Title: Tales of an Old Sea Port - A General Sketch of the History of Bristol, Rhode Island, Including, Incidentally, an Account of the Voyages of the Norsemen, So Far as They May Have Been Connected with Narragansett Bay: and Personal Narratives of Some Notable Voyages Accomplished by Sailors from the Mount Hope Lands
Author: Munro, Wilfred Harold
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.


*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Tales of an Old Sea Port - A General Sketch of the History of Bristol, Rhode Island, Including, Incidentally, an Account of the Voyages of the Norsemen, So Far as They May Have Been Connected with Narragansett Bay: and Personal Narratives of Some Notable Voyages Accomplished by Sailors from the Mount Hope Lands" ***


available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org)



      Images of the original pages are available through
      Internet Archive. See
      https://archive.org/details/talesofoldseapor00munro


Transcriber’s note:

      Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

      Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes
      have been placed at the end of Part I, II and III.

      Basic fractions are displayed as ½ ⅓ ¼ etc; other fractions
      are shown in the form a/b, for example 21/95.

      Display of Lat./Long. coordinates has been made consistent,
      with no space between the values, but with a space before
      N/S/E/W if present, for example 12°34′56″ N.

      Changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.



TALES OF AN OLD SEA PORT

A GENERAL SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF BRISTOL, RHODE ISLAND, INCLUDING,
INCIDENTALLY, AN ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGES OF THE NORSEMEN, SO FAR AS
THEY MAY HAVE BEEN CONNECTED WITH NARRAGANSETT BAY: AND PERSONAL
NARRATIVES OF SOME NOTABLE VOYAGES ACCOMPLISHED BY SAILORS FROM THE
MOUNT HOPE LANDS

by

WILFRED HAROLD MUNRO

Of Brown University



Princeton University Press
Princeton
London: Humphrey Milford
Oxford University Press
1917

Copyright, 1917, by
Princeton University Press

Published November, 1917
Printed in the United States of America


[Illustration: PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS (colophon)]



                              CONTENTS

                                                          PAGE

  Introduction: Old Bristol                                  1

  Part I--Simeon Potter and the Prince Charles of Lorraine
    1--Simeon Potter                                        37
    2--Letter of Father Fauque                              48

  Part II--Norwest John and the Voyage of the Juno
    1--Norwest John                                         97
    2--Voyage of the Juno                                  100

  Part III--James de Wolf and the Privateer Yankee
    1--James De Wolf                                       205
    2--Journal of the Yankee                               225

  Index                                                    289



TALES OF AN OLD SEA PORT



INTRODUCTION: OLD BRISTOL


From the earliest days of the Plymouth Colony the name Mount Hope
Lands has been applied to the peninsula in Narragansett Bay of which
Bristol, Rhode Island, is the chief town. The history of this town
is more crowded with notable incident than that of any other in New
England. First and most picturesque is the story of the Norsemen.
Around Mount Hope the legends of the Norsemen cluster, shadowy,
vague, elusive, and yet altogether fascinating. Only legends they are
and must remain.

After the lapse of a thousand years of changing climates and of
varying shores no man can definitely locate the Vinland of the
Vikings. Many have attempted to do so, and, like the late Professor
E. N. Horsford,[1] have established their theses to their own
satisfaction and the satisfaction of the present dwellers in _their_
Vinland, but they have not succeeded in convincing any one else.
One of the latest writers[2] approaching the subject without local
prejudice, and judging of the past by the ever changing present, will
have it that the physical conditions of the lands around Narragansett
Bay in the eleventh century were such as to make it more than
probable that the “Hop” of the Norsemen is the Mount Hope of
today.[3] In his conclusions all good Bristolians, yea more, all good
Rhode Islanders, cheerfully join. Scandinavian writers insist that
the name “Mount Hope” is of Norse origin. They assert that it is only
an English spelling of the Indian name Montop, or Monthaup, and they
are probably correct in their assertion. The Indians had no written
language and our Pilgrim ancestors spelled the Indian words as they
pleased, sometimes in half a dozen ways upon the same page. They go
on to say that the termination “hop” was the name which Thorfinn and
his companions gave to this region when they wintered here in 1008,
and they bring forward the old Norse sagas to prove it. This is the
story as the sagas tell it:

In the year of Our Lord 1000 the Norsemen first visited the shores
of Vinland. They came from Greenland, a hundred years and more after
their countrymen had discovered and colonized Iceland. Their ship
was an open boat from fifty to seventy-five feet long, similar to
the one dug from the sands at Sandefjord, Norway, in 1880, which is
preserved in the museum of the university at Christiania. It was
propelled by oars and had a short mast amidships on which was spread
a small square sail. Both mast and sail were used only when the wind
was fair. They came creeping along from headland to headland, seldom
venturing out of sight of land in the unfamiliar seas. The mariner’s
compass was then unknown, except perhaps to the Chinese, and the
art of propelling a boat against the wind by “tacking” had not been
developed, unless possibly by those same Chinese. It would have been
impossible to tack in one of the Viking ships. In the first place the
sail area was too small and in the second place the steering was all
done from one side. A long steering oar was fastened upon a fulcrum
about two feet long on the right side of the boat, the steer-board,
starboard side. On one tack the oar would have been useless because
submerged, on the other equally useless because it could not go deep
enough to “grip” the water. To men accustomed to the icy Arctic seas,
voyages southward held out no terrors; they were only pleasant summer
excursions.

Thirty-five men made up the party and their leader was Leif Ericson.
His purpose was to explore the coasts which his countryman, Biarni
Heriulfson, had seen several years before, when in attempting to
cross from Iceland to Greenland adverse winds had driven him to lands
lying far to the south, possibly the island of Newfoundland. Leif
was sailing in Biarni’s ship which he had bought for the voyage. The
first shores sighted they conjectured to be those which Biarni had
seen. They offered no attractions. The explorers called the country
Helluland, the Land of Broad Stones, and passed on to Markland, the
Land of Woods, which may have been Nova Scotia. A few more days
brought them to an island where they noticed a peculiar sweetness in
the dew. They may have been the first “Off Islanders” to land upon
Nantucket, which is noted for its honey-dew. Following the coast they
came to a place “where a river flowed out of a lake.” The region
was inviting but the tide was low and the explorers were obliged to
wait until high water before they could pass over the broad shallows
into the lake beyond. Here they disembarked and erected temporary
habitations which soon gave place to permanent dwellings when they
determined to winter at that place. The new houses were easily
constructed from the stones which abundantly covered the fields as
they do even to this day.

The place seemed a paradise to the hardy voyagers. Fish of many
kinds leaped from the waters of the river and bay. Salmon larger
than any they had before seen were especially abundant. Many wild
animals roamed through the forests, as the deer wander through the
woods and pastures of Rhode Island at the present time. The denizens
of the frigid zone rightly imagined that cattle might easily find
provender throughout the winter, in a climate so soft and mild. They
experienced no severe cold; “no snow fell and the grass did not
wither much.” They had chanced upon one of the mild winters with
which we are occasionally favored. Three or four times in the last
thirty years the Mount Hope Lands have known seasons when there were
but few snow storms and those slight, seasons when in the sheltered
nooks of the forest the grass did not wither much. The next party
encountered “real New England weather,” and doubtless objurgated
Leif’s party for romancing concerning the climate. “The equality
in length of days was greater than in Iceland or Greenland. On the
shortest day the sun remained above the horizon from 7.30 to 4.30.”[4]

The dwellings having been completed, Leif divided his men into two
parties in order to explore the country. One party was to remain at
home while the other went abroad, and the exploring party was always
to return at nightfall. Especial charge was given the men to keep
together. The fear of the unknown was a marked characteristic of
the Dark Ages, even among the Norsemen who dreaded no human foes.
One of the party was a German, Tyrker by name, a kind of foster
father of Leif. He was missing one night when the explorers came
home and Leif at once started in search of him with a party of
twelve men. They were soon met by Tyrker, whom they welcomed with
great joy. But the man acted most strangely. At first he spoke only
in German, his mother tongue, and rolled his eyes and made strange
facial contortions when they did not understand what he said.
After a time the Norse language came back to him and he explained
his queer behavior. He had chanced upon some wild grapes and the
memories his discovery brought back were too much for him. Whether
he had found some of the fox-grapes which are still so common in New
England, or whether, as Professor Fernald conjectures, the fruit was
either a wild currant or a rock cranberry, we can not know; but the
adventurers were immensely pleased at his discovery. They filled the
“long boat,” which was carried with them as a tender, with the dried
fruit, when in the early spring they returned to Brattahlid, their
home port. Because of the grapes the name Vinland was given to the
region.

The return of Leif and the account his sailors gave naturally caused
intense excitement in that quiet community. In the spring of 1002
Thorvald Ericson, taking his brother’s ship and probably some of
Leif’s crew as guides, sailed on another voyage to Vinland. His
object was to make a more thorough exploration of the country. Thirty
men made up Thorvald’s party. Nothing is told of their voyage until
they reached Leif’s booths in Vinland. There they laid up their ship
and remained quietly through the winter, living by hunting and
fishing. The next year was spent in exploring the lands to the south.
The second summer they turned their steps northward and in this
northern expedition Thorvald was killed in a battle with the natives.
His comrades buried him on the headland where he had proposed to
settle. “There you shall bury me,” he told them after he had received
his death wound, “and place a cross at my head and another at my
feet, and the place shall be called Crossness ever after.” The
winter of 1004-5 was passed in Leifsbooths gathering cargo for the
return voyage. In the spring they sailed back to Greenland carrying
large quantities of grapes as their companions had done. Because of
Thorvald’s death the accounts of his voyage are probably more meagre
than they otherwise would have been.

In 1007 the most important of the Norse expeditions sailed from
Greenland. Its leader was Thorfinn Karlsefni. Thorfinn was both
seaman and merchant. Sailing from Iceland to Greenland on a trading
voyage, he had wintered at Brattahlid and there married his wife
Gudrid. Naturally there had been much talk of Vinland the Good during
the long Arctic winter and in the spring an expedition to explore the
new country was fitted out. It consisted of three ships manned by one
hundred and sixty men. With it went Gudrid and six other women, for
it was proposed to colonize the land. Thorfinn spent the winter amid
great hardships, caused by cold and lack of food, on what may have
been one of the islands of Buzzard’s Bay. There his son Snorri was
born, as far as we know the first child of European parents born upon
the shores of the American continent. In the spring, coming at last
to the place “where a river flowed down from the land into a lake and
then into the sea,” they waited for the high tide, as Leif had done,
sailed into the mouth of the river and called the place Hop.[5] On
the lowlands about them were self-sown fields of grain; on the high
ground the wild grapes grew in great profusion. Deer and other wild
animals roamed through the forests. The brooks as well as the bay
were filled with fish. They dug pits upon the beach before the high
tide came and when the tide fell the pits were leaping with fish.
Just so today flounders may be caught along the Narragansett shores.
The booths that Leif’s party had put up could not accommodate the new
comers and additional houses were built inland above the lake. No
snow fell during the winter. The cattle they had brought with them
needed no protection and lived by grazing. None of the privations of
the previous winter were experienced, and all things went well until
the Skraelings, or natives, appeared. At first the Skraelings came
only for trading. They wished to exchange skins for goods, being
especially anxious to obtain little strips of scarlet cloth, and
willingly giving a whole skin for the smallest strip. The Norsemen
benevolently attempted to satisfy the desires of all by tearing the
cloth into smaller and yet smaller pieces as the supply diminished.
While the bartering was going on one of the bulls Thorfinn had
brought with him appeared upon the scene, bellowing loudly. Thereupon
the savages rushed to their canoes and paddled away as quickly as
possible. A month later they reappeared, this time not to barter but
to fight. In the combat that followed two Northmen fell and many of
the Skraelings were killed. This battle convinced Thorfinn that the
lands though excellent in quality would be undesirable for a colony
by reason of the hostility of the natives. He therefore turned his
keels northward and returned to Greenland in 1010.

From this time expeditions to Vinland to procure grapes and timber
became frequent. Because they had lost their novelty they ceased
to be chronicled. As the saga puts it, “they were esteemed both
lucrative and honorable.” One noteworthy one is given in the
“Antiquitates Americanae,” that of Freydis and her husband Thorvald.
The tale of Freydis is a grewsome one. She seems to have been
entirely lacking in human sensibilities. Her husband murdered in cold
blood all the men of a party that had opposed him but he spared their
five women. Freydis seized an axe and brained them all. Possibly
their mangled remains may have been buried at the foot of Mount Hope.

Other mention of Vinland is found apart from the Icelandic
chronicles. Adam of Bremen in his “Historia Ecclesiastica,” published
in 1073, describes Iceland and Greenland and then goes on to say that
there is another country far out in the ocean which has been visited
by many persons, and which is called Vinland because of the grapes
found there. In Vinland, he says, corn grows without cultivation, as
he learns from trustworthy Norse sources. This must of course have
been the Indian corn, a grain that is hardly possible of cultivation
in Europe north of the Alps.

The people of Iceland were more given to the writing of chronicles
than were those of the countries of Europe, but unhappily Iceland was
a land of volcanoes and eruptions were not infrequent. An eruption of
Mount Hecla in 1390 buried several of the neighboring estates beneath
its ashes. Perhaps under those ashes may be lying other sagas that
may at some time be brought again to light, as in the case of the
scrolls of Pompeii. Mention of the lands that Leif discovered is
found in the “Annals of Iceland” as late as 1347. The last Bishop of
Greenland was appointed in the first decade of the fifteenth century
and since that time the colony has never been heard of. Ruins of its
houses may still be seen, but of the fate of those who dwelt in them
we know nothing.

One witness there still may be to testify to the Norse visits. About
thirty-five years ago a rock known by tradition but lost sight of
for half a century was rediscovered on the shores of Mount Hope Bay.
Upon it is rudely carved the figure of a boat with what may have been
a Runic inscription beneath it. The writing was surely not graven
by English hands and the Indians had no written language. May not
the strange carving have been made by the axe of a Norseman? It is
not remarkable that the rock was lost sight of for so many years.
The inscription is inconspicuous and the rock is like hundreds of
others along the shore. Moreover it was sometimes covered by the high
tides of spring and fall. It has recently been removed to a more
conspicuous position and may ere long be protected by a fence from
the vandalism of the occasional tourist.

Fact and not fancy characterizes the Indian history of the Mount Hope
Lands. First upon the scene steps Massasoit, “Friend of the White
Man,” ruler of all the region when the Pilgrims of the Mayflower
landed upon the shores of Plymouth. Like all the Indian sachems,
Massasoit had many places of residence. He moved from one to another
as the great barons of the Middle Ages moved from one castle to
another, and for the same reason. When provisions became scarce in
one place a region where they were more plentiful was sought. One
of his villages was unquestionably upon the slope of Mount Hope.
Not many weeks after the landing of the Pilgrims Massasoit had paid
them a visit in their new settlement. In July, 1621, Edward Winslow
and Stephen Hopkins were sent by Governor Bradford to return the
visit. Of what happened to this “embassy” and to a second sent some
two years later, Winslow presented a very full account, which may be
read in very nearly all of the histories of the period. It is one
of the most trustworthy and valuable pictures of Indian royal state
that have come down to us from colonial days. Winslow found Massasoit
occupying a wigwam only a little larger than those of his subjects.
The sleeping place was a low platform of boards covered with a thin
mat. On this bed, says Winslow, Massasoit placed his visitors, with
himself and his wife at one end and the Englishmen at the other,
and two more of Massasoit’s men passed by and upon them, so that
they were worse weary of the lodging than of the journey. As the
sachem had not been apprised of Winslow’s projected visit, he had
made no provisions for his entertainment. No supper whatsoever was
secured that night, and not until one o’clock of the next afternoon
was food to be had. Then two large fish, which had just been shot
(with arrows, of course), were boiled and placed before the sachem’s
guests, now numbering forty or more besides the two Englishmen.

In 1623 tidings reached Plymouth that Massasoit was sick and likely
to die. Edward Winslow was therefore sent to visit him a second time.
With him went a young English gentleman who was wintering at Plymouth
and who desired much to see the country. His name was John Hampden,
a name destined to become famous wherever the English language was
spoken. The great John Hampden was born in 1594. He would have been
twenty-nine years old at this time. He had as yet done nothing
whatever to make himself famous and was a comparatively inconspicuous
man, notwithstanding the prominent position his family had held for
centuries in England. There is no record of his presence in England
at this time. Like Oliver Cromwell he may have been considering
a residence in America among men of his own religious faith, and
for this reason may have made a preliminary visit to this country.
Green, discussing in his “History of the English People” Cromwell’s
scheme for emigrating to America, says: “It is more certain that
John Hampden purchased a tract of land on the Narragansett.” Most
important of all, the name of John Hampden appears in the list of the
Charter Members of the Colony of Connecticut.

As long as he lived Massasoit remained the firm friend of the
colonists. Upon his death, in 1662, his son Wamsutta (or Alexander)
headed the Wampanoag tribe for a year, and then came Philip,
Massasoit’s second son. Philip was a foe to the white men, made such
by English treatment of his tribe. He was one of the ablest Indian
leaders this country has produced, a wonderful organizer, a skillful
diplomatist. From tribe to tribe he journeyed, inducing them to rest
from their interminable wars and to turn their weapons against the
common enemy of all. But for an accident which caused hostilities
to begin a little while before the year (1676) Philip had fixed
upon, the colonists would have been swept from the land. The war
began in 1675, and Capt. Benjamin Church, the conqueror of Philip,
wrote an account of it. Benjamin Church was one of our greatest
“Indian fighters.” He had lain in their wigwams, he had studied their
character. Naturally and inevitably he came at last to the leadership
of the colonial forces. When Philip’s plans had all come to naught,
the Wampanoag sachem came back to Mt. Hope, to make his last stand
and to die. Death came to him from a bullet fired by one of his own
men who had taken service in Capt. Church’s company. In 1876, on the
two hundredth anniversary of his death, the Rhode Island Historical
Society, with appropriate ceremonies, placed a boulder monument on
the top of Mt. Hope, with this inscription:

  KING PHILIP, AUGUST 12, 1676. O. S.

Beside Cold Spring on the west side of the hill a massive block of
granite records that

  IN THE MIERY SWAMP 166 FEET W. S. W. FROM THIS SPRING,
  ACCORDING TO TRADITION, KING PHILIP FELL,
  AUGUST 12, 1676. O. S.

The Mt. Hope lands should have fallen to Plymouth by right of
conquest, as they were included in the territory originally granted
to that colony. But both the Colony of Massachusetts Bay and the
Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations claimed a portion
of the spoils. So delegates of the several colonies were sent to
argue the case before Charles II. Singularly enough another claimant
appeared in the person of John Crowne, a poet. Crowne was a native of
Nova Scotia. His father had purchased a large tract of land in that
country which had become practically valueless because of the cession
of Nova Scotia to the French. He therefore asked that the small
tract of land which had lately come into English possession should be
turned over to him as a compensation. But Mt. Hope, though belonging
to the English Crown, was not to be Crowne land. The Plymouth Colony
agents claimed that the tract, comprising almost 7000 acres, part of
it good soil and much of it rocky, mountainous and barren, for which
they had fought and bled, should be awarded to them, more especially
because it would afford to them the seaport which they lacked. Their
arguments were convincing and the land was awarded to Plymouth by
special grant, January 12, 1680. The king among other things demanded
a quit rent annually of seven beaver skins. No other royal grant was
made of conquered lands, but conflicting claims necessitated this.

Plymouth Colony at once placed the lands on the market, and September
14, 1680, sold them for $1,100 to four men of Boston, John Walley,
Nathaniel Byfield, Stephen Burton and Nathaniel Oliver. The first
three of these became residents of the town they founded. Of them,
Byfield was the ablest and most distinguished. He came of good stock.
His father was of the Westminster Assembly of Divines. His mother was
sister of Juxon, bishop of London and later archbishop of Canterbury,
who was a personal friend of Charles I, and attended that ill
fated monarch upon the scaffold. Byfield was the wealthiest of the
settlers. He had one residence upon Poppasquash near the head of that
peninsula, and one upon what is now Byfield Street in the south part
of the town. He was a man of unusual ability and large wealth. He was
also a man of great liberality in all his dealings with the town. His
public service was continuous and distinguished. His liberal mind
resisted the insane fanaticism of the people during their delusion
on the subject of witchcraft, and in his will he left a bequest “to
all and every minister of Christ of every denomination in Boston.”
He lived forty-four years in Bristol, only leaving the town when his
advanced age made the greater comforts of Boston necessary.

John Walley was also of good stock, his father being rector of one
of the London churches. In 1690 he commanded the land forces of
William Phipps in the expedition against Canada. He also, in his old
age, was forced by disease to seek a more luxurious abode in Boston.
Stephen Burton was said to have been a graduate of Oxford. He was
undoubtedly the most scholarly man of the four proprietors. Oliver, a
rich Bostonian, never resided in Bristol but sold his share to Nathan
Hayman, another wealthy Boston merchant.

With men like these as sponsors for the new settlement, it was not
difficult to secure settlers. The most noted among them was Benjamin
Church, the Indian fighter already mentioned. Capt. Church built a
house upon Constitution Street. (Church Street was not named in his
honor. Upon that street stood the edifice which gave it its name, the
building in which the members of the Church of England worshipped.
There were many streets named for a like reason in colonial days.)
He was the first representative of the town in the general court of
Plymouth Colony and was many times elected to public office. In his
later years he made his home in Little Compton, whence many of his
descendants drifted back to Bristol. Because the town was to be the
seaport of Plymouth Colony, many of the descendants of the Mayflower
Pilgrims naturally came to dwell within its borders. In choosing
Bristol for its name, the settlers cherished a hope that, as in the
case of its English namesake, it would become the great city upon the
west. Boston on the east shore was the London of Massachusetts.

The new town was laid out on a liberal scale, with side streets
crossing each other at right angles, and a spacious “common” in the
center of the settlement. The grand articles stipulated that all
houses should be two stories high, with not less than two good rooms
on a floor. As most of the settlers could not well spare the time,
if they had the means, for building a house with four rooms upon a
floor, the “camelopard” type of dwelling was much in evidence. This
presented a goodly appearance to the eye of him who stood directly
in front, but degenerated greatly when one shifted his position,
the roof sloping severely and persistently down to a woodpile. One
chimney was deemed sufficient for a house. We should deem such a
one more than sufficient. If of brick it was about fourteen feet
square; if of stone, about twenty feet. All the chimneys had immense
fireplaces, into which a man could sometimes walk without stooping,
and all were admirably adapted to keep a house cold. The rooms
were abominably drafty, and the high backed settle was an absolute
necessity. A great pile of logs might be blistering the faces while
the snow was drifting in through the cracks upon the backs.

The first house built is still standing just north of the town
bridge. Deacon Nathaniel Bosworth was its builder, an ancestor of
those who own it today. Only the southwestern part of the present
structure was the work of Deacon Bosworth. The best house was
naturally that of Byfield. It was two stories high, with a barn roof,
and was nearly square, thirty by thirty-eight feet. It was torn down
in 1833, and a hard job the destroyers had. The chimney stood in the
center of the house. It was built of imported bricks held together
by mortar mixed with shell lime. This mortar had become hard as
stone. When the chimney was overthrown it fell to the ground almost
unbroken, as an oak tree would fall. Byfield had another house at the
head of the harbor on Poppasquash. In each room were deep fireplaces,
across which ran an oaken beam a foot square. One winter morning the
owner of the house was surprised, when he came down stairs, to find
the house even colder than usual. The front door was open and the
floor was covered with snow drifts. As the door was never locked the
phenomenon interested him but little, and he hastened out to feed
his cattle. One ox was missing and the farmer went back to the house
to organize a searching party, but as he opened the door and turned
his eyes toward the fireplace, he changed his plans. There lay the
huge creature tranquilly chewing the cud of complete contentment.
It had found the door ajar, pushed it open and established itself
comfortably upon the still warm ashes.

The town was founded for “purposes of trade and commerce” and early
its sails began to whiten the seas. Naturally the first commerce was
coastwise only. Then vessels sought the ports of the West Indies and
Spanish Main, laden most frequently with that bulb whose fragrance
lingers longest in the nostrils, the onion. The culture of this
vegetable was one of the three things for which the town was noted
for more than two centuries.

There once dwelt in Bristol a man named Sammy Usher, who was noted
for his irascibility not less than for his caustic tongue. One day a
visitor from Brown University was introduced to him. This young man,
though a sophomore, was yet somewhat fresh, and Sammy did not like
him. He said, “Mr. Usher, I hear that Bristol is noted for three
things, its geese, girls and onions. What do you do with them all?”
“Oh,” said Usher, “we marry our girls as soon as they grow up, we
ship our onions to Cuba, and we send our geese to college.” The first
recorded shipment, however, was not of onions. November 6, 1686,
Byfield placed a number of his horses on board the Bristol Merchant
bound for Surinam. Possibly they may have been of the Narragansett
pacer breed for which the south county was so long famous. Very early
in the town’s history, sails were turned to the coast of Africa. The
voyage was the most hazardous that could be taken, but the returns
from a successful venture were enormous. There was profit on each leg
of the voyage. The first leg was from the home port, with the hold
filled with casks of New England rum and small crates of trinkets.
One cask was ordinarily enough to secure a slave, but before the
cargo was complete, all hands were likely to be down with coast
fever. When the crew were again strong enough to work the vessel, the
“middle passage” to the West Indies was made, and the live freight,
which had been handled with as great care as are the cattle on the
Atlantic transports today, was exchanged for casks of molasses. Then
came the last leg of the voyage. The molasses was carried to Bristol
to be converted into rum. This trade the town shared with Newport and
Providence.

No stigma whatever was attached to the slave traffic as carried on in
the seventeenth century and for the greater part of the eighteenth.
The voyages, while always dangerous, were not always profitable. The
vessels engaged in them were ordinarily small; sometimes they were
sloops of less than a hundred tons. A fleet of them could be stowed
away in the hold of a Lusitania. They had to be small and of light
draft in order to run up the shallow rivers to whose banks their
human cargo was driven. Lying at anchor in the stifling heat, with no
wind to drive away the swarming insect life, the deadly coast fever
would descend upon a ship, and, having swept away half its crew,
leave those who survived too weak to hoist the sails. The captains
were, for the most part, God fearing men, working hard to support
their families at home. One piously informs his owners that “we have
now been twenty days upon the coast and by the blessing of God shall
soon have a good cargo.” The number of negroes taken on board a ship
was never large until the trade was declared to be piratical. Then
conditions changed horribly. It did not pay to take more on board
than could be delivered in the West Indies in prime condition. They
were not packed more closely than were the crews of the privateers of
whom we shall read later on.

Naturally not a few slaves found their way to Bristol. When the
first slave was brought there we do not know. Nathaniel Byfield, in
his will, gives directions for the disposition of his “negro slave
Rose, brought to Bristol from the West Indies in the spring of 1718.”
Quickly they became numerous. The census of 1774 records 114 blacks
in a total population of 1209, almost one-tenth. At first they lived
on the estates of their owners, and were known by his name, if they
had any surname. After the Revolutionary War, when slavery had been
abolished (mainly because it was unprofitable), they gathered into
a district by themselves on the outskirts of the town. This region
was called “Gorea” from that part of the coast of Africa with which
the slave traders were most familiar. It continued to be known as
such until the buildings of the great rubber works crowded it out of
existence in the early ’70s of the last century.

Naturally and inevitably the town became involved in the contest that
resulted in the independence of America. The affair of the Gaspee
was the first in which her people participated. The Gaspee was an
armed schooner stationed in Narragansett Bay for the prevention of
smuggling. Smuggling was as much in vogue in American waters as in
the waters surrounding the British Isles, and was regarded with no
more disfavor in one case than in the other. The commander of the
vessel was Lieutenant Thomas Duddington, a man who was entirely
lacking in tact, and who carried himself with such haughty arrogance
as to make himself most obnoxious. One day while chasing one of
the packet sloops that plied between New York and Providence, he
ran aground on Namquit (now Gaspee) Point. His “chase” escaped and
carried the joyful tidings of his plight to Providence. At once
drummers were sent through the streets proclaiming the situation of
the vessel, and calling for volunteers to destroy her before the next
high tide. Eight long boats were furnished by John Brown, the leading
merchant of the town, which were quickly filled by a rejoicing
band. No attempt at disguise was made by those who took part in the
expedition, but the oars were muffled to enable the boats to make the
attack without being seen. As they drew near the vessel, a little
after midnight, they were joined by a whaleboat containing a party
from Bristol under the command of Captain Simeon Potter.[6]

Their approach was discovered by the watch upon the Gaspee, and as
the boats dashed forward they were fired upon from the schooner. The
fire was at once returned by the attacking party, and the vessel was
boarded and captured after a short but desperate struggle. In this
struggle Lieutenant Duddington was wounded, though not seriously. The
crew were captured, bound and set on shore. The vessel was set on
fire and completely destroyed. Then, having been entirely successful
in their expedition, the boats rowed joyfully homeward. Those who
took part in the exploit made no effort to conceal it and some of
them even boasted of what they had done. The British Government
at once offered a large reward for information that would lead to
the conviction of the bold offenders. Some of them were among the
foremost men in the Colony and almost every one knew their names,
the name of Abraham Whipple especially being on the lips of all the
people, but no man of any character could be found to testify against
them and none of them were ever brought to trial. The affair took
place on June 10, 1772. It was the first contest in which British
blood was shed in an expedition openly organized against the forces
of the mother country, and it differed from all the other preliminary
encounters because of the character of those engaged in it. Other
outbreaks were the work of an irresponsible mob. Crispus Attucks, for
instance, who fell in the so called Boston Massacre, was a mulatto
and the men whom he led were of his type. But some of the leading
men of Rhode Island sat on the thwarts of the nine boats, and their
boldness seems almost incredible to us of the present day. It shows
that while public sentiment at Newport and New York and the other
great seats of commerce along the coast may have favored the king,
the people of the Providence Plantations were already prepared to
sever their relations with England.

The only “lyric” to commemorate the affair came from the pen of
Captain Thomas Swan of Bristol, one of those who took part in it. His
effusion has never appeared in any history of American literature,
for good and sufficient reasons, but it is printed in full in Munro’s
“History of Bristol.” The participation of the Bristol men in the
Gaspee affair is often denied by “out of town” people. I have no
doubt respecting the matter. My own grandmother, born in 1784, the
daughter of a soldier of the Revolution who was born in 1762 and
lived until 1821, and whose grandfather, born in 1731, lived until
1817, firmly believed in it. She had had opportunities for talking
the subject over with two generations who were living on June 10,
1772.

In January, 1881, Bishop Smith of Kentucky, born in Bristol in 1794
and a graduate of Brown in 1816, wrote to me calling my attention
to a slight difference between the “Swan Song,” as I had given it
in my “History of Bristol,” and a version pasted upon the back of
a portrait of Thomas Swan’s father by Thomas Swan himself. Capt.
Swan was Bishop Smith’s uncle. The Bishop wrote, “I should not have
troubled you on so inconsiderable a point had not the tradition in
our family been that _the Bristol boat was manned by men in the
disguise of Narragansett Indians_.”

When Bishop Smith penned those lines several men were living in
Bristol who had heard the story from Captain Swan’s own lips. He
delighted in telling it and was accustomed to give the names of
Bristol participants. Those names had unhappily escaped the memory of
his auditors. The correspondence on the subject of the Gaspee, which
occurred during the Revolutionary War between Abraham Whipple and
Captain Sir James Wallace, the commander of the British naval forces
in Narragansett Bay, is worthy of another reproduction:

Wallace to Whipple:

“You, Abraham Whipple, on the 10th June, 1772, burned his Majesty’s
vessel, the Gaspee, and I will hang you at the yard arm.--James
Wallace.”

Whipple to Wallace:

“To Sir James Wallace; Sir; Always catch a man before you hang
him.--Abraham Whipple.”

On October 7, 1775, the town was bombarded by a British fleet. The
squadron consisted of three ships of war, one bomb brig, one schooner
and some smaller vessels, fifteen sail in all. They had sailed up
from Newport under the command of Sir James Wallace. A boat’s crew
was sent on shore to demand sheep from the town. As they were not
forthcoming, the boat returned to the ship and shortly afterward the
whole fleet began “a most heavy cannonading, heaving also shells and
‘carcasses’ into the town.” (Carcasses were vessels bound together
with hoops and filled with combustibles.) Singularly enough, no one
was killed, though many buildings were struck by balls. The next
morning the sheep demanded were furnished and the fleet sailed away.
An epidemic of dysentery was raging at the time, seventeen persons
having died within a fortnight; and the fact that at least one
hundred sick persons would have to be removed if the cannonading was
resumed influenced the town committee to provide the supply demanded.
One life, however, went out because of the bombardment. The Rev. John
Burt, the aged pastor of the Congregational Church, had for a long
time been sick and feeble. When the air was filled with missiles he
fled from his house, no one seeing him, and wandered away, weak and
bewildered. The next morning, as he did not appear in the meeting
house at the hour of service, his congregation went out to seek him.
They found at last him lying dead upon his face in a field of ripened
corn.

About three years later, on Sunday, May 25, 1778, most of the houses
in the center of the town were burned by the British. Five hundred
British and Hessian soldiers landed on the “West Shore,” marched
quickly through Warren to the Kickamuit River, and there burned
seventy or more flat-boats that had been gathered together by the
colonists for the purpose of making an expedition against the enemy.
The raiders set fire to some buildings in Warren and then proceeded
along the main road to Bristol, making prisoners of the men found
in the farm houses standing near the highway. A force of perhaps
three hundred militia had been hastily gathered at Bristol to oppose
them. But, as is almost always the case, the number of the marauding
troops was greatly exaggerated and the American commanding officer
did not deem himself strong enough to oppose them. Withdrawing in
the direction of Mount Hope he left the town to their mercy. The
torch was first applied to Parson Burt’s house, which stood near the
Congregational Meeting House.

Mr. Burt had died during the bombardment, as has been before related,
but he had been fearless in his denunciation of royal tyranny
during his life and his house was burned as a warning. Then the
other buildings southward along the main street were set on fire,
including the residence of Deputy Governor Bradford, this last being
the finest house in town. One of the Governor’s negro servants had
just begun his dinner when he saw the flames bursting forth. He was
quite equal to the occasion. Running to the burying ground on the
Common, not far away, he seated himself, frying pan in hand, upon a
tombstone and calmly finished his meal. Thirty or more buildings
were burned, among them being the edifice of the Church of England,
Saint Michael’s Church. This last structure was destroyed through
a mistake, the incendiaries supposing that they were burning the
Dissenters’ Meeting House. The sexton of Saint Michael’s refused to
believe that his church was burned. “It can’t be,” he said, “for I
have the key in my pocket.” From this time until the close of the
war the tread of marching feet was heard almost daily. The soldiers,
however, were only militiamen summoned hastily together to defend
their homes. They were poorly drilled and still more poorly armed,
the kind of soldier that springs to arms at an instant’s call. The
immediate danger having passed, they returned to their farms and
their workshops.

Until October 25, 1779, when the British forces left Newport, the
fortunes of those who dwelt upon the Mount Hope Lands were hazardous
in the extreme. Lafayette had established his headquarters in the
north part of the town but was soon forced to remove them to “a safer
place behind Warren.” The peninsula was so easily accessible that
raids upon its shores were frequent. One result of the marauding
expeditions was the cutting down of the forests that had lined the
shores of Narragansett Bay. This was especially notable in the case
of the island of Prudence, just at the mouth of Bristol harbor. Today
the island is almost treeless, no attempt at reforestation having
been made. The people of Bristol were wise in their generation and
now from the harbor the town seems to nestle in a forest.

The winter of 1779-80 was one of the most severe ever known in the
Colonies. For six weeks the bay was frozen from shore and the ice
extended far out to sea. Wood in most of the towns sold for $20 a
cord. The prices of all kinds of provisions soared in like manner.
Corn sold for four silver dollars a bushel and potatoes for two
dollars. What their prices were in the depreciated Rhode Island paper
currency we can only imagine. While the bay was still frozen some
of the barracks on Poppasquash, that had been used by the French
allies, were moved across the harbor on the ice. One of them is still
used as a dwelling house. It stands on the west side of High Street
just north of Bradford. From 1774 to 1782 the population of the town
decreased 14.6 per cent. More noteworthy still, in that same period
the percentage of decrease in the case of the blacks was more than
thirty per cent.

In 1781 the town was first honored by the presence of George
Washington. He passed through it on his way to Providence. It was a
great day for the people of the place. They all turned out to greet
the hero, standing in double lines as he rode through the streets.
“Marm” Burt’s school children were especially in evidence. This lady
was the widow of the Parson Burt who had died during the bombardment.
She had sustained herself since her husband’s death by keeping a
“dame’s school.” To impress the occasion upon the minds of her pupils
she made them learn these lines:

    “In seventeen hundred and eighty-one
    I saw General Washington.”

Imagine the General’s emotions as he heard them singing the verse, at
the top of their voices of course, as he passed.

Washington afterward made several visits to the town. In 1793 he
spent a week at the home of Governor Bradford, at “the Mount,”
Bradford being then a member of the United States Senate. The
Bradford house is still standing.

Rhode Island was the last of the “Old Thirteen” to adopt the
Federal Constitution. Then as always she chafed at the domination
of Massachusetts. Because Bristol had been a part of Massachusetts
before it became a part of Rhode Island it was still greatly
influenced by the ideas of the “Bay Colony.” When in 1788 the
question of adopting the Constitution was submitted to the people of
Rhode Island, Bristol and Little Compton (which had also been a part
of Massachusetts) were the only towns in which a majority in favor
of the adoption was obtained. A great celebration took place in 1790
when the State became a member of the United States of America.

At once the energy which had lain dormant during the Revolutionary
War revived. Commerce again became active. Evidence of this was
manifested by the building of new distilleries. One, erected by the
leading firm of ship owners, was opened in 1792. They were preparing
for a renewal of the trade with Africa. For thirty-five years
thereafter two hundred gallons of rum were here each day distilled.
At one time five distilleries were in active operation. The last
of them closed its doors in 1830, the business having ceased to be
profitable.

In the first quarter of the last century two great religious revivals
transformed the town. They began in Saint Michael’s Church in the
rectorship of Bishop Griswold. The town then numbered about two
thousand inhabitants, almost all of whom were more or less connected
with the sea. The first among the laymen to take part in the movement
was a sea captain who had just returned from a voyage to the Island
of Trinidad. Before he left Bristol, the unwonted fervor of Bishop
Griswold’s sermons and discourses had turned his thoughts toward
the attainment of the holier and higher life, whose glories the
bishop was ever placing before his people. The awful solemnity of
the ocean had completed the lesson. On Saturday night he returned
from his voyage. The next day, when the bishop had finished his
sermon, the emotions that stirred the soul of the sailor entirely
overcame the modesty that usually kept him back from the public
notice. Rising from his seat, he went forward to the old wine-glass
pulpit in which the preacher was yet standing, and conversed with
him earnestly for a few moments, while the congregation looked on
with amazement at the unusual interruption. With that benignant smile
which marked his gentle nature, Bishop Griswold assented to the
request that was preferred; and placing his hand upon the shoulder
of the eager enthusiast, he turned to the congregation and said: “My
friends, Captain ---- wishes to tell you what the Lord has done for
his soul.” Then the quiet sailor told the congregation the story of
the change that had been wrought in him; told it without a thought
of the unusual part he was assuming; told it in the simplest words,
with no attempt at eloquence or effect, but with the wondrous power
of God’s love so plainly before his eyes that the minds of all his
hearers went with him upon the sea, and felt the struggle which had
brought his soul out of darkness into light. Never, even, had the
inspired words of their pastor stirred the people of St. Michael’s
Church more strongly. When he ceased there was hardly a dry eye in
the congregation. Only a few well chosen words did the bishop add to
intensify the lesson, and then dismissed his people with the usual
benediction.

From that day the revival became general. Through the town it spread,
until the minds of all were turned to thoughts of the life that was
to come. The sound of the workman’s hammer was unheard for a season,
the horses stood idle in their stalls, the noise of merry laughter
ceased as the crowds of serious worshippers poured onward to the
churches. For days these remarkable scenes were to be witnessed;
their effect could be observed for years.

The second revival came in 1820. Like the first it began in Saint
Michael’s Church. It lasted for about three months. The first meeting
was held in a private house. The Rev. Dr. Stephen H. Tyng, writing
sixty years later, said: “It was with unbounded surprise that I
went into the house at the hour appointed. It was crowded in every
room, staircase and entry, as if some unusually crowded funeral were
there. But for ministering to this people, hungry for the bread of
life, I was there alone. They had placed a Bible and Prayer-book
on the first landing of the stairs. The people were crowded above
me and below me, as far as my eye could reach, in the most eager
attention to the Word. It was the most solemn assembly I had ever
seen, and its impression upon my mind and memory was overwhelming
and abiding. But this was the commencement of months of work of a
similar description, and from this day we had a similar meeting
appointed for every evening. These were held in various rooms and
houses throughout the town. The evening meetings were usually held in
the Academy Hall. My whole time for about three months was given up
to this one work. Three times every day I was engaged in addressing
different assemblies in different parts of the town and of the
surrounding country, and in conversing with awakened and anxious
persons connected with these meetings. Such a scene in human society
as Bristol then displayed, I had never imagined. The whole town was
given up to this one work. The business of the world was for a time
suspended. The stores were in many instances closed, as if the whole
week were a Sabbath.”

As in the former case the work spread through all the churches.
Crowds came from surrounding towns to gaze upon the remarkable
spectacle the town afforded. Such revivals would now be impossible.
The busy manufacturing town of today would pay slight attention to
exhortations to which the ears that were accustomed to tales of
horrible disaster upon the ocean lent ready attention. Moreover,
the descendants of the old colonial stock are comparatively few in
number, and the new foreign element which forms the great majority of
the population is not to be moved by religious appeals as were those
whose lives were dominated by Puritan traditions.

The maritime element always furnished the most picturesque part of
the Bristol story. Until half a century ago the boys of the town had
the names of the famous ships and the exploits of the most famous
captains at the tongue’s end. The most noted captains were Simeon
Potter, John De Wolf and James De Wolf, of whom detailed accounts
will be given later. We idealized those seamen, especially Simeon
Potter. One sailor who was not a captain but a ship’s surgeon had had
a most remarkable experience. He was an inveterate smoker and his
inordinate use of the weed once saved his life. He was shipwrecked
upon a cannibal island in the Pacific ocean. His fellow sufferers
were all eaten by their captors. Because he was so flavored with
tobacco, he was not deemed fit to be eaten at once by the savage
epicures, and so lived to be rescued. He was also a most profane man.
One day after a long attack of fever, which had wasted him almost to
a skeleton, he ventured out for a walk. Unfortunately, he had not
noted the wind. He wore a long cloak and the wind was fair and heavy.
Having once started before it, he was not able to stop, but went on,
gathering speed and scattering profanity, until friendly arms at last
rescued him, entirely exhausted except as to his supply of oaths.
Depraved boys when caught smoking sometimes brought forward his case
in extenuation of their own crime.

Boyish sports before the introduction of baseball in the “early ’60s”
were largely nautical. As a matter of course every boy learned to
swim almost as soon as he learned to walk. Before his anxious mother
had really begun to worry about him he was diving from a bowsprit or
dropping from a yard arm. One man whom I know still regards a forced
swim of about half a mile which he took from an overturned skiff,
at the age of nine, as the most delightful episode of his career.
(He forgot to tell his mother about it until a considerable time,
i.e., the swimming season, had elapsed.) One of the amusements of
that olden time was unique. When we were about ten years old we were
wont, as soon as school was dismissed, to hasten down to the wharves,
“swarm” up the rigging of some of the vessels lying there, and having
reached the point where the shrouds stopped, to “shin up” the smooth
topmast and place our caps upon the caps of the masts. The one who
got his cap on a mast first was of course the best boy. Singularly
enough, I never remember to have proclaimed to my parents the proud
occasions when I was “it.” My great chum in those days was Benjamin
F. Tilley, who died quite recently, an Admiral in the United States
Navy and one of the best loved officers in the service. When he was
in Providence a few years ago, in command of the gunboat Newport, we
indulged largely in reminiscences of our boyhood, and among other
things “shinned” up those masts again. Very strangely Tilley could
not remember that he had ever proclaimed to his parents that he was
“it.” Modest always were the Bristol boys in the days of my youth.
Looking back upon these episodes with the added knowledge fifty
years have brought, I feel sure that if I had told my father of my
prowess, he would have said in his quiet way, “Perhaps you would
better not say anything to your mother about it,” and would have gone
away chuckling. He had been “it” himself. For we boys were simply
exemplifying the traditions of our race. We were only doing what our
forebears had done for generations.

In the earliest years of the town the names of streets in cities
across the ocean were more familiar to its inhabitants than were
those of the towns of the other Colonies. In 1690 fifteen of its
vessels were engaged in foreign commerce, and the number of such
vessels steadily increased until the Revolutionary War. When that
struggle broke out fifty hailed from the port. Add to this the
number of craft of every description engaged in the coasting trade
and one can easily imagine the crowded condition of the harbor. Ship
building was at one time a prominent industry. Statistics are not
readily accessible but we know that from 1830 to 1856 sixty vessels
were here built and rigged. After 1856 none of any importance were
constructed until, in 1863, the Herreshoffs began to send from their
yard the yachts that were to “show their heels” to all rivals. The
decline of commerce dates from the revival of the whale fishery. In
the earliest colonial days whales were captured along the coasts of
New England by means of boats sent out from the shore whenever one
of the great fishes came in sight. This was not infrequently. (It
was a whale cast up on the shore that saved Thorfinn Karlsefni from
starvation when the Norsemen made their second visit to Vinland.)
In the year 1825 the first whaler was fitted out for a cruise. The
venture was unusually successful and other ships were quickly placed
in commission. In 1837 the arrival of sixteen vessels “from a whaling
cruise” is recorded on the books of the Custom House. The most noted
of those whalers was the General Jackson, prize of the privateer
Yankee. Of her more anon. In 1837 the Bristol whaling fleet numbered
nineteen ships.

The bell which summoned the operatives of the first cotton mill to
their work really sounded the death knell of the shipping industry.
The man whose maritime ventures had been most profitable was quick
to recognize the fact. James De Wolf was the first of Bristolians
to transfer his capital from ships to factories. With the building
of mills agriculture began to decline though for more than half a
century onions and other vegetables continued to be exported to
the West India Islands. The erection of the great buildings of the
National Rubber Company completed the transformation of the town.

Very different is the place from the old Puritan town of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; very different indeed from the
Bristol of sixty years ago. Sixty years ago the Puritan traditions
still dominated. This fact was especially evident on Sunday. That
day was observed with the strictness of the old Puritan Sabbath.
Worldly amusements were frowned upon. Every one was expected to go to
church in the morning, and a very large proportion of the population
attended a second religious service in the afternoon or evening. If
golf had been known no one would have ventured to play it. Social
ostracism would have followed any attempt at a match game of ball.
The only foreign element was the Irish. Very nearly all the Irish
had been born on “the old sod.” Today the Irish element is almost
the dominant one and the descendants of the first immigrants are as
thoroughly American in their ideals and sentiments as are those who
trace their ancestry to the Founders of 1680. Sixty years ago there
were perhaps a dozen names upon the tax lists that were not derived
from the British Isles. No foreign tongue except the Spanish of the
frequent Cuban visitors was heard upon the streets. Today the Italian
language is everywhere heard and Italian names fill the pages of
the directory. With the Italians have come also Canadian French and
Portuguese. Walking over the “Common” one day not long ago I passed
three groups of men and boys and heard from them not one word of
English. One group was Italian, another French, the third Portuguese.

In the olden days the business was transacted along the wharves on
Thames Street. That street was crowded with drays loaded with the
products of every land, while sailors of all nations lounged about
the water front. Today a sailor is a rare sight. The commerce has
vanished and not a vessel of any size hails from the port. Even
the pronunciation of the name of the street by the water has been
changed and most of the dwellers upon that thoroughfare do not know
that they are living upon the “Tems” street of our fathers. By day
even in summer the streets of the town are almost empty, except for
the visitors, and half the people are at work in the factories. But
there is immense life in the place yet. The population is increasing
by leaps and bounds and the wealth per capita is increasing in
the same way. When the great mill wheels cease to turn, a hurrying
throng of operatives crowds the highways. Although they are now for
the most part alien in speech and thought, their children, born in
the old colonial port, will grow up imbued with the spirit of the
place and will be Americans, Americans without the hyphen. The old
seafaring spirit still exists, though mightily transformed. No longer
do Bristol sails whiten far distant seas, no longer do the argosies
bring into the harbor the products of India, the silks of China and
Japan. From the port today go forth vessels of a very different type.
They lack the capacious holds of the olden days but they carry sails
larger than any the old captains ever dreamed of. Their business is
not to carry merchandise; they sail forth from Narragansett Bay to
lead the yachting fleets of the world.



PART I

SIMEON POTTER AND THE PRINCE CHARLES OF LORRAINE


1--SIMEON POTTER

Most famous among the names of the old sea captains of Bristol is
that of Simeon Potter. For almost half a century Potter was the most
conspicuous figure in the town in which he was born. He was also one
of the influential men in the Colony and State of Rhode Island for a
large part of that time.

Simeon Potter was born in Bristol in the year 1720. His father was
not a man of fortune and the boy’s education was almost entirely
neglected. His letters, even in advanced age, are those of an
illiterate man who, apparently, had never attempted to remedy the
deficiencies of his youth. Perhaps this is not to be wondered at. He
went forth from Bristol an humble sailor lad whose only possessions
were a sound body and an imperious will. After a comparatively few
years spent upon the ocean he returned to his native town with a
purse overflowing with riches, a man to be looked up to for the rest
of his life.

His wealth was acquired in “privateering,” and tales of his captures
upon the sea, and especially of his wild marauding descents upon
foreign coasts, were familiar as household words to the ears of the
Bristolians of three-quarters of a century ago. Those tales lost
nothing in the telling and in them Potter came to be endowed with
attributes he never possessed. This was especially the case with his
stature. Like Charlemagne he continued to grow taller with each fifty
years after his death. He came in time to be pictured as a giant in
size and strength, a man whose success was largely due to the might
of his arm, and not to any especial mental ability. It was not until
the narrative which follows had been brought to light that we were
able to see him as he really was, a slight man. Possibly his great
wealth rather than an overpowering personality may have been the
cause of his large influence. His fortune was estimated at a quarter
of a million dollars, which was an enormous sum for those days.

He plunged gladly into the conflicts of the turbulent age, and by
a happy chance came forth from them all without serious injury.
When wars ceased his restless energy forced him into constant
litigations; he seemed never to be happy unless he had some legal
contest on his hands. His intense pride had much to do with this.
Like many self-made men he could brook no opposition; he exacted
from his townsmen the deference invariably rendered by seamen to the
quarter-deck, and never forgot that his success was due to his own
unaided efforts. Very soon after the Prince Charles had returned from
the raid upon Oyapoc it was visited by some officers from a British
man-of-war then lying in the harbor of Newport. They were greatly
pleased with the trim, man-o’-war appearance of the privateer and
expressed their approbation of its commander. Unfortunately they did
so with a patronizing condescension that was exceedingly galling to
the young captain. When at last one of them ventured to ask “why
he did not apply to his Majesty for a commission as the king would
undoubtedly give him a larger and better ship” he could no longer
contain himself. “When I wish for a better ship I will not ask his
Majesty for one, I will build one myself,” he said, and, turning on
his heel, left the Englishman wondering what he could have said that
seemed so offensive.

Potter left the sea and came back to Bristol to live just after the
town had been transferred from Massachusetts to Rhode Island. He
was first chosen to represent the town in the General Assembly in
1752, and from that time until the Revolution, when he had become an
Assistant, an office corresponding to that of a Senator today, his
voice was continually heard in the colonial councils. After the war
had really begun his zeal (though not his pugnacity) seems to have
waned and he ceased to take an active part in the affairs of either
town or State. Possibly the larger ability, the increasing influence
and the more striking personality of his townsman, Governor William
Bradford, may have had something to do with Potter’s retirement from
participation in public life.

