad by the plain; avoiding, as much as possible,
all intercourse with the Yamoods, who were not described as so pacific
as the Goklans. I met several parties of them, and they offered me
no incivility, though I had now left the suite of the Khan, and was
travelling alone. A journey of eighty miles brought us to the town
of Astrabad, from which the view is very imposing. At the base of
mountains, one of which is the craggy fortress of Humawuran, the scene
of Persian romance, lay the vast plain of the Toorkmuns. The Caspian
could be but faintly distinguished, for it is upwards of twenty miles
distant. On our route from the country of the Goklans, we passed a
lofty cupola, the Goombuz Kaoos, supposed to stand on the ruins of
the ancient Goorgan. It is said to have been once connected with the
Caspian by a boundary line of forts styled the “Lanut Nooma,” or the
“curse shower;” since every person was accursed who presumed to cross
into the country of the Toorkmuns. The natives spoke of the wars and
battles of by-gone years, when the rivers Goorgan and Atruk were dyed
with blood; but I hope, as I believe, only in the metaphors of the poet.
~Arrival at Astrabad.~
~Plague.~
In Astrabad we alighted at a caravansary; and passed two gloomy days
in this “City of the Plague.” That scourge had last year devastated
this town; and I sauntered without pleasure through its deserted
streets. Half the shops and houses were shut, literally from want
of masters; and the whole population did not exceed 4000 souls. The
disease raged here with fearful violence; and from some families of
ten or twelve, two or three only remained. In every instance that the
tumours of the patient burst, life was spared; but not till it had
left the most horrid scars as marks of its virulence: they looked like
gunshot wounds. One would have almost imagined that these people had
become familiarised to death, though the disease had now disappeared.
The bier used for interment lay by the road-side; and I saw them
washing a dead body by one of the wells in the public street, near some
fruit-shops. I moved quickly away from the spectacle; and the sound of
my horses’ hoofs echoed as I trod these lonely streets.
~Astrabad.~
Astrabad is a place of no great note. A dry ditch, and a decayed mud
wall about two miles in circumference, surround it; yet there are parts
in the interior, which bear no resemblance to a city, and remind one of
the country. It is the birthplace of the Kujurs, the reigning family of
Persia. Hanway tells us, that in the beginning of last century, it was
a considerable mart for trade; but its prosperity has declined, since
it has now only four caravansaries, and there are but twelve shops
for the sale of cloth. Its position is favourable, being but twenty
miles from the Caspian. The magnificent causeway of Shah Abbas, which
still exists, also keeps open its communication with the provinces
south of that sea. Its trade with Orgunje, or Khiva, is comparatively
trifling; there being but one or two annual caravans of eighty or a
hundred camels. The intervening country is very disturbed; goods may
be conveyed there with greater safety, by passing them up the eastern
bank of the Caspian, and landing in the latitude of Khiva. There is
hardly any trade between Astrabad and Russia. The climate of Astrabad
is humid and disagreeable. It rains so much that it is difficult to
keep a mud wall standing, and a very ingenious plan has been devised
to effect it. A mat of reeds is placed on the top of the wall, covered
with earth, and planted with lilies, or fleur-de-lis, which grow up
luxuriantly, and thus protect it from the rain. Though Astrabad be
in the same parallel as Koochan, the thermometer, which there fell
below the freezing point at sunrise, now stood at 60° in October. The
difference of elevation solves the problem. Astrabad produces oranges,
figs, lemons, and the fruits of hot countries.
~Arrival on the Caspian.~
From Astrabad I proceeded to the banks of the Caspian at Nokunda, a
straggling village about thirty miles distant. We might have come on
it sooner, but I had an introduction to the Khan of that place, and
preferred seeing the Causeway of the great Shah Abbas. It is yet in
tolerable repair, and appears to have been about twelve feet broad,
and formed of round stones. It runs through a thick forest, where
figs, vines, and pomegranates grow spontaneously. This road will,
in all probability, remain, like that of the Cæsars, as the most
lasting memorial of the munificent Abbas. Without it, the province
of Mazenderan would be quite impervious for many months. The Khan of
Nokunda received me very kindly, and was a communicative man. He was a
relation of the Khan with whom I had travelled among the Toorkmuns. He
gave me a Persian dinner, and many Persian compliments; and I assured
him, in return, that the guest of a night was the friend of a hundred
years.
~Adventures on the Caspian.~
The forests of Mazenderan had yet hid the Caspian; nor did I see it
till the following morning, and within half a mile of its beach. What a
noble sight it at length presented, after we had been so long looking
for it, and travelled from Delhi to its shores. It now rolled before
us like the ocean. Near us lay five or six small vessels, here called
“_gummee_;” and the Khan and myself embarked in one of them, and sailed
merrily out to sea, from which we viewed this beautiful coast. We
boarded a small Russian vessel, and the whole voyage was repaid by the
reception of the captain, who, on hearing I was a European, pulled off
his fur cap, and had a bit of sturgeon broiled for my refreshment. I
cannot say I relished it; but then, I had not had such a bow, and such
society, for many a day. These vessels are all of Russian build; they
carry two masts, and hoist square sails; their tackle is superior:
but there were no vessels of any great tonnage then in the harbour.
There is a prevalent belief, that the waters on the southern side of
the Caspian have been receding; and during these twelve years they
have retired about three hundred yards, of which I had ocular proof.
Over the reef which forms the Bay of Astrabad, the natives informed
me that the water of the Caspian is fresh, while in other places it
is brackish; but as this is the embouchure of the rivers Atruk and
Goorgan, it may be readily accounted for. I did not leave the Caspian
without endeavouring to verify the opinions regarding its level, which
is clearly below that of the ocean. A thermometer, which boils at the
sea at 212-1/3°, here boiled at 213-2/3°, which, according to Humboldt,
would give a depression of 800 feet, which is much too great. I did
not, however, use proper water for the experiment, and we shall rest
satisfied simply with its being a corroboration of received opinions of
the depression of this inland sea.
~Gardens of Ushruff.~
I took leave of the Khan of Nokundu, and proceeded to Ushruff, which is
in Mazenderan, and one of the favoured seats of Shah Abbas and Nadir,
and which Jonas Hanway has so graphically described some ninety years
ago. All the fine buildings which he mentions have been destroyed,
though their architecture is such that they might have stood for
centuries. There is yet enough to leave a very favourable impression of
the taste of the Persian monarch; since it is evident that they have
been light and chaste, and in that keeping which ought to characterise
garden-houses. A superb basin, and all the aqueducts, are yet perfect,
and the cypress trees have attained a great height in their advanced
age. The situation of these gardens is beautiful; they command a noble
view of the Caspian.
~Fortunate escape.~
At Ushruf we met a party of pilgrims from Bokhara and Khiva, who joined
us at the caravansary. We learned from them, that the Russian caravan,
which had proceeded to Mangusluk, had been plundered by the Kirgizzes,
about ten days after leaving Khiva. But for the advice of the Vizier in
Bokhara, we should have accompanied that caravan; and had we succeeded
in passing through the town of Khiva, we should have met with the
catastrophe to which I have alluded, between it and the Caspian. The
pilgrims recounted the great hardships of their journey from Khiva to
Astrabad, where they had experienced much oppression from the Toorkmun
tribes. I had now to congratulate myself on having attended to the
advice that had been given.
~The plague.~
~Quit the Caspian.~
After we had proceeded a mile beyond Ushruf, we found the great
causeway barricaded, and a villager seated with a stick, to prevent a
trespass. This was the _board of health_ at Ushruf; for we now heard,
for the first time, that the plague was raging at Saree, the capital of
Mazenderan, and the town at which I had that day intended to halt. We
prosecuted our journey; but rested at a village two miles from Saree,
where our information of the existence of the disease was confirmed. I
was now on my road to Balfurosh, and its port on the Caspian,--a place
of some note, where I hoped to see more Russian vessels, and enlarge my
acquaintance with this sea and that people; but I made an immediate
alteration in my plans, and prepared for a precipitate retreat from
the shores of the Caspian and Mazenderan. Next morning I took the high
road to Tehran, and met with rather a staggering incident as we passed
outside the walls of Saree. Our road brought us into a burying-ground,
where two boys were digging a grave, as we passed, for two bodies that
lay near them. Such a scene filled me with horror; for the people had
died of the plague: but what was our astonishment to be addressed by
the grave-diggers, and beseeched, as good Mahommedans, to assist in the
usual ablutions of a corpse! “You shall have five ‘sahib kurans’ (about
three rupees) for your trouble,” exclaimed they. There was a silence
among us; no one gave an answer; and we soon found ourselves beyond
Saree, having quickened the pace of our horses. This town suffered so
severely from the plague in the preceding year, that there were not now
more than three hundred people in it, and most of them were persons who
had recovered from the disease; since the Persians bear an impression
that the plague cannot be taken more than once. There were now too few
people to admit of the disease spreading; but it no doubt lurked in
Saree. They informed me that it had been introduced by Balfurosh from
Astracan in the preceding year, and all my curiosity to see that place
vanished with the information.
~Notice of the plague.~
In our march we were joined by a native of Astrabad, who was proceeding
to Tehran; and he gave me some account of the plague, which had raged
last year. He had lost a son, and both he and his wife had caught the
disease. She was nursing a child at the time; and though she continued
to suckle it, the infant escaped. The disease did not reach its height
till the tenth day, and was invariably attended with delirium. This
person assured me, that he had the horror to see his own child dragged
to the door by eight or ten cats, whom he with difficulty scared away;
and affirmed it as his belief, that more people were killed by dogs
and cats, or died from hunger, under the disease itself. None would
approach an infected house, and no patient would even assist another.
The plague and human nature are the same in all countries, and the
affections and passions are never brought sooner to the test than in
that devastating disorder.
~Mazenderan.~
Our stay in Mazenderan was now soon to close. It is a disagreeable
country; and has so moist a climate, that the inhabitants are subject
to fevers, agues, dropsies, palsies, and many other diseases. The
people are sallow, and the children weak and rickety. It is a land of
snakes and frogs; but the snakes are not venomous, being of the water
species. They are to be seen twisting and turning every where, and
about the thickness of a good-sized whip. Almost at every pace your
horse disturbs some frogs, who scramble in vain for concealment even in
a country of bushes and shrubs. So great is the moisture, that the rice
crops are not cut, as in other countries. They mow the grain down near
the ear, and place it to dry on the stubble; for it would otherwise
rot. Mazenderan is a rich province. The sugar cane thrives in it; but
they do not appear to prepare it beyond the first stage, and sell it
as molasses. Cotton also grows luxuriantly, and silkworms are educated
every where. The fruit is good, and much of it grows wild. There are
whole woods of pomegranate trees; and the people collect the fruit,
and, after drying the seeds in the sun, export them as a rarity to
other countries.
~Peasantry.~
The peasantry, with a sickly, have yet a comfortable appearance. They
tie folds of cloth round their legs and fix them with a low shoe, and
lacing cords. They wade through their muddy roads with these, and tell
you they are superior to boots, since they may be dried in the evening!
The men wear dark clothes, and the women dress generally in red,--the
two colours which I suppose are easiest made. Many of the people wear
caps of felt, instead of lambskin. The houses of the country are buried
in vegetation; creepers, melons, and pumpkins are every where to be
seen resting on the roofs. Every house has a garden, and is surrounded
by a hedge of mulberries; most of them are elevated by wooden poles to
a considerable height from the ground, to prevent the bad effects of
moisture. The inhabitants pass the summer and autumnal months in the
hills, where they cultivate rice. They live in huts, and call such a
residence “yailak,” in distinction from “kishlak,” which they apply to
their permanent habitations.
CHAP. XVI.
JOURNEY THROUGH PERSIA.--CONCLUSION OF THE NARRATIVE.
~Quit Mazenderan.~
At the village of Aliabad, which is twelve miles from Balfurosh,
we quitted the Causeway of Shah Abbas, and proceeded south to the
mountains, and entered the beautiful glen which is watered by the Tilar
river. We had a sight of the lofty snow-clad mountain of Dumavend
before leaving the low country. This valley extends for about sixty
miles, and is the greatest of the passes into Mazenderan. Shah Abbas
cut a road in the rock for about ten miles, which is yet passable,
though it has not suited the policy of his successors to repair it.
The horses frequently sunk girth deep into the mud; and if his present
Majesty knew but half the curses and maledictions heaped upon his head
and beard by the mule drivers, he would assuredly repair it for the
peace of his own soul. The scenery of this valley is most romantic;
the hills are covered with forest trees; and the rumbling noise of
the water, which was many hundred feet below the road, had an effect
that was most pleasing. About half way up the valley, we crossed the
rivulet by a bridge, called the “pool i sufued”, and left the rich
foliage of Mazenderan.
~Pass of Gudook.~
We finally cleared the valley by the pass of Gudook, which leads up to
the table land of Persia. The word “Gudook,” in Toorkee, means a pass.
Our ascent from the dell was continued and gradual; and at Feerozkoh
we were again six thousand feet above the sea. On either side, as we
approached the pass, the precipices rose in grand abruptness, and the
narrowness of the road had led to its being fortified in former years.
This is a scene of romance, and the strains of Furdoosee, the Persian
Homer. The cave of the “Dev i sufued,” or white demon, was pointed out
to us, as well as the spot where he was slain by the valiant Roostum.
Some fellow travellers, whom we had picked up by the way, spouted
verses from the Shahnamu, and I was more than once amused with their
ruminations. They did not dream of the lively imagination of a national
poet, but were regretting the degeneracy of the present age, which had
no giants and Roostums, as in times that had gone. The top of the pass
was very cold; and in winter this is said to prove sometimes fatal to
the traveller. Shah Abbas has here erected a bath and a caravansary,
but they are both in ruins.
~Gudook the “Pylæ Caspiæ.”~
It appears to me that the pass of Gudook may be identified with the
“Pylæ Caspiæ,” or the Caspian gates, through which Alexander the Great
pursued Darius. Their distance from Rhages or Rei, which lies near
the modern city of Tehran, is said to have been a two days’ march,
and the journey is ninety miles. I have before observed that this is
the greatest of the passes into Mazenderan; and we have seen that it
is hallowed by Persia’s greatest muse. By this road Alexander reached
Hecatompylos, from which he advanced into Parthia. On the way he
attacked the _Taburi_; and it is a very extraordinary fact, that, in
the modern coinage of Mazenderan, that province is yet denominated
_Taburistan_.
~Feerozkoh.~
From the pass of Gudook we journeyed in a cheerless valley pent in by
bare hills; at the end of which stood the village of Feerozkoh, under a
naked rock and fort about 300 feet high. This place put me in mind of
Bameean, since many of the houses were excavated in the hills, where
the inhabitants keep their flocks in winter. The climate is severe, and
the snow lies for five months in the year. I observed a great change in
the appearance of the inhabitants, who had now red and rosy cheeks. I
know not whether our elevation from the lowlands of Mazenderan, might
have an effect in the boiling of meat; but it took twice the usual
time to cook my pilao at Feerozkoh; nay, the water was boiled up before
the meat was ready. The flesh might have been tough, and an old sheep
of the flock had, perhaps, fallen under the knife of the butcher.
~Cure for the taste of quinine.~
It is said that the natives of Mazenderan are the most simple of all
the Persians, and we had some amusement at the expense of one of our
fellow-travellers, who applied for medicine to arrest an intermittent
fever. I gave him quinine, and afterwards took occasion to ask him how
he liked its bitter taste. “It has no taste,” replied he; for he had
swallowed it along with the paper in which it was packed up.
~A Koord.~
We made three marches to Tehran, a distance of ninety miles, halting
by the way at the hovels of caravansarais, which the traveller finds
in this part of Persia, where he alights in the same room with his
horse. The country was arid, bleak, and miserable, and the number of
villages most limited. We had no signs of approaching the metropolis
of a country. An incident occurred near Baumein, the last stage, which
should not be omitted: one of my “yaboos,” or ponies, had sunk under
his load, and I went into a village to hire another; I succeeded in my
suit, and paid the price of the animal to a Koord with whom I made the
bargain, and was about to resume my journey:--“Will you not purchase
my mule,” said he, “in exchange for your worn-out ‘yaboo,’ and give
me the difference?” I entered into conversation, and found that the
Koord took me for a native of Khorasan, and it was therefore useless
to tell him I was an European. I certainly wished for his mule, and as
I looked at it he said, with considerable solemnity,--“Now, as we are
both _good_ Mahommedans, let us conclude a bargain and not cheat each
other.” I added, “Be it so,” and after a little conversation we settled
all matters. His mule had, as I afterwards found, a broken back, and
my yaboo had an incurable disease; but then it was as apparent to the
Koord as it was to myself. Such was the settlement of a bargain between
two _good_ Mahommedans, who resolved to act fairly by each other; nor
is Persia the only country where such arts are practised.
~Vexations of a traveller.~
~Arrival at Tehran.~
On the 21st of October I was astir a little after midnight, to proceed
with as little delay as possible to the capital of the King of kings,
but what did my speed avail me? We had not got many yards from the
caravansary before one of the loads tumbled from the mule, and while
putting it right another was kicked off by a horse. We had repaired
these disasters in a night as dark as Tartarus, and were about to
advance, when it was discovered that one of the other ponies had
strayed, and, what was more alarming, the very one, on which all my
notes, maps, and papers had been packed. My tongue clove to the roof
of my mouth, at the announcement of such a piece of information,
among thieving Koords, after all the difficulties of the journey had
apparently terminated. A search of half an hour recovered the strayed
animal, and I trotted on with all speed to the gate of Tehran, which I
reached at noon. I proceeded to the mansion of the British mission and
presented myself at the outer door, as a “Firingee.” I was soon met by
Sir John Campbell, the envoy at this court, and spent with him and his
agreeable family a few happy and pleasant days, marked by the utmost
hospitality and kindness.
~Presentation to the Shah.~
After being introduced by the Envoy to the “pillars of the state” the
cabinet ministers of Persia, I had the honour of being presented to his
Majesty, on the 26th of October. Having seen the Great Mogul himself,
and the monarchs of Cabool and Bokhara, with many other exalted
personages, I was gratified to find myself in the court of Persia. The
“kibleh alum,” or attraction of the world, (so the king is styled,) sat
in a hall of mirrors, and when yet beyond the light of his countenance,
we drew up and saluted. We then advanced, and again saluted; and
his Majesty returned it by calling aloud, “Khoosh amudeed,” you are
welcome. We now ascended a few steps, and found ourselves in the
presence of royalty. “_Dumagh i shooma chak ust_, are your brains
clear?” exclaimed his Majesty with a sonorous voice; on this we drew up
in a corner opposite to where the Shah sat, and returned the compliment
by a salute. Sir John Campbell, Captain MʻDonald and myself composed
the party, and the ministers stood on each side of us. The Shah sat
at a distance of about forty feet, and a display of crystal, arranged
with as little taste as in a shop, separated us from the King of kings.
The chandeliers hung so thickly from the roof, that they completed the
resemblance, and before any conversation had passed we were instructed
to hold our swords, lest they might fracture the mirrors let into
the wall behind us. “Does he understand Persian?” said his Majesty,
to one of his ministers. “_Bele, bele_, yes, yes,” was the reply “he
speaks Toorkee, Afghanee, Hindee, Persian, &c. &c.;” though I should
have been soon at fault, had the Shah selected his dialect. “You have
made a long and difficult journey,” commenced his Majesty; and such
was the affability and engaging manner of this illustrious personage,
that I felt myself at once free from embarrassment, and in the closest
conversation with the “Asylum of the World.” He desired me to enumerate
the cities which I had visited, and I ended the long list by saying,
that the favour of God had at last brought me to his august capital.
He exclaimed in a tone of surprise, “Why, a _Persian_ could not have
done so much. But what led you to undergo the dangers and fatigues
of such a journey?” I replied, that it had been curiosity. “Did you
travel as an European?” I told him I did so. “It must have cost you
much money;” but his Majesty had a hearty laugh when I told him that we
owed our release among the Toorkmuns to two gold ducats and a little
tea. “Have you taken notes of your journey?” said the Shah. “Yes,”
replied I, “I have measured the mountains, examined the roads, and
sounded the rivers.” “These people are lions,” exclaimed the astonished
monarch. “_Bele, bele_,” echoed his ministers, “they are tigers, they
are Roostums.” “Give me a sketch of the affairs of Cabool,” continued
the King, “tell me the power of the chief and his brothers;”--with all
of which I complied, adding, as a courtier, that the ruler owed his
power to the Persians he retained in his interests. He made enquiries
as to their tribe and number, on which points I satisfied his Majesty.
The Shah then put like questions on the power of all the chiefs
between India and Persia, questioned me about the road over the Hindoo
Koosh, and particularly on the capability of the Oxus, which he called
the Jihoon, and seemed to consider the greatest river in the world:
he mentioned the deserts which it passed, asking if they could be
traversed by an army. His Majesty next spoke of the people of Bokhara,
and asked if they were alarmed at the approach of Abbas Meerza to their
frontiers. Need I give the answer: I told the King that they trembled.
He smiled at my account of the Priests or Moollahs, and gave a look of
contempt, as I mouthed the name of the King, the “Ameer ool Momineen,”
the Commander of the faithful. “Did you try horse-flesh while among
the Uzbeks?” was the next question. I replied that I did so, and it
was not unpalatable. “But how got you from among the Toorkmuns?” said
his Majesty once more. “I threw the dog a bit of meat, and escaped his
jaws.”
After a little break in the conversation, the Shah, with some interest
in what he said, enquired for the greatest wonder which I had seen in
my travels. The opportunity was too favourable in so vain a court,
and I replied in a loud voice, “Centre of the universe, what sight
has equalled that which I now behold, the light of your Majesty’s
countenance, O attraction of the world!” The Shah gave a nod of
applause, which was taken up in a buzz of approbation by the pillars
of the state, and evinced the royal and ministerial gratification.
“But,” continued the King, “what city did you most admire?” I required
a precise answer after such adulation. I told him that Cabool was the
paradise of our travels. He asked particularly for Balkh, and the
modern condition of that “Am ool bulad,” or mother of cities.
“You were presented to the Prince-royal,” said the King; “And I
received much condescension at his Royal Highness’s hands,” replied I;
“he sent me with a Khan through the country of the Toorkmuns.” “Tell me
what you say of Koochan;”--which gave me an opportunity of delighting
the old monarch with the detail of his son’s success, heightened by the
formidable account which I gave of the strength of the fallen fortress.
“Will the ‘Naib Sultanut,’” so he called Abbas Meerza, “be able to take
Shurukhs, and reduce the Toorkmuns in that neighbourhood?” “Certainly,”
replied I, “they will fall at his feet.” “Will the place support his
army?” I then enumerated its resources. One of the ministers, by
way of adding to the information desiderated by his Majesty, stated
that Shurukhs was the garden of Adam, who used to come from Ceylon
(Serendib) and till it daily! I had heard the tradition, but it had
not entered into my statistical details for his Majesty’s information.
“What is your opinion of my son’s army,--is it efficient?” I assured
his Majesty that it was so. “But tell me your most candid opinion of
its merits.” I added, that the clothes and accoutrements of the troops
were worn out, but that no Asiatic power could in these days resist
such an armament, and that they were now flushed with success. His
Majesty again returned to my own affairs, and asked whither I was now
proceeding. I told him, to India. He made no further enquiries into my
objects for travelling. “How did you travel in Toorkistan?” asked the
Shah. I told him that my conveyance was a camel, at which he smiled.
After some desultory conversation and complimentary speeches between
the Shah and the Envoy, we left the presence of the King of kings with
the same bows and ceremonies that we had approached it.
Futtih Ali Shah has by no means the appearance of an old man, though
his age must be upwards of seventy. His voice is full and sonorous,
and he sits erect, with much dignity. His dress was remarkably plain,
and of black cloth, which was not becoming, nor did it show off to
advantage his beard, that wonder of the East. I should not be surprized
that this monarch outlived his son Abbas.[18] It is said, that he has
recourse to _the essence of pearls_ and precious stones, which he uses
as tonics, to support his declining strength, and in which the Oriental
faculty have great faith. The moderns apply these gems to other
purposes; and the Shah of Persia deserves some credit as being one of
the only persons I have heard of who turns them to a useful purpose.
~Return to India.~
I now found myself poised between Europe and Asia; and though I
had informed his Majesty that I purposed returning to India, I had
every inclination to prosecute my way to Constantinople, now distant
but twenty days’ journey. Would that I had followed the bent of my
inclinations; since I afterwards found that I had been summoned to
Europe from that city. I felt, however, that the objects of the journey
had been accomplished, and it only remained for me to return to India,
and arrange the materials which I had gathered. I therefore quitted
Tehran on the 1st of November, and freely admit that I did so with
regret, after a ten days’ enjoyment of the friendly society which I had
met.
~Route to the coast.~
On my way to the coast, I took the route of Isfahan and Shiraz
to Bushire, and viewed by the way the tomb of Cyrus, and those
imperishable remnants of antiquity, the ruins of Persepolis. This
route and country have been too often described to require even a
passing remark; nor do I offer to present my views and picture of the
inhabitants, after the inimitable sketches that have appeared in Hajee
Baba, which, with a due deduction for the thread of the tale, appeared
to me both just and correct. I have since perused Mr. Fraser’s Travels
in this country, and venture to record, as far as I am able to judge,
that they contain the most faithful account of Persia which has been
published in modern times. Were the facts and opinions which have
been recorded by that able and intelligent traveller more generally
received, we should have ere this come to more correct notions of
the weak state and tottering condition of this empire, and a juster
appreciation of its weight and influence in the scale of nations.
~Quit Persia.~
At Bushire, I found that Mr. Blane, the resident in the Gulf of Persia,
had kindly delayed the departure of the Honourable Company’s ship of
war the Clive, till I arrived. I lost no time in embarkation, and
finally quitted Persia on the 10th of December. Our voyage to India
was pleasant, and Capt. Macdonald, the commander of the Clive, took
every opportunity of making it varied and agreeable. If we found that
“Oman’s dark blue sea,” and its barren shores, have been the theme
of exaggerated praise in the imagination of the poet, we had yet
gratification in a glimpse at the far-famed emporium of Ormuz, and the
rugged rocky coast of Arabia, with the romantic cove of Muscat and the
dreary shores of Mekran. We anchored in the harbour of Bombay on the
18th of January, and passed the rest of that month in quarantine; after
which I proceeded without delay to Calcutta, to lay the result of my
travels before the Governor General, Lord William Bentinck.
~Conclusion.~
I shall not pause to reflect on the feelings with which I again set
foot in India after so long and weary a journey. In the outset, I
saw every thing, both ancient and modern, to excite the interest and
inflame the imagination,--Bactria, Transoxiana, Scythia, and Parthia,
Kharasm, Khorasan, and Iran. We had now visited all these countries; we
had retraced the greater part of the route of the Macedonians; trodden
the kingdoms of Porus and Taxiles; sailed on the Hydaspes; crossed the
Indian Caucasus, and resided in the celebrated city of Balkh, from
which Greek monarchs, far removed from the academics of Corinth and
Athens, had once disseminated among mankind a knowledge of the arts
and sciences, of their own history, and the world. We had beheld the
scenes, of Alexander’s wars, of the rude and savage inroads of Jengis
and Timour, as well as of the campaigns and revelries of Baber, as
given in the delightful and glowing language of his commentaries. In
the journey to the coast, we had marched on the very line of route by
which Alexander had pursued Darius; while the voyage to India took us
on the coast of Mekran and the track of his admiral Nearchus.
A
GENERAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL
MEMOIR
ON PART OF
CENTRAL ASIA.
The Personal Narrative of the journey has closed, and I now proceed to
describe the objects, both general and geographical, that appear to
deserve notice. It will be seen that the line of route has traversed
a portion of India, Cabool, Tartary (Toorkistan), and Persia; and I
might appropriately follow the same arrangement in my descriptions. It
is not, however, my intention to recapitulate the labours of others,
not to dwell upon what is already before the world; I have therefore
confined myself to that which is new and inviting. My maps will
rectify many positions in these countries, and even remove various
and vast ranges of hills; but the general account of each province in
the kingdom of Cabool has been graphically given in Mr. Elphinstone’s
valuable work on that country. My field lies in the untrodden paths
beyond Hindoo Koosh, among roaming Tartars and deserts, cheered, as
they certainly are, by many smiling and fertile oäses. If my reader
will place the maps of the journey before him, he will perceive that
I only treat of countries which I have visited: there is an exception
in the fifth and sixth chapters of the first Book, regarding the
sources of the Indus and the foreign communications of China, which
the interest of the subject will, I believe, justify. In the last two
Books, I present the report, nearly in the same state that I submitted
it to the Supreme Government of India. The form may not be best
adapted to convey information to the public; but in such a shape the
authenticity will, perhaps, entitle it to greater notice. For reasons,
which it is not necessary to explain, I have had to abridge this and
other portions of my work.
NOTICE
REGARDING
THE MAP OF CENTRAL ASIA.
The results of my survey of the countries between India and the Caspian
Sea are exhibited on the face of the map: the data on which these
results rest require to be stated, that others may be enabled to judge
of the authenticity of the document.
The instruments used were, a sextant, of nine inches radius, by
Gilbert, and the patent surveying compass of Schmalcalder, divided
into 360 degrees. With the sextant the parallels of latitude were
determined, when practicable, either by a meridian altitude of the sun,
or the elevation of the pole star; with the compass the bearings or
angles of the country were observed. The time of travelling was noted
on the spot, from a valuable chronometer watch by Arnold.
The rate of marching, after various trials by astronomical observation,
was found to be as follows:--
1st. On horseback, over a level country, such as the Punjab, or regions
eastward of the Caspian, _without a caravan_, 30 furlongs, or 3-3/4
miles per hour.
2d. On horseback, over a broken or mountainous country, such as lies
between the Indus and Cabool, and accompanied by mules lightly laden, 3
miles per hour.
3d. On camels, over a flat country, such as Toorkistan, about 3800
yards, or 2 miles 300 yards per hour; protracting in every instance the
great inflexions of the road, and correcting them by peaks or notable
land-marks in front or rear.
The rate of a camel’s march requires some further notice, since I took
much pains to ascertain it, and am not without a hope that it may prove
useful to others. Twenty-two camels in “kittar,” or string, that is,
following and tied to each other, cover a space of 115 paces of 2-1/2
feet, or 94 yards. They march over this space in 90 seconds of time;
that is to say, they travel at the rate of 76-2/3 paces per minute, or
3833 yards per hour, thus:--
76-2/3 paces a minute.
60 minutes.
----
4560
40
----
4600 paces.
2-1/2 feet.
------
3)11,500 feet.
------
3833 yards.
------
Camels move quickest at night, or in the cool of the morning, and flag
after a march of twenty-five miles. I have, therefore, taken the even
number of 3800 yards as my standard of protraction. I cannot agree with
Mr. Macartney, that camels move at the rate of 2-1/2 or 2-3/4 miles an
hour. Volney informs us that the Syrian camel travels at the rate of
only 3600 yards, or even lower than the standard which I have assigned;
and that great traveller cannot be far from the truth. In a _sandy
country_ I used the following expedient to ascertain the rate of the
camel, and the result presents a satisfactory approximation.
A string of 7 camels moves over its own } 26 seconds.
ground in }
10 42
7 28
8 35
8 37
12 50
-- ---
52 218
-- ---
Each camel in string occupies about 13 feet; so that 52 camels cover
676 feet, which gives a rate of about 3700 yards an hour _in soft
ground_; thus:--
sec. feet. sec.
If 218 : 676 : 3600. Ans. 3700.
That the rates of marching now recorded approximate closely to the
truth, is undeniably established by my protraction to the city of
Bokhara, which fell within 30 miles west of the meridian of 64° 55′
east longitude, the position assigned to it by the Russian mission.
In Macartney’s map it stands in 69° 10′, and was altered by Mr.
Elphinstone to 62° 45′; though that gentleman observes he was not
satisfied with its position. The latitude of Bokhara I found to be
39° 43′ 41″ north; but its position, according to others, is somewhat
different.
By L^t. Macartney 37° 45′ North.
By Mr. Elphinstone 39 27
By Major Rennell 39 25
By Anthony Jenkinson 39 10
I also found a remarkable coincidence with the correct longitude,
in my protraction through the Toorkmun country, from Meshid to the
Caspian Sea. Setting out also from Lodiana in India, which stands
in 75° 54′ east longitude, and 30° 55′ 30″ north latitude, the
protraction to Peshawar was nearly coincident with the position of
that city as determined by the Cabool mission. They assigned to it
the longitude of 71° 45′: I have placed it 71° 33′: it stands in 34°
9′ 30″ north latitude. The relative position of Cabool from Peshawur
has been altered, as well as the ranges of the mountains; but it is
unnecessary to detail the various changes which an inspection and
comparison of the map will readily point out. With the assistance of
Mr. John Arrowsmith, whose maps have already secured to him a just
approbation[19], the materials of my survey have been incorporated with
the latest geographical information: this will greatly enhance the
value of the maps, which have been drawn by Mr. Arrowsmith himself, and
carefully engraved under his own superintendence for this work; nor
will it in any way conceal the later information, since my own line of
route has been particularly marked and distinguished from that of other
travellers.
The following original observations of latitude it seems advisable to
record. The asterisk marks those which were observed at night.
Lodiana, on the Sutledge Lat. 30° 55′ 30″
Junction of the rivers Sutledge and Beas,
at Huree 31 9 50
City of Lahore (south gate) 31 34 52
Ramnugguron, the Chenab 32 19 33
Pind Dadun Khan, on the Jelum 32 34 53
Rotas, in the Punjab 32 58 2
Jane ka Sung, in the Punjab 33 41 8
Attok, on the Indus 33 54 46
Peshawur (of Macartney) 34 9 30
Cabool (south quarter) *34 24 5
Balkh (obs. 17 miles west) *36 48 0
Oxus, at Khoju Salu *37 27 45
Kurshee, in Toorkistan *38 51 50
Bokhara (centre and mean of 3 obs.) *39 43 41
Meerabad, near Karakool 39 21 51
Charjooee (south bank of the Oxus) 39 0 30
Bulghooee, in the desert *38 39 21
Khoju Abdoola, on the Moorghab *37 36 15
Shurukhs (by the sun) 36 31 0
Shurukhs (by the pole star) *36 32 10
Meshid (west quarter) 36 15 44
Camp among Goklan Toorkmuns 37 21 57
Koord mulla, on the Caspian 36 46 25
Tehran (capital of Persia) 35 40 0
GENERAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL
MEMOIR.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
AN ACCOUNT of THE KINGDOM OF BOKHARA.
~Limits and extent of the kingdom.~
Samarcand and Bokhara have afforded a theme for glowing description to
the historians, and poets of all ages. The country in which they lie
forms a portion of Toorkistan, or the land of the Toorks, and is so
denominated by the people themselves. Bokhara is an isolated kingdom,
of small extent, surrounded by a desert. It is an open champaign
country, of unequal fertility. In the vicinity of its few rivers the
soil is rich; beyond, barren and unproductive. It owes its importance
to its central position, since it is placed between Europe and the
richest regions of Asia. On the north, it is bounded by the Sea of
Aral, the Sir or Jaxartes of the ancients, and the country of Kokan
or Ferghana. On the east, it extends to the mountains which branch
from the high lands of Pamere. On the south it has the Oxus, which
it however crosses on the south-eastern limit, and holds a supremacy
over Balkh and the cantons of Andkho and Maimuna. On the west it
is separated from Orgunje or Khiva by the desert of Kharasm, which
commences within a march of the city of Bokhara. In this enumeration I
have assigned the widest limits to the kingdom; for there are provinces
within this boundary which owe but a doubtful allegiance. The great
feature of the country is the Oxus, which bisects the desert, and
renders it inhabitable. The river of Samarcand, in its lower course,
flows at right angles to it, but expends its water before paying its
tribute to the greater stream. Another rivulet below that of Samarcand
shares a like fate, after it has watered the province of Kurshee. On
the banks of these different streams lies the whole cultivable soil of
the kingdom. The entire country is comprised between the parallels of
36° and 45° of north latitude, and the meridians of 61° and 67° east
longitude. A very small portion of this extensive tract is peopled.
From Eljeek on the Oxus, and on the western frontier, to Juzzak on the
east, which is the line of cultivation across the country, the distance
is 240 miles. From Balkh to Bokhara it is but 260, almost altogether
waste; and the desert commences about fifteen miles beyond the capital.
~Natural and political divisions.~
The natural and political divisions of the kingdom, according to the
natives, are as follows:--1. Karakool; 2. Bokhara, and seven _tomuns_
or districts around; 3. Kermina; 4. Meeankal, or Kutta Koorghan; 5.
Samarcand, which has five _tomuns_; 6. Juzzak; 7. Kurshee; 8. Lubiab,
or banks of the Oxus; and, 9. Balkh, and the provinces south of that
river. The first six of these divisions occupy the valley of the
river of Samarcand, known by the name of Kohik and _Zurufshan_, the
gold-shedding river. This is the ancient valley of the Sogd, which
has elicited the praises of all ages, from the time of Alexander. It
was considered a paradise on earth by the Arabian conquerors; but
much of its fame must be attributed to the surrounding desolation,
its beauty captivating the eyes of those who had long travelled in
oceans of sand. It is, however, a beautiful valley. Kurshee, which
lies sixty miles to the south of Samarcand, is an oasis, formed by a
river from the neighbouring province of Shuhr Subz, which exhausts
itself in fertilising the district. The territory on the banks of the
Oxus is also highly favoured by nature; but the strip of cultivation
is narrow, and much of it lies neglected. Balkh, and the countries
south of the Oxus, likewise owe their fertility to the abundant supply
of water, which was once divided among a multiplicity of villages;
but rapine has desolated this fruitful land. These cantons, though
considered tributary to Bokhara, render but nominal allegiance; which
consists in sending a few horses yearly to the king. Their names are
as follows:--Akchu, Shibbergaum, Andkhoee, Maimuna, and Sirepool; all,
except the last, to the north of the mountains.
~Physical geography.~
The geological structure and general conformation of an extended
plain is not less interesting than the features of a lofty range
of mountains; but we have here fewer opportunities to observe and
describe. The great plain of Toorkistan has an elevation of 2000 feet,
and gradually declines westward from Balkh, as the slope and direction
of the rivers testify, till it meets the Sea of Aral and the Caspian.
With the country north of the Oxus, and from the base of the mountains
to Bokhara, I am best acquainted. We have a succession of low rounded
ridges of limestone, oolite, and gravel, thinly overgrown with verdure,
alternating with vast and hardened plains of argillaceous clay, which
offer in this dry climate the finest roads to the heaviest artillery.
On these there occur some fields of sand-hills, of no great extent,
but sufficient to absorb the waters of all the rivulets flowing towards
the Oxus. They seem to extend in a narrow line parallel to that river;
and between it and Karakool have their greatest breadth, which is about
twelve miles. Further to the eastward, they do not exceed half that
width; and there are only a few scattered hillocks between Kurshee
and the Oxus. Westward of Bokhara, the sand-hills increase in volume,
and approach close on either side of the river of Kohik, leaving but
a small space for cultivation; they then run north and west into the
deserts of Kipchak and Kharasm. On their extent and continuance south
of the Oxus I have spoken in my narrative, as well as in a subsequent
chapter on Toorkmania. These sand-hills are based on the firmest land;
and it can at once be discerned that they have been blown by the wind
from some other soil. In the valleys there occasionally occur deposits
of salt and saline rivulets; and nearly all the wells of this tract are
either bitter or brackish. The depth of these never exceeds thirty-six
feet, and many of them have water at half that distance from the
surface. Between Bokhara and the Oxus the water exudes through sand,
and in August had a temperature of 60°, while the air exceeded that of
100°. It was as grateful to the palate as if cooled in ice. In the cold
season, these wells are described as warm; so it is evident that they
retain an equality of temperature during the year. The tract north of
the Oxus is thinly peopled by pastoral tribes, and uncultivated; but
the remains of aqueducts and buildings, in particular between Kurshee
and Bokhara, denote a more prosperous age in these now neglected lands.
~Climate and phenomena.~
The climate of Bokhara is salubrious and pleasant; it is dry, and in
the winter very cold, as is usual in sandy countries. Nothing proves
this so satisfactorily as the freezing of the Oxus. In summer, the
thermometer seldom rises much above 90°, and the nights are always
cool. But this only applies to the city of Bokhara; for, in approaching
it by the desert in June, the heat exceeded 100° of Fahrenheit. The
exuberance of vegetation near the city must lower the temperature; and
will account for the difference between the scorching heat around,
and its milder climate. Bokhara has an elevation of about 1200 feet
above the sea. There is a constant serenity in its atmosphere, and a
clearness in the sky. The heavens are a bright azure blue, generally
without a cloud. At night, the stars have uncommon lustre, and the
milky way shines gloriously in the firmament. Even in moonlight, a
star is visible on the verge of the horizon at an elevation of but
three or four degrees. There is also a never-ceasing display of the
most brilliant meteors, which dart like rockets in the sky: ten or
twelve of these are sometimes seen in an hour, assuming almost every
colour; fiery red, blue, pale and faint. It is a noble country for
astronomical science, and great must have been the advantages enjoyed
by the famed observatory of Samarcand. In the middle of July, after
some days of greater than usual heat, we experienced a violent tornado
of dust, accompanied by a hot wind. It approached from the N.W., and
could be seen advancing. It passed off in a few hours, and left the
air clear and cool; nor did the heat again return. I encountered a
similar phenomenon at Mooltan, on the Indus, about the same time in the
preceding year. These clouds of dust appear only to occur near deserts;
but then every strong breeze should raise a similar cloud, which it
does not. In winter, the snow lies for three months at Bokhara; and the
spring rains are often heavy, but the climate is arid. The evaporation
of water is so rapid, that after rain the roads dry immediately. I
should judge the climate to be congenial to the human frame, from the
great age of many of the inhabitants. I have been now speaking of
Bokhara and the countries north of the Oxus. In Balkh, the heat is
oppressive; and the climate is very unhealthy, which is attributed to
the bad quality of the water. It is of a whitish colour, mixed up with
earth like pipe-clay: nor can it be the abundance of it which causes
marshes, for most of the canals are choked; and the country, when dry,
continues equally unhealthy. In Balkh, the harvest is about fifty days
later than at Peshawur; the wheat is cut in the middle of June, and at
Bokhara it is a fortnight later.
~Rivers.~
In Bokhara, the rivers possess the highest importance, since they
render a portion of these inhospitable lands habitable to man. There
are five of them in Bokhara; the Amoo or Oxus, the Sir or Jaxartes, the
Kohik, and the rivers of Kurshee and Balkh. I have devoted the next
chapter to a description of the Oxus. The river Sir is hardly to be
included in the dominions of Bokhara: it rises in the same mountains
as the Oxus; and passing through the country of Kokan and Khojend, and
traversing a desert, falls into the Aral, about the 46th degree of
north latitude. It is a much smaller river than the Oxus, but is said
to be more rapid. In summer it is fordable; and in winter it is covered
with ice, sometimes two yards thick, over which the caravans pass.
Next in importance to the Sir is the Kohik, or Zurufshan. It rises in
the high lands east of Samarcand, and passing north of that city and
Bokhara, forms a lake in the province of Karakool, instead of falling
in the Oxus, as has been represented in our maps. In the upper parts
of its course it fertilises the rich province of Samarcand; below that
city, in Meeankal, its waters are diverted for the purposes of rice
cultivation; for three or four months in the year, its bed is perfectly
dry at Bokhara; and that city, and the country below it, suffer great
inconvenience, since they depend on the river for a supply of water.
It is a curious propensity in the people to raise in any portion of
so dry a country a grain like rice, which requires such an exuberance
of water. The lake into which the Kohik flows is familiarly known by
the name of “Dengiz,” or sea, and is about twenty-five miles long, and
surrounded on all sides by sand-hills. It is very deep; nor, from the
accounts of the people, does it appear ever to decrease in size at any
season of the year. When the snow melts in summer, the water flows as
steadily into it, as it does in winter. Its water is salt, though its
only feeder be a fresh river; but this is in accordance with the laws
of nature, since it has no outlet of any kind. The next river is that
of Kurshee, which rises in the same high lands as the Kohik, and passes
through Shuhr Subz and Kurshee, below which it is lost in the desert.
The blessings of water are most apparent in the neighbourhood of this
river. The fields of Shuhr Subz yield rich crops of rice; and Kurshee
is a sheet of gardens and orchards. For six miles on one side, and
sixteen on the other, the waters of this rivulet are distributed by
canals: when these cease, we have again a sterile desert to contrast
with its green and beautiful herbage. The river of Kurshee is fed by
the melted snow; and such is the command over its waters, that the
chief of Shuhr Subz can at any time cut off the supply of the lower
districts. In both this river and the Kohik it is usual to let the
water run for a limited time in certain canals, which gives to each
village the benefit of the stream once in ten days; such is the value
of water, and such is the care of the husbandman in this country. The
last river of the country is that of Balkh, which rises south of Hindoo
Koosh, about twenty miles from Bameean, near the “Bund i Burbur,” a
celebrated dam ascribed to a miracle of Ali, and which appears to be
an avalanche of earth that has fallen in upon a ravine. The river then
flows north among the mountains, and enters the plains of Toorkistan,
about six miles south of Balkh. Here it is divided into numerous canals
(which are said to be eighteen in number), and conducted to the city,
as also to Mazar and Akhchu on either side. Akhchu is about fifty
miles from Balkh; but none of the other canals extend so far, though
some of their water trickles half way to the Oxus, and affords that
necessary of life to the roving Toorkmuns. It is impossible to give
any delineation of the canals of Balkh, since they intersect the whole
country, and traces of them meet the eye every where. The gentle slope
of the land towards the Oxus affords great facilities for irrigating
the lands of Balkh; the soil is rich and productive; which will account
for the great population, and vast fertility that was once to be found
in this country.
~Mountains.~
The mountains of Bokhara lie on its frontiers. On the east and south
they form its boundaries; but the interior of the country is free
from them, with the exception of some low-lying ridges near Shuhr
Subz and Samarcand. The northern line of Hindoo Koosh, near Balkh, is
incorrectly laid down; since that city stands on the plain six miles
distant, and clear of the range which stretches to the westward, and
never reaches so high a parallel. In our maps, Balkh stands upon
it[20], and the range is even continued north-eastward to the Oxus. I
have given a separate notice of this great belt of mountains, of which
those near Balkh are but outlyers. Snow is procured from the valleys
about twenty miles from Balkh, in the middle of summer. On approaching
Kurshee we descried a lofty range of snow-clad mountains, running
apparently north and south. The natives called them the mountains of
Baeetoon, from a village of that name; and assured me they were six
days’ journey, or about a distance of 150 miles, from Kurshee. In
June they were entirely enveloped in snow, which would assign to them
an elevation of at least 18,000 feet, judging by Hindoo Koosh. There
were no remarkable peaks in sight, and the mountains ran in connected
chain like a trap formation. There were many lesser and outward ridges
between them and our view; but they towered far above all others, and
gave an impression of great altitude. We saw them again at sunrise, but
lost the splendid prospect as we travelled westward of Kurshee. I am
at a loss for the correct designation of this range: the Emperor Baber
speaks of the Kara Tagh, or Black Mountains, in Karatageen; but that
name is unknown in these days. They appear to terminate the highlands
of Pameer. They run at right angles to Hindoo Koosh, and very nearly
in the same meridian, giving cover to an opinion that they are but a
branch of that range. North of the Oxus, the mountains first rise in
the independent province of Hissar, and these which I have described
appear as a prolongation. In Hissar, however, they have no snow but in
winter; and they have an elevation beyond what was to be looked for
in this part of Asia. The country at their base is inhabited by the
Kongrad Uzbeks.
