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Title: Joutel's Journal of La Salle's Last Voyage 1684-7
Author: Joutel, Henri
Language: English
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LAST VOYAGE 1684-7 ***
JOUTEL’S JOURNAL OF
LA SALLE’S LAST VOYAGE.
Edition limited to five hundred copies printed from type
of which this is No.____
[Illustration: GUDEBROD’S STATUE OF LA SALLE
AT THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION, ST. LOUIS, 1904.]
Joutel’s Journal of
La Salle’s Last Voyage
1684–7
WITH A FRONTISPIECE OF GUDEBROD’S
STATUE OF LA SALLE AND THE MAP OF
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH EDITION, PARIS
1713, IN FACSIMILE.
[Illustration]
NEW EDITION WITH HISTORICAL AND
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION, ANNOTATIONS
AND INDEX BY _HENRY REED STILES,
A. M., M. D._
TO WHICH IS ADDED A BIBLIOGRAPHY
OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI
BY _APPLETON P. C. GRIFFIN_, OF THE LIBRARY
OF CONGRESS.
ALBANY, N. Y.
JOSEPH McDONOUGH
1906
Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1906
BY JOSEPH McDONOUGH,
In the office of the Librarian of Congress, Washington.
TO THE MEMORY OF
JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL. D.,
THE INDEFATIGABLE HISTORIAN
OF THE
MISSIONS, LITERATURE AND HISTORY
OF THE
ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN NORTH AMERICA,
AND A
MAN OF MODEST, PIOUS AND BLAMELESS LIFE
THIS,
THE FINAL VOLUME OF A SERIES PROJECTED
BY HIMSELF, OVER FORTY YEARS AGO,
IS
SINCERELY DEDICATED
BY
THE PUBLISHER AND EDITOR.
PUBLISHER’S NOTE.
This volume is the concluding one of a series projected by the late
JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL. D., on the “Discovery and Explorations of the
Mississippi Valley.” The initial volume, issued in 1852, comprises the
Narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membré, Hennepin and Anastase Douay.
The second, issued in 1861, contains those of Cavelier, St. Cosme, Le
Seuer, Gravier and Guignas.
The present volume, giving Joutel’s Journal of La Salle’s third and
last voyage, is reprinted from the first English translation of 1714,
of the original French edition of 1713.
A _facsimile_ reprint of the above English edition was issued
(privately) by the Caxton Club of Chicago, in 1896, in an edition
of 203 copies, and enriched by textual notes by Prof. MELVILLE B.
ANDERSON, now of Menlo Park, California,—the result of his careful
collation of the English with the French original. These notes, by
the special permission of Mr. Anderson, have been incorporated in the
present volume and indicated by his initials.
With a view, also, to render this edition as compendious a source of
reference as possible for the student of this subject, we have added,
by the courtesy of the author, the exceedingly full and valuable
“Bibliography of the Discovery and Explorations in the Mississippi
Valley,” by Mr. APPLETON P. C. GRIFFIN, formerly of the Boston
Public Library, now Chief Bibliographer of the Library of Congress,
Washington, D. C.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Dedication v
Publisher’s Note vi
Historical Introduction 1
Biographical Notice of Joutel 27
Original Title Page in facsimile 31
The French Bookseller to the reader 33
The Preface written by Sieur de Mitchell 47
Joutel’s Journal with notes and annotations 53
Remainder of Letter by he who revis’d this Journal, being
sequel to same 203
Letters Patent granted by the King of France to M. Crozat 212
Bibliography of “The Discovery of the Mississippi,” by Appleton
P. C. Griffin 221
Index 241
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Heliotype reproduction of Gudebrod’s Statue of La Salle
produced for the Louisiana Purchase Exposition at
Saint Louis, 1904 _Frontispiece_
Reproduction in facsimile of Joutel’s Map originally
published in the Paris edition of 1713 _End of volume_
_Historical Introduction._
LA SALLE’S TWO PREVIOUS VOYAGES.
The earliest French explorers of the seventeenth century, among the
great lakes and rivers of the North American continent,—Champlain,
Nicolet, Marquette, Hennepin, Joliet and La Salle—were men of no
common mould. Whether clerics, imbued with the enthusiasm of their
holy faith, or laymen, dominated by the love of adventure and the
prospect of adding to the wealth and glory of their beloved France,
their ideals were sublime, their labors prodigious, their sufferings
heroic, their perseverance indomitable. They possessed “the courage of
their convictions;” and despite the difficulties, dangers, and reverses
which befell them, their successive explorations all contributed to the
result finally achieved by La Salle,—the discovery of the “Father of
Waters”—the Mississippi.
“Second only to Champlain, among the heroes of Canadian history,” says
John Fiske,[1] “stands Robert Cavelier de la Salle—a man of iron, if
ever there was one—a man austere and cold in manner, and endowed with
such indomitable pluck and perseverance as have never been surpassed
in the world. He did more than any other man to extend the dominion
of France in the New World. As Champlain had founded the colony of
Canada, and opened the way to the great lakes, so La Salle completed
the discovery of the Mississippi, and added to the French possessions
the vast province of Louisiana.”
René Robert Cavelier, better known as La Salle, from the name of the
family’s estate, was born, in 1643, at Rouen, Normandy, France. The
Caveliers, though not ennobled, were citizens of marked social and some
official distinction in that ancient and wealthy city. His father,
Jean, and his uncle Henri, were rich merchants, and the latter, at
least, was one of the “Hundred Associates” of Cardinal Richelieu, a
syndicate largely interested in trade with the territorial possessions
of France, in America.[2] Being an earnest Catholic, Robert, at an
early age, became connected with the Jesuits, and in their schools
acquired an excellent education, especially in the higher mathematics
and the exact sciences. His nature, however, was one which chafed under
the restrictions of a monastic order; and he subsequently withdrew from
them, though on good terms, and with a reputation as a bright scholar,
and of unimpeachable morals. Free to seek a wider field for his
activities than that offered by an ecclesiastical career, his attention
was drawn to Canada, where an elder brother, John Cavelier, a priest of
the Sulpitian order, was then residing. But, as his connection with and
withdrawal from the Jesuit order had—under a recent French law—deprived
him of any claim upon the estate of his recently deceased father, he
lacked the means needed for the voyage thither. Finally, he obtained an
allowance (probably from his family) of 300 or 400 livres, with which
slender sum he sailed to seek his fortune, in the spring of 1666.
Shortly after his arrival at Montreal, he received from the Superior of
the Sulpitian Seminary, which had recently become the feudal lord of
that city, a large grant of land (a “seigniory”) in that vicinity.[3]
This he immediately proceeded to improve, by the introduction of new
settlers as tenants, the erection of buildings, and the cultivation of
the soil. It is probable, however, that even before coming to Canada
he had outlined to himself a much wider sphere of activity. For, with
the prevision which was a feature of his character, he spent much
of his time during the first two years of his life at La Chine, in
mastering the Indian languages, especially those of the Iroquois and
Algonquin dialects. And in this, he evidently struck upon the initial
point of his future career. For, from a party of Senecas who visited
with him several weeks at his seigniory, he learned of a great river
(which they called the Ohio) “flowing into the sea,” and only to be
reached by a journey of eight or nine months. This, he conceived,
might be the river of which he had already heard as emptying into the
“Vermilion Sea,” or Gulf of California, and, thinking that perchance
it might possibly prove to be a northwest route to China, he projected
a voyage of discovery thither.[4] With this in view he planned a visit
to the Senecas, to learn all that they might know in relation to the
matter. Communicating his plans to the Governor (Courcelle) and the
Intendant (Talon) of Canada, he received from them the necessary
authorization to make the attempt. But first, as it must be made at
his own expense, and as he had already spent all his means upon the
improvement of his seigniory, he was obliged to sell his lands, etc.,
mainly to the Seminary, from which he had obtained them. He, also,
though perhaps rather unfortunately, joined his interests with those of
the Sulpitians, in a voyage of discovery which that order were about to
make for missionary purposes, in the same direction.
THE FIRST VOYAGE OF EXPLORATION, 1669–1675.
This joint expedition, under command of La Salle, started from La
Chine, July 6th, 1669, with the Ohio river as its objective point. It
consisted of 4 canoes, and 15 men of La Salle’s party; 3 canoes and 7
men of the Sulpitian contingent, and 2 canoes of Seneca Indians, acting
as guides—9 canoes and 24 men in all. Thirty-five days travel brought
them to the Seneca village (Irondequoit, on the south side of Lake
Ontario), where they found a cordial welcome, but, also, difficulty
in obtaining guides. While thus delayed, there arrived in camp two
Frenchmen, one of whom was Louis Joliet, fur-trader and voyageur,
himself an honorable figure in the annals of western discovery. Joliet,
who had visited the upper lakes, whither he had been sent by Talon,
the French Intendant at Montreal, to discover and report upon the
copper mines of Lake Superior, showed to the priests of La Salle’s
party a map which he had made of that region, and of which he gave
them a copy; and he told them, moreover, of the heathenish condition
of the Pottawatomies and other tribes dwelling in those parts. This
so inflamed the religious zeal of the priests that they incontinently
lost all their interest in the Ohio project, and determined to deflect
their course toward the lake region, despite all the objections which
La Salle could urge. So that, being firmly set in his own designs,
he urged a recent illness as his excuse for parting with them; and
the Sulpitians started northward, and got back to Montreal in June,
1670, with nothing to show (owing to sundry misfortunes and losses,
especially that of their altar-service, without which they could not
convert the heathen) either in the way of discovery, or of missionary
results. La Salle’s movements, after this “parting of the ways,” and
for two years following, are somewhat involved in obscurity. There is
little doubt, however, that he was busily engaged in explorations and
discoveries of some importance.[5] Certain it is, that he discovered
the Ohio, since his own assertion of the fact, in a memoir addressed to
Count Frontenac, in 1677, is confirmed by the testimony of his rival,
Joliet, upon whose two maps of the Mississippi and the great lakes, the
Ohio is depicted with an inscription stating that it had been explored
by La Salle.
The evidence of his having, on this voyage, reached and descended the
Mississippi is not so clear. What militates most strongly against the
assumption that he did so, is the fact, that, though he kept journals
and made maps of this trip, which were, as late as 1765, in possession
of a niece then living in France, at an advanced age; yet, when, after
La Salle’s death, this niece together with an uncle and a nephew of
the explorer petitioned the King for a certain grant in consideration
of the discoveries made by their distinguished relative, they made no
mention of such discovery, as they would most likely have done if they
had known of it.
But the discovery of the Illinois river must, undoubtedly, be credited
to him.
Returning to Canada, from his long wanderings, he found great changes
going on in that country. It was no longer simply a missionary field,
but was fast assuming the form and character of a colony. A royal
Viceroy, or Governor-General, had taken the place of the former
Governor and Intendant; and the controlling interests of the Sulpitian
order were now largely overshadowed by those of the Jesuits. Both Count
Frontenac, the Governor, and the Intendant Talon, were men of similar
character and held like views with La Salle. Like him, they entertained
plans of wider scope than those of any previous Canadian officials. And
when he broached his plan of finding and opening up of the Mississippi,
and the rich southern country through which it ran, and of fortifying
along its course, and especially at its outlet, against the incursions
of the Spanish and English, he enlisted their ready sympathy. Thus,
leaving to the Jesuits, with a dislike of whom they all three seemed
to have been imbued, the frozen Canadian country; and to the English,
that portion of the continent east of the Alleghanies, they proposed to
themselves to conquer the remainder of this vast territory for the King
of France.
The generally accepted French policy of that day, in regard to the
acquisition of new territory in North America, was that the discovery
of a great river gave to all the territory drained by such river an
inchoate (or inceptive) title, which later could be completed by
occupation. It was the attempt to carry out this policy which cost
(and lost) France the Seven Years War, in which the politics and
history of America and Europe became inextricably mixed. And of this
policy, Count Frontenac, the Governor, Talon, the Intendant, and La
Salle, the explorer, now became the leading exponents in Canada. They
were all exceptionally strong men, full of ambitions and untiring
energy, and their scheme combined not only military occupation, but
the reclamation of the Indian tribes and their concentration around
the proposed chain of French forts, together with colonies of French
immigrants of an agricultural and industrial character, the extension
of the buffalo fur-trade, etc.—in fact a most enchanting _mirage_
of future civilization and Christianity in the vast central area of
this continent. In itself, the scheme was too vast to be more than
a sketch of future possibilities; and, moreover, it ignored certain
needs and facts which were most important to its success. For instance,
the French immigration to this country, at that time, was totally
inadequate to furnish settlers enough, and with sufficient rapidity
to ensure the successful colonization of the new territory. Again,
the pacification among themselves, of the numerous and warring Indian
tribes which occupied this western continent, and the securing of their
peaceful and friendly co-operation with the whites, was a work almost
impossible within the limits of a generation or more—and, until it was
done, colonization would be slow, and its difficulties and dangers
deterrent to such emigration. Another inherent point of weakness in
the plan was the difficulty of keeping in touch with and depending
upon a home government thousands of miles away, as well as the
uncertain nature of such dependence in the political, commercial, and
ecclesiastical conflicts which would be apt to arise, and necessarily
would have to be adjusted, more or less, through the medium of Colonial
officials—whose motives would not always be free from the imputation of
self-interest.
The jealousy of the Jesuits, now conscious of their waning power in
the affairs of the new Colonial _régime_, had always been felt by La
Salle—and probably with good reason—to be inimical to his plans; and
the future held out no hope of its being less persistent or bitter.
The personality of the explorer, also, weighed fully as much against,
as for, the success of his undertaking. By nature cold, reserved,
and reticent, he was not a genial man; and possessed little or none
of that magnetism which wins men’s hearts. Absorbed, as he was, with
the details of his great plans, and the responsibilities which they
imposed upon him, he was ever self-contained and self-repressed. Even
the few most faithful and trusted companions of his labors could hardly
be considered as on terms of intimacy with him. And the necessity of
maintaining the strictest discipline among the class of men by whose
following and aid he had to carry on his work—voyageurs, courriers
des bois, traders, canoeists, and Indians—who comprehended him not,
but were simply compelled by the force of his will, certainly did not
tend to establish that community of interest which should have existed
between them. It was, in fact, this lacking quality in an otherwise
magnificent character, which was ever thwarting his plans and which
rendered his brief career of eight years in exploration work an almost
uninterrupted record of disaster—leading—though with one momentary
triumph—to a tragic end.
Omniscience is denied to Man. It belongs only to the Creator, who has
given to men, in its place, the limited faculty of foresight. And, with
such foresight as they had, the three promoters of the fortunes of New
France—Count Frontenac, Talon, and La Salle—formulated their plans, and
in the autumn of 1674 the latter sailed for France, to obtain the royal
sanction and the moneyed help which were needed. Whatever the strength
or the weaknesses of their project, money was their _sine qua non_.
_La Salle’s first return to France._ Bearing strong letters of
recommendation from Frontenac to the French Minister of State,
Colbert,[6] he met with a cordial reception at home. In response to
his petitions to the King, he was, in consideration of his services
as an explorer, raised to the ranks of the untitled nobility[7] and
was granted the seigniory of the new post on Lake Ontario, which, in
honor to his patron, was named Fort Frontenac. He was also invested
with the command of the same, together with that of the settlement
around it, subject to the authority of his friend the Governor-General.
On his part he undertook to repay to the King the cost of the fort,
to maintain it, at his own charge, with a garrison equal to that of
Montreal, besides laborers; to form a French colony around it, as well
as one of domesticated Indians near by; to build a church and support
one or more Récollet friars.
He had but little trouble, now that he was in the sunshine of royal
favor, in obtaining from his gratified family and friends the needed
funds; and on his return to Canada (1675), proceeded to comply with
the terms of his seigniorial grant. Within two years, the original
wooden fort was replaced by a much larger one of cut stone, on the
land side, and on the outer side by palisades, and its walls manned by
nine small cannon. On the inside it contained barracks, a guard-house,
officers’ quarters, a forge, a well, a mill, and a bakery—all of
substantial build. Its garrison consisted of two officers, a surgeon,
and ten or twelve soldiers, with a large number of masons, laborers,
and canoe-men. Near the two villages which stretched along the shore
south of the fort (one of French farm-tenants, the other of friendly
Iroquois) were the chapel and residence of two Récollet friars. Over
a hundred (French) acres of cleared and cultivated land, and cattle,
fowl, and swine, brought from Montreal, gave ample evidence of
permanent occupation; and four vessels for lake and river navigation,
as well as a fleet of canoes, hinted strongly at the seignior’s
predilection for travel and exploration. Feudal lord of the entire
region around him (for the nearest settlement was a week’s journey
distant), commander of a garrison paid by himself, founder and patron
of a church, he was now literally “master of all which he surveyed;”
and had he been content so to remain, would soon have become a
merchant-prince, for, ere long, as estimated by a friend, he was
“making more than 25,000 livres a year.”
His cup of success, however, was not without its infusion of
bitterness. He found himself in a very maelstrom of opposition and
detraction, arising from the jealousy of those interested in the
Montreal fur-trade, (especially among the Jesuits), who saw in the
royal favors conferred on La Salle the ultimate downfall of their own
interests. In this violent imbroglio of commercial, political and
priestly rivalry, envy, malice, contemptible, and persistent espionage,
and even poison, played their respective parts.
Meanwhile, the free life of Nature was wooing his spirit, the fever
of exploration was still strong upon him; and he valued the position
he had attained only as a stepping-stone to the realization of his
life-long dream.
_La Salle’s second return visit to France._ So, in the autumn of 1677,
leaving his fort and seigniory in charge of a trusted lieutenant, La
Forest, who was also one of his partners in the proposed fur-trade,
La Salle sailed again for France. There, lodged modestly in a rather
obscure quarter of Paris, he renewed the friendships and associations
which he had formed during his previous visit; and added to them by
making new and valuable friends. Among these were the Marquis de
Seignelay, the Prince de Conti, La Motte de Sussière, and last but
not least, Henri de Tonti, thenceforth his foremost companion in his
Western labors.[8] La Salle also received from the King a royal patent
authorizing him to explore and occupy the Mississippi country, “through
which, to all appearances, a way may be found to Mexico.” This patent,
confirmatory of that granted him in 1675, imposed upon him the erection
and maintenance of such forts as he might deem necessary, and gave him
a monopoly for five years of the trade in buffalo hides. The whole
expense was to be borne (as was the custom of the monarchs of that day,
in granting lands which they did not own, and the privileges which such
grants carried with them) by the grantee. The fur-trade of the Montreal
colony was not to be interfered with; nor did the patent include any
provision or encouragement of the industrial or colonization scheme
which had fully taken possession of La Salle’s mind. Content, however,
with what he could get in the way of kingly favor—on the principle,
perhaps, that “half a loaf is better than no loaf,” the adventurer
turned his attention to securing the needed funds, and soon, by loans
from friends and family, and by mortgages upon his Fort Frontenac
property, had raised sufficient to carry out his purpose.
On the 14th July, 1678, Le Sieur La Salle, as he must thenceforth be
called, with Tonti, La Motte, and 30 men, mostly ship carpenters, with
a cargo of iron, cordage, anchors, etc., sufficient for the equipment
of two vessels, set sail for Quebec, where they arrived after a two
months’ voyage. Here they met with Father Hennepin, a Récollet friar,
who had come to Canada three years before, and whose name from this
point is prominently connected with American Western exploration.[9]
THE SECOND VOYAGE OF EXPLORATION (1678–1679) was virtually commenced,
under the orders of La Salle (who was with Tonti) detained at Quebec
by his own affairs, and the difficulties arising from the machinations
of his enemies,[10] by La Motte and Hennepin. They set sail, from Fort
Frontenac, November 18th, 1678, in a small vessel of ten tons; but it
was not until the 6th of December that they reached the mouth of the
Niagara river and saw the grand cataract of which Hennepin’s pencil has
preserved the first known picture and description. Two leagues above
the mouth of the Niagara river La Motte began the erection of a fort,
where he was joined later by La Salle and Tonti. Here, under almost
unsurmountable obstacles, due to the excessive cold, and hunger, as
well as jealousies among the men, and the distrust of the Indians, a
ship-yard was improvised, and a vessel of about 45 tons was builded and
equipped with five small cannon. She was named the _Griffin_, in honor
of the Governor-General, and her prow was ornamented with a grotesque
figure of that somewhat apocryphal animal, in compliment to his family
arms.[11]
The building of this fort and of the _Griffin_ was a masterstroke of La
Salle’s, for Niagara was the key to the four great upper lakes (Erie,
Huron, Superior, and Michigan), and by its position would control the
fur-trade of the whole northern country. In time of peace it would
intercept the trade between the Iroquois and the Dutch and English at
Albany; in time of war it would be a menace to both.
Any forward movement, however, was delayed from February until August,
1679, by the absence of La Salle, who had been obliged to return, with
Tonti, to Fort Frontenac for needed supplies, and to attend to some of
his private affairs. For his creditors, excited by false reports of his
insolvency, had seized upon all his available property, outside of his
seigniory.
Despite these embarrassments, however, he pushed forward his
enterprise, and by the 7th of August the _Griffin_ was sailing upon
the waters of Lake Erie, never before ploughed by the keel of a white
man’s ship. Passing through the Straits of Detroit and into Lake
Huron, they stayed not their course, although nearly wrecked by a
fierce gale, until, early in September, they dropped anchor at the
entrance of Green Bay, within the waters of Lake Michigan. Here, at
Michilimackinac, was a Jesuit mission and centre of Indian trade, where
they were received with show of welcome by the holy fathers, and with
evident distrust by their Indian _protegés_. Here La Salle found that
a party of his men whom he had sent on in advance to the Illinois, to
trade for him and make preparations for his coming, had been tampered
with, had appropriated the goods in their charge to their own uses,
and that many of them were missing. Six of these rascals were found at
Michilimackinac, and with two found by Tonti at the Sault Ste. Marie,
were captured with their plunder and the remainder had taken to the
woods. It had been La Salle’s intention to leave his party at this
point to proceed on their way to the Illinois, under Tonti, while he
himself should return to Canada, to look after and protect his own
concerns there. But Tonti was just then absent, and there was great
need of his remaining with his men, lest they should again be enticed
away from their duty. Besides, he was desirous to frustrate a plan of
his enemies, which he thought he had discovered, to set the Iroquois
“by the ears” with the Illinois, with a view to draw him into the war,
and thus interrupt his plans.
Finally sailing westward into Lake Michigan he found near Green
Bay[12] several faithful men of the advance party whom he had sent
out, who had collected there and on the way thither, a considerable
store of furs; which he determined to send back to Niagara, on the
_Griffin_, to satisfy his exacting creditors, with orders to return
to the head of Lake Michigan as soon as possible.[13] She set sail on
this return voyage on the 18th of September, in the face of a storm,
which prevailed for several days. In the same storm, also, La Salle
and the fourteen men left to him, by numerous desertions _en route_,
resumed their journey, in four canoes, heavily laden with a forge,
tools, merchandise, and arms. It was no pleasure trip; twice they
were swamped, and nearly lost the contents of their canoes, as well
as their lives: drenched, cold, and without provisions, they suffered
much, and distrust of the Indians with whom they met on shore increased
their sufferings. But steadily he pushed on along the western coast of
Lake Michigan, and circled around its southern end until he reached the
mouth of the St. Joseph, called by him the Miami. Here he had expected
to meet Tonti with twenty men, coming along the eastern shore of the
lake from Michilimackinac. But no Tonti was there. It was the 1st of
November, the streams were freezing over, and their provisions were
failing. Unless they could reach the villages of the Illinois before
the Indians left for their winter hunt, starvation might be their
fate. The dissatisfaction of his men presaged mutiny and desertion,
but La Salle firmly refused to remove from the place where they were,
and affirmed his intention, if they should desert, to remain with his
Mohegan hunter and the three friars of his party until the arrival of
Tonti. Then, the better to occupy their thoughts, he set them to work
on the building of a timber fort. Twenty days later, and when this work
was well under way, Tonti appeared, but with only half of his men.
Provisions having failed, he had left the remainder thirty leagues
behind, to get their living as best they might, by hunting. But La
Salle sent him back, with two men, to find and bring them forward. On
this return trip, their canoe was swamped in a violent gale, and guns,
baggage, and provisions were lost and they returned to the fort on the
Miami, subsisting on acorns by the way. The balance of Tonti’s party,
except a couple of deserters, came into camp a few days after.
But the _Griffin_ came not back to the waiting party. Nor was her fate
ever known; whether she was lost by stress of storm, by Indian attack,
or (as La Salle always thought) by treachery of her pilot. Longer
delay, however, was impossible: and so, after sending back two of his
men to Michilimackinac, and to pilot her, if she still existed, to
the Miami fort, his party, numbering 33 in all, was re-embarked, 3rd
December, 1679, on the St. Joseph, keeping a sharp lookout along the
right-hand shore for the path or portage leading to the headwaters of
the Illinois river. This, owing to the absence of the Mohegan hunter,
they missed, and La Salle went on shore to look it up, lost his way,
and passed a dismal night in a thick snowstorm. Meantime Tonti and
Hennepin, growing uneasy, also landed, ordered guns to be fired, and
sent out men to find their lost commander, if possible. He was found
near morning, and, with the aid of the Mohegan, who had returned, the
portage was also found and La Salle, excessively fatigued, turned in,
with Hennepin, for a little rest in a wigwam which was covered with
mats made of reeds. During the night the cold forced them to kindle a
fire, from which the mats caught ablaze, so that before daybreak they
were turned out into the cold again, having barely escaped being burned
with their shelter. In the morning, shouldering their canoes, they
started across the portage to the headwaters of the Illinois—distant
some five miles. As the party filed along on their way, a disgruntled
man, who walked behind La Salle, raised his gun to shoot him in the
back, but was prevented by a companion. Reaching the Kankakee, one of
the sources of the Illinois, they floated their canoes on its thin
and sluggish stream; and passing through wide areas of swamps, and
prairies, glided along at the base of “Starved Rock” near the great
town of the Illinois, and on New Year’s Day, 1680, reached the head of
the Illinois river, where they landed, and Father Hennepin celebrated
the Mass. Four days later they had reached the long expansion—the river
now called Peoria Lake, and near its southern end they came upon a
large camp of Indians, who received them at first with surprise and
enmity. But La Salle and his men leaped ashore, and by his bravery and
knowledge of Indian character quelled their fears, so that Frenchmen
and Indians were soon seated together at a feast such as the former
had not for some time seen. The calumet of peace was exchanged and La
Salle explained to his hosts his object and his wish for peace, so that
they all retired to sleep in amity. In the morning, however, La Salle
found that he was regarded with distrust, and soon learned that Indian
emissaries from another tribe had been tampering, over-night, with his
hosts—who now appeared quite indisposed to friendship. He saw, in this
sudden change of front, the hand of the Jesuits, and when, at a second
feast, tendered by one of the chiefs, he was urged to desist from
his plan of descending the Mississippi, by arguments of the number,
valor, and ferocity of the tribes inhabiting its valley, the terrors
of alligators, serpents, and unnatural monsters, and the fearful
nature of the river itself, he was fully confirmed in his opinion. In
a strong, but temperate address, La Salle declared his disbelief in
those marvelous tales, and affirmed that they were lies, inspired by
French jealousy of his project, and sent them through Iroquois sources.
A few days later, a band of Mississippi Indians visited the camp, from
whom he learned the utter falsity of these stories and also had the
assurance that the tribes along that river would receive the white men
with favor. On this he took the first opportunity, at another feast, of
confronting the Illinois chiefs with so full a description of the river
(which he said had been communicated to him by “the Great Spirit”) its
course and its final meeting with the sea, that his savage hearers
“clapped their hands to their mouths,” in astonishment, and conceiving
him to be a sorcerer, confessed that what they had said was false and
inspired only by their desire to retain him amongst them.
Meanwhile, he had determined to fortify himself for the winter (it
was now the middle of January) in a position where he could face an
Illinois outbreak, or an Iroquois invasion, better than he could do in
the Indian camp where he was then a guest. Taking advantage of a thaw,
which temporarily reopened the frozen river, he with Hennepin, in a
canoe, sought and soon found the site he had chosen. on a low hill,
or knoll, half a league from the camp and about 200 yards from the
southern bank. In front of this knoll was a marsh, overflowed at high
tide, and on either side a ravine. A ditch was dug behind this knoll,
connecting these two ravines, and thus isolating it from the mainland.
On each side of the hill, which was nearly square, an embankment was
thrown up and its sloping sides were guarded by _chevaux-de-frise_,
and a 25-foot palisade surrounded the whole. The buildings within this
area were of musket-proof timber. This fort, the first civilized act of
occupation in the present State of Illinois, he named Fort Crèvecœur.
“La Salle’s men,” says Parkman, “were for the most part raw hands,
knowing nothing of the wilderness, and easily alarmed at its dangers,
* * * it was to the last degree difficult to hold men to their duty.
Once fairly in the wilderness, completely freed from the sharp
restraints of authority in which they had passed their lives, a spirit
of lawlessness broke out among them with a violence proportioned to the
pressure which had hitherto suppressed it. Discipline had no resources
and no guarantee; while these outlaws of the forest, the _courriers des
bois_, were always before their eyes, a standing example of unbridled
license.” Desertions and disaffections among his followers were, at
this time, a heavy burden to La Salle; and he even barely escaped from
another attempt to poison him. Finally, however, having apparently
placated the Indians of the vicinity, and checked, as he hoped, the
disposition to mutiny and desertion among his men, which had been a
constant menace to his plans,[14] he built, in an incredibly short
time, a vessel of 40 tons’ burden with which to descend the river to
the Mississippi. He also sent Hennepin and two others in a canoe to
explore the Illinois to its junction with the larger river. He himself,
having now given up all hopes of the _Griffin_, began a return to
Canada, for needed supplies, in canoes, with four Frenchmen and an
Indian hunter, leaving the faithful Tonti, with a dozen or so men to
hold the fort and guard the half-finished ship. It was a desperate
journey, but he felt that unless the articles lost in the _Griffin_
were replaced without delay, the expedition would be retarded for a
full year, and probably utterly foiled by the additional expense which
would be incurred for the support of his men. On the way he met the
two men whom he had sent back to Michilimackinac in search of the
_Griffin_, but they brought him no tidings of her fate, and ordering
them to join Tonti at Fort Crèvecœur, he pressed firmly on. He also
took occasion to examine the capabilities of the “Starved Rock” upon
the Illinois, and sent back word to Tonti to make it a stronghold of
defense in case of necessity. His journey occupied sixty-five days
of incessant toil, danger, and accidents that rendered it “the most
adventurous one ever made by a Frenchman in America;” he himself was
the only one of the party who did not break down, either from fatigue
or illness, and when Lake Erie was reached, it was his arm alone which
ferried their canoe over to the blockhouse at Niagara. They reached
Fort Frontenac on the 6th of May, and he pushed on directly to Montreal.
His sudden reappearance there caused the greatest astonishment; and
he was met on every hand with news of disaster. Both Man and Nature
seemed in arms against him; his agents had plundered him, creditors
had seized upon his property, a vessel from France, laden with stores
valued at over 10,000 crowns, had been lost at the mouth of the St.
Lawrence, and of twenty men hired in Europe, some had been detained by
the Intendant Duchesneau, and all but four of the remainder had been
told that he was dead, and had returned home. Yet, undaunted by these
staggering blows of Fortune, he went vigorously to work; and, within
a week, succeeded in gaining the supplies he so much needed for the
forlorn band he had left behind him on the Illinois. Finally, on the
very eve of his embarkation from Fort Frontenac, a letter from Tonti
informed him that most of the men left at Fort Crèvecœur had deserted,
plundered the fort, and destroyed all the arms, goods, etc., which they
could not carry away with them; and this was followed by a letter from
two friendly lake traders which told him that the deserters had also
destroyed his fort at St. Joseph, seizing a quantity of furs belonging
to him at Michilimackinac,[15] and plundered the magazine at Niagara;
and that, largely reinforced by others, they were seeking him along
the northern shore of Lake Ontario, with the design of killing him, if
they met, in order to escape punishment for their misdeeds. La Salle’s
courage rose promptly to the occasion. Choosing nine of his trustiest
men, he started out, in canoes, to face them, met and captured four of
them in one canoe and killed two and captured three others in another
canoe. His prisoners he placed in custody at Fort Frontenac, to await
the coming of Governor-General Frontenac; and immediately put out on
his return to the Illinois, and the relief of his gallant lieutenant
Tonti. He took with him a new lieutenant, one La Forest, a surgeon,
ship-carpenter, joiners, masons, soldiers, voyageurs and laborers, 25
men in all, with full outfits of all needed tools for the building of
the vessel and a new fort. By a shorter route than that of the previous
year, they arrived at Michilimackinac, pushed on with 12 men to the
ruined fort at St. Joseph, where he left the heavy stores, under a
small guard, to await the arrival of La Forest. His anxiety to reach
Tonti, of whom, thus far, he had heard nothing, was greatly increased
by a rumor of an impending invasion of the Illinois country, by the
Iroquois, which foreboded a new disaster to his enterprise. And as the
party passed down the Illinois, it met with evidences everywhere that
the two savage tribes had indeed met in combat, to the utter rout of
the Illinois; but their anxiety in regard to Tonti was not relieved by
any word or sign. The vessel, however, which he had left unfinished
at Fort Crèvecœur was still entire, and but slightly damaged. Once
more taking to their canoes, they descended the river (250 miles) to
its junction with the Mississippi, which they first saw about the 7th
of December, 1681.[16] There was now nothing left for him, except to
retrace his way up the Illinois to relieve the men whom he had left at
the fort on the St. Joseph.[17] And, though to his surprise he learned
no tidings of Tonti, he found that his men under La Forest’s orders
had restored the fort, cleared a place for planting, and prepared the
timber and plank for a new vessel.
Tonti, meanwhile, finding himself caught in the very midst of the
terrible war between the Iroquois and the Illinois—from which he
extricated himself and his party only by the supreme exercise of his
wisdom and courage, against odds almost unsurmountable, had reached
Lake Michigan, near Chicago, and following its borders northward had
reached Green Bay, in a starved and half-frozen condition, from which
they were relieved by a friendly tribe of Pottawatomies. In March, La
Salle heard of the safety of Tonti, and in May, to their great joy,
these two brave men were reunited.[18]
La Salle passed the winter at his fort on the Miami, on the St.
Joseph, by the border of Lake Michigan, planning how to meet the old
disappointments and difficulties which still surrounded him, as well
as the new contingencies which he foresaw would soon arise. Of these
latter, the most formidable was the enmity of the ferocious Iroquois
nation, which had already terrorized the Illinois, and shown a
disposition to interfere with his own plans. To this end, he conceived
the idea of a confederation of the Illinois with some of the Western
tribes, and some from the New England, and Atlantic borders of the
East, which, under his leadership and the protection of France, would
be a mutual defense against the incursions of the Iroquois. This bold
project he speedily carried into effect, by his tact, personal address,
and superb oratory—for he was a natural-born diplomat, especially in
all his dealings with Indians. This done he returned to Canada, to
compose his own disturbed affairs, collect his scattered resources,
and placate his creditors. By the beginning of autumn he was again on
his way to complete the task—already twice defeated—of discovering the
mouth of the Mississippi. For, though he had satisfied himself that it
really existed, he had still to determine its course, and navigability,
and the nature of its exit into the ocean[19] as well as to acquaint
himself with its resources, and its savage inhabitants. When he reached
his fort at the Miami in October, he found there some of his new Indian
allies from the East, and with 18 of them and 23 of his own Frenchmen,
started for the headwaters of the Illinois—dragging their canoes and
baggage on sledges, as the streams were frozen. They reached the
Mississippi on the 6th of February, launched their little fleet of
canoes, and—delayed a few days by floating ice—resumed their course,
passing successively the mouths of the Missouri, the Ohio, and the
Arkansas rivers, and making visits to many tribes along their course,
by whom they were well received. As they reached the end of their
journey, on the 6th of April, sixty-two days from the time of entering
the river, they saw that the river divided into three broad channels,
or mouths, of which La Salle followed the western one, Dautray the
eastern, and Tonti the middle one.
After La Salle had located, in his canoe, the nearby borders of the
great sea, or gulf (of Mexico) which spread before them, the three
parties reassembled (April 9th, 1682) at a spot where a column was
erected and near it a plate was buried bearing the arms inscribed
with the words of France, and “_Louis Le Grande, Roy de France et de
Navarre, Règne, Le Neuvième, Avril, 1682_.” Then while the _Te Deum_,
the _Exaudéat_ and the _Domine Salvum fac Regem_ were chanted, the
volleys of musketry discharged by the men under arms, with cries of
“Vive le Roi;” a cross was planted beside the column and Le Sieur
de Salle, sword in hand, proclaimed the new-found territory as
_Louisiana_, and Louis XIV as its King and rightful Lord.
The vast domain thus secured, after the manner of those times, to the
French Crown, extended from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains, and
from the Rio Grande and the Gulf of Mexico to the farthest springs of
the Missouri; but the name—Louisiana—which he gave it is now confined
to a single commonwealth in the great sisterhood of states forming the
United States of America.
Now, in the culmination of his triumph he was seized by an illness so
severe as to threaten his life; and was unable to reach Fort Miami,
even by slow stages, before August, and to rejoin Tonti, whom he had
dispatched with news of his success to Canada. It seems to have been
about this time that he began to abandon the difficult access which he
had hitherto found, through Canada, with all its dangers and enemies,
both whites and Indians; and to reach the region of his hopes and
toils more directly by way of the Gulf of Mexico and the mouth of the
Mississippi. His plans of descending that river by means of a vessel
had twice been thwarted by disasters which proved its futility; and to
attempt his purpose with canoes would be fraught with much difficulty
and an enormous expense. He purposed now, in view of all his past
experiences, to form on the banks of the Illinois a colony of French
and Indians, as a place of storage of the furs which could be gathered
by the various Western tribes; and as a defense against the Iroquois,
who were alike inimical to the French and their Illinois allies. And
rumors of an impending renewal of attack upon these allies urged him
to greater speed; so he and Tonti repaired at once to “Starved Rock,”
before mentioned.[20] This was a cliff, rising to a height of 125 feet,
on the southern bank of the Illinois, presenting on three sides a sheer
perpendicular wall, and on its other side a deep ravine; and it was
accessible only by a difficult climb from behind. Its area was about an
acre. This rock, in December, 1662, they cleared of the forest which
crowned it, dragged timber up the ragged pathway, built storehouses and
dwellings, and surrounded the summit with palisades. In this eyrie,
which he christened Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, the winter was
passed by La Salle’s company, and by tactful management he secured the
friendship of the neighboring tribes.[21]
Around and under the protection of this fortification was soon gathered
a motley gathering of the Illinois, and fragments of other tribes, all
looking to him as their feudal lord; and to these followers, by virtue
of his seigniorial rights, he began to grant parcels of land, and soon
had the _nucleus_ of a colony of some 20,000 souls, numbering about
4,000 warriors.
But, while thus engaged in the wilderness, matters in Canada were
looming up adversely to his interests. His friend and patron, Count
Frontenac, had been recalled to France, and the man who succeeded
him as Governor-General, one de La Barre, was prejudiced against the
explorer and constantly misrepresenting him to the home government
in France. Furthermore, emboldened by the tone of the King’s letter,
who had been led to condemn La Salle’s doings and plans, La Barre,
with other associates, seized Fort Frontenac (which was La Salle’s
property), despite the remonstrances of the creditors and mortgagees;
sold his stores for their own benefit, and turned his cattle to
pasture on the growing crops. The position of La Salle became
intolerable, cut off from his supplies, for which he entreated Governor
La Barre in vain, threatened with an onslaught of the Iroquois, and
unable to afford his own Indian allies the help which he had promised
them, he had no other resource than to leave his wilderness colony in
faithful Tonti’s care, and cross the ocean again to face his enemies
before the Court and King.
_La Salle’s third return visit to France._ So, early in the autumn of
1683, he again turned his face homeward. Quite to his surprise, as
we may well imagine, La Salle found that the time of his return was
fortuitous. His old friends rallied around him; his enemies seemed, for
the moment, to have lost their influence against him. Best of all, both
the King and his Ministers were in better humor with him than, from
the tone of recent home correspondence, he had reason to expect. The
country was now at war with Spain, and the trend of official opinion
chimed in very happily with the proposals which he had to offer for the
consideration of King and Ministry.
These proposals were (1) to establish a fortified post upon the Gulf of
Mexico, within one year after his arrival there; (2) to fortify on the
Mississippi, about fifty leagues above its mouth, and there collect an
army of over 15,000 Indians; thus commanding the whole river valley,
and forming a base for military operations against the Spaniards in
the most northern province of Mexico. His plan also embraced the
adding (on his way) 50 buccaneers at St. Domingo, and 4,000 Indian
warriors from his Fort St. Louis on the Illinois. For this design, he
asked for a vessel of 30 guns, a few cannon for the forts, and 200
men, to be raised in France, armed, paid, and maintained at the King’s
expense. If, by peace with Spain, he was prevented for more than three
years from the full execution of this contract, he bound himself to
refund to the Crown all the costs of the enterprise, or forfeit the
government of the posts thus established. The scheme which he thus
outlined to the French monarch and his Minister Seignelay, of bidding
defiance to Spanish incursions, and of controlling the entire trade
and colonization of the entire Mississippi valley, was most gladly and
promptly accepted by them. La Forest, La Salle’s lieutenant, being then
in Paris, was dispatched to Canada, empowered to recover and reoccupy,
in La Salle’s name, the Forts Frontenac and St. Louis of the Illinois,
from which he had been dispossessed by Governor La Barre; and to the
latter the King personally wrote, ordering him to restore to La Salle,
or his representative, all the property of which he had been unjustly
deprived. As to the equipment of the expedition, he was given four
vessels, instead of the two for which he had asked, viz., the _Joly_,
a 36-gun ship of the royal navy, a 6-gun ship, a store-ship, and a
ketch. Soldiers were enrolled, besides 30 volunteers, many of whom were
gentlemen and of the better class of the bourgeois; several families,
and girls matrimonially inclined, as colonists; together with pilots,
mechanics, laborers, and six friars and priests of the Sulpitian and
Récollet orders.[22]
Unfortunately, the expedition, from the first, was hampered with a
divided command. La Salle’s request had been for its sole command,
with a subaltern officer, one or two pilots, and entire control of
the route they should take, and of the troops and colonists on land.
But the command of the ships was given, by the Minister, to one
Beaujeu, an old and experienced officer of the royal navy—and even
before the expedition set sail, a collision of opinions and authority
arose between the two heads of the expedition, which imperiled its
success.[23]
Finally, on the 24th of July, 1684, the expedition sailed, from
Rochelle. Its further history is to be found in the following pages of
Joutel’s Journal.
_Biographical Note._
HENRI JOUTEL, the writer of this narrative, was a native of Rouen, in
France. His father had formerly been head-gardener to Henri Cavelier,
the uncle of René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle, the explorer,
whose presence and projects for a new voyage to the Mississippi were
the engrossing subjects of interest to his fellow townsmen of Rouen
just at the time of Joutel’s return from a seventeen years’ service in
the army.[24]
Being then in the prime of his young manhood, of an adventurous
spirit, unhampered by family responsibilities, and free for any new
employment, he very naturally became a volunteer in the enterprise
of his distinguished fellow-townsman. He evidently possessed a fair
education for that day, and a character for reliability and experience,
which, together with his personal and business qualifications, rendered
him most acceptable to La Salle’s projected undertaking. His social
position in his native town, if we may infer from the title of “Mr.”
usually prefixed to his name, was that of a _bourgeois_—that class in
the community which for centuries has been the mainstay and source of
France’s stability and prosperity. In the mixed military and naval
expedition which sailed under La Salle’s orders, his position seems
not to have been that of a commissioned officer, though he styles
himself in his Journal, “a Commander,” but rather that of a personal
lieutenant and confidant[25] of the Commander-in-Chief—in other words,
a superintendent of such matters as pertained to the provisioning,
sheltering, and general care and regulation of the interests and
comfort of the settlers, both male and female, who formed a part of the
expedition.
His services to the enterprise of which he, fortunately, became the
historian, as they are simply and circumstantially narrated in this
Journal, and corroborated by contemporary evidence, prove that La
Salle’s choice of him, as “the man of affairs” of the expedition was
well-founded and fortunate. Practical, methodical, resourceful in
every emergency, tactful in his dealings with all the members of the
heterogeneous company with whom he was associated, and inflexibly loyal
to his Chief, Joutel fully proved his worth.
Twice, at least, his life was in danger, from the machinations of
mutineers. The first time, the plot was discovered in time, and, having
received an order to join La Salle with all his force, he delivered
the criminals to the latter. And again, being left in charge of the
Fort St. Louis, with 34 men, Joutel was disturbed by a plot to kill
him or deprive him of his office—from which once more his life, which
ultimately proved so valuable to the party, was preserved.
His Journal, here printed, is valuable from its exactness of detail,
and the fact that, in many places, it corrects the careless or
misleading statements of others, and it is remarkably free from the
egotism which disfigures or weakens the narratives of some early
travelers in America. Parkman, comparing it with other accounts written
by survivors of the expedition, says emphatically, “It gives the
impression of sense, intelligence and candor, throughout.”
No shadow of complicity in the murder of La Salle attaches to
Joutel. That he did not more strongly assert himself in the critical
emergencies which succeeded that tragical event, was due, probably, to
a combination of circumstances. The mutineers who had accomplished the
deed were overwhelmingly dominant, and the lives of the whole party
trembled in the balance. Joutel was no coward; but the situation in
which they found themselves called for the exercise of that prudence
which is ofttimes the better part of valor. Neither was he ambitious,
so that, when the little band of seven who sought to separate
themselves from the assassins, finally started upon their long and
perilous journey toward the North, we find, as if by common consent,
that the Abbe Cavelier figures as the nominal leader. Undoubtedly, this
was due partly to the respect felt by Joutel for the aged ecclesiastic
by virtue of his sacred office, as well as by his own life-long
association, at Rouen, with the family of Cavelier; and also by motives
of policy in thus securing for the party the _prestige_ of being headed
by a La Salle—a “name to conjure with” amid the savage tribes through
whom they must pass.
Yet, undoubtedly, it was mainly to Joutel’s prudence, courage, and
practical knowledge that the little band of survivors—after their
marvelous journey of over 800 miles through trackless wilds, and amid
innumerable dangers from flood, disease, and savages—finally reached
Quebec, and ultimately their beloved France, in October, 1688.
The motives previously alluded to as influencing Joutel in waiving his
right to the leadership of the party, on its return to civilization,
may, probably, sufficiently account for (even if they do not fully
condone) his connivance (as also that of Father Douay) in the
concealment, for over two years, of the fact of La Salle’s death—a
deception undoubtedly originating with the Abbe Cavalier, who desired
thereby to get possession of property which might otherwise have been
seized by creditors of his deceased brother the Sieur Robert La Salle,
the explorer. Parkman says (_note_ to p. 207, vol. ii, _La Salle’s
Voyages_, Champlain edition) that “the prudent Abbe died rich and very
old, at the home of a relative, having inherited a large estate after
his return from America.”
Joutel appears to have spent the rest of his life at Rouen, where
Charlevoix says he saw him in 1723; and speaks of him as a very upright
man, and evidently the only trustworthy member of La Salle’s party. Of
Joutel’s _Journal_ he also speaks in the same strain.[26]
[Illustration: Original Title Page in facsimile
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+
|+------------------------------------------------------------------+|
|| A ||
|| JOURNAL ||
|| Of the LAST ||
|| VOYAGE ||
|| Perform’d by ||
|| Monſr. de la Sale, ||
|| TO THE ||
|| GULPH of MEXICO, ||
|| To find out the ||
|| Mouth of the _Miſſiſipi_ River; ||
|| ||
|| CONTAINING, ||
|| An Account of the Settlements he endeavour’d to make on the ||
|| Coaſt of the aforeſaid _Bay_, his unfortunate Death, and the ||
|| Travels of his Companions for the Space of Eight Hundred ||
|| Leagues acroſs that Inland Country of _America_. now call’d ||
|| _Louiſiana_, (and given by the King of _France_ to M. ||
|| _Crozat_,) till they came into _Canada_. ||
|| ---------------------------------------------------------------- ||
|| _Written in_ French _by Monſieur_ Joutel, ||
|| _A Commander in that Expedition_; ||
|| _And Tranſlated from the Edition juſt publiſh’d at_ Paris. ||
|| ---------------------------------------------------------------- ||
|| With an exact Map of that vaſt Country, and a Copy of the ||
|| _Letters Patents_ granted by the K. of _France_ to M. _Crozat_. ||
|| ---------------------------------------------------------------- ||
|| _LONDON_, Printed for _A. Bell_ at the _Croſs-Keys_ and ||
||_Bible_ in _Cornhill_, _B. Lintott_ at the _Croſs Keys_ in _Fleet-||
|| ſtreet_, and _J. Baker_ in _Pater-Noſter-Row_, 1714. ||
|+------------------------------------------------------------------+|
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+
]
[Decoration]
THE
_French_ BOOKSELLER
TO THE
READER.
_The Manuscript of this Journal hapning to fall into my Hands, and
having shewn it to some Persons well vers’d in these Affairs, they were
of Opinion it deserv’d to be printed; especially at this Time, when
travels are so much in Request, and in regard this is now seasonable,
on Account of the Description it gives of the famous River_ Missisipi
_and of the Country of_ Louisiana, _where it is intended to make great
Settlements. Besides, this Relation is uncommon, curious and ingaging,
both in Regard to the Honour and Advantage of the Nation, for as much
as it contains the Attempts and the bold and glorious Undertakings
of our_ French _Adventurers, who not satisfied, like others, with
discovering the Borders and Coasts of unknown Countries, proceed to
penetrate into the Inland, through a thousand Dangers and Hazards of
their Lives. Is it not very commendable in them, to make us fully
acquainted with that great remaining Part of the World, which for so
many Ages continued unknown to our Forefathers, till about two hundred
Years ago_ Christopher Columbus _discover’d it, and_ Americus Vespusius
_going over soon after, gave it his Name, causing it to be call’d_
America? _One of those whom I desired to peruse this Manuscript, has a
little polish’d it, pursuant to the Orders I receiv’d; and he having
been a considerable Traveller, was a proper Person to judge of and put
it into a Dress fit to appear in publick. The Letter he writ to me,
being not only instructive, in Relation to the Journal, but of Use as
a curious Supplement to it, I thought the inserting of it would be
acceptable. It is as follows._
_SIR_,
I Return you your Manuscript; the Reading of it has reviv’d the
Satisfaction I once took in my Travels; it has oblig’d me to read over
again those of several Persons, who have writ of _Canada_, and carry’d
me in Imagination through those vast, barbarous and unknown Countries,
with much more Ease and less Danger than was done by the Hero of this
Relation. He certainly deserves that honourable Title, and having read
his Adventures, I could not forbear saying with the Poet
_Illi robur & æs triplex
Circa Pectus erat_.
For what an extraordinary Strength, what a Vigour of Body and Mind
was requisite for him to project, to undertake and to go thro’ with
so unusual, so bold and so difficult an Enterprize. A Discovery of
above eight hundred Leagues of barbarous and unknown Countries,
without any beaten Roads, without Towns, and without any of those
Conveniencies, which render Travelling more easy in all other Parts.
All the Land-Carriage is reduc’d to walking afoot; being often without
any other Shoes but a Piece of a Bullock’s Hide wrapp’d about the Feet;
carrying a Firelock, a Snapsack,[27] Tools and some Commodities to
barter with the Natives. It is true that accidentally and but very
rarely a Horse is found to help out a little.
If they must venture upon the Water, there are only some wretched
Canoes, made either of the Barks of Trees or of Bullocks Hides, and
those they must often carry or drag along the Land, when the Falls of
the Rivers obstruct making use of them. All the Bed is lying on the
bare Ground, exposed to the Inclemencies of the Air, to be devour’d by
Alligators and bit by Rattle Snakes; without Bread, Wine, Salt and all
other Comforts of Life, and this for some Years. The Diet altogether
consists in a poor Pap or Hasty-Pudding made of the Meal of _Indian_
Corn, Fish half broil’d or ill boil’d, and some Beef or wild Goats
Flesh, dry’d in the Air and Smoke. Besides, what a Trouble is it to
invent Signs to be understood by so many several Nations, each of which
has it’s peculiar Language? All this an Adventurer must resolve with
himself to go through, who designs to make Discoveries in _Canada_; and
it would be hard to believe this, did not all those who write of it
exactly agree in this Particular.
However that Country is good and pleasant, at least towards the South,
which is what is here spoken of. The Temperature of the Climate is
admirable, the Soil excellent for Tillage, and it is extraordinary
fertil in all Sorts of Grain and Fruit; which appears by those the Land
produces of it self in great Plenty. The Hills and Woods produce Timber
for all Uses and Fruit Trees, as well of cold as hot Countries. There
are Vines which want but little Improvement; there are Sugar-Canes,
large Meadows, and navigable Rivers full of Fish. It is true they
are infested with Alligators, but with a little Care they are to be
avoided; as may the Rattle-Snakes, which are extraordinary venomous,
but never bite unless they are hurt. There are thousands of wild
Bullocks, larger than ours, their Flesh good, and instead of Hair,
they have a Sort of curl’d Wool extraordinary fine. There are Abundance
of Deer, wild Goats and all Sorts of wild Fowl, and more especially of
Turkeys. As there are Poisons and Venoms, so there are immediate and
wonderful Antidotes.
We must not look there for rich and stately Cities, or lofty
Structures, or any of those Wonders of Architecture, or the Remains and
ancient Monuments of the Vanity of great Men; but we may there admire
Nature in its beautiful Simplicity, as it came from the Hands of its
Creator; without having been alter’d or depraved by Ambition or Art.
But is so vast and so beautiful a Country only for Beasts, Birds and
Fishes! O inconceivable Wonder! There is an infinite Number of People,
divided into Nations, living in Cottages made of the Barks of Trees,
or cover’d with Reeds or Hides, when they are not abroad at War,
or Hunting, or Fishing, almost naked, without any other Bed but a
Bullock’s Hide, or any Houshold-Stuff but a Pot or Kettle, an Axe and
some Platters made of Bark. They take their Sustenance, as it comes
in their Way, and like the Beasts; they have no Care, do not value
Wealth, sing, dance, smoke, eat, sleep, hunt, fish; are independent,
make War, and when an Opportunity offers, take Revenge of any Injury
in the most cruel Manner they are able. Such is the Life of those
Savages. Tho’ there be some in the Southern Parts, not quite so stupid
and brutal as those in the North, yet they are both Savages, who think
of Nothing but what is present, love Nothing but what is obvious to the
Senses, incapable of comprehending any Thing that is Spiritual; sharp
and ingenious in what is for their own Advantage, without any Sense of
Honour or Humanity; horribly cruel, perfectly united among themselves
to their Nation and their Allies; but revengeful and merciless towards
their Enemies. To conclude, their Shape, tho’ hideous, shews they are
Men; but their Genius and Manners render them like the worst of Beasts.
[Sidenote: _La_ Hontan’s _forged Discourse with a Savage, wherein he
renders himself ridiculous_.]
A modern Author, who has liv’d in _Canada_, and in other Respects has
writ well enough, has perhaps fancy’d, he might distinguish himself,
and be thought more understanding than other Men in discovering the
Genius of those People, by assigning more Ingenuity and Penetration to
the Savages, than is generally allow’d them. He sometimes makes them to
argue too strongly and too subtilely against the Mysteries of Christian
Religion, and his Relation has given just Occasion to suspect, that he
is himself the Libertine and Talking Savage, to whom he has given the
artful Malignity of his Notions and Arguments.
[Sidenote: _The Natives of_ Canada _brutal_.]
As for the Genius of the Savages, I am of Opinion, we ought to believe
the Missioners; for they are not less capable than other Men to
discover the Truth, and they have at least as much Probity to make it
known. It is likely, that they, who have for an hundred Years past,
wholly apply’d themselves, according to the Duty of their Function, to
study those poor Images of Men, should not be acquainted with them?
Or would not their Conscience have check’d them, had they told a Lye
in that Particular? Now all the Missioners agree, that allowing there
are some Barbarians less wicked and brutal than the rest; yet there
are none good, nor thoroughly capable of such Things as are above
the Reach of our Senses; and that whatsoever they are, there is no
relying on them; there is always cause to suspect them, and in short,
before a Savage can be made a Christian, it is requisite to make him a
Man; and we look upon those Savages as Men, who have neither King nor
Law, and what is most deplorable, no God; for if we rightly examine
their Sentiments and their Actions, it does not appear that they have
any Sort of Religion, or well form’d Notion of a Deity. If some of
them, upon certain Occasions, do sometimes own a First or Sovereign
Being, or do pay some Veneration to the Sun. As to the first Article,
they deliver themselves in such a confuse Manner, and with so many
Contradictions and Extravagancies, that it plainly appears, they
neither know nor believe anything of it; and as for the second, it is
only a bare Custom, without any serious Reflection on their Part.
A miserable Nation, more void of the Light of Heaven, and even that
of Nature, than so many other Nations in the _East Indies_, who, tho’
brutal and stupid as to the Knowledge of the Deity, yet are not without
some Sort of Worship, and have their Hermits and _Fakirs_ who endeavour
by the Practice of horrid Penances, to gain the Favour of that Godhead,
and thereby shew they have some real Notion of it. Nothing of that Sort
is to be found among our _American_ Savages, and in Conclusion, it may
be said of them in General, that they are a People without a God.
Our _French_, who are born in Canada all of them well shap’d, and
Men of Sense and Worth, cannot endure to have their Savages thus run
down. They affirm they are like other Men, and only want Education
and being improv’d; but besides that we may believe they say so to
save the Honour of their Country, we advance nothing here but what
is grounded on the Report of many able and worthy Persons, who have
writ of it, after being well inform’d on the Spot. We are therefore
apt to believe, that there is a Distinction to be made at present
between two Sorts of Savages in _Canada_, _viz._ those who have been
conversant among the Europeans for sixty or eighty Years past, and the
others who are daily discover’d; and it is of the latter that we speak
here more particularly, and to whom we assign all those odious and
wretched Qualities of the Savages of _North America_; for it is well
known, that the first Sort of them, as for Instance, the _Hurons_, the
_Algonquins_, the _Iroquois_, the _Illinois_ and perhaps some others
are now pretty well civiliz’d, so that their Reason begins to clear up,
and they may become capable of Instruction.
[Sidenote: _Strong Women._]
Amazing and incomprehensible, but at the same Time adorable Disposition
of Divine Providence! We see here a vast Tract of the Earth, of an
immense Extent, of a wonderful Soil for Tillage and Fertility in all
Sorts of Fruit and Grain; of an admirable Temperature as to the Air,
which appears by the very numerous Inhabitants being scarce subject to
any Diseases, and in that the Sex, which among us is weak, is there
Strong and Vigorous, bringing forth their Children with little or no
Pain, and suckling them amidst Labour and Fatigues, without any of
those Miseries they are liable to in our Countries. Yet that vast and
beautiful Country, describ’d in this Journal, so much favour’d with
Worldly Blessings, has been for so many Ages destitute of the Heavenly.