However that may be, when the contest that was to result in the
independence of the United Colonies began he plunged into it with
immense delight. These lines in his own handwriting, preserved to
the present day by a descendant of one of his sisters (he left no
children), show clearly his mental attitude at that time:

    I love with all my heart
    The independent part.
    To obey the Parliament
    My conscience wont consent.
    I never can abide
    To fight on England’s side.
    I pray that God may bless
    The great and Grand Congress.
    This is my mind and heart
    Though none should take my part
    The man thats called a Tory
    To plague is all my glory.
    How righteous is the cause
    To keep the Congress laws!
    To fight against the King
    Bright Liberty will bring.
    Lord North and England’s King
    I hope that they will swing.
    Of this opinion I
    Resolve to live and die

His participation in the destruction of the Gaspee has been already
described. When the office of Major-General of the Rhode Island
Colonial Forces was created his zeal and energy had so impressed his
fellow members of the General Assembly that he was chosen to fill it.
His tenure of office must have been brief. In 1776 he had been chosen
Assistant (Assistants were elected by the vote of all the freemen of
the Colony), but he did not present himself at many meetings of the
Assembly. In fact so neglectful was he of his duties that a vote was
passed requesting his reasons for absenting himself, and demanding
his attendance at the next session. Undoubtedly the increased taxes
had something to do with it. He was the wealthiest citizen of Bristol
and one of the richest men in the Colony, and the possession of money
was his chief delight. He could not bear to see it taken away from
him even though the independence of the Colonies might thereby be
assured. (One day a young nephew was talking with him and lamenting
his apparent lack of success. “How, Captain Potter,” said he, “shall
I go to work to make money?” “Make money,” said Potter, “make money!
I would plow the ocean into pea porridge to make money.”)

In 1777 his name appears for the last time in the Colonial Records.
At the Town Meeting held in Bristol in May of that year “Colonel
Potter was chosen Moderator, but after the usual officers were
elected he withdrew and refused to serve any longer.” A tax
collector’s account was then presented showing that he had neglected
to pay all his taxes. Three years later, May 10, 1780, it was voted
in Town Meeting “That the Assessors make enquiry and make report to
the town at the adjournment of the meeting, what part of Colonel
Potter’s taxes remain unpaid, and that Mr. Smith, the collector, be
desired to apply to the Assessors of the town of Swansey to know
at what time said Potter began to pay taxes in said town, and what
part of his personal estate has been rated from time to time in
said town.” Although he still retained his household in Bristol he
had taken up his residence in Swansey, where the rate of taxation
was considerably less than that of Bristol. In that Massachusetts
town he continued, nominally, to reside for the rest of his life.
Notwithstanding his residence in another State he still continued
a member of Saint Michael’s Church. In 1792 a vote of the Vestry
was passed, thanking him for painting the church edifice, and for
other benefactions, and in 1799 he presented a bell (with a French
inscription) to the parish. His name headed the list of vestrymen
from 1793 until his death. He died, at the age of eighty-six,
February 20, 1806, leaving no children. His estate was by will
divided among his nine sisters and their descendants. All the
beneficiaries did not fare alike. He had his favorites and his
strong prejudices. As is almost always the case popular estimate had
exaggerated the value of his property. Instead of a quarter of a
million, less than half that amount was divided among his heirs. The
inventory showed that he had made a great many “wildcat” investments.

From his house on Thames Street the old captain was borne to his last
resting place in the burying-ground upon the Common. It was the most
impressive funeral the town had witnessed. All the people turned out
to see the long procession, and to take part in it. The privateering
exploits of his early life were again retold, the innumerable legal
battles of his later days were again recounted. Full of strife and
tumult were the centuries in which his life had been passed, stormy
and passionate his own career had been. He was perhaps the last, he
was certainly the most successful, of the old sea captains who, as
English subjects, had sailed forth from Narragansett Bay to make war
as privateersmen upon the foes of Great Britain. But among those
who followed his corpse to its final resting place were men who in
less than a decade were to sail out from Bristol harbor in a little
private armed vessel whose success as a privateer was to surpass
his wildest imaginings, a vessel that was to collect from English
merchants a tribute many times exceeding that which he had exacted
from the enemies of England. The story of that vessel will be told in
the last chapter of this book.

Potter was most noted for his raid upon the coast of French Guiana
of which an account follows. He was captain of a typical American
privateer when Narragansett Bay was noted throughout the Colonies as
a nursery of privateersmen. Rhode Island furnished more privately
armed vessels for the service of the mother country during the
eighteenth century than did any other American Colony. From the year
1700 to the Revolution at least one hundred and eighty such ships
sailed out from its ports. They were long and narrow, crowded with
seamen for their more speedy handling, and manœuvered with a skill
that placed the slower ships of the French and Spaniards entirely at
their mercy. They carried long guns which enabled them to disable
their adversaries at a distance, thus preventing their enemies from
inflicting any damage in return. Because built for speed they were
of light construction. A broadside from a man-of-war would have gone
crashing through their hulls and sent them at once to the bottom of
the sea, but the seamanship of their captains always kept them out of
reach of such a broadside. Their greatest danger was from the gales
that drove them upon a rocky coast. Then no skill of their captains
could save them. Their slight frames were quickly broken to pieces,
sometimes with the loss of every man on board. The Prince Charles of
Lorraine was wrecked upon the rocks of Seaconnet Point not long after
the voyage herein described.

The kind of warfare in which they engaged would not now be regarded
as honorable, yet it was then approved by all nations. Not only did
they seek prizes upon the ocean; a descent upon the coast of the
enemy, a plundering of a rich town especially if it was undefended,
was an exploit from which they derived the liveliest satisfaction.
They preferred that kind of an expedition, for, as was always the
case with private armed ships, their aim was simply to acquire
wealth for themselves, not to inflict unprofitable damage upon their
adversaries. Privateering was only a species of legalized piracy as
far as these raids were concerned. Happily the ruthless bloodshed
and the outrages which characterized the raids of the buccaneers
and other pirates were never charged against sailors on the legally
commissioned private armed ships. Their trade was brutal but they
carried it on with the approbation of their fellow men because it was
a custom that had prevailed from time immemorial.

Very rarely have records of their raids been preserved, more rarely
still accounts written by their victims. The one which follows was
discovered and made public some three-quarters of a century ago by
Bishop Kip of California. At the sale of a famous library in England
he purchased a set of the “Letters of Jesuit Missionaries from
1650-1750,” bound in fifty or more volumes. In 1875 he published a
volume containing translations of the letters relating especially to
American history. From this volume, which has long been out of print,
the following account is taken.

The owners of the Prince Charles of Lorraine were Sueton Grant,
Peleg Brown and Nathaniel Coddington, Jr., of Newport. Simeon Potter
of Bristol was her captain, and Daniel Brown of Newport was her
lieutenant. Among the Bristol men on the privateer were Mark Anthony
De Wolf (founder of the family destined to become most famous in
the history of the town), clerk; Benjamin Munro, master; Michael
Phillips, pilot; William Kipp and Jeffrey Potter, the last being
probably an Indian slave of Potter. Upon her return from her cruise
Captain Potter was summoned before an admiralty court, having been
accused of certain high handed, not to say illegal proceedings. Among
other things he was charged with having fired upon a Dutch vessel
while his ship was lying at anchor in Surinam, Dutch Guiana. He
proved to the satisfaction of the court that he had fired upon the
Dutch ship at the request of the Captain of the Port, in order to
“bring her to,” his own ship being between the vessel and the fort at
the time and so preventing the fire of the fort. The admiralty judge
decided that Potter had not been guilty of the offences charged,
and that he had shown zeal and enterprise worthy of commendation
and imitation. The trial proceedings combined with Father Fauque’s
narrative give a complete history of the cruise.

The privateer sailed from Newport September 8, 1744, and arrived at
“Wiopock, twelve leagues to the windward of Cyan,” October 28. Up
to that time she had taken no prizes. Upon his arrival Potter took
thirty-two men and made a descent upon the town. They reached it
at midnight and were at once fired upon by its garrison, Captain
Potter receiving a bullet in his left arm. Of course they took the
fort; garrisons in the tropics were never equal to privateersmen
as fighters. They took some twenty prisoners (the other defenders
having promptly fled), six cannon and from sixty to seventy small
arms. They remained at Wiapock twelve days while they sacked the
town, taking from it everything of value. Some of the company were
sent up the river to plunder plantations. All things taken were
carried to Barbadoes and there condemned as French property, with
the exception of some slaves detained at Surinam and some personal
property which Potter sold at a “vandue” on his ship. Having stripped
Wiapock (the name of the place was Oyapoc but American and English
captains were never strong on spelling) to their hearts’ content,
they sailed to “Cyann” (Cayenne) and dropped anchor at that place
November 11. There they tarried four or five days, during which they
sent plundering expeditions up the river. One of these came to grief
on a shoal. The twelve men who manned the boat were attacked by one
hundred and thirty soldiers, three of them were killed, four were
wounded and the others carried to Cyann fort as prisoners. Thereupon
Potter sent a flag of truce to propose an exchange of prisoners. The
exchange was arranged and among those returned by the Americans was
“a priest,” Father Fauque. Then the Prince Charles sailed to Surinam
well satisfied with what had been accomplished. At Surinam Captain
Potter gave an entertainment to two English merchants and some
masters of ships that were at anchor in the port. Seamen of that day
were not always total abstainers and after the banquet the “vandue”
was had of which mention has already been made. The prices obtained
for the plunder were doubtless satisfactory for the most part to the
sellers, but not in all cases. The goods sold “to the value of thirty
or forty pieces of eight.” They belonged to the “company” and the
captain purchased many of them on his own account thereby furnishing
cause for the suit brought against him on his return to Rhode Island,
from which suit he came out triumphant. Immediately after the sale
the seamen demanded their share of the proceeds. Captain Potter told
them they were still in debt to the owners for advances made and as
his arguments were enforced by a drawn sword they were admitted to be
valid.

In his testimony before the admiralty court the Indian, Jeffrey
Potter, was more specific as to the plunder secured at Wiapock than
any other witness. He testified that they took seven Indians and
three negroes, twenty large spoons or ladles, nine large ladles, one
gold and one silver hilted sword, one gold and one silver watch,
two bags of money, quantity uncertain; chests and trunks of goods,
etc., gold rings, buckles and buttons, silver candlesticks, church
plate both gold and silver, swords, four cannon, sixty small arms,
ammunition, provisions, etc. But the wealth secured on this raid
could not have been very great. French Guiana at the present time
has a population of only 30,000, of whom 12,500 live at Cayenne. The
number of people then living at Oyapoc was much smaller than the
population of today. The town burned by the marauding expedition sent
up the river contained not more than seventy houses, and anyone
who has visited the countries lying along the north coast of South
America knows that “the wealth of the tropics” is a wild figure of
speech as far as the house furnishings are concerned.

Equally wild are some of the accounts of the raid. One writer states
that “there can be no doubt that in this cruise Captain Potter
and his command invaded and desolated 1500 miles of the enemy’s
territory; that on the Spanish Main in his march he visited churches
and dwellings, and brought from the field of his exploits large
amounts of booty.” This writer was but repeating the tale as it had
been told him in his childhood. He had never deemed it necessary to
verify it. If he had considered the matter he would have realized
that French Guiana is not a part of the Spanish Main at all, and a
glance at the map would have shown him that between Cayenne and the
mouth of the Orinoco River, where technically the “Spanish Main”
begins, lie the hundreds of miles of coastline of Dutch and British
Guiana. No privateer of the size of the Prince Charles could possibly
have carried provisions and water sufficient for such a cruise if the
expedition had been made in the vessel itself, and no ship’s crew of
the size of that which Potter commanded could, by any stretch of the
imagination, have made such a journey overland. Moreover no mention
whatever of the Spanish Main, or of booty except that obtained at
Cyann and Wiapock, is to be found in the records of the admiralty
court. The statement affords an excellent illustration of the
astounding growth of popular traditions.


2--LETTER OF FATHER FAUQUE

  LETTER _of Father Fauque, Missionary of the Society of
  Jesus, to Father ----, of the same Society, containing an Account of
  the Capture of Fort d’Oyapoc by an English pirate_.[7]


  _At_ CAYENNE, _the 22d of December, 1744_.

MY REVEREND FATHER,--The peace of our Lord be with you! I
will make you a partaker of the greatest happiness I have experienced
in my life, by informing you of the opportunity I had of suffering
something for the glory of God.

I returned to Oyapoc on the 25th of October last. Some days
afterwards, I received at my house Father d’Autilhac, who had
returned from his mission to Ouanari, and Father d’Huberlant, who
is settled at the confluence of the rivers Oyapoc and Camoppi,
where he had formed a new mission. Thus we found ourselves, three
missionaries, together; and we were enjoying the pleasure of a
reunion, so rare in these countries, when divine Providence, to try
us, permitted the occurrence of one of those wholly unexpected events
which in one day destroyed the fruit of many years’ labor. I will
relate it, with all the attending circumstances.

Scarcely had war been declared between France and England, when the
English were sent from North America to cruise among the islands to
the leeward of Cayenne. They determined to touch there, in the hope
of capturing some vessel, pillaging some dwellings, and above all,
of obtaining some news of the “Senau,” which was lost not long since
near the river Maroni. Having gone too far south, and the water
giving out, they approached Oyapoc to obtain some. We should have
been naturally informed of it, either by the Indians, who go out
frequently to hunt or fish, or by the guard, which our commander had
prudently posted upon a mountain at the mouth of the river, whence
they could see to the distance of three or four leagues. But, on the
one hand, the Aroüas Indians, who came from Mayacorè to Ouanari,
having been seized by the English, gave them information of the
little colony of Oyapoc, of which they were ignorant, and on which
they had no designs when leaving their own country. On the other
hand, the sentinels who were on guard, and who should have been our
security, themselves acted as guides to those who surprised us.
Thus every thing united to cause us to fall into the hands of these
pirates.[8]

Their chief was Captain Simeon Potter, a native of New England,
fitted out to cruise with a commission from Williems Guéene,
Governor of Rodelan,[9] and commanding the vessel “Prince Charles of
Lorraine,” of ten cannon, twelve swivel-guns, and a crew of sixty-two
men. They cast anchor on the 6th of November, and began taking in
water at the mountain d’Argent. (This is the name of the country on
the inner side of the bay formed by the river d’Oyapoc.) On the 7th,
their long-boat, returning to the ship, saw a canoe of Indians, which
was coming from Cape Orange. (This is the cape which forms the other
point of the bay.) The English pursued them, frightened them by a
discharge of their gun, seized them, and carried them on shipboard.
The next day, having seen a fire during the night on another
mountain, which is called Mount Lucas, they sent and seized two young
men who were placed there as sentinels. They might have had time to
come and inform us; but one of them, a traitor to his country, did
not wish to do so.

After having in this way learned the situation, the force, and
generally everything which related to the post of Oyapoc, they
determined to surprise it. They attempted the enterprise in the
night, between the 9th and 10th. But, fearing lest daylight might
overtake them before their arrival, they turned back, and kept
themselves concealed during all the day of the 10th. The following
night they took their measures better. They arrived a little after
the setting of the moon, and, guided by the two young Frenchmen, they
landed about a hundred yards from the fort of Oyapoc.

The sentinel at first took them for Indians or negroes, who came and
went at all hours during the night. He challenged them, but they made
no reply, and he then at once concluded they were enemies. Every one
woke up in surprise; but the English were within the place before
any one had time to collect his thoughts. For myself, who was living
outside the fort, and was roused by the first cry of the sentinel,
having opened my door, I saw them file by in great haste; and, not
being myself perceived, I immediately ran to awaken our Fathers.

So unexpected a surprise in the middle of a dark night, the weakness
of the post, the few soldiers there to defend it (for there were not
at that time more than ten or twelve men), the frightful shouts of a
multitude which we supposed, as was natural, more numerous than it
really was, the vivid and terrible fire which they kept up with their
guns and pistols on entering the place,--all these things induced
each one, by a first impulse of which he was not himself master, to
take to flight, and conceal himself in the woods which surrounded us.
Our commander, however, fired and wounded in the left arm the English
captain, a young man about thirty years of age. What is singular, the
captain was the only one wounded on either side.

Our two missionaries, however, who had no spiritual charge at this
post, and one of whom, through his zeal and friendship, wished to
remain at my place, pressed by my solicitations, took refuge in the
depths of the forest, with some Indians of their attendants and all
our servants. For myself, I remained in my house, which was distant
from the fort about a hundred yards, having resolved to go first to
the church to consume the consecrated wafer, and afterwards to carry
spiritual aid to the French, supposing that some of them had been
wounded there; as I thought, certainly not without reason, after
having heard so much firing of guns, that our people had made some
resistance.

I went out, therefore, to execute the first of these projects; when
a negro servant, who, through goodness of heart and fidelity (rare
qualities among the slaves), had remained with me, represented to me
that I would certainly be discovered, and they would not fail to fire
at me in the first heat of the contest. I yielded to these reasons,
and, as I only remained to render to my flock all the services
demanded by my ministry, I felt scruples at uselessly exposing
myself, and determined to wait until break of day to show myself.

You can easily imagine, my Reverend Father, what a variety of
emotions agitated me during the remainder of that night. The air
ceaselessly resounded with cries and shouts and yells, and with
the discharge of guns and pistols. Presently I heard the doors
and windows of the houses opened, and the furniture overthrown
with a great crash; and, as I was sufficiently near to distinguish
perfectly the noise they made in the church, I was suddenly seized
with an inward horror in the fear lest the Holy Sacrament might
be profaned. I would have given a thousand lives to prevent this
sacrilege; but there was not time. Nevertheless, to hinder it by the
only way which remained to me, I inwardly addressed myself to Jesus
Christ, and earnestly prayed Him to guard His adorable Sacrament
from the profanation which I feared. What took place was in a way so
surprising that it may reasonably be regarded as a miracle.

During all this tumult, my negro, who was perfectly aware of the
danger we were running, and who had not the same reason with myself
for this voluntary exposure, frequently proposed to me to take to
flight. But I was unable to do so. I knew too well the obligations
of my office; and I could only wait for the moment when it would be
in my power to go to the fort, and see in what state were the French
soldiers, the greater part of whom I supposed to be either dead or
wounded. I said, therefore, to the slave that on this occasion he was
his own master; that I could not force him to remain with me; but
that, nevertheless, I should be pleased if he did not abandon me. I
added that, if he had any grievous sin on his conscience, it would
be best for him to confess it, to be prepared for any contingency,
since he was not certain but what they might take away his life. This
conversation made an impression on him, so that he recovered courage
and remained firm.

As soon as day dawned, I ran to the church, creeping through the
underwood; and, although they had sentinels and marauders on every
side, I had the good fortune not to be seen. As I entered the
sacristy, which I found open, tears filled my eyes when I saw the
cupboard for the vestments and linen, where also I kept the chalice
and the sacred vessels, broken open and shattered, and many of the
vestments scattered here and there. I went into the choir of the
church, where I saw the altar half uncovered, and the cloths thrown
together in a heap. I examined the tabernacle, and found they had not
noticed a little piece of cotton, which I was accustomed to place
at the opening of the lock to prevent the _ravers_ from getting
into it. (This is an insect very common in the islands, which only
comes out at night, and is very similar to the gadfly.) I supposed
that the door was also broken open; but, placing my hand upon it, I
found that it had not been touched. Overcome with wonder and joy and
thankfulness, I took the key which these heretics had had under their
hands. I opened it with reverence, and partook of the Sacrament,
very uncertain whether I should ever again have that blessing; for
what has not a man of my profession to fear from pirates, and these
pirates, too, being English?

After I had thus received the Sacrament, I fell on my knees to
return thanks; and I told my negro to go in the mean while into my
chamber, which was near at hand. He went there; but, in returning,
was seen and arrested by a sailor. The slave begged for mercy, and
the Englishman did not do him any harm. I showed myself then at the
door of the sacristy, and immediately saw that I was aimed at. It was
necessary, therefore, to surrender; so I came forward, and we took
together the way to the fort. When we entered the place, I saw every
face expressing the greatest joy, each one congratulating himself
that they had captured a priest.

The first one who approached me was the captain himself. He was a man
small in stature, and not in any respect differing from the others
in dress. He had his left arm in a sling, a sabre in his right hand,
and two pistols in his belt. As he was acquainted with some words of
French, he told me “that I was very welcome; that I had nothing to
fear, as no one would attempt my life.”

In the mean while, M. de Lage de la Landerie, Writer of the king,
and our storekeeper, having appeared, I asked him in what condition
were our people, and if many of them were killed or wounded. He
answered me that they were not; that of our soldiers he had seen only
the sergeant and one sentinel, and that on neither side was any one
wounded but the English captain alone, in whose power we now were. I
was delighted to learn that our commander, the officers, and their
soldiers, had sufficient time to escape; and as by this fact the
reasons which had induced me to remain no longer existed, and as my
personal ministry was not necessary, I should have much preferred
being at liberty, and, could I have done so, would have retreated.
But I could not longer dream of that; and at that very moment two of
our soldiers, who were found concealed, were seized, and increased
the number of our prisoners.

At length dinner-time came. I was invited, but I certainly had no
inclination to eat. I knew that our soldiers and the two missionary
Fathers were in the depth of the forest, without clothes, food, or
aid. I had no news of them, nor was I able to procure any. This
reflection overwhelmed me; it was necessary, however, to accept their
repeated invitations, which seemed to me to be sincere.

Scarcely had the meal commenced, when I saw arriving the first
plunder they had made at my house. It was natural that I should be
moved. Indeed, I showed it; so that the captain said to me, as an
excuse for himself, that the King of France had first declared war
against the King of England, and that in consequence of it the French
had already taken, pillaged, and burned an English post named Campo,
near Cape Breton, and that several persons, including children, had
been smothered in the flames.

I answered him that, without wishing to enter into the detail of the
affairs of Europe, our respective kings being to-day at war, I did
not take it amiss; but was only surprised that he should have come
to attack Oyapoc, which was not worth the trouble.[11] He replied
that he himself exceedingly regretted having come here, as this delay
might cause him to miss two merchant vessels, richly loaded, which
were on the point of sailing from the harbor of Cayenne. I then said
to him that, since he saw for himself how inconsiderable was this
post, and that he had scarcely any thing to gain from it, I prayed
him to accept a reasonable ransom, for my church, myself, my negro,
and every thing belonging to me. This proposition was reasonable,
but was, nevertheless, rejected. He wished that I should treat with
him for the fort and all its dependencies. But I bade him observe
that this was not a fit proposition to make to a simple priest; that,
besides, the Court of France had so little regard for the post that
recent news from Paris had apprised us that it would be abandoned
as soon as practicable. “Well,” said he, in a spiteful way, “since
you do not wish to entertain my proposition, we must continue our
depredations, and make reprisals for all that the French have done
against us.”

They continued, therefore, to transport from our houses furniture,
clothes, provisions, all with a disorder and confusion that was
remarkable. What gave me the deepest pain was to see the sacred
vessels[12] in these profane and sacrilegious hands. I collected
myself for a moment, and, awakening all my zeal, I told them what
reason and faith and religion inspired me to say in the most forcible
manner. With words of persuasion I mingled motives of fear for so
criminal a profanation. The example of Belshazzar was not forgotten;
and I am able to say to you with truth, my Reverend Father, that I
saw many moved, and disposed to return these articles to me; but
cupidity and avarice prevailed, and on the same day all the silver
was packed up and carried aboard the vessel.[13]

The captain, more susceptible of feeling than all the others, as he
had always seemed to me, told me that he would willingly yield to me
what he was able to return, but that he had no control over the will
of the others; that all the crew having part in the booty, he was
not able, as captain, to dispose of any but his own share; but that
he would do all that was in his power to induce the others to agree
to what I proposed. This was to pay them at Cayenne, or at Surinam
(a Dutch colony, which was not far distant, and where, they told me,
they wished to go), or even in Europe by bills of exchange, for the
value of the silver in the sacred vessels. But he was not able to
obtain any thing.

Some time afterwards, the first lieutenant asked me, through an
interpreter, “what induced me to surrender myself to them?” I replied
to him, “that the persuasion I was under that some of our soldiers
had been wounded had determined me to remain for their relief.” “And
did you not fear being killed?” he added. “Yes, without doubt,” I
said; “but the fear of death is not capable of stopping a minister of
Jesus Christ, when he should discharge his duty. Every true Christian
is obliged to sacrifice his life rather than commit a sin; and I
should have thought that I was guilty of a very great one, if, having
charge of souls in my parish, I had entirely abandoned them in their
peril. You know, indeed,” I continued, “you Protestant people, who
pride yourselves so much on reading the Scriptures, that it is only
the hireling shepherd who flees before the wolf when he attacks the
sheep.” At this discourse they looked at one another, and seemed
to me to be entirely astonished. This lesson is, without doubt,
something a little different from that of their pretended Reformation.

For myself, I was all the while uncertain with regard to my own
fate, and I saw that I had every thing to fear from such people. I
addressed myself, therefore, to the holy guardian angels, and I began
a _Novena_[14] in their honor, not doubting but they would cause
something to turn to my advantage. I prayed them to assist me in
this difficult emergency in which I found myself; and I should say
here, to give a higher sanction to this devotion, so well known and
so established in the usage of the Church, what I have recognized
in my own particular case, that I have received each day the signal
blessings of God, through the intercession of these heavenly spirits.

However, as soon as night approached,--that is to say, towards six
o’clock, for that is the time at which the sun sets here during the
whole year,--the English drum commenced beating. They assembled
on the Place, and posted their sentinels on all sides. That being
done, the rest of the crew, as long as the night lasted, did not
cease eating and drinking. For myself, I was constantly visited in
my hammock, since they feared, without doubt, that I would try to
escape. In this way they were mistaken; for two reasons detained
me. The first was, that I had given them my parole, by which I had
again constituted myself their prisoner, and I could not go out of
their hands except by means of exchange or ransom. The second was,
that, as long as I remained with them, I had some slight hope that
I might recover the sacred vessels, or at least the vestments and
other furniture of my church. As soon as it was day, the pillage
recommenced, with the same confusion and the same disorder as the
day before. Each carried to the fort whatever happened to fall into
his hands, and threw it down in a pile. One arrived wearing an old
cassock; another in a woman’s petticoat; a third with the crown of
a bonnet on his head. It was the same with those who guarded the
booty. They searched in the heap of clothes, and when they found any
thing which suited their fancy,--as a peruke, a laced _chapeau_,
or a dress,--they immediately put it on, and made three or four
turns through the room, with great satisfaction, after which they
resumed their fantastical rags. They were like a band of monkeys or
of savages, who had never been away from the depths of the forest.
A parasol or a mirror, the smallest article of furniture a little
showy, excited their admiration. This did not surprise me, when I
learned that they had scarcely any communication with Europe, and
that Rodelan was a kind of little republic, which did not pay any
tribute to the King of England, which elected its own governor every
year, and which had not even any silver money, but only notes for
daily commerce; for this is the impression I gained from all they
told me.[15]

In the evening, the lieutenant informed himself of every thing which
related to the dwellings of the French along the river,--how many
there were of them, at what distances they were, how many inhabitants
each had, &c. Afterwards, he took with him ten men, and one of the
young Frenchmen who had already served as guide to surprise us; and,
after having made all the necessary preparations, they set out, and
went up the river. But they found nothing, or very few articles,
because the colonists, having been warned by our fugitives, had
placed all their effects in concealment, and particularly their
negroes, who, more than any thing else, excited the cupidity of the
English. Finding themselves thus disappointed in their hopes, they
spent their anger on the buildings, which they burned, without,
however, injuring the plantations. This, however, caused us to
suspect that they had some intentions of returning.

As to those of us who were in the fort, we spent this night very
much like the preceding,--the same agitations, the same excesses on
the part of our enemies, and the same disquietude on our part. The
second lieutenant, who was left in command, did not lose sight of
me, fearing, without doubt, that I wished to profit by the absence
of the captain and the first lieutenant to make my escape. I had a
great deal of difficulty in reassuring them on this point, and could
not convince them. People of this kind, accustomed to judge others
by themselves, are not able to imagine that an honorable man, that a
priest, was able and obliged to keep his parole in such a case.

When the day dawned, he seemed a little less uneasy on my account.
Towards eight o’clock, they all placed themselves at table; and,
after a miserable repast, one of them attempted to enter into a
controversy with me. He put many questions to me about Confession,
about the worship which we gave to the Cross, to images, &c. “Do you
confess your parishioners?” he presently asked me.

“Yes,” I replied, “whenever they come to me; but they do not do so as
often as they should, or as I could wish them, for the zeal I have
for the salvation of their souls.”

“And do you really think,” he added, “that their sins are remitted as
soon as they have declared them to you?”

“No, assuredly,” I said to him; “a mere confession is not sufficient
to produce this. It is necessary that it should be accompanied by a
true sorrow for the past and a sincere resolution for the future,
without which auricular Confession will have no efficacy to blot out
sins.”

“And as to the images and the Cross,” he replied, “do you think that
the prayer would be equally efficacious without this, which is the
external of religion?”

“The prayer is good, without doubt,” I answered him; “but permit me
to ask you, with regard to yourself, why in families do they preserve
the portraits of a father, a mother, or their ancestors? Is it not
principally to awaken their own remembrances in thinking of the
benefits they have received from them, and to animate them to follow
their good examples? For it is not exactly the picture which they
honor, but it brings back to them all which it represents. In the
same manner, you need not imagine that we Roman Catholics adore the
wood or the brass; but we use it to nourish, so to say, our devotion.
For how could a reasonable being remain unaffected while beholding
the figure of a God dying on the Cross for His love to us? What
effect may not be produced on the soul and the heart by the image of
a martyr who is giving his life for Jesus Christ?”

“Oh, I do not understand it so,” said the Englishman to me; and
I well knew from his manner that their ministers deceive them in
telling them that the Papists, as they call us, superstitiously
reverence and adore the Cross and the images, valuing them for
themselves.[16]

I was anxiously waiting for the return of those who had been to visit
the dwellings, when they came to me to say that it was necessary
I should go on board the ship, as Captain Potter wished to see me
and speak with me. I had done every thing in my power by urging,
soliciting, and representing, as earnestly as I was able, all the
reasons I had for not embarking so soon. But I could gain nothing,
and I was obliged to obey in spite of myself. The commander of the
party on shore, who, in the absence of the others, was the second
lieutenant, when I came to speak to him on this point, taking hold of
his tongue with one hand, and with the other making a semblance of
piercing or cutting it, gave me to understand that, if I said any
more, I might expect bad treatment. I had reason to think that he was
annoyed at the strong and pathetic address I had made with regard to
the profanation of the ornaments of the church and the sacred vessels.

We embarked, therefore, towards three o’clock in the afternoon, in a
canoe; and, although the ship was not much more than three leagues
distant (the captain having now caused it to enter the river), we
nevertheless only reached it in about eight hours, in consequence
of the remissness of the rowers, who were constantly drinking. When
at a great distance I saw the hull of the vessel by the light of
the moon, it seemed to me to be entirely out of the water. It had,
indeed, run aground on the shore, and had only a depth of three feet
of water. This was the occasion of great alarm to me; for I imagined
that this might be the fault of my negro, whom they had selected as
one of the pilots, and I thought that the captain had sent to seek me
to make me bear the penalty which my slave merited, or at least that
I should perish with the others in case the ship should be wrecked.
What confirmed me for some time in this sad supposition was the
little degree of welcome I received; but I have since been informed
that there was no design in this, and that the cold reception which
alarmed me was caused by the fact that they were all busy in working
the vessel, to relieve themselves as soon as possible from the
uncomfortable position in which they were.

As soon as our canoe had reached the ship, I saw descending and
coming to me a young man, who murdered the French language in some
little attempt to speak it, and who took my hand, kissed it, and
informed me that he was an Irishman and a Roman Catholic. He even
made the sign of the Cross, which he did indifferently well; and he
added that, in right of his office as second gunner, he had a berth
which he wished to give me, and that, if any one should take it into
his head to show me the least disrespect, he well knew how to avenge
it. This introduction, though shared in by a man who seemed to be
very drunk, did not fail to tranquillize me somewhat. He gave me his
hand, to aid me in climbing up to the deck by means of the ropes.
Scarcely had I mounted thither when I encountered my negro. I asked
him at once why he caused the ship to run aground, and was reassured
when he told me that it was the fault of the captain, who was
obstinate in holding his course in the middle of the river, although
he had repeatedly told him that the channel ran near the shore. At
the same time the captain appeared on the quarter-deck, and told
me, with great coldness, to go down into the cabin, after which he
continued to devote himself to working the vessel.

My Irishman, however, did not leave me, but, sitting at the door,
renewed his protestations of good-will, assuring me always that he
was a Roman Catholic; that he wished to confess before I left the
ship; that he had formerly received the Sacrament, &c. And, as in
all his conversation, he constantly mingled invectives against the
English nation, they made him leave me, forbidding him to speak with
me for the future, under penalty of chastisement. He received this
with a very bad grace; swearing, blustering, and protesting that he
would speak with me in spite of them.

However, he went away; and scarcely had he gone when another came,
as drunk as the first, and, like him, too, an Irishman. He was the
surgeon, who at first addressed me with some Latin words,--_Pater,
misereor_. I attempted to reply to him in Latin; but I soon found
that these words constituted the whole of his knowledge of the
language; and, as he was no better acquainted with French, we could
hold no conversation together.

In the mean while it grew late, and I felt sleepiness pressing on
me, having scarcely closed my eyes during the preceding nights. I
did not know where to go to obtain a little repose. The ship was so
careened over that it was necessary to be continually fastened to
prevent one’s self rolling. I wanted to lie down in one of the three
berths; but I did not dare, for fear some one would immediately force
me to leave it. The captain saw my embarrassment, and, touched with
the miserable figure we made, sitting on the chests,--the storekeeper
and myself,--he told us we could lodge in the berth at the bottom
of the cabin. He even added, politely, that he regretted not being
able to give one to each, but his ship was too small to do so. I very
willingly accepted his offer, and we arranged for ourselves as well
as we could on a pile of rags.

Notwithstanding all the disquietudes of my situation, I was drowsy
from weariness, and during the night slept half the time. Being half
the time awake, I perceived that the vessel had begun moving. It
insensibly floated; and, to prevent it from afterwards settling down
again, they drove two yard-arms into the mud, one on each side, which
should hold the hull of the vessel in equilibrium.

As soon as day came, and it was necessary to take some nourishment,
I had a new source of torment, for the water was so offensive that I
was not able even to taste it. The Indians and negroes, who certainly
are not at all fastidious, preferred to drink the water of the
river, however muddy and brackish it may be. I inquired, therefore,
of the captain why he did not procure other water, since very near
this was a spring, to which I was accustomed to send to procure the
water I used at the fort. He made no reply, thinking, perhaps, that
I wished to lead him into some ambush. But, after having thoroughly
questioned the French, the negroes, and the Indians, whom he had
taken prisoners, he determined to send the long-boat to land, with my
slave. It made many trips during that and the following days; so that
we all had the pleasure of having good water, although many scarcely
used it, preferring the wine and rum which they had on the deck at
will.

I ought, however, to say in commendation of the captain that he was
entirely sober. He even frequently expressed to me the pain he felt
at the excesses of his crew, to whom, according to the custom of
these pirates, he was obliged to allow an abundance of liberty. He
made me afterwards a disclosure, which was sufficiently pleasant.

“Monsieur,” he said to me, “do you know that tomorrow, being the
fifth of November, according to our method of computation” [for we
French people count it to be the fifteenth], “the English have a
great festival?”

“And what is the festival?” I asked him.

“We burn the Pope,” he answered, laughing.

“Explain to me,” I said; “what is this ceremony?”

“They dress up in a burlesque style,” he said, “a kind of ridiculous
figure, which they call the Pope, and which they afterwards burn,
while singing some ballads; and all this is in commemoration of the
day when the Court of Rome separated England from its communion.[17]
To-morrow,” he continued, “our people who are on shore will perform
this ceremony at the fort.”

After a while, he caused his pennon and flag to be hoisted. The
sailors manned the yard-arms, the drum was beaten, they fired the
cannon, and all shouted, five times, “Long live the King!” This
having been done, he called one of the sailors, who, to the great
delight of those who understood his language, chanted a very long
ballad, which I judged to be the recital of all this unworthy story.
You see in this, my Reverend Father, an instance which fully confirms
what all the world knew before, that heresy always pushes to an
extreme its animosity against the visible Head of the Church.

During the night a large boat came to us, manned by rowers. The
captain, who was always on his guard, and who was not able to lay
aside the idea that our people were seeking to surprise him, caused
them immediately to clear the decks. They at once fired their
swivel-gun; but the boat, having made its signal, all was again
quiet. It was the lieutenant, who had been to plunder the dwellings
along the river. He reported that he had only visited two or three
plantations, which he had found entirely deserted. He added that he
was going to ascend the river again, to consign every thing to the
flames. In fact, after having supped and had sufficient consultation
with his principal, he departed again. I asked permission to go with
him as far as the fort to look for my papers, but it was refused
me. However, to soften a little the pain which this denial gave me,
Captain Potter promised that he himself would go thither with me. I
therefore summoned up my patience, and endeavored by a little sleep
to repair the loss of the preceding night; but it was useless. The
noise, the confusion, and the bad smells did not allow me to close my
eyes.

On Sunday morning, I waited to see some religious service, for up to
this time I had not recognized any mark of Christianity; but every
thing went on as usual, so that I could not refrain from showing my
surprise. The captain told me “that in their sect each one worshipped
God in his own way; that they had among them, as elsewhere, the good
and the bad; and that ‘he who acted right would be approved.’” At the
same time he took out of his chest a book of devotion; and I noticed
that, during this day and the following Sunday, he occasionally
looked at it.[19] As he always seemed to me to be very reasonable,
I took pains, from time to time, to introduce into my conversation
some word of controversy or of morality, which he received very well,
having explained to him by the interpreters what he did not himself
understand. He even told me one day “that he did not wish longer to
pursue the business of privateering; that God might to-day give him
property, which, perhaps, might shortly be taken away from him by
others; that he was well aware he should take nothing away with him
in dying; but, nevertheless, I should not expect to find more piety
in a French, or even in a Spanish, privateer than I saw in his ship;
because these sorts of armaments were scarcely compatible with the
exercises of devotion,” I confess to you, my Reverend Father, that I
was astonished to hear such sentiments in the mouth of an American
Huguenot[20]; for every one knows how entirely this part of the world
is removed from the kingdom of God and every thing which can lead to
it. I have often exhorted him to pray the Lord for light, and that He
would not allow him to die in the darkness of heresy, in which he had
the misfortune to be born and brought up.

As the boats were constantly going and coming, from the shore to the
vessel and from the vessel to the shore, transporting the pillage,
one came that very evening, bringing a French soldier and five
Indians. He was one of our soldiers, who, fifteen days before, had
been to seek the Indians to engage them to work, and, not knowing
that the English were masters of the fort, had run into their hands.
I represented to Captain Potter that, as the Indians were free among
us, he neither ought to nor could take them prisoners, particularly
as they had not been found with arms in their hands. But he answered
me “that this kind of people were used for slaves in Rodelan, and
that he should take them thither in spite of all that I could say.”
He has, in fact, carried them away, with the Aroüas whom he had first
captured in the Bay of Oyapoc. Perhaps he has a fancy to return to
this country, and intends to use these miserable beings in making his
descent on the coast, or perhaps he will release them at Surinam.

I had, nevertheless, on Monday morning, reminded him of the promise
he had made me that he would take me on shore; but he was not then
able to do any thing, and I was obliged to content myself with fair
words, so that I despaired of ever again visiting my old home. On
Tuesday, however, he came to me to say that, if I wished to go to
the fort, he would take me. I most willingly accepted the offer;
but, before I embarked, he strongly recommended to me not to attempt
flight, because, he assured me, I would be stopped by the discharge
of a gun. I reassured him on that point, and we set out.

The commander of the boat was the second lieutenant, the same who had
threatened to cut my tongue; and, as I complained to the captain, who
had, without doubt, spoken to him about it, he made the strongest
apologies on that point to me while on the way, and showed me a
thousand acts of politeness.

Before I was scarcely aware of it, we arrived at our destination; and
immediately I saw all those who were guarding the fort come to the
landing, some with guns and others with swords, to receive me. Little
accustomed to good faith, perhaps, they were always afraid that I
should escape from them, in spite of all that I was able to say to
quiet them on my account.

After we had taken a little rest, I asked to go to my house, and they
conducted me thither under a strong escort. I began by first visiting
the church, to enable me to see for the last time what was its
condition. As I was not able to restrain my tears and sighs on seeing
the altars overturned, the pictures torn, the sacred stones broken
in pieces and scattered on every side, the two principal members of
the band said to me “that they were very sorry for all this disorder;
that it was done contrary to their intentions by the sailors, the
negroes, and the Indians, in the excitement of pillage and the heat
of drunkenness, and that they made their apologies to me for it.” I
assured them “that it was of God principally; and, first of all, they
should ask pardon for such a desecration of His temple, and that they
had great reason to fear lest He should avenge Himself, and punish
them as they deserved.” I then threw myself on my knees, and made a
special confession to God, to the Holy Virgin, and to Saint Joseph,
in honor of whom I had set up these altars to excite the devotion of
my parishioners; after which I arose, and we went on to my house.

I had five or six persons around me, who most strictly watched all my
steps every moment, and, above all, the direction in which I looked.
I did not then understand the occasion of all this attention on their
part, but I have since learned it. These good people, avaricious to
the last extreme, imagined that I had money concealed, and that, when
I showed so much anxiety to return to shore, it was to see whether
any one had discovered my treasure. We entered the house, then,
together; and it was the occasion of sincere sorrow to me, I must
confess, to see the frightful disorder in which it was.

It is now nearly seventeen years since I came for the first time
to Oyapoc, and began to collect all that was necessary for the
foundation of these Indian missions, foreseeing that this section of
country, where the savages are so numerous, would furnish a great
career for our zeal, and that the parish of Oyapoc would become,
as it were, the storehouse of all the other establishments. I had
not ceased ever after to be always making better provision, through
the charitable cares of one of our Fathers, who wished to be my
particular correspondent at Cayenne. God has permitted that one
single day should destroy the fruit of so much labor and of so many
years, that His holy name might be praised. What gave me most concern
was, to know that the three missionaries who remained in that quarter
were stripped of every thing, without my having it in my power for
the present to procure even the merest necessaries, notwithstanding
all the liberality and the good intentions of our Superiors.

At last, after having gone rapidly through all the small apartments,
which were used as lodgings for our Fathers when they came to visit
me, I entered my study. I found all my books and papers on the
ground, scattered, mingled together, and half torn to pieces. I took
what I could; but, as they pressed me to finish, I was obliged to
return to the fort.

In a few hours afterwards, those arrived who had been to plunder
the dwellings; and, after being a little refreshed, they continued
their route to the ship, carrying with them what they had pillaged,
which, by their own acknowledgment and to their great regret, was
inconsiderable.

The next day, all the morning was passed in making up packages, in
destroying the furniture which remained in the different houses, and
in tearing off the locks and hinges of the doors, particularly those
which were made of brass. At last, about mid-day, they set fire to
the houses of the inhabitants, which were shortly reduced to ashes,
having been only roofed with straw, according to the custom of the
country. As I saw that mine would certainly share the same fate, I
was very pressing to be conducted thither, that I might recover more
of my books and papers than I had hitherto been able to secure. The
second lieutenant, who was then in command, made a parade before me
of discharging a pistol, which he carried in his belt, and then
he immediately loaded it, taking great pains that I should see it.
I have since learned why he took so much trouble in this matter.
Immediately afterwards, he said to me that, if I wished to go to my
house, he would conduct me.

Having reached my house, I went again to look for certain papers;
and, as there remained with me only a single sailor, who spoke
French, all the others being a little scattered, he said to me,
“My Father, all our people are at a distance; save yourself, if
you wish.” I was well aware that he wished me to attempt it, and I
therefore replied coldly to him “that men of my profession do not
know what it is to break their word.” I added “that, if I had wished
to take to flight, I could long ago have done so, as there had been
many favorable opportunities while they were amusing themselves with
pillaging or drinking.”

At length, after having thoroughly searched everywhere without
finding any thing more, I informed them that I had finished, and that
we could go when it pleased them. Then the lieutenant approached
me, with a grave and threatening air, and told me, through the
interpreter, “that I must show the place where I had concealed my
money, or I would find myself in trouble.” I answered, with that
confidence which truth gives, “that I had not concealed any money;
that, if I had thought to put any thing in a place of safety, I
should have begun with those things that are used at the altar.”
“Deny the fact as you will,” the interpreter then replied to me by
order of the officer, “we are certain, and cannot doubt it, that you
have a large amount of money, for the soldiers who are our prisoners
on board have told us so; and yet we have found but very little in
your wardrobe. You must, therefore, have concealed it; and, if you
do not immediately give it up, take care of yourself. You know that
my pistol is not badly loaded.” I fell on my knees, saying “that they
were masters of my life, since I was in their hands and at their
will; that if, however, they wished to go to that extreme, I begged
them to allow me a moment for prayer; that, for the rest, I had no
other money than what they had already taken.” At last, after having
left me for some time in that position, and looking at each other,
they told me to rise and follow them. They took me under the gallery
of the house, which was built over a little grove of cocoa-trees,
which I had planted like an orchard, and, having made me sit down,
the lieutenant also took a chair, and then putting on an air of
gayety, he said, “that I had no occasion for fear, as they did not
intend to do me any injury; but that it was impossible I had not
concealed any thing, since there was sufficient time, as I had seen
them from before my door when they came to take the fort.” I replied
to him, what I had already said so often, “that we had been so much
terrified by the noise they made during the night, with their shouts
and cries, and the incessant firing they kept up, that at first we
thought of nothing but escaping death by a speedy flight; the more so
as we imagined that they had scattered themselves at the same time
through all the houses.”

“But, after all,” he replied, “the French prisoners are well
acquainted with your means. Why should they have told us that you had
plenty of money, if it were not true?”

“Do you not see,” said I, “that they wished to conciliate you, and
make their court to you at my expense?”

“No, no,” he continued; “it is because you do not wish to give up
your money. I nevertheless assure you, and I give you my word of
honor, that you shall have your liberty, and that we will release
you here without burning your houses, if you will, after all, show
your treasure.”

“It is entirely useless,” I answered him, wearied with all these
conversations, “that you follow me up with these earnest appeals.
Again, once for all, I have nothing else to say to you but what I
have so often repeated.”

He then spoke to the sailor who acted as interpreter, and who had
kept his eyes on me during all this interview, to see whither I
directed my looks. He then went out to visit my cocoa-grove. I then
recalled a little interview I had with the captain, a few days
before. I said to him “that, if the sentinels had done their duty,
and given us notice of the arrival of the enemy, we would have
concealed our most valuable effects.”

“In what place,” he asked me, “would you have hid all these things?
Would you have hid them in the ground?”

“No,” I replied; “we would have been contented with carrying them
into the woods, and covering them with branches.”

It was, then, for this, that these cunning pirates, who weigh and
put together all our words, imagining that I did not have sufficient
time to carry very far what I esteemed most precious, were induced,
as the last effort of their cupidity and distrust, to make a search
under the trees in my garden. But it was impossible that they should
find what had never been placed there; so the sailor soon grew tired
of searching; and, he having returned, we went together to the
fort,--they without any booty, and I with some few of the papers I
had collected.

Then for some time they consulted together, and about three o’clock
they went to set my house on fire. I prayed them at least to spare
the church, and this they promised me. But, notwithstanding, they
burned it; and when I complained, they told me that the winds, which
that day were very high there, had undoubtedly carried thither some
sparks, which had set it on fire. With this answer I was obliged to
be contented, leaving to God the time, the care, and the manner of
avenging the insult offered to His house. For myself, seeing the
flames rising up to the clouds, and having my heart pained with the
most lively sorrow, I began to recite the seventy-eighth Psalm,
“_Deus venerunt gentes_,” &c. (“O God, the heathen are come into
thine inheritance,” &c.)

At last, after every thing was carried to the boats, we ourselves
embarked. It was a little after five o’clock; and the sailors, who
were to follow us in two small boats, finished by burning all the
buildings of the fort. At length, having rowed out a little into
the river, and allowing themselves to clear the shore very slowly
with the current, they shouted many times, “_Houra_,” which is their
“_Vive le roi_,” and their cry of joy. They had not, however, any
great occasion to pride themselves on their expedition, since, had it
not been for the black treason which delivered us into their hands,
they would never have succeeded. Neither was it of any use; because,
though they had inflicted a great injury on us, they had themselves
derived very little profit from it.

I had expected to find the ship where I left it; but it had already
stood off in such a way that we did not arrive there till the night
was far advanced; so that they did not discharge their booty until
the next day, the morning of the 19th of the month. During the whole
of this day they made no progress, although they used their oars,
as their sails were useless for want of wind. This delay disquieted
me very much, because I wished as soon as possible to know my fate.
“Would they leave me at Cayenne?” I said to myself. “Will they carry
me to Surinam? Will they take me to Barbadoes? or even as far as New
England?” And, as I was occupying myself with these inquiries, lying
in my berth, which I was not able to quit on account of my great
weakness and the seasickness, which afflicted me terribly, some one
came to tell me that they had sent on shore three of our soldiers,
with one old Indian, captured in the canoe of the Aroüas, of which
I have already spoken. I was a little surprised; and, on asking the
captain the reason, he told me that it made so many useless mouths
the less.

“And why,” said I, “do you not do the same towards all the other
prisoners?”

“It is,” said he, “because I am waiting for a good ransom for the
rest of you.”

He would have given a much truer excuse if he had said, that, wishing
to make a descent on Cayenne, he was afraid that some of his people
might be captured, in which case he wished to have some with whom to
make an exchange, which did in reality happen, as we shall see in the
end.

The wind having freshened a little in the evening, we continued our
voyage through the whole night, and before noon approached Cayenne,
off a high rock named Connestable, and which is five or six leagues
distant. They had already learned of the disaster which had befallen
Oyapoc,--perhaps by a note which a young Indian had written, or
perhaps through some inhabitants of Aproakac, who had come to take
refuge at Cayenne. But they were ignorant of all the circumstances;
and the public, as it commonly happens in such cases, set in
circulation many reports, each one more false than the last. Some
said that every person at Oyapoc had been massacred, and that I, in
particular, had suffered a thousand cruelties. Others published that
there were many ships there, and that Cayenne would be obliged to
submit to the same fate. What seemed to give a little sanction to the
last news was, that the ship which had captured us carried with it
three boats, which, with the long-boat, made five vessels. All having
sails and looming up, at a distance caused them to make a formidable
appearance to those who were on shore.

For myself,--in the persuasion I had that our Fathers, whom I had
left in the woods, or some other of the French who had fled, would
not fail to go as soon as possible to Cayenne to give them certain
intelligence of our sad lot, or at least to forward ample information
with regard to it,--I imagined they would send some one to rescue me.
But I was deceiving myself, and they were entirely ignorant of every
thing that had happened to me. So Friday passed, and the next day
we cast anchor very near the Enfant Perdu. This is a rock, distant
from the land six thousand and thirteen _toises_,[21] as it has been
exactly measured by M. de la Condamine, member of the Royal Academy
of Sciences, on his return from Peru.

Towards nine o’clock in the morning, after a great stir in the ship,
I saw two large boats set out, which went to a little river called
Macouria, especially to plunder the residence of a certain lady; in
revenge, they said, for some grievances which had been previously
suffered by the English, who had gone there to purchase syrups. For,
my Reverend Father, you must know that in time of peace that nation
trades to this place, principally to furnish horses for the sugar
plantations.[22] As I saw but thirteen men in each boat, including
two Frenchmen, who were to serve as guides, I began from that moment
to entertain some hopes of my liberty; because I fully believed, as
the weather was very clear, they would see this manœuvre from the
land, and not fail to fall upon them. I was thus indulging in these
pleasant thoughts when they came to tell me that the boats were
about to go first to Couron, which is about four leagues distant
from Macouria, to capture there, if possible, Father Lombard, the
missionary, who had labored with so much success and for so long a
time in Guyane, in the conversion of the Indians. Their object was,
that they might exact a ransom for him in conformity with his age and
merits.

I leave you to imagine how like the stroke of a thunderbolt news of
this kind came upon me, for I was well assured that, if this worthy
missionary should be brought on board our ship, he would entirely
sink under the fatigue. But Providence, which was not willing to
afflict our missions to this extent, defeated their plan. They ran
aground on the way, and were obliged to hold to their first design,
which was to ravage Macouria alone. They, in fact, arrived there
on Sunday morning, and spent that day and the following night in
pillaging and destroying the dwelling which was the object of their
hate. On Monday morning, after having set fire to the buildings, they
returned on board, without having received the least opposition from
any one. The negroes were so thoroughly terrified that they did not
dare to show themselves, and the French who had been dispatched from
Cayenne on Sunday morning had not yet been able to reach there.