~Mineral productions.~
When we speak of the mineral productions of Bokhara, our recollection
is carried back to the ill-fated expeditions of Russia into these
countries in quest of gold. The river of Bokhara, I have observed,
has the designation of “Zurufshan,” or the gold-yielding stream. The
result of Prince Bekevitch’s expedition is well known; he and his
three thousand men perished. There are no gold mines in the kingdom
of Bokhara, but that precious metal is found among the sands of the
Oxus in greater abundance, perhaps, than in any of the other rivers
which flow from Hindoo Koosh. From its source to the lake of Aral, the
inhabitants wash the sand after the floods with great profit, and find
grains or particles of gold larger than those in the Indus. A piece
of virgin gold, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, was picked up last
year on the banks of the Oxus, and is now in possession of a merchant
in Khooloom. In the vicinity of Durwaz, the sands are most productive.
The lapis lazuli cliffs, which overhang the river in Budukhshan, are
also said to be interveined with gold; but, from the specimens which I
have seen, it appears to be mica. All the other metals, such as silver,
iron, and copper, are imported from Russia. Sal ammoniac (_nouchadur_)
is found in its native state among the hills near Juzzak. I know of
no other mineral productions in the kingdom but the salt deposits.
In Hissar, salt is found in hills, not unlike the formations in the
salt range of the Punjab. On the plains it is dug out in masses, and,
when washed, is ready for the market. There is a bed of salt, about
five miles in circumference, called Khwaju Hunfee, two miles from the
Oxus, below Charjooee, on the right bank of the river. The salt is
imperfectly crystallised, black, and very inferior; a camel load of
500lbs. sells for a quarter of a tilla in Bokhara.[21]
~Vegetable kingdom.~
The vegetable productions of this country are more abundant. The
different trees will be best known by the names of the fruit after
noticed. The wood used for house-building is the poplar, which grows
every where. The cotton plant is extensively cultivated, and exported
both in a raw and manufactured state. Hemp is reared, but the people
are ignorant of its use in manufactures. They extract oil from the
seeds of the plant, as also the intoxicating drug called “bang,” and
give the stalks to cattle. I have been informed that the tea plant
thrives between Samarcand and Kokan; but I doubt the information,
which was never properly confirmed. There is a small yellow flower,
called “esbaruk,” growing in the low hills near Kurshee and Balkh,
which is used as a dye, and produces a better colour than the rind of
the pomegranate. Madder, called “bayak,” is also produced; its roots
are permitted to remain eighteen months in the ground; but a dye
equally good and serviceable is found in the creeping roots of the
vine, which yield a colour that is dark red. Neither indigo nor sugar
cane grow in Bokhara. They are the great imports from India, and might
be acclimated. There is a curious and common substitute for sugar,
called “turunjubeen.” It is a saccharine gum, which exudes from the
well-known shrub called the camel’s thorn, or the “_khari-shootur_.”
Towards the end of August, when this shrub is in flower, it may be seen
in the morning covered with drops like dew, which are shaken into a
cloth placed beneath the bush, and form what is called “turunjubeen.”
Some hundred maunds are collected annually, and the whole sweetmeats
and confections used in the country are prepared from it; it is also
exported. Though the “_khari-shootur_” be a plant common to most of
the countries in Asia, it does not always, as in Bokhara, produce
“turunjubeen.” The gum is unknown in India and Cabool, and not found
westward of Bokhara, or near that capital; though in great plenty to
the eastward, near Kurshee and Samarcand. It appears to be peculiar
to certain soils; abounding in dry deserts; and is probably the rich
sap of the shrub, which exudes and hardens into small grains. The
inhabitants entertain an absurd opinion, that it is really dew; but
I never heard that it was made by an insect, as has been asserted.
It cannot be doubted that sugar could be manufactured from it,--a
discovery that would be invaluable, since they now use syrup of grapes
and mulberries on account of the expense of that article. Sugar
might also be extracted from juwaree, beet root, and melons. There
is another valuable jungle shrub, called “_usl-soos_,” and “_achick
booee_,” by the Uzbeks, which appears to be a bastard indigo, and
grows most luxuriantly on the banks of the Oxus and the other rivers
of the country. The roots of this plant extend deep into the soil, and
at certain seasons of the year have a small globular worm attached
to them: this creature produces a purple dye, like that of cochineal
(kirmiz), and some of the merchants applied for my advice regarding it:
the insect, when exposed to the sun, comes to life; when destroyed in
an oven, it shrivels up, but still produces a dye, only inferior to
cochineal. I compared it with American cochineal, and they appeared to
me similar, only that the native preparation was softer. Should this
insect yield cochineal, the discovery would be highly important in a
silk country; nor is it to be doubted that its vivifying power might
be destroyed by steam. An ingenious native of Cashmere had tried to
bake it in bread, but without better success than when placed loose in
the oven. The different grains of the country are rice, wheat, barley,
juwaree, here called “jougan,” “sesamum,” “urjun,” Indian corn, gram,
moong, and beans. It is an astonishing fact, that, in the provinces
south of the Oxus, the wheat yields a crop for three successive years.
When the harvest is finished, the cattle are turned in upon the stubble
fields, and in the ensuing year the same stalks grow up and ear. The
second crop is good, the next more scanty; but it is reaped a third
time. In Bokhara Proper, the soil has not such fecundity, for the crops
of Karakool do not yield more than sevenfold. Trefoil is cultivated,
and may be out seven or eight times in the year. Lucerne requires too
much water. The tobacco of Kurshee is superior. The wild rhubarb, or
“rhuwash,” as found in Cabool, likewise grows in the hillocks of this
district. Vegetables abound; there are turnips, carrots, onions,
radishes, brinjals, and a variety of greens, with most extensive fields
of beet-root. The potatoe has not been introduced. Though Bokhara is
so celebrated for its fertility, the necessaries of life bear a high
price, which in the city itself may be attributed to the density of
population. The following table will furnish more correct data on this
subject:--
51 lbs. of wheat sell for one sicca rupee, value about 2_s._
75-1/2 lbs. of barley for the same price.
18-1/2 lbs. of best rice.
22-1/2 lbs. of coarse rice.
36-1/2 lbs. of wheat flour.
64 lbs. of juwaree.
48 lbs. of moong.
36-1/2 lbs. of gram.
43 lbs. of beans.
16 lbs. of mutton.
24 lbs. of beef.
8 lbs. of oil.
140 lbs. of salt.
1 lb. of sugar.
4-2/3 lbs. of ghee.
~Fruits and wines.~
The fruits of Bokhara have attained a great celebrity; but it is more
from quantity than quality. They consist of the peach, plum, apricot,
cherry, sour cherry, apple, pear, quince, walnut, fig, pomegranate,
mulberry, and grape; also the melon, pumpkin, and cucumber. Most of the
stone fruit is inferior to that of Persia, only excepting the apricots
of Balkh, which are highly flavoured, and nearly as large as apples.
They are called “Bakur khanee;” and 2000 of them may be purchased for
a rupee. There are many kinds of grapes; the best are the Sabibee and
Hooseinee: the first is a purple grape, the other yellow, and of a
long shape; and both have a flavour truly luscious. The vines are not
pruned as in Europe. The raisins prepared from the Bokhara grapes stand
unrivalled in size and flavour: the best are dipped in hot water, and
then dried, from which they have the name of “ab-josh,” which means
water boiled: they are soft and beautifully transparent. The wines of
Bokhara are unpalatable to European taste, with little flavour; some
of them might even be mistaken for beer. They cannot be preserved for
more than a year; which evinces some defect in their manufacture. The
mulberries are delicious: they are dried like raisins; and a syrup
called “sheeru” is also extracted from them and grapes. The apples are
indifferent. The plum of Bokhara, which is so well known in India, is
not exported from the country itself, but grows at Ghuzni in Cabool: it
is highly esteemed. The melon is the choicest fruit of Bokhara. The
Emperor Baber tells us that he shed tears over a melon of Toorkistan,
which he cut up in India after his conquest: its flavour brought his
native country and other dear associations to memory. There are two
distinct species of melons, which the people class into hot and cold;
the first ripens in June, and is the common musk or scented melon of
India, and not superior in flavour; the other ripens in July, and is
the true melon of Toorkistan; In appearance it is not unlike a water
melon, and comes to maturity after being seven months in the ground. It
is much larger than the common sort, and generally of an oval shape,
exceeding two and three feet in circumference. Some are much larger;
and those which ripen in the autumn have exceeded four feet. One has a
notion that what is large cannot be delicate or high flavoured; but no
fruit can be more luscious than the melon of Bokhara. I always looked
upon the melon as an inferior fruit till I went to that country: nor do
I believe their flavour will be credited by any one who has not tasted
them. The melons of India, Cabool, and even Persia, bear no comparison
with them: not even the celebrated fruit of Isfahan itself. The pulp is
rather hard, about two inches thick, and is sweet to the very skin;
which, with the inhabitants, is the great proof of superiority. A kind
of molasses is extracted from these melons, which might be easily
converted into sugar. There are various kinds of melons: the best is
named “Kokechu,” and has a green and yellow coloured skin; another is
called “Ak nubat,” which means white sugar candy: it is yellow, and
exceedingly rich. The winter melon is of a dark green colour, called
“Kara koobuk,” and said to surpass all the others. Bokhara appears to
be the native country of the melon, having a dry climate, sandy soil,
and great facilities for irrigation. Melons may be purchased in Bokhara
throughout the year, and are preserved by merely hanging them up apart
from one another; for which those of the winter crop are best suited.
The water melons of Bokhara are good, and attain also an enormous bulk:
twenty people may partake of one; and two of them, it is said, form
sometimes a load for donkey. The cucumbers are likewise superior.[22]
~Domestic animals.~
~Sheep.~
~Goats.~
~Camels.~
In the animal kingdom, the sheep and goats of Bokhara claim the first
notice, since the one yields the celebrated skins, and the other a
description of shawl-wool, only inferior to that used in Cashmere.
These flocks graze on furze and dry grass; and their flesh is sweet
and well-flavoured. All the sheep are of the doombu kind, with large
tails; some of which yield in season so much as fifteen pounds of
tallow. The animal looks deformed from its size; and straddles along
with evident uneasiness. The description of sheep which produces the
jet-black curly fleece, that is made into caps in Persia, and so much
esteemed everywhere, is peculiar to Karakool, a small canton between
Bokhara and the Oxus. The animal will thrive in no other place, and
has been transported to Persia and other countries without success;
when removed, it loses the peculiarity in its fleece, and becomes
like any other sheep. The people attribute this curly fleece to the
nature of the pasture; and assert that the grass called “boyak,” and
by the Persians “ronass,” which is a long kind of bent, changes the
nature of the animal. If a Karakool sheep even strays to the banks
of the Oxus, where that plant grows, it ceases, it is said, to have
the curly wool. The skins of the male lambs are most highly prized:
they are killed five or six days after birth; never later than a
fortnight; but the popular belief of their being cut out of the womb
is erroneous: a very few are procured from premature births in the
ewes; and the skins of such are as fine as velvet, but not curled.
These are called “kirpuk,” and exported to Constantinople, where they
bear a very high price, as the supply is limited. The other kind is
called “danudar,” or curled, and exported to Persia, Turkey, and China.
They are of different fineness, according to the age at which the lambs
are killed: some are exquisitely curled, others more coarse. Those
which have the smallest curls are most prized; and in Persia, ten or
fifteen skins will sometimes be cut up to make a single cap; which
is the cause of their being so expensive. In Bokhara, a single skin
never bears a higher price than three or four sicca rupees. The annual
export of skins amounts to about two hundred thousand; the coarser
ones being sent to Orgunje. They are cured by being rubbed with barley
flour, and salt. The goats of Bokhara, which are to be found among
the wandering Kirgizzes, yield the wool to which I have alluded: but
these people were quite ignorant of its value till a late period; and
yet manufacture it into ropes to bind their horses and cattle. For
some years past it has been exported to Cabool and India. The stuffs
prepared from it are good, but far surpassed by those of Cashmere,
manufactured from the wool of Tibet. This wool is of a grey colour,
and produced next the skin of the animal, from which it is combed
out; if not removed, it makes its appearance in clotted lumps among
the hair. The goat is about the common size, of a dark colour, and
differing from that of Tibet, which is a small and beautiful animal.
I am not aware if the goats of every country yield wool; but, in this
respect, there is a resemblance between those of Toorkistan and Tibet.
I am assured that the dogs of the latter country even yield wool from
which a few shawls are annually manufactured in Cashmere. The curs
of Bokhara yield nothing so valuable. In a country, surrounded by
deserts, the camel is an animal of the first importance: they are very
numerous; and the whole traffic of Bokhara is carried on by means of
them. They bear a high price; a good one cannot be purchased under
sixty or seventy rupees. The condition and appearance of the camel here
differ from what is seen in India and Cabool, where they are often
covered with eruptions, and almost destitute of hair. At Bokhara, on
the other hand, they have a sleek coat, as fine as that of a horse,
and shed their hair in summer; from which a fine water-proof cloth of
close and rather heavy texture is manufactured. It is called “oormuk,”
and retains the natural colour of the camel. I imagine that these
camels owe their superiority to the climate, and the congenial thorny
food, which is so abundant. This animal always thrives best in a dry
country, and is very impatient under heat. They will travel with ease
for fourteen successive hours; but their keepers never march during the
day if it can be avoided. It is erroneous to believe that the camel
can subsist for any great number of days without water. In summer they
suffer much after the second day; and in winter they will only travel
without it for double the time. The food of the camel is most cleanly;
but nothing can be more offensive than the effluvia which proceeds from
its stomach. The journeys performed, even with our caravan, bespeak the
great hardihood of these animals. In one instance we travelled seventy
miles in forty-four consecutive hours, including every halt. Our usual
marches were thirty miles: and the camel scarcely ever travels more
than two miles in the hour. The Bactrian camel, which has two humps,
abounds in Toorkistan: they are bred by the Kuzzaks of the desert
north of Bokhara. They have a fringe of long black hair under their
neck, with a clump of it on both thighs, and are really pretty for a
camel. In stature they are lower than the common camel or dromedary,
yet they bear greater burdens by 140 pounds: the one carrying 640, and
the other but 500 pounds English. I am assured that a most strong and
useful breed of camels is reared by a cross between the two. The issue
of these have but one hump. I reserve my remarks on the horses of the
country for a separate chapter. Among the domestic animals of Bokhara
none are more useful than the ass: the breed is large and sturdy, and
they are much used both for saddle and burden. There is no objection
to riding them, as in India. There are no mules, from a religious
prejudice against them. The horned cattle of Bokhara are well sized,
though far inferior to those of England. There are no buffaloes.
~Wild animals. Birds. Insects. Fishes.~
The wild animals of the country are few. Tigers of a diminutive species
are found in the valley of the Oxus; also wild hogs, herds of deer,
antelope, and the wild ass, roam on the plains; there are also foxes,
wolves, jackals, and cats. There are bears in the Eastern mountains;
rats, tortoises, and lizards are found in the desert. The scorpion is
common; but its sting has little of its usual virulence: I speak from
experience. It is said that there are no snakes (and we certainly did
not meet with any) north of the Oxus. Locusts sometimes infest the
country, particularly about Balkh. The eagle and hawk are found; all
kinds of game are scarce. The plover and wild pigeon are common. Water
fowl are numerous in certain seasons. The crane, or “lug lugu,” as it
is called, builds its nest on the mosques of the cities: it is a bird
of passage, and reckoned sacred. The fish of the Oxus do not differ
from what are found in most Asiatic rivers. There is a species of the
dog-fish called “lukha,” which has no scales, and is frequently caught
of the weight of 600 lbs. English: the Uzbeks eat it. In the lake of
Karakool the fish have as good a flavour as those of the sea. There are
no monsters in the Oxus. We neither saw not heard of alligators. There
are few insects in a dry country. I observed a peculiarity in the food
of the bees and wasps which was new to me: they attacked a shoulder of
mutton, and ate very large holes in it; in winter they are sometimes
fed with flesh instead of sugar. The meat which I saw them devouring
was fresh, not putrid. They also attacked dried fish.
~Silk-worms. Silk.~
The most valuable insect is the silk-worm, which is reared in all parts
of the kingdom where there is water. Every stream or rivulet is lined
with the mulberry; and the most extensive operations are carried on
along the banks of the Oxus, where the whole of the wandering tribes
are engaged in rearing the insect. The silk of the “Lub i ab,” or banks
of the river, as it is termed, is the most valuable, both from the
softness and fineness of its thread. The trees put forth their leaves
about the vernal equinox, when the worm is brought out, the whole stage
of its existence has terminated with the month of June. The worm is
killed in the cocoon by immersion in hot water; and the silk is then
reeled off on a wheel by an end or thread being taken from a number
of cocoons which lie clotted together. This silk is exported to India
and Cabool, and, from its abundance, may be purchased at a very cheap
rate. Silk is likewise produced in the neighbouring country of Kokan;
but it is more abundant than good. The raw silk is dyed by cochineal
and the productions already named, madder and “esbaruk.” A black colour
is produced by mixing iron filings with water in which rice has been
boiled, and allowing it to stand for a month.
~Diseases. Guinea-worm.~
~Kolee, a kind of leprosy.~
~Cholera.~
Among the diseases of Bokhara, the most distressing is the guinea-worm,
or Dracunculus, here called “rishtu:” it is confined to the city. The
inhabitants believe that the disease arises from drinking the water
of the cisterns in summer, when they become fetid and infested with
animalculæ. Travellers suffer as much as the inhabitants; but the
disease does not show itself till the year following that on which they
have drank the water. Many of the Afghans are attacked after returning
to Cabool; and, whatever be the cause, it assuredly originates from
something peculiar to Bokhara, since all other parts of the country are
free from it. It is supposed that one fourth of the whole population
of Bokhara are annually attacked with guinea-worm. This prevalence of
the complaint has given the natives a dexterity of extracting them
quite unknown in other countries. So soon as it is discovered that
one has formed, and before any swelling has taken place, they pass a
needle under the middle of the worm, and, rubbing the part, draw it
out at once. They are generally successful; but if the worm breaks,
the wound festers, the pain is excessive, and few recover under three
months. If the animal be coiled in one place, the extraction is simple;
if deep in the flesh, more difficult. If the swelling has commenced,
they do not attempt the operation, but allow it to take its course, and
endeavour to draw it out by degrees, as in India. These worms vary in
length from three to four spans. It is said that guinea-worm is most
common among people of a cold temperament; but it does not attack any
particular class. The better orders of people, attributing it to the
water, send to the river for their supply, and never drink that of the
cisterns till it is boiled. It is not to be supposed that I can give
any solution of the cause of this disease: the doctors of Toorkistan
believe it to be a worm generated from the causes above-mentioned. Nor
can I credit its arising from the animalculæ of the water. Another
disease of the country is the “mukkom,” or “kolee,” a kind of leprosy.
Those afflicted with it are considered unclean: it does not cover the
body with spots, as in common leprosy, but the skin becomes dry and
shrivelled; the hair of the body falls off, the nails and teeth tumble
out, and the whole body assumes a horrible and unseemly appearance. The
disease is believed to be hereditary, and to originate from food: it is
fearfully prevalent in the districts of Samarcand and Meeankal; also in
the neighbouring states of Shuhr Subz and Hissar; all of which are rice
countries. Some state it to be caused by the use of the intoxicating
spirit called “boozu,” which is distilled from black barley; but that
liquor and mares’ milk are not used in Bokhara. The disease affects the
general health, and is incurable. The most humane people will tell you
that it is a curse from God, and drive the unfortunate sufferer from
them. A separate quarter of the city is assigned for the residence of
those who are afflicted, as was the case among the Jews. That scourge,
the cholera morbus, has been felt in all these countries. It appears
to have taken the route of the caravans, and advanced from India step
by step into eastern Europe. It raged for a year in Cabool; it then
crossed Hindoo Koosh on the following season, and desolated Balkh and
Koondooz. For a year it fluctuated between the valley of the Oxus and
Herat; it then attacked Bokhara, Kokan, and the other Uzbek states;
and, after devastating the country, passed on to Khiva, Orenburg, and
Astrakhan. The faculty have discovered no remedy for the cholera morbus.
~Other diseases.~
The inhabitants of Toorkistan are subject to a constant dryness of
the skin: many of them lose their eyelashes and eyebrows, and their
skin becomes wrinkled and tawny. Whether the diet, or dryness of the
climate, causes these appearances, I know not. The Uzbeks seldom
eat horse-flesh; though it is believed that they live upon it. It
is considered heating food, and is, besides, expensive. Mutton is
preferred, and none but the lower orders eat beef. A sheep is killed,
and the entire tail, however large and fat, is melted up with the meat,
and cooked in a single boiler. They are fond of every thing oily,
and also use much cheese and sour milk. Ophthalmia is a very common
complaint in Toorkistan. Fevers are rare; in Balkh rheumatism is
prevalent. In the city of Bokhara rickets are common; and the children
have generally a puny and unhealthy appearance, which is not observable
in the grown-up people of the country. Among their medicines, I heard
of an oil extracted from the dung of sheep; which is considered a
specific for the sprains, bruises, and hurts of cattle: it is very
pungent, and the flies shun the parts rubbed with it. I have been
assured of the bone spavins of a horse being reduced by an application
of this oil. They procure it by a distilling process.
~Cities and towns. Population of the kingdom.~
There are no large towns in the kingdom of Bokhara, but the capital.
It contains a population of about 150,000 souls. The ancient cities
of Samarcand and Balkh have long since dwindled into the obscurity
of provincial towns: they are both surpassed by Kurshee, which has
not a population of 10,000 souls. These are the only towns in the
country. There are some large villages, such as Jizzak, Kermina, and
Kutkoorghan; but none of them contain above 2500 people. The villages
are also few, and widely separated from one another; they amount to
about four hundred: nor can I estimate the whole population of the
kingdom of Bokhara at a million of human beings: and one half of
this population is made up of the nomade tribes that wander in its
deserts. The villages are fortified by mud walls, which are necessary
for their protection. In the cultivated parts, single habitations,
called “robats,” are scattered over the face of the country; and these
are invariably surrounded by walls; I need not enter upon any farther
account of the cities of Bokhara and Balkh, since they have been
mentioned in the narrative.
CHAP. II.
THE RIVER OXUS, OR AMOO; WITH SOME NOTICE OF THE SEA OF ARAL.
~Source and course of the Oxus.~
The Oxus, or Amoo, is a river of considerable magnitude and classical
celebrity. It was known to the Greeks under the designation of Oxus:
the Asiatics call it Jihoon and Amoo. Jihoon means a flood, and is used
in all the Turkish and Persian works that treat upon these countries:
but the inhabitants on its banks now speak of the river under the name
of Amoo, calling it “Durya-i-Amoo,” the River, or literally, the Sea of
Amoo. I am not aware of any meaning that attaches to this title. The
Oxus rises in the table-lands of Pamere, and is formed by a variety
of rivulets which collect in that elevated region of Asia. According
to the information which I have received, its source is a degree more
northward and eastward than appears in Mr. Macartney’s map. It is
stated that four rivers, which flow in opposite directions, issue from
the vicinity of the lake Surikol: these are the Oxus, Sir or Jaxartes,
one of the heads of the Indus, and a portion of the waters of Tibet.
The Oxus waters the rich valley of Budukhshan, where it receives the
river of that name, the greatest of its tributaries, and is afterwards
joined by a variety of smaller streams from Koondooz and Hissar, which
have been described by Mr. Macartney. It winds among mountains, and,
approaching within twenty miles of the town of Khoolloom, and much
nearer than appears in our maps, passes about half a degree to the
north of Balkh. There are no hills between it and that ancient city,
as have been represented. It here enters upon the desert by a course
nearly N.W., fertilizes a limited tract of about a mile on either
side, till it reaches the territories of Orgunje or Khiva, the ancient
Kharasm, where it is more widely spread by art, and is then lost in the
sea of Aral. In the latter part of its course, so great is the body of
water drawn for the purposes of irrigation, and so numerous are the
divisions of its branches, that it forms a swampy delta, overgrown with
reeds and aquatic plants, impervious to the husbandman, and incapable
of being rendered useful to man, from its unvarying humidity. I will
not permit the much-disputed subject of the Oxus having terminated, at
a former period, in the Caspian instead of the Aral sea, to lead me
into a digression on that curious point. I have only to state, after
an investigation of the subject, and the traditions related to me, as
well as much enquiry among the people themselves, that I doubt the Oxus
having ever had any other than its present course. There are physical
obstacles to its entering the Caspian, south of Balkhan, and north of
that point; its more natural receptacle is the lake of Aral. I conclude
that the dry river beds between Astrabad and Khiva are the remains
of some of the canals of the kingdom of Kharasm, and I am supported
in this belief by the ruins near them, which have been deserted as
the prosperity of that empire declined. We shall thus account for
such appearances on obvious grounds, without calling in the aid of
earthquakes and other commotions of nature.
~The sea of Aral.~
The Tartars inform you that the word “Aral” implies between, and that
that sea or lake is so called from its lying between the Sir and the
Amoo, the Jaxartes and the Oxus. It is a popular belief, that the
waters of the Aral pass by a subterraneous course into the Caspian. At
a spot called Kara Goombuz, between the seas, where the caravans halt,
some assert that the water is to be heard rushing beneath. It is said
to make a noise like the words “Kara doom,” which mean “I am thirsty;”
but the clock strikes what the fool thinks. The necessity of some such
subterraneous passage is obvious in the eyes of the people, since
the Aral has no outlet for two large rivers, but they do not think of
evaporation, which is great beyond belief in this dry country[23],
where there is also a perpetual wind. It is a curious fact, however,
that at Kara Goombuz, before mentioned, which appears to be a sandy
ridge, water is found close to the surface, while further south it
is not to be had nearer than 100 fathoms. The water of the Aral is
drinkable. It is seldom frozen in winter. In one of its many islands
they relate some tales of a colony that passed over the ice with their
herds and flocks, and has since had no opportunity of returning. The
banks of the Aral are peopled by wandering tribes, who cultivate great
quantities of wheat and other grain, which, with fish, that are caught
in abundance, form their food. The neighbourhood of the Aral is not
frequented by caravans.
~Capabilities of the Oxus.~
The Oxus is a navigable river throughout the greater portion of its
course. Its channel is remarkably straight, and free from rocks,
rapids, and whirlpools; nor is it much obstructed by sand-banks:
were it not for the marshes which choke its embouchure, it might be
ascended from the sea of Aral to near Koondooz, a distance of 600
miles. If we deduct the extent of that delta, commencing some way below
Orgunje, which does not exceed fifty miles, we have still an inland
line of navigation of 550 miles. The volume of water which this river
discharges appears great for the short extent of its course, but it is
the only drain of a wide and mountainous country. It is never fordable
after it has received the rivers of Koondooz and Talighan, which join
it under the name of Aksurai, below Huzrut Imam; these rivers are fed
by the melted snow on the northern side of the great Hindoo Koosh.
It may then only be so passed below that place (Huzrut Imam) for six
months during the year, when the ford is passable for artillery; which
has been frequently verified by the ruler of Koondooz. On leaving the
hilly ground below Kilef, about sixty miles north-west of Balkh, the
channel of the Oxus does not exceed 350 yards; on the plain it is
wider spread, and we crossed it at Khoja Salu, thirty miles below that
point, with a channel of 823 yards, as determined by the sextant. At
Charjooee, 200 miles lower down, within twenty leagues of Bokhara,
it had a channel of 650 yards. A detailed account of the river at
these points will furnish the best data for a determination of its
capabilities in a military and commercial point of view.
~Depth, current, and slope of the Oxus.~
At Khojusalu, on the 17th of June, a month before the periodical swell
had attained its greatest height, the Oxus was divided into three
distinct branches, only separated from each other by sand-banks. The
width of these arms respectively was 295, 113, and 415 yards; which
gives the total breadth of 823 yards. The soundings were irregular, and
at the deepest place did not amount to twenty feet. An enumeration of
them follows:--6, 9, 12, 6 feet in the first branch; 6 feet throughout
the second; and 6, 9, 15, 19, 6, in the third and last. The medium
depth of this river will never, therefore, be less than nine feet,
since that is the product of 828 yards, divided by 92, the sum total
of all the feet in the different soundings. Nor can there be much
incorrectness in the approximation, since on the 17th of August, which
is precisely two months later, when the river had passed its greatest
rise, we had much the same volume of water at Charjooee, near Bokhara.
The breadth was less, but the soundings were greater, and five heaves
of the lead gave 12, 18, 29, 20, and 18 feet. The Oxus flows with a
velocity of 6000 yards, or nearly three and a-half miles an hour; and
I discover from the boiling point of water at the two places (Khoja
Salu and Charjooee), that there is a difference of one and one third
of a degree between them, which will give a slope of 800 feet in a
distance of 200 miles. This is a great fall in such a river on so
flat at country; and, since the boiling point of water is subject to
slight variations even at the same place according to the state of the
atmosphere, it must only be received as an approximation to the truth.
The smallest change in so rude an instrument, for so nice an operation,
produces a great error, but, after every allowance, I cannot rate this
fall under 600 feet, or about a yard a mile: the course of the river is
not tortuous, which always bespeaks a greater rapidity of descent.
~Inundation of the Oxus.~
The Oxus is subject to a periodical swell, as are all the great rivers
which flow from the south of the same stupendous chain of mountains
in which it has its rise. In both cases the causes are similar,--the
melting of the snows in elevated regions. The inundation commences
in May, and ceases in October; but it is also subject to a second
and lesser flood during the rains of spring. It fluctuates in its
rise and fall with the state of the weather, rising under the sun of
a cloudless sky, and sinking with a denser atmosphere; while on its
banks, in June, it subsided a foot and a half in thirty-six hours, and
it had not then attained its height. The influence of the waters is
rarely felt for half a mile beyond the channel of the river, though its
inner banks are low and depressed, but there is a second bank varying
in distance from a mile and a half to two miles on either side, and
in some places more distant. The valley thus formed is clothed with
verdure and moistened, though seldom inundated by the swell. Here it
is that the inhabitants cultivate the land, and water it by industry
and art. In some instances the aqueducts extend inland for a distance
of four miles, and the water must then be raised by the Persian wheel
for irrigating the fields. On leaving this tract the scene changes to
sterility and desolation: the valley itself is in many places overgrown
with a bastard indigo, tamarisk, and rank weeds, and neglected by the
inhabitants. In winter, when the river has retired to its bed, it is
contracted to a space of 400 yards, but is never fordable. During the
swell, the waters of the Oxus are tinged by the soil of the mountains,
and assume a reddish hue. I ascertained that one fortieth of their body
consisted of silt suspended in the stream; while under the influence
of this snowy water, the river had a temperature of 73° at the summer
solstice, when the thermometer rose to 103° in the air.
~Freezing of the Oxus.~
It would not have been suspected that so vast a river, in so low a
parallel as 38° north latitude, should be frozen during winter, which
is no rare occurrence with the Oxus. The upper part of its course above
Koondooz freezes annually, and passengers and beasts of burden cross
it on the ice, on their route to Yarkund; but there it flows in an
elevated region. In the desert, however, its waters are also congealed
in a severe winter. Below Khiva it freezes annually; and at Charjooee,
which is about seventy miles from Bokhara, it was frozen last year from
bank to bank. The season was remarkably cold, and the caravans passed
it on the ice. At Kirkee, half-way to Balkh, it was also frozen; but
at the ferry of Kilef, opposite that city, there was a narrow channel
in the middle of the stream, which prevented the passage of both boats
and caravans for a month. A stone could be thrown from the ice of
one bank to that of the other; and it is not doubted that the only
hindrance to their junction in this narrow part of the Oxus arose from
the rapidity of the current, that was hemmed in by a confined bank. It
is an established fact, that the temperature of deserts is both colder
and hotter than countries which are more favoured by nature. In the
torrid deserts of Toorkistan, there is a cold bleakness during winter,
which will account for the congelation of the Oxus; it is nevertheless
a curious fact in physical geography, since the Danube, which flows
parallel with the Oxus, and in a higher latitude by seven degrees, is
not subject to a like phenomenon. In winter, if the Oxus be not frozen,
the passage of boats is sometimes endangered by the masses of ice which
are floated down from the upper part of its course. These have been
known to sink a boat, and require attention on the part of the ferrymen.
[Illustration: BOAT OF THE OXUS.]
~Craft on the Oxus. Their build and number, &c.~
The boats which are used on the Oxus are of a superior description,
though they have neither masts nor sails. They are built in the shape
of a ship, with a prow at both ends, and are generally about fifty feet
long and eighteen broad. They would carry about twenty tons English;
they are flat-bottomed, and about four feet deep: when afloat, the
gunwale is about two and a half or three feet above the stream; for
they do not draw much more than a foot of water when laden. They are
constructed of squared logs of wood, each about six feet long, formed
of a dwarf jungle-tree, called “pukee,” or “sheeshum,” which grows
in great abundance throughout the banks of the river, and cannot be
procured of greater dimensions. These trees are felled, their bark
is peeled off, and they are chipped into a square shape, which makes
them ready for the workmen. The logs are clamped with iron, and,
though these boats have a rude appearance, there is a strength and
solidity in their build that admirably fits them for the navigation
of such a river. There are few boats in the higher part of the Oxus
above Charjooee. From that place to where it becomes fordable, near
Koondooz, there are about fifteen ferries, and as each is provided
with two, we have only a tonnage of thirty vessels in a distance of
three hundred miles. The reason is obvious, for the inhabitants make
no use of the navigable facilities of the Oxus. Below Bokhara the
supply increases, and there are about 150 boats between it and the
Delta, chiefly belonging to Orgunje. Here they are not appropriated
as ferry-boats, but used in the transport of merchandise to and from
Bokhara. The embarkations take place at Eljeek, on the north bank of
the river, about sixty-five miles from the city. Below the Delta there
are no boats; and I am informed that the sea of Aral is without vessels
of any other description than small canoes. In ascending, the boats are
dragged against the stream; and in dropping down make for the middle,
where the current is rapid, and float down with their broadsides to it.
Neither rafts nor skins are used on the Oxus.
~Mode of navigating the Oxus.~
The manner of ferrying across is novel, and, I believe, peculiar to
this river; the boats are dragged across by horses, as I have fully
described in the narrative: nor should such a contrivance be lost sight
of by those who may use the Oxus as a navigable river.
~Wood of the Oxus.~
Facilities in the navigation of a river rest much on the supplies of
the country through which it flows; in particular, of the nature and
quantity of wood which is there procurable. The number of boats on the
Oxus is certainly small, since they do not amount to two hundred; but
there is every facility for building a fleet, the supply of wood being
abundant, and fortunately found in single trees along the valley of
the river, and not growing in forests on any particular spot. There
are no cedar or pine-trees brought down by the inundation, which I
hold as conclusive proof that the mountains from which the Oxus and
its tributaries flow are destitute of that wood. The only other trees
which I saw on the river were mulberry and the white poplar; which
last is floated down in quantities from Hissar to Charjooee, and
applied to purposes of house-building. In any increase of the tonnage
on this river, the immediate resources of the neighbouring country
must therefore be called into action; but these are highly important.
The nature of the build in the boats of the river requires no skill
in naval architecture; the wood is not sawed, and it does not require
seasoning, so that the utmost despatch might be used at all times in
forming a flotilla, whether it were desired to navigate, cross, or
bridge it. I believe that 150 men might be embarked on a boat of the
size which I have described. The river could only be bridged by boats,
for the wood is too small for an application of it in any other way,
and the furze and tamarisk which grow in its banks would supply the
place of planks, and make it at once complete and practicable. A bridge
of boats was thrown across the Oxus by both Timour and Nadir, and the
remains of some temporary buildings erected by the latter conqueror
are still shown at the ferry of Kilef, north of Balkh. The river there
presents facilities for such an operation, since it has hillocks on
both sides, is narrow, and not _always_ rapid. Passengers frequently
swim across the river at this ferry. Below the mountains the Oxus has a
firm and sandy bed, and boats may be anchored by branches of trees in
all parts of its stream.
~Political and commercial advantages of the Oxus.~
The advantages of the Oxus, both in a political and commercial point of
view, must, then, be regarded as very great: the many facilities which
have been enumerated point it out either as the channel of merchandize,
or the route of a military expedition; nor is it from the features of
the river itself that we form such a conclusion. It is to be remembered
that its banks are peopled and cultivated. It must therefore be viewed
as a river which is navigable, and possessing great facilities for
improving the extent of that navigation. This is a fact of great
political and commercial importance, whether an hostile nation may turn
it to the gratification of ambition, or a friendly power here seek for
the extension and improvement of its trade. In either case, the Oxus
presents many fair prospects, since it holds the most direct course,
and connects, with the exception of a narrow desert, the nations of
Europe with the remote regions of Central Asia.
CHAP. III.
ON THE VALLEY OF THE UPPER OXUS; BEING A NOTICE OF KOONDOOZ,
BUDUKHSHAN, AND THE KAFFIR COUNTRY, WITH THE ADJACENT TERRITORIES.
~Sketch of the countries to be described.~
The countries north of Hindoo Koosh, which lie in the valley of the
Oxus, and its tributary rivers, from Balkh upwards, have no general
designation; eastward of that city lies Koondooz, under which all the
smaller provinces may be classed, since the Meer, or chief of that
state, has subdued them. Further to the eastward, we have the province
of Budukhshan, also a dependency of Koondooz. To the north of this
territory are the hill states of Wakhan, Shughnan, Durwaz, Koolab,
and Hissar; which are remarkable, as containing a race of people
that claim a descent from Alexander the Great. To the eastward of
Budukhshan lies the plain of Pamere, inhabited by the Kirghizzes; and
beyond the Beloot Tagh mountains we have Chitral, Gilgit, and Iskardo,
that extend towards Cashmere, and are also inhabited by tribes who
assert their Macedonian origin. South of Budukhshan is the country
of the Siahposh Kaffirs, a most singular people, who dwell among the
mountains of Hindoo Koosh. These are the provinces which it is now
proposed to describe; but we shall reserve any particular mention of
the descendants of Alexander for the following chapter, and proceed, in
the first place, to speak of the country and its productions.
~Koondooz.~
Koondooz is situated in a valley among low hills, which extend from
east to west for about thirty miles, and from north to south about
forty, when it is bounded by the Oxus. It is watered by two rivers,
which join north of Koondooz, and are not fordable during the
melting of the snows in summer. The climate of this country is most
insalubrious: the heat is excessive, yet the snow lies for three months
during winter. The greater part of the valley is so marshy, that the
roads across are constructed on piles of wood, which are fixed among
noxious reeds and vegetation. Rice is reared in such places as are not
entirely inundated, and in the drier ground there is wheat and barley.
The fruit consists of apricots, plums, cherries, and mulberries, and it
ripens at Balkh and Khooloom about a fortnight sooner than at Koondooz.
The great mountain of Hindoo Koosh is in sight at Koondooz; but those
hills which form the valley on either side do not rise to a height of
a thousand feet from the plain. They are long ridgy high-lands, covered
with grass and flowers, but free from trees or brushwood, forming
valuable pasture lands. The town of Koondooz cannot boast a population
of 1500 souls; for it is deserted by the chief and the people. The
neighbouring districts do not partake of the unhealthiness of Koondooz.
Khooloom, Heibuk, Goree, Inderab, Talighan, and Huzrut Imam, are its
subjected districts, and except the last, which lies in the Oxus, they
possess a pleasant climate, and have a rich and prolific soil. These
districts are watered by rivulets flowing into the Oxus, and the soil
is valued by the facilities which it enjoys of being watered. Heibuk
and Khooloom stand on the same rivulet, the water of which is dammed up
on certain days, and allowed to run on others. The gardens on its banks
are rich and beautiful; and among the fruit-trees, one again meets the
fig, which does not grow in Cabool.
~Budukhshan.~
The countries that lie higher up the Oxus have none of the defects of
climate which are peculiar to Koondooz, and both natives and foreigners
speak in rapture of the vales of Budukhshan, its rivulets, romantic
scenes and glens, its fruits, flowers, and nightingales. This district
lies along the valley of the Oxus; but its capital is further to the
south, and eastward of Koondooz. It is sometimes called Fyzabad, but
its more common and proper name is Budukhshan. This once celebrated
country is now almost without inhabitants; it was overrun by the chief
of Koondooz about twelve years ago: its ruler has been dethroned, and
his substitute exists as a mere pageant; its peasants have been marched
out of the country, and a rabble of lawless soldiery is now quartered
in the different provinces. It also suffered from an earthquake in
January, 1832, which destroyed many villages, and a great part of the
population. The roads through many parts of the country were blocked up
by the falling of stones, and the river of Budukhshan was hemmed in for
five days, by a hill that tumbled in upon it. This great convulsion of
nature occurred at midnight, and scarcely a family in the country but
deplored the loss of some of its members. It was felt at Mooltan and
Lahore, but the centre of its violence appears to have been the valley
of the Oxus. The natives of Budukhshan are Tajiks; they are very fond
of society, and such is their hospitality, that, it is said, bread is
never sold in the country. Their language is Persian, which they speak
with the broad pronunciation of a native of Iran. It is related that
Budukhshan was peopled from the Persian city of Balkh, and most of the
inhabitants are Shiahs. Neither the Uzbeks, nor any of the Toorkee
families, have settled in the country, and the people have yet the
manners and customs that obtained north of Hindoo Koosh before the
invasion of the Tartars.
~Ruby mines.~
Budukhshan has acquired great celebrity for its ruby mines, which were
well known in early times, and also to the emperors of Delhi. They
are said to be situated on the verge of the Oxus, near Shughnan, at
a place called Gharan; which may simply mean caves. They are dug in
low hills; and one man assured me that the galleries passed under the
Oxus; but I doubt the information. It is a mistake to believe that
they are not worked, as the present chief of Koondooz has employed
people in digging them since he conquered the country. These persons
had been hereditarily engaged in that occupation; but, as the returns
were small, the tyrant of Koondooz demanded their labour without pay;
and on their refusing to work, he marched them to the unhealthy fens of
Koondooz, where their race has almost become extinct. In the search of
rubies, it is a popular belief that a pair of large ones will be always
found together; and the workmen will often conceal a gem till its match
can be found, or break a large ruby into two pieces. The rubies are
said to be embedded in limestone; and to be found like round pieces of
pebble or flint, which exist in such deposits.
~Lapis lazuli.~
In the vicinity of the ruby mines, great masses of lapis lazuli are
found on the verge of the Oxus. The mode of detaching it from the
cliffs appeared to be ingenious, though I think I have heard of similar
means being used to quarry stone in other quarters. A fire is lit over
the block of lapis lazuli, and when the stone becomes sufficiently
heated, cold water is dashed upon it, and the rock is thus fractured.
The lapis lazuli of the Oxus was sent in former years to China; but the
demand has lately decreased. I have seen many specimens of this stone,
with veins, which were said to be gold; but I imagine they were mica.
Lapis lazuli and rubies are only collected in winter.
~Mountain districts north of Budukhshan.~
North of Koondooz, and Budukhshan, and beyond the Oxus, we have the
small hill states of Hissar, Koolab, Durwaz, Shoognan, and Wukhan: the
whole of them are mountainous. Hissar is finely watered, and a rice
country, independent of Bokhara and Koondooz. It is held by four Uzbek
chiefs, who divided it among themselves on their father’s death; its
capital stands on a hillock forty miles east of Dihnou. A range of
hills called Kohitun, which are about 4000 feet high, traverses the
district from north to south. There is an extensive deposit of red rock
salt in it, which is exported to other countries. The saddle used by
the natives of Hissar differs from others in Toorkistan. The tree, or
seat, is scooped out like a bowl, and is then covered with leather:
it has a knob in front. The ferry of Tirmez on the Oxus, bounds
Hissar on the west; and to the east it has Koolab, which is a small
district,--sometimes called Bulgeewan. It has lately been seized by the
chief of Koondooz, who forded the Oxus and conquered it. Durwaz is the
next territory, and is ruled by a Tajik chief, who is independent. In
his territories, the Oxus is most successfully washed for gold. The two
next districts of Shughnan and Wukhan are tributary to Koondooz; but
there are not more than three or four villages in each of them. Wukhan
is the territory mentioned by Marco Polo; and the few specimens which I
could collect of its language were as follows:--
Father Fait
Mother Nan
Son Kash
Daughter Poorchad
Fire Rekhnu
Water Yoobk.
The chief of Wukhan is named Meer Mahommed Ruheem Khan, and will allow
none of his progeny to leave the hills. The people of Shughnan differ
also in their dialect. I give a specimen of three words:--
Bread Gurdu
Son Ghudyk
Daughter Ghuds.
The whole of the population is Mahommedan; and I did not hear of any
trace of pristine superstition. They designate the Deity by the Persian
word Khooda. I heard of a singular practice among the people of these
districts, who shoe their horses with the antlers of the mountain deer.
They form the horn into a suitable shape, and fix it on the hoof with
horn pins, never renewing it till fairly worn out. It is said that the
custom is borrowed from the Kirgizzes.
~Plain of Pamere.~
The high plain of Pamere lies between Budukhshan and Yarkund; and
is inhabited by an erratic race, the Kirgizzes. The centre of this
table-land is the lake of Surikool, from which the Jaxartes, the
Oxus, and a branch of the Indus are said to rise. This elevated plain
extends on every side of the lake for a journey of six days; and all
the mountains are described as seen under the feet from this great
elevation. It is a flat tract, intersected by shallow ravines, and
covered with short but rich pasture: it is very cold; and the snow
in summer does not disappear from the hollows. The inhabitants robe
their whole bodies, even their hands and faces, in sheepskins, from
the severity of the cold. There is no grain in the country; for the
Kirgizzes subsist on flesh and milk: they do not even know the use
of flour; and, if it is given them, they mix it up with their soup,
but never bake it into bread. They live on round khirgahs, like the
Toorkmun tribes, and wander from one place to another.
~Singular animal that inhabits Pamere.~
I heard of an animal called “Rass” by the Kirgizzes, and “Kooshgar”
by the natives of the low countries; which is described as peculiar
to Pamere. It is larger than a cow, and less than a horse; of a white
colour, with pendent hair under its chin, and crowned with horns of
huge dimensions. These are described to be so large, that no one man
can lift a pair of them; and, when left on the ground, the small foxes
of the country bring forth their young inside them. The flesh of the
“Rass” is much prized by the Kirgizzes, who hunt and shoot it with
arrows. This animal is said to delight in the coldest climate; and
would appear, from its beard, to be of the goat species, or, perhaps,
the bison. A common-sized “Rass” will require two horses to bear its
flesh from the field.