The infinite Numbers of People inhabiting it are Men, and have scarce
any thing but the Shape; they are God’s Creatures, and do not so much
as know, much less serve him. Those who have the Courage and Boldness
to travel through the Countries of such Savages, and those who read
the Relations of such Travellers, ought to take Care how they make
any rash Reflections upon this Point, or pry too deeply into it; for
they may chance to lose themselves in their Thoughts. The shortest
and the safest Course is, in such Cases, to adore the inconceivable
Profoundness of the Creator’s Wisdom; to give a Check to all our
Enquiries and Curiosities, with the Apostle’s Exclamation, _O the Depth
of the Riches both of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God! How unsearchable
are his Judgments and his Ways past finding out!_ And never ceasing to
return Thanks to his Goodness, for having so abundantly supply’d us
with his Light and Grace, to conjure him to impart the same to those
poor distress’d _Americans_, and that he who is Almighty, will of those
Stones make Children of _Abraham_. This all Christians are oblig’d
incessantly to pray for, because as Brutish and Stupid as those Savages
are, they are still our Brethren, since like us descended from _Adam_
and _Noah_.
How much are we then oblig’d to those bold Travellers, who undertake
new Discoveries, who to the Hazard of their Lives, at their own
Expence, and with such extraordinary Toils, go to find out for us,
not only numerous Objects of our Curiosity and Admiration, which
were before unknown to us, but who also discover to us a numerous
Kindred, which is not ever the less such, for having been so long
unknown to us. What if it be brutal and indocible, it will be the
more Meritorious to Labour at Civilizing of and making it capable of
receiving the Lights of Reason and of Faith. We can never sufficiently
express our Gratitude to those who apply themselves to the making of
new Discoveries; the more Difficulties that attend them, the more we
are beholding to those who undertake them. Supposing that Avarice,
Ambition, a restless Temper, or a desperate Fortune, are very often the
Occasions of such Undertakings; yet God, who can draw Good out of Evil,
makes all those Passions subservient to his Glory, and the Salvation
of his Elect, and if long Travels do not commonly make Saints of the
Travellers, it is their own Fault. However, they at least prepare the
Way to the Sanctification of so many Barbarians, beating a Road for
the Missioners, who go to instruct those People. Thus all the World is
beholden to them; the Savages for the Knowledge of God that is procur’d
them; and we for finding by their Means an infinite Number of People
before unknown, who will join with us in Serving and Glorifying the
Creator of the Universe.
Granting that the said Travellers are not sometimes exact, or agree
among themselves in their Relations, their Descriptions and their
Maps; this must be an unavoidable Fault in Discoverers; but even that
is advantageous to the Publick, for as much as their Successors are
excited to examine those Points more strictly, to correct, explain and
ascertain those Mistakes.
In acknowledgment therefore of the Service done us by those Illustrious
Adventurers and to make them some Sort of Amends for their Sufferings,
let us transmit their Names to Posterity in our Writings; let us
applaud their Actions when we read them, and let us commend their
Relations. This here, most certainly deserves to be read and commended,
for it is Curious, Extraordinary and Tragical. It is also, as has been
said before, ingaging, at this Conjuncture, when there is a Design of
making Settlements in those Countries, it mentions, the Consequence
whereof may be most Honourable and Advantageous to the Nation. The
Travel thro’ that Country is one of the greatest and most full of
Difficulties that has been perform’d; the Relation of it being made
by an Eye Witness, and in a natural, plain and particular Manner,
deserves to be credited; but being only a Journal, it is not capable of
admitting of Ornaments or Embellishments. The Reader will be pleas’d
to excuse the Repetition of the same Words in it, on Account of the
Impossibility of doing otherwise, and will think it enough that the
Barrenness of the Narration is made Amends for by the Curiosity of the
Subjects. I am of Opinion the small Notes I have added will not be
displeasing, because they explain some Particulars, which are not very
intelligible to such as are not us’d to read many Travels.
After having said the Good and the Bad of this _North America_,
mentioning the Beauty and Excellency of its Climate and the Brutality
of its People, and recited the infinite Hardships, those who design to
travel must resolve to undergo, I am of Opinion it will be proper to
say something of the late Monsieur _de la Sale_, who is the principal
Person, and as it were, the Hero of this Relation, tho’ having been
murdered by his own Men, he fell the unfortunate Victim of the
Discovery here treated of. It is also convenient to make known what
went before that, which is contain’d in this Journal, and the present
happy Consequence of that fatal Enterprize. Here follows what I have of
my own particular Knowledge, and by what has been written.
[Sidenote: _Account of Monsieur_ de la Sale.]
_Robert Cavelier_, commonly call’d Monsieur _de la Sale_, a Native of
_Roan_, of a good Family, having been educated in Piety and Learning,
went over very young into _Canada_ and took Delight in Trade, but more
in Projects of new Discoveries up the Inland of those vast Countries.
Intending to settle there and make that his Country, he purchased an
Habitation in the Island of _Mont-real_, where has been built the
second Town of _Canada_, sixty Leagues above _Quebeck_, which is the
Capital, being also a Bishoprick, and the Residence of the Governor,
the Intendant and the supreme Council. There are but only those two
Towns in the Country, besides some Villages. They are both seated on
the great River of St. _Laurence_, which coming from the S. W. is
form’d or increased by the Waters of five prodigious fresh Water Lakes,
running out one into another, and through them it passes to run down to
discharge itself in the Ocean, at a very spacious Mouth, making Way for
the Ships that design to penetrate into _Canada_.
Many Discoveries had been made to the Northward, before Monsieur _de la
Sale’s_ Time; because there being Plenty of very good Furs, the Traders
of _Quebeck_ and _Mont-real_, by Means of the Adventurers call’d
_Wood-Men_,[28] from their traveling thro’ the Woods, had penetrated
very far up the Country that Way; but none had advanc’d far towards
the South or South-West, beyond Fort _Frontenac_, which is on the Lake
_Ontario_, the nearest this Way of the five great Lakes. However, upon
the Report of the Natives, it was supposed, that great and advantageous
Discoveries might be made. There had been much Talk of the rich Mines
of St. _Barbara_, in the Kingdom of _Mexico_, and some were tempted to
give them a Visit.
[Sidenote: _His Character_.]
Something was known of the famous River _Missisipi_, which it was
supposed might fall into the South Sea, and open a Way to it. These
Conjectures working upon Monsieur _de la Sale_, who being zealous for
the Honour of his Nation, designed to signalize the _French_ Name,
on Account of extraordinary Discoveries, beyond all that went before
him; he form’d the Design and resolv’d to put it in Execution. He was
certainly very fit for it, and succeeded at the Expense of his Life;
for no Man has done so much in that Way as he did for the Space of
twenty Years he spent in that Employment. He was a Man of a regular
Behaviour, of a large Soul, well enough learned, and understanding in
the Mathematicks, designing, bold, undaunted, dexterous, insinuating,
not to be discourag’d at any Thing, ready at extricating himself out
of any Difficulties, no Way apprehensive of the greatest Fatigues,
wonderful steady in Adversity, and what was of extraordinary Use, well
enough versed in several Savage Languages. M. _de la Sale_ having such
extraordinary Talents, whereof he had given sufficient Proofs upon
several Occasions, gain’d the Esteem of the Governors of _Canada_; and
Messieurs _de Courcelles_, _Talon_ and _de Frontenac_ successively
express’d the same, by often employing him in Affairs for the Honour
and Advantage of the Colony.
[Sidenote: _Is made Proprietor of Fort_ Frontenac.]
The Government of the Fort of _Frontenac_, which is the Place farthest
advanc’d among the Savages, was committed to him, and he going over
into _France_, in the Year 1675, the King made him Proprietor of it,
upon Condition he should put it into a better Condition than it was,
which he did, as soon as return’d to _Canada_. Then came back again
to _Paris_, full of the new Informations he had gain’d touching the
River _Missisipi_, the Country runs through, the Mines, especially
those of Lead and Copper, the navigable Rivers, and the Trade that
might be carried on of Furs and the fine Wooll of those wild Bullocks,
whereof there are infinite Numbers in the Forests. Being also furnish’d
with better Accounts of that Country, than the Fables that were then
publish’d, by the Name of a Voyage of the Sieur _Joliet_, he was
well receiv’d at Court, and dispatch’d with the necessary Orders for
proceeding on his Discoveries.
[Sidenote: _His Reputation makes Enemies._]
The great Reputation Monsieur _de la Sale_ had gain’d, and his mighty
Projects, occasion’d a Jealousy in some and Envy in others. His own
Countrymen thwarted his Designs; but he surmounted all those Obstacles
and return’d into _Canada_, about the Year 1678, with the Chevalier
_Tonty_, an _Italian_ Gentleman, a Person of Worth and that had serv’d,
whom he gain’d to his Enterprize. He also pick’d up in the Country
forty or fifty Persons fit for that Expedition, and among them were
three Recolets, whom he carry’d over to try what might be done as to
Christianity among the Savages; he was well acquainted with, and had a
just Esteem for the Virtue, the Capacity and the Zeal of those good,
religious Men, who alone first undertook the Mission into that new
World, and who being seconded by others, have carry’d it on there, with
so much Edification.
[Sidenote: _Source of the_ Missisipi.]
[Sidenote: Islinois _River_.]
Monsieur _de la Sale_ having spent two Years in going and coming, still
thwarted by those who envy’d him in the Country, to such a Degree,
that had it not been for an Antidote, he must have dy’d of Poison
given him by some Villains, could not order his Affairs and begin his
Expedition till the Year 1682. He set out at length, and to the End
his Discovery of the _Missisipi_ might be compleat, he caus’d Father
_Hennepin_, a Recolet, with some others, to travel to the Northward,
that they might find out the Source of that River, and they found it,
about the 50th Degree of North Latitude. For his own Part, he proceeded
to the Westward and found the River of the _Islinois_, which he call’d
the River of _Seignelay_, and following its Course, came into the
_Missisipi_, where the other discharges it self. He then concluded
he had no more to do, but to run down to its Mouth, whether in the
South Sea or the Gulph of _Mexico_. All along its Banks he found many
Savage Nations, with whom, by Means of his Presents, he enter’d into
Alliances, and gave the Country the Name of _Louisiana_, to honour the
Name and Memory of our August Monarch, in whose Reign those Discoveries
were made. At length, the Course of the _Missisipi_ convey’d Monsieur
_de la Sale_ to its Mouths, as falling into the Gulph of _Mexico_ in
two Streams, and he arriv’d there in the Month of _April_ 1682 or 1683,
for the Dates of those who have writ concerning it, make either of
those Years. He stay’d there some Days, to take Observations and place
some Marks which he might know again, when he return’d. Being satisfied
with having found some Part of what he sought, he return’d the same Way
he had gone, and came again to _Quebeck_ in _Canada_, in order to go
over to _France_, and thence to make a Tryal to find that Mouth of the
_Missisipi_ by the Gulph of _Mexico_, which he had already discover’d
by the Way of _Canada_, and to secure it; for he thought it much more
advantageous to know it by the Way of the Sea, than to go thither by
Land, because the Voyage through _Canada_ is much longer and more
troublesome, and can be perform’d but once a Year, whereas by the Way
of the Bay of _Mexico_ it is not longer, but is much more commodious,
and may be perform’d in all Seasons, either going or coming. He was
also sensible that the said Mouth being once discover’d by Sea,
afforded an easier and safer Communication with _Canada_, running up
that noble River, the Navigation whereof is not interrupted by Falls,
nor Torrents for above sixty Leagues towards its Source.
These Considerations mov’d Monsieur _de la Sale_ to take another
Voyage into _France_, where his Expedition having been commended and
his new Project approv’d of, the King order’d him Vessels to return
and carry on his Enterprize, the Particulars whereof are to be found
in this Journal. That Affair, so well begun, seem’d to promise very
advantageous Consequences; but it miscarried through the Perfidiousness
and Villany of that noble Adventurer’s own People.
[Sidenote: _The other Part here mention’d is at the End of the
Journal_.]
This is what I have judg’d might serve as an Introduction to your
Journal, if it shall not be thought to dishonour it, you may place
it before the said Journal, and that which follows at the End of it,
which will shew how far that great Enterprize of the Discovery of the
_Missisipi_ has been carried.
THE
PREFACE.
Written by
Sieur _de MITCHELL_,
Who Methodiz’d this Journal.
_Notwithstanding the late Monsieur_ de la Sale’s _Voyage had a most
unfortunate End, as to his own Person, yet that will not hinder
Posterity, from ever allowing him the Title of a most renowned
Traveller_.
_The History of his Enterprize will be acceptable to future Ages, for
laying before them, the extraordinary Genius, the invincible Courage,
and the undaunted Resolution of such a Man, who could contrive and
execute the Means for discovering the remaining Part of the World._
_And in regard that the Particulars of the Discovery of those large
and immense Provinces, will always be the Object of curious and
understanding Persons, it is not to be wonder’d, that after what has
been writ by Father_ Hennepin, _a Recolet, the Chevalier_ Tonty _and
some others, we here now publish an Historical Journal of the last
Voyage Monsieur_ de la Sale _undertook into the Gulf of_ Mexico, _to
the Country of_ Louisiana, _to finish what he had projected at his
former Voyage, had not the Treachery of his own Men cut him off_.
_This Journal of Monsieur_ Joutel, _whereof Monsieur_ Tonty _makes
mention in the Book that has been printed of the last Discoveries in_
America, _Folio 319, has this peculiar, that it exactly contains what
hap’ned to Monsieur_ de la Sale, _Day by Day, in that fatal Voyage,
since his Departure from_ Rochelle _to his death, and till the Return
of his Brother Monsieur_ Cavelier _the Priest, Monsieur_ Cavelier _his
Nephew, the Reverend Father_ Anastasius, _the Recolet, and the said
Sieur_ Joutel, _who in Order to return to_ France, _took that long
Journey by Land, from the Gulf of_ Mexico _to_ Canada, _being a Tract
of above 800 Leagues_.
_Many Adventures of all Sorts, most of which are Tragical, will please
the curious Reader; and above all he will admire the Protection of
Divine Providence, in Conducting and Preserving that small Company
throughout those vast Regions, and among so many barbarous Nations._
_We do not here pretend to Criticise upon the Work of Father_ Hennepin,
_or that of Monsieur_ Tonty; _but even their own Favourers cannot take
it ill, that this Author does not sometimes say as they do; that he
plainly delivers what he saw, and that he exposes to publick View all
the Truths he was an Eye Witness to, without magnifying or inventing_.
_It is nevertheless true, that they may be all excus’d as to some
Particulars; Father_ Hennepin _and Monsieur_ Tonty _may have seen some
Things, that did not come to the Knowledge of Monsieur_ Joutel; _but
there is a Fact of great Consequence in the History of Monsieur_ de la
Sale, _which must not be pass’d over in Silence_.
_It is, that Monsieur_ Tonty, _in his Book affirms, that Monsieur_ de
la Sale _at length found the Mouth of the_ Missisipi, _and Monsieur_
Joutel _asserts the contrary, and says, that is so far from being
true, that during his last Progress towards the_ Cenis, _when the said
Sieur_ Joutel _was with him, and had never been parted, Monsieur_ de
la Sale’s _principal Care was to enquire of all the Nations they pass’d
through, where the_ Missisipi _was, and could never hear any thing of
it; that this is evidently made out, because if Monsieur_ de la Sale
_had found the Mouth of that River, he would infallibly have taken
another Way, and other Measures, and all the Appearances are on this
Side, as may be seen in this Relation_.
_However, this must be said in Behalf of Monsieur_ Tonty, _that he
deliver’d it upon the Report of Monsieur_ Cavelier _the Priest, and
Brother to Monsieur_ de la Sale; _which Monsieur_ Cavelier _might have
Reasons to give out they had discover’d the_ Missisipi, _upon the same
Views as oblig’d him to conceal his Brother’s Death_.
_Now in regard we shall see Monsieur_ de la Sale, _for some time
ranging along the Coasts of North America, to find out the Mouth of
that River, it will be proper to inform those who have not seen his
first Voyage, and shew them how it hap’ned that his Search prov’d in
vain, and he was oblig’d to land in another Place_.
_After Monsieur_ de la Sale _had discover’d that vast Continent, which
is a Part of_ North America, _from_ Canada, _by the Way of_ Montreal,
_going up the River of St._ Laurence, _then through the Country of the_
Iroquois, _the_ Islinois _and others, all which he call’d_ Louisiana,
_his Design was to find a shorter and a safer Way, than that he had
Travell’d by Land_.
_For this Reason it was, that having upon his first Discovery found
the great River, call’d by the Barbarians_ Missisipi _or_ Mechasipi,
_according to Father_ Hennepin, _and to which he gave the Name of_
Colbert, _guessing by its Course that it fell into the Bay of_ Mexico,
_he resolved with himself to find out the Mouth of it_.
_In short, he ran down that River, with more Danger and Toil than can
be imagin’d, found it parted into two Streams and follow’d that which
was most to the Northward, to the Place where it is lost in the Sea.
He took the Latitude that Mouth lay in, and found it was between 28
and 29 Degrees North, as Monsieur_ Joutel _affirms he heard him say. He
left Marks there, return’d the same Way to_ Canada _and thence into_
France, _well pleased with his Discovery, which would have been very
glorious, had he succeeded in his second Voyage_.
_But whether he did not take his Measures right, when he made his
Observations ashore, or whether that River disgorges it self at a flat
Coast, and only leaves some inconsiderable Mark of its Channel for such
as come by Sea; it is most certain, that when he came into the Bay of_
Mexico, _he sought for the same Mouth in Vain, during the Space of
three Weeks, and was oblig’d to go ashore to the S. W. of the Place,
where it really was_.
_Monsieur_ Tonty, _in his Book, Fol. 192, tells us, that he was present
when Monsieur_ de la Sale _took the Latitude of the Mouth of the_
Missisipi, _at his first Voyage, and says it was between twenty two
and twenty three Degrees North; but that is a Mistake, which must be
assigned either to the Printer, or Transcriber, for in the Map the
said Monsieur_ Tonty _has added to his Book, he places the said Mouth
in about twenty six Degrees and a Half of North Latitude, and there is
Reason to believe he errs in that too_.
_Monsieur_ Joutel _and some others are of Opinion, that the Mouth of
that Branch Monsieur_ de la Sale _went down, is in the Bay of the_ Holy
Ghost, _and actually between the twenty eighth and twenty ninth Degrees
of North Latitude, as Monsieur_ de la Sale _found it. As for the other
Channel, the same Sieur_ Joutel _believes it is farther towards the
S. W. and about the Shoals they met with about the 6th of_ January,
1685, _between the twenty seventh and twenty eighth Degrees of North
Latitude, when they were sailing along the Coast of the Bay of_ Mexico,
_and that those Shoals were the Marks of a River discharging it self
there, which they neglected to inquire into. If that be so, Monsieur_
de la Sale _was very near it, and even pass’d along before both the
Mouths, but unfortunately, without perceiving them, which was the main
Cause of his Death and the Ruin of his Enterprize_.
_To conclude, it must be granted, that as the Return of that small
Number of Persons from a Country so remote and through so many Dangers,
is a visible Effect of the Divine Protection; so it is also an Effect
of Heavenly Justice to have preserv’d those Witnesses, and to have
brought them Home into Monsieur_ de la Sale’s _Country, to retrieve his
Reputation, which had been sully’d by his Enemies_.
_Monsieur_ de la Sale _would have been taken for a Dreamer, and
even for an Impostor; his Enterprize had been condemn’d, and his
Memory blasted; but God would not permit the Honour of a Man of such
singular Merit to suffer; it pleas’d him to preserve and bring Home
unquestionable Witnesses, who, by Word of Mouth and other undoubted
Proofs of the notable Discoveries made by Monsieur_ de la Sale, _have
stopp’d the Mouths of his Enemies, and made out the Truth of what has
been asserted at the Beginning of this Discourse_, viz. _that Monsieur_
de la Sale _only wanted good Fortune to secure him the Title of a great
Man and a renowned Traveller_.
[Decoration]
Advertisement, _to the British Gentry_.
Whereas all Gentlemen ought to fit themselves betimes for those
Employments which naturally fall to their Share, preferable to their
Fellow Subjects; and that they who design in particular to serve
their Prince Abroad, are obliged to understand the Interests and
Pretentions of Foreign States, as well as the Laws and Constitution of
their own Country: It has been judg’d very serviceable, by Persons of
great Experience, to have the most celebrated Monsieur Wicquefort’s
Ambassador translated into the English Tongue, as being the only Book
that perfectly exhausts this Matter, little being written on the
Subject by other Nations in Comparison of the Italians, whose Books
are too defective and abstracted for common Practice. Proposals will
shortly be published, for printing the said Book by Subscription, by
the Undertaker Bernard Lintott between the two Temple-Gates.
The Tragedy of Jane Shore, written in Shakespear’s Style, by Nicholas
Row Esq; as it is acted at the Queen’s Theatre in the Hay-Market. pr. 1
s. 6 d.
The Rape of the Lock, an heroick comical Poem, in 5 Canto’s, with 6
Copper Plates, by Mr. Pope. pr. 1 s.
The Works of Monsieur de Moliere, translated, in 6 Vols. 12s. printed
on fine Paper and new Elziver Letter.
The Clergy-man’s Recreation, shewing the Pleasure and Profit of the
Art of Gard’ning. By John Lawrence. A. M. Rector of Yelvertost in
Northamptonshire, and sometime Fellow of Clare-Hall in Cambridge.
Miscellaneous Poems and Translations by several Hands, particularly,
the first Book of Statius his Thebais translated. The Fable of
Vertumnus and Pomoua, from the 14th Book of Ovid’s Metamorphosis. To
a young Lady; with the Works of Voiture. On Silence. To the Author of
a Poem entitled Successio. The Rape of the Lock. An Ode for Musick on
St. Cecilia’s Day. Windsor Forest. To the Right Honourable George Ld.
Lansdown. An Essay on Criticism. An Epigram upon Two or Three. All
written by Mr. Pope.
AN
HISTORICAL JOURNAL
OF THE
Late Monsieur _de la Sale’s_
LAST
VOYAGE
INTO
North America
To Discover the
River _MISSISIPI_.
[Sidenote: _It is Mr._ Joutel _that speaks in this Journal_.]
At the Time when Monsieur _de la Sale_ was preparing for his last
Voyage into _North America_, I happen’d to be at _Roan_, the Place
where he and I were both born, being return’d from the Army, where I
had serv’d sixteen or seventeen Years.
The Reputation gain’d by Monsieur _de la Sale_, the Greatness of
his Undertaking, the Natural Curiosity which all men are possess’d
with, and my Acquaintance with his Kindred, and with several of the
Inhabitants of that City, who were to bear him Company, easily
prevail’d with me to make one of the Number, and I was admitted as a
volunteer.
[Sidenote: _July 1684_]
Our Rendezvous was appointed at _Rochel_, where we were to imbark.
Messieurs _Cavelier_, the one Brother, the other Nephew to Monsieur _de
la Sale_,[29] Messieurs _Chedeville_, _Planteroze_, _Thibault_, _Ory_,
some others and I, repair’d thither in _July 1684_.
[Sidenote: _Departure from_ Rochel.]
Monsieur _de la Sale_ having provided all Things necessary for his
Voyage, surmounted all the Difficulties laid in his Way by several
ill-minded Persons, and receiv’d his Orders from Monsieur _Arnoult_,
the Intendant at _Rochel_, pursuant to those he had receiv’d from the
King, we sail’d on the _24th of July, 1684_,[30] being twenty four
Vessels, four of them for our Voyage, and the others for the Islands
and _Canada_.
[Sidenote: _Persons that went._]
The four Vessels appointed for Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Enterprize, had
on Board about two hundred and eighty persons, including the Crews; of
which Number there were one hundred Soldiers, with their Officers, one
_Talon_, with his _Canada_ Family, about thirty Volunteers, some young
Women, and the rest hired People and Workmen of all Sorts, requisite
for making of a Settlement.
[Sidenote: _Ships._]
The first of the four Vessels was a Man of War, call’d _le Joly_, of
about thirty six or forty Guns, commanded by Monsieur _de Beaujeu_,
on which Monsieur _de la Sale_, his Brother the Priest, two Recolet
Fryars, Messieurs _Dainmaville_ and _Chedeville_, Priests, and I
imbark’d. The next was a little Frigate, carrying six Guns, which the
King had given to Monsieur _de la Sale_, commanded by two Masters; a
Flyboat of about three hundred Tuns Burden, belonging to the Sieur
_Massiot_, Merchant at _Rochel_, commanded by the Sieur _Aigron_, and
laden with all the Effects Monsieur _de la Sale_ had thought necessary
for his Settlement, and a small Ketch, on which Monsieur _de la Sale_
had imbark’d thirty Tuns of Ammunition, and some Commodities design’d
for _Santo Domingo_.[31]
[Sidenote: _Boltsprit lost._]
All the Fleet, being under the Command of Monsieur _de Beaujeu_, was
order’d to keep together as far as _Cape Finisterre_, whence each was
to follow his own Course; but this was prevented by an unexpected
Accident. We were come into 45 Degrees 23 Minutes of North Latitude,
and about 50 Leagues from _Rochel_, when the Boltsprit of our Ship, the
_Joly_, on a sudden, broke short, which oblig’d us to strike all our
other Sails, and cut all the Rigging the broken Boltsprit hung by.
[Sidenote: _Return to_ Rochfort.]
[Sidenote: _Aug. 1684_]
Every man reflected on this Accident according to his Inclination. Some
were of Opinion it was a Contrivance; and it was debated in Council,
Whether we should proceed to _Portugal_, or return to _Rochel_, or
_Rochfort_; but the latter Resolution prevail’d. The other Ships
design’d for the Islands and _Canada_, parted from us, and held on
their Course. We made back for the River of _Rochfort_, whither the
other three Vessels follow’d us, and a Boat was sent in, to acquaint
the Intendant with this Accident. The Boat returned some Hours after,
towing along a Boltsprit, which was soon set in its Place, and after
Monsieur _de la Sale_ had confer’d with the Intendant, he left that
Place on the first of _August, 1684_.
[Sidenote: Cape Finisterre.]
[Sidenote: Madera.]
We sail’d again, steering _W._ and by _S._ and on the 8th of the same
Month weather’d _Cape Finisterre_, which is in 43 Degrees of North
Latitude, without meeting any Thing remarkable. The 12th, we were in
the Latitude of _Lisbon_, or about 39 Degrees North. The 16th, we
were in 36 Degrees, the Latitude of the _Streights_, and the 20th,
discover’d the Island _Madera_, which is in 32 Degrees, and where
Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ propos’d to Monsieur _de la Sale_ to anchor, and
take in Water and some Refreshments.
[Sidenote: _Difference between the Commanders._]
Monsieur _de la Sale_ was not of that Mind, on Account that we had
been but twenty one Days from _France_, had sufficient Store of Water,
ought to have taken aboard Refreshments enough, and it would be a Loss
of eight or ten Days[32] to no Purpose; besides, that our Enterprize
requir’d Secrecy, whereas the _Spaniards_ might get some Information,
by Means of the People of that Island, which was not agreeable to the
King’s Intention.
This Answer was not acceptable to Monsieur _de Beaujeu_, or the other
Officers, nor even to the Ships Crew, who mutter’d at it very much,
and it went so far, that a Passenger, call’d _Paget_, a _Hugonet_
of _Rochel_, had the Insolence to talk to Monsieur _de la Sale_ in
a very passionate and disrespectful Manner, so that he was fain to
make his Complaint to Monsieur _de Beaujeu_, and ask of him, Whether
he had given any Incouragement to such a Fellow to talk to him after
that Manner. Monsieur _Beaujeu_ made him no Satisfaction. These
Misunderstandings, with some others which happen’d before, being no Way
advantageous to his Majesty’s Service, laid the Foundation of[33] those
tragical Events, which afterwards put an unhappy End to Monsieur _de la
Sale’s_ Life and Undertaking, and occasion’d our Ruin.
[Sidenote: _Flying Fish._]
[Sidenote: _Sept. 1684_]
However, it was resolv’d not to come to an Anchor at that Island,
whereupon Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ said, That since it was so, we should
put in no where but at the Island of _Santo Domingo_. We held on our
Course, weather’d the Island of _Madera_, and began to see those little
flying Fishes, which to escape the _Dorados_, or Gilt-Heads, that
pursue them, leap out of the Water, take a little Flight of about a
Pistol Shot, and then fall again into the Sea, but very often into
Ships, as they are sailing by. That Fish is about as big as a Herring,
and very good to eat.
[Sidenote: _Trade Wind._]
On the 24th, we came into the Trade Wind, which continually blows
from East to West, and is therefore call’d by some Authors _Ventus
subsolanus_, because it follows the Motion of the Sun. The 28th, we
were in 27 Degrees 44 Minutes[34] of North Latitude, and in 344 of
Longitude. The 30th, we had a Storm, which continu’d violent for two
Days, but being right astern of us, we only lost Sight of the Ketch,
for want of good Steering, but she join’d us again a few Days after.
[Sidenote: _Ducking._]
The 6th of _September_, we were under the Tropic of _Cancer_, in 23
Degrees 30 Minutes of North Latitude and 319 of Longitude. There Mons.
_de la Sale’s_ Obstructing the Ceremony the Sailors call Ducking, gave
them Occasion to mutter again, and render’d himself privately odious.
So many have given an Account of the Nature of that Folly, that it
would be needless to repeat it here; it may suffice to say, that there
are three things to authorize it, 1. Custom. 2. The Oath administer’d
to those who are duck’d, which is to this Effect, _That they will not
permit any to pass the Tropics or the Line, without obliging them to
the same Ceremony_. And 3, which is the most prevailing Argument,
the Interest accruing to the Sailors upon that Occasion, by the
Refreshments, Liquors or Money given them by the Passengers to be
excus’d from that Ceremony.
Monsr. _de la Sale_, being inform’d that all Things were preparing for
that Impertinent Ceremony of Ducking, and that a Tub full of Water
was ready on the Deck (_the French Duck in a great Cask of Water, the
English in the Sea, letting down the Person at the Yard Arm_)[35] sent
Word, that he would not allow such as were under his Command to be
subject to that Folly, which being told to Monsr. _de Beaujeu_, he
forbid putting of it in Execution, to the great Dissatisfaction of
the inferior Officers and Sailors, who expected a considerable Sum of
Money and Quantity of Refreshments, or Liquors, because there were many
Persons to Duck, and all the Blame was laid upon Monsr. _de la Sale_.
[Sidenote: Hispaniola _Island_.]
On the 11th of _September_, we were in the Latitude of the Island of
_Santa Domingo_, or _Hispaniola_, being 20 Degrees North, and the
Longitude of 320 Degrees. We steer’d our Course West, but the Wind
flatting, the ensuing Calm quite stopp’d our Way. That same Day Monsr.
_Dainmaville_, the Priest,[36] went aboard the Bark _la Belle_, to
administer the Sacraments to a Gunner, who died a few Days after.
Monsr. _de la Sale_ went to see him, and I bore him Company.
The 21st,[37] the Ketch, which we had before lost sight of, join’d
us again; and some Complaints being made to Monsr. _de la Sale_, by
several private Persons that were aboard the Flyboat, he order’d me to
go thither to accomodate those Differences, which were occasion’d only
by some Jealousies among them.
[Sidenote: Sombrero _Island_.]
The 16th, we sail’d by the Island _Sombrero_, and the 18th had hard
blowing Weather, which made us apprehensive of a Hurracan. The foul
Weather lasted two Days, during which Time, we kept under a main Course
and lost Sight of the other Vessels.
A Council was call’d aboard our Ship, the _Joly_, to consider whether
we should lie by for the others, or hold on our Course, and it was
resolv’d, that, considering our Water began to fall short, and there
were above five Persons[38] sick aboard, of which Number Monsr. _de la
Sale_ and the Surgeon[39] were, we should make all the Sail we could,
to reach the first Port[40] of the Island _Hispaniola_, being that
call’d _Port de Paix_, or Port Peace, which Resolution was accordingly
register’d.
[Sidenote: _Cape_ Samana.]
The 20th, we discover’d the first Land of _Hispaniola_, being Cape
_Samana_, lying in 19 Degrees of North Latitude, and of Longitude
308. The 25th we should have put into _Port de Paix_, as had been
concerted, and it was not only the most convenient Place for us to get
Refreshments, but also the Residence of Monsr. _de Cussy_, Governor
of the Island _Tortuga_, who knew that Monsr. _de la Sale_ carried
particular Orders for him to furnish such Necessaries as he stood in
Need of.
[Sidenote: Tortuga _Island_.]
Notwithstanding these cogent Reasons, Mr. _de Beaujeu_ was positive to
pass further on in the Night, weathering the Island _Tortuga_, which is
some Leagues distant from _Port de Paix_ and the Coast of _Hispaniola_.
He also pass’d Cape St. _Nicolas_, and the 26th[41] of the said Month,
we put into the Bay of _Jaguana_, coasting the Island _Guanabo_, which
is in the Middle of that Great Bay or Gulph, and in Conclusion, on the
27th we arriv’d at _Petit Gouave_, having spent 58 Days in our Passage
from the Port of _Chef de Bois_, near _Rochel_.
This Change of the Place for our little Squadron to put into, for
which no Reason could be given, prov’d very disadvantageous; and
it will hereafter appear, as I have before observ’d, that those
misunderstanding among the Officers insensibly drew on the Causes from
whence our Misfortune proceeded.
[Sidenote: _Oct. 1684._]
As soon as we had dropt Anchor, a _Piragua_, or great Sort of _Canoe_,
came out from the Place, with Twenty Men, to know who we were, and
hail’d us. Being inform’d that we were _French_, they acquainted us,
that Monsieur _de Cussy_ was at _Port de Paix_ with the Marquis
_de St. Laurent_, Lieutenant General of the _American_ Islands, and
Monsieur _Begon_ the Intendant, which very much troubled Monsieur _de
la Sale_, as having Affairs of the utmost Consequence to concert with
them; but there was no remedy, and he was oblig’d to bear it with
Patience.
The next Day, being the 28th, we sang _Te Deum_, in Thanksgiving for
our prosperous Passage. Monsieur _de la Sale_ being somewhat recover’d
of his Indisposition, went Ashore with several of the Gentlemen of his
Retinue, to buy some Refreshments for the Sick, and to find Means to
send Notice of his Arrival, to Messieurs _de St. Laurent_, _de Cussy_,
and _Begon_, and signify to them, how much he was concern’d that we
had not put into _Port de Paix_. He writ particularly to Monsieur _de
Cussy_, to desire he would come to him, if possible, that he might be
assisting to him, and take the necessary Measures for rendering his
Enterprize successful, that it might prove to the King’s Honour and
Service.
In the mean Time, the Sick suffering very much Aboard the Ships,[42] by
Reason of the Heat, and their being too close together, the Soldiers
were put Ashore, on a little Island, near _Petit Gouaves_, which
is the usual Burial-Place of the People of the pretended Reformed
Religion,[43] where they had fresh Provisions, and Bread baked on
Purpose, distributed to them. As for the Sick, I was order’d by
Monsieur _de la Sale_, to provide a House for them, whither they were
carry’d, with the Surgeons, and supply’d with all that was requisite
for them.
[Sidenote: _Nov. 1684_]
Some Days after, Monsieur _de la Sale_ fell dangerously ill, most
of his Family were also sick. A violent Fever, attended with
Lightheadedness, brought him almost to Extremity. The Posture of his
Affairs, Want of Money, and the Weight of a mighty Enterprize, without
knowing whom to trust with the Execution of it, made him still more
sick in Mind, than he was in his Body, and yet his Patience and
Resolution surmounted all those Difficulties. He pitch’d upon Monsieur
_le Gros_ and me to act for him, caus’d some Commodities he had Aboard
the Ships to be sold, to raise Money; and through our Care, and the
excellent Constitution of his Body, he recover’d Health.
[Sidenote: _Ketch taken by the Spaniards._]
Whilst he was in that Condition, two of our Ships, which had been
separated from us on the 18th of _September_, by the stormy Winds,
arriv’d at _Petit Gouave_ on the 2d of _October_. The Joy conceiv’d on
Account of their Arrival, was much allay’d by the News they brought of
the Loss of the Ketch, taken by two _Spanish Piraguas_; and that Loss
was the more grievous, because that Vessel was laden with Provisions,
Ammunition, Utensils and proper Tools for the settling of our new
Colonies; a Misfortune which would not have happen’d, had Monsieur _de
Beaujeu_ put into _Port de Paix_, and Messieurs _de St. Laurent_, _de
Cussy_, and _Begon_ who arrived at the same Time, to see Monsieur _de
la Sale_ did not spare to signify as much to him, and to complain of
that Miscarriage.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ being recover’d had several Conferences with
these Gentlemen, relating to his Voyage. A Consult of Pilots was called
to resolve where he should touch before we came upon the Coast of
_America_, and it was resolved to steer directly for the Western Point
of the Island of _Cuba_, or for _Cape_ St. _Antony_, distant about 300
Leagues from _Hispaniola_, there to expect the proper Season, and a
fair Wind to enter the Gulph or Bay, which is but Two hundred Leagues
over.
The next Care was to lay in Store of other Provisions, in the Room of
those which were lost, and Monsieur _de la Sale_ was the more pressing
for us to imbark, because most of his Men deserted, or were debauch’d
by the Inhabitants of the Place; and the Vessel call’d _l’ Aimable_,
being the worst Sailer of our little Squadron, it was resolv’d that
should carry the Light, and the others to follow it. Monsieur _de la
Sale_, Monsieur _Cavelier_ his Brother, the Fathers _Zenobius_[44] and
_Anastasius_, both Recolets, Monsieur _Chedeville_ and I imbark’d on
the said _Aimable_ and all sail’d the 25th of _November_.
We met with some Calms, and some violent Winds, which nevertheless
carry’d us in Sight of the Island of _Cuba_, on the 30th of the same
Month, and it then bore from us _N. W._ There we alter’d our Course and
steer’d _W._ and by _N._ The 31st, the Weather being somewhat close, we
lost Sight of that Island, then stood _W. N. W._ and the Sky clearing
up, made an Observation at Noon, and found we were in 19 Degrees, 45
Minutes of North Latitude: by which we judg’d that the Currents had
carry’d us off to Sea from the Island of _Cuba_.
[Sidenote: _Dec. 1684_]
[Sidenote: Cayman _Island_.]
[Sidenote: _Island of_ Pines.]
On the first of _December_ we discovered the Island _Cayman_. The 2d
we steer’d _N. W._ and by _W._ in order to come up with the Island of
_Cuba_ in the Northern Latitude of 20 Degrees 32 Minutes. The 3d we
discovered the little Island of _Pines_, lying close to _Cuba_. The
4th, we weather’d a Point of that Island, and the Wind growing scant,
were forc’d to ply upon a Bowling, and make several Trips till the
5th at Night, when we anchor’d in a Creek, in 15 Fathom Water, and
continued there till the 8th.
During that short Stay, Monsieur _de la Sale_ went Ashore with
several Gentlemen of his Retinue on the Island of _Pines_, shot an
Alligator dead, and returning Aboard, perceiv’d he had lost two of his
Voluntiers, who had wander’d into the Woods, and perhaps lost their
Way. We fired several Musquet Shots to call them, which they did not
hear, and I was order’d to expect them ashore, with 30 Musquetiers to
attend me. They return’d the next Morning with much Trouble.
[Sidenote: _Alligator eaten._]
[Sidenote: _Wild Swine._]
In the mean Time, our Soldiers, who had good Stomachs, boil’d and
eat the Alligator, Monsieur _de la Sale_ had kill’d. The flesh of it
was white and had a Taste of Musk, for which Reason I could not eat
it. One of our Hunters kill’d a wild Swine, which the Inhabitants
of those Islands call _Maron_. There are of them in the Island of
_Santo Domingo_, or _Hispaniola_, they are of the Breed of those the
_Spaniards_ left in the Islands when they first discover’d them,
and run wild in the Woods. I sent it to Monsieur _de la Sale_, who
presented the one Half to Monsieur _de Beaujeu_.
[Sidenote: _Island of_ Pines.]
That Island is all over very thick wooded, the Trees being of several
Sorts, and some of them bear a Fruit resembling the Acorn, but harder.
There are Abundance of Parrots, larger than those at _Petit Gouave_, a
great Number of Turtle Doves and other Birds, and a Sort of Creatures
resembling a Rat, but as big as a Cat, their Hair reddish. Our Men
kill’d many of them and fed heartily on them, as they did on a good
Quantity of Fish, wherewith that Coast abounds.
[Sidenote: _The Capes_ Corrientes _and St._ Antony.]
We imbark’d again, as soon as the two Men who had stray’d were
return’d, and on the 8th; being the Feast of the _Conception_ of the
Blessed Virgin, sail’d in the Morning, after having heard Mass, and
the Wind shifting were forc’d to steer several Courses. The 9th we
discover’d Cape _Corrientes_, of the Island of _Cuba_; where we were
first becalm’d; and then follow’d a stormy Wind, which carried us away
five Leagues to the Eastward. The 10th we spent the Night, making
several Trips. The 11th, the Wind coming about, we weather’d Cape
_Corrientes_, to make that of St. _Antony_; and at length, after plying
a considerable Time, and sounding, we came to an Anchor the 12th, upon
good Ground, in fifteen Fathom Water, in the Creek form’d by that Cape,
which is in 22 Degrees of North Latitude and 288 Degrees 35 Minutes of
Longitude.
We stay’d there only till next Day, being the 13th,[45] when the Wind
seem’d to be favourable to enter upon the Bay of _Mexico_. We made
ready and sail’d, steering _N. W._ and by _N._ and _N. N. W._ to
weather the said Cape and prosecute our Voyage: But by that Time we
were five Leagues from the Place of our Departure, we perceiv’d the
Wind shifted upon us, and not knowing which Way the Currents sate,
we stood _E._ and by _N._ and held that Course till the 14th, when
Monsieur _de Beaujeu_, who was aboard the _Joly_, join’d us again,
and having confer’d with Monsieur _de la Sale_ about the Wind’s
being contrary, proposed to him to return to Cape St. _Antony_, to
which Monsieur _de la Sale_ consented, to avoid giving him any Cause
to complain, tho’ there was no great Occasion for so doing, and
accordingly we went and anchor’d in the Place from whence we came.
The next Day, being the 15th, Monsieur _de la Sale_ sent some Men
ashore, to try whether we could fill some Casks with Water. They
brought Word, they had found some in the Wood, which was not much
amiss, but that there was no Conveniency for rowling of the Casks; for
which Reason Rundlets were sent, and as much Water brought in them, as
fill’d six or seven of our Water Casks.
[Sidenote: _Mistake in Monsieur_ Tonti’s _Account of the Voyage_.]
The same Men reported, that they had found a glass Bottle, and in
it a little Wine, or some other Liquor, almost dead. This was all
the Provision we found in that Place, by which it appears, how much
Monsieur _Tonti_ was misinform’d, since in his Book, _Pag._ 242, he
says, we found in that Island several Tun of _Spanish_ Wine, good
Brandy and _Indian_ Wheat, which the _Spaniards_ had left or abandon’d;
and it is a meer Invention without any Thing of Truth.
The 16th, the Weather being still Calm, the Men went ashore again for
five or six more Casks of Water. I was to have gone with them, had not
an Indisposition, which I first felt in the Island of _Pines_, and
afterwards turn’d to a tertian Ague, prevented me. Therefore I can give
no Account of that Island, any further than what I could see from the
Ships, which was Abundance of that Sort of Palm-Trees, in French call’d
_Lataniers_, fit for nothing but making of Brooms, or scarce any other
Use. That day we saw some Smoaks, far within the Island, and guess’d
they might be a Signal of the Number of our Ships, or else made by some
of the Country Hunters, who had lost their Way.
The next Night preceding the 17th, the Wind freshning from the _N.
W._ and starting up all on a sudden, drove the Vessel call’d _la
Belle_ upon her Anchor, so that she came foul of the Boltsprit
of the _Aimable_, carrying away the Spritsail-Yard and the
Spritsail-Top-Sail-Yard, and had not they immediately veer’d out the
Cable of the _Aimable_, the Vessel _la Belle_ would have been in danger
of perishing, but escap’d with the Loss of her Mizen, which came by the
Board, and of about a hundred Fathoms of Cable and an Anchor.
The 18th, the Wind being fresh, we made ready, and sail’d about Ten in
the Morning, standing _North_ and _N._ and by _W._ and held our Course
till Noon; the Point of Cape St. _Anthony_ bearing _East_ and _West_
with us, and so continu’d steering _North-West_, till the 19th at Noon,
when we found our selves in the Latitude of 22 Degrees 58 minutes
_North_, and in 287 Degrees 54 Minutes Longitude.
Finding the Wind shifting from one Side to another, we directed our
Course several Ways, but that which prov’d advantageous to us, was the
fair Weather, and that was a great Help, so that scarce a Day pass’d
without taking an Observation.
The 20th, we found the Variation of the Needle was 5 Degrees _West_,
and we were in 26 Degrees 40 Minutes of North Latitude and 285
Degrees 16 Minutes Longitude. The 23th it grew very cloudy,[46] which
threaten’d stormy Weather, and we prepar’d to receive it, but came off
only with the Apprehension, the Clouds dispersing several Ways, and we
continu’d till the 27th in and about 28 Degrees 14 Minutes, and both
by the Latitude and Estimation it was judg’d, that we were not far from
Land.
The Bark call’d _la Belle_ was sent out to discover and keep before,
sounding all the Way; and half an Hour before Sun-set, we saw the
Vessel _la Belle_ put out her Colours and lie by for us. Being come up
with her, the Master told us, he had found an Owzy Bottom at thirty
two Fathom Water. At eight of the Clock we sounded also, and found
forty Fathom, and at ten, but twenty five. About Midnight, _la Belle_
sounding again, found only seventeen, which being a Demonstration
of the Nearness of the Land, we lay by for the _Joly_, to know what
Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ design’d, who being come up, lay by with us.
The 27th, Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ sent the _Chevalier d’Aire_, his
Lieutenant, and two Pilots to Monsieur _de la Sale_, to conclude upon
the Course we were to steer, and it was agreed we should stand West
North West till we came into six Fathom Water; that then we should run
West, and when we had discover’d the Land, Boats should be sent to view
the Country. Matters being thus agreed on, we sail’d again, sounding
all the Way for the more Security, and about ten, were in ten or eleven
Fathom Water, the Bottom fine greyish Sand and owzy. At Noon, were in
26 Degrees[47] 37 Minutes of North Latitude.
The 28th, being in eight or nine Fathom Water, we perceiv’d the Bark
_la Belle_, which kept a Head of us, put out her Colours, which was the
Signal of her having discover’d Something. A Sailor was sent up to the
Main-Top, who descry’d the Land, to the N. E. not above six Leagues
Distance from us, which being told to Monsieur _de Beaujeu_, he thought
fit to come to an Anchor.
[Sidenote: _Jan. 1685_]
There being no Man among us who had any Knowledge of that Bay, where
we had been told the Currents were strong, and sate swiftly to the
_Eastward_, it made us suspect that we were fallen off, and that the
Land we saw must be the Bay of _Apalache_, which oblig’d us on the 29th
to steer _W. N. W._ still keeping along the Land, and it was agreed
that the _Joly_ should follow us in six Fathom Water.
[Sidenote: _Currents._]
The 30th, the _Chevalier d’ Aire_ and the second Pilot of the _Joly_
came aboard us to confer and adjust by our Recknings what Place we
might be in, and they all agreed, according to Monsieur _de la Sale’s_
Opinion, that the Currents had set us to the _Eastward_, for which
Reason we held on our Course, as we had done the Day before to the _N.
W._ keeping along the Shore till the first of _January 1685_, when we
perceiv’d that the Currents forc’d us towards the Land, which oblig’d
us to come to an Anchor in six Fathom Water.
We had not been there long, before the Bark _la Belle_ made a Signal
that she had discover’d Land, which we descry’d at about 4 Leagues
Distance from us. Notice was given to Monsieur _de Beaujeu_, who drew
near to us, and it was resolv’d to send some Person to discover and
take an Account of the Land that appear’d to us.
Accordingly a Boat was man’d, and into it went Monsieur _de la Sale_,
the _Chevalier d’ Aire_ and several others; another Boat was also put
out, aboard which I went with Ten or Twelve of our Gentlemen, to join
Monsieur _de la Sale_ and the Bark _la Belle_ was order’d to follow
always keeping along the Shore; to the End that if the Wind shou’d
rise, we might get aboard her, to lose no Time.
[Sidenote: _First Landing._]
Some of those who were in Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Boat, and the
foremost,[48] went ashore and saw a spacious plain Country of much
Pasture Ground; but had not the Leisure to make any particular
Discovery, because the Wind freshning, they were oblig’d to return to
their Boat, to come aboard again; which was the Reason why we did not
go quite up to the Shore, but return’d with them to our Ship. All
that could be taken Notice of was a great Quantity of Wood along the
Coast. We took an Observation and found 29 Degrees 10 Minutes of North
Latitude.
The Second, there arose a Fog, which made us lose Sight of the _Joly_.
The next Day, the Weather clearing up, we fir’d some Cannon-shot and
the _Joly_ answer’d, and towards the Evening we perceiv’d her to the
Windward of us. We held on our Course, making several Trips till the
Fourth in the Evening, when being in Sight and within two Leagues of
the Land, we came to an Anchor to expect the _Joly_, for which we were
in Pain.
[Sidenote: _Monsieur_ Joutel _believes here was one of the Mouths of
the_ Missisipi. _See the Pref. and what follows._]
The Fifth, we set Sail and held on our Course _W. S. W._ keeping along
the Shore till about Six in the Evening, when we stood away to the
_Southward_ and anchor’d at Night in six Fathom Water. The Sixth, we
would have made ready to sail, but the Pilot perceiving, that the Sea
broke astern of us, and that there were some Shoals, it was thought
proper to continue at Anchor, till the Wind chang’d, and we accordingly
staid there the Sixth and all the Seventh. The Eighth the Wind veering
about, we stood out a little to Sea, to avoid those Shoals, which are
very dangerous, and anchor’d again a League from thence. Upon Advice,
that the Bark _la Belle_ had discover’d a small Island, which appear’d
between the two Points of a Bay, Monsieur _de la Sale_ sent a Man up
to the round Top, from whence both the one and the other were plainly
to be seen, and according to the Sea Charts we had with us, that was
suppos’d to be the Bay of the _Holy Ghost_.
The Ninth, Monsieur _de la Sale_, sent to view those Shoals. Those who
went reported there was a sort of Bank, which runs along the Coast;
that they had been in one Fathom Water and discover’d the little Island
beforemention’d, and as for the Sand Bank there is no such thing
mark’d down in the Charts. Monsieur _de la Sale_ having examin’d the
Recknings, was confirm’d in his Opinion, that we were in the Bay of
_Apalache_, and caus’d us to continue the same Course.
The Tenth, he took an Observation and found 29 Degrees 23 Minutes North
Latitude. The eleventh, we were becalm’d, and Monsieur _de la Sale_
resolv’d to go ashore, to endeavour to discover what he was looking
for; but as we were making ready, the Pilot began to mutter because
five or six of us were going with Monsieur _de la Sale_, who too
lightly alter’d his Design, to avoid giving Offence to brutish People.
In that Particular he committed an irretrieveable Error; for it is
the Opinion of Judicious Men, who, as well as I, saw the rest of that
Voyage, that the Mouth of one of the Branches of the _Missisipi_ River,
and the same whose Latitude Monsieur _de la Sale_ had taken, when he
travell’d to it from _Canada_, was not far from that Place, and that we
must of Necessity be near the Bay of the _Holy Ghost_.[49]
[Sidenote: _Monsieur_ de la Sale’s _Mistake_.]
It was Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Design to find that Bay, and having
found it, he had resolv’d to have set ashore about thirty Men, who
were to have follow’d the Coast on the Right and Left, which would
infallibly have discover’d to him that fatal River, and have prevented
many Misfortunes; but Heaven refus’d him that Success, and even made
him regardless of an Affair of such Consequence, since he was satisfy’d
with sending thither the Pilot, with one of the Masters of the Bark
_la Belle_, who return’d without having seen any Thing, because a fog
happen’d to rise; only the Master of the Bark said he believ’d there
was a River opposite to those Shoals, which was very likely, and yet
Monsieur _de la Sale_ took no Notice of it, nor made any Account of
that Report.
The Twelfth, the Wind being come about we weigh’d and directed our
Course _S. W._ to get further from the Land. By an Observation found
25[50] Degrees 50 Minutes North Latitude, and the Wind shifting, and
the Currents, which set from the Seaward driving us ashore, it was
found convenient to anchor in four or five Fathom Water, where we spent
all the Night.
The Thirteenth, we perceiv’d our Water began to fall short, and
therefore it was requisite to go ashore to fill some Casks. Monsieur
_de la Sale_ propos’d it to me to go and see it perform’d, which I
accepted of, with six of our Gentlemen who offer’d their Service. We
went into the Boat, with our Arms, the Boat belonging to the Bark _la
Belle_ follow’d ours, with five or six Men, and we all made directly
for the Land.
We were very near the Shoar, when we discover’d a number of naked Men
marching along the Banks, whom we suppos’d to be native Savages. We
drew within two Musket Shots of the Land, and the Shore being flat,
the Wind setting from the Offing, and the Sea running high, dropt our
Anchors, for Fear of staving our Boats.[51]
[Sidenote: _Savages came to the Boat._]
When the Savages perceiv’d we had stopp’d, they made Signs to us with
Skins, to go to them, shew’d us their Bows, which they laid down upon
the Ground, and drew near to the Edge of the Shore; but because we
could not get Ashore, and still they continued their Signals, I put my
Handkerchief on the End of my Firelock, after the Manner of a Flag, and
made Signs to them to come to us. They were some Time considering of
it, and at last some of them ran into the Water up to their Shoulders,
till perceiving that the Waves overwhelm’d them, they went out again,
fetch’d a large Piece of Timber, which they threw into the Sea, plac’d
themselves along both Sides of it, holding fast to it with one Arm, and
swimming with the other; and in that Manner they drew near to our Boat.
[Sidenote: _Carryed Aboard._]
Being in Hopes that Monsr. _de la Sale_, might get some Information
from those Savages, we made no Difficulty of taking them into our Boat,
one after another, on each Side, to the Number of five, and then made
Signs to the rest to go to the other Boat, which they did, and we
carry’d them on Board.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ was very well pleas’d to see them, imagining
they might give him some Account of the River he sought after; but to
no Purpose, for he spoke to them in several of the Languages of the
Savages, which he knew, and made many Signs to them, but still they
understood not what he meant, or if they did comprehend any thing, they
made Signs, that they knew nothing of what he ask’d; so that having
made them smoak and eat, we shewed them our Arms and the Ship, and when
they saw at one End of it some Sheep, Swine, Hens and Turkeys, and the
Hide of a Cow we had kill’d, they made Signs that they had of all those
Sorts of Creatures among them.
[Sidenote: _Return Ashore with Gifts._]
We gave them some Knives and Strings of Beads, after which, they were
dismiss’d, and the Waves hindring us from coming too near the Shore,
they were oblig’d to leap into the Water, after we had made fast about
their Necks, or to the Tuft of Hair they have on the Top of the Head,
the Knives and other small Presents Monsieur _de la Sale_ had given
them.
They went and join’d the others who expected them, and were making
Signs to us to go to them; but not being able to make the Shore, we
stood off again and return’d to our Ship. It is to be observed, that
when we were carrying them back, they made some Signs to us, by which
we conceiv’d they would signify to us that there was a great River that
Way we were pass’d, and that it occasion’d the Shoals we had seen.
The Wind changing, the same Day, we weigh’d Anchor and stood to the
Southward, to get into the Offing, till the 14th in the Morning, when
we were becalm’d. At Noon, we were in 28 Degrees 51 Minutes of North
Latitude. The Wind freshned, and in the Evening we held on our Course,
but only for a short Time, because the Wind setting us towards the
Shore, we were obliged to anchor again, whereupon Monsieur _de la
Sale_ again resolved to send Ashore, and the same Persons imbark’d in
the same Boats to that effect.
[Sidenote: _Goats and Bullocks._]
We met with the same Obstacles, that had hinder’d us the Day before,
that is, the High-Sea, which would not permit us to come near the
Shore, and were obliged to drop Anchor in fourteen Foot Water.[52] The
Sight of Abundance of Goats and Bullocks, differing in Shape, from
ours, and running along the Coast, heighten’d our Earnestness to be
Ashore. We therefore sounded to see whether we might get to Land by
Stripping, and found we were on a Flat, which had four Foot Water, but
that beyond it there was a deep Channel. Whilst we were consulting what
to do, a Storm arose, which oblig’d Monsieur _de la Sale_ to fire a Gun
for us to return Aboard, which we did against our Inclination.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ was pleas’d with the Report we made him, and by
it, several were encouraged to go Ashore to hunt, that we might have
some fresh Meat. We spent all that Night, till the next Morning, in
Hopes of returning soon to that Place; but the Wind changing, forc’d us
to weigh and sail till the Evening, when we drop’d Anchor in six Fathom
Water. The Land which we never departed from very far, appear’d to us
very pleasant, and having lain there till the 16th, that Morning we
sail’d _W. S. W._ We weather’d a Point, keeping a large Offing, because
of the Sea’s beating upon it, and stood to the Southward. At Noon,
we were in 28 Degrees 20 Minutes of North Latitude, and consequently
found the Latitude declin’d, by which we were sensible, that the Coast
tendered to the Southward. At Night we anchor’d in six Fathom Water.
The 17th, the Wind continuing the same, we held on our Course _S. W._
and having about Ten discover’d a Sort of River, Monsieur _de la Sale_
caus’d Ten of us to go into a Boat, to take a View of that Coast, and
see whether there was not some Place to land. He order’d me, in Case we
found any convenient Place, to give him Notice either by Fire or Smoke.
[Sidenote: _Second landing._]
We set out, and found the Shoals obstructed our Descent. One of our Men
went naked into the Water to sound that Sand Bank, which lay between us
and the Land; and having shewn us a Place where we might Pass, we, with
much Difficulty, forc’d our Boat into the Channel, and six or seven
of us landed, after ordering the Boat to go up into that which had
appeared to us to be a River, to see whether any fresh Water could be
found.
As soon as we were landed, I made a Smoke to give Notice to Monsieur
_de la Sale_, and then we advanc’d both Ways, without straggling too
far, that we might be ready to receive Monsr. _de la Sale_, who was
to come, as he did, soon after, but finding the Surges run high, he
return’d, and our Boat finding no fresh Water, came back and anchor’d
to wait for us.
We walked about every Way, and found a dry Soil, tho’ it seem’d to be
overflow’d at some Times; great Lakes of salt Water, little Grass, the
Track of Goats, on the Sand, and saw Herds of them, but could not come
near them, however we kill’d some Ducks and Bustards. In the Evening,
as we were returning, we miss’d an English Seaman, fir’d several Shots
to give him Notice, searched all about, waited till after Sunset, and
at last hearing no Tidings of him, we went into the Boat to return
Aboard.
I gave Monsieur _de la Sale_ an Account of what we had seen, which
would have pleas’d him, had the River we discover’d, afforded fresh
Water: He was also uneasy for the lost Man; but about Midnight we saw a
Fire Ashore, in the Place we came from, which we suppos’d to be made by
our Man, and the Boat went for him as soon as it was day on the 18th.