During this expedition, those who had remained with me in the ship
reasoned each one in accordance with his desires or his fears. Some
prophesied a fortunate result to this enterprise, and others wished
for it. At length, as each one was thus indulging in his own peculiar
views, I saw again a great movement on board of our ship, towards
three o’clock in the afternoon. It was caused by the departure of the
boatswain, an energetic man, bold and determined, who, in command
of nine men only, went in the long-boat to attempt a descent on the
coast very near Cayenne, using as his guide a negro, who knew the
coast, because he was a native of it. Perhaps also Captain Potter
wished to make a diversion, and in that way prevent their sending
a force from Cayenne against those of his people who had gone to
Macouria.

However that might be, when I first learned the departure of the
long-boat I could not doubt but that the Lord wished to relieve me
from my captivity, persuaded as I was that, if the first party was
not attacked, the second certainly would be. And what I anticipated
in reality took place. The ten Englishmen, after having pillaged
one of our dwellings, were encountered by a company of French, and
entirely defeated. Three were killed on the spot, and seven were made
prisoners. On our side there was but one soldier wounded, in the
shoulder, by a musket-shot. As to my poor negro, it is surprising
that in this fight he was not even wounded. The Lord, without doubt,
wished to recompense him for his fidelity to his master. It was from
him that they at length learned at Cayenne the particulars of the
capture of Oyapoc, and every thing that related to me personally.

We who were on board were exceedingly anxious to learn the result
of all these expeditions; but nothing came either from the shore or
from Macouria. At last, when the sun began to appear, and it became
sufficiently light for us to see at a distance, there was a constant
stream of sailors going up to the round-top and coming down, who
always reported that they could see nothing. But at nine o’clock,
Captain Potter came himself to tell me that he had seen three boats
which, leaving Cayenne, had gone in the direction of Macouria, and no
doubt were in pursuit of his people. To tranquillize him a little,
I answered, “that they might be the boats of the inhabitants, who,
after having heard Mass, were returning to their homes.”

“No,” he replied, “those are boats full of people. I have seen them
perfectly with my glass, at a distance.”

“Your people,” I suggested, “will perhaps have left the river before
the others reach it, and after that there can be no collision.”

“All this does not worry me,” he said. “My people are well armed
and full of courage. The fortunes of war must decide it, if the two
parties meet.”

“But what do you think of your long-boat?” I asked him.

“I think it is captured,” he said.

“Excuse me,” said I to him, “if I say to you that there was a little
temerity in your running the risk of a descent with so small a force.
Do you, then, imagine that Cayenne is an Oyapoc?”

“That was far from being my idea,” he answered; “but it is the too
great ardor and excessive energy of the boatswain which has caused
it. So much the worse for him if he has come to evil! I am, however,
sorry for it,” he continued; “for I have a great esteem for him, and
he was very necessary to me. He has, without doubt, exceeded my
orders; for I had advised him not to land, but only to examine from a
short distance as to the most commodious place to disembark.”

After we had thus conferred together for a short time, he caused them
to raise the anchor, and approached as near as possible to land and
to Macouria. His object was as much to cut off the way for our boats,
as to cover his people and shorten the return for them.

Nevertheless, all Sunday passed in great anxiety. Our enemies were
aware of the fact that there were three ships in the harbor, because
the boats going to Macouria had approached sufficiently near the
port to discover them, and they had made the signal agreed upon with
Captain Potter. But some had fears lest these vessels might come
out and attack the ship during the night. So, about seven o’clock
in the evening, they placed two swivel-guns in the windows, besides
the twelve which were on deck along the sides of the ship. But the
captain was very composed. He told me “that, so far from fearing that
they would come and attack him, he, on the contrary, desired it;
hoping thus to gain possession of those who should dare to approach
him.” He was thoroughly armed as a privateer: sabres, pistols,
guns, lances, grenades, balls filled with bitumen and sulphur,
grape-shot,--nothing was wanting.

I believe that no one slept that night. However, nothing appeared,
either from Macouria or Cayenne, which was the cause of great
uneasiness to us all. At length, at eight o’clock in the morning,
the captain came to tell me that he had seen a great deal of smoke
on the shore at Macouria, and that his people had without doubt
set fire to the buildings of Madame Gislet. (This is the name of
the lady to whose residence the English had particularly directed
their attention.) “I am very sorry,” he added, “for I had expressly
forbidden them to burn any thing.” A little while after, they saw
from the height of the round-top five canoes or boats, some of which
seemed to be pursuing each other. They were our French people, who
were giving chase to the English. Captain Potter, an able man in his
profession, at once perceived this, and took measures accordingly;
for he raised his anchor, and made again a movement to approach them.
He called all his people to arms, having at the same time obliged all
the prisoners, whether French or English, to descend into the hold. I
wished myself to go there also; but he told me I could remain in my
cabin, and he would notify me when it was time.

In the midst of this excitement, one of the boats which had come from
Macouria drew nigh, as by dint of rowing; and to assure themselves
that they were English, those in the vessel raised their pennant
and flag and fired a gun, to which the boats having responded by
the discharge of a musket, the signal on which they had agreed,
tranquillity succeeded this first movement of fear. But there
remained as yet one boat behind, which was coming very slowly with
the _pagaye_ (a kind of scull, or oar, which the Indians use to
row their canoes), and they feared that it would be captured by
our boats. No sooner, therefore, had the officer who commanded the
first discharged in haste the little they had brought with them,
than he hurried back to convoy it. After having conducted it to its
destination, and all the little booty they had taken having been
embarked in the ship, each one thought of refreshing himself to the
utmost for the fatigues of this marauding. Punch, lemonade, wine,
brandy, sugar,--nothing was spared. Thus passed the rest of the day
and the night of Sunday to Monday.

Among all these successes,--which, however inconsiderable they really
might be, were yet occasions of triumph for them,--there remained one
great source of chagrin, which was the capture of the long-boat and
of the ten men who had landed in it. It became necessary, therefore,
to think seriously of some means of rescuing them. For this reason,
on Monday morning, after having consulted among themselves and held
council after council, they came to find me, to say that, their ship
dragging considerably, perhaps on account of the currents, which are
very strong in these latitudes, or perhaps because they had only one
small anchor remaining, they could not longer hold their anchorage,
and they thought, therefore, of going to Surinam, a Dutch colony,
twenty-four leagues or thereabouts from Cayenne; but, however, they
very much wished to receive first some news of their long-boat and
the people who had landed on Saturday.

I told them, in reply, “that this was very easy; that it was only
necessary to fit out one of the boats which they had taken from
us, and to send it to Cayenne with the proposal for an exchange of
prisoners.”

“But would they be willing to receive us?” they asked me; “would they
not inflict on us some injury? Would they permit us to return?”

It was easy for me to remove doubts which had so little foundation,
by telling them, as is the case, “that the law of nations is the
same in all countries; that the French did not pride themselves
less than the English in observing it; that nothing was so common
among civilized people as to see the generals mutually sending
heralds-at-arms, trumpeters, or drummers, to carry their terms of
agreement; and that, therefore, they need have no fear for those of
their crew whom they might send to land.”

After renewed consultations, which they held among themselves, they
began to make their proposals, some of which I found to be entirely
unreasonable. For example, they wished to have returned to them their
boat with all the arms, and to have all the prisoners released,
whatever might be their number, in exchange for only four Frenchmen,
which was our number.

I answered him, “that I did not think they would accede to this
article of war; that, as far as it related to men, the usage is to
change them head for head.”

“But, you alone, do you not value yourself as much as thirty
sailors?” said one of the crowd to me.

“No, certainly,” I answered; “a man of my profession, in time of war,
should not count for any thing.”

“All this is very well for wit,” said the captain; “but, since you
take it in that way, I must go and make sail. I am able very well
to bear the loss of ten men; it leaves me a large enough crew to
continue my voyage.”

Immediately he went out of the cabin to give his orders, and they
began working the ship, &c. But, through all this manœuvring, I saw
very well that it was only a feint on their part to intimidate me and
induce me to offer them two thousand piastres, which they had already
demanded for my ransom.

Nevertheless, as I had a great desire to free myself from their
hands, although I did not let it appear outwardly, I took occasion to
call Captain Potter and say to him, “that he need not be influenced
by my views; that he could at any time send a boat to Cayenne to make
the proposals which he judged proper, leaving it to Monsieur the
Commandant to accept or reject them.” He followed this suggestion,
and begged me myself to dictate the letter which he wished written;
and this I did, as his secretary, following exactly what he caused me
to say.

I also, on my own account, wrote a few words to Monsieur d’Orvilliers
and Father de Villeconte (our Superior-General), praying the first to
stipulate in the articles of negotiation, if he had an opportunity,
that they should return to me every thing in their possession
belonging to my church; offering myself to pay as much silver in
weight as would equal that of the silver vessels, and a certain sum
on which we would agree for the furniture, ornaments, and linen. At
the same time, I begged our Father, if this negotiation succeeded, to
send me the silver and the necessary balance for the account, by the
return of the boat, to the place where the exchange of prisoners was
to be made,--that is to say, half-way between the ship and the land.

All these letters being prepared, the boat was dispatched, and they
sent in it, as the bearer of these letters, a sergeant who had been
made prisoner at Oyapoc. He was ordered to use the utmost diligence;
and, as he was an energetic man, we should have had a prompt reply,
but the wind and the current were so contrary that they could not
make the port of Cayenne. We were all exceedingly disappointed: the
English, because they began to be in want of water and their ship
drifted again considerably, having only, as I have said, one small
anchor, which they were obliged to manage with a grappling-iron; and
we Frenchmen, because we were very anxious to regain our liberty. It
was necessary, however, to be patient and to resign ourselves to the
will of God until He should cause some new way to be opened.

At last, on Wednesday morning, having determined to ask the captain
what course he had determined to pursue, I was agreeably surprised
by hearing him say “that if I wished to go to Cayenne I was my own
master, with the condition that I should cause to be sent back all
the English who were prisoners there.”

“That does not depend upon me,” I said to him; “but I will promise to
make every effort with Monsieur the Commandant to obtain it.”

After some slight objections, which I easily removed, we wrote a new
letter to Monsieur d’Orvilliers, of which I was to be the bearer,
and, every thing being ready, we embarked--four French and five
English--to go to Cayenne. In taking leave of the captain, I said to
him, “that if the war continued, and he or any others of his nation
should come to Cayenne, I could not again be made prisoner.” He
answered me, “that he knew that already; the custom being not twice
to make prisoner of the same person in the course of the same war, at
least, unless he should be taken with arms in his hands.”

I then thanked him for his honorable treatment of myself, and,
grasping his hand, I said to him: “Monsieur, two things give me
pain at this parting. It is not exactly the pillage you have made
at Oyapoc, because the French will perhaps return you the same with
interest; but it is, in the first place, because we have not both of
us the same faith; and in the second place, because your people have
not been willing to return to me the furniture of my church on the
conditions I proposed, reasonable as they are, for it causes me to
fear lest the profanation of what belongs to the temple of the Lord
may draw down His anger upon you. I would advise you,” I added, while
embracing him, “to pray God each day to enlighten you as to the true
way to heaven; for as there is but one God, so there can be but one
true faith.” After which I descended into the boat which was to carry
us; and immediately I saw all the crew come up on deck, the flag
and pennant were hoisted, the gun was fired, and we were many times
saluted with “_Houras_,” to which we replied as often with “_Vive le
roi_.”

Scarcely had we gone a quarter of a league on our way when the
ship got under sail, and, toward five o’clock, we lost sight of
her. The sea, however, was very rough, and we had only miserable
oars to row with, when, to complete our difficulty, our rudder
became disabled. A hinge, which was held in its place by a screw
below, came out and fell into the sea. We then resorted to the only
expedient in our power, that of attaching the ring of the rudder to
the stern-post of the boat; but the iron shortly wore off the cord,
and we found ourselves in great danger. What increased our fear was,
that the night became very dark, and we were far distant from land.
We determined, therefore, to anchor until next morning, when we
could find out some way to relieve ourselves from this unfortunate
condition. As the English appreciated better than we did the peril in
which we were, one of them proposed to me to hoist the lantern high
up on one of the masts, as a signal for succor. But I represented to
him its uselessness, because we were too far distant to be seen, and,
besides, no one would dare to come to us in the uncertainty whether
we were friends or enemies.

Thus we passed a distressing night, between life and death; and what
was very remarkable is, that we had anchored, without knowing it,
between two large rocks, which we did not see until day dawned. After
having returned thanks to God for having so visibly protected us,
we resolved to gain the river, that, if possible, we might repair
the boat, or procure another at the neighboring dwellings, or, as a
last resource, go by land to Cayenne. But behold! a new accident.
As we took down the large mast, not having much strength of crew,
they allowed it to go on the opposite side from that on which it
should naturally fall. We all thought it would have crushed M. de
la Landerie, but happily he had only some slight bruises. We took
at that time--the sergeant and myself--one oar to steer, the others
each taking one to row; and, aided partly by the wind (for we carried
our foremast to enable us to avoid the breakers), and partly by the
tide, which began to rise, but, above all, conducted by the Divine
Providence which guided us, on the morning of the 26th we entered
the little river Macouria, which I have already mentioned. None of
us were acquainted with the channel; so that the English themselves
earnestly avowed that it was God who had conducted us, safe and
sound, in spite of the great dangers.

Our first object was to obtain some means of getting to Cayenne;
but this was not an easy matter. In addition to the fact that we
could not find a boat or any way of repairing our own, the negroes,
who were the only persons left at the dwellings, were so frightened
that they did not wish to recognize us. As it had already become
known that I was a prisoner, they feared lest the English had
sent me ashore as a lure, through my means to entrap the slaves.
Nevertheless, after many protestations and prayers and solicitations,
I reassured some, who, more courageous than the rest, dared to
approach us; and, through their means, we obtained some little
refreshment, of which we certainly stood very much in need. For
myself, as I was scarcely able to take any nourishment, and for this
reason was very weak, I was hardly able to sustain myself.

As soon as each one was a little recruited, I consigned to the
negroes the boat, which we left in their care with all the rigging
and sails, and we set out on our journey to Cayenne, along the
borders of the ocean. We did not wish to go into the interior of the
country, for fear of affording our enemies a knowledge of the place,
which hereafter might be an injury to us. The night which followed
favored my design, and I can say with truth that the five English
whom I took with me saw nothing which could be of any service to
them, if at any future day, in the course of this war, they should
take a fancy to return to us.

It would be difficult, not to say impossible, my Reverend Father,
to describe to you what we suffered during this journey of only
three or four leagues. As the tide rose, and for that reason we were
obliged to make our way over the high ground of the shore, where
the sand is very shifting, we sunk into it; and most of us had the
greatest difficulty to drag ourselves along, so that I frequently
saw the greater part of our party obliged to stop and rest. The
English, particularly, being little accustomed to march, found the
journey very long, and would have been very willing to be back in
their vessel. But it was their fault that they found themselves in
such difficulty. In sending us ashore, they themselves knew that the
boat in which we embarked was unseaworthy. They should have given me
notice of it at the time, and I would have demanded another from the
captain.

At last, by dint of encouraging and animating them, we reached the
point which the river forms, and which fronts on the roadstead. It
was about midnight when we arrived at the dwelling of Madame de
Charanville, where the slaves, knowing the good heart and generosity
of their mistress, although alone, gave us the best reception they
were able, to recompense us for the privations we had suffered. I
had taken the precaution to send before us a negro of our party, to
remove their fears on our arrival; for without this, we should have
run a great risk of not being received, so great was the fright which
had everywhere seized on these poor wretches. So good a reception
gave great satisfaction to the English, who themselves feared being
killed or maltreated by the negroes, which would certainly have
happened had I not been with them. For this reason they never left
me. At length, after having taken a little rest, as soon as it was
day we embarked in a boat we had found, and continued our route to
Cayenne.

No sooner had they seen us at a great distance, than they well knew
from our white flag that we were the deputies who came to make
terms; and they immediately sent down a detachment to the port, who
received us at the point of the bayonet and with presented arms,
as is the custom on such occasions. All the ramparts which fronted
the roadstead, and the rising ground on which the fort is situated,
were entirely covered with people. Having directed the sergeant to
remain in the boat with all his company until I had spoken to the
commandant, I myself landed. The Brother Pittet had recognized me
with his glass, at a long distance, and hastened himself to give me
his hand.

It was a very consoling spectacle, my Reverend Father, to see all
Cayenne coming to meet me. In the streets through which I had passed,
there was so great a crowd of people that I had difficulty in making
my way. The rich as well as the poor, even all the slaves, pressed
around to give me proofs of the pleasure which my restoration
to freedom afforded them. Many bathed me with their tears when
embracing me. I do not blush to say that I was myself overcome in
recognizing such great demonstrations of friendship. A large crowd
followed me even into the church, to which I first repaired to return
thanks to God for the great blessings He had bestowed upon me, and
for which I pray you, my Reverend Father, to give thanks also.

Our Fathers and our Brothers distinguished themselves on this
occasion, and extended their charity, in my behalf, as far as it was
possible to carry it. As all my clothes were in a pitiable state,
they eagerly brought me every thing which was necessary. In this way
I realized to the letter the truth of that declaration of our Lord:
“_Quiconque quittera son père, sa mère, ses frères, pour l’amour
de moi, recevra le centuple en ce monde_.” (Whosoever shall leave
his father, his mother, his brethren, for my sake, shall receive an
hundred-fold in this world.)

We often talked together over the evils which might again happen
to us, and I was always very much edified at seeing their holy
emulation; each one wishing to sacrifice himself to succor the
wounded in case of an attack. But I thought that having already
had some experience in this matter, and not being able to be again
made prisoner during the continuance of this war, I should have the
preference, and begin the service in discharging the duties of our
ministry. We can, however, hope that neither the one nor the other
will be obliged to come forward in this way, but that the victorious
arms of the king will shortly bring about a solid and lasting peace.
As soon as I had made my report and forwarded my letters to Monsieur
d’Orvilliers, who was in retirement in his house on account of the
death of Madame his wife, he gave orders that the five English who
had come with me should be conducted, with their eyes bandaged,
according to custom in such cases, to the guard-house, where they
were to be confined; after which, he made the necessary arrangements
for sending them back to their ship, with the seven other prisoners
whom I have already mentioned, all of whom he was very willing to
free, in a great measure through consideration to myself. On the
following day, the 28th, they departed during the night in their
long-boat, with all the tackle and provisions necessary. We have
reason to wish that they should arrive safe in port, because we have
written by them to the Governor of Surinam; and I myself on my own
account have done so, to endeavor, through his instrumentality, to
recover what belonged to my church, on the conditions agreed upon
with Captain Potter when we parted. But if I should not succeed in
recovering these things, I flatter myself that you, my Reverend
Father, would be entirely willing to supply this deficiency by
sending me a complete church service, for every thing has been lost.

On my arrival at Cayenne, I had found there the officer who was at
Oyapoc when it was taken, and who since then has returned thither
with the chief surgeon and a party of soldiers. Since that time, the
commandant himself has gone back with the rest of the detachment, to
await the orders which the Court shall give with regard to Oyapoc.
The fort which we have just lost was built in 1725, under the
direction of M. d’Orvilliers, Governor of this colony, and had thus
been in existence but nineteen years. We do not know whether the
Court will think proper to re-establish it.

It was a great consolation to me to learn that our two missionaries,
the Fathers d’Autillac and d’Huberlant, have returned each to his own
post, after having entirely got over their fatigues before they went
back. They had again much to suffer, until we were able to furnish
them with assistance. They write me that the Indians, who had been
at first exceedingly frightened, had begun to be reassured, and that
they continued to render all the services in their power to the
inhabitants who remained in that quarter awaiting the new order.

You see, my Reverend Father, a very long letter, and, perhaps, one a
little too long. I should esteem myself happy if it is able to afford
you any pleasure, for I had no other object in writing. I am, with
respect, in the unity of your holy sacrifices, &c.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] _The Landfall of Leif_, _The Problem of the Northmen_, _The
Defences of Norumbega_, _The Discovery of the Ancient City_, _Leif’s
House in Vinland_, etc.

[2] W. H. Babcock, _Early Norse Visits to America_. Smithsonian Misc.
Colls., Vol. 59, No. 19.

[3] Babcock, p. 139.

[4] Astronomical calculations demonstrate that the sun rose and set
at the time mentioned, October 17, in Latitude 41°, 24′, 10″, almost
exactly that of Narragansett Bay.

[5] In Old Norse the term “Hop” was applied to any inlet, fiord or
harbor with a narrow entrance, widening inside not far from the
entrance to a larger lake or lagoon into which a river flowed.

[6] The commander of the Prince Charles of Lorraine, of whom we shall
write later.

[7] The words used by Father Fauque are “_corsaire
anglois_.”--_Trans._

[8] _Les corsaires._

[9] Suspecting that _Rodelan_ and _Rhode Island_ were similar enough
in sound to mislead Father Fauque, we examined the list of governors
of Rhode Island, and found that William Greene was governor in
1744-5. This, therefore, was a Rhode Island privateer.[10] Father
Fauque says Captain Potter was “_Creole de la Nouvelle Angleterre_.”
He, of course, means he was a native of New England, and we have thus
translated it.--_Trans._

[10] The Prince Charles was owned in Newport. See _ante_, p. 44.

[11] Very true.--_Ed._

[12] Some of these are still preserved in Bristol.--_Ed._

[13] See testimony of Jeffrey Potter, _ante_, p. 46.--_Ed._

[14] A series of devotions extending through nine days.--_Trans._

[15] From 1715 to 1786 Rhode Island suffered from the issue of Bills
of Credit, or paper money.--_Ed._

[16] _Nota bene._--_Ed._

[17] Either Captain Potter or Father Fauque, in this statement, makes
a mistake. On November 5th, in England, they celebrate their escape
from the “Gunpowder Plot.” There is in the Prayer-book “A Form of
Prayer with Thanksgiving,” which is to be used on that day “for the
happy deliverance of King James I. and the Three Estates of England
from the most traitorous and blood-intended massacre by Gunpowder;
and also for the happy arrival of His Majesty King William on this
day, for the deliverance of our church and nation.” The common people
call it “Guy Fawkes’ Day.”[18]--_Trans._

[18] Guy Fawkes’ Day was observed with great fidelity, as far as
noise was concerned, by Bristol boys of the last generation.--_Ed._

[19] Captain Potter was a member of St. Michael’s Church, Bristol,
and as a good Church of England man was reading his Book of Common
Prayer.--_Ed._

[20] Potter was not a Huguenot. If Father Fauque had known of the
heresies abounding in “Rodelan” his astonishment would have been
equalled by his horror.--_Ed._

[21] A _toise_ is two yards.--_Trans._

[22] “Narragansett Pacers” were greatly in demand in the West Indies,
and on the “Spanish Main.”--_Ed._



PART II

NORWEST JOHN AND THE VOYAGE OF THE JUNO


1--NORWEST JOHN

John De Wolf was born in Bristol on September 6, 1779. His father,
Simon, the third son of Mark Anthony, founder of the Bristol family,
was lost at sea with his older brother, Mark, in 1779 or ’80, when
his only child was but an infant in arms. He was forced by poverty
to begin a seafaring life at the age of thirteen. His great ability
quickly manifested itself and at the age of twenty-four he was placed
in command of a vessel bound on one of the most fascinating as well
as one of the most hazardous voyages known to the commerce of that
time, a voyage to the Northwest Coast. The story of his experiences
he tells in the pages that follow. For some years after his return
to his native town he continued in the Russian-American trade for
which the knowledge of the language gained during his stay in Russian
territory well qualified him. Having attained the age of forty-eight
he retired from the sea and for some years lived, like many retired
captains, the life of a farmer, upon the farm occupied for years
as a summer home by his relative, the late Bishop Howe of Central
Pennsylvania. Thence he moved to a farm at Brighton, Massachusetts,
and, leaving that, spent the last years of his life with his
daughter, Mrs. Downing, at Dorchester. Very delightful must have been
those last years. The daring sailor whose nerves had never failed him
in moments of greatest peril on the ocean was a man of tender nature
and of a most lovable disposition.

Of him his granddaughter penned this beautiful picture:[23]

“I never knew a more beautiful old age. Beloved by those of all ages,
he had many friends among the young people and was young with them,
and his grandchildren were devoted to him. They called him ‘White
Grandpa,’ on account of his silvery hair, to distinguish him from
my father. They always knew in just what spot in the room to look
for candy and fruits which he always had for them, and if there was
anything they particularly wanted they were always sure that ‘White
Grandpa’ would give it to them. Like so many old people it was hard
for him to adapt himself to modern improvements. And especially
the new ideas of shipbuilding were not always to his liking. At
a window of a room in our summer home, commanding a fine view of
Boston harbor, we would often find him holding his spy-glass at arm’s
length, and if sometimes we would ask ‘What do you see, Grandpa?’ he
would invariably reply, ‘I was looking at those blasted three masted
schooners.’”

In the days of his life at sea a three masted schooner was almost
unknown, and the schooner rigged vessel was rarely seen except on
the American coast of the North Atlantic Ocean. Everywhere else
square sails were the rule. Even the “tub” of twenty-five tons on
which Captain De Wolf made his voyage of twenty-five hundred miles
to Ochotsk was a brig. At his death no naval constructor had dreamed
of a five masted schooner, and a seven master would have been deemed
impossible. Today all the great colliers carry five or six masts
and there is not a square rigger among them. The schooner rig is
distinctively American. The first schooner ever constructed is said
to have been built in Gloucester, Massachusetts, about the year 1713,
by Captain Andrew Robinson. In two centuries it has driven the square
rigged ship from the Atlantic coast of North America. In the great
ports upon the Pacific coast square sails are still frequent, though
they are seen for the most part upon the masts of foreign ships.
The schooner rig has conquered even that former home of most rigid
conservatism which was opened to the commerce of the world in 1854,
by a Rhode Island naval officer, when Commodore M. C. Perry dropped
anchor near the little fishing village of Yokohama, Japan. As one
passes through the “Inland Sea” today he notes that all the fleet
craft skimming over its waves are rigged in the American way. The
schooner has driven the slow moving “junk” out of business as far as
those waters are concerned.

Captain De Wolf died in Dorchester, on March 8, 1872, aged
ninety-two.


2--VOYAGE OF THE JUNO

A VOYAGE TO THE NORTH PACIFIC AND A JOURNEY THROUGH SIBERIA MORE THAN
HALF A CENTURY AGO. BY CAPTAIN JOHN D’WOLF. (CAMBRIDGE, 1861)


_Preface_

My only object in combining the reminiscences and memoranda of my
first voyage as a shipmaster into a connected narrative is to leave
some slight record of that voyage in my family. Although I am not one
of those who regard everything beyond the smoke of their own chimneys
as marvellous I think my expedition to the Northwest Coast was made a
little remarkable from the circumstance that I met at Norfolk Sound
his Excellency Baron von Resanoff, to whom I sold my vessel, and then
crossed the Pacific in a little craft of twenty-five tons burden, and
after an overland journey of twenty-five hundred miles returned home
by way of St. Petersburg. This was a voyage and travels more than
half a century ago, and I was probably the first American who passed
through Siberia. I know that others have claimed to be the first,
and have published descriptions of the country; but I had gone over
the same route before any of these claimants were born. I have often
regretted that I did not make any note of what I saw, and that I had
not the requisite qualifications to write an extended account of it;
but business called my thoughts in other directions. I must now be
content to give this imperfect sketch, the materials of which are
drawn principally from memory.


VOYAGE.

I.

  The Ship Juno.--Her Outfit.--And Voyage to the Northwest Coast.

I commenced a seafaring life at the early age of thirteen, and
followed it through all its changes, continually rising in rank,
until I reached my twenty-fourth year. Then, after a series of long
voyages to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope as chief mate, in
the summer of 1804 I returned to my native town, resolved on a short
respite of a few months from a close application of eleven years.
I had enjoyed this leisure but a little while, however, when my
employers, Messrs. Charles, James, and George D’Wolf, purchased a
fine ship,[24] called the Juno, of about two hundred and fifty tons
burden, and projected a voyage to the Northwest Coast of America to
collect furs for the China market. They proposed that I should take
the command. I had no expectation of such an offer, since I thought
myself too young and inexperienced to enter upon an entirely new
branch of trade, and entertained some misgivings of my qualifications
for such an enterprise. At the same time I could not so far doubt
my abilities as to neglect so advantageous an opportunity, and I
therefore accepted the trust.

Having engaged in the undertaking, we lost no time in making the
necessary arrangements, in procuring a cargo suitable for traffic,
and in preparing the vessel for the voyage. When ready for sea, the
Juno and her lading were valued at $35,000. The Juno at that day
was considered a crack ship, and her outfit embraced all that was
needed for both comfort and convenience. She mounted eight carriage
guns, and was otherwise armed in proportion, and when hauled into the
stream presented quite a formidable and warlike appearance. Such an
equipment was essential in her time for the dangerous business for
which she was destined. The crew also would now be considered too
large for a craft of the same tonnage,--for it numbered twenty-six
men and boys, viz: Samuel G. Newell, First Mate; John A. Thomas,
Second Mate; James Moorfield, Clerk; Richard Cammett, Joseph Hooper,
Armorers; Thomas Hunt, Boatswain; John Jones, Carpenter; D. Bucklin,
E. Bucklin, W. H. Tripp, D. Tatton, J. Stokes, J. Wheeler, W.
Foy, J. Marshall, J. D. Cook, W. Phipps, J. Wheesner, J. Powers,
S. Patterson, Seamen; J. Hanson, Cook; E. D. Parker, Musician; R.
Hitchcock, Tailor; T. Murphy, J. Mahoney, boys. Thus manned and
equipped, we took leave of our friends, weighed anchor, and put to
sea on the 13th of August, 1804.

Having now fairly embarked again on the ocean, which had become a
home to me, I began immediately to attend to those duties which its
dangers imposed. Our anchors and cables were soon stowed away, the
crew divided, the watch set, and everything prepared for all winds
and weathers. We sailed in a southeasterly direction, with light
breezes, and for a number of days nothing varied the monotony which
the sea wears to those who have been long accustomed to it. On the
20th of September we saw at a distance St. Antonio, one of the Cape
de Verde Islands. We then bent our course to the south, and were
favored with fine leading winds until we reached that region of the
ocean between the northeast and southeast trade-winds, which is
doomed to perpetual squalls and calms, thunder, lightning, and rain.
This vexatious weather was the source of one advantage, however.
It afforded an opportunity for filling our water-casks, which was
essential in the long voyage and moderate progress we were making.

On the 9th of November we crossed the equator in longitude 24° W.
Fifty-six days to the line! Well, this certainly seems to be a long
passage in comparison with those made in more modern times by the
straight course pointed out by Lieut. Maury. Yet the difference is
not so very extraordinary, when we consider the improvements in the
sciences of navigation and naval architecture. Clippers may pursue
a route with impunity which was not so safe or practicable for the
square-built, seven-knot ships of half a century ago. The straight
course was by no means unknown in those days, and it was sometimes
followed; but with dull sailing vessels it was necessary to be more
cautious, and make their “easting” while in the region of variable
winds. That we crossed the Atlantic, in my time, thrice, as it is
said, in going to the Cape of Good Hope, I deny. A majority of the
passages made by the circuitous track would compare favorably with
those made now by the same class of ships, notwithstanding the
superior knowledge of winds and currents, and the numerous nautical
instruments of which sea-captains avail themselves. At all events,
navigation is not now carried on with more, if as much safety as
formerly. Inducements are held out, in these go-ahead days, to make
quick passages, regardless of ship and cargo, and the interests of
the underwriters. Too implicit reliance is placed on instruments and
figures at the expense of that most essential point in navigation, a
vigilant lookout, and to the neglect of the use of the lead.

October 10th. We fell in with a large Spanish ship from Havana for
Rio Janeiro, ninety days out. Being now several degrees in south
latitude, the weather was serene and the sea smooth; there was a fine
breeze from the southeast. On the 12th, we spoke a Portuguese ship
from Oporto, also bound to Rio Janeiro. She had a large number of
passengers on board, many of whom were sick, as they were destitute
of all kinds of vegetables. I supplied them with potatoes and
onions, for which they were very grateful, and presented in return a
quantity of Port wine. A continuance of the pleasant weather enabled
us to make various repairs in the rigging, which had been drenched
and buffeted by incessant tempests to the north of the line. The
change seemed to put new life and animation into the whole crew.
All hands were actively employed with a good will in their various
departments,--the armorers at the forge, the carpenter fitting the
boats for service on the coast, the sail-makers upon the sails. Thus
the vessel was put in fine condition for meeting the rough gales of
Cape Horn. These we began to encounter in lat. 40° S.

November 12th, lat. 48° S., long. 51° W., we fell in with the ship
Mary, of Boston, Capt. Trescott, bound to the Northwest Coast of
America, and I agreed to keep company with him until we had doubled
the Cape. This arrangement could be no impediment to our progress,
as our vessels were nearly equal sailors.--November 15th, we saw
the Falkland Islands bearing from southeast to southwest, fifteen
miles distant. From our longitude we judged ourselves to be nearer
the western extremity, but the wind inclining westward compelled us
to pass to the eastward of them.--November 19th, the wind from the
westward increased to a gale, with a heavy swell, which brought both
ships under short sail. At eight, P. M., the Mary bore upon our
weather quarter, about two miles distant. At ten, the wind continuing
the same, I left the deck, charging the officer of the watch to be
careful that we did not approach each other too near. At daylight it
was perceived that she had approached us considerably, though she
still held a position on the weather quarter at a sufficient distance
to be out of danger. But through inattention of the officer on board
the Mary to the steering, she was brought under our lee within hail;
of this I was not informed by the mate in command on the deck. The
Juno was making but slow progress through the water, being under
short sail, with a heavy sea running, and obliged to keep close to
the wind in order to avoid a collision. In this way, the ship’s
headway would be so checked that she would fall off two or three
points, regardless of the helm. While thus situated, the Mary was in
the act of coming to, and the Juno falling off, when, before either
ship had gained sufficient headway to be under quick command of the
helm, our whole broadsides came into contact with a crash that made
every timber quake. I immediately rushed on deck, and beheld with
amazement our perilous situation. In which, spite of all our efforts
to get clear, we remained nearly fifteen minutes, cutting and tearing
our bulwarks, channels, and plank-sheer, and making sad work with our
rigging. Finally we separated, and without apparently sustaining any
injury below our plank-sheer.

This may be an uninteresting matter for record to many, but it is
one of those casualties which not infrequently occur from a reckless
neglect, or a want of ordinary judgment, and yet where no one is
willing to acknowledge himself at fault. They show that caution is to
be regarded as a cardinal point of practical navigation. I am bold to
say, that, if I had been apprised of our proximity, the collision
would never have taken place.

When endeavoring to extricate the two ships, Mr. Stetson, first mate
of the Mary, while on a poise upon her railing, to save himself from
falling overboard, made a leap for the Juno, and landed on her deck.
In the course of the day the weather became more moderate, and we put
him aboard his own ship and continued our course without attempting
to keep company with her. We were favored with mild weather until the
24th, which brought us into lat. 56° S. Here commenced a series of
very severe gales from the westward, which continued with unabated
violence for ten days. On the 5th of December the wind veered to the
southward, which enabled us to make some progress, so that on the
10th I judged myself fairly to the north and west of the Cape, and
a fine southwest wind was carrying us fast from it. On the 13th, as
luck would have it, we fell in again with our old consort, the Mary,
and sailed along with her until the 29th. Being then in lat. 44° S.
and long. 85° W., I deemed it expedient to hold a consultation with
my officers on the propriety of touching upon the coast of Chili, in
preference to the Sandwich Islands, which was our previous intention.
This was thought advisable on account of the damage sustained during
our boisterous passage of one hundred and thirty-eight days. The
copper on the ship’s bottom, which had been worn as thin as paper
during a previous long voyage of three years, had now become full
of holes, and was torn off in many places by whole sheets. This and
other injuries which could not be repaired at sea, in addition to
the fact that all our fuel was consumed except that stowed under the
cargo, and on this account we had for some time been obliged to
dispense with cooking oftener than once a week, induced us to part
company again with the Mary, and shape our course for Concepcion.
I was well aware of the natural and deep-rooted jealousy of the
Spaniards; but while I apprehended trouble on this score, I was
determined to find admittance to some port, after having relinquished
my original scheme of visiting the Sandwich Islands.

On the 1st of January, 1805, at 2 P. M., we saw land bearing from
southeast to northeast, fifteen miles distant, and shortly after the
island of St. Maria. At the same time we saw a ship standing out
from the shore, which we spoke. She was a whaler from New Bedford.
The wind was blowing so hard that we could learn nothing further.
At sunset it had died away, and left us still four or five miles
off Concepcion. As it was not practicable to make the harbor in the
night-time, we tacked ship and stood out from the coast, with a
view to holding our situation to the windward until morning, and at
midnight we tacked and stood in again. At daybreak, however, we found
the current had set us a considerable distance north of our port.
I accordingly resolved to make sail for Valparaiso; since that was
the principal port in Chili, we had reason to anticipate a better
reception than at any place of less note, where our presence might
have excited unjust suspicions of unlawful trade. Our sole object was
to repair our vessel and obtain supplies for our voyage, and these by
the laws of humanity they could not in justice refuse us.

The weather continued remarkably serene and pleasant, with light
breezes and frequent calms; and as we coasted along within eight or
ten miles of the shore, we had a most splendid view of the Andes,
towering far above the clouds. On the morning of the 8th, we entered
the bay of Valparaiso. Before we reached a safe anchorage, we were
visited by an officer from the Governor, who requested to know who
we were, whence we came, and the object of our visit,--all of which
I explained to his apparent satisfaction. The boat then returned to
the shore with a message to the Governor, while the officer remained
on board, saying that he could not suffer us to anchor until he
received orders. But before the boat returned, the ship had reached
the anchorage ground, and we came to immediately, notwithstanding
his remonstrances. The boat brought a peremptory command to leave
the bay; but this was out of the question, and so I as peremptorily
refused. I was summoned before the Governor to present my papers for
examination, and account for my conduct. After examining my invoices
and other documents, and listening to a candid explanation of the
reasons which induced me to come into port, he was convinced that my
destination was the Northwest Coast. I was accordingly permitted to
remain until I received further orders from the Governor-General,
at St. Jago, to whom a messenger was despatched. In the mean time
I was allowed to take on board as much wood and water, and fresh
provisions, as I chose. The harbor was too rough and exposed, to make
the repairs we needed, and therefore we weighed anchor and sailed for
Coquimbo, where we arrived on the 20th, and dropped anchor in six
fathoms of water, on the west side of the bay, about eight miles from
the town. Here we remained until the 28th, when, having completed our
repairs as far as practicable, we put to sea with a fine breeze from
the south.

When we reached 4° S. lat., we had series of calms, with pleasant
weather, and a very smooth sea. In this neighborhood we saw great
numbers of green turtle, and by capturing several we added a delicacy
to our larder. February 20th, between 9 and 11 A. M., I obtained
several distances of the sun and moon, the mean of which made the
long. 108° W.; at meridian, I found we had crossed the equator into
north latitude. The wind continued very light and variable until the
4th of March, when it inclined to the northeast. On the 16th, we
crossed the Tropic of Cancer. At this point the winds again became
variable and squally. On the 7th of April, we had strong gales and
threatening sky, with rain at intervals. At 8 P. M. of that date
I put the ship under short sail, and hauled upon the wind to the
northward, deeming it imprudent to continue on our course through the
night, because, by my calculations, we were in the vicinity of land.
In the morning the weather moderated, and at 5 A. M. we saw land
bearing from north-northeast to east, which proved to be the northern
part of Vancouver’s Island. At 2 P. M. we saw Scott’s Island bearing
north-northwest, sixteen miles distant. At nightfall the clouds wore
an ugly look; so we hauled by the wind to the westward, under short
sail. At midnight we had a heavy blow, but it died away by light, and
we saw Scott’s Island again; at 9 A. M. it bore south, five miles.
The wind beginning again to rise, I determined if possible to make
a harbor before night. With this intention I shaped my course for
Newettee.

Newettee was a small inlet in the northwestern promontory of
Vancouver’s Island, and sheltered from the sea by a long island
running nearly east and west. Between the two was a strait, through
which we must enter to gain our port. As we drew near the entrance,
the wind became very light, and at sunset we were still three miles
from it. Being myself entirely unacquainted with the coast, I was
inclined to lay off until morning; but my officers were all more
or less familiar with it, and so positive of their knowledge that
I concluded to proceed. At eight in the evening we crossed the bar
at the mouth of the strait, and entered. The wind had fallen now to
a dead calm, and left us exposed to a very strong current, which
carried us toward an inlet in the island to the north of us; and at
the same time it was evident that we were approaching the shore very
fast. Nothing could surpass the terrific appearance of the scenery;
perpendicular cliffs towered from the water’s edge to a lofty height,
against which the sea beat with great violence. The ship getting no
steerage-way from her sails, and being in fact entirely unmanageable,
we hoisted out our boats to tow. The long-boat, which was of the most
consequence, sunk alongside; the yawl and the whaleboat were both
got ahead, but were so light that they had very little effect on the
vessel. We were now within three rods of a high projecting point,
and the soundings showed forty-five fathoms of water. We let go the
kedge-anchor to keep the bow off, and it had the desired effect. By
great exertions in the boats, assisted in the ship by the application
of all the oars we had, we barely succeeded in keeping clear of the
rocks, which could now be reached with an oar. As the tide swept us
along, we were threatened with destruction by every sea which dashed
against them. At length, by the aid of a light air which sprung up,
we got out of the irregular current near the shore, and, slipping
our cable and leaving our anchor, moved towards the harbor on the
south side of the straits. When about two thirds of the way across,
I despatched a boat with an officer to find the entrance. The boat
not returning in due time, I discharged a musket as a signal. It was
answered from a vessel lying within, and shortly after one of the
officers came aboard her, and informed us that it was the ship Pearl
of Boston, Capt. Ebbets.[25] He very politely offered to pilot us
in, and by his assistance we were soon brought safely to anchor in
fifteen fathoms of water. This was the 10th of April, 1805.


II.

  Newettee and the Natives.--Kygarney.--Norfolk Sound.--Sell
  Part of my Cargo to the Russians.--Governor Baranoff.--Chatham
  Straits.--Newettee again.--Return to Chatham Straits.--Trade
  with the Indians.--On the Rocks.--Sail to Norfolk Sound for
  Repairs.--Arrival of Resanoff and Party.--The Juno sold to the
  Russians.--Departure of my Crew for Canton.

At last I was at anchor on the Northwest Coast. Newettee was one
of the southernmost harbors frequented by American fur-traders,
being in lat. 51° N., and long. 128° W. It was nothing more than a
nook, as I said before, in the northern end of Vancouver’s Island.
We found it tolerably well sheltered from all winds except those
from the north and northeast; on this quarter it was exposed to a
reach of about three miles. As the prevalent wind during our stay
of ten days was from the south and southwest, we lay in perfect
safety, notwithstanding it was one continued gale, accompanied with
hail and rain. Everything around us, the sea, the sky, and the
precipitous shore, covered with a forest of heavy timber, wore a
most gloomy aspect. The Indians had no permanent residence here,
but made it merely a place of resort for traffic on the arrival of
ships. For this purpose it was considered at certain seasons one
of the best harbors on the coast, as there are many large villages
in its vicinity. We were visited daily by a great number of the
Indians, who generally brought with them a few sea-otter skins, but
not enough to make trade brisk. They were exceedingly sharp in all
their intercourse with us, being great beggars, withal. It seemed
impossible to satisfy them for their skins, and they were ready to
grasp at everything they saw. They were a very stout and robust
people, and in some things not destitute of skill. Their boats were
hewn from a single log, and varied in size from sixteen feet in
length and three in breadth, to thirty-five in length and six in
breadth. Their paddles were made and ornamented with a great deal of
neatness.

Deriving but little benefit from our traffic, we employed ourselves
in putting the ship in good order for beating about the coast. By
the 20th we had completed our work, and weighed anchor, and put to
sea in company with the Pearl, directing our course to the northward
of Kygarney, a harbor in lat. 54°30′ N., which, from its central
situation, is considered the best place of resort for ships on their
first arrival, to obtain information for establishing a rate of
trade. For several days we sailed in a thick fog, which, lifting at
intervals, showed us different points of Queen Charlotte’s Island. We
gained our port on the 27th, and found there the ships Vancouver,
Captain Brown, and Caroline, Captain Sturgis, both of Boston; the
latter, having obtained her cargo, about to leave the coast for
Canton.

During our stay here we got in a new mizzen-mast in place of the old
one, which was sprung, and furnished our vessel with such other spars
as we thought we should need. We were daily visited by the Indians,
who generally brought a few skins; but they were so extravagant in
their demands for them that it was impossible to trade. We frequently
had thirty or forty lying about the decks the whole day long,
endeavoring to extort unreasonable prices for their furs, at the same
time affecting the utmost indifference whether they sold them or not.
Occasionally they were quite insulting; but policy induced us to put
up with insults, in hopes of driving a bargain.

The numerous inlets in the vicinity abounded with salmon, and every
other variety of fish, and wild game was very plenty. But on the
whole the harbor was poor and unsafe. The land here, as at Newettee,
was exceedingly elevated, rising abruptly from the shore, and covered
with heavy timber, chiefly of the fir kind. The water is very deep,
which compelled a vessel to anchor so near the land as to be exposed
to any hostile demonstration on the part of the savages.[26] Attacks
were not rare when only one ship was in port. From long intercourse
with American traders, the natives had become extremely expert in the
use of the musket, in the choice of which they showed great judgment
and sagacity, and invariably selected a king’s arm in preference to
the most finished fowling-piece. On account of the many instances of
bloodshed by them, they were not allowed to come on board armed, but
it was necessary to show them every indulgence within the bounds of
prudence.

Not being likely to receive much benefit from a longer stay here,
I resolved to proceed at once to the settlement of the Russians on
Norfolk Sound, since a great part of my cargo consisted of articles
adapted to their use. We had rum, tobacco, molasses, sugar, rice,
wooden ware, duffels,[27] &c., which the Indians will take only as
presents, as well as those commodities intended for trade with them,
viz. blankets, muskets, powder, and balls.

On the 7th of May we put to sea, with pleasant weather and a moderate
breeze from the west, and directed our course to the northward. On
the 8th, the wind increased to a gale, and veered to the south,
which brought thick fog and rain. On the 9th it became clear, and we
obtained a good view of the land, and discovered that we were near
the entrance of the sound, about mid-channel, with Mount Edgecombe
bearing northwest, ten miles distant. We stood in under a press of
sail, and at about eleven came to anchor in Magee’s Harbor, as it was
called, on the west side of the sound. We found erected on the shore
a guide-post, pointing out the direction of the village, and the date
of its establishment. We were soon visited by several baidarkas[28]
with Kodiak Indians, from whom we endeavored to obtain information.
The only word they used, which we could understand, was Baranoff,
which we knew to be the name of the governor or superintendent of the
settlement. As soon as the news of our arrival in the sound reached
there, a pilot was despatched to our assistance, and, the wind being
favorable, he brought us round to the village, and we anchored on the
10th of May abreast of the fort.

Mr. Abraham Jones, an American in the Russian service, immediately
came on board, with the Governor’s compliments, and kind offers of
protection, and any aid we might need which it was in his power to
give. Accompanied by Mr. Moorfield, I accepted an invitation to go
on shore and have an interview with him. Mr. Jones officiated as
interpreter. I was introduced by him to his Excellency, and received
with every mark of friendship and hospitality. After exchanging the
usual compliments, we were ushered into an apartment where we found
a table spread with all the luxuries the place afforded. While we
regaled ourselves with the sumptuous fare, the conversation turned to
the subject of my cargo. The Governor appeared willing and desirous
to exchange furs on fair terms for such articles as they needed. We
returned on board in the evening, well pleased with our reception, I
might say agreeably disappointed, as I had been led to believe from
various reports that we should find the Russians little advanced from
the savage state.

As the success of my voyage depended on the utmost possible despatch,
no time was lost in establishing a rate of exchange with our new
friends; which being adjusted to our mutual advantage, I was enabled
to disencumber the vessel of a large portion of the bulkiest part of
my cargo,--such as has been mentioned on a preceding page.

From the kind treatment received from the Governor, I was induced
to form a very favorable opinion of him. He was sixty-five years of
age, and had spent the last eighteen years of his life at different
stations on the coast, in the capacity of agent and officer of the
Russian American Company,--excluded, as it were, from all civilized
society, except that of a few of his fellow-adventurers. He possessed
a strong mind, easy manners and deportment, and was apparently well
fitted for the place he filled. He commanded the greatest respect
from the Indians, who regarded him with mingled feelings of love and
fear.

Owing to frequent storms of rain, which unavoidably retarded the
progress of our business, my stay at this place was prolonged until
the 27th of May. With pleasant weather and a moderate breeze we
then weighed anchor, and sailed from Norfolk Sound. We proceeded
up Chatham Straits as high as Lynn Canal, in lat. 59° N., thence
southward to Newettee in lat. 51° N., touching at as many of the
intermediate harbors as we found it practicable, and making some
trade. We arrived at Newettee on the 28th of June, at the same time
with the brig Lydia and the ships Vancouver and Athawalpa. The latter
had been attacked by the Indians, who killed Capt. Porter and all the
officers, and wounded many of the sailors. She had fallen in with the
other ship and brig, belonging to the same owners, and had proceeded
to this place for assistance. Here we found the Pearl and the Mary.

I shall not attempt a detail of the occurrences, or give a
description of the harbors and inlets we visited in our voyage from
Norfolk Sound. While here we rendered all the assistance in our power
in manning and equipping the Athawalpa for Canton, and then, on the
11th of July, again left Newettee and sailed northward for Chatham
Straits. Touching at a number of places on our passage, on the 27th
we entered the mouth of the straits, and proceeded up as far as
Point Retreat in lat. 58° N. Here the Indians were very numerous,
and appeared to have a great number of skins for sale, but declined
trading, unless we brought the ship to anchor, which was unnecessary,
as the wind was light and the sea smooth. There was nothing to
interrupt a traffic if they really felt willing to open one; but, in
order to comply with their wishes as far as possible, I made several
attempts to get an anchorage, and was only prevented by the depth of
the water. Still the Indians kept round us in great numbers, there
being at least thirty or forty canoes of them. At the same time we
perceived that they were all armed, and this, with their obstinacy,
gave us strong suspicions that they were bent on mischief more
than commerce. As it was nearly sunset, and there was no prospect
of bringing them to terms, I concluded to make the best of my way
down the straits. The wind was light, and the tide against us. The
Indians, seeing plainly that we could make but little progress in
the course of the night, went on shore, and returned at daylight.
They came with the apparent determination to board us; but in their
absence we had made ample preparations to meet in a hostile as well
as a friendly manner. Seeing the impossibility of obtaining access to
the ship by force, they changed their tactics, and were inclined to
trade with us in a peaceable way. We therefore admitted one of the
chiefs at the gangway, and through him commenced a brisk traffic,
which continued until we had bought their whole stock of furs.
They then left us to continue our course down the straits without
molestation.

On the 5th of August we came to anchor in an extensive harbor,
situated near the entrance of Chatham Straits, between Points
Sullivan and Ellis. Here we were detained several days by calms and
light westerly winds, which blew directly into the harbor, while
the entrance was so narrow that we found it impossible to beat out.
On the 10th we got under weigh, with the boats ahead to tow; but
the ebb tide began to run very strong, and drift the ship towards a
small island lying midway in the channel. Notwithstanding our utmost
efforts to avoid it by the use of oars and letting go an anchor, in
the darkness which had come on we had approached nearer the shore
than we supposed, and finally the keel struck upon the rocks. The
stream anchor was carried out with all possible despatch in order to
heave the vessel off, but in vain. The falling tide had left her too
fast. The only alternative left was to secure her in the best manner
possible before she began to keel over, and to prepare ourselves for
defence in case of an attack from the savages. Having furled all
the sails, sent down the top-gallant yards and masts, and lashed
our heavy guns amidship, we equipped our three boats with arms,
ammunition, and provision, lest the ship should bilge, which we had
great reason to apprehend, as we had still on board about two thirds
of our cargo. But as the tide left her we found that she did not lie
so much on her beam-ends as we had anticipated, but was supported by
three sharp rocks, one about midships, and the other two abreast the
fore and mizzen chains; her keel had also taken the rocks in several
places.