~Countries of Chitral, Gilgit, and Iskardo.~
The tract that lies beyond the Beloot mountains and Budukhshan, and
between it and Cashmere, is filled up by the cantons of Chitral,
Gilgit, and Iskardo, all of which are held by Shiah Mahommedans. There
is another district to the north-east of Chitral, which is called
“Gunjoot,” from the gold which is found in it. The countries of which I
now speak have been designated by the general name of Kaushgar, by Mr.
Elphinstone; and are separated from Budukhshan by the range of Beloot.
Kaushgar itself is a small district near Deer, north of Peshawur; and
I never heard a native of Budukhshan or Yarkund speak of the country
under that general name. They had not even heard of any Kaushgar but
that in the vicinity of Yarkund. Chitral is situated on a branch of the
Cabool river, and is subject to the chief of Koondooz, who has at times
entered the country; and new demands a yearly tribute of slaves, who
are sent to Bokhara for sale. The chief has the title of Shah Kuttore,
and boasts of his Macedonian lineage. The dialect of Chitral differs
again from that of the neighbouring states; and I fortunately met a
native who was acquainted with it: he gave me these specimens:--
Mother Nunan
Son Dirk
Daughter Jaor
Man Mach
Woman Kumoor
Water Oogh
Fire Ungar
Above Acha
Below Aye
Mountain Koh
Fort Noghar
I go Booghdo
Where do you go? Koora roobas.
The next district is Gilgit, or Gilgitty, where the dialect also
differs from Chitral: it is a strong country, and independent of
Koondooz. The remaining division lies further eastward, bordering on
Baltee or Little Tibet, and bears the name of Iskardo. The principal
place of the same name is a large fort of irregular construction, which
is built on the banks of the Indus, and is said to be but eight marches
north-east of the City of Cashmere. The country is independent.
~The Kaffirs.~
~Their descent from Alexander doubted.~
On the south-eastern corner of Budukhshan, and on the mountains between
it and Peshawur, we find that extraordinary people, the Siahposh
Kaffirs, or Black-vested Infidels, as called by their Mahommedan
neighbours, from their wearing black goat-skin dresses. This race
is entirely confined to the mountains, and persecuted by all the
surrounding nations, who seek to capture them as slaves. The chief of
Koondooz made an inroad into their country some years since, and lost
half of his army in the campaign. I can offer no further addition to
the notice of their religion and country, than is to be found in Mr.
Elphinstone’s work, though I met the worthy and faithful man Moollah
Nujeeb, who was sent into Kaffiristan for the purposes of enquiry. I
had much conversation with people who had been brought into contact
with them, and in Cabool was fortunate enough to see a Kaffir boy about
ten years old, who had left his country for a period of two years;
his complexion, hair, and features, differed from those of Asiatics:
his eyes were of a bluish colour. The boy replied to many questions
that were put to him about his country, and gave specimens of his
language, which assimilated with the Indian dialects. The Kaffirs
appear to be a most barbarous people, eaters of bears and monkies,
and fighting with arrows, and scalping their enemies. The greatest
intercourse which takes place between them and the Mahommedans is
carried on from the country of Lughman, between Cabool and Peshawur,
where a tribe of people reside who are called “Neemchu Moossulman,” or
half Mahommedans. The Kaffir country is strong and mountainous. The
people are much addicted to wine. Gold is found in its native state
among their mountains, and formed by them into vessels and ornaments.
These circumstances, with their appearance and complexion, have given
rise to an opinion, that they are the descendants of the Greeks. Both
Baber and Abool Fuzzil have made mention of this supposition; but they
have confounded the claims of the chiefs on the Oxus to a Macedonian
descent with the Kaffirs, who have no such tradition of their origin.
The great elevation of the country which they inhabit, would appear
to account satisfactorily for all their physical peculiarities; and
I believe it will be found that this people are none other than the
aborigines of the plains, who fled to their present abode on the
conversion of the low countries to the religion of Mahommed: the
Afghans, at least, tell you so, and the name of Kaffir, or Infidel,
seems a strong corroboration of the opinion. The Kaffirs are a race
of savages, and there is nothing either in their customs or religion
which seems to be anywise remarkable among a people at their state of
civilisation. The hill tribes in India have a religion which differs as
much from Hindooism as that of the Kaffirs; and the reason is obvious:
they inhabit remote regions, that were not accessible to the manners
and alterations which found their way into the more favoured plains.
The Kaffir women do all the out-door work, and follow the plough: it is
even said that they are sometimes yoked in it along with an ox.
CHAP IV.
ON THE REPUTED DESCENDANTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT IN THE VALLEY OF THE
OXUS AND INDUS.
~Traditions of the descendants of Alexander the Great.~
In speaking of the existence of Grecian colonies in the remote regions
of Asia, and said to be descended from Alexander of Macedon, it is
necessary to premise that I am not indulging in speculation, but
asserting a lineage of various tribes of people, that is claimed by
themselves, and meriting, therefore, our attention. Marco Polo is
the first author who mentions the existence of such a tradition, and
informs us that the Meer of Budukhshan laid claim to a Grecian origin.
The emperor Baber corroborates the testimony; and Abool Fuzzul, the
historian of his grandson, Acbar, points to the Kaffir country north
of Peshawur as the seat of these Macedonians. Mr. Elphinstone has, I
think, successfully refuted the supposition of this historian; for the
Kaffirs are a savage and mountainous tribe, without a tradition on the
subject, as has been noticed in the preceding chapter. Mr. Elphinstone,
however, confirms the statements of Marco Polo, by the information
that the chief of Durwaz, in the valley of the Oxus, claimed a descent
from Alexander, which was admitted by all his neighbours. Such was the
extent of information with which I entered these countries, sufficient,
it will be said, to excite the utmost curiosity; and it will be
seen that I found ample encouragement in the investigation of such
traditions while in the valley of the Oxus, and in the very seats of
their existence.
~Their actual condition.~
If it was believed that the chiefs of Budukhshan and Durwaz alone laid
claim to these hereditary honours, what was my surprise to find that
there were _six other_ personages established, to the satisfaction
of the people, in like honours. The chiefs that extend eastward of
Durwaz, and occupy the provinces of Koolab, Shughnan, and Wakhan,
north of the Oxus, claim the same descent. The chief of Budukhshan
received in modern times the same honours as have been ascribed to
him by the Venetian traveller. He has the title of Shah and Malik,
or King, and his children that of Shahzadu; but this ancient house
has been subverted within these twelve years by the Meer of Koondooz,
and Budukhshan is now held by a Toork family. To the eastward of
Budukhshan, and extending to Cashmere, lie the hill states of Chitral,
Gilgit, and Iskardo, where the claims to a Grecian descent are
likewise conceded to each of the princes. The first of these has the
title of Shah Kuttore. The present ruler is of small stature, and, in
these countries, has as great a celebrity for his long beard as the
Shah of Persia. The chief of Iskardo occupies a singular fortress on
the Indus, which he has the hardihood to assert was constructed in
the days of Alexander himself. The country borders on Little Tibet,
or Baltee. Nor is this the ultimate limit of the tradition, for
the soldiers of the Toonganee tribe, who are sent from the western
provinces of Chinese Tartary, and garrison Yarkund and the neighbouring
cities, claim also a Grecian origin. They, however, seek, with greater
modesty, a descent from the soldiers of Alexander’s army, and not from
the conqueror himself.
~Examination of these claims.~
Such is a correct list of the reputed descendants of Alexander, and
it is in some degree confirmatory of their claim, that the whole of
these princes are Tajiks, who were the inhabitants of this country
before it was overrun by Toorkee or Tartar tribes. But how shall we
reconcile these accounts with the histories that have travelled down to
our times, whence we learn that the son of Philip did not even leave
an heir to inherit his gigantic conquests, much less a numerous list
of colonies, which have survived a lapse of more than 2000 years in
a distant quarter of Asia? Whether their descent is viewed as true or
fabulous, the people themselves acknowledge the hereditary dignity of
the princes; and they, in their turn, claim every royal honour, and
refuse to give their children in marriage to other tribes. These Tajiks
being now converted to Islam, view Alexander as a prophet; and to the
distinction which they derive from his warlike achievements, they add
the honour of being related to one of the inspired messengers of the
Deity. I have had opportunities of conversing with some members of
the Budukhshan family, but there was nothing in form or feature which
favoured their Grecian lineage. They are fair-complexioned, and not
unlike the Persian of modern times; while there is the most decided
contrast between them and the Toorks and Uzbeks.
~Conjectures regarding them.~
We learn from the historians of Alexander’s expedition, that he
warred in the kingdom of Bactriana. The city of Balkh, which lies
in the vicinity of these territories, is readily fixed upon as the
Bactra of the Greek monarchs. Setting aside every local identity, the
modern inhabitants state, that the country between Balkh and Cabool
had the name of “Bakhtur Zumeen,” or the Bakhtur country, in which we
recognise Bactria. The fact renders it by no means improbable, that
a Grecian colony had some time or other existed in the country. It
may, therefore, be supposed, that the Grecian dynasty, which succeeded
Alexander in his empire, ascended the valley of the Oxus, the fertility
of which would attract them. They would have been conducted at Iskardo
into Baltee, or Little Tibet, and the neighbourhood of Cashmere; and we
may perhaps account for the early civilisation of that beautiful valley
in such a migration of Grecian colonists. The introduction of the
religion of Mahommed into every country seems to have been fatal to its
historical annals; and I doubt not that any traces which here existed
of the Macedonian inroad, or of the Seleucidæ, their successors,
were effaced in that great revolution. I have already observed, that
the countries on the upper course of the Oxus seem to have lain out
of the channel of Tartar invasion, and I infer, from their language
and connection with Persia, that they followed the destinies of that
country, which would be favourable to their having been conquered by
Alexander. If we cannot bring ourselves to concede to these moderns
the illustrious lineage of Alexander of Macedon, we must yet receive
their tradition as the most concurring proof of his having overrun
these countries; and, till some well-grounded arguments can be brought
forward to the contrary, I cannot, for my own part, deny their title to
the honours which they claim. I received the information from several
natives of the country; and, as they entertained no doubt of its being
genuine and authentic, I have contented myself with recording that
which will enable others to enlarge and speculate upon it.
CHAP. V.
ON THE SOURCES OF THE INDUS.
~Interest attached to the sources of the Indus.~
The sources of the different great rivers of the world have at all
times excited the particular attention of mankind. Of none has our
information been more conflicting and obscure than the upper course
of the Indus. I record the following particulars relating to this
most interesting geographical subject, the result of my intercourse
with the people of the neighbouring countries. My enquiries have been
materially assisted by the labours of Lieutenant Macartney, though a
wide difference will be found between the heads of the Indus, as now
described, and their delineation in that officer’s map. Great, however,
is the aid which one derives from the records of a preceding enquirer.
The papers of Mr. Moorcroft ought to furnish us with some information
on this point; but they are still unpublished, and his journey,
though it extended nearer to the scene than that of any other modern
traveller, was yet distant from the source of the Indus.
~Received opinions.~
~Errors.~
The following are our present and received opinions regarding the
source of the Indus. The river of Ladak, joined by the Shyook, falls
into the Indus at Draus, and these united streams form the great river
which runs north of Cashmere, and is joined by the Aboo Seen before
passing Attok. The town of Leh, or Ladak, is placed above the parallel
of 37° N. latitude, and Draus lies nearly half way between it and the
city of Cashmere. This account differs materially from the information
which I have received. The river of Ladak, and the Shyook, instead of
existing as two minor tributaries of the Indus, form of themselves
that great river; the one rising near the lake of Mansurour, and the
other in the mountains of Karakorum. They unite N.W. of Ladak, and
pass through the country of Little Tibet, or Baltee, and a snowy range
separates them from Cashmere. Ladak lies nearly eastward of Cashmere,
which places it three degrees of latitude below the parallel given to
it by Mr. Macartney; and Draus is on the road to Ladak.[24] No such
junction as is given in the map takes place at Draus, and the rivulet
that passes that village, instead of forming a portion of the waters
of the Indus, runs among the mountains of Cashmere, and joins the
Jelum, or Hydaspes, at Moozufferabad, as it leaves the valley. This
fact is mentioned in a note in Mr. Elphinstone’s book, on the authority
of a journal of Meer Izzut Oollah, which he received after his own
account was written. It may have been owing to this last circumstance
that he overlooked the inconsistency of Izzut Oollah’s statement
with the existence of Mr. Macartney’s eastern branch of the Indus.
Mr. Elphinstone, indeed, observes, that Izzut Oollah did not see the
junction of that branch with the river of Ladak; but he accounts for
it by supposing the confluence to lie to the south of the place called
Draus in Izzut Oollah’s route. If that route be protracted, however,
it will show that the river of Ladak could not well have passed to the
south of Draus without falling into the course of the Kishun Gunga; and
that, even if the junction had taken place to the south of Draus, both
rivers must still have been crossed (either united or separately) by
Izzut Oollah before he reached Draus.
It is evident, therefore, that the rivers do not meet at or to the
south of Draus; and, as Izzut Oollah went from Draus to the river of
Ladak, and accompanied that river to the town from which it takes
its name, without seeing the junction of any other river from the
east, his account may be regarded as a confirmation of the fact which
I have stated, that no such eastern branch exists. It is worthy of
observation, that Mr. Macartney’s account of the eastern branch of the
Indus appears to have been only communicated by one person.
~Description of the two great branches which form the Indus.~
That the river of Ladak has its source near the lake of Mansurour has
been satisfactorily established by Moorcroft. The course of this branch
of the Indus is, therefore, of great length; but the volume of water
has been described to me as very small, though it receives several
tributaries. The Shyook, on the other hand, is said to be a vast river,
formed of many small ones, and discharges the water and melted snows
of the Kara Korum mountains. Three days’ journey from Ladak, on the
route to Yarkund, it is crossed at a breadth of 1000 yards in March;
but widely spread and fordable. This is considered by the natives as
the great trunk of the Indus, and its source, to the N.E. of Ladak,
is, consequently, that of the Indus. The united streams of the river
of Ladak and Shyook pass south of the territories of Iskardo, Gilgit,
and Chitral. They are then joined by the Aboo Seen, as described by Mr.
Elphinstone, and at Attok, by the river of Cabool, here called the
Lundee, which falls into the Indus, close upon the fortress, and not
some miles higher up.
~Western branch of the Indus.~
The sources of this river, commonly called the River of Cabool, are
nearly as remote as those to the eastward, which we have now described.
The River of Cabool actually rises near Ghuzni; but, in its course
eastward of Jullalabad, is joined by a great river that has been called
the Kameh, though it is unknown to the natives by such a name. This
river is traced to the same source as the Oxus; where it is said to
spring from a glacier.[25] That it rises in the same neighbourhood as
the Oxus, I have been also informed; but that river (as I have stated
when speaking of it) flows from the plain of Pamere, near Lake Sirikol,
and not from the ranges of mountains which support that elevated
region. This great western branch of the Indus, therefore, rises under
a much higher parallel of latitude than the Shyook.
~Cashgar; erroneous opinions regarding it.~
The country, which is enclosed by these different branches of the
Indus, has been called Kashkaur, or Cashghar, in our late maps;
which Mr. Elphinstone warns the reader not to confuse with Cashgar,
near Yarkund. At Peshawur, I certainly heard of a small mountainous
district, near Deer and Gunjoom, called Cashgar, and which is well
known for its coarse blankets; but the name has been applied to a
far greater extent of country than is even known to the natives of
Peshawur. North of Hindoo Koosh, in Koondooz, and the borders of
Budukhshan, I could find no person who was acquainted with any country
under the name of Cashgaur, but that of Yarkund. They spoke of Chitral
and Gilgit, which form part of it, according to the modern nomenclature
of our maps, but knew nothing of the southern Cashgar as a separate
territory; doubtless from the smallness of the district and its remote
position[26]. Since the whole of the information contained in this
chapter rests on the authority of others, the credence to which it is
entitled must be well weighed. I have the information from people who
had seen these rivers and countries, and I have given the facts, after
due corroboration and enquiry.
CHAP. VI.
NOTICE ON YARKUND, AND ITS INTERCOURSE WITH PEKIN, BOKHARA, AND TIBET.
~Chinese provinces of Yarkund.~
Yarkund is one of the frontier positions of the Chinese empire towards
the west, and a five months’ journey of a caravan from the seat of
government, Pekin. The productions of China are transmitted to this
province, and sold to the natives of Bokhara and Tibet, who are
permitted to frequent certain fixed markets; of which the greatest is
Yarkund. No Chinese crosses the frontiers; and the trade into Bokhara
is carried on by Mahommedans, who visit Yarkund for that purpose. The
same vigilance to prevent the ingress of foreigners is here exhibited
as upon the sea-coast. In my communications with the Uzbeks of Bokhara,
I heard much of the Chinese peculiarities, and I had an opportunity of
travelling with a tea caravan from Yarkund; which leads me to believe
that a notice of this country, imperfect as it must be, will not be
uninteresting.
~Sketch of its history.~
Yarkund, with the adjacent province of Cashgar, formed the principality
of a Mahommedan ruler, known by the name of the Khoju of Cashgar, a
family of religious influence, who once exercised great authority.
The people of these parts superstitiously believed its members to be
invulnerable in battle, and able to use extraordinary means for the
discomfiture of their enemies, and yet think it impossible for any
one to prosper who injures a Khoju. Dissensions, however, arose in
this family about eighty years since, and they called on the Chinese
government, or the “Khitais,” (so they are here named,) as a mediator,
which, as not unfrequently happens, acted the part of conqueror.
Since that time, the Chinese have retained the whole of their lands;
not, however, without many endeavours, both by war and conspiracy, on
the part of the dethroned family, at restoration. The last of these
attempts occurred about five years since, aided by the Uzbeks of Kokan;
but the Chinese assembled an army from their most distant provinces,
and, advancing into that country, captured the rebellious Khoju, and
sent him in a cage, or covered cart, to Pekin. The Khan of Kokan,
though he was defeated, has since arrogated to himself the title of
“Ghazee,” from having warred with infidels. On the first overthrow of
this family, some of the Khojus fled to Budukhshan, and the chief of
that province put them to death: for which _good office_ the Chinese
sent him a yearly present, till within these five or six years,
when his country was seized by the Meer of Koondooz. The bigotted
Mahommedans attribute the misfortunes of the Budukhshan family to the
injuries offered to the Khoju of Cashgar. While such opinions prevail,
the members of it must continue to be disagreeable neighbours to the
Chinese.
~Mode of government under the Chinese.~
The period which has elapsed since the capture of Yarkund has no way
diminished the precautions of the Chinese government. Yarkund is still
considered but an outpost, and the communication between it and Pekin
maintained in a most characteristic manner. The government of all the
cities is left in the hands of Mahommedans, and there are not above
5000 Chinese in Yarkund. The garrisons are recruited from boys of
fourteen and fifteen, who are sent back after about as long a period
of service. These soldiers are drawn from the tribe of Toonganee, who
claim relationship to the army of Alexander: they are Mahommedans,
from the adjacent provinces, but dress as Chinese. They are never
permitted to marry, or bring their families within fifteen marches of
the country, and are regarded as troops on foreign employ. The natives
of the country rule, under the superintendence of the Chinese officers.
The governor of Yarkund, who has the title of Hakim Beg, is subject to
Cashgar; and he, again, is under the Junjoom of Eela, a large city,
forty marches north of Yarkund. The principal places in these frontiers
are, Eela, Yarkund, Cashgar, Aksoo, Karasoo, Yengi hissar, &c. Eela
is said to have a population of 75,000 souls. Yarkund ranks next in
importance, and has 50,000; while Cashgar is smaller than both. Yarkund
stands on a river, in a fertile plain, which is rich in fruit and
grain. It is surrounded on all sides but the east by hills, where the
river flows. The climate is dry and agreeable; snow seldom falls, and
even rain is scarce.
~Communication with Pekin.~
The mode of communication with Pekin, or, as it is called, Bajeen,
and their eastern provinces, is carried on with an arrangement and
expedition purely Chinese. The usual journey exceeds the period of
five months; but an express may be sent in thirty-five days. Under
great emergency, it is conveyed in twenty, and even fifteen days.
“Oortungs,” or stages, where there are relays of horses, are erected
every eight or ten miles, and one messenger is not even permitted to
exchange a word with another. At each of these stages there are piles
of wood, which are directed to be set fire to on the intelligence of
arising or invasion of the Mahommedans; and by this means intelligence
has been sent from Yarkund to Pekin in six days. I have heard that
fire-balloons are used instead of piles of wood; but I believe that
in the latter we have the more simple and correct version of the tale.
It was on this intimation that the last Chinese army was marched into
Kokan; and it is said to have been assembled from all the cities of
the empire, and amounted to 70,000 men. The military appearance of
this body is said to have been truly singular. A great portion of the
soldiers were armed with large matchlocks, each of which was borne by
two persons.
~People of Yarkund.~
The Chinese of Yarkund interfere but little with the affairs of the
country, and leaving it and its trade to the Mahommedan portion of the
population, the authorities levy a duty of one in thirty; and their
commercial regulations are just and equitable. The word of a Chinese is
not doubted, nor does the tea ever differ in quality from the sample.
The Mahommedans of Yarkund amount to about 12,000 families. They are
Toorks, and speak a dialect of Toorkee that is perfectly intelligible
to the natives of Bokhara. The country people are sometimes called
Moghuls by those who live in cities; and from this may have originated
our vague name of Mongolia. There are Calmuk Tartars settled around
Eela and Yarkund, who have a singular custom to distinguish their
chiefs and grandees, by fixing deer’s horns on their skull-caps. The
size and beauty of the antlers mark the dignity, and are the red
ribbons of a Calmuk Tartar. The laxity of their females, I am assured,
entitles them to the honour of wearing such an ornament. The Chinese
employ Calmuks in the protection of their frontier. The Mahommedans
of Yarkund appear to differ from their brethren elsewhere, for the
fair sex have a power and influence not known in other places. They
take the seat of honour in a room, associate freely with the men,
and do not veil; they wear high-heeled boots, richly ornamented;
their head-dress is described as very handsome, being a high tiara of
cloth; the features of the fair ones themselves are said to be most
beautiful. When a Bokhara merchant visits Yarkund, he marries one of
these beauties during his sojourn in the city; and the pair separate,
as they joined, quite as a matter of convenience, when he leaves the
country. Their wives are as cheap as beautiful, and purchased at a
premium of two or three tillas (twelve or eighteen rupees); and the
merchants, long after leaving the country, sing the praises of the fair
ones of Yarkund. I could not discover what had given rise to their
appearing without veils and being invested with such influence; but
I congratulate them on two such infringements of Mahommedan usage.
Besides the native Chinese, who frequent Yarkund, I am informed
that Christian merchants, probably Armenians, also visit it from the
eastward: they dress as Chinese.
~Intercourse with Tibet.~
The intercourse from Tibet and Bokhara is carried on by regulations
that are truly energetic. The natives of these countries are not
permitted to proceed beyond Yarkund and the neighbouring towns, and,
as they enter the Chinese dominions, are placed under certain persons,
who have a knowledge of the countries from which they come, and made
responsible for their behaviour. So thoroughly organised is this system
of police, that it is said to be impossible to elude its vigilance. A
native who was suspected in these countries, and was afterwards in my
service, remained in confinement for three months, and was at length
dismissed by the route he had come, but not till a likeness of him had
been first taken. Several copies of the picture were despatched to
the frontier towns, with these instructions:--“If this man enters the
country, his head is the Emperor’s, his property is yours.” I need not
add, that he has never since sought to extend his acquaintance in the
Chinese provinces of Yarkund.
~Country between Yarkund and Tibet.~
I had a most interesting account of the country lying between Yarkund
and Ladak, in Tibet, from a native who had travelled there, and which
will convey any but favourable notions of this channel of commerce,
frequented, as it appears partially to be. The traveller set out from
Ladak in March, and reached Yarkund in sixty days, after encountering
a series of disasters and difficulties from a storm that arose in
passing the mountains of Kara Korum. The number of actual marches
does not exceed twenty-eight, but seven whole days were occupied in
crossing Kara Korum; which is described as a low ridge, at the eighth
march. Such was the violence of the north wind, and the drifting of
the snow, that for some days the party only made a progress of a
hundred yards. Though Kara Korum is not a high range of mountains, it
must be elevated, since a difficulty of breathing was experienced;
also vomiting, giddiness, and loss of appetite. For all these tea was
considered a specific. The storm abated, and enabled the travellers
to proceed; but eight of their ponies had died, and the whole party
must soon have perished, for the animals had ate up the straw of
their saddles and cushions before regaining the inhabited country,
which commenced at the eighteenth march from Ladak. There they met a
few huts, inhabited by the Wakhanees, of whom I have before spoken.
They carried every supply for themselves and their horses. At the
seventeenth march the travellers encountered a defile among hills
which extended for five or six miles, and is called Yengi Dabban. The
road led entirely over ice, which was notched into steps before they
could proceed. On returning to Ladak in June, the ice had entirely
disappeared: even Kara Korum was free from snow. This is singular, as
it must be higher than Hindoo Koosh, which is covered by eternal snow.
To the south of Kara Korum all the rivers join the Shyook; and it is
evident, therefore, that that ridge, low as it actually appears, is
the highest part of the range. North of it the water flows into the
river of Yarkund, and the road follows these defiles, and, in one short
distance, is said to cross a rivulet three hundred and sixty times. The
last passage is called “Khilastan,” from being relieved of its further
inconvenience. The greater part of this country is destitute of fixed
inhabitants, but the wandering Kirghizzes frequent it with their flocks
during summer; this road is then passed in twenty days. The number
of horses which perish on this line of route is great; and it is not
an unusual thing for an owner to pick up his goods next year on the
spot where they were left. There are no robbers: the wild horse is the
solitary inhabitant of this wilderness.
~Communications of Yarkund with Bokhara.~
~Notice of Kokan.~
The intercourse between Bokhara and Yarkund is carried on by two
routes, leading through the valleys of the Sir, or Jaxartes, and the
Oxus. The first of these routes passes by Kokan, the ancient Ferghana,
and is always passable but in the three summer months, when it is
flooded by melted snow. There are two places on this route where the
traveller experiences a difficulty of breathing. The disturbances with
the exiled Khoju and the Uzbeks of Kokan have of late years closed this
route to caravans; but it is the best line of communication between
Yarkund and Toorkistan. The route by the plain of Pamere and the valley
of the Oxus, through Budukhshan and Balkh, is more circuitous, and
likewise less accessible. I have described both these lines of route,
when speaking of the commerce of Bokhara; I have only, therefore,
to make a brief mention of Kokan, which is the paternal kingdom of
Baber. It is ruled by an Uzbek Khan, of the tribe of Yooz, who claims
a lineage from that Emperor. It is a much smaller territory than
Bokhara, and its power is now on the decline: it is celebrated for its
silk. The capital of the country is Kokan, which is an open town on
the Sir, about half the size of Bokhara, and the largest place in that
neighbourhood. The ancient capital is Marghilan: Indejan is, however,
a town of considerable note; and the Chinese of Yarkund denominate all
natives who come from the west, Indejanees. The inhabitants of Kokan
wear skull-caps instead of turbans. The Khan of Kokan keeps up an
intercourse with Russia and Constantinople; but there is no friendly
feeling towards the rulers of Yarkund.
CHAP. VII.
ON THE MOUNTAINS OF HINDOO KOOSH.
~Hindoo Koosh; range so called.~
~Errors regarding it.~
When the great range of the Himalaya, which forms the northern boundary
of Hindoostan, crosses the Indus, it loses the designation by which it
has been familiarly known from the frontiers of China. It also changes
its course, and, running west, expends its greatest height in the
lofty peak of Hindoo Koosh, from which it dwindles into comparative
insignificance. The elevation of the peak appropriately affixes the
name of Hindoo Koosh to this portion of the range; but this general
term is unknown to the people. A road which leads across the shoulder
of this mountain is also called the “pass of Hindoo Koosh.” The part
which I am now about to describe lies between Cabool and Balkh, and is
that which we traversed in our journey to Bokhara. In the plains of
the Punjab we had had a magnificent view of the stupendous mountains
which separate Cashmere from the plains; and it is to them that the
natives affix the name of Himalaya, without confining it to the
mountains beyond that celebrated valley. On crossing the Indus, we
found ourselves much nearer this great range, now termed Hindoo Koosh,
than is represented in our maps. In the valley of the Cabool River, it
seemed to overhang the road which we passed; an error which originates
from the city of Cabool being placed in too low a parallel of latitude
by fifteen minutes: nor was I prepared to find from these same maps
that we had surmounted “the everlasting snows” of Hindoo Koosh before
reaching Bameean, since, by every delineation, they were yet half
a degree beyond us. Such, however, was the fact, since the rivulet
of Bameean is a tributary of the Oxus, and the country there slopes
towards the north. There are certainly mountains beyond Bameean; but we
have no longer the towering tops of the Himalaya. One broad depressed
belt extends to Balkh; and it is this belt that the Arabian geographers
denominated the “Stony Girdle” of the earth. The only part of these
mountains covered with perpetual snow, is the Koh-i-Baba, that lies
between Cabool and Bameean; the range is afterwards lost in a maze of
lower hills, towards Herat.
~Height of the Hindoo Koosh.~
We crossed this stupendous chain of mountains by six successive passes;
and, after a journey of about 260 miles, and thirteen days, debouched,
on the valley of the Oxus, at Khoolloom, which is forty miles eastward
of the ancient city of Balkh. The three first passes lie between
Cabool and Bameean, and two of them were so deeply covered with snow
in the end of May, that we could only travel in the morning, when it
was frozen, and would bear our horses. The three remaining passes north
of Bameean were of lesser altitude, and free from snow. We commenced
our journey at an elevation of 6600 feet[27], which is the height of
the city of Cabool from the sea. We then followed the river of Cabool,
which falls at the rate of fifty feet a mile, and reached its source at
an elevation of 8600 feet; where the snow was first encountered in the
valley. We attained our greatest height at the passes called Hajeeguk
and Kaloo, which were respectively 12,400 and 13,000 feet high, and
covered with snow. None of the other passes exceed an altitude of
9000; and from the last of them, called Kara Koottul, we descended the
bed of a river, at the rate of sixty feet a mile, till we reached the
plains of Toorkistan, where, in Balkh, we had yet an elevation of 2000
feet above the level of the sea. As we issued from the mountains, we
left them rising from the plain in a bold and precipitous line, about
2500 feet high. Their sides, which were bare, black, and polished,
had a most imposing appearance, though they had lost much of their
sublimity and grandeur. They sank beneath the horizon long before we
reached the banks of the Oxus. I am assured that the whole of these
passes of Hindoo Koosh are free from snow before the end of June; and
in our progress across them we had not, therefore, attained the height
of perpetual congelation. I am aware of the interest which is attached
to this point, and it is something towards a conclusion, that here,
at least, it lies beyond an elevation of 13,000 feet. The peaks of
Koh-i-Baba are covered with eternal snow for a considerable distance
beneath their summits: nor can I estimate any of these (for it is only
an estimate) at a greater altitude than 18,000 feet, judging from the
height at which we viewed them. The climate of this elevated zone is
variable: the thermometer in May stood below the freezing point at
sunrise; while, at mid-day, the heat and reflection from the snow were
insufferable. It is said that, at a certain degree of elevation, and in
a low latitude, we may find the climate of more temperate countries:
nor can the fact be for a moment doubted; still, in that elevation the
rays of the sun are most powerful. At the height of 10,000 feet we
found the inhabitants ploughing the ground as the snow left the face of
the mountains; so rapid is vegetation, from the scorching heat, that
they would reap in the beginning of October that which they sowed in
the close of May.
~General features of Hindoo Koosh.~
This portion of Hindoo Koosh is entirely destitute of wood, and, in
many places, of verdure; the range of Koh-i-Baba rises in peaks, but
in all other places they present the appearance of rounded and naked
mountains. In the defiles the road frequently passes at the base of
a mural precipice, rising in a perpendicular height of 2000 and 3000
feet, and exhibits monuments of solemn grandeur, which it is difficult
to describe. About seven years since, near Sarbagh, the shock of an
earthquake precipitated a huge mass of rock into the valley, which
blocked up the river for four days, and rendered the road for a
long time impassable. The watercourses appear to have excavated for
themselves a channel in the lapse of ages; and, to judge from the
stratification of the rocks on either side, these have, at one time,
formed the banks, from the top downwards, of rivulets now depressed
some thousand feet. These walls have a resemblance to cut stone or
brick, rising in horizontal layers above one another. So tortuous
is the defile we traversed, that it forms, as it were, in every
half mile, distinct enclosures, which appear like so many fortified
positions, the view being bounded on every side. One part of the
valley, to which this remark more particularly applies, has the name of
the “Dura-i-zundan,” or the Valley of the Dungeon; and in many parts
the height was such as to exclude the sun at mid-day. I was unable to
take an altitude of the pole star from Bameean to within thirty miles
of the plains of Toorkistan.
~Productions of Hindoo Koosh.~
There are no cedars or pines to adorn Hindoo Koosh, and the only
fuel of the inhabitants is a dry stunted furze, which tenaciously
clings to the soil. Its thorns are disposed like the quills of a
hedge-hog, and it is familiarly known to the people by the name of
the Koollah-i-Huzara, or the Huzara Cap. At an elevation of 7000 feet
we found the asafœtida plant flourishing in great luxuriance. It is
an annual, and grows to the height of eight or ten feet, when it
withers and decays. The milk which exudes is first white, and then
turns yellow, and hardens; in which state it is put in hair bags, and
exported. In the fresh state it has the same abominable smell; yet our
fellow-travellers greedily devoured it. If the odour of the asafœtida
be offensive, the inhabitants are amply compensated by the variety
of aromatic plants which grow in these hills, and scent the air. The
rocks are very bare, but the few plants which protrude from between
the stones are mostly fragrant. The pasture is peculiarly favourable to
sheep from its aromatic qualities. We saw these animals browsing on the
tender plants of asafœtida, which is believed to be highly nutritious.
They rear a barley in this elevated country, which has no husk, and
grows like wheat, but it is barley. The valleys in Hindoo Koosh are
more favoured by nature, and stored with the finest fruit-trees. We
sometimes passed for miles among orchards of apricots, a fruit which
grows on the most elevated regions, and attains the highest perfection.
On descending to Khooloom, we had the cherry, peach, fig, pomegranate,
mulberry, pear, quince, and apple,--all of them on the brink of the
rivulet; for the breadth of the defile never exceeded 200 yards, and
was generally narrower. On the verge of this watercourse I frequently
observed the blackberry bush, the sweet-briar, and the hawthorn. Grass
is most abundant, and I could discover the peppermint and the hemlock
among many other weeds.
~Formation of Hindoo Koosh.~
I shall endeavour to convey some notions of the formation of these
vast mountains. The nature of the valleys is highly favourable to
the researches of the geologist; but I have to claim much indulgence
in treating on a subject of such interest, but (to me, at least) of
considerable difficulty. I cannot introduce it to the notice of the
reader better than in a detailed account of the defile under the pass
of Kaloo, by which we descended to Bameean. It lies between the two
great snowy passes that I have noted, and it is to be observed, runs
at an elevation of 8000 feet. The section which was here laid open
extended for about twenty miles, during which we descended 3000 feet.
The highest hills between Cabool and Hajeeguk appeared to be gneiss,
or granite; and, after we had wound over that pass, they became deeply
impregnated with iron, even to their summits. These were succeeded
by blue slate and quartz. The sides of the defile rose up in steep
slanting precipices of this micaceous schist; but the summit presented
a rugged outline of nodules. From the higher parts of these, huge
blocks of green granite and other stones, said to be shivered by the
cold and frost, had been hurled into the valley. Descending further,
we came to conglomerate limestone, in which were mixed up a variety of
other stones, not unlike gravel or shingle. About eight or ten springs
of water, of the colour of deep rust, were exuding from various parts
of this rock, and tinged its sides as they trickled down. The waters
have a purgative effect, and a metallic taste, and run, I presume, over
a deposit of iron. There is a large spring of the same kind in the
valley, leading to the pass of Hajeeguk. Then followed huge cliffs of
clay of a reddish and purple colour, which were succeeded by ridges of
indurated clay, mixed with harder stones, till we reached Bameean. It
is in this ridge that the great idols and caves are excavated, for it
is easily worked. The vicinity of Bameean is exceedingly rich in the
mineral kingdom. At Fouladut, gold is found; also lapis lazuli; and in
the hills of Istalif, north of Cabool. There are ten or twelve mines
of lead in a defile close to Bameean, which are at present worked.
There are also ores of copper, tin, and antimony; sulphate of copper
(_neeltota_, _moordarsung_), and sulphur. Asbestos (sung i poom bu,
or cotton stone,) is found at Judraun, north-east of Cabool; and iron
exists in Bajour, north of Peshawur. Travelling north of Bameean, the
same appearances continued till we descended from the first pass, where
cliffs of granite, blackened by the elements, rose up in dusky, but
majestic columns, not unlike basalt. The specimens which had fallen
down proved them to be of the formation which I have named. The two
last passes of Hindoo Koosh presented an entirely different appearance
from what has been yet described: they consisted of a light brown
limestone, I presume, of primary formation, and of great hardness,
exhibiting, when fractured, the sharpest angles. This stone is so
slippery, from the polish which it takes on, that one of the passes
of which it is composed is called the “Tooth-breaker[28],” from this
circumstance. It was in this formation that we met with those steep and
lofty precipices which overhung the valley on our descent; but before
we had reached the plains, they were succeeded by rocks of sandstone.
In one of these, near Heibuk, I observed round and separate stones of
pure flint, imbedded at regular intervals, and running in as distinct
a line as if they had been fixed by art. The flint is extracted for
military purposes. There is also an extensive deposit of sulphur
between these last passes and Hindoo Koosh.
~Mountain of Hindoo Koosh.~
I have hitherto been describing the nature of the country which fell
under my own observation; but I have not spoken of the true mountain of
Hindoo Koosh, which lies about a degree eastward of this route. This
great peak is visible from Cabool, and entirely enveloped in milk-white
snow. I saw it also from Koondooz, on the north, at a distance of 150
miles. Its altitude must be considerable, for the travellers complain
of the difficulty of breathing, and carry sugar and mulberries with
them, to ease their respiration; and the strongest of men suffer from
giddiness and vomiting. Thousands of birds are also found dead on the
snow, for it is believed that they are unable to fly from the violence
of the winds; but it is more probable that they are prevented by the
rarity of the atmosphere: yet birds are used to higher elevations than
men and quadrupeds. They often attempt to walk across; and numbers of
them are ensnared.[29] Beasts of burden suffer as much as man, and many
sink and perish. The greatest silence is preserved in crossing Hindoo
Koosh; and no one speaks loud, or fires a gun, lest the reverberation
cause a fall of snow: such, at least, is the reason assigned; nor
does it appear to be destitute of foundation. But the most singular
phenomenon of nature on Hindoo Koosh appears to be the snow-worm, which
is described to resemble the silk-worm in its mature state. This insect
is only found in the regions of perpetual congelation, and dies on
being removed from the snow. I do not suppose that the existence of the
creature will be doubted, because I have not seen it, since I speak on
the united testimony of many who have passed Hindoo Koosh.
CHAP. VIII.
TOORKMANIA, OR THE COUNTRY OF THE TOORKMUNS.
~Country so called.~
In speaking of the Toorkmuns and their country, I shall adopt the term
of Toorkmania, since it describes that people under a generic name
which is not altogether unknown in Europe, and not likely to lead into
mistakes. Toorkmania, then, is that country lying south of the Oxus
or Toorkistan, stretching from Balkh to the shores of the Caspian,
and filling up the space between that sea and the Aral. On the south
it is bounded by hills, the continuation of Hindoo Koosh, and the
Paropamisus of the ancients. A line drawn from Balkh to Astrabad on
the Caspian,--which two places are nearly in the same parallel of
latitude,--will separate the country of the Toorkmuns from that of the
Afghans and Persians. On the south-eastern shore of the Caspian, where
Toorkmania adjoins Persia, the country is mountainous, and watered by
the rivers of Goorgan and Attruk, which fall into that sea. In all
other places it is a flat and sandy desert, scantily supplied with
water. The streams that flow from the mountains are speedily absorbed
by the sand, and never force their passage to the Oxus. The greatest
of these is the Moorghab or Merve River, and the Tejend, which passes
Shurukhs. This country is destitute of towns and villages; for the
Toorkmuns are an erratic tribe, and wander from one well to another
with their herds and flocks, taking their conical “khirgahs” or huts
along with them, in search of water and pasture.
~Its nature.~
~People.~
The desert of the Toorkmuns is a vast ocean of sand, flat in some
places, and rising in others to mounds, such as are seen on the
sea-shore. It increases in volume towards the Caspian; and in that
vicinity the sand-hills attain a height of sixty and eighty feet.
They appeared to rise from a hard caked surface of clay, which was
observable in several places. There was little difficulty in crossing
these sand-hills; and the wells, though few and far between, offer
their supply of water at no great distance from the surface, seldom
exceeding the depth of forty feet. Such is the desert of the Toorkmuns;
and inhabited by a tribe of people who boast that they neither rest
under the shade of a tree, nor a king. They do not exaggerate, since
a garden is unknown among them; and their desert is not enlivened
by a single tree: neither do they live under a fixed or permanent
ruler. They only acknowledge the patriarchal government of their
“Aksukals” or elders; though now and then, and in limited parts,
subjected to the power of the neighbouring nations. The life of a
Toorkmun is passed in the most reckless plunder of property and human
beings; and his children are brought up from their earliest years to
the same demoralisation. A proverb among them boasts that a Toorkmun
on horseback knows neither his father nor mother; and such a saying
conveys by no means an imperfect view of their compassion, when engaged
in a foray or “chupao.” The Toorkmuns have happily no ruler to guide or
direct their united efforts, which lessens their power and the effects
of their barbarity.
~Origin of the Toorkmuns.~
The Toorkmuns belong to the great family of the Toorkee or Tatar race:
they differ from the Uzbeks, in being exclusively a nomade tribe. The
name of Toorkmun is obscure. Toorkumæ, I am informed, means a wanderer;
and I have been so assured by the Toorkmuns themselves. Toorkmun, it
is also said, is “Toork-manind,” which in Persian means, like a Toork,
from the mixture of races produced by the inhabitants of Toorkmania
seizing on the neighbouring nations. Toork-mun, I am a Toork, may
likewise be assigned as a derivation. Turci and Comani, a mixed
people, seem far-fetched, though nothing which has been here recorded
may prove more satisfactory to some critics, for the mind wanders in
etymology. We however deduce from these that the Toorkmuns are Toorks,
though differing from Uzbeks, and many other tribes denominated Tartars
by Europeans. For the seat of Toorkmun migration, we should certainly
be disposed to look on the countries north-east of Bokhara, the abodes
of Jengis, of Timour, and their Uzbek successors: but the Toorkmuns
themselves believe that they came from Mangusluk, and the north-eastern
shores of the Caspian, till they gradually overran the territories
which our historians have given, in the time of the Roman world, to
the valorous Parthians. I have, indeed, heard a vague and uncertain
tradition among the Toorkmuns, which states them to be the descendants
of garrisons, transplanted from other countries by Alexander the Great.
~Tribes.~
The whole Toorkmun race claim a common lineage, though divided into
different tribes, and conceding to some a greater degree of honour than
to others. The total number of families is rated at 140,000, which I
shall class into the obvious division of eastern and western Toorkmuns,
as follows:--
EASTERN.
Salore (of Shurukhs) 2,000
Saruk (of Merve) 20,000
Ersaree (of the Upper Oxus) 40,000
Tuka (of the Tejend) 40,000
Sakar (of the Oxus) 2,000
-------
104,000
WESTERN.
Yamood (of Astrabad and Khiva) 20,000
Goklan (of the Goorgan) 9,000
Ata (of Balkhan) 1,000
Choudur (of Mangusluk) 6,000
-------
36,000
-------
Total of the race 140,000
=======
The most illustrious of all the Toorkmuns is the tribe of Salore; and
then follows the Ata, who are said to be the Syuds of the race, and
descended from the Caliph Osman. The three great tribes, the Yumood,
Goklan, and Tuka are said to have been descended from brothers; but the
last, as sprung from a Persian slave, is considered inferior to the
other two. It would be profitless to dilate on a nameless list of the
subdivisions of these tribes: I may merely instance that of Goklan,
which is classed into nine divisions, that encamp apart from each
other. These are their names:--
1 Ghaee,
2 Karabul Khan,
3 Baeéndur,
4 Kevish,
5 Kyk-soorunlee, or Arkuklee,
6 Aye durwesh,
7 Chakur, or Bugdulee,
8 Yunguk, or Gurkus,
9 Sangreek.
It is said, that the tribe at one time consisted of twenty-four
divisions, to each of which there was a “yooz kyelee,” or commander
of 500; but internal feuds, not yet, or ever likely to be removed,
together with wars on Khiva and Persia, have thinned their number, and
disturbed the patriarchal habits of all the Toorkmun race.
~Language.~
While the Toorkmuns themselves fail to trace their origin from a
country more remote than the shores of the Caspian, they yet assert
that they are the founders of the Ottoman empire. Their dialect appears
to differ from the Osmanlee Turkish; but the following specimens, taken
from the Toorkmuns themselves, may not only serve to refute or confirm
their fatherly claim on the second Rome, but assist investigations upon
other points.
_Specimen of the Dialect of the Toorkmuns._
Man Urkuts.
Woman Ailehee.
Daughter Kiz.
Son Ooglee.
Vizier Kooshbegee.
Bird Lööke.
Sea Durya.
Mountain Dugh.
Earth Yerr.
Wheat Booghdye.
Barley Arfa.
Melon Koon.
Water Soo.
Fire Ote.
Cold (adj.) Souts.
Hot Issee.
Sun Goon.
Moon Arje.
Star Yooldooz.
Sword Ghilich.
Musket Doofung.
Carpet Palus.
Father Ata.
Mother Cija.
Brother Ceneeng.
Sister Ishig.
Eye Gooz.
Nose Boorun.
Teeth Deesh.
Mouth Ughz.
Beard Sukal.
Hair Such.
Foot Eyak.
Hand Ill.
Knee Deez.
White Ak.
Black Kara.
Red Saree.
Ice Booz.
Snow Kar.
Rain Yughish.
Thunder Gok gooburdee.
Heaven Gok.
Lightning Yeldrum.
Horse Al.
Camel Doya.
Cow Sughur.
Goat Guchee.
Sheep Koyaon.
Salt Tooz.
Sand Koom.
Mud Lace.
Milk Sood.
Stone Dash.
Death Sukulat.