After that, we made several Trips, still steering towards the _S. W._
and then ensued a Calm, which oblig’d us to come to an Anchor. Want
of Water made us think of returning towards the River, where we had
been the Day before. Monsr. _de la Sale_ resolved to set a considerable
Number of Men Ashore, with sufficient Ammunition, and to go with them
himself, to discover and take Cognizance of that Country, and order’d
me to follow him. Accordingly we sail’d back, and came to an Anchor in
the same Place.
All things necessary for that end being order’d on the 19th, Part of
the Men were put into a Boat;[53] but a very thick Fog rising, and
taking away the Sight of Land, the Compass was made use of, and the
fog dispersing as we drew near the Land, we perceiv’d a Ship making
directly towards us, and that it was the _Joly_, where Monsr. _de
Beaujeu_ commanded, which rejoic’d us, but our Satisfaction was not
lasting, and it will appear by the Sequel, that it were to have been
wished, that Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ had not joyn’d us again, but that he
had rather gone away for _France_, without ever seeing of us.
His Arrival disconcerted the Execution of our Enterprize. Monsr. _de
la Sale_, who was already on his Way, and those who were gone before
him, return’d Aboard, and some Hours after, Monsr. _de Beaujeu_ sent
his Lieutenant, Monsr. _de Aire_, attended by several Persons, as well
Clergymen as others, among whom was the Sieur _Gabaret_, second Pilot
of the _Joly_.
[Sidenote: _Commanders at Variance._]
Monsieur _d’ Aire_ complain’d grievously to Monsieur _de la Sale_, in
the Name of Monsr. _de Beaujeu_, for that said he, we had left him
designedly; which was not true, for as I have said, the _Joly_ lay at
Anchor A-head of us, when we were separated from her; we fired a Gun to
give her Notice of our Departure, as had been concerted, and Monsr. _de
Beaujeu_ answer’d it; besides that, if we had intended to separate from
him, we should not have always held our Course in Sight of Land, as we
had done, and that had Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ held the same Course, as
had been agreed, he had not been separated from us.
There were afterwards several Disputes between the Captains and the
Pilots, as well Aboard Monsieur _de la Sale_, as Aboard Monsieur _de
Beaujeu_, when those Gentlemen return’d, about settling exactly the
Place we were in, and the Course we were to steer; some positively
affirming we were farther than we imagin’d, and that the Currents had
carry’d us away; and others, that we were near the _Magdalen_ River.
[Sidenote: _They pass the Mouth of the_ Missisipi.]
The former of those Notions prevail’d, whence, upon Reflection,
Monsieur _de la Sale_ concluded, that he must be past his River, which
was but too true; for that River emptying it self in the Sea by two
Channels, it follow’d that one of the Mouths fell about the Shoals
we had observ’d the sixth of the Month; and the rather because those
Shoals were very near the Latitude that Monsieur _de la Sale_ had
observ’d, when he came by the way of _Canada_ to discover the Mouth of
that River, as he told me several Times.
This Consideration prevail’d with Monsieur _de la Sale_ to propose
his Design of returning towards those Shoals. He gave his Reasons for
so doing and exposed his Doubts; but his ill Fortune made him not be
regarded. Our Passage had taken up more Time than had been expected,
by Reason of the Calms; there was a considerable Number of Men aboard
the _Joly_, and Provisions grew short, insomuch that they said it would
not hold out to return, if our Departure were delay’d. For this Reason
Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ demanded Provisions of Monsieur _de la Sale_;
but he asking enough for a long Time, Monsieur _de la Sale_ answer’d,
he could only give him enough for a Fortnight, which was more Time
than was requisite to reach the Place he intended to return to; and
that besides he could not give him more Provisions, without rummaging
all the Stores to the Bottom of the Hold, which would endanger his
being cast away. Thus nothing was concluded, and Monsieur _de Beaujeu_
return’d to his own Ship.
[Sidenote: _Third Landing._]
In the mean Time, Want of Water began to pinch us, and Monsieur _de
la Sale_ resolv’d to send to look for some about the next River.
Accordingly he order’d the two Boats that had been made ready the Day
before, to go off. He was aboard one of them himself, and directed me
to follow him. Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ also commanded his Boat to go
for Wood. By the Way we met the said Sieur _de Beaujeu_ in his Yaul,
returning from Land, with the Sieur _Minet_, an Ingenier, who told us,
they had been in a Sort of salt Pool, two or three Leagues from the
Place where the Ships were at Anchor, we held on our Way and landed.
One of our Boats, which was gone ahead of us, had been a League and a
half up the River, without finding any fresh Water in its Channel; but
some Men wandering about to the right and left, had met with divers
Rivulets[54] of very good Water, wherewith many Casks were fill’d.
We lay ashore, and our Hunters having that Day kill’d good Store of
Ducks, Bustards and Teal, and the next Day two Goats, Monsieur _de la
Sale_ sent Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ Part. We feasted upon the rest, and
that good Sport put several Gentlemen that were then aboard Monsieur
_de Beaujeu_, among whom were Monsieur _du Hamel_, the Ensign and the
King’s Clerk, upon coming ashore to partake of the Diversion; but they
took much Pains and were not successful in their Sport.
In the mean Time many Casks were fill’d with Water, as well for our
Ship as for Monsieur _de Beaujeu’s_. Some Days after Monsieur _d’
Aire_ the Lieutenant, came ashore to confer with Monsieur _de la
Sale_, and to know how he would manage about the Provisions; but both
of them persisting in their first Proposals and Monsieur _de la Sale_
perceiving that Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ would not be satisfied with
Provisions for 15 Days, which he thought sufficient to go to the Place
where he expected to find one of the Branches of the _Missisipi_,
which he with good Reason believ’d to be about the Shoals, I have
before spoken of, nothing was concluded as to that Affair. Monsieur
_d’ Aire_ return’d to his Captain, and Monsieur _de la Sale_ resolv’d
to land his Men; which could not be done for some Days, because of the
foul Weather; but in the mean Time we kill’d much Game.
During this little Interval, Monsieur _de la Sale_ being impatient to
get some Intelligence of what he sought after, resolv’d to go himself
upon Discovery, and to seek out some more useful and commodious River
than that where they were. To this Purpose he took five or six of us
along with him. We set out one Morning in so thick a Fog, that the
hindmost could not perceive the Track of the foremost, so that we lost
Monsieur _de la Sale_ for some Time.
[Sidenote: _Account of the Country._]
We travel’d till about three in the Afternoon, finding the Country
for the most Part Sandy, little Grass, no fresh Water, unless in some
Sloughs,[55] the Track of abundance of wild Goats, Lakes full of Ducks,
Teals, Water-Hens, and having taken much Pains return’d without Success.
The next Morning, Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ _Indian_, going about to find
wild Goats, came to a Lake, which had a little Ice upon it, the Weather
being cold, and Abundance of Fish dying about the Edges of it. He came
to inform us, we went to make our Provision of them, there were some of
a prodigious Magnitude, and among the rest extraordinary large Trouts,
or else they were some Sort of Fish very like them. We caused some of
each of a Sort to be boil’d in salt Water, and found them very good.
Thus having Plenty of Fish and Flesh, we began to use ourselves to eat
them both, without Bread.
[Sidenote: _Feb. 1685_]
Whilst we liv’d thus easy enough, Monsieur _de la Sale_ expected with
Impatience to know what Resolution Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ would take;
that he might either go to the Place, where he expected to find the
_Missisipi_, or follow some other Course; but at last, perceiving
that his Affairs did not advance, he resolv’d to put his own Design in
Execution, the Purport whereof was to land one hundred and twenty, or
one hundred and thirty Men to go along the Coast and continue it, till
they had found some other River, and that at the same Time the Bark
_la Belle_ should hold the same Course at Sea, still keeping along the
Coast, to relieve those Ashore in Time of Need.
He gave me and Monsieur _Moranget_, his Nephew, the Command of that
small Company, he furnish’d us with all Sorts of Provisions for eight,
or ten Days, as also Arms, Tools and Utensils we might have Occasion
for, of which every Man made his Bundle. He also gave us written
Instructions of what we were to do, the Signals we were to make; and
thus we set out on the Fourth of _February_.
[Sidenote: _Men sent by Land to discover._]
We took our Way along the Shore. Our first Day’s Journey was not long,
we encamp’d on a little rising Ground, heard a Cannon shot, which made
us uneasy, made the Signals that had been appointed, and the next Day,
being the 5th, we held on our March, Monsieur _Moranget_ bringing up
the Rear, and I leading the Van.
I will not spend Time in relating several personal Accidents,
inconsiderable in themselves, or of no Consequence, the most
considerable of them being the Want of fresh Water; but will proceed
to say, that after three Days March we found a great River, where we
halted and made the Signals agreed on, encamping on a commodious Spot
of Ground till we could hear of the Boat, which was to follow us, or of
our Ships.
But our Provisions beginning to fall short, and none of our Ships
appearing, being besides apprehensive of some unlucky Accident
occasion’d by the Disagreement between Monsieur _de la Sale_ and
Monsr. _de Beaujeu_, the Chief of our Company came together to know
what Resolution we should take. It was agreed, that we should spare
our Provisions to endeavour to go on to some Place where we might
find Bullocks; but it was requisite to cross the River, and we knew
not how, because we were too many of us, and therefore it was decreed
to set some Carpenters there were among-us at Work to build a little
Boat,[56] which took them up the eleventh and twelfth of _February_.
The 13th, we were put out of our Pain by two Vessels we discover’d at
Sea, which we knew to be the _Joly_ and _la Belle_, to whom we made
our Signals with Smoke. They came not in then, because it was late,
but the next Day being the 14th in the Morning, the Boat, with the
Sieur _Barbier_ and the Pilot of the Bark _la Belle_ come up, and both
sounded the Mouth of the River.
[Sidenote: _A fine River._]
They found on the Bar, from ten to twelve Foot Water, and within it
from five to six Fathom; the Breadth of the River being about half a
Quarter of a League. They sounded near the Island, which lies between
the two Points of the Bay, and found the same Depth. The Boat of
the _Joly_ came and sounded on the other Side of the Channel, and
particularly along the Shoals, I know not to what Purpose. The same
Day, Monsieur _de la Sale_, for whom we were much in Pain, came also,
and as soon as he arrived, he caus’d the Boat to be laden with such
Provisions as we stood in Need of, but the Wind being contrary, it
could not come to us till the next Day, being the 15th.
That same Day, Monsr. _de la Sale_ came Ashoar to view the Place and
examine the Entrance into the River, which he found to be very good.
Having consider’d all Particulars, he resolv’d to send in the Bark _la
Belle_ and _l’ Aimable_, that they might be under Shelter, to which
Purpose, he order’d to sound, and to know whether those two Vessels
could both come in that same Day. Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ caus’d also the
Place to be sounded, and lay Ashoar on the other Side of the River,
where he took Notice there were Vines which run up the Trees, like
our Wall Vines, some Woods and the Carcasses of Bullocks, which he
supposed to have died with Thirst.
The 16th, the Pilots of the _Joly_, _l’ Aimable_ and _la Belle_, went
again to sound, they found the Entrance easy, and gave it under their
Hands. The 17th, they fix’d Stakes to mark out the Way, that the
Vessels might come safe in. All Things seem’d to promise a happy Event.
The 18th, the Chevalier _d’ Aire_ came ashore, to confer with Monsieur
_de la Sale_, who being desirous to have the Fly-boat _l’ Aimable_ come
in that Day, order’d the most weighty Things in her to be unloaded, as
the Cannon, the Iron and some other Things. It was my good Fortune that
my Chest stood in the Way, and was also unloaded, but that Unlading
could not be done till the next Day, being the 19th. That being
perform’d, the Captain affirm’d it would go in at 8 Foot Water.
[Sidenote: _A Company of Savages._]
The 20th, Monsieur _de la Sale_ sent Orders to that Captain to draw
near the Bar, and to come in at high Water, of which a Signal should
be given him; he also order’d the Pilot of the Bark _la Belle_ to go
aboard the Flyboat, to be assisting when it came in. The Captain would
not receive him aboard, saying, he could carry in his Ship without his
Help. All these Precautions prov’d of no Use; Monsieur _de la Sale_
could not avert his ill Fate. He having taken Notice of a large Tree on
the Bank of the River, which he judg’d fit to make a Canoe, sent 7 or
8 Workmen to hew it down, two of whom return’d some Time after, in a
great Fright, and told him, they had narrowly escap’d being taken by a
Company of Savages, and that they believ’d the others had fallen into
their Hands. Monsieur _de la Sale_ order’d us immediately to handle our
Arms, and to march with Drums beating towards the Savages, who seeing
us in that Posture, fac’d about and went off.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ being desirous to join those Savages, to
endeavour to get some Information from them, order’d Ten of us to lay
down our Arms and draw near them, making Signs to them, at the same
Time, to come to us.
[Sidenote: _Their Friendly Behaviour._]
When they saw us in that Posture and unarm’d, most of them also laid
down their Bows and Arrows and came to meet us, caressing us after
their Manner, and stroking first their own Breasts and then ours, then
their own Arms and afterwards ours. By these Signs they gave us to
understand that they had a Friendship for us, which they express’d by
laying their Hands on their Hearts, and we did the same on our Part.
Six or seven of those Savages went along with us, and the rest kept
three of our Men, in the Nature of Hostages. Those who went with us
were made much of, but Monsieur _de la Sale_ could learn nothing of
them, either by Signs or otherwise; all they could make us understand
was, that there was good hunting of Bullocks in the Country. We
observ’d, that their _Yea_ consisted in a Cry, fetch’d from the Bottom
of the Throat, not unlike the Call of a Hen to gather her Chickens.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ gave them some Knives, Hatchets and other
Trifles, with which they seem’d well pleased, and went away.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ was glad to be rid of those People, because he
was willing to be present when the Flyboat came in; but his ill Fate
would not permit it. He thought fit to go himself along with those
Savages, and we follow’d him, thinking to have found our Men in the
same Place where we left them; but perceiv’d on the Contrary, that the
Savages had carried them away to their Camp, which was a League and
half from us, and Monsieur _de la Sablonniere_. Lieutenant of Foot,
being one of those the Savages had taken with them. Monsieur _de la
Sale_ resolved to go himself to fetch him away, an unhappy Thought
which cost him dear.
[Sidenote: _Their Camp._]
As we were on our Way towards the Camp of the Savages, happening to
look towards the Sea, we saw the Flyboat _l’ Aimable_ under Sail,
which the Savages who were with us admir’d, and Monsieur _de la Sale_
observing it narrowly, told us, those People steer’d wrong, and were
standing towards the Shoals, which made him very uneasy, but still we
advanc’d. We arriv’d at the Camp of the Savages, which stood upon an
Eminence, and consisted of about Fifty Cottages made of rush Mats, and
others of dry’d Skins, and built with long Poles, bow’d round at the
Top, like great Ovens, and most of the Savages sitting about, as if
they were upon the Watch.
We were still advancing into the Village, when he heard a Cannon Shot,
the Noise whereof struck such a Dread among the Savages, that they all
fell flat upon the Ground; but Monsieur _de la Sale_ and we were too
sensible it was a Signal that our Ship was aground, which was confirm’d
by seeing them furl their Sails; However we were gone too far to
return; our Men must be had, and to that Purpose, we must proceed to
the Hut of the Commander in Chief.[57]
As soon as we arrived there, Monsr. _de la Sale_ was introduc’d; many
of the _Indian_ Women came in, they were very deform’d[58] and all
naked, excepting a Skin girt about them, which hung down to their
Knees. They would have led us to their Cottages, but Monsr. _de la
Sale_ had order’d us not to part, and to observe whether the _Indians_
did not draw together, so that we kept together, standing upon our
Guard, and I was always with him.
[Sidenote: _Their Entertainment._]
They brought us some Pieces of Beef, both fresh and dry’d in the Air
and Smoke, and Pieces of Porpois, which they cut with a Sort of Knife,
made of Stone, setting one Foot upon it, and holding with one Hand,
whilst they cut with the other. We saw nothing of Iron among them.
They had given our Men, that came with them, to eat, and Monsr. _de la
Sale_ being extraordinary uneasy, we soon took Leave of them to return.
At our going out, we observ’d about forty Canoes, some of them like
those Monsr. _de la Sale_ had seen on the _Missisipi_, which made him
conclude he was not far from it.
[Sidenote: L’ Aimable _cast away_.]
We soon arrived at our Camp, and found the Misfortune, Monsr. _de la
Sale_ had apprehended, was but too certain. The Ship was stranded on
the Shoals. The ill Management of the Captain, or of the Pilot, who
had not steer’d by the Stakes placed for that Purpose; the Cries of a
Sailor posted on the Main-top, who cry’d amain, _Loof_, which was to
steer towards the Passage marked out, whilst the wicked Captain cry’d,
_Come no nearer_, which was to steer the contrary Course; the same
Captain’s Carelesness in not dropping his Anchor, as soon as the Ship
touch’d, which would have prevented her sticking aground; the Folly of
lowering his Main-Sheet and hoisting out his Sprit-Sail, the better to
fall into the Wind, and secure the Shipwreck; the Captain’s refusing
to admit the Pilot of the Bark _la Belle_, whom Monsieur _de la Sale_
had sent to assist him; the sounding upon the Shoals to no Purpose,
and several other Circumstances reported by the Ship’s Crew and those
who saw the Management, were infallible Tokens and Proofs, that the
Mischief had been done designedly and adviseably, which was one of the
blackest and most detestable Actions that Man could be guilty of.
This Misfortune was so much the greater, because that Vessel contain’d
almost all the Ammunition, Utensils, Tools and other Necessaries for
Monsr. _de la Sale’s_ Enterprize and Settlement. He had need of all
his Resolution to bear up against it; but his Intrepidity did not
forsake him, and he apply’d himself, without grieving, to Remedy what
might be. All the Men were taken out of the Ship; he desir’d Monsieur
_de Beaujeu_ to lend him his long Boat, to help save as much as might
be. We began with Powder and Meal. About thirty Hogsheads of Wine and
Brandy were saved, and Fortune being incens’d against us, two Things
contributed to the total Loss of all the rest:
The first was, that our Boat, which hung at the Stern of the Ship run
A-ground, was maliciously stav’d in the Night, so that we had none left
but Monsieur _de Beaujeu’s_. The second, that the Wind blowing in from
the Offing, made the Waves run high, which beating violently against
the Ship, split her, and all the light Goods were carry’d out at the
opening, by the Water. This last Misfortune happen’d also in the Night.
Thus every Thing fell out most unhappily, for had that befallen in the
Day, Abundance of Things might have been saved.
Whilst we were upon this melancholy Employment, about an hundred, or an
hundred and twenty of the Natives came to our Camp, with their Bows and
Arrows. Monsieur _de la Sale_ order’d us to handle our Arms, and stand
upon our Guard. About twenty of those _Indians_ mix’d themselves among
us, to observe what we had saved of the Shipwreck, upon which, there
were several Sentinels,[59] to let none come near the Powder.
The rest of the _Indians_ stood in Parcels, or Pelotons. Monsr. _de la
Sale_, who was acquainted with their Ways, order’d us to observe their
Behaviour, and to take Nothing from them, which nevertheless did not
hinder some of our Men from receiving some Pieces of Meat. Some Time
after, when the _Indians_ were about departing, they made Signs to
us to go a Hunting with them; but besides that, there was sufficient
Cause to suspect them, we had enough other Business to do. However we
ask’d, whether they would barter for any of their Canoes, which they
agreed to. The Sieur _Barbier_ went along with them, purchas’d two for
Hatchets and brought them.
Some Days after, we perceiv’d a Fire in the Country, which spread it
self and burnt the dry Weeds, still drawing towards us; whereupon,
Monsr. _de la Sale_ made all the Weeds and Herbs that were about us, be
pull’d up, and particularly all about the Place where the Powder was.
Being desirous to know the Occasion of that Fire, he took about twenty
of us along with him, and we march’d that Way, and even beyond the
Fire, without seeing any Body. We perceiv’d that it run towards the _W.
S. W._ and judg’d it had begun about our first Camp, and at the Village
next the Fire.[60]
[Sidenote: _Odd Salutation._]
Having spy’d a Cottage near the Bank of a Lake, we drew towards it,
and found an old Woman in it, who fled as soon as she saw us; but
having overtaken and given her to understand, that we would do her no
Harm, she return’d to her Cottage, where we found some Pitchers of
Water, of which we all drank. Some Time after we saw a Canoe coming,
in which were two Women and a Boy, who being landed, and perceiving
we had done the old Woman no Harm, came and imbraced us in a very
particular Manner, blowing upon our Ears and making Signs to give us to
understand, that their People were a hunting.
A few Minutes after, seven or eight of the _Indians_ appeared, who, it
is likely, had hid themselves among the Weeds when they saw us coming.
Being come up they saluted us, after the same Manner, as the Women had
done, which made us laugh. We staid there some Time with them. Some of
our Men barter’d Knives for Goats Skins, after which we return’d to
our Camp; Being come thither, Monsieur _de la Sale_ made me go aboard
the Bark _la Belle_, where he had imbark’d Part of the Powder, with
positive Orders not to carry, or permit any Fire to be made there,
having sufficient Cause to fear every thing, after what had hapned. For
this Reason they carry’d me and all that were with me, our Meat every
Day.
During this time it was that _l’ Aimable_ opening in the Night, the
next Morning we saw all the light Things that were come out of it
floating about, and Monsieur _de la Sale_ sent Men every Way, who
gather’d up about 30 Casks of Wine and Brandy, and some of Flesh, Meal
and Grain.
When we had gather’d all, as well what had been taken out of the
Ship-wreck’d Vessel as what could be pick’d up in the Sea, the next
Thing was to regulate the Provisions we had left proportionably to
the Number of Men we were; and there being no more Bisket, Meal was
deliver’d out, and with it we made Hasty Pudding with Water, which was
none of the best; some large Beans and _India_ Corn, part of which had
taken wet; and every thing was distributed very discreetly. We were
much incommoded for want of Kettles, but Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ gave
Monsieur _de la Sale_ one, and he order’d another to be brought from
the Bark _la Belle_, by which means we were well serv’d.
We were still in want of Canoes. Monsieur _de la Sale_ sent to the
Camp of the _Indians_ to barter for some, and they who went thither
observ’d, that those People had made their Advantage of our Ship-wreck,
and had some Bales of _Normandy_ Blankets, and they saw several Women
had cut them in two and made Petticoats of them. They also saw Bits of
Iron of the Ship that was cast away, and return’d immediately to make
their Report to Monsieur _de la Sale_, who said we must endeavour to
get some Canoes in Exchange, and resolv’d to send thither again the
next Day. Monsieur _du Hamel_, Ensign to Monsr. _de Beaujeu_, offer’d
to go up in his Boat, which Monsieur _de la Sale_ agreed to, and
order’d Messieurs _Moranget_, his Nephew, _Desloges_, _Oris_, _Gayen_,
and some others to bear him Company.
[Sidenote: _Indiscretion of an Ensign._]
No sooner were those Gentlemen, who were more Hot than Wise, landed,
but they went up to the Camp of the _Indians_, with their Arms in their
Hands, as if they had intended to force them, whereupon several of
those People fled. Going into the Cottages, they found others, to whom
Monsieur _du Hamel_ endeavor’d to signify by Signs, that he would have
the Blankets they had found restor’d; but the Misfortune was, that none
of them understood one another. The _Indians_ thought it their best Way
to withdraw, leaving behind them some Blankets and Skins of Beasts,
which those Gentlemen took away, and finding some Canoes in their
Return they seiz’d two, and got in, to bring them away.
[Sidenote: _March 1685_]
But having no Oars, none of them knowing how to manage those Canoes,
and having only some pitiful Poles, which they could not tell the right
Use of, and the Wind being also against them, they made little Way;
which the Sieur _du Hamel_, who was in his Boat perceiving, and that
Night drew on, he made the best of his Way, forsook them and return’d
to the Camp.
[Sidenote: _The_ Indians _take Revenge_.]
Thus Night came upon them, which oblig’d those unexperienc’d Canoe Men,
being thoroughly tir’d, to go ashore to take some Rest, and the Weather
being cold, they lighted a Fire, about which they laid them down and
fell asleep; the Sentinel they had appointed doing the same. The
_Indians_ returning to their Camp, and perceiving our Men: had carry’d
away two Canoes, some Skins and Blankets, took it for a Declaration
of a War, resolv’d to be reveng’d, and discovering an unusual Fire,
presently concluded that our men had halted there. A considerable
Number of them repair’d to the Place, without making the least Noise,
found our careless People fast asleep, wrap’d up in their Blankets, and
shot a full Volley of their Arrows upon them all together on a Sudden,
having first given their usual Shout before they fall on.
[Sidenote: _Sieurs_ Oris _and_ Desloges _kill’d._]
The Sieur _Moranget_ awaking with the Noise, and finding himself
wounded, started up and fir’d his Piece successfully enough, some
others did the like, whereupon the Natives fled. The Sieur _Moranget_
came to give us the Alarm, though he was shot through one of his Arms,
below the Shoulder, and had another slanting Wound on the Breast.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ immediately sent some arm’d Men to the Place, who
could not find the _Indians_, but when Day appear’d, they found the
Sieurs _Oris_ and _Desloges_ dead upon the Spot, the Sieur _Gayen_ much
hurt, and the rest all safe and sound.
This Disaster, which happen’d the Night of the 5th of _March_, very
much afflicted Monsieur _de la Sale_; but he chiefly lamented Monsieur
_Desloges_ a sprightly Youth, who serv’d well; but in short, it was
their own Fault, and contrary to the Charge given them, which was to
be watchful and upon their Guard. We were under Apprehensions for
Messieurs _Moranget_ and _Gayen_, lest the Arrows should be poison’d.
It afterwards appear’d they were not, however Monsieur _Moranget’s_
Cure prov’d difficult, because some small Vessel was cut.
The Consequences of this Misfortune, together with the Concern, most of
the best Persons who had follow’d Monsieur _de la Sale_ were under,[61]
supported the Design of those who were for returning to _France_ and
forsaking him, of which Number were Monsieur _Dainmaville_, a Priest
of the Seminary of St. _Sulpice_, the Sieur _Minet_, Engineer and
some others. The common Discourses of Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Enemies
tending to discredit his Conduct, and to represent the pretended
Rashness of his Enterprize, contributed considerably towards the
Desertion; but his Resolution prevailing, he heard and waited all
Events with Patience, and always gave his Orders, without appearing the
least discompos’d.
He caus’d the Dead to be brought to our Camp, and bury’d them
Honourably, the Cannon supplying the Want of Bells, and then consider’d
of making some safer Settlement. He caus’d all that had been sav’d
from the Shipwreck, to be brought together into one Place, threw up
Intrenchments about it, to secure his Effects, and perceiving that the
Water of the River, where we were, roul’d down violently into the Sea,
he fancy’d that might be one of the Branches of the _Missisipi_, and
propos’d to go up it, to see whether he could find any Tokens of it, or
of the Marks he had left, when he went down by Land to the Mouth of it.
[Sidenote: _Debates between the Commanders._]
In the mean Time, Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ was preparing to depart: The
Chevalier _de Aire_ had many Conferences with Monsieur _de la Sale_
about several things, the latter demanded of Monsieur _de Beaujeu_,
particularly the Cannon and Ball which were aboard the _Joly_, and had
been design’d for him; which Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ refus’d, alledging
that all those things lay at the Bottom of the Hold, and that he could
not rummage it without evident Danger of perishing; tho’, at the same
time, he knew we had Eight Pieces of Cannon and not one Bullet.
[Sidenote: _Mr._ de la Sale _much wrong’d_.]
[Sidenote: _Mr._ de Beaujeu _leaves him_.]
I know not how that Affair was decided between them; but am sure he
suffer’d the Captain of the Flyboat _l’Aimable_ to imbark aboard
Monsieur _de Beaujeu_, tho’ he deserv’d to be most severely punish’d,
had Justice been done him. His Crew follow’d him, contrary to what
Monsieur _de Beaujeu_ had promis’d, that he would not receive a Man of
them. All that Monsieur _de la Sale_ could do, tho’ so much wrong’d,
was to write to _France_, to Monsieur _de Seignelay_, Minister of
State, whom he acquainted with all the Particulars, as I was inform’d,
when I return’d, and he gave the Packet to Monsieur _de Beaujeu_, who
sail’d away for _France_.[62]
Having lost the Notes I took at that time, and being forc’d to rely
much upon Memory for what I now write, I shall not pretend to be any
longer exact in the Dates, for fear of mistaking, and therefore I
cannot be positive as to the Day of Monsieur _de Beaujeu’s_ Departure,
but believe it was the 14th of _March_, 1685.
[Sidenote: _A Fort built._]
When Monsr. _de Beaujeu_ was gone, we fell to Work to make a Fort,
of the Wreck of the Ship that had been cast away, and many Pieces of
Timber the Sea threw up; and during that Time, several Men deserted,
which added to Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Affliction. A _Spaniard_ and a
_French_ Man stole away and fled, and were never more heard of. Four or
five others follow’d their Example, but Monsieur _de la Sale_ having
timely Notice, sent after them, and they were brought back. One of them
was condemn’d to Death, and the others to serve the King ten Years in
that Country.
[Sidenote: _Monsr._ de la Sale _goes to discover up the River_.]
When our Fort was well advanc’d, Monsr. _de la Sale_ resolv’d to clear
his Doubts, and to go up the River, where we were, to know whether it
was not an Arm of the _Missisipi_, and accordingly order’d fifty Men
to attend him, of which Number were Monsr. _Cavelier_, his Brother,
and Monsr. _Chedeville_, both Priests, two Recolet Fryars, and several
Voluntiers, who set out in five Canoes we had, with the necessary
Provisions. There remain’d in the Fort about an hundred and thirty
Persons, and Monsr. _de la Sale_ gave me the Command of it, with Orders
not to have any Commerce with the Natives, but to fire at them if they
appear’d.
[Sidenote: _Returns._]
Whilst Monsr. _de la Sale_ was absent, I caus’d an Oven to be built,
which was a great Help to us, and employ’d my self in finishing the
Fort, and putting it in a Posture to withstand the _Indians_, who
came frequently in the Night to range about us, howling like Wolves
and Dogs; but two or three[63] Musquet Shots put them to Flight. It
happen’d one Night, that having fir’d six or seven Shot, Monsieur _de
la Sale_ who was not far from us, heard them, and being in Pain about
it, he return’d with six or seven Men, and found all Things in a good
Posture.
[Sidenote: _Sets out again._]
He told us he had found a good Country, fit to sow and plant all Sorts
of Grain, abounding in Beeves and wild Fowl; that he design’d to erect
a Fort farther up the River,[64] and accordingly, he left me Orders to
square out as much Timber as I could get, the Sea casting up much upon
the Shore. He had given the same Orders to the Men he had left on the
Spot, seven or eight of whom, detach’d from the rest, being busy at
that Work, and seeing a Number of the Natives, fled, and unadviseably
left their Tools behind them. Monsieur _de la Sale_ returning thither,
found a Paper made fast to a Reed, which gave him Notice of that
Accident, which he was concern’d at, because of the Tools, not so much
for the Value of the Loss, as because it was furnishing the Natives
with such Things as they might afterwards make Use of against us.
[Sidenote: _Apr. 1685_]
[Sidenote: _A Spanish Vessel appears._]
About the Beginning of _April_ we were alarm’d by a Vessel which
appear’d at Sea, near enough to discern the Sails, and we supposed they
might be _Spaniards_, who had heard of our Coming and were ranging the
Coast to find us out. That made us stand upon our Guard, to keep within
the Fort, and see that our Arms were fit for Service. We afterwards saw
two Men in that Vessel, who[65] instead of coming to us, went towards
the other Point, and by that Means pass’d on, without perceiving us.
[Sidenote: _Plenty of Fish taken._]
Having one Day observ’d, that the Water work’d and bubbled up, and
afterwards perceiving it was occasion’d by the Fish skipping from
Place to Place, I caused a Net to be brought, and we took a prodigious
Quantity of Fish, among which were many _Dorado’s_ or Gilt-Heads,
Mullets and others about as big as a Herring, which afforded us good
Food for several Days. This fishery, which I caused to be often
follow’d, was a great Help towards our Subsistance.
[Sidenote: _Rattle Snake bites Mr._ le Gros.]
About that Time, and on _Easter-day_ that Year, an unfortunate Accident
befell Monsieur _le Gros_. After Divine Service he took a Gun to go
kill Snipes about the Fort. He shot one, which fell into a Marsh;
he took off his Shoes and Stockings to fetch it out, and returning,
through Carelessness trod upon a Rattle Snake, so call’d, because it
has a Sort of Scale on the Tail, which makes a Noise. The Serpent bit
him a little above the Ankle, he was carefully dress’d and look’d
after, yet after having endur’d very much, he dy’d at last, as I shall
mention in its Place. Another more unlucky Accident befell us, one of
our Fishermen swimming about the Net to gather the Fish, was carry’d
away by the Current, and could not be help’d by us.
[Sidenote: _May 1685_]
[Sidenote: _Salt found in Pools._]
Our Men sometimes went about several little Salt Water Lakes, that
were near our Fort, and found on the Banks a Sort of flat Fishes, like
Turbots asleep, which they struck with sharp pointed Sticks, and they
were good Food. Providence also shew’d us that there was Salt made by
the Sun, upon several little Salt Water Pools there were in divers
Places, for having observ’d that there grew on them a Sort of white
Substance, like the Cream upon Milk, I took care every Day to send and
fetch that Scum off, which prov’d to be a very white and good Salt,
whereof I gather’d a Quantity, and it did us good Service.
[Sidenote: Indians _come to the Fort_.]
Some of our Hunters having seen a Parcel of wild Goats running as if
they were frighted, judg’d they were pursued by the _Indians_, and
came for Refuge to the Fort, and to give me Notice. Accordingly some
Time after, we discover’d a Parcel of Natives, who came and posted
themselves on an Eminence, within Cannon Shot, some of them drew
off from the rest and approach’d the Fort by the Way of the Downs.
I caused our Men immediately to handle their Arms, and wet Blankets
to be laid on our Huts, to prevent their being burnt by the Fire the
Savages sometimes shoot with their Arrows. All this Time those who had
separated themselves from the rest, being three in Number, still drew
nearer, making Signs for us to go to them; but Monsieur _de la Sale_
had forbid me having any Commerce with them; however, since they had
neither Bows nor Arrows, we made signs to them to draw near, which they
did without hesitating.
We went out to meet them. Monsieur _Moranget_ made them sit down, and
they gave us to understand by Signs, that their People were hunting
near us; being able to make no more of what they said. Monsieur
_Moranget_ was for knocking out their Brains, to revenge their having
murder’d our Companions, but I would not consent to it, since they had
come confiding in us. I made Signs to them to be gone, which they did
as fast as they could, some small Shot we fir’d into the Air making
them run, and a Cannon Shot, I pointed towards the rising Ground, where
the rest were, put them all to Flight.
These Accidents made us double our Guards, since we were at open War
with that crafty Nation, which let slip no Opportunity to surprize us,
and therefore Penalties were appointed for such as should be found
asleep upon Sentinel; the Wooden-Horse was set up for them without
Remission; and by Means of such Precautions we sav’d our Lives.
[Sidenote: _June 1685_]
[Sidenote: _Second Settlement._]
Thus we spent the rest of the Month, till the Beginning of _June_.
In the mean Time, Monsieur _de la Sale_ had begun to make another
Settlement, in the Place he before told us of, looking upon it as
better, because it was further up the Country.[66] To that Purpose
he sent to us the Sieur _de Villeperdry_ with two Canoes and Orders
for the Sieur _Moranget_ to repair to him, if he were recover’d, and
that all the Men should march, except 30 of the ablest to make a
good Defence, who were to stay with me in the Fort. The rest being
seventy Persons, as well Men and Women as Children, set up with the
Sieur _Moranget_; and we being but a small Number remaining, I caused
the Fort to be brought into a less Compass, to save posting so many
Sentinels.
[Sidenote: _A Conspiracy discover’d._]
[Sidenote: _July 1685_]
Our little Company began to take Satisfaction in the Ease of getting
and the Nature of our Provisions, which a greater Number has more
Difficulty to be supply’d with, and which we had Plenty of, by Means
of Hunting and Fishing, those being our principal Employments, and we
liv’d well enough contented, expecting to be remov’d. However there
were some Malcontents, who resolv’d to desert; but finding a Difficulty
to put it in Execution, for that they could neither get Arms, nor
Powder nor Ball, because the Sieur _le Gros_ and I kept all lock’d up,
and were very vigilant, that none might be lavishly spent, they took
the cruel Resolution to rid themselves of us.
That bloody Massacre was to begin by me, when I was asleep, and then to
proceed to the Sieur _le Gros_, who lay in the Magazine, or Warehouse,
and was in no Condition to defend himself, because his Leg was still
swollen, and put him to much Pain. The Execution was to be by stabbing.
One of the Conspirators reveal’d this to the Sieur _Devault_, a Hunter,
who immediately came and acquainted me. I did not just then take Notice
of what I had been told; but in the Evening, when they return’d from
hunting, I caused one to be secur’d, who presently confess’d all. His
Accomplice was also seiz’d, and it was very troublesome to secure them
till the Time when we should remove.
About the Middle of _July_, the Bark _la Belle_ came and anchor’d near
us. An Order was brought me from Monsieur _de la Sale_, directing me to
put aboard it all the Effects that were in our Fort, to make a Float
of the Timber I had caused to be squar’d, if Time would permit, if not
to bury it in the Ground. Every Man set his Hand to the Work, with all
possible Diligence, and our two Prisoners were put aboard, as was also
Monsieur _le Gros_ and his Surgeon, with all our Effects.
The Float was begun with immense Labour; but the Weather proving very
Stormy, and holding very long, I was oblig’d to cause what had been
done to be taken in Pieces, and to bury the Timber in the Sand, the
best we could, that the Natives might not find it.
[Sidenote: _The First Fort abandon’d._]
We then set out towards the Place where the _Indians_ had been
encamp’d, when Monsieur _de la Sale_ went the first time to see them.
We found no Creature, and lay there that Night, and so proceeded along
the Sea Coast, without any Accident, to the Camp of the Sieur _Hurie_,
which was a Post in the Way, where Monsieur _de la Sale_ had order’d
all our Effects to be laid up. It had no other Inclosure but Chests and
Barrels; but there was nothing to fear from the _Europeans_.
[Sidenote: _Ill posture of the 2d. Settlement._]
We spent the Night at that Post, and two Canoes coming thither the
next Morning, I went aboard one of them, with Part of my Company, and
join’d Monsieur _de la Sale_ the next Day, at the Place where he had
resolv’d to make his new Settlement. I gave him an Account of all
that had happen’d, and was amaz’d to see Things so ill begun and so
little advanc’d. As for the Plantation, the Seed and Grain put into the
Ground, was either lost through Drought, or eaten by Birds or Beasts.
There were several Dead, and among them the Sieur _de Villeperdry_;
many sick, and of that Number Monsieur _Cavalier_ the Priest; no
Shelter but a little square Place stak’d in, where the Powder was and
some Casks of Brandy; many other Inconveniences there were, which made
all Things appear in a miserable Condition.
[Sidenote: _Hard Labour._]
It was requisite to think of building a large Lodgement, Monsieur _de
la Sale_ design’d it, but the Difficulty was to get proper Timber for
Building. There was a little Wood, where a good Quantity might be
had, but it was a League up the Country, and we had neither Carts nor
Horses to carry it; however Monsr. _de la Sale_ sent Workmen thither,
with others to guard them. The Trees were cut down and squar’d, but
the Carpenters were so ignorant, that Monsr. _de la Sale_ was forc’d
to act the Master Builder, and to mark out the Pieces for the Work he
design’d. Some of those Pieces of Timber were dragg’d to the Camp, over
the Grass and Weeds the Plain was cover’d with; afterwards the Carriage
of a Gun was made use of; but all cost so much Labour, that the ablest
Men were quite spent.
[Sidenote: _Aug. 1685_]
[Sidenote: _Carpenter lost._]
This excessive Toil, the poor Sustenance the labouring Men had, and
that often retrench’d as a Penalty for having fail’d in doing their
Duty; the Uneasiness Monsieur _de la Sale_ was under to see nothing
succeed as he had imagin’d, and which often made him insult the
Men, when there was little Reason for it; All these things together
afflicted very many so sensibly, that they visibly declin’d, and above
thirty dy’d. The Loss of so many Men was follow’d by that of the Master
Carpenter, who was returning one Evening with me; but I happening to
step aside to kill some wild Fowl, when I came to our Habitation I
found him not, and it was never known what became of him; an Accident
which added to our Vexation, for tho’ he had but little Skill at his
Trade, yet we stood in Need of him.
Notwithstanding all those Disappointments, enough Timber was carry’d
or rather dragg’d, to build the House Monsieur _de la Sale_ designed,
and he was himself the Architect. He mark’d out the Lengths, the
Tenants and Mortises, and made good the Defect of the Workmen and
calling to Mind that I had bury’d several Pieces of Timber at our first
Habitation, which might be of Use, he order’d me to take two Canoes and
20 men, to go fetch them, in the Bark _la Belle_, which was with us.
Being come to the Place, we found the Natives had discover’d our
Timber, and carry’d away some Planks, to pick out the Nails there were
in them, which they value very much, to point their Arrows. We labour’d
to make a Float, loaded the Bark _la Belle_ with the rest of the Planks
and other Effects, and set out again. Some of the Natives appear’d
whilst we were at Work, but seeing us advance towards them, with our
Arms in our Hands, they fled.
[Sidenote: _Second Settlement._]
[Sidenote: _Sep. 1685_]
We return’d safe to Monsieur _de la Sale_, who was glad to see us, tho’
we had lost one of the Canoes, for want of its being well made fast to
the Float; but the Timber we brought was a mighty help towards carrying
on his Design, and much fitter than that we had hew’d in the Wood, with
so much Labour; so that this Timber occasion’d the raising another
Structure contiguous to the former. All was cover’d with Planks, and
Bullocks Hides over them. The Apartments were divided, and all of them
well cover’d. The Stores had a Place apart, and that Dwelling had the
name of St. _Lewis_ given it, as well as the Neighbouring Bay.[67]
[Sidenote: _Mr._ le Gros _dies and others_.]
The Sieur _le Gros_, who had remain’d aboard the Bark _La Belle_, ever
since the first Voyage she made to our former Habitation, was carry’d
ashore to the new One, and his Leg still swelling, the Surgeon was
apprehensive of a Mortification, and advis’d him to consent to have
it cut off. He did so, tho’ with Regret, the Operation was made, but
a Fever follow’d immediately, and he liv’d but two Days, dying on the
Feast of the Decollation of St. _John Baptist_, much lamented by all
Men, and particularly by Monsieur _de la Sale_, to whom he was very
serviceable, by reason of his general Knowledge, and his particular
Fidelity towards him. Monsieur _Carpentier_, Son to the Master of the
Works and the Sieur _Thibault_, both of Roan, and some others, dy’d
about the same time.
[Sidenote: _River of Bullocks._]
Monsieur _de la Sale_ being desirous to take a Progress, to find his
fatal _Missisipi_ River, and only expecting the Recovery of his Brother
Monsieur _Cavalier_, who was to bear him Company, he began to make some
Preparations towards it, and in the mean time, took some small Journeys
of four or five Leagues about, but could learn nothing further, than
that it was a very fine Country, hem’d in on one Side by a small
Mountain, which appear’d at about Fifteen or Twenty Leagues distance;
beautify’d with very fine Trees, and water’d by many little Rivers,
whereof that, on which we had built our Habitation was the least. We
call’d it _la Rivière aux Bœufs_, that is the River of Bullocks, by
reason of the great Number of them there was about it. These Bullocks
are very like ours, there are Thousands of them, but instead of Hair
they have a very long curl’d Sort of Wool.[68]
Monsieur _de la Sale_ Studying all Ways to find out the River
_Missisipi_, imagin’d it might fall into the adjacent Bay, and resolv’d
to go view all the Coasts about it, and to make use of the Bark _la
Belle_. Accordingly he order’d me to repair to the said Bark, with five
Men and a Canoe, into which he put his Cloaths, and other Effects in
several Chests.
That short Voyage was very troublesome to us, by reason of the foul
Weather, with contrary Winds and Storms, which had like to have
overwhelm’d us, and what was still worse, we did not find the Bark,
where we had left her. We went on a League further, to no Purpose, and
Provisions beginning to fall short, because we had been six Days on the
Way, instead of three, we resolv’d to return to the Place from whence
we came.
[Sidenote: _Boat of the Bark lost._]
Monsieur _de la Sale_ seeing us return at a distance, came to meet us.
Our Report troubled him for the Bark, which he stood in need of, so
that he resolv’d to go himself to seek her, imbark’d in a Canoe, and
sent me another Way, in another. After having wander’d about all that
Day, the next Night and the Day following, we at last perceiv’d her,
where she lay under Shelter in a little Creek, having been in Danger of
Perishing by the foul Weather we had been in, and had lost her Boat,
which was not well made fast.
[Sidenote: _Oct. 1685_]
The Bark was also discover’d by Monsieur _de la Sale_, who was on the
other side, which made him draw near and land, whence he sent his Canoe
to the said Bark, and Monsieur _Moranget_ who commanded it, went aboard
to meet him. The Loss of the Boat troubled Monsieur _de la Sale_, I
sent a Canoe to bring him, but to no Purpose; however the Trunks were
put aboard the Bark.
[Sidenote: _What Stores they had._]
[Sidenote: _Nov. 1685_]
Monsieur _Cavalier_ the Priest, being recover’d Monsieur _de la Sale_
prepar’d to set out with all Speed. He was pleas’d to Honour me with
the Command, during his Absence, and left me an Inventory of all that
was in our Habitation, consisting of Eight Pieces of Cannon, two
Hundred Firelocks, as many Cutlaces, an Hundred Barrels of Powder,
three Thousand Weight of Ball, about three Hundred Weight of other
Lead, some Bars of Iron, twenty Packs of Iron to make Nails, some Iron
Work and Tools, as Hatchets and the like.
As for Provisions, all that were left me amounted to twenty Casks of
Meal, one Cask and a half of Wine, three Quarters of a Cask of Brandy,
and for living Creatures some few Swine, a Cock and a Hen; which is
very short of what has been Publish’d by the Author of a Book entitled,
_The first Establishment in New France_: but the Reason of it is, that
he compiled his Work upon the Credit of Relations, which were as false
as to the Point of the Ammunition and Provisions, remaining in our
Habitation, when Monsieur _de la Sale_ set out that Time, as concerning
the Fort well condition’d, and the Magazines or Storehouses under
Ground, which are all imaginary, there being Nothing but the House I
have mention’d, pallisado’d, with some old Stakes.
Monsr. _de la Sale_ farther order’d me not to receive any Men of those
he took along with him, unless they brought an Order from him in
Writing; nor to hold or admit of any Communication with the Natives,
but rather to fire upon them, and some other Particulars he thought fit
to be observ’d. He had made himself a Coat of Mail with small Laths,
to secure himself against the Arrows, which he took along with him, he
also took the Canoes, and promis’d to send me one back. Five Cannon
Shot were the Signal of his Departure.
[Sidenote: _Monsr._ de la Sale _goes out to discover_.]
[Sidenote: _St._ Lewis_’s Bay_.]
He took his Way along the lower Part of the River, to march by Land
along the neighbouring Bay, which was call’d of St. _Lewis_, the
Canoes keeping within Sight. I was left in the Habitation with thirty
four Persons, Men, Women and Children, and of that Number were three
_Recolet_ Friars, the Sieur _Hurie_, who was to command in my Absence,
one of the Sieurs _Duhaut_, the Sieurs _Thibault_ and a Surgeon.
Our Provisions being very small, and it being requisite to spare them,
for the Sick, we were oblig’d to apply our selves to Fishing and
Shooting. Both of them at first prov’d very unsuccessful, especially
the latter; because we were not yet well vers’d in them, and Monsieur
_de la Sale_ had taken our Huntsman along with him; but at length,
Necessity made us more expert. We kill’d Beeves, some of which I caus’d
to be dry’d, and they were a considerable Help to subsist us.
[Sidenote: _Hunter dies with Cold._]
Some Days after, the Canoe Monsieur _de la Sale_ had promis’d me,
arrived with three Soldiers, who brought us the News of the Loss of the
Huntsman Monsieur _de la Sale_ had taken along with him, and who had
been found dead with Cold in a Ditch, where he had lain down to rest
after hunting, which troubled us all very much. They also inform’d us,
that Monsr. _de la Sale_ advancing towards some Dwellings the Natives
had abandon’d, after a small Resistance, some of whom had been wounded
as they fled, they had taken and brought a Girl and a Woman, who was
shot thro’ the Thigh, of which she dy’d.[69]
[Sidenote: _Dec. 1685_]
The Canoe was a great Help to us to carry what we kill’d, which being
brought to our Habitation, found Employment for all Persons, some to
flea, others to cut up, and others to dry it. At other Times, I set
some of our men to throw up a Trench about our Habitation.
[Sidenote: _Jan. 1686_]
[Sidenote: Duhaut _returns from Mr._ de la Sale.]
Thus we spent our Time, till about the Middle of _January, 1686_,
when being all, one Evening, in our Mansion, the Sentinel came in to
acquaint me, that he heard a Voice towards the River; some men ran
thither immediately, and found a Man in a Canoe, crying, _Dominick_,
which was the Name of young _Duhaut_, who was with us. The Sight of
that made me apprehensive lest some Disaster was befallen Monsr. _de la
Sale_. I drew near, and perceiv’d it was _Duhaut_ the Elder, that was
return’d.
I ask’d, him whether he had any Letters from Monsieur _de la Sale_,
he answer’d he had not. It gave me some Uneasiness, considering I was
forbid admitting any Man without an Order in Writing, and I was almost
resolv’d to secure him; but the Account he gave me of the Occasion of
his returning wholly clear’d him. I admitted him, and he told me the
whole Matter as follows.
Monsr. _de la Sale_, having staid some Time on the Sea Shore, near the
Place where the Bark was at Anchor he resolv’d to try the Anchoring
Places of the Coasts round about, to know how near the Bark _la Belle_
might come. To that Purpose he sent the Pilot with 5 of the best Men to
sound.
[Sidenote: _Six Men killed by Natives._]
The Pilot did as he was order’d, he sounded and observed the proper
Places to come near several Coasts. At Night he and his Men being in
all likelyhood tir’d, they thought fit to go Ashore and lie upon the
Land. They made a Fire, perhaps to dress some Meat; but neglecting
to stand upon their Guard, they were surpriz’d, and all six of them
kill’d by the Savages; who also broke their Canoe, and thus reveng’d
themselves for the Irruption Monsr. _de la Sale_ had lately made among
them.
More Time being elaps’d than Monsieur _de la Sale_ had allotted those
Men to return, he grew uneasy, and went himself along the Coast, to
see if any News could be had of them, and keeping along the Shore, he
found the sad Remains of those unfortunate Wretches, whose Carcasses
scatter’d about, were torn and almost devour’d by Wolves or Wild Dogs,
a Spectacle which went to his Heart.
However this Loss, which afflicted him, and particularly for the Sake
of the Pilot, who was an able Man, did not quite cast him down; but
exerting himself against his Misfortunes, he caus’d Flesh to be dry’d,
and with that and the other Provisions he victuall’d the Bark _la
Belle_. He caus’d it to advance into the Bay, put a good Number of
Men on Board to secure it, among whom were Monsieur _Chedeville_, the
Priest, and _Planterose_ of _Roan_, and order’d them not to stir from
that Place till they heard from him, and not to go Ashore, unless with
a good Guard and necessary Precautions.
Next, he chose out Twenty Men, imbark’d on two Canoes he had left, and
being come Ashore, caus’d the Canoes to be sunk in the River, and every
Man to take up his Bundle, consisting of Arms, Tools, some Utensils for
the Kitchin, a few Goods, to trade with the Natives, if he should find
any sociable, and so advanc’d into the Country, to try if any Notice
could be had of the _Missisipi_.
[Sidenote: La Maligne _River_.]
After several Days March, they came to a good pleasant River, which
they afterwards call’d _la Maligne_. Monsieur _de la Sale_ marching
at the Head of the Company, and having order’d Monsieur _Moranget_
to keep in the Rear; it happen’d that _Duhaut_ stopping to mend his
Snapsack[70] and his Shoes, which were in a bad Condition; the Sieur
_Moranget_ coming up, commanded him to March, he desired him to stay a
little. _Moranget_ would not, but held on his Way; _Duhaut_ follow’d
some Time after, but having stay’d too long, he could not overtake the
Company, and found himself about Night fall in a Plain full of Weeds,
where there were several Tracks of the Way Cattle had gone, but knew
not which of them to take. He fir’d his Piece several Times, without
hearing any thing of his Company, and was oblig’d to pass the Night in
that same Place.
[Sidenote: _Strange Adventure._]
[Sidenote: _Feb. 1686_]
In the Morning he shot again, spent the Day and Night again in that
Place, so that not knowing what to do, he return’d the same Way he had
gone, and after a Month’s March, for he travell’d only by Night, for
Fear of meeting with the Savages, living upon what he kill’d with much
Difficulty and Danger, having before spent all his own Provisions; at
length after most unaccountable Hardships and Sufferings, he arriv’d
at the Place where the Canoes had been sunk. He took one of them up,
with incredible Labour, and too long to relate, and so came to our
Habitation of St. _Lewis_. Thus it pleas’d God that he who was to be
one of the Murderers of Monsieur _de la Sale_, should come off safe,
and surmount almost infinite Dangers.
This Account, which seem’d to carry the Face of Probability, prevail’d
with me to receive the Sieur _Duhaut_, and in Reality I could do no
otherwise, and I made it my Business to examine into his Behaviour, but
could find Nothing to lay to his Charge. We continued some Time longer
as we had been before; during the which, I caus’d another little Wooden
Structure to be made, of Timber, I had got together, and in it I lodg’d
the Women and Maidens by themselves. Having hitherto said Nothing of
the Situation of our Dwelling of St. _Lewis_, nor of the Nature of
the Country we were in, I will here venture upon a plain but true
Description.
[Sidenote: _Description of the Country and Dwelling at St._ Lewis.]
We were in about the 27th Degree of North Latitude, two Leagues up the
Country, near the Bay of St. _Lewis_ and the Bank of the River _aux
Bœufs_, on a little Hillock, whence we discover’d vast and beautiful
Plains, extending very far to the Westward, all level and full of
Greens, which afford Pasture to an infinite Number of Beeves and other
Creatures.
[Sidenote: _The Land._]
Turning from the West to the Southward, there appear’d other Plains
adorn’d with several little Woods of several Sorts of Trees. Towards
the South and East was the Bay, and the Plains that hem it in from
the East; to the Northward, was the River running along by a little
Hill,[71] beyond which there were other large Plains, with some little
Tufts of Wood at small Distances, terminating in a Border of Wood,
which seem’d to us to be very high.
[Sidenote: _Living Creatures._]
Between that little Hill and our Dwelling, was a Sort of Marsh, and in
it Abundance of wild Fowl, as Curlies, Water-Hens and other Sorts. In
the Marsh there were little Pools full of Fish. We had also an infinite
Number of Beeves, wild Goats, Rabbits, Turkeys, Bustards, Geese, Swans,
Feldifares, Plovers, Teal, Partridges and many other Sorts of Fowl fit
to eat, and among them one call’d _le grand Gosier_, or, the great
Gullet, because it has a very large one; another as big and Fleshy as a
Pullet, which we called the _Spatula_, because it’s Beak is shap’d like
one, and the Feathers of it being of a pale Red, are very beautiful.
[Sidenote: _Fish._]
As for Fish, we had several Sorts in the River and in the Lakes I have
mention’d. The River afforded a Sort of Barbles, differing from ours in
Roundness, in their having three Bones sticking out, one on the Back,
the others on each Side of the Head, and in the Flesh, which is like
Cod, and without Scales. The River supply’d us with Abundance of other
Fishes, whose Names we know not. The Sea afforded us Oysters, Eeles,
Trouts, a Sort of red Fishes and others whose long, sharp and hard Beak
tore all our Nets.
[Sidenote: _Tortoises._]
[Sidenote: _Venomous Creatures._]
We had Plenty both of Land and Sea Tortoises, whose Eggs serv’d to
season our Sauces. The Land Tortoises differ from those of the Sea,
as being smaller, round, and their Shell more beautiful. They hide
themselves in Holes they find or make in the Earth. It was looking for
these Tortoises, that one of our Surgeons, thrust his Arm into a Hole,
and was bit by some venomous Creature, which we suppos’d to be a Sort
of Toad, having four Feet, the Top of his Back sharp and very hard,
with a little Tail. Whether it was this Creature, or a Snake, his Arm
swelled very much, however he was cured by such Applications as were
made Use of; but it cost him a Finger was cut off.
[Sidenote: _Rattle-Snakes._]
Among the venomous Sorts of Snakes, as Vipers, Asps and others, whereof
there are many, those call’d Rattle-Snakes are the most common. They
generally lye among the Brambles, where they make a Noise by the Motion
of two Scales they have at the End of their Tail, which is heard at a
considerable Distance, and therefore they are call’d Rattle-Snakes.
Some of our Men had eaten of them and found their Flesh was not amiss,
and when we had kill’d any of them, our Swine made a good Meal.
[Sidenote: _Alligators._]
There are also many Alligators in the Rivers, some of them of a
frightful Magnitude and Bulk. I kill’d one that was between four and
five Foot about, and twenty Foot in Length, on which our Swine feasted.
This Creature has very short Legs, insomuch that it rather drags along
than walks, and it is easy to follow the Tract of it, either among the
Weeds or on the Sands, where it has been. It is very ravenous, and
attacks either Men or Beasts, when they are within Reach in the River,
and comes also ashore to seek for Food. It has this particular Quality,
that it flies from such as pursue, and pursues those who fly from it. I
have shot many of them dead.
[Sidenote: _Trees._]
The Woods are composed of Trees of several Sorts. There are Oaks,
some of them ever green and never without Leaves; others like ours in
_Europe_, bearing a Fruit much like our Galls, and lose their Leaves in
Winter, and another Sort not unlike ours in _France_, but the Bark of
them thicker, these as well as the second Sort bear an Acorn, differing
from ours both in Taste and Bigness.
[Sidenote: _Dangerous Fruit._]
There is a Sort of Tree, which bears small Berries, which, when ripe,
are red, and indifferent pleasant. It bears twice a Year, but the
second Crop never ripens. There is another Tree, bearing a Fruit not
unlike _Cassia_, in Taste and Virtue.
There are others of the Sort I had seen in the Islands, whose Leaves
are like Rackets, whence the Tree bears the Name. The Blossoms grow
out about the Leaves, and of them comes a Fruit somewhat resembling
Figs, but the Leaves and the Fruit are full of Prickles, which must
be carefully rubb’d and taken off, before it is eaten, else they
dangerously inflame the Mouth and the Throat, and may prove mortal, as
happen’d to one of our Soldiers, who had eaten of them too greedily,
and without that Precaution.