At sunrise the Indians began to assemble about us. At first they kept
aloof, and seemed to entertain some suspicions as to our movements;
but after going round the ship and examining her situation very
carefully, we prevailed upon some of them to come alongside. We
gave them to understand that we had hauled on shore to mend the
copper; and to convince them, I employed a gang of hands under the
ship’s bottom for that purpose. At 9 A. M. we had low water, and
as the perpendicular rise and fall of the tide was about fifteen
feet, we could now walk all round the vessel, and under the keel in
some places. In the mean time some of the officers were employed in
trading with the Indians for their furs; and to make ourselves secure
in case they had any hostile intentions, we succeeded in enticing one
of the chiefs on board, whom we detained as a hostage. Thus relieved
in a measure from any apprehension of an attack from the natives, and
having done everything in our power to ease the ship, we lost no time
in caulking and stopping in the best possible manner such places as
had been strained open by her ponderous weight upon the rocks. The
two seams below the plank-sheer were nearly an inch wide, as likewise
every butt from the fore to the mizzen-mast. To clear the bilge of
the ship we rigged one of our pumps in the main hatchway, and drew
out a considerable quantity of molasses and water. After some brisk
work, we had the satisfaction of finding that the vessel righted with
the flowing tide, and at high water, to our great joy, she floated.
When we hauled into the stream again, we were happy to find that
she did not leak so badly as we had reason to anticipate. The only
perceptible injury was on the side which laid on the rocks, and that
was bent or hogged up, as the phrase is, about half a foot. We now
liberated our hostage, after making him a very liberal present for
his detention.

While we were aground, we had a favorable opportunity to examine the
copper on the ship’s bottom, which proved to be in a very shattered
condition; and as we had reason to apprehend more damage than was
visible, I deemed it advisable to proceed at once to the Russian
settlement at Norfolk Sound, where, under protection from the
Indians, we might discharge our cargo, and make repairs in peace.
Accordingly, on the 12th of August we put to sea, and made the best
of our way for that place. On our route we fell in again with the
Mary, and, in company with her, arrived on the 14th, and anchored
abreast the village. I was again received by Governor Baranoff with
that kind and obliging hospitality which made him loved and respected
by every visitor.

No time was lost in preparing to lay the Juno on shore, in order to
ascertain the extent of the damage. In this I was greatly facilitated
by the Governor, who allowed me to occupy an old hulk, into which I
shifted my cargo, with the exception of the furs. We had collected
about a thousand sea-otter skins, and these I sent to Canton by the
Mary, which sailed on the 20th. Notwithstanding our utmost exertions,
our preparations were not completed until the 1st of September, and
then, to my great surprise and regret, I found twenty of the floor
timbers broken, and the copper in a very ragged condition. I was,
however, gratified to find the planks all sound and good except in
one place, where the carpenter cut out a large fragment of the rock,
which had penetrated the bottom, and adhered so closely as to prevent
the admission of water. By the 6th of September we had completed such
repairs as were practicable and hauled into the stream, knowing no
other alternative than to make the best of our crippled ship, and
endeavor to prosecute the remainder of our voyage with more caution.

Having again adjusted the rigging, replenished our stores of wood
and water, and put everything in the best possible trim for sea,
I submitted to Governor Baranoff a project of an expedition to
the southern coast of New Albion and California, which he readily
accepted. My idea was to take on board fifty or sixty Kodiak Indians,
with their canoes, for the purpose of catching sea-otter, those
animals being very numerous on that coast. Everything in this new
plan being agreed upon and settled, we were to wait until the 1st of
October for the Indians, who were out on a hunting expedition, under
the protection of two small vessels, and expected to return by the
last of the month.

While we were waiting, the Russian brig Maria arrived at the
settlement. She was under the command of Andrew W. Maschin, a
lieutenant in the navy, and had on board as passenger Nicholas
Resanoff, a nobleman, who, after an unsuccessful embassy to Japan,
returned to Kamtchatka _en route_ to the posts on the Northwest Coast
belonging to the Russian American Company, in which he was himself
a large proprietor. With him came also two other lieutenants in the
Russian navy, Nicholas Schwostoff and John Davidoff, Doctor Geo.
Langsdorff, and two ship-carpenters, Messrs. Korükin and Popoff,
who were to build a ship at this place. To all these new-comers I
was formally introduced by my friend the Governor, and received the
assurances of his Excellency, Baron von Resanoff, that he would
facilitate, in every way in his power, the execution of my California
scheme. Several days after this arrival were passed in festivity
and mirth, and business was entirely suspended. The appearance of
so distinguished a personage, whose authority was for a time to
supersede even that of the Governor, was an event of great moment.

In conversation with Dr. Langsdorff on the inconvenience of building
and equipping a large vessel where the necessary materials were so
difficult to procure, I observed to him, jocosely, that I would sell
them my ship, which would obviate the necessity of building. The
conversation being communicated to his Excellency, he wished to know
whether I would really sell my ship, and if so, what would be the
price. This was a subject on which I had not reflected, and which
required some deliberation on several accounts. Having about two
thirds of my cargo on board, it was necessary to ascertain of what it
consisted to estimate its value, being well aware that I could not
dispose of my vessel by itself alone. How my officers and crew were
to leave the coast was another serious difficulty. But while I was
deliberating on the expediency of the measure, the two small vessels,
the Yermerk and Russisloff, which I mentioned above, returned from
the hunting expedition. The former, a craft of forty tons, appeared
to be suitable for my purpose, and I therefore availed myself of the
opportunity, and offered my ship, and the remainder of my cargo, for
the sum of $68,000, payable in the following manner, viz.: bills of
exchange on the Directors of the Russian American Company at St.
Petersburg for the sum of $54,638; 572 sea-otter skins for the sum of
$13,062; and $300 in cash; together with the fore-named vessel, the
Yermerk, completely rigged, two suits of sails, four carriage guns,
thirty muskets, with ammunition for the same, and provisions for my
crew for one hundred days. This offer was accepted, and the Juno
passed into the hands of the Russian American Company. On the 5th of
October, I delivered her up, under a salute from the fort and the
ship, when I hoisted the stars and stripes on the Yermerk, which had
become my property.

Having consummated our bargain by delivering up our ship, and taking
possession of our little craft, we set to work immediately to put
her into a condition to transport ourselves and the sea-otter skins
to Canton. This work was completed by the 15th; and while we were
waiting for favorable weather to put to sea, his Excellency suggested
to me the advisability of despatching the Yermerk for Canton, and
remaining myself at the settlement until spring, and then embarking
with himself and suite for Ochotsk, and proceeding to St. Petersburg
by land. The kind and courteous manner in which this proposition was
made to me was too flattering to be received with indifference. After
duly considering the subject, having in view the probable advantage
of presenting my bills of exchange in person the next winter, in
accordance with the advice of my friends, I concluded to avail myself
of his Excellency’s generous offer. I therefore gave the command
of the Yermerk to my first officer, Mr. George W. Stetson, and the
superintendence of the business to Mr. James Moorfield. Storms and
adverse winds prevented them from sailing until the 27th, when, with
a favorable breeze, they took their departure from Norfolk Sound,
with our most fervent prayers for their welfare and safe arrival at
Canton.

After taking a long parting look at the little vessel fading in the
horizon, I returned to the village, full of melancholy forebodings
of a tedious and dreary winter in that rude and inhospitable region.
But it was of no use to repine; the business was settled, and I
concluded I would take things as they came, and make the best of
them. I had retained in my service, as valet, Edward D. Parker, one
of my ordinary sailors, but a very useful man of all work. A barber
by trade, he was also a tolerably good tailor, and performer on the
violin and clarinet. This latter accomplishment I thought might be
useful in dispelling the blues, if we should at any time be troubled
with that complaint. An apartment was assigned me by the Governor,
adjoining the room of Dr. Langsdorff, to which I removed my goods and
chattels. I had a sleeping bunk fitted up in one corner, and made
everything as comfortable as possible for a long siege. Having thus
taken up my residence among the Russians, I will pause to make some
explanations connected with my narrative.


III.

  Nicholas Resanoff and the Japan Expedition.--The History of the
  Russian Settlement at Norfolk Sound and the Founding of New
  Archangel.--The Chinese Project.--Dr. Langsdorff and other New
  Friends.--Visit to the Indians driven by the Russians from Archangel.

In September, 1803, an expedition sailed from Cronstadt, Russia,
for the Pacific Ocean, consisting of the two ships Nadeschda and
Neva, the former commanded by Capt. Krusenstern, and the latter by
Capt. Lisiansky, both experienced officers of the Imperial navy.
This was the first adventure the Russians ever attempted in the
Southern Ocean, and was prompted by the extension of the trade of
the Russian American Fur Company. It had the double purpose of
supplying the settlements on the Northwest Coast, and negotiating
a commercial treaty with Japan, which, being near the settlements,
would be a convenient place to obtain provisions and dispose of
commodities. Encouragement had been given by a letter received many
years previous from the Japanese, granting permission to come to the
port of Nangasaki; on the strength of this letter, and in view of the
advantages and facilities for intercourse, it was thought expedient
by the Imperial government to send an embassy to this strange people.
Accordingly, Nicholas Resanoff, a nobleman and Chamberlain to his
Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, was appointed, and embarked
in the Nadeschda, with powers plenipotentiary to negotiate with
the Court of Jedo. This part of the undertaking, as is well known,
proved a failure. After remaining at Nangasaki six months, subject a
part of the time to a partial imprisonment, and throughout to absurd
formalities and ridiculous vexations, he despaired of bringing about
a favorable result, and was compelled to depart for Kamtchatka,
without even obtaining an interview with the Emperor, and, in fact,
accomplishing nothing.

Baron von Resanoff was a person of rank and distinction, possessed of
many amiable qualities, and highly esteemed by the Emperor Alexander.
He was kind and affable to all around him, and always ready to hear
complaints, and afford every redress in his power for grievances. He
married the daughter of the famous Schelikoff, who was the pioneer
in the Russian discoveries and settlements on the Northwest Coast.
This circumstance caused him to be largely interested in the Fur
Company. His mission to Japan having terminated unfavorably, his
intention then was to visit and inspect all the stations of the
Company on the coast. He left the Nadeschda therefore at Kamtchatka,
and embarked on board the brig Maria. After touching at various
Russian establishments, he finally arrived at Norfolk Sound. The
Neva, Captain Lisiansky, pursued its course directly to the island
of Kodiak, and thence to Norfolk Sound, where it arrived August 20,
1804, and joined, by previous agreement, a small squadron of three
vessels under the command of Governor Baranoff.

The Russians had formerly a settlement on the Sound, situated several
miles from their present location, called Archangel, which was
destroyed by the Indians, and all the inhabitants massacred. The
Indians then established themselves on the spot, and erected strong
fortifications. The object of assembling the vessels was to chastise
and expel them, and this was accomplished after a siege of four days.
The Russians then selected an elevated and commanding situation in
the immediate vicinity. It was a singular round piece of land with
a flat top, standing out in the sea, and bearing the appearance of
a work of human hands. The only connection with the shore was by
a narrow isthmus. Here they put up several buildings, mounted a
considerable battery of heavy guns, and gave the place the name of
New Archangel.

The Neva then returned to Kodiak, where she wintered, and in the fall
of 1805 proceeded to Canton and rejoined the Nadeschda, which had
previously sailed thither. The aim in this movement was to accomplish
a third project of the Russian American Company, which, like the
Japan scheme, was unsuccessful. They desired to obtain permission
from the Chinese government to continue their intercourse with the
port of Canton, and so enable their ships to return by sea from the
settlements to Russia, with the proceeds of their furs. But the
Chinese objected, and insisted on their confining themselves to their
inland traffic at the north. Thus commerce for the future with Canton
was interdicted. I relate these events because they took place but a
short time previous to my sojourn at Norfolk Sound, and account for
the presence there of several persons of distinction.

George von Langsdorff,[29] a native of Frankfort, Germany, was
by profession a doctor of medicine and surgery, and by taste a
naturalist. He was a volunteer on the Russian American expedition,
and was in pursuit of science. On his arrival in Kamtchatka a
second time, he was invited by Baron von Resanoff to accompany
him to the Northwest Coast of America, as his physician. He was
particularly moved to accept the invitation by the opportunity
which was thus offered for the collection of specimens of natural
history. The Doctor, unlike Baron von Resanoff, spoke the English
language fluently. As I lived under the same roof with him, we became
almost inseparable, participating both in each others’ pleasures
and troubles. Lieutenants Schwostoff, Davidoff, and Maschin were
highly accomplished and meritorious officers, as were likewise the
two ship-builders, Messrs. Popoff and Korükin. They all seemed to
vie in attention and kindness to me as their guest, and by general
invitation I dined with these gentlemen at the Governor’s table.

The stock of provisions at the settlement had been very small and
of the poorest kind, and the increase of the population by the
arrival of the Ambassador and his suite made the subject of supplies
for the coming winter a matter for sober consideration; but by the
purchase of the Juno they were relieved from all serious anxiety on
that score, as a great part of her cargo consisted of good wholesome
provisions, such as beef, pork, flour, bread, rice, sugar, molasses,
rum, and tobacco. In fact, the desire to obtain these stores had
great weight in their negotiations with me. There was still, however,
some deficiency in inferior kinds of food, and a small vessel had
been despatched some time previously to Kodiak. It was so late in
the season she did not return. Now they were not afraid of winter
storms, for they had the Juno to send on the errand. She sailed,
under the command of Lieutenants Schwostoff and Davidoff, on the 27th
of October.

In the mean while the whole village, comprising a population of
150 Russians, and perhaps 250 Aleutians, was actively engaged in
preparing to meet the rigors of the approaching season. They built
log-houses, work-shops, and barracks. My friend Langsdorff was all
the time ranging the woods and the shores with his fowling-piece, in
quest of wild game for specimens, with which, after they had been
skinned for science’s sake, my man Parker made stews of various
descriptions. Being merely a sojourner at the settlement, I occupied
myself in watching the labors of others, getting acquainted with the
different characters and localities of the place, and learning the
use and management of baidarkas.

By the beginning of November the novelty of our situation had worn
off; the circumscribed range of our wanderings from the village
became monotonous and tiresome, and, as a number of our associates
had departed for Kodiak, we began to look round for some new object
of interest. The Doctor had frequently expressed a desire to become
more acquainted with the Sitcha Indians, and resolved on making
them a visit at their village, on the opposite side of the island,
if I would accompany him, to which I readily agreed. As these were
the very Indians who had recently been so roughly handled by the
Russians, it was considered by the Governor and other friends to be a
rather perilous adventure; but we relied a good deal on our not being
Russians, and upon the fact that I had been among them during the
previous summer from a people with whom they were on friendly terms.
Perceiving that we were bent on going, the Governor gave his consent,
and furnished us with baidarkas, Kodiak Indians, and an Indian woman
as an interpreter. The latter was a daughter of one of the principal
chiefs of the tribe we were to visit. She had lived with the Russians
five or six years, and with her as a companion we had little fear of
any other than a friendly reception.

We soon completed the preparations for our departure. We took guns,
pistols, powder, and shot, for shooting as well as for safety; rice,
tea, sugar, biscuit, dried fish, and brandy, for our food. Beside
some kitchen utensils for dressing these provisions and a small
tent to sleep in, we were provided with several ells of linen and
woollen cloth, glass beads, needles, tobacco, large fishing-hooks,
looking-glasses, and various similar trifles for presents to the
Indians. Langsdorff, the interpreter, and myself each occupied a
baidarka, and had two natives each to row.

We were three days in reaching the village, but beyond a few
Indians, with whom we encamped at night, we saw nothing of interest.
By nightfall of the third day we had nearly reached the place of
our destination; but owing to a strong wind and tide, which were
directly against us, we had the mortification of seeing the sun go
down before the whole distance was accomplished. We were now in
rather an unpleasant situation; to return was impossible, and to
land might have excited suspicion, for the fire which was necessary
as a protection from the cold would have betrayed us. We determined
at last to make our way to the settlement, notwithstanding we should
reach it in utter darkness. Scarcely was this resolution taken, when
we were observed from the land, and hailed in a loud voice, but
neither our interpreter nor our Kodiak oarsmen would reply. This
sorely provoked Langsdorff and myself, and we were on the point of
expressing our anger warmly, when a great commotion arose on shore.
Suddenly, some hundred naked Indians, armed with muskets, and holding
firebrands in their hands, thronged to the water’s edge. No sooner
had we made known who we were, and approached the shore, than we were
surrounded in a tumultuous manner by the Kaluschians, who dragged us
towards their fortress, seizing upon our effects at the same time,
whether to rob us of them or to restore them we were then ignorant.
I expected nothing but an immediate and violent death. The scene
certainly was one to inspire terror; the glare of the torches, the
gesticulations of the savages, the brandishing of the weapons, the
rough handling we received, were not calculated to inspire confidence
in men whom from the outset we had distrusted. But happily our
fears were groundless, and the demonstrations of the natives, as we
afterwards learned, were well intended offices of friendship.

We were hurried over a rather fatiguing road to the top of a high
rock, on which stood the fortress, and were immediately introduced
into the very spacious habitation of the chief Dlchaetin, the father
of our interpreter. He assigned us a place directly opposite the
entrance, where we spread a carpet, and, by the light of a very large
fire on a raised hearth in the centre of the room, were subjected to
the gaze of some hundreds of the natives. Shortly after, to our great
astonishment, our packages were brought to us from our baidarkas, not
the smallest trifle being withheld, although there were undoubtedly
many articles among them which the bearers must have coveted, and
under the cover of the night might have easily concealed. Even my
musket, pistols, and powder-horn, which in my hurry I had left
behind, were delivered to me without the slightest injury.

We had scarcely refreshed ourselves with a dish of tea and a glass of
punch, when we were invited by the eldest and most distinguished of
the chiefs, the commandant of the fortress, to come and visit him. He
received us with much kindness, and presented me with a sea-otter’s
skin, and Dr. Langsdorff with a beautiful sea-otter’s tail. Much
fatigued, and in need of rest, we returned to the habitation of our
host; but we found ourselves in too exciting a scene to permit of
sleep. While eating a very good dish of fish and rice prepared by
him, we were entertained with a lively and pleasing melody, sung by
a number of men seated round the fire, which had been piled up to a
great height. Though the night was cold and windy, the savages went
barefoot to the neighboring forest, and brought home large blocks
of wood upon their naked shoulders, and heaped them on the hearth.
It was incomprehensible how the roof, covered as it was merely with
bark, was not entirely consumed. Once it did take fire; but a boy
ran like a mouse up the side of the wall, and extinguished it. The
sparks flew out of the opening at the top, and the flames roared
as in a blacksmith’s forge; and we could not close our eyes till
their fierceness had in a measure subsided, and the danger was less
imminent, though the fire was very hot through the whole night.

On the morning of the next day we carried to the commandant from whom
we had received the presents the evening before the counter presents
due to him. At the same time, we made the proper tribute of presents
to the parents of our interpreter, the latter having given us to
understand that the sooner it was done, the greater would be their
esteem for us. To her father we gave some ells of woollen cloth, a
large knife, some fish-hooks, and some pounds of tobacco; to her
mother a shift, some needles, a small looking-glass, some ribbon,
and some glass beads. As soon as we had performed these necessary
ceremonies, we were permitted to walk about wherever we chose,
without the trouble of guides. Dr. Langsdorff even shot some birds
close to the fortress without attracting any attention.

The natives of the Northwest Coast of America are called by the
Russians Kaluschians, but this people call themselves Schitchachon,
or inhabitants of Sitcha. Expelled from Norfolk Sound, they had
fortified themselves here, upon a rock which rose perpendicularly
to the height of several hundred feet above the water’s edge. The
only possible access to it was on the northwest side, and here it
had been rendered extremely difficult by very large trunks of trees
strewn over it. The rock itself was secured against the attack of an
enemy by a double palisade, measuring from twelve to fifteen feet in
height, and from three to four in thickness. A natural wall of earth
beyond the palisading, on the side towards the sea, conceals the
habitations so effectually, that they cannot be discerned from a ship.

The houses within the fortress were placed in regular rows, and built
of thick planks, fastened to posts which formed the frame-work, and
covered at the top with bark. The entrance was at the gable end,
and was often stained with different colored earths. The interiors
of their dwellings were indescribably filthy, filled with smoke,
and perfumed with decayed fish and train-oil. The men painted their
faces, and, as well as the women, delighted in profuse ornaments;
like other savages, they were particularly pleased with glittering
trinkets, or European garments. The women on the coast had one very
strange fashion, which I think is peculiar to this part of the world.
At the age of fourteen or fifteen, they make a hole in their under
lip and insert a small piece of wood like a button. This is increased
in size as they advance in age, until it is three or four inches
long, and one or two wide. I saw one old woman, the wife of a chief,
whose lip ornament was so large, that, by a peculiar motion of her
under lip, she could almost conceal her whole face with it. You will
naturally inquire the reason of this barbarous method of adornment.
I might reply by asking the reason of some equally strange fashions
among civilized nations. But, without casting any reflections on my
countrywomen, I may be allowed to make one observation, which has
probably occurred already to my readers; and that is, that it is
utterly impossible for the fair sex of the Northwest Coast to enjoy
the luxury of a kiss.

The occupations of the Sitcha Indians, beside hunting and fishing,
appeared to be making canoes, fishing-lines and hooks, and wooden
ware. The women manufacture a kind of carpet out of the wool of wild
sheep, and are very expert in wicker-work; some of their baskets are
so closely woven as to hold water. Both sexes are expert in the use
of firearms, and are excellent judges of their quality. I could not
find that they had any organized government. Success in fishing and
in the chase constitutes the source of their wealth, and consequently
of their influence. In feuds between different families the right of
the strongest prevails, and they are only banded together against
common enemies.

Having passed two days at the Indian settlement, we set out on
our return to New Archangel. On our route we visited the chief
Schinchetaez, with whom we had passed a night on our way to Sitcha.
This man had been friendly to the Russians, and was in consequence
an outcast from his own people. He was glad to see us again, and
entertained us hospitably. We gave him a few presents, which were
thankfully received, and, had he been able, he would have given in
return. While with him we saw some Kaluschian Indians go into the sea
to bathe, when the thermometer was below freezing. They ran for some
distance over the ice, and then plunged in, and performed all manner
of antics, with the same apparent enjoyment as if it had been a warm
spring.

[Illustration: NEW ARCHANGEL OR SITCHA]

After taking leave of our host we entered our baidarkas and resumed
our journey; and in due time reached New Archangel and our
friends, without any accident or occurrence of sufficient interest to
record.


IV.

  Preparations for Winter.--Winter Amusements.--Resanoff makes an
  Expedition to California.--Battle between a Wolf and a Ram.--I sail
  for Ochotsk in the Russisloff.

Shortly after our return from the excursion narrated in the last
chapter, our friends Schwostoff and Davidoff arrived from Kodiak with
the Juno, and brought a considerable quantity of dried fish, oil,
beans, &c., to increase our stock of winter provisions. The dried
fish was called ukler, and was prepared by splitting and taking out
the backbone of the fish, and then laying it in the sun. Thus cured,
it was eaten as a substitute for bread. The people having now a
fair allowance of provisions, the operations at the settlement went
on quite encouragingly. In the course of the month of December the
carpenter got the keel of a new vessel laid, and made good progress
in cutting the timber and sawing the plank. The two brigs, Maria
and Russisloff, were hauled upon the beach and shored up out of the
tide’s way. They furnished very good accommodations for a large
number of the workmen. The Juno remained riding at anchor in the
harbor. Watchmen were stationed along the shore, in both directions
from the fort, and shouted “All’s well,” from one end to the other,
at intervals throughout the whole night. All were working cheerfully,
and hard enough to kill anybody but Russians. The Indians made us
frequent ceremonial visits, and displayed their talent for long
speeches and for dancing. They seemed anxious to bury the hatchet,
and renew intercourse on friendly terms, which was also the wish of
the settlers. In short, everything was in good trim for the winter.

The fare for the present allowed even to the poor workmen was
tolerable, as a small portion of the cargo of the Juno was dealt out
to them; but the officers had the control of all the luxuries,--if
such they may be called; and these, together with the game and fish
that were continually brought in, supplied the Governor’s table with
an abundance of good cheer. There were seven of us who regularly
dined at it, and by invitation we frequently had ten.

By the last of the month the weather began to grow cooler; yet,
though it was December, we had little or no snow, but much rain and
fog. In the forenoon I generally took a stroll along the shore, with
my gun, to the place where the new vessel was building. One or two of
the officers usually accompanied me; and after reaching the spot we
would turn and walk the same distance, about a mile and a half, in
the opposite direction. Sometimes we carried home a little game.

January brought cold, but not severe weather. The workmen began to
flag. The poor fellows had been driven too hard, regardless of wet
and snow. They were now getting sickly, and it was found necessary to
ease off their tasks a little. The officers, on the other hand, lived
comfortably enough, and even started a new kind of entertainment.
The Russians build their log houses in a very substantial manner, of
heavy timber, and stop the cracks perfectly tight with moss. Some
of them were very large, accommodating after a fashion fifty or
sixty persons. Several such were completed just at this time, and it
occurred to us that they were well calculated for ball-rooms, and
that we could pass away the tedious hours of the night in dancing.
We made out bravely in cotillons and contra-dances, but were rather
deficient at first in female partners. Many of the under officers had
their wives with them, and we picked out some of the Kodiak women,
who were accustomed to the Russian dances, and learned the figures
easily. When dressed in their finery they appeared quite respectably.
His Excellency the Plenipotentiary was always with us on these
occasions, and would upon an emergency take the fiddle, on which he
was quite a good performer. Dr. Langsdorff and my man Parker took
turns at the bow, and with plenty of good resin for the stomach as
well as the bow, we made “a gay season” of it.

In February the weather was rather more severe than the previous
months, but by no means so cold as in the United States, latitude
42°. The harbors and inlets about the sound were free from ice. With
all our attempts to get up amusements, the time hung heavily upon
our hands, and we did little else than sleep and long for spring.
The Sitcha Indians brought in excellent fresh halibut, which they
exchanged for fish-hooks and old clothes. To me especially they were
very friendly, and came often to my lodgings, seeming to know that I
was not one of the Russians.

The waters of the neighborhood abounded with numerous and choice
varieties of the finny tribe, which could be taken at all seasons
of the year. The poor Russians might have fared better than they
did, had they been spared from their work to catch them. Labor and
exposure began to tell on them. The scurvy had killed a number of
them, and many were sick. Dr. Langsdorff frequently remonstrated in
their behalf, but to little purpose.

There had been much talk of late among the higher officers upon the
expediency of making an expedition to California, with a view to
obtaining a fresh supply of provisions, and opening, if possible,
a traffic with the Spanish Mission at San Francisco. By the first
of March this enterprise was resolved upon and well matured, and
active preparations were made to put it into immediate execution.
His Excellency, Baron von Resanoff, decided to take charge of it in
person. This arrangement gave me some uneasiness, lest he should not
return in time to fulfil his promise to proceed with me in May in
the Juno to Ochotsk. I explained to him how great the disappointment
and inconvenience would be, if my departure was delayed until late
in the season. But he silenced my complaints by assuring me that he
had ordered the brig Maria, Captain Maschin, to be ready to sail for
Ochotsk as soon as the season would permit. With this promise I was
constrained to be satisfied. By the active exertion of Lieutenants
Schwostoff and Davidoff the Juno was quickly put in sailing trim,
and weighed anchor on the 8th of March for San Francisco. I was
invited to accompany them, but declined. Deprived of my friends and
companions, I occupied myself, as best I could, in making excursions
in baidarkas about the shores and harbors.

Among the domestic animals of the village--and the number was very
limited, there being two old cows, eight or ten hogs, and as many
dogs--there were two sheep, a buck and a ewe, which I had presented
to the Governor on my first visit. The ewe in the course of the
winter had been devoured by the wolves or the bears, as it was said;
but I thought it more probable by some of the half-starved Russians.
The buck became quite a pet with the settlers. Towards spring he
began to take advantage of familiar treatment, and show many positive
signs of a pugnacious disposition, and with very little respect
for persons. As Billy and I were from the same country town, and
appeared to be alone among strangers, I always made it a point, when
I passed him, to salute him with the familiar phrase of “How are you,
Billy?” and he would seem to respond by a look of recognition. It so
happened, however, that one day, as I was coming from the Governor’s
house upon the hill, after a good substantial dinner, and had reached
the beginning of the descent where stood the sentinel with Billy
at a little distance from him, I gave him the usual greeting, and
began to go down, when, perfectly unconscious of having offended
man or beast, I received a contusion in the rear, which sent me
head-foremost down the declivity with telegraphic velocity, and
with a shock which seemed to disturb my whole stowage, even to the
very ground tier. I got up as soon as I could collect my scattered
senses, and brushed the dust out of my eyes, when looking up the hill
I saw Billy, the ram, from whom I had received the assault, making
significant demonstrations of another onslaught. I had scarcely
scrambled a little to one side before he came down again full charge.
This time I dodged him, and, not meeting the check he expected, he
went a considerable distance before he could recover himself. Still
unsatisfied with the result, he was preparing to make another bolt
up hill at me; but now, having the advantage of the ground, I was
ready to receive him. The current was this time against him, and
his headway a good deal impeded. I caught him by the neck and beat
him, and endeavored to turn him off; but as soon as I let him go,
he rushed upon me again. Finally, finding it impossible to get rid
of him, I took a stone to increase the solidity of my fist, with
which I was obliged to pound the creature till the blood ran freely.
There was still no yield in him. The sentinel, who had till how been
looking on,--to see fair play, I suppose,--seeing that I should
probably kill him, left his post and came to the rescue. Thus ended
the farcical scene of a battle between a sheep and a Wolf, in which
neither could rightfully claim the victory.

April came, and no movement was made towards getting the Maria off
the beach, preparatory to the voyage to Ochotsk. Captain Maschin
complained that he could not get men. In fact, there was so much
work to be done at the settlement, and the number of hands so much
reduced by the California expedition, that it was impossible to spare
laborers for the vessels. Moreover, many of them were sick, and among
the healthy there were no sailors; so operations in the navigation
line were suspended.

May commenced with quite pleasant and warm weather. About the 10th,
the ship Okain, Captain Jonathan Winship, arrived at the sound.
He came direct from the United States without any cargo, but for
the express purpose of obtaining Kodiak Indians and baidarkas for
a voyage to California to catch sea-otter, on the same plan I had
relinquished on the sale of my ship. He made all the necessary
arrangements, and sailed about the middle of the month.

The mild weather melted the snow very fast, and by the last of May
the frost was all out of the ground. Governor Baranoff was desirous
of having a good kitchen garden, and so, to commence the business
with a sort of flourish, we made up a pretty substantial picnic
party. A little way back from the shore we found a considerable
clearing without underbrush, and here we staked out about two acres
of land. It was good soil, deep and rich, and we all tried our hand
at the spade. The Governor setting the example, we went to work with
a good will. Soon getting tired, we adjourned to the refreshments, at
which it was thought we showed more talent than at the spade. Some
of us, they told us, got quite _blue_ by the time we had finished
our labors. This was the first ground ever broken for a garden at
New Archangel. Another diversion was taking salmon, which at this
season ran up into the creeks and inlets in great numbers. As many of
the people as could be detached from their regular occupations were
set to catching them, and curing them for winter provisions, in the
manner I have before described.

While waiting impatiently for the arrival of the Juno, I made many
excursions about the sound in my baidarka. About seven or eight miles
from the village, there was a hot-water spring which I visited.
Situated in a beautiful, romantic place, the water runs down from
the foot of a high mountain, in a small serpentine rivulet, for
several hundred yards, and empties into a broad basin, several rods
in diameter, which has a sandy bottom. The heat of the water at its
source is about 150°, and as it spreads over the basin below it cools
down to 100°. It is strongly impregnated with sulphur, and with salt
and magnesia.

To our great joy, on the 21st of June the Juno returned from
California, with all our friends and a tolerable supply of wheat,
jerked beef, English beans, &c.; but his Excellency failed to make
any arrangement for the future. The Governor of San Francisco
remonstrated against sending Russian subjects to hunt sea-otter on
the shores and in the harbors of New Albion, and prevailed upon Baron
von Resanoff to promise to put a stop to all adventures of that
nature.

I immediately applied to Resanoff to know how and when he intended
to fulfil his promise of providing me a passage to Ochotsk. It was
now the last of June, and there were no preparations in either of
the vessels for that purpose. He told me that the Juno should be got
ready as soon as the little vessel could be rigged to accompany her;
but the little vessel was yet on the stocks, and it did not appear to
me, from the rate at which the work was progressing, that she would
be in sailing order before August. In fact, I became quite alarmed,
lest the season should be so far advanced that I should be obliged
to make a winter journey across the Russian Empire. I had had some
conversation with Dr. Langsdorff about taking the brig Russisloff,
if they would allow me, and making my own way to Ochotsk. The Doctor
eagerly caught at the idea, and resolved to go with me, if I could
obtain her. I accordingly made the proposal to his Excellency, and
it was readily accepted. He offered to put as many men to work upon
the Russisloff as I needed. She was a little craft of twenty-five
tons burden, built by the Russian American Company at Bhering’s Bay,
and in construction a kind of nondescript. She was lying high and
dry upon the beach, but, with the assistance rendered, I had her
ready for sea in less than a week, well stored with a plenty of the
best provisions the place afforded. My crew consisted of seven men,
three of whom were Indians and natives of Alashka, making with Dr.
Langsdorff, my man Parker, and myself, ten in all. I am happy to say
that everything was done by the authorities to expedite my departure,
and they all seemed anxious to show me every kindness and attention
in their power. Having been furnished with the necessary papers
for my voyage, I took leave of his Excellency Baron von Resanoff,
Governor Baranoff, and my other friends, and put to sea on the 30th
of June, 1806, shaping my course for the island of Kodiak.


V.

  Dull Sailing.--I touch at Kodiak and Alashka.--Take in Passengers
  at Oonalashka.--No Prospect of completing my Voyage this
  Season.--Determine to winter at Petropowlowsk.

Being at sea again, and on my own vessel, I had leisure for a more
deliberate view of the step I had taken, in attempting to seek
my own way to Ochotsk, in preference to waiting for the Juno. My
little craft was large and safe enough for my purpose; but I was now
convinced by her sluggish motion that it was very doubtful whether
I gained the port of my destination before it was too late in the
autumn to pursue my journey across Siberia. Our best sailing before
the wind was hardly five knots, and by the wind two and a half. We
had a voyage of 2,500 miles before us, and at a season of the year in
that water most subject to calms, light winds, and fogs.

This tract of ocean, from longitude 130° west, along the entire coast
of Alashka and through the seas of Kamtchatka and Ochotsk, was at
that time the great place of resort of the right whale. Persecuted
in all its other haunts, it had sought refuge in this northern
region, where as yet a whaleship had never made its appearance. We
were frequently surrounded by them. Sometimes they would take a
position at the windward, and come down towards us, as if they were
determined to sink us; but when they had approached within eight or
ten rods, they would dip and go under, or make a circuit round us.
Most of them were much longer than our vessel, and it would have
taken but a slight blow from one to have smashed her into a thousand
pieces.

On the 13th of July we saw the high land near the entrance of
Cook’s Inlet; and on the 17th arrived at the harbor of St. Paul, in
the island of Kodiak, after a passage of eighteen days, and which
might have been performed by an ordinary sailing craft, with the
same winds, in ten days. Here my letters of introduction made me
acquainted with Mr. Bander, the Company’s Superintendent. He received
us with great cordiality, and readily procured me a man to serve as
mate. He likewise furnished all the supplies we were in need of, and
saw that they were put on board; so that Dr. Langsdorff and myself
had little else to do than to look about and see the lions. The
village consisted of about forty houses, of various descriptions,
including a church, school-house, storehouse, and barracks. The
school-house was quite a respectable establishment, well filled with
pupils, under the especial care, as teacher, of the “Pope,”[30] or
ecclesiastic. He instructed them in reading, writing, arithmetic, and
keeping accounts. Many among them were excellent scholars in these
branches. The Doctor and myself made an excursion to an adjacent
island, where the Pope had a considerable tract of land under
cultivation, raising potatoes, cabbages, turnips, cucumbers, and
other vegetables. He also kept several milch cows, and appeared
to live in quite a farmer-like style. We concluded to pass the night
with him, and were hospitably entertained by his wife.

[Illustration: ST. PAUL IN THE ISLAND OF KODIAK]

Having taken on board some freight of skins and sea-elephant’s teeth
for Ochotsk, and a cask of brandy for the island of Oonalashka, on
the 23rd of July we took leave of our friends, Mr. Bander and the
Pope, and started again on our route. The wind was so strong from the
southeast that I found it impossible to weather the southern point
of the island, and thus to get to the westward of it. I concluded
to bear up, and pass through the Schelikoff’s Strait. This is a
channel formed by an archipelago of islands (of which Kodiak is the
principal), and the peninsula of Alashka. But by reason of light
and contrary winds, we did not get fairly into the strait until the
26th, and shortly after encountered a strong wind from the west, with
heavy squalls, which soon increased to such a severe gale, that we
were compelled to seek shelter on the Alashka shore. Here I found my
Indian sailors, who had proved good men from the beginning, to be
of the greatest service. I mentioned above that they were natives
of Alashka, and they were perfectly acquainted with the shore. They
pointed out to me a good harbor, for which I steered; and as we
rounded the point at its entrance, which was called Kudak, a baidarka
containing one man came alongside. He turned out to be the father
of one of my sailors, and they had not seen each other before for
two years. They did not appear, however, to be over-rejoiced at
this accidental meeting. They embraced each other after the Russian
custom, had a little chat together, and then went about their
business, without showing any disposition for further communication.

In the course of the night the gale increased so much that I deemed
it prudent to let go our best bow-anchor; but with the return of
light the wind abated, and the weather became quite pleasant. Doctor
Langsdorff and myself took our baidarka, and went to the village,
which was situated on the opposite side of the harbor from where we
lay. It consisted of eight or ten habitations, which looked more like
mounds of earth than houses. They contained but one room, of an oval
form, and about fifteen feet across. The earth was dug out about
three feet in depth, and raised from the surface about three feet
more, and to enter we had to crawl on our hands and knees. The light
was admitted through windows of transparent skins, as a substitute
for glass. Their quarters were certainly comfortable for winter. The
floors were covered with spruce boughs, and mats were laid over them,
which made the apartment dry and warm. An aperture was left in the
top for ventilation. The outside was covered with a luxurious growth
of grass. The occupants were principally women, with a few old men;
the young men had all gone out hunting the sea-otter, in the Russian
service. Those at home seemed to be quite happy and contented, and
were all employed in making water-proof garments from the entrails
of sea-lions, for their husbands and sweethearts. We bought of them
a number of articles of their manufacture,--curious and very neat
work,--such as pocket-books, baskets, &c.,--and paid them in tobacco
and beads.

On the 28th of July, the wind being moderate and favorable, we put to
sea again, and pursued our course to the westward along the coast of
Alashka. We made but slow progress on our voyage, and by the 9th of
August we had only reached the end of the peninsula. The same day we
passed through between the island of Oonemak and the easternmost of
the Fox Islands. On the 12th we arrived at the island of Oonalashka.
I had no cause to stop here beyond the desire of replenishing our
water-casks and stores. Owing to our tardy progress,--having as yet,
performed only one third of the distance from Kodiak to Ochotsk,--our
provisions were more than half consumed. I therefore felt myself
constrained to put in for a further supply.

The Company’s Superintendent, Lariwanoff, a gentleman highly
esteemed by them, had died a short time previous to our arrival,
leaving a widow and an only child, a daughter about eighteen years
of age. I was received by his successor with much kindness, and
with an apparent disposition to facilitate my voyage. The harbor,
Illuluk, was spacious and well sheltered on all sides. There was a
good anchorage in four or five fathoms of water, on a sand and clay
bottom, at a convenient distance from the shore. While making some
necessary repairs on my little vessel, and getting supplies aboard,
Madam Lariwanoff learned that I was bound to Ochotsk. She immediately
came, and on her knees entreated me to have compassion on her lonely
and bereaved condition, and let her and her daughter take passage
with me. Irkutsk in Siberia was her native place, and thither she was
desirous of returning after a residence on this island ten years. Her
solicitations were so earnest that I had not the heart to refuse her,
and notwithstanding our contracted accommodations, entirely unfit for
a woman’s occupation, I resolved to take her under my protection.
I went aboard, and set about making the best possible arrangements
for her comfort, gave up my bunk, enlarged it sufficiently for the
mother and child together, and partitioned off the little cabin with
a canvas screen. I immediately commenced taking on board their goods
and chattels, with which, however, they were not overburdened; but
she had been preparing to leave the island for some time, and had
accumulated a goodly stock of provisions of various kinds,--several
barrels of eggs, put up in oil, smoked geese in abundance, dried
and pickled fish of an excellent quality, and other things equally
good. Thus our fare promised to be the best the island afforded.
In the mean time the Superintendent began to make objections, and
throw difficulties in the way of the old lady’s going with me. She
might make reports which would not redound to his credit. But I had
it in my power to silence all his objections, having on board the
cask of brandy, which it was at my option to leave with him, or take
to Ochotsk. On his application for it, I demurred until he withdrew
all his opposition to the widow’s leaving, and was willing to grant
anything on the island we wished. He was a dear lover of “the ardent.”

Everything now went on smoothly, and in a few days we were ready for
sea; but adverse winds detained us, and I seized the opportunity to
take a stroll over the island with the Doctor and Superintendent.
It was totally bare of trees and shrubs, and with little or no game
but foxes. The whole value and importance of the Aleutian group
consist in the sea animals taken on their shores and bays, such as
fur-seals, walruses, sea-lions, and sea-otter; though of the latter
there were few. This is likewise the principal depot of the fisheries
of the smaller islands, and from here the furs are periodically
shipped to Ochotsk. In the course of our ramble we ascended some high
table-land with the hope of obtaining a view of the new island, which
we were informed had recently made its appearance in the Sea of
Kamtchatka, to the northwest of Oonalashka; but we were disappointed
by a thick mist’s setting in, which obscured all distant objects.
After wandering about in the numerous fox-paths, and with great
caution, to avoid the many traps set for those animals, we returned
to the village, somewhat hungry and leg-weary, and with but little
satisfaction to boast of, beyond traversing a region rendered classic
by the verse of Campbell, in the “Pleasures of Hope”:--

    “Now far he sweeps, where scarce a summer smiles,
    On Behring’s rocks, or Greenland’s naked isles;
    Cold on his midnight watch the breezes blow,
    From wastes that slumber in eternal snow;
    And waft, across the waves’ tumultuous roar,
    The wolf’s long howl from Oonalashka’s shore.”

But, in fact, I was the only Wolf ever known upon the island.
Nevertheless, I came near verifying the poet’s language, as I
barely escaped being caught in one of those fox-traps; in which
event I should have probably howled lustily, for they were terrible
instruments.

August 16th, the wind and weather being favorable, Madame Lariwanoff,
her daughter, and man-servant, came on board, and we put to sea;
and I have every reason to believe with the fervent prayers of
every individual upon the island for God’s blessing upon their
patroness, and good speed to our little craft. The next day we saw
the new island, to which I was desirous to get near enough to send
a baidarka, particularly as the Doctor was anxious to get some
specimens of natural history; but a thick fog coming up, and having
a leading wind, we concluded to continue our voyage without loss of
time. On the 18th we lost sight of the islands, and, with a light
wind and rain, slowly pursued our course to the westward, across the
Sea of Kamtchatka, to the north of the Aleutian group; but such
was our tardy progress, that by the 28th we had only reached the
neighborhood of Atter, the most western island. Then for ten days in
succession we had calms, fogs, and light adverse winds. Our patience
was sorely tried, but the monotony of our life was alleviated by the
numerous and great variety of sea-birds, which were constantly flying
round us, and furnished endless sport with the musket. And here I
feel bound to record the marvellous skill, or good luck, of the
Doctor, as he killed a whole flock of four wild geese at one shot;
and, what was still better, we got out our baidarka, and took them
all aboard.

Still creeping along with the same dull winds and disagreeable
weather, on the 3d of September we found ourselves in latitude 52°
north, and longitude 170° east, which placed us a considerable
distance southwest of Atter. We began to entertain fears lest we
should not reach the port of our destination in season; but on the
6th, for the first time since leaving Oonalashka, we took a strong
northeast gale, which carried us into the vicinity of the Kurile
Islands. Our hopes began to revive, and the prospect of reaching
Ochotsk to brighten; but again were we doomed to disappointment. A
severe blow from the southeast obliged us to heave to, with a heavy
sea running; and we drifted back over the course we had just sailed,
at the rate of two miles an hour. A considerable quantity of the
provisions for the sailors consisted of whale’s blubber, which was
hanging on our quarter, and was of course well soaked with oil.
This we found to be a great advantage, for it made a “slick” to the
windward for nearly a mile, and prevented the sea from breaking over
us.

Strong westerly winds continued to baffle us until the 14th, when,
having no hope of reaching Ochotsk before the autumn was so far
spent that we should be obliged to make a winter’s journey across
Siberia, we concluded to alter our course, and sail for the harbor
of St. Peter and St. Paul, or Petropowlowsk, in Kamtchatka. We made
port on the 22d, and anchored abreast the village. We were kindly
and hospitably received by the Company’s Superintendent, as well
as by the officers of the military department, and especially by
Major Antony Ivanah and lady, who showed me many civilities. Madam
Lariwanoff and daughter were taken in charge by the Superintendent,
and provided with comfortable quarters. The Doctor and myself at once
took temporary lodgings on the shore, until we could make permanent
arrangements for the winter. Having discharged all the cargo, and
dismantled our little craft, we hauled her up on the beach at the
first spring tide. Provisions and accommodations were provided at the
settlement for the crew as well as ourselves; and in fact the people
seemed desirous to do everything in their power to render our stay
amongst them as comfortable and agreeable as the nature of the place
would admit.


VI.

  Settled for another Winter.--Arrival of old Friends.--Dogs and
  Sledging.--A Russian Christening.

Detained for another winter, we endeavored at once to make the
acquaintance of the inhabitants of the village, and to become
familiar with the country in its vicinity. We were introduced to
all the people of note, and kindly entertained by them. We made
pedestrian excursions for several miles in every direction, and
visited all the common places of resort. The scenery was picturesque,
and the view from the elevations was beautiful and grand. The Awatska
Bay, or outer harbor, as it is called, is completely land-locked, and
at the same time so extensive, that a thousand ships might ride at
anchor in it with safety. The distant mountains, and particularly the
high peak Awatska, add greatly to the landscape. The latter presents
the imposing spectacle of a volcano in full blast, always overhung
with a cloud of smoke, and constantly belching fire and lava.

We had only one source of annoyance at the village during the early
part of our stay, and we soon became well used to that. I refer to
the barking of the numerous dogs, though it can scarcely be called
barking, for they howl like a wolf. At sunset regularly they would
begin their serenade at one end of the settlement,--which, by the
way, extended all round the harbor,--and in the course of half an
hour all the voices would join in the chorus, and keep it up all
night long. With this single temporary drawback, we passed our time
very pleasantly until the first of November. By then we had visited
on foot all the places in the more immediate neighborhood, and we
concluded to make a short boat excursion to a small river named
Paratunka, to see some warm springs situated several miles from
its mouth. This spring issues from the ground in a boiling state,
and spreads out over a basin excavated for its reception. It forms
an excellent bathing-place, being of suitable depth, with a sandy
bottom, and the bather can choose any degree of warmth he pleases.
The water is impregnated with sulphur and other minerals. We found
here some Russian invalids who had come to enjoy the use of the
spring. All the rivers in the neighborhood abounded in salmon,
though it was so late in the season; and we protracted our stay for
a day or two, hunting and fishing, and boiling our game in the hot
water of the spring.

[Illustration: PETROPOWLOWSK IN KAMTCHATKA]

On our return to the village we were surprised to find one of our
old Norfolk Sound friends, Lieutenant Davidoff, who had arrived at
the harbor in command of the little new vessel built at Sitcha, and
called the Awos. He had left the Sound in August, accompanied by the
Juno, under the command of Lieutenant Schwostoff, and having Baron
von Resanoff on board to be carried to Ochotsk. He had parted with
them off the Kurile Islands. About the middle of November Lieutenant
Schwostoff made his appearance with the Juno. After landing his
Excellency about Ochotsk, he received orders to proceed to one of
the southernmost of the Kurile Islands, and break up a Japanese
settlement reported to have been established there. He found at the
place four Japanese, with a large stock of goods for trade with
the islanders, consisting of rice, tobacco, fish-nets, lacquered
ware, salt, cotton, silk, and many other articles; all of which he
seized without opposition, and brought Japanese, goods, and all to
Kamtchatka. Thus we met our old friends in a very unexpected manner.
As we were doomed to pass another winter in this region, their
company was very pleasant, and to have the Juno in sight again was
especially agreeable to me.

I now took lodgings in a shanty owned and occupied by a very clever
old man, named Andra, and his wife and little boy. I called him in
a familiar way Starruk, that is old man, and his wife Starruke,
old woman. He was quite thrifty for the place, and was one of the
few in the village who owned and kept a cow. This was a fortunate
circumstance, for good milk was a rarity in that section. His shanty
was warm and comfortable, and was divided into three apartments. In
one corner of the largest they made a bunk for me, and curtained it
round. My man Parker slept in the same room on a movable bed. In
the next room, which was the cooking-room, there was a large brick
oven, or furnace, and on the top of this slept Starruk, his wife,
and little boy. The third apartment was devoted to the cow and her
fodder. At this place I took my meals at night and morning, but dined
by general invitation at the Company’s table, at the house of the
Superintendent. Comfortably settled in my new quarters, I prepared
for a long winter’s siege.

It was necessary to be provided with a set of good dogs and a sledge.
With the assistance of Starruk I was soon possessed of five of the
best animals of the kind, and had them tied up near the house, that
they might get accustomed to me, and be ready for use. In the spring
of the year the dogs are turned loose, and left to provide for
themselves, in the best way they can. Hence they are great thieves
until the herring season comes, when they have an abundant supply of
food, which they go into the water and catch for themselves, until
they become very fat, and unfit for use.[31] At that season, too,
great quantities of the herring are caught by the owners of the dogs,
and split and dried in the sun, to feed them in the winter, when they
give them nothing else.

I also purchased a first-rate sledge, at once light and handsome, fur
garments, Kamtchatka boots, bear-skin, and everything needed to make
my equipage complete; and, now fully prepared, I waited impatiently
for the snow. There had been already several squalls, but about the
last of November the ground was well covered and the winter set in.
My dogs were in good travelling condition, and I now made my first
essay, with three of them to begin with. The style in which they
tumbled me about in the snow was “a caution,” as Paddy says, and
furnished great amusement to the villagers. But I persevered, with
a determination to make myself master of the business, and at the
end of a week was quite an adroit performer. The sledges were so
constructed, that it required nearly as much skill and practice to
keep in equilibrium as in skating; but when well understood, they
afforded a most splendid recreation and agreeable exercise. Being
soon able to harness and manage my five dogs with dexterity, we used
frequently to make a party, consisting of Langsdorff, Schwostoff,
Davidoff, and Miasnikoff, and go out on excursions to the neighboring
villages, from ten to twenty miles distant. When the weather was
unfavorable, we had balls and parties; and in this way the weeks and
months of the long winter passed off quite cheerfully.

About the 1st of January, 1807, the Governor-General, Koscheleff,
who resides at Nischney, which is the capital of Kamtchatka, made
his annual visit of inspection to all the military posts on the
peninsula. His entrance into Petropowlowsk with a long handsome
sledge, a Kamtchadale on each side, as conductors, and a string of
twenty dogs, was quite a new and pleasing sight to me. During his
stay of five days, we had royal feastings and visitings; and when
he left, half the village accompanied him to the distance of ten or
fifteen miles, myself among the number. We made a string nearly a
mile long.

The sledging in Kamtchatka is not without some adverse casualties to
the best of managers. One occurred to me which I will narrate. I was
coming from Melka, an interior village, with a load of frozen salmon,
in company with my landlord, Starruk, and, my dogs being better than
his, I got several miles ahead of him. The snow was deep, but the
top was crusted, and the underbrush all covered. The surface was
perfectly smooth, but interrupted by numerous large trees; and to
avoid them our track was serpentine. At last we came to an inclined
plane of a mile or so in length, and, my sledge being heavily laden,
it became necessary for me to be constantly on my guard, and keep a
sharp lookout. Accordingly I took the usual preliminary precaution in
such cases, of sitting sideways, with the left hand hold of the fore
part, left foot on the runner, and my right leg extended; my foot,
slipping over the snow, operated as a sort of an outrigger. The dogs
at the same time, fearful lest the sledge should run on to them, went
down the declivity like lightning. The trees seemed to grow thicker
and thicker, and to avoid them it soon became hard up and hard down
with me. At last, coming to a sharp curve to the right, the sledge,
shearing to the other side, struck with such force as to scatter my
whole establishment, and I received such a blow on the head that it
stunned me and laid me out on the snow unconscious. When I came to
a little, and looked up, I saw my sledge was partly a wreck, four
of my dogs had broken from their harness and gone on, while one,
left fast in his gear, was sitting on his haunches, and watching me
with wonder, as much as to say, “How came you here?” It was not long
before Starruk came up. He asked me what was the matter. I replied
that some one in passing had run foul of me. “No,” said he, “I
guess you run foul of that tree”; which, on collecting my scattered
thoughts I found to be the fact. But as there were no bones broken,
I brightened up, and, with the old man’s assistance, caught my dogs
again, repaired damages and pursued my journey, not a little worse
for my tumble.