Marriage Toee.
I Oozoom.
You Sun.
Sleep Okhee.
Boat Gumee.
Silk Yepuk.
Good Yukhshee.
To lose Yettee.
To kill Oldee.
To swim Soo dooshelee.
To fly Yooz up kedelee.
Wool Yoon.
Cotton Puktu.
Sickness Khastu.
Near Yukeen.
Afar Oozak.
Hunger Ach.
Blood Kan.
Smell Ees.
One Bir.
Two Ikee.
Three Ooch.
Four Toort.
Five Bush.
Six Altee.
Seven Yedee.
Eight Sikkus.
Nine Daghuz.
Ten Ool.
Twenty Eegurnee.
Fifty Illee.
Hundred Yooz.
Thousand Meeng.
~Merve.~
~Sketch of its history.~
Amid the sterile regions of Toorkmania, and between Bokhara and
Persia, lies the once fertile land of Merve, the capital of which is
said to have been built by Alexander. It is better known to European
readers from a celebrated epitaph on one of its kings, often quoted by
moral writers: “You have witnessed the grandeur of Alp Arslan exalted
even to the skies; repair to Merve, and see it buried in the dust.”
Historians are obscure regarding it. It is yet styled, “Merve Shah i
Juhan,” or, Merve, the king of the world; and the natives point to the
ruins of “Merve i mukan,” as the city built by the Greeks. They are
better informed on the deeds of Sultan Sunjur, whose tomb yet remains,
and who reigned upwards of 800 years since. Merve long continued a
dependency of the Persian empire, and here Ismaeel Sefi, the Shah of
Persia, defeated the founder of the Uzbeks, Sheibanee Khan, A.D. 1510.
Under the Persians, Merve rose to a great and opulent country, and the
waters of its river, which before had wasted themselves in the desert,
were distributed by canals and a judicious use of dams throughout the
territory. The soil was enriched; the people were prosperous. _From one
maund reap a hundred_, is a proverb which attests the fecundity of the
earth, the prosperity of the people; a portion of a Persian couplet
bids the members of the “faithful” rejoice to say their afternoon
prayers in the dry and delightful climate of Merve.[30] Here, also, the
wheat-fields furnished the astonishing phenomenon of three succeeding
crops from the same seed, as has been described in the districts of
Andkho and Meimuna. Such was the prosperous condition of Merve under a
well-known chief named Beiram Khan, who was conquered in the year 1787,
by Shah Moorad of Bokhara. That king demolished its castle and canals,
and forcibly marched the greater portion of its inhabitants to people
his capital, where they still exist as a separate community. At a later
period the remnant of its population has been driven into Persia,
and this flourishing land, which presented so beautiful a contrast
to the rest of Toorkmania, now partakes of its sterility, while the
Toorkmun hordes have usurped the place of its once fixed population.
From the ruins of the castle of Merve, the traveller may yet behold
a depopulated circle of thirty miles, studded with deserted villages
and decayed walls. The fields on the verge of the Moorghab alone are
cultivated, and here the Toorkmuns yet rear the finest of wheat,
juwaree, and excellent melons.
~General features of the inhabitants.~
We shall be excused for dwelling upon the beauties of Merve, since
we are still in Toorkmania, and impart an interest to its dreary
solitudes, by describing this once beautiful oasis. From the ancient
city of Balkh to the shores of the Caspian, we have the people, as
well as the country, almost in a state of nature. The Toorkmuns have
neither science nor literature; they are even without mosques, though
not altogether without religion; they are a warlike people, and their
domestic habits fit them for the hour of battle. Their food is simple,
consisting of the milk and flesh of their herds and flocks. Mares’ milk
and “boozu” are unknown south of the Oxus, and the Toorkmuns are even
ignorant of the art of extracting or distilling spirits. A few Jews
from Meshid sometimes wander among them with intoxicating liquors,
which are happily beyond the reach of the poor. The Toorkmuns drink the
milk of the camel, which is a grateful beverage. The inhabitants of
Toorkmania are, perhaps, equal to the irregular cavalry of any nation,
and their horses possess some matchless qualities. Great care is
bestowed upon these noble animals. The subject is interesting, and we
shall close this book with a notice on the horses of Toorkistan.
CHAP. IX.
ON THE INROADS OF THE TARTARS; WITH A NOTICE OF THE TRIBES IN
TOORKISTAN.
~Sketch of the Tartar invasions. Their seats.~
We have been treating of countries which have, in different ages of the
world, sent forth successive hordes to overrun and occupy the fairest
regions of Asia, and our curiosity now leads us to note the present
state and condition of these various tribes of human beings. Attila
and Alaric spread devastation in the empire of the Cæsars. Jengis and
Timour have succeeded them in more modern but equally destructive
inroads. Through these great revolutions we trace the ever-wandering
spirit of the Tartar people; but ere the first of these destroyers
inflicted his calamities on Rome, we could gather the evil propensities
of the race from the histories of Semiramis, Cyrus, and Alexander.
Subsequent to the age of Timour, we have another irruption from the
Uzbek Tartars, though it wasted its strength at the base of Hindoo
Koosh. From the days of Herodotus to the present time, we are presented
with a state of ceaseless change and fluctuation in the countries of
Central Asia. For this great storehouse of emigration we have been
referred to Khitai, the regions of Northern China; but authentic
history fixes it in a site far less remote. Jengis and his bands
issued from the pastoral lands beyond the Jaxartes, which is also the
migration seat of his successors; and may be, therefore, safely fixed
as the cradle of Scythian, Hun, and Tartar inroad.
~Exaggerated numbers.~
~Probabilities of success in modern times.~
We shall not stop to speculate on the probabilities of a country so
thinly peopled sending forth hordes which have been exaggerated by
terror to thousands and hundreds of thousands. With greater reason
shall we attribute the size of these armies to their increasing number,
as they advanced to plunder and victory. A pastoral is but another
name for a migratory nation, and its transfer to a near or distant
country, generally depends upon the ambition or spirit of a few of its
leaders. This state of society is not altered in the paternal seats of
Jengis and Timour, and an invader might pursue, though with limited
success, the same paths of conquest. The volcano may rest for a time
in a quiescent state, but the Tartar, in his erratic life, will ever
sigh for new scenes; but it depends on the Khan if that passion be
gratified. The disciplined valour of Russia would now arrest him on
the west; and European prowess, engrafted on the legions of India,
might there oppose the torrent; but in Turkey, Persia, Cabool, and
China, a horde of Tartars would make the same impression as in former
times. The Tartar inroads have ever been of the most transitory nature.
Neither the empires of Jengis or Timour were consolidated, and the
subjugation of India, afterwards effected by their successors, arose
from fortuitous circumstances, over which their previous inroads had
had little influence.
~Tartar tribes.~
The literary world has long dwelt with an attentive and scrutinizing
eye on the history of the Tartars, exercising, as they ever have, so
great an influence over the destinies of the world. Received opinions
now present to us a vast nation in Northern Asia, classed into three
grand divisions, under the generic name of Tartar. I shall, elsewhere,
record the few facts, which I gathered in the country regarding this
race, but the subject partakes too much of a dissertation to be here
introduced. The intermixture of the Tartars with the more western
nations has brought about many changes, and the Tartar is no longer
disfigured by those unseemly features which inspired disgust. But a
physiognomist will not deduce from the change, that the Toork of the
Oxus differs from his countrymen of Yarkund, the Moghul of modern
writers, and far to the eastward. The Toorks intermarried with the
Tajiks of Mawurool nuhr, much in the same manner as the Seljooks, who
entered Persia, formed alliances in that country; but we cannot on
that account reckon them a separate race, because of their beauty.
The features of the Tartar have not altogether disappeared from the
natives of Toorkistan; and may yet be traced in small eyes, flattened
foreheads, and a scanty beard, though we see nought of the hideous
visages which are described in the records of their inroads. The
well-known couplet[31] of Hafiz, that paints the beautiful Toorkee girl
of Shiraz, near Samarcand, has been celebrated; nor have the fair sex
ever been destitute of charms in these regions, since we learn that
Roxana, whom Alexander married in Transoxiana, was the most beautiful
woman whom the Greeks had seen in Asia, after the wife of Darius. The
inhabitant of the city, however, is more changed than the peasant; and
on the mountains of Hindoo Koosh we had among the Huzaras a much closer
resemblance to the Tartars. Among them there is a singular tribe,
known by the name of Tatar Huzaras, which amount to about a thousand
families, and occupies the space between Hindoo Koosh and Bameean.
Tradition states these people to be descendants of Jengis Khan’s army,
but their name of Tatar deserves remark, since the only other tribe so
denominated by the people themselves is the Nogai on the frontiers of
Russia.
~Uzbek tribes.~
Such is the mutability of men and things in this circle of Tartar
abode, that if you now ask for the race of Zagatye or Chaghtye, the
illustrious descendants of Jengis and the conquerors of Hind, and
find them at all, they exist in the most abject poverty. The kings of
Bokhara did, however, claim a lineage and uninterrupted descent from
it, till a profligate minister snapped the thread by assassination. The
Uzbek ruler of Kokan, the second state in Transoxiana, still asserts
his descent from Baber, whose paternal kingdom of Ferghana he now
inherits. The Uzbeks distinguish themselves by thirty-two tribes, into
which they are said to have been divided in their pastoral seats. The
following list exhibits a few of the principal divisions of the Uzbek
race.
Bokhara. Mungut.
Kokan. Yooz.
Hissar. ----
---- Lakay.
Baeesoon. Kongrad.
Kuwadian. Doormun.
Koondooz. Kutghun.
Khooloom. Moeetun.
Heibuk. Kunglee.
Balkh. Kipchuh.
---- Yaboo.
Maimuna. Meeng.
Orjunje. Kongrad.
~Kalmuks. Kirgizzes. Kuzzaks.~
The roaming propensities of the Tartar occur in every page of his
history, and the example of the Kalmuks, who returned, in our own
age, from the Black Sea to their original seats on the frontiers of
China, exhibits the wonderful facility with which erratic nations alter
their places of abode. The event took place in the latter end of the
last century, and is still remembered by many of the inhabitants of
Toorkistan, who described it to me. The colony advanced with their
herds and flocks; and occupied, it is said, in the _breadth_ of its
advancing column, a journey of no less than three days. It forced its
way through all opposition to the “dusht i Kipchak,” north of the
Jaxartes, and reached the primeval seat of their ancestors at Yarkund
and Eela. The Kalmuks are not Mahommedans, and the “faithful” made war
on them as they passed, and about 1500 Kalmuk slaves were added to the
population of Bokhara; but small was the impression that could be made
on the hundred thousand families, the reputed number of the migrators.
The Kalmuk and Uzbek are said to have sprung from one tribe[32], and
this change of habitation has now mingled it with the Kuzzak[33], a
great tribe that once lay to the eastward of it; and Kalmuks, Kuzzaks,
and Kirgizzes are mingled together. The Kirgiz and Kuzzak appear to be
much the same people, differing only in location. The Kirgizzes whom I
met, had a flat countenance, and closely resembled the Toorkmun. They
inhabit Pameer. The Kuzzaks pass the summer in the southern parts of
Russia, and repair in winter to the neighbourhood of Bokhara, where
they sell their sheep.
~Citizens of Toorkistan.~
We find as great a variety among the citizens of Toorkistan as in the
subdivisions of the Tartars. The aborigines of the country are the
Tajiks or Tats; sometimes, but erroneously, denominated Sart, which
is a nickname given to them by the nomade tribes. The hostile Toorks
from the north subverted the power of this people, in a remote age; as
different dynasties of the same hordes have overwhelmed each other. The
Tajiks are addicted to commerce. Their language is Persian, which has
long been that of the country; for Toorkistan fell under the dominion
of Persia before the age of the Caliphs. In a Persian manuscript which
I procured at Bokhara, I even find that this language was used by order
of the Arabs themselves, in converting the people to Islam. The number
of Persians in Toorkistan is great; since we hold the inhabitants of
Merve in that light, as well as the slaves and their descendants. There
are also Jews, Hindoos, and Armenians. Of the Toorkmuns I have already
spoken; but there is yet another description of Tartars, the Nogais,
who have migrated from Russia, and settled to the number of about a
thousand families in the city of Bokhara.
~Traces of Tartar religion. Speculations.~
The people of Northern Asia worshipped the sun, fire, and the elements
previous to the age of Mahommed; and we are informed, that in the
earlier times of Islam, some of the priests or Magi of Persia fled
from that country beyond the Oxus. I searched much for a trace of the
original or imported worship; the Uzbeks assured me that there were
fire worshippers in the ancient Tartar city of Cazan in Russia; but
the censer of the Greek Padre was probably mistaken for the altar of
the Magi. But the similarity between the creed of the Tartar and the
Persian was curious; and since we find such innumerable hordes issuing
from beyond the Oxus in the ages of authentic history, may we not
derive the creed of Zoroaster or Zeratusht from Scythia or Tartary?
How full of interest is every thing connected with races of man
that have so often changed the destinies of the world. Could we but
follow up that at which we have now glanced, we might gather from the
traditions of the people much that would illustrate early history,
and the secret of these irruptions upon nations both barbarous
and civilised. How much, too, might be traced from the shades of
resemblance between the original tree and the branches which it has
shot forth to stimulate an enquiry that is eminently attractive. I
dismiss it, deploring my own incompetency.
CHAP. X.
ON THE HORSES OF TOORKISTAN.
~Toorkmun horse. Its origin.~
The horse attains a noble perfection in Toorkistan and the countries
north of Hindoo Koosh. The climate is favourable to its constitution,
and the inhabitants exhibit the most patient solicitude in its
breeding and food; so that its best qualities are fully developed.
The Toorkman horse is a large and bony animal, more remarkable for
strength and bottom than symmetry and beauty. Its crest is nobly erect,
but the length of body detracts from its appearance in the eye of an
European; nor is its head so small or its coat so sleek as the brood
of Arabia. This want of ornament is amply compensated by its more
substantial virtues, and its utility is its beauty. We are informed
by the historians of Alexander, that the countries on the Oxus were
celebrated for their horses; and their subsequent and close connexion
with Arabia suggests to us the extreme probability of an intermixture
with the blood of that country. Tradition confirms the belief. At
Shibbergaum, near Balkh, the people will yet tell you that their horses
are descended from the famous Ruksh of Roostum, the steed of the
Persian Hercules; from which we readily gather that they are of Persian
descent. Timourlane introduced, from his conquests in China and India,
Persia and Turkey, the finest horses of those distant countries to his
capital of Samarcand and his native and adjacent city of Shuhr Subz.
In this very neighbourhood, we now find, in the hands of the Uzbek
tribe of Karabeer, the most matchless horses of the East. The great
Nadir appears to have imitated Timour; and from India to the confines
of Persia the introduction of many celebrated breeds of horses are
referred to that conqueror. The most famous of these is found in Merve,
though the animal be small. Another, met on the Oxus, known by the name
of Aghubolak, is invariably marked by a dimple on some part of the body.
~Toorkmun mode of rearing horses.~
The peculiar manner in which a Toorkmun rears his horse arrests the
attention, and will, perhaps, account for its stamina and superiority;
since education, whether of the beast or the man, leaves the most
permanent impression. The diet is of the simplest kind, and entirely
free from the spices and sugar, the thirty-two and forty-two “mussalas”
(condiments) of the Indians. Grass is given at stated periods in the
forenoon, evening, and midnight; and, after feeding on it for an hour,
the horse is reined up, and never permitted to nibble and eat, as
in Europe. Dry food is preferred at all times; and if green barley
and juwaree[34] (here called jougan) are given in its stead, the
animal then receives no grain. At other times, a horse has from eight
to nine pounds of barley once a day. Clover and artificial grasses
are cultivated in Bokhara and on the banks of the Oxus, and, when
procurable, always used in a dry state. The stalk of the juwaree, which
is as thick as a walking-stick and contains much saccharine juice, is
a more favourite food. The long interval between the times of baiting
inure these horses to great privation; the supply of water allowed them
is also most scanty. Before a Toorkmun undertakes a foray, or chupao,
he trains, or, to use his own expression, “cools his horse” with as
much patience and care as the most experienced jockey of the turf,
and the animal is sweated down with a nicety which is perhaps unknown
to these characters. After long abstinence from food, the horse is
smartly exercised, and then led to water. If he drinks freely, it is
taken as a sign that his fat has not been sufficiently brought down,
and he is starved and galloped about till he gives this required and
indispensable proof. A Toorkmun waters his horse when heated, and
then scampers about with speed, to mix the water and raise it to the
temperature of the animal’s body! Under this treatment, the flesh of
their horses becomes firm, and their bottom is incredible; I have had
authentic accounts of their performing a journey of six hundred miles
in seven, and even in six days. Speed is at all times looked on as an
inferior quality to bottom. At the marriage festivals, where horseraces
form a part of the amusement, the Toorkmuns decide their matches,
which are generally a few sheep, on a course of twenty or twenty-five
miles. Youths of eight and ten years of age ride the horses; and the
spirit with which these sports are carried on by the Toorkmuns is
not surpassed in any country. The favourite horse afterwards moves
throughout the neighbourhood as if the owner had the encouragement of a
farming association in the deserts of Toorkmania.
~Varieties of the Toorkmun horse. Extent of the trade.~
I have pointed out the seat of the most celebrated horses of
Toorkistan; but the animals which are sometimes sent to India under
the name of Toorkmun horses, are reared about Balkh, and the eastern
parts of Toorkmania, in the districts of Andkhoo and Maimuna, as also
on the banks of the Oxus: they are considered inferior to the horses
of Bokhara, Merve, as also Shurukhs. The price, too, is the best proof
of this assertion; since the eastern horses seldom bring a higher sum
than 100 tillas (650 rupees), and more frequently average less than
half. Among the western Toorkmuns, a horse often sells for 200 tillas,
and there are some in the stables of the King of Bokhara for which
300 tillas have been paid. These horses differ much from the animals
that are sent into India from Candahar and Cabool, which are of an
inferior and distinct breed. They, too, are reared in Toorkistan, but
only used as baggage horses or hacks. Very few of the genuine Toorkmun
horses are ever sent across Hindoo Koosh, since there are no purchasers
but the Afghan chiefs and the Court of Runjeet Sing. It is only the
best description of horse that will yield a profit to the importer.
They cannot be brought to the territories of British India for less
than 1000 or 1200 rupees; and few of the European gentlemen will give
such a price in addition to the small profit asked by the dealer.
Such, at least, is the language of the horse merchants themselves;
and it carries some conviction along with it; since the points of a
Toorkmun horse have not much recommendation in the eyes of an European,
whose taste would appear to be better suited by imports from the
Persian Gulf. In speaking of the horses imported from Toorkistan, Mr.
Elphinstone observed, in the year 1809, that if the studs in India
should succeed, the trade would be annihilated; a prediction which
has been fulfilled; as I learn that the whole remount of the Bengal
cavalry is now furnished from the stud, with some few exceptions for
the horse artillery. The undersized horses which are bred there are
also bought up by officers and natives; and there are now no princes
of sufficient consequence to induce horse merchants to speculate
longer in a losing and foreign trade. The annual tax of fifty or sixty
horses, which the ruler of Lahore imposes on the chief of Peshawur, is
furnished from Toorkmun horses, since Runjeet Sing is fastidious in his
choice. That the value of the Toorkmun horse has not been over-rated
is most certain, since some of them, which were entered into the lists
of the cavalry twenty years ago, are yet good and serviceable animals,
and highly appreciated by cavalry officers. Were it ever contemplated
to seek a further supply of these horses, they could be procured with
every facility at Meshid in Persia, from Shurukhs, and Merve, or by
means of an agent in Cabool. Afghans sent from that city could also
purchase them.
~Characteristics of the Toorkmun horse.~
The breed of the Toorkmun horse is of the purest kind. When the animal
is over-heated, or has performed any great work, nature bursts a vein
for it in the neck,--which I did not at first credit till I had become
an eye-witness of the fact. The Toorkmuns cut their horses; as it is
a popular belief among them that they are then more on the alert, and
undergo greater fatigue, than stallions. The Toorkmuns believe their
horses to be exceedingly nice in hearing; and will often trust to their
steeds for the alarm of an approaching enemy. I was particularly struck
with the fine crests of the Toorkmun horses; and I heard, though I
could not authenticate its truth by observation, that they are often
confined in a stable with no other aperture than a window in the roof,
which teaches the animal to look up, and improves his carriage. The
contrivance seems fitted for such an end. The finer horses of the
Toorkmuns are seldom sold, for their owners may be truly said to have
as much regard for them as their children. It must not, however, be
imagined that all the horses of Toorkistan are equally renowned; for as
almost every person beyond the Oxus has a mount of some kind, a great
portion of them are very inferior animals. In Bokhara there are many
Kuzzak horses, a sturdy and little animal, with a shaggy coat and very
long mane and tail, much and deservedly admired. They are brought from
the deserts between Bokhara and Russia.
BOOK II.
AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE COUNTRIES LYING BETWEEN INDIA AND THE
CASPIAN SEA.
CHAPTER I.
ON THE PUNJAB, AS RULED BY RUNJEET SING.
~Limits of the Punjab. Identity of the country as described by the
Greeks.~
There are few countries on the globe defined by limits both natural and
political like the Punjab. Northward, it is terminated by the Hemilaya
Mountains; westward, by the Indus or Sinde, which is also the boundary
of Hindostan to the ocean; and on the east and south it has the river
Sutlege, with four kindred streams, that water the country, and affix
to it the name of Punjab.
The following are the accurate words of the historians of Alexander,
who traversed this territory:--“The greater part of this country is
level and champaign; which is occasioned chiefly, as some suppose, by
the rivers washing down quantities of mud during their overflowings,
insomuch that many countries have borrowed their very names from the
rivers which pass through them.” In the name of Punjab, or five rivers,
by which this country is familiarly known in our own times, how strong
is the verification! How much stronger is it, when we add, that three
of the intervening tracts between these rivers have their designation
in a compound word, that includes a syllable of the name in either
river!
It is not necessary to dwell with minuteness on the physical
peculiarities of this country, nor to mention in detail the various
revolutions which have placed it under the dominion of one ruler. I
shall endeavour to describe the existing condition of this kingdom, and
its power as a state, together with the nature and character of its
people, and its resources and strength; taking also a view of the moral
and religious causes that have contributed to its rise, as well as the
influence it exercises on the adjacent countries.
~Rise of the Seik power.~
It is well known that, about the middle of the fifteenth century, a
Hindoo priest, named Baba Nanuk, desiring to wash away the corruptions
of his faith, founded a sect named Seik, over which his successors
were prophesied to maintain a religious supremacy for ten generations.
The pride of the tenth priest, named Govind Sing, raised a desire for
temporal as well as spiritual power; and, since he could no longer
perpetuate his name by a successor, he blended the cause of war
with that of religion, and stirred up in his flock the ambition for
worldly distinction. From that period we meet the Seiks, now called
“Khalsa,” or “Sings,” as a fierce and formidable body, gradually
rising in importance, till they at last resist the more hardy nations
of the west. Yet, so late as the beginning of this century, we find
them without a ruler, though in these days existing in the form of a
settled monarchy. There is nothing very remarkable in this gradual
developement of their power; but we cannot withhold our applause from
the just predictions of an enterprising traveller (Mr. Forster), who
thus expresses himself in the year 1783:--“Should any future cause call
forth the combined efforts of the Sicques to maintain the existence of
empire and religion, we may see some ambitious chief, led on by his
genius and success, absorbing the power of his associates, display,
from the ruins of their commonwealth, the standard of monarchy.” (Vol.
I. p. 295.) This passage was penned about the time of Runjeet Sing’s
birth; and the exploits of that prince have amply verified the sagacity
of the historian.
~State of the government of the Punjab.~
The dominions of Maharaja Runjeet Sing assumed a consolidated state at
an early period, from a chain of circumstances over which he himself
had little control, but by which he has not failed to profit. On the
east and south, his encroachments were opposed by the British; on the
west, he could subdue, but he could not maintain, the countries beyond
the Indus. To the north, his passage was opposed by snowy mountains;
and he has prudently contented himself by only seeking Cashmeer, and
the other rich valleys which the lower hills inclose. In a territory
thus compactly situated, he has applied himself to those improvements
which spring only from great minds; and here we find despotism without
its rigours, a despot without cruelty, and a system of government
far beyond the native institutions of the East, though far from the
civilisation of Europe. In a country which has been subdued by an
irregular force, with a due mixture of artifice and courage in the
commander, we have the conquest maintained by disciplined armies under
European leaders, and a general distribution of property among the
chiefs, sufficient to uphold the national manners, without endangering
the safety of the government.
~Its decline.~
It is too evident, however, that these improvements have taken no
root in the minds of the people, and that the tone of them has its
termination even in the precincts of the Court. Nor is it less true,
that the disposition of the master mind to cherish these invaluable
institutions declines with his advancing years, and that he bids fair
to efface them with the transient glory of his reign. A well-stored
treasury, with an army in arrears and clamouring for pay, increasing
duties on the merchant and trader, exorbitant taxes on the husbandman,
with embezzlement of the public revenues, and a general corruption
in the higher officers of the state, are not symptoms favourable to
the durability of a government. Yet the endurance of the people in an
Asiatic kingdom, depends more on the power of the prince, than the
inclinations of the community; and while the ruler wastes not his
treasures in reckless extravagance, and is possessed of a mind beyond
his age, we may safely reckon on the stability of the power during his
natural life. It appears to me that Runjeet Sing, in his career, will
have raised, formed, and destroyed a government.
~Influence of the chiefs.~
The influence of the Sirdars, or chiefs of the Punjab, has decreased
in proportion to the supremacy of the ruler. The power of most of
the members of the original Seik confederacy has been subverted or
neutralised; and the Maharaja has surrounded his person and filled
their places by minions of his own, whose fortune, more than their
merits, has led to their promotion. The Jemadar Khooshal Sing, and the
three Rajas and brothers of Jummoo, Dihan, Ghoolab, and Soojait Sing,
are strong instances in point. The first of these individuals once
figured as a Hindoo, and in the humble capacity of a cook to a private
soldier. He is now a Seik, and a great commander. The others, though
of less obscure origin, are descended from a Rajpoot of some small
patrimony in the Lower Hemilaya. These individuals now form a social
band in the Court of Runjeet Sing, whose favours they have bountifully
reaped. None of them possess talent; and, with one exception, they are
ignorant of the first rudiments of education. It is not to be supposed
that such men have any great influence with such a ruler; yet they
have managed to instil that belief into the minds of the people; and
make every use of their supposed influence, to fill their coffers,
and nourish the arts of corruption. The elder brother, Ghoolab Sing
(who can read), manages the salt monopoly, and a large portion of the
territory towards the Jelum. He is a cruel and tyrannical man. Dihan
Sing exercises his arts in the Court; while his brother enacts his part
abroad, but he is devoted to the interests of his master, and is said
to be a good man. He is now fortifying his native home, in the vicinity
of Bimbur, which he has strengthened by guns taken from Lahore,--a
fact which no one discloses to the Maharaja. The favourite judiciously
prepares for a future time, when the tenure of his possessions will be
weakened with the loss of his patron. The son of Dihan Sing, a boy of
nine years, is the only individual, besides a sons and two priests,
who is permitted to sit on a chair in Runjeet Sing’s Durbar. It may be
imagined, that such a long line of innovation has not been effected
without exciting the jealousy, perhaps envy, of the old Seik chieftains.
~People.~
From the Sirdars, our attention is naturally directed to the Seik
people; and, if we find a hollowness and decay in the former, we have
here a healthy and vigorous body. The inhabitants are a robust and
athletic race, of sinewy limbs and tall stature. The genuine Khalsa, or
Sing, knows no occupation but war and agriculture, and he more affects
the one than the other. No race of people could have been better
constituted to firmly uphold their government; and, with ambition and
patriotism (if I can use the word) equal to their power, they are a
sufficiently numerous body to defend it. Their ascendency as a nation
continues to increase, the numerical strength of the tribe; and,
actuated in the common cause by common principles, they are certainly
a powerful people. It is not to be doubted that the head of the Seik
church, the Bedee, or Sahib Sing, might yet frustrate the designs of
any ruler, and, by a crusade in behalf of this religion, overthrow the
best laid designs of an ambitious prince. Runjeet Sing is aware of this
influence, and, with but little religion, takes care to enlist the
church in his cause, by constantly receiving two of its priests with
distinction and confidence. Yet the Seiks are a most tolerant nation,
and evince a merciful consideration in the differences of religion,
that forms a bright contrast to their Mahommedan neighbours. It is
with distrust that I attempt an enumeration of the people subject to
the Punjab; but I am informed that the Khalsa or Seik population does
not exceed 500,000 souls, and the remainder is composed of Seiks,
Mahommedans, and Hindoo Juts, who may amount to 3,000,000.
~Military strength of the Punjab.~
With such materials, it may be imagined that there is little difficulty
in forming an efficient army; and that of Runjeet Sing amounts to
about 75,000 men. Of these, 25,000 consist of regular infantry, drilled
as Europeans, fully equal to the troops of the Indian army. Their
discipline might be improved by increasing the power of the native
officers, and removing a just ground of discontent, which arises from
giving different pay to individuals of the same rank, according to the
caprice of the ruler. Without commissions, these men do not possess
a respect for themselves, nor are they respected by their soldiers.
The regular cavalry and artillery may be reckoned at 5000, with 150
guns; and the irregular troops, which are all cavalry, fall little
short of 50,000. These are denominated “Ghorchuras,”--which simply
means horsemen,--and are paid by assignments of land, in return for
their military service. A regular muster of these forces is exacted,
with a few favoured exceptions; and, as a native soldiery, they are an
efficient, well-mounted, and serviceable body. Their superiority is
said to consist in being easily rallied; while their neighbours, the
Afghans, terminate a battle with the first discomfiture. The pay of
the regular troops is superior to that of the Company’s army; they are
clothed by the state; and the Seik portion live in messes, which are
supplied by government, at a deduction of two rupees a month for each
man. For some years past the army has been irregularly paid, and their
affections have been alienated from their prince; but the Seiks make
good soldiers, and are inured to long marches and every fatigue. This
inattention on the part of Runjeet Sing to his army is traced by the
soldiers themselves, and perhaps with truth, to his growing friendship
with the British Government; but may be yet explained by the increasing
avarice of age. If some change for the better does not take place in
this branch of his economy, we shall either find the regular force of
the Punjab in a state of mutiny, or greatly diminished; nor do I hazard
the opinion unadvisedly.
~Revenues and resources.~
The productions of the Punjab, together with the nature of its
population, are favourable to its separate existence as a government.
The nett revenue of the country amounts to about two and a half
crores of rupees per annum. Of this sum, thirty-one lacs are derived
from Cashmeer, exclusive of ten expended in its defence; but that
province forms a kingdom of itself, and could yield double the amount.
An individual, who lately held Cashmeer for three years, and paid
his thirty-one lacs regularly, was found to have carried upwards of
thirty lacs of rupees out of the country in goods and money, the whole
of which have been confiscated; but his successors in office, some
Cashmeer Pundits, are said to have rivalled in the following year this
extensive peculator. The plains of the Punjab, which are diagonally
intersected by so many rivers, might be successfully irrigated from
canals; as is proved by the existence of some, and the remains of
others, which are the work of the Emperors, in the eastern portion of
the country. The land is not less fruitful in the munitions of war,
than in corn and money. It abounds in horses, mules, and camels. The
Dunnee horse, found between the Jelum (Hydaspes) and Indus, is well
known, but no attention is paid to rearing it; and from the horses of
Runjeet Sing’s regular cavalry, one could not imagine that his country
produced that noble animal. The mules from the banks of the Jelum are
strong, and capable of bearing great burdens; while the camels on the
southern parts of the Punjab are equally serviceable. The cattle are
small and ill-conditioned, but numerous. The rude structure of boats on
the rivers of the Punjab does not indicate that it ever carried on an
inland trade by water to any extent; but these rivers, though all of
them be fordable (even the Indus) in the dry season, form so many lines
of routes to commerce and an army. The craft on them are not numerous,
and little wood is produced in the plain; but the rains yearly wash
down trees from the mountains to increase their number, or construct
bridges across them. We can readily discover the capabilities of the
Punjab, not only to support its own army, but that of another country;
and an enemy, whether native or European, if defeated in the plains,
might defy, in the valley of Cashmere, every attempt at subjection,
since it could subsist without foreign aid, in a natural fortress,
abounding in resource, that might be rendered impregnable.
~Foreign policy of Runjeet Sing.~
The influence of Runjeet Sing’s power is felt on all sides of his
kingdom; and his policy seems to consist in exciting as much as
possible the angry feelings of one neighbour towards another. As
regards the British Government, he may be considered a most friendly
ally, for his distrust has disappeared in the strict and continued
preservation of our treaties. It is not to be doubted that he was long
unable to appreciate the disposition of his formidable neighbours,
and that his court formed a nucleus to the disaffected so late as the
fall of Bhurtpore; but his better judgment always guided him, and, in
later years, his experience has been aided by a few intelligent and
enlightened French officers, who have schooled him in a knowledge of
the European character and the British policy. The Maharaja is entitled
to every praise for the extreme prudence which has guided his actions.
Nothing is more improbable than a violation of friendship on his part;
and we may rest assured, that his acumen and intimate knowledge of
mankind will retain him as our faithful friend and ally. The advantages
which he has derived from the good understanding with the British
Government are not inconsiderable: he has been able to remove his
troops from that frontier, and reduce their number; and he now employs
them, and the name of his all-powerful neighbours, in perfecting his
other designs.
~With the Khan of Bhawulpoor.~
With his neighbour on the south, the Khan of Bhawulpoor, his
demonstrations of hostility have been more evident; and the whole of
the territories of that petty state lying north of the Sutledge have
been this year (1832) seized by the Seiks. The territories south of
that river would long ere this have shared a similar fate, did not such
a step infringe the treaty with the British Government. It is but just
to remark, that the Khan held these lands as a tributary to Lahore,
and that his arrears had not been paid; yet he was secretly encouraged
by the highest officers of Runjeet Sing’s government to withhold the
amount from a French officer being sent to collect it. This chief has
now forfeited his paternal estates, as well as the farm of Dera Ghazee
Khan, across the Indus, for both of which he paid about six lacs of
rupees per annum. There is little cordiality between the Punjab and
Sindian Governments; and if the Maharaja is prevented from attacking
the Ameers of Sinde, it is more from this remote position than his want
of inclination. It is certain that Runjeet Sing entertains designs
against Shikarpoor, in which he has been encouraged by some chiefs
on the right bank of the Indus; but it is very questionable if he
will ever mature his plans. He has, however, succeeded in exciting
suspicion, and raising dissension among the chiefs of Sinde; and it is
a matter of little doubt that, if he assembled his army at Mooltan, the
country about Shikarpoor would fall a prey to the disciplined valour of
the Seiks in one campaign.
~With the countries west of the Indus.~
To the westward, Runjeet Sing has prudently bounded his territories
by the Indus: his troops have frequently passed that grand barrier of
Hindoostan; the city of Peshawur has been in their hands, and the Seiks
might have marched to Cabool, but their ruler has contented himself
with the forts on either side of the great ferry at Attok. Though the
Afghan nation is without a head, that people are not without power;
and such is their bigotry and hatred to the Seiks, that it would be
impossible for them to retain the country, which they have so often
overrun, without a large armed force. Runjeet Sing derives a yearly
tribute of some horses and rice from Peshawur and the surrounding
districts, and he holds a son of the chief as a hostage at Lahore;
yet that country is far from settled, and the allegiance is most
unwillingly paid. He, however, works on the fears of the Dooranees,
by keeping up negotiations with two of their ex-kings, one of whom is
his pensioner at Lahore. The Seiks are deterred from pushing their
conquests beyond the Indus by a prediction in their Holy Book, or
“Grinth,” that foretells a bloody conflict in the neighbourhood of
Ghuzni and Cabool. The territory of Dera Ghazee Khan, which lies lower
down the Indus, forms an exception to this line of policy; but it has
been farmed to a Mahommedan chief since its conquest; and now that
it is held immediately subject to Lahore, five regiments of regular
infantry are cantoned in the country. The cupidity of the Maharaja has
been excited by the prospect of an increased revenue; and he may also
rejoice in the means of employing so large a division of his army. He
lately made a pretended offer of this farm to one of the Sinde Ameers,
much to the displeasure of the other chiefs.
~With the hill states.~
There is no frontier of the Punjab that bears the yoke of the Seiks so
unwillingly as the hill states that form its northern boundary. They
were formerly ruled by a tribe of Rajpoots, converted to Mahommedanism,
who retained the Hindoo title of Raja. I have not visited that portion
of the country, but am informed that the people entertain a respect
for their former Rajas bordering on veneration. Most of these have
been displaced: those of Rajour and Bimbur (two of the principal
states) are now confined in chains at Lahore. The country of both,
even to the verge of Cashmere, has been transferred to the trio of
Rajpoot brothers, for whom it will become a safe resting-place on a
revolution of the government. The whole line of hills from the Sutledge
to the Indus has been subdued by the Seiks, and either pays tribute,
or is held directly subject to their government. The strength of
the fastnesses in such mountains is very great, and the people have
a tradition, that the fortress of Kumla, in Mundee, has never been
captured by an army: that of Kot Kangra, to the eastward, which is
surrounded by the Beas on three sides, is also described as impregnable.
~General character of Runjeet Sing’s government.~
With many defects, Runjeet Sing’s government is most vigorous, and
well consolidated for a native state. The failings in it partake of
the country and its customs; but its virtues (and it certainly has
some) belong to a higher scale of civilisation. The greatest blemish
in the character of the ruler himself may be found in his universal
distrust of those around him; but he only shares this quality in common
with his countrymen. To such an extent is this feeling carried, that
none of the French officers are ever intrusted with a gun, and the
different gates of Attok, and other important fortresses, are confided
to separate individuals, who command independent of one another.
Cunning is the chief weapon in the politics of Runjeet Sing, and he
uses it at all times. Little addicted to speaking truth, and less
given to the performance than the making of promises, he yet rules
with an unprecedented moderation for an Indian prince. Few men, with
such despotic power, have ever used it so mildly; and when we remember
that he is without education, our estimate of his character must rise
with the reflection, that he never sheds the blood of his subjects,
and even spares the lives, (though not the persons,) of those who have
perpetrated the blackest deeds. Runjeet Sing has now lost much of
his personal activity; yet he manages all the concerns of his state,
from matters of the highest importance to the merest trifle, without
a minister, and without advice. With a frame enfeebled by age and
premature decay, the pleasures of the world have long since palled
upon this man; and though he still retains the full exercise of his
faculties, his ambitious views seem to have departed with the inability
to command and conquer in person.
~Its probable termination.~
Since the demise of such a man is fraught with much political
importance, and his infirmities and habits hold out but faint hopes
of longevity, we turn, with increased interest, to speculate on the
probable termination of this kingdom. Nature has implanted in the
breast of man, and, perhaps, more strongly in that of a king, a desire
of transmitting his patrimony and his power to his children; but the
character of Kurruck Sing, Runjeet’s only son, who has attained his
thirtieth year, can hold out no hope to the father of his being able
to follow his footsteps, even at the remotest distance. With a cast
of features resembling his parent in a most striking degree, ends all
comparison between them. He is imbecile, illiterate, and inanimate.
With few favourites or enemies, he takes no share in the politics of
the state, and conciliates no party which may avail him in the hour
of difficulty. The blighted hopes of the father in so degenerate an
offspring, may have rendered him indifferent and regardless to the
increasing prosperity of his kingdom: but there is also a grandson,
Noor Nihal Sing, who has attained the age of ten years. Besides
Kurruck Sing, there are two adopted sons, and one of them, Shere Sing,
now about twenty-six, is unquestionably the most rising person in the
Punjab. To a commanding mien, and a disposition the most generous, he
has already added the reputation of a brave and frank soldier. He has
dissipated his treasures in riot and luxury; but he has been gaining
the good opinion of the people, in particular the soldiery, to whom he
has endeared himself by many sacrifices. His talents and acquirements
(for a Seik) are said to be respectable; and, while he has obtained
the esteem of the chiefs, he has equally secured the friendly offices
of the French gentlemen in his father’s service. He now holds the
government of Cashmere; and if he retains that important post on the
demise of the Maharaja, he may be inducted, without much difficulty,
into the extensive realm of his father. But it is to be remembered that
he is a spurious child, and, with many friends, he has some enemies,
and will have to contend with the legitimate son, and, perhaps, the
treasures of his adopted father. It is believed by the people that
Runjeet Sing might bequeath his government to any favourite, with
a hope of its continuing permanent; but I cannot, for my own part,
subscribe to the opinion. If Shere Sing does not secure a supremacy,
this kingdom will probably relapse into its former state of anarchy
and small republics; or be reduced to subjection by some neighbouring
power.
CHAP. II.
SKETCH OF EVENTS IN AFGHANISTAN SINCE THE YEAR 1809.
~Introductory sketch.~
Before entering upon the affairs of Cabool, it becomes necessary that
I should first touch on the events which have happened in that kingdom
since the year 1809, when Mr. Elphinstone closed his history.
During that period the monarchy has been totally dismembered; the
provinces have either declared themselves independent under different
chiefs, or been seized by the Seiks. Two of the kings of Cabool live
as exiles in a foreign land; and of the extensive empire of Ahmed Shah
Dooranee, the city of Herat alone remains in the possession of his
descendants. This speedy dissolution of a power which was so formidable
merits attention, since these political changes, in a country which
borders on British India, may ultimately influence her destinies.
~Shah Shooja deposed.~
Shah Shooja ool Moolk lost his throne on the field at Neemla in the
year 1809, immediately after the British mission recrossed the Indus.
His power had been gradually declining since the fall of his Vizier,
and the murder of his comrade, the Meer Waeez. He had failed to
conciliate the chief of the great house of Barukzye Futteh Khan, who
espoused the cause of his brother Mahmood, and eventually placed him
on the throne of Cabool. Never was the fortune of war more capricious
than on this occasion. Shooja took the field with a well-appointed
army of about 15,000 men: his Vizier, Akram Khan, was slain, and he
was defeated by a force of 2000 men, headed by Futteh Khan. The troops
of the King had not formed; and the rebels, led on by an experienced
general, gained a complete victory on most disadvantageous ground.
Shooja fled, with precipitation, to the Kyber country, leaving the
greater portion of his jewels and treasure on the field, where they
became the spoil of the victors. He made an attempt to regain his crown
at Candahar, four months after his defeat; but, like all his succeeding
endeavours, it proved unsuccessful.
~Elevation of Mahmood to the throne of Cabool.~
Immediately the day had been decided, Mahmood mounted the elephant
which had been caparisoned for Shooja, and the trumpets once more
proclaimed him king. So great was the confusion in the camp, that many
were ignorant of the result of the battle till this proclamation. The
nobles and commanders of Mahmood then tendered their allegiance to him,
and many of the court of Shooja did homage on the same occasion. Futteh
Khan was promoted to the high rank of Vizier to the empire, which his
services had so amply merited; and the whole of the Afghan country,
with the exception of Cashmere, submitted to the dominion of Shah
Mahmood. Mahmood submitted himself, without reserve, to the influence
of his minister, whose conduct, added to his own dissolute character,
held out no hopes of tranquillity or good government. Factions sprang
up at the court, headed by the Prince Kamran, who was jealous of the
power which the Vizier had acquired over his father.
~Capture of Cashmere.~
~League with the Seiks.~
The first object of the Government was the reduction of Cashmere. That
province was held by Atta Mahommed Khan, a son of Shooja’s Vizier, who
had hitherto succeeded in repelling the attacks even of the late king.
Futteh Khan, in this difficulty, applied for the aid of the Seiks,
and a passage for his troops into the valley, by way of the Punjab.
In return for these favours, he promised to set aside nine lacs of
rupees of the revenue of Cashmere to the ruler of the Seiks, Runjeet
Sing. That potentate and the Vizier had an interview at Jelum, on the
banks of the Hydaspes. Futteh Khan was accompanied by the whole of his
brothers, eighteen in number, who stood during the ceremony. Some of
them strongly advised the assassination of the King of the Seiks; and
one of them is said to have tendered his services by a sign during the
meeting. It did not, however, enter into the policy of Futteh Khan.
The interview terminated by the army marching on Cashmere, reinforced
by 10,000 Seiks, commanded by Mokum-chund. The Dooranees took the
route of Beembur, and, crossing the Peer-Punjal hills, subdued the
valley without opposition, and before the Seiks arrived. This happened
in the year 1811. The Governor of Cashmere, after being blockaded in
the citadel for a few days, surrendered himself, and was treated with
distinction. The eldest brother of the Vizier, Mahommed Azeem Khan, was
now appointed Governor of Cashmere.
~Rupture with the Seiks, and loss of Attok.~
When the valley had been subdued, the minister discovered no anxiety
to fulfil his engagement towards his Seik allies, who left the country
in disgust. At this time, the ruler of the Punjab received secret
overtures from the Commandant at Attok, for the cession of that
fortress. It was held by a brother of the ex-Governor of Cashmere, and
the offer was at once accepted. Runjeet Sing acquired this valuable
possession at the small sacrifice of a lac of rupees, and prepared
to defend his new acquisition. These events aroused the attention of
Futteh Khan, who quitted Cashmere with all expedition, and marched on
Attok. He found the Seik army encamped on the plains of Chuch, about
two miles from the fort: the heat of the season was oppressive, and
the Seiks had both the advantage of position and water. The Vizier had
a contempt for his opponents. The conflict commenced by the advance
of his brother Dost Mahommed Khan, who headed a body of 2000 Afghans,
and captured the whole of the Seik artillery. He had dismounted two of
their guns, and was proceeding to improve his victory, when he found
that he was without support, and that the whole of his brother’s army
had fled. On the attack of Dost Mahommed Khan, some evil disposed
persons brought a report to the Vizier, that he had been made prisoner,
with the whole of his division; and an equally treacherous intimation
was conveyed to Dost Mahommed Khan, that his brother had fallen. It
only remained for him to retreat, which he effected with honour; and
crossed the Indus, previously burning some of his camp equipage, but
leaving the greater portion to be plundered by the Seiks. Since this
disaster on the plains of Chuch, the power of the Afghans has ceased on
the eastern side of the Indus, and that country has been ever since
annexed to the dominions of Runjeet Sing.
~Battle with the Persians.~
The energies of the Vizier were soon called for in an opposite
direction, as the King of Persia had demanded a tribute from Herat,
the western province of the kingdom. The Government of that city was
held by a brother of the King, named Hajee Feroz, who was requested to
treat the demand with scorn; and the Vizier marched a force in that
direction to oppose the Persians. On reaching Herat, Futteh Khan made
himself at once master of the person of the Governor, though a brother
of his sovereign, and not only extracted the whole of his wealth from
him, but violated his harem on searching for it. He then seized Herat,
and made every preparation for meeting the Persians, who advanced under
Hoosein Ali Meerza, a son of the King. A battle ensued, which was
undecisive. The Persians certainly fled, but the Afghans also left the
field, and their victory, with the greatest precipitation. The Vizier
was struck by a spent ball in the face, and fell on his horse’s neck.