I have seen some Trees resembling the Palm, whose lofty and long
Branches spread like that call’d the _Latanier_, bearing a Fruit, said
to be indifferent good. Others the same Sort, but whose Leaves are like
Gutters, harsh and so sharp pointed, that they will pierce the thickest
Stuffs. This Tree has a Sprout on the Top, which shoots out Flowers
in the Shape of a Nosegay, of a whitish yellow, and some of them at
the Top of that Sprout have sixty or eighty Flowers hanging down, not
unlike the Flower de Luce, and after those Flowers follows a Fruit as
long as a Man’s Finger, and thicker than the Thumb, full of little
Seeds, so that there is scarce any Thing but the Rhind fit to eat, the
Taste whereof is sweet and delicate.
[Sidenote: _Vines._]
There are Abundance of creeping Vines and others, that run up the
Bodies and to the Tops of Trees, which bear plenty of Grapes, fleshy
and sharp, not to compare to the Delicacy of ours in _Europe_; but we
made Verjuice of them, which was very good in Sauce. Mulberry Trees are
numerous along the Rivers, their Fruit is smaller, but sweeter and more
delicious than ours; their Leaves are beautiful and large, which would
be of good Use for feeding of Silk-worms.
[Sidenote: _Plants._]
[Sidenote: _March 1686_]
The Plains are strew’d with a Sort of small Sorrel, the Leaf whereof is
like Trefoil, and the Taste of it sharp like ours. There are Abundance
of small Onions, no bigger than the Top of a Man’s Finger, but very
well tasted, and when the Heat has scorch’d up the Plains, that Plant
shoots out first, and produces Flowers which look like an agreeable
Enamel. Nothing is more beautiful than to behold those vast Plains,
when the Blossoms appear; a thousand Sorts of different Colours,
whereof many[72] have an agreeable Scent, adorn those Fields, and
afford a most charming Object to the Eye. I have observed some that
smelt like a Tuberose, but the Leaf resembles our Borage. I have seen
Primroses, having a Scent like ours, _African_ Gilliflowers, and a
Sort of purple wind Flowers. The Autumn Flowers are almost all of them
yellow, so that the Plains look all of that Colour.
The Climate is mild and temperate, tho’ we were in about 27 Degrees
of North Latitude, and yet the Seeds I caused to be sow’d did not
thrive; whether it was because they had been soak’d in the Sea Water,
or for any other Reason. Some came up pretty well, as Pompions, Melons,
Parsnips and Endive; but the Beasts and the Insects, left us not much.
When we come to the _Cenis_ and have travers’d so many Nations as lay
between us and them, I shall speak of the Religion, Manners, Cloathing,
Houses and Customs of the Natives, wherein they differ but little from
one another, tho’ of several Countries.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ had been now long gone, and we began to be in
Pain for him, when about the Middle of _March 1686_, hapning to be on
the Top of the House, I spied seven or eight Persons coming towards us.
I presently ordered eight arm’d Men to follow me, to go meet them; and
as soon as we drew near them, we knew Monsieur _de la Sale_, Monsieur
_Cavelier_, his brother, Monsieur _Moranget_, his Nephew and five or
six Men with them, the rest being gone another Way to find out the Bark
_la Belle_, to give Notice of Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Arrival.
[Sidenote: _Monsieur_ de la Sale _returns_.]
They were in a bad Condition, their Cloaths ragged, Monsieur
_Cavelier’s_ short Cassock hung in Tatters; most of them had not Hats,
and their Linen was no better; however the Sight of Monsieur _de la
Sale_ rejoyc’d us all. The Account he gave us of his Journey reviv’d
our Hopes, tho’ he had not found the fatal River, and we thought only
of making ourselves as merry as we could. Only the Sight of the Sieur
_Duhaut_ interrupted it for some Time. Monsieur _de la Sale_ ask’d me
in an angry Manner, why I had receiv’d him, and _Duhaut_ having given
his Reasons, as I and my Men did,[73] we were all satisfy’d.
[Sidenote: _The Bark_ la Belle _lost_.]
The next Day, the Sieurs _le Barbier_, _Bihorel_, _le Petit_,
_Cavelier_, the Nephew, the Surgeon and others, whom Monsieur _de la
Sale_ had sent to find out and carry Advice to the Bark _la Belle_,
return’d, and said they could not find her, which was another fresh
Cause of Much Uneasiness to Monsieur _de la Sale_. He had been guilty
of the Fault of putting aboard her, his Cloaths, his Linen, his Papers
and all his best Effects, of all which he was then in the utmost Need.
Besides, that Loss broke all the Measures he had concerted during his
last Expedition, because he had resolv’d to cause the said Bark to
go up one of the Rivers he had discover’d, to advance towards those
Nations with whom he had contracted some Friendship, and to send me in
the same Bark, with his Nephew _Moranget_, to the Islands to seek for
some Assistance, or else to return by Sea to look for his River.
[Sidenote: _Apr. 1686_]
All these Designs being disappointed, he resolv’d to set out a second
Time, and travel by Land, to find out his River.[74] He staid to rest
him a while, and to provide for his Departure, but having neither Linen
nor Cloaths, I supply’d him with some I had; I also afforded some
Linen to Monsieur _Cavelier_, his Brother and Monsieur _Moranget_, his
Nephew. All I had was at their Service, and I depriv’d myself of all
that was fit for them, even to ten or twelve Pounds of strings of
Beads and some Knives and Nails,[75] which Monsieur _de la Sale_ took.
The Sieur _Duhaut_, having several Effects, as Linen, Hatchets and
other Tools and Commodities, which had been sav’d from the Shipwreck,
Monsieur _de la Sale_ took Linen to make Shirts, for such as wanted,
as also the Tools they stood in Need of. The Cloaths belonging to
Messieurs _Thibault_, _le Gros_ and _Carpentier_, who were dead, were
also distributed. A great Belt I had, serv’d to make Shoes for Monsieur
_de la Sale_ and Monsieur _Cavelier._
[Sidenote: _Monsieur_ de la Sale _sets out upon another Expedition_.]
All Things being thus provided, Monsieur _de la Sale_ took twenty Men
along with him, among whom were Monsieur _Cavelier_ his Brother, F.
_Anastasius_ a Recolet, Monsieur _Moranget_ his Nephew, the Sieurs
_Bihorel_, _le Clerk_, _Hurier_, _Duhaut_ the younger, _Hiens_ his
Surgeon, and his Servants. He left behind those, who were not fit
to undertake that second Journey, among whom were little Monsieur
_Cavelier_[76] his Nephew, the Sieur _Barbier_, _Canadien_ and some
others. Each of the Travellers made up his Pack, and they set out
towards the latter End of _April 1686_,[77] after having given me the
necessary Orders, and we parted without Ceremony, Monsieur _de la Sale_
desiring it should be so.
[Sidenote: _What was saved of the Bark_ la Belle.]
[Sidenote: _May 1686_]
Some Days after he was gone, I heard a Voice towards the lower Part of
the River, crying twice _Qui vive_, or who are you for. I made that
Way, and perceiv’d the Sieur _Chedeville_ a Priest, the Sieur _de la
Sablonniere_, and some others of those who had been put aboard the
Bark _la Belle_, and were now in a Canoe. I ask’d abruptly what was
become of the Bark, and was inform’d, our continual Misfortunes still
pursuing us, that it had run aground on the other Side of the Bay. I
caused the Canoe to be unloaded, there being in it, among other Things,
Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Cloaths, Part of his Papers, some Linen, a
small Quantity of Beads and thirty or forty Pound of Meal, which was
all they had left.
[Sidenote: _How the Bark was lost._]
The next Day, Monsieur _de Chedeville_ told me the Particulars of that
Misfortune, and said, That having been some Time with the Bark, in the
Place where Monsieur _de la Sale_ had appointed them to wait, their
Water falling short, they had thought fit to send the Boat ashore, with
four or five Casks to fill; that the Sieur _Planterose_ went in it with
six of the best Men. That towards the Evening they saw the Boat coming
back, but the Wind being contrary and Night coming on, they put out a
Light, which going out and the Captain neglecting to put up another, in
all Likelyhood the Boat could not see the Bark, and they never heard
of it after, nor of any of those in it, who it was probable had all
perish’d.
That nevertheless, they continued some Days in the same Place, during
which Time three or four of their Men died; and at last, having no
Water, they eat up their Swine, before they died with Thirst, and
resolv’d to weigh Anchor and draw near to the Dwelling; but having few
Hands and those spent, and to add to their Misfortune the Wind proving
contrary, they were drove to the other Side of the Bay, where they ran
aground.
[Sidenote: _June 1686_]
That having no Boat, nor Men enough to land their Effects, they had
endeavour’d to make a Float with some Casks and Planks, but that being
ill made and join’d together, the first that went upon it had perish’d.
That having made another Float better fastened together than the
first, they had by that Means saved some Sails and Rigging, several
inconsiderable Things, Linen, Cloaths and Papers belonging to Monsieur
_de la Sale_ and others, and then stay’d Ashore, expecting to hear some
News, and had found a Canoe, being the same that was before lost on
the Edge of the Bay, which had been drove to the other Side; and that
Provisions at last beginning to fall short, they went aboard the said
Canoe and came to us; fortunate in that they had not been discover’d
by the Natives, during their Stay Ashore, which was for the Space of
three Months, and in finding the Canoe to bring them back.
When Monsieur _de la Sale_ went away, the Sieur _Barbier_ had taken
upon him to go a hunting, as also to provide Bark to cover our Houses,
instead of Hides, because the Sun drying and contracting them, Part
of the Top of our Buildings was uncover’d. I farther enjoyn’d him
to cut Stakes, to make a Palisade about our Dwelling, and the Sieur
_Chedeville_ having told me they had bury’d several Things they could
not bring away, I sent the Sieur _Barbier_ with two Canoes and fifteen
Men to the Place, where they found some Pedreroes,[78] Rigging and
Sails. The Natives having discover’d the Concealment, had taken away
some Pieces of Linen and Iron Tools, which they very much covet.
[Sidenote: _Encounter with the Natives._]
The Sieur _Barbier_ after his Return, continuing his Exercise of
hunting, happen’d to meet with a Parcel of the Natives, some of whom
had Firelocks, which they had taken from our Men, and with which they
made some Shots at him, but very weak; and he firing three or four
Shot at them they retir’d. He was then in a Canoe on the River, and
design’d to have gone upwards; but that Rancounter having oblig’d him
to take another Way, and the Savages perceiving it, eight of them swam
over the River, hastening to get before the Canoe, hid themselves among
the Weeds, near the Way he was to pass, and when he was near enough,
let fly their Arrows, which wounded several Men. One Shot the Sieur
_Barbier_ made, put them all to Flight again; he held on his Way and
return’d to our Habitation.
Some Days after, we perceiv’d a Herd of Bullocks flying, and guess’d
they were pursu’d by the Savages, which afterwards appear’d to be true.
Some of them drew near to our Habitation, but a Cannon Shot, I pointed
towards the Gang of them, and a Musket-shot Monsieur _Barbier_ fired at
the nearest, made them all fly farther off.
[Sidenote: _The Sieur_ Barbier _marries_.]
When the Sieur _Barbier_ went out a Hunting, I commonly sent with
him some Women and Maids, to help the Hunters to dress and dry the
Flesh; but being inform’d that he us’d to slip aside from the Company,
with a young Maid he had a Kindness for, and which gave Occasion to
some well-grounded Railleries; the said _Barbier_ being told I was
acquainted with that Affair, came and spoke to me in private, desiring
Leave to marry that young Woman. I made some Difficulty of it at first,
advising him to stay till Monsieur _de la Sale_ return’d; but at last,
considering they might have anticipated upon Matrimony, I took the
Advice of the Recolet Fathers, and of Monsieur _Chedeville_ the Priest,
and allowed them to marry. Monsieur _le Marquis de la Sabloniere_
following this Example, ask’d the same Liberty, being in Love with a
young Maid, which I absolutely refus’d, and forbid them seeing one
another.
[Sidenote: _Accidents concerning the Recolets._]
Some Time pass’d in which Nothing happen’d to us worth observing;
however, I will mention two Things which befell our Recolet Fathers.
One was, That Father _Anastasius_, being a hunting Bullocks with me,
and coming too near one I had shot, and was fallen, the Beast, as much
hurt as he was, started up, attack’d and threw him down; he had much
ado to get off, and I to rescue him, because I durst not shoot for
Fear of killing him. The Bullock being weak, fell again; the Father
was deliver’d, but lay ill some Months. The other was, That Father
_Maximus_ had writ some Memoirs concerning Monsieur _de la Sale’s_
Conduct, condemning him upon several Occasions. I was told of it, found
Means to get those Memoirs, threw them into the Fire, and so the Father
came off.
[Sidenote: Duhaut _Endeavours to occasion a Mutiny_.]
About the same Time, most of our Men seeing Monsieur _de le Sale_ did
not return, began to mutter. The Sieur _Duhaut_, who perhaps had been
the first Fomenter of those Discontents, back’d the Complaints of the
disgusted Party, promis’d them great Matters under his Conduct, and
offer’d to supply them with such Effects as he had in Possession,
endeavouring, as I suppose, by those Means, to gain their Affections,
for a mischievous Design, which it is likely he had even then conceiv’d.
It was not long before, I had Intimation of the whole Affair, and I had
done Monsieur _de la Sale_ a singular Piece of Service, had I then put
to Death the Person, who was to be his Murderer; but I rested satisfy’d
with giving him a severe Reprimand, and threat’ning to cause him to be
secur’d if he persisted, being able to do no other under my present
Circumstances. However, I talk’d to all concern’d, and put them in such
Hopes of Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Return, and that Things would soon
change to their Satisfaction, that they were all pacify’d.
But in Regard, that Idleness often occasions Uneasiness and Impatience,
I us’d all possible Means to keep them employ’d, in the most obliging
Manner I could, setting some to cut down the Bushes about our Dwelling,
others to hew down Trees, that hinder’d the Prospect, others mow’d the
Grass, that fresh might grow up for our Cattle, and at Night I made
them divert themselves with Dancing and Singing.
[Sidenote: M. de la Sale_’s Discoveries_.]
Whilst we thus pass’d away the Time the best we could, Monsieur _de la
Sale_ had penetrated very far up into the Country, inclining towards
the Northern Part of _Mexico_. He had travell’d through several
Nations, the Inhabitants whereof were, for the most Part, sociable,
and had concluded a Sort of Alliance with them, and particularly with
the _Cenis_ and others whose names I shall mention. He had discover’d
charming Countries abounding in all Things that could be wish’d, as
well for Sustenance, as for making of easy Settlements, and after he
and his Nephew _Moranget_ had escap’d two Dangerous Sicknesses, he
return’d to our Habitation, with five Horses he had purchas’d, and
arriv’d at it in _August 1686_.
[Sidenote: _His Return._]
[Sidenote: _Sept. 1686_]
Hearing of his Voice, I was one of the first that ran towards the
River: We took our Canoes to bring him, his Luggage and some Provisions
over, and the Horses swam. We were extraordinary glad to see our
Commander in Chief return safe, tho’ his Journey had not advanc’d his
Design. Monsieur _de la Sale_ had not found out his River, nor been
towards the _Islinois_ as we had hoped. Only eight Men return’d with
him of twenty he carry’d out, and all the visible advantage of that
Journey consisted in five Horses, laden with Indian Wheat, Beans and
some other Grain, which was put into the Store.
[Illustration: _7 Men lost and 4 desert._]
Monsr. _de la Sale_ ask’d me, as soon as he came, whether the Sieurs
_Clerc_, _Hurie_, _Duhaut_ the younger and two others were come,
because they not being able to endure the Fatigue of the Journey, he
had given them Leave to return, and hearing they were not, he concluded
the Savages had killed them. We were also inform’d, that the Sieur
_Bihorel_, had stray’d and was lost, so that there had been no News of
him since; that one of Monsr. _de la Sale’s_ Servants had been dragg’d
down to the Bottom of the Water and devour’d by an Alligator, and that
four others had deserted and abandon’d Monsieur _de la Sale_, when he
was about the Country of the _Cenis_.
[Sidenote: _M._ de la Sale _resolves upon a third Expedition_.]
This was a very dismal and deplorable Account; but the even Temper of
our Chief made all Men easy, and he found, by his great Vivacity of
Spirit, Expedients, which reviv’d the lowest Ebb of Hope. He rejoiced
at the Return and Sight of M. _Chedeville_, he was pleas’d at the
Recovering of his Cloaths and Part of his Papers; and after some Time
of Rest, he propos’d to undertake a Journey towards the _Islinois_,
and to make it the main Business, by the Way, to find the _Missisipi_;
but it was thought proper to let the great Heats pass, before that
Enterprize was taken in Hand.
[Sidenote: _Oct. 1686_]
[Sidenote: _Two Men kill’d._]
In the mean Time, he gave Orders to stake about a Place to make a New
Magazine, or Storehouse. He put to that Use the Timber I had caus’d
to be cut, and would have more provided for the same Use. Detachments
being sent to work, seven or eight of our Men, who were sent with the
Sieur _Barbier_, were discover’d by the Savages, who being superior in
Number, made as if they would hem them in; but each of our Men having
taken a Tree upon their Shoulders and fir’d their Pieces, which made
one of the Natives drop, the others took him up and withdrew. Yet it
was not long before they were reveng’d, for they kill’d us two Men, one
of them close by our Dwelling, and the other, who had separated from
the rest of the Company to gather Purslain, and could not be reliev’d.
There being every Day some Discourse of the Journey to the _Islinois_,
Monsieur _de la Sale_ ask’d me one Day, whether I would make one of
the Company, and go by the Way of _Canada_ to _France_ for Succours. I
assured him I was entirely devoted to his Will, and would faithfully
attend him. Then he began by Degrees to provide what he thought
necessary for that Expedition. I had two Pair of Sheets, which he took,
to make him Linen. Canvas Cloaths were made of the Sails of the Bark
_la Belle_. The Sieur _Duhaut_ having Linen, he took some to distribute
among several Persons. Thus he hasted on the Expedition of his Design,
but an Accident put it off.
[Sidenote: _Nov. 1686_]
It was occasion’d by a Flux which troubled Monsieur _de la Sale_,
who having told me he could not perform that Journey, as long as he
continued in such condition, I offer’d to undertake it for him, if he
would allow me his _Indian_, and about fifteen Men; but he answer’d,
That his Presence was requisite among the _Islinois_, and that it was
requisite his Brother should go to _France_. Thus he refus’d my Offer,
and could not shun the ill Fate of that Journey.
[Sidenote: _Dec. 1686_]
[Sidenote: _Controversy about Privilege._]
We spent some Time longer after this Manner, during the which,
there arose a Controversy about the Privileges the King grants to
the First-born of the _French_ Colonies in _America_. The Sieur
_Barbier’s_ wife was with Child, and he claim’d the Privilege granted
for that Child. The Widow _Talon_ had a Child born in the Passage from
_France_ to _America_, and alledg’d, that her Child, tho’ born before
our Arrival, ought to be preferr’d; but the Sieur _Barbier’s_ Wife
miscarrying, the Dispute was not decided.
[Sidenote: _Jan. 1687_]
Monsieur _de la Sale_ being recover’d of his Indisposition,
Preparations were again made for his Journey; but we first kept the
_Christmas_ Holy-Days. The Midnight Mass was solemnly sung, and on
_Twelve-Day_, we cry’d, _The King drinks_, (_according to the Custom
of_ France) tho’ we had only Water: When that was over we began to
think of setting out. Monsieur _de la Sale_ gave the Command of the
Settlement to the Sieur _Barbier_, directing him what he was to do and
observe in his Absence.
[Sidenote: _Who were left in the Settlement when M._ de la Sale
_departed_.]
There remain’d in that Habitation, the Fathers _Maximus_ and
_Zenobius_, Recolets, Monsieur _Chedeville_, the Priest, the Marquis
_de la Sablonniere_, the Sieur _Barbier_, Commander, his Wife, a
Surgeon and others, to the Number of twenty, among whom were seven
Women, or Maids, and only the Sieur _Barbier_ marry’d; which is much
short of the Number some have given out remain’d in the Dwelling,
without any Ground; for the Truth is, there were no more, and
particularly no Natives, Monsieur _de la Sale_ having absolutely forbid
holding any Communication with them. As for Beasts, they amounted to
seventy, or seventy five Swine, great and small, which was a good
Stock; for Fowl, eighteen or twenty Hens; some Casks of Meal, which was
kept for the Sick; Powder, Ball, and eight Pieces of Cannon, without
any Bullets.
[Sidenote: _Persons that set out with M._ de la Sale.]
We set out the 12th of _January_, in the Year 1687, being seventeen in
Number, _viz._ Monsieur _de la Sale_, Monsieur _Cavelier_, the Priest,
his Brother, Father _Anastasius_, the Recolet, Messieurs _Moranget_ and
_Cavelier_, Nephews to Monsieur _de la Sale_, the Sieurs _Duhaut_, the
Elder, _l’Arcleveque_,[79] _Hiens_, _Liotot_, Surgeon, young _Talon_,
an _Indian_, and a Footman belonging to Monsieur _de la Sale_. We
carried along with us Part of the best Things every Man had, and what
was thought would be of Use, wherewith the five Horses were loaded, and
we took our Leaves with so much Tenderness and Sorrow, as if we had all
presaged, that we should never see each other more. Father _Zenobius_
was the Person who express’d it to me most significantly, saying, He
had never been so sensibly touch’d at parting with any Body.
[Sidenote: _The Way they travell’d._]
We went that Day to the Place we call’d _le Boucon_, because there, we
had often dry’d Flesh, (_which the French call_ Boucanner _from the
Indian Word_). This Place was not far from our Habitation. The 13th, we
cross’d a Plain, about two Leagues over, where we saw several Herds of
Beeves and Flocks of Goats, Turkeys, Bustards, and other Sorts of Wild
Fowl. We met with Marshy Lands, which tired our Horses, and came to a
Wood that terminates the Plain, across which, runs a Branch of a River,
full of Reeds, by Monsieur _de la Sale_ call’d the _Princess’s_ River.
That Branch joins the other, and they both fell together into the Bay
of St. _Lewis_.
We kill’d five Beeves at the Entrance into the Wood, forded the River,
and incamp’d Half a League beyond it, whence Monsieur _de la Sale_ sent
Men with Horses, to bring the Flesh of the Bullocks we had kill’d; the
Hides of them, which serv’d to cover us, being very useful against a
violent Shower of Rain that fell.
The 14th, the Rain ceasing, we travell’d over another spacious Plain,
where there is a Multitude of Beeves and Wild Fowl. We saw several
Tracks, leading every Way, made by the Bullocks, of which we saw
several Herds, some moving on hastily, and others running out-right,
which made us suppose they were drove by the Natives. In short, having
halted to help up one of our Horses that was fallen, we saw an _Indian_
following them very close. Monsieur _de la Sale_ caus’d a Horse to be
immediately unloaded, which a Man mounting, rode after, overtook and
brought the _Indian_.
When the Savage saw himself among us, he concluded he was a lost Man,
he quak’d for Fear, and not without Reason, for most of our Men had
resolv’d to kill him; Monsieur _de la Sale_ oppos’d it, alledging,
that we were but a small Number, that very few were left behind at
the Habitation, and therefore we ought not to render our selves odious
to the Natives, but to use them kindly, that we might have Peace; an
infallible Maxim, the Practice of which might have been fortunate to
him, had he follow’d it sooner.
He therefore caus’d a Fire to be made, gave him to Eat and Smoke, and
afterwards a Bit of Roll-Tabacco, and some other Trifles. Monsieur _de
la Sale_ gave him to understand, that he came not to hurt any Man,
but to settle Peace in all Places, and so dismissed him. The _Indian_
recover’d himself a little of his Fright; but being still dubious, what
his Fate might be, he at first walk’d away gently, still looking about
him, and when at a good Distance, made off as fast as he could. We
held on our Way, and soon after saw another _Indian_ running after the
Bullocks. Monsieur _de la Sale_ caus’d him to be taken, brought to us,
and treated as the first had been.
We had not gone far before we spy’d a Company of Natives coming towards
us, on our left, but we held on our Way, till they were over against
us, when Monsieur _de la Sale_ caus’d us to halt. The Savages seeing
us halt, stood still also, which Monsieur _de la Sale_ perceiving, he
laid his Firelock on the Ground, and advanc’d towards them, making
signs to him that Commanded them, who was a handsome Man, to draw near.
That _Indian_ came forward, and was follow’d by the rest, all of them
Caressing us after their Manner, which we return’d the best we were
able, and then made them Smoak.
[Sidenote: _Natives entertain’d._]
Next Monsieur _de la Sale_ gave them to understand, that we were going
towards the _Cenis_, that we desir’d to be at Peace with them all, and
that we would return to our own Country, whence we would bring them
all they had Occasion for. Then we distributed among them some Bits of
Roll-Tabacco, some Strings of Beads and Knives, which they seem’d to be
pleas’d with, and all this was done by Signs. Then every Man went his
own Way: We advanc’d half a League farther, to get into a Wood, where
Monsieur _de la Sale_ had encamp’d when he went that Way before; we cut
down Trees to secure our Post, and lay there that Night.
Before our Intrenchment was finish’d, we discover’d, first one
_Indian_, then two, and afterwards three, coming one after another;
which giving Monsieur _de la Sale_ some Jealousy, he caus’d us to
handle our Arms, with Orders to stand upon our Guard, for fear of being
surpriz’d, and went towards them. They signify’d to him, that their
People had told them, we did not hurt any Body, which was very well,
and that they were come to see us. They were entertain’d as the others
had been, and then Signs were made them to withdraw, because Night drew
on, and having observ’d, that they took Notice of our fortifying our
selves, we kept a good Guard all the Night, without any Disturbance.
[Sidenote: _A fine Country._]
The Fifteenth, we march’d on, intending to find out a Ford, in the
River call’d of the _Princess_, where Monsieur _de la Sale_ had pass’d
before; but missing of it, and the River being swollen, we were oblig’d
to go up higher, sometimes crossing curious[80] Meadows, and sometimes
Woods of tall Trees[81] of several Sorts, but all Young of the same
Thickness and strait, looking as if they had been planted by a Line.
The River running through the midst of those curious shady Groves,[82]
which were also water’d by several little Brooks of very clear and good
Water, afforded a most delightful Landskip.
[Sidenote: _Thick Woods._]
We also met with some Woods so thick, that it was requisite to hew a
Passage for the Horses. Towards the Evening we kill’d a Bullock, and
went to incamp in a little Coppice, with our usual Precautions.
[Sidenote: _Wild Fowl._]
The 16th, we continued our Journey, still following the River upwards,
and from Time to Time meeting the same Sort of Pasture Grounds[83]
and the Obstacles of Woods, where we were fain to cut our Way through,
which fatigued us very much; but the Plenty of wild Fowl, and
particularly of Turkeys, whereof we killed many, was an Ease to our
Sufferings, and Help to bear our Toil with more Satisfaction.
[Sidenote: _An Indian Village abandon’d._]
The 17th, was a very toilsome Day’s Journey, by Reason of the Woods and
Rivulets we were to cross; after which we came to a little Hill, on
which there were 2 or 300 Cottages of the Natives. Those Huts were like
large Ovens, consisting of long Poles stuck in the Earth in a Circle,
and joyning above to make the Dome or round Top.[84] They had been a
Dwelling of the Natives, who being gone, had carry’d away the Hides
that cover’d them, and the Mats which are us’d to hang the Insides, and
to make their beds of.
After a March of some Hours, our _Indian_ having found a Herd of
Beeves, we kill’d seven or eight, took the best of the Meat, and
held on our Way across a Wood. We ford’d a Branch of the River, and
proceeded to the Bank of another, the Bottom whereof being foul,
we incamp’d on the Edge of it, and the Rain falling at Night and
continuing all the next Day, were oblig’d to stay there.
The 19th, the Rain ceasing, we proceeded through a thick Fog, and over
Places where the Water was often up to our Knees, and sometimes higher;
which, together with our being forc’d to cut the Way athwart the
Bushes, with our Hatchets, gave us inexpressible Trouble, and it had
been much greater, had we not resolv’d to follow the Ways beaten by the
Bullocks, whom a natural Instinct always leads to those Parts which are
easiest to pass.
[Sidenote: _Buskins of raw Hides instead of Shoes._]
We were not free from another Inconveniency in those Tracks, which was
their being full of Water and very rugged, a Thing no Way agreeable to
our Shoes, which were no other than a Piece of Bullocks Hide or Goats
Skin quite green, whereof we made a sort of Buskins, to serve instead
of Shoes, but when those wretch’d Boots were dry’d by the Heat, upon
our Feet, they hurt us very much, and we were often oblig’d to set our
Feet in the Water to soften those Buskins. However, we march’d all the
Day, notwithstanding all those Inconveniences, without finding a proper
Place to incamp, and at last came to a River, whose high Bank afforded
us a Spot to rest on.
The 20th, a small Rain did not obstruct our March, and having cross’d
a Wood, half a League athwart, and a Marsh of the same Extent, we came
into a large Plain, cut across by great Tracks of Bullocks, which
went towards the River, and made us suppose there might be a Ford. We
follow’d that Way, but found the River so swollen, and its Stream so
rapid, that it was impossible to cross it, but were oblig’d to halt
upon its Bank, whence we went to hunt Bullocks, whereof we had no want,
nor of Turkeys and other wild Fowl.
The 21th, we proceeded up that River, and found a narrow deep Place,
near which we hew’d down a Tree, making it fall so as to reach from the
one Bank to the other, in the Nature of a Plank, and handed our Baggage
from one to another over it. The Horses swam over and we incamp’d on
the other Side, near a very beautiful Plain.
[Sidenote: Hebahamo, _Indian Nation_.]
Whilst we were hewing down some little Wood to intrench ourselves,
we heard a Voice, whereupon handling our Arms and going to the Place
where we heard it, we saw a Company of fifteen Savages, who were coming
towards us, and made Signs to us to go to them, laying down their Bows,
in Token of Peace. We also made our Sign to them to draw near, they did
so and caress’d us after their Manner. We made them sit down and smoke,
after which, Monsr. _de la Sale_ began to converse with them by Signs,
and by Help of some Words of the Language of the _Cenis_, which he was
skilful in, he understood, that these were their Neighbours and Allies;
that their Village was not far off, and that their Nation was call’d
_Hebahamo_. Some small Presents were given them, and they withdrew,
promising to return the next Day.
The 22th, our Horses being spent and hurt, and we much tir’d, the Day
was given to Rest, and the Natives did not fail to come, being twenty
five in Number, some of whom had Bucklers or Targets made of the
strongst Part of the Bullocks Hides. They gave us to understand, that
they were ingag’d in War towards the _N. W._ and told us, they had
seen Men like us, who were but ten Days Journey from that Place. Other
Tokens they gave, made us suppose it was _New Spain_ that they talk’d
of.
Monsr. _de la Sale_ took several Words of their Language, which is very
different from that of the _Cenis_, and more difficult. As for their
Customs, they are much alike. In fine, having shewn us, that towards
the _N. W._ we should meet with Plains, where the Way would be easier,
and we should shun the Woods, we gave them to eat, and some Presents,
and they took Leave of us. A Rain falling and holding all the Night,
we did not march the 24th. The 25th, we travell’d not far, by Reason
of the Rains continuing, and that there were several Rivers in the Way
much swollen.
The 26th, we proceeded on our Journey, and came to the River call’d _la
Sabloniere_, from the many Sand Banks there are in it. The 27th,[85]
departing from it, we came to another little narrow River, but very
deep; going up higher we found a Ford, and went to incamp beyond it,
in a little Wood, where we had a very bad Night, because of the Rain
which fell again, and the overflowing of the River, which oblig’d us to
make a little Sort of Scaffold, to lay our Powder and Cloaths on, that
they might not be wet. The next Day being the 28th,[86] observing that
the Water was still rising, we decamp’d to go a League farther, to a
higher Ground, where we made a great Fire to warm and dry us.
We took Notice the Country was very good, the Plains extending as
far as the Eye could reach, and adorn’d with many little Coppices,
affording a very agreeable Prospect. We march’d over Part of them the
29th and 30th, after 3 Hours Travel, found a Way full of Water, which
oblig’d us to incamp on the Bank of a River; pass’d it the 31th, and
incamp’d in a Wood close by.
[Sidenote: _Feb. 1687_]
[Sidenote: _Village inhabited._]
The next Day, being the First of _February 1687_, Monsieur _de la Sale_
left me to guard the Camp, and took along with him, Monsieur _Cavelier_
his Brother and seven Men, to go see whether he could find any Body in
several Cottages our Hunters had discover’d. He found twenty four or
twenty five of them, built round like those I have before mention’d,
standing on a rising Ground, almost encompass’d by the River, in each
of which there were four or five Men, and several Women and Children.
The Savages were somewhat surpriz’d at Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ coming;
however they receiv’d him in friendly Manner, and conducted him to
their Commander’s Hut, which was immediately fill’d with People, who
came to see him. The Elders came together there, Bullocks Hides were
laid upon the Ground, on which they made Monsieur _de la Sale_ and
his Company sit. They gave them hung Beef to eat, and then signify’d
to them that some of their Allies had given them Notice of our being
in the Country, and that we were going to the _Cenis_, and they had
imagin’d that we would pass thro’ their Country.
Monsieur _de la Sale_ present’d them with some Knives and Bits of
Tabacco, and they gave him Bullocks Hides, very well dress’d with the
Hair, they gave one for a Knife, and would have given many more, but
that we told to them, that we had no Conveniency to carry them and
that if they had any Horses, he would give them Axes in Exchange. They
answer’d, they had but two, which they could not part with. It being
late when Monsieur _de la Sale_ return’d, we staid there the rest of
the Day, and several _Indians_ came to see us, in Hopes of receiving
some Present, offering us Bullocks Hides dressed, which we would not
burden our selves with.
The Second, we set out again, and halted some Time in that Village,
where by the Way we barter’d for some Collars, or a Sort of Knots[87]
made of Bullocks Hides well dress’d, which the Natives make Use of to
carry their Burdens, whether of Wood, Utensils, or the Meat they kill.
They prov’d of Use both to us and our Horses, because the Thongs of
those Collars serv’d to make fast our Burdens.
[Sidenote: la Maligne _River_.]
We proceeded on our Journey, through a Country pleasant enough, but
Sandy, and having cross’d a large Plain, came to the Bank of a fine
River, call’d _la Maligne_, or the Mischievous, because in Monsieur _de
la Sale’s_ former Journey, an Alligator devour’d one of his Servants,
who was swimming over it. This River is as wide as the _Seine_ at
_Roan_, seems to be very navigable and has a very pleasant Country
about it. We incamp’d in a little Wood adjoining to it, and bark’d the
Aspen Trees to hut.
[Sidenote: Indian _Rats_.]
Our Hunters kill’d Beeves, wild Goats, Turkeys and other Wild-Fowl, and
among the rest some Creatures as big as an indifferent Cat, very like a
Rat, having a Bag under their Throat, in which they carry their Young.
They feed upon Nuts and Acorns, are very fat, and their Flesh is much
like Pig.
Hard by there, we found a Place where Monsieur _de la Sale_, in his
former Journey had hid some Parcels of Strings of Beads in the Trunks
of Trees, and we rested there till the Eighth of the Month. During that
Time, no Day pass’d without seeing some of the Natives, who sometimes
spent the whole Day with us, and said they were of several Nations.
We made them smoke, and always gave them some small Presents. They
admir’d that after we had writ down some Words they spoke to us, we
repeated them, looking on the Paper.
[Sidenote: _Portable Canoe._]
Whilst we staid, Monsieur _de la Sale_ set Men at Work to make a
portable Canoe, of long Poles, hew’d and joyn’d and then cover’d with
Bullocks Hides sew’d together, having pull’d off the Hair or Wooll, as
it may be call’d there. That Canoe was of great Use to us, to cross
Rivers as well for our selves as for our Baggage, but the Horses swam
over.
The Ninth, we put our Canoe into the Water, and pass’d the River in it,
and incamp’d half a League from thence, on Account of the Grass, which
our Horses stood in Need of to recover themselves a little. The Tenth,
we held on our Journey, crossing several spacious Plains, the Grass
whereof was burnt, whence Monsieur _de la Sale_ concluded, that there
were many Natives thereabouts. He thought it convenient to provide
Store of dry’d Flesh, for Fear we should not find Game in the Country
we were going to enter upon, and accordingly caused several Beeves to
be kill’d for that Purpose.
For that Reason, we continued there till the 12th, when we went and
incamped on the Bank of a River, which Monsieur _de la Sale_ had in his
former Journey call’d _d’Eure_. At Night there arose a storm, follow’d
by Thunder and Rain, which swell’d the Streams, and obliged us to
stay there. The 13th and 14th we cross’d four or five large Rivulets,
and then a fine curious Country,[88] diversify’d with several little
Woods, Hills and small Brooks, affording a delightful Prospect. That
pleasant Country was terminated by a Wood, which we were to cross, and
were favour’d in it by a Way beaten by the Bullocks, and at Night we
incamped there.
The 15th, we travel’d along a fine Meadow, then over Plains that had
been burnt, and at Night went to take our Rest on the Bank of a small
Rivulet, about which we saw several Footsteps of Natives, which made us
conclude we were not far from them; and therefore we doubled our Guard,
to prevent being surpriz’d.
[Sidenote: _A Village._]
The 16th, Monsieur _de la Sale_ left me at the Guard of the Camp, and
took Monsieur _Cavelier_ his Brother, and seven Men with him, to go
find out the _Indians_. They had not gone half a League before they
spied Horses and a Number of Cottages, without being themselves seen by
the Savages. That Village stood on the Side of a Hill, and contain’d
about forty Huts, standing together, besides several others straggling.
[Sidenote: _Monsieur_ de la Sale _well receiv’d by the Natives_.]
When Monsieur _de la Sale_ enter’d the Village, the Savages seeing him,
came to meet and conduct him to the Cottage of their Chief, where he
and his Company were seated on Bullocks Hides. The Elders being come,
he signify’d to them the Occasion of his Coming, as he had done to the
other Nations, with which they seem’d to rest satisfy’d. Some Presents
were made them, according to Custom, and they offer’d him a Quantity
of Hides, which he refus’d, telling them, that when he return’d from
the _Cenis_ he would trade with, and furnish them with all they had
Occasion for. They confirm’d what the others had told us, concerning
a Nation, where some of them had been, the Men whereof were like us,
meaning the _Spaniards_. He nam’d to them the Nations we had pass’d
through from our Dwelling of St. _Lewis_, to the River _Maligne_, which
we had lately pass’d. The Names of those Nations are as follows.
[Sidenote: _Names of Nations or Tribes._]
The _Spicheats_, _Kabayes_, _Thecamons_, _Theauremets_, _Kiahoba_,
_Choumenes_, _Kouans_, _Arhan_, _Enepiahe_, _Ahonerhopiheim_,
_Korenkake_, _Korkone_, _Omcaosse_, _Keremen_, _Ahehoen_, _Maghai_,
_Thecamenes_, _Otenmarhem_, _Kavagan_ and _Meracouman_. These are the
Nations that lay on our Road; those on the West and North West of the
said River were the _Kannehonan_, _Tohaka_, _Pehir_, _Coyabegux_,
_Onapien_, _Pichar_, _Tohan_, _Kiasses_, _Chanzes_, _Tsera_,
_Bocrettes_, _Tsepehoen_, _Fercouteha_, _Panego_, _Petao_, _Petzares_,
_Peisacho_, _Peihoum_ and _Orcampion_.[89]
Those we were with then, were call’d _Teao_, whom we had not before
hear’d nam’d. They talk’d of a great Nation call’d _Ayona_ and
_Canohatino_, who were at War with the _Spaniards_, from whom they
stole Horses, and told us, that one hundred _Spaniards_ were to have
come to join the _Cenis_, to carry on that War, but that having heard
of our March, they went back. Monsieur _de la Sale_ gave them to
understand, that we were at War with the _Spaniards_, and that we
fear’d them not; and that he was sent on their Account by the great
captain of the World, who had charg’d him to do them all Good, and to
assist them in their Wars against such Nations as were their Enemies.
Those Savages gave Monsieur _de la Sale_ Notice, that he would find
three of our Men among the _Cenis_, which put him in Hopes they were
those he had given Leave to depart at his former Journey, and of whom
he had never since heard. He propos’d to them to barter for Horses; but
they had caus’d them to be convey’d out of the Way, for Fear we should
take them away, excepting only one Bay, which Monsieur _de la Sale_
agreed for and return’d to us.
The 17th, we pass’d a small River, with some Difficulty, and incamp’d
beyond it. The 18th, one of our Horses going along the Edge of an
upright Bank, fell into the Water, and came off with only a Hurt on the
Shoulder; but we were fain to unload him, and distribute his Burden
among us, every one making a Pack; and thus we cross’d a curious
Plain,[90] diversify’d with Woods, Hills, Rivulets, and delightful
Meadows.
The 19th, we travell’d along the Tops of those Hills, to avoid the
Bottoms, and found a Difficulty to get down, by reason of the Rocks we
met with at the End of them, and a River we were to cross. Whilst we
were passing that River, we heard Dogs hunting the Bullocks, two of
which coming near us, one of them was shot dead. The Natives who were
hunting spying us, sent out two of their Number, who creeping from Tree
to Tree, drew near, and then stood still, without daring to proceed any
farther. We made Signs to them to come, which they did, and we made
them smoke, till Monsieur _de la Sale_ return’d, being gone a little
Way to observe the Body of those People.
When come, he told them, he would entertain Peace with them, that we
were going to the _Cenis_, and he believ’d, that these very Men were of
their Nation, because they had their Accent and some of their Words.
They told him their Village was near that Place, and bore us Company
to our Camp, where after some small Presents given them, they were
dismiss’d.
[Sidenote: _Account given by a Native._]
The 20th, Monsieur _de la Sale_ sent Monsieur _Moranget_ and some
others to the Village of those Natives, to try whether they could
barter with them for some Horses. In the mean Time two Savages came to
us, one of them being the same that was with us the Night before, and
they express’d much Friendship for us. That particular _Indian_ told
us, his name was _Palaquechaune_, that they were Allies to the _Cenis_,
that their Chief had been among the _Choumans_, with the _Spaniards_;
that the _Choumans_ were Friends to the _Spaniards_, from whom they got
Horses, and added some farther Particulars, which the others had before
signify’d to us; so that we had good Reason to judge we were not far
from _North Mexico_.
He also told us, that the _Choumans_ had given their Chief some
Presents, to perswade him to conduct us to them; that most of the said
Nation had flat Heads; that they had _Indian_ Corn, which gave Monsieur
_de la Sale_ Ground to believe, that those People were some of the same
he had seen upon his first Discovery. That same Native had a very fine
Goat’s Skin, which I purchas’d of him for four Needles, after I had
shewn him how to use them, and that Skin was of good Use to make us
Shoes instead of raw Bullocks Hides.
[Sidenote: _M._ Moranget_’s Account_.]
Some Time after, Monsieur _Moranget_ return’d, gave Monsieur _de la
Sale_ an Account of his short Journey, and said, That one of the
Natives, who saw us the Night before, came to meet and conduct him to
the Chief’s Cottage, where forty Ancient[91] _Indians_ were, by whom he
had been kindly receiv’d. That the Chief had in his Hand a Reed, at the
end whereof was made fast a Leaf of a _French_ Book, which he had an
extraordinary Respect for. That they had been made to sit on Bullocks
Hides, and treated with dry’d Beef.
That after these first Ceremonies, the Chief had given them to
understand, that some of their People had been conducted by a Man like
us, to our Habitation, and that the said Man had promis’d to bring them
to talk with us, in order to treat of Peace; but that on the Contrary,
we had fired on them and kill’d one of their Men, which had oblig’d
them to kill the Man that led them, and that then they return’d. It
is not improper here to put the Reader in Mind, that I have before
mention’d this Accident, when the Sieur _Barbier_ crossing the River
in a Canoe, was call’d upon by some Person, who was among the Natives
on the Bank of the River, who had made two Shots, as it had been only
the Priming of a Piece, which the Sieur _Barbier_ had look’d upon
as an Insult, and therefore he had also fir’d, with all the other
Particulars, as mention’d before; an Accident that happen’d for want of
understanding one another; which, together with Monsr. _de la Sale’s_
forbidding us to have any Communication with the Natives, was very
prejudicial to us afterwards.
After much other Discourse, Monsieur _Moranget_ having given them
some small Presents, they made their return in Bullocks Hides, and
Goat Skins well dress’d. He ask’d them for some Horses to barter;
they answer’d, they had no more than what they stood in Need of. We
immediately proceeded on our Journey, and that day being the 21st, went
to incamp at the Edge of a Wood.
The 22d, we went up to an Eminence terminated by a Rock, at the Foot
whereof ran a little River, the bottom whereof was all of flat Rocks,
fit for Building.[92] Thence we descry’d two Natives driving of
Bullocks, which made us stand upon our Guard, and it appear’d to be our
_Indian_, who had met another, with whom he had been acquainted among
the _Cenis_, and whom he had brought along with him.
[Sidenote: _Three lost_ French _Men heard of_.]
Monsieur _de la Sale_ was very glad to see him, and remember’d he
was one of those of whom he had purchas’d a Horse. He ask’d several
Questions of him, and among the rest, whether he had not seen the
four Men who deserted in his former Journey, or heard any Talk of
the others, to whom he had given Leave to return to our Dwelling. He
answer’d, he had seen one among the _Cenis_, and two others among the
_Assonis_; but that he had not heard of any more, and that they must
needs be dead; as also the Sieur _Bihorel_, who was likewise mention’d
to him.
He further told us, that there were four or five Cottages thereabouts,
in which about Fifteen Men resided. At Night he went away. Our
_Indian_ had kill’d a Cow at a great Distance and shot her quite
through, at which the other, who had been an Eye Witness to it, stood a
long Time amaz’d, without speaking one Word, admiring the Effect of our
Pieces. That Cow was sent for, and the Flesh brought to our Camp.
The 23d, we pass’d by the Cottages we had been told of, where the
Natives were with their Wives and Children. Monsr. _de la Sale_ caus’d
us to halt in the Village. We were well receiv’d, they presented us
with dry’d Beef, and we return’d it in some Knives. We saw two Horses,
one of them a little grey, indifferent handsome. They told us they
would soon depart that Place, to go join their Companions, who were in
War with their Enemies. The rest of our Men being come up, we went on
to incamp a League from thence, on the Bank of a Rivulet, and at the
Foot of one of the highest Mountains in the Country.
Unloading our Horses, we perceiv’d there wanted a large Axe, which
serv’d us for hewing down of Trees. Monsieur _de la Sale_ sent his
_Indian_ to demand it, at the Village we came from last, the Savages
said they had not seen it, and it was lost. He brought back Word, that
the Savages had told him, that if we would stay for them, they would go
along with, and shew us the Way.
However, we went on the 24th, and incamp’d on the Edge of a Marsh.
The 25th, the Rain hinder’d us from Marching. The 26th, Monsieur _de
la Sale_ perceiving how difficult and dangerous it was to cross that
Marsh, sent his _Indian_ to the others, to know whether they really
design’d to go with us. They answer’d, we must return thither to join
them. The 27th. we decamp’d, in order to it; but took another Way to go
meet the _Indians_. The 28th. we saw them marching at a Distance. One
of them was detach’d to come tell us, that he would shew us the Way to
cross the Marsh, and we went on and incamp’d at the Foot of the high
Mountain I have spoken of.
[Sidenote: _Mar. 1687_]
The first of _March_, we join’d the _Indians_, on the Edge of the
Marsh, which we had just cross’d, where the Rains kept us till the
Fifth, during which Time we went to find out where we might pass
a rapid Torrent, that discharges it self into the River call’d of
_Canoes_, which we pass’d the 6th, in the Canoe we had made, and which
did us good Service, to pass other Rivers we met with the 7th and the
8th on our Way.
[Sidenote: _River of Canoes._]
The 9th, we did not stir, because of the Rain. The 10th, incamp’d on
the Bank of a small River, which we cross’d the 11th, and the same Day
another River, and incamp’d on the Bank of it, and found it adorn’d
with very fine Mulberry Trees. The 12th we cross’d another River, and
incamp’d near it. The 13th, came again to the River of _Canoes_, so
called by Monsieur _de la Sale_, because he the first Time put Canoes
into it, at his former Journey. We pass’d it the 14th, and incamp’d on
the other Side where we again join’d the _Indians_.
[Sidenote: _Provisions hid, spoilt._]
The 15th, we held on our Journey with them, and found a pleasanter
Country than that we had pass’d thro’; and Monsieur _de la Sale_ having
in his former Journey hid some Indian Wheat and Beans, two or three
Leagues from that Place, and our Provisions beginning to fall short, it
was thought fit to go to that Place. Accordingly he order’d the Sieurs
_Duhaut_, _Hiens_, _Liotot_ the Surgeon, his own _Indian_, and his
Footman, whose Name was _Saget_, who were followed by some Natives, to
go to the Place he described to them, where they found all rotten and
quite spoilt.
The 16, in their Return, they met with two Bullocks, which Monsieur
_de la Sale’s_ _Indian_ kill’d, whereupon they sent back his Footman,
to give him Notice of what they had kill’d, that if he would have the
Flesh dry’d, he might send Horses for it. The 17th, Monsieur _de la
Sale_ had the Horses taken up, and order’d the Sieurs _Moranget_ and
_de Malre_ and his Footman, to go for that Meat, and send back a Horse
Load immediately, till the rest was dry’d.
[Sidenote: _Discontent occasion’d by Monsr._ Moranget.]
Monsieur _Moranget_, when he came thither, found they had smoak’d
both the Beeves, tho’ they were not dry enough; and the said
Sieurs _Liotot_, _Hiens_, _Duhaut_ and the rest had laid aside the
Marrow-Bones and others to roast them, and eat the flesh that remain’d
on them, as was usual to do. The Sieur _Moranget_ found fault with it,
he in a Passion seiz’d not only the Flesh that was smoak’d and dry’d,
but also the Bones, without giving them any Thing; but on the contrary,
threat’ning they should not eat so much of it, as they had imagin’d,
and that he would manage that Flesh after another Manner.
[Sidenote: _Conspiracy to murder Monsr._ de la Sale.]
This passionate Behaviour, so much out of Season, and contrary to
Reason and Custom, touch’d the Surgeon _Liotot_, _Hiens_ and _Duhaut_
to the Quick, they having other Causes of Complaint against _Moranget_.
They withdrew, and resolv’d together upon a bloody Revenge; they agreed
upon the Manner of it, and concluded they would murder the Sieur
_Moranget_, Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Footman and his _Indian_, because
he was very faithful to him.
[Sidenote: _Bloody Murderers._]
They waited till Night, when those unfortunate Creatures had supp’d
and were asleep. _Liotot_ the Surgeon was the inhuman Executioner, he
took an Ax, began by the Sieur _Moranget_, giving him many Strokes on
the Head; the same he did by the Footman and the _Indian_, killing them
on the Spot, whilst his Fellow Villains, _viz._ _Duhaut_, _Hiens_,
_Teissier_ and _Larcheveque_ stood upon their Guard, with their Arms,
to fire upon such as should make any Resistance. The _Indian_ and the
Footman never stir’d, but the Sieur _Moranget_ had so much Vigour as
to sit up, but without being able to speak one Word, and the Assasins
obliged the Sieur _de Marle_ to make an End of him, tho’ he was not in
the Conspiracy.
[Sidenote: _Consult to murder Monsr._ de la Sale.]
This Slaughter had yet satisfy’d but one Part of the Revenge of those
Murderers. To finish it and secure themselves it was requisite to
destroy the Commander in Chief. They consulted about the safest Method
to effect it, and resolved to go together to Monsieur _de la Sale_,
to knock out the Brains of the most resolute immediately, and then it
would be easier to overcome the rest. But the River, which was between
them and us, being much swollen, the Difficulty of passing it made them
put it off the 18th and 19th. On the other Hand Monsieur _de la Sale_
was very uneasy, on Account of their long Stay. His Impatience made him
resolve to go himself to find out his People and to know the Cause of
it.
[Sidenote: _He goes to seek them._]
This was not done without many previous Tokens of Concern, and
Apprehension. He seem’d to have some Presage of his Misfortune,
enquiring of some, whether the Sieur _Liotot_, _Hiens_ and _Duhaut_
had not express’d some Discontent; and not hearing any Thing of it, he
could not forbear setting out the 20th, with Father _Anastasius_ and
an _Indian_, leaving me the Command in his Absence, and charging me
from Time to Time to go the Rounds about our Camp, to prevent being
surpriz’d, and to make a Smoke for him to direct his Way in Case of
Need. When he came near the Dwelling of the Murderers, looking out
sharp to discover something, he observed Eagles fluttering about a
Spot, not far from them, which made him believe they had found some
Carrion about the Mansion, and he fired a Shot, which was the signal of
his Death and forwarded it.
[Sidenote: _Is murder’d._]
The Conspirators hearing the Shot, concluded it was Monsieur _de
la Sale_, who was come to seek them. They made ready their Arms
and provided to surprize him. _Duhaut_ passed the River, with
_Larcheveque_. The first of them spying Monsieur _de la Sale_ at a
Distance, as he was coming towards them, advanc’d and hid himself
among the high Weeds, to wait his passing by, so that Monsieur _de la
Sale_ suspecting nothing, and having not so much as charg’d his Piece
again, saw the aforesaid _Larcheveque_ at a good Distance from him, and
immediately ask’d for his Nephew _Moranget_, to which _Larcheveque_
answer’d, That he was along the River. At the same Time the Traitor
_Duhaut_ fired his Piece and shot Monsr. _de la Sale_ thro’ the
Head, so that he dropp’d down dead on the Spot, without speaking one
Word.[93]
Father _Anastasius_, who was then by his Side, stood stock still in a
Fright, expecting the same Fate, and not knowing whether he should go
forwards or backwards; but the Murderer _Duhaut_ put him out of that
Dread, bidding him not to fear, for no Hurt was intended him; that it
was Despair that had prevail’d with him to do what he saw; that he had
long desir’d to be revenged on _Moranget_, because he had designed to
ruin him, and that he was partly the Occasion of his Uncle’s Death.
This is the exact Relation of that Murder, as it was presently after
told me by F. _Anastasius_.
[Sidenote: _His Character._]
Such was the unfortunate End of Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Life, at a
Time when he might entertain the greatest Hopes, as the Reward of
his Labours.[94] He had a Capacity and Talent to make his Enterprize
successful; his Constancy and Courage and his extraordinary Knowledge
in Arts and Sciences, which render’d him fit for any Thing, together
with an indefatigable Body, which made him surmount all Difficulties,
would have procur’d a glorious Issue to his Undertaking, had not
all those excellent Qualities been counterbalanced by too haughty a
Behaviour, which sometimes made him insupportable, and by a Rigidness
towards those that were under his Command, which at last drew on him an
implacable Hatred, and was the Occasion of his Death.
[Sidenote: _Barbarity towards the dead Body._]
The Shot which had kill’d Monsieur _de la Sale_, was also a Signal
of the Murder to the Assassins for them to draw near. They all
repair’d to the Place where the wretched dead Corps lay, which they
barbarously strip’d to the Shirt, and vented their Malice in vile and
opprobrious Language. The Surgeon _Liotot_ said several Times in Scorn
and Derision, _There thou liest, Great Bassa, there thou liest._ In
Conclusion, they dragged it naked among the Bushes, and left it exposed
to the ravenous Wild Beasts. So far was it from what a certain Author
writes, of their having bury’d him and set up a cross on his Grave.[95]
[Sidenote: _Murderers return to the Camp._]
When those Murderers had satiated their Rage, they set out to come
to us at our Camp, with the dry’d Flesh, which they had caus’d to be
brought over the River by the _Indians_, who had been Spectators of
the Murder and of all the inhuman Actions that had been committed,
with Amazement and Contempt of us. When they were come to the Camp,
they found Messieurs _Cavelier_, the one Brother, the other Nephew to
the murder’d Commander, whom Father _Anastasius_ acquainted with the
dismal End of our Chief, and enjoyn’d them Silence, which it is easy to
imagine was very hard upon them; but it was absolutely necessary.
However, Monsieur _Cavelier_ the Priest, could not forbear telling
them, that if they would do the same by him, he would forgive them
his Murder, and only desir’d them to give him a Quarter of an Hour to
prepare himself: They answer’d, They had Nothing to say to him; that
what they had done was the Effect of Despair, to be reveng’d for the
ill Usage they had receiv’d.
[Sidenote: _The Author sav’d by a Friend._]
I was absent at that Time; he they call’d _Larcheveque_, who, as I
have said, was one of the Conspirators, had some Kindness for me, and
knowing they design’d to make me away too, if I stood upon my Defence,
he parted from them, to give me Notice of their Mischievous Resolution.
He found me on a little rising Ground, where I was looking upon our
Horses as they graz’d in a little adjacent Bottom. His Intelligence
struck me to the Heart, not knowing whether I should fly or stay; but
at length, having neither Powder nor Shot, nor Arms, and the said
_Larcheveque_ giving me Assurances of my Life, provided I was quiet and
said Nothing, I committed my self to God’s Protection, and went to
them, without taking any Notice of what had been done.
[Sidenote: Duhaut, _the Murderer, usurps the Command_.]
_Duhaut_, puff’d up with his new gotten Authority, procur’d him by his
Villany, as soon as he saw me, cry’d out, Every Man ought to command
in his Turn; to which I made no Answer; and we were all of us oblig’d
to stifle our Resentment, that it might not appear, for our Lives
depended on it. However, it was easy to judge with what Eyes Father
_Anastasius_, Messieurs _Cavelier_ and I beheld these Murderers, to
whom we expected every Moment to fall Sacrifices. It is true, we
dissembled so well, that they were not very suspicious of us, and
that the Temptation we were under of making them away in Revenge for
those they had murder’d, would have easily prevail’d and been put in
Execution, had not Monsieur _Cavelier_, the Priest, always positively
oppos’d it, alledging, that we ought to leave Vengeance to God.
[Sidenote: _March continued._]
[Sidenote: Cenis _River_.]
However the Murderers seiz’d upon all the Effects, without any
Opposition, and then we began to talk of proceeding on our Journey. We
decamp’d the 21st, with our _Indians_, and march’d with such a heavy
Rain, that we were oblig’d to halt on the Bank of a great Stream, where
one of the Natives that had left us, arriv’d with his Wife. We went
on the 22d and 23d, and pass’d the River, where Father _Anastasius_,
Monsieur _Cavelier_ and I, who could not swim, had been drown’d, but
that the Natives assisted and sav’d us. The 24th, we went on thro’ a
marshy Country, never quitting a small Path which led to the Village of
the _Cenis_, till the 28th, when we rested on the Bank of a River of
the same Name, tho’ about ten Leagues distant from the Village.
We had hop’d to ford that River, as Monsieur _de la Sale_ had done,
when he return’d from that Country; but it was so swollen, that there
was no doing it, and we were forced to make a Canoe of Bullocks Hides.
Whilst we were employ’d at that Work, the _Indians_ swam over and went
to give Notice to the _Cenis_ of our Arrival.
[Sidenote: Copal _Tree_.]