[Illustration: SLEDGE AND EQUIPMENTS IN KAMTCHATKA]

I will mention another circumstance which occurred to me,--not that
there was anything extraordinary in it, but merely to show the
sagacity of dogs, and the convenience of travelling with them. I
was coming from a village about ten miles distant. It was dusk when
I started, and night soon closed in with Egyptian darkness and an
arctic snow-storm. I could not see even my dogs. The new snow soon
covered and obliterated the old track. It was difficult to tell
whether I was going ahead or standing still, without putting my foot
through the new-fallen snow down to the old crust. In this way I
went on for an hour or so, the dogs making very slow progress, and
very hard work of it. Not being able to see anything, I somehow or
other became persuaded that the dogs had inclined to the left of the
beaten track, and consequently I kept urging them to the right. Thus
I went on for some time, until I found myself in a forest of large
trees, and had much difficulty in keeping clear of them. At last I
became decidedly bewildered, but convinced that I had lost my way.
Not knowing whither I was going, and fearing that I might wander, the
Lord knew where, during the long night, I concluded to halt, and make
my dogs fast to a tree. I then sat awhile on my sledge, and listened,
to see if I could hear anybody, and finally prepared my bear-skin and
fur garments for a night’s bivouac. I had not lain more than an hour
before I heard the howling of dogs; my own immediately answered them.
I found they were approaching, and when I judged them to be within
hailing distance, I called out. A man called out in return, and soon
drove up. It was a Kamtchadale coming from Petropowlowsk. It appeared
that I had urged the dogs a considerable distance from the proper
track, which, with the new-comer’s assistance, I regained. He told me
not to attempt to guide the dogs, but to let them pick their own way.
I accordingly sat on my sledge for an hour or so, scarcely realizing
that I was moving, till at last I turned my eyes up, and found myself
right under the light of my own window.

These little mishaps occurred while I was yet a novice in the art
of sledging; but I soon became acquainted with the habits and
dispositions of my dogs, and they became accustomed to me, so that I
travelled fearlessly, alone or in company, and made excursions to all
the villages in the southern part of the peninsula within a hundred
miles of Petropowlowsk. While I was amusing myself in the southern,
the Doctor was traversing the northern part of Kamtchatka all by
himself, and collecting specimens of natural history.

I was always an admirer of the rigid adherence of the Russians to
their religious forms and ceremonies. I never saw a Russian, high
or low, who did not, both before and after eating, ask a blessing,
and give thanks to God for his bounty, apparently with a sincere
and thankful heart. Yet there were some things very absurd in their
ceremonies. For instance, I was invited to the christening of a
child at the house of the Superintendent, and requested to stand
as godfather with Dr. Langsdorff, as it was necessary, I was told,
to have two godfathers and two godmothers.[32] At the appointed
time we repaired to the house, where we found the pope and numerous
guests already assembled. The pope had brought with him a small box,
resembling a tea-caddy, containing, as was said, consecrated oil. A
large tub full of water was placed in the centre of the room, and
the pope’s apparatus near at hand. He then commenced the operation
with prayers, after which, he took the child in his arms and plunged
it under the water. Then, with a small brush and some oil from the
box, he crossed the child all over its body and legs, and afterwards
marched round the tub, and we, the godfathers and godmothers,
followed, in Indian file, three times around. The child was then
given to one of the godfathers, crossed again, and round the tub we
went three times more. And so it continued until we all had taken
our turns, and made fifteen circuits of the tub. Now I thought this,
or the greater part of it, a nonsensical ceremony, and a piece of
rigmarole; but it was not my part to find fault or object to it, and
I willingly conformed to the custom.

When it was over, the tub was taken away, and a table put in its
place, madam, the mother of the child, brought on the goodies,
pies of flesh and pies of fish, cakes of various kinds, preserved
berries, and many other things; but what astounded me most was that
a bottle of real ardent spirits found its way to the table on this
extra occasion, an article which had disappeared from among our
stores several months previous. The pope paid his respects to it with
peculiar unction, and a glowing countenance, and the rest of us were
not slow in following suit. This was one of the friendly gatherings
to which I made it a point never to refuse an invitation; and I found
the Russians very fond of celebrating birthdays, christenings, and as
many holidays as they could make an excuse for.


VII.

  Voyage to Ochotsk.--Journey from Ochotsk to Yakutsk.

About the last of March the snow began to disappear rapidly, and by
the middle of April the ground was so bare that our sledging parties
were abandoned. The ice had left the bay, and all hands were at work,
under the directions of Lieut. Schwostoff and Davidoff, sawing and
breaking up the ice in the inner harbor, in order to extricate the
Juno and Awos, which had been preparing to sail for some time. By
the 25th the channel was cleared, and the two vessels put to sea,
with the four Japanese who had passed the winter with us. Their
destination was the northern Japanese Islands, where they intended to
land their passengers, and make some further attempts to establish an
intercourse with the people.

By this movement I was prompted to get my little craft afloat and
prepare for the remainder of my voyage. I was admonished, by those
acquainted with the breaking up of the ice in the rivers at the head
of the Ochotsk Sea, not to be in a hurry; but my anxiety to be off
rendered me deaf to all remonstrances; and on the 22d of May I was
ready. At this point I was beset by a number of persons, both male
and female, for a passage to Ochotsk. I concluded to take five in
addition to Madam Lariwanoff and daughter, viz. one elderly widow
woman, one old woman and her daughter, one very respectable young
man in the Company’s service, and one other gentleman. Our party
now numbered eighteen. We were tolerably well equipped, and had
an abundant supply of such provisions as the place afforded. When
our arrangements were all completed, Doctor Langsdorff and myself
devoted a day to taking leave of the many friends who had entertained
us during the winter; and I particularly of my old landlord and
landlady, Starruk and Starruke. To the former I paid what he thought
a very liberal compensation for the apartment I had occupied at his
house. I also made him a present of my sledge, its equipage, and my
dogs, with the exception of one, which I took with me. To Starruke
I gave my bedding, curtains, and furniture. I then bade good-bye
to these warm-hearted people, and left them with their warmest
prayers for a prosperous voyage. Our passengers now came on board,
and, after making the best accommodations for them our contracted
quarters would admit, on the 26th, with fair weather, we bade adieu
to Petropowlowsk, and weighed anchor.

Favorable winds continued just long enough to give us a good offing,
when they became light and adverse, with calms, and so continued for
several days. On the 30th, having just taken a brisk breeze, which
was driving us along, for a wonder, at nearly five knots, we ran
into a large whale which was lying near the surface. We somehow slid
up his back so as to raise our little vessel two or three feet and
throw her over on her side four or five streaks. It was like striking
a rock, and brought us to a complete standstill. The monster soon
showed himself, gave a spout, “kicked” his flukes and went down. He
did not appear to be hurt, nor were we hurt, but most confoundedly
frightened. I sounded the pump immediately, and found that all was
safe as to leakage, and we continued on our course quite satisfied
with the result.

June 3d, we passed through between the second and third Kurile
Islands from the southern part of Kamtchatka, and entered the Sea of
Ochotsk. Here again we were annoyed by the calms, which continued
with but little variance until the 14th, when we had reached latitude
58°. We now began to meet ice, at first so scattered that we thought
it possible to push through it; but after working in amongst it for
a few hours, it became so compact as to be impassable, and extended
east, west, and north as far as the eye could reach, even from the
masthead a solid mass. Finding it impossible to proceed any farther,
and as the ice was closing rapidly around us, I deemed it advisable
to avail myself of that better part of valor, discretion, and pole
out as we had poled in; for I had soon discovered that our little
craft was too slight to deal freely with heavy ice. Having gained
the open water, I steered to the eastward all day without finding
any passage-way. The wind proving unfavorable for sailing in that
direction, we turned and went westward. Thus we continued for ten
days, making various attempts to get clear of the ice, and at last
succeeded. On the 26th, at meridian, we found our latitude 59°20′,
and the land was in sight. On the 27th, we anchored off the mouth of
the river Ochota. At 2 P. M., the tide turned, and we crossed the
bar, entered the harbor of Ochotsk, and made fast to the Company’s
wharf. Thus terminated a long and tedious passage of thirty-three
days.

We were told here that the ice had only left the rivers and bays
four or five days. We were likewise informed, to our great grief,
that his Excellency Baron von Resanoff had died at Krasnojarsk in
Siberia, on his route to St. Petersburg. He had fallen from his
horse on the road from Ochotsk to Yakutsk, which was supposed to be
the cause of his death. The passport and letters I had previously
received from his Excellency at once made me acquainted with the
Company’s Superintendent, Mr. Petroff; likewise with the commandant
of the port, Captain Bucharin. By both these gentlemen I was treated
with the utmost kindness and civility; and, knowing my desire to be
on my way to St. Petersburg, they were both anxious to afford me
every facility in their power. A taboo was immediately put upon a
sufficient number of the first horses that arrived from Yakutsk. With
the greatest possible despatch, it was necessary to wait a few days,
and in the mean time I was taken round the place to see the lions.
They did not amount to much. The town was situated on a sand spit,
washed by the sea on one side and the river Ochota on the other. The
river Kuchtin unites with the Ochota near the harbor’s mouth, which,
at the best, is an indifferent one, and not accessible to vessels
drawing more than eight feet of water. The town is joined to the
mainland by a narrow neck of marshy ground, which is often inundated.
In fact, it appeared to me that any extra rise of the river or sea
would swamp the whole place. Some ship-building was going on here,
and many convicts were employed in the government service.

For my convenience, the privilege was accorded to me by the Company
of selecting a Russian subject to accompany me on my road, as a
kind of an assistant. A young man by the name of Kutsnetsoff,
or Smith, was pointed out as one desirous of going with me, but
the Superintendent did not feel authorized to release him from
the service, unless I should think proper to select him, and I
accordingly did so. He had been ten years at the settlements on the
Aleutian Islands, and was anxious to return to Irkutsk, his native
place. He had a brother in Moscow, a merchant in high standing, who
was at the head of the Company’s establishment there.

On the morning of July 3d, my horses, eleven in number, were brought
out. They did not look very promising, as they had been overworked on
the route hither. This was rather discouraging, for it was important
that they should be in a good condition for a journey of 500 miles,
through a country with no signs of a settlement except a few log
shanties at great distances asunder, and no road but a serpentine
footpath; moreover, we had a fair amount of luggage, and for comfort
and convenience we were obliged to carry a tent, cooking-utensils,
and bear-skins, &c. for bedding. Bad as they were, these horses were
better than none, and I must make the best of them.

Having completed my preparations, I took leave of my highly esteemed
friend, Dr. Langsdorff, who intended to remain a week or so for the
promotion of his favorite object; also of Madam Lariwanoff and her
daughter, my other passengers, and sailors,--particularly of the
three Alashka Indians, who had proved themselves excellent men,
and rendered me good service.[33] They fell upon their knees and
entreated me to take them with me. As this was impracticable, I
could only make them a gratuity in rubles, and recommend them to the
kindness of Mr. Petroff, in whose employ and charge they were. Having
finished our leave-takings, we mounted our horses. There were five of
us,--myself and two aids, Parker and Kutsnetsoff, and two Yakutas,
the owners of the horses, and acting as guides. Three of the other
six horses carried our luggage, and the remaining three were kept in
reserve for a change on the road. Dr. Langsdorff, the Superintendent,
Captain Bucharin, and other friends, accompanied us to the outskirts
of the town to take another and a final farewell, and we then put
spurs to our horses, and struck into the woods. We went on at quite a
spirited pace until five o’clock, when we arrived at a small clearing
called Medwescha Golowa, or Bear’s Head, where there were a few huts.
Here we dismounted to lunch, and rest our horses for half an hour;
and then resumed our journey. At seven in the evening we pitched
our tent, and camped for the night, in a good place for our horses
to graze. As we carried no provender, this was a matter of great
importance throughout our whole journey. We turned our beasts loose,
and the Yakutschians watched them by turns through the night. The
distance we travelled this day since eleven o’clock was 45 versts.[34]

Ochotsk is situated in latitude 59°30′, and Yakutsk in about 63°.
The direction of our course was west-northwest and the distance in
a bee-line 500 miles; but by reason of the tortuous nature of the
route we were obliged to pursue, the distance was much increased. In
such an extent of wild country there were doubtless many objects that
would have attracted the attention of the man of science; but being
myself neither naturalist, botanist, nor geologist, I had no call to
search to the right or to the left for specimens. My business was
to push on as fast as my horses could carry me, having an especial
regard for my bills of exchange. I paid but little attention to the
names of the numerous small rivers and mountains which we crossed,
merely noticing some of the principal. To me the country wore even a
greater degree of sameness than other unsettled regions.

July 4th. We collected our horses and struck our tent at 7 A. M.,
mounted, and continued our journey. Several large caravans of
horses passed us in the forenoon, laden with flour and provisions
for Ochotsk. In the afternoon, we crossed a ridge of tolerably high
mountains, and then came upon swampy ground. At five o’clock we
reached a small river; but it was so deep we were obliged to ferry
our luggage over in a boat, and swim our horses. We went on until
eight in the evening, when we encamped. The distance travelled this
day was 47 versts.

July 5th. We had a thick fog and rain through the night. It cleared
up in the morning, and we mounted at seven, and continued our journey
through valleys and over mountains, with extremely bad travelling,
the whole day. The weather growing hot, we were sorely annoyed by the
mosquitos, and were obliged to wear leather gloves and a kind of hood
in the shape of a sun-bonnet, with a gauze veil to protect the face.
Our white horses became perfectly pink with the blood drawn from them
by these insects. We pitched our tents at six in the evening. The
distance travelled this day was 55 versts.

July 6th. Started at seven, and had pleasant, but rather warm
weather. In the course of the day we forded several small rivers
without unpacking our horses, and passed four caravans with stores
for Ochotsk. At five in the afternoon we came to a small group of
shanties where was kept a magazine of provisions and a stud of horses
for government emergencies. This place was 190 versts from Ochotsk.
Taking tea here, we proceeded until seven o’clock, and then encamped
in a tolerably good grazing-place. The distance travelled this day
was 55 versts.

July 7th. Started this morning at six. The travelling was extremely
bad, and the ground swampy; the horses sank in the mire up to their
saddle-girths. By noon we came to better going. Passed to-day, beside
caravans, several droves of cattle on the way to Ochotsk. Distance,
60 versts.

July 8th. Fine weather, but the travelling very poor again. At ten
in the morning arrived at the banks of the river Allacjun, one of
the largest tributaries of the Aldan. We ferried our baggage across,
and swam our horses. At three in the afternoon we halted and turned
our beasts out to graze. Owing to the uneven and miry road they had
passed over, they were much fatigued and galled. Distance this day,
40 versts.

July 9th. Started at six in the morning. Passed several caravans,
and at five in the afternoon met the government post for Ochotsk.
At nine, pitched our tent on the bank of a small tributary of the
Allacjun. Distance this day, 65 versts.

July 10th. Rained all the fore part of the day. Our route was through
a gorge between high ridges of mountains. Distance travelled, 50
versts.

July 11th. The weather was pleasant and warm, the country rugged and
mountainous. At four in the afternoon we came to the foot of a high
and steep mountain, and halted to make preparations for the ascent.
Our horses had already become so weak and travel-worn, that it was
doubtful whether they would succeed in crossing it. My Yakutschian
guides lifted their tails to ascertain their strength. On those that
had limber tails the weight of the baggage was reduced, and increased
on those that had stiff tails. I noticed them also pulling hair from
the manes, and tying it to the branches of trees; whether this was
done to invoke the good, or propitiate the evil spirits, I could
not make out. After they had adjusted things to suit them, we took
off our coats, and started, leading our beasts. The ground was so
very springy that it was with great difficulty that we could pick
our way. Two of the baggage horses mired before we reached the top,
and we were obliged to unload in order to extricate them. We finally
gained the summit,--which after all was not so very high,--and,
having rested a little, descended. Continuing our course through a
narrow valley, at 6 P. M. we crossed the river Allakum, and stopped
at a small cluster of shanties on its left bank. There was a ferry
for bipeds, but such of the poor horses as were able were obliged
to swim. The stream was so rapid, that mine had a hard tug to get
across. Distance this day, 50 versts.

It was necessary to make a halt soon for a day or two to recruit,
and this was a favorable place. The government had a station and
postilion here. Four of my horses were completely broken down, and I
left them, and hired six fresh ones. We also replenished our stock of
provisions.

July 14th. Mounted at 5 A. M., and passed over a very high mountain,
and descended into a narrow, serpentine valley, in which we travelled
the better part of the day. We passed several caravans and droves of
beef cattle. Distance, 55 versts.

July 15th. Our route this day over boggy ground again, and the
travelling was therefore as poor as ever. Our horses’ backs were very
sore, and they were all nearly exhausted. We pitched our tent early
in the afternoon at a good grazing-place, to give them a little rest.
Distance, 40 versts.

July 16th. The weather this day was warm and pleasant, and road not
so mountainous as it had been. At 5 P. M., one of our horses gave
out, and we left him. Continuing on until seven, we pitched our tent
on the banks of the White River. Distance, 50 versts.

July 17th. At 6 A. M. we mustered together our horses, and found that
four were missing. We spent half the day in a fruitless search for
them, and then concluded that they were either killed or frightened
away by the bears, which are very plentiful in this region. We
pursued our journey, much of the way through mud and water up to the
saddle-girths. Distance, 30 versts.

July 18th. Struck our tent at 7 A. M., and at nine crossed the White
River. All the early part of the day, until within twenty versts of
the Aldan, we found the road very good. Here we saw before us an
extensive morass, to avoid which it would be necessary to go the
distance of thirty versts. This morass was about a quarter of a mile
in breadth, and partially covered with water, interspersed with
little grass knolls, which were soft and unsteady. Disagreeable as
the prospect was, we concluded to go straight across. We accordingly
fastened on the baggage tighter, stripped off all our clothes but
shirt and pants, and secured them to the saddles, and started,
leading our horses, each one picking out the way for himself.
In about half an hour we succeeded in flouncing through without
accident; but it was a tiresome job, and we got well plastered with
mud. Putting ourselves and luggage in order, we proceeded until 10 P.
M., when we reached the government station on the right bank of the
Aldan, having left two of our horses on the road exhausted.

We had now reached the principal station on the route, which was
about two thirds the distance to Yakutsk; and I determined to halt
for a day or two to recruit, after passing fifteen in the saddle. At
first I was quite pleased with the idea of this land excursion, but
I found in a very little while that it was no joke. I was sore all
over, from head to foot. The clumsy saddles we rode were anything but
convenient. The pommels were of wood and raised about six inches, and
in the hollow between sat the rider. There was just space enough for
an ordinary-sized man; and being myself light and spare of person,
there was plenty of room for me to shake in my seat. I soon hit upon
an expedient, however, to alleviate my suffering. I bolstered up with
pillows, so that by the fourth day my pains and aches subsided, and
afterward I was tolerably comfortable. Still the incessant torments
of the mosquitos and miry roads were hard to bear. I soon grew sick
of this horse-marine navigation, and came to the conclusion that the
spray of the sea was far preferable to a mud bath. We made up as well
as we could for the annoyance of bad roads, bogs, and small rivers,
by taking reasonable care of the inner man. I mentioned before, that
we took our cooking apparatus and provisions with us. We had bread
and sugar, and the tea-kettle was in constant requisition morning
and evening. Sometimes at the shanties on the route we obtained a
little milk. At noon we generally had a substantial lunch of Bologna
sausage or corned meat, and a glass of schnapps.

Having rested and refreshed ourselves sufficiently, I made an
arrangement with the postilion of the station to take us through the
remainder of the distance, as from here to the banks of the Lena
there were relays of horses at points twenty-five or thirty versts
asunder.

July 21st. Being all ready for a move, our horses were gathered
together at the river’s side. There was only one small boat belonging
to the place, in which we made out to ferry ourselves and baggage
over; but the poor horses were obliged to swim. Such was their
dislike to the water, that we were detained half a day trying to
force them in. At last we succeeded, by taking two of them by the
halter, one on each side of the boat, and letting the others, five
in number, follow on their own hook. The current was so rapid that
they swam the distance of two versts, when the width of the stream
at this point was only one, before they reached the opposite shore.
They crawled up on the bank quite exhausted, and we were obliged to
remain awhile for them to recover. At 2 P. M. we mounted and pursued
our journey. At eight in the evening we pitched our tent at the first
post-station after leaving the Aldan. The distance travelled was 35
versts.

July 22d. Changed horses and started at 6 A. M. The travelling was
much improved, and at 5 P. M. we came to the second stand, on the
bank of the Anger, after a ride of 50 versts. We passed over this
river in the usual manner, and went on 25 versts more to the third
station, where we paused for the night, quite satisfied with our
day’s progress.

July 23d. At 9 A. M. started with fresh horses and continued on
our route. The travelling was still more improved, and the country
generally had a more agreeable appearance. The high mountains had
disappeared, and we rode over level prairies, beautifully diversified
with grasses and a great variety and profusion of flowers. Among the
latter the red pink predominated, the odor of which scented the whole
atmosphere, and made the journey delightful. At 1 P. M. we changed
our horses at the fourth station, and at six arrived at the fifth,
where we passed the night. Distance, 60 versts.

July 24th. We had pleasant weather, and at 7 A. M. started on our
route. At 8 P. M. we arrived at the seventh station, where we
encamped for the night, and paid the postilion 35 rubles for the use
of his horses, this being the last station to which he had authority
to take us. Distance, 60 versts.

July 25th. At 7 A. M. we resumed our journey under the charge of
another postilion. Our horses, since leaving the Aldan, had generally
been very good; but this morning I found myself on a splendid animal,
of a cream color, singularly and beautifully marked. A dark brown
stripe about a hand’s breadth ran from the crupper to the withers,
and then spread over the shoulders in a broad patch; his mane and
tail reached nearly to the ground. I could see that he was well
groomed and cared for, but I was rather shy about mounting him at
first. I was assured, however, that he was well broken and gentle,
and I found him so. He was certainly the most perfect creature of the
kind I ever rode or set eyes on. The plains over which we travelled
this day were dotted over with innumerable cattle and horses
grazing. At 9 P. M. we arrived at the tenth station and pitched our
tent. Distance, 75 versts.

July 26th. At 7 A. M. we continued on our route, and at 4 P. M.
reached the right bank of the river Lena, which I crossed, and was
kindly received and entertained at the Company’s establishment at
Yakutsk. This town, the capital of the province of the same name,
covers a large space of ground. The houses were mostly of logs, but
some were spacious and tolerably handsome, and surrounded with large
gardens. The churches and other public buildings, with their cupolas,
made quite a conspicuous and pleasing appearance as we approached
the place, but the streets were irregular, unpaved, and muddy. The
latitude of the town is 62°30′ N.

The breadth of the Lena at Yakutsk is about two miles. This
magnificent river takes its rise in the southern part of Siberia, in
lat. 52°. Its general course is northeast, and it empties into the
Arctic Ocean in lat. 75°. With its tributaries it forms the principal
channel for the discharge of the great water-sheds of the eastern
part of the empire, and the thoroughfare of communication with the
provinces of Ochotsk, Kamtchatka and the Aleutian Islands. Down this
stream vessels carried the various articles needed in those distant
regions, such as bread-stuffs, liquors, and manufactures, and brought
up in return the furs and other commodities which found a ready
market in China and Russia.


VIII.

  Yakutsk.--Different Modes of Travelling.--Voyage up the Lena.--I
  arrive at Irkutsk.

I determined to remain at Yakutsk a few days, to look around and
ascertain the best mode of proceeding up the river to Irkutsk. The
distance in a straight line was about 1500 miles, but by following
the stream it would be much increased. There were post-stations
the whole way, mostly on the left bank, and at intervals of twenty
or thirty versts. At these horses were kept by the government, and
one mode of making the proposed journey was in a small open boat,
which was towed by them after the manner of a canal-boat, except
that passengers changed boats at every station. Another mode, and
that which I decided to adopt, was to hire a larger craft, with mast
and sails, and perform the whole distance without changing; but I
was to have the privilege of receiving assistance from the horses
whenever necessary, and for this purpose I obtained an order from the
government called a _deroshner_ or _poderoshner_.

As soon as I had come to this conclusion, I commenced a search for
a suitable boat, and at the same time I took the opportunity to
look round the town. Accompanied by one of the gentlemen of the
establishment, who devoted himself to my service, I visited all
the public places, including the monastery, churches, and forts. I
also called on several families, and was introduced as an American
captain. Some of them were very inquisitive, and anxious to know
where America was. It was a mystery to them how I got there, if I did
not come by the way of St. Petersburg and Moscow. I explained as well
as I could without an interpreter, but after all they appeared to be
rather sceptical. The Commandant, a cheerful and clever old man, was
very kind and obliging, and we exchanged several visits. He asked for
information with regard to our government and constitution, which I
explained as well as I could; and as he understood no English and I
very little Russ, it is quite possible I was taken for a very knowing
chap. When I made a call at any one’s house, no matter what time of
day it was, if I stayed long enough for the tea-kettle to boil[35]
(which, by the way, was almost always kept boiling), I was asked to
take a cup of tea, and it was considered almost an insult to refuse.
The second cup was usually laced with a little ardent spirits. This
tea-drinking I found to be the universal custom in Siberia.

The sables collected in the vicinity of Yakutsk are the finest and
most beautiful in the world, and command a much higher price than
those from Kamtchatka. As I had already collected a few skins as
specimens, in my travels, I requested the Superintendent of the
Company’s establishment to supply me with a pair of the very best
this district produced, and he kindly complied. They were certainly
of great beauty, very dark-colored and shiny, with very long and
thick-set fur.

I found a boat in a few days, belonging to a couple of itinerant
merchants, who had come down in her from the head-waters of the
river, which I thought would answer my purpose. It was quite a nice
boat, of about twenty feet in length; a little aft the centre there
was a small round-house, with a sleeping-berth on each side. It had a
keel, but was of light draft. The mast carried one large square sail;
and we could row with two oars forward and two aft. I chartered the
boat for the passage, and was to deliver it up to the merchants,
or their agent, when we had arrived at head-waters. One man who
came down in it was to return with me, on condition he worked his
passage; and I found that the owners themselves desired to accompany
us to their home. I had no serious objection to this, provided they
supplied their own provisions; and, in fact, I thought it might be
rather an advantage, as they were acquainted with the river. I gave
them to understand at the outset, however, that the cabin must be at
my exclusive disposal, and to this they readily agreed. I accordingly
sent on board my goods and chattels, cooking utensils, and
provisions. The Commandant, at my request, very obligingly appointed
a Cossack to go with me, and a smart, energetic little fellow he was.

Having made everything ready, I took leave of my friends in Yakutsk,
and assumed the command of my little craft, on the morning of the
30th of July, and thus commenced what was to me an entirely new phase
of navigation. The wind being adverse, I had the horses hitched on,
and away we went. My crew consisted of my man Parker, Kutsnetsoff,
the Cossack, the man who worked his passage, and together with the
two merchants and myself made seven of us in all. My weapons of
defence (of which, by the way, there did not seem to be much need)
consisted of a pair of double-barrelled pistols with spring bayonets,
and a large broadsword, with a conspicuous gilt hilt finished off
with an eagle’s head. These implements looked dreadfully formidable
and warlike, and I deposited them in a convenient place in my cabin.
I assigned to Parker, Kutsnetsoff, and the Cossack the berth which
I did not use, and they were to turn in and out by watches. The two
merchants and the other man were to select the best places to sleep
they could find elsewhere. With matters arranged in this way, we went
on in good style, the horses going most of the time at a gentle trot.
In the course of the day we passed two post-stations.

On the morning of the second day, having accomplished about 150
versts of my journey, I stopped at a post-station, where the official
appeared to be a much more wide-awake man than any we had passed.
I sent my _deroshner_ to be written on, and my Cossack ordered the
horses to be attached. This order not being obeyed at once, I saw
there was some difficulty, and sent Kutsnetsoff to see what was the
matter. On returning, he asked me to go into the office myself. So,
hauling up the collar of my shirt, and, assuming such an air of
importance as I thought the case might require, I went and demanded
the cause of my detention. “The horses are all ready for you, Sir,”
said the postilion, “but those two merchants cannot go in that
boat. The government don’t keep horses to accommodate travelling
traders. If they want horses, they must pay for them.” There was no
alternative, but that the fellows should leave the boat; and, to
my surprise, they did it without a word of objection. Perhaps they
were conscious that they had taken advantage of my ignorance to get
a passage home free of charge. I was not sorry for their removal,
although they appeared to be good men; for one of them was a constant
singer of love-songs which were all High Dutch to me, and from
his proximity to my quarters his well-intended music became very
annoying. This difficulty removed, we proceeded again, under three
horse-power. By the time we reached the next station, the wind became
favorable, we hoisted our sail to the breeze, and cast off from the
horses. By keeping near the shore, out of the main current, we made
better progress in this way than we had done previously, and passed
several stations without stopping. And so we went on by sail or by
horse-power, according as the winds were favorable or adverse.

August 6th, we reached Olakminsk, which is about 600 versts from
Yakutsk. By this time I began to think the mode of travelling I had
chosen very pleasant. The season was delightful, and the scenery as
we passed along was diversified with objects of sublimity and beauty.
At times we were moving through level country, and at times among
high mountains; in some places the river was contracted to a narrow
span by precipitous ranges of cliffs, and again its broad expanse
embraced many islands. To relieve the monotony of the confinement on
board my boat, I occasionally rode on horseback from one station to
another, and found the change very agreeable. The country in some
places was thick-wooded, chiefly with fir and birch; in others, it
was clothed with shrubbery, and I noticed currant and gooseberry
bushes, and frequently alighted to refresh myself with the fruit.
We passed a number of small clusters of shanties, inhabited by
Tunguscans, in the vicinity of which herds of cattle were grazing.
Near the houses were domestic reindeer of a large size. The children
were playing about in little groups, and the older ones were amusing
the younger by holding them on the backs of the deer, and teaching
them to ride,--making quite a rural and domestic scene.

We had at no time on our route any lack of good milk, and once we had
about a gallon of rich cream given us. The idea struck me that it
might be converted into butter; I therefore had it put into a large
pot, and with a kind of pudding-stick sat down at my cabin door, and
as we were moving along began to stir it. In the course of half an
hour I produced a lump of butter that would have put to shame seven
eighths of the dairy-maids in this country.

I had long since noticed the great deference shown to the military
in these parts, but I saw it particularly illustrated by my Cossack,
in exerting his authority among the people at a post-station. He was
scolding them for their laziness in hitching on the horses, and I
could hear that he was making a very great lion of me. “Start quick,
you rascals,” said he, “we have got a great American captain in the
boat, going on government business!” And this seemed to accelerate
everything, even the horses, for they travelled better after it.

On the 15th, we passed Witim, which is about 1,400 versts from
Yakutsk. Here the favorable winds, of which we had availed
ourselves for several days past, left us, and we took, as usual, to
horse-power. A short time after, we came to a station of some ten or
twelve houses, where the inhabitants were in great perturbation on
account of the small-pox, which was raging among them. Some had fled
from the place, and others would have gone had they not been detained
by their families. The disease existed among them in all its stages,
from the symptoms to the full pox. I had had considerable experience
with it, and thought I might mitigate the suffering by inoculation.
They were all desirous that I should do so, and gathered anxiously
around me. I called for a needle and thread, and selecting one of the
subjects whose pox was ripe, drew the thread through the pustules
until it was saturated with matter. Then preparing the maggot (as I
believe it is called), by cutting the thread into very short pieces,
with my penknife I made a little incision in the upper arm, placed
in it one of the maggots and bound it there. I went through this
process on seven or eight, and instructed them how to perform it;
and as to their diet, to eat no fat or salt meat, but to confine
themselves to bread and milk. They were very grateful for the advice,
and for what I had done for them, and were desirous of manifesting
their gratitude in some more substantial form, but it was declined.

After passing through an extensive grazing country, interspersed with
large fields of grain, about 300 versts from Witim we came to rapids,
with high precipitous banks on either side, where the velocity of the
current was so great that we were obliged to hug the shore to avoid
it. In some parts of it we could only get along by sending a small
boat ahead to carry a line to warp by. This was a slow and laborious
operation, and we were heartily rejoiced when we were through with
it. The rapids once passed, the scenery became as interesting as it
had been before, and the country, if anything, rather more populous
and thriving. We saw, beside farming and grazing, a number of men
engaged in fisheries along the banks of the stream. I could not see
but that there was as great a degree of happiness here as in any
other part of the world. The wants of the people were abundantly
provided for by the produce of the soil and the river, and beyond
this they seemed to have no desire.

After passing through some more rapids, where we were again obliged
to cast off our horses and warp the boat, on the 19th we reached
Kirinsk, which is about 1,650 versts from Yakutsk. From here we went
on quickly, owing to the good path for the horses on the shore,
and on the 26th reached Wercholinsk. This was a considerable town,
situated on the right bank of the Lena; but we pushed by it without
stopping. We now began to be troubled with the shallowness of the
water, but we made out with difficulty to reach Katschuk, beyond
which there was hardly enough to float a canoe, and we concluded
we had reached the head of navigation. According to agreement I
delivered up my boat here, and took a post-carriage for Irkutsk,
where I arrived on the afternoon of the 28th of August, 1807, and
drove into the court square of the Company’s establishment.


IX.

  Irkutsk.--Journey to Tomsk.--New Travelling
  Companion.--Tobolsk.--Russian Leave-taking.

I presented my letters of introduction from the Chamberlain, Baron
von Resanoff, and was kindly welcomed by the Superintendent. He
invited me to make his house my home while I remained in the place.
I replied that my stay must be short, and begged him to assist me in
procuring a convenient vehicle for my journey, so that I might not be
obliged to change at every station, as I should if I went in a public
conveyance.

I discharged my Cossack when I gave up my boat, and made him a
present of fifty rubles, all my cooking utensils, provisions, and
some other articles. He took his leave, with many thanks and good
wishes, which I cordially returned. I had brought Kutsnetsoff home
to his native town, from which he had been absent ten years. He
started off immediately to find his mother. The next morning he
made his appearance at my room, leading her in. She was a very
dignified-looking elderly lady, dressed in black. As he introduced
her to me, she dropped upon her knees, and, while the tears from an
overflowing and grateful heart were coursing down her cheeks, poured
out her thanks for the interest I had taken in the return of her
son. It touched me so deeply, that I could scarcely refrain from
tears myself. It carried my thoughts home to my poor mother, and I
raised her up, and assured her that, if I had done her son a favor,
or brought comfort and consolation to her, I was amply compensated
by the pleasure and satisfaction the deed itself afforded me.
Kutsnetsoff had previously observed that he should like to go on with
me to Moscow to see his brother, if his mother were willing. When
it was suggested to her, she readily gave her consent, being also
desirous that he should see his brother.

While we were talking about the matter, who should drive into the
court square but Dr. Langsdorff. I was rejoiced to see him, but could
not account for his being so close upon my heels. It appeared that
he had arrived at Yakutsk shortly after my departure, and, making
but a short stay, had been pushing on in the small boats, hoping to
overtake and surprise me on the river. He had gained two days on me,
but encountered all kinds of troubles and vexations, such as leaky
boats, drunken boatmen, an inefficient Cossack guide, the upsetting
of the boat, and loss of papers. He was quite chagrined when I
told him that I, by taking a larger craft under my own control,
had avoided all these difficulties, and had made quite a pleasant
excursion of it.

The Doctor having decided to make a longer stay than I desired to,
that he might visit Kiakta, across the Lake Baikal, I purchased a
vehicle which I thought would answer my purpose. It was called a
_pervoshka_, and was nothing more than a box rounded at the bottom,
and fixed firmly to the axletree without springs. A covered top
reached from the back part nearly to the middle, resembling the top
of a cradle. The forward part of the box was covered far enough
to make a seat for the driver, from which a boot extended to the
cradle-top. On the bottom of this outlandish concern I must either
lie or sit upright throughout my whole journey. I therefore procured
a good substantial feather-bed and put it in, with which and two or
three well-stuffed pillows, my luggage, and other wadding, I thought
I might get along without much chafing. As this carriage was only
calculated for one person, I took a post-carriage of much the same
construction for Parker and Kutsnetsoff.

Being now all ready for the road, I decided to stay a day or two, and
look round the place with my friend the Doctor. I shall not attempt
a description of this large, and I might say handsome town. It is
the modern capital of Siberia, and is situated on the banks of the
beautiful river Angara, which is one of the largest tributaries of
the Yenisei. It was in that day, and I suppose still is, the great
commercial emporium of the eastern part of the empire, whence the
more distant provinces are supplied, and whither are brought the furs
and the products of the fisheries from Kamtchatka, Ochotsk, and the
Aleutian Islands; and through the frontier town of Kiakta, across
Lake Baikal, the teas, nankins, silks, and other articles which are
obtained from the Chinese in exchange for the sea-otter and sable
skins, and find such a ready market in Russia.

Having a journey before me of 3,500 miles, and desirous of reaching
St. Petersburg before the close of navigation in the autumn, I was
prepared to travel day and night, and of course passed many towns and
villages without noticing them, only making short halts for a day or
two at some of the larger or shire-towns to rest. I was provided
with a new _deroshner_, and a good supply of copper money to pay for
fresh post-horses. On the 31st of August, having hitched the horses
to our vehicles,--that is, one in the shafts of each, and one on
each side,--and having again taken leave of Doctor Langsdorff and
the Company’s Superintendent, the Yemshik, as the driver is called,
mounted his box, cracked his whip, and away we went, leaving the
capital of Siberia behind us. The post-stations were about 25 versts,
or 15 miles, asunder, and we were well attended at them. If we
desired it, we could obtain something to eat, and I generally availed
myself of the opportunity twice a day, taking a substantial meal,
and topping off with a cup of tea, preparatory for which we almost
always found the kettle boiling. The Yemshik’s signal for starting
was the crack of his whip, and at that the horses would bound off
at full speed, and he would begin to sing. The song, as well as the
speed, was generally kept up from one station to another. The music
was sometimes quite pleasant and cheering; the horses, at any rate,
seemed to know that it meant “Go ahead.”

In this way we continued night and day. On the 6th of September we
passed through Krasnojarsk, where the Chamberlain Baron von Resanoff
had died. We continued on without stopping, and on the 7th reached
the town of Poim, where I halted a couple of hours to deliver a
letter from the young man Chlabnekoff, whom I took as a passenger
from Kamtchatka to Ochotsk, to his brother. He called on me, and
insisted on my going to his house, if it was only for an hour. His
family wanted to see me. I took Kutsnetsoff with me, and we gave them
all the information we could about their brother. We found a splendid
collation prepared for us, with Madeira wine such as we do not have
in these days. After concluding the entertainment with a bottle of
champagne, we started off; and whatever the facts may have been,
we certainly felt much lighter than before. I merely mention this
circumstance to show that there was no lack of “the good stuff” in
Siberia. The Maine Law was not enforced there half a century ago.

On the 10th I reached the shire-town of Tomsk, and was constrained
to acknowledge myself pretty well used up. I can assure those who
have not made a trial of this mode of travelling, that to lay on
one’s back in a carriage without any springs, for eight days and
nights in succession, is no joke. When I alighted occasionally my
whole frame was in a perfect tremor, yet the roads were not stony,
but tolerably good. There was no regular hotel in the town, and so
after a little inquiry we drove up to a large log-house, with a
square enclosure in front, the owner of which was kind enough to
entertain us. I immediately set Kutsnetsoff upon the lookout for a
more easy and convenient carriage, and told him if he should find one
to endeavor to dispose of my old one in part pay. In the mean time,
having a letter from my friend Lieutenant Schwostoff to his uncle,
who was Governor of the place, I waited on him. I was very cordially
received, and invited to dine the next day.

In a short time Kutsnetsoff succeeded in finding a vehicle much
better than the old one. It was quite a stylish affair, on springs,
and two persons could ride in it conveniently; but I had to pay
as much to boot, perhaps, as both carriages were worth. I called
upon the Company’s agent to furnish me with 200 rubles, but he had
received no particular instructions to advance me money, and was
reluctant to do it. He was quite reasonable, however, and was willing
to listen to my story. While I was explaining to him who I was, and
why I wanted money, there were several persons standing by. Among
them was a good-looking, well-dressed man, who spoke up and said he
would let me have as large a sum as I wanted, at which the agent
said he was willing to supply me. After I had finished my business
the gentleman who made the kind offer of his purse informed me that
he himself was going to Moscow, and, if I had no objections, would
like to take a seat in my carriage, and share the expense. I hardly
knew what to answer, and I scrutinized him very closely. His face
wore an honest look, and he had about his person two conspicuous
orders of merit; so I concluded to accept his proposition. I found
no reason afterwards to regret it. He was a Greek by birth, and a
merchant of high standing. His name was Dementy Simonitch, and he had
done several meritorious acts, for which he received medals from the
Emperor Alexander, and likewise a present from him of a splendid gold
watch and chain.

Having arranged this matter, I repaired to the Governor’s to dine
and take leave of him. I found a great many gentlemen there, but not
one who spoke English, so that I was almost a dummy amongst them. I
understood enough Russ, however, to learn that they were desirous
of inquiring into the nature and organization of our government.
I explained all the prominent points as well as I could, and they
appeared to understand, for they praised our institutions highly. If
I was able, under the circumstances, to form a correct opinion, there
was a good deal of the spirit of reform among them. After taking
leave of the Governor, I commenced preparations to start the next
morning. As I saw but little of the town, I can say but little or
nothing of it. It was quite a large place, the houses nearly all of
wood, and the streets broad and in some places planked in the centre
for the convenience of foot-travel, and yet in others so muddy that
there was no comfort in moving round out of a carriage.

On the 12th of September I started with my new companion, and went on
at the same breakneck pace as before. My new coach was far superior
to the old one. We could sit up or lie down as we chose, and were
not annoyed by the intolerable jarring of the body. My companion was
very agreeable, and although he could not speak a word of English,
and my vocabulary of Russ was too limited to hold a continued,
intelligible conversation, we soon became accustomed to each other’s
pantomimic gestures, and got along quite understandingly. On the 19th
we arrived, without any casualties worthy of remark, at Tobolsk, the
ancient capital of Siberia, and put up, as usual, at a private house.

Here my carriage-mate, Dementy, had acquaintances. He introduced
me to the family of Mr. Zelinzoff, or Green, a highly respectable
and wealthy merchant, and the proprietor of large iron-works at
Ekatereinburg. He was himself absent from home, but, together with
Dementy, I was invited by his son, who officiated as major-domo, to
dine with his family while I remained in the city. I take pleasure in
particularizing in regard to this family, on account of their marked
civility and kindness to a stranger. It consisted of Madam Zelinzoff,
three sons, a daughter, and a young man named Duro, who was a teacher
of French, and spoke English fluently. They lived in splendid style,
and spread a table for fifteen or twenty persons every day. Among the
numerous invited guests was a French military officer in the Russian
service, who spoke English well, and with whom I had a good deal of
chat. After dinner the ladies and gentlemen retired to a large hall,
where there was a billiard-table and a piano, violins and flutes,
on which the amateurs displayed their skill. This was the agreeable
practice daily while I was there.

Perhaps I may be allowed here to make a few remarks in regard to the
city of Tobolsk, though I cannot give a minute description of it. It
is very singularly divided into the upper and lower town. The lower
town seems to have been once the bed of the river Irtich, which now,
uniting with the Tobol, runs through the western part of the valley,
leaving both the upper and lower town on the eastern side, but
divided distinctly by a steep bank, which was probably in former days
the margin of the stream. The lower town is sometimes, though rarely,
inundated; and on the other hand the upper town is inconvenienced
by a want of water. Taking both sections together they formed a
very large place, with a numerous and mixed population of Tartars,
Bucharians, and Kalmucks. The public buildings were mostly of stone,
but the private houses, with few exceptions, of wood. It was the
great mart of trade with the eastern part of the Empire, and all the
caravans from China and the distant provinces concentrated here.

This place had formerly been the Botany Bay, or penal settlement,
of the Russians, and from the descendants of convicts a great and
flourishing city had sprung up, with its wealthy merchants, thrifty
traders, and literary and scientific men. The German and French
languages were taught and spoken by all the better classes. All kinds
of provisions were so cheap, that the poorest inhabitant never need
suffer for food; and I could see here, as throughout Siberia, the
kindliest feelings manifested toward the lower orders of society.

Having remained at Tobolsk six days, we prepared to continue our
journey. Two of the young Mr. Zelinzoffs were to accompany us as
far as their father’s estate, at Ekatereinburg. Accordingly, after
dining and making some preliminary arrangements for departure, the
whole family, with their guests, assembled in the large room for a
little chat and to take leave. Now this leave-taking was a somewhat
formal piece of business, and I had misgivings as to how I should
acquit myself with becoming gallantry. The custom with the gentlemen
was for each to lay the right hand on the other’s back, and to kiss
each other on both cheeks;[36] not unfrequently the noses came in
rude collision. A lady presents you the back of the hand to kiss, and
at the same time she kisses you on the cheek. Being all ready for
action, the ladies and gentlemen placed themselves in a row round
the room, and then the performance was commenced by the two sons
who were going with us, and continued by my friend Dementy. By this
time the perspiration had begun to start upon my forehead; but I saw
it was of no use to be lagging, and so, summoning all my courage, I
turned to, and went through the ceremony like a veteran courtier. The
last of the ladies I came to was the daughter, a great beauty, and I
was greatly tempted, in violation of Russian etiquette, to kiss her
cheek, but I managed to restrain myself.


X.

  Flying Ferry-Boat.--Ekatereinburg.--Kazan.--A
  Dinner-Party.--Moscow.--St. Petersburg.--Good News.

After the ceremony described in the last chapter, we took to our
carriages and proceeded to the ferry which crosses the Irtich, where
we found what was called a flying ferry-boat, of sufficient size to
transport several teams at once.[37] The hull of the craft did not
swim deep in the water, but was furnished with a very deep keel along
its whole length. It had a short mast, placed about as far forward
as in sloops, and supported by shrouds. Now an anchor was sunk in
the centre of the river some distance above, and from the anchor a
rope, sustained on the surface by buoys, was extended and fastened to
the bow of the boat. By means of a block and pulley this rope could
be elevated about half the distance to the mast-head. When ready
for starting, the bow, which was always pointed directly up stream
at the landing-place, was pushed off a little, so that the current
might strike the keel at an angle. This position was maintained by
the use of the rudder; and as the boat could not drift down the
river, on account of the anchor to which it was attached, it was
driven sideways to the opposite shore. By this ingenious contrivance
passengers and freight were carried across without the least trouble
or labor.

On the 24th we arrived at Ekatereinburg. During our stay here of
one night, our young friends showed us about the iron-works, and
we saw all the operations, from smelting the ore to working it up
into bar-iron. Gold ore was dug here by the government, and the
pure metal extracted by pulverizing, and washing it on an inclined
plane covered with ridges, which stopped the gold, while the lighter
substances were carried off with the water. It did not appear to be
a very money-making process. The next day we took leave of our young
friends, and pursued our journey westward to Kazan, on the river
Volga, which we reached on the 30th. Here my carriage-mate, Dementy,
was quite at home again, and we concluded to halt for a couple of
days. The city was large and well built, and the most important place
in the eastern part of Russia proper.

I had for some time experienced the good effects of Dementy’s badge
of distinction, but it did us especial service here. It procured us
an invitation to dine with the military Governor, who was himself
of Greek extraction, and somewhat acquainted with my friend. I had
no great desire to go among great folks, as my wardrobe was scanty,
and the few clothes I possessed had grown pretty threadbare with the
wear and tear of my three years’ cruise. I wished to decline, but
Dementy said it would give offence. He had probably given an account
of my adventures, and of my negotiation with the Chamberlain, Baron
von Resanoff; and this, together with the mark of the Emperor’s
approbation which he himself wore, had brought us into notice.

At the proper time the military carriage of the Governor came for us,
and away we went in fine style. We found a great number of persons
assembled at his house, including officers, military and civil, and
many ladies. I was introduced as an American captain. I felt a little
uncomfortable lest I should be questioned with regard to my official
grade, as it might not have been good policy to have explained my
claim to a captaincy. It was a splendid entertainment, however,
and, as I could not converse very intelligibly, I had little else
to do than ply the knife and fork, while Dementy, who had somehow
picked up all the particulars about me and my business, gave them
my whole story, much to my satisfaction. After dinner we retired to
another room, where coffee was served. The ladies questioned me about
our country, and to show that they had some knowledge of American
history, they spoke of Washington and Franklin in high terms. We
conversed upon the subject until I had exhausted my whole stock of
Russ in eulogizing those men.

October 2d, we started on our route for Moscow, our next
stopping-place. We met with nothing remarkable excepting muddy
roads and frequent altercations at the post-stations. There was
evidently less respect paid to my friend’s decorations, and less
alacrity in attending to us. We, however, reached the great city
of Moscow on the 8th, and passed within the first circle, which is
called the Zemlänoigorod. We wound along through the streets, as
it seemed to me, for miles. At last Dementy pointed out a public
house, where we stopped awhile to brush up and make ourselves look
respectable,--after which Dementy left us. Kutsnetsoff sought at once
the whereabouts of the Company’s establishment, and we started again,
passed through the Bale gate into the circle of that name, and drove
to the Company’s house. I entered the spacious stone building with
Kutsnetsoff, and met his brother, the Superintendent, on the great
landing-stair. He was a splendid-looking man. After the brothers
had embraced each other, and while tears were rolling down their
cheeks, I was introduced. I was cordially welcomed, and led into a
large hall, where I was presented to the Superintendent’s lady, and
Kutsnetsoff to a sister he had never seen before. She was a very
handsome woman, and richly dressed in the latest French style.

After exchanging mutual inquiries, I was told by the Superintendent
that his house must be my home while I remained in the city. I
replied that I was desirous of reaching St. Petersburg before the
close of navigation, and consequently my stay must be short. They
concluded that I could well spare a week. In that time I thought I
could replenish my wardrobe with the latest European fashions, and at
my request, a draper was sent for; he took my dimensions, and I was
soon fitted out completely. My Kamtchatka sable-skins were converted
into a lining for a great coat,--as something of that kind had now
become necessary,--and they made a splendid article.

In the mean time, having leisure, I availed myself of the politeness
of a young gentleman of the house, who offered to go round with me
and show me the city. I made no note of what I saw at the time,
and since then half a century has rolled by. I can only recall
some of the leading features of the great metropolis, which may be
interesting, as the date of my visit was but a few years before the
conflagration which drove Napoleon from the country. The city is
situated on an elevation which in shape resembles a turtle’s back.
The river Moskva sweeps round nearly two thirds of it, and the land
rises gently from the margin to the centre, which is so high as to
command a splendid panoramic view of its whole extent. The city was
divided into four departments or circles. The first, the Kremlin,
situated on the crown of this eminence and enclosed with heavy
ramparts of stone, formed a sort of fortress of very ample extent. It
embraced within its walls magnificent cathedrals, palaces, and public
buildings, all gorgeously decorated. Here also was the great bell,
which stands on the ground, with a triangular piece broken out of
the rim. Its weight is said to be four hundred thousand pounds.[38]
The next circle was the Kitaigorod, or Chinese Town, also containing
several cathedrals, convents, parish churches, and many noblemen’s
houses, interspersed with mean-looking wooden buildings. The third
circle, which surrounded the former, was the Beloigorod, or White
Town, and had a white wall. This was the business part of the city,
and the streets, though mostly paved, were muddy and filthy. There
were here, however, many public edifices, and handsome private
houses, the residences of the merchants and traders. The fourth
circle, called Zemlänoigorod, or Land Town, was surrounded with an
earthen embankment, and enclosed an area of nearly ten miles. In
this as in the other circles, there was a great diversity in the
cost of the different structures, the very extremes of magnificence
and meanness being mingled together promiscuously. I was very much
impressed with the grandeur and beauty of the whole city; spread over
more than twenty square miles of ground, adorned with a countless
number of costly and elegant buildings, with thousands of spires and
cupolas covered with silver and gold, when viewed from the Kremlin it
afforded one of the most pleasing spectacles I ever gazed upon.[39]

I was loath to leave when the time allotted for my stay had expired,
but there was no help for it. So, equipped in the fashionable rig
with which the draper furnished me, I turned my face toward St.
Petersburg. The Superintendent was kind enough to propose that
Kutsnetsoff should accompany me to my journey’s end, which proposal
I gladly accepted. On the morning of the 17th, I took leave of the
good friends who had shown me so much kindness, and stepped into my
carriage, rode through the suburbs, and at noon emerged into the open
country. We passed many villages and large towns, but continued on
without stopping at any of them except to take our meals.