On seeing this, his troops became disheartened, and fled. The Vizier,
however, reaped the full harvest of the campaign, since he refused
the tribute which Persia had demanded, and beat off the army that had
come to enforce it. He also strengthened the western frontier of the
kingdom, by seizing the Governor of Herat, who, though he professed
every allegiance to his brother Mahmood, was at best a dubious friend.
By this war, however, the garrison in Cashmere was much weakened, since
he drew levies from it, which in the end proved most injurious to the
interests of Mahmood in that part of his kingdom.
~Seizure of the Vizier.~
The reign of Mahmood had thus far proceeded, with a success which the
most sanguine of his partisans could scarcely have expected: he was
restored to a throne which, to all appearance, had passed into other
hands; he held Cashmere, and could turn the revenues of that rich
valley to the protection of his other provinces; he exacted the usual
tribute from the Talpoors of Sinde, and had now warded off an attack
from Persia, the only quarter from which he had to apprehend danger.
The King himself was but a silent spectator, and owed these successes
to his Vizier, who managed the whole affairs of the kingdom, while the
monarch himself was plunged into debauchery. Futteh Khan profited by
his power, and distributed the different governments of the kingdom
among his numerous list of brothers. He evinced, however, no want of
respect and allegiance to the sovereign; and Mahmoud seemed satisfied,
as he owed his life and his power to his minister. But, if the parent
was content to govern on these terms, his son, the Prince Kamran,
discovered the strongest discontent at the Vizier’s proceedings, and
resolved to rid himself of a person so formidable, opposed as he was
to some ambitious designs which he himself entertained. The prince at
last worked upon his father, and succeeded in persuading him that he
might govern his country, now that it was consolidated, without the
assistance of his Vizier. He, therefore, determined on ridding himself
of that powerful chief, his friend and benefactor. Kamran availed
himself of an early opportunity, and seized Futteh Khan at Herat; and
gave an immediate order for his eyes being put out. After a lapse of
five or six months, Kamran put the Vizier to death, between Cabool
and Candahar, with the full consent of the king. This rash act was
perpetrated in the year 1818, and drove the whole of Futteh Khan’s
brothers into rebellion.
~Death of the Vizier.~
The tragedy which terminated the life of Futteh Khan Barukzye is,
perhaps, without parallel in modern times. Blind and bound he was
led into the court of Mahmood, where he had so lately ruled with
absolute power. The king taunted him for his crimes, and desired him
to use his influence with his brothers, then in rebellion. Futteh Khan
replied without fear, and with great fortitude, that he was now but
a poor blind man, and had no concern with affairs of state. Mahmood,
irritated at his obstinacy, gave the last orders for his death; and
this unfortunate man was deliberately cut to pieces by the nobles of
the court; joint was separated from joint, limb from limb, his nose
and his ears were lopped off, nor had the vital spark fled, till the
head was separated from the mangled trunk. Futteh Khan endured these
cruel tortures without a sigh; he stretched out his different limbs
to those who thirsted for his blood, and exhibited the same careless
indifference, the same reckless contempt for his own life, which he
had so often shown for that of others. The bloody remnants of this
unfortunate man were gathered in a cloth, and sent to Ghuzni, where
they were interred.
~Fall of Mahmood.~
The reign of the king may be said to have terminated with the life
of his minister. He had put him to death under pretext of misconduct
at Herat, but really in the hope of appeasing some of the nobles of
his court; in this the king and his son had most deeply erred. He
was now even afraid to encounter a small party of the rebels; and,
though in the field with his army, Mahmood precipitately fled to
Herat, without even making the attempt. This flight involved a virtual
resignation of his power, for though he retained Herat and the title
of king, he sunk into a vassal of Persia. He died at that city in
1829, and his son Kamran succeeded to his limited power. The eldest
survivor of the family of the Vizier was Mahommed Azeem Khan, who had
been left to govern Cashmere. On the rebellion of his brothers he
immediately joined them, and prepared to dethrone the murderer of his
brother. The precipitate retreat of Mahmood had rendered any further
measures unnecessary; and Azeem Khan now took the extraordinary step
of recalling Shooja ool Moolk from his exile, in the territories of
British India. He offered him the crown of Cabool, and sent a Koran to
the ex-monarch, under his seal, according to the custom of the country,
as proof of his sincerity. Shooja repaired with every despatch to
Peshawur.
~Recall of Shooja ool Moolk.~
Since Shooja ool Moolk had been defeated at Neemla, he had wandered as
a fugitive in various corners of his dominions; and his adventures,
which have been detailed by himself in a small volume[35], are replete
with interest. After his discomfiture at Candahar, he was seized by
Ata Mahommed Khan, the son of his former Vizier; and subjected to much
indignity. He was for some time confined in the fortress of Attok. The
lancet was frequently held over his eyes; and his keeper once took him
into the middle of the Indus, with his arms bound, threatening him with
instant death. The object of such severity was to extract from him the
celebrated diamond, called Koh-i-noor, or _mountain of light_, which he
was known to possess. In the meanwhile Ata Mahommed Khan proceeded to
Cashmere, and carried the captive monarch in his train. On the fall of
that valley he was released by Futteh Khan, and joined his family at
Lahore.
~High-mindedness of his queen.~
His queen, as I may well call the Wuffadar Begum, the most influential
lady of his harem, had used every persuasion to prevent Shooja’s
placing himself in the power of Runjeet Sing, but he disregarded her
advice, and had in the end ample reason to regret his having neglected
it. This lady was a woman of most bold and determined character; and
her counsel had often proved valuable to her husband, both in his days
of power and disaster.
At Lahore, while at the mercy of the Seiks, and absent from her
husband, she preserved her own and his honour in a heroic manner.
Runjeet Sing pressed her urgently to surrender the Koh-i-noor, or
valuable diamond, which was in her possession; and evinced intentions
of forcing it from her. He also sought to transfer the daughters of
the unfortunate king to his own harem. The queen seized on the person
who conveyed the message, and had him soundly chastised. She also
intimated to the Maharaja, that if he continued his dishonourable
demands, she would pound the diamond in a mortar, and first administer
it to her daughters, and those under her protection, and then swallow
it herself; adding, “May the blood of all of us be on your head!”
This lady succeeded in the end in escaping from Lahore, disguised as
a Hindoo; and planned the deliverance of her husband, which shortly
followed. This was only effected at the expense of the great diamond.
A narration of the circumstances relative to its surrender would
prove interesting, but it would be out of place in this sketch. It is
sufficient to mention, that an imprisonment of the closest nature,
insult, and even hunger, fell to the lot of this unfortunate monarch.
~Shooja’s escape from Lahore.~
The ungenerous part which the king of the Seiks was enacting towards
her husband aroused the energies of the queen, who had settled herself
at the British station of Lodiana. She arranged the placing of horses
on the road; and Shooja, and his people, made every exertion in
Lahore. They hired all the houses which adjoined those in which they
were lodged; and opened a passage into the street by cutting through
seven walls. A few hours after the household had retired to rest, the
king descended by the aperture, and issued into the street in the dress
of a native of the Punjab. The city wall had yet to be passed, and
the gates were shut. Shooja creeped through the common sewer of the
city, and fled, with two or three servants, towards the hill country
of Kishtwar. Here he once more raised the standard of a monarch, and
planned an attack on Cashmere, in which he was assisted by the Rajah of
Kishtwar. The expedition would have been successful, for the governor
of Cashmere had evacuated his frontier position, but an untimely season
blocked the roads with snow, interrupted the supplies, and once more
frustrated the hopes of Shah Shooja. Wandering by a cheerless and
ungenial country, the Shah at length reached the British station of
Sabathoo in the outer Himilaya, from which he repaired to Lodiana,
where his family had found an asylum. He here joined them; and has
since shared the bounty of the British Government. Few monarchs and few
men have been subjected to greater reverses of fortune than Shooja ool
Moolk; and we find our sympathies enlisted in his cause by a knowledge
of his misfortunes.
~Elevation of Shah Eyoob.~
Shooja, after all his misfortunes, might have now re-ascended and
retained the throne of his ancestors; but before Azeem Khan had reached
Peshawur, he prematurely displayed his notions of royal authority by
insulting some friend of his benefactor, whom he considered to be
encroaching on his dignity, by using a palankeen. The whole Barukzye
family took offence at this inconsiderate attack; and determined to
place a more compliant master on the throne.
A favourable opportunity presented itself in the person of Eyoob (or
Job), a brother of Shooja. He entered the camp of Azeem Khan, and
sued for the throne as the most abject of slaves. “Make me but king,”
said he, “and permit money to be coined in my name, and the whole
power and resources of the kingdom may rest with yourself; my ambition
will be satisfied with bread, and the title of king.” His conditions
were accepted; nor did this puppet monarch ever violate or attempt to
infringe the terms by which he had gained the name and trappings of
royalty. Eyoob continued as a tool in the hands of Azeem Khan, who was
nominally his Vizier. So degraded was now the state of the royal house
of Cabool, that the very robe of honour which installed the minister
into the viziership of the empire was a portion of his own property,
and had been sent privately to the Shah, who conferred it on the Vizier
with all the pomp and display of royalty. Several of the young princes
who aspired to the throne were delivered over to Eyoob, and put to
death. Shooja was immediately driven from Peshawur, and retired to
Shikarpoor in Sinde, which the Ameers of that country agreed to cede
to him. A series of intrigues, set on foot by his enemies, expelled
him even from this retreat; and he fled by the circuitous route of
the desert and Jaysulmere to Lodiana. The conduct of Shooja while at
Shikarpoor was ill calculated to support his falling fortunes. He
forgot the dignity of a monarch in low intrigues with his subjects,
in which he tarnished their honour as well as his own. The fitness of
Shooja ool Moolk for the station of sovereign seems ever to have been
doubtful. His manners and address are highly polished; but his judgment
does not rise above mediocrity. Had the case been otherwise, we should
not now see him an exile from his country and his throne, without a
hope of regaining them, after an absence of twenty years; and before he
has attained the fiftieth year of his age.
~Capture of Cashmere by the Seiks, and their progress on conquest.~
The death of Futteh Khan, which had drawn his brother, with the greater
part of his troops, from Cashmere, left that rich province without
protection. The Seiks availed themselves of the critical moment;
routed the Afghans, and captured the valley, which they have ever
since retained. The civil wars which followed in Afghanistan exhausted
the power of the state; nor was it to be supposed that an active
soldier, like Runjeet Sing, would fail to improve his opportunities
of aggrandisement. The provinces of Cabool fell one by one into his
hands; Mooltan, Cashmere, Leia, and Dera Ghazee Khan, with the whole
country on the banks of the Indus and its eastern tributaries, owned
him as conqueror. In 1823, he crossed the Indus, and fought the battle
of Noushero, on the northern side of the river of Cabool, where he
was opposed by a numerous population. They appeared in the field as
“Ghazee” or champions of the Mahommedan religion. The conflict was
most obstinate, and at last decided by the personal valour of Runjeet
himself, who brought up his guards to a height from which his troops
had been three times driven. Azeem Khan and all his brothers witnessed
the action from the southern side of the river, and were unable to
cross and assist their countrymen, since it is not fordable, and they
had no boats.
This defeat was so much at variance with the hopes of the Dooranees,
that their chief fled in the night, and left his guns and tents in the
hands of the Seiks, who advanced on Peshawar, and burned its palace.
As the battle with Futteh Khan on the plains of Chuch decided the
supremacy of the Seiks eastward of the Indus, this campaign established
their power between that river and Peshawur. That city has since paid
an annual tribute to Runjeet Sing. It is said that Azeem Khan was urged
to his precipitate retreat by apprehensions which he entertained for
his treasure that had been left at Muchnee, higher up the river than
the field of battle. It is also said that he was not satisfied of the
fidelity of his brothers; and, besides, feared the increasing army of
the Seiks. The disgrace of having submitted to infidels without firing
a shot preyed upon his mind, and he did not survive it: he sickened on
the road to Cabool, and died immediately on his arrival at that city.
On his death-bed he summoned his wives to his presence, dispossessed
them of their jewels, which he delivered with the whole of his property
to Hubeeb Oollah Khan, his eldest son. He then charged him to wipe off
the disgrace from a father’s name; and carry fire and sword into the
Seik territories. A treasury which fell little short of three millions
sterling might have furnished ample means to gratify the request of a
dying parent; but since the capture of Cashmere, the Seiks were equally
well supplied with the sinews of war. They had also been victorious
in the field; and now, aware of their own strength, had become most
formidable rivals. Even yet a confederacy of the Dooranee chiefs might
have broken their rising power; but a season of discord and anarchy
followed the death of Mahommed Azeem Khan. Since that period, Peshawur
has been reduced to a state of vassalage; and Runjeet Sing is now
confirmed in all the conquests which he had previously made.
~Total dismemberment of the Dooranee government.~
Azeem Khan’s death became the signal for a scene of family strife.
After a variety of cruelty and crime, his son, Hubeeb Oollah Khan,
was deprived of his power and fortune. His uncles formed a cabal; and
possessing themselves of his person, terrified his mother with the
threat of blowing him from a gun, if the whole treasures were not
surrendered. The youth had already squandered much of his wealth,
and the remainder was now delivered up. Shere Dil Khan carried away
with him about half a million sterling, and erected an independent
chiefship at Candahar; another was formed at Peshawur; and Cabool
itself, after having had several masters, ultimately fell into the
hands of Dost Mahommed Khan, another of the Vizier’s brothers. Such
dissension has sowed the seeds of everlasting discord among this
family. The puppet king, Shah Eyoob, lost his son in these scenes
of trouble, and fled into the Punjab, where he found an asylum at
the court of Lahore, in which he still continues. The royal house
of Cabool, which may be said to have disappeared before he acted
the part of king, now no longer existed as an ostensible part of
the government; and the different chiefs ruled independent of one
another:--the Sindians threw off the yoke in the absence of any power
to enforce their tribute; Herat was held by the exiled family of
Mahmood; Balkh was annexed to the dominions of the King of Bokhara;
but the richest share of the provinces had fallen into the hands of
the Seiks. It has been said with some truth, that Cabool could never
have existed as a kingdom without the possession of Cashmere. The
revenues and resources of most of the provinces were expended in them,
while the annual subsidy of that valley and Sinde enabled the Dooranee
monarchs to extend their power, maintain their honour, and terrify the
neighbouring nations. Thus fell the Dooranee monarchy, which existed
for a period of seventy-six years, from the time Ahmed Shah was crowned
at Candahar, A. D. 1747. We shall now proceed with an account of the
different chiefships into which the kingdom has been divided.
CHAP. III.
THE CHIEFSHIP OF PESHAWUR.
~Sketch of events in the history of Peshawur.~
The government of Peshawur has been held by a member of the Barukzye
family since Futteh Khan placed Shah Mahmood on the throne of Cabool.
Peshawur owed allegiance, and contributed to the support of the
kingdom, till the year 1818, when the Vizier was put to death. Azeem
Khan, his successor, exacted tribute from it during his lifetime,
in the name of Eyoob Shah. Since that time it has formed a separate
chiefship, like Cabool and Candahar, now subject, however, to the
payment of a yearly tribute to the Seiks. It is governed by Sirdar
Sooltan Mahommed Khan, who shares its revenues with two other brothers,
Peer, and Saeed Mahommed Khan. A large portion of the country is
alienated to different individuals, and the net revenue falls short of
nine lacs of rupees per annum. The younger brothers enjoy three lacs,
and the chief defrays from the remainder the entire expenses of the
country, the tribute to the Seiks, and likewise supports the numerous
families of two elder brothers, who fell in battle, and to whom he
succeeded.
~Extent of the chiefship.~
The power of the chief is confined to the plain of Peshawur, and the
hills of Cohat, which form its southern boundary. That plain is well
known as one of the richest portions of the Cabool dominions. It is of
a circular shape, about thirty-five miles broad, highly peopled and
cultivated, watered by nature and art. Within this limited space there
are numerous villages, which pay no taxes. The Khuttuks, a tribe of
Afghans, in the east, hold the country for twenty miles west of the
Indus, for the small sum of 12,000 rupees annually, which they render
to the chief of Peshawur. The villages on the west, under the Khyber
hills, do not pay any thing; and those north of the Cabool river, with
some few exceptions, enjoy a like immunity. The only places of note in
the chiefship are, Peshawur and Hushtnuggur, which are described by Mr.
Elphinstone. Peshawur has fallen into a state of decay with its change
of rulers, and it is doubtful if it boasts of a population of one half
the hundred thousand souls which occupied it in 1809. Hushtnuggur is
the seat of one of the younger brothers; Cohat is held by the other.
~Its military and political strength.~
The military strength of Peshawur is unimportant. Its contingent of
troops cannot be rated above 3,000, two thirds of whom may be cavalry.
The chief might rally round him a numerous body of irregulars, or, as
they are called, “ooloosee;” but they are badly armed, and not to be
relied on. Six pieces of artillery and 200 regular infantry complete
the power of the chief of Peshawur. With money, the services of the
Khyberees, and other hill tribes, may be purchased on an emergency;
but the chief has no treasury. In a religious war with the Seiks, an
infuriated population may be always raised, and has proved itself
formidable on a late occasion, when the Syud Ahmed preached his crusade
in this country; yet the whole of these, combined, form a diminutive
force, as compared with his neighbours on the east and west,--the
Seiks, and his brother of Cabool. The political influence of Peshawur
is as limited as its military power. The Seiks have exacted a tribute
from it since the death of the Vizier’s brother, Azeem Khan, and retain
a son of the chief as a hostage for its fulfilment. It now amounts to
sixty horses, with some rice, which is peculiar to Peshawur; and it is
annually enforced by an army which crosses the Indus, and lays waste
their territories, if not speedily paid. The amount of the tribute
depends on the caprice of Runjeet Sing, but the Seiks will not make a
conquest of this country. Without Mahommedan auxiliaries they could not
retain it.
~Political relations of Peshawur.~
The chiefs of Peshawur and Cabool, who are brothers, are at enmity. The
power of Cabool is far more consolidated than that of Peshawur, but
the latter has an ally in his brother of Candahar, who would resent any
attack, either on Peshawur or his own country. The Chiefs of Peshawur
and Candahar have been some time past concerting an attack on Cabool;
but it is not improbable that the territories of both may, ere long, be
threatened, and perhaps taken, by the Khan of Cabool. In such an event,
the chief of Peshawur would call in the aid of the Seiks. This would
probably be given, since Dost Mahommed of Cabool would never consent
to the annual tribute now paid to Lahore by his brother of Peshawur.
Sirdar Sooltan Mahommed Khan entertains hopes of being able to interest
the British Government in his cause, should it decline. He seems to
believe that he might hold one portion of the country, by surrendering
a part for the protection of the remainder. No chief in the kingdom
of Cabool entertains a higher respect for the British Government than
Sooltan Mahommed Khan. This has always been shown by his attention to
Europeans who have entered his country. If misfortunes fell upon him,
he might be a useful or dangerous partisan. He might espouse the cause
of the King Shah Shooja ool Moolk, though that monarch is no favourite
with his family; yet the inconsistency and inconstancy of the Afghan
chiefs are proverbial. In any difficulty, the chief of Peshawur would
be ably assisted by Peer Mahommed, but his other brother is destitute
of energy and enterprise. The whole of the Barukzye family entertain
a dread of Shah Shooja ool Moolk, and the Prince Kamran of Herat. The
one, if aided by the British, would drive them from their usurped
authority; and the other, if assisted by the Persians, might perhaps
fix himself on the throne of his ancestors.
~Chief and government of Peshawur.~
Sooltan Mahommed Khan bears a fair reputation, but his government is
most oppressive and vexatious. His agents and underlings practise
all manner of exactions; goods are taxed far above their value; and
the currency is constantly altered and depreciated. An enormous tax
is levied on the water mills, which grind the flour, and it falls
heaviest on the lower orders of the people. This chief is a man about
thirty-five; he is ambitious, and at one time held the government
of Cabool. He is well educated, and, with good talents, possesses
an engaging manner: he reads and writes, and transacts his business
in person. He has not the art of settling disputes, and his court
presents a scene of confusion, which is hardly to be described or
believed. The complainants intrude at all times and places, and state
their grievances in the most free and republican manner; yet nothing
is ever settled, and the population are heartily disaffected. Like
Afghans, the chief of Peshawur, and his relatives, live from hand to
mouth; they are liberal of what they possess, and have no wealth. I
have been informed that they could not retain their government without
this open-handed liberality. The chief of Peshawur has rallied round
him some of the most celebrated of the Dooranee nation, who share his
bounty. The sons of Akram Khan, and the Mookhtar o Doula, Shah Shooja’s
two ministers, as also of the celebrated Meer Waeez, are among the
number; the latter is an officer of the chief of Peshawur. The only son
of the Vizier Futteh Khan likewise resides with Sooltan Mahommed Khan.
~Provisions and productions.~
Provisions are cheap and plentiful in Peshawur, though their price
has risen with the decrease of population. Grain of every description
abounds, but is not exported; 65lbs. of wheat may be purchased for
a rupee, which is 10lbs. less than might be had for the same sum in
1809. Ninety-six lbs. of barley sell for a rupee. A sheep may be had
for two rupees; a bullock costs twelve or fourteen; and the rupee is a
quarter less in value than the common sonat of India. Fruit of almost
every kind is to be had in Peshawur, but it does not stand a journey,
like that of Cabool, on account of the great heat. One of the large
gardens, which used to let for 7000 rupees a year, now brings but
2000. The diminution is ascribed to the decrease of population; but
fruit sells for half the price, now that there is no court to purchase
it. The sugar cane thrives here, but the people are ignorant of the
mode of crystallising its juice. That which is candied is brought from
Hindostan, though the native sugar is excellent. The Afghans are very
fond of the fresh cane, which they cut in small pieces, and use as a
sweetmeat. The most remarkable production of the plain of Peshawur is
a kind of rice called “bara,” produced on the banks of a rivulet of
that name, which comes from Teera, in the Khyber country. The grains
of this rice are so long, that fourteen of them are said to make a
span. This rice is very superior, which is attributed to the excellence
of the water. So strong is this prejudice, that most of the wells of
Peshawur are filled from it during winter, and roofed in till the hot
weather. They believe this keeps the water cold. The “bara” rice sells
so high as 8lbs. for a rupee, and is exported as a rarity to Persia,
Tartary, and all the neighbouring countries, and composes a part of
Runjeet Sing’s tribute. The rice produced in other parts of the plain
of Peshawur does not differ from common rice.
~Feasible improvements.~
~Agriculture.~
~Sugar. Silk.~
It has been lately discovered in the low countries of Europe, that a
much greater population can be subsisted on a small space of ground,
by following the Flemish mode of agriculture. The soil is dug up by
the spade, and a succession of crops, chiefly of garden stuffs, is
the produce. If there be a country in the Eastern World where this
practice might be followed with advantage, it is the plain of Peshawur.
The soil is a rich mould, and its spacious plain is intersected with
water on all sides. The country, it is said, continues green during
the twelve months of the year. It yields a succession of three crops
annually; and if we reckon the barley (which is cut twice before it
ears, and given to horses,) we have no less than five returns a year.
The wheat and barley are off the ground by April. Vegetables abound,
and are produced in fields rather than gardens. Public spirit and
intelligence might render Peshawur a most productive region. We have
seen that it is favourable to the cane, and recent experiments have
proved, that the silk-worm may be reared with advantage. Mulberry trees
abound, and the insect is liable to no particular disease. Those which
I saw were brought from Cabool and Balkh. The eggs are hatched at the
vernal equinox, a few days before the mulberry is in leaf. Till then
the insects are fed on a kind of weed, with a yellow flower, called
“khoobikulan” by the Persians, and common to England. Their education
does not differ from that of Europe. The silk is boiled before it is
wound. The worms are brought forth by artificial heat, and generally by
being tied under the armpits. Exposure to the sun kills the insects,
and it likewise deprives the chrysalis of life when in the cocoon. By
the end of May the worms have finished their career, and lie dormant in
the egg till next spring. They are placed in cellars under ground, to
protect them from heat, and they are as carefully guarded against damp.
I do not doubt but successions of these worms might be brought forth
during the warm months.
~District of Cohat.~
~Minerals and coal.~
The district of Cohat, under Peshawur, deserves a minute description,
from the richness and variety of its productions, though it yields but
two lacs of rupees to the chief. The salt range lies within this tract,
and the mineral abounds. It is sold for one eighth of the price east
of the Indus. Gold, copper, iron, and antimony have been extracted
from ores found in these hills; and there are two kinds of sulphur.
There are also wells of naphtha, or petroleum, for the matter which
they eject is used in the neighbouring villages for oil. But the most
valuable production of Cohat is its coal, which we discovered during
our visit, and explained its utility, much to the astonishment of the
people. It occurs on the surface of one of the hills, and in great
abundance. The specimens which were procured for my satisfaction were
of a greyish hue, intermixed with much sulphur. It burns well, but
leaves much refuse. It has more the appearance of slate than coal;
but, as the specimens were from the surface, they are not to be taken
as a fair criterion of the mine. The coal is bituminous, and ignites
at the candle. The villagers now use it as fuel. The discovery of a
coal-mine at the head of the Indus may prove of the utmost importance
in these times, since the navigation of that river is open to Attok;
and the mineral is found about forty miles distant from that place,
with a level road intervening, and near a large city, where labour is
cheap. It is a singular circumstance, that deposits of coal should have
been discovered, both at the mouth and head of the Indus (in Cutch and
Cohat), within these few years, and since steam has been used in India.
It is seldom that discoveries are so opportune, and I trust that they
augur favourably for the opening of a new route to commerce by the
Indus.
CHAP. IV.
THE CHIEFSHIP OF CABOOL.
~Chiefship. Power and extent.~
The capital of Cabool now forms the residence of an independent chief,
who holds the surrounding districts and Ghuzni, without any control
over the kingdom of the Dooranees. The same circumstances which
separated Peshawur, have dismembered Cabool; and since the death of
Azeem Khan, the possession of it has been disputed by different members
of the Barukzye family. In the year 1826, it fell into the hands of
Dost Mahommed Khan, the present chief, and a brother of the Vizier,
Futteh Khan. Since then he has greatly extended and consolidated his
power. He intrusts the town and dependencies of Ghuzni to a brother,
and admits no one else to share his fortunes. The limits of the
chiefship extend north to Hindoo Koosh and Bameean. On the west it is
bounded by the hill country of the Huzaras. To the south is Ghuzni,
and to the east it stretches half way to Peshawur, terminating at the
garden of Neemla. Much of the country is mountainous; but it contains a
large portion of arable land, which is most productive. It lies along
the base of hills, and derives a richness from the soil washed from
them. The revenues of Cabool amount to eighteen lacs of rupees. Its
military force is greater than any among the Afghans, since the chief
retains a body of 9000 horse, who are well mounted and accoutred. He
has also 2000 infantry, with other auxiliaries, village troops, and a
park of fourteen guns, which are well served for a native state. This
country is by nature strong and mountainous, though it has good roads
through it.
~Character of the chief.~
The reputation of Dost Mahommed Khan is made known to a traveller
long before he enters his country, and no one better merits the high
character which he has obtained. He is unremitting in his attention
to business, and attends daily at the Court-house, with the Cazee and
Moollahs, to decide every cause according to the law. The Koran and its
commentaries may not be the standard of legislative excellence, but
this sort of decision is exceedingly popular with the people, since it
fixes a line, and relieves them from the “jus vagum aut incognitum” of
a despot. Trade has received the greatest encouragement from him, and
he has derived his own reward, since the receipts of the Custom-house
of the city have increased fifty thousand rupees, and now furnish
him with a net revenue of two lacs of rupees per annum. One in forty,
_i.e._ 2-1/2 per cent., is the only duty levied in his territory; and
the merchant may travel without guard or protection from one frontier
to another, an unheard of circumstance in the time of the kings. The
chief of Cabool, in his zeal for orthodox government, has deprived
his subjects of the luxury of wine and spirits, as being prohibited
by his creed. The enactment has driven the Jews and Armenians from
his country, since they had no other means to procure a subsistence.
A good Mahommedan ought not to regret the loss of such luxuries; but
with this single exception, I heard of no complaint against the rule
of Dost Mahommed Khan. That chief, in common with many of the Afghan
nation, was addicted in early life to wine and its concomitant vices.
His prohibition of them may be, therefore, capricious; but he, as well
as his court, hold out a bright example of sobriety to the community.
The justice of this chief affords a constant theme of praise to all
classes: the peasant rejoices at the absence of tyranny; the citizen at
the safety of his home and the strict municipal regulations regarding
weights and measures; the merchant at the equity of the decisions
and the protection of his property, and the soldiers at the regular
manner in which their arrears are discharged. A man in power can have
no higher praise. Dost Mahommed Khan has not attained his fortieth
year; his mother was a Persian, and he has been trained up with people
of that nation, which has sharpened his understanding, and given him
advantages over all his brothers. One is struck with the intelligence,
knowledge, and curiosity which he displays, as well as his accomplished
manners and address. He is doubtless the most powerful chief in
Afghanistan, and may yet raise himself by his abilities to a much
greater rank in his native country.
~Political relations of the chiefship.~
The differences which subsist between Dost Mahommed Khan and his
brothers lessen the influence of all parties, and would lay open the
state to intrigue and faction, if invaded. The family of Barukzye have
nothing to fear from any other Afghan tribe, since they surpass all in
numbers as much as in power. The chiefs of Peshawur and Candahar do
not want the wish to injure their brother of Cabool, but they cannot
accomplish their purpose. Both of them have had a footing in Cabool,
and look with envy on the prosperity of Dost Mahommed Khan. Both have
emissaries at his court, who excite disturbance; and both cherish
hopes of rooting out one whom they consider a usurper. The task will
be found difficult; for the chief of Cabool, besides the moderation
and justice which secure him so many friends, enjoys an advantage in
his Persian descent, which will prove of material service to him in
adversity. He holds the warlike clan of Juwansheer in his interests,
and takes every occasion to conciliate this tribe, which has so often
turned the scale in favour of different pretenders to the throne. He
has acquired their language (the Turkish), and promoted their interests
and well-being. The Persians of Cabool amount to about 12,000 families;
they reside in a separate quarter of the city, which keeps up an
_esprit de corps_ among them. It also gives them a knowledge of their
power, which may prove salutary or prejudicial to the factions that
divide the country, according to circumstances. The state of fear which
an enemy on both sides must inspire has a bad effect on Dost Mahommed
Khan’s administration. With his own house as an object of care, he is
not likely to pursue conquests abroad, or retrieve the fallen state of
Cabool. This alone deters him from attacking Herat, and making some
endeavours to wrest Mooltan and Dera Ghazee Khan from the Seiks. He
last year made a demonstration against Julalabad, a district between
Cabool and Peshawur, worth about seven lacs of rupees a year. He will
probably annex it to his power; but, until able to coerce or subdue
either Peshawur or Candahar, Dost Mahommed Khan cannot rise above the
rank of a chief, or be aught than one among many in Afghanistan. In the
present state of politics in the country, he is, nevertheless, the most
rising man in the Cabool dominions.
~Supplies of Cabool.~
Cabool is a country of great strength, but small resource. It
abounds in fruit, but grain grows scantily. The Emperor Baber, on
his conquering it, imposed a tax of 30,000 khurwars[36] of grain on
Cabool and Ghuzni, but found in after-years, when better acquainted
with the country, that the levy was exorbitant. The territory has
no doubt improved in a lapse of three hundred years; but provisions
are dear in Cabool. In summer, the necessaries of life are rather
moderate; fruit and vegetables abound, and the city receives supplies
from the surrounding country. In winter, the roads are shut, wood is
scarce, grain is dear, and the severity of the climate demands warm
clothing. The mills which grind the flour are also frozen up, and the
poorest people must purchase animal food. The presence of a force in
Cabool has the effect of doubling the price of provisions, which is
a sure indication of their scarcity. A large army might still find
a comfortable quarter in the city of Cabool, and draw the supplies
which it required, additional to the resources of the country, from
Peshawur and the valley of the Cabool river, near Julalabad. Forage
for cattle is most plentiful; artificial grasses are cultivated to a
great extent, and prove a most nutritious food to horses. There are
likewise most extensive meadows both at Cabool and Ghuzni. One, called
Nawur, in particular, near the latter place, would supply a force of
20,000 cavalry. The city of Cabool has been described elsewhere. It has
a population of about 60,000 souls, and a bazar of nearly 2000 shops.
Each trade has a separate division of the town. Cabool furnishes a
supply of articles far beyond what its size would indicate, for it is a
mart, and the entrepôt of a great trade.
~Strength.~
It increases daily under the fostering care of its present ruler. As a
place of defence, it is contemptible; the city-wall, which has never
been good, has fallen down; the summits of the hills that environ the
town are crowned with walls, but they are a useless ornament. The Bala
Hissar, or citadel, which stands on the eastern side, is a place of no
strength, and the other Bala Hissar below it is even more defenceless.
The former building, which stands on an eminence, commands a noble view
of the surrounding country, and might be made to command the city,
which lies at its base.
CHAP. V.
ON THE AFFAIRS OF WESTERN AFGHANISTAN.
~Western Afghanistan.~
The western portion of Afghanistan is held by the chiefs of Candahar
and Herat; who rule as at Cabool and Peshawur. They complete the number
of governments into which the monarchy has been dismembered; and, after
our more minute accounts of the two other chiefships, do not require
much notice. Candahar is in the possession of a branch of the Barukzye
family, and Herat is ruled by Kamran, the son of King Mahmood of Cabool.
~Chiefships of Candahar.~
It has been already mentioned that Shere Dil Khan fled from Cabool
to Candahar; and formed the present chiefship, with the spoil of his
nephew. He was a man of singular habits, in some respects resembling
his brother, Futteh Khan; but morose as well as cruel. They give an
anecdote of his lopping off the finger of one of his boys, telling
him at the same time, if he cried, that he could not be his child, or
a Barukzye. The young fellow bore it with great patience. Shere Dil
Khan, in his flight to Candahar, was accompanied by four brothers. He
himself is since dead, as also one of his brothers. Candahar is now
governed by Cohun Dil Khan, supported by his two surviving brothers,
Ruhum Dil and Meer Dil. The revenues amount to about eight lacs of
rupees; his force consists of 9000 horse, and six pieces of artillery;
but, as the city is situated in the heart of the Dooranee country,
and near the native seat of the Barukzye family, he could, perhaps,
increase his cavalry on an emergency. The government is not popular,
nor would it appear, from the acts of oppression, that it deserved to
be so. The chief is on bad terms with most of his neighbours. In common
with all his family, he is inimical to Kamran of Herat, and has at
different times attempted to seize that city. He is also at issue with
the chief of Cabool. The connexion between the Peshawur and Candahar
branches of the Barukzyes, is very close and sincere; but their united
efforts will not, in all probability, injure their brother of Cabool.
The Candahar chief also seeks to form a settlement on the Indus; and
has for several years past sent his troops to threaten Shikarpoor in
Sinde. The Ameers of that country have been hitherto able to resist
his attacks; but, as there is an open and easy communication between
Candahar and the Indus, by the pass of Bolan, the chief is not likely
to discontinue his endeavours in that quarter. In a disorganised state
of Sinde, he might easily possess himself of Shikarpoor; and such a
state of events seems by no means improbable in the country of the
Ameers. The chief of Candahar would gladly interest the ruler of the
Punjab in his cause; but it is not probable that he will procure his
assistance, as he himself looks upon Shikarpoor with an eye of cupidity.
~Government of Herat.~
Herat is the only province of the kingdom of Cabool, now held by a
descendant of the royal family; and the Prince Kamran rules more from
tolerance in his enemies than his own power. He receives no aid from
his countrymen, since the whole of the chiefs in Afghanistan are his
enemies, and desire his destruction, in revenge for the assassination
of their brother Futteh Khan. Herat has, therefore, become a dependency
of Persia. The town itself has of late years been several times entered
by the troops of that nation; and only spared by the ready tender of
money on the part of its governor. It was threatened in September 1832,
by the Prince Royal in person, who made a pecuniary demand; and also
required that the coinage of the city should be struck in the name
of the King of Persia. It is probable that both these requests will
be granted, since Kamran would gladly hold his power on any terms.
The Persians do not appear to contemplate any permanent settlement in
Herat, since it would incur the expense of retaining a force, that
would diminish the tribute now gained from it. Kamran is said to be
in possession of some of the crown jewels of Cabool, and derives a
large revenue from Herat, which is situated in one of the most fertile
countries of the world. By this wealth he is yet able to retain about
his person some of the Afghan chiefs, and can raise a body of 4000
or 5000 horse. He has no political connexions in any quarter; but
still clings to the hope of being able to re-establish the monarchy
of his father. He has the character of a cruel and tyrannical man, is
destitute of friends, and odious to his countrymen.
CHAP. VI.
SUMMARY OF THE AFFAIRS OF CABOOL.
~Remarks on the overthrow of the royal dynasty.~
We have now given a sketch of the events which have occurred in Cabool,
to the fall of the monarchy; and described the several governments
into which it has been divided. Its prosperity as a kingdom seems
almost to have terminated with its founder, Ahmed Shah Dooranee. His
son Timour evinced none of the energy and activity of his parent. Shah
Zuman, his child and successor, defective in education, and cruel in
disposition, succeeded to a government relaxed by a long reign of
indolence. Shah Zuman, and his brothers, Mahmood and Shooja, seem alike
to have forgotten, on their elevation to a throne, that they ruled a
people whose genius was republican. The total overthrow of the dynasty
is universally attributed to the misplaced pride and arrogance of the
last kings, who now receive no sympathy from the Afghans in their
overthrow. Shooja, indeed, might have regained his power, but for his
rash attempts to exercise the authority of king, before he was firmly
fixed in it. The Afghans cannot control their feelings of jealousy
towards men in power; and this universal envy has dethroned their kings
and butchered their nobles. There is not a person of note, that figures
in their history for the last thirty years, who has died a natural
death. To be happy under any government, they must either be ruled by a
vigorous despot, or formed into many small republics.
~Improbabilities of restoring it.~
All the institutions of the Afghans are favourable to a republic; and
the supremacy of the Barukzye family in Cabool is acceptable to the
people; and I even think favourable to the prosperity of the country.
It is by far the greatest clan of the Dooranees, amounting to about
60,000 families, which will enable it to maintain its authority. The
late royal family of the Sudozyes, on the other hand, were few in
number, and looked for support to other tribes. Of these, the principal
were the Barukzyes. Hajee Jumal, the most influential of its chiefs,
willingly bowed to the authority of Ahmed Shah; and contributed to fix
him on his throne. The successors of that monarch rewarded his services
by the murder of his son Poynda Khan; and we have related the atrocious
assassination of his grandson the Vizier. Had the royal house treated
these benefactors with justice, and their subjects with moderation,
they might still have reigned in peace. The hatred of this family to
the house of Cabool, and the cause which excites it (the assassination
of two of their chiefs), forbid the belief that the Barukzyes will
ever consent to their restoration. It is certain that the aid of no
other tribe can avail them, for the whole wealth of the country is
in the hands of their enemies; and the bulk of the people view their
misfortunes with indifference, since it is believed they have drawn
them upon themselves. It is evident, therefore, that the restoration of
either Shooja ool Moolk, or Kamran, is an event of the most improbable
nature. The dynasty of the Sudozyes has passed away, unless it be
propped up by foreign aid; and it would be impossible to reclaim the
lost provinces of the empire, without a continuation of the same
assistance. It is more difficult to revive than to raise a dynasty; and
in the common chain of events, if the country is to be ruled by another
king, we must look for another family to establish its power in Cabool;
and this, in all probability, will be the Barukzyes.
~Relative power of Cabool and Persia.~
At present, there is no connexion of a political nature between the
states in Cabool and any foreign power. The Persians have long talked
vaingloriously of invading the country, but if there were no treachery
on the part of the Kuzzilbash guards, at Cabool, they could not
certainly make an impression on the kingdom. In a general war, the
enmity between the different houses would probably be forgotten, and
the united force of the Barukzyes alone amounts to about 30,000 horse.
While we were in Cabool, the chief received a notice from his brother
at Candahar, who had been threatened by an ambassador from the Persian
camp. The reply of Dost Mahommed Khan was characteristic:--“When the
Persians come, let me know, and as I am now your enemy, will I then
be your friend.” The natural strength of Cabool is its best barrier
against a successful invasion by an Asiatic power, and if we look
to the expedition of Nadir Shah, we are to remember that he was
accompanied by many Afghan chiefs, whom he had advanced to favour, and
who largely participated in his acquisitions, and the spoils he gained
from others.
The political state of Cabool, as a kingdom, becomes at all times an
object of the deepest importance to India, from the many changes which
constantly take place in that country. Of its four chiefships, one
is subject to the Punjab, and another to Persia. The chief of Cabool
himself is a man of enlightened views, and may secure a thorough
supremacy over the country, on the death of Runjeet Sing. It would
not be difficult for him to subdue Peshawur, and he might then seize
the provinces on the Indus, and very probably Cashmere. He is a man
favourably disposed towards the British Government, as indeed are the
whole chiefs of the kingdom. They were not in power when the British
mission entered the country in 1809, but our reputation was then
established, and the good opinion of all parties has been acquired by
our immediate withdrawal afterwards. That circumstance, it is true,
was unavoidable; but it has left impressions most favourable to our
disinterestedness. In Cabool, therefore, it would not be difficult to
form a connexion; and the chief is certainly worthy of notice, since
his country lies on the great road by which the manufactures of Britain
are imported, and which of late have been considerably increased by
his equity and justice. It would require no great expenditure of the
public funds to conciliate this chief; and, it is to be remembered,
that he is in possession of the most important position in Asia, as
regards the protection of British India. Had circumstances brought
us into an alliance with Cabool instead of Persia, we might have now
possessed more trusty and useful allies, nearer home, than we can boast
of in that country. We also should have never incurred a tenth of the
expenditure, which has been so freely lavished in Persia.
CHAP. VII.
ON THE POWER OF KOONDOOZ.
~Chiefship of Koondooz.~
~Its extent.~
The territories of Koondooz lie between Cabool and Bokhara. I shall
comprehend under that designation all which I have to say on the
countries, north of Hindoo Koosh, and south of the Oxus, as far
westward as the city of Balkh. These limits bound a chiefship, which is
ruled by an Uzbek family that has lately extended its power, and is now
possessed of great influence in these countries. This is the tribe of
Kutghun; the name of the chief is Mahommed Moorad Beg, and Meer is the
title by which he is known to his subjects. At no late period the tribe
was confined to the canton of Koondooz, but this chief has established
a power over all the neighbouring states; he holds Khooloom, Heibuk,
Ghoree, Inderab, Talighan, and Huzrut-Imam, and is master of the valley
of the Upper Oxus, and its tributary rivers. The city of Balkh has
likewise been in his hands; he contented himself with sacking it, and
marching off a great part of the population to his other conquests.
He has also reduced the whole kingdom of Budukhshan, and is at present
engaged in operations against the hill states north of the Oxus. The
district of Koolab, which is one of these, and lies between Durwaz and
Shughnan, is already in his possession. His power extends south to
Syghan, within thirty miles of Bameean, and across two of the passes of
Hindoo Koosh.
~Rise of Moorad Beg.~
The population of the territory consists chiefly of Tajiks, the
aborigines of the country, who form the entire body of the people in
Budukhshan. The Uzbeks bear a very small proportion to them.
The chief of Koondooz attained his present ascendancy on the death of
Khilich Ali Beg, a well-known Uzbek chief, who long ruled in Balkh, as
a nominal tributary to the crown of Cabool. Moorad Beg, of Koondooz,
held a secondary command under this chief.
At his death, which occurred more than eight years since, Moorad Beg
entered into intrigues with the different members of his family; and
finally succeeded in establishing his own authority. The sons of
Khilich Ali Beg now govern Khooloom and Heibuk as his vassals. The
Kutghuns have always possessed influence among the Uzbeks, but Moorad
Beg is the first of his family, or of his countrymen, who has formed
so extensive a principality. The tribe is of Moghul extraction, as it
is termed, since they and the Kalmuks descend from one stock. They
entered on their present seats in the 16th century, with the great
Uzbek nation, that expelled the descendants of Timour from their
paternal kingdom. Koondooz appears to have been the utmost limit of
invasion, since the Uzbeks have not settled in Budukhshan, or south
of Hindoo Koosh. The government of the present chief may be viewed as
tolerably well consolidated: his measures are vigorous.
~Policy and power of the chief.~
The Meer of Koondooz owes much of his power to the policy which he has
pursued towards those whom he has subjected. He retains the former
chiefs in authority, but stipulates for a contingent of troops, and the
maintenance of a portion of his own in the country, at their expense.
He thus increases his strength, and provides for the protection of
his newly acquired conquests, without danger of revolt. His united
forces amounted to about 20,000 horse, and six pieces of artillery,
one of which is a thirty-six pounder. He has no infantry, for the
Uzbeks despise that branch of an army, and know as little of the use
of cannon, though the possession of guns seems to secure a victory. I
must, however, mention, to the credit of the chief, that he has dragged
the great gun to Sarbagh, fifty miles into Hindoo Koosh. This piece
of ordnance was brought from Persia by Nadir Shah, who took the route
of Meshid, Shurukhs, and Meimuna, to Balkh,--a practical proof of the
goodness of the road, and the calibre by which it may be traversed.
The cavalry carry spears of an unwieldy size; some have matchlocks,
but a great part are ill armed and accoutred, though much superior
to those who oppose them. He supports these troops by an allowance
of grain, and retains all the commanders, and a portion of the men,
in constant attendance upon his person. Moorad Beg leads a life of
great activity, and takes the field in person; he constantly sends
his horse on excursions of plunder and capture, (as they are called,
“Chupawul,”) north of the Oxus, in the neighbourhood of Balkh, and the
country of the Huzaras. As the people there are Shiah Mahommedans,
they are seized without mercy, and distributed or sold into slavery. A
supply of these unfortunate wretches is also derived from Chitral, a
hill state, east of Budukhshan, the chief of which pays his tribute in
human beings. He excepts the caravans which pass through his territory
from these attacks, and also guards against exactions from the chiefs
whom he has rendered tributary. He holds little or no communication
with neighbouring powers. With the Chinese authorities in Yarkund,
to which there is a considerable trade, there has been an exchange of
presents, and the Koondooz chief once sent an ambassador regarding the
protection of the roads, which were infested by robbers from beyond the
Oxus. With the king at Bokhara there is no cordiality, for they are
mutually afraid of each other. Moorad Beg makes constant irruptions
into the provinces of Balkh, and the Governor of that city seeks his
safety in flight. The Afghans are separated from Koondooz by a great
chain of mountains, and the country to the eastward of Budukhshan is
equally rugged, and cut off by the lofty mountains of Beloot. The chief
of Koondooz has nevertheless crossed this range, and attacked Chitral.