We found the Country pleasant enough about that River, tho’ the Land
did not seem to be any of the best; but still it was delightful to the
Eye, well planted with fine Trees of several Sorts, among which, is one
that Monsieur _de la Sale_ had nam’d _Copal_, being very beautiful,
the Leaves of it between those of the Maple and the lime[96] Trees in
Resemblance, and from it comes a Gum, of a very agreeable Scent. In the
same Place we saw a great Tree, on which the late Monsieur _de la Sale_
had caus’d Crosses and the Arms of _France_ to be carv’d.
[Sidenote: _The Author sent to the_ Cenis _for Provisions_.]
The Hunting of Bullocks had fail’d us, and we had seen none from the
Place where our late Leader had been murder’d. Thus our Provisions
began to fall short, and it was resolv’d on the 29th, to send some Men
before, to the Village of the _Cenis_, to know, whether they had any
_Indian_ Corn, and were willing to barter for it. I was appointed,
with the Surgeon _Liotot_, the _Teisieers_, and _Hiens_, who was a
Buccanier, Monsieur _de la Sale_ had taken up at _Petit Gouave_, to
go with him upon this Expedition. I was very unwilling to undertake
that Journey, with a Murderer and two of his Companions, of whom I was
suspicious; but it was very requisite to obey, and _Duhaut_ having all
the Effects in his Possession, alledging, that a great part of them
belong’d to him, he gave us some Axes and Knives to barter for _Indian_
Corn, as also for Horses, if any were to be had, and accordingly we
pass’d the River.
[Sidenote: _The Country describ’d._]
We found the Country made up of several little Hills, of an indifferent
Height, on which there are Abundance of Wallnut-Trees and Oaks, not so
large as what we had seen before, but very agreeable. The Weeds which
had been some Time before burnt by the Natives, began to spring up
again, and discover’d large green Fields very pleasing to the Sight.
[Sidenote: _A Man clad like a Spaniard._]
When we had travell’d some Time, we discover’d three Men a Horseback,
coming towards us from the Village, and being come near them, saw one
dress’d after the _Spanish_ Fashion, with a little Doublet, the Body
whereof was of blue, and the Sleeves of white Fustian, as it were
imbroider’d, with very streight Breeches, white worsted Stockings,
Woollen-Garters, a broad-brim’d, flat-crown’d Hat, and long Hair. We
presently concluded he was a _Spaniard_, and the rather because we
had been told, that some of them were to come to join in League with
the _Cenis_, against an Enemy nation, and we were at a Nonplus; for
if we fell into their Hands, we must never expect to get away, but be
condemn’d to serve either in the Mines, or in the Quarries, in the
Kingdom of _Mexico_, for which Reason we provided to give the pretended
_Spaniard_ an unkind Reception, and then to make the best of our Way
back.
Being come up to him, I spoke some Words of _Spanish_ and _Italian_, to
which he return’d no Answer; but on the contrary, made use of the Word
_Coussica_, which in the Language of the _Cenis_, signifies, _I do not
understand you_; which Answer of his remov’d our Apprehensions. The
two others were quite naked, one of them being mounted on a fine grey
Mare, and on her were besides two Panniers, handsomely made of Reeds,
full of very fine Meal parch’d, or roasted. After several Questions, to
which we had no very satisfactory Answers, we lighted Fire to make them
smoke, and then they presented us with the two Panniers full of Meal,
giving us to understand, that their Chief expected us in the Village,
and having signify’d, that they were sent to meet us, we gave them some
Knives and Strings of Beads.
We ask’d them, whether they had any Men among them like him that was
a Horseback in the _Spanish_ Habit, they answer’d, there were two in
a Neighboring Nation, call’d _Assony_, and that he who was clad, had
been in their Country, and brought thence the Cloaths we saw him wear.
That Man then shew’d us a _Spanish_ printed Paper, containing the
Indulgences granted to the Missioners of _New Mexico_. After this they
left us to go on, to our People, for which Reason I writ a Note, giving
an Account of our having met them.
We alighted to eat, and let our Horses graze on the Bank of a Rivulet;
but it was not long before the same Natives, who had been with us
before, appear’d again hard by us. We made Signs to them to draw near
and eat with us; which they did, and then went along with us towards
the Village, which we would not go into, because it was Night. The
_Indian_ that was clad, stay’d all Night with us, and the two others
went away.
[Sidenote: _The_ Cenis _meet the French in solemn Manner_.]
When it was Day, we held on our Way to the Village; the _Indian_ that
was with us conducting us to their Chief’s Cottage. By the Way, we
saw many other Cottages, and the Elders coming to meet us in their
Formalities,[97] which consisted in some Goats Skins dress’d and
painted of several Colours, which they wore on their Shoulders like
Belts, and Plumes of Feathers of several Colours, on their Heads,
like Coronets. Six or seven of them had square Sword Blades, like the
_Spanish_, on the Hilts whereof they had fasten’d great Plumes of
Feathers, and several Hawks Bells; some of them had Clubs, which they
call Headbreakers, some only their Bows and Arrows;[98] others, Bits of
White Linen, reaching from Shoulder to Shoulder. All their Faces were
daub’d with black or red. There were twelve Elders, who walk’d in the
Middle, and the Youth and Warriors in Ranks, on the Sides of those old
Men.
[Sidenote: _A French Man among the Indians._]
Being come up to us in that Manner, he that conducted us, made a Sign
for us to halt, which when we had done, all the old Men lifted up their
Right Hands above their Heads, crying out in a most ridiculous Manner;
but it behov’d us to have a Care of laughing. That done, they came and
imbrac’d us, using all Sorts of Endearments. Then they made us smoke,
and brought to us a French Man of _Provence_, who was one of those that
had forsaken the late Monsieur _de la Sale_, at his first Journey.[99]
[Sidenote: _Indian Entertainment._]
The whole Company conducted us after the same Manner, to their Chief’s
Cottage; and after we had staid there a short Time, they led us to a
larger Cottage, a Quarter of a League from thence, being the Hut in
which they have their publick Rejoycings, and the great Assemblies.
We found it furnish’d with Mats for us to sit on. The Elders seated
themselves round about us, and they brought us to eat, some _Sagamite_,
which is their Pottage, little Beans, Bread made of _Indian_ Corn, and
another Sort they make with boil’d Flower, and at last they made us
smoke.
During our Repast, they entertain’d us with the Discourse of their
Design to make War on a Nation, who were their Enemies, and whom they
call’d _Cannohantimo_. When it was over, we presented them, according
to Custom, with some Knives and Strings of Beads for their Wives. We
desir’d them to afford us some _Indian_ Corn, in Exchange for other
Things, which they promis’d, and the French Man who was with them,
having told us, that there was a District, which afforded more Corn,
than that where we were, and where his Cottage was, we resolv’d to go
thither. We propos’d it to the Elders, who would needs go along with
us, attended by a great Number of Youth, and having got ready our
Horses, we set out for that Place.
By the Way, we saw several Cottages at certain Distances, straggling up
and down,[100] as the Ground happens to be fit for Tillage. The Field
lies about the Cottage, and at other Distances,[101] there are other
large Huts, not inhabited, but only serving for publick Assemblies,
either upon Occasion of Rejoycings, or to consult about Peace and War.
[Sidenote: _Huts and Families in them._]
The Cottages that are inhabited, are not each of them for a private
Family, for in some of them there are fifteen or twenty, each of which
has its Nook or Corner, Bed and other Utensils to its self; but without
any Partition to separate it from the rest: However, they have Nothing
in Common besides the Fire, which is in the Midst of the Hut, and
never goes out. It is made of great Trees, the Ends whereof are laid
together, so that when once lighted, it lasts a long Time, and the
first Comer takes Care to keep it up.
[Sidenote: _Manner of Building._]
The Cottages are round at the Top, after the Manner of a Bee-Hive, or
a Reek of Hay. Some of them are sixty Foot Diameter. In Order to build
them, they plant Trees as thick as a Man’s Thigh, tall and strait,
and placing them in a Circle, and joyning the Tops together, form the
Dome, or round Top, then they lath and cover them with Weeds. When they
remove their Dwellings, they generally burn the Cottages they leave,
and build new on the Ground they design to inhabit.
[Sidenote: _Their moveables._]
[Sidenote: _Beds._]
Their Moveables are some Bullocks Hides and Goats Skins well cur’d,
some Mats close wove, wherewith they adorn their Huts, and some Earthen
Vessels, which they are very skilful at making, and wherein they boil
their Flesh or Roots, or _Sagamite_, which, as has been said, is their
Pottage. They have also some small Baskets made of Canes, serving to
put in their Fruit and other Provisions. Their Beds are made of Canes,
rais’d two or three Foot above the Ground, handsomely fitted with
Mats and Bullocks Hides, or Goats Skins well cur’d, which serve them
for Feather Beds, or Quilts and Blankets cured with the hair on, to
serve as mattresses and bedclothes; and those Beds are parted one from
another by Mats hung up.
[Sidenote: _Tillage._]
When they design to Till the Ground, they give one another Notice, and
very often above an Hundred of each Sex meet together. When they have
till’d that Piece of Land, after their Manner, and spent part of the
Day, those the Land belongs to, give the others to Eat, and then they
spend the rest of the Day in Dancing and Merry Making. This same is
practis’d from Canton to Canton, and so they till Land all together.
[Sidenote: _Instrument for Tilling._]
[Sidenote: _Women sow._]
This Tillage consists in breaking up just the Surface of the Earth with
a Sort of Wooden Instrument, like a little Pick-axe, which they make by
splitting the End of a thick Piece of Wood, that serves for a Handle,
and putting another Piece of Wood sharp Pointed at one End into the
Slit. This Instrument serves them instead of a Hoe, or Spade, for they
have no Iron Tools. When the Land has been thus till’d or broke up, the
Women Sow and Plant the _Indian_ Corn, Beans, Pompions, Water Melons,
and other Grain and Garden Ware, which is for their Sustenance.
[Sidenote: Indians _disfigure themselves_.]
The _Indians_ are generally Handsom, but disfigure themselves by making
Scores, or Streaks on their Faces, from the Top of the Forehead down
the Nose to the Tip of the Chin; which is done by pricking the Skin
with Needles, or other sharp Instruments, till it bleeds, whereon
they strew fine Powder of Charcoal, and that sinks in and mixes with
the Blood within the Skin. They also make after the same Manner, the
Figures of living Creatures, of Leaves and Flowers on their Shoulders,
Thighs, and other Parts of their Bodies, and Paint themselves, as has
been said before, with Black or Red, and sometimes both together.
[Sidenote: _Women._]
The Women are generally well Shap’d, and would not be disagreeable, did
they adhere to Nature; but they Disguise themselves as ridiculously as
the Men, not only with the Streak they have like them down their Face,
but by other Figures they make on it, at the Corners of their Eyes, and
on the other Parts of their Bodies; whereof they make more particular
Show on their Bosom, and those who have the most, are reckoned the
handsomest; tho’ that pricking in that Part be extremely painful to
them.
[Sidenote: _They do the Work at Home._]
It is they that do all the Work[102] in the Cottage, either in
Pounding the _Indian_ Corn and Baking the Meal, or making the Pottage
of the said Meal, by them call’d _Sagamite_, or in dressing their other
Provisions, or drying or parching, or smoaking their Flesh, fetching
the Wood they have Occasion for, or the Flesh of Bullocks, or other
Beasts kill’d by their Husbands in the Woods, which are often at a
great Distance, and afterwards Dressing them as has been said. They Sow
and Plant, when the Land has been broke up, and in short, do almost all
that is requisite for the Support of Life.
[Sidenote: _Their Behaviour._]
I did not observe that those Women were naturally given to Lewdness;
but their Virtue is not Proof against some of our Toys, when presented
them, as Needles, Knives, and more particularly Strings of Beads,
whereof they make Necklaces and Bracelets, and that Temptation is
rarely resisted by them, and the less because they have no Religion
or Law to prohibit that vile Practice. It is true their Husbands,
when they take them in the Fact, sometimes do punish them, either by
Separation or otherwise; but that is rare.
[Sidenote: _Habits._]
The Country of those _Indians_ being generally subject to no Cold,
almost all of them go naked; unless when the _North_ Wind blows, then
they cover themselves with a Bullock’s Hide, or Goat’s Skin cur’d. The
Women wear nothing but a Skin, Mat, or Clout, hanging round them like
a Petticoat, and reaching down half way their Legs, which hides their
Nakedness before and behind. On their Heads they have nothing but their
Hair platted and knotted behind.
[Sidenote: _Manners._]
As for their Manners, it may be said of these as of all other _Indians_
of that great Continent, that they are not Mischievous, unless wrong’d
or attack’d; in which Case they are all Fierce and Revengeful. They
Watch all Opportunities to be Reveng’d, and never let any slip, when
offer’d, which is the Cause of their being continually at War with
their Neighbours, and of that Martial Humour, so Predominant among
them.
[Sidenote: _Religion._]
As to the Knowledge of a God, they did not seem to us to have any fix’d
Notion of Him; it is true, we met with some on our Way, who as far as
we could judge, believ’d, there was some Superior Being, which was
above all Things, and this they testify’d by lifting up their Hands and
Eyes to Heaven, yet without any Manner of Concern, as believing that
the said exalted Being does not regard at all, what is done here below.
However none of them having any Places of Worship, Ceremonies, or
Prayers, to denote the divine Homage, it may be said of them all, that
they have no Religion, at least those that we saw.
[Sidenote: _Ceremonies._]
However, they observe some Ceremonies; but whether they have any
Regard to a real or pretended Superior Being, or whether they are
only popular, and proceeding from Custom, is what we were not able to
discover. Those Ceremonies are as follows. When the Corn is ripe, they
gather a certain Quantity in a Maund or Basket, which is placed on a
Sort of Seat or Stool, dedicated to that Use, and serving only upon
those misterious Occasions, which they have a great Veneration for.
The Basket with the Corn being placed on that honour’d Stool, one of
the Elders holds out his Hands over it, and talks a long Time; after
which, the said old Man distributes the Corn among the Women, and no
Person is allow’d to eat of the new Corn, till eight Days after that
Ceremony. This seems to be in the Nature of Offering up or Blessing the
first Fruits of their Harvest.
At their Assemblies, when the _Sagamite_, or Pottage, which is the most
essential Part of their meal, is boil’d in a great Pot, they place that
Pot on the Stool of Ceremony above mention’d, and one of the Elders
stretches out his Hands over it, muttering some Words between his Teeth
for a considerable Time, after which, they fall to eat.
[Sidenote: _Tabacco._]
When the young Folks are grown up to be fit to go to the Wars, and
take upon them to be Soldiers, their Garment, consisting of some Skin,
or Clout, together with their Bow, Quiver and Arrows, is placed on
the aforesaid Stool, an old Man stretches out his Hands over them,
mutters the Words as above, and then the Garments, Bows, Quivers, and
Arrows are given to the Persons they belong to. This may be compar’d to
Something of a Ceremony of Knighting among them. The same Ceremonies
are us’d by them in the cultivating of their Grain and Product, but
particularly of the Tabacco, whereof they have a Sort, which has
smaller Leaves than Ours; it is almost ever green and they use it in
Leaves.
This is what we observ’d among the _Cenis_, whose Customs and Manners
differ very little from those of other Nations, which we had seen
before, and saw afterwards. As to the Point of Religion, it is not to
be infer’d from what I have said above, that there is none throughout
that vast Continent: The Account I have given only regards those
Nations we saw; there may be others that have some Worship, and I
remember I have heard Monsieur _de la Sale_ say, that the Nation call’d
_Takensa_, neighbouring on the _Islinois_, ador’d the Fire, and that
they had Cottages which they made use of, as Temples.
[Sidenote: _Nation, what is meant here by it._]
Before I conclude this short Account of the Religion, Customs and
Manners of the _Cenis_, which belong’d properly to this Place, it
is fit here also to observe, that the Word Nation, is not to be
understood, among those _Indians_, to denote a People possessing a
whole Province, or vast Extent of Land. Those Nations are no other than
a Parcel of Villages, dispers’d for the Space of fifteen, of twenty or
of thirty Leagues at most, which compose a distinct People or Nation;
and they differ from one another rather in Language than in Manners,
wherein they are all much alike, or at least they vary but little, as
has been mention’d above. As for the Names of them, here follow those
of such as we travel’d through, or were near the Way we held from our
leaving our Habitation near the Bay of the Holy Ghost, till we came
among the _Cenis_.
[Sidenote: _Names of Nations._]
The _Spicheats_, _Kabayes_, _Thecamons_, _Theauremets_, _Kiabaha_,
_Chaumenes_, _Kouans_, _Arhau_, _Enepiahe_, _Ahonerhopiheim_,
_Koienkahe_, _Konkone_, _Omeaosse_, _Keremen_, _Ahekouen_, _Meghty_,
_Tetamenes_, _Otenmarhem_, _Kouayon_ and _Meracouman_. All these
Nations are on the North of the River called _la Maligne_. Those that
follow, are on the West and North-West of the same River.
The _Kannehouan_, _Tohaha_, _Pehir_, _Cagabegux_, _Onapien_, _Pickar_,
_Tokau_, _Kuasses_, _Chancres_, _Teserabocretes_, _Tsepehoen_,
_Fercouteha_, _Panego_, _Petao_, _Petzare_, _Peisacho_, _Peihoun_,
_Orcan_ and _Piou_.[103] This last Nation borders upon the _Cenis_,
at the Entrance into whose first Village I left my Reader, to give an
Account of the Inhabitants, and thither I return, to proceed with my
Relation and our Journey to the Village, the _French_ Man who liv’d
among the Natives was to conduct us to.
We arriv’d there at Night, and found other Elders coming out to meet
us, much after the same Manner as the others mention’d before. They led
us to their Cottage, made us sit down on Mats and smoke, but not with
so much Ceremony as the others. That done, it was Time for us to take
our Rest, having given them to understand that we were weary.
[Sidenote: French _Entertained by the Natives_.]
The _French Provencal_ would needs have us go to his Cottage, that is
to the Hut where he had his Dwelling; for, as I have said, there are
several Families in one of them, and that was one of the greatest in
the Canton, having been the Habitation of one of their Chief’s, lately
deceased.
They allotted us a Place there, for our Goods and Packs, the Women
immediately made _Sagamite_ or Pottage, and gave it us. Having eaten,
we ask’d the _French_ Man whether we were safe, and he answering we
were, we lay down, but yet could not sleep sound.
[Sidenote: _Apr. 1687_]
[Sidenote: _A Horse sold for an Ax._]
The next Day, being the first of _April_, the Elders came to receive
and conducted us to the Cottage where we had been the Day before. After
the usual Ceremonies, we traded with them for Corn, Meal and Beans,
giving in Exchange for the same, Needles, Knives, Rings and other Toys.
We also purchased a very fine Stone Horse,[104] that would have been
worth twenty Pistoles in _France_, for an Ax.
The Day was spent in driving our small Bargains and gathering
Provisions, which the Women brought. When that was done, it was agreed,
that I should remain there, to lay up more Store, and that the others
should return to our Company, which we had left near the River, to
carry the Provisions and satisfy them they might come safely.
Tho’ I thought my self not over secure among the _Indians_, and besides
had the Dissatisfaction of understanding none of their Language; yet
was I not unwilling to stay, that I might have an Opportunity of seeing
the two other _French_ Men, who had forsaken the late Monsieur _de la
Sale_, when he first travell’d into that Country, that I might enquire
of them, whether they had heard no talk of the _Missisipi_ River, for I
still held my Resolution of parting from our wicked Murderers.
As soon as they were gone, I gave a young _Indian_ a Knife, to go bid
those two other _French_ Men come to me, and whilst he was going I
drove on my little Trade for Provisions, and had frequent Visits from
the Elders, who entertain’d me by Signs, with an Account of their
intended War; to which I still answer’d, nodding my Head, tho’ very
often I knew not what they meant. It was some Difficulty to me to
secure my small Merchandize, especially at Night, for the Natives were
covetous of them.
[Sidenote: _The Author meets another French Man among the Indians._]
This Care, which kept me from Sleeping sound, was the Occasion, that
one Night I heard some Body moving near my Bed, and opening my Eyes,
by the Light of the Fire, which never goes out in those Cottages,
perceiv’d a Man stark naked, with a Bow and two Arrows in his Hand,
who came and sat down by me, without saying any Thing. I view’d him
for some Time, I spoke to him, he made me no Answer, and not knowing
what to think of it, I laid hold of my two Pistols and my Firelock,
which the Man perceiving, he went and sat by the Fire. I follow’d, and
looking steadfastly on him, he knew and spoke to me, throwing his Arms
about and embracing me, and then made himself known to be one of the
French Men I had sent for.
[Sidenote: _French turn’d savage._]
We fell into Discourse, I ask’d him for his Comrade, he told me, he
durst not come, for Fear of Monsieur _de la Sale_. They were both
Sailors, this Man, who was of _Britany_, was call’d _Ruter_; the other,
of _Rochelle_, _Grollet_. They had, in that short Space of Time, so
perfectly enur’d themselves to the Customs of the Natives, that they
were become meer Savages. They were naked, their Faces and Bodies with
Figures wrought on them, like the rest. They had taken several Wives,
been at the Wars and kill’d their Enemies with their Firelocks, which
had gain’d them Reputation; but having no more Powder nor Ball, their
Arms were grown useless, and they had been forc’d to learn to shoot
with Bows and Arrows. As for Religion, they were not troubled with much
of it, and that Libertine Life they led, was pleasing to them.
I acquainted this Man with the unfortunate Death of Monsr. _de la
Sale_, his Nephew and the rest, at which, he was surpris’d and
concern’d, at least in outward Appearance. I ask’d him, whether he had
not heard talk of the _Missisipi_; he told me he had not; but only
that there was a great River forty Leagues from thence towards the _N.
W._[105] where the Natives said there were many Nations along its
Banks. That made me believe, it was the very River we were in Search
of, or at least that it must be the Way to come at it. I gave him to
eat, and we went to Rest.
The next and the following Days, I continu’d trading, and the Elders
their Visits, and their Discourse by Signs, concerning their intended
War. Some of them gave me to understand, that they had been among the
_Spaniards_, who are nevertheless about two hundred Leagues from them.
They spoke some Words of broken _Spanish_, as _Capita_, instead of
_Capitan_, a Captain, and _Cohavillo_ instead of _Cavallo_, a Horse,
and so of some others. _Ruter_, the _French_ Man return’d to his
Dwelling, I gave him some Strings of Beads for his Wives, and desir’d
him to send the other _French_ Man to me.
[Sidenote: _Indian Maid brought to the Author._]
In the mean Time my being alone, as to any Person I could converse
with, grew very irksome to me, and I know not whether an old Man
did not perceive it; for he thought it would be proper to bring a
Companion, to divert me, and at Night I was surpris’d to see a young
Maid come sit down by me, and to hear the old Man tell me, he had
brought her to be my Wife, and gave her to me; but I had far different
Thoughts to disturb me. I spoke not one Word to that poor Maid; she
stay’d some Time expecting I would take notice of her, and perceiving I
did not stir, or speak one Word, she withdrew.
[Sidenote: French _Men like_ Indians.]
Thus I continu’d, without hearing any News, till the Sixth of _April_,
when the two _French_ Men, I have spoken of, came both, in the _Indian_
Dress, each of them having only a Clout about him, some Turky Feathers
on their Shoulders, their Heads and Feet bare. The latter of them whose
name was _Grollet_, had not consented to have his Face mark’d like the
other, nor to cut his Hair after the _Indian_ Manner; for those People
cut off all theirs, except a small Lock on the Crown of the Head, like
the Turks, only some of them have small Tresses on the Temples.
I repeated to them the Narrative of Monsieur _de la Sale_’s unfortunate
Story. They confirm’d what I had been told before, that the Natives had
talk’d to them of the great River, which was forty Leagues off, towards
the N. E. and that there were People like us, that dwelt on the Banks
of it. This confirm’d me in the Opinion, that it was the River so much
sought after, and that we must go that Way to return to _Canada_ or
towards _New England_. They told me, they would willingly go with us. I
desired them to keep it secret, which they did not, for being inform’d
that Monsieur _Cavelier_ and the others were coming, they went to meet
them, and I was again left alone.
[Sidenote: _The Murderers resolve to return to the Habition of_ St.
Lewis.]
The 8th, three Men came to me, one of which was the _French_ Man of
_Provence_, with each of them a Horse, sent by our People to carry
away all the Provisions I had got together, having taken a Resolution,
as those Persons they had sent told us, to return to the Dwelling of
St. _Lewis_, about the Bay of the same Name, from whence we came;
designing, as they pretended, to build a Boat there, to carry them
over to the Islands of _America_; an impracticable Notion, for all
our Carpenters were dead, and tho’ they had been alive, they were so
ignorant, that none of them would have known which Way to go about
that Work; besides that, we were destitute of all Necessaries for that
Effect. However we must obey, and set out with our Provisions. The Rain
having detain’d us the 9th on the Way, we could not come up to them
till the next Day, being the Tenth.
Father _Anastasius_ gave me the Confirmation of that Design, and
farther told me how roughly they had been treated by those Murderers
since my Departure. I know not what it was that mov’d them to it, but
they had resolved to separate themselves from those Villains, and
that we should eat apart, _viz._ Monsieur _Cavelier_ the Priest, F.
_Anastasius_, young _Cavelier_ and I, which was very agreeable to us,
because at least we could talk freely, which we durst not do before;
but at the same Time they allow’d us no more Provisions than would
suffice to keep us from starving, without giving us Share of any Flesh,
tho’ they often kill’d.
[Sidenote: _The Author and others resolve to part from the Murderers._]
Our Tyrants still holding their Resolution to return to their former
Habitation, thought they had not Horses enough, and therefore deputed
four of their Number, one of which was the _French_ Man half turn’d
_Indian_, to return to the Village of the _Cenis_ and endeavour to
barter for some. At the same Time we agreed together to let those
Gentlemen know, that we were too much fatigued to return with them to
the said Habitation, and were resolved to remain in the Village of the
_Cenis_. Monsieur _Cavelier_ undertook to be our Speaker, and to desire
_Duhaut_, who was Master of all, to give us some Axes, Knives and
Strings of Beads, Powder and Shot, offering to give him a Note of his
Hand for the same.
[Sidenote: _Design of the Murderers._]
To conclude, Monsieur _Cavelier_ made the Proposal to _Duhaut_,
disguis’d it the best he was able, and _Duhaut_ took till the next Day
to return his answer. He consulted with his Companions, and acquainted
us, that they would deal handsomely by us, and give us half the Effects
and all the Axes, intending to make the most Speed they could, to get
to our former Dwelling, and to put in Execution what they had before
design’d, as to the Building of a Bark. But in Case they could not
succeed, for want of Necessaries, they would immediately return to
us and bring F. _Zenobius_ along with them, who would be serviceable
to us, because, having been with Monsieur _de la Sale_ upon his
first Discovery, he understood the Language of the Nations about the
_Missisipi_ River. That whilst they were upon that Journey, we should
take Care to gather a Stock of Provisions, and that if they succeeded
in building the Bark, they would send us Word, that we might repair to
them. Monsieur _Cavelier_ approv’d of all they said, tho’ we had other
Designs. However it prov’d we were all Mistaken, for Providence had
order’d Affairs otherwise.
[Sidenote: _May 1687_]
We stay’d there some Time, expecting those who were gone to the
_Cenis_, they staying longer than was requisite for that Journey.
The overflowing of the River was their Pretence, but the true Reason
was the Women, who as I have said, are not so forward as to offer
themselves, but on the other Hand will not be over difficult in
complying for some little Present, and those who were sent did not
grudge their Time. In the mean while the Posture of our Affairs
changed, as follows.
[Sidenote: _Murderers change their Mind._]
One of our half Savage _French_ Men, whom I had acquainted with our
Design to go find the _Missisipi_, communicated it to _Hautot_,[106]
telling him all the particulars he had before acquainted me with;
whereupon _Duhaut_ chang’d his Mind, as to the Design of going to the
Habitation of St. _Lewis_, resolving to follow our intended Way and
execute our Project. He imparted his Thoughts to his Companions, who
were of the same Opinion, and all of them acquainted us, that they were
ready to put in Execution the Enterprize we had form’d.
This Change troubled us very much, there being nothing we coveted more
than to part with those Miscreants, from whom we could at a long Run
expect no better Usage than they had afforded our Commander and his
Friends. However, it was still requisite to dissemble, there being no
other Remedy at that Time: But God’s Justice provided for and rescued
us. We continued in that Camp all the remaining part of _April_,
expecting the Persons that had been sent to the _Cenis_, and _Duhaut_
intending to begin to put in Execution his Design of going to find out
the _Missisipi_, with us, made us advance towards the River that was
near, in order to pass it as soon as fallen, and repair to the Village
of the _Cenis_.
[Sidenote: _Murderers differ in Opinion._]
We staid three Days longer in that Post, at the End whereof, he we
call’d _Larcheveque_, one of those that had been sent out, cross’d the
River. He was _Duhaut’s_ Creature, and an Accomplice in the Murder of
Monsieur _de la_ _Sale_. He inform’d[107] _Duhaut_, that one they
call’d _Hiens_, who was also one of our Messengers, and had stayed
on the other Side of the River, had heard of _Duhaut_ and the rest
altering their Resolution, and that he was not of their Mind. _Hiens_
was a _Buccanier_, and by Birth a German. Monsieur _de la Sale_ had
brought him from _Petit Gouave_, and he was also accessory to the late
Murders.
[Sidenote: Hiens _kills_ Duhaut, _and_ Ruter Liotot.]
After we had been some Days longer in the same Place, _Hiens_ arriv’d
with the two half Savage _French_ Men and about twenty Natives. He went
immediately to _Duhaut_, and after some Discourse, told him, he was not
for going towards the _Missisipi_, because it would be of dangerous
Consequence for them, and therefore demanded his Share of the Effects
he had seiz’d upon. _Duhaut_ refusing to comply, and affirming, that
all the Axes were his own; _Hiens_, who it is likely had laid the
Design before to kill him, immediately drew his Pistol, and fired it
upon _Duhaut_, who stagger’d about four Paces from the Place and fell
down dead. At the same Time _Ruter_, who had been with _Hiens_, fired
his Piece upon _Liotot_, the Surgeon, and shot him thro’ with three
Balls.
These Murders committed before us, put me into a terrible
Consternation; for believing the same was design’d for me, I laid hold
of my Fire-Lock to defend my self; but _Hiens_ cry’d out to me, to fear
nothing, to lay down my Arms, and assur’d me he had no Design against
me; but that he had reveng’d his Master’s Death. He also satisfy’d
Monsieur _Cavelier_ and Father _Anastasius_, who were as much frighted
as my self, declaring he meant them no Harm, and that tho’ he had been
in the Conspiracy, yet had he been present at the Time when Monsieur
_de la Sale_ was kill’d, he would not have consented, but rather have
obstructed it.
_Liotot_ liv’d some Hours after, and had the good Fortune to make his
Confession; after which, the same _Ruter_, put him out of his Pain,
with a Pistol-Shot. We dug a Hole in the Earth, and bury’d him in it
with _Duhaut_, doing them more Honour than they had done to Monsieur
_de la Sale_ and his Nephew _Moranget_, whom they left to be devour’d
by wild Beasts. Thus those Murderers met with what they had deserv’d,
dying the same Death they had put others to.
[Sidenote: _More Mischief prevented._]
The Natives, _Hiens_ had brought with him, having been Spectators of
that Murder, were in a Consternation, and that Affair was of dangerous
Consequence to us, who stood in Need of them. It was therefore
requisite to make the best of it, giving them to understand, that
there had been Reason for so punishing those dead Persons, because
they had all the Powder and Ball, and would not give any to the rest.
They remain’d satisfy’d with that Excuse, and he who was called
_Larcheveque_, and who was entirely devoted to _Duhaut_, being Abroad a
hunting since the Morning, and not knowing what Misfortune had hapned
his Protector, and _Hiens_ being resolv’d to make away with him, Father
_Anastasius_ and Monsieur _Cavelier_ took so much Pains, that they
disswaded him from it, and I went out and met _Larcheveque_, to give
him Notice of that Disaster, and to inform him, how he was to behave
himself. Thus I requited him for having come to give me Notice of
Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Death. I brought him to _Hiens_, who declar’d
he design’d him no Harm, and _Larcheveque_ gave him the same Assurances
on his Part. Thus all Things are again compos’d, and nothing remain’d,
but for us to set out, but first to know what we were to do, and which
Way to direct our Course.
Hereupon, _Hiens_ took upon him to speak, and said, he had promis’d
the Natives to go to the War with them, and design’d to be as good as
his Word; that if we would expect his Return, we might by that Time
consider which Way he would move,[108] and that in the mean Time we
might stay in the Village among the _Cenis_. This was resolv’d on;
we loaded all our Effects on our Horses, and repair’d to the same
Place and the same Cottage, where we had been before, the Chief of it
assigning us the one Half to lodge and lay up our Baggage.
[Sidenote: _Six French Men go to the Wars with the Natives._]
When the Day for setting out for the War was come, _Hiens_ departed
with the Natives, four of our Comrades and the two half Savage _French_
Men going along with him; so that there were six of them, and each took
a Horse. _Hiens_ left us all the Effects, and desir’d we would stay
for him, which we promis’d, not knowing how to avoid it, considering,
that the _Indians_ might have done us Harm, and even have obstructed
our Departure. Thus we resign’d ourselves to Providence, and remain’d
six of us together, _viz._ Father _Anastasius_, Monsieur _Cavelier_,
his Nephew young _Cavelier_, young _Talon_, another Youth of _Paris_,
and I. There also remain’d some old Men, who could not go to the War,
and the Women. We were also join’d by two other _French_ Men, who had
been left on the other Side the River, being the _Provencal_ and one
_Teissier_.
[Sidenote: _Bewailing the Memory of Men kill’d._]
During our Stay, and our Warriors being abroad upon that Expedition,
the old Men often visited us, and told us News from the Army by Signs,
which we understood nothing of. We were from Time to Time alarm’d,
seeing the Women weep, without any visible cause. The late Monsieur _de
la Sale_ had often told us, that the Women bewail’d those that were to
be kill’d; but we were inform’d, that they did so, when they call’d to
Mind some who had been slain in the former Wars; which dispell’d our
Apprehensions. However we were uneasy, because those old Men and Women
examined us every Morning and Evening when we perform’d our Devotions.
We laid hold of that Opportunity to give them to understand, that we
paid our Duty to one God, the only Supreme Sovereign of all Things,
pointing to Heaven, and endeavouring in the best Manner we were able,
to signify to them that he was Almighty, that he had made all Things,
that he caus’d the Earth to produce, it’s Fruits to prosper, and the
Growth of it, which maintain’d them to thrive; but this being only by
Signs, they did not understand us, and we labour’d in vain.
[Sidenote: _Women rejoice at Victory._]
The 18th, we were surpriz’d to see several Women come into our Cottage,
their Faces all besmear’d with Earth, and they set up their Throats,
singing several Songs as loud as they were able,[109] whereof we
understood not one Word. That done, they fell a Dancing in a Ring, and
we could not tell, what to think of that Rejoicing, which lasted full
three Hours; after which we were inform’d, they had receiv’d Advice of
the Victory obtain’d by their Warriors over their Enemies. The Dance
concluded, those in the Cottage gave some Bits of Tobacco to those
without.
The same Day, about Noon, we saw him that had brought the News, who
affirm’d they had kill’d at least Forty of their Enemies. After the
Rejoicing, all the Women apply’d themselves to make ready their
Provisions, some to pound _Indian_ Corn, others to boil Meal, which
they call _Grouller_, and others to bake Bread, to carry to the
Warriors. They all set out the 19th to meet them, and we thought it
in policy convenient to send Meat to our Men which was done by the
_French_ Man of _Provence_, who went with the Women.
[Sidenote: _Account of the Battle fought by the_ Cenis.]
That same Day, at Night, the Victorious Army returned, and we were
informed, that their Enemies whom they call _Cannohatinno_, had
expected them boldly, but that having heard the Noise, and felt the
Effects of our Mens Fire Arms, they all fled, so that the _Cenis_
had either kill’d or taken Forty Eight Men and Women. They had slain
several of the latter, who fled to the Tops of Trees, for want of Time
to make their Escape otherwise; so that many more Women had perish’d
than Men.
[Sidenote: _Barbarity of the Men towards a Woman taken._]
They brought Home two of those Women alive, one of whom had her Head
flead for the Sake of her Hair and Skin. They gave that wretched
Creature a Charge of Powder and a Ball, and sent Her home, bidding her
carry that Present to her Nation, and to assure them, they should be
again treated after the same Manner, that is, kill’d with Fire Arms.
[Sidenote: _Of the Women._]
The other Woman was kept to fall a Sacrifice to the Rage and Vengeance
of the Women and Maids; who having arm’d themselves with thick Stakes,
sharp Pointed at the End, Conducted that Wretch to a By-Place, where
each of those Furies began to torment her, sometimes with the Point
of their Staff, and sometimes laying on her with all their Might. One
tore off her Hair, another cut off her Finger, and every one of those
outrageous Women endeavour’d to put her to some exquisite Torture, to
revenge the Death of their Husbands and Kinsmen, who had been kill’d in
the former Wars; so that the unfortunate Creature expected her Death
Stroke, as Mercy.
[Sidenote: _Inhumanity._]
At last, one of them gave her a Stroke with a heavy Club on the Head,
and another run her Stake several Times into her Body, with which she
fell down Dead on the Spot. Then they cut that Miserable Victim into
Morsels, and oblig’d some Slaves of that Nation, they had been long
possess’d of to eat them.
[Sidenote: _Cruel Trophies._]
Thus our Warriors return’d Triumphant from that Expedition. They spar’d
none of the Prisoners they had taken, except two little Boys, and
brought Home all the Skins of their Heads, with the Hair, to be kept as
Trophies and glorious Memorials of their Victory.
The next Day all those Savages met in their Chief’s Cottage, whither
all the abovemention’d Heads of Hair were carry’d in State. Then they
made extraordinary Rejoicings in that Cottage, whence they went to
the Huts of the other Prime Men, to perform the same Ceremony. This
Rejoicing lasted three Days, our _French_ Companions, who had been the
Cause of their Victory, being call’d to it, and highly entertain’d,
after their Manner. It will not be disagreeable to the Reader, that
I here particularly describe that Ceremony, which after having been
perform’d in the Cottages of the Chief Men, was repeated in ours.
[Sidenote: _Ceremony of Rejoicing._]
In the first Place, the Cottage was made very clean, adorn’d, and
abundant of Mats laid on the Floor, on which the Elders, and the most
considerable Persons sate; after which, one of them, who is in the
Nature of an Orator, or Master of the Ceremonies stood up and made a
Speech, of which we understood not a Word. Soon after that Discourse
was ended, the Warriors arriv’d, who had slain any in Battle, marching
in their proper Order, each of them carrying a Bow and two Arrows, and
before every one of them went his Wife, carrying the Enemies Head of
Hair. Two little Boys, whose Lives they had spar’d, as has been said
before, one of them who was wounded being a Horseback, clos’d the
procession; at the Head whereof, was a Woman carrying a large Reed, or
Cane in her Hand.
As they came up to the Orator, the Warrior took the Head of Hair his
Wife had brought, and presented it to him, which the said Orator
receiv’d with both his Hands, and after having held it out towards the
four Quarters of the World, he laid it down on the Ground, and then
took the next, performing the same Ceremony, till he had gone over them
all.
When the Ceremony was ended, they serv’d up the _Sagamite_, in the
Nature of Hasty Pudding, which those Women had provided, and before any
one touch’d it, the Master of the Ceremonies took some in a Vessel,
which he carry’d as an Offering to those Heads of Hair. Then he
lighted a Pipe of Tabacco, and blow’d the Smoke upon them. That being
perform’d, they all fell to the Meat, _Bits of the Woman that had been
sacrific’d were served up to the two Boys of her Nation_. They also
serv’d up dry’d Tongues of their Enemies, and the whole concluded with
Dancing and Singing after their Manner: After which, they went to other
Cottages to repeat the same Ceremony.
There was no talk of our Design till those Rejoycings were over, and
I began to conceive good Hopes of our Success. The two Murderers,
_Teissier_ and _Larcheveque_, who had both a Hand in the Death of
Monsr. _de la Sale_, had promis’d to go along with us, provided Monsr.
_Cavelier_ would pardon them, and he had given them his Word so to do.
In this Expectation we continu’d till the 25th, when our French Men,
who had been at the War, repair’d to our Cottage, and we consulted
about our Business.
_Hiens_ and others of his Gang, disapproving of our Design, represented
to us such Difficulties as they look’d upon to be unsurmountable, under
which we must inevitably perish, or at least be oblig’d to return to
the same Place. _Hiens_ told us, that for his own Part, he would not
hazard his Life to return into _France_, only to have his Head chopp’d
off, and perceiving we answer’d Nothing to that, but that we persisted
in our Resolution, _It is requisite then_, said he, _to divide what
Effects remain._
[Sidenote: Hiens _gives the others what he pleases, and seizes the rest
of the Effects_.]
Accordingly he laid aside, for F. _Anastasius_, Messieurs _Cavelier_,
the Uncle and the Nephew,[110] thirty Axes, four or five Dozens of
Knives, about thirty Pounds of Powder and the like Quantity of Ball.
He gave each of the others two Axes, two Knives, two or three Pounds
of Powder, with as much Ball, and kept the rest. As for the Horses, he
kept the best and left us the three least. Monsieur _Cavelier_ ask’d
him for some Strings of Beads, which he granted, and seiz’d upon all
the late Monsr. _de la Sale’s_ Cloaths, Baggage and other Effects,
besides above a thousand Livres in Money, which belong’d to the late
Monsr. _le Gros_, who dy’d at our Dwelling of St. _Lewis_. Before our
Departure, it was a sensible Affliction to us, to see that Villain walk
about, in a scarlet Coat, with Gold Galons, which had belong’d to the
late Monsr. _de la Sale_, and which, as I have said, he had seiz’d.
[Sidenote: _Mr._ Cavelier _and his Company part from the others_.]
After that, _Hiens_ and his Companions withdrew to their own Cottage,
and we resolv’d not to put off our Departure any longer. Accordingly,
we made ready our Horses, which much alarm’d the Natives, and
especially the Chief of them, who said and did all he could to obstruct
our Journey, promising us Wives, Plenty of Provisions, representing to
us the immense Dangers, as well from Enemies, who surrounded them, as
from the bad and impassable Ways and the many Woods and Rivers we were
to pass. However, we were not to be moved, and only ask’d one Kindness
of him, in obtaining of which, there were many difficulties, and it
was, that he would give us Guides to conduct us to _Cappa_; but at
length, after much Trouble and many Promises of a good Reward, one was
granted, and two others went along with him.
[Sidenote: French _Men stay with the_ Indians.]
[Sidenote: _Only seven set out for_ Canada.]
All Things being thus order’d for our Departure, we took Leave of our
Hosts, pass’d by _Heins_’s Cottage and embrac’d him and his Companions.
We ask’d him for another Horse, which he granted. He desired an
Attestation in _Latin_ of Monsieur _Cavelier_, that he had not been
concern’d in the Murder of Monsieur _de la Sale_, which was given
him, because there was no refusing of it; and we set forward without
_Larcheveque_ and _Meunier_, who did not keep their Word with us, but
remain’d among those Barbarians, being infatuated with that Course
of Libertinism they had run themselves into. Thus there were only
seven of us that stuck together to return to _Canada_, _viz._ Father
_Anastasius_, Messieurs _Cavelier_ the Uncle and the Nephew, the Sieur
_de Marle_, one _Teissier_, a young Man born at _Paris_, whose Name
was _Bartholomew_ and I, with six horses and the three _Indians_, who
were to be our Guides; a very small Number for so great an Enterprize,
but we put ourselves entirely into the Hands of Divine Providence,
confiding in God’s Mercy, which did not forsake us.
After the first Day’s Journey we incamp’d on the Bank of the River, we
had left not long before, lay there that Night, and the next Day, cut
down Trees to make a Sort of Bridge or Planks to pass over it; handing
over our Goods from one to another, and swimming over our Horses;
which Work we were frequently oblig’d to repeat, and as often as we had
afterwards Occasion to pass Rivers on our Way, which we held on till
the 29th, every Day meeting with some Cottage, and at last, a Hamlet or
Village, into which we went, and the _Indian_ Inhabitants told us, they
were call’d _Nahordikhe_,[111] and that they were Allies to the _Cenis_.
[Sidenote: Nahordikhes _and_ Assony.]
We barter’d with them for some Provisions, and their Chief offer’d to
go with us as far as the _Assonys_, who were not farther off than about
three Leagues, which he accordingly did; but it happening to rain when
we came thither, and the _Assonys_ having had no Notice before hand, we
found but indifferent Reception.
However, we were conducted to the Chief’s Cottage; the Elders had
Notice given them, they resorted thither, and when our Horses were
unloaded, and our Goods plac’d in a Corner of the Cottage, which the
Chief had allotted us, we gave them to understand, that our Intention
was to go farther, to fetch Commodities to trade with them, at which
they were pleas’d. They gave us to eat, and the Elders stay’d some Part
of the Evening with us, which made us somewhat Uneasy, and oblig’d us
to be upon our Guard; however the Night pass’d without any Disturbance.
The next Morning the Elders came to us again. They had provided Mats
without the Cottage, and made Signs to us to go thither and sit down
upon them, as we did, leaving two of our Company to guard the Baggage.
We repeated to them what we had said the Night before, and made them
some Presents of Axes, Knives, Strings of Beads and Rings. They
signify’d they were sorry we would go away, and endeavour’d the best
they could, to make us sensible of the same Obstacles the others had
signify’d to us; but it was all in Vain; however, we stay’d till the
first of _June_, all the while bartering and gathering the best stock
of Provisions we could.
[Sidenote: _June 1687_]
[Sidenote: _Good Entertainment._]
The Second, we remov’d from that Cottage, where we had some Jealousy,
and went to another, a Quarter of a League from it, where the Chief
of it gave us a very good Reception. An old Woman, who was either his
Mother, or Governess of the Cottage, took particular Care of us: We
were first serv’d at eating, and to keep her in that good Mind, we now
and then made her some little Presents, whilst she, by her Care and
Kindness, spar’d our Provisions, which were necessary for our Journey.
A continual Rain oblig’d us to stay there till the 13th. During our
Stay, the Natives made several Feasts, to which we were always invited;
and at length the Rain ceasing, we resolv’d to set out, notwithstanding
all Monsieur _Cavelier_ the Priest’s Apprehensions, which we
surmounted, and directed our Course towards the _N. E._ with two
_Indians_, who were to conduct us only a small Way, and who accordingly
soon left us, whatsoever Promises we could make them. They departed to
return Home, promising they would come to us again. We encamp’d that
Night on the Bank of a Rivulet.
[Sidenote: _Bad Ways._]
The 14th and 15th, we held on our Way, frequently meeting with Sloughs,
which very much fatigued us, because we were oblig’d to unload our
Horses for them to pass, and prevent their sticking in the Mire and fat
Soil, whence we could not have drawn them out, and consequently we were
fain to carry all our Luggage on our own Backs.
Whilst we halted about Noon, that our Horses might graze, as was
usually done by us, we discover’d our two _Assony Indians_ returning
towards us, at which we were much rejoiced, because they had a better
Notion than ourselves of the Way we were to go. We made them eat and
smoke, and then set out again.
The 16th, we came to a great River, which we pass’d as we had done the
first, and after that, met with very bad Ways.
[Sidenote: _Art to Kill Goats and Wild Fowl._]
The 17th, one of our Company being indispos’d, we could not set out
till Noon, and held on till the 21st, crossing several Sloughs and
Rivers, and then one of our _Indians_ being out of Order, it oblig’d us
to stay on the Bank of a River we had pass’d. The other _Indian_ seeing
his comrade sick, went a Hunting, and brought a wild Goat; for there
are many in that Country. The _Indians_ have the Art of dressing the
Heads of those Creatures, which they put upon their own, and imitate
them so exactly, that they can come very near to them, and then seldom
fail of killing. The same Method they use for Turkeys and other wild
Fowl, and so draw them close to themselves.
[Sidenote: _Fine Meadows._]
The 22d, our _Indian_ being somewhat recover’d we decamp’d and
proceeded along a better Way and Pleasanter Country, than that we
had left behind, and as we enquir’d the best we could of those our
_Indians_, concerning the Neighbouring Nations and those we were going
towards, among others they nam’d to us, that they call’d _Cappa_.
M. _Cavelier_ told us, he remember’d he had heard his late Brother
Monsieur _de la Sale_ name that Nation, and say he had seen it as he
went from _Canada_ towards the _Missisipi_. This put us in Hopes, that
we should succeed in our Discovery.
The 23d, being near a Village, we had been in Search of, one of our
_Indians_ went before, to give Notice of our Arrival. In the mean Time
we cross’d most lovely Plains and Meadows, border’d with fine Groves
of beautiful Trees, where the Grass was so high, that it hinder’d our
Horses going, and were oblig’d to clear the Passage for them.
When we were within Half a League of the Village, we saw an _Indian_,
mounted on a large grey Mare, coming along with our Native, to meet us,
and were told, that Horseman was the Chief of the Village, attended by
some others of the same Place. As soon as that Chief came up to us, he
express’d very much Kindness and Affection; we gave him to understand,
that we did no Body any Harm, unless we were first attack’d. Then we
made him smoke, and when that was done, he made Signs to us to follow
him, which we did, till we came to the Bank of a River, where he again
desir’d us to stay, whilst he went to give Notice to the Elders.
[Sidenote: M. Cavelier _and the rest carry’d on the Backs of Indians_.]
Soon after, a Number of them came, and having join’d us, signify’d,
that they were come to carry us to their Village. Our _Indians_ made
Signs, that it was the Custom of the Country, and we must submit, and
let them do as they thought fit. Tho’ we were much out of Countenance
at that Ceremony, seven of the prime Men among them would have us mount
on their Backs or Shoulders. Monsieur _Cavelier_ being our Chief,
mounted first, and then the rest did the same.
As for my own Part, being of a pretty large Size and loaded with
Cloaths, a Firelock, a Case of Pistols, Powder and Ball, a Kettle and
other Implements, there is no Doubt but I made a sufficient Burden
for him that carry’d me, and because I was taller than he and my Feet
would have hung upon the Ground, two other _Indians_ held them up for
me; so that I had three to carry me. Other _Indians_ took hold of our
Horses to lead them, and in that ridiculous Equipage we arriv’d at the
Village. Our Carriers, who had gone a long Quarter of a League, had
need enough to rest, and we to be set down, that we might laugh in
private, for it behov’d us to take Care not to do it before them.
[Sidenote: _Ceremonies at their Reception._]
As soon as we were come to the Chief’s Cottage, where we found above
two hundred Persons, who were come to see us, and that our Horses were
unloaded, the Elders gave us to understand, that it was their Custom
to wash Strangers at their first Coming; but that we being clad, they
would only wash our Faces; which one of those elders did, with fair
Water they had in a Sort of Earthen Vessel, and he only wash’d our
Forehead.
[Sidenote: _Speeches made to them._]
After this second Ceremony, the Chief made Signs to us, to sit down on
a Sort of little Scaffold, rais’d about 4 Foot above the Ground, and
made of Wood and Canes, where when we were plac’d, the Chiefs of the
Villages being four in Number, came and made Speeches to us, one after
another. We listened to them with Patience, tho’ we understood not one
Word of what they said to us; being tir’d with the Length of their
Harangues, and much more with the violent Heat of the Sun, which was
just over our Heads.
When the Speeches were ended, the Purport whereof, as near as we could
guess, was only to assure us, that we were very welcome; we gave them
to understand, that we were going into our own Country, designing to
return speedily, to bring them several Sorts of Commodities and such
Things as they should stand in need of.
Next, we made them the usual Presents of Axes, Knives, Strings of
Beads, Needles and Pins, for their Wives, telling them, that when we
return’d we would give them more.
[Sidenote: _Their Entertainment._]
We farther signify’d to them, that if they would afford us some Corn or
Meal, we would give them other Things in Exchange, which they agreed
to. After this they made us eat _Sagamite_, or Hasty-pudding, Bread,
Beans, Pompions and other Things, which we had sufficient Need of.
Most of us having scarce eaten any Thing all that Day, some for Want,
and others out of Devotion, as Monsr. _Cavelier_, who would observe
the Fast of St. _John Baptist_’s Eve, whose Name he bore. It is to be
observ’d, that the Pompions are incomparably better there, than with us.
The 24th, the Elders met again in our Cottage. We gave them to
understand, they would oblige us,[112] in furnishing Guides to conduct
us to the Village of _Cappa_, which was in our Way; but instead of
granting it, they earnestly intreated us, to stay with them and go
to the Wars against their Enemies, having been told Wonders of our
Firelocks, which we promis’d to do when we return’d, and that it should
be shortly, and they seem’d to rest satisfy’d.
[Sidenote: _Mr._ de Marle _drown’d_.]
Thus our Hopes increas’d, but the Joy it occasion’d was allay’d by a
dismal Accident that befell us. Monsieur _de Marle_, one of the prime
Men of our Company, having Breakfasted, would needs go Bath himself in
the River we had pass’d the Day before, and not knowing how to swim,
he went too far and step’d into a Hole, whence he could not recover
himself, but was unfortunately drowned. Young Monsieur _Cavelier_,
having been told that Monsieur _de Marle_ was going to Bath himself,
ran after him, and coming to the River, saw he was drowning, he ran
back to acquaint us: We hasted thither with a Number of _Indians_, who
were there before us; but all too late, some of them div’d, and brought
him up dead from the Bottom of the Water.
[Sidenote: _His Funeral._]
We carry’d him to the Cottage, shedding many Tears, the _Indians_ bore
Part in our Sorrow, and we paid him the last Duties, offering up the
usual Prayers; after which he was buryed in a small Field, behind the
Cottage; and whereas, during that doleful Ceremony, we pray’d, reading
in our Books, particularly Monsieur _Cavelier_, the Priest and Father
_Anastasius_, the _Indians_ gaz’d on us with Amazement, because we
talk’d, looking upon the Leaves, and we endeavour’d to give them to
understand, that we pray’d to God for the dead Man, pointing up to
Heaven.
[Sidenote: _Humanity of the Indians._]
We must do this Right to those good People, as to declare, that they
express’d singular Humanity upon that doleful Accident, as appear’d by
the sensible Testimony of their Actions, and all the Methods they us’d
to let us understand how great a Share they bore in our Sorrow; which
we should not have found in several Parts of _Europe_.
[Sidenote: _Indian Ceremony to the Dead._]
[Sidenote: _Indian Nations._]
During our short Stay in that Place, we observ’d a Ceremony that was
perform’d by the Chief’s Wife, _viz._ that every Morning she went to
Monsieur _de Marle’s_ Grave, and carry’d a little Basket of parch’d
Ears of Corn to lay on it, the meaning whereof we could not understand.
Before our Departure, we were inform’d, that the Villages belonging
to our Hosts, being four in Number, all ally’d together were call’d,
_Assony_, _Natsohsos_, _Nachitos_ and _Cadodaquio_.
On the 27th, having been inform’d by the Natives, that we should find
Canoes, to pass a River that was on our Way, Father _Anastasius_
and I went to see whether, what they told us was true. We found that
River was a Branch of the same we had already pass’d, the Channel of
it being pleasant and navigable, and saw some Canoes, in one of which
the _Indians_ carry’d us over to the other Side, whether we went to
see what convenient Place there was for our Horses to come ashore. We
found a very proper Place, and returning, made our Report to Monsieur
_Cavelier_, who being then much out of Order with Pains in his Feet, we
were oblig’d to stay there, till the 30th.
[Sidenote: Janiquo _Nation_.]
[Sidenote: _Doleful Entertainment._]
During that Time, we were frequently visited by the _Indians_, both
Old and Young, and of both Sexes, and even the Chiefs of the Nation,
call’d _Janiquo_, came to see us, and with them we often convers’d
in dumb Show, and every Evening the Women, attended by the Warriors,
with their Bows and Arrows, resorted to our Cottage, to sing a doleful
Sort of Song, shedding Tears at the same Time. This would have given
us some Uneasiness, had we not before seen the same Ceremony, and
been inform’d, that those Women repair in that Manner to the Chief’s
Cottage, to intreat him, singing and weeping, to take Revenge on those,
who have kill’d their Husbands, or Relations, in former Wars, as I have
observ’d before. In all other Respects, the Manners and Customs of this
Nation, being much the same as those of the _Cenis_, I shall add no
more concerning them.
The 29th, at Night, we gave Notice to the Chief, that we would set out
the next Day, we made him some Presents in particular, and the like to
his Wife, because she had taken special Care of us, and departed on the
30th. The Chief, attended by many other _Indians_, whom we found in the
Cottages on our Way, went to Conduct us as far as the River, which we
cross’d in Canoes, and swam over our Horses. There we took Leave of our
Conductors, to whom we gave some Strings of Beads for their Wives, and
their Chief would needs Conduct us to the next Village.
[Sidenote: Cadodaquio _Village_.]
By the Way we came to a Cottage, where our Guide made us halt, and
there they gave us to eat. Then we held on our Journey to a Village
call’d _Cadodaquio_, and were conducted to the Chief’s Cottage, who
receiv’d us courtiously, being a Friend to him that went with us. It
was requisite to unload our Horses to lie there, and we signified to
the Chief, that we stood in Need of Provisions. He spoke to the Women,
who brought us some Meal, which we purchased with Strings of Beads, and
the Chief, who conducted us thither, took his Leave.
Having no Design to stay there any Time, we had desired the Chief to
appoint some Person to guide us to the Village call’d _Cahainihoüa_,
which was in our Way. It happen’d by good Fortune, that there were then
in that Place some Men and Women of the said Village, who were come to
fetch some Wood, fit to make Bows, there being Plenty of that Sort of
Trees they make them of, about the Village we were in. We signify’d
our Design to them and they gave us to understand they would be glad
to bear us Company. In the Conversation we had with them, they made us
comprehend, that they had seen People like us, who had Firelocks and a
House, and that they were acquainted with the _Cappa’s_, which was very
pleasing to us. Because they were not to depart till two Days after, we
resolv’d to stay for them.
[Sidenote: _Peculiar Custom._]
We observ’d, that there was a Difference between the Language of those
People and the Inhabitants of the Village we were in, from that of the
_Cenis_, and that they had some peculiar Ceremonies, one whereof is,
that when the Women have their Terms, they leave the Company of their
Husbands and withdraw into other Cottages appointed for that Purpose,
which no Person is to come near, upon Pain of being reputed unclean.
[Sidenote: _Ornaments of Women._]
[Sidenote: _July 1687_]
Those Women have their Faces still more disfigur’d, than the others
we had seen before; for they make several Streaks, or Scores on them,
whereas the others had but one. They adorn themselves with little Locks
of fine red Hair; which they make fast to their Ears in the Nature of
Pendants. In other Respects they are not disagreeable, and neither
Women nor Maids are so ill-natur’d as to make their Lovers pine for
them. They are not difficult of Access, and they soon make a Return for
a small Present.