On the 21st of October, 1807, we reached the gates of St. Petersburg,
and, after going through a thorough examination of passports, were
permitted to go on. We drove at once to the Company’s establishment,
where I was kindly received and entertained by Mr. Booldakoff, the
first director of the Russian American Company. It was evening when I
arrived, and as neither Mr. B. nor any one in the house could speak
English, I remained partially ignorant of the business which most
interested me until the next morning. A gentleman then came in who
accosted me in good round English, and I was quite overjoyed at the
sound. This was Mr. Benedict Cramer, a gentleman with whom I became
very intimate in business afterwards. He was the senior partner of
the house of Cramer, Smith, & Co., and was also one of the directors
of the Company.

He soon threw light upon my whole business by saying that his
partner, Mr. Smith, was in the United States, and had seen my
owners and assured them that the bills of exchange, the duplicates
of which had reached them through the hands of Mr. Moorfield, were
good. Mr. Moorfield had been out with a ship in the course of the
season, the bills had been accepted and paid with fifteen per cent
advance, because Spanish dollars, in which they were payable,
commanded that premium. The proceeds had been invested in hemp,
iron, and manufactures and sent to America; and the business had
been transacted through his house. “You have now nothing to do,” he
concluded, “but to take all the pleasure you can while you remain
with us.” I shook him heartily by the hand, and made him a low
bow; after which we walked out together to his place of business.
He introduced me to his brother and Mr. L. Harris, the American
Consul, who was connected with his firm; and in the same way I became
acquainted with a number of influential gentlemen, from whom I
received many civilities.

Mr. Booldakoff, whose house I made my home, showed me every
attention. He took me in his carriage to all the places of note in
the city, and had an audience with the Count Ramansoff, the Prime
Minister, to whom I was presented. In short, every mark of respect
that could be accorded to a stranger was shown me.


XI.

  I sail down the Baltic in a Dutch Galiot.--Take Passage at
  Elsinore in the Mary for Portland.--Put in at Liverpool.--Home
  again.--Conclusion.

Things went on so smoothly and pleasantly at St. Petersburg that
I took no note of time. Six days had already slipped by before I
began to think of making a further move. There were no American
ships at Cronstadt when I arrived, but I was told that there were
always opportunities till the last of November to obtain a passage to
England, so that I felt quite easy. Just as I commenced preparations
for starting, however, war was declared between Russia and England,
and all foreign ships left Cronstadt. I now thought it doubtful
whether I could obtain a passage to England, but I made all haste
for the port, to make a trial, at least. Mr. Booldakoff gave me a
letter to the harbor-master, the Consul one to his Vice, the Messrs.
Cramer one to Messrs. Belfour, Ellah, & Co., at Elsinore. With these
I took leave of my St. Petersburg friends, and started; but when I
arrived at the Mole I was quite discouraged to find that there was
not a merchant-vessel in sight. I called on the Vice-Consul, but he
knew of no way to help me. Though thinking it would be useless, I
determined to present my letter to the harbor-master. He read it,
and after a little reflection, and a number of questions about my
journey, said that I had better go down to the Mole head with him,
and see what could be done.

We found, on inquiry, that there was one solitary vessel, a small
galiot, lying at anchor below the Tolbeacon, about three miles off.
She was bound for London, and he thought I could get a passage in
her, if I were willing to try; at the same time he offered to send
me aboard. I jumped at the proposition, and told Parker to get our
goods and chattels into the boat as soon as possible. Thanking the
harbor-master for his assistance, I started off for the galiot.
She was a small craft, of seventy or eighty tons burden, loaded
with tallow. The skipper was a little old Dutchman, short of five
feet in height, and a mate and cook composed his crew. I asked him
if he would take me as passenger to London. “Yaw,” says he. “And
will you let my man work his passage?” “Yaw, goot,” says he. I paid
the officer of the boat for his trouble, and he left us. Being now
at leisure, I began to look round to see what kind of a ship and
accommodations we had got. She was rather a flat-bottomed vessel,
carrying lee-boards, to keep her from drifting to the leeward when
sailing by the wind. I questioned the skipper about the provisions,
and he believed that there were enough, such as they were. The cabin
was a trunk, so called, above the deck, abaft the mainmast, in which
there were two boxes with slide-doors. One was his berth, and the
other the mate’s. He informed me that I must sleep with him, and
my man must turn in and out with the mate. I thought this a fair
arrangement, and so we settled it.

It was morning when I went on board; and after dinner, which
consisted of beans and buckwheat pudding, we got under way. The
wind was light but favorable, so that we crept along down the Gulf
at about the same rate we used to go in our little Russian vessel.
The weather was moderate and the sea smooth, and after so much
land-travel I enjoyed the change very much. We continued to grope
along until we reached the island of Bornholm, in the Baltic. Here we
took a westerly gale, which would have put a stop to our progress if
we had not fortunately got under the lee of the island, and continued
sailing from one end to the other of it for two days, when the gale
abated, and the wind changed. This enabled us to continue on our
course, so that on the 13th of November we reached Elsinore. Here I
presented my letters from the Messrs. Cramer, and was kindly received
by Messrs. Belfour, Ellah, & Co.

Though the galiot was detained by contrary winds, as long as there
was no alternative, I concluded to stick by her; but on the second
day I was standing on the pier and looking up the sound towards
Copenhagen, when I saw a ship coming down with a large American
ensign flying, at the sight of which my heart leaped right up into
my throat. I waited until she came to anchor, and then called a
shore-boat and went off to her. She proved to be the Mary of
Portland, Captain David Gray, and was homeward bound. This was
joyful news, and affected me so deeply that I could hardly tell the
Captain my story. At last, after making known who I was, and from
whence I came, I asked him if he would take me as passenger, and he
readily consented. I went immediately to the galiot to settle with
the little Dutch skipper. To the question, how much was I to pay him,
he answered that he only wanted “Was billig ist, das ist mir recht.”
Not knowing exactly what that was, I tendered him twenty Spanish
dollars, with which he was well satisfied, and made him a bonus of
a pair of leather breeches, which he had worn ever since we left
Cronstadt. Wishing him a prosperous voyage, I took my leave and my
baggage and went on board the Mary. She was a fine ship, in ballast,
and had a splendid cabin for the times. The captain was a social,
clever fellow, and we soon became well acquainted. We left Elsinore
on the 20th, and proceeded down the Kattegat. When we got down as
far as Gottenburg, we found the wind blowing in heavily through the
Sleeve, which obliged the pilot to put into Marstrand, a small port
in Sweden. Here we lay two days.

On the 24th, we put to sea again. We passed the Naze of Norway, and
steered for the Orkney Islands; but, owing to adverse winds and
stormy weather, it was the 2d of December before we got through the
Fair Isle Passage. We then encountered a series of westerly gales,
in the course of which it was discovered that one of the ship’s
rudder-braces had worked loose. It was deemed unsafe to pursue our
course across the Atlantic, and Captain Gray accordingly altered
his course for Liverpool, where we arrived on the 15th. This was a
great disappointment to me, particularly as my pecuniary resources
were exhausted, and I saw before me unavoidable expenses; at the
same time, I had no relish for the storms of a northern passage and
a winter’s coast. I reconciled myself, however, with the prospect of
seeing England; and as Captain Gray offered to supply me with money
until I reached Portland, I was quite content. I went with him to
a boarding-house, where we remained while the ship was undergoing
repairs. In the mean time, I made myself acquainted with the city and
its environs. At the end of two months the Mary was ready for sea
again, and having taken on board a quantity of salt, we sailed on the
7th of February. We had a pleasant voyage, and arrived at Portland
on the 25th of March. Here I settled with the Captain, to whom I was
indebted for my passage, board, and sundry loans, the whole amounting
to the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars. I gave him a draft on
Mr. John Park, of Boston, and it proved quite fortunate for him that
I did so. His owners had failed just before our arrival, and, as they
were indebted to him, he would have been a loser but for this draft.

You may suppose that I started with as little delay as possible
for Bristol. I arrived there on the 1st of April, 1808, and thus
terminated an absence of three years and eight months. In two years
and six months from the time of my departure, the owners were in
receipt of the proceeds of the voyage, which resulted in a clear
profit of ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS.

       *       *       *       *       *

I have now reached the end of my story; but before I lay down my pen,
let me say a word more of the friends mentioned in the preceding
pages. I continued in the Russian trade, in which I had made so
successful a beginning, and returned to St. Petersburg in 1809. It
so happened that I found Dr. Langsdorff and Lieutenants Schwostoff
and Davidoff there. The latter two gentlemen, since we last met,
had been engaged in the war with Sweden, and had become honorably
distinguished. While I was visiting the Doctor, they came over to
pass an evening with us, and we sat talking of old times until two
in the morning. They then started for their own lodgings, which were
on the other side of the river. Langsdorff and myself accompanied
them to the drawbridge, which was open for ships to pass in the
night. Our friends, therefore, passed over a plank which lay from the
bridge to a vessel in the river and regained the other side of the
bridge by another plank, calling to us and wishing us good-night,
when they were safe over, and we then went back to our quarters.
The next morning we received the melancholy intelligence that two
naval officers had been drowned in the Neva during the night, and,
upon further inquiry, we learned that they were our friends. After
we had parted from them, they became desirous, God knows for what
purpose, to return to us again, and, in order to get over quicker,
they attempted to spring from the bridge upon a bark that was going
through. They mistook a sail for the deck of the vessel, and both
fell into the water. The people in the bark endeavored to rescue
them, but the night was so dark, and the current so strong, that they
went under before they received any assistance. Though fifty years
have gone by since the death of these young men, I cannot forbear to
recall their many virtues and lament their untimely end.


FOOTNOTES:

[23] Perry’s “History of the De Wolf Family,” p. 50.

[24] Three months before this vessel had brought into Bristol the
first cargo received from a Chinese port.--_Ed._

[25] Ever since Captain Robert Gray of Tiverton, R. I., master of
the ship Columbia of Boston, had, in 1792, sailed his vessel into
the great river to which he gave the name of his ship, the trade of
the northwest coast had been almost entirely in the hands of Boston
merchants. The natives called all traders “Boston Men.” So, in the
days of the Crusades, the Saracens called all Crusaders “Franks”
because of the overwhelming predominance of the French nation. The
Crusades were the “Gesta Dei per Francos.” Captain Gray’s act laid
the foundation for the American title to Oregon.--_Ed._

[26] Cooper seized upon this well known fact for some striking
passages in his novel “Afloat and Ashore.”--_Ed._

[27] Duffel, a coarse woollen cloth named from the town near Antwerp
in which it was manufactured.--_Ed._

[28] Leather canoes. They consist of a skeleton of wood, over which
is stretched a covering made of the skins of sea-lions. They are long
and narrow, and hold from one to three persons. Each person sits in a
round hole just fitted to the size of the body.--[Author’s note.]

[29] George von Langsdorff was born in Heidelberg in the Grand
Duchy of Baden in 1774, his father being at that time Chancellor of
the University of Heidelberg. Having taken the degree of Doctor of
Medicine at the University of Göttingen, he shortly afterward went
with Prince Waldeck to Lisbon as his physician. On the death of the
Prince he returned by way of England to his home. At the age of
thirty he accompanied Admiral Krusenstern, as botanist, on a voyage
around the world. Emperor Alexander I of Russia made him a Knight of
the Order of St. Anne with the rank of Aulic Councillor, and also
made him a Baron. Later he appointed him Consul General at the port
of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, a post which he held with honor for many
years. He died at Freiburg, Baden, in 1852, in the seventy-eighth
year of his age. Besides other volumes he published an account of his
trip around the world under the title “Bemerkungen auf einer Reise um
die Welt in den Jahren 1803 bis 1807 von Copenhagen nach Brasilien,
der Sudsee, Kamtschatka, und Japan.” The second volume treats of his
journey “Von Kamtschatka nach der Insel St. Paul, Unalaska, Kodiak,
Sitcha, Neu Albion, Kamtschatka, Ochotsk und durch Sibirien nach
St. Petersburg.” Captain DeWolf must have had a translation of this
volume at hand when he wrote his own story. The German naturalist and
the American sea captain were evidently “two of a kind.” How highly
the American esteemed his friend may be judged from the fact that
he named his only son John Langsdorff. The boy was always called
Langsdorff.--_Ed._

[30] In the Russian Church all the priests are called Popes, _i.e._,
Fathers, Papa = Father. So in the Latin Church all priests were Popes
until the supremacy of the Pope of Rome was established. Cf. the
development of the English “Parson.”--_Ed._

[31] Dr. Langsdorff in his “Reise” devotes much space to the
treatment of the Arctic dogs.--_Ed._

[32] Even in the great Cathedral of Kazan, in Petrograd, the
arrangements for a christening seem, to a foreigner, somewhat
primitive. There not a tub is used for the immersion but an iron
basin supported upon a tripod. Captain De Wolf had forgotten many
features of the beautiful ceremony.--_Ed._

[33] Dr. Langsdorff’s account of this incident shows Captain De
Wolf’s character in a very beautiful light: “I cannot pass over in
silence an affecting scene which occurred just before his departure.
The three Aleutians whom I have frequently spoken of as serving as
sailors on our ship, came to Captain De Wolf, and, with tears running
down their cheeks, threw themselves at his feet and begged him to
take them with him to his native land. ‘We will serve you without
pay. We will ask only for a little bread and fish. We will follow
your horses, even though we must go on foot a great part of the way.
We would rather go with you than return to our own country.’ Mr. De
Wolf was greatly troubled because he could not grant their request.”
Langsdorff, Reise, vol. 2, page 292.--_Ed._

[34] A verst is 212⅕ rods, or, roughly, five eighths of a
mile.--[Author’s note.]

[35] It will be noted that Captain De Wolf nowhere speaks of
vodka.--_Ed._

[36] Our traveller was as much impressed with this habit of kissing
as was Erasmus on his first landing in England. The Dutch scholar
was pleased with the English fashion, which is, on the whole, far
superior to the Russian style.--_Ed._

[37] Flying ferry boats not unlike these may be seen on some
California rivers today.--_Ed._

[38] At least 448,000 pounds.--_Ed._

[39] This was five years before the burning of Moscow in the
Napoleonic War.--_Ed._



PART III


JAMES DE WOLF AND THE PRIVATEER YANKEE


1--JAMES DE WOLF

The story of the life of James De Wolf reads like a chapter of wild
romance. Without any advantages of birth, fortune or education his
indomitable energy and his commanding abilities won for him a seat in
the greatest deliberative assembly in the world, the Senate of the
United States, and also secured for him one of the largest fortunes
in America.

He was born in Bristol, March 18, 1764, the seventh son of Mark
Anthony De Wolf, clerk of the Prince Charles of Lorraine, whose raid
upon the coast of French Guiana under the leadership of Simeon Potter
has already been set forth in this book. He was born of American
parents upon the French island of Guadaloupe. The sudden fancy of
Captain Potter rescued him from a possible life of obscurity upon
that island that his children might rise to influence and power and
wealth in America.

Mark Anthony De Wolf married a sister of Potter and became master
of one of his brother-in-law’s vessels. More than a very moderate
income he never enjoyed, and his sons were compelled to earn their
own living at an early age. Following the natural trend of Bristol
boys of that period they took up their father’s calling. All who
reached manhood became shipmasters, and nearly all of them attained
large riches. One of James De Wolf’s descendants, the Rev. C. B.
Perry, tells in his book “The De Wolfs” this story of his ancestor’s
entrance upon a seafaring life: “Several of them [the De Wolf boys]
who had been sweating in the corn rows one summer day flung down
their hoes, declaring they would no longer hoe corn when they knew
they could get places on their Uncle Sim Potter’s privateer about
to sail from Providence. So off they trudged upon the road to that
city. As after their long dusty walk they emerged from Seekonk Woods
near the old ‘Red Bridge,’ James, the youngest but one of the party,
becoming conscious of the dilapidated condition of his hat, and
with the vanity of a handsome lad less resigned than his father to
his appearance, cried out, ‘Boys, I’m not going through Providence
like this,’ and flung the crownless brim--or was it a brimless
crown?--into the wayside bushes. Bareheaded he presented himself with
his brothers to his no doubt astonished yet sympathetic, bluff old
Uncle Sim Potter. They secured the coveted places on the ship and
thus began that life of devotion to the sea which the sea was soon so
richly to repay.”

Twice in his early seafaring life James De Wolf was captured; for
many weeks he was held a prisoner on the Bermuda Islands. His zeal
and ability speedily won for him promotion. Having entered the
employ of John Brown, the leading ship owner of Providence, he was
made master of a vessel before he had completed his twentieth year.
His earliest voyages as captain were made to the coast of Africa as
master of a small slaver. No stigma whatever was attached to the
slave trade at that time. It was regarded as a perfectly legitimate
business and was known to be more than ordinarily hazardous because
of climatic conditions and the dangerous nature of the coast. The
captains engaged in it had to be men of unusual force of character
in order to be successful. Before he was twenty-five years old De
Wolf had accumulated a fortune large enough to keep him in ease and
even luxury for the remainder of his life. But he could not be idle.
He was continually branching out into new ventures in which he was
almost invariably successful. Everything seemed to turn to gold in
his hands. His aim was always to be first in a new field. After he
had skimmed the cream from a market he was content to leave for those
who followed him the moderate, though perhaps surer gains.

As long as the slave trade remained legal he continued in it, not
infrequently going to the southern ports to supervise the sale of
his cargoes. This was the case in 1804 when the Legislature of
South Carolina opened the ports of that State for the importation
of African slaves. One day one of his townsmen, a sailor on a new
arrival from the African coast, was walking along the principal
street of Charleston, in charge of a party of slave girls that had
just been sold, each dusky maiden being picturesquely though not
sumptuously attired in a short cotton chemise. As he was passing
the leading hotel, he heard a well known voice call out: “Benjamin!
Benjamin! Where are you going with those girls?” and down from the
veranda came “Captain Jim” to greet his fellow Bristolian and to
talk over his voyage with him. During the four years that followed
two hundred and two vessels, carrying nearly forty thousand slaves,
entered the port of Charleston.

Sixteen years afterward Mr. De Wolf was elected a member of the
United States Senate, where his large business experience and his
special knowledge of industrial and commercial conditions gave him
great influence. Like most of the Senators from the Northern States
he opposed the admission of Missouri as a slave State. Public opinion
in the North concerning slavery had greatly changed since 1808. In
that year the African slave trade was prohibited by law, and very
soon after all the leading nations of the world united in efforts
to suppress it. But because it immediately became more profitable
than ever before, men still continued to engage in it. Then came the
“horrors of the Middle Passage” (i.e., the voyage from Africa to the
West Indies) at which all the world shuddered. Those who had engaged
in the earlier trade were covered with an obloquy which they did not
deserve.

Public opinion concerning slavery as practiced in the South also
changed, but not so quickly in South Carolina, the leading slave
State, as elsewhere. There the planters who formed the governing
class had only come to draw a distinction between the men who brought
the slaves from Africa and the men who used them after they were
landed in America. Even today, in the North as well as the South,
the same subtle distinction is drawn. The fact that the men who
brought slaves faced innumerable dangers in their voyages counted for
nothing in the judgment of those who, in ease and safety, enjoyed
the fruits of slave labor. Senator Smith of South Carolina was the
exponent of the Southern idea. In an impassioned speech he reflected
severely upon the bitterness the people of Rhode Island had lately
shown against slaveholders, and especially against the admission of
Missouri as a slave State. “This, however, he believed could not
be the temper or opinion of the majority, from the late election
of James De Wolf as a member of the Senate, as he had accumulated
an immense fortune by the slave trade.” He went on to say that, of
the two hundred and two vessels whose names he gave, “ten and their
African cargoes belonged to Mr. De Wolf,” and he closed his speech
with a recapitulation tabulating the facts given in the following
paragraph:

From January 1, 1804, to December 31, 1807, inclusive, two hundred
and two slave ships entered the port of Charleston. Seventy of
these vessels were owned in Great Britain, three in France, one in
Sweden, sixty-one in Charleston, fifty-nine in Rhode Island and
eight in other American ports. Of the two hundred and two consignees
ninety-one were natives of Great Britain, eighty-eight of Rhode
Island, thirteen of Charleston and ten of France. Altogether, 39,075
slaves were brought in. More than half of them, 19,949, came under
the British flag. French ships brought 1,078. The fifty-nine vessels
hailing from Rhode Island brought in 8,238, as follows: Bristol
ships, 3,914, Newport 3,488, Providence 556, Warren 280. As is
evident from the cargoes the American vessels engaged in the trade
were much smaller than the foreign craft. The seventy British slavers
averaged almost two hundred and eighty-five slaves each. The French
average was three hundred and fifty-nine plus, while the fifty-nine
Rhode Islanders averaged not quite one hundred thirty-nine and a
half. The foreign vessels were probably full rigged ships, while the
Narragansett Bay craft were for the most part brigs and schooners of
two hundred tons or less. Even so they were larger than the Newport
slavers captured by the enemy in the early years of the “Old French
and Indian War,” a part of the Seven Years War in Europe, 1756-1763.
Those vessels had “live cargoes” varying from forty-three to one
hundred and thirty head. The Caesar of Newport, a full rigged ship,
carried only one hundred and sixteen. Of the vessels mentioned in
these Tales the Yankee’s tonnage was one hundred and sixty tons. The
Juno was a full rigged ship of two hundred and fifty tons, one of the
finest vessels sailing from Bristol in her time. The cargo of twenty
Junos could easily be stowed in the holds of one of the five masted
schooners that bring coal into the port of Providence today. The
tonnage of the Prince Charles of Lorraine is not known.

Study of the statistical tables on which Senator Smith based his
remarks[40] shows that Mr. De Wolf was interested in four other Rhode
Island ships besides the ten credited to him by the Senator from
South Carolina. These hailed from Rhode Island and were consigned
to Christian & De Wolf. He may also have been the owner of three
other Rhode Islanders which on their first voyage were not consigned
to him. The statistics show that the voyage to Africa and return
must ordinarily have taken more than a year. During the year 1804
but three Rhode Island slave ships entered the port of Charleston,
and the total number of slavers was twenty, of which seven hailed
from Charleston itself. The next year the number of arrivals had
increased to thirty, six of which were owned in Rhode Island and five
in South Carolina. In 1806 the number of arrivals was fifty-six,
thirteen being Rhode Island vessels, and the same number hailing
from Charleston. In the last open year, 1807, the arrivals leaped
to ninety-six, thirty-seven of them belonging in Rhode Island and
thirty-three in South Carolina. Of the Rhode Island vessels, two,
the Neptune and the Hiram, made three round trips each, while ten
others brought in two cargoes. Two of the sixty-one Charleston ships
made three voyages, and five accomplished two. Nine of the vessels of
Great Britain made two voyages each; no British vessel made three.
The four big Frenchmen entered the harbor but once. Apparently small,
swift ships were more profitable than large ones. Necessarily a
large part of the trip was consumed in securing a cargo, and the
dangers of the “coast fever” were greatest in the case of a large
ship.

The African trade was but one of the commercial avenues in which
Mr. De Wolf’s ships sailed. His larger vessels had already visited
Chinese ports when the smaller craft turned their prows toward
Africa. While the little Hiram was gathering cargoes of naked
negroes, the full rigged ship Juno was filling its hold with the furs
of the frozen “Northwest Coast.” How exceedingly profitable that
venture was we have already learned from the account of “Norwest
John.” Until the year 1812 the chief obstacle to the development of
American commerce was the constant interference of British warships
and their illegal impressment of American sailors on the pretence
that the men impressed were not Americans but Englishmen, and
therefore subject to the British Crown. As a large ship owner Mr.
De Wolf had suffered great losses. Of these he had kept a careful
account and he longed for the day of retaliation to come. To most
of the New Englanders of that day the act passed on June 18, 1812,
declaring war between the United States and the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland seemed the death blow to their commercial
prosperity. Not so did it seem to James De Wolf. He saw in it the
opportunity to regain from captured merchantmen all that he had lost
at the hands of British men-of-war. Not for personal reasons alone
did he rejoice at the commencement of hostilities. He believed that
the interests of the whole country demanded it; all his sympathies
were enlisted in it; all his resources he confidently staked upon
the final issue of the struggle. He caused the banks in which he
owned a controlling interest to invest all their available capital
in United States bonds, and when the national credit was lowest he
advanced from his own purse money to build a sloop of war.[41] Mr.
De Wolf early grasped the fact that the only vulnerable part of
Great Britain, as far as the United States was concerned, was its
merchant marine. He foresaw that the American privateers would drive
the English commerce from the ocean and he at once proceeded to
perform his part in accomplishing that result. Not the United States
war vessels, marvellous though their achievements were, but the
privateers that sailed out from Bristol and Baltimore and many ports
of New England, brought the War of 1812 to an end.

Besides the Yankee Mr. De Wolf was the principal owner of three other
privateers, the Water Witch, the Blockade and the Macdonough. The
Water Witch was the only one of these to send a prize into Bristol
harbor. She was a little coasting schooner of more than ordinary
speed. Her owners procured for her a privateer’s license that she
might seize the slower craft that furnished the British fleet with
supplies. Her one prize was a flour laden schooner which netted a
profit to its owners of about $5,000, a sum which paid for the
Water Witch several times over. The Blockade sailed from Bristol on
a four months cruise November 19, 1812. It had been planned that she
should sail in company with the Yankee but that little hermaphrodite
brig[42] was too fast for her. She took a dozen or more vessels, but
all her prizes were recaptured and she proved to be only a bill of
expense to her owners. From the Macdonough great things were hoped.
She was much the largest and fastest of the Bristol ships but she
entered the contest too late. She found an ocean swarming with the
sails of warships when she sailed out from Narragansett Bay. Her
wonderful speed prevented her capture and she was able to take many
prizes but all her prizes were retaken. Oliver Wilson, successful
captain of the Yankee on two of her cruises, was her commander on
her one cruise, so it goes without saying that she was well handled,
but she proved to be a losing investment. She was built by Captain
Carr at Warren in the last year of the war, and after the struggle
was ended was placed in the Cuban trade. Once she made the voyage
from Havana to Bristol in six days notwithstanding the fact that she
was lying becalmed for a whole day. After the slave trade had been
declared illegal and hence required the very swiftest vessels for its
service, she was sold to Cuban parties who fitted her for a slaver.
Her career as such was not long. Having a cargo of slaves on board
she was chased one day by a warship, and, running for shelter into
the harbor of Matanzas, struck upon a reef on which she was soon
pounded to pieces. Her crew were saved to a man. Not so the slaves;
they all perished.

Eleven days after the Declaration of War was proclaimed Mr. De Wolf
sent to the Secretary of War this letter:

        BRISTOL, R.I., June 30, 1812.

  The Honorable WILLIAM EUSTIS,
  Secretary of War:--

  Sir; I have purchased and now ready for sea, an armed brig, (one of
  the most suitable in this country for a privateer) of one hundred
  and sixty tons burden, mounting eighteen guns, and carries one
  hundred and twenty men, called the Yankee, commanded by Oliver
  Wilson. Being desirous that she should be on her cruise as soon as
  possible, I beg that you will cause a commission to be forwarded
  as soon as practicable to the Collector of the District, that this
  vessel may not be detained.

  I am very respectfully, Sir,
  Your obedient servant,
  JAMES DE WOLF.

The commission of the Yankee was issued July 13, 1812. Her owners
were James De Wolf and John Smith, the latter owning but one-quarter
of the vessel. The Articles of Agreement under which the privateer
sailed were as follows:


ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE OWNERS, OFFICERS AND COMPANY OF
THE PRIVATE ARMED VESSEL OF WAR, YANKEE.

  1st. It is agreed by the parties that the Owners fit the Vessel
  for sea and provide her with great guns, small arms, powder, shot
  and all other warlike stores, also with suitable medicines and
  every other thing necessary for such a vessel and her cruise for
  all of which no deduction is to be made from the shares, for which
  the Owners or their substitutes shall receive or draw One Half the
  nett proceeds of all such Prizes or prize as may be taken, and the
  other half shall be the property of the Vessel’s Company to be
  divided in proportions as mentioned in the 15th article, except the
  cabin-stores and furniture which belong to the Captain.

  2d. That for preserving due decorum on board said vessel, no man
  is to quit or go out of her on board any other vessel, or on shore
  without having first obtained leave of the Commanding officer on
  board, under the penalty of such punishment or fine as shall be
  decreed by the Captain and Officers.

  3d. That the Cruise shall be where the Owners or the major part of
  them shall direct.

  4th. If any person shall be found a RINGLEADER of any Mutiny, or
  causing disturbance, or refuse to obey the Captain, or any Officer,
  behave with Cowardice, or get drunk in time of action, he or they
  shall forfeit his or their shares of any dividend, or be otherwise
  punished at the discretion of the Captain and Officers.

  5th. If any person shall steal or convert to his own use any part of
  a prize or prizes, or be found pilfering any money or other things
  belonging to this Vessel, her Officers, or Company, and be thereof
  convicted by her Officers, he shall be punished and forfeit as
  aforesaid.

  6th. That whoever first spies a prize or sail, that proves worth 100
  dollars a share, shall receive Fifty Dollars from the gross sum; and
  if orders are given for boarding, the first man on the deck of the
  Enemy shall receive Half a share to be deducted from the gross sum
  of prize-money.

  7th. That if any one of the said Company shall in time of action
  lose an eye or a joint, he shall receive Fifty Dollars, and if he
  lose a leg or an arm, he shall receive Three Hundred Dollars to be
  deducted out of the Gross sum of Prize-money.

  8th. That if any of said Company shall strike or assault any male
  prisoner, or rudely treat any female prisoner, he shall be punished
  or fined as the Officers shall decree.

  9th. That if any of the said Company shall die or be killed in the
  voyage, and any prizes be taken before or during the action in which
  he is so killed, his share or shares shall be paid to his legal
  representatives.

  10th. That whoever deserts the said Vessel, within the time
  hereinafter mentioned, shall forfeit his Prize-money to the Owners
  and Company of the said Vessel, his debts to any person on board
  being first paid out of it, provided it does not amount to more than
  one half the same.

  11th. That on the death of the Captain, the command to devolve on
  the next in command and so in rotation.

  12th. That no one of said company shall sell any more than one half
  his share or right of claim thereto of any prize previous to her
  being taken.

  13th. That the Captain and Officers shall appoint an agent of said
  Vessel’s company for and during the term of the said cruise.

  14th. That all and everyone of said Company do agree to serve on
  board of said Vessel for the term of four months, conformable to the
  terms herein mentioned, beginning the said term at the time of her
  departure from the harbour of Bristol.

  15th. That One Half of the Nett proceeds of all prizes taken by the
  said Vessel which is appropriated to the Vessel’s Company shall be
  divided among them in the following manner (viz) To the Captain
  sixteen Shares and all such privileges and freedoms as are allowed
  to the Captains of Private armed Vessels of War from this Port.

  To the First Lieutenant nine Shares. To the 2d and 3d Lieutenants
  and Surgeon eight Shares each. Prize masters and Master’s Mate
  and Captain of Marines six Shares each; Carpenter, Boatswain and
  Gunner four Shares each. Boatswain’s Mates two and one half Shares
  each. The residue to be divided among the Company in equal Shares
  excepting Landsmen or raw hands who draw one and one half Shares
  each, and boys who draw one Share each. Ten Shares to be reserved to
  the order of the Captain to be distributed by him to such as he may
  deem deserving among the Vessel’s Company.

The Yankee was immediately and immensely successful. In this respect
she was unlike the other privateers of the “War of 1812.” It is a
mistake to suppose that the business of privateering was, as a rule,
a successful one. Most of the vessels engaged in it barely paid
their expenses. To very many the cruise resulted only in a loss.
Much depended on the sailing qualities of the ship, and the way
in which she was handled; but much more depended upon sheer luck.
The privateers, as a rule, did an enormous amount of damage to the
shipping of the enemy without reaping any corresponding advantage
themselves. The Yankee, however, not only inflicted enormous damage
upon the enemy but was also enormously profitable to her owners.

Her officers on her first cruise were Oliver Wilson,[43] captain, and
Manly Sweet, James Usher, 2d, and Thomas H. Russell, lieutenants.
She carried a crew of 115 men (they must have been packed like
sardines), and made for the coast of Nova Scotia. One of her first
prizes was the Royal Bounty, a full rigged ship of 659 tons (about
four times the size of the Yankee, but manned by a crew of only 25
men). The Bounty was taken after a running fight in which three
Americans were wounded, while two of the English were killed and
seven wounded. The boldness of Captain Wilson in attacking a vessel
so much larger than his own was remarkable, but the end justified his
conduct. As a rule the privateers avoided engagements with ships of
superior size, remembering that, primarily, their object was not to
fight battles for the glory of the flag, but to capture ships for
their own pecuniary advantage. They could and did fight bravely and
successfully upon occasion, but, ordinarily, deemed it wiser to show
their heels to a superior foe. Nine other prizes were taken on the
first cruise of less than three months, the most valuable of which
was the ship Francis whose cargo netted more than $200,000 to her
captors. That first cruise paid for the brigantine several times
over, and resulted in a dividend of more than $700 a share.

Small wonder then that the Bristol sailors almost fought for a place
on her decks for her second cruise, when she sailed again from the
harbor on the fifteenth of October. The journal of that second cruise
is hereinafter published in full. Captain Wilson’s instructions this
time were to scour the west coast of Africa and to come home in the
track of vessels sailing to Europe from Brazil and the West Indies.
One hundred and fifteen days after the Yankee had sailed out from the
harbor two boys were “shinning up” the masts of two vessels tied up
at a wharf, in the good old Bristol way already described (p. 30). As
the victor in the contest placed his cap upon the cap of the topmast
he saw something which caused him, leaving his cap where it was,
to slide down mast and shroud regardless of damage to trousers and
hands, and to go running up the street crying out at the top of his
voice, “The Yankee is coming up the Bay with a prize on each side of
her.” It was even so. The prizes were the Shannon, a fine brig of 200
tons, and the letter of marque schooner Alder. The dividend for each
share in the second cruise was $338.40.

On May 10, 1813, the brigantine was commissioned for her third
cruise. Elisha Snow was her Captain. The Lieutenants were Thomas
Jones, Samuel Barton and George A. Bruce. British war vessels were
swarming along the coast. Captain Snow learned that a frigate and a
fourteen-gun brig were waiting for him near Block Island. Choosing
his time with care he sailed from Newport on May 20 and steered
joyfully for British waters. His instructions were to “take enough
prizes to make up a handsome cruise, calculating one-half the prizes
to be retaken.” Three months later he was again lying at anchor in
Bristol harbor. Seven prizes were taken on this cruise but most of
them were recaptured. The most important of them was the “snow”
Thames, of 312 tons burden, with 287 bales of cotton on board. Vessel
and cargo were valued at $110,000. The prize money for each share was
$173.54.

The fourth cruise was almost a failure. A new set of officers was on
board. They were Thomas Jones, captain, and Thomas Milton, George
Eddy and Sampson Gullifer, lieutenants. All told there were 109
persons on the ship. Among the crew we still see the names of Jack
Jibsheet and Cuffee Cockroach enumerated as cabin boys. They seem
to have been steadily attached to the vessel. Almost all the names
of the ship’s crew were British. It is very likely, however, that
the two cabin boys, notwithstanding their pure Anglo-Saxon names,
may have been of African lineage. The instructions this time were to
cruise “on the track of homeward bound vessels near the Grand Banks.”
Prizes were to make for Nantucket Shoals and to get into the first
port on the Vineyard Sound, avoiding Boston. But two prizes reached
port, and the dividend for each share was only $17.29.

There was no competition for berths on the fifth cruise. Indeed,
some of the sailors swam ashore before the privateer left the harbor
of Bristol.[44] All the probabilities seemed to point rather to a
prison in England than a profit in America. Elisha Snow was again
in command. His Lieutenants were Samuel Barton, John Smith and
Francis Elliott. Thomas Jones, the captain of the voyage before,
was second captain. The cruise was not finished as planned because
the Yankee was driven into New Bedford by an English man-of-war and
the crew deserted almost to a man. Four prizes only were taken,
three of which were of no value whatever. But the fourth reached
Portland, Maine, in safety. She was a full rigged ship, the San Jose
Indiano,[45] and, with her cargo, sold for more than half a million
dollars. The voyage that had been undertaken with the greatest
hesitation was the most profitable of all. The two gentlemen of
color, Jibsheet and Cockroach, received respectively $738.19 and
$1,121.88 as their dividends. Captain Snow’s “lay” was $15,789.69,
and the owners realized $223,313.10. It was the luckiest cruise made
by any privateer during the war. Naturally resulted a season of
great hilarity in the home port. Imagine the effect upon a little
town of less than 3,000 inhabitants today if a million dollars were
suddenly and unexpectedly poured into the pockets of its people!
Notwithstanding the immense risks there were volunteers enough for
the sixth cruise--which was to be the last one. The sailing orders
for this cruise were issued October 1, 1814.

Captain Snow had apparently decided to let well enough alone, for
William C. Jenckes was the new captain. The second captain was
Benjamin K. Churchill, “a fellow of infinite humor” as we shall
presently see. A. B. Hetherington, Henry Wardwell and Samuel Grafton
were the lieutenants. The times had become most strenuous as may
be judged from this section of the sailing directions: “You must
depend principally upon the goods you take on board to make your
cruise, as the prizes you man will be very uncertain.” In the private
instructions issued to Captain Jenckes special attention was paid to
the definition of “neutral” property. The American privateers had
inflicted so much damage upon English shipping that the merchants
of England had been forced to conceal their property under neutral
flags. The captain of the Yankee was instructed to send in a neutral
if he had destroyed any papers, or if he had fired upon him. “If
any one of a House shipping property resides in England, or in an
English colony, that share of the shipment is a good prize of war.
Notwithstanding he may have been born a neutral, and lived in a
neutral country all his life; if he is now domiciled in the enemy’s
country, it is sufficient to condemn his property.” The cruise lasted
105 days. Five prizes were taken and reported to the owners in a
letter written by Second Captain Churchill. Only one of these brought
money to their captors. This was the brig Courtney, which with its
cargo sold for $70,000. One was the General Wellesley, an East Indian
teak built ship of 600 tons, in which its captors at first thought
they saw a second San Jose Indiano. Her value was estimated at upward
of $200,000. She was ordered to make for the port of Charleston, S.
C., but, with two of her prize crew and 52 of her original crew of
Lascars, was lost on Charleston Bar. Captain Churchill ended his
letter as follows:--“P. S. I have lost one of my legs on this cruise.”

Less than three years was the Yankee upon the seas as a private armed
vessel of war. In those years she captured British property of the
value of more than five million dollars. She sent into the town of
Bristol a million dollars as the profit from her six cruises. No
other privateer sailing from an American port ever established such
a record.

In the year 1812 when to most men the shipping business seemed likely
to continue to be the most prominent in the country Mr. De Wolf
foresaw the immense development of manufacturing industries. In that
year he built in the town of Coventry, R. I., a site chosen because
of its water power, a cotton factory, the Arkwright Mills. These he
continued to own and direct until his death. As has been already
stated he placed some of his vessels in the whale fishery, continuing
in that business only as long as his ships made profitable voyages.
He seemed to judge unerringly concerning business possibilities. All
this time he was cultivating the arable portion of the nearly one
thousand acres of land which he owned in and near Bristol. He built
for himself a stately mansion, on a little hill always spoken of by
Bristol people as “The Mount,” in which his descendants continued to
reside until its destruction by fire a few years ago.

Inevitably he came to take a leading part in political matters. For
almost thirty years he represented his native town in the Rhode
Island Legislature, laying aside the gavel of the Speaker of that
body in 1821 to become a member of the United States Senate. As a
Senator his immense business experience made him the recognized
authority in commercial matters. He was a strong “protectionist”
and was the first in the Senate to propose the “drawback” system
which has since been so largely adopted in the United States and
elsewhere. He was one of the few Senators, perhaps the only one from
New England, who were accustomed to ride to Washington in their own
coaches. Happily this relic of the luxury of a hundred years ago
still remains in the possession of a descendant of Mark Anthony De
Wolf, Colonel Samuel Pomeroy Colt of Bristol. Mr. De Wolf’s life at
Washington was not pleasing to him. The progress of Congressional
legislation was too slow for his active mind, and his constantly
increasing business demanded all of his attention. He therefore
resigned from the United States Senate long before his term expired
and joyfully resumed his old position as a representative of Bristol
in the Legislature of Rhode Island.

James De Wolf died at the residence of one of his daughters in New
York City, December 21, 1837. The tidings of his death crushed the
town in which he was born. No man had ever done so much for Bristol
as he. He had always made its welfare his own, had loyally advocated
every scheme for its advancement, had gladly contributed to every
worthy project put forward by its people. When he died there was no
one to take his place. Never was any Bristolian more sincerely or
more deeply mourned.


2--JOURNAL OF THE YANKEE

JOURNAL OF THE PRIVATE ARMED BRIGANTINE YANKEE, OLIVER WILSON
COMMANDER--COMMENCED ON THE 15TH OCTOBER, 1812.

(Kept by Noah Jones, Captain’s Clerk).


Thursday, 15th October, 1812.

At 4 p. m. Capt. Wilson, accompanied by his Lieutenants, Master,
Surgeon and Clerk, came on board. All hands were piped to muster, and
on inspection the Commander found his crew consisted of ninety-five
as prime fellows as ever went to sea.

N. B. The _Yankee_ is completely equipped with arms, ammunition,
provisions and other necessary articles for a six months cruise. She
mounts 14 guns at present--8 twelve pound carronades, 4 long sixes,
and two long fours--has one long double-fortified twelve pounder (a
beautiful piece) in her hold, to be hereafter mounted,--with 60 stand
of arms and a large quantity of pistols, cutlashes and boarding pikes.


Friday, 16th October 1812

The Commander quartered the officers and seamen at their several
stations in time of action, regulated the Messes, fixed the allowance
of provisions, water, etc., ordered a regular Bill of Fare, and
pointed out to every officer and man his duty on board the _Yankee_.
At 9 a. m. Lieutenant Hardiman of the Army came on board to enquire
for a deserter. Capt. Wilson immediately ordered the Boatswain’s
Mate to pipe all hands on deck and requested Lieutenant Hardiman to
examine them man by man, to discover his deserter. He did so without
success.

At 2 p. m. the wind coming suddenly round to the N. W. Captain Wilson
gave orders to loose the foretopsail, send up the foretop-gallant
yard, fire a gun, and set the signals for sailing. At 4 the wind
shifted to the N. E.--dark and cloudy with appearance of bad weather.
At 5 clewed up the foretopsail and got the barge in upon deck.


Saturday, 17th October 1812

At daylight sailing orders were issued by the Commander. Loosed
square foresail, foretopsail and mainsail, fired gun, and set our
colours. At 6 a. m. unmoored and got underway; when abeam of the
Private Armed Schooner _Tom_ of Baltimore, Thomas Wilson Commander,
the officers and company of the _Yankee_ gave them three cheers which
was immediately returned. Fired a salute of three guns as we passed
Fort Walcott. Wind N. N. W. fair weather and extremely pleasant. At 7
passed R. I. Light. At ½ past 7 gibed ship to the S. S. E.--set all
drawing sails--considerable swell. At ½ past 9 a. m. Block Island
bore west, distant 5 leagues;--from which we take our departure on
our cruise. At meridian discovered a sail at a great distance--could
not distinguish what she was. Lat. 40°56′.


1st Day--Sunday 18th October 1812

First part light winds and hazy weather. 2 p. m. discovered a
schooner ahead standing to the westward. At 3 saw a large ship,
also standing to the westward. At 4 p. m. piped all hands to
quarters and exercised the seamen and marines at the great guns and
small arms. The Commander found them well disciplined and fit for
immediate service. 5 a. m. discovered a sail 2 points on the lee
bow. Took in the studding sails on the stabbord side and hauled up
to the eastward. 6.30 a. m. saw another sail right ahead; took in
larboard studding sails and royal, and brought her close upon the
wind--heading N. E. At 9 a. m. having lost sight of the sail kept
away to the S. E. and set studding sails. Latter part gentle breezes
and hazy weather. At meridian no sail in sight. Course S. E. b S.
Lat. Obs. 39°51′.

  (For several days the Journal chronicles mainly the condition of the
  weather and the necessary changes in the sails. The fact was quickly
  established that the vessel was “perfectly staunch and strong
  and a most excellent sea boat.” The brigantine was always a most
  remarkable sailor. She answered the helm readily and scudded over
  the waves while other vessels were still courting the capricious
  winds. After the war, when she was simply a merchant vessel plying
  between Bristol and the Island of Cuba, she made some runs between
  the Moro and Block Island light in shorter time than that scheduled
  for the regular trips of the steamship lines. With a man o’ war’s
  crew to handle her, her speed must have been marvellous. Only the
  more important portions of the Journal will henceforth be printed.
  The total number of persons on board when the “Muster Roll” was
  called on the second day was one hundred.--_Ed._)


2d Day--Monday October 19th

The log ends with the following paragraph. “The Surgeon has been much
indisposed with seasickness since he left Newport. He finds the best
remedy to be sleep. There is only one person (John Briggs) with a
sore thumb on the Surgeon’s list.”

  (Apparently an epidemic of sore thumbs had been feared.--_Ed._)


3d Day--Tuesday October 20th

.... 7 p. m. Shipped a heavy sea abaft the beam which stove in all
three of the Arm Chests, and capsized the musquets, bayonets,
cutlashes, pistols, armourer’s tools etc. into the lee scuppers. The
Carpenter repaired the damage as soon as possible and replaced the
arms.... No sail in sight.... The Surgeon still indisposed. John
Briggs and the Cook on the Doctor’s list. Lat. Obs. 36°15′.


4th Day--Wednesday October 21st

.... The officers of Marines, Armourer and his mates busy in cleaning
arms from the rust contracted during the bad weather, oiling them,
and stowing them in the arm-chests in good order. John Briggs, Cyrus
Simmons and Ned Ingraham on the Doctor’s list.


5th Day--Thursday October 22d

.... At 4 p. m. all hands piped to quarters. The Commander again
pointed out to every man his station; appointed Lieutenants Barton
and Jones to lead the 1st and 2d Divisions of Boarders, and
distributed the swords, cutlashes and pistols among the seamen. The
officers then exercised the seamen and marines at the great guns and
small arms, going through the usual manouvres during an engagement.
After which all hands were summoned aft and the Commander read over
certain Instructions regulating, under severe penalties, the conduct
of the officers and crew, upon all occasions, particularly in time
of action, or when on board an enemy’s vessel.... The Surgeon still
indisposed and ate no dinner. Briggs, Simmons, Ingraham and Angell on
the Doctor’s list with trifling complaints. Lat. Obs. 35°24′.

  (From this time forward Lieut. Barton is very much in the
  foreground. He was a near relative of Col. Barton of “The Rhode
  Island Line,” who in the Revolutionary War had distinguished himself
  by his daring capture of the British General Prescott within the
  Enemy’s lines. It goes without saying, therefore, that he was quite
  devoid of fear. In after life he still followed the sea even though
  he had become extremely corpulent and had acquired an abdominal
  development which compelled universal attention if not admiration.
  Once he was chased by a French Privateer. A shot which happened to
  strike the ship’s cat scattered her entrails all over the deck. The
  cabin boy cast a startled glance at the dead cat, then looked at his
  Captain and was immediately doubled up with laughter. “Well,” said
  the Captain, “what are you laughing about now?” “Nothing,” said the
  boy, “only I was thinking what an awful mess there would be if one
  of those balls should strike you in the belly.”--_Ed._)


6th Day Friday October 23d

.... At 6 a. m. the man at the mast head called out a sail bearing
N. b E. distant about two leagues. 6.30 a. m. piped all hands to
quarters, loosed the guns, and cleared for action. 7.20 a. m. fired
a gun without shot, upon which the sail hove to.... At 8 a. m. ran
under the lee of a large copper-bottomed American ship and sent the
barge on board. Found her to be the _Ariadne_ of Boston, Captain
Bartlett Holmes, from Alexandria bound to Cadiz with a full cargo
of flour, 17 days out. Capt. Holmes informed us that on the 11th
inst. he was boarded by an officer from the United States, Commodore
Decatur. (The _President_, _Congress_ and _Argus_ were in company
standing to the eastward.) The _Ariadne’s_ crew having mutinied Capt.
Holmes requested Com. Decatur to take four of the ringleaders on
board the frigate, which he did accordingly. Capt. H. mentioned that
his ship had sprung a leak, and being short handed, with a disorderly
mutinous crew, he was bound home again in distress. The Commander put
a letter on board, directed to the owners, informing them of the good
health and spirits of the crew, and our situation in Lat. 25° N. and
Long. 56° W....


7th Day Saturday 24th Oct.

.... Lat. 36°9′ ...


8th Day Sunday 25th Oct.

.... Briggs, Simmons, Lewis and Angell on the Surgeon’s list with
light complaints. Lat. Obs. 35°15′. Long. pr, lunar Obs. at 12
Meridian 53°3′.


9th Day Monday 26th Oct.

Fair weather with strong gales from the westward. Scudding before
the wind under square-foresail, fore topsail and foretopmast
staysail. At 5 p. m. discovered from the deck (owing to the
negligence of the man at the foretop) two large sail in our
wake, distant about three leagues, standing after us with their
topgallant sails up. Immediately hauled up to the S. E. and set
square-foresail, single-reefed mainsail and fore and aft foresail.
The sails astern frequently luffed up and yawned off and when we
saw them last stood to the N. E.... Frequent squalls with rain and
a tremendous sea. Course S. E. b E. under three-reefed mainsail
close-reefed square-foresail, and double-reefed foretopsail, with the
foretopmast-staysail. Same persons on the Surgeon’s list. Shipped
a great deal of water upon deck, the comins of the sea frequently
coming on board and penetrating every part of the vessel. Lat. 34°40′.


10th Day Tuesday 27th Oct.

.... No sail in sight and nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 33°26′. N.
B. It is something singular that since we left port we have had only
one pleasant day. There has been a continual succession of gales of
wind from all parts of the compass, attended with torrents of rain,
squalls, whirlwinds, thunder and lightning, and a tremendous sea
frequently breaking on board and occasioning considerable damage;
carrying away several spars and staving the arm-chests. Indeed it may
be said that our vessel has sailed thus far under but not over the
Atlantic Ocean.


11th Day Wednesday 28th Oct.

.... Middle and latter part of the day stiff gales with a high sea.
Shipped a great deal of water upon deck. Lat. Obs. 32°5′.


12th Day Thursday 29th Oct.

During these 24 hours strong gales with frequent squalls of wind and
rain, and a very high sea frequently breaking on board. Lat. Obs.
30°27′. Lunar Obs. at 23 M. past Meridian 41°55′41″. Cyrus Simmons,
John Briggs, Amos A. Allen, James Angell, Ebenezer Byrum and William
Redding on the Surgeon’s list.


13th Day Friday 30th Oct.

(A delightful change.) At meridian the weather began to moderate.
1 p. m. fair weather with a clear horizon and the sea going down.
Let all the reefs out of the mainsail and square-foresail, sent up
maintopmast, rigged out the jib-boom and set the jib. At 9 p. m. took
a single reef in the fore-topsail and mainsail. During the night
fresh breezes and clear weather. Lat. Obs. 28°43′. Long. per Lunar
Obs. at 18 m. past 10--40°11′.


14th Day Saturday 31st Oct.

Lat. 29° N. & Long. 40°20′ W. At 6 a. m. discovered a sail from the
masthead at a great distance bearing W. S. W. Light breezes from the
north inclining to a calm. Piped all hands upon deck, set all drawing
sails, in chase and got out the sweeps. 9 a. m. found we came up
rapidly with the chase which appeared to be a brig standing to the S.
W. At meridian spoke the Portuguese Brig _Henriette_, Capt. Jenkins,
from Madeira, 18 days out, in ballast, bound to Philadelphia. Capt.
Jenkins informed us that on the 21st he spoke an American ship and
brig bound home; on the 22d he was boarded by an officer from a
British Frigate. Captain Jenkins left at Madeira several American
vessels bound home with full cargoes; also two English ships loading
with wine for the West Indies. Shortly before Capt. Jenkins left
Madeira an English brig loaded with wine sailed for the West Indies,
likewise three English East Indiamen with full cargoes, under the
convoy of a British Frigate as far as Palmas. There were no King’s
vessels at Madeira. An American Privateer, owned at New Orleans, was
cruising off Madeira and had taken several prizes!! Capt. Jenkins
being short of bread our Commander supplied him with this necessary
article, and received in return some vinegar, fish and fruit.
Permitted the _Henriette_ to proceed.... Lat. Obs. 27°40′. (Wrote a
letter to the Owners by the _Henriette_, Capt. Jenkins, informing
them of our situation and of the good health of our Officers and
Company.)