He has also at times made inroads into the country of the Siahpoosh
Kaffirs, who dwell on Hindoo Koosh; but his last campaign, in this
quarter, about four years since, was not of an encouraging nature. The
Kaffirs allowed the troops to advance into the mountains, and then
attacked them. A snow storm ensued, and out of 4000 horse, one half
were unable to extricate themselves, and fell a sacrifice to their
temerity.
~Revenues of Koondooz.~
The revenue of this principality is paid in grain. There is abundance
of it and the necessaries of life; but money is exceedingly
scarce. Nothing proves this so satisfactorily as the coinage now in
circulation, which is of an Emperor of Delhi, prior to the age of
Nadir. Many foreign luxuries are derived from Bokhara, by sending
slaves and cattle to its market. Under such circumstances, it is
difficult to form any correct estimate of the revenues of Koondooz.
Moorad Beg is considered wealthy for an Uzbek. He demands one third
of the productions of the soil from his subjects. Koondooz itself is
rich in rice; and much silk is produced on the banks of the Oxus.
Budukhshan, at one time so fruitful and fertile a country, is almost
depopulated; and has severely felt the power of Koondooz. The ruler
of it, one of those who claim descent from Alexander the Great, has
been deposed; and a great part of the population driven from their
own beautiful valley to the fens of Koondooz. Budukhshan, therefore,
furnishes no revenue, and is occupied by Uzbek horse, who contribute
to its further desolation. Of its ruby mines I have spoken in another
place. The whole of the affairs of Mahommed Moorad Beg are managed by a
Hindoo named Atmaram, a native of Peshawur, who has the title of Dewan
Begee. He is a person of some talent, and has unlimited influence.
He has risen from the meanest origin. Among the Uzbeks, Hindoos are
despised, and never permitted to wear turbans; but this minister has
not only secured the privilege for himself, but for all his servants
and tribe who live with him. He has about 400 slaves in his household,
the gift of an indulgent master, and has also enriched himself to a
great extent; but his merits entitle him to the reward. The Uzbeks are
incapable of conducting matters of state; for, except the priests,
they are without education. Moorad Beg has therefore evinced the most
unerring proof of his own superiority in the selection of such a man
to conduct his government. It is to him that the merchant owes the
protection of his property; and that the chief himself reigns without a
rival in the countries which he has subdued.
~Character of Moorad Beg.~
Since much depends on the personal qualities of a chief who rules a
country composed of such materials, we must regard his character with
the greater interest. That of Moorad Beg has many prominent features,
nor is it free from contradiction. He is at once cruel and indulgent:
he encourages every plundering expedition which leaves his country,
and shares the spoil with the barbarians who secure it. Possessed of
power to retain the entire possessions over which he holds a supremacy,
he concedes both property and power, certainly of a limited nature,
to the individuals who, in most Asiatic governments, meet with death.
Except his forced removal of the inhabitants of one province to people
another, and that too a most unhealthy one; and his seizure of the
unfortunate Huzaras and Kaffirs, and their sale as slaves, I have
not heard him accused of any of the flagrant acts of wanton tyranny
and oppression, so common in despotic governments. The trader passes
through the dominions of Koondooz without molestation. The duties are
low; and some articles, such as shawls, are encouraged by an entire
remission. The people were also relieved from the payment of the tax on
silk at the time we were in Koondooz. The greatest apprehension under
which this chief labours, is a terror of the British name, as was shown
in the harsh treatment of Mr. Moorcroft and our party. He suspects the
conquerors of India, and it will require much to remove his suspicion.
Moorad Beg is about fifty years of age; his stature is tall, and his
features are those of a genuine Uzbek: his eyes are small to deformity;
his forehead broad and frowning; and the whole cast of his countenance
most repulsive. He is not addicted to any excess, and is moderate in
his pleasures. A holy person at Talighan, about thirty-five miles
from his capital, exercises great power over him. In early life he
was indebted to this man for good offices and advice; and there is no
favour that he might sue for which would now be refused. He has lately
given one of his daughters in marriage to his son. Moorad Beg has two
sons, one of them a promising lad of eighteen.
CHAP. VIII.
SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF BOKHARA.
~Early history of Bokhara.~
I procured five manuscripts on the history of Bokhara during my
residence in that country. It would be foreign to my design to give
the voluminous contents of these works; nor do I feel impressed with a
belief that the interest of their contents would reward the notice of
a general reader: I have handed them over to that flourishing society
the Oriental Translation Fund, from whom I have an assurance that it
will use every means to make them known to Oriental scholars. Bokhara,
in early ages, is described under the name of Bykune, a city still to
be traced in its vicinity, and connected by fable or truth with the
well-known name of Afrasiab. The country is there stated to have been
a marsh overgrown with reeds, and fed by the ice and snow which melted
in the hills of Samarcand. It is said to have been a hunting thicket,
and so marshy in many places, that a camel could not pass it. Such is
the language of the native historians. An intercourse was then kept
up with the Emperor of China, who gave his daughter to the ruler of
Bokhara: but with this fair partner followed the inroads of the Toorks,
which appear to have always desolated this country. We are next brought
to the age of Islam and the inroads of the Arabs, who contended with a
Queen, or Khatoon, famed as an idolater, but equally for her love of
justice; which is yet commemorated by popular songs. Her son embraced
the religion of the Faithful, but relented, and was put to death when
the Arabs finally established themselves in Toorkistan. This person
built a grand mosque in the ninety-fourth year of the Hejira (A.D.
716), causing the prayers to be read in Persian, “because it was the
language of the country.”[37] From that time the fame and size of the
city increased; and we hear of the commerce and vast population, the
deeds of the renowned Haroon ool Rusheed, and of Arslan Khan, both
of whom beautified and enriched it. We are also gravely told, on the
authority of the Archangel Gabriel, of the joyful procession with which
its inhabitants would be blessed on the day of judgment.
~From the age of Jengis to the invasion of the Uzbeks.~
Such is the early history of Bokhara, till the destroying Jengis
desolated it with his horde of Tartars in the 622d year of the
Hejira (A.D. 1232). It then appears, by the accounts of its bazars,
buildings, and aqueducts, to have been really a wealthy and fine
capital; but, in common with many great cities, it was overwhelmed by
the destructive hostilities of the Tartar, who swept, with unrelenting
fury from the Caspian to the Indus. In its turn, the kingdom of
Bokhara, ruled by its Ameer, the great Timur, a descendant of the
ferocious Jengis, wreaked its vengeance on neighbouring and distant
nations, and shook the bonds of sovereignty throughout Asia. The deeds
of this hero belong to the history of which I now treat; but the
conquests of Timour, and his enlightened institutes, his martial and
political career, require only a passing notice in this literary age.
His successors, after some generations, were driven from this their
paternal kingdom, and founded the dominion of the Great Moguls in
India, under the valiant Baber, whose present pageant successors yet
live, I cannot call it reign, in Delhi. This last revolution sprang
from the invasion of the Uzbek Tartars; another tribe from the seats of
Jengis, and also related to that conqueror, who crossed the Jaxartes
in the beginning of the sixteenth century, and retain in these times
all the countries of Mawur ool nuhr, or Transoxiana, extending to the
base of Hindoo Koosh. The Uzbeks achieved this great conquest under
Sheibanee Khan and his son. Baber was assisted by the King of Persia;
and Sheibanee Khan was defeated and slain at the battle of Merve.
~Nadir Shah’s inroad to the end of Shah Moorud’s reign.~
The supremacy which the Uzbek race had thus acquired was maintained
in the different kingdoms of Transoxiana, till the invasion of Nadir
Shah, in the early part of the last century. Aboolfuez Khan then ruled
in Bokhara, as Ameer, or Governor, and was acknowledged to be the
hereditary representative of the Uzbeks, who had expelled the house of
Timour, as well as a male descendant of the great Jengis. His Attalik,
or Vizier, Ruheem Khan, an Uzbek of the Mungut tribe, intrigued with
the Persian conqueror, and brought him to the gates of the city. Nadir
spared Bokhara; but the minister put the Ameer to death, and raised up
a son in his stead, to whom he had given his own daughter in marriage.
Him he also murdered. On the death of Ruheem Khan, this cruel and
treacherous minister was succeeded by Danial Beg, an Uzbek of the same
tribe (Mungut), who was distantly related, by marriage, to Aboolfuez
Khan. He pretended to no higher powers than the last minister, and
governed the country in the name of Aboolghazee Khan, a descendant
of the late Ameer and of Jengis. On the death of Danial Beg, his son
Moorad succeeded him as Vizier; and, setting aside the pageant king,
in whose name his father had ruled, proclaimed himself the Ameer of
Bokhara. Shah Moorad reigned seventeen years, and died about the
year 1800. He was greater as a theologian than a ruler; but the name
of Begee Jan, by which he was familiarly known, is much revered by
the Uzbeks, and many singular stories are related regarding him. He
carried on wars with the King of Cabool, and all the neighbouring and
less powerful states. He destroyed the city of Merve, in the desert,
and marched the greater part of its population to Bokhara; but his
deeds contributed little to his fame or the aggrandisement of a
kingdom, which he had usurped. From the time of Shah Moorad, the male
descendants of Jengis Khan have ceased to reign in Bokhara. There are
yet some members of that family in the country who live in poverty and
contempt; and the last King of Bokhara was, I understand, related to
them by the mother’s side.
~Reign of Hyder and the present King Nussier oollah.~
Shah Moorad was succeeded by his son Hyder, commonly called Saeed,
or Pure. He converted his office more into that of a priest than a
king, and his rigid adherence to the Koran, while it has rendered him
illustrious throughout the Mahommedan world, has greatly increased
bigotry and fanaticism in the country which he governed. He viewed
his title as Commander of the Faithful in its literal sense, and
passed the greater portion of his time in endeavouring to correct and
improve the morals of his age. Had his vigils been extended to external
politics, he might have, perhaps, benefited his country; but, after
a long and useless reign of twenty-seven years, he bequeathed (A. D.
1825) to his children a disputed succession, and a kingdom that had
been insulted and encroached upon from every side. His death was the
signal of revolt and civil war among his offspring. Ameer Hoosein, his
son, was proclaimed King, and perished, after a reign of fifty days,
not without suspicion of poison, which was administered by the Koosh
Begee, or minister, who favoured the pretensions of another brother.
He was succeeded by Omar Khan, who seized the reins of government and
the capital. His elder brother, Nussier oollah, or, as he is generally
styled, Buhadoor Khan, had, however, secured the secret influence of
the Koosh Begee, (though avowedly a partisan of Omar,) and prepared to
resist his power with all determination. He seized, as a preliminary
step, on the city of Samarcand, and, marching down upon Bokhara,
possessed himself of the canals and aqueducts which supply it with
water: these he closed, and the city fell into his hands, after a siege
of fifty days; delivered to him, however, by the Koosh Begee, whom he
appointed minister. Omar was placed in confinement; but he fled from
his keepers, and, after wandering to Meshid and Balkh, died of cholera
in Kokan; from which his remains were brought for interment to Bokhara.
Nussier oollah entered on the sovereignty without further resistance.
He put thirty of his brother’s partisans to death, and ordered one of
the principal Bees, or chiefs, to be thrown from the palace-gate, the
usual mode of execution in these countries. His treatment of three
younger brothers was far less justifiable: he sent them to an estate
on the banks of the Oxus, and cruelly ordered them to be murdered,
lest they should cabal against him; and Nussier oollah himself, the
only survivor of six children, now reigns in Bokhara. How little the
practical good worked by the bigoted parent on his unhappy children!
But Nussier oollah has, in some degree (if such be possible), redeemed
himself from the foul and vicious acts by which he secured his throne:
he now rules his subjects with a just and impartial hand, and has
ceased to resort to cruelty or crime in upholding his government, since
he has had no rival in the scene. He has a young and increasing family.
CHAP. IX.
ON THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY POWER OF BOKHARA.
~Importance of the kingdom of Bokhara.~
The importance of Bokhara does not arise from the extent of its
territories, but the position in which they stand. The fame which it
enjoys as a kingdom is to be traced to the days of the Chaghtyes.
It then included all Mawur ool Nuhr, or the country _between_ the
rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, extended to Kharasm and the Caspian, and far
into Khorasan. That age of splendour has long since passed; but the
favourable site of the capital still invests it with a great influence
among the natives of Transoxiana. Situated between the richest regions
of Europe and Asia, and in a tract surrounded by steppes and deserts,
Bokhara becomes the resting place of the merchant and the traveller,
and the centre of an extensive commerce. Viewed either in a military
or political light, its situation is commanding, and in the highest
degree valuable. Blessed with an exuberance of the productions of the
soil, in a land of barrenness it arrests the attention of remote and
neighbouring nations. In former times, it attracted the cupidity of
the Greeks and the Arabian Caliphs. It was overrun by the hordes of
the North; and from it, as a base, the renowned Timour led his legions
victorious to the remote countries of Asia. In modern days, it has
received ambassadors from the emperors of China and Russia, the Sultan
of Constantinople, and the monarchs of Persia and Cabool. It likewise
holds a supremacy among the surrounding Uzbek nations, who look up
to it as the capital of their tribe, and render a voluntary, though
nominal, homage to the ruler.
~Power and character of the King.~
The King of Bokhara rules, as in other Asiatic nations, a sovereign
despot; nevertheless, he is controlled in every action by the authority
of the Moollahs, or priests. This arises from no inability on his own
part to assert his power, but from the constitution of the monarchy,
which is exclusively based on the laws of the Koran, here more strictly
enforced perhaps than in any other Mahommedan country. The reigning
King of Bokhara, Nussier oollah, or, as he is styled, Buhadoor Khan,
is a young man of twenty-seven years of age. He takes the title of
Ameer ool Moomuneen, or Commander of the Faithful, and is always
addressed by the name of Huzrut; which is only used by the Mahommedans
of Toorkistan in speaking of their prophets. The name of King is
seldom mentioned in official documents; that of Ameer is preferred,
which without the affix of “ool Momuneen,” was the title by which
Timour and his successors were designated, down to the days of Baber.
It has a religious signification, which particularly unites it to the
King of Bokhara. He looks upon himself as one of the heads of the
Mahommedan religion. A respect is, nevertheless, paid to the Sultan of
Constantinople, as he is here styled the Caliph of Rome; and the King
of Bokhara is proud to hold the title of his bow-bearer.
The reigning King succeeded to the throne seven years since. He is
naturally just and liberal, and very strict in the observances of
religion. He appears, indeed, to be gradually sinking into the bigoted
habits of his father; which the nature of his government renders it
difficult to avoid. On his accession he divested himself of all his own
and his father’s wealth; which has gained him a high reputation among
his countrymen. In all his acts he is guided by the law; and the people
pretend that his private expenses are defrayed from the capitation tax;
which he exacts from Jews and Hindoos, since it would be sinful to so
appropriate the money of true believers. He is of an ambitious and
warlike disposition, and employs his revenues in the conciliation of
his army; to whom he has endeared himself by profuse largesses.
~The Koosh Begee, or Vizier.~
His minister, the Koosh Begee, possesses great influence over him; and,
though chiefly indebted to him for his throne, the King entertains no
dread of his power. He never leaves the citadel till his Vizier is
present to take charge of it. His Majesty will not receive his food
at any other hands but those of his minister. This person is of an
advanced age; upwards of sixty. He is an Uzbek, of the tribe of Mungut,
possessed of talent and acquirements; and unremitting in his attentions
to business. He also trades to a great extent, and is fond of money,
but strictly just in levying the taxes on commerce. The high office of
Vizier may be considered hereditary in his family: his father enjoyed
it; his brothers hold two of the governments; and his sons, of whom he
has thirteen, are employed in different districts or provinces. He has
fixed on one of these as his successor. There is a great mixture of
cunning in the minister’s character; but he is a liberal-minded man,
and favourably disposed to Europeans, and, in particular, the English.
The whole wealth and power of the kingdom is at his command; since he
receives the revenues, and is able to sway the priesthood, to whom he
is ever respectful and conciliatory.
~Political condition of the Uzbeks.~
Nothing is more remarkable to a traveller in Toorkistan than the
entire want of chiefs, or Sirdars, among the people, as in India and
Cabool. Here there are no great men, no Khans, or nobles, and no one
of consequence, but the court and the priesthood. The whole of the
governments are either held by slaves or dependents of the minister;
and every town and village is ruled by the Moollahs or Khwajus, the
descendants of the first Caliphs. As the base of the government of
Bokhara is the Koran, and the whole community are, or desire to be,
considered spiritual, it will fully account for the exception in
favour of the church. That engine and the state go heart in hand in
Toorkistan, and give mutual support to each other. There is no shadow
of popular government; but still, there is no evidence of discontent
under such a system of rule, though people could not be more thoroughly
enslaved than the Uzbeks. We must attribute this universal contentment
of the community to the protection which is derived from a strict
enforcement of the laws of the Koran. That book, at best, appears but
a poor Magna Charta; yet it fixes on a settled basis the principles
of jurisprudence; which, no doubt, leads the people to consider the
clergy as their best protection against the ambitious power of the
government. Their rigid adherence to the written law entitles these
doctors to the share of gratitude which they enjoy. No measures of
state are ever entered upon without their sanction; and a great
portion of the revenues are alienated for the support of the national
religion and the colleges which teach it. The surplus revenues of the
capital are even divided after this manner; and the whole plan of
administration bears a nearer resemblance to a hierarchy than any other
government. If a murder be committed; if a robbery occur; if a dispute
arise on any subject, it is immediately referred to the priesthood,
since the King does not take upon himself to judge of the merits of a
case without them. I am assured that this system has existed at Bokhara
from the earliest ages of Mahommedanism, and is not coeval with the
invasion of the Uzbeks, though it was more firmly established in the
reign of the last King, Hyder Shah, who held his creed in bigoted
veneration. Whatever may be the opinions entertained of the religion of
Mahommed, it is productive of great advantages in the administration
of a kingdom, when its laws are rigidly enforced. The police of the
city and kingdom of Bokhara is strict and efficient: the largest bales
of goods, as I have already stated, are left in open stalls at night
without danger, and the roads of the country are free from either
robbers or thieves. The uncompromising manner in which offenders are
treated, and the summary justice inflicted upon them, instil a salutary
terror into the minds of the ill-disposed. The most trivial offences
are punished with death: fines, and imprisonment in horrid dungeons,
are also employed, but more rarely. The laws of Mahommed are as much
enforced as they ever were under his own eye; and the legislation that
united the wandering Arabs of the desert has been transferred, without
a single improvement or alteration, to a people differing in manners,
habits, and languages, and considerably advanced in some points of
civilisation.
~Revenues of Bokhara.~
The revenues of the kingdom are levied according to the same
standard--the dicta of the Koran. A merchant pays one fortieth as a tax
on his goods; a farmer renders one fourth of the harvest of his fields
to the King: but the greater part of land in the country has been
alienated for the support of the religious men and establishments; and
many of these take the higher assessment of three tenths of the crop:
nor do the husbandmen complain of this exorbitant impost. In Toorkistan
land is valued by the water which it can command; and the individual
who distributes that necessary of life into the different aqueducts
about the capital holds a high rank in the state. A money-tax is
levied on gardens, and orchards, and melon-beds. All the inhabitants of
the country, not Mahommedans, pay a capitation tax annually. In time of
war, each householder is also taxed. There is a sum of money derived
from the customs of Bokhara; but, with this single exception, the whole
revenue is raised from the land. The following is an abstract of its
amount:--
Tillas.
{ Rametun 4,000
{ Zundunee 6,000
{ Wafkund 3,000
The seven tomuns of { Wurdunzye 3,000
Bokhara { Kyrabad 4,000
{ Wangazye 6,000
{ Kizhdowun 6,000
------ 31,000
{ Sheeraz 6,000
{ Sohood 4,000
The five tomuns of { Afeenkund 6,000
Samarcand { Anhar 5,000
{ Shoudar 12,000
------ 33,000
{ Punjkund 4,000
{ Oometan 2,000
Districts under Samarcand { Pan 2,000
{ Ooroogut 6,000
{ Karratippu 2,000
------ 16,000
{ Katakoorghan 12,000
{ Kutarchee 6,000
Meeankal, or Kuta-Koorghan, { Punjshumbu 5,000
between { Meetan 4,000
Bokhara and Samarcand { Noorator 5,000
{ Engi Koorghan 6,000
{ Chulak 5,000
------ 43,000
Kermina { Kermina 12,000
{ Zoodeen 15,000
------ 27,000
Jizzak Jizzak 8,000
------ 8,000
{ Kurshee 12,000
{ Khozar 6,000
Kurshee { Sheerabuel 5,000
{ Sadabad 4,000
{ Chiraghchee 5,000
------ 32,000
{ Narazsee 5,000
Banks of the Oxus, { Kukee 4,000
called “Lubab” { Charjooee 8,000
{ Ootar 5,000
------ 22,000
Karakool Karakool 15,000
------ 15,000
City of Bokhara Bokhara 50,000
------ 50,000
-------
Grand total of tillas (or rupees 18 lacs) 277,000
-------
From Balkh the crown receives nothing; the revenue is said to have
declined with its population, and the scanty returns from it, amounting
to 20,000 tillas, are granted to the chief, Eshan Khoju, who protects
it. Both Balkh and Jizzak are late acquisitions to the kingdom. As far
as an opinion can be formed on such subjects, I am led to believe that
the net land revenue of this kingdom amounts to about thirty-six lacs
of rupees, or double that which is received into the royal treasury,
since about half the land is enjoyed by the church. All the names
mentioned in the enumeration of the revenue are market-towns or
places, except the five “tomuns” of Samarcand. These are old names.
The idea which we have of towns and villages must be received with
considerable qualification in Toorkistan. A bazar, or market-place, is
sometimes a small village, and the inhabitants, instead of living in
it, reside in “robats,” at a distance, visiting it on market-days from
a circuit of ten or fifteen miles. The bazars of the country are held
on fixed days, with great regularity, as in Europe.
~Military force, &c.~
~Spirit of the Uzbeks.~
The military force of Bokhara is levied from the different districts
of the kingdom, and has no discipline. It consists of about 20,000
horse and 4000 infantry, with forty-one pieces of artillery. There are
likewise a description of troops, called “eeljaree,” or militia, which
are formed of the dependents and servants of the government, and amount
to about 50,000 horse, 10,000 of which are from Balkh and the countries
south of the Oxus. It might be further increased by levies among the
Toorkmuns; but the services of that tribe can only be commanded by the
individual who can enforce them. This is no great number, where almost
every individual, rich and poor, has a horse of some description. These
troops are seldom or ever called upon to serve, and, when embodied,
receive no pay. The registered, or “duftur,” troops are paid in grain,
and the chiefs have assignments of land. Each soldier receives yearly
eight Bokhara maunds of grain, each of which is equal to 256 lbs.
English. It consists of wheat, barley, juwaree, and urzun. The infantry
receive the same allowances as the cavalry, and, what is singular,
they come into field on horseback, and then dismount. They arm with
matchlocks, and are called “khusa burdar.” The horsemen have swords;
sometimes long knives, and heavy spears, about twenty feet long, with a
short blade. These lances are constructed of different pieces of wood
(generally of willow), and have an unwieldy appearance; they never
break at the joinings. The Uzbeks have few fire-arms, and use them
indifferently. An Indian or an Afghan never sets out on a journey but
he bristles with arms. The Uzbek, on the other hand, contents himself
with a lance, or the knife which he usually wears in his girdle. From
what I hear, the Uzbeks are not much to be dreaded as enemies. Their
manner of fighting wants spirit and courage; they vociferate loudly,
and the fate of the advanced guard decides the conquest. They are a
superior description of irregular cavalry, but poor soldiers. The
park of cannon lies neglected in the citadel, for the Uzbeks do not
properly appreciate the value of artillery, and the King has only to
contend with horse. There are no native artillerymen, and the guns lie
separated from their carriages, which, as may be imagined, are by no
means efficient. The train could, however, be easily put in order by
some of the Russian slaves. All the cannon are brass; three-fourths of
them appeared to be small field-pieces, four and six pounders. There
are four mortars; the rest are large guns. The powder of the country is
serviceable.
~Detail of the military force.~
The following detail of the military force of the kingdom will afford
an insight into the power of the several districts, and serve also
to mark the great Uzbek tribes at present existing in the country.
The first list is composed of cavalry; I also add the names of their
chiefs, here called “Bee,” which is a Turkish word, better known in
Europe as Bey.
---------------+-------------------+-------------------+----------------
Tribes. | No. | Chiefs. | District.
---------------+-------------------+-------------------+----------------
Kongrad | 1,000 | Moorad Bee | Kurshee.
Suraee | 1,000 | Ashoor Bee. |
Yaboo | 2,000 | Md. Ameer Bee. |
Khitai | 500 | Hoosun Bee | Yargi Koorghan.
Kipchack | 500 | Mahmood Bee | Chuluk.
Surkh Khitai | 800 | Aderagood Bee Kut | Koorghan.
Kara Kilpauk | 400 | Thikeem Bee | Sheeraz.
Kur Khyooz | 500 | Shade Bee | Jizzak.
Dyakhlee | 600 | Alum Bee | Punjenud.
Meeng | 2,000 | Kut Bee | Ooloogut.
Nymun | 500 | Kalaitoksa Bee | Zeodeen.
Julaee | 400 | Roostum Bee | Punjshumbu.
Meetna | 400 | Abdoo Jubbar Bee | Meetum.
Bahreen | 500 | Kobad Bee | Katurchee.
Boorkoot | 500 | Abdoo Jubber Bee | Nooratun.
Kulloogh | 600 | Abdoo Russool Bee | Kermina.
Huzara | 300 | Abdoo Jubber Bee | Ditto.
Kutghun | 300 | Doulut Bee | { Ditto from
| | | { Koondooz.
Arabuchee | 400 | Good Md. Bee | Karakool.
Chunder | 400 | Dolmus Bee | Ditto.
Toorkmuns N. }| | | { Banks of the
of the Oxus }| 800 | Eser Bee | { Oxus.
Kalmucks | 1,000 | Rhodaee Nug | Bokhara.
Mixed tribes }| | |
of Bokhara, }| 2,000 | The King. | Bokhara.
called }| | |
“Shagird }| | |
Peshu” }| | |
Mervees | 1,000 } | Mad. Suduk Bee | Ditto.
| 500 } Persians.| Moorad Bee Meer |
| } | Akhor | Samarcand.
Zorabadee | 500 } | Lootf Ali Beg | { Zorabud, near
| | | { Kurshee.
+-------------------+ |
Grand total | 19,500 | |
---------------+-------------------+-------------------+----------------
The infantry is levied on a much smaller scale, and entirely composed
of Tajiks, or the mercantile class. They are drawn from the districts
as follows:--
Bokhara 1,000
Samarcand 1,000
Kurshee 200
Jizzak 500
Kermina 200
Kut Koorghan 100
Punjshumbu 100
Khojar 100
Sherabul 100
Karabul 100
Narazun 100
Oostee 100
Charjooee 300
-----
Grand total 3,900
-----
That portion of the troops south of the Oxus is only nominally
dependent on Bokhara; there the Uzbeks are not numerous; a great
proportion of the population, however, are Arabs, who have the same
reputation for soldiers as in other countries. They are not at the
disposal of the government. Except the territories of Balkh, from which
a force of 2000 or 3000 men might be assembled, these people cannot be
viewed as available troops, for they are at enmity with one another,
and the King takes no pains to reconcile them.
~Foreign policy of Bokhara.~
Bokhara possesses a much higher influence, both physical and moral,
than any of the states around it; but its affairs were left in a most
embarrassed state by the late King, who bestowed more attention on
religion than politics. The Khan of Orgunje or Khiva waged a continual
war with him. The Khan of Kokan was also his declared enemy. The
chiefs of Shuhr Subz and Hissar acknowledged no allegiance, and the
Meer of Koondooz plundered and even seized Balkh. The affairs of the
kingdom are at present more prosperous, and the designs and power of
the reigning King bid fair to keep pace with one another. He has this
year chastised the chief of Shuhr Subz, and seized upon six of his
villages. That town, which is famed as the birth-place of Timour, is
considered the strongest in Toorkistan, from the marshy nature of the
country which surrounds it. The power of Kokan has been also broken,
and one of its frontier districts, that of Jizzak, which formed one
half of Uratippa, has been annexed to Bokhara within these four years.
Hissar might be also overcome, though it is mountainous, since the
chief is dead, and his country has been divided among four brothers.
The most powerful enemy of the kingdom is the chief of Koondooz; and
if the city of Balkh has been wrested from him, he has conceded it to
policy, and not to fear. He retains the name of that ancient city on
his coin, and there is little amity between the states. The King of
Bokhara entertains designs on Koondooz; but the country is distant,
and it is very doubtful if he could make an impression upon it, though
his formidable title of Commander of the Faithful would secure to
Bokhara the aid of the Moollahs and a large army. The enmity of the
Khan of Khiva terminated with the death of Mahommed Ruheem Khan, the
late chief, who sent an ambassador on his death-bed to ask forgiveness.
The sons of the two parents, who were ever at war with one another,
are now united. The injuries which Khiva inflicted on the kingdom,
determines its influence over the destinies of Bokhara. With an
inferior power, the chief of that state plundered its caravans, robbed
its subjects, obstructed its commerce, and laid waste its territories.
The intervening deserts protected him from reprisal, though a vigorous
monarch might successfully invade his territories from the Oxus. If the
Khan of Khiva continues friendly, the King will be able to extend his
power to the eastward, where he has long meditated an expedition.
~With China, Cabool, and Turkey.~
The connexion of Bokhara with China, Cabool, and Turkey, is friendly;
and all of them have sent ambassadors. Last year an envoy from China
was deputed to solicit the assistance of the King, in maintaining
the peace of the western frontier of China, from the inroads of the
Khan of Kokan. His majesty wisely declined all interference, but the
chastisement which the Chinese inflicted on the inhabitants of that
state some years ago, may relieve the emperor at Pekin from any alarm
regarding his frontiers. The commercial relations between Bokhara
and China are on a footing favourable to both states; but the Uzbeks
are not permitted, more than other nations, to pass beyond Yarkund,
Cashgar, and their tributary towns. While the monarchy existed in
Cabool, the intercourse between that kingdom and Toorkistan was
friendly and frequent, for the Afghans possessed the province of Balkh.
The number of Afghans in Bokhara is considerable, and the whole Indian
trade is carried on by their intervention. There is, however, no
intercourse between the King of Bokhara and the chiefs who have risen
on the ruins of the Cabool monarchy: the Uzbeks despise the friendship
of Persia, from the hatred which they have for the heretical doctrines
entertained by that people. Their only intercourse is commercial,
and but few of them engage in trade, which is left to the Persians or
Mervees, who are of the Shiah creed. The liberality of the present
minister of Bokhara has contributed to soften the asperity of feeling
between the Persians and Uzbeks, but it is difficult to say on which
side the greatest animosity subsists. The Persians have far the
greatest cause, since they are constantly seized and sold into slavery.
The fame of the Ottoman empire has extended to Bokhara, but the people
have very imperfect notions of the weakness of the Porte. They believe
the sultan to be the most potent monarch of the globe, and I have been
frequently interrogated as to the extent of tribute which the different
European nations rendered to him. We can comprehend the reasons for
this assiduous attention of Bokhara, even on religious grounds; but
the countries are far apart, and their intercourse is limited to empty
expressions of devotion and attachment to one another.
~Connexion with Russia.~
From the time of Peter the Great, there has subsisted a continued
communication between Bokhara and Russia, and it has been based on
the reciprocal advantages of commerce. The land route between the
countries was first opened in the reign of that monarch, and, during
the last seventy years, the transit has been uninterrupted. In the
reign of Alexander, and about the year 1820, the Russians endeavoured
to cultivate a closer connexion, and despatched an embassy to Bokhara.
They had failed in the preceding year to open the road between the
Caspian and Khiva. It is but fair to believe, that some of the views
of this mission were commercial, but they were likewise connected
with political ends. The embassy was well received at the capital.
A mission was sent in return to St. Petersburgh, and several others
have since followed it. From that period, the subjects of Russia have
ceased to be sold into slavery in Bokhara; it is supposed that these
missions have had reference to the affairs of Khiva, but Russia will
require no foreign aid to coerce that chiefship. The Russians have
also established a friendly feeling with the chief of Kokan: they
have impressed the whole of the Uzbeks with high notions of their
power, to the detriment of all other European nations; but they have
yet to eradicate, by their future conduct, other opinions, which
have been as universally adopted, that they want truth and honour in
their diplomacy. Setting aside the physical obstacles which present
themselves to the Russians making a conquest of Bokhara, the people are
generally inimical to them. It is even probable that Bokhara, with all
her pretended amity, would succour Khiva, if attacked by the Czar.
Should these countries ever be subdued from that quarter, it would be
found most difficult to retain them, or control the wandering tribes
around. Regular troops would be useless, and irregulars could not
subdue a race who had no fixed places of abode. It is not, however, to
be concealed, that the court of St. Petersburgh have long cherished
designs in this quarter of Asia.
CHAP. X.
ON THE STATE OF KHIVA, OR ORGUNJE.
~Limits of the principality.~
The delta of the Oxus, or Amoo, before falling into the Aral, forms
the state of Khiva, which is more generally called Orgunje by the
inhabitants. It is the ancient Kharasm, and occurs in Arrian, under the
name of the country of the Chorasmi. It lies about 200 miles W.N.W. of
Bokhara. It is a small, but fertile principality. The inhabited part
is about 200 miles from north to south, and half that distance from
east to west. It is surrounded on all sides by deserts; and, claims
a superiority over these that extends its power to the Caspian, and
brings it into contact with Persia. It has, of late years, established
a supremacy over the Toorkmun hordes, south of the Oxus, and holds
Merve, which lies on the high road between Khorasan and Bokhara.
There are but two places of note in the country, Orgunje and Khiva;
the former is the commercial capital, and the latter the residence of
the Khan. Orgunje is situated about six miles from the Oxus, and is
the larger place, having a population of about 12,000 souls; Khiva
is a modern town, about half that size. Circumstances, which have
been detailed in my narrative, prevented our visiting the capital of
Khiva, though we travelled for some time in the countries subject to
it, and met a portion of its army in the deserts westward of Merve. I
shall only, therefore, give a brief outline of the power and politics
of Khiva, as far as they came under my own observation, or have been
detailed to me by the people. The work of General Mouravief, who was
despatched to Khiva in 1820, contains full information regarding the
statistics of that country.
~Khan of Khiva. Sketch of his rise.~
The Khan of Khiva is an Uzbek, and rules with all the sway that the
lords of that tribe arrogate to themselves. There are no chiefs or
nobles to interfere with him. Though the principality is small, it is
entirely independent; and, during the rule of the late chief, waged
a continued war against the kingdom of Bokhara. The name of that
personage was Mahommed Ruheem Khan, a man of daring spirit and great
enterprise, who acquired the chiefship by the murder of two brothers,
and retained it for a period of twenty-two years by acts of severe
justice, and perhaps cruelty. He is often upbraided by his neighbours
for his tyranny; but the principality of Khiva acquired an ascendancy
under him which it had never before held, and it is not surprising
that he was more feared than loved. He fell a victim to a malignant
disease about eight years since, and charged his family, on his
death-bed, to heal the difference with Bokhara. Before his demise, he
despatched an ambassador to the King, and solicited forgiveness for the
quarrels which he had so perseveringly promoted, and the injuries he
had inflicted on the commerce of that kingdom; since then the states
have lived in amity with one another. Ruheem Khan left a family of
six sons, the eldest of whom, Ullah Kholi, succeeded him, and is the
present Khan of Khiva. He is about forty years of age, and a much
milder man than his father. He lives in great concord with the other
members of his family, and still preserves all the power which his
parent had acquired.
~Power and military strength of Khiva.~
The injuries which the Khivans have inflicted on the neighbouring
countries have given them a greater importance than they deserve, for
at best they are but an organised banditti, protected by the natural
strength of their country. The situation of Khiva, between Russia and
Bokhara, makes it the entrepôt of commerce between these kingdoms,
which extends its influence. Orgunje itself has no internal trade, and
is thinly peopled. It is doubtful if the population amounts to 200,000
souls. Till the time of Ruheem Khan, it was considered a dependency
of Bokhara; but there is no proof of its allegiance being other than
nominal. The Khan can raise a force of 10,000 men, and has a park of
nine pieces of ordnance. His troops are either Uzbeks or Toorkmuns,
who are armed in the same manner as the levies in Bokhara: some of the
latter carry bows and arrows. The great object of the Khan of Khiva
is to subdue the Toorkmun tribes between his territories and Persia,
as well to increase his revenue as his power. The position of Khiva
has enabled him to exert a greater influence over these wanderers than
either Persia or Bokhara; who are thus set at defiance by a body of
robbers, holding an oäsis in the desert. In the summer of 1832, the
Khan of Orgunje marched his whole military force from Khiva to Merve,
and levied contributions on the Tuka, the greatest of the Toorkmun
tribes. He fixed a custom-house both there and at Shurukhs, a town
held by the Toorkmun tribe of Salore, which is within three marches
of Meshid, in Persia; and he now levies duties on the caravans which
pass both these places. This advance of the Orgunje army is creditable
to the military genius of the Khan. The journey from Khiva to Merve
amounts to fifteen marches, and is almost destitute of water, which he
procured by digging wells at every stage as he advanced. He commanded
in person, and gave out that he had taken the field to resist the
Persians, under Abbas Mirza, who threatened him from Meshid. He was
accompanied by a vast herd of camels, bearing water and provisions for
his troops. About 2000 of these perished from thirst in the steppe. His
father surpassed him in this achievement, since he entirely crossed
this desert to Persia; he, however, lost the greater portion of his
horses in the undertaking, and was compelled to leave his guns in the
sand, where one of them still remains.
~Predatory habits of the Khivans. Revenues.~
The chiefs of Khiva have not generally aimed at such combined attacks
as here represented, but confined themselves to a marauding life;
they continually send detachments to plunder in Persia, and seize the
inhabitants. The Khan receives a fifth of all the booty so captured.
The power of Khiva over the Toorkmuns gives them great facility in
these forays, which are conducted with great success. They also seize
upon the subjects of Russia on the Caspian Sea; and both Persians and
Russians are sold in this country as slaves. They supply the kingdom of
Bokhara, and the whole of Toorkistan, with these Persian captives; and
I have it on undoubted information, that there are about 2000 Russian
slaves in Khiva. It is impossible to give any estimate of the number
of Persians, but both nations are on the increase. The Russians are now
not sold out of Khiva, as the King of Bokhara entered into an agreement
with the emperor to discourage their purchase in his territories. While
the Khivans are thus robbing in every direction, they yet grant a
protection to the caravans that pass their territories, on the payment
of fixed duties.
Hindoos and Armenians pass through Khiva, but neither they nor foreign
merchants, though Mahommedans, feel at ease while in the country. The
bales are opened, the caravans are delayed, and much property has been
at times extorted; where the chief sets the example of plunder, the
people will not be very honest. The Khan demands duties at the port
of Mangusluck, on the Caspian, which lies opposite Astracan, and he
sometimes enforces them from the caravans which pass the Sir, or Sihon,
eastward of the Aral.
The connexion between the Khan and the Russians, regarding the
improvement of trade, is mentioned in the chapter that treats on
commerce. It is impossible to form any but a vague estimate of the
revenue of Khiva: little of it is derived from lawful sources, and
the Khan supports his army and himself chiefly at the expense of his
neighbours.
~Affairs of Khiva and Russia.~
The affairs of Khiva have excited considerable attention in the Russian
cabinet, which has attempted, without success, to form a connexion with
it, as well for the advancement of commercial ends, as the suppression
of the odious practice of enslaving her subjects. There is great
hostility to Russia in the minds of the Khivans, and it would be most
dangerous to appear in the character of a Russian in their country; but
the Khan is only able to exhibit this hostile feeling from the strength
of his position.
CHAP. XI.
ON THE NORTH-EASTERN FRONTIERS OF PERSIA, AND THE COUNTRY OF THE
KOORDS AND TOORKMUNS.
~Extent of Persian power over the Toorkmuns.~
It will now be necessary to give a short sketch of those Toorkmun
tribes east of the Caspian Sea which lie on and beyond the
north-eastern frontier of Persia.
Their country has been partly described in the chapter on Toorkmania;
and various incidents illustrative of their national character occur
in the narrative of our journey. They stretch from Balkh to the
Caspian, and are composed of predatory hordes, with no king, and a
most imperfect government to control them. The only portion which owe
allegiance to the crown of Persia are the tribes of Goklan and Yamood,
the least powerful of all the Toorkmuns.
They occupy the south-eastern banks of the Caspian, having their
country westward bounded by the rivers Goorgan and Atruk, and extending
about 140 miles eastward of that sea. The Yamoods are farthest to the
westward, and consist of 20,000 families. They are succeeded by the
Goklans, who amount to 9000 families; the only tribe of Toorkmuns who
inhabit a hilly country. These two tribes have been reduced to their
present state of dependence within the last thirty years. A guard of
about 1000 of them attends on the King of Persia, but the rest of the
tribe occupy their native seats, and pay a small tribute in horses or
kind to a Persian Governor, who is stationed on the river Goorgan.
~Koord and other chiefs of the Persian frontier.~
The country which lies between these Toorkmuns and the city of Meshid
is occupied by the tribe of Koords and other chiefs, who are nominally
subjects of Persia. They acknowledge the supremacy of that crown, but
commit every act of devastation and plunder, if not restrained by
superior force. The Koords were fixed in this part of Persia by Shah
Abbas, to strengthen the frontier; but they have proved a complete
curse on its peace. The greatest of these chiefs held the fortress of
Koochan (also called Kabooshan), and had a force of 8000 men. This
place was captured by Abbas Meerza in the autumn of 1832. Near Koochan
is the smaller chiefship of Boojnoord, ruled by a Koord, who can raise
about 3000 horse. In this neighbourhood lies Kelat, the chief of which
is an Afshar Toork, who can muster about 2000 horse. Next in importance
to the chief of Koochan is he of Toorbut, Mahommed Khan Kuraee[38],
who occupies a portion of the country between Meshid and Herat. He can
raise about 6000 men, and is the most notorious freebooter in Khorasan.
About eighty miles eastward of Meshid lies the town of Shurukhs, a
Toorkmun settlement, already mentioned as at present owing allegiance
to Khiva. It submits to Persia, when the Prince at Meshid is able to
enforce his commands. There are 2000 families at Shurukhs of the Salore
tribe. This completes the enumeration of the chiefs on the boundaries
of Persia.
~Weakness of the Persian frontier.~
This frontier of Persia must be considered exceedingly weak, since the
whole of these tribes are imperfectly subjugated, and acknowledge its
authority with extreme reluctance. The Toorkmuns view the Persians in
the most odious light, from their religious opinions; and the only real
advantage which the Shah may be said to have gained over the two tribes
near Persia consists in their having discontinued their incursions into
the kingdom. This only applies to a very small division of them, for
the Salores of Shurukhs, and all the other Toorkmuns, carry on their
inroads with a fierce and daring spirit. Their brethren, even on the
S.E. shores of the Caspian, frequently exhibit proofs of discontent,
and have, as I formerly observed, formed connexions with Russia, that
time may improve to the advantage of themselves and that empire. They
are not bound by the possession of houses and cities to the lands which
they inhabit, and their strength lies in the great facility with which
they can move from one country to another. The Koords, on the contrary,
are established on these frontiers as citizens. They have exhibited
much bravery, and considerable military knowledge in making their
strongholds on the plains instead of the hills. The fortress of Koochan
is a place of great strength; it is built of mud, and the tenacious
nature of the soil is favourable to that kind of fortification, which
is common all over Khorasan. These Koords, though Shiahs, form secret
connexions with their Toorkmun neighbours, and connive at the capture
of the Persians and plunder of the provinces. Their country, although
it yields a sufficiency for the consumption of the people, is poor.
It does not, therefore, hold out any allurement to the government to
retain it; and, since it possesses many strongholds, the chiefs, who
are generally in rebellion, can defy every force but an extraordinary
one, such as has lately been sent to attack them. Hitherto they have
parried off such attacks, by giving tribute, and promising future
allegiance; but no sooner have the troops retired, than they have
relapsed into the old state of rebellion and defiance. Nor is it likely
that the present expedition of the Prince Royal into Khorasan, though
much more formidable than any that has preceded it, will effect any
permanent settlement of that part of Persia. Khorasan is a province
which requires the presence of a foreign force to maintain its
tranquillity; but it does not yield revenues to defray the expenses
that would be incurred by such an arrangement. This is a line of policy
that will not, therefore, be pursued by a court like Persia, which does
not lay out the revenues of one province on another.
BOOK III.
ON THE COMMERCE OF CENTRAL ASIA.
CHAPTER I.
ON THE COMMERCIAL RELATIONS OF THE PUNJAB, AND THE ADVANTAGES OF
OPENING THE NAVIGATION OF THE INDUS.
“It has been observed in every age, that, when any branch of commerce
has got into a certain channel, although it may be neither the
most proper or the most commodious one, it requires long time and
considerable efforts to give it a different direction.”--_Robertson’s
Disq. on Ancient India._
“When Egypt was torn from the Roman empire by the Arabians, the
industry of the Greeks discovered a new channel by which the
productions of India might be conveyed to Constantinople. They _were
carried up the Indus_, as far as that great river is navigable: thence
they were transported by land to the _banks of the river Oxus_, and
proceeded down its stream to the Caspian Sea. There they entered the
Volga, and, sailing up it, were carried by land to the Tanais, which
conducted them into the Euxine Sea, where vessels from Constantinople
waited their arrival.”--_Robertson’s America._ Book I., following
_Ramusio_.
~On navigating the Indus to the Punjab.~
The navigation of the Indus and its tributary rivers, when laid open to
the merchant, must advance the interests of commerce. In the revival
of an ancient channel to exchange the goods of distant nations, we
behold with equal pleasure the advantages of British supremacy in
India, and an increased outlet for the commodities of our commercial
country. An enquiry into the condition and manufactures of every region
which adjoins this great river, as well as those situated between it
and the Caspian Sea, seems, therefore, opportunely to suggest itself. I
have also the greatest inducement to enter on the subject, since I have
seen the bazars and associated with the mercantile community of these
countries.
~Favourable position of the Punjab for trade.~
There is, perhaps, no inland country of the globe which possesses
greater facilities for commerce than the Punjab, and there are few
more rich in the productions of the mineral, vegetable, and animal
kingdoms. Intersected by five navigable streams, it is bounded on the
west by one of the largest rivers of the Old World. To the north it
has the fertile and fruitful vale of Cashmere to limit its sceptre; so
placed, that it can export without trouble its costly fabrics to the
neighbouring kingdoms of Persia and Tartary, China and India. Situated
between Hindostan and the celebrated entrepôts of Central Asia, it
shares the advantages of their traffic, while it is itself blessed
with an exuberance of every production of the soil that is useful and
nutritious to man.