[Sidenote: _The Men._]
The Men wear their Hair short, like our _Capucins_, they anoint it
with a sort of Oyl, or Grease, and curl it like snails, after which
they strew on it a Sort of Down, or Lint, died red, as we do Powder,
which is done when they design to be very fine, in order to appear in
their Assemblies. They are very fond of their Children, and all the Way
of chastising them they use, is to throw Water at them, without ever
beating or giving them ill Words.
The _Indians_ that were of the Village of _Cohainihoua_[113] and to
conduct us thither, not being ready to set out on _Wednesday_ the 2d
of _July_, as they had promis’d, a young _Indian_ offer’d himself,
saying, he would conduct us safe thither, and we set out with him,
still directing our Course towards the _N. E._ We kept close along the
same River we had cross’d, and found it very pleasant and navigable,
the Banks of it cover’d with fine Trees of several Sorts.
We had not travell’d above a League, before our Guide gave us to
understand, that he had forgot a Piece of hard dry’d Skin he had to
make him Shoes, which he would go fetch and return to us, pointing to
us with his Hand, which Way we were to go, and telling us we should
soon come to a River.
This sudden Change in the _Indian_ was somewhat surprizing and very
much perplex’d us; however we held on our Way, and soon came to the
River he had mention’d to us, which was very pleasant and deep. We
cross’d it the next Day, on a Sort of Float, which we made with much
Toil and Labour, and our Horses swam over. Some Time after we were
passed, we saw the _Indians_ coming, who had promised to bear us
Company, and were glad to find our Float, to cross the same River, as
they did, and proceeded on our Journey all together.
[Sidenote: _Plenty of Game._]
The 4th, 5th and 6th, we did the same, crossing a very fine Country,
but water’d by many Brooks, Streams and Rivers. We found Abundance of
wild Goats, Turkeys and other wild Fowl, whereof our _Indians_ kill’d
many.
On the 6th, whilst we halted on the Bank of a River to eat, we heard
the Tingling of some small Bells; which making us look about, we spy’d
an _Indian_ with a naked Sword-Blade in his Hand, adorned with Feathers
of several Colours, and two large Hawks Bells, that occasion’d the
Noise we had heard.
He made Signs for us to come to him, and gave us to understand, that he
was sent by the Elders of the Village, whither we were going, to meet
us, caressing us after an extraordinary Manner. I observ’d that it was
a Spanish Blade he had, and that he took Pleasure in ringing the Hawks
Bells.
[Sidenote: _Kind Reception._]
Having travell’d about half a League with him, we discover’d a Dozen of
other _Indians_ coming towards us, who made very much of and conducted
us the Village, to the Chief’s Cottage, where we found dry’d Bear-Skins
laid on the Ground, and they made us sit on them, where we were treated
with Eatables, as were the Elders after us, and a Throng of Women came
to see us.
[Sidenote: _Presents._]
The 7th, the Elders came to give us a Visit, bringing us two Bullocks
Hides, four Otters Skins, one white Wild-Goat’s Skin, all of them well
dry’d, and 4 Bows, in Return for the Present we had before made them.
The Chief and another came again some Time after, bringing two Loaves,
the finest and the best we had yet seen. They look’d as if they had
been bak’d in an Oven, and yet we had not observ’d, that there were
Ovens among any of them. That Chief stay’d with us some Hours, he
seem’d to be very ingenious and discreet, and easily understood our
Signs, which were most of the Language we had. Having order’d a little
Boy to bring us all we had Occasion for, he withdrew.
[Sidenote: _The Ceremony of the Pipe._]
Towards the Evening, we were entertain’d with a Ceremony we had not
seen before. A Company of Elders, attended by some young Men and Women
came to our Cottage in a Body, singing as loud as they could roar.
The foremost of them had a _Calumet_, so they call a very long Sort
of Tabacco Pipe, adorn’d with several Sorts of Feathers. When they
had sung a while, before our Cottage, they enter’d it, still singing
on, for about a Quarter of an Hour. After that, they took Monsieur
_Cavelier_ the Priest, as being our Chief, led him in solemn Manner out
of the Cottage, supporting him under the Arms. When they were come to
a Place they had prepared, one of them laid a great Handful of Grass
under his feet, two others brought fair Water in an Earthen Dish, with
which they wash’d his Face, and then made him sit down on a Skin,
provided for that Purpose.
When Monsieur _Cavelier_ was seated, the Elders took their Places,
sitting round about him, and the Master of the Ceremonies fix’d in the
Ground two little wooden Forks, and having laid a Stick across them,
all being painted red, he placed on them a Bullock’s Hide, dryed, a
Goat’s Skin over that, and then laid the Pipe thereon.
The Song was begun again, the Women mixing in the Chorus, and the
Concert was heightned by great hollow Calabashes or Gourds, in which
there were large Gravel Stones, to make a Noise, the _Indians_
striking on them by Measure, to answer the Tone of the Choir; and the
pleasantest of all was, that one of the _Indians_ plac’d himself behind
Monsieur _Cavelier_ to hold him up, whilst at the same Time he shook
and dandled him from Side to Side, the Motion answering to the Musick.
That Concert was scarce ended, when the Master of the Ceremonies
brought two Maids, the one having in her Hand a Sort of Collar, and
the other an Otter’s Skin, which they plac’d on the wooden Forks
abovemention’d, at the Ends of the Pipe. Then he made them sit down, on
each Side of Monsieur _Cavelier_, in such a Posture, that they look’d
one upon the other, their Legs extended and intermix’d, on which the
same Master of the Ceremonies laid Monsieur _Cavelier’s_ Legs, in such
Manner, that they lay uppermost and across those of the two Maids.
Whilst this Action was performing, one of the Elders made fast a dy’d
Feather to the back Part of Monsieur _Cavelier’s_ Head, tying it to
his Hair. The Singing still continu’d all that Time, so that Monsieur
_Cavelier_ grown weary of its Tediousness, and asham’d to see himself
in that Posture between two Maids, without knowing to what Purpose,
made Signs to us to signify the same to the Chief, and having given him
to understand, that he was not well, two of the _Indians_ immediately
took hold of him under the Arms, conducted him back to the Cottage and
made Signs to him to take his Rest. This was about Nine in the Evening,
and the _Indians_ spent all the Night in Singing, insomuch that some of
them could hold out no longer.
In the Morning they return’d to Monsieur _Cavelier_, conducted him
again out of the Cottage, with the same Ceremony and made him sit
down, still singing on. Then the Master of the Ceremonies took the
Pipe, which he fill’d with Tabacco, lighted and offered it to Monsieur
_Cavelier_, but drawing back and advancing six Times before he gave it
him. Having at last put it into his Hands, Monsieur _Cavelier_ made as
if he had smok’d and return’d it to them. Then they made us all smoke
round, and every one of them whiff’d in his Turn, the Musick still
continuing.
[Sidenote: Cahaynohoua _Nation_.]
About Nine in the Morning, the Sun growing very hot, and Monsieur
_Cavelier_ being bare Headed, made Signs that it did him Harm. Then at
last they gave over singing, and conducted him back into the Cottage,
took the Pipe, put it into a Case, made of a Wild-Goat’s Skin, with
the two wooden Forks and the red Stick that lay across them, all which
one of the Elders offer’d to Monsieur _Cavelier_, assuring him that he
might pass thro’ all the Nations that were ally’d to them by Virtue of
that Token of Peace, and should be every where well receiv’d. This was
the first Place where we saw the _Calumet_, or Pipe of Peace, having
no Knowledge of it before, as some have writ. This Nation is call’d
_Cahaynohoua_.
[Sidenote: Indians _expect Presents_.]
This Sort of Ceremonies being never perform’d among the _Indians_
without the Expectation of receiving some Present, and we having
besides observ’d, that some of them had withdrawn themselves, with
Tokens of Dissatisfaction, perhaps because we had interrupted their
Ceremony, we thought it convenient to give them something more, and
I was appointed to carry them an Ax, four Knives and some Strings of
Beads, with which they were satisfied.
We afterwards shew’d them an Experiment of our Arms, the Noise and Fire
whereof frighted them. They earnestly press’d us to stay with them,
offering us Wives and whatsoever else we should want. To be the better
quit of them, we promis’d to return, saying we were going to fetch
Commodities, Arms and Tools, which we stood in Need of, that we might
afterwards stay with them.
The 9th and 10th were spent in Visits, and we were inform’d by one
of the _Indians_ that we were not far from a great River, which he
describ’d with a Stick on the Sand, and shew’d it had two Branches, at
the same Time pronouncing the word _Cappa_, which, as I have said, is
a Nation near the _Missisipi_. We then made no longer Question, that
we were near what we had been so long looking after. We entreated the
Elders to appoint some men to conduct us, promising to reward them
well, which they granted, and we set out the 11th, to the great Sorrow
of those good People, who had entertain’d us so courteously.
[Sidenote: _The Journey prosecuted._]
We travell’d several different Ways, which we could never have found,
had we wanted Guides, and so proceeded till on the 12th, one of our
Guides pretended to be sick, and made Signs that he would go back;
but observing, that we seem’d to be no Way concern’d, which we did on
Purpose, he consulted with his Companion, and then came to tell us, he
was recover’d. We made him eat and smoke, and continued our Journey
the 13th, finding the Way very bad and difficult.
The 14th, our _Indians_, having seen the Track of Bullocks, signify’d
they would go kill some, to eat the Flesh, which made us halt for two
or three Hours. Whilst we stay’d for our Hunters, we prepar’d some
_Sagamite_, or their Sort of Hasty-Pudding. They return’d loaded with
Flesh, Part whereof we dress’d, and eat it with very good Stomachs.
Then we proceeded on our Journey till the 18th, and by the Way kill’d
three Bullocks and two Cows, which oblig’d us to halt, that we might
use of our Flesh, drying it.
[Sidenote: _Indians with Axes._]
The Night between the 19th and the 20th, one of our Horses breaking
loose, was either taken away by the Natives, or lost in the Woods. That
did not obstruct our Departure, tho’ the Loss was grievous to us, and
we held on our Way till the 24th, when we met a Company of _Indians_,
with Axes, going to fetch Barks of Trees, to cover their Cottages. They
were surpriz’d to see us, but having made Signs to them to draw near,
they came, caress’d and presented us with some Water Melons they had.
They put off their Design of going to fetch Bark till another Time,
and went along with us, and one of our Guides having gone before in
the Morning to give Notice of our coming at the next Village, met with
other Parcels of _Indians_, who were coming to meet us, and express’d
extraordinary Kindness.
We halted in one of their Cottages, which they call _Desert_, because
they are in the Midst of their Fields and Gardens. There we found
several Women who had brought Bread, Gourds, Beans and Water Melons, a
Sort of Fruit proper to quench Thirst, the Pulp of it being no better
than Water.
[Sidenote: _A Cross by a River and a French built House._]
We set out again to come to the Village, and by the Way, met with very
pleasant Woods, in which, there were Abundance of stately Cedars. Being
come to a River, that was between us and the Village, and looking
over to the further Side, we discover’d a great Cross, and at a small
Distance from it, a House, built after the _French_ Fashion.
It is easy to imagine what inward Joy we conceiv’d at the Sight of
that Emblem of our Salvation. We knelt down, lifting up our Hands and
Eyes to Heaven, to return Thanks to the Divine Goodness, for having
conducted us so happily; for we made no Question of finding _French_ on
the other Side of the River, and of their being Catholicks, since they
had Crosses.
In short, having halted some Time on the Bank of that River, we spy’d
several Canoes making towards us, and two Men cloath’d, coming out of
the House we had discover’d, who, the Moment they saw us, fir’d each
of them a Shot to salute us. An _Indian_ being Chief of the Village,
who was with them, had done so before, and we were not backward in
returning their Salute, by discharging all our Pieces.
[Sidenote: _Dwelling of French._]
When we had pass’d the River, and were all come together, we soon knew
each other to be _French_ Men. Those we found were the Sieurs _Couture
Charpantier_ and _de Launay_, both of them of _Roan_, whom Monsieur _de
Tonty_, Governor of Fort St. _Lewis_ among the _Islinois_, had left at
that Post, when he went down the _Missisipi_ to look after Monsr. _de
la Sale_; and the Nation we were then with, was call’d _Accancea_.
[Sidenote: _The Travellers come to the French Habitation._]
It is hard to express the Joy conceiv’d on both Sides; ours was
unspeakable, for having at last found, what we had so earnestly
desired, and that the Hopes of returning to our dear Country, was in
some Measure assured by that happy Discovery. The others were pleased
to see such Persons as might bring them News of that Commander, from
whom they expected the Performance of what he had promis’d them; but
the Account we gave them of Monsr. _de la Sale’s_ unfortunate Death,
was so afflicting, that it drew Tears from them, and the dismal History
of his Troubles and Disasters render’d them almost inconsolable.
We were conducted to the House, whither all our Baggage was honestly
carry’d by the _Indians_. There was a very great Throng of those
People, both Men and Women, which being over, we came to the Relation
of the particular Circumstances of our Stories. Ours was deliver’d by
Monsieur _Cavelier_, whom we honour’d as our Chief, for being Brother
to him, who had been so.
[Sidenote: _Who the Frenchmen were._]
We were inform’d by them, that they had been Six, sent by Monsr.
_Tonty_, when he return’d from the Voyage he had made down the
_Colbert_ or _Missisipi_ River, pursuant to the Orders sent him by the
late Monsr. _de la Sale_, at his Departure from _France_, and that the
said Sieur _Tonty_ had commanded them to build the aforesaid House.
That having never since receiv’d any News from the said Monsr. _de la
Sale_, Four of them were gone back to Monsr. _Tonty_, at the Fort of
the _Islinois_.
In Conclusion, it was agreed among us, to go away as soon as possible,
towards the _Islinois_, and conceal from the _Indians_, the Death of
Monsieur _de la Sale_, to keep them still in Awe and under Submission,
whilst we went away with the first Ships that should happen to sail
from _Canada_ for _France_, to give an Account at Court of what had
happen’d, and to procure Succours. In the mean Time, the Chief of the
_Indians_ came to invite us to eat. We found Mats laid on the Ground
for us to sit on, and all the Village met to see us.
[Sidenote: _Kind_ Indians.]
We gave them to understand, that we came from Monsieur _de la Sale_,
who had made a Settlement on the Bay of _Mexico_; that we had pass’d
thro’ many Nations, which we nam’d, and that we were going to _Canada_
for Commodities, and would return down the River; that we would bring
Men to defend them against their Enemies and then settle among them;
that the Nations we had pass’d through had appointed Men to guide
us, and we desired the same Favour of them, with some Canoes and
Provisions, and that we would reward our Guides and pay for what they
furnish’d us.
The Conveniency of an Interpreter, we then had, gave us the Opportunity
of making ourselves be easily understood, and the Chief answer’d to our
Proposals, that he would send Men to the other Villages to acquaint
them with our Demands, and to consult with them what was to be done
in that Case; that as for the rest, they were amaz’d at our having
pass’d thro’ so many Nations, without having been detain’d, or kill’d,
considering what a small Number we were.
When the Discourse was ended, that Chief caus’d Meat to be set before
us, as dry’d Flesh, Bread made of _Indian_ Corn of several Sorts, and
Water Melons; after which he made us smoke, and then we return’d to
our House, where being eas’d of all those Impediments, we gave each
other an Account of our Affairs, at Leisure, and were inform’d, that
those People impatiently expected[114] the Return of Monsieur _de la
Sale_, which confirm’d us in the Resolution of concealing his Death. We
observ’d the Situation of that Post, and were made acquainted with the
Nature of the Country and the Manners of those People, of which I shall
give the following Remarks.
[Sidenote: French _House among the_ Acconcea’s _describ’d_.]
The House we were then in, was built of Pieces of Cedar laid one upon
another, and rounded away at the Corners; its roof is of bark. It is
seated on a small Eminency, half a Musket-shot from the Village, in a
Country abounding in all Things. The Plains lying on one Side of it,
are stor’d with Beeves, wild Goats, Deer, Turkeys, Bustards, Swans,
Ducks, Teal and other Game.
[Sidenote: _Product of the Country_.]
The Trees produce plenty of Fruit, and very good, as Peaches, Plumbs,
Mulberries, Grapes, and Wallnuts. They have a Sort of Fruit they
call _Piaguimina_, not unlike our Medlars, but much better and more
delicious. Such as live near the Rivers, as that House is, do not want
for Fish of all Sorts, and they have _Indian_ Wheat, whereof they make
good Bread. There are also fine Plains diversify’d with several Sorts
of Trees, as I have said before.
[Sidenote: _Nation of the_ Accancea’s.]
The Nation of the _Accancea’s_ consists of four Villages. The first is
call’d _Otsotchove_, near which we were; the second _Toriman_, both
of them seated on the River; the third _Tonginga_; and the fourth
_Cappa_, on the Bank of the _Missisipi_. These Villages are built after
a different Manner from the others we had seen before, in this Point,
that the Cottages, which are alike as to their Materials and Rounding
at the Top, are long, and cover’d with the Bark of Trees, and so very
large, that several of them can hold two hundred Persons, belonging to
several Families.
[Sidenote: _Household Stuff._]
The people are not so neat as the _Cenis_, or the _Assonis_ in their
Houses, for some of them lie on the Ground, without any Thing under
them but some Mats, or a dress’d Hide. However, some of them have more
Conveniencies, but the Generality has not.[115] All their Moveables
consist in some Earthen Vessels and oval wooden Platters, which are
neatly made, and with which they drive a Trade.
[Sidenote: _Shape._]
They are generally very well shap’d and active; the Women are handsome,
or at least have a much better Presence than those of the other
Villages we pass’d thro’ before. They make Canoes all of one Piece,
which are well wrought. As for themselves they are very faithful, good
natur’d, and Warriors like the rest.
[Sidenote: _The Ceremony of the Pipe perform’d to M._ Cavelier.]
The 25th, the Elders being assembled, came to see us, and told the
Sieur _Couture_, that they design’d to sing and dance the _Calumet_,
or Pipe; because the others had sung it, some of them to the late
Monsieur _de la Sale_, and the rest to Monsieur _Tonty_, and therefore
it was but reasonable they should do the same to get a Firelock, as
well as the others. Monsieur _Cavelier_ was inform’d of it, and it was
requisite to consent to it, to please those _Indians_, because we stood
in need of them.
[Sidenote: _Ceremony of the Pipe._]
The Ceremony began with Monsieur _Cavelier_, who was led under the Arms
and seated on a Hide, without the Cottage. The Forks, the Skins laid on
it in Honour of the Pipe, the Singing as loud as they cou’d roar, both
by Men and Women, and all the other Ceremonies were observ’d, as I have
mention’d them before; so that Monsieur _Cavelier_ being weary of them,
he caus’d the Chief to be told, that he was out of Order, and desir’d
his Nephew might be put in his Place, which was done accordingly, and
they spent the whole Night in Singing. In the Morning they perform’d
some other Ceremonies, not worth relating.
The Solemnity being ended, by every Man’s smoking of the Pipe, the
_Indians_ took it, with some Bullocks Hides, and Goats and Otters
Skins, and a Collar made of Shells, all which they carry’d to our
House, and we gave them a Firelock, two Axes, six Knives, one hundred
Charges of Powder, as much Ball, and some Strings of Beads for their
Wives. The Chief having given Notice of our coming to the other
Villages, their Deputies came to see us; we entertain’d them in the
House, and propos’d to them our Designs, as had been done to the Chief.
They stood considering a While, then held a Sort of Consultation among
themselves, which held not long without talking, and then agreed to
grant us what we ask’d, which was a Canoe and a Man of each Village to
conduct us, upon the promis’d Consideration, and so they went away to
the Cottage of the Chief of the Village.
[Sidenote: _The Journey continued._]
The 27th, the Chief and the Elders met again to consult about what we
demanded of them; the Length of the Journey made them apprehensive for
those, who were to conduct us; but, at Length, we having dispell’d
their Fears by our Arguments, and they having again deliberated some
Time, agreed to our Request. We again made them a Present, promising a
good Reward to our Guides, and so we prepar’d to set forwards. Little
_Bartholomew_ the _Parisian_, having intimated to us, that he would
willingly stay in that House, because he was none of the ablest of
Body, we recommended him to the Sieur _Couture_. We desir’d those that
remain’d there, to keep the Secret of Monsr. _de la Sale’s_ Death,
promis’d to send them Relief, left them our Horses, which were of
great Use to go a Hunting, and gave them fifteen or sixteen Pounds of
Powder, eight hundred Balls, three hundred Flints, twenty-six Knives,
and ten Axes, two or three Pounds Weight of Beads; Monsr. _Cavelier_
left them Part of his Linen, hoping we should soon be in a Place where
we should get more; and all of them having made their Peace with God,
by Means of the Sacrament of Penance, we took Leave of them, excepting
the Sieur _Couture_, who went to conduct us Part of the Way.
[Sidenote: Toriman _Village_.]
We imbark’d on a Canoe belonging to one of the Chiefs, being at least
twenty Persons, as well Women as Men, and arriv’d safe, without any
Trouble, at a Village call’d _Toriman_, for we were going down the
River. We were well received in the Chief’s wigwam, and were treated as
we had been when among the others. We propos’d it to these People, or
rather demanded it of them to confirm what had been granted us by the
others, and they deferr’d giving us their Answer till the next Day; for
they do Nothing without consulting about it, and we having brought a
Sack of _Indian_ Wheat, from the _French_ Mens House, desir’d the Chief
to cause Women to pound it, for which we would give ’em Something.
Immediately he made a Sign to his Officers to go call them, and they
went as readily.
[Sidenote: _Officers._]
There were seven or eight of those Officers always about him, stark
naked and besmear’d, some after one Fashion, and others after another.
Each of them had three or four Calabashes or Gourds, hanging at a
Leather Girdle about their Wastes, in which there were several Pebbles,
and behind them hung a Horse’s Tail, so that when they ran, the Gourds
made a ratling Noise, and the Tail being born up by the Wind, stood out
at its full Length, so that Nothing could be seen more ridiculous; but
it behooved us to take Heed of shewing the least Smile.
[Sidenote: _The River_ Missisipi _found at last_.]
The remaining Part of the Day was spent in going with the Sieur
_Couture_ to see the fatal River so much sought after by us, called
_Colbert_, when first discover’d, and _Missisipi_, or, _Mechasipi_ by
the Natives that were near us. It is a very fine River and deep, the
Breadth of it about a Quarter of a League, and the Stream very rapid.
The Sieur _Couture_ assur’d us, that it has two Branches or Channels,
which parted from each other above us, and that we had pass’d its other
Branch, when we came to the first Village of the _Accancea’s_, with
which Nation we still were.
[Sidenote: _Particular Ceremonies._]
The 28th, the Chief and the Elders being assembled, they granted our
Requests. We were to part, in order to be entertain’d in several
Places, where we took Notice of some particular Ceremonies, which we
had not seen among the other Nations. One of them is, that they serve
up their Meat in two or four large Dishes, which are first set down
before the two principal Guests, who are at one End, and when they
have eaten a little, those Dishes are shov’d down lower and others are
served up in their Place, in the same Manner; so that the first Dishes
are serv’d at the upper End and thrust down lower as others come in.
He who treats, does not sit down with the Company, nor does he eat, but
performs the Part of a Steward, taking Care of the Dressing and of the
Placing of the Meat serv’d up; and to the End he may appear the finer,
he never fails to besmear himself with Clay, or some red or black
Colouring they make use of.
[Sidenote: Tonningua _Village_.]
The 29th, we set out from that Village, and imbark’d on two Canoes to
cross the _Missisipi_. The Chief and about a Score of young Folks bore
us Company to the next Village call’d _Tonningua_, seated on the Bank
of that River, where we were receiv’d in the Chief’s Cottage, as we
had been in the others. The Elders treated us in their Turns, and the
Descriptions before given will serve for this Place, there being but
little Difference between them and their Neighbours.
[Sidenote: Cappa _Village_.]
[Sidenote: _Aug. 1687_]
The 30th, we set out for _Cappa_, the last Village of the _Accancea’s_,
eight Leagues distant from the Place we had left. We were obliged to
cross the River _Missisipi_ several Times in this Way; because it winds
very much, and we had some foul Weather, which made it late before we
could reach _Cappa_. A great Number of Youth came to meet us, some of
them conducted us to the Chief’s Cottage, and others took Care of our
Baggage, which was restor’d to us very honestly. We found the Elders
waiting for us; a great Fire was kindled to dry us, and the Cottage was
lighted by several burning Reeds,[116] which they make use of instead
of Flambeaus; after which we were serv’d as in other Places.
The 31st, we receiv’d Visits from the Elders. Their Discourse ran upon
the War they design’d to make, thinking to ingage us in it, and we
return’d the same Answer as we had done to the others, that we would
soon return with all Things we stood in Need of. We ask’d a Man of
them, which was granted, and the Day ended in Feasting.
[Sidenote: _Entertainment given by the Indians._]
We would willingly have set out the First of _August_; but the Chief
came and told us, it could not be, because the Women had not pounded
our Corn, which however was done; but they made use of that Pretence
to oblige us to stay, and to have Leisure to give us some Diversion,
after their Manner. Accordingly, about Ten in the Morning, the Warriors
and Youth came together to Dance. They were dress’d after their best
Manner, some of them wearing Plumes of several Colours, wherewith
they adorn their Heads, others, instead of Feathers, had two Bullocks
Horns, and were all besmear’d with Clay, of Black or of Red, so that
they really look’d like a Company of Devils or Monsters, and in those
Figures they danc’d, as I have describ’d it, speaking of the other
Nations.
[Sidenote: Machigamea _Nation_.]
The Second, we made ready to be going. The _Indian_ given by the first
Village for our Guide, would not go any farther. A Man, said to be an
Hermaphrodite, offer’d to supply his Place, saying, he was willing to
go to the _Islinois_. We took Leave of the Sieur _Couture_, to whom
Monsr. _Cavelier_ made an Exhortation, encouraging him to persevere
and have Patience, in Hopes of the Relief we wou’d send him, and so
we imbark’d on the _Missisipi_ in a Canoe, being Nine in Number, that
is, five of us, and the four _Indians_ that were our Guides. We were
oblig’d to cross that River very often, and no less frequently to
carry our Canoe and Goods, as well on Account of the Rapidity of the
River, and to find it slacker on the one or the other Side of it, which
was very troublesome to our Guides, as because of the little islands
we met with, which are form’d by the impetuous beating of the Water
upon the Banks, that oppose its Course, where the Channels happen not
to lie strait; there it washes away the Earth and bears down great
Trees, which in Process of Time form little Islands, that divide the
Channel. At Night we incamp’d in one of those small Islands, for our
greater Safety, for we were then come into an Enemy’s Nation, call’d
_Machigamea_, which put our _Indians_ into great Frights.
It is certain our Toil was very great, for we were oblig’d to row in
the Canoe, to help our _Indians_ to stem the Current of the River,
because we were going up, and it was very strong and rapid; we were
often necessitated to land, and sometimes to travel over miry Lands,
where we sunk up half way the Leg; other Times over burning Sands,
which scorch’d our Feet, having no Shoes, or else over Splinters of
Wood, which ran into the Soles of our Feet, and when we were come to
the resting Place, we were to provide Fuel to dress our Meat, and
provide all Things for our _Indians_, who would not have done so much
as go fetch a Cup of Water, tho’ we were on the Bank of the River, and
yet we were happy enough in having them.
We proceeded on, continually undergoing the same Toil, till the
Seventh, when, we saw the first Bullock, we had met on our Way, since
our coming among the _Accancea’s_. The _Indians_, who had a great Mind
to eat Flesh, made a Sign to me, to go kill it. I pursu’d and Shot, but
it did not fall, the _Indians_ ran after, kill’d, and came to tell us
it must be parch’d, or dry’d, which was accordingly done. I must here
take Notice of a Ceremony our _Indians_ perform’d, when they came near
the Bullock, before they flead him.
[Sidenote: _Ceremony at dressing a Bullock._]
In the first Place, they adorn’d his Head with some Swans and Bustards
Down, dy’d red, and put some Tabacco into his Nostrils, and between
the Clefts of the Hoofs. When they had flead him, they cut out the
Tongue, and put a Bit of Tabacco into its Place; then they stuck two
Wooden Forks into the Ground, laid a Stick across them, on which they
plac’d several Slices of the Flesh, in the Nature of an Offering. The
Ceremony being ended, we parch’d or dry’d the best Parts of the Beast
and proceeded on our Journey.
[Sidenote: _Banks of several Colours._]
The 9th, we found the Banks of the River very high, and the Earth of
them Yellow, Red and White, and thither the Natives came to furnish
themselves with it, to adorn their Bodies, on Festival Days. We held
on our Way till the 14th, when we met a Herd of Bullocks, whereof we
kill’d five, dry’d Part of them, and proceeded till the 18th.
[Sidenote: Houabache _River_.]
The 19th, we came to the Mouth of the River, call’d _Houabache_, said
to come from the Country of the _Iroquois_, towards _New England_. That
is a very fine River, its Water extraordinary clear, and the Current of
it, gentle. Our _Indians_ offer’d up to it, by Way of Sacrifice, some
Tabacco and Beef Steaks, which they fix’d on Forks, and left them on
the Bank, to be dispos’d of as the River thought fit. We observ’d some
other Superstitions among those poor People, one whereof was as follows.
[Sidenote: _Indian Fast._]
There were some certain Days, on which they Fasted, and we knew them,
when as soon as they awak’d, they besmear’d their Faces and Arms, or
other Parts of their Bodies, with a slimy Sort of Earth, or pounded
Charcoal; for that Day they did not eat till Ten or Eleven of the Clock
at Night, and before they did eat they were to wipe off that Smearing,
and had Water brought them for that Purpose. The Occasion of their
Fasting was, as they gave us to understand, that they might have good
Success in Hunting, and kill Abundance of Bullocks.
[Sidenote: _Salt Water Spring._]
[Sidenote: _Wild Fruit._]
We held on our Way till the 25th, when the _Indians_ shew’d us a Spring
of Salt Water, within a Musket Shot of us, and made us go ashore to
view it. We observ’d the Ground about it was much beaten by Bullocks
Feet, and it is likely they love that Salt Water. The Country about,
was full of Hillocks, cover’d with Oaks and Wallnut-Trees, Abundance
of Plum-Trees, almost all the Plums red and pretty good, besides great
Store of other Sorts of Fruits, whose Names we know not, and among
them one shap’d like a midling Pear, with Stones in it as big as large
Beans. When ripe it peels like a Peach, the Taste is indifferent good,
but rather of the Sweetest.
The 27th, having discover’d a Herd of Beeves, we went ashore to kill
some; I shot a Heifer, which was very good Meat, we put a Board the
best of it, and held on our Way till the Evening, when we encamp’d on
an Island, where we observ’d an alteration in the Humour and Behaviour
of our _Indians_. This put us under some Apprehension, and the more,
for that he who was reckon’d an Hermaphrodite, told us, they intended
to leave us, which oblig’d us to secure our Arms and double our Watch
during the Night, for Fear they should forsake us.
[Sidenote: Missouris _River_.]
With that Jealousy we proceeded on our Journey the 28th and 29th,
coasting along the Foot of an upright Rock, about sixty, or eighty Foot
high, round which the River glides. Held on the 30th and 31st, and the
first of _September_ pass’d by the Mouth of a River call’d _Missouris_,
whose Water is always thick, and to which our _Indians_ did not forget
to offer Sacrifice.
[Sidenote: _Figure of a pretended Monster._]
[Sidenote: _Sept. 1687_]
[Sidenote: _River of the_ Islinois.]
The 2d, we arriv’d at the Place, where the Figure is of the pretended
Monster spoken of by Father _Marquet_. That Monster consists of
two scurvy Figures drawn in red, on the flat Side of a Rock, about
eight or ten Foot high, which wants very much of the extraordinary
Height that Relation mentions. However our _Indians_ paid Homage, by
offering Sacrifice to that Stone; tho’ we endeavour’d to give them to
understand, that the said Rock had no Manner of Virtue, and that we
worship’d something above it, pointing up to Heaven; but it was to
no Purpose, and they made Signs to us, that they should die if they
did not perform that Duty. We proceeded, coasting along a Chain of
Mountains, and at length, on the 3d, left the _Missisipi_, to enter the
River of the _Islinois_.
We found a great Alteration in that River, as well with Respect to its
Course, which is very gentle, as to the Country about it, which is much
more agreeable and beautiful than that about the great River, by Reason
of the many fine Woods and Variety of Fruit its Banks are adorn’d with.
It was a very great comfort to us, to find so much Ease in going up
that River, by Reason of its gentle Stream, so that we all stay’d in
the Canoe and made much more Way.
[Sidenote: Indian _dies of eating raw Suet_.]
Thus we went on till the 8th, without stopping any longer than to kill
a Bullock, and one of our _Indians_, who had a craving Stomach, having
eaten some of its Suet hot and raw, was taken very ill, and died of it,
as I shall mention in its Place.
The 9th, we came into a Lake, about half a League over, which we
cross’d, and return’d into the Channel of the River, on the Banks
whereof we found several Marks of the Natives having been incamp’d
there, when they came to fish and dry what they caught. The 10th, we
cross’d another Lake, call’d _Primitehouy_, return’d to the River, and
the 11th, saw _Indians_ before us, incamp’d on the Bank of a River,
whereupon we stop’d and made ready our Arms. In the mean Time, one of
them came towards us by Land, and we put on our Canoe towards him.
[Sidenote: _Meeting with_ Islinois.]
When that _Indian_ was near, he stood gazing on us, without speaking a
Word, and then drawing still nearer, we gave him to understand, that
we were sent by Monsieur _de la Sale_, and came from him. Then he made
Signs to us, to advance towards his People, whom, he went before to
acquaint with what he had said to him, so that when we were come near
them they fired Several Shot to salute us, and we answer’d them with
our Firelocks.
After that mutual Salutation, they came into our Canoe, to signify,
they were glad to hear News of Monsieur _de la Sale_. We ask’d them,
What Nation they were of; they answer’d, They were _Islinois_, of a
Canton call’d _Cascasquia_. We enquir’d whether Monsieur _Tonty_ was
at Fort _Lewis_; they gave us to understand, that he was not, but that
he was gone to the War against the _Iroquois_. They invited us Ashore,
to go with them to eat of such as they had, we thank’d them, and they
brought us some Gourds and Water Melons, in Exchange for which, we gave
them some parch’d Flesh.
We had not by the Way taken Notice of a Canoe, in which was a Man
with two Women, who, being afraid of us, had hid themselves among the
Reeds, but that man seeing us stop among his Countrymen, took Heart,
came to us, and having told us, that he belong’d to a Village near Fort
_Lewis_, we set out together, and one of our _Indians_ went into that
Canoe, to help them to shove, so they call the Way of pushing on the
Canoe with Poles instead of rowing.
[Sidenote: _Fort_ Lewis _among the_ Islinois.]
On _Sunday_, the 14th of _September_, about two in the Afternoon, we
came into the Neighbourhood of Fort _Lewis_. Drawing near, we were met
by some _Indians_ that were on the Bank, who having view’d us well, and
understanding we came from Monsr. _de la Sale_, and that we belong’d
to him, ran to the Fort to carry the News, and immediately we saw a
_French_ Man come out, with a Company of _Indians_, who fir’d a Volley
of several Pieces, to salute us. Then the _French_ Man drew near, and
desir’d us to come Ashore, which we did, leaving only one in the Canoe,
to take Care of our Baggage; for the _Islinois_ are very sharp at
carrying off anything they can lay their Hands on, and consequently,
nothing near so honest as the Nations we had pass’d thro’.
[Sidenote: _Arrival at Fort_ Lewis.]
We all walk’d together towards the Fort, and found three _French_ Men
coming to meet us, and among them a Clerk, who had belong’d to the late
Monsr. _de la Sale_, nomme Boisrondet. They immediately ask’d us, where
Monsr. _de la Sale_ was, we told them, he had brought us Part of the
Way, and left us at a Place about forty Leagues beyond the _Cenis_, and
that he was then in good Health. All that was true enough; for Monsr.
_Cavelier_ and I, who were the Persons, that then spoke, were not
present at Monsr. _de la Sale’s_ Death; he was in good Health when he
left us, and I have told the Reasons we had for concealing his Death,
till we came into _France_.
It is no less true, that Father _Anastasius_, and he they call’d
_Teissier_, could have given a better Account, the one as an Eye
Witness, and the other, as one of the Murderers, and they were both
with us; but to avoid lying, they said Nothing. We farther told them,
we had Orders to go over into _France_, to give an Account of the
Discoveries made by Monsieur _de la Sale_, and to procure the sending
of Succours.
[Sidenote: _Reception._]
At length, we enter’d the Fort, where we found and surpriz’d several
Persons who did not expect us. All the _French_ were under Arms and
made several Discharges to welcome us. Monsieur _de Belle Fontaine_
Lieutenant to Monsr. _Tonty_, was at the Head of them and complimented
us. Then we were conducted to the Chappel, where we return’d Thanks to
God, from the Bottom of our Hearts, for having preserv’d and conducted
us in Safety; after which we had our Lodgings assigned us, Monsr.
_Cavelier_ and Father _Anastasius_ had one Chamber, and we were put
into the Magazine, or Warehouse. All this While, the Natives came by
Intervals, to fire their Pieces, to express their Joy for our Return,
and for the News we brought of Monsieur _de la Sale_, which refresh’d
our Sorrow for his Misfortune; perceiving that his Presence would have
settled all Things advantageously.
The Day after our Arrival, one of the _Indians_, who had conducted us,
having been sick ever since he eat the raw Beef Suet, I mention’d
before, died, and his Companions took away and bury’d him privately. We
gave them the promis’d Reward, and the Part belonging to the Dead Man,
to be deliver’d to his Relations. They stay’d some Time in the Fort,
during the which, we took extraordinary Care of them, and at last they
return’d to their own Homes.
As far as we could gather by half Words dropp’d there by one or other
at the Fort, Something had been done there prejudicial to the Service
of Monsr. _de la Sale_, and against his Authority, and therefore
some dreaded his Return, but more especially a _Jesuit_ was in great
Consternation. He was sick, Monsieur _Cavelier_, Father _Anastasius_
and I went to visit him. He enquired very particularly of all Points,
and could not conceal his Trouble, which we would not seem to take
Notice of.
[Sidenote: _Falls in the River._]
Our Design being to make the best of our way to _Canada_, in Order to
set out Aboard the first _French_ Ships that should Sail for _France_,
we enquired how we were to proceed, and met with several Difficulties.
The Navigation on that River was very Dangerous,[117] by Reason of the
Falls there are in it, which must be carefully avoided, unless a Man
will run an inevitable Hazard of perishing. There were few Persons
capable of managing that Affair, and the War with the _Iroquois_ made
all Men afraid.
[Sidenote: _Oct. 1687_]
However the Sieur _Boisrondet_, Clerk to the late Monsr. _de la Sale_,
having told us he had a Canoe, in which he design’d to go down to
_Canada_, we prepared to make use of that Opportunity. Care was taken
to gather Provisions for our Voyage, to get Furs to barter as we pass’d
by _Micilimaquinay_. The Visits of two Chiefs of Nations, call’d
_Cascasquia_ _Peroueria_ and _Cacahouanous_ discover’d by the late
Monsieur _de la Sale_, did not interrupt our Affairs, and all things
being ready on the 1st, we took Leave on the 18th, of those we left in
the Fort. Monsieur _Cavelier_ writ a Letter for Monsieur _Tonty_, which
he left there to be delivered to him, and we repair’d to the Lake to
imbark.
[Sidenote: _M._ Cavelier, _&c. set out and returns again_.]
It would be needless to relate all the Troubles and Hardships we met
with, in that Journey, it was painful and fruitless, for having gone
to the Bank of the Lake, in very foul Weather, after waiting there
eight Days, for that foul Weather to cease, and after we had imbark’d,
notwithstanding the Storm, we were oblig’d to put Ashore again, to
return to the Place where we had imbark’d, and there to dig a Hole in
the Earth, to bury our Baggage and Provisions, to save the Trouble of
carrying them back to Fort _Lewis_, whither we return’d and arrived
there the 7th of _October_; where they were surpriz’d to see us come
back.
Thus were we oblig’d to continue in that Fort all the rest of _Autumn_
and Part of the _Winter_, to our great Sorrow, and not so much for
our own Disappointment, as for being, by that Means, obstructed from
sending of Succours, as soon as we had expected, as well to the said
Fort, as to those _French_ of our own Company, whom we had left on the
Coast of the Bay of _Mexico_.
It was then the good Season for shooting. Those Gentlemen at the Fort
had secur’d two good _Indian_ Sportsmen, who never let us want for Wild
Fowl of all Sorts; besides we had good Bread, and as good Fruit, and
had there been any Thing to drink besides Water, we had far’d well. The
Leisure we had during our Stay there, gave me an Opportunity of making
the following Remarks, as well of my own Observation, as what I learn’d
of the _French_ residing there.
[Sidenote: _Description of Fort_ Lewis _and the Country about it_.]
Fort _Lewis_ is in the Country of the _Islinois_ and seated on a steep
Rock, about two hundred Foot high, the River running at the Bottom of
it. It is only fortified with Stakes and Palisades, and some Houses
advancing to the Edge of the Rock. It has a very spacious Esplanade,
or Place of Arms. The Place is naturally strong, and might be made so
by Art, with little Expence. Several of the Natives live in it, in
their Huts. I cannot give an Account of the Latitude it stands in,
for Want of proper Instruments to take an Observation, but Nothing can
be pleasanter; and it may be truly affirm’d, that the Country of the
_Islinois_ enjoys all that can make it accomplish’d, not only as to
Ornament, but also for its plentiful Production of all Things requisite
for the Support of human Life.
[Sidenote: _Lime and Clay for Bricks, &c._]
The Plain, which is water’d by the River, is beautified by two small
Hills, about half a League distant from the Fort, and those Hills are
cover’d with Groves of Oaks, Walnut-Trees and other Sorts I have named
elsewhere. The Fields are full of Grass, growing up very high. On the
Sides of the Hills is found a gravelly Sort of Stone, very fit to make
Lime for Building. There are also many Clay Pits, fit for making of
Earthen Ware, Bricks and Tiles, and along the River there are Coal
Pits, the Coal whereof has been try’d and found very good.
[Sidenote: _Mines._]
There is no Reason to question, but that there are in this Country,
Mines of all Sorts of Metals, and of the richest, the Climate being the
same as that of _New Mexico_. We saw several Spots, where it appeared
there were Iron Mines, and found some Pieces of it on the Bank of the
River, which Nature had cleansed. Travellers who have been at the upper
Part of the _Missisipi_, affirm that they have found Mines there, of
very good Lead.
[Sidenote: _Product._]
That Country is one of the most temperate in the World, and
consequently whatsoever is sow’d there, whether Herbs, Roots, _Indian_
and even _European_ Corn thrives very well, as has been try’d by the
Sieur _Boisrondet_, who sow’d of all Sorts, and had a plentiful Crop,
and we eat of the Bread, which was very good. And whereas we were
assured, that there were Vines which run up, whose Grapes are very good
and delicious, growing along the River, it is reasonable to believe,
that if those Vines were transplanted and prun’d, there might be very
good Wine made of them. There is also Plenty of wild Apple and Pear
Trees, and of several other Sorts, which would afford excellent Fruit,
were they grafted and transplanted.
All other Sorts of Fruit, as Plumbs, Peaches and others, wherewith the
Country abounds, would become exquisite, if the same Industry were
us’d, and other Sorts of Fruit we have in _France_ would thrive well,
if they were carry’d over. The Earth produces a Sort of Hemp, whereof
Cloth might be made and Cordage.
[Sidenote: _Manners and Customs of the_ Islinois.]
[Sidenote: _Women do all Labour._]
As for the Manners and Customs of the _Islinois_, in many Particulars
they are the same as those of the other Nations we have seen. They are
naturally fierce and revengeful, and among them the Toil of Sowing,
Planting, carrying of Burdens, and doing all other Things that belong
to the Support of Life, appertains peculiarly to the Women. The Men
have no other Business but going to the War and hunting, and the women
must fetch the Game when they have kill’d it, which sometimes they are
to carry very far to their Dwellings, and there to parch, or dress it
any other Way.
When the Corn or other Grain is sow’d, the Women secure it from the
Birds till it comes up. Those Birds are a sort of Starlings, like ours
in _France_, but larger and fly in great Swarms.
[Sidenote: _Children._]
The _Islinois_ have but few Children, and are extremely fond of them;
it is the Custom among them, as well as others I have mentioned, never
to chide, or beat them, but only to throw Water at them, by Way of
Chastisement.
[Sidenote: _Thieving._]
[Sidenote: _Boasting._]
The Nations we have spoken of before, are not at all, or very little,
addicted to Thieving; but it is not so with the _Islinois_, and it
behoves every Man to watch their Feet as well as their Hands, for they
know how to turn any Thing out of the Way most dexterously. They are
subject to the general Vice of all the other _Indians_, which is to
boast very much of their Warlike Exploits, and that is the main Subject
of their Discourse, and they are very great Lyars.
[Sidenote: _Care of the Dead._]
They pay a Respect to their Dead, as appears by their special Care of
burying them, and even of putting into Coffins placed high above the
ground, the Bodies of such as are considerable among them, as their
Chiefs and others, which is also practiced among the _Accancea’s_, but
they differ in this Particular, that the _Accancea’s_ weep and make
their Complaints for some Days, whereas the _Chahouanous_ and other
People of the _Islinois_ Nation do just the Contrary; for when any of
them die, they wrap them up in Skins, and then put them into Coffins
made of the Barks of Trees, then sing and dance about them for twenty
four Hours. Those Dancers take Care to tie Calabashes, or Gourds about
their Bodies, with some _Indian_ Wheat in them, to rattle and make a
Noise, and some of them have a Drum, made of a great Earthen Pot, on
which they extend a wild Goat’s Skin, and beat thereon with one Stick,
like our Tabors.
[Sidenote: _Presents to the Dead._]
During that Rejoicing, they throw their Presents on the Coffin, as
Bracelets, Pendants, or Pieces of Earthen Ware, and Strings of Beads,
encouraging the Singers to perform their Duty well. If any Friend
happens to come thither at that Time, he immediately throws down his
Present and falls a singing and dancing like the rest. When that
Ceremony is over, they bury the Body, with Part of the Presents, making
choice of such as may be most proper for it. They also bury with it,
some Store of _Indian_ Wheat, with a Pot to boil it in, for fear the
dead Person should be hungry on his long Journey; and they repeat the
same Ceremony at the Year’s End.
[Sidenote: _Game of the Stick._]
A good Number of Presents still remaining, they divide them into
several Lots, and play at a Game, call’d of the Stick, to give them to
the Winner. That Game is play’d, taking a short Stick, very smooth and
greas’d, that it may be the Harder to hold it fast. One of the Elders
throws that Stick as far as he can, the young Men run after it, snatch
it from each other, and at last, he who remains possess’d of it, has
the first Lot. The Stick is then thrown again, he who keeps it then
has the second Lot, and so on to the End. The Women, whose Husbands
have been slain in War, often perform the same Ceremony, and treat the
Singers and Dancers whom they have before invited.
[Sidenote: _Marriages._]
The Marriages of the _Islinois_ last no longer, than the Parties agree
together; for they freely part after a Hunting Bout, each going which
Way they please, without any Ceremony. However, the Men are jealous
enough of their Wives, and when they catch them in a Fault, they
generally cut off their Noses, and I saw one who had been so serv’d.
[Sidenote: _Adultery._]
Nevertheless, Adultery is not reckon’d any great Crime among them, and
there are Women who make no Secret of having had to do with _French_
Men. Yet are they not sufficiently addicted to that Vice to offer
themselves, and they never fall, unless they are sued to, when, they
are none of the most difficult in the World to be prevail’d on. The
rest I leave to those who have liv’d longer there than I.
[Sidenote: _How the Travellers liv’d._]
We continu’d some Time in Fort _Lewis_, without receiving any News. Our
Business was, after having heard Mass, which we had the good Fortune
to do every Day, to divert our selves the best we could. The _Indian_
Women daily brought in something fresh, we wanted not for Water Melons,
Bread made of _Indian_ Corn, bak’d in the Embers, and other such
Things, and we rewarded them with little Presents in Return.
[Sidenote: _M._ Tonty _comes to Fort_ Lewis.]
[Sidenote: _War with the_ Iroquois.]
On the 27th of _October_, of the same Year, Monsieur _Tonty_ return’d
from the War with the _Iroquois_.[118] Our Embraces and the Relation
of our Adventures were again repeated; but still concealing from him,
the Death of Monsieur _de la Sale_. He told us all the Particulars of
that war, and said, That the _Iroquois_ having got Intelligence of
the March of the _French_ Forces and their Allies, had all come out
of their Villages and laid themselves in Ambush by the Way; but that
having made a sudden and general Discharge upon our Men, with their
usual Cries, yet without much Harm done, they had been repuls’d with
Loss, took their Flight, and by the Way burnt all their own Villages.
That Monsieur _d’Hennonville_[119] chief Governor of _New France_,
had caus’d the Army to march, to burn the rest of their Villages, set
Fire to their Country and Corn, but would not proceed any farther.
That afterwards he had made himself Master of several Canoes belonging
to the _English_, most of them laden with Brandy, which had been
plunder’d; that the _English_ had been sent Prisoners to _Montreal_,
they being come to make some Attempt upon the _Islinois_.
[Sidenote: _Dec. 1687_]
We continued after this Manner, till the Month of _December_, when
two Men arrived, from _Montreal_. They came to give Notice to Monsr.
_Tonty_, that three Canoes, laden with Merchandize, Powder, Ball and
other Things, were arriv’d at _Chicagou_, that there being two little
Water in the River, and what there was being frozen, they could come
down no lower; so that it being requisite to send Men to fetch those
Things, Monsr. _Tonty_ desir’d the Chief of the _Chahouanous_ to
furnish him with People. That Chief accordingly provided forty, as well
Men as Women, who set out with some _French_ Men. The Honesty of the
_Chahouanous_ was the Reason of preferring them before the _Islinois_,
who are naturally Knaves.
[Sidenote: _Feb. 1688_]
That Ammunition and the Merchandize were soon brought, and very
seasonably, the Fort being then in Want. We stay’d there till the End
of _February_, 1688, at which Time we fix’d our Resolution to depart,
tho’ we had no News from _Canada_, as we expected. We found there were
some Canoes ready to undertake that Voyage, and we laid hold of that
Opportunity to convoy each other to the _Micilimaquinay_, where we
hop’d to meet some News from _Canada_.
[Sidenote: _Mar. 1688_]
Monsieur _Cavelier_ the Priest, had taken Care, before the Death of
M. _de la Sale_, his Brother, to get of him a Letter of Credit, to
receive either a Sum of Money or Furs in the Country of the _Islinois_.
He tender’d that Letter to M. _Tonty_, who believing M. _de la Sale_
was still alive, made no Difficulty of giving him to the Value of
about 4000 Livres in Furs, Castors and Otter Skins, a Canoe and other
Effects, for which, the said Monsr. _Cavelier_ gave him his Note,[120]
and we prepar’d for our Journey.
I have before observed, that there was a _Jesuit_, whose name was
_Dalouez_[121] at Fort _Lewis_, and who had been very much surpriz’d
to hear that Monsr. _de la Sale_ was to come in a short Time, being
under great Apprehensions on Account of a Conspiracy intended to
have been carry’d on, against Monsr. _de la Sale’s_ Interest. That
Father perceiving our Departure was fix’d, mov’d first, and went away
foremost, to return to _Micilimaquinay_;[122] so that they were left
without a Priest at Fort _Lewis_, which was a great Trouble to us,
because we were the Occasion of it, and therefore those, who were to
remain in the Fort, anticipated the Time, and made their _Easter_,
taking the Advantage of the Presence of F. _Anastasius_ and M.
_Cavelier_.
[Sidenote: _The Travel continued._]
At length, we set out the 21st of _March_, from Fort _Lewis_. The Sieur
_Boisrondet_, who was desirous to return to _France_, join’d us, we
imbark’d on the River, which was then become navigable, and before we
had advanc’d five Leagues, met with a rapid Stream, which oblig’d us to
go Ashore, and then again into the Water, to draw along our Canoe. I
had the Misfortune to hurt one of my Feet against a Rock that lay under
Water, which troubled me very much for a long Time; and we being under
a Necessity of going often into the Water, I suffer’d extreamly, and
more than I had done since our Departure from the Gulph of _Mexico_.
We arriv’d at _Chicagou_ the 29th of _March_, and our first Care was
to go seek what we had conceal’d at our former Voyage, having, as was
there said, bury’d our Luggage and Provisions. We found it had been
open’d, and some Furs and Linen taken away, almost all which belong’d
to me. This had been done by a _French_ Man, whom M. _Tonty_ had sent
from the Fort, during the Winter Season, to know whether there were any
Canoes at _Chicagou_, and whom he had directed to see whether any Body
had medled with what we had conceal’d, and he made Use of that Advice
to rob us.
[Sidenote: _Sweet Water from a Tree._]
The bad Weather oblig’d us to stay in that Place, till _April_. That
Time of Rest was advantageous for the Healing my Foot; and there being
but very little Game in that Place, we had Nothing but our Meal or
_Indian_ Wheat to feed on; yet we discover’d a Kind of _Manna_,[123]
which was a great Help to us. It was a Sort of Trees, resembling our
Maple, in which we made Incisions, whence flow’d a sweet Liquor, and in
it we boil’d our _Indian_ Wheat, which made it delicious, sweet and of
a very agreeable Relish.
There being no Sugar-Canes in that Country, those Trees supply’d that
Liquor, which being boil’d up and evaporated, turn’d into a Kind of
Sugar somewhat brownish, but very good. In the Woods we found a Sort
of Garlick, not so strong as ours, and small Onions very like ours in
Taste, and some Charvel[124] of the same Relish as that we have, but
different in the Leaf.
[Sidenote: Quinetanan _River_.]
The Weather being somewhat mended, we imbark’d again and enter’d upon
the Lake on the 8th of _April_, keeping to the North Side to shun the
_Iroquois_. We had some Storms also, and saw swelling Waves like those
of the Sea; but arriv’d safe the 15th at a River call’d _Quinetanan_,
near a Village whence, the Inhabitants depart during the Winter Season,
to go a Hunting, and reside there all the Summer.
The Sport is not there as in those Countries from whence we came; but
on the Contrary, very poor, and we found Nothing but some very lean
Wild Goats, and even those very rarely, because the Wolves, which are
very numerous there, make great Havock of them, taking and devouring
great Numbers after this Manner.
[Sidenote: _Apr. 1688_]
[Sidenote: _How Wolves catch Goats._]
When the Wolves have discover’d a Herd of Wild Goats, they rouse and
set them a running. The Wild Goats never fail to take to the first Lake
they meet with. The hunting Wolves, who are used to that, guard the
Banks carefully, moving along the Edges of them. The poor Goats being
pierc’d by the Cold of the Lake, grow weary and so get out, or else the
River swelling forces them out with its Waves, quite benumm’d, so that
they are easily taken by their Enemies, who devour them. We frequently
saw those Wolves watching along the Side of the Lake, and kept off to
avoid frightning them, to the End the Wild Goats might not quit their
Sanctuary, that we might catch some of them, as it sometimes fell out.
[Sidenote: Poutouatanni _Nation_.]
The 28th, we arriv’d among the _Poutouatannis_, which is half Way to
_Micilimaquinay_, where we purchas’d some _Indian_ Corn for the rest of
our Voyage. We left there on the last of the month, and we arrived on
the 10th of May at the said place of _Michilimackinac_. We found no
News there from _Montreal_, and were forc’d to stay some Time to wait
an Opportunity to go down the River; No Man daring to venture, because
of the War with the _Iroquois_.
[Sidenote: Hurons _and_ Outahouacs _Nations_.]
[Sidenote: _May 1688_]
There are some _French_ Men in that Place, and four _Jesuits_, who have
a House well built with Timber, inclosed with Stakes and Palisades.
There are also some _Hurons_ and _Outahouacs_, two Neighbouring
Nations, whom those Fathers take Care to instruct, not without very
much Trouble, those People being downright Libertines, and there are
very often none but a few Women in their Churches. Those Fathers have
each of them the Charge of instructing a Nation, and to that Effect
have translated the Prayers into the Language peculiar to each of them,
as also all other Things relating to the Catholick Faith and Religion.
[Sidenote: _June 1688_]
They offer’d Father _Anastasius_ and Monsieur _Cavelier_ a Room, which
they accepted of, and we took up our Lodging in a little Hovel some
Travellers had made. There we continued the rest of _May_ and Part
of _June_, till after the Feast of _Whitsontide_. The Natives of the
Country about, till the Land and sow _Indian_ Corn, Melons and Gourds,
but they do not thrive so well as in the Country we came from. However
they live on them, and besides they have Fish they catch in the Lake,
for Flesh is very scarce among them.
On the 4th of _June_, there arriv’d four Canoes, commanded by Monsieur
_de Porneuf_, coming from _Montreal_, and bringing News from the
Marques _d’Hennonville_, and Orders to send to the Settlements which
were towards the Lake _des Puans_ and others higher up, towards the
Source of the River _Colbert_, to know the Posture and Condition
of Affairs. We prepar’d to be gone with the two Canoes. Monsieur
_Cavelier_ bought another, to carry our Baggage, and left Part of
his Furs with a Merchant, who gave him a Note to receive Money at
_Montreal_. I did the same with those few Furs I had, the rest of them
having been left at _Micilimaquinay_.
[Sidenote: Islinois _and_ Hurons.]
We took Leave of the _Jesuits_, and set out in four Canoes, _viz._ two
belonging to Monsieur _de Porneuf_, and two to Monsieur _Cavelier_, one
of which had been brought from Fort _Lewis_, and the other bought, as
I have just now said, we being twenty-nine of us in those four Canoes.
We sail’d on till the 24th, when Monsieur _de Porneuf_ left us to go to
St. _Mary’s_ Fall, to carry the Orders given him. The 25th, we got out
of the Lake of the _Islinois_, to enter that of the _Hurons_, on the
Banks whereof stands the Village, call’d _Tessalon_, where Monsieur _de
Porneuf_ came again to us, the 27th, with a Canoe of the Natives, and
with him we held on our Way.
[Sidenote: _July 1688_]
[Sidenote: French _River_.]
We proceeded to _Chebonany_ the 30th of _June_, and the 3d of _July_,
enter’d the _French_ River, where we were forc’d several Times to carry
our Canoes to avoid the Falls and the rapid Streams, observing as we
went a barren and dry Country, full of Rocks, on which there grow
Cedars and Fir Trees, which take Root in the Clefts of those Rocks.
[Sidenote: _Aug. 1688_]
[Sidenote: Nipicingue _Lake_.]
[Sidenote: _Arrival at_ Montreal.]
The 5th, we enter’d upon the little Lake of _Nipicingue_, adjoining to
a Nation of that Name. We got out of it again the 7th, and enter’d upon
the great River, where, after having pass’d the great Fall, we arriv’d
the 13th, at the Point of the Island of _Montreal_. We landed at a
Village call’d _la Chine_, which had belong’d to the late Monsr. _de
la Sale_. Monsr. _Cavelier_ set out the 14th, for _Montreal_, where we
came to him the 17th.