15th Day Sunday 1st Nov.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 27°14′ N. Long. 38°28′ W.


16th Day Monday 2d Nov.

At 4 p. m. piped all hands to quarters and the Officers examined them
man by man, to discover whether they were neat and clean in their
persons and dress--according to the Commander’s instructions--to
prevent fevers and the scurvy during a long cruise. The crew
were then summoned aft, and the Captain’s Clerk read the General
Instructions to the Officers and Company, regulating their conduct
upon all occasions during the cruise. From 8 a. m. till 4 p. m. the
Watches employed about ship’s duty; the Carpenter and his Mates busy
about making new arm-chests; sail-makers in repairing ring-tale;
Officers of Marines and Armorer in cleaning arms, and numbering
muskets and cartridge boxes, and seamen and marines in mending
rigging, drying sails, and other necessary duty.... The Surgeon is
quite indisposed with the headache, loss of appetite and low spirits.
Lat. Obs. 20°16′.


17th Day Tuesday 3d Nov.

.... The watch only employed on ship’s duty. Samuel Boynton and Ned
Ingraham on the Surgeon’s list. Lat. Obs. 25°3′.


18th Day Wednesday 4th Nov.

.... Several tropic birds in sight.... The Prize-Master,
Quartermaster’s Mates, inferior officers and nearly all hands busy
in repairing the nettings, bulwarks and side-cloths.... Lat. Obs.
23°44′ (The Commander issued particular written instructions to his
Officers, prescribing their respective duties upon all occasions
during the cruise. These instructions were drawn according to the
customs and usages of the British and American navies.)


19th Day Thursday 5th Nov.

At sunrise discovered a sail bearing 2 points on the larboard bow.
Jibed ship to the E. N. E. and set all drawing sails in chase. At
8 a. m. found the strange vessel to be a brig with her starboard
tacks on board, standing to the westward. 9 a. m. fired a gun to
windward, upon which the sail luffed up and showed Spanish colours,
and then bore down to us. Took in all the light sails and then hove
to. At 10 a. m. the sail came under our lee and we sent our barge on
board. Found her to be the Spanish _San Jose_, _alias_ _El Pajaro_,
Captain Miguel Burgas, from Cadiz, 20 days out, with a full cargo of
red wines, aguadiente, fruit, sweet oil, soaps, olives, stationary,
(_sic_) musical instruments and ladies’ veils. When two days out
Capt. Burgas saw a Spanish schooner standing for the Canaries. The
_San Jose_ left at Cadiz several American vessels bound to sea under
Spanish colours; also several English men of war, and transports.
Capt. Burgas informed us that on the 25th of August the French army
raised the siege of Cadiz, and retreated with great expedition,
having previously destroyed their artillery. It was reported at
Cadiz that there had been several skirmishes between the French and
Russian armies but no decisive battle. Having examined the papers
of the _San Jose_, and found the vessel and cargo to be _bona fide_
Spanish property, permitted her to proceed on her voyage.... Lat.
Obs. 22°49′. Long. D. R. 20°57′ San Jose Long. 25 d. Cadiz. Surgeon’s
list. James Angell, Cyrus Simmons, John Briggs, Samuel Boynton,
Joseph Lewis and John Koster.


20th Day Friday 6th Nov.

At 1 p. m. being in Lat. 22°49′, the Crew of the _Yankee_ preparing
to celebrate Old Neptune’s ceremonies on passing the Tropics.
Accordingly the old Sea God, attended by his Lady, barbers and
constables, dressed in the most fantastic manner, with painted
faces, and swabs upon their heads, hailed our brig, came on board,
were received with a salute and three cheers, demanded of Captain
Wilson whether he had any of his sons on board, and welcomed the
_Yankee_ into his dominions. On being answered in the affirmative
he asked permission to initiate the marines and raw hands into the
usual mysteries on such occasions. He then examined the Surgeon and
being convinced that he came to sea to take care of his children
when they were sick, he excused him from being shaved with an iron
hoop, and from passing through the other disagreeable parts of the
ceremony. After which Neptune and his companions went forward and
regularly initiated about one fourth of our crew into all the curious
forms requisite to make them true sons of the ocean. The several
candidates for a seaman’s character were properly painted, slushed,
shaved, ducked, questioned and sworn. Their singular questions and
answers excited infinite laughter and merriment. After the ceremony
concluded, the Commander, Officers and whole crew joined in a Ducking
match, which aided in great good humour and pleasantry. The remainder
of the day and evening were devoted to fencing, boxing, wrestling,
singing, drinking, laughing, and every species of mirth and fun. Lat.
Obs. 21°58′.


21st Day Saturday 7th Nov.

.... Nothing remarkable.... Same persons on Surgeon’s list. Lat. Obs.
21°34′.


22d Day Sunday 8th Nov.

.... Cleaned out the cabin and got all the baggage and trunks on
deck. Examined the Officers and crew, man by man, and found them neat
and clean. At 10 a. m. the Commander and Officers attended prayers in
the cabin. The Marines employed in singing psalms and the sailors in
washing and mending their clothes. Lat. Obs. 21°16′. Lunar Obs. at
5-20 was 31°17′. Same persons on the Surgeon’s list.


23d Day Monday 9th Nov.

.... James Angell, Cyrus Simmons, John Briggs, Samuel Boynton,
Joseph Lewis, John Koster and James Crawford on the Surgeon’s list
with various complaints--none dangerous. Lat. 20°4′. A singular
circumstance occurred to day. On opening a dolphin which one of the
Prize-Masters caught we found a pistol ball in him which had been
discharged about an hour before.


24th Day Tuesday 10th Nov.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 20°19′.


25th Day Wednesday 11th Nov.

.... At 10 a. m. all hands were exercised in firing with the musket
at a target. Found most of the crew to be excellent marksmen....
Observed the water to be considerably colored. Sounded with 100
fathoms. No bottom. Lat. Obs. 19°11′. Same persons on Surgeon’s list;
none incapable of duty.


26th Day Thursday 12th Nov.

.... At 4 p. m. the Marines trained to the Manual Exercise; also
to several new manouvres _a la mode de Francais_. The Boarders
amuse themselves with fencing and the rest of the crew act as
spectators.... Lat. Obs. 18°19′. Long. per Lunar Obs. at 2 p. m.
28°53′30″. Crawford and Koster struck off the Surgeon’s list. The
rest recovering fast.


27th Day Friday 13th Nov.

.... At 4 p. m. the Commander exercised the Officers,--and the
Captain of Marines his men and the Boarders,--to the use of the
musket according to the French system of loading and firing without
using the ramrod.... At ½ past 11 a. m. Captain Wilson called out
“Land ho! right ahead!!” ... At meridian found the land to be, by an
observation of the sun, the Island of St. Anthony, one of the Cape
de Verds, situated in Lat. N. 17°20′ and 24°59′ W. Long. Lat. Obs.
17°15′. The island bore when first we made it S. E. b E.--distant
about 5 miles. Cyrus Simmons, James Angell, James Thomas, Watson
Morris, Aaron Mason, Samuel Boynton and Ned Ingraham on the Surgeon’s
list; none incapable of duty. On examination the Commander finds
Master Snow’s lunar observations to be very correct, and that the
dead reckoning could not be depended on. THUS in 27 days we have run
a distance of 3,500 miles, notwithstanding occasional head winds and
a great deal of light calm weather. Nothing very remarkable occurred
during our passage.


28th Day Saturday 14th Nov.

(Variable winds and frequent changing of sails. Strong gales and
heavy squalls). No land in sight. Lat. Obs. 16°20′.


29th Day Sunday 15th Nov.

(Sighted several of the Cape Verde Islands) Hazy weather and frequent
squalls. Made and took in sail occasionally. Lat Obs. 16°21′.


30th Day Monday 15th [sic] Nov.

Fresh breezes and cloudy weather. At 4 p. m. came to in a wide bay at
the south end of the Island of St. Nicholas; out with the barge and
the Commander, Surgeon and Captain of Marines went on shore unarmed.
Found the Island to be mountainous, barren and uncultivated. Saw only
a few small huts near the shore inhabited by blacks who led us to a
well of water, brackish and sulphurous. They told us we could fill
only three barrels a day, and that there was no anchorage except
within cable length of this iron bound coast. We saw the wreck of
a large armed ship which was cast away there a short time before.
They informed us there was a town or village two leagues distant,
situated in a fine valley producing corn, grapes, fruits, etc., where
the Governor resided, but that wood and provisions were very dear.
Capt. Wilson therefore concluded it would not be advisable to anchor
there, purchased a few pigs, returned on board, and set sail with a
fair wind for the Island of St. Jago.... At meridian having run down
the west side of the Isle of May, and looked into the port where
there were only two small Portuguese boats, we wore ship and stood
over for St. Jago. The Isle of May appears more fertile than any of
the Cape de Verdes we have seen yet. Habitations are scattered over
every part of the Island and salt works appear along the beach. There
is a small town composed of 15 or 20 houses at the south end of the
Island but no fortifications that we could discover. Isle of May Lat.
S. W. pt. 15°4′ N. Long. 22°46′ W. Joseph Antony, Henry Mitchell, and
George Schoonerson added to the Surgeon’s list.


31st Day Tuesday 17th Nov.

The Officers and Company feasted most sumptuously on the pigs they
bought at St. Nicholas. At 1 p. m. came to anchor in the harbour of
Port Praya, Island of St. Jago. We ran from the Isle of May to that
place in 1¾ hours, a distance of 30 miles, having a fine breeze from
the N. N. E. and all sails set. At 2 p. m. the Commander, attended
by his Surgeon and Clerk, went on shore. He reported himself to the
Governor-General and Intendant as the Armed American Brig _Yankee_,
and requested permission to obtain a supply of water, wood and
fresh provisions. This permission was immediately granted, and the
Governor expressed much satisfaction, and some degree of surprise,
at seeing an American armed vessel in this distant part of the
world. He inquired very particularly concerning the events of the war
between America and England, and regretted that this circumstance
had deprived these islands of the American commerce. He said they
were in great want of flour, bread, rice, etc., and offered a supply
of every article our vessel wanted in return for those articles. He
informed us no English vessel had touched at this island for some
weeks past, but that there was an old British brig on the south
side of St. Anthony loading with salt for the Brazils. The Governor
further mentioned that the Private Armed American Ship called the
_Alfred_, Captain Williams, touched at this island a short time since
and obtained a supply of water and provisions. The _Alfred_ had taken
and manned two valuable prizes, and was then bound on a long cruise.
On taking leave the General told Capt. Wilson that he should expect
the customary salute which would be returned. 6 p. m. the barge
returned on board. At 8 a. m. we fired a regular United States salute
of 17 guns which was immediately returned by an equal number from the
town. Part of the Officers and men employed in filling water and the
remainder about ship’s duty.


32d Day Wednesday 18th Nov.

4 p. m. got all our water on board. 8 a. m. the Intendant-General,
Dr. Madina, came on board with the Governor-General’s compliments on
our arrival. He remained and took breakfast with us, and appeared
pleased with the appearance of the _Yankee_. 9 a. m. Capt. Wilson
went on shore with part of the crew and such articles as he had
agreed to exchange for fresh provisions. On examining the Intendant’s
book of entries find that two English brigs from London, bound to
the Cape of Good Hope, touched here for water on the 29th ult. and
also the Sloop of War _Morjiana_, Capt. Georges, with despatches for
the same place. The Officers and Company have caught a great quantity
of fish of different kinds since we came to anchor.... William
Redding and Preserved Atwood added to the Surgeon’s list.


33d Day Thursday 19th Nov.

First part of these 24 hours got all our wood and fresh stock on
board. The Commander and several of his Officers dined with the
Intendant. At ½ past 9 p. m. they returned on board. Immediately got
under way with a fresh breeze.... N. B. The harbour of Port Praya
is spacious, secure and of easy entrance, with good anchorage in 10
fathoms water. The town, also called Praya, is situated on the top
of a mountain, or rock, and encloses an extensive plain, the houses
forming nearly a circle. There is a small stone church and four
other decent buildings. Both the port and town are well fortified,
mounting at least 70 pieces of cannon. The garrison however is most
miserable, being composed entirely of blacks without discipline,
arms, or even decent clothing. It is a singular fact that most of
their musquets are without locks. We have not the least hesitation
in saying that with thirty men we might have surprised and taken
the town. The officers of the _Yankee_ feel much gratified with the
politeness and attentions they received from the Governor General Don
Antonine Cortine Del Ancastra, and from the Intendant De Madina. They
have obtained a sufficient supply of wood and water for at least two
months, and as much live stock and fruits as they wished to take on
board. These articles were purchased at a small expense. Port Praya
Lat. 14°52′ N. Long. 23°30′ W. Same persons on the Surgeon’s list.


34th Day Friday 20th Nov.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 14°37′.


35th Day Saturday 21st Nov.

.... No sail or land in sight. Lat. Obs. 14°22′.


36th Day Sunday 22d Nov.

(Cape Verds again in sight). Lat. Obs. 14°26′. Surgeon’s list--James
Thomas, Lemuel Baker, George Gunnerson, John Briggs, Lyman Peck, Asa
Switchell, William Redding, Ned Ingraham, Joseph Lewis, James Angell
and Gibsheet. None disabled from duty but Redding.


37th Day Monday 23d Nov.

½ past meridian the Island of Goree hove in sight distant about 2
leagues to windward. 1 p. m. saw a schooner under full sail standing
out of Goree harbour towards us. Piped all hands to quarters. 2 p. m.
the schooner tacked to windward; immediately tacked ship and set all
sail in chase. At 3 passed within 5 miles of Goree.[46] Discovered
a large English Brig and several small craft at anchor under the
fort.... Finding we came up rapidly with the chase, and believing
her to be an armed vessel, again piped all hands to quarters and
cleared for action. 9 p. m. hoisted a light on our fore rigging, and
discharged several muskets as a signal for the chase to heave to; not
obeying these signals fired a shot under her stern; still continuing
her course fired one of the bow guns, well loaded, directly into
her; upon which she immediately bore away, and ran down close
under our lee. As she passed us Capt. Wilson hailed her with the
usual questions, and by the answers found her to be “His Britannic
Majesty’s Schooner _St. Jago_, from Goree bound to Senegal.” After
which the British Commander hailed us and was told we were “The Armed
American Brig _Yankee_”; after which he demanded “How we dared to
fire into His Majesty’s schooner and ordered us to send our boat on
board.” Captain Wilson replied “I will not, strike your colours or
I will sink you.” Instantly His Britannic Majesty’s Schooner wore
upon her keel, and luffed up close on the wind, to prepare (as we
supposed) for action. Not thinking it advisable to engage a King’s
vessel, without knowing her force, at close quarters during a dark
night, we resolved to wait until daylight, and therefore stood
after her under easy sail. At 11 p. m. the _St. Jago_ fired a shot
which passed over us; we returned the compliment by giving him Long
Tom--doubly charged with round and langrage. We thus returned shot
for shot until 1 p. m., when the Commander and Officers thinking it
inadvisable to engage a government vessel, where we should only get
hard blows, and probably lose some spars and men, ordered the Master
to make sail and stand to the W. S. W. to deceive the Enemy as to our
cruising station. At 2 p. m. lost sight of him astern. The Officers
and men remained at quarters upwards of 5 hours and displayed great
resolution and courage.... Lat. Obs. 14°2′.


38th Day Tuesday 24th Nov.

.... Land in sight.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 11°40′.


39th Day Wednesday 25th Nov.

.... At 4 p. m. Edward James, one of the seamen, received 12 lashes,
in the main rigging, in presence of the whole crew, as a punishment
for stealing a shirt from one of the Marines.[47] John Koster struck
off the Surgeon’s list--the other invalids recovering fast--none
incapable of duty. Lat. Obs. 8°53′.


40th Day Thursday 26th Nov.

.... Nothing remarkable.... No Obs.


41st Day Friday 27th Nov.

.... At 6 a. m. Jonathan Whitmarsh saw a sail bearing N. b E. distant
about 3 leagues. Set all sail in chase.... 7 a. m. discovered the
sail to be a sloop.... 9 a. m. piped all hands to Quarters. 10 a. m.
cleared for action and fired a gun without shot, upon which the sail
bore down for us. 10.30 she came under our lee with English colours
flying at her main peak. Captain Wilson hailed her and ordered her
to strike her colours instantly, which she did accordingly. Sent
the barge on board. Found her to be the Sloop _Mary Ann_ of London,
Stewart Sutherland, Master, 70 & 21/95 tons burden, copper-bottomed,
armed with 4 carriage guns and navigated by 9 persons, trading upon
the coast, with a cargo of sundries. She was last from Dick’s Cove,
bound to Sierra Leone. Upon examining the _Mary Ann_ and cargo it
was not advisable to send her as a prize to America, but to take
out of her the most valuable part of her cargo and then set her on
fire. Accordingly we received on board the _Yankee_ a quantity of
gold dust (value unknown), some ivory, trade muskets, a few Calcutta
goods, and sundry small articles of no great value. We then set fire
to the _Mary Ann_ and made sail on our course. The probable value
of the _Mary Ann_ and her cargo might be $12,000. Lat. Obs. 7°29′
N. Surgeon’s list James Angell, George Gunnerson, Asa Switchell,
Joseph Butman, Anson A. Allen, John Briggs, & Samuel Boynton. Slight
complaints, none disabled from duty. The weather becomes remarkably
hot, with almost continual calms, light winds, thunder, lightning and
rain.


42d Day Saturday 28th Nov.

.... All hands employed in stowing away the ivory.... Lat. Obs. 7°33′.


43d Day Sunday 29th Nov.

.... Nothing remarkable.... Invalids recovering fast.... Lat. Obs.
7°13′.


44th Day Monday 30th Nov.

.... Nothing remarkable.... (Sail sighted but lost) Lat. Obs. 6°47′.
The weather becomes insufferably hot. Almost continual calms, with a
vertical sun.


45th Day out--1st Dec. 1812

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 6°45′.


46th Day Wednesday 2d Dec.

.... At 7 a. m. Abner Midget saw a sail right ahead distant about
5 leagues. Got out all the sweeps. 8 a. m. observed several water
spouts under the lee--squally with flying clouds and rain. At 11 made
out the chase to be a schooner standing to the eastward. At meridian
still in chase of the schooner distant about 2 leagues. Lat. Obs.
6°55′.


47th Day Thursday 3d Dec.

At meridian continued in chase of the sail ahead. ½ past 12 got out
the boats to assist the sweeps by towing. Found we came up rapidly
with the chase. 2 p. m. fired a gun; hoisted English colours; not
answered. ½ past 2 p. m. gave her a gun, upon which the chase showed
English colours. 3 p. m. being distant about 1½ miles hoisted
American colours and commenced firing Long Tom, towing the Brig all
the time with the boats. 4 p. m. got the boats astern, piped all
hands to Quarters and cleared for action. Light airs and a smooth
sea. Being now within good gun shot commenced a brisk cannonade on
the starboard side. The chase returned the fire with 4 guns, the shot
frequently falling near and one shot wounding the jib. At 20 minutes
past 4 p. m. the Enemy fired a stern-chaser, double-charged, and
instantly blew up, occasioning a tremendous explosion. Observed the
Enemy to be on fire and several men swimming alongside. Immediately
ceased firing (although her colours were still flying) and sent out
boats with Lieut. Barton and Master Snow on board to save the lives
of the Enemy, and extinguish the fire. They took up the swimmers
and then rowed alongside. The scene that now presented itself to
their view was shocking beyond description. The vessel was still
in flames, the quarter-deck was blown off, the Captain was found
near the mainmast--naked, mangled and burnt in the most shocking
manner, one of the seamen lay near bruised and burnt almost as bad, a
black man was found dead on the cabin floor, and five others around
him apparently dying. All these wounded men were sent on board
the _Yankee_ and there received every possible attention from the
Captain, Surgeon and Officers. Dr. Miller dressed their wounds and
gave them the proper medicines but found the Captain and several of
the blacks in a most dangerous condition. The Captain had received
two deep wounds in the head which penetrated to the skull (probably
from our langrage shot), his arms and legs were much bruised, his
skin nearly all burnt off and his whole system greatly injured by the
concussion. A small black boy had a most singular yet distressing
appearance. This boy was literally blown out of his skin and for some
time after he came on board we thought he was white. The sufferings
of these poor fellows seemed very painful and excruciating. Lieut.
Barton extinguished the fire, sent all the prisoners on board
together with a boatload of sundry articles taken out of the cabin
which had not been consumed. Finding the prize no ways injured except
in her quarter deck the Commander ordered Lieut. Barton with a chosen
crew to remain on board and to keep company with us during the night.
On examination of the Schooner’s papers and log-book we found her to
be the _Letter of Marque_ Schooner called _The Alder_ of Liverpool,
(owned by Charles B. Whitehead) formerly called _La Clarisse_ and
taken from the French, commanded by Edward Crowley, 77 tons burthen,
mounting 4 carriage guns, and navigated by 10 men, besides 11 African
crewmen. She left Sierra Leone 9 days ago bound to the Leeward on
a trading voyage, with an assorted cargo of Bafts,[48] gunpowder,
muskets, bar-lead & iron, beads, flints and sundries. The _Adler_
appears to be about 4 years old, is copper-bottomed, measures 67
feet in length, but her sails are very poor and she does not sail
well. The probable value of this prize in America might be $5000; but
her nett value could not exceed $3000. At 8 p. m. one of the black
seamen died and was thrown overboard. 25 minutes past 2 a. m. Captain
Crowley notwithstanding every medical assistance departed this life
in the greatest agony. For some hours previous to his dissolution
he appeared to suffer excruciating torments and when informed of his
approaching end did not seem sensible of his situation. His body was
committed to the waves with as much decency as was practicable. At 9
a. m. the boy before mentioned also died and had a watery grave. The
white seamen and three other blacks are just wavering between life
and death and we fear can not recover.

The Boatswain related to us the accident which led to the horrid
catastrophy. He said the Captain stood at the helm steering the
vessel and giving his orders; that himself and several of the seamen
were stationed at the gun aft; that the instant it was discharged
the gun capsized with great violence, broke one of the quarter deck
planks, threw the wadd--all on fire--directly into the magazine
which was situated abaft the cabin, and the vessel instantly blew
up. (Himself and another seaman leaped into the sea when they saw
the gun dismounted and thus saved themselves.) It is supposed the
Captain was thrown from the helm into the air and then fell into
the main rigging. The blacks who were so dreadfully mangled were in
the magazine filling cartridges. Sent the carpenter with materials
to repair the prize. At 4 a. m. came on one of the most tremendous
tornadoes ever witnessed. It blew, rained, thundered and lightened in
a truly terrific manner. Took in all sail and kept the vessel before
it. The lightning was unusually vivid and struck several times close
on board. Having no conductor every mind was filled with apprehension
and alarm. Latter part very light airs inclining to calm. The
prisoners inform us there are several vessels of war at Sierra Leone,
to wit, a new frigate, 2 sloops of war, a gun-brig, and several
smaller vessels, all bound out on a cruise. They also tell us of two
fine brigs which lately sailed from that place and are trading to the
leeward--one of them owned by the late Captain of the _Alder_. The
_Alder_ has several shot in her sails, rigging, boat, etc. but none
in her hull.[49] Our invalids recovering fast. They all appeared at
quarters except Goff who had a large swelling on his right arm. Lat.
Obs. 5°53′.


48th Day Friday 4th Dec.

During the greater part of these 24 hours calm with occasional light
airs. At 4 and 6 p. m. the two other black seamen who were blown
up on board the schooner died and were thrown overboard, making
altogether six persons who have perished by this most unfortunate
accident. The white seaman is still in a most dangerous state, but
the Surgeon gives us hopes of his recovery.

We were much surprised on examination of the _Alder’s_ colours to
discover a _Pirate’s_ flag and pendant. This circumstance lessens our
compassion for the deceased Captain Crowley as it indicates a hostile
disposition toward all mankind.... On a consultation of officers
it was deemed advisable to man our prize, put on board of her the
muskets, bafts, iron, etc. we took out of the Sloop _Mary Ann_, send
her to Loango to dispose of her cargo for gold dust, ivory, dyewoods,
or other valuable articles, and then proceed to America. Accordingly
the Commander commissioned Daniel Salisbury as Prize-master,
together with Edward Jones as Mate and four seamen to navigate said
prize on her intended voyage. Made out a prize commission, letter
of instructions, invoices, etc. and gave the Prize-master all the
schooner’s papers. We sent on board of her every article we had
taken out of the sloop or schooner, together with provisions and
various other necessary articles. All hands employed in despatching
the prize. Lat. Obs. 7°.


49th Day Saturday 5th Dec.

.... The wounded foreigner recovers fast and is considered out of
danger. All invalids recovered. Lat. Obs. 6°53′.


50th Day Sunday 6th Dec.

At ½ past 4 p. m. saw the land.... Being Saturday night the crew
drank a health to all sweethearts and wives and amused themselves
with various diversions. The marines chanted psalms and hymns, the
sailors sang “Old Tom Tough,” and “Old Tom Bowling,” and the officers
listened with pleasure to the merriment of the crew.[50] Sounded
frequently during the night in 40, 30, 21 & 15 fathoms of water.
At daylight saw Cape Mount.... Two canoes came from the shore with
blacks. They informed us there were no vessels of any description at
the Cape, upon which we up helm, squared the yards and bore away to
the leeward.... Lat. Obs. 6°38′ N.


51st Day Monday 7th Dec.

At 4 p. m. two canoes came along side from Cape Little Mount and
informed us of a schooner loading with rice at Trade-town, and also
of a large brig that sailed from Monserrada this morning bound
to leeward. During the night, not wishing to pass by Monserrada,
stood off and on under easy sail until daylight when we saw Cape
Monserra distant about 7 leagues. 10 a. m. another canoe came off who
confirmed the news relative to the brig and also mentioned (Which
we regret to hear) that a sloop of war passed down to leeward 6 days
ago. Bought a few plantains and cassadas of these natives but did not
suffer them to come on board. These Africans came off the distance
of 3 or 4 leagues in small bark canoes and were entirely naked; they
most of them spoke some English. The foreign invalid seems worse
to-day, owing no doubt to the excessive heat. Lat. Obs. 6°15′ N.


52d Day Tuesday 8th Dec.

.... At 6 a. m. saw a sail right ahead distant about 4 leagues. Set
all sail in chase. 9 a. m. made out the chase to be a brig standing
in shore....


53d Day Wednesday 9th Dec.

CAPTURE OF THE ANDALUSIA

Lat. 5°35′ N. Trade Town bearing N. E. distant about 4 leagues.
Commences with light airs inclining to calm. Continued in chase of
the sail ahead. We now discovered her to be a large armed brig,
showing 8 ports on a side, with English colours flying at her main
peak, apparently preparing for action. At ½ past 1 p. m. the enemy
commenced firing, heaving every shot over us. 2 p. m. he made sail
and began discharging his stern-chasers. At ½ past 2, being within
half cannon shot, we commenced firing our Long Twelve. ¼ past 3
p. m., having approached within half-musket shot, we opened our
whole battery upon the enemy and continued the action (the enemy
keeping up a well directed fire from his cannon and musketry) till
20 minutes past 4 p. m.,--when observing that the Enemy’s colours
had been shot away in the early part of the engagement, and that his
fire became very faint, the Commander gave orders to cease firing,
and hailed her, enquiring if she had struck. The enemy answered “I
have.” Sent Lieut. Barton on board and found her to be the English
Letter of Marque Brig called the _Andalusia_, Anthony Yates Kendall,
Master, 210 tons burthen, mounting 10 carriage guns, 6 twelve pound
cannonades, & 4 long French nines, with small arms, ammunition etc.,
navigated by a Captain, Supercargo, and 17 white seamen, besides
81 free Africans who served as marines. The _Andalusia_ is owned
at Gibraltar, and was last from Sierra Leone bound to the Leeward
with a cargo of sundries on a trading voyage. It appears from her
Log that she captured an American brig called the _Two Friends_ off
Port Praya, and carried her into Sierra Leone. The action lasted
nearly three hours from the time the first shot was fired until the
Enemy struck. We engaged him 45 minutes within pistol shot. Captain
Kendall and his Boatswain were both slightly wounded; the remainder
owed their safety to their excellent bulwark. On boarding the prize
we found her mainmast and foreyard badly wounded; one shot under her
fore-chains, which passed through and lodged in the opposite timbers;
another which entered the cabin and lodged in the Captain’s bed;
nearly all her sails, braces, standing and running rigging shot away,
and every part of the vessel more or less injured. All the white
prisoners were sent on board the _Yankee_ and Lieut. Barton with a
strong watch remained on board the prize to guard the blacks. At 6
p. m. we made sail standing in shore, our prize in company, and came
to anchor in 20 fathoms water. At daylight piped all hands to duty,
sent part of the crew on board the _Andalusia_ to repair damages and
employed the remainder of the officers and crew in mending our sails,
splicing our rigging, cleaning the arms, landing the black prisoners
on their own shore, and other necessary duty. On examining our
vessel after the action found we had received one 12lb shot through
our bulwarks which passed out the lee side without any material
injury, 4 balls through the main-sail, 6 shot in the foretopsail, one
grape-shot lodged in the mainmast, and the weather forebrace, and one
of the shrouds shot away. No person wounded.

At 7 a. m. we discovered a schooner in shore, standing to the
northward. Weighed anchor and set sail in chase. 9 a. m. being nearly
calm sent Master Snow with an armed boats’ crew with orders to take
possession of her and then to set sail for the _Yankee_. At meridian
Master Snow not returned. Lat. Obs. 5°35′ N.


54th Day Thursday 10th Dec.

At 4 p. m. Master Snow came to anchor under our lee with his little
prize and gave the following account of his adventure. He said that
on approaching the vessel he observed her boat attempting to land on
the beach. That she struck on a rock, was capsized, throwing every
article into the sea, and the Captain and crew swam on shore. That on
going on board he found her entirely deserted, as he expected, and
stripped of every valuable article, except a quantity of rice stowed
in bulk. He immediately made sail and stood for the privateer. The
prisoners inform us that the schooner is called the _George_, and
owned by Mr. Carr of Sierra Leone; that she is an American pilot boat
and was taken in the Gambia about six months ago. She appears to be
60 or 70 tons burthen, has very poor sails and foul bottom. No doubt
if coppered, with new canvass, she would sail remarkably well, at
present she is very dull. As soon as she came to anchor we sent all
our boats to take out the rice. We supplied our vessel and the other
prize with as much of this article as was wanted, and then Captain
Wilson made a present of the vessel to Captain Sutherland, late of
the _Mary Ann_, as he had been the greatest sufferer by the capture
of his vessel, and moreover had been 15 days a prisoner on board of
the _Yankee_.

At 11 a. m., having taken the parole of all the white prisoners on
board (giving them duplicates) we supplied them with every necessary
article for their voyage to Sierra Leone and gave them all their
clothes, baggage, private property etc., bade them farewell, sent
them on board the schooner, and then made sail in company with our
prize, standing down the coast. Captains Sutherland and Kendall, Mr.
O’Connor, and all the prisoners, expressed their gratitude and thanks
for the kind treatment they had received on board the _Yankee_.
Indeed they could do no less. For the captains lived in the cabin
with the officers, the mates in the wardroom, and the sailors were
well treated by our crew. In fact our instructions require that
we shall treat our prisoners with kindness and humanity. N.B. The
supercargo of the _Andalusia_ estimated the vessel and cargo at
$19,000, but I am confident they will not sell for $9000 in America.
The _George_ with her rice might be worth $800. Lat. Obs. 5°30′ N.


55th Day Friday 11th Dec.

Having landed the Africans and dismissed the white prisoners
(amounting altogether to 145 persons) we made preparations for
sending home the _Andalusia_. Made out commission, prize instructions
and other documents for Captain Robert Tompenny, who was appointed
Prize-master, together with William Child as Mate and 7 seamen to
navigate said prize to America. Also wrote a letter to the owners
giving them an abstract account of our cruise up to the present
period. At 4 p. m. gave our prize three cheers, bade them adieu, and
made all sail, standing down the coast. During the night light winds
and hazy weather. This morning a great number of canoes along side
with fish and other articles. Exchanged some tobacco, bafts, iron
etc. for ivory and fresh provisions.... John Carter, the Captain of
Long Tom, broke his arm on board the prize in jumping into the hold.
The Surgeon set it. We have at present no invalids on board. Two or
three of the marines are troubled with bad boils but none disabled
from duty. The Surgeon thought it best to send the poor fellow who
was blown up on board the _Alder_ to Sierra Leone under the care of
Captain Sutherland. Lat. Obs. 4°59′ N.


56th Day Saturday 12th Dec.

At 6 p. m. came to anchor in 15 fathoms of water in a sandy bottom,
opposite the town of Settakroo (about 60 miles to the windward of
Cape Palmas) at the distance of about three miles from the shore....
At daylight piped all hands to duty and sent both our boats, with a
number of canoes, to fill our water. We are told this is the safest
place to water from Goree to Cape Palmas, as the anchorage is good,
the landing easy, and the water most excellent. His Majesty the King
of Settakroo came on board. He is an old man and wears a mantle. His
subjects are entirely naked. His son called Grand Loo, whom we took
out of the _Andalusia_, has been of great assistance to us in our
traffic with the natives for ivory and fresh stock. There are upwards
of a hundred canoes alongside, dressed in the robe of Paradise, who
talk and chatter and scream like a set of monkeys or parrots. Lat.
Obs. 4°42′.


57th Day Sunday 13th Dec.

These 24 hours filled our water, bought two fine bullocks, five
goats, and a quantity of fowls, yams, plantains etc. At 7 p. m.
unmoored and made sail, standing down the coast.... At sunrise calm
and no land in sight. Killed one of the bullocks. A number of fishing
canoes alongside.... Lat. Obs. 4°42′.


58th Day Monday 14th Dec.

.... At 5 p. m. hove to off the town of Grand Sisters, distant
about 3 miles. Sent our barge on shore to land Tom Wilson, whom we
had taken prisoner on the _Mary Ann_. This fellow, son to the King
of Grand Sisters, has been of great assistance to us in filling
our water, and trading with the natives for live stock, ivory etc.
He speaks good English and is an honest, intelligent negro. When
our barge landed we observed a vast collection of the natives on
the beach. Grand Sisters appears to be a large town, composed of
a great number of huts, situated in the midst of palm groves and
rice fields. The adjacent scenery has really a very pleasing and
picturesque appearance. This town is at war with little Sisters,
their neighbors and the natives showed great apprehension in coming
off to our vessel.... The canoes alongside say no vessels have passed
here this month. At meridian Cape Palmas in sight.... This Cape has
no distinguishing appearance except a small rise in the land & trees.
Watch employed in painting the ship. Thermometer 106 in the sun. Lat.
Obs. 4°17′.


59th Day Tuesday 15th Dec.

.... Killed the other bullock. At meridian sailing the Bay of St.
Andrews. The land here rises considerably and is covered with trees
to the very top. No appearance of cultivation. Lat. 4°38′. Carter
recovers fast; the other invalids recovered.


60th Day Wednesday 16th Dec.

As you approach the Bay of St. Andrews the land gradually rises to a
considerable height, and is covered with lofty trees to the summit.
There are no towns visible.... Running down the Gold Coast with great
velocity in hopes of capturing several vessels which we understand
are trading at Cape Lahore. At 8 a. m. a canoe came off from
Picininni, Cape Lahore, who informed us a brig, mounting 6 guns, and
a sloop unarmed left Grand Cape Lahore 7 days ago, bound down to Cape
Corse Castle. This is bad news. These natives brought off gold dust
and ivory but would receive nothing but powder and iron. Therefore we
did not trade with them.... Thermometer 112° Lat. Obs. 4°58′ N.... We
have now been at sea two months being one third of our cruise. During
this time we have taken four prizes, 18 carriage guns, 250 stand
small arms, 145 prisoners, and property to the value of $60,000. Our
Officers and crew are all healthy and in good spirits. And we have
water and provisions for at least three months on board.


61st Day Thursday 17th Dec.

At 2 p. m. Antonio, King of Cape Lahore, attended by 13 of his
nobility came off in a war canoe. His Majesty confirmed the news we
received this morning relative to the brig and sloop. These natives
are as black as ebony, remarkably stout, well made, of a ferocious
aspect, and their hair and beards platted in the most fantastic
style. They wished to exchange gold and ivory for powder, rum and
muskets, but we did not trade with them. After King Antonio had
got as drunk as David’s sow we were obliged to force him and his
cannibals to go on shore. Cape Lahore has no distinguishing mark from
the neighboring coast which is flat and sandy. Lat. 5°5′ N.


62d Day Friday 18th Dec.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 5°5′.


63d Day Saturday 19th Dec.

.... At 20 minutes past 9 a. m. Samuel Pickens discovered a brig at
anchor ... supposed to be under Fort Apollonia.... All sails set....
At meridian the Fort bore right ahead, distant about six leagues.


64th Day Sunday 20th Dec.

Lieut. Barton piped for volunteers to man the barge and cut out
the brig mentioned in yesterday’s journal. Nearly the whole crew
volunteered. From whom Mr. Barton selected 21 of the most able and
experienced seamen, who were properly armed for the purpose. At 4
p. m. piped to quarters and cleared for action. It was understood
that the _Yankee_ should run in under English colours until she came
within half-cannon shot of the brig, then send our barge on board
the brig with the Lieutenant, another officer, and 6 bargemen only
visible, the remainder being concealed under the sail. Accordingly
at ¾ past 4 p. m. we rounded to within musket shot of the enemy and
sent off the barge. In 6 minutes she had possession of the prize
and immediately made sail, standing out to sea close on a wind.
The _Yankee_ did the same, previously firing the two shot directly
into the Fort; which (strange to tell) was not returned. Lieut.
Barton mentions that when he came alongside, and jumped on board
with the whole boat’s crew completely armed, the Captain instantly
surrendered himself and his vessel. We find our prize to be the
English copper-bottomed brig called the _Fly_ of London, late Captain
Jonathan Tydeman, 91 52/92 tons burthen, mounting 6 carriage-guns,
long sixes, with ammunition, small arms etc. and navigated by a
Captain and ten seamen beside negroes. The _Fly_ was formerly a
French privateer, built in the Isle of France, and condemned at the
Cape of Good Hope. She is a handsome new vessel, sails remarkably
well, and has a valuable cargo of gold-dust, ivory, gunpowder and
drygoods. She captured on the 29th October last a Portuguese sloop
called the _New Constitution_, (supposed to be American property)
with 8 slaves on board, and sent her to Sierra Leone for trial. The
invoice of the _Fly’s_ cargo at the time she left London amounted to
£6810, 2s, 5d, but her cargo is not calculated to sell in America.
The prize and cargo, including the gold-dust, may be reasonably
estimated at $15,000. Captain Tydeman states that altho the Castle at
Apollonia mounts 50 heavy cannon, yet it has no garrison, but is the
residence of several factors. Capt. T. says he supposed us to be an
English man of war and therefore made no preparations for defending
his vessel. During the night stood out to sea, our prize in company.
At daylight piped up all hands & made preparations for sending home
the prize. Took the paroles of all prisoners, giving them duplicates.
At 8 a. m. being in sight of land, we sent the prisoners on shore
(according to their own request) in their own long boat--giving them
all their clothes, baggage and private property besides several
presents. Took out of our prize some gunpowder, rum, porter,
livestock and various small articles, supplying her with water and
sundries for her voyage. Made out Prize Commission, Instructions,
wrote a letter to the owners and sent Capt. Thomas Milton Prize
Master of said brig, and at 11 p. m. bade him adieu and made sail on
our course. Lat. Obs. 4°41′ N.


65th Day Monday 21st Dec.

At 7 p. m. passed our prize, gave them three cheers, and finally took
leave of them.[51] ... The Commander thinks it advisable to leave the
coast as no doubt there are men of war in pursuit of us both from the
windward and leeward. Lat. Obs. 4°23′.


66th Day Tuesday 22d Dec.

.... We are now running for Annabona for the purpose of watering
and then proceeding on our cruise. Andrew Holden and several seamen
indisposed and on the Surgeon’s list. Carter gets better fast. Lat.
Obs. 3°31′ N.


67th Day Wednesday 23d Dec.

.... Nothing remarkable.... Lat. Obs. 2°55′ N.


68th Day Thursday 24th Dec.

.... Nothing remarkable.... Lat. Obs. 2°18′ N.


69th Day Friday 25th Dec.

.... Killed the fatted calf, or more properly the fatted goat, gave
the crew a pudding with extra allowance of grog, to keep a Merry
Christmas. All hands in good health and fine spirits. Thermometer 88°
in the cabin. No doubt our friends in Bristol are now shivering with
the cold under the icicles and snow banks of their frozen climate.
Lat. Obs. 1°45′ N. Long. Lunar at 9 a. m. 3° E.


70th Day Saturday 26th Dec.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 1°25′ N.


71st Day Sunday 27th Dec.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 1°21′ N. Lunar Obs. at 10 a. m.
5°20′ E.


72d Day Monday 28th Dec.

.... At 2 p. m. discovered a sail bearing two points on the lee
bow. 4 p. m. spoke the Portuguese schooner (or boat) 14 or 16 tons
burthen, called the _Antonia de Santa Rosa de Lima_, Capt. Felix, 5
days out from St. Thomas’ bound to Princes’ Island, with 27 slaves on
board. The captain and crew, 9 in number, were all black.[52] He said
there were no vessels of any kind at St. Thomas’ and he has seen none
since he sailed.... Lat. Obs. 1°7′ N.


73d Day Tuesday 29th Dec.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 34′ N. Lieut. Vinson
indisposed.[53]


74th Day Wednesday 30th Dec.

.... Surgeon’s list. Lieut. Vinson, Mr. Andrew Holden, N. A. Slocum,
Jas. Holden, John Carter, etc. None dangerous.[54] Lat. Obs. 30′ N.


75th Day Thursday 31st Dec.

As you approach the Island of St. Thomas from the westward, the land
gradually rises from the northern and southern extremities till
it forms a high mountain in the centre covered with clouds. This
island appears to be covered with trees except on a few level spots
where there are green fields. At the northeast point there are two
hummocks, which on approaching you find to be the Island of Anna de
Chaves. At ½ after 6 p. m. came to anchor in 20 fathoms of water.
[Here follow some of the “ranges” taken.] At 8 a. m. the Commander
and clerk went on shore, waited upon the Governor and Fiscal; were
received with attention and politeness; obtained permission to fill
their water, and were promised a supply of live-stock, vegetables
and fruit. The Governor invited them to dine on shore but Capt.
W. declined, wishing to return on board to expedite the watering.
The Governor had no information of the war between England and
America. A British vessel touched at St. Thomas’ lately, who said
all differences were settled between the governments. He informed
us of a large English Letter of Marque Ship, mounting 18 guns, with
45 men, loading with camwood in Gaboon River. He says the _Amelia_
Frigate is expected at the island, and that most of the men of war on
the coast touch at the island for supplies. Both the officers spoke
in high terms of America, were pleased to find that our governments
were still on amicable terms, and expressed the greatest indignation
against British Power, Pride, Injustice and Insolence. They were
rejoiced that we had met with success on our cruise, and appeared
entirely friendly in every respect. Surgeon’s List. Mr. Holden Lieut.
V. and Slocum recovered and struck off the list.


76th Day Friday 1st January 1813

The first part of this day filled our water from a fine clear rapid
river, situated about 100 yards from the white house on the beach,
cut as much wood as was necessary. At 4 p. m. (Thursday afternoon)
an officer came on board with the Governor’s compliments, and
mentioned that he would supply us with every article we wanted as
soon as possible, and send them on board in canoes without obliging
us to beat up to the city. Sent a note expressive of our thanks on
the occasion. At 9 a. m. the Commander and clerk again visited his
Excellency Don Raymond da Cunha Matos and were received as yesterday
with great politeness and civility. It being a great holiday they
attended church, (N. B. The priests, monks and whole congregation
were mulattoes or blacks) saw a procession civil and military
composed of the principal inhabitants, with two bands of music, and
the Virgin Mary, parading the streets. Dined with the Governor,
had a most excellent dinner, with all kinds of vegetables, fruits,
sweetmeats, liquors and wines; remained on shore the rest of the day
as it came on to rain very heavy. The Governor having sent on board
every article we wanted, paid him the amount in cloth and gold, bade
him and the Fiscal adieu, returned on board, and at 11 p. m. weighed
anchor and stood out to sea with a fair wind.[55]St. Thomas’ is a
beautiful, fertile island, producing coffee in great abundance and
of a superior quality; also corn, spices, vegetables and fruits of
every description, cattle and other livestock, turtle, fish, etc.
The town is in the form of a half moon, is situated at the head of a
fine bay, and may contain three hundred houses, interspersed among
gardens, plantain groves and coffee trees. Most of the buildings are
small, many of them in ruins, and the remainder by no means elegant.
The fort, or castle, as you enter the bay on the left hand mounts 40
pieces of cannon, with a garrison of 100 men. The Governor informed
us he had information of two small English brigs loading in the
Gaboon, besides the ship mentioned yesterday which he understood was
now at the Cameroons. Upon the whole the Commander of the _Yankee_
was much gratified with his reception at St. Thomas’, and pleased
to find these officers so favorably disposed toward the American
government.


77th Day Saturday 2d Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable. Invalids all recovered. Lat. Obs. 16′ N.


78th Day Sunday 3d Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lieut. Vinson and Asa Switcher incapable
of duty. John Carter, James Holden, J. C. Lindegard, and several
indisposed with slight complaints. Lat. Obs. 6′ South.


79th Day Monday 4th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable.... Excessively hot, Thermometer 90° at
midnight, being on the Line. Lat. Obs. 4′ North.


80th Day Tuesday 5th Jan.

.... At 7 p. m. came to anchor at the mouth of the Gaboon River in
ten fathoms of water.... Immediately piped for volunteers to man the
barge and explore the river to discover any strange sails. Master
Snow appointed to command the expedition, and 21 brave fellows
selected to accompany him. They were all completely armed and
supplied with every article necessary for their night campaign. At 20
m. past 7 P. M. the barge left the _Yankee_ with the best wishes of
their remaining companions for their success and safe return. During
the night calm and intolerably hot. At 9 a. m. discovered two large
boats in shore rowing toward us full of men. Piped all hands to
Quarters, cleared for action and got a spring on the cable. Shortly
after two African princes came on board, who informed us there was a
small Portuguese schooner loading with slaves high up the river, and
that an English Cutter arrived three days ago at King Glas’ Town,
near the mouth of the river. From their description of the vessel,
Captain and cargo we were clearly convinced that this Cutter was no
other than our prize the _Alder_, Capt. Salsberry. Capt. S. passed
as an English vessel and told the natives he had been fired at by
a Portuguese ship at Rio Pungus, and that one shot stove his boat;
that he had been struck by lightning during a tornado, which blew
up his quarter deck and killed the former captain and five seamen.
This ingenious deception does much credit to our Prize-Master. These
Africans further told us that the two brigs we heard of at St.
Thomas’ sailed with valuable cargoes two weeks ago, and that the
ship had not arrived. At meridian the barge returned on board and
Master Snow informed us that they had proceeded up the river at least
twelve leagues, that they saw no English vessels, but heard of the
Portuguese schooner; that on their return they boarded the cutter
mentioned above and found her to be really our prize the _Alder_.
Capt. Salisberry stated he had met a great deal of bad weather and
lost some spars, but saw no enemy. He arrived in the river five
days since, was making a rapid and profitable trade for ivory, wax,
skins and wood, and expected to sail in about a week for America.
Himself and crew were in good health. Surgeon’s list. Lieut. Vinson,
James Holden, J. C. Lindegard recovered, Carter nearly recovered and
Switcher better. Lat. Obs. 37′ N.


81st day ... Wednesday 6th Jan.

At meridian weighed anchor and stood out of the Gaboon River bound
down the coast.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 18′ S.


82d Day Thursday 7th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable.... No observation.


83d Day Friday 8th Jan.

During these 24 hours (as usual) variable winds, calms, squalls,
thunder, lightning and heavy rain. All hands employed about ship’s
duty presenting a very busy and amusing scene. Lat. Obs. 31′ S.


84th Day Saturday 9th Jan.

.... All sail set, bound to Annabona for supply, and from thence to
the Island of St. Helena, one of our cruising stations. Long. from
Lunar Obs. at 3 o’clock p. m. 8°40′--Lat. Obs. 1°22′ S.


85th Day Sunday 10th Jan.

Annabona bearing W. N. W. 3 leagues. At 5 p. m. saw the land 2
points on the lee bow. ¼ past 5 discovered a sail 4 points on the
weather bow, took in studding-sails and luffed up close on a wind in
chace.... At 10 p. m. discovered by the help of our night glasses
that the chace was a brig standing to the westward. Shortened sail
and kept in company during the night. At daylight made all sail to
come up with the chace. Observed she had hove to; hoisted English
colours & showed 7 ports on a side. Piped all hands to quarters
and cleared for action. At 7 a. m. came alongside and ordered her
to strike her colours, which she did accordingly. Sent the barge
on board and found our prize to be the English Brig _Thames_, late
Francis Toole Master, 171 tons burthen, mounting 8 carriage guns
(4-12 lbs & 4 long nines) with small arms, ammunition, etc. from
Mayjumba, coast of Africa, bound to London, navigated by 14 persons,
with a cargo of camwood, some goods and ivory. Took the prisoners on
board the _Yankee_, and sent Capt. George Eddy as Prize-Master, with
N. M. Slocum and 8 seamen to navigate said vessel to America. Gave
said Prize-Master the vessel’s papers, his Commission, Instructions,
Letter to the Owners etc. and then bade him farewell. The _Thames_ is
copper-bottomed, thoroughly repaired, and carries a large cargo. This
vessel and cargo may be reasonably estimated at $25,000.

N. B. On the very day and hour of our capturing the _Thames_ our
Commander was born--27 years ago.


86th Day Monday 11th Jan.

At 5 p. m. came to anchor on the north side of the Island of Annabona
in 7 fathoms water, sandy bottom, opposite a small village distant
about a mile from the shore.... Soon after we came to, the black
Governor and his mate came on board. We easily obtained permission to
water, wood etc.... Having finished our trade and filled our water
at 20 m before 12 a. m. we got under weigh.... This island is 7 or
8 leagues in circumference and is remarkable for a lofty mountain
covered with orange, lime and cocoanut trees. It has a fertile and
beautiful appearance.

_It is with deep regret_ that the Commander of the _Yankee_ feels it
his duty in justice to himself, his Officers and his crew, to make
the following entry in his Journal, relative to the conduct of one
of his officers.--My Second Lieutenant John H. Vinson, has never,
in my opinion, displayed either seamanship, judgment or courage
during our cruise. He appeared to be much intoxicated on the night of
the partial engagement with His Majesty’s Schooner _St. Jago_, and
behaved with great impropriety. During the skirmish with the _Alder_
he was particularly negligent in not extinguishing the flames when
our bulwarks were on fire. And during the long engagement with the
_Andalusia_ he certainly did not manifest either activity or courage.
This officer is guilty of one offence which would subject him even to
capital punishment--viz--_sleeping on his watch_. The night after we
captured the _Fly_, when we had a number of prisoners on board, and
many of our crew had got drunk on board the prize, and were extremely
riotous, Lieut. Vinson was himself much intoxicated, or to speak
plainly _dead drunk_, and slept in his watch in presence of myself,
my officers, and the whole crew. He was guilty of the same offence
on the 5th January when we lay at the Gaboon, and also last night
when we had 14 prisoners on board, and were anchored on a savage
coast. This offence of getting drunk and sleeping on a watch is of a
very serious and alarming nature, endangering both the safety of the
vessel and the lives of all on board. His conduct subjects him to a
court martial which will certainly convince him of his errors.


87th Day Tuesday 12th Jan.

.... At 4 p. m. exercised all hands at quarters; after which piped
all hands to muster and found our crew now consisted of 71 men....
Lat. Obs. 1°25′ S.


88th Day Wednesday 13th Jan.

.... John Carter recovered and struck off the Surgeon’s list. No
invalids. Nothing worthy of remark. Lat. Obs. 1°53′ S.


89th Day Thursday 14th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable.... Lat. Obs. 2°39′ S. No invalids.