~Extent and variety of its productions.~
The productions of the Punjab relieve it from any great dependence on
external resource. Its courtiers and chiefs may robe themselves in the
shawls of Cashmere, and the strong and beautiful silken fabrics of
Mooltan. Its citizens and husbandmen may wear the cheap textures of
the native cotton. Every animal may be bounteously fed on the grains
indigenous to the country, and a range of mountains, entirely composed
of salt, furnishes that necessary ingredient of food; while the upland
parts yield condiments and fruits to season the daily bread. To such a
mart we can export but with dubious success the productions of our own
or other countries; yet there are some articles in which the industry
of Britain may still cause a rivalry. Towards forming a conclusion
on this subject, we shall treat of the different productions of the
country, and afterwards point out the probable effects of opening a new
door to commerce on its imports and exports.
~Shawls of Cashmere.~
The staple commodity of the Punjab is found in the shawl manufactures
of Cashmere, which have been so often described by others, that they
merely require a passing notice. They are a fabric which no exertion
on the part of foreigners can imitate; and, though the European
manufacturer may impart much of the beauty, and copy with success the
pattern, his web possesses none of the delicacy of the original, and
is equally destitute of that warmth and comfort which the inhabitants
of Europe, in their more frigid zone, are so well able to appreciate.
Nor are the weavers of the adjoining countries more successful in this
branch of art than our own countrymen: the shawls of Lahore and Delhi,
though woven by natives of the valley, and with the same materials, are
wanting in the fineness of those prepared in Cashmere, and have the
degenerated appearance of a coarse woollen, but little superior to our
own manufactures. If implicit reliance is to be placed on the people,
the shawl derives its beauty from the water in which the wool is dyed,
and which is peculiar to Cashmere.
~Extent of the shawl manufactures.~
The yearly revenue from the shawl manufactures, exclusive of every
expense, is rated at eighteen lacs of rupees; but, as it is entirely
realised in kind, every fraud which the ingenuity of a deceiving people
can devise is practised in remitting it to Lahore. Shawls which cannot
be valued at a higher price than a couple of hundred rupees, are rated
at a thousand; and it is not a subject of surprise that the amount
which I have now stated far exceeds the actual realisation by the
treasury of Runjeet Sing. With a more judicious system, this Prince
might double this source of his revenue. An idea may be formed of the
value to which these fabrics may be manufactured, by some shawls having
been lately prepared to order, for the Russian and Persian courts, at
the enormous price of 30,000 roubles per pair; which is, I believe,
about 12,000 rupees. It is a source of complaint among merchants, that
the shawls have lately declined in quality, and good articles are now
only to be procured by commissioning them from the valley. The article,
indeed, has become a drug, and the Punjab government have at present in
Umritsir a store of shawls that cannot be valued at less than half a
million sterling (fifty lacs of rupees).
~Silks.~
The commercial genius of the people has introduced another manufacture
from silk, named “kais,” with a strength of texture and brilliancy of
hue, that has secured to the silks of Mooltan a merited reputation in
the Indian market. The worm is unknown in the Punjab; but the small
bulk and great value of its produce admit of silk being imported from
distant countries, and converted with profit by the trader into a rich
manufacture. These silken stuffs are only woven in the shape of shawls
and scarfs, which have an extensive sale, for the Indian weavers have
been, hitherto, unable to rival either their colour or durability.
There is also a considerable manufacture of satin in Mooltan, called
“atlass;” but it only shares this branch of trade with Umritsir and
Lahore. The “kincob,” or brocade, of the Punjab, is inferior to that
of Bengal and Guzerat, and cannot, therefore, compete with the cloths
of those countries. I should here mention the carpets of Mooltan,
which do not equal those of Persia: but even they are far surpassed by
the splendid shawl carpets of Cashmere. This manufacture is not to be
purchased, and is made, I believe, only for the ruler of the country.
~Cottons.~
The climate of the Punjab is unfavourable to the cotton shrub, which
affects another soil; yet it grows in considerable quantities. The
plant is chiefly produced in the “doab,” between the Sutledge and Beas
Rivers; but, on account of the demand, it is also imported from the
dry country, south of the former river, which is known by the name of
Malwa. The natives of the eastern portion of the Punjab, about Rohun
and Hoshyarpoor, are skilful in the manufacture of cotton; and their
looms furnish white cloth of various textures, from the value of a
yard, to four times that quantity, for a rupee. The cloth is inferior
in appearance to that of British manufacture; but it is stronger
and lasts better, while it has the advantage of being much cheaper.
The finer cottons of the Punjab are exported to the people south of
the Sutledge, who are unable to vie with their manufactures. The
chintses of Mooltan were, at one time, much sought for in the Punjab,
and territories west of the Indus; but the trade is now ruined by the
British imports, as we shall have occasion to mention hereafter.
~Minerals.~
The mineral resources of the Punjab have been but imperfectly explored;
yet, from the little that has been laid open, their value must be
considerable. A range of hills, extending from the Indus to the
Hydaspes, formed entirely of rock-salt, furnishes an inexhaustible
supply, and, being closely monopolised, contributes to the enrichment
of the ruler. It is in general use throughout the country, and most
extensively exported, till it meets the salt of the Sambre lake,
and the Company’s territories. There is another deposit of salt on
the verge of the mountains towards Mundee; but it is of an inferior
description. In the same vicinity, if I can place reliance on my
information, some veins of coal have been discovered; and there
are also extensive mines of iron. The ore, after being pounded, is
pulverised by grindstones, and then smelted: matchlocks and swords are
formed from this metal; and the warlike weapons of Lahore are famous
among the Indian nations. The precious metals are more scarce; yet
gold is found among the sands of the Acesines, as it issues from the
mountains. The salt range, as well as the other high lands, yield alum
and sulphur. Nitre is gathered in quantities from the extensive plains;
and “tooree,” or milk-bush, which gives the best charcoal, completes
the enumeration of what is necessary for the manufacture of gunpowder.
~Vegetable.~
The productions of the vegetable world exceed the consumption of the
population, and increase in abundance towards the hills. Some of them
are exported with advantage to the neighbouring countries; but the
surrounding plenty discourages the husbandman. The wheat and barley of
the plains are expended within the limits of the Punjab; but such is
the number of horses in this country, that gram, moong, mut, bajree,
and other grain, reared in a dry soil, are imported with advantage.
Rice is exuberantly produced under the mountains; but it is not a diet
which suits the palate of the people. The cane thrives luxuriantly, and
sugar is manufactured for exportation. The smallness of its stalk is
remarkable; but it is said to produce the most saccharine fluid, and is
preferred to the thicker canes of India. Indigo is reared about Mooltan
and eastward of Lahore, and it is exported to the Mahommedan countries
westward, where dark-coloured cloths are more prevalent than in the
Punjab. A valuable oil is expressed from the “Sirsya,” or Sesamum
plant, and is both used for the lamp and culinary purposes. The
esculent vegetables, such as turnips, carrots, &c., are produced every
where; and most of the vines and fruit-trees common to Europe may be
seen in Kishtwar and Cashmere. The tobacco of Mooltan is only surpassed
by that of Persia.
~Advantages of opening the Indus to the Punjab trade.~
Without a longer detail of the resources of the Punjab, it will have
already appeared that the nature and extent of its productions forbid
any sanguine hope of improving to a considerable degree our commercial
communication, even by water, with the countries eastward of the Indus.
A region that yielded corn, wine, oil, and salt was considered, in
ancient times, a favoured land; and we have here, likewise, extensive
manufactures to keep pace with the modern tastes of mankind: yet
the trade in loongees, at Tatta, and in the silks of Bhawalpoor and
Mooltan, which still exists, affords undoubted proof of a former line
of commerce by the Indus. Trade requires a fostering care, to which
even uncivilised nations are no strangers. With such an extensive
export trade as this country possesses in the single article of
Cashmere shawls, it is evident that there must be equally extensive
returns; and it is the province of commerce to effect an interchange of
the goods of one country for those of another. An outlet for shawls
was formerly found in Delhi; but in later years, since the tranquillity
of Rajpootana was restored, they have been exported direct to Bombay,
through that country, by Pallee. It may be unhesitatingly averred,
that the least inconvenient and expensive route, which leads by the
Indus, will turn the commerce into that channel. As we introduce our
goods into Central India from other quarters, we must not look to the
countries east of the Indus for any great increase to our commercial
relations in this quarter. At present the import of European articles
into the Punjab is far from trifling; and, as the resistance to
the stream is removed, the consumption ought to increase with the
diminution of price. It depends on the Lord of Cashmere, whether we
receive the productions of his country alike reduced; but, if he
properly understood his own interests, he might augment his revenue by
diminishing the price, which, it is but reasonable to suppose, would
increase the demand.
~Effects of a new route on the manufactures of the towns on the Indus.~
If we ourselves copy the manufactures of Tatta, Mooltan, and
Bhawulpoor, as we did the chintses of India, we may supersede the
lingering remnants of trade in these cities, since we shall be able,
with our machinery, to undersell their merchandise; for there is
nothing in them that an European would find it difficult to imitate;
but, as I have before observed, we should confine our views to Western
Asia. I do not touch upon the policy of supplanting still further
the trade of India; but I am certain that, in the present instance,
disappointment would follow the speculation, for the consumption of
loongees, and silks, which form the apparel of the higher orders, is
far less than that of chintses. A trade of ten lacs of rupees in that
article has, I am credibly informed, been driven for some years past
from Bombay alone to the northern parts of India. With silks it would,
I am persuaded, never rise to thousands. I do not, of course, include
brocade, which is at present imported.
~European articles for which an increased demand might be looked for.
Metals, woollens, &c.~
There are means of improving our exports to the Punjab, if shipped by
the Indus. It has been seen that the country is without copper, brass,
tin, lead; all of which are bulky articles, difficult of transport by
land, and which could be imported with profit. Wrought iron might also
be introduced: locks, keys, padlocks, bolts, screws, hinges, and such
dead weight have now a steady sale, and are imported by land. But the
great desideratum of this country is woollens; and, in a climate where
the cold is greater than in other parts of India, they become an object
to the people. Their consumption is considerable, and it is vastly
increased by the large standing army, which Runjeet Sing entertains and
clothes in them. In the time of Timour Shah, the Company’s factory in
Sinde yielded a profit of five lacs of rupees, chiefly from the sale
of woollens, which were sent up the Indus, or by its banks to Cabool,
for the use of that King’s army. It is very immaterial to trade,
whether the armed body occupies the east or west bank of the Indus;
and, though Timour Shah and his successors have ceased to rule, Runjeet
Sing governs in the zenith of his power. I must observe, however, that
M. Allard, the general of Runjeet Sing’s regular cavalry, informed me
that he could clothe his troops in English woollens at Umritsir, in
the Punjab, cheaper than at Hansee and the British provinces on the
frontier, where he had tried the experiment. This is to be accounted
for by the reluctance of the merchants to open the bales before
reaching the commercial mart. There is a taste among the people of
the Punjab for woollens; and, though less than exists in the colder
countries across the Indus, it could no doubt be improved by cheapening
the articles, which would follow on a water communication.
~Cottons.~
~Chintses.~
With regard to the cottons of the Punjab, I entertain doubts of any
decrease in the price of British goods (which a more facile line of
commerce might effect) supplanting the existing manufactures: they
are generally of a coarser texture than the European article; and in
a cold country this accords with the inclinations of the people, and
will induce them to adhere to their own fabrics. The case was otherwise
with chintses, which pleased from their variety of patterns, and were,
in other respects, a close imitation of their own: their introduction
involved at once a complete revolution in the manufactures of the
country. The chints of Mooltan was formerly exported to Persia; but,
in its competition with the British article, the manufacture has
almost ceased. The European article, when first introduced, about
twelve years ago, was sold for four rupees per yard, and may be now
had for as many annas, or one sixteenth of its original value. The
Mooltan manufacturers, being unable to reduce their prices to so low a
standard, find little sale for their goods with so formidable a rival.
Chintses have, however, decreased in the demand; and the reason is
obvious: they have ceased to be a rarity, and the fashion has changed;
for it is a mistake to believe that the customs of the Indians are
unalterable, like the laws of the Medes and Persians.
~Jewellery, cutlery, and finer European articles.~
For the finer articles of European manufacture, such as watches,
cutlery, jewellery, China ware, glass, &c., the natives of the Punjab
have no taste beyond the precincts of the court, and there the demand
is exceedingly limited. Pearls and precious stones are already
imported from India by a safe route, and much prized; for the more
opulent natives give no encouragement to the minor manufactures of
Birmingham and Sheffield, which too often compose an investment to this
country. With a settled government, Runjeet Sing has introduced among
his chiefs and subjects a taste for fine clothes: but the artizans of
his own country supply these in abundance. In this respect his court
is, perhaps, unequalled in the East; yet this prince and his courtiers
are strangers to most of the elegancies and comforts of civilised life:
nor could such a taste be hoped for from an illiterate people, whose
habits of life, at a late period, were those of a predatory horde. Many
of the chiefs have, within these few years, built costly mansions; but
they are yet unacquainted with the necessity or advantage of furniture,
or with the convenience of glass windows. A few of the Seik Sirdars
exhibit the penchant of an epicure for savoury and preserved food,
such as hams, &c.; but, though wonderfully relieved from prejudice,
no outlet can be looked for in this quarter, as in India, to the
hermetically sealed dainties of Europe. Ardent spirits would be brought
to a better market; but the Punjabees still prefer the pungent fiery
drink of their own soil.
~Depôt for a water commerce.~
In opening a water communication to the countries at the head of the
Indus, it would not appear that any advantages arose from navigating
the great river higher than Dera Ghazee Khan, or the streams of the
Punjab above Mooltan, and, perhaps, Lodiana. The exports for Central
Asia might be landed at Bukkur, which may be considered the port of
Shikarpoor; a town which has extensive connections with all parts of
Asia, and is situated on the plains below the Bolan pass, the great
defile through the Sooliman mountains. If we found it advisable to
transport them higher up to Leia, they would meet at the Kaheree ferry,
the stream of commerce as it at present flows from Pallee, Becaneer,
and Mooltan, which would involve a virtual annihilation of that trade.
Though the passage from Attok downwards is perfectly open, and fruit
is annually sent by the Indus to Shikarpoor, the difficulties of
navigation increase above Karabagh, from the rapidity of the current
that flows through mountains, and there are no solid benefits to be
reaped from the risk. The Punjab trader, on the other hand, would
effect his objects when he had reached Mooltan; for the Chenab and
Jelum, both of which are navigable rivers, and the former a very noble
one, lead to no mart beyond that city. The tortuous course of the
Ravee, on which Lahore stands, with its inferiority to all the other
streams in depth and size, will ever prevent its becoming a line of
traffic, and the more so, since the trade of the capital is limited,
and the great commercial city of Umritsir can be approached within a
distance of thirty miles by the course of the Sutledge. I cannot doubt
that this latter river will be found navigable from Ooch to Hurreeke,
where it is 275 yards wide, and joined by the Beas; after which it is
said to have a medial depth of twelve feet, and is never fordable.
With but little difficulty it might be ascended as high as Lodiana by
the boats of the country, and thus connect our communication between
the sea and the most remote position of our Indian empire. It is to
be regretted that we have no proper report of the capabilities of
the Sutledge from Lodiana to its confluence with the Chenab at Ooch;
but the facts which I have recorded, and I cannot doubt them, excite
the greatest hopes that it will be found navigable throughout, and
present no physical obstacles to commerce.[39] A mercantile capital of
considerable consequence, the city of Bhawulpoor, fortunately stands
on the banks of this river, towards the embouchure. The Sutledge, in
this part of its course, traverses a barren and ill-protected country;
and, though risks would be incurred at the outset, this and other
disadvantages would probably disappear in the course of time.
~Political condition of the countries.~
An extensive commerce can only exist where a liberal protection is
extended to the merchant and his property. In Sinde ample securities
will be required before the trader embarks his capital; but beyond
its limits the Punjab offers a safer route. The lawless tribes in the
Derajat, between Attok and Mittun, owe allegiance to no sovereign; but
they are, comparatively speaking, beyond the channels of commerce.
Though Runjeet Sing has tranquillised the countries eastward of the
Indus, he has not failed to exact the most excessive duties, which
injures the trade. Since the Indus and its tributary rivers lie beyond
the territories of British India, it might be supposed that the want
of a tribunal for the adjustment of differences and disputes would
prove hurtful to an infant commerce; but, with all the rectitude that
characterises the public servants of the Company, and the enlightened
intentions of the Government, it is very questionable, if our system
of jurisprudence has not increased dishonesty and deceit among the
mercantile community; while, unaided by facilities to complain, the
traders of India, particularly under native governments, preserve an
honesty in their transactions, and repose a confidence in each other,
which is fast disappearing from our own territories. With an extension
of our trade in this quarter, we shall require no advancement of our
position; and if war follows in the train of commerce, we shall then
have the double satisfaction of protecting our trade and our frontier.
CHAP. II.
ON THE COMMERCE OF CABOOL.
~Commerce of Cabool.~
The commerce of Cabool has undergone a great alteration, from political
causes, since the year 1809, when this country was visited by a
British mission. In the time of the monarchy, the trade with India was
considerable, and our commercial factory in Sinde, for a long time, was
principally supported by the demand from Afghanistan. The abolition of
that establishment led the merchants of Cabool to seek their supply in
the bazars of India; and though the monarchy has ceased to exist, yet
the body of the people has acquired a taste for European manufactures
quite unprecedented. I have stated that the wealth of Cabool is now
to be found eastward of the Indus; but the dismemberment of this once
extensive kingdom into a variety of small chiefships has not proved
prejudicial to the interests of commerce. The wealth of the state is
now subdivided, and we have four or five different courts, instead of
one, of overgrown magnitude, which, in so poor a country as Cabool, has
a very material influence on the market. But this is no speculative
view of the subject; for the collections and town duties of the city
of Cabool have greatly increased since the exile of the kings, and
risen one fourth within the last six years, without any additional
imposts being levied. Not only has the consumption of British and
Indian manufactures been augmented in the country itself, but the
transit trade to Toorkistan has at the same time increased it.
~Routes of commerce to Afghanistan.~
The merchandise of Britain, which is sent into these countries, is
landed in India, either at Calcutta or Bombay. I am given to understand
that the greater supply is derived from Bombay. The caravans from both
these places concentrate in Cabool, which they reach by three principal
routes. 1. The merchants from Bengal take the route of the Ganges,
Delhi, Hansee, Bhawulpoor, Mooltan, and cross the Indus at the ferry
of Kaheree, above the latitude of 31° north. From this they proceed to
the Golairee pass and Goomul River to Ghuzni and Cabool. 2. Those from
Bombay proceed by Guzerat to Pallee, in Marwar; from whence they cross
the desert to Beecaneer, and join the above route at Bhawulpoor. 3. A
portion of the merchandise from Bombay is shipped for Sonmeeanee or
Curachee, in Sinde; from which they reach Candahar in eighteen marches,
and proceed thence to Ghuzni and Cabool. Such part of these goods as is
not sold in the country, or intended for the Bokhara market, is sent
to Herat. The route through Sinde to Shikarpoor is little frequented,
from fear of the Kakers. It will be observed in this enumeration, that
the great road between India and Persia, from Delhi, by Lahore, Attok,
and Peshawur, to Cabool, is deserted: this arises from heavier duties
being levied by the ruler of the Punjab than by his neighbours. Such
goods as are exported from Umritsir, which is the mart of the Punjab
trade, cross the Hydaspes (Jelum) at Jung, and join the other routes at
Kaheree. It is, therefore, a singular fact, that the city of Peshawur,
which lies on the very eastern frontier of Afghanistan, is supplied
with European and Indian articles, from Cabool, to the westward. The
merchants can bring them cheaper to market by this circuitous route,
and therefore prefer it; which, in part, accounts for the increased
amount of the receipts in Cabool.
~Carriers of the trade.~
The principal carriers of this trade between India and Cabool, are the
Lohanees, a pastoral tribe of Afghans, who occupy the country eastward
from Ghuzni to the Indus. Many of these are men of great opulence, and
proceed in person to make their purchases in the Indian markets. Their
families and flocks repair, in due season, to meet them on the banks of
the river, and their merchandise is conveyed on their own camels, by
easy marches, to Ghuzni. The intervening country is mountainous, and
the roads are stony and difficult; but the territory is their native
soil, and they are free from the imposts and duties that obstruct
commerce. The caravan reaches Cabool about the beginning of June; here
the Lohanees dispose of their goods, and prosecute their journey to
Bokhara. In return for the merchandise which is sold in Cabool, these
traders export horses, the madder of Ghuzni and Candahar, as well as a
great quantity of fruit, both fresh and dried. With these they repair
to the banks of the Indus, where their camels are retained till the
arrival of the caravan of the ensuing season.
~Imports to Cabool.~
It is a trite remark of the natives in these countries, that the
exports of India are but grass, and her returns are gold. These are
indigo, cotton, and sugar, the chief imports of Cabool. The goods
consist of white cloths of all kinds, calicoes, and muslins; also
chintses of European manufacture; shawls, brocades, Dacca muslins,
Punjab turbans, spices, &c.: about a thousand camel-loads of these are
now consumed yearly in Cabool. Previous to the year 1816, this country
was supplied with many articles from Russia; but the chints trade,
which is to be dated from that time, has effected a material change.
The manufactures of Europe have since flowed from India with increased
volume on this part of Asia. It has been believed, and not erroneously,
that the cloths of Russia not only found their way to Bokhara, but
to the countries southward of Hindoo Koosh, and were distributed
through the provinces of Cabool; but a commercial revolution, almost
unobserved, has gradually changed the channels of commerce. It would
be difficult, in the most civilised kingdom of Asia, to furnish the
authentic data, which are so necessary to our European notions for the
establishment of such an important point; but the inward Custom-house
receipts prove it. To the justice and equity of Dost Mahommed Khan, the
chief of Cabool, we must mainly attribute a change so beneficial to
Britain. Once effected, the fabrics of Russia have failed to vie with
our own, and an outlet for our exports, which we owe to the wisdom of a
chief, has been improved by the superiority of the exports themselves.
The only cloths now received from Russia are nankeen and broad chints,
of a description which are not manufactured in Britain.
~Dispositions of the Cabool chiefs in regard to commerce.~
The chiefs of Peshawur and Candahar do not extend to commerce that
encouragement which so distinguishes their brother at Cabool; but their
conduct in this respect is of less consequence, as they have less
power and influence: and the great road to Toorkistan passes through
the country under Cabool. The shawl trade from Cashmere to Persia has
been driven into other routes by the exactions of the Candahar chief.
These goods are now either sent by way of Bombay and Bushire, or the
circuitous route of Cabool, Bokhara, and the Caspian. I am persuaded
that these exactions at Candahar arise from ignorance, for the chief
is well disposed to the British Government; and he must be aware of
the fact, that all the Bokhara merchants choose the route of Cabool,
to his detriment. It is otherwise with the Peshawur chief, who is
overawed by the Seiks, and can only secure his existence by oppression.
His capital, which stands on the high road from India to Tartary, has
ceased to be an entrepôt of trade, owing to his own exactions, as well
as his disturbances with the Seiks. The only merchandise imported into
Peshawur is consumed in the city; and, as I have before said, much of
it is brought by way of Cabool. No merchant can afford to transport
his goods through the territories of the Punjab to Peshawur; and the
Khyber pass between that city and Cabool is unsafe. A tax of sixty
rupees is levied on each horse between Peshawur and Lahore, which has
almost suppressed that trade. Peshawur has no manufactures peculiar
to itself, but a course kind of cotton loongee, which is exported
through Tartary and the whole of Afghanistan. European goods are sold
in its bazars, but the demand is limited. The better orders of people
wear them; and chints dresses and muslin turbans are common. They also
wear Russian nankeens and velvets, and Indian silks. The lower classes
dress in the cloths of the country. The whole revenues of the city of
Peshawur do not amount to 30,000 rupees a year.
~Remarks on improving the trade of Cabool.~
The trade to Bokhara or Toorkistan is so intimately connected with
that of Cabool, that it is necessary to state the information which
I have gathered on that subject before I offer any conclusion on
this commerce. That it can be improved and extended, I feel most
fully satisfied, since those who shared it with us have been driven
from the field within these few years, and the import of Indian
chints has nearly ceased. The duties of Cabool are also moderate,
not exceeding 2-1/2 per cent. It occurs to me that the establishment
of fairs or bazars, in imitation of the Russians, is the best means
which we can follow towards the accomplishment of so desirable an
end as the extension of British commerce westward of the Indus. The
Cabool merchants began to frequent these annual assemblages in Russia
within the last fifteen years; and at present make extensive sales and
purchases. They have been so much encouraged by the emperor, that the
greater part of the Russian trade to Bokhara has fallen into their
hands; of which the Uzbeks complain bitterly. I mention the fact, to
show that these institutions might be introduced with the greatest
advantage on the frontier of our Indian empire, which immediately
adjoins that of Cabool. It may be seen that they have attracted
merchants to a distant country, who would more readily embark their
capital in speculations nearer home, if they had an opportunity. This
would diminish their risks, and, in all probability, increase the
demand, and, consequently, the exports of British manufactures to
Afghanistan. It would at the same time counteract the intrigues and
designs of the great power I have named. No men are more deserving
of encouragement than the Lohanee merchants of Cabool: they are an
enterprising race, who may be often met in the upper parts of India. In
returning to their own country, they speak of little civilities, which
are sometimes shown them, with a gratitude that proves how sensibly
they would appreciate the more substantial favours of a liberal
government. An introduction to the authorities in India, and a few
presents of the most trifling description, would be to them a strong
manifestation of the good feelings of our government. It would also
show them that it took an interest in their welfare, and that it was
not our desire to transfer the trade of British goods into the hands of
British merchants, which is universally believed by these people. In my
interviews with them, I have often had to combat such an opinion, which
I did, by assuring them that it was an increase of the national exports
which we desired, and not an enrichment of any individual set of men.
Perhaps the most material service which can be rendered to these people
is, the removal of grievances in the Custom-house (to which I shall
hereafter allude), that have been generally felt in these countries.
That they only require to be known to be redressed, is, I am sure, most
certain.
CHAP. III.
ON THE COMMERCE AND FOREIGN COMMUNICATIONS OF BOKHARA AND CENTRAL ASIA.
~Progress of the commerce between Asia and Europe.~
The commercial intercourse which has subsisted between Europe and the
nations of Central Asia and India is of high antiquity: it flourished
under the Greek monarchs of Bactria, the successors of Alexander, and
is mentioned by Pliny, and earlier writers. The inroads of the Caliphs
appear to have obliterated for a time the traces of this extensive
commerce; but the inhabitants of modern Russia imported, during the
tenth century, the riches and aromatics of the East into the “great
Novogorod.” The opening of a passage to India by the Cape of Good Hope,
in the fifteenth century, effected an eventful change in the channels
of ancient commerce; but the fruits of that discovery continued for
a long time in the hands of the Portuguese. In the middle of the
following century, while that nation were reaping the advantages of
this new line of trade, the English sent merchants and ambassadors to
seek for other outlets of commerce, among the nations on the Caspian
and eastward of that sea. These expeditions were productive of no
salutary consequences, as we learn from the quaint and amusing accounts
of Anthony Jenkinson, and those who followed him. “Cloth they will buy
none,” says that traveller, in his Journey to Bokhara; “and there is
little utterance, and little profit.”
~Particular revival of commerce by the Russians.~
The attempt to establish a commerce between Europe and these countries,
in particular with Bokhara, at this time abortive, was not such as
to discourage all future endeavours. The kingdom of Bokhara, though
of secondary importance, politically considered, holds a far higher
position in the commercial world. Fruitful in the productions of the
earth, where all around is desolation, it lies between Europe and
Asia, and is a central mart, where the merchant may exchange with
advantage the productions of China, Persia, India, and Cabool. The
proximity of the eastern parts of Europe pointed to it as an outlet
for its commodities, since it appeared to lie beyond the influence of
the line of maritime trade with India. But these advantages were only
to be enjoyed by the nation that adjoined its territories; and, if the
expeditions of the English were unsuccessful, the Russians, who enjoyed
more favourable opportunities, succeeded, though at a much later
period--about the middle of the eighteenth century. It was the design
of Peter the Great of Russia to form a commercial communication between
the Caspian Sea and the banks of the Oxus; but he was frustrated by the
foulest perfidy. He succeeded, nevertheless, in opening the roads from
the southern frontier of Asiatic Russia, eastward of the Caspian and
Aral; and, for a period of about eighty years, they have been annually
travelled by the caravans of Bokhara. I will not assert that, in this
line of commerce, we have a revival of the exact channels of ancient
trade; but a comparatively safe and easy communication has assuredly
been opened between Asia and Europe.
~British Indian trade established.~
While the bazars of Bokhara have been supplied by the over-land route
from Russia, the merchant of India, who formerly resorted to them with
the productions of his native soil, has likewise introduced the fabrics
of Britain. The commerce of the English has been thus widely extended,
and the Russian merchant discovers a formidable rival in the diminution
of his trade. It is a curious reflection, that the manufactures of
Europe should reach the central parts of Asia by a retrograde route,
after they have half circumnavigated the globe, and that the opening
of commerce between Britain and these countries, which had failed by
the direct road of Europe, should be now firmly established from an
opposite direction. The subject is curious and important; and it is
the design of this paper to follow up that trade through its course,
and to give such particulars concerning the general commerce of these
countries as appear interesting, as well as to delineate the lines of
communication by which it is conveyed. The flourishing condition of
this trade will then enable me to speak of the means of improving our
exports, and to state my hopes and reasons for believing that these may
be further increased, to the great benefit of our commercial country.
~Modern alterations, and routes of commerce.~
Till within these twelve or fourteen years, the trade in European
fabrics to Toorkistan, which includes Bokhara and the regions north
of the Oxus, was principally confined to the Russians, who exported
their goods into these countries from Orenburg and Troitskai; but
it is now carried on more extensively through India and Cabool.
There are four great lines of route between Russia and Bokhara, by
which the commercial intercourse is carried on: the first of these
leads from Astracan, across the Caspian, to Mungusluck, and thence
to Orgunje and Bokhara, and may be voyaged and travelled in thirty
days. The next begins at Orenburg, and passes between the Aral and
Caspian Seas, to Orgunje and Bokhara, and is a journey of sixty days.
The third commences at Troitskai, in Asiatic Russia, and, crossing
the “Dusht-i-Kipchak,” or desert of Kipchak, passes eastward of the
Aral, and across the Sirr or Jaxartes, near its mouth, to Bokhara.
A caravan may march it in forty-eight days. The fourth and last
commences at Kuzzul-jur, or, as it is also called, Petropolosk, on
the Issim, considerably to the eastward of Troitskai, and leads down
upon Bokhara by a south-west direction, passing through Tashkend.
This is a journey of ninety days. A commercial intercourse is carried
on between Toorkistan and the empire of Russia by all these routes;
but that by Orenburg and Orgunje (Khiva) is the safest and most
frequented. The great yearly caravan, which sets out from Bokhara in
June, takes that route; and the portion of it intended for Astracan
diverges to Mungusluck, on the Caspian. The stragglers of the year, and
about two hundred camels of the less valuable merchandise, proceed to
Troitskai, and march in August. The “Dusht-i-Kipchak,” which the whole
of these routes traverse, is a flat and dreary country, without fixed
inhabitants; and the traveller provides himself with the necessaries
of subsistence, before he sets out on his journey. But this tract is
not destitute of forage, fuel, or water; and its inhabitants, the
Kirgizzes and Kuzzaks, wander over it with their flocks and herds in
search of pasture. They are possessed of numerous herds of camels,
of the strongest and most robust breed: these are the two-humped,
or Bactrian camel. One of them will carry 640 lbs. English, which
surpasses by 150 lbs. the burdens of those of India and Cabool. The
caravan is entrusted to these shepherds; the merchandise is committed
to their charge, and they are followed by their families in the
journey. There is no road, and no guide but the stars of heaven; and
the camels, in a line of fifteen and twenty abreast, in a slow but
steady pace, only advance during night.
~Negotiations of Russia regarding its commerce.~
In the year 1819, the government of Russia despatched M. Mouravief
on a mission to Orgunje, with the view of effecting a change in the
established line of commerce: they desired to bring it at once to the
Bay of Krasnovodsk, on the Caspian, which is a much nearer route, and
where the merchandise could be shipped for Astracan with the same
facilities as at Mungusluck. The Khan of Orgunje objected to the
arrangement, and the negotiation failed. In the following year another
mission was despatched to Bokhara, by the way of Troitskai and the
east bank of the Aral, under M. Negri, which had also in view an
improvement of the commercial communications between the two countries.
The road was found practicable; and, on the return of the mission, a
caravan of merchants, protected by a party of five hundred soldiers and
two field-pieces, was despatched in due course to Bokhara. This attempt
on the part of Russia also failed, for the chief of Orgunje took
umbrage at a measure which turned the traffic from his own territories.
He sent his army to the embouchure of the Sirr to obstruct the advance
of the caravan, and, if possible, to plunder it. The detachment,
taking up a position on a hillock, defended itself with great bravery,
and succeeded in scaring off some thousand horse; but they only
extricated themselves from the dilemma by burning the merchandise,
and precipitately returning to Russia; for their provisions were
exhausted. No attempt has been since made to avoid the territories of
Orgunje; nor are the duties levied by the Khan of that state immoderate
or unreasonable. It may be supposed that the government of Russia
has taken offence at the conduct of this chief, and is not wanting
in a desire to chastise his obstinacy. There is now no intercourse
of a friendly nature between the countries, though the pertinacious
chief of Orgunje is dead, and has been succeeded by his son. Russia
has not entirely trusted to negotiations for the further extension
of her commercial influence. Numerous fairs are annually held on the
southern frontiers of the empire: that called by the Asiatics Mucrea
(St. Macaire), on the banks of the Volga, is the most considerable:
it commences in August, and lasts forty days. The merchants who carry
on the trade of Central Asia make the most part of their sales and
purchases at this market; and even Hindoos are found at St. Macaire.
~Exports from India and Russia to Bokhara.~
The imports of Bokhara from India are the same as those of Cabool.
About two thousand camel-loads of these goods reach Cabool yearly,
and one half of the quantity is passed on to Toorkistan. The exports
of Russia are sent from Orenburg and Troitskai, across the desert,
to Bokhara. They consist of white cloths, muslins, chintses, and
broad cloth, _both_ of English and Russian manufacture; of imitation
brocade (kimcob) velvet, with nankeen and gold thread; all of home
manufacture; also furs, cochineal (kirmiz), locks, iron pots, iron,
brass, and copper; wires, leather, paper, needles, inferior cutlery and
jewellery, hardware, refined white sugar, honey, and a variety of other
small articles. Much of the returns from Russia are made in specie,
such as ducats and venetians. The annual caravan, which arrives at
Bokhara, consists of about thirteen hundred camels, and leaves Russia
in January. It will be seen that there is a large portion of the
Russian exports that encounter no opposition at Bokhara from the Indian
trade; and I am credibly informed, by respectable merchants, that
three fourths of those articles, which are alike imported from both
countries, are of British manufacture. Where two streams of commerce
meet from opposite quarters, the prices of the one must be lowered, and
approximate to the standard of the other, whatever may have been their
original cost, or the expense of transport. The sale of British goods
is discouraged in Russia, and their transit is impeded by heavy duties;
still they find their way to Bokhara, and are there sold with profit.
There are some articles, such as broad cloth and velvets, which only
reach that country from Russia, though of British fabric.
~Prices of merchandise.~
The prices of merchandise, both British and Russian, when exposed
in the bazars of Bokhara, will illustrate the relative value of the
commodities, and exhibit, at the same time, the profit which is to be
derived by their export. I give the prices in gold tillas of Bokhara,
each of which is equal to six and a half Sicca rupees, or about
thirteen shillings.
---------------------------+--------+-----------------------+--------
| | English Goods from |
Goods from Russia. | Tillas.| Cabool. | Tillas.
---------------------------+--------+-----------------------+--------
Broad piece of Russian } | | |
chints, 23 yards } | 8 | None such imported. |
Second best ditto, ditto | 5 | None such imported. |
A piece of Russian chints | 3-1/4 | Ditto, ditto, English | 3-1/2
Second sort, less flowered | 2-1/2 | Ditto, ditto | 2-3/4
Coarsest chints | 1-3/4 | Ditto, ditto | 1-3/4
| | { Flowered English } |
Flowered muslins, 20 } | 18 | { muslin jamdanes, } | 22
pieces for } | | {20 pieces } |
Finest Russian muslin, } | | |
gold border, per piece } | 3 to 4 | English muslin | 2-1/2
Long cloth, piece of 10 } | | { Ditto, ditto, } |
yards, 20 pieces } | 15 | { English, per } |
| | { 20 pieces } | 18
| | { Long cloth, piece } |
None such imported | | { of 40 yards, per } | 3 to
| | { piece } | 3-1/2
Finest English broad } | | |
cloth, 2-1/4 yards } | 5 | None such imported. |
---------------------------+--------+-----------------------+--------
A profit of fifty per cent. is not unfrequently derived by the
merchants on English chints: one merchant realised it while I was in
Bokhara.
~European goods. Chintses.~
It will be seen that the British chintses sell more profitably than
those of Russia; but that there are goods of a description from that
country which do not appear to be manufactured in Britain. These
chintses are of Polish or German manufacture: they are broader, and
more highly coloured; they look like flowered velvet, and are much
prized, both in Bokhara and Cabool. A knowledge of the pattern would
also throw this into the hands of our merchants. It is broader than
common chints, striped and exquisitely coloured: very coarse chintses
should not be exported to Bokhara, as there is a native manufacture
of that kind. It is about a foot broad, and striped: five pieces of
sixteen yards each may be purchased for a tilla. About two hundred
camel-loads of this commodity are annually exported to Russia, where
the nobles employ it in clothing their slaves. Though the sale price of
chintses be much diminished in Bokhara, a profit of thirty and forty
per cent. is yet realised.
~White goods.~
Of the white goods which are imported into Bokhara, the Russian muslins
are better, and bear a higher price than those of Britain; but they
are in less demand. All other Russian goods are inferior in texture,
and none of them now find their way south of the Oxus. There are about
one thousand pieces of long cloth, three fourths of which are short
webs, expended yearly in Bokhara, and as many pieces of flowered muslin
(jamdanes.)
~Broad cloth.~
~Velvets.~
~Nankeens.~
~Kirmiz die.~
~Cochineal.~
The broad cloths of England are never brought from India to Bokhara:
they are imported from Russia; and such is the present state of this
trade, that a most intelligent merchant of Cabool, whom I met at
Bokhara, was thinking of taking an investment of it to Lodiana in
India, where he could afford to sell it cheaper than it is to be had
there, notwithstanding the length of the journey! The finest English
broad cloth, which sells in India for twenty-two rupees a yard, may
be purchased for fifteen in Bokhara; but the merchants who bring it
from Russia say they are losers by it. It is much more prized than the
broad cloth manufactured in Russia, from its retaining its colour, and
lasting better; and, if the price could be reduced so as to meet the
means of the natives, it would soon supplant the other article. Velvet
is brought into Bokhara from Russia: it is flowered cotton velvet, and
about two feet broad. There is a demand for it, and it is not imported
from India. The Russians have imitated, with much success, the brocades
of India, and export great quantities of what is called “false brocade”
to Bokhara: it looks nearly as well as that of Benares, and sells
for half the price: it is wove in narrow webs. There is nothing to
prevent the successful fabric of this article in Britain. The staple
commodity of Russian manufacture exported to this country is nankeen:
it is seldom of a white colour, for they have imitated the patterns of
this country, which are striped and dark. The article sells for 1-1/2
tillas per piece of forty yards: it is in general use among the people
for their pelisses, or “chupkuns.” I had at first imagined that it
was a Chinese import; but it is brought by the Russian caravans, and
sent as far as Cabool, and even India. I have seen it at Lahore. One
of the most important articles of import from Russia is kirmiz die,
or cochineal: it is used to die raw silk. Till lately, it was sent in
great quantities from Bokhara to India and Cabool: but the article has
been brought from the seaports of India to the Punjab; and the trade
in kirmiz, like that in cloths, declines yearly, and will shortly be
confined to Bokhara. It now sells there for eight or nine tillas a
maund of Tabreez, which is equal to seven lbs. English, and it may be
had cheaper than this at Cabool. It is an article which may be exported
from India to Cabool with advantage. I bear an impression that the
kirmiz, or cochineal, may be procured in Bokhara; but no one knows how
to prepare it.
~Indian goods.~
~Muslins.~
~Shawls.~
~Indigo.~
~Sugar.~
The demand for Indian goods in Bokhara is steady. Dacca muslins of
the larger sort sell for twenty tillas per score, the smaller being
half the price. There are about five hundred pieces of Benares brocade
(kincob), imported yearly: that from Guzerat is too expensive. The
whole of the natives of Bokhara and Toorkistan wear turbans of white
cloth which are imported from the Punjab: they are about thirty yards
long and a foot broad, and sell for a tilla each. They are in universal
use among both sexes, and might be manufactured in Europe, and sent
with advantage into Toorkistan. The shawl trade is only one of transit:
it is not considerable. Two lacs of rupees worth of shawl goods have
passed to Russia within the last year (1832). There is never more than
double this sum risked in the trade. The number of pairs of shawls
varies from one hundred and twenty, to three hundred; but they must
be of the finest texture, since none others will bring a price in
Russia. Several natives of the valley of Cashmere, have from time to
time repaired to Russia; and the shawl fine-drawers, or “rufoogurs,”
sometimes alter the patterns of the shawl to suit the taste of the
purchasers, who, by all accounts, are not a little fastidious. The
passion for shawls among the Russian nobles is great, and will account
for the exorbitant prices given for them, to which I have before
alluded. The greatest import from India is indigo, which averages
five hundred camel-loads a year. A portion of it is again exported to
Yarkund, in the Chinese territories; where, though the plant is found,
they are ignorant of the means of preparing it. The sugar of India is
also brought into Toorkistan, for the cane does not grow in Bokhara.
The China sugar, brought by way of Bombay, will not bear the expense of
a journey beyond Cabool; nor can the Chinese themselves send it further
than Yarkund, for the same reason. This coarse sugar has not a very
great sale, for the richer people use the refined loaf-sugar of Russia;
and the poorer classes employ the “turunjbeen,” a saccharine substance,
gathered like manna, which is found in this country, and which I have
mentioned in the account of Bokhara.
~Trade with China.~
~Trade with Persia.~
Besides the Russian and British Indian trade, Bokhara carries on an
extensive and direct commercial intercourse with the Chinese garrisons
of Cashgar and Yarkund. A coarse kind of China ware, musk, and bullion,
are received from that quarter, but the chief import consists of tea;
and the extent of the trade, as well as the remoteness of the tracts
by which it is brought, equally arrest our attention. The inhabitants
of Toorkistan are inordinately fond of that beverage, which they drink
at all hours; nine hundred and fifty horse-loads of tea, or about
200,000lbs., have been this year brought from Yarkund to Bokhara. The
greatest part of this quantity is consumed in Toorkistan; but little
of it finds its way south of the Hindoo Koosh. The trade is carried
on by the natives of Budukhshan. These merchants praise the equity
of the Chinese, and the facilities of transacting matters of commerce
with them. They levy a duty of one in thirty on all traders, which is
very moderate. The tea is brought from the central provinces of China
in boxes, by a tedious journey of many months. It is transferred to
bags, and then sewed up in raw hides, as the boxes would not stand the
journey. A horse-load of 250lbs. costs sixty tillas in Yarkund, and
sometimes sells for a hundred in Bokhara: it is entirely green tea.
The best tea found in Toorkistan is imported overland from a place
called Tukht, in China, situated on the banks of a river, and sent by
way of Astracan, in small tin or lead boxes. It goes by the name of
“banca” tea, I believe from the tin in which it is packed: it sells
for four rupees the pound, and is very high-flavoured. This tea is
superior to any which I ever saw in England; and I have been informed
that it retains its flavour from never having been subjected to the
close atmosphere in a ship’s hold or the sea air. The Yarkund caravans
cross the high lands of Pamere, and follow the valley of the Oxus to
Budukhshan, Balkh, and Bokhara. The road is unsafe, and in many places
dangerous, from overhanging cliffs. An earthquake, which occurred in
January, 1832, threw down several of these, and also destroyed many
villages and people in Budukhshan. The traveller likewise experiences a
difficulty of breathing in crossing the Pamere ridge; and the caravans
are sometimes attacked by the wandering Kirgizzes. Obstacles both
natural and political endanger the path of the traveller and merchant.
There is another and better route from Yarkund to Bokhara by the valley
of the Sirr, or ancient Jaxartes, and Kokan, but less frequented than
that by Budukhshan, from differences which exist between the Khan of
Kokan and the Chinese. The Kokan route may be travelled by a caravan in
forty-five days; and, as far as that town, the merchandise is conveyed
from Bokhara in carts. The route by Budukhshan is more circuitous, and
occupies a period of sixty-five days. At Khooloom, which is a mart
between Yarkund, Bokhara, and Cabool, the ponies are exchanged for
camels, and the load of two horses is borne by one camel to Bokhara.
The Persian trade is inconsiderable, from the unsettled state of the
roads, and the hatred which subsists between the people, who differ in
their religious tenets. The shawls of Kerman form the principal article
of import. Opium has also found its way from Persia to Bokhara, and is
again exported to Yarkund and Cashgar, in China, where the same demand
exists for it as on the sea-coast. In Bokhara it is sold for five
tillas per maund of Tabreez.[40] These articles, as well as others of
inferior note, are despatched by the route of Meshid, in Khorasan.
~Exports of Bokhara to other countries. Silk.~
~Cotton.~
~Wool.~
~Skins.~
I shall next notice the exports of Bokhara; and these are far from
inconsiderable, since it has silk, cotton, and wool. The silk of
Bokhara is chiefly produced on the banks of the Oxus, where the
mulberry thrives luxuriantly; and nearly all the Toorkmuns are engaged
in rearing silk-worms during the months of summer. It is exported in
considerable quantities to Cabool, and even finds its way to India. At
Bokhara it varies in price from nine to ten tillas for eight English
lbs. The silk is wound and manufactured at Bokhara into a stuff called
“udrus,” of a mottled colour,--red, white, green, and yellow,--which
is the fashionable and most expensive kind of dress in Toorkistan.