At _Montreal_ we found the Marques _d’ Hennonville_, Monsieur _de
Noroy_ the Intendant and other Gentlemen, to whom we gave an Account
of our long and painful Travels, with the Particulars of what we had
seen, which they listned to with Satisfaction, but without mentioning
Monsieur _de la Sale’s_ Death. We told them the Occasion of our going
over into _France_, and they approv’d of it, being of Opinion with us,
that we ought to hasten our Departure as much as possible.
We made us some Cloaths, whereof we stood in Need. The Sieur
_Teissier_, who came along with us, and was of the Reform’d Religion,
knowing the Exercise of it was forbid in _France_, abjur’d it in the
great Church of _Montreal_.
[Sidenote: _Arrival at_ Quebec.]
The 27th, we went aboard a Bark to go down the River to _Quebec_, where
we arriv’d the 29th, Father _Anastasius_ carry’d us to the Monastery
of the Fathers of his Order, seated half a League from the Town, on a
little River, where we were most kindly receiv’d by the Father Guardian
and the other Religious Men, who express’d much Joy to see us, and we
still more for being in a Place of Safety, after so many Perils and
Toils, for which we return’d our humble Thanks to Almighty God, our
Protector.
We chose rather to take up our Lodging there than in the Town, to
avoid the Visits and troublesome Questions every one would be putting
to us with much Importunity, which we must have been oblig’d to bear
patiently. Monsieur _Cavelier_ and his Nephew, whom we had left
at _Montreal_, arriv’d some Days after us, and were lodg’d in the
Seminary.
We stay’d in that Monastery till the 21st of _August_, when we imbark’d
on a large Boat, eighteen Persons of us, to go down the River of St.
_Lawrence_, a Board a Ship, that was taking in and fishing of Cod, in
order to reach _France_. We went a Board it the 30th of the same Month,
and after hearing Mass, made ready and sail’d for our dear Country,
arriv’d safe at _Rochelle_ on _Saturday_ the 9th of _October_ 1688,
whence, setting out by Land, _Friday_ the 15th, the same Providence,
which had protected and conducted us, brought us without any Misfortune
to _Roan_, the 17th of _October_, the same Year.
_The End of the_ JOURNAL.[125]
_The Remainder of the_ LETTER, _written by him who revis’d
this_ JOURNAL, _the other Part whereof is at the Beginning
of it, this being the_ Sequel _to the said_ JOURNAL.
[Sidenote: Note, _That these have writ of those Parts, but none of this
particular Voyage_.]
Three several Authors have given an Account of this Voyage; _First_,
Father _le Clerk_, upon the Relations he had from the Fathers
_Zenobius_ and _Anastasius_, Recolets, as he was himself and both of
them Eye-Witnesses: _Secondly_, The Chevalier _Tonty_, who was also
a Witness to a considerable Part of those Adventures: And, _Lastly_,
Father _Hennepin_, a _Flemming_, of the same Order of the Recolets, has
done it more largely; he seems to be well acquainted with the Country,
and had a Share in great Discoveries; but the Truth of his Relations is
much controverted. It was he who went to the Northward, and towards the
Source of the _Missisipi_, which he calls _Mechasipi_, and who printed,
at _Paris_, an Account of the Country about the River, giving it the
Name of _Louisiana_. He ought to have stopp’d there, and not to have
gone, as he did, into _Holland_, to set forth another Edition, very
much enlarg’d, and perhaps not so true, which he dedicated to _William_
the Third, Prince of _Orange_, and afterwards King of _Great Britain_.
An Action for a Religious Man no less ridiculous than extravagant, not
to give it a worse Name; for after many great and tedious Encomiums
given that Protestant Prince, he exhorts and conjures him to turn his
Thoughts towards those vast Countries, as yet unknown, to conquer
them and send Colonies thither, to make known to those Savage Nations
the true God and his Worship, and to preach the Gospel. That good
Religious Man, whom many have falsly thought, on Account of that
Extravagancy, to have renounc’d his Religion, did not consider what he
said, and consequently has scandaliz’d the Catholicks, and furnish’d
the _Hugonots_ with Matter of Laughter; for it is likely, that they
being Enemies to the _Roman_ Church, would employ Recolets to go preach
up _Popery_, as they call it in _Canada_? Or would they introduce any
other Religion than their own? Can Father _Hennepin_ be excuseable in
this Point?
[Sidenote: M. de la Sale’s _Fort taken by the_ Spaniards.]
[Sidenote: M. de Hiberville’s _Expedition for the_ Missisipi.]
In fine it appears, by all that has been writ by those several Persons
concerning that Enterprize, that the Murder committed on the Person of
Monsieur _de la Sale_ was the Occasion of its miscarrying; but that
which obstructed the making of some Provision in that Case was, the
said Murders being conceal’d for the Space of two Years, and that the
_Spaniards_ of _Mexico_ having been inform’d of all the Affair, sent
Men, who carry’d off the weak Garrison Monsieur _de la Sale_ had left
in the Fort built by him, near the Place of his Landing, before he
penetrated into the Country, to find out the _Missisipi_. They also
entirely raz’d that Fort, so that Seven or Eight Years elaps’d, till
Monsieur _de Hiberville_, a Gentleman of _Canada_, and a Person of
Capacity and Courage, famous for his notable Expeditions to _Hudson_’s
Bay and other Parts, resolv’d to reassume and revive that Project. He
came over into _France_ upon that Design, and made an Armament about
the Year 1698, set out and sail’d to the Gulf of _Mexico_. Being an
able Seaman, he search’d along the Coast so narrowly, that he found
the Mouth of that fatal _Missisipi_ and built a Fort on it, leaving
Men there, with a good Quantity of Ammunition and Provisions, and
return’d to _France_, intending to go back with a Reinforcement, as he
did, and having penetrated far into the Country, discover’d several
Savage Nations, and join’d Friendship and Alliance with them, as also
built another Fort, which he left well stor’d with Men and Necessaries,
return’d into _France_; but attempting a third Voyage, he dy’d by the
Way, and thus, for want of Relief and Support, that noble Enterprize
miscarry’d again.
[Sidenote: M. Crozat _only to plant Colonies and Trade in_ Louisiana.]
But God has now provided for it, and it is the Concern of Heaven, for
if _France_ is interested on Account of the Temporal Advantages it
expects, the Church is so in like Manner, for the Conversion of the
_Indians_ it hopes will follow. Accordingly, Providence has taken the
Affair in Hand, having rais’d the Man, who is the fittest to revive and
support so important a Project. This is _Monsieur Crozat_, Secretary to
the King, a Man of singular Worth, very Intelligent, Well-meaning, and
prodigiously Rich, who without going out of his Closet, has been the
Occasion of many notable Voyages by Sea, and all of them successful.
To him, his Majesty, by his Letters Patent, bearing Date the _14th of
Septemb. 1712_, has granted the sole Power to trade and settle Colonies
in the Countries describ’d in this Journal, and which are known to
us by the Name of _Louisiana_ and the River _Missisipi_, from hence
forward to be call’d the River of St. _Lewis_. The Grant is made
to him for 15 Years, under several Conditions mention’d in the said
Letters Patent, which have been made publick.
[Sidenote: _A Black bred in_ France _turns to his Native Customs_.]
And whereas such a Grant cannot subsist without Blacks, he is also
allow’d to send a Ship to _Guinea_ to purchase them. They may perhaps
find there the famous Black _Aniaga_, Brother to a King of _Guinea_,
whom Captain _Delbee_ brought over into _France_, above Thirty Years
ago. The King was pleas’d to have him Educated, Instructed and
Baptiz’d, the _Dauphin_[126] being his Godfather; then put him into
his Troop of Musquetiers, and afterwards made him a Captain in his own
Regiment, where he serv’d Honourably. Being desirous to see his own
Country again, where he promis’d to promote the _French_ Trade, and
the settling of Missioners, his Majesty loaded him with Presents, and
order’d a Ship to carry him back to _Guinea_; but as soon as he was
there, he no longer remember’d he had been baptiz’d, and turn’d again
as perfect a Black, as he had been before. A Friend of mine, who was an
Officer aboard a Ship, and hapned to be on that Coast in the Year 1708,
had two or three Interviews with that Black, who came aboard him. He
was a great Man in that Country, for his Brother was King. He express’d
much Gratitude for the Kindness that had been shewn him in _France_,
and was extraordinary Courteous, and made great Offers to those aboard
the Ship, and to all such of the Nation as would go into _Guinea_.
This Navigation to _Louisiana_ will farther procure us a free Resort to
the two famous Ports of the Gulf of _Mexico_, _viz._ The _Havana_ and
_Veracruz_, where Strangers did not use to be admitted, and which we
knew only by their Names and their Situation in our Maps.
[Sidenote: Veracruz _in New_ Spain.]
The latter of those Towns is the Port of _New Spain_, at the Bottom
of the Bay or Gulf, in 18 Degrees of _North_ Latitude, Seated in a
Sandy Plain, encompass’d with Mountains; beyond which there are
Woods and Meadows, well Stock’d with Cattle and wild Fowl: the flesh
whereof is stringy and tasteless. The Air is very Hot, and not Healthy,
when any Winds blow, except the _North_, which rises commonly once
in Eight or Fifteen Days, and holds for the Space of Twenty Four
Hours, blowing so hard, that there is no going ashore from the Ships,
and then the Cold is very piercing. When the Weather is clear there
plainly appear, on the Road to _Mexico_, two Mountains rising above
the Clouds, and forty Leagues distant, all cover’d with Snow. The
Streets of _Veracruz_ are streight as a Line; the Houses are handsome
and regular; the Fortifications next the Land inconsiderable, but the
Front of the Town next the Sea forms a Semicircle, with a little Fort
at each End. Directly before that Front, a Quarter of a League out at
Sea, there stands, on a Spot of Ground, inaccessible, by Reason of the
Breaking of the Sea, a strong Citadel, well built and furnished with
all Necessaries, a good Garrison and double Batteries of two hundred
Pieces of brass Cannon. Ships cannot anchor any where, but between that
Citadel and the Town; besides that, it requires several Precautions,
because it is difficult coming to an Anchor.
Most of the Inhabitants are _Mulattoes_, that is of a tawny dark
Colour, who live most upon Chocolate and Sweetmeats, extraordinary
sober, and eating little Flesh. The Men are haughty, the Women keep
retired above Stairs, not to be seen by Strangers, and seldom going
abroad, and then in Coaches or Chairs, and those who cannot reach
to it, cover’d with fine silk Veils, which reach from the Crown of
their Heads to their Feet, leaving only a small Opening on the Right
Side,[127] for them to see their Way. In their own Apartments they wear
nothing but a Smock and a silk Petticoat, with gold or silver Laces,
without any Thing on their Heads, and their Hair platted with Ribbons,
a gold Chain about their Neck, Bracelets of the same and Pendants of
Emeralds in their Ears. They could well enough like the Behaviour and
Company of the French, but that the jealous Temper of the Men obstructs
them. There being a Picture of _Philip_ King of _Spain_, now reigning,
aboard the Ship in which my Friend was, who gave me this Account, the
People swarm’d aboard to see it, they were never satisfy’d with gazing
at it, and there was a most magnificent Festival kept in the Town, on
Account of the Birth of the Prince of _Asturias_.
They understand Trade very well, but are sloathful and averse to
Labour, fond of State and Ease. They wear great Strings of Beads about
their Necks, their Houses are full of Pictures and Images of Devotion,
and they have little that is real. They are decently furnish’d with
Purceline and _China_ Goods. The Churches are magnificently adorned
with Plate. But the Lives and Manners of the Clergy are not Edifying.
On Holidays and _Sundays_ there is no Thought of Matins, of Sermon, or
of Vespers: People chat and laugh in the Churches as well as in the
Processions, which are often at Night by the Light of Torches.
All Strangers are forbid Trading there, yet some come by Stealth and
deal Underhand, by Means of Presents made to such Persons as can favour
them. If those Mulattoes call themselves white, it is only to honour
themselves and by Way of Distinction from their Slaves, who are all
Blacks, and having got much Mony by their Labour, ransome themselves
and sometimes become considerable Merchants.
[Sidenote: Mexico _City_.]
The City of _Mexico_, Capital of the Country and the Residence of the
Vice-roy, is about eighty Leagues distant from _Veracruz_, to the
Westward, the Way to it very bad and ill furnish’d with Provisions.
That Country would be better in some Parts, if the people had the
skill and energy to till it. They sow but little of our Wheat, and are
satisfied with _Indian_ Corn[128] and _Cassabi_ Root, whereof they
make Cakes, as is practis’d in the Islands. Their Trees and Fruits
are the same as in other hot Countries. About the Town of _Veracruz_,
there are Bushes of a Sort of Thorn, without Leaves, among which grows
an extraordinary Plant; for tho’ it has but a small Stem, it shoots
out Leaves of a Cabbage Green, as thick as a Man’s Finger, which grow
out, one at the End of another, in the Shape of a Racket, and the Plant
itself is so call’d. From those Leaves there grows out a Sort of red
Figs, very juicy, with Seeds like those of the Pomgranate; the Juice
is of a Violet Colour, but unsavoury. There is a Sort of Flies that
cleave to it and are so fond of the Taste of the Fruit, that they burst
and drop down dead. They are carefully gather’d and dry’d, and are the
Scarlet Dye, call’d Cochinilla, which is brought into _Europe_, and
makes that beautiful Colour. The Birds and Beasts are much the same
as in other Countries of _America_. There is a Sort of Bird, all red,
which for that Reason is call’d the _Cardinal_; this they often tame
and teach to sing like a _Canary_ Bird. This is what I have been told
concerning the Town of _Veracruz_.
[Sidenote: Havana.]
As for the _Havana_, a Town and Port no less famous, in the Island of
_Cuba_, belonging as well as the other to the Crown of _Spain_, it
stands towards the Western End, and on the North Side of that Island,
almost under the Tropick of _Cancer_, and about four or five hundred
Leagues on this Side of _Veracruz_. It is large and beautiful; the Port
good, secur’d by two Forts on the two Sides, and good artillery, from
twenty four to thirty six Pounds, the Entrance so narrow, that only
one Vessel can go in at once. The Town is encompass’d by a good Wall,
fortify’d with five Bastions, furnish’d with Cannon. The Streets are
all as strait as a Line, and level, the Houses very handsome, but ill
furnish’d. In the Midst of it is a fine Square, the Buildings about
all uniform. The Churches are magnificent, and enrich’d with Gold and
Silver, Lamps, Candlesticks, and Ornaments for the Altars. There are
some Lamps curiously wrought, which weigh two hundred Marks of Silver,
[each Mark being half a Pound.][129] The Revenue of the Bishoprick
amounts to more than fifty thousand Crowns, and he who enjoy’d it in
the Year 1703, as I was inform’d by my Friend, who gave me this Account
of what he had seen, was the greatest Ornament of that City, for his
Virtues and Charity, being satisfy’d with Necessaries, and spending
all the rest upon the Poor, and in repairing decay’d Churches. Tho’
Strangers are prohibited to trade there, yet it is easier carried on
than at _Veracruz_. The Inhabitants are more familiar; the Women have
more Liberty, yet they do not go Abroad without their Veils to wrap and
hide them. Many of them speak _French_, and dress after the _French_
Fashion, and some of our Nation have settled themselves there. When my
Friend was there, a magnificent Festival was celebrated for fifteen
Days successively, in Honour of K. _Philip_ the Fifth, and Monsieur
_du Casse_ being then there, with his Squadron, the City desir’d him
to join with them. To that Purpose, he set ashore five hundred Men,
who perform’d the Martial Exercise in the great Square, which was much
admir’d. The _Havana_ is the Place, where the Galeons meet. By this
word should not be understood ships of extraordinary size; for most of
them are but very inconsiderable craft which _Spanish_ vanity strives
to magnify by a swelling name. But if these ships are not great, their
precious freight is so. For all that, this city, the gateway to the
treasures of the _West Indies_, is full of beggars—but it is by their
own fault, and by their idleness that they are such. Provisions are
dear there, especially Bread; but the Wine is not, tho’ it is good.
Fish and Flesh there, are unsavory. The Inhabitants are _Spaniards_.
We have thought fit to describe those two famous Ports of the Bay of
_Mexico_, as well because it has not been so exactly done before, as in
Regard that the Settlement which is going to be made in _Louisiana_,
may have some Dependance on them; for the _Havana_ lying in the Way,
those who perform the Voyage may have the Conveniency of taking in
Refreshments there, of putting in for Shelter in foul Weather, and of
careening or refitting. As for the _Veracruz_, tho’ farther out of the
Way, the Correspondence there may be advantagious for the Securing of
the Colony of _Louisiana_.
But how can that fail of succeeding, under the Conduct of _Monsieur
Crozat_, who has the Charge of that Enterprize, and whom Providence
seems to have in a Manner ingag’d to advance in Wealth and Honour, to
the Amazement of the World, and yet free from Envy, from Jealousy, and
from any Sort of Complaints. There is therefore no Reason to presage
otherwise than well of the Event of this Affair; the Blessings God has
pour’d down upon all his former Undertakings, seem to be a Security for
what is to follow. There is Reason to hope for still greater Blessings
on this Project of a Settlement in _Louisiana_, as being equally
advantagious to Religion and the State; for the propagating of the
Knowledge and Service of God among an infinite Number of Savages, by
Means of the Missioners, who are to be sent to and maintain’d in those
vast Countries; the Planting of the Faith in that New World, only the
Name whereof is known to us, and the Reducing of it to be a Christian
and a _French_ Province, under the Dominion of our August Monarch,
and to the eternal Memory of his Reign, will be the Consequences and
the Fruits of _Monsieur Crozat_’s Care and Expence, the Glory of his
Enterprize, the Security of the large Fortune he has made in this Life,
and what is rare among such rich Men, the Earnest of much better in the
Next. Heaven grant our Hopes and Wishes may be answer’d.
_I am_, &c.
_The Letters Patent granted by the King of_ France _to M._ Crozat.
_Louis_, by the Grace of God, King of _France_ and _Navarre_: To
all who shall see these present Letters, Greeting. The Care we have
always had to procure the Welfare and Advantage of our Subjects having
induced us, notwithstanding the almost continual Wars which we have
been obliged to support from the Beginning of our Reign, to seek for
all possible Opportunities of enlarging and extending the Trade of
our American Colonies, _We did in the Year 1683 give our orders to
undertake a Discovery of the Countries and Lands which are situated
in the Northern Part of America_, between New France and New Mexico:
_And the Sieur_ de la Sale, _to whom we committed that Enterprize,
having had Success enough to confirm a Belief that a Communication
might be settled_ from New France to the Gulph of Mexico by Means of
large Rivers; _This obliged us immediately after the Peace of_ Ryswick
_to give Orders for the establishing a Colony there, and maintaining
a Garrison which has kept and preserved_ the Possession, we had taken
_in the very Year 1683 of the Lands, Coasts and Islands which are
situated in the Gulph of Mexico, between Carolina on the East, and Old
and New Mexico on the West_. But a new War having broke out in Europe
shortly after, there was no Possibility, till now, of reaping from that
new Colony the Advantages that might have been expected from thence,
because the private Men, who are concerned in the Sea Trade, were all
under Engagements with other Colonies, which they have been obliged to
follow: And whereas upon the Information we have received concerning
the Disposition and Situation of the said Countries known at present by
the Name of the Province of _Louisiana_, we are of Opinion that there
may be established therein a considerable Commerce, so much the more
advantageous to our Kingdom in that there has hitherto been a Necessity
of fetching from Foreigners the greatest Part of the Commodities which
may be brought from thence, and because in Exchange thereof we need
carry thither nothing but Commodities of the Growth and Manufacture of
our own Kingdom; we have resolved to grant the Commerce of the Country
of _Louisiana_ to the _Sieur Anthony Crozat_ our Councellor, Secretary
of the Household, Crown and Revenue, to whom we entrust the Execution
of this Project. We are the more readily inclined hereunto, because his
Zeal and the singular Knowledge he has acquired in maritime Commerce,
encourage us to hope for as good Success as he has hitherto had in the
divers and sundry Enterprizes he has gone upon, and which have procured
to our Kingdom great Quantities of Gold and Silver in such Conjunctures
as have rendered them very welcome to us.
FOR THESE REASONS being desirous to shew our Favour to him, and to
regulate the Conditions upon which we mean to grant him the said
Commerce, after having deliberated this Affair in our Council, Of
our certain Knowledge, full Power and Royal Authority, We by these
Presents, signed by our Hand, have appointed and do appoint the said
_Sieur Crozat solely to carry on a Trade in all the Lands_ possessed
by Us, and bounded by New Mexico, and by the Lands of the English
of Carolina, _all the Establishment, Ports, Havens, Rivers, and
principally the Port and Haven of the Isle_ Dauphine, _heretofore
called_ Massacre; _the River of_ St. Lewis, _heretofore called_
Missisipi, _from the Edge of the Sea as far as the_ Illinois; _together
with the River of_ St. Philip, _heretofore called the_ Missourys, _and
of_ St. Jerome, _heretofore called_ Ovabache, _with all the Countries,
Territories, Lakes within Land, and the Rivers which fall directly or
indirectly into that Part of the River of_ St. Lewis.
The ARTICLES.
I. Our Pleasure is, that all the aforesaid Lands, Countries, Streams,
Rivers and Islands be and remain comprised under the Name of _The
Government of_ Louisiana, _which shall be dependant upon the General
Government of New France_, to which it is subordinate; and further,
that all the Lands which we possess from the _Islinois_ be united, so
far as Occasion requires, to the General Government of _New France_,
and become Part thereof, reserving however to Ourselves the Liberty of
enlarging as We shall think fit the Extent of the Government of the
said Country of _Louisiana_.
II. We grant to the said _Sieur Crozat_ for Fifteen successive Years,
to be reckon’d from the Day of Inrolling these presents, a Right and
Power to transport all Sorts of Goods and Merchandize from _France_
into the said Country of _Louisiana_, and to traffick thither as he
shall think fit. We forbid all and every Person and Persons, Company
and Companies of what Quality or Condition soever, and under any
Pretence whatever, to trade thither, under Penalty of Confiscation of
Goods, Ships, and other more severe Punishments, as Occasion shall
require; for this Purpose we order our Governours and other Officers
commanding our Troops in the said Country forcibly to abet, aid and
assist the Directors and Agents of the said _Sieur Crozat_.
III. We permit him to search for, open and dig all Sorts of Mines,
Veins and Minerals throughout the whole Extent of the said Country of
_Louisiana_, and to transport the Profits thereof into any Port of
_France_ during the said Fifteen Years; and we grant in Perpetuity to
him, his Heirs, and others claiming under him or them, the Property of,
in and to the Mines, Veins and Minerals which he shall bring to bear,
paying us, in Lieu of all Claim, the Fifth Part of the Gold and Silver
which the said _Sieur Crozat_ shall cause to be transported to _France_
at his own Charges into what Port he pleases, (of which Fifth we will
run the Risque of the Sea and of War,) and the Tenth Part of what
Effects he shall draw from the other Mines, Veins and Minerals, which
Tenth he shall transfer and convey to our Magazines in the said Country
of _Louisiana_.
We likewise permit him to search for precious Stones and Pearls, paying
us the Fifth Part in the same Manner as is mention’d for the Gold and
Silver.
We will that the said _Sieur Crozat_, his Heirs, or those claiming
under him or them the perpetual Right, shall forfeit the Propriety
of the said Mines, Veins and Minerals, if they discontinue the Work
during three Years, and that in such Case the said Mines, Veins and
Minerals shall be fully reunited to our Domaine, by Virtue of this
present Article, without the Formality of any Process of Law, but only
an Ordinance of Re-union from the Subdelegate of the Intendant of _New
France_, who shall be in the said Country, nor do we mean that the said
Penalty of Forfeiture in Default of working for three Years, be reputed
a Comminatory Penalty.
IV. The said _Sieur Crozat_ may vend all such Merchandize, Goods,
Wares, Commodities, Arms, and Ammunition as he shall have caused to be
transported into the said Country and Government of _Louisiana_, as
well to the _French_, as _Savages_ who are or shall be there setled;
nor shall any Person or Persons under any Pretence whatsoever be
capable of doing the like without his Leave expressed in Writing.
V. He may purchase in the said Country, all Sorts of Furs, Skins,
Leather, Wool, and other Commodities and Effects of the said Country,
and transport them to _France_ during the said Fifteen Years: And as
our Intention is to favour, as much as we can, our Inhabitants of
_New France_, and to hinder the Lessening of their Trade, we forbid
him Trafficking for Castor in the said Country under any Pretence
whatsoever; nor to Convey any from thence into our Kingdom or Foreign
Countries.
VI. We Grant to the _Sieur Crozat_, his Heirs or those claiming
under him or them, the Property of, in and to all Settlements and
Manufactories which he shall erect or set up in the said Country for
Silk, Indigo, Wooll, Leather, Mines, Veins and Minerals, as likewise
the Property of, in and to the Lands which he shall cause to be
Cultivated, with the Mansions, Mills, and Structures which he shall
cause to be built thereon, taking Grants thereof from Us, which Grants
he shall obtain upon the Verbal Process and Opinion of our Governor
and of the Subdelegate of the Intendant of _New France_ in the said
Country, to be by him Reported unto Us.
We will that the said _Sieur Crozat_, his Heirs, or those claiming
under him or them, shall keep in Repair the said Settlements,
Manufactures, Lands and Mills; and in Default thereof during the Space
of three Years, he and they shall Forfeit the same, and the said
Settlements, Manufactories, Lands and Mills shall be Reunited to our
Domaine fully and amply, and in the same Manner as is mentioned above
in the Third Article concerning the Mines, Veins and Minerals.
VII. Our Edicts, Ordinances and Customs, and the Usages of the
Mayoralty and Shreevalty of _Paris_, shall be observed for Laws and
Customs in the said Country of _Louisiana_.
VIII. The said _Sieur Crozat_ shall be oblig’d to send to the said
Country of _Louisiana_ Two Ships every Year, which he shall cause to
set out in the proper Season, in each of which Ships he shall cause to
be imbark’d, without paying any Freight, 25 Tun of Victuals, Effects
and necessary Ammunition, for the Maintenance of the Garrison and Forts
of the _Louisiana_; and in Case we should cause to be laden above the
said 25 Tun in each Ship, we consent to pay the Freight to the said
_Sieur Crozat_, at the common Merchantile Rates.
He shall be oblig’d to convey our Officers of _Louisiana_ in the Ships
which he shall send thither, and to furnish them with Subsistance and a
Captain’s Table for 30 Sols per Day, which we will cause to be paid for
each.
He shall likewise give Passage in the said Ships, to the Soldiers,
which we shall please to send to the said Country; and we will cause
the necessary Provisions for their Subsistance to be furnish’d to
him, or will pay him for them at the same Price as is paid to the
Purveyor-General of our Marine.
He shall be furthermore oblig’d to send on Board each Ship, which he
shall cause to set out for the said Country, Ten young Men or Women, at
his own Election.
IX. We will cause to be deliver’d out of our Magazines to the said
_Sieur Crozat_, 10000 Weight of Gunpowder every Year, which he shall
pay us for at the Price that it shall cost us, and this for so long
Time as the present Privilege shall last.
X. The Wares and Merchandize which the said _Sieur Crozat_ shall
consign to the said Country of _Louisiana_ shall be exempt from all
Duties of Exportation, laid or to be laid, on Condition, that his
Directors, Deputies or Clerks, shall engage to give within the Space of
a Year, to be reckon’d from the Date thereof, a Certificate of their
Unlading in the said Country of _Louisiana_; under Penalty, in Case
of Contravention, to pay the Quadruple of the Duties, reserving to
our selves the Power of giving him a longer Respite in such Cases and
Occurrences as we shall think proper.
XI. And as for the Goods and Merchandize, which the _Sieur Crozat_
shall cause to be brought from the said Country of _Louisiana_, and
upon his Account, into the Ports of our Kingdom, and shall afterwards
cause to be transported into Foreign Countries, they shall pay no
Duties either of Importation or Exportation, and shall be deposited
in the Custom-House, Warehouses of Ports where they shall arrive,
until they be taken away; and when the Deputies and Clerks of the said
_Sieur Crozat_ shall be minded to cause them to be transported in
Foreign Countries, either by Sea or Land, they shall be oblig’d to give
Security to bring within a certain Time, a Certificate from the last
Office, containing what they Exported there, and another Certificate
of their unlading in Foreign Countries.
XII. In Case the said _Sieur Crozat_ be obliged, for the furtherance of
his Commerce to fetch from Foreign Countries some Goods and Merchandize
of Foreign Manufacture, in order to TRANSPORT them into the said
Country of _Louisiana_. He shall make Us Acquainted therewith, and
lay before Us States thereof; upon which we, if we think fit, will
Grant him our Particular Permission with Exemptions from all Duties of
Importation and Exportation, Provided the said Goods and Merchandize
be Deposited afterwards in our Custom-House Ware-houses until they be
Laden in the Ships of the said _Sieur Crozat_, who shall be obliged
to bring in one Year, to be reckoned from the Day of the Date hereof,
a Certificate of their unlading in the said Country of _Louisiana_,
under Penalty, in Case of Contravention, to pay quadruple the Duties:
Reserving to our selves, in like Manner, the Liberty of granting to the
said _Sieur Crozat_, a longer Respite, if it be necessary.
XIII. The Feluccaes, Canoes, and other Vessels belonging to us, and
which are in the said Country of _Louisiana_, shall serve for loading,
unloading and transporting the Effects of the said _Sieur Crozat_, who
shall be bound to keep them in good Condition, and after the Expiration
of the said Fifteen Years shall restore them, or a like Number of equal
Bulk and Goodness, to our Governor in the said Country.
XIV. If for the Cultures and Plantations which the said _Sieur Crozat_
is minded to make he finds it proper to have Blacks in the said
Country of the _Louisiana_, he may send a Ship every Year to trade for
them directly upon the Coast of _Guinea_, taking Permission from the
_Guinea_ Company so to do, he may sell those Blacks, to the Inhabitants
of the Colony of _Louisiana_; and we forbid all other Companies and
Persons whatsoever, under any Pretence whatsoever, to introduce Blacks
or Traffick for them in the said Country, nor shall the said _Sieur
Crozat_ carry any Blacks else where.
XV. He shall not send any Ships into the said Country of _Louisiana_
but directly from _France_, and he shall Cause the said Ships to Return
thither again; the whole under Pain of Confiscation and Forfeiture of
the Present Priviledge.
XVI. The said _Sieur Crozat_ shall be obliged, after the Expiration
of the first nine Years of this Grant, to Pay the Officers and the
Garrison which shall be in the said Country. During the Six last Years
of the Continuance of this Present Priviledge: The said _Sieur Crozat_
may in that Time propose and nominate the Officers, as Vacancies shall
fall, and such Officers, shall be Confirmed by us, if we approve of
them.
Given at _FONTAINBLEAU_ the Fourteenth Day of September in the Year of
Grace 1712. And of Our Reign the 70th.
SIGNED _LOUIS_
By the KING
_PHELIPEAUX_, &c.
Registered at _PARIS_ in the Parliament, the Four and Twentieth of
September, 1712.
_Discovery of the Mississippi._
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT OF THE TRAVELS OF NICOLET, ALLOÜEZ,
MARQUETTE, HENNEPIN, AND LA SALLE IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY.
The pioneer of French travellers to the country west of the great
lakes, and the first white man who is reputed to have reached a
northern tributary of the Mississippi, was Jean Nicolet, who in 1634,
or thereabouts, made treaties with the Indians at Green Bay, and
ascended Fox River.
The “Relation de ce qui s’est passé en la Nouvelle France, 1640,”
Paris, 1641, gives the earliest indication of this voyage, and a
summary description is given in the Relation of 1642–43. These reports
are reprinted in the “Relation des Jésuites,” vol. i., Québec, 1858.
Margry’s “Découvertes et établissements des Français,” vol. i., pp.
47–53, contains the portions of the above which refer to Nicolet,
and a translation of the account in the Relation of 1640 is printed
in Smith’s “History of Wisconsin,” vol. iii. Du Creux’s “Historia
Canadensis,” Paris, 1664, gives the first connected history of the life
and exploits of this explorer. A translation of Du Creux’s narrative is
appended to Butterfield’s “History and Discovery of the Northwest, by
John Nicolet,” Cincinnati, 1881.
Shea states, in his “Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi,”
that Nicolet descended the Wisconsin to the Mississippi. This opinion
was adopted by Parkman in his “Jesuits in North America,” p. 166, but
his later judgment is given in the “Discovery of the Great West.” A
more careful examination of the evidence demonstrates the improbability
that his travels extended farther than the Wisconsin, and in the
opinion of Butterfield, the latest writer upon this voyage, he did not
reach that river, but stopped at the country of the Mascoutins upon Fox
River.
Benjamin Sulté, a Canadian historical writer, in writing upon Nicolet,
in his “Mélanges d’Histoire et de Littérature,” Ottawa, 1876, shows,
for the first time, that this journey was probably made in 1634,
instead of 1638 or 1639, as before thought.
Sulté’s article with notes by L. C. Draper, is printed in the
“Wisconsin Historical Society Collections,” vol. viii., pp. 188–194;
also in the “Canadian Antiquarian,” vol. viii., pp. 157–164.
Butterfield, who has carefully investigated the records, agrees with
Sulté in assigning 1634 as the true date, and brings out additional,
if not conclusive evidence to support this theory, in his monograph
cited above. Margry, in the “Journal de l’Instruction publique,” 1862,
under the caption, “Les Normands dans les Vallées de l’Ohio et du
Mississipi,” describes Nicolet’s travels and Gravier’s “Découvertes et
établissements de la Salle;” Harrisse’s “Notes pour servir à l’Histoire
[etc.] de la Nouvelle France,” and Parkman’s “La Salle,” also give some
account of the expedition.
In 1642 Jogues and Raymbault, two missionaries, penetrated as far west
as Sault Ste. Marie, at the outlet of Lake Superior. See account of
this mission in the Jesuit Relation of 1642. Margry’s Collection, vol.
i., pp. 45–47, contains a reprint of the narrative of this journey. See
also Shea’s Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 137, for notice of the undertaking.
The next recorded visit to the West is that of two French traders,
who wintered upon the shores of Lake Superior in 1658. See the Jesuit
Relation of 1659–60, and the extract in Margry’s Collection, vol. i.,
pp. 53–55, and translation in Smith’s Wisconsin, vol. iii., p. 20.
Father Ménard began a mission at St. Theresa Bay, Lake Superior, in
1661. See Lallemant’s letter in the Relation of 1662–63. A translation
of this letter is in Smith’s Wisconsin, vol. iii. See also Perrot’s
“Mémoire sur les mœurs des sauvages,” Paris, 1864; Shea’s Charlevoix,
vol. i., p. 49, and a note by Shea in _Historical Magazine_, vol.
viii., p. 175. Ménard’s letter, written just before his departure
for Lake Superior, with notes by E. D. Neill, may be found in the
“Minnesota Historical Society Collections,” vol. i., pp. 135–138.
In 1665, Claude Alloüez, another missionary, began a mission at
Chegoimegon, Lake Superior. See the journal of his travels in Le
Mercier’s Relation of 1666–67, a translation of which is in Smith’s
Wisconsin, vol. iii. Marquette took charge of this mission in 1669, and
Alloüez went to the Baie des Puantes (Green Bay), and in 1670 made a
visit to the Mascoutins on Fox River. Harrisse thinks he crossed to the
Wisconsin at this time. In reporting his operations, Alloüez describes
the “Messi-sipi” from information given by the Indians. See Dablon’s
Relation of 1669–70, p. 100. Translation in Smith’s “Wisconsin,” vol.
iii.
Alloüez spent many years among the Indians upon Green Bay, and in the
Illinois country. See the Jesuit Relations covering the years 1669–79.
The full titles of these Relations are given in chronological order
in Harrisse’s “Notes pour servir à l’Histoire [etc.] de la Nouvelle
France.” Dr. Shea printed in the Cramoisy series the abridged Relations
for 1672–79, and Martin’s “Mission du Canada” prints them for the
first time in full. Shea gives a life of Alloüez in his “Discovery and
Exploration of the Mississippi.” See also notes upon him in Margry’s
Découvertes, etc., vol. i., pp. 57–72; also in Bancroft, in Shea’s
Charlevoix, vol. iii., and in Shea’s “Catholic Missions in the United
States.” Gravier and Parkman also give some account of his travels.
In June, 1671, St. Lusson, in the presence of a large number of
Indians, took possession of the country on the lakes in the name of
France. The “Procès verbal” of the ceremony is in Margry, vol. i., pp.
96 _et seq._
Perrot, a noted Canadian _voyageur_, in 1670–71 travelled along the
shores of Green Bay. Perrot’s journal, which records the daily events
of his life among the Indians from 1665 to 1726, was edited for the
first time at Paris, in 1864, by Father Tailhan. It is entitled
“Mémoires sur les mœurs et coustumes et relligion [sic] des sauvages de
l’Amérique septentrionale.” Tailhan’s notes add value to the work. See
regarding Perrot, Shea’s Charlevoix, vol. iii., p. 165, and _Historical
Magazine_, vol. ix., p. 205.
A description of the geography of the country as known previous to
the exploration of the Mississippi by Joliet and Marquette is given
by Dablon in the “Relation de la Nouvelle France, les années 1670 et
1671,” Paris, 1672. See the Quebec reprint in “Relation des Jésuites,”
vol. iii. The Relation, as printed in 1672, gave a map of the great
lakes; for a description of which see Parkman’s “La Salle,” p. 450.
In 1673 Jacques Marquette and Louis Joliet navigated the Mississippi
in canoes to the Arkansas. Father Marquette’s narrative of the voyage,
in an imperfect form, was published by Thevenot in his “Recueil de
Voyages,” Paris, 1681. Thevenot also published it as an independent
work, with the title, “Voyage et découverte de quelques pays et
nations de l’Amérique septentrionale.” In this latter shape it was
reproduced by Rich, at Paris, in 1845. The map accompanying this
version, and which is inserted in fac-simile in Bancroft, is said not
to be by Marquette. The authentic map was first published in Shea’s
“Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi,” where the two maps are
compared. The Thevenot text appears translated in French’s “Historical
Collections of Louisiana,” pt. 2, pp. 279–297, and Spark’s “Life of
Marquette,” in the “Library of American Biography,” vol. x., is, in a
measure, a translation of it.
Marquette’s complete journal, prepared for publication, in 1678,
by Claude Dablon, Superior of the Canadian Missions, remained
inedited until Shea published it in his “Discovery and Exploration
of the Mississippi,” New York, 1853, giving the original text and
a translation. This version, known as the _Ste. Marie_ text, was
reprinted in 1855, with important annotations, by Shea, under the
title, “Récit des voyages et des découvertes du R. P. J. Marquette,
en l’année 1673, et aux suivantes; la continuation de ses voyages
par C. Alloüez, et le journal autographe, du P. Marquette en 1674 et
1675.” [Albanie: Imprimerie de Weed, Parsons et Cie.] 1855 (10), 169
(2), pp. Map, 12mo. Martin’s “Mission du Canada, Relations inédites
(1672–1679),” vol. ii., contains a modified version of the _Ste. Marie_
text. Hennepin’s spurious “New Discovery,” London, 1698 and 1699, has,
as an appendix, a poor translation of the Thevenot production.
Joliet, while on his way to Montreal to report his discoveries, lost
his memoranda and maps. He was enabled, however, to draw up a brief
recital from memory, which, with a map, he presented to Frontenac in
1674.
Two versions of this narrative are printed in Margry’s Collection, vol.
i., pp. 259–270. Dablon despatched to his Superior at Paris an account
derived from Joliet’s verbal testimony, which may be found printed in
Martin’s “Mission du Canada,” vol. i., pp. 193–204. A translation is
given in the _Historical Magazine_, vol. v., pp. 237–239. A letter
sent by Joliet from Quebec, October 10, 1674, briefly recounts his
late adventures. It may be found in Harrisse’s “Notes pour servir à
l’Histoire [etc.] de la Nouvelle France,” pp. 322 and 323. A narrative
based upon Joliet’s report is appended to Hennepin’s “New Discovery,”
London, 1698.
Joliet made several maps, showing his discoveries, only one of which
has been edited. Gravier’s “Étude sur une carte inconnue, la première
dressée par L. Joliet en 1674,” contains a fac-simile of the map in
question. A letter from the discoverer to Frontenac is inscribed upon
it. Gravier considers this map, apparently with good reason, to be the
earliest representation of the course of the Mississippi from personal
knowledge.
Frontenac’s letter announcing the successful result of Joliet’s mission
is printed in Margry, vol. i., p. 257, and a translation is inserted in
the “New York Colonial Documents,” vol. ix., p. 116. See the following
for notices of Joliet: Faillon’s “Histoire de la Colonie française en
Canada,” vol. iii.; Ferland’s “Notes sur les régistres de Notre-Dame;”
Margry’s articles in the _Revue Canadienne_, December, 1871, January,
March, 1872. French’s Historical Collections, second series, has a
brief biography. The works hereafter cited upon the history of the
discovery of the Mississippi necessarily include a history of the
Marquette-Joliet expedition.
We now come to La Salle, Hennepin, and Tonty, 1669–87. Margry’s
“Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l’Ouest et dans le sud
de l’Amérique septentrionale, 1614–1698,” Paris, 1879–81, contains the
documents which the editor collected in the archives of France. This
work now comprises four large octavo volumes, three of which are mainly
devoted to documents upon La Salle’s explorations. The contents of
these three volumes are arranged under the following heads: 1re partie,
“Voyages des Français sur les grands lacs et Découverte de l’Ohio et du
Mississipi (1614–1684);” 2me partie, “Lettres de La Salle;” 3me partie,
“Recherche des bouches du Mississipi (1669–1698).” The more important
of these papers are indicated hereafter in their chronological order.
The fourth volume of this collection embraces the documents relating to
D’Iberville’s colony, at the mouth of the Mississippi, 1698–1703.
In 1669 La Salle, accompanied by Dollier and Gallinée, set out from
Montreal to discover the Mississippi. They proceeded in company
to the western extremity of Lake Ontario. At this place La Salle,
professing illness, parted from the missionaries, ostensibly to
return to Montreal. Dollier and Gallinée continued their journey
along the northern shores of Lake Erie, thus taking a course hitherto
untravelled, and reached Sault Ste. Marie in May, 1670, having spent
the winter on the shores of Lake Erie. Gallinée’s journal, entitled
“Récit de ce qui s’est passé de plus rémarquable dans le voyage de MM.
Dollier et Gallinée,” is printed in Margry, vol. i., pp. 112–166. The
Abbé Faillon, who first discovered the records of this journey, gives
a synopsis of Gallinée’s recital, with a fac-simile of his map, in the
third volume of his “Histoire de la Colonie française en Canada.”
O. M. Marshall’s pamphlet, entitled “The First Visit of La Salle to
the Senecas,” Buffalo, 1874, contains a textual translation of this
document. The Société historique, of Montreal, published in 1875 an
edition of this journal, with notes by the Abbé Verreau. Margry prints
in his collection, vol. i., pp. 342–402, a narrative which he calls
“Récital d’un ami de l’Abbé de Gallinée.” This purports to be notes,
taken by the writer, who Margry thinks was the Abbé Renaudot, of
conversations had with La Salle at Paris in 1678, in which he recounted
his adventures in Canada from 1667 to 1678. In it is stated that after
leaving Dollier and Gallinée, instead of going to Montreal, La Salle
kept on until he reached the Ohio, and later went to the Mississippi
by way of the Illinois. Parkman prints extracts from this paper in
his “Discovery of the Great West,” but does not credit it wholly; he,
however, admits that La Salle discovered the Ohio, and most likely the
Illinois. It is upon this document, that Margry bases his claim that La
Salle was the first to reach the Mississippi.
The following writers take issue with Margry: Brucker, “J. Marquette
et la Découverte du Mississipi,” Lyon, 1880, and in the “Études
religieuses,” vol. v.; Harrisse, in “Notes pour servir à l’Histoire
[etc.] de la Nouvelle France,” Paris, 1872; in an article entitled
“Histoire critique de la Découverte du Mississipi,” in the _Revue
maritime et coloniale_, vol. xxxii, pp. 642–663.
Shea, in whom Margry finds perhaps his most strenuous opponent,
discusses the question in an address read on the bi-centennial of
Marquette’s voyage, published in the “Wisconsin Historical Society
Collections,” vol. vii., pp. 111–122. He has, however, published a
pamphlet, in which he examines the matter more in detail, entitled “The
Bursting of P. Margry’s La Salle Bubble,” New York, 1879. Tailhan, in
notes to Perrot, and the Abbé Verreau in his edition of Gallinée’s
journal, also refute Margry. Colonel Whittlesey’s tract, forming No.
38 of the Western Reserve Historical Society’s publications, entitled
“Discovery of the Ohio by La Salle, 1669–70,” is an inquiry upon the
subject. Margry presents his arguments in full, in articles upon “Les
Normands dans les vallées de l’Ohio et du Mississippi,” published
in the _Journal géneral de l’Instruction publique_, Paris, 1862.
See also a paper by him in the _Revue maritime et coloniale_, vol.
xxxiii., pp. 555–559; his pamphlet, “La Priorité de La Salle sur le
Mississipi,” Paris, 1873; a letter in the _American Antiquary_, vol.
i., pp. 206–209, Chicago, 1880, and in remarks in the preface to his
“Découvertes et établissements des Français,” vol. i.
Gravier in his “Découvertes de La Salle,” Paris, 1870, in the “Compte
rendu of the Congrès des Américanistes,” 1877, pt. i., pp. 237–312, and
in _The Magazine of American History_, vol. viii., p. 305, supports the
Margry theory.
In August, 1679, La Salle having completed his arrangements and
obtained letters patent from the king for another attempt upon the
Mississippi, set sail in the Griffon, upon Lake Erie, and arrived at
Michilimackinac about two weeks later. The Illinois was reached in
January, 1680, but owing to adverse circumstances, La Salle being
compelled, for want of supplies and other causes, to make twice the
journey between the Illinois and Canada, the exploration of the
Mississippi was not accomplished until April, 1682. The adventures of
La Salle’s party upon the great lakes and in the Illinois country,
previous to the voyage down the Mississippi in 1682, are recounted with
minute detail in the “Relation des Descouvertes et des Voyages du Sieur
de La Salle, 1679–81,” printed in Margry’s Collection, vol. i., pp.
435–594.
Margry considers this paper to be the official report drawn up by the
Abbé Bernou from La Salle’s letters. The account of the journey to Fort
Crevecœur in 1679–80, given in this narrative, is nearly identical
with the description of the same voyage in Hennepin’s “Description de
la Louisiane.” For this reason Margry charges Hennepin with plagiary,
which calls out a defence of the latter by Shea, in his edition of
Hennepin’s “Louisiana,” where the two narratives are compared. Membré’s
journal in Le Clercq’s “Premier Établissement de la Foy,” Paris, 1691,
which is reproduced in English in Shea’s “Discovery and Exploration
of the Mississippi,” and Tonty’s Memoirs, which will be more fully
described farther on, also report this stage of the explorations.
Hennepin’s spurious “Nouvelle Découverte” also contains an account,
which does not differ materially from that given in the “Description de
la Louisiane.”
Mathieu Sâgean, who claimed to have been with La Salle in 1679–80,
dictated from memory, in 1701, a report of his adventures in Canada.
See Parkman’s La Salle, p. 658, concerning Sâgean’s pretensions. Shea
published Sâgean’s narrative in 1863, with the title, “Extrait de la
Relation des avantures et voyage de M. Sâgean.”
In February, 1680, Hennepin, by La Salle’s orders, set out from Fort
Crevecœur for the upper Mississippi. He ascended that river to the
Sioux country, and discovered St. Anthony’s Falls. Hennepin’s first
work, “Description de la Louisiane,” Paris, 1683, relates the events
of this expedition, and also gives an account of La Salle’s journey
from Canada to the Illinois in 1679–80. Shea gives in his “Discovery
and Exploration of the Mississippi” the portion of this work relating
the voyage to the upper Mississippi. Hennepin’s works are held in
disrepute, owing to undoubted plagiarisms and falsifications which
characterize some of them. Shea, however, shows in the preface to
his edition of the “Description of Louisiana,” New York, 1880, that
this charge applies only to the “Nouvelle Découverte” and “Nouveau
Voyage,” and other works made up from these two last, and that they
were probably published without Hennepin’s sanction. Parkman agrees
with Shea in considering the “Description de la Louisiane” to be an
authentic work.
For criticisms upon Hennepin, see Sparks’ “La Salle;” Parkman’s
“Discovery of the Great West;” Harrisse’s “Notes pour servir à
l’Histoire [etc.] de la Nouvelle France,” p. 145; and the preface to
Margry’s Découvertes, etc. Shea’s early judgment upon Hennepin, which
he has modified as indicated above, is given in his “Discovery and
Exploration of the Mississippi.” E. D. Neill, in a pamphlet entitled
“The Writings of L. Hennepin,” lately published by the Minnesota
Historical Society, dissents from Shea’s exculpation of Hennepin, and
declares that no evidence has been produced to clear him from the
charge of plagiary.
The bi-centenary of Hennepin’s discovery of St. Anthony’s Falls was
celebrated by the Minnesota Historical Society in 1880, and the
proceedings on the occasion will be reported in the next volume of its
collections. The account of a pretended voyage by Hennepin down the
Mississippi, taken from the spurious “New Discovery,” London, 1698, is
inserted in “French’s Historical Collections,” part i., pp. 195–222;
also in volume one of the “Archæologia Americana,” published by the
American Antiquarian Society. The latter work also contains an account
of La Salle’s last voyage, taken from the same unreliable source.
Shea’s edition of Hennepin’s “Louisiana” contains a bibliography of
the numerous memoirs, issued under Hennepin’s name, where also may be
found a translation of La Salle’s letter of August, 1682, reporting
the voyage on the upper Mississippi. Du L’hut, who, in 1679, visited
the Sioux near Lake Superior, and later descended the St. Croix to the
Mississippi and rescued Hennepin from the Sioux, gives an account of
his adventures in a “Mémoire sur la Découverte du pays des Nadouecioux
dans le Canada,” which is printed in Harrisse’s Notes, pp. 177–181, and
translated in Shea’s Hennepin.
The “Procès verbal de prise de possession de la Louisiane, à
l’embouchure de la mer ou Golphe du Mexique, 9 avril, 1682,” in Margry,
vol. ii., pp. 186–193, gives the principal incidents of the voyage down
the Mississippi from the Illinois. This document may also be found in
Gravier’s “La Salle,” and in English in Sparks’ “Life of La Salle,”
also in French’s “Historical Collections,” part i., and with the title,
“Narrative of the Expedition of La Salle to explore the (Mississippi)
Colbert River, in 1682,” in French’s Historical Collections, second
series, pp. 17–27, New York, 1875.
La Salle’s letter, written at the junction of the Missouri and
Mississippi Rivers, printed in Margry, vol. ii., pp. 164–180, a
translation of which is given in _The Magazine of American History_,
vol. ii., pp. 619–622, describes the journey to the Missouri.
The procès verbal of the act of taking possession at the Arkansas,
March 13 and 14, 1682, in Margry, vol. ii., p. 181, reports another
stage of the voyage. Membré’s journal of the entire expedition, first
printed in Le Clercq’s “Établissement de la Foy,” Paris, 1691, is
reproduced in English in Shea’s “Discovery of the Mississippi.” Shea
has lately brought out an English translation of Le Clercq under
the title, “First Establishment of the Faith in New France,” New
York, 1881, two vols. 8vo. He there compares Membré’s narrative with
Hennepin’s “Nouvelle Découverte” and “Nouveau Voyage,” and also points
out the variations between it and the account published by Thomassy in
his “Géologie pratique de la Louisiane.”
Thomassy’s document is entitled, “Relation de la Découverte de
l’embouchure de la Rivière Mississipi.” Parkman considers it to be the
“official report of the discovery made by La Salle, or perhaps for him
by Membré,” and says that the Le Clercq narrative is based upon it.
To which Shea replies, that it “seems strange to assume that the fuller
document given by Le Clercq must be drawn from a shorter form.”
The two documents are essentially identical, and afford trustworthy
data upon the voyage.
According to Boimare, a manuscript copy of Membré’s journal exists in
the library at Baton Rouge, Louisiana.
Henri de Tonty, who was with La Salle from 1678–83, reports the
explorations during that time, in a memoir written at Quebec in
1684, which is published for the first time in Margry, vol. i., pp.
571–616. Another narrative by him, entitled “Mémoire envoyé en 1693
sur la Découverte du Mississipi, par de La Salle en 1678, et depuis sa
mort par le sieur de Tonty,” is printed in its integrity in Margry’s
“Relations et Mémoires inédits,” pp. 1–36, Paris, 1867. A translation
of it is included in French’s “Historical Collections,” part i., pp.
52–83, and also in Falconer’s “Mississippi,” London, 1844. These two
memoirs formed the basis of the work published under Tonty’s name, but
which he disavowed, entitled “Dernieres découvertes dans l’Amérique
septentrionale de M. de La Salle,” Paris, 1697.
This work was reproduced under the title of “Relation de la Louisianne”
in Bernard’s “Recueil de voyages au Nord,” Amsterdam, 1720 and 1724.
An English translation was published at London in 1698, with the title,
“An Account of La Salle’s Last Expedition and Discoveries,” and is
reproduced in part in the New York Historical Society Collections, vol.
ii., pp. 217–341.
Parkman says that the “Dernieres découvertes” is “a compilation full of
errors.”
Margry prints in vol. i., pp. 547–570, of his Collection, a memoir
entitled “Récit de la descouverte que M. de La Salle a faite de la
rivière de Mississipi en 1682.” The author of the paper was Nicolas
de La Salle, who wrote it in 1699, at the request of the French
authorities, to serve as a guide to D’Iberville in his search for the
Mississippi. Margry says that the writer bore no relationship to the
discoverer.
La Salle’s memorial of 1684, proposing an expedition to the Gulf of
Mexico, printed in Margry, vol. iii., pp. 17–30, and in French’s
“Historical Collections,” part i., pp. 37–44, also in the second series
of French’s publication, and in Falconer’s “Mississippi,” briefly
indicates his discoveries up to that time.
The French documents, collected by Brodhead in the archives of the
Departments of Marine and of War, and printed in the ninth volume of
the “Documents relative to the Colonial History of New York,” Albany,
1855, include official correspondence which reports the movements of
the explorers from time to time.
Shea promises an edition of a journal by Peñalossa, which will show the
mercenary motives which inspired La Salle. Margry prints some documents
concerning Peñalossa’s propositions to lead a party of buccaneers from
St. Domingo to unite with La Salle in an attack on the Spanish mines in
New Mexico.
LA SALLE’S VOYAGE TO THE GULF OF MEXICO AND ATTEMPT TO DISCOVER THE
MISSISSIPPI—1684–87
In 1683 La Salle returned to France and presented, in two memorials to
the king, propositions for an expedition to colonize the Mississippi,
and take possession of the Spanish mines in New Mexico. The first
memorial, which gives a brief account of his previous achievements,
is in Margry’s Collection, vol. iii., pp. 17–30. A translation is in
French’s “Historical Collections,” part i., pp. 37–44; also in the
second series, pp. 1–15, of the same publication, and in Falconer’s
“Mississippi.” The second, which defines his schemes at greater length,
is printed in Margry, vol. ii., pp. 359–369; in English, in French’s
“Historical Collections,” part i., pp. 25–34. The accessory official
documents relating to various features and stages of the expedition
are included in the second and third volumes of Margry’s Collection.
We have two narratives by members of this expedition, which relate its
history from the time of departure from France down to and after the
death of La Salle. The first to appear in print was Douay’s, which
was published by Le Clercq in his “Premier Établissement de la Foy,”
Paris, 1691. Shea printed a translation of it in the “Discovery and
Exploration of the Mississippi,” New York, 1853.[130] A comparison of
Douay’s journal with Joutel’s narrative is made by Shea in his edition
of Le Clercq, published at New York in 1881.
Joutel, who seems to have been next in command to La Salle, kept a
journal, which is published for the first time in its integrity in
Margry’s Collection, vol. iii., pp. 89–534. An abridged and modified
version of this narrative was published at Paris in 1713, under the
title, “Journal historique due dernier Voyage que feu M. de La Salle,
fit dans le Golfe du Mexique.” Joutel complained that changes were
made by the editor in retouching the work for publication. The text
published by Margry is much fuller than the printed edition. An English
translation of the Paris production, under the title, “Journal of the
Last Voyage performed by M. de La Salle,” etc., was published at London
in 1714, and in 1719 another edition was brought out as “Joutel’s
Journal of his Voyage to Mexico and Canada.” An edition in Spanish was
published at New York in 1831, with the title, “Dario histórico del
último Viaje que M. de la Salle hijo para descubrir el desembocadero
y curso del Mississipi.” Charlevoix says that Joutel was the most
reliable of La Salle’s followers, and Parkman thinks that he “gives the
impression of sense, intelligence, and candor throughout,” while Douay,
in the latter’s opinion, did not always write honestly. Jean Cavelier,
an older brother of La Salle’s, who, after the latter’s assassination,
escaped to Canada in company with Joutel and Douay, is said to have
drawn up a report of the expedition for M. de Seignelay, the Minister
of Marine.
Parkman possesses a manuscript which he says is a portion of the first
draft of this report. Dr. Shea edited Parkman’s document under the
title, “Relation du voyage entrepris par feu M. Robert Cavelier, sieur
de La Salle, pour découvrir dans le golfe du Mexique, l’embouchure du
fleuve de Missisipy. Par son frère, M. Cavelier” A Manate [N. Y.] 1858,
54 pp. 16mo, and printed a translation in his collection of “Early
Voyages up and down the Mississippi,” Albany, 1861.[131]
Margry gives in his Collection, vol. ii., pp. 501–509, a portion of
a journal kept by Cavelier. Both these narratives from Cavalier’s
pen are very imperfect, the former failing for the latter part of
the expedition, and the journal stops before the landing in Texas.
La Salle’s assassination, which took place in 1687, was witnessed by
Douay, who gives an account in his journal. Joutel relates the event
from the testimony of eye-witnesses, and Tonty states what he learned
from the survivors of La Salle’s party. See also “Relation de la mort
du Sr. de La Salle, suivant le rapport d’un nommé Couture à qui M.
Cavelier l’apprit en passant aux Akansas,” in Margry, vol. iii., pp.
601–606.
A letter written by La Salle, March 4, 1685, erroneously dated at the
mouth of the Mississippi, is in Margry, vol. ii., pp. 559–563, and a
translation is appended to Shea’s “Early Voyages.” The “Procès verbal
fait par La Salle avant de conduire son frère au Mississipi, 18. avril
1686,” in Margry, vol. iii., pp. 535–549. relates La Salle’s operations
in Texas, including his first two journeys from the Texas colony to
find the Mississippi by land.
The Spaniards, in 1689, visited the site of La Salle’s colony, and made
prisoners of the survivors whom they found among the Indians. Two of
these captives escaped to France, and their testimony in regard to the
fate of the colony is given in Margry, vol. iii., pp. 610–621.