90th Day Friday 14th Jan.

.... Lat. Obs. 3°16′ S.... _We have now_ been at sea 3 months,
one half of our cruise, and 97 days from Bristol where our cruise
commenced. During this time we have taken 6 prizes, measuring 685
tons, mounting 34 carriage guns, 525 stand of arms, and 150 prisoners.


91st Day Saturday 16th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable.--Lat. Obs. 4°23′.


92d Day Sunday 17th Jan.

.... All hands in excellent health. Being Saturday (Sunday) night all
hands enjoyed the jubilee and drank to their sweethearts and wives.
Our prisoners are mostly Irishmen and seem to be quiet and well
disposed. Lat. Obs. 5°55′.


93d Day Monday 18th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 6°33′ S.


94th Day Tuesday 19th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 7°13′ S.


95th Day Wednesday 20th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 7°53′ S.


96th Day Thursday 21st Jan.

At ¼ Past 5 p. m. came to anchor off the N. W. end of Ascension
Island.... Sent the barge on shore for the purpose of taking turtle
during the night.... At 8 a. m. the barge returned on board with a
fine large turtle, weighing at least 400 lbs., and containing several
thousand eggs--the only one seen on the beach during the night.
At 9 a. m. again dispatched the barge and Capt. Wilson went on
shore in the jolly-boat, to endeavor to procure more turtle. Wrote
a letter, or memorandum, mentioning the arrival of the Privateer
_Yankee_ at this island; her successful cruise, number of captures,
guns, prisoners, value, etc.; also the declaration of war against
England, and its principal events;--which letter we directed to any
American captains who might hereafter touch at this island. This
letter was deposited among the rocks, being anchored in a bottle,
where we observed a number of names engraved, particularly the
following “Young Dickenson, J. W. Costa, 1813,” and “The Crescent
Leach, 1812.” ½ past 11 a. m. the boats returned on board without
any success. The officers and seamen caught a great number of fish,
and killed a quantity of birds--neither fit to eat. The Island of
Ascension is 3 leagues in length and 2 in breadth. It is composed
of several hills or hummocks covered with a reddish earth, and has
a very rugged and craggy appearance. It was evidently thrown up by
some convulsion of nature. It is not inhabited and produces neither
tree, fruit or vegetable--nay not even fresh water. There are some
miserable lean wild goats and innumerable ship rats. The island is
principally remarkable for the vast quantity of turtle which resort
here to deposit their eggs during certain months of the year. These
turtle are easily taken during the night by concealing yourself on
the beach, rushing suddenly upon them when they come on shore, and
capsizing them. They are said to be of the finest and most delicious
kind. Joseph Anthony, coxswain of the barge, was very badly bruised
when she capsized in the surf, and Zep. Andrews cut his hand very
severely in butchering the turtle. It is singular that our crew
receive more wounds from their own negligence than the shot of the
enemy. Ascension--7°56′ South Lat. 13°54′ West Long.[56]


97th Day Friday 22d Jan.

The officers and company feasted most luxuriously on the fine turtle
they caught the preceding night.... Caught another large turtle
during the night. At 7 a. m. got in the barge, weighed anchor, and
stood out to sea.... Anthony and Andrews much better. Lat. Obs.
7°53′. Variation by a correct Amplitude taken while at anchor in
Ascension Roads 15°12′ W.


98th Day Saturday 23d Jan.

.... The Surgeon performed a surgical operation on James Anthony,
by cutting out a wen or protuberance on his right cheek. Dr. Miller
seems to be quite proficient in the use of the knife and lancet. Lat.
Obs. 8° S.


99th Day Sunday 24th Jan.

.... Killed our large turtle and all hands had a Sunday feast. It was
superexcellent. No invalids. Lat. Obs. 8° S.


100th Day Monday 25th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 8°15′ S.


101st Day Tuesday 26th Jan.

At 9 a. m. piped all hands to Vendue and sold a quantity of prize
goods, viz, shirts, cloth, linen, razors, knives, cloaks, flannel,
etc. etc. to the officers and crew to furnish them with clothes for
their cruise and when they arrive on a winter’s coast. Lat. 8°6′ S.


102d Day Wednesday 27th Jan.

.... Nothing worthy of remark. Lat. Obs. 7°53′ S. Long. Lunar 29°35′
W.


103d Day Thursday 28th Jan.

.... Lat. Obs. 7°52′ S. Lunar Obs. 32°7′ W.


104th Day Friday 29th Jan.

.... Nothing remarkable. Lat. Obs. 8°8′.


105th Day Saturday 30th Jan.

.... 7 a. m. saw several small Portuguese fishing boats, called
Jangars. ½ past 7 a. m. made the land bearing right ahead, distant
7 or 8 leagues. The land appeared low, with a number of towers or
churches on the coast, and the town of Olinde situated on the side
of a hill, making a beautiful appearance. 9 a. m. discovered several
large vessels at anchor in the harbour of Pernambuco. 11 a. m. spoke
a Portuguese schooner just out of Pernambuco, bound to windward;
informed us there were no English men of war on the coast--that there
were three large British ships in harbour, loading, and two American
schooners laid up without cargoes. They had heard of no American
privateers on this station. 11 a. m. jibed ship in chace of a sail
distant 4 or 5 miles.... Lat. Obs. 8°12′.


106th Day Sunday 31st Jan.

Pernambuco bearing N. W. distant 8 or 10 leagues. At 1 p. m. piped
all hands to quarters, ran down under the lee of a large armed
English brig, pierced for 16 guns, and mounting 8. When within
pistol shot ordered her to strike her colours--the reply was “We
are all ready”--and hesitated. Capt. Wilson again ordered him to
lower his flag and quit the deck or he would fire into him. The
reply was “Surely you are joking.” Our Commander still ordered his
men not to fire, and a third time ordered him to strike instantly,
which he did with great reluctance. Sent our boat on board and found
our prize to be the large armed English Brig called the _Harriott
and Matilda_ of Maryport, Captain John Inman, burthen 262 tons,
copper-bottomed, mounting 8 carriage guns--6 twelve and 2 eighteen
pound cannonades, from Cork bound to Pernambuco, with a cargo of
salt, porter, iron, drygoods, earthenware, butter, cheese, potatoes
etc. etc. The _Harriott and Matilda_ was captured from the Danes in
1808, sails well, and is a fine vessel. The vessel and cargo may be
reasonably valued at $27,000. Took the prisoners on board and beat
off the land during the night. At 7 p. m. sent 18 prisoners ashore
in our barge, which we gave them, with all their clothes, baggage, a
compass, water, provisions etc. being at this time within 7 leagues
of Pernambuco. During the latter part of these 24 hours all hands
employed in taking out the following articles from the prize, viz--16
hampers cheese, 56 do Irish potatoes, 20 kegs of butter, 6 casks
bottled porter, 20 gallons Rum, and 31 bales of fine merchandise. The
_Harriott and Matilda_ sailed from Cork under convoy of the _Frolic_
(_Cherub?_) sloop of war, and parted from him three days before. The
convoy consisted of 6 East Indiamen, and several others bound to Rio
Janeiro. It is worthy of remark that the _Yankee_ ran from Ascension
to Cape St. Augustine, a distance of 1200 miles, in 7½ days--fresh
trades, pleasant weather, a smooth sea, and all sails set, scarcely
ever moving tack or sheet. Lat. Obs. 8°29′.


107th Day Monday 1st Feb.

All hands employed in sending away the prize. Made out Commission,
Letter of Instructions, wrote a letter to the owners, and gave the
ship’s papers to the Prize-Master, Richard M. Coit, with a crew of 12
men. At 4 p. m. gave our prize three cheers and bade her adieu. At 9
a. m. having taken the paroles of all the prisoners, we gave Capts.
Toole and Inman the long boat of the prize, supplied them with every
necessary article, and being within 6 leagues of Pernambuco, they
went on shore. Capt. Toole had been 21 days a prisoner and behaved
very well during the whole time. 10 a. m. saw a sail bearing S. E. at
a great distance. Lat. Obs. 8°4′ S.


108th Day Tuesday 2d Feb.

At 1 p. m. discovered a sail on the lee bow at a great distance.
At 3 p. m. having approached within 2½ miles of the sail mentioned
in yesterday’s journal made her out to be an English sloop of war
in disguise. Immediately up helm, set staysails, and bore away N.
b E. The enemy did the same and set all sail, showing a cloud of
canvas. We were glad to observe that we soon altered his bearings,
& at sundown left him astern, distant about 3 or 4 leagues.... On
mustering the crew find we have 62 persons on board, including boys
and negroes, also 3 prisoners. Lat. Obs. 8°14′ S.


109th Day Wednesday 3d Feb.

.... ½ after 5 p. m. saw several sails, made all sail in chace, but
soon discovered them to be Jangars, or fishing boats. Lat. 7°53′.


110th Day Thursday 4th Feb.

At 3 p. m. having run down opposite Pernambuco ... hoisted the
American pendant and colours, and hauled up close on the wind, bound
to Fernando Noronha for a supply of water. Lat. Obs. 9°17′ S.


111th Day Friday 5th Feb.

.... Lat. Obs. 7°29′ S.


112th Day Saturday 6th Feb.

.... Lat. Obs. 5°56′.--Long. Lunar 33°50′.


113th Day Sunday 7th Feb.

At ½ past 5 a. m. the Island of Fernando Noronha--½ past 7 saw a sail
2 points under the lee bow. Made all sail in chace. At ½ past 10 a.
m. came up with the chace and found her to be our prize the _Alder_,
Salisberry Master, being the second time we have spoken him. Sent for
Capt. Salisberry on board, who informed us that he left the Gaboon
on the 11th ult.--that he has seen no sail, that his schooner sailed
well and was in good order, that his crew were all healthy except
James Thomas--whom we took on board, and sent one of our prisoners in
his stead,--and that he had a full cargo of the following articles;
viz. 50 oz gold dust, 45 tons red-wood, 1 do ivory, ½ do bees wax,
700 lbs gum copal. Took the gold on board, supplied Capt. S. with
some bread, rice, butter, porter, etc. and at meridian gave him three
cheers and bade him adieu. Lat. Obs. 3°43′.


114th Day Monday 8th Feb.

.... ½ Past 7 a. m. came to anchor in 13 fathoms water, hard bottom,
in a convenient harbour at the N. W. end of Fernando Noronha, distant
about ¾ of a mile from the shore. The Commander sent Lieut. Barton
to ask permission of the Governor to obtain wood and water. He was
received in the most friendly manner and the petition was at once
granted. The Governor informed Lieut. B. that the _Morjiana_ and
_Acosta_, British Frigates, touched at this island last December,
bound to India; and that the American ship _John_ of Salem, also
touched here on the 14th Jan. 1813. 11 a. m. sent the boat to fill
water, which is very difficult to obtain....


115th Day Tuesday 9th Feb.

At 5 p. m. got up the anchor and dropped down nearer the watering
place.... Both boats employed in getting off wood and water. Owing
to the heavy surf which breaks over the rocks find it very difficult
to take off the water. However got 9 casks on board and two boat
loads of wood. Master Snow and Lieut. Barton on shore finishing our
affairs, i.e. filling the rest of the water, buying fresh stock,
etc. etc. All hands busy, some in the boats, others in the hold,
many overhauling the rigging, slushing the masts, etc. no idlers,
everyone anxious to leave the famous (or perhaps _infamous_) island
of Fernando Noronha.[57] James Thomas, the seaman we took out of the
_Alder_, is dangerously sick of a fever he caught in the Gaboon.


116th Day Wednesday 10 Feb.

Messrs. Snow, Barton and Miller dined on shore with the Governor.
They were treated with great civility and politeness. The Governor
expressed his satisfaction at our having captured 14 English vessels,
and mentioned that an American Consul touched at this island on the
13th Dec. last, on his way to Pernambuco. Having got all wood and
water on board, and also a fine bullock, at 4 p. m. weighed anchor
and stood out to sea, with fresh trades and fine weather--course N.
N. W. bound towards HOME.... Thomas is something better but still
dangerous. Lat. Obs. 1°33′ S.


117th Day Thursday 11th Feb.

.... Nothing worth noting. Lat. Obs. 30′ S.


118th Day Friday 12th Feb.

.... At 3 p. m. being Lieut. Vinson’s watch, a squall struck us with
all sail standing, and nearly capsized the ship. Instantly the other
officers ran upon deck and let fly halyards and sheets and kept her
before it. As soon as the squall was over Captain Wilson put Lieut.
Vinson under arrest for this and various other offences during the
cruise (See ante). Afterwards on his acknowledging his errors and
promising to reform Captain Wilson reinstated him in his command....
No Obs.


119th Day Saturday 13th Feb.

.... Thomas is better. Lat. Obs. 4°16′ N.


120th Day Sunday 14th Feb.

.... [Nothing worth noting.] Lat. Obs. 6°22′.


121st Day Monday 15th Feb.

.... [Nothing worth noting.] Lat. Obs. 8°35′.


122d Day Tuesday 16th Feb.

.... [Nothing worth noting.] Lat. Obs. 11°2′.


123 Day Wednesday 17th Feb.

.... Thomas is out of danger. Lat. Obs. 13°30′ N.


124th Day Thursday 18th Feb.

.... Thomas is much better. Lat. Obs. 15°37′ N.


125th Day Friday 19th Feb.

.... Distance 203 miles--Lat. Obs. 18°13′ N.


126th Day Saturday 20th Feb.

.... Thomas is not so well. Lat. Obs. 20°52′ N.


127th Day Sunday 31st Feb.

.... [Nothing remarkable.] Lat. Obs. 23°14′ N. Long. Lunar Obs. at 9
a. m. 52°12′ W.


128th Day Monday 22d Feb.

At 6 a. m. discovered a sail one point on the lee bow.--At 8
discovered the sail to be a brig.... At 10 made sail in chace of the
ship ... distant about 3 leagues. Lat. Obs. 25°14′.


129th Day Tuesday 23d Feb.

Continued in chace of the sail ahead. At 2 p. m. fired a gun and
hoisted the American flag, upon which the chace showed Portuguese
colours and hove to. At 4 p. m. sent the boat on board and found
her to be the Portuguese ship _Amazon_, Captain Francis Antonia, 24
days out from Lisbon, bound to Boston with a cargo of salt. Capt. A.
informed us that on the 15th inst. he saw a sail ahead but did not
speak her--that there were a great number of Americans at Lisbon and
Cadiz, who were bound home under neutral colours. Lord Wellington had
visited Lisbon and Cadiz for a few days and returned to his army.
The English told Capt. A. that their fleets had burnt and destroyed
Charleston and Philadelphia (This is very improbable)[58] At 5 p. m.
made sail on our course. Lat. Obs. 26°16′ N.--Long. Lunar Obs. 10 a.
m. 55°27′ W. Var. Ev. Amp. 5°20′ W. Thomas is much better.


130 Day Wednesday 24th Feb.

.... At 11 a. m. discovered a sail on the lee bow, apparently a brig
standing close hauled to the eastward under royals with his course
hauled up. Observed the sail immediately to bear away in chace of
us. Tacked ship and made all sail to avoid the chace, or at least
to discover how she sailed. Gentle breezes, a smooth and pleasant
weather. 11-40 a. m. finding we dropped the chace very fast again
tacked ship.... At meridian the sail bears 2 points on the lee bow,
distant 12 or 14 miles. Lat. Obs. 270°3′ N.--Long. Lunar 56°42′ W.


131st Day Thursday 25th Feb.

Made all sail in chace. At 3 p. m. fired a gun, upon which the chace
showed English colours. ½ past 3 she hove to with her maintopsail
aback. Piped all hands to quarters and cleared for action. ¼ before
4 the enemy got under weigh to engage us. At 4 p. m. being within
good gun shot commenced a brisk cannonade on the starboard side
which the enemy returned. 10 minutes past 4 p. m. she wore ship and
struck her colours. Gave three cheers. Sent the barge on board and
found our prize to be the English Brig called the _Shannon_, Captain
Robert Kendall, of Workington, 25 days out from Maranham, bound to
Liverpool, 210 tons burthen, with a full cargo of cotton (100 bales)
navigated by 15 men, mounting 10 carriage guns, sixes and nines, a
fine vessel and sails well. The Mate was severely wounded in the
foot. Took out the prisoners, made out Prize Commission for Samuel
Barton, Letter of Instructions, gave him ship’s papers, and at ½ past
5 p. m. gave our prize three cheers and bade her adieu. Thus in one
hour and a half we took a valuable prize, manned her and ordered her
home. This prize may be estimated at $45,000.[59]

Long. Lunar at 9 a. m. 58°6′ W.--Lat. Obs. 27°37′ N.


132 Day Friday 26th Feb.

At 5 p. m. saw a sail 1½ points on the lee bow, apparently a brig
standing to the southward.... At daylight no appearance of the sail
we discovered last night.... Long. Lun. at 11 a. m. 59°44′ W.--Lat.
Obs. 28°20′ N.


133d Day Saturday 27th Feb.

At 3 p. m. discovered a sail two points on the lee beam; believed her
to be an armed vessel in chace of us. Continued our course with all
our canvass spread. ½ past 4 lost sight of the sail astern. During
the night frequent squalls of wind and rain. At 4 p. m. being very
dark and squally found ourselves suddenly in the midst of a fleet of
ships. Instantly called all hands and tacked ship to the S. E. At
daybreak discovered two large ships and a brig standing to the E.
Tacked ship again to the N. N. W. The nearest sail bore two points on
the lee beam distant about 2½ leagues. At 7 a. m. lost sight of all
the sails and continued on our course. Strong breezes, flying clouds
and a heavy sea. Rook two reefs in topsail and mainsail, got six of
our cannon below, with all the shot boxes, secured Long Tom with
strong lashings, housed the lee guns, and got everything ready for
the stormy weather which we may expect to encounter as we approach
our coast.... Thomas is nearly recovered. The wounded prisoner is
comfortable and the Surgeon thinks he will do well. Lat. Obs. 30°27′
N.


134th Day Sunday 28th Feb.

(Begins with heavy weather) 9 a. m. saw a sail 3 points on the
weather bow. ½ past 10 spoke the Swedish (American) Hermaphrodite
Brig _Augustus_ from Boston, bound to St. Bartholomew’s--with liberty
to touch at Bermuda--with cargo of American produce, 15 days out.
The Captain and passengers informed us that Commodore Decatur had
captured the British Frigate _Macedonian_ after an engagement of
17 minutes; that none of our vessels of war have been taken; that
Admiral Warren’s squadron were blockading the Chesapeake with two
Seventy fours and five Frigates, and that there were not many
cruisers on the coast. We obtained from him several newspapers up to
the 13th Feb., from which it appears that no important battles had
taken place on the Frontier, but several skirmishes with the Indians;
that the foreign news was no later than our English papers--Bonaparte
having retired into winter quarters at Smolenski, and Lord Wellington
on the borders of Portugal; that the coasting trade is still
continued; that a great trade was carried on under neutral flags and
many vessels dispatched to Lisbon, Cadiz and France; that there were
numerous arrivals from foreign ports but not many prizes, and that
five frigates had sailed from France bound to America. Congress had
passed a loan bill for 22 millions and raised another army of 20000
men, besides building several sloops of war. Permitted the _Augustus_
to proceed.--Lat. Obs. 31°33′.


135th Day Monday 1st March

.... Distance 212 miles. Invalids recover fast. Lat. Obs. 34°23′
Thermometer 71°.


136th Day Tuesday 2d March

(Commences with strong breezes and pleasant weather--then comes a
tremendous gale with very high seas.) 11 a. m. the stern boat being
stove in the bows cut it adrift. ½ past 11 a. m. came on a very heavy
squall of rain and hail and hove the ship down nearly to her beam
ends; instantly cut away the fore and trysail halyards, got the helm
up and kept her before it, threw four of our cannon overboard, got
two below, sent down maintopmast; vessel labored excessively, the
sea making a fair breach over her. Continual squalls of wind, rain,
hail and snow, with thunder and lightning and a very dangerous sea.
Finding it unsafe to lay the ship to while the squalls continued sent
her before it under a foretopmast staysail; ship perfectly tight and
making no water. Lat. Obs. 37°11′ N.


137 Day Wednesday 3d March

The storm continues with frequent and heavy squalls.... At 12
midnight the squalls become less frequent--the wind more moderate
and steady and the sea less dangerous. Hove to under trysail with
her head to the westward, rode easy and shipped no seas. 8 a. m. the
wind died away--nearly a calm--latterly an entire calm. Vessel labors
considerably owing to the heavy sea. Thomas is almost well; the
wounded Mate is in a fair way to recover; the Armourer received a bad
contusion in the side by a fall. Ther. 63° Lat. 36°23′ N.


138 Day Thursday 4th March

(More very nasty weather). Conclude with strong gales and flying
clouds with a bad sea. Invalids not so well. Lat. Obs. 37°30′ N.


139th Day Friday 5th March

(Variable weather. Two sails sighted at a distance.) Mr. Jackson, the
wounded mate, is dangerously ill. Lat. Obs. None.


140th Day Saturday 6th March

(More squally weather with dangerous seas.) Thermometer 45°. Lat.
37°28′.


141st Day Sunday 7th March

(The gale gradually dies away). Dark cloudy weather and excessively
cold. Mr. Jackson is dangerously sick--having symptoms of the
lock-jaw. The Armourer recovered. Lat. Obs. 37°5′ N.


142d Day Monday 8th March

(Again heavy weather and high seas.) Mr. Jackson is (we fear) past
recovery, having frequent spasms and confirmed lockjaw. James Thomas
no better, the Armourer better. No Obs. Lat. D. R. 39°37′ N. Long. D.
R. 69°55′.


143d Day Tuesday 9th March

.... 8 a. m. discovered a sail on the weather bow, ½ past 8 made
out the sail to be a pilot-boat-built schooner under reefs standing
towards us. 9 a. m. the sail showed a red and white signal and bore
away S. E. Believed her to be an American Privateer. ½ past 9 more
ships heading W. N. W.... Tis exactly 5 months today since we left
Bristol. Mr. Jackson no better. Lat. Polar Star at 4 a. m. 39°30′ No
Obs.


144th Day Wednesday 10th March

(Preparations for port). This morning the sun was fair and serene,
the air was clear and bracing, the sea smooth, and a fair wind from
the S. W. Sent up topmasts and yards and set all sail below and
aloft. Cou. N. N. E. 8 knots. Got up all the wet sails, colours
and clothes and aired them. Bent the cables. Lat. Polar star at 7
p. m. 39°20′ N. Lat. Obs. 40°14′. Long. Lunar at 4 p. m. 72°54′ W.
Soundings at meridian 55 fathoms. Block Island bears N. N. E. distant
about 65 miles. Jackson is better.


145th Day Thursday 11th March

.... At ½ past 4 p. m. the man at mast head called out LAND HO!
Joyful sound to persons five months at sea on a long and dangerous
cruise. Suppose the land to be Long Island. At sundown running down
the land on the larboard hand. 7 p. m. cloudy with rain. Shortened
sail. 8 p. m. being very dark and hazy and not being able to see the
light hove to under reefed topsail and stood off and on 3 a. m. died
away a calm and we suddenly lessened our soundings to 6 fathoms.
Immediately took in sail and let go our small anchor. Found she rode
with her head to the S. W. current setting to the N. E. At daylight
being dark and foggy with rain, and no land in sight, fired several
guns for a pilot. 8 a. m. it became more clear and we discovered the
land and breakers close aboard bearing E. b N. We instantly knew
this land to be Nantucket and that we were mistaken in supposing it
to be Long Island. This mistake might have proved fatal and had it
commenced blowing heavy from the S. W. we must inevitably have been
shipwrecked on these dangerous shoals. Weighed anchor and made all
sail to the S. Soon deepened our soundings to 17 fathoms.... No Obs.


146th Day Friday 12th March

At ½ past 1 p. m. the fog cleared away and we plainly discerned No
Man’s Land, Gay Head and Block Island all in view.... Observe the
land to be covered with snow and a brig and schooner in shore. Cloudy
and very cold with a smooth sea, a fair wind and all sail set. At
3-13 p. m. saw Rhode Island Light right ahead.--6 p. m. came on a
very thick fog with a heavy swell. Spoke a schooner from New York
bound in to Newport who informed us he left Rhode Island Light about
30 minutes ago and that it bore N. N. W. distant about 3 miles. He
further mentioned that there were no British cruisers in the Bay,
but had heard of several off Sandy Hook. Made sail for the Light. ½
past 6 p. m. it being very dark and foggy, not being able to see the
Light, came to anchor in 17 fathoms, soft bottom. During the night
foggy with heavy rain and extremely cold. 12 midnight discovered
the Light bearing N. N. W. ¼ N. distant about 1½ miles. At daylight
made sail and weighed anchor, standing in for Newport harbour. _It
is with deep regret_ we mention the death of Mr. Jackson, late first
Mate of the English Brig _Shannon_, who died at ½ past 12 midnight in
great agony. Mr. Jackson, as before stated, was severely wounded by
a cannon ball in the foot during the skirmish between the _Yankee_
and the _Shannon_ on the 24th ult. Notwithstanding every medical
assistance, and all possible attention his wound terminated in the
lockjaw, spasms and death. Mr. Jackson belonged to Workington, was 23
years old, very much beloved by his captain and crew, and appeared to
be a most excellent young man.

At ½ past 7 a. m. passed Rhode Island Light; ½ past 8 a. m. fired
a salute of three guns as we passed Fort Wolcott. 9 a. m. came to
anchor in Newport harbour. Thus after an absence of 146 days the
_Yankee_ has arrived safe, having captured during the cruise 8
valuable prizes, 52 cannons, 196 prisoners, 401 stand of small arms,
and property to the amount of 296,000 dollars. She is ballasted with
gold-dust, ivory and fine goods. She has not lost a man during the
cruise either by sickness or the enemy, and has returned with 52
persons on board including boys. It is worthy of remark that the
_Yankee_ neither saw nor was chased by any of his Majesty’s war dogs
during the cruise except the little schooner _St. Jago_. She has
encountered as before mentioned a great deal of tempestuous weather
on the coast but has received no material injury, except the loss of
4 cannon thrown overboard on the 2d of March.


THUS ENDS OUR CRUISE.

    “Honor and shame from no condition rise,
    Act well your part, there all the Honor lies.”

  District and Port of Newport, March 12th, 1813.

  I, Oliver Wilson, Commander of the private armed brig called the
  _Yankee_, do swear that what is contained in the foregoing Journal,
  consisting of one hundred and fifty pages, is just and true in all
  its parts. So help me God.

  OLIVER WILSON.

  Collector’s Office, Port of Newport
  Sworn to the day and year above mentioned,
  WILLIAM ELLERY, _Collector_.


FINIS

LIST OF PRIZES CAPTURED BY THE PRIVATEER “YANKEE” DURING HER SECOND
CRUISE.

  No. 1. Sloop _Mary Ann_ of London, Captain Stewart Sutherland,
  copper-bottomed, mounting 4 carriage guns and navigated by 11 men,
  with a cargo of gold-dust, ivory, drygoods, and camwood. Took out
  the cargo, stripped the vessel and set her on fire. 27th Nov.
  1812--Lat. Obs. 7°29′ N.--off Sierra Leone.

  Vessel and cargo valued at                         $16,000

  No. 2 Letter of Marque Schooner _Alder_, of Liverpool, late Captain
  Edward Crowley, mounting 6 carriage guns (9 pounders), coppered,
  formerly a French Privateer, with 21 men and a cargo of gun powder
  (400 casks) muskets, iron, lead, flints, drygoods, etc. Ordered
  home. The _Alder_ was captured on the 3d of Dec. 1812 in Lat. 6°53′
  N, off Cape Saint Anna, after a skirmish of 20 minutes. The _Alder_
  blew up.

  Vessel and cargo valued at                         $10,000

  No. 3 Letter of Marque Brig _Andalusia_, Anthony Yates Kendall,
  Master of and from Gibraltar, bound to the coast on a trading
  voyage, 210 tons burthen, mounting 10 carriage guns (4 long French
  nines and 6 twelve pound cannonades) with small arms, ammunition
  etc. and a crew of 100 men including 81 Free Africans who served
  as marines. The _Andalusia_ was captured on the 10th of Dec. 1812,
  in Lat. 5°35′ N, after a running fight of three hours and a close
  engagement of 45 minutes.

  Vessel and cargo valued at                         $17,000

  No. 4 Pilot boat Schooner _George_. Cut out by the _Yankee’s_ boat.
  Deserted by the captain and crew. Cargo Rice. Given to prisoners.

  Vessel and cargo valued at                         $ 1,000

  No. 5 Brig _Thames_ of Liverpool, Francis Toole, Master; 8 carriage
  guns (nines and twelves), 14 men, cargo ivory, drygoods and camwood
  (240 tons)--captured 10th Jan. 1813 off Annabona.

  Vessel and cargo valued at                         $25,000

  No. 6 Brig _Fly_ of London, Captain Tydeman, 6 carriage guns (nines)
  14 men, formerly a French privateer, a new and handsome vessel and
  sails, cargo gold-dust, ivory, gun powder, drygoods and sundries.
  The _Fly_ was cut out from under the guns of Fort Apollonia,
  mounting 50 pieces of artillery, at 1 p. m. on the 20th Dec. 1812.

  Vessel and cargo valued at (Besides the gold)      $26,000

  No. 7 Armed Brig _Harriott and Matilda_, of Maryport, Captain John
  Inman, from Cork bound to Pernambuco, mounting 8 carriage guns,
  eighteens and twelves, 14 men, coppered, 262 tons, sails well, with
  a valuable cargo of drygoods, iron, porter, salt etc.

  Vessel and cargo valued at                           $27,000

  No. 8 Brig _Shannon_, Captain Robert Kendall, of Workington, from
  Maranham, bound to Liverpool, mounting 10 carriage guns (nines and
  sixes), 15 men, 210 tons burthen, with a full cargo of cotton (100
  tons). The _Shannon_ was captured on the 24th Feb. in Lat. 27°3′ N.
  and Long. Lunar 56°42′ W, Bermudas bearing N. W., after an action of
  10 minutes in which the Mate of the _Shannon_ was severely wounded.

  Vessel and cargo valued at                           $45,000

  Property on board the _Yankee_ in gold, ivory,
    fine goods etc.                                    $45,000
                                                      --------
                                                      $212,000


GENERAL ESTIMATE.

    Names               Guns    Men    Small Arms    Value

  _Mary Ann_             4      11        186      $16,000
  _Alder_                6      21         90       10,000
  _Andalusia_           10     100         90       17,000
  _George_                       7                   1,000
  _Fly_                  6      14         20       26,000
  _Thames_               8      14         30       25,000
  _Harriott & Matilda_   8      14         20       27,000
  _Shannon_             10      15         25       45,000
                        --     ---        ---     --------
                        52     196        461     $167,000

  Value on board the _Yankee_                       45,000
                                                  --------
                                                  $212,000


OFFICERS OF THE YANKEE

  Oliver Wilson, Commander
      Seth Barton, First Lieutenant
          John H. Vinson, Second Lieutenant
              Thomas Jones, Third Lieutenant
                  Elisha Snow, Master

  Caleb Miller, Surgeon
      Noah Jones, Capt. of Marines & Captain’s Clerk
          Andrew Holden, First Mate
              Joseph Meades, Second Mate
                  Thomas Pitts, Third Mate
                      Seven Prize-Masters
                          Six Quarter-Masters
                One hundred men


ROUTE OF THE YANKEE

Touched at St. Jago, Cape de Verds, on the 27th day of her cruise
for wood and water. Engaged one of his Britannic Majesty’s Schooners
on the night of the 23d of November. Cruised between Cape Verde and
Cape Lopez from the 22d of November 1812 to the 6th of January 1813,
looking in at every port, harbour, river, factory, town etc on that
coast, and capturing five valuable prizes, loaded with gold dust,
ivory, dyewoods etc. Touched at the island’s of St. Thomas, Annabona,
Ascension, and Fernando Noronha, at various times during her cruise,
for wood, water and fresh stock. Then cruised off the coast of
Brazil, and captured two large brigs with cargoes of fine goods and
sundries. Fought four battles, crossed the Equinoctial Line six
times, and returned safe into port, having been frequently chased by
the enemy, after an absence of 146 days without the loss of a man.[60]

  (Noah Jones, Captain’s Clerk)


FOOTNOTES:

[40] Ann. Cong. 2 Sess. 1820-21, Senate, pp. 71-77.

[41] This vessel was the Chippewa. One of the Bristol privateers,
the Macdonough, had developed such remarkable speed as to call
public attention to her builder, Captain Caleb Carr of Warren, R. I.
Accordingly Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry, as agent of the United
States Government, was ordered to contract with Captain Carr for the
building of a warship within ninety days. Perry, be it remembered,
had already developed, upon the shores of Lake Erie, a marvellous
capacity for building ships in record time. On March 15, 1814, only
fifty-seven days from the time her keel was laid, notwithstanding
many days of storm and snow, this ship of 411 tons burden, carrying
sixteen guns, was delivered to Commodore Perry for her rigging and
armament. A few days afterward she went to sea completely armed
and rigged. The money for both its construction and equipment was
advanced by Mr. De Wolf.

[42] A word about nautical terms for the benefit of those not in
an old sea port born. All vessels, except the one masted sloops,
are much larger than those of a hundred years ago, and the number
of masts upon vessels has been increased. A “full rigged ship” of
a century ago was a three masted vessel with square sails hanging
from yards on each of the masts. Schooners and brigs were two masted
vessels, the former with sails on both masts similar to those upon a
sloop yacht today, but very much smaller. The schooner rig was not
applied to three masted craft until about the middle of the last
century. The giant schooners of the present time, with their four,
five, six and even seven masts, had not been dreamed of fifty years
ago. The schooner rig was devised in Gloucester, Massachusetts, about
the year 1713. It is gradually making its way around the world. The
writer noted that in 1904 it had almost entirely supplanted the
“junk” upon the Inland Sea of Japan.

Brigs were of two kinds, full rigged and hermaphrodite. A full rigged
brig had square sails on both masts, while the hermaphrodite (in
sailor dialect “morfydite”) had square sails on the foremast and
schooner sails on the other, and was sometimes called a brigantine.
The Yankee, ordinarily spoken of as a brig, was really a brigantine.
Brigs are rarely seen in United States ports today. They almost
invariably sail under a foreign flag.

[43] Captain Wilson was only twenty-six years old.

[44] It is reported that these unfortunates were frequently asked
“how they liked the swimming” by those of the crew who had remained
for the capture of the San Jose Indiano, and that rude boys, for
almost a generation, continued to ask the same question, always of
course at a respectful distance.

[45] The San Jose Indiano was a teak built East Indiaman. How old she
was at the time of her capture we do not know, but she was destined
to a long life under the American flag. As far as seaworthiness was
concerned she might have continued to plow the seas until the time of
our Civil War--then to end her days with the other whaleships from
New Bedford and elsewhere that were sunk to block the entrance to
the harbor of Charleston, S. C. Mr. De Wolf renamed her the General
Jackson and used her for a time in the general carrying trade. Later
when the whale fishery became popular with the people of the towns on
Narragansett Bay she received a whaler’s outfit and sailed for years
with the Bristol whaling fleet. The Mexican War having broken out,
she was sold, in 1846 or thereabout, to the United States Government,
being by her construction specially adapted for work in tropical
waters. When a Government survey was made, preliminary to her sale,
the carpenters who attempted to cut holes in her sides expended many
tools, and much profanity, before they could make any impression upon
her planks. Her teak timbers, combined with the cement between their
joints, for a time defied all their efforts, both wood and cement
having become almost as hard as stone. After she had lain for some
months at anchor off Vera Cruz, the Government had no further need
for her and therefore sold her to a third American owner. To him she
did not prove profitable, and it is said that an attempt to set her
on fire in order to secure her insurance was made. The staunch old
ship simply refused to burn. Again she was sold for a very small sum.
Then, so the story goes, a more scientific and successful attempt
to transfer her to the underwriters was made. She was loaded with a
cargo of lime, and then holes having been skilfully made in her hull,
doubtless with more profanity, she was cleared for a southern port.
Somewhere in the waters about the Florida peninsula she was run upon
a reef, and the ocean combined with the lime to do the rest.

[46] The name Goree was until very recently applied to the part of
the town of Bristol in which the negroes lived.

[47] This is the only record of a punishment inflicted upon one of
the crew during the whole cruise. As will later appear one of the
Officers became subject for censure on several occasions.

[48] Baft, or bafta, was a coarse stuff of India cotton.

[49] The _Yankee_ in firing aimed to disable--not to destroy her
possible prizes.

[50] In comparing the edifying music of the marines with the ungodly
songs of the sailors the gentle reader will do well to bear in mind
the fact that the writer was the Captain of Marines.

[51] This was true in more ways than one as the _Fly_ was recaptured
by the British. The gold dust she had accumulated reached Bristol in
the _Yankee_.

[52] The small size of the vessel suggests the _Pinta_ and the _Niña_
of the fleet of Columbus.

[53] Mr. Vinson’s indisposition was probably due to drunkenness, as
will appear from subsequent entries. His case was an unusual one for
a Privateersman.

[54] Query, Were there others suffering from the Vinsonian malady?

[55] Descriptions like this, which occur frequently in the Journals
of American merchantmen, were carefully read by ship owners, and
mastered by the Captains sent to trade with foreign ports.

[56] The two islands, Ascension and Saint Helena, which was later to
become famous as the prison of Napoleon Bonaparte, were both made
“Ports of Call” for the _Yankee_.

[57] The island is used by the government of Brazil as a penal
settlement.

[58] The burning of Washington was yet to come.

[59] Before the _Shannon_ was captured, Mr. Jones had made out his
“List of Prizes,” and had also written the “Route of the _Yankee_”
which is printed at the end of this Journal. It is possible that
he may not have protested very strongly at the additional entries
he was compelled to make. The _Shannon_, with her cargo, actually
netted $67,521. The erroneous estimate may be excused in view of the
exceedingly short time allowed for its making. When the cargo of the
_Shannon_ was sold, Mr. De Wolf found that he had been remunerated
for all his losses suffered at the hands of the British cruisers. He
therefore renamed her the _Balance_. Bearing that name she sailed
from Bristol for years thereafter. The next prize was renamed the
_Prize_, and the next the _Remittance_. The _San Jose Indiano_ of the
5th cruise became the _General Jackson_.

[60] The _Shannon_ had not been taken when this “Route” was written.



INDEX


  Adam of Bremen, 8

  Alaska houses and customs, 146

  Allen, Amos A., 231

  Allen, Anson A., 244

  Ancastra, Governor General, 240

  Andrews, Zep, 269

  Angell, James, 228, 230, 231, 234, 235, 237, 241, 244

  Annals of Iceland, 9

  Anthony, James, 270

  Anthony, Joseph, 238, 269

  Antonio, Capt. Francis, 277

  Antonio, King of Lahore, 256

  Archangel settlement, 126

  Ariadne of Boston, 229

  Athawalpa, 116

  Atwood, Preserved, 240


  Babcock, W. H., 2

  Bafts, 246

  Baidarkas, 114

  Baker, Lemuel, 241

  Balance, brig, 278

  Bander, Supt., 144

  Baranoff, Baron, 114 et seq., 120

  Barracks moved, 25

  Barton, Samuel, 219, 220, 278

  Barton, Seth, 228, 245, 251, 257, 274, 275, 288

  Belfour, Ellah & Co., 198

  Biarni, Heriulfson, 3

  Blockade, privateer, 212

  Booldakoff, Mr., 195

  “Boston Men,” 111

  Bosworth, Nathaniel, 15

  Boyish sports, 30

  Boynton, Samuel, 233, 234, 235, 237, 244

  Bradford, Gov. William, 23, 25

  Bradford house, 25

  Briggs, John, 227, 230, 231, 234, 235, 241, 244

  Bristol, name 14,
    bombarded 22,
    burned 23

  Brown, Captain, 113

  Brown, Daniel, 44

  Brown, John, 19, 206

  Brown, Peleg, 44

  Bruce, George A., 219

  Bucharin, Capt., 163

  Bucklin, D., 102

  Bucklin, E., 102

  Burgas, Capt. Miguel, 233

  Burt, Rev. John, 22

  Burt, “Marm,” 25

  Burton, Stephen, 13, 14

  Butman, Joseph, 244

  Byfield, Nathaniel, 13, 18

  Byfield house, 15

  Byrum, Ebenezer, 231


  Cammett, Richard, 102

  Caroline of Boston, 111

  Carr, Capt. Caleb, 212, 214

  Carr, Mr., 252

  Carter, John, 253, 260, 263, 264, 266

  Charanville, Madam, 89

  Child, William, 253

  Chippewa, sloop of war, 212

  Church, Benjamin, 12, 14

  Churchill, Capt. Benj. K., 221, 222

  Cockroach, Cuffee, 219, 221

  Coddington Jr., Nathaniel, 44

  Coit, Richard M., 272

  Colt, Samuel Pomeroy, 224

  Columbia of Boston, 111

  Commerce, 31

  Cook, J. D., 102

  Courtney, brig, 220

  Cramer, Benedict, 195

  Cramer, Smith & Co., 195

  Crawford, James, 235

  Crowne, John, 12

  Crowley, Capt. Edward, 246, 285

  Cuffee Cockroach, 219, 221

  Cunha Matos, Governor, 262


  Davidoff, John, 121, 128, 153, 201

  D’Antillac, Father, 92

  D’Huberlant, Father, 92

  D’Orvilliers, Commandant, 85

  DeVilleconte, Father, 92

  DeWolf, Charles, 101

  DeWolf, George, 101

  DeWolf, James, 32, 101, 200 et seq.

  DeWolf, John, 97 et seq.

  DeWolf, Mark Antony, 44, 205

  DeWolf family, 97

  Dichaetin, Chief, 131

  Distilleries, 26

  Dogs, 152, 154, 157

  Downing, Mrs., 97

  Duddington, Thomas, 19

  Duffel, 114

  Duro, 187


  Ebbetts, Capt., 111

  Eddy, George, 219, 266

  Ellery, William, 285

  Elliott, Francis, 220

  Eustis, William, 214


  Fauque, Father, 45, 48 et seq.

  Fernald, Professor, 5

  Ferry boats, 190

  Foy, William, 102

  Francis, prize ship, 218

  Freydis, 8


  Gaspee, schooner, burned, 19

  General Jackson, prize ship, 32, 220

  General Wellesley, prize ship, 222

  Gibsheet, Jack, 241

  Goff, seaman, 248

  Gorea, 18, 241

  Grafton, Samuel, 221

  Grand Sisters Islands, 255

  Grant, Sueton, 44

  Grapes, 5

  Gray, Capt. David, 199

  Gray, Capt. Robert, 111

  Greene, Governor William, 49

  Griswold, Bishop, 26

  Gullifer, Sampson, 219

  Gunnerson, George. 241, 244

  Gunpowder Plot, 66

  Guy Fawkes Day, 66


  Hampden, John, 11

  Hanson, J., 102

  Hardiman, Lieutenant, 225

  Harris, L., 196

  Hayman, Nathan, 14

  Hetherington, A. B., 221

  Hitchcock, 102

  Holden, Andrew, 259, 260, 288

  Holden, James, 260, 263, 264

  Holmes, Capt. Bartlett, 229

  Hooper, Joseph, 102

  “Hop,” 7

  Hopkins, Stephen, 10

  Horsford, E. N., 2

  Hunt, Thomas, 102


  Iceland Annals, 9

  Image worship, 61

  Ingraham, Ned, 228, 233, 237, 241

  Inman, Capt. John, 272

  Irkutsk, 181

  Ivanah, Major Antony, 151


  Jack Jibsheet, 219, 221, 241

  Jackson, Mate, 281, 284

  James, Edward, 242

  Japanese on Kurile Islands, 153

  Jenckes, Capt. Wm. C., 221

  Jenkins, Capt., 231

  Jones, Abraham, 115

  Jones, Edward, 248

  Jones, John, 102

  Jones, Noah, 225, 288

  Jones, Thomas, 219, 220, 288

  Juno, ship 101,
    crew 102


  Kaluschians, 132

  Kendall, Capt. Anthony Y., 251

  Kendall, Capt. Robert, 278

  Kip, Bishop W. I., 44

  Kipp, William, 44

  Koscheleff, Gov. General, 155

  Korükin, 121

  Koster, John, 234 235, 243

  Krusenstern, Capt., 124

  Kurile Islands, 153

  Kutsnetsoff, 164, 192


  Lafayette, 24

  Lage de la Landerie, 54

  Langsdorff, Dr. George, 121, 127 et seq., 182, 201

  Lariwanoff, Madame, 147

  Leif Ericson, 3

  Lewis, Joseph, 230, 234, 241

  Lindegard, J. C., 263, 264

  Lisiansky, Capt., 124, 125


  Macdonough, privateer, 212, 213, 214

  Madina, Dr., 239

  Mahoney, J., 102

  Mary of Boston, 104, 105, 116, 120

  Marshall, J., 102

  Maschin, Andrew W., 121, 128

  Mason, Aaron, 237

  Massasoit, 9, 10, 11

  Meades, Joseph, 288

  Midget, Abner, 244

  Miller, Dr. Caleb, 270, 288

  Milton, Thomas, 219, 259

  Mitchell, Henry, 238

  Monthaup or Montop, 2

  Moorfield, James, 102, 115, 123, 195

  Morris, Watson, 237

  Moscow, 192 et seq.

  Mount Hope Lands, 2, 13

  Munro, Benjamin, 44

  Murphy, T., 102


  Nantucket, 3

  Narragansett pacers, 78

  Nautical terms, 213

  Newell, Samuel G., 102

  Newettee, 109

  Norseman’s Rock, 9

  Norsemen, 2


  O’Connor, Mr., 253

  Officers of the Yankee, 288

  Oliver, Nathaniel, 13, 14

  Oyapoc, 45 et seq.,
    Fort 92


  Parker, E. D., 102, 103, 165

  Patterson, S., 102

  Pearl of Boston, 111, 116

  Peck, Lyman, 241

  Perry, Rev. C. B., 97, 206

  Perry, Com. M. C., 99

  Perry, Com. O. H., 212

  Pervoshka, 182

  Petroff, Supt., 163

  Philip, King 11,
    monument 12

  Phillips, Michael, 44

  Phipps, W., 102

  Pickens, Samuel, 257

  Pitts, Thomas, 288

  Plunder from Oyapoc, 46

  Popes in Russia, 144

  Popoff, 121

  Porter, Capt., 116

  Port Praya, 240

  Potter, Jeffrey, 44, 46

  Potter, Simeon, 19, 38, 206

  Powers, J., 102

  Prince Charles of Lorraine, wrecked, 43

  Prizes of the Yankee, 286-7

  Profits from privateering, 217


  Ramansoff, 196

  Redding, William, 231, 240, 241

  Religious revivals, 26, 27

  Resanoff, Baron, 100, 121, 125, 153, 163

  Rhode Island privateers, 42

  “Rodelan” described, 59

  Robinson, Capt. Andrew, 98

  Royal Bounty, ship, 217

  Russell, Thomas P., 217

  Russian baptismal service, 158

  Russian leave-takings, 189

  Russian trading voyage to San Francisco, 138


  Sables at Irkutsk, 175

  St. Michael’s Church, burned, 24

  St. Michael’s Church, revivals in, 26

  St. Thomas Island, 262

  San Jose Indiano, prize, 220

  Salsbury (or Salisberry), Daniel, 248, 264, 274

  Schelikoff, pioneer, 125

  Schitchachon, 132

  Schooners, 98

  Schoonerson, George, 238

  Schwostoff, Nicholas, 121, 128, 153, 201

  Settakroo, King, 254

  Ship-building, 31

  Simmons, Cyrus, 228, 230, 231, 234, 235, 237

  Simonitch, Dementy, 186

  Sitcha, habits, houses and fashions, 134,
    climatic conditions, 137

  Skraelings, 7

  Slave trade, 16, 18, 206 et seq.

  Slocum, N. A., 260

  Slocum, N. M., 266

  Small-pox, 179

  Smith, Bishop B. B., 21

  Smith, John, 215, 220

  Snorri Thorfinnson, 6

  Snow, Elisha, 219-21, 244, 252, 263, 274

  Starruk (Starruke), 153

  Stetson, George W., 106, 123

  Sturgis, Capt., 113

  Stokes, J., 102

  Sutherland, Capt. Stewart, 243, 253

  Swan, Capt. Thomas, 21

  Sweet, Capt. Manly, 217

  Switchell or Switcher, Asa, 241, 244, 263, 264


  Tacking, 3

  Tatton, D., 102

  Tea drinking, 175

  Thames, prize ship, 219

  Thomas, James, 237, 241, 274, 275

  Thomas, John A., 102

  Thorfinn Karlsefni, 6

  Thorvald Ericson, 5, 7

  Tilley, Admiral B. F., 30

  Tobacco benefits, 29

  Tobolsk, 188

  Tompenny, Capt. Robert, 253

  Toole, Capt. Francis, 265

  Trescott, Capt., 104

  Tripp, W. H., 102

  Turtles, 269

  Tydeman, Capt. Jonathan, 258

  Tyng, Rev. S. H., 28

  Tyrker, 5

  Usher, James 2d, 217

  Usher, Sammy, 16


  Vancouver of Boston, 113, 116

  Viking ships, 2

  Vinland, 2, 5, 8

  Vinson, John H., 260, 263, 264, 266, 276, 288


  Wallace, Capt. James, 21, 22

  Walley, John, 13, 14

  Wamsutta, 11

  Wardwell, Henry, 221

  Washington, George, 25

  Water Witch, privateer, 212

  Whales and whaling, 32, 143, 161

  Wheeler, J., 102

  Wheesner, J., 102

  Whipple, Capt. Abraham, 20, 21

  Whitehead, Charles B., 246

  Whitmarsh, Jonathan, 243

  Williams, Capt. Alfred, 239

  Wilson, Capt. Oliver, 213, 217, 225 et seq.

  Wilson, Tom, 255

  Wilson, Capt. Thomas, 226

  Winship, Capt. Jonathan, 140

  Winslow, Edward, 10, 11

  Winter climate of Vinland, 4, 7

  Wiopock, 45


  Yakutsk, 173

  Yemshik, 184

  Yermerk, 122


  Zelinzoff, 187



      *      *      *      *      *      *



Transcriber’s note:

  Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
  corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
  the text and consultation of external sources.

  Footnote [10] is referenced from Footnote [9], and Footnote [18]
  is referenced from Footnote [17].

  Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
  and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

  Pg 15: ‘the roof slooping’ replaced by ‘the roof sloping’.
  Pg 58: ‘their sentinenls on’ replaced by ‘their sentinels on’.
  Pg 68: ‘such senitments in’ replaced by ‘such sentiments in’.
  Pg 69: ‘we would take me.’ replaced by ‘he would take me.’.
  Pg 86: ‘who were prsioners’ replaced by ‘who were prisoners’.
  Pg 88: ‘and fo this reason’ replaced by ‘and for this reason’.
  Pg 128: ‘for science’ sake’ replaced by ‘for science’s sake’.
  Pg 161: ‘then bade good by’ replaced by ‘then bade good-bye’.
  Pg 172: ‘iunnmerable cattle’ replaced by ‘innumerable cattle’.
  Pg 232: ‘left at Maderia’ replaced by ‘left at Madeira’.
  Pg 232: ‘left Maderia an’ replaced by ‘left Madeira an’.
  Pg 232: ‘and the scurvey’ replaced by ‘and the scurvy’.
  Pg 246: ‘African crew, men’ replaced by ‘African crewmen’.
  Pg 255: ‘Obs. 4, 17.’ replaced by ‘Obs. 4°17′.’.
  Pg 256: ‘Lat. 4, 38.’ replaced by ‘Lat. 4°38′.’.
  Pg 266: ‘N. M. Slocun’ replaced by ‘N. M. Slocum’.
  Pg 272: ‘of Mayport,’ replaced by ‘of Maryport,’.
  Pg 276: inserted missing header ‘118th Day Friday 12th Feb.’.
  Index: ‘Kutsnettsoff’ replaced by ‘Kutsnetsoff’.
  Index: ‘Lawarinoff’ replaced by ‘Lariwanoff’.
  Index: ‘Schilchachon’ replaced by ‘Schitchachon’.
  Index: ‘Sitka’ replaced by ‘Sitcha’.





*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Tales of an Old Sea Port - A General Sketch of the History of Bristol, Rhode Island, Including, Incidentally, an Account of the Voyages of the Norsemen, So Far as They May Have Been Connected with Narragansett Bay: and Personal Narratives of Some Notable Voyages Accomplished by Sailors from the Mount Hope Lands" ***

Copyright 2023 LibraryBlog. All rights reserved.