It sells from one half to one and a half tillas per piece of eight
yards long and a foot broad. It is woven by the Mervees, now settled
in Bokhara; but is not exported. There are likewise extensive cotton
manufactures in Bokhara. I have mentioned the coarse chints which
it exports to Russia; but most of the people dress in the native
manufactures. There are dark and striped coarse cloths of different
hues, of which a pelisse, or “chogha,” may be purchased for half a
tilla. I do not suppose they would be worth imitating in Europe. The
cotton thread of Bokhara seems to be in as much demand as that of
Britain: it is exported in quantities to Russia, and much of the raw
material is sent to Balkh, Khooloom, and Koondooz. The wool (pushm)
of Toorkistan is sent across the mountains to Cabool and the Punjab,
where it is manufactured into a coarse kind of shawl. It sells from six
and a half to eight tillas per maund of Bokhara, which is equal to 256
lbs. English. A few years since it sold for double the price; but the
articles manufactured from it have been found inferior, and the sale
of the wool has declined. It is procured from among the Kuzzaks and
wandering tribes about Bokhara, who were long ignorant of its value,
and yet use it in the common ropes by which they bind their horses and
cattle. The lamb skins of Bokhara are celebrated in the East: they are
only procured at Karakool, a small district that lies between Bokhara
and the Oxus. They are exported to Persia, Turkey, and China, but
chiefly to the former country; the merchants of which purchase them
for ready money, being afraid to risk a commercial investment across
the desert. It is not possible to negociate a bill between Meshid and
Bokhara.
~Duties on trade.~
~Abuses in the British Custom-house.~
The duties demanded on European goods at Bokhara are most moderate.
They are levied according to the Koran, and are fixed at one fortieth
of the capital, or 2-1/2 per cent. A merchant who was not a Mahommedan
would have to pay higher duties; a Christian so much as 20 per cent.;
a Hindoo 10 per cent., since the law so enacts it; but the greater
part of this trade must ever be carried on by Mahommedans. The same
principles guide the authorities in Cabool, though the chiefs eastward
of the Lower Indus are more extravagant in their demands. Trade,
however, is not obstructed by their exactions; while the upper routes,
through the Punjab, are nearly closed on that account. Besides the
regular customs, there is a transit duty levied in several places
between the Indus and Bokhara; and some increased disbursements arise
from the hire of escorts through troubled parts of the route. The
merchants do not consider them exorbitant, and complain much more
loudly of the rapacity and malpractices of the subordinate native
officers of revenue in the British provinces. It is stated that these
persons, when on duty at the custom-houses, purposely delay the
merchants in their journey, though provided with the requisite passes;
and that it is impossible to get their goods cleared without bribery.
One merchant of Cabool assured me that he had been mulcted, in copper
money, for one cart in which he was travelling, without goods, to the
amount of eighteen rupees, between Hurdwar and Benares. The mercantile
community of Cabool and Bokhara complain of this evil, and feel it the
more, as the public duties are considered moderate, and their property
is well protected. The Russian government, on the other hand, is free
from such corruption, though it levies heavier duties: these have been
made the subject of remonstrance on the part of the king of Bokhara,
and are now partially reduced.
~Russian and British trade compared. Openings for increasing British
exports.~
When we review the productions of Bokhara, and the apt uses to which
they are applied by her native population, we may wonder at the great
outlet which exists to our commerce in that quarter; but the demand is
steady, and its constancy leads to a belief that it may be improved.
There is no country in the Mahommedan world where a merchant is safer,
and more free from oppression and exaction, than in Bokhara. If the
people are bigoted on account of their religion, they are also bigoted
to the injunctions which that religion imposes upon them. The Koran
enjoins the most strict protection of the merchant in a variety of
passages: nor are these violated or evaded by the ruler of the country.
The goods which are imported into Bokhara are again sent to Samarcand,
Kokan, and Yarkund, in China; also to Orgunje, and all the little
cantons around the capital. Coarse articles are in more request than
the finer fabrics, for the Uzbeks are very indifferent judges. We
have seen that this market is supplied by two great European nations;
but the females of both Cabool and Bokhara prize more highly the
manufactures of Britain: and the influence of the ladies is of no mean
weight in any country. The chints, while it has almost superseded the
demand for shawl goods, has instilled a desire for novelty, and given
a general taste for other articles of British import. Russia possesses
such an extent of inland navigation, that she can bring the whole of
her goods to the confines of Asia by water-carriage; and it is the
superiority and cheapness of our manufactures that alone enable us to
appear in the contest by the Indian route. We must surrender to her,
I imagine, all trade in metals, and other weighty articles made from
them; but we may successfully compete with her in our manufactures.
To a mercantile country like England, a demand for goods is of the
highest moment; and it is to be presumed that increase of demand will
generally be attended with a diminution of price, while the increased
sale would still bring an adequate profit to the manufacturer. A
more extended exportation of British goods into these countries, in
particular of white cloths, muslins, and woollens, I am assured by
the first merchants, and even by the Vizier of Bokhara, would have
the immediate effect of driving the Russians from that branch of
commerce. The present exports of these articles from that country have
been gradually declining; and the increase of the custom-house duties
of Cabool affords the best evidence of the cause--the late increase
of our own exports. I have taken pains to investigate this fact in
other quarters, and the result of my enquiries leads me to believe,
that we may not only throw the Russian part of this trade into the
hands of our own merchants, but very materially augment the trade to
Toorkistan in the whole of these articles. There are merchants in
Cabool who would willingly push speculation still further, though some
of them have a capital of eight or ten lacs of rupees floating in the
Toorkistan trade. The transport of merchandise by the route of Cabool
costs little; and, if Russia navigates the Volga, the greatest of the
European rivers, Britain can command like facilities, by two more grand
and equally navigable streams, the Ganges and Indus.
CHAP. IV.
NOTICE ON THE TRADE OF PERSIA.
~State of commerce in Persia.~
It is an old and just remark, that the Persians are not a trading
nation, and have ever evinced equal timidity in adventures of
navigation and commerce. The extent of trade which may be carried on
through an inland country must always be limited, as compared with one
possessing a sea-coast and harbours. In these Persia is not altogether
wanting; but her population neither navigates the sea which washes
her southern shores, nor the Caspian, that approaches her capital.
The shipping of both is in the hands of foreigners, who have it in
their power to lead the taste of the country by the nature of their
exports, and to increase their quantity as occasion and opportunity
present themselves. Persia is well supplied with goods of European
fabric, both Russian and English, which stand much in the same relative
estimation in this country as they do in Bokhara. English manufactures
are preferred to those of any other nation; and, as the Persians dress
well, their country is, perhaps, the best mart for their exportation
in Asia. It is nevertheless very remarkable, that the British merchant
here encounters a greater share of competition than in most other
countries; and I cannot but think that it is greatly owing to the
remissness and inattention of the English themselves.
~Routes of the commerce, and their advantages.~
It is not intended that we should here enter on an account of the
general commerce of Persia, nor is the deficiency of our information
such as to require any such essay. My own attention has been
particularly directed to its northern trade; but we shall be throwing
a clearer light upon that subject by sketching the whole of the routes
of commerce into the kingdom. The intercourse between Russia and Persia
is principally carried on by the ports of the Caspian; but there are
also routes both east and west of that sea, by which its commodities
reach the country. Meshid, in Khorasan, is supplied with many Russian
articles by way of Bokhara. Tabreez and Tehran likewise receive them
by way of Teflis and the Caucasus. Till lately, the imports of Britain
into this country were conveyed by way of Bushire, which is the only
port in the gulf of Persia, since Gombroon or Bunder Abbas, opposite
the famous Ormuz, has long ceased to hold its former supremacy. We are
informed that English East-Indiamen at one time sailed direct from
Europe, and landed their cargoes in this harbour; but the annual
amount of customs does not now exceed four thousand ducats. In our own
times the exports of Britain have first been sent to India, and then
reshipped for Persia by a most circuitous channel. It is with great
propriety, therefore, that an endeavour has lately been made to open
a road from Trebizond, on the Black Sea, to the northern provinces of
Persia. With due care and attention, it cannot fail to become a most
valuable opening to Britain, for it brings her goods into those parts
of Persia, which are most stored with those that are brought from
Russia, and gives a fair opportunity for a just competition with them,
since it is equally inconvenient for the Russians to send their goods
south of Isfahan, as it was for the English to carry them beyond that
city. The trade by Trebizond places the rival powers on a more equal
footing: and it will be remarkable if the experience of a very few
years does not bear testimony to the greater consumption of British
goods in Persia. This route too has great advantages over those from
the Levant by Aleppo or Damascus, for both the Euphrates and Tigris
traverse inhospitable countries; and there is no safe road into Persia
from these cities but by way of Bagdad. At present, the goods which are
sent beyond that city are of trifling value, for there is a loss in
pushing on the greater and more common articles. The eastern provinces
of Persia, about Herat and Meshid, are partly supplied from Candahar,
in the kingdom of Cabool, which is a better line of commerce than would
generally be believed. A boat may reach the coast of Mekran in ten days
from Bombay; and Candahar is but eighteen easy marches from the sea.
It is therefore a most valuable position, as the Indian exports which
reach it branch eastward into Cabool, and westward into Persia. In this
direction, too, there is no competition from any other nation.
~Foreign nations which trade with Persia. Goods introduced.~
With the command of position acquired by the English from their
possessions in India, it is a matter of surprise that any other nation
should be at all able to appear in the gulf of Persia as a trader; yet
the case is very different, and many of the imports into Bushire are
of foreign manufacture. The Dutch are in the habit of trading with
this port, and have lately established a company for the purpose,
though their operations have been at no time very active, and are now
suspended from fear of the plague. They send indigo, spices, sugar, and
coffee of their own produce from Batavia: they export little cloth, and
their indigo is inferior to the article produced in India. When the
Hollanders do not find a sale for their goods at Bushire, they take
them on to Bussora. The French import the same articles as the Dutch
from their settlements in Bourbon and the neighbouring islands. But the
most formidable rivals are the Americans, who have only entered lately
on this trade. At present, they land most of their cargoes in the east
coast of Africa, from which they find their way to Muscat and Persia.
Hitherto, they have only sent white goods, and with them they have
spread an opinion, which was repeated to me by the Armenian merchants
of Isfahan, that their cloths are superior to British, because the
cotton is produced in their own country, and not injured from pressing.
It is said to wear and wash well; and, if this cloth were introduced
more extensively, the merchants assure me it would have a good sale:
very little of it has been hitherto imported. The chintses of India,
which are manufactured at Masulipatam, have a considerable consumption
in Persia, and of late years have been preferred to English. There
is not sufficient attention given to the brightness and variety of
the pattern in England; and the native manufactures of India, though
much coarser, retain their hue and brilliancy much longer. The demand
for them is, therefore, on the increase, which is the more worthy of
notice, as the English chintses for a long time superseded those of
India, and are now sold cheaper than those of Masulipatam. We have
stated that the Russians introduce their manufactures into Northern
Persia; and they also import the fine Polish chints which I met with at
Bokhara. There is no similar manufacture of the English to compete with
this; which is also in great demand throughout Persia. The English do
not, therefore, keep the ground which they might maintain in the chints
trade, both from their position and manufacturing skill.
~Hints for improving the trade to Persia.~
Towards the improvement of the commerce with Persia, there are other
points to be considered than the routes which ought to be pursued;
but these are of great importance, since a number of outlets must be
favourable to an increased sale. While we improve the communication
from the west by Trebizond, we should not neglect it by the east
from Candahar: that road is safe; but the chief exacts exorbitant
and irregular duties, which he might be disposed to reduce on
representation, as he professes a friendship for the British nation.
It is at the same time practicable to open a better route into Persia,
by the river Karoon, a navigable stream west of Bushire, which unites
with the Euphrates, or Shat ool Arab, before it falls into the gulf.
Goods sent up the Karoon would be thrown at once into the heart of
Persia; but it may be doubted if the Persian authorities have either
power or inclination to effect any such change: it would require their
cordial co-operation, because the country that lies between the Karoon
and Isfahan is wild and unsettled. Next to the lines of route, the kind
of articles to be imported must be considered. English cloth bears a
far higher character in Persia than Russian; but the colour which is in
demand depends upon the fashion; and if due attention is not paid to
it, a merchant will sustain loss. When I was in Persia, in the end of
1832, the colours most in request were, Oxford blue, blue, and brown,
and next year they may change to red and grey; but it may be remarked,
that, if dark coloured, they generally sell best. The outer garment of
most respectable persons is made of broad cloth; and a cheap kind, that
will keep its colour, is the best for export. _No high-priced goods of
any description should ever be sent into these countries_; for property
is insecure, and all persons will purchase that which is cheapest, if
it be but respectable. The Persians, however, are fond of fine clothes,
and will pay a liberal price for them. I remarked, on approaching the
sea-coast, that the common people dress better; I presume because the
goods are cheaper, or that there is greater temptation to buy them.
This is observable in particular at Shiraz. In the case of broad
cloths, a sombre colour will be most prized; but it is quite the
reverse with chintses, which should be highly coloured. The patterns,
also, should be frequently changed, as many of them being on a white
as on a coloured ground: this will not only ensure a better sale, but
a more constant one, as the Persians are fond of novelty. A profit of
30 and 40 per cent. is often derived in the Persian trade; but the
mercantile community of that country are neither strict nor honourable,
and an European trader must deal among them with caution. They are very
liable to overtrade, and few of them have any capital. Bankruptcies are
common; fifteen considerable merchants failed last year in Isfahan,
simply from the non-arrival of silk from Gilan on the Caspian. It is
also necessary to be cautious regarding the coinage, for it is liable
to alteration, according to the pleasure of the monarch. A Persian
ducat now bears a value of nine _kurans_, or rupees, while it was only
held at eight last year. The increase has arisen from the Prince Royal
taking the field, and his Majesty’s desire to fill his coffers: he does
not seem to have considered that, since nothing ever goes out of his
treasury, and he only receives to hoard, he himself must be the loser.
From what I saw of the market in Persia, if money may be lost from this
cause, I am also sure that great sums might be realised; for there is
a scarcity of gold, and it may be transferred with profit from one
province to another. Cutlery is a good article for export to Persia,
and there is, perhaps, nothing that would sell so profitably as good
flint locks: they must be good, for it is to be remembered they are
already supplied from Constantinople, and also from Russia; and though
their workmanship is inferior, it is by no means bad. All the hardware
in the country is brought from Russia.
~Singular instance of commercial enterprise. Advantages held out from
that instance.~
On the banks of the Caspian I had a singular instance of the wide
extent to which the articles of import into Persia are scattered in
the case of China sugar-candy: I there met a merchant, at Astrabad,
with an investment of that article, with which he was proceeding to
Khiva: he had purchased it at Tehran, and was embarking at a small port
called Kara-tuppa, and would coast along the east side of the Caspian
by Hoosn Kouli, Chelken Isle, and the bay of Balkan, to a place called
Okh, which is but ten days’ journey, and due west from Khiva. Here he
intended to disembark his property, and forward it by hired camels
belonging to the Toorkmuns, which he assured me he could do without
fear, since the barbarous part of that community lie south of the road
to Khiva, and between it and Persia. What a proof of enterprise have
we in this single fact! The sugar had been first brought from China to
Bombay, shipped from thence to Bushire, and then sent inland to Tehran
and the banks of the Caspian, where it was a third time embarked, and
transported across a desert to Khiva. It would there meet the sugar
of our West India possessions, that is exported by the Russians,
which would place the products of America and China in competition
with each other in the centre of Asia. I have before observed, that
the sugar-candy of China sent from India will not bear the expense
of transport beyond Cabool, and does not, therefore, find its way to
Bokhara. In the instance before us, we have the same commodity pushed
far beyond that city by the route of Persia, which will better suggest
the other advantages to be reaped from this route than any further
remarks on my part. I have only to observe, that if a bulky, and by no
means valuable commodity, brought from so vast a distance as China,
can be sent to such a remote quarter of Asia, and bring a profit to
the trader, the same route may be used with still greater advantage as
another channel for the export of British manufacture.
[Illustration:
_PL III._
_BACTRIAN AND OTHER COINS._
_Procured by Lieut. Burnes during his travels into Bokhara._
_Drawn & Eng^d. by L. Beadley._
_London, Published by John Murray, Albemarle Str. June 1834._]
[Illustration: _BACTRIAN AND OTHER COINS._
_Procured by Lieut. Burnes during his travels into Bokhara._
_Drawn & Eng^d. by L. Beadley._
_London, Published by John Murray, Albemarle Str. June 1834._]
OBSERVATIONS
ON
LIEUT. BURNES’S COLLECTION
OF
BACTRIAN AND OTHER COINS.
BY
MR. H. H. WILSON, SANSCRIT PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF
OXFORD;
AND
MR. JAMES PRINSEP, F.R.S., SECRETARY OF THE ASIATIC
SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
PROFESSOR WILSON’S NOTES.
The coins, of which delineations are now offered to the public, form an
extensive and important contribution to a branch of numismatic enquiry
which has been, within a few years, successfully prosecuted in India.
To Colonel Tod belongs the merit of having introduced it to notice by
his paper on Greek, Parthian and Hindu medals, in the first volume of
the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society: further information
was published in the 17th volume of the Researches of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal; and the Journal of the same Society contains several
interesting communications on the same subject, many of these relate to
the present collection, which, for the variety, number, and description
of the coins that it comprises, and the authentication of the sites in
which they were found, is of the highest interest and value.
The coins in question may be classed under four divisions, exclusive
of the Macedonian and Syrian medals, which sometimes occur. These
are--1. Bactrian, 2. Indo-Grecian, 3. Indo-Scythian, and 4. Hindu. In
the former there have been discovered by Colonel Tod and Dr. Swiney:
coins of Apollodotus and Menander, one such coin has been found by
Lieutenant Burnes, and one of Euthydemus, besides several which cannot
be ascribed to any individual prince, although unquestionably Bactrian
coins. The Indo-Grecian coins are comparatively rare, and the series
is not very extensive: one specimen is in the present collection.
The Indo-Scythian coins are more numerous, and offer a number of
interesting specimens: some of them are the same as those described by
Colonel Tod, Mr. Prinsep, and myself; but there are some which are new,
and there is one (pl. iv. fig. 18.) which is in better preservation
than any that has hitherto been found.
The coins of the last class, or Hindu are less numerous in this than in
other collections, but such as it comprises are new.
Besides these coins, which are the subjects of more special attention,
as little known and calculated to throw light on Indian history, the
collection includes a gold and several copper coins of the Sassanian
kings of Persia, and a number of Mahommedan coins, for the verification
of which there has not yet been an opportunity: from their late date,
however, and the fulness of the information derivable from Mahommedan
writers with regard to the history of this part of Turan, less interest
attaches to them than to the Greek and Indian coins, and it was less
necessary to have them delineated. The following are brief notices of
the coins which are engraved.
Plate III. No. 1. A coin of Euthydemus, who has been hitherto regarded
as the third Bactrian king. Obverse: a head with the Bactrian diadem.
Reverse: Hercules sitting on a seat over which the lion’s hide is
spread: he holds his club in his right hand, resting it on his right
knee. Legend, ΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΕΥΘΥΔΗΜ.
Until recently, the only coin known of this prince was a gold
coin, originally published by Pellerin, and described by Mionnet
and Visconti. In 1831 the abbé Sestini published a catalogue of the
collection of Baron Chaudoir, and has there given a description and
plate of a silver coin of Euthydemus, exactly similar to the one in
our plate. These are the only two perfect specimens yet described:
No. 2. agrees in general character and appearance with No. 1.; but it
presents on the obverse a very dissimilar portrait; and the attitude
of the sitting Hercules is something different. The letters also
vary, and offer only ΛΕΩΣ and ΗΜ. It is possibly, therefore, rather the
coin of Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus, than of the latter; but, if
so, it differs still more widely from the coin of Demetrius described
by Sestini in the collection of the Baron Chaudoir, in which the
obverse presents a king, very unlike the individual in our coin, and
having on his head an elephant’s hide by way of a crest: on the reverse
is a standing figure of Hercules.
The succeeding figures, Nos. 3. to 5., express evidently Bactrian
coins, as the device of the sitting Hercules, and the general character
of the portraits, sufficiently establish. Some are much worn, and
they are more or less of inferior execution, and present no legible
inscriptions: such traces of letters as are visible appear to be
intended for Greek, although very rude. In the catalogue of Sestini,
above referred to, are three coins of a similar description, all
Bactrian, evidently having the same sort of profile on one side, and
the sitting Hercules on the other. The difference that prevails in
the features of the kings whose portraits we have on these coins,
sufficiently proves them to belong to different individuals. If these
were all Greek kings of Bactria, as is probable, they also show that
our series of those kings is much more imperfect than has been hitherto
suspected, and that it undoubtedly omits several names, whilst it
probably includes others who never ruled over Bactria.
Fig. 6. This coin is identified with the preceding by the reverse,
the sitting Hercules; but the execution is much more rude, and the
disposition of the hair peculiar. There are characters on the reverse,
but undecipherable: they seem designed for Greek. This coin may,
perhaps, be referred to one of the first barbaric princes who subdued
Sogdiana, if not Bactria Proper, and adopted the device of the Bactrian
coins.
7. A copper coin, much worn: on the obverse a standing figure,
something like the Apollo on Colonel Tod’s coin of Apollodotus.
(Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, pl. 12. fig. 1.) On the
reverse, also, is the same figure, a tripod, with similar characters.
The letters on the other face are Greek: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ is legible, the
others are less distinct; but they appear to be ΝΙΚ. ΜΕΝΑΝΔΡΟΥ, making
this a coin of Menander, not of Apollodotus.
8. Is the coin of an Antiochus; apparently, from the countenance,
Antiochus the Great. On the reverse is a standing figure casting a
javelin with the right hand, and bearing the lion’s hide by way of
shield on the left arm: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. The device on the reverse is
unusual, if it occurs at all amongst the coins of the Antiochi.
9. One of a number of small copper coins, the impression on which is in
most effaced. Those that are perfect present a head on one side with
a figure on the reverse, intended for a rude fire altar: there are
Pehlevi characters; and these coins, there can be little doubt, are of
Sassanian origin.
10. A gold coin, evidently of one of the Sassanian kings.
11. These are very doubtful. The other engravings are antiques found at
Khojuoban, near Bokhara.
Plate IV. fig. 18. This coin is of singular interest and value:
it belongs to the class which is considered Indo-Scythian, and of
which representations have been published in the third volume of the
Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, by Colonel Tod, and, in the
seventeenth volume of the Asiatic Researches, by myself. In all these
coins Greek letters are traceable, but the inscriptions are imperfect
or indistinct: that of Colonel Tod’s coin has been read by Professor
Schlegel ΒΑΣΙΛΕVϹ ΒΑϹΙΛΕΩΝ ... ΙΕΡΝΙϹΛΕΙϹ ... ΕΔΟΒΙΓΡΙϹ; but the legend
is interrupted, and the final letters of the latter word indistinct.
In this coin the inscription on both sides is entire and distinct. On
the obverse is plainly ΒΑϹΙΛΕΥϹ ΒΛΕΙ Λ-ΩΝ ΚΑΝΗΡΚΟΥ, and on the reverse
ΝΑΝΑΙΔ.
It has been conjectured by Mr. Prinsep that the name on the obverse
Kanírkos, or, perhaps, Kaníthkos,--for the letter is rather
undetermined,--is intended for _Kanishka_, a Turk or Tartar sovereign
of Kashmir, who reigned about 120 B.C. according to the “_Raja
Tarangini_” a history of Cashmir. Mr. Csoma Körösy also informs us that
Kanishka is well known in the Tibetan annals as a king of Kapila; near
Hurdwar, about the date already mentioned, who was a patron of the
Bauddha doctrines; name, date, and locality are therefore in favour of
the verification, and it must be admitted, until, at least, something
more satisfactory can be proposed. It is not possible to offer an
equally plausible conjecture with regard to the inscription on the
reverse. If it could be read _Tanaid_, it might be imagined to refer
to the original seat of the Scythian tribes, who conquered Bactria,
according to Des Guignes, about 134 years before Christ, and extended
their power to the delta of the Indus. In this coin the figure on the
obverse is the same that prevails on these Indo-Scythian coins: a man
in a high cap and a long tunic, holding a spear in his left hand, and
extending his right either to grasp a trophy, a buckler or coat of
mail, or, as supposed by Colonel Tod, to drop incense on an altar: on
the reverse is a figure in a long robe, holding, apparently, a flower.
There is also the monogram which is found on all the coins of this
class, and on a series of coin apparently Hindu. This monogram is
figured by Mionnet No. 1222, and referred by him to an unknown coin
(vol. 6. p. 715); the description of which shows it to be a coin not
yet observed amongst those recently found in India, but belonging,
probably, to the class.
19. A coin belonging, possibly, to the Indo-Grecian series: on one
face is a helmeted head, on the other a single horseman with his right
arm extended. The specimens found in this instance are much worn; but
on several, with this device, Greek inscriptions have been read: this
is particularly the case with two delineated in the Journals of the
Asiatic Society for August 1833, on one of which is plainly ΣΩΤΗΡ
ΜΕΓΑ; and on the other, ΜΕΓΑ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ. On one of Colonel Tod’s is ΤΡΩ
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ, and there can be no doubt, therefore, that these are coins of
Greek princes either of India or Bactria.
20. Is an Indo-Scythian coin, figured by Colonel Tod: the man on the
obverse is the same as in No. 18.; but on the reverse is an Indian bull
and a figure in front.
21. Has the same reverse as the preceding; but the costume is more
distinct, and is that of a Brahman; the figure on the obverse appears
to be clad in mail. These two coins were found at Balkh.
22-30. These coins all belong to the same series as the foregoing,
some bearing the same devices; whilst on some the reverse is varied.
Detached Greek letters are observable on one or two.
31. This is one of several coins which are unquestionably Hindu: they
mostly bear an elephant on one face, and a horse, or a nondescript
animal, on the other; above the elephant are Devana gari letters, the
most legible specimen of which appears to read Srí Mahá deva, the
common title of the god _Siva_.
_Oxford, 17th May, 1834._
MR. JAMES PRINSEP’S NOTES.
Considering the short space of time allowed to a traveller, in his
rapid passage through a foreign country, for the pursuit of objects
not immediately connected with his errand, and the disadvantages
which his own disguise and the suspicions of the natives oppose to
his search after the very rare relics of antiquity, which may have
escaped destruction for twenty centuries in their country; considering,
too, that the inhabitants are unable to appreciate the value of such
objects, and mostly ignorant of the demand for them among inquisitive
natives of the West, Lieut. Burnes may be deemed very successful in the
store of coins he has brought back from the Punjab, and from the valley
of the Oxus.
Of pure Bactrian coins he will be able to add at least three to the
cabinets of Europe, upon one of which the name of Euthydemus is quite
distinct; while of the Indo-Scythic, or subsequent dynasties, his store
is so ample as to afford ten to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, besides
those he takes to Europe; and among the latter is one coin of the
dynasty which supplanted the Macedonian princes of Bactria, calculated
to excite much curiosity among antiquarians.
I shall note the observations that occur to me regarding the whole of
this collection of coins.
Plate III. Figs. 1. to 6.--These silver coins, tetradrachms, are known
at once to be of Bactrian origin from the sitting figure of Hercules
holding his club, on the reverse, much in the same posture as that
of Jupiter on the Syro-Macedonian coins. The epigraphe on fig. 1., a
valuable coin and in fine preservation, is ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΕΥΘΥΔΗΜ, or,
“of king Euthydemus,” the third king of Bactria. The only coin of
this monarch hitherto known in Europe, is described in Mionnet’s
_Description de Medailles Antiques_. Pinkerton says it is a gold coin,
having “two horsemen with Bactrian tiaras, palms, and long spears,” on
the reverse; it is therefore quite different from the unique specimen
before us.
Fig. 2. has the features of a different prince; the reverse is,
however, similar to the last, and the three final letters of ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ
are visible; as are ΗΜ, which can only form part either of ΕυθυδΗΜος,
or of δΗΜητριος, his son.
Fig. 3., of which there is a duplicate, is of a similar nature; the
features corresponding with No. 1. or Euthydemus. There are two
others of still ruder fabrication, distinguished by a more projecting
forehead, (Nos. 4. and 5.); they are illegible on the reverse.
Fig. 6. One of two silver tetradrachms. These are more like Arsacidan
coins, the stool on which the figure on the reverse sits having the
form of those depicted in Vaillant: although the connection with
the foregoing coins is very strong, the headdress and formal curls
appertain to the Persian monarchs. The inscription is in the Pehlevi
character, some of the letters resembling badly executed Greek.
Fig. 8. This is a coin of Antiochus, probably struck in Parthia, from
the figure of the javelin-thrower.
Fig. 9. One of twenty small Sassanian copper coins. They have a good
head on the obverse, and a very rudely executed fire altar on the
reverse.
Fig. 10. A gold coin of one of the Sassanian kings of Persia, supposed
to be Sapor (Shapûr). The name and titles are very distinct, in the
_Pehlevi_ character. It is remarkable that the usual supporters of the
fire altar, two priests or kings, are omitted; unless, indeed, the rude
ornaments on each side are intended to represent human figures holding
swords. A silver Sassanian coin, delineated in Hyde’s _Religio Veterum
Persarum_, has similar supporters.
All these coins are from Khoju oban, the ruins of an ancient city,
thirty miles N.W. of Bokhara, where numerous gems and antiques, some
of which are engraved, were also procured.[41]
Fig. 7. This is a square copper coin, from Shorkoth, a fortress twenty
miles from the junction of the Jelum and the Chenab (the Hydaspes and
Acesines), where Alexander lost his fleet in a storm. It is by some
thought to be the fortress of the Malli, in the assault of which he was
wounded. All that can be read of the inscription is ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ. On the
other side the inscription is Pehlevi. This coin may be ascribed with
tolerable certainty to Menander, both because it resembles in shape the
coin of that prince, in Col. Tod’s plate, and because the first three
letters of the word which follows ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ, have much the appearance
of ΝΙΚ, or ΝΙΚΑΤΟΡΟΣ, the epithet applied to Menander, according to
Schlegel, Journal Asiatique, Nov. 1828. The standing figure, however,
on the obverse, and the curious emblem on the reverse, supposed by Col.
Tod to be a portable altar, agree rather with his coin of Apollodotus.
Plate IV. fig. 18. This is a copper coin, procured in the neighbourhood
of the Tope of Manikyala.
Obverse--A king or warrior holding a spear in the left hand; and with
the right sacrificing on a small altar. (?) Epigraphe, ΒΑϹΙΛΕΥϹ ΒΑϹ ...
ΚΑΝΗΡΚΟΥ.
Reverse--A priest or sage standing, and holding a flower in his right
hand; a glory encircles his head; on the left the letters ΝΑΝΛΙΔ; on
the right the usual Bactrian monogram, with four prongs.
This coin is of great value, from the circumstance of its being the
only one out of many discovered in the same neighbourhood, upon which
the characters are sufficiently legible to afford a clue to the
prince’s name. In the onset, however, we are disappointed to find, that
none of the recorded names of the Bactrian kings at all resemble that
before us[42]: yet there can be no doubt about any letter but that
preceding ΚΟΥ, which may be either Θ, Ρ, or Ϲ. By assuming this
latitude in the reading, I discovered a name which would agree, as
nearly as it could be expressed in Greek, with ΚΑΝΗΘΚΟΥ or ΚΑΝΗϹΚΟΥ;
and should my conjecture prove correct, the discovery of this coin
will be hailed as of the greatest value by all who are engaged in the
newly developed study of Bactrian antiquity. The coin was at first
placed with the Society by Lieut. Burnes; but, seeing its value, I
thought it but just, after taking impressions and drawings of it, to
place it in the discoverer’s hands, for the personal satisfaction of
numismatologists in Europe. I suppose it to be a coin of KANISHKA, a
Tartar or Scythic conqueror of Bactria.
According to Mr. Csoma De Körös, the name of KANISKA occurs in the
Tibetan works as a celebrated king in the north of India, who reigned
at _Kapila_, which is supposed to have been in _Rohilkhand_, or near
_Hardwar_. His reign dates above 400 years after Sakya, when the
followers of the Buddha religion had become divided into eighteen sects
(the Sakya tribes, or _Sacæ_), under four principal divisions, of which
the names, both Sanscrit and Tibetan, are on record.[43]
In Mr. Wilson’s Chronological Table of the history of _Kashmir_ (As.
Res. xv. p. 81.), we find Hushca, Jushca, and _Canishca_, three Tartar
princes, who succeeded Domodara in the kingdom of _Kashmir_, either
reigning successively or synchronously. They introduced the Buddha
religion, under a hierarch named Nagarjuna, and were, according to
the _Raja Taringini_, of _Turushca_ or Tatar origin. The Sanscrit MS.
places their reign 150 years before _Sacaysinha_ (or Sakya Singh); but
the learned translator, in a note, proves that the text was at least
misunderstood, and that the passage intended to express “150 years
after the emancipation of the Lord Sakya Sinha.”
The epoch of Sakya (the fifth Buddha or Goutama) is determined by
concurrent testimony of the Ceylonese, Siamese, Pegue, Burmese, and
Chinese æras, which are all founded on the birth or death of the Buddha
legislator; and, though all differing more or less, concur in placing
him between the limits of 544 and 638 years B.C.: the Raj Gúrú of
Asam, a pundit well versed in Buddha literature, fixes the _Nirwan_
or emancipation of Sakya-Muni in 520 B.C.[44] Taking, then, from this
epoch an interval of 400 years to the reign of Kaniska, the latter
would fall near the end of the second century B.C. We know from other
sources that the overthrow of the Bactrian dynasty by the Scythian or
_Sakyan_ tribes happened in 134 B.C. (125 by Schlegel). The present
coin, therefore, confirms the fidelity of the _Raja Taringini_ as an
historical work, and leaves no doubt of the epoch of _Sakya_.
Mr. Wilson finds grounds for throwing back the termination of the
reign of Abhimanya Canischa’s successor, from B.C. 118, as given in
the _Raja Taringini_, to B.C. 388; because _Kashmir_ became a Buddha
country under Tartar princes, _shortly after_ the death of Sakya; but
from Mr. Csoma’s subsequent examination of the Tibetan sacred books,
in which the three periods of their compilation are expressly stated;
“first, under Sakya himself (520-638 B.C.), then under Ashoka, king
of Pataliputra, 110 years after the decease of _Sakya_; and lastly by
Kaniska, upwards of 400 years after Sakya,”--little doubt can remain
that the epoch, as it stands in the _Raja Taringini_, is correct.
There are other circumstances connected with the Bactrian coins,
which tend to confirm the supposition of a Buddhist succession to
the Greek princes. In the first place, the reverse ceases to bear the
formerly national emblem of the Bactrian horseman, with the Macedonian
spear; and in its place a sage appears, holding a flower, and
invariably having a glory round his head, proving him to be a sacred
personage.[45] Secondly, although upon the first coins of the dynasty,
we find the inscription in Greek characters (a custom which prevailed
under the Arsacidæ also, and continued under the first Sassanian
princes); still, upon coins of the same device, but probably of later
fabric, we find the same kind of character which appears upon the Delhi
and Allahabad pillars; the same which is found at Ellora and in many
ancient caves and temples of Central India, and is held in abhorrence
by the Brahmans, as belonging to the Buddhist religion.[46]
I need not repeat Mr. Wilson’s opinion, drawn from other grounds, that
the _Tope_ of _Manikyála_, in the neighbourhood of which these coins
are found, is a Buddhist monument, but it receives much confirmation
from the discovery of this coin of the Sakyan hero, Kanishka.
Having thus far endeavoured to reconcile the coin before us, and
others of the same class to the Sakyan dynasty, to which the term
Indo-Scythic very aptly applies, we may reasonably follow up the same
train by ascribing the next series, which exhibit, on the reverse, a
Brahmani bull, accompanied by a priest in the common Indian _dhoti_, as
the coins of the Brahmanical dynasty, which in its turn overcame the
Buddhist line. Colonel Tod includes these coins in the same class as
the last, and adduces his reasons for referring them to Mithridates,
or his successors, of Arsacidan dynasty, whose dominions extended from
the Indus to the Ganges, and to whom Bactria was latterly tributary.
Greek legends “of the King of kings,” &c. are visible on some; and what
he supposes to be _Pehlevi_ characters on the reverse; but I incline
to think these characters of the Delhi type, and the Bactrian monogram
should decide their locality. Mr. Wilson and Schlegel, both call them
Indo-Scythic; and the latter, with Colonel Tod, names the figure “Siva,
with his bull, _Nandi_.”[47]
Mr. Schlegel thinks it curious, that such marks of the Hindú faith
should appear on these Tartar coins; but, considering the Indian origin
of the Sacæ, does not this rather prove the same of their successors,
instead of their Tartar descent. It is more curious that the fire altar
should continue on all of the devices; but the fact of its being a
fire altar at all, is still matter of great uncertainty.
Figs. 19, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30. The series of small copper coins
found near _Manikyála_, and generally throughout Upper India, which
have a head on the obverse, and a Bactrian horseman on the reverse, may
be referred to the reign of Eucratides I., since the gold coin from the
neighbourhood of the Caspian Sea, described by Bayer as having the same
device on the reverse, bears, in legible characters, the epigraphe “of
the great king Eucratides.” Our coins of this type have never shown us
more than the words, “King of kings;” and in most of them (as fig. 19.
ΒΑϹΙΛΕΥ, ΒΑϹΙΛΕΥ) the Greek is so corrupted as to give the idea of
a later epoch. The type of the horse seems to have prevailed long
afterwards.
Fig. 24. Copper coins of this device are met with throughout Upper
Hindostan: they constitute the third series of Colonel Tod’s plate; and
some in his possession have decided Greek characters upon them. On the
_obverse_ is the same warrior, with spear and altar. On the _reverse_
is what he supposes to be a priest about to sacrifice the bull; but
in the coin before us the _dhoti_ is so precisely the costume of the
Brahmans, that it inclines rather to look upon the animal (especially
as he has the hump) as the sacred bull of this country, denoting the
prevalence or predominance of the Brahmanical faith in the Indian
dependencies of Menander’s or Eucratides’ dominion.
Fig. 25. This type of coin is, if any thing, more common than the last;
and the inscriptions are no longer Greek; but either of the unknown
character of the Delhi column, or genuine Hindi. The figure astride
upon the elephant is always much out of proportion, and the Raja with
the altar more rudely executed. The elephant is, like the horse,
preserved in subsequent coins of the Hindus; thus:--
Fig. 31. This same device is still common in Southern India. The form
of the Nagni characters on this and fig. 14. agrees with those on
copper grants of land, 700 or 800 years old.
Figs. 20, 21. These coins were found at Balkh, and resemble those of
Manikyála.
_Calcutta, June, 1833._
END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
LONDON:
Printed by A. SPOTTISWOODE,
New-Street-Square.
FOOTNOTES
[1] I can only give the native names.
[2] “Ta khooda khubur shoodun ab i Maroochak adum ra mee kooshud.”
[3] Arrian, l. iv. c. 6.
[4] See “Memoir on the Run of Cutch,” in the Transactions of the Royal
Asiatic Society. May, 1834.
[5] See Robertson’s America, books v. and vi.
[6] Travels in Khorasan, by J. B. Fraser, Esq.
[7]
Meshid ra goombuz i subzush nubashud
Khuwarish khanu i rooe zumeen hust.
[8]
Meshid ufzul i rooe zumeen ust
Ki anja noor i rub ool alumeen ust.
[9] As this work is passing through the press, intelligence has been
received of Abbas Meerza’s death.
[10] Lieut. Conolly has just published an account of his “Journey to
the North of India overland from England.” 2 vols. 8vo. London.
[11] Lord or chief.
[12] Foray.
[13] This is the manner of reckoning their years.
[14] The name of the poet.
[15] Places on the river Goorgan.
[16] Plain north of the Sir, or Jaxartes.
[17] The poet’s name.
[18] I need not observe that this was written before the intelligence
of Abbas Meerza’s death reached England.
[19] See his valuable Atlas, which has just been published, and
exhibited at the anniversary meeting of the Royal Geographical Society.
[20] As the text in Mr. Elphinstone’s work describes the neighbourhood
of Balkh to be a plain, the mountains in his map are probably an error
of the engraver.
[21] About three shillings.
[22] I brought from Toorkistan melon seeds of every description,
which I have distributed in this country and India, in the hope that
this delicious fruit may be introduced into Britain and our Eastern
possessions.
[23] Some observations of my fellow-traveller, Dr. Gerard, determine
this most satisfactorily. A bowl-full of water altogether disappeared
in two days.
[24] Since this chapter was written I have been favoured with a
sight of the journals of Mr. Geo. Trebeck, who accompanied Moorcroft
to Ladak, where this information is completely confirmed. That
enterprising young gentleman determined the latitude of the two places
to be as follows:--
Cashmere, 34° 4′ 28″.
Ladak 34 10 13.
[25] Macartney.
[26] Since I drew up the information contained in this chapter, I
have fallen in with the “Mémoires relatifs à l’Asie,” by M. Klaproth.
Speaking of the translation of the history of Khotan, by M. Abel
Remusat, that distinguished Orientalist adds, “Nous attendons avec
impatience ces traductions, et nous engageons ce savant à les donner
an public aussitôt que possible, pour faire disparaître des abrégés
géographiques un amas d’absurdités reçues à bras ouverts par les
compilateurs, et entre _lesquelles le double Kachgar occupe le premier
rang_. Le voyageur Anglais, M. Elphinstone, ayant entendu parler de la
ville de Kachgar dans le nord de la petite Boukharie, et du pays du
même nom situé dans la partie méridionale de cette contrée, n’a pas
su autrement _combiner ces notions que de supposer deux Kachgars_. Il
est cependant bien clair que dans le premier cas il était question de
la capitale, et dans le second du pays qu’elle gouverne.” Tom. ii. p.
293. It is satisfactory to find my observations on the two Cashgars
confirmed by so high an authority as M. Klaproth, but I cannot agree
with him in his inference, that the one is the country, and the other
the capital; since it has already appeared in the text that Cashgar,
which erroneously fills up so large a part of the country eastward of
Budukhshan, really exists as a small district near Peshawur.
[27] The whole of the altitudes have been determined from the boiling
point of water in thermometers carefully examined and compared,
reckoning each degree roughly to be of the value of 600 feet.
[28] Dundan-shikun.
[29] I observe that the Emperor Baber mentions this fact.
[30] The rest of the lines recommend Herat as the place of evening
prayer; Bagdad for that at the hour of sleep; and Nishapoor for that at
sunrise.
[31] “If I could but captivate the heart of that Toorkee girl of
Shiraz--I would give in exchange for the black mole of her cheek all
the riches of Samarcand and Bokhara.”
[32] The Uzbeks themselves believe the Kalmuks and Kutghun Uzbeks one
tribe. In their native seats, a colony desiring to migrate took the
name of “Kutghurn,” which means, “we go;” and the greater portion which
remained were afterwards called “Kalmuk,” which signifies, “we stop:”
such, at least, is the popular belief and tale of the Uzbeks.
[33] Kizzak, or Cossack.
[34] Holcus sorghum.
[35] I am in possession of this curious work, which Shah Shooja himself
did me the honour of presenting.
[36] A khurwar is 700 lbs. English.
[37] See the MSS. to which I have alluded.
[38] This person has been lately seized by Abbas Meerza, and deprived
of his power.
[39] The capabilities of this river have not been here over-rated; a
mission lately sent down it by the Governor-General, under Captain
Wade, has verified the facts above recorded.
[40] Seven Pounds.
[41] A gold solidus of the Lower Empire was also found at Khoju oban,
of rude fabrication; it is either of Marcianus, or more probably
Mauricius: inscription, DN MAVRC..TIb PP AVG.; on the reverse an angel
holding the cross and globe, with VICTORIA AVGGG, and below, CONOB.
[42] By way of convenience to those who have not the power of reference
respecting the history of Bactria, I subjoin a catalogue of its kings,
according to the authority of Schlegel.--_Journal Asiatique_, 1828, p.
326.
B.C. 255. Theodotus I. }
243. Theodotus II. }
220. Euthydemus of Magnesia.} Fixed historically by Strabo, &c.
195. Appollodotus Soter. { Alluded to by Plutarch, Trogus,
Menander Nikator. { and Arrian. Their coins prevalent
{ in Baroach, A. D. 200.
{ On the authority of Visconti and
Heliocles Dikaios. { Mionnet, from a single medal.
Demetrius. { Son of Euthydemus: doubtful if
{ he reigned in Bactria.
181. Eucratides I. { Artemidorus calls him the “Great
{ king.”
146. Eucratides II. { Murdered his father, and was
{ himself slain.
125. Destruction of the empire by the Tartars and the Scythians
or Sacæ.
[43] Csoma’s Life of Sakya, M.S.
[44] Orient. Mag. IV. 108.
[45] See Col. Tod’s Coins, 11. 14.; Mr. Wilson’s Plates, figs. 1, 2. 6.
7.; and Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Plate II. figs. 17.
and 18.
[46] See translation of portions of the Salsette and Ellora
inscriptions, by Major Wilford (Asiatic Researches, vol. xiv.); which
shows them all to refer by name to Sakya. Mr. A. Stirling (Asiatic
Researches, vol. xv. p. 314.) says of some similar inscriptions on the
_Udaya Giri_ hill in Orissa:--“The Brahmans refer the inscription,
with horror and disgust, to the time when the Buddhist doctrines
prevailed. I cannot, however, divest myself of the notion, that the
character has some connection with the ancient _Prakrit_; and I think
an explanation is to be looked for only from some of the learned of
the Jain sect.” What has become of the key to this and other ancient
Sanscrit alphabets, which Wilford says he fortunately discovered in the
possession of an ancient sage at Benares?
[47] “Ce qui me parait la circonstance la plus remarquable dans ces
medailles, ce sont ces preuves du culte Brahmanique adopté par les rois
Tartares. Ils régnaient donc certainement sur des provinces où ce culte
était établi.”--_Journal Asiatique_, Nov. 1828.
Transcriber's Note
The following apparent errors have been corrected:
p vi "Khoochan" changed to "Koochan"
p. xi "Recal" changed to "Recall"
p. xii "Khan. His" changed to "Khan.--His"
p. xv "Shawls--Indigo." changed to "Shawls.--Indigo."
p. 4 "That, since" changed to "that, since"
p. 69 "pass of Derbund" changed to "pass of Durbund"
p. 86 "proud to" changed to "seemed proud to"
p. 86 "seemed out on" changed to "out on"
p. 165 "but in in winter" changed to "but in winter"
p. 184 "a polation" changed to "a population"
p. 186 "the the Oxus" changed to "the Oxus"
p. 236 "Balk, his" changed to "Balkh, is"
p. 238 "Kooosh" changed to "Koosh"
p. 279 "describe" changed to "described"
p. 353 "Kafirs" changed to "Kaffirs"
p. 356 "the country." changed to "the country.”"
p. 363 "Nusseir oollah" changed to "Nussier oollah"
p. 386 "achievment" changed to "achievement"
p. 458 "Bacrtian" changed to "Bactrian"
p. 460 "ΒΛΣΙΛΕΥΣ" changed to "ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ"
p. 468 "we find “Hushca" changed to "we find Hushca"
p. 471 "Ce qui me parait" changed to "“Ce qui me parait"
p. 472 "19. 22," changed to "19, 22,"
p. 472 "23. 26," changed to "23, 26,"
Inconsistent or archaic language has otherwise been kept as printed.
The following possible error has not been corrected:
p. 285 besides a sons
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