Parkman cites the official journal of this Spanish expedition, which is
inedited. It is entitled “Derrotero de la jornada que hizo el General
Alonzo de Leon para el descubrimiento de la Bahia del Espíritù Santo,
y problacion de Franceses.” Buckingham Smith’s “Colleccion de varios
documentos para la historia de la Florida,” pp. 25–28, contains a
narrative by a member of the Spanish company, entitled “Carta en que
se da noticia de un viaje hecho á la Bahia de Espíritù Santo, y de
la poblacion que tenian ah los Franceses,” which is also inserted in
French’s “Historical Collections,” second series, pp. 293–295. Barcia,
in his “Ensayo chronológico para la historia general de la Florida,”
Madrid, 1723, gives an account, from an unknown source, which is
translated in Shea’s “Discovery of the Mississippi.”
This closes the list of principal contemporary narratives of the first
explorations by the French of western territory. Margry’s Collection
contains many documents of minor interest, but important, which have
not been noted. A journal by Minet, the engineer who returned to France
with Beaujeu in 1686, in Margry, vol. II, pp. 589–601, and Tonty’s
“Lettres sur ce qu’il a appris de La Salle, le voyage qu’il a fait pour
l’aller chercher,” 1686–1689, in Margry, vol. iii., pp. 551–564, must,
however, be mentioned.
SECONDARY AUTHORITIES.
Charlevoix’s “Histoire et Description générale de la Nouvelle France,”
Paris, 1744, is the first historical work of value to treat of the
early explorations. Charlevoix was familiar with the country traversed
by Marquette and La Salle, having, in 1721, followed the latter’s route
to the Mississippi. Shea published at New York, in 1866–67, an English
translation of this work, and in the notes which he added, embodied the
results of his extensive studies upon the early history of America,
showing the latest knowledge possessed of the first travellers.
In 1844 Sparks issued his “Life of La Salle,” for the materials of
which he depended upon the printed narratives of Hennepin, Joutel,
Tonty, and the recitals in Le Clercq’s “Premier Établissement,” etc.,
being unable to obtain any of the MSS. which are now accessible.
Sparks’ “Life of Marquette” appeared in 1845, and soon after
Falconer’s work “On the Discovery of the Mississippi,” which contained
translations of important MSS., was published at London.
In 1853, Shea’s valuable “Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi”
was brought out at New York.[132] The contents of this work have been
perhaps sufficiently indicated in the notices of contemporary journals,
which are reproduced in it. In 1860 Thomassy published “Géologie
pratique de la Louisiane,” in which he presented some important
inedited documents. This writer contemplated writing a history of
La Salle’s exploits from the MSS. in the French archives, and, as
a preliminary, issued in separate form the documents which he had
collected, under the title, “De La Salle et ses relations inédites,”
Paris, 1860. In 1869 Parkman published the first edition of his
“Discovery of the Great West,” forming the third volume of the series
of historical narratives upon “France and England in North America.”
In the latest edition, published in 1879, the title was changed to “La
Salle and the Discovery of the Great West.” In the writing of the later
edition the author had the use of additional documentary material,
since printed by Margry, which caused a revision of some portion of
the work. Gravier’s “Découvertes [etc.] de La Salle,” Paris, 1870, and
the supplementary monograph published by him in 1871, add little that
is not in Parkman’s work. The later publication corrects some errors
and deficiencies in the first. Dr. Shea’s contributions to the history
of the first explorations of the West, beside his “Discovery of the
Mississippi,” New York, 1853, consist mainly of notes to the many
important original narratives which he has edited, notably those of
Hennepin, Le Clercq, and Charlevoix.
The following works contain among the first travellers, accounts of the
country traversed by Marquette, Hennepin, and La Salle:
La Hontan, who travelled in 1689 and subsequent years, wrote “Nouveaux
Voyages,” Paris, 1703. This work passed through several editions.
Although adventures related by La Hontan are in many cases imaginary,
yet, says Parkman, he “had seen much, and portions of his story have a
substantial value.” J. Gravier, in 1700, went from the Illinois country
to D’Iberville’s colony in Louisiana. See “Relation de Voyage en 1700
depuis le Ilinois jusqu’à l’embouchure du Mississipi,” New York, 1859
(_Shea’s Cramoisy Press_). The “Relation de la Mississipi en 1700, par
MM. de Montigny, De St. Cosme et Thaumur de la Source,” New York, 1861
(_Shea’s Cramoisy Press_), narrates the experiences of a party of the
missionaries under the guidance of Tonty. An extract from Gravier is
given in French’s Historical Collections, second series, pp. 79–93. St.
Cosme’s and Gravier’s narratives are also included in Shea’s collection
of “Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi,” Albany, 1861, where
also may be found Le Seuer’s journal of a voyage from Louisiana to the
Sioux country in 1699–1700. An extract from Le Seuer is given in La
Harpe’s “Journal Historique,” Paris, 1831, and in French’s Historical
Collections, pt. 3. A journal by Pénicaut, who accompanied Le Seuer, is
included in his “Annals of Louisiana, from 1698 to 1722,” in French’s
Historical Collections, new series, pp. 33–162, New York, 1869. The
memoirs of D’Iberville’s expedition to the Mississippi, in 1699–1700,
contain descriptions of the lower Mississippi and throw light upon La
Salle’s movements in that region. The principal documents concerning
D’Iberville’s enterprises are printed in the fourth volume of Margry. A
brief report by D’Iberville of his voyage on the Mississippi in 1699,
is printed in French’s Historical Collection, second series, pp. 19–31.
An anonymous narrative entitled, “Historical Journal; or, Narrative of
the Expedition under D’Iberville, to explore the Colbert (Mississippi)
River, 1698–99,” is published in French’s Historical Collection, second
series, pp. 29–119. Both of these papers are included in Margry’s
collection, volume iv. Sauvole was a member of D’Iberville’s company;
see his “Journal Historique” in French’s Historical Collections, pt. 3,
pp. 223–240.
Father Marest’s letter on his mission at the Illinois, dated 1712,
published in the “Lettres édifiantes,” vol. ii., and reprinted in Kip’s
“Early Jesuit Missions,” pp. 191–227, New York, 1846, describes the
scenes of his labors.
In 1721, Charlevoix, the historian, made a journey from Canada across
the lakes to the Illinois, and thence down the Mississippi to the Gulf
of Mexico. He was requested by the King of France, to write an account
of his travels. The descriptions of the country published in vol. iii.
of his “Histoire et Description générale de la Nouvelle France,” Paris,
1744, afford perhaps the best views of the primitive West which we have.
The English editions of his travels are entitled “Journal of a Voyage
to North America,” London, 1761, and “Letters to the Duchess of
Lesdiguières,” London, 1763. See also French’s Historical Collection,
pt. 3, pp. 119–196, where his journal is reprinted from the English
editions.
On reaching the subject of _Maps_, we find that Harrisse’s Notes
sur-la Nouvelle France contains a section upon the “Cartographie de la
Nouvelle France, depuis la découverte jusqu’en 1700,” which affords an
extensive list of published and inedited maps.
Parkman gives a descriptive account of “Early unpublished maps of the
Mississippi and the great lakes,” in the appendix to his “Discovery
of the Great West.” Thomassy’s “Géol. pr. de la Louisiane,” has an
appendix upon the “Cartographie de la ancienne Louisiane, 1544–1858.”
Baldwin’s “Early maps of Ohio and the West,” Cleveland, 1875, and
Peet’s article, “The discovery of the Ohio, Early maps,” in Amer.
Antiquarian, vol. I., pp. 21–35, Cleveland, 1878, are useful studies
of some early maps in the possession of Western historical societies.
Hurlbut’s “Chicago Antiquities,” Chicago, 1881, contains a chapter upon
the first maps representing that place.
The following printed works contain some of the more important edited
maps, bearing date in the original previous to 1700: Champlain’s
“Voyages,” Paris, 1632, is accompanied by a map upon which Lake
Superior is shown, and a “grande rivière qui vient du midy” is
represented as flowing into the lake from the south. This map, which is
reproduced in the later editions of Champlain, is of little value in a
geographical sense for the western country. A map of “Nouvelle France,”
showing the great lakes, is in Sanson d’Abbeville’s “L’Amérique en
plusieurs cartes,” Paris, 1656. Du Creux’s “Historia Canadensis.”
Parisiis, 1664, contains a map dated 1660, which shows the outlines
of the great lakes. Bressani’s “Relation abrégée de quelques missions
dans la Nouvelle France,” Montreal, 1852, contains a reproduction.
Dollier and Gallinée’s map of 1670, showing their course in travelling
to Ste. Marie, is reproduced in Faillon’s Historic de la col. fr., vol.
iii., p. 305 (see Parkman’s La Salle, p. 449, for description); Claude
Dablon’s “Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1670–1671,” Paris, 1672,
contains a map made about 1670 (see Parkman, p. 450); a reproduction
is published in Foster and Whitney’s “Report on the Geology of Lake
Superior,” Washington, 1850; Marquette’s map of 1674 accompanies the
various editions of his narrative. The map in Thevenot’s “Recueil”
is by Liebaux, and not by Marquette. Gravier’s “Étude sur une carte
inconnue” contains a fac-simile of a map by Joliet, probably in
1674. This map is the first published map showing the great lakes in
connection with the Mississippi.
Shea’s edition of Dablon’s “Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1673
à 1679,” New York, 1860, has a reproduction of a map made by the
Jesuits in 1673, showing the missions upon Lake Michigan. Hennepin’s
“Description de la Louisiane,” Paris, 1683, contains a map made
upon data by Hennepin. The later editions of this work are also
accompanied by a map. Parkman gives a reproduction of the portion
of Franqulin’s famous map, which shows La Salle’s colony on the
Illinois, and that portion showing the lower part of the Mississippi
is reproduced in Thomassy’s “Géologie de la Louisiane.” A map made
by Minet, the engineer of La Salle’s last expedition, which gives
two separate views of the mouth of the Mississippi, is given in a
reduced size in Gravier’s “La Salle,” and in Thomassy’s “Géologie
de la Louisiane.” Le Clercq’s “Premier établissement de la foy,”
Paris, 1691; Hennepin’s “Nouvelle découverte,” and “Nouveau Voyage;”
La Hontan’s “Nouveaux Voyages dans l’Amérique,” La Haye, 1703;
Coxe’s “Description of Carolana,” London, 1742, and Charlevoix’s
“Histoire de la Nouvelle France,” Paris, 1744, are accompanied by
maps made nearly contemporaneously with the publication of the works
in question. A facsimile De Lisle’s map of 1700, which indicates the
course of the early explorers, is in Gravier’s “La Salle” and in
French’s Collections, pt. 2. A map by Joutel, dated 1713, accompanies
the printed editions of his journal. Margry’s “Découvertes et
établissements des Français,” when completed, will include a volume
devoted to maps now inedited. The third volume of this collection
contains an outline sketch, representing La Salle’s discoveries. A
modern map, representing countries traversed by Marquette, Hennepin,
and La Salle, is given in Parkman’s “La Salle.”
We next give a list of publications which treat of the explorations of
the Mississippi valley, arranged in chronological order. Works which
have been cited under different headings of this article are, in most
cases, not included in this enumeration.
La Hontan, “Nouveaux voyages dans l’Amérique Septentrionale,” Paris,
1703. This work passed through several editions. Bacqueville de la
Potherie, “Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale,” Paris, 1722.
Editions were also published in 1723 and 1753. Has some account of
La Salle’s travels in 1682. Barcia, “Ensayo cronologico para la
Historia General de Florida,” Madrid, 1723. The author relied upon
the memoirs of Marquette, Joutel, and Tonty for the portion of his
work relating to the French explorations. Lafitau, “Mœurs des Sauvages
Amériquains,” Paris, 1724. Coxe, “Description of the English province
of Carolana, by the Spaniards called Florida; by the French, La
Louisiane,” London, 1742. The author disparages the French discoveries,
and urges the English right to the country. Dumont, “Mémoire sur la
Louisiane, contenant ce qui y est arrivé de plus rémarquable depuis
1687 jusqu’à present,” Paris, 1753, 2 vols. Bellin, “Remarques sur
la carte de l’Amérique Septentrionale, comprise entre le 28e et le
72e degré de latitude,” Paris, 1755, gives some account of La Salle’s
establishments. Le Page du Pratz, “Histoire de la Louisiane,” Paris,
1758, 3 vols.; English translations were published in 1763 and 1774.
Gayarré “Essai historique sur la Louisiane,” Nouvelle Orléans, 1830,
2 vols.; La Harpe, “Journal historique de l’établissement des Français
à la Louisiane,” Paris, 1831. This work is reproduced in French’s
Historical Collections, vol. iii. Conover, “Oration on the History of
the First Discovery and Settlement of the New World, with especial
reference to the Mississippi Valley,” Cincinnati, 1835. Perkins, “Early
French Travellers in the West,” in _North American Review_, vol.
xlviii., pp. 63–108. A review of Spark’s “La Salle” and “Marquette.”
Colt, “The Devil’s Hole, with an account of a visit made to it by
La Salle,” Lockport, N. Y., 44 pp., the third edition appeared in
1851. Gayarré, “Histoire de la Louisiane,” Nouvelle Orléans, 1846–47.
Guérin, “Les navigateurs Français,” Paris, 1846. Bradford, “Notes on
the Northwest,” New York, 1846. Kip, “Early Jesuit Missions in North
America,” New York, 1846, contains letters by missionaries giving
descriptions of the newly discovered country. Monette, “History of the
Discovery and Settlement of the Mississippi,” New York, 1846. Gayarré,
“Romance of the History of Louisiana,” New York, 1848. Foster and
Whitney, “Report on the Geology and Topography of a Portion of the
Lake Superior Land District,” Washington, 1850–51, 2 vols., contains
an account of the first Jesuit missions on Lake Superior. Gayarré,
“Louisiana: its Colonial History,” New York, 1851, and “Louisiana
and its History as a French Colony,” New York, 1852. Hart, “History
of the Discovery of the Valley of the Mississippi,” St. Louis, 1852;
“History of the Valley of the Mississippi,” New York, 1853. Gayarré,
“History of Louisiana,” New York, 1854. W. R. Smith, “History of
Wisconsin,” Madison, 1854; only volumes one and three were published
of this valuable work; volume three contains translations of the
Jesuit relations, which describe the operations of the Jesuits in
Wisconsin territory. Shea, “History of the Catholic Missions among
the Indian Tribes of the United States, 1529–1854,” New York, 1855.
E. D. Neill, “Materials for the future History of Minnesota,” St.
Paul, 1856, also in the “Annals of Minnesota,” 1856, and reprinted in
Minnesota Historical Society Collection, vol. i. Law, “Jesuit Missions
in the Northwest,” in the Wisconsin Historical Society Collections,
vol. iii., pp. 89–111, 118–121, Madison, 1857. The author of this
article makes the erroneous statement that missionaries had reached
the Mississippi several years before Marquette’s visit. Shea disproves
this in an article entitled “Justice to Marquette,” in pp. 111–117 of
the same volume of the Wisconsin collections. Shea, “Indian Tribes
of Wisconsin,” in the Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, vol.
iii., pp. 125–128. Ferland, “Cours d’Histoire du Canada, 1534–1759,”
Québec, 1859. This author is highly esteemed as an historical writer.
Shea, “Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi,” Albany, 1861.
Ferland, “Notes sur les régistres de Notre Dame de Québec,” Québec,
1863. Neill, “Early French Forts and Footprints in the Valley of the
Upper Mississippi,” in Minnesota Historical Society Collections, 1864,
pp. 9–20. Faillon, “Histoire de la Colonie française en Canada,”
Villemarie [Montreal], 1865, 3 vols.; this work comes down only to
1671, but is of value for period covered.
French, “Biographical Sketch of La Salle,” in Historical Collections of
Louisiana, new series, pp. 4–7, New York, 1869. Gallaud, “Mississippi:
a Brief History of its Discovery,” in “Annals of Iowa,” vol. vii.,
pp. 194–201, Davenport, 1869. Van Fleet, “Old and New Mackinac; with
copious extracts from Marquette, Hennepin, La Hontan, and others,”
Ann Arbor, 1870; Brodhead, “History of New York,” New York, 1871; the
author gives briefly the latest knowledge upon the first explorations.
The _Revue Maritime et Coloniale_, Paris, 1872, contains controversial
articles by Harrisse and Margry, both with the title “Histoire critique
de la découverte du Mississippi.” Harrisse, “Notes pour servir à
l’Histoire [etc.] de la Nouvelle France, 1545–72,” Paris, 1872. In
addition to the bibliographical matter in this work there is a brief
historical summary of the early explorations. Neill, “French Voyageurs
to Minnesota,” in the Annals of Minnesota, 1850, pp. 10–28, reprinted
in Minnesota Historical Society Collections, vol. i., pp-17–36. Durrie,
“Early Outposts of Wisconsin,” Madison, 1873, contains notices of the
visits of Perrot, Alloüez, Marquette, and others. “Laval université,
Québec, 200e anniversaire de la découverte du Mississipi par Joliet
et le P. Marquette, Soirée littéraire et musicale, 17 Juin, 1873,”
Québec, 1873, 54 pp., contains a discourse by the Abbé Verreau. Parry,
“Historical Address on the Early Exploration of the Mississippi
Valley,” Davenport, Iowa, 1873, 36 pp. Salter, “Address commemorative
of the 200th Anniversary of the Discovery of Iowa by Marquette and
Joliet,” in the “Annals of Iowa,” vol. ii., pp. 501–515. Shea, “Address
on Discovery of the Mississippi, read on the bi-centennial of said
Discovery, June 17, 1873,” published in Wisconsin Historical Society
Collections, vol. vii., pp. 111–122. Marshall, “The First Visit of La
Salle to the Senecas in 1669,” Buffalo, 1874, 45 pp. Baldwin, “Early
maps of Ohio and the West,” Cleveland, 1875, 25 pp.; this forms one of
the Western Reserve Historical Society tracts. French, “Biographical
Sketch of L. Joliet,” in his Historical Collections, second series, pp.
139, 140.
“Memoir sent by the King to M. Denonville, explanatory of the French
Possessions in North America,” in French’s Historical Collections,
second series, pp. 123–142. This document briefly recapitulates the
French discoveries. Baldwin, “Margry Papers, vol. ii.,” in Western
Reserve Historical Society tracts. United States Annual Report
of the Chief of Engineers, Washington, 1876. Volume iii. of this
report contains an extract from Marquette’s journal, and a reduced
reproduction of his map. Gravier, “La route du Mississipi,” in the
compte-rendu of the second session of the Congrès des Américanistes,
1877, vol. i., pp. 237–312. Whittlesey, “Discovery of the Ohio River
by La Salle,” 1669–70, one of the Western Reserve Historical Society
tracts.
Hurlbut, “Father Marquette at Mackinaw and Chicago,” Chicago, 1878.
Jacker, “La Salle and the Jesuits,” in _American Catholic Quarterly
Review_, vol. iii., pp. 404–426, Philadelphia, 1878. Peet, “Discovery
of the Ohio,” in _American Antiquarian_, vol. i., pp. 21–35. Shea,
“Address before the Missouri Historical Society at the celebration of
the 250th anniversary of Marquette’s Voyage, July 20, 1878; _same_.
“Romance and Reality of the Death of Marquette, and the recent
Discovery of his Remains,” in _Catholic World_, vol. ii., pp. 267–281.
C. C. Baldwin, “Indian Migration in Ohio,” Western Reserve Historical
Society tract No. 47; also in _American Antiquarian_, April, 1879. M.
F. Force, “Some Early Notices of the Indians of Ohio,” Cincinnati,
1879. Margry, “Was La Salle the Discoverer of the Mississippi,” in
_American Antiquarian_, vol. ii., pp. 206–209, Chicago, 1879–81. O. H.
Marshall, “Building and Voyage of the Griffon in 1679,” Buffalo, 1879.
Blanchard, “Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest,” Chicago, 1880;
gives a brief account of Joliet’s and La Salle’s voyages.
Brucker, “J. Marquette et la découverte de la vallée du Mississipi,”
Lyon, 1880. Thoulet “Cavelier de La Salle et la découverte du
Mississipi, d’après l’ouvrage de M. Margry,” in Bulletin de la
Société de la Géographie, 6e série, tome xx., pp. 435–454, 534–556,
Paris, 1880. Hurlbut’s “Chicago Antiquities,” Chicago, 1881, contains
translations from the journals of Marquette, Hennepin, La Salle, and
of other travellers, which relate the incidents of visits made to the
site of the present city. Neill, “Minnesota Explorers and Pioneers from
1659 to 1858,” Minneapolis, 1881. J. Fiske, “Romance of the Spanish and
French Explorers,” in _Harper’s Magazine_, February, 1882. An article
by the editor in _The Magazine of American History_, March, 1882.
Gravier’s “Sketch of La Salle,” in same magazine, May, 1882. Hurlbut,
“Review of Gravier’s Article,” in same for September, 1882. Butler,
“First French Foot-prints beyond the Lakes” [Madison, 1882], closes the
list of the writings up to the present time. It has not been thought
necessary to include general histories of the United States, such as
Bancroft’s and Hildreth’s, and others.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.—The principal bibliographical works used in the
compilation of this note are Boimare’s “Notes bibliographiques et
raisonnés sur les principaux ouvrages publiès sur la Floride et
l’ancienne Louisiane” [Paris, 1855]; Faribault’s “Catalogue d’ouvrages
sur l’histoire de l’Amérique,” Québec, 1837; “Field’s Essay toward
an Indian Bibliography,” New York, 1875, and Harrisse’s “Notes pour
servir à l’historie, la bibliographic [etc.] de la Nouvelle France,”
Paris, 1872. O’Callaghan’s “Jesuit Relations of Discoveries in Canada,
1632–1672,” New York, 1847, has been used for the titles of the Jesuit
reports.
The references in Parkman’s “La Salle” have indicated many authorities,
and the author’s characterizations have been helpful. Gravier’s “La
Salle,” Paris, 1871, contains a list of eighty-nine articles upon La
Salle. The compiler of this article was unable to examine a copy until
after completion of the list. The essential works in it were found to
have been noted. Sabin’s “Bibliography” is indispensable in verifying
titles.
APPLETON P. C. GRIFFIN
INDEX.
A fine river, 79
Accancea Indians, 176, 179, 182
Household Stuff, 179
Shape, 179
Particular Ceremonies, 182
Country, Product of, 178
Account of Country, 77
given by a native, 128
Ahehoen Indians, 126
Ahonerhopiheim Indians, 126
Aigron, Sieur, 55
Algonquin Indians, 3, 38
Alleghany, Valley of the, 4
Alleghanies, 23
Alligator eaten, 62
Allouez, Father, 13, 22, 197
America, 2
North, 6
American Savages, 38
Anastasius, Father, 48, 62, 109, 112, 116, 134, 135, 136, 137, 151,
154, 155, 156, 160, 161, 167, 168, 189, 190, 197, 199, 201, 203
Apalache, Bay of, 67, 68
Arhan Indians, 126
Arkansas Country, 203
Indians, 202
River, 3, 22, 202
Arrival at Quebec, 201
Art to kill goats and wild fowl, 164
Assony Indians, 130, 139, 162, 163, 167
Author meets another Frenchman among Indians, 149
and others resolve to part from murderers, 152
saved by a friend, 136
sent to the Cenis for provisions, 138
Ayona Indians, 127
Barbier, Sieur, 79, 84, 108, 109, 114, 129
Command of Settlement given to, 116
Marries, 112
Barbier’s wife gives birth to child, 115
Beaujeu, Commander, 26, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 61, 63, 64, 66, 67, 74,
75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 83, 86
leaves La Salle, 89
Begon, Intendant, 60, 61
Bihorel, Sieur, 114, 130
Boat of Bark lost, 98
Bocrettes Indians, 127
Boisrondet, Sieur, 189, 190, 197
Buskins of rawhides instead of shoes, 120
Cacahouanous Indians, 190
Caddoes Indians, 202
Cadodaquio Village, 169
Cahamihona Village, 169, 170
Cahaynohoua Indians, 173, 174
California, Gulf of, 3, 4
Calumet, The, 172, 173, 179
Canada, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 11, 13, 18, 21, 23, 24, 26, 34, 38, 41,
42, 44, 45, 48, 49, 108, 115, 151, 177, 190, 196, 202
Natives of, Brutal, 37
Canohatino Indians, 127
Cannohantimo Indians, 141, 157
Cape Corrientes, 63
St. Anthony, 61, 63, 64, 65
St. Nicholas, 59
Samana, 59
Cappas Indians, 161, 164, 166, 169, 174, 182
Capucins, 170
Carpenter lost, 96
Cascasquina Peroneria Indians, 190
Caveliers, The, 2
Cavelier Family, 29
Cavelier, Jean, 2
Henri, 2, 27
Robert (See La Salle), 2
Abbe, 26, 29, 48, 49, 62, 90, 95, 97, 98, 107, 109, 116, 123, 136,
137, 151, 152, 154, 156, 161, 164, 166, 167, 168, 172, 177, 179,
180, 183, 189, 190, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202
Abbe and his company part from others, 160
Abbe and others carried on backs of Indians; Ceremonies at their
reception; Speeches made to them; Their entertainment, 165, 166
set out and return again, 191
Cayman Island, 62
Cenis Indians, 48, 113, 121, 123, 127, 128, 130, 139, 152, 153, 156,
162, 168, 169, 179
Account of Battle fought by, 157
Country of, 114
Described, 138
Meet French in Solemn Manner, 140
River, 137
Ceremony of Pipe, 171, 179
Performed to M. Cavelier, 179
of Sailors Called “Ducking”, 57
Chahouanous Indians, 196
Champlain, 1, 22
Chanzes Indians, 127
Charleroix, 30
Charpantier, Sieur, 176
Chautauqua Lake, 4
Chebonany, 200
Chedeville, M., 54, 62, 90, 101, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114
Chef de Bois, Port of, 59
Chicago, 21, 196, 197, 198
Chickasaw Indians, 203
Choumans Indians, 128, 129
Choumenes Indians, 126
Clerk, Sieur, 114
Colbert, French Minister of State, 8
River, 49, 177, 181, 200
Columbus, Christopher, 33
Commanders at variance, 74
Conspiracy discovered, 93
revealed, 94
Controversy about privilege of first born, 115
Copal tree, 138
Couture, Sieur, 176, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183
Courcelle, Governor, 3, 43
Coyabegux Indians, 126
Crèvecœur, Fort, 17, 18, 19, 20
Cross by a river and a French built house, 176
Crozat, 211, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219
to plant colonies in Louisiana, 205
letters patent to, 212
Cuba, 61, 62, 63, 209
Currents, 67
Dablon, Father, 13, 22
Dainmaville, 54, 88
Dautray, 22
d’ Aire, Chevalier, 66, 67, 74, 76, 77, 80, 88
d’ Eure River, 125
D’Iberville, 203
Expedition, 205
De Baugis, 20
de Belle Fontaine, 189
de Cussy, Governor, 59, 60, 61
de Launay, Sieur, 176
de Leon, Alonzo, 203
de la Sablonniere, 81, 109, 112
De Luna, 22
de Malre, Sieur, 132, 133, 161
drowned, 166
funeral, 167
De Nonville, Marquis, 195, 196, 197, 200, 201
de Porneuf, M., 200
De Soto, 22
de Villeperdry, Sieur, 93, 95
Debates between commanders, 88
Departure from Rochel, 54
Desloges, 86
killed, 87
des Puans Lake, 200
Detroit River, 5
Straits of, 12
Devault, Sieur, 94
Difference between commanders, 56
Discontent occasioned by Moranget, 133
Douay, Father, 26, 29, 136
account of murder, 134
Duchesneau, Intendant, 19
du Hamel, 76, 86, 87
Duhaut, 99, 102, 103, 107, 108, 114, 115, 116, 132, 133, 135, 152
endeavors to occasion a mutiny, 112
mutiny revealed, 113
returns from La Salle, 100
the murderer usurps command, 137
killed, 154
Duromtage, 195
Du Shut, 195
Dutch and English at Albany, 12
East Indies, 37
Encounter with natives, 111
Enepiahe Indians, 126
English, 6
Entertainment given by the Indians, 183
Erie, Lake, 4, 12, 18
Espíritu Bay, 97
Fercoutcha Indians, 127
Figure of a pretended monster, 186
Fine meadows, 164
Finisterre Cape, 55
First landing, 67
First fort abandoned, 94
Fish taken in plenty, 91
Fiske, John, 1
Flying fish, 56
Fort built, 88
Lewis, 197, 200
among the Illinois, 188
arrival at, 188
reception, 189
description of country, 191
lime and clay, mines, product, etc., 192
St. Lewis of Illinois, 203
Louis in Texas, 203
France, 1, 2, 5, 6
King of, 6
French habitation, travellers come to the, 176
men, who they were, 177
house among the Acconceas described, 178
entertained by natives, 147
turned savage, 149
man among Indians, 141
men go to the wars with natives, 156
stay with Indians, 161
River, 200
Frontenac, Count, 5, 6, 8, 12, 19, 24, 43
Fort, 8, 11, 12, 18, 19, 24, 26, 42
Gabaret, Sieur, 74
Galveston Bay, 103
Game, Plenty of, 171
Garay, 22
Gayen; hurt, 86, 87
Goats and bullocks, 72
Good entertainment, 163
Green Bay, 12, 13, 21
Griffin, The, 12, 13, 14, 18
Grollet, 149, 150
Guanabo Island, 59
Guinea, 206
Habitation of St. Lewis, 103, 151, 153
description of country at, 103
the land, 103
living creatures: Fish, tortoises, venomous creatures,
rattle-snakes, 104
Alligators, trees, dangerous fruit, 105
vines, plants, 106
of St. Lewis. Who were left there when La Salle departed, 116
Hard labor, 95
Havana, 206, 209, 210, 211
Hebahamo Indian Village, 121
Hiens, 116, 132, 133, 134, 138, 155, 156, 161
kills Duhaut, 154
gives others what he pleases and seizes rest of effects, 160
Hennepin, 1, 11, 15, 16, 18, 44, 47, 48, 49, 203, 204
Hispaniola Island, 58, 59, 61, 63
Holy Ghost, Bay of, 50, 68, 69
Horse sold for an ax, 148
Houabache River, 184
How the travellers lived, 195
Hudson’s Bay, 205
Hunter dies with cold, 100
Hurie, (Sieur), 94, 99, 111, 113
Hurons, 38, 199, 200
Huron, Lake, 5, 12
Illinois allies, 24
country, 20, 196
Indians, 13, 14, 21, 38, 49, 114, 115, 177, 183, 188, 196
adultery, 195
boasting, 193
chiefs, 16
children, 193
care of dead, 193
presents to, 195
game of stick, 195
great town of, 15
manners and customs, 193
marriages, 195
meeting with, 187
outbreak, 16
thieving, 193
women do all labor, 193
lake of the, 200
river, 5, 15, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 44, 187, 214
headwaters of, 22
State of, 17
Indiscretion of an ensign, 86
Indian, bad ways, 163
beds, 142
bewailing memory of men killed, 156
ceremonies, 145
ceremony to the dead, 167
of dressing a bullock, 185
of rejoicing, 159
come to fort, 92
cruel trophies of, 158
dies of eating raw suet, 187
doleful entertainment, 168
entertainment, 141
expect presents, 174
humanity of the, 167
huts and families in them, 142
inhumanity, 158
maid brought to author, 150
manners, 144
manner of building, 142
their moveables, 142
men, 170
barbarity of towards a woman taken, 157
nations, 167
peculiar custom, 169
rats, 124
religion, 145
tillage, 142
tilling, instrument for, 143
tobacco, 146
take revenge, 87
women, 143
barbarity of, 158
their behavior, 144
disfigure themselves, 143
do all the work, 144, 193
habits, 144
ornaments of, 169
sow, 143
strong, 38
rejoice at victory, 157
with axes, 175
village abandoned, 120
inhabited, 123
Irondequoit (Seneca village), 4
Iroquois, 3, 8, 12, 13, 16, 20, 21, 23, 38, 49, 185, 188, 190, 198,
199
invasion, 16
war with, 195
Janiquo Indians, 168
Jesuits, 2, 5, 7, 12, 16, 22, 199, 200
mission among Hurons re-established by Marquette, 19
Jogues, 22
Joliet, 1, 4, 5, 22
Joutel, Henri, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 48, 50, 89
believes Mississippi passed, 68
party, 108
Journey prosecuted, 174
continued, 181
Joly (The), 26, 54, 58, 64, 66, 67, 68, 74, 75, 79, 80, 89
boltsprit of lost, 55
Kabayes Indians, 126
Kannehonan Indians, 126
Kavagan Indians, 126
Keremen Indians, 126
Ketch taken by the Spaniards, 61
Kiahoba Indians, 126
Kiasses Indians, 127
Kind Indians, 177
reception, 171
Korenkake Indians, 126
Korkone Indians, 126
Kouans Indians, 126
l’ Aimable (ship), 61, 62, 65, 79, 80, 81, 85, 88, 89
cast astray, 83
l’ Archevêque, 116, 133, 134, 136, 153, 155, 161
La Barre, Governor, 24, 25, 26
La Belle (ship), 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 78, 79, 80, 83, 85, 86, 94, 96,
97, 98, 101, 115
lost, 108
how lost, 110
what was saved from, 109
La Chine (China), 2, 3, 201
Le Clerc, Father, 26, 203
La Forest (Surgeon), 10, 19, 20, 26, 203
La Hontan’s forged discourse with a savage, wherein he renders
himself ridiculous, 36
La Motte de Sussière, 10, 11
La Maligne River, 102, 124, 126, 147
la Sabloniere River, 122
La Salle, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22,
23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 41, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 55,
56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75,
76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 92, 94, 96, 97,
98, 101, 103, 110, 111, 115, 117, 118, 121, 122, 123, 124, 127,
128, 129, 130, 131, 137, 148, 149, 151, 152, 154, 156, 160, 176,
177, 178, 179, 180, 187, 188, 190, 197, 201, 202
account of, 41
barbarity towards body of, 135
character, 42, 135
conspiracy to murder, 133
consult to murder, 133
death of, 5, 29
is murdered, 134
first voyage of exploration, 3
return to France, 8
footman killed, 133
fort taken by Spaniards, 204
goes to discover the river, 90
returns; sets out again, 90
goes out to discover, 99
returns, 107
goes to seek conspirators, 134
Indian killed, 132
made proprietor of Ft. Frontenac, 43
men, 17
mistake, 69
much wronged, 89
patent of nobility, 8
resolves on third expedition, 114
persons with him, 116
the way they traveled, 117
Royal patent to explore Mississippi country, 10
reputation makes enemies, 43
second return visit to France, 10
voyage of exploration (1678–9), 11
sets out on another expedition, 108
discoveries; return, 113
seven men lost and four desert, 114
third return visit to France, 25
well received by natives, 126
Le Gros, 61
bitten by snake, 91
and others die, 97
Liotot, 116, 132, 134, 138, 153
killed, 154
Lisbon, 55
Lost Frenchmen heard of, 130
Louis XIV, 23
Louisiana, 23, 33, 47, 203, 204, 206, 211, 212, 214, 217, 218
Louisville, 4
Machigamea Indians, 184
Madera Island, 55, 56
Magdalen River, 75
Maghai Indians, 126
Man clad like Spaniard, 139
March continued, 137
Mark, Friar, 22
Marquette, 1, 3, 19, 22, 186
Massiot, 54
Matagorda Bay, 89, 97
Maximus, Father, 112
Membre, Father, 26
Men sent by land to discover, 78
Meracouman Indians, 126
Mexico, 10, 25, 207
Bay of, 45, 49, 50, 63, 177, 191
City, 208
Gulf of, 4, 22, 23, 25, 44, 47, 197, 206
Kingdom of, 42, 139
North, 129
Miami, Fort, 15
River, 14, 21, 22
Michilimackinac, 12, 13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 190, 196, 199
Michigan, Lake, 5, 12, 13, 14, 21
Mines of St. Barbara, 42
Minet, Sieur, 76, 88
Mississippi River, 1, 3, 4, 5, 16, 18, 20, 22, 23, 25, 27, 33, 42,
43, 45, 49, 50, 69, 77, 82, 89, 97, 98, 102, 108, 114, 148, 149,
152, 153, 164, 174, 176, 177, 182, 184, 187, 203, 205
River, Banks of many colors, 185
Branches of, 88
Mississippi found at last, 181
mouth of, 21
passed, 75
source of, 44, 204
Indians, 16
Valley, 26
Missouri River, 22, 186, 213
Mitchell, Sieur, 47
Montreal, 2, 4, 8, 9, 18, 41, 42, 49, 196, 199, 200, 201
Moranget, 54, 78, 86, 87, 88, 92, 93, 98, 102, 107, 108, 113, 116,
128, 129, 130, 132, 134, 135, 155
Discontent occasioned by, 133
More mischief prevented, 155
Murderers change their mind, 153
differ in opinion, 153
design of, 152
resolve to return to habitation of St. Lewis, 151
return to camp, 151
Nahordikhes Indians, 162
Nations, Names, 126, 146
Nation, What is meant here by it, 146
Natives entertained, 118
New England, 21, 151
New France, 8, 196, 215, 216
New Mexico, 140
New Spain, 122
Niagara River, 11, 12, 13, 18, 19
Nicolet, 1
Nipicingue Lake, 201
Odd Salutation, 85
Ohio Project, 4
River, 3, 4, 5, 22
Omeaosse Indians, 126
Onapien Indians, 126
Outahouacs Indians, 199
Ontario Lake, 4, 8, 19, 42
Onondaga, 8
Orcampion Indians, 127
Oris killed, 87
Ory, 54
Otenmarhem Indians, 126
Paget, 56
Parkman, 2, 10, 11, 12, 18, 21, 26, 28, 29, 89
Palaquechaune Indians, 128
Panego Indians, 127
Pehir Indians, 126
Peihoum Indians, 127
Peisacho Indians, 127
Peoria Lake, 15
Persons that went, 54
Petao Indians, 127
Petit Gouave, 59, 60, 61, 63
Petzares Indians, 127
Pichar Indians, 127
Pines, Island of, 62, 63, 64
Plenty of game, 171
Planteroze (M.), 54, 101, 110
Portable Canoe, 125
Port de Paix, 59, 60, 61
Poutouanni Indians, 199
Pottawatomies, 4, 21
Presents, 171
Primitehouy Lake, 187
Princess’s River, 117, 119
Provisions hid spoilt, 132
Ptolomy, 22
Quebec, 11, 41, 42, 44
Quintonan River, 198
Récollet Friars, 8, 9, 26, 90, 99, 204
Accidents concerning, 112
Red River, 202
Richelieu (Cardinal), 2
Rio Grande River, 23, 202
River aux Bœufs, 103
of Bullocks, 97
of Canoes, 132
Rochelle, 26, 202
return to, 55
Rocky Mountains, 23
Rouen, 2, 27, 29, 202
Ruter, 149, 150
Kills Liotot, 154
Santo Domingo, 25, 56
Salt found in pools, 92
water spring, 186
Sault Ste. Marie, 13
Savages, A company of, 80
come to the boat, 70
carryed aboard, 71
return ashore with gifts, 71
friendly behaviour, 81
their camp, 81
their entertainment, 82
Second Landing, 73
settlement, 93, 96
ill posture of, 95
Seignelay, Marquis de, 10, 25
Senecas, 3, 195
Village (Irondequoit), 4
Seven set out for Canada, 161
Shea, Dr. John Gilmary, 22
Ships, 54
Six men killed by natives, 101
Sombrero Island, 58
South Sea, 42
Spain, 25
Spaniards, 25, 56, 127, 129, 150, 210
Spanish, 6
Incursions, 26
Vessel appears, 91
Spicheats Indians, 126
St. Bernard’s Bay, 97
St. Barbara, Mines of, 42
St. Cosmo, 203
St. Jerome River, 213
St. Joseph River, 14, 15, 19
Fort, 20
Bay, 89
St. Lewis (or Louis) Bay, 97, 99, 103, 117
Fort, 24, 25, 26, 28
(of Texas), 97
St. Lewis River, 206, 213
St. Laurent, Marquis de, 60, 61
St. Lawrence River, 19, 41, 49, 202
St. Mary’s Fall, 200
St. Philip River, 213
“Starved Rock”, 15, 18, 24
Stores they had, 98
Strange adventure, 102
Sulpitians, 2, 3, 4, 5, 26
Superior, Lake, 4, 12
Sweet water from a tree, 198
Talon (Intendant), 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 43
Teao Indians, 127
Teissier, 138, 160, 161, 188, 201
Tessalon, Village of, 200
Texas, 108
Theauremets Indians, 126
Thecamenes Indians, 126
Thibault, Sieur, 54, 99
Thick woods, 119
Third landing, 76
Tonti, Hendri de, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24,
25, 47, 48, 49, 176, 177, 188, 190, 196, 197, 202, 203
comes to Fort Lewis, 195
’s mistake in account of voyage, 64
Tohaka Indians, 126
Tohan Indians, 127
Tonningua, Village, 182
Toriman officers, 181
Village, 181
Tortuga Island, 59
Trade Wind, 57
Travel continued, 197
Tsepehoen Indians, 127
Tsera Indians, 127
Two men killed, 115
West Indies, 210
Wild fowl, 120
fruit, 186
swine, 63
Veracruz, 206, 207, 209, 211
Vermilion Sea, 3
Vespusius, Americus, 23
Zenobius, Father, 62, 117, 152, 203
[Illustration: (Map)]
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+
| FOOTNOTES |
| |
| [1] “The Romance of the French and Spanish Explorers;” an article |
| in _Harper’s Magazine_, for February, 1882, by John Fiske. |
| |
| [2] “The Great La Salle,” an article in _Harper’s Magazine_, for |
| February, 1905, by Henry Loomis Nelson, L. H. D. Also Parkman’s |
| _Pioneers of New France_, Champlain edition, ii, 258, 260. |
| |
| [3] This feudal estate, some eight miles from Montreal, bears at |
| the present day the name of La Chine (China), modernly spelled |
| Lachine, which was said to have been applied to it in derision of |
| his first fruitless voyage. |
| |
| [4] It must be remembered that the voyage of the priest |
| Marquette, and the fur-trader Joliet, in 1673, had reached the |
| Mississippi, down which they sailed as far as the mouth of the |
| Arkansas. At that point, thinking that they had sufficiently |
| established the fact that the waters of the Mississippi |
| discharged, not into the Gulf of California, but into the Gulf of |
| Mexico (although they were then really only within seven hundred |
| miles of its mouth) they returned to Canada and so reported. |
| |
| [5] One account describes his route as being by way of Lake |
| Chautauqua into the valley of the Alleghany, thence _via_ the |
| Ohio river to Louisville; and, in the following year, the |
| crossing of Lake Erie, from south to north, and _via_ the Detroit |
| river to Lake Huron; thence into Lake Michigan and the Chicago |
| river, and across the short portage to the Illinois river. |
| |
| [6] La Salle had, in the parlance of the present day, “made |
| himself solid” with the Governor, by his active participation |
| in Frontenac’s plans for the enlargement of the French power in |
| Canada; especially in the matter of holding a council with the |
| Iroquois, at Onondaga, where a treaty of peace was secured from |
| that powerful and warlike tribe, which seemed to ensure peace for |
| many years. |
| |
| [7] La Salle’s Patent of Nobility is given in the second volume |
| of this series, “Shea’s Discovery and Exploration of the |
| Mississippi Valley,” from Paris Doc. in Sec’y’s Office, Albany, |
| vol. ii, pp. 8–11. |
| |
| [8] Capt. Tonti (or Tonty, as he signed his name in its |
| Gallicized form) was an Italian (the son of the financier who |
| instituted that form of life-insurance known as the Tontine), |
| an ex-officer in the Sicilian wars, where, by the explosion of |
| a grenade, he lost one of his hands. This loss was supplied, in |
| some measure, by an artificial hand of iron, or some other metal, |
| over which he always wore a glove, and the weight of which was, |
| in one or two instances at least, felt by the savages who tried |
| to intimidate him. Tonti’s name will survive in history as that |
| of La Salle’s most faithful and courageous friend and lieutenant, |
| and one who, by reason of his noble qualities is entitled to our |
| admiration and respect. See also Parkman’s _La Salle_ (Champlain |
| edit., i, 129). |
| |
| [9] Hennepin was a Jesuit priest, a courageous and rather able |
| man, to whose memoirs we are indebted for much information |
| concerning La Salle’s and other early explorations; though the |
| value of his writings is much impaired by his tendency to tell |
| large stories, and to claim for himself the credit which belonged |
| to others; a tendency which seemed to increase more and more with |
| each successive edition of his book. |
| |
| [10] The animus of this enmity, which persistently followed La |
| Salle for the rest of his life, is fully explained on pp. 101–104 |
| of Parkman’s _La Salle_, Champlain edition, vol. i. |
| |
| [11] La Salle often prophesied, says Parkman (_La Salle_, i, |
| 149), that he “would make the griffin fly above the crows,” _i. |
| e._, that he would make the influence of Frontenac triumph over |
| that of the Jesuits. |
| |
| [12] Green Bay was a mission among several Indian tribes of Lake |
| Michigan, established by the Jesuit fathers, Allouez and Dablon, |
| 1669–70. |
| |
| [13] By the terms of his patent from the King, this was clearly |
| an infringement of the monopoly belonging to the Montreal colony, |
| and was subsequently used against him by his enemies, as well as |
| being the primal cause of his loss of the _Griffin_. |
| |
| [14] He clearly foresaw what this journey involved, for as he |
| wrote to one of his associates in his enterprise, “though the |
| thaws of approaching Spring greatly increased the difficulty of |
| the way, interrupted as it was everywhere by marshes and rivers, |
| to say nothing of the length of the journey, which is about 500 |
| leagues in a direct line, and the danger of meeting Indians of |
| four or five different nations through whose country we were |
| to pass, as well as an Iroquois army which we knew was coming |
| that way; though we must suffer all the time from hunger, sleep |
| on the open ground, and often without food; watch by night and |
| march by day, loaded with baggage such as blankets, clothing, |
| kettle, hatchet, gun, powder, lead, and skins to make moccasins; |
| sometimes pushing through thickets, sometimes climbing rocks |
| covered with ice and snow, sometimes wading whole days through |
| marshes where the water was waist-deep, or even more, at a |
| season when the snow was not entirely melted—though I knew of |
| this, it did not prevent me from resolving to go on foot to Fort |
| Frontenac, to learn for myself what had become of my vessel, and |
| bring back the things we needed.”—Parkman’s _La Salle_ (Champlain |
| edit.), i, 189–90. |
| |
| [15] A Jesuit mission, established among the Hurons, 1670–72, by |
| Father Marquette. |
| |
| [16] The white man’s name, “The Father of Waters,” applied to |
| this river, is a rather grandiloquent paraphrase of the Indian’s |
| “All Water,” but seems to apply only to one feature of its |
| greatness—viz., its size. The Indian name, however, compounded |
| of _Missi_, whole, and _sipi_, river, more nearly describes its |
| _collective_ character, as the great irrigating system of this |
| vast region, receiving many tributaries, both great and small. |
| |
| [17] Fortunately, his fort and colony were not attacked at |
| that time; but later it withstood a six-days’ siege, under the |
| combined command of Tonti (as La Salle’s representative) and De |
| Baugis, a French officer, representing the Governor-General. The |
| attack, however, was unsuccessful. |
| |
| [18] The account of these evidences and of La Salle’s consequent |
| anxiety as to Tonti’s fate, are well described by Parkman (_La |
| Salle_, i, pp. 205–213, Champlain edit.). The record of Tonti’s |
| tribulations in this invasion of the Iroquois into the Illinois |
| town, and his heroic conduct, is given in chapter XVI of same |
| volume. |
| |
| [19] For, it must be remembered, the fact of the existence of |
| this great river was known to the European world long before |
| La Salle’s time. Its three mouths are shown in the edition of |
| Ptolomy, printed at Venice in 1513—wherein the delta of the |
| Mississippi is traced with more accuracy than in the maps of the |
| next century. Dr. J. G. Shea, in the Introduction (pp. x-lxxv) |
| to the volume of this series (_The Discovery and Exploration of |
| the Mississippi Valley, 1903_) has very carefully and clearly |
| epitomized the results of the earliest explorations down to those |
| of La Salle, viz., that of Garay (1578); of De Vaca (——); of |
| Friar Mark (1539); and of De Soto (1539); of Muscoso (1539–43); |
| of De Luna (1557); of other missionary efforts (1580); and of |
| others of less account, which all kept alive the knowledge of the |
| great river of the North American continent called by the Spanish |
| _Río del Espíritu Santo_. |
| |
| Then early in the seventeenth century, came the French explorers; |
| Champlain and the Jesuits (1608); Nicolet (1639); Jogues (1641); |
| Allouez (1669); Dablon (1670); Marquette (1673), and Joliet—all |
| of whom, by observation or report, confirmed the existence of the |
| Mississippi. |
| |
| All of these were influenced in their labors by greed, by the |
| spirit of commercialism and adventure, or by a sublime faith and |
| religious zeal. It was reserved for La Salle to enter this region |
| with the _distinct idea of colonization_, and of making it a |
| source of revenue and a glory to the land which he represented. |
| |
| [20] This place, of which a view is given at p. 168 of Parkman’s |
| _La Salle_, vol. i, Champlain edition, is about six miles below |
| the town of Ottawa, Illinois. |
| |
| [21] La Salle’s estimate of the number of these Indians was about |
| 20,000, or a fighting capacity of 4,000 warriors. |
| |
| [22] La Salle’s brother, the Abbe Cavelier, Fathers Membre, Douay |
| and Le Clerc, all more or less afterward associated with American |
| exploration, were among this clerical contingent. |
| |
| [23] Most interesting as to these troubles, and La Salle’s mental |
| condition at this critical point, are the pages 97–109, vol. II |
| of Parkman’s _La Salle_ (Champlain edition). |
| |
| [24] “Sixteen or seventeen years,” as he says in his Journal, |
| under date of July, 1684; “so that, as he could hardly have |
| entered the service before the age of 18 or 20, he must have |
| been, at the time he linked his fortunes to those of La Salle, |
| about 35 or 37 years old—hence born, probably, about 1643–5.” |
| |
| [25] “Intendant” is the official French term. |
| |
| [26] His words are “un fort honnête homme, et seul delatroupe de |
| M. de La Salle, sur qui célèbre voyageur pût compter.” |
| |
| [27] Knapsack, in modern parlance. |
| |
| [28] Coureurs de bois. |
| |
| [29] The _Fr._ reads thus, “l’un frère & les autres neveus de |
| ...”—the one a brother of M. de La Salle, the others his nephews. |
| There evidently were _two_ nephews, named Cavalier—the name of |
| La Salle’s family; although in this journal the elder nephew is |
| generally styled _M. Moranget_. |
| |
| [30] Cavalier gives the date as 23d or 24th July. |
| |
| [31] _Fr._ “30 tonneux des Munitiens ou Marchandises, qui estoit |
| fretée pour S. Domingae”—thirty casks of munitions or commodities |
| which were intended for Santo Domingo. |
| |
| [32] _Fr._ “sept ou huit jours.”—seven or eight days. |
| |
| [33] _Fr._ “furent les secrettes semences, que ...”—which were |
| the hidden seeds, which ... |
| |
| [34] French _original_ reads “45 minutes.” |
| |
| [35] The parenthesis does not appear in the French original. |
| |
| [36] In the original _Fr._ “the missionary priest.” |
| |
| [37] In the original “Le 12”—the twelfth. |
| |
| [38] The French original says “plus de malades”—_i. e._ more than |
| 50 sick people. |
| |
| [39] _Fr._ “les chirurgions”—the surgeons. |
| |
| [40] Tr. “Francois”—the first French port. |
| |
| [41] Should be, as in the _Fr._ “16th.” |
| |
| [42] Should be “ship.” |
| |
| [43] In the _Fr._ “la Religion P. R.” |
| |
| [44] _Fr._ “Zenobe,”—Zenobius. |
| |
| [45] Corrects the _Fr._ original, which reads “12th.” |
| |
| [46] The _Fr._ reads, “il s’éleva un gros meage au nord”—_i. e._ |
| there arose a great cloud to the northward. |
| |
| [47] In the original _Fr._ 28th degree. |
| |
| [48] In the _Fr._ “qui estoient devant nous”—and who were ahead |
| of us. |
| |
| [49] They must have already passed the mouth of the Mississippi |
| (owing to La Salle’s having failed to determine its longitude, |
| in 1682, when he had taken its latitude), and were then sailing |
| along the Texas coast, probably near Galveston Bay, more than 400 |
| miles westward of their desired objective. See _note_ to p. 120, |
| vol. ii, _Parkman’s La Salle_ (Champlain edition). |
| |
| [50] In the _Fr._ 28th. |
| |
| [51] In the _Fr._ “notre chaloupe”—our boat. |
| |
| [52] _Fr._ “a quatre piez d’eau”—_i. e._ in four feet of water. |
| |
| [53] _Fr._ “une partie s’embarqua”—a party embarked. |
| |
| [54] _Fr._ “marres.” |
| |
| [55] _Fr._ “marres.” |
| |
| [56] _Fr._ “canot” [thus explained in a marginal note: “Canot; |
| _est un petit batteau fait de bois, ou d’ écorces, ou de |
| peau_”—_i. e._ Canoe, is a little boat made of wood, or bark, or |
| hide]. _C. C. edit._ |
| |
| [57] “Chef”—in the French. |
| |
| [58] _Fr._ “laides”—_i. e._ ugly. |
| |
| [59] _Fr._ “quatre sentinelles”—four sentinels. |
| |
| [60] _Fr._ “village porchain du lieu”—_i. e._ near the place. |
| |
| [61] _Fr._ “jointes au dégoût qui la perte de nôtre navire avoit |
| causé parmi la pluspart des honnestes gens qui avoient suivi M. |
| de la Salle”—together with the anxiety which the loss of our ship |
| had occasioned among most of the people of respectability who had |
| followed M. de La Salle. _C. C. edit._ |
| |
| [62] Though evidently not altogether satisfied in his own mind |
| that he had reached the mouth of the Mississippi, La Salle, |
| desirous to relieve himself of the many complications and |
| annoyances arising from the strained relations between himself |
| and Beaujeu, decided to land his soldiers at a place which he |
| named St. Louis Bay (now known as Matagardu Bay), thinking to |
| send them northward along the coast until they should come to the |
| principal outlet of the “fatal river” as Joutel frequently calls |
| the Mississippi. While here the loss of the _Amiable_ and its |
| valuable stores, the sickness of many of the company, and finally |
| the departure of the _Joly_ with Beaujeu, left La Salle in a sad |
| plight. (See _note_ concerning the relations between La Salle and |
| Beaujeu, in Parkman’s _La Salle_, ii, 133 Champlain edition). |
| |
| [63] _Fr._ “trois ou quatre”—three or four. |
| |
| [64] _Fr._ “vouloit faire un Fort plus avant dans le |
| pays”—designed to establish a fortified post farther inland. _C. |
| C. edit._ |
| |
| [65] _Fr._ “vaisseau, qui”—_i. e._ ship, which. |
| |
| [66] This was on the river Lavaca (La Vache) at the head of |
| Matagorda Bay, and called by Joutel _Rivière aux Bœufs_. |
| |
| [67] St. Louis Bay, St. Bernard’s Bay, Matagorda Bay, Espíritu |
| Bay—are all names by which this Bay has been known. La Salle had |
| a peculiar _penchant_ for naming his forts, and after his royal |
| master, Louis XIV; New Fort, St. Louis of the Illinois, Fort St. |
| Louis of Texas, etc. |
| |
| [68] In the _Fr._ this sentence is a marginal note. |
| |
| [69] The construction of this sentence, leaves us somewhat in |
| doubt, as to whether the girl and the woman were not one and the |
| same person. In the _Fr._ it reads “une fille, une femme blessée |
| à la cuisse d’un coup de fusil, dont elle mourut—a girl, a woman |
| wounded in the thigh by a gun-shot, who died of the wound.” _C. |
| C. edit._ |
| |
| [70] _Fr._ “paquet,” or knapsack. |
| |
| [71] _Fr._ “On voyoit du Côté du midy, & vers l’Orient, la Baye, |
| & les campagnes qui la bordent, de l’Orient au Septentrion, |
| la Rivière se presentoit le long d’un petit costan,”—To the |
| southward and eastward stretched the Bay and the fields which |
| border it, from the east to the north, the river appeared along a |
| gentle slope,—[The phrase, “From the east to the north” squints |
| both ways; the reader must determine the meaning. Perhaps, in |
| the editor’s translation, the comma after the words “border it” |
| should be removed, so as to make the phrase “from the east to the |
| north” qualify the verb “border.” Although the editor’s studies |
| have not qualified him to express an authoritative opinion upon |
| this point of historical geography, he hazards the guess that |
| this river is one of those flowing into Galveston Bay.] _C. C. |
| edit._ |
| |
| [72] [The ascription of an agreeable odor to the colors is found |
| in the original. Perhaps the _Fr._ “couleurs” is a misprint for |
| “fleurs.”] M. B. A. |
| |
| [73] The original _Fr._ expression seems preferable: viz., “& |
| Duhaut ayant dit ses raisons, & moy les miennes, ...”—and Duhaut |
| having given his reasons, and I mine. _C. C. edit._ |
| |
| [74] La Salle, now apparently convinced that in his approach |
| by sea, he had missed the mouth of the Mississippi which he so |
| eagerly sought, determined to retrace, by land, the long route |
| to Canada, in order to secure supplies and succor for the little |
| colony in Texas, and to report their state to France. In this |
| design, he appears to have been even more reticent than usual; |
| since few, if any, seem to have been informed of the real extent |
| of the journey before them. |
| |
| Almost at the outset of their undertaking, the little frigate |
| _Belle_, which was to have accompanied them—as far as |
| possible—along the coast—was lost, and all of her crew perished, |
| except three or four, who were washed ashore, and rejoined |
| Joutel’s party, only after three months’ absence. |
| |
| [75] _Fr._ “alesnes”—awls. |
| |
| [76] Compare p. 2, line 9. |
| |
| [77] The 22d. |
| |
| [78] _Fr._ “pierriers”—swivel-guns. _C. C. edit._ |
| |
| [79] Should be Archevêque. |
| |
| [80] _Fr._ “belles prairies”—meaning, in this case, fine or |
| beautiful. |
| |
| [81] _Fr._ “belles fûtayes.” |
| |
| [82] _Fr._ “beaux ombrages.” |
| |
| [83] _Fr._ “les mêmes païsages.” |
| |
| [84] _Fr._ “dôme.” |
| |
| [85] _Fr._ “26th.” |
| |
| [86] _Fr._ “le lendemain 27.” [The original appears to be wrong, |
| and the correction extends to the three following dates.] M. B. A. |
| |
| [87] _Fr._ “bretelles”—carriers’ or porters’ knots. |
| |
| [88] _Fr._ “fort beau paisage”—_i. e._ pleasant. |
| |
| [89] |
| _Kiahoba_, _Fr._ _Kiaboha_ |
| _Choumenes_, „ _Chaumenés_ |
| _Arhan_, „ _Arhan_ |
| _Enepiahe_, „ _Enepiahæ_ |
| _Ahonerhopiheim_, „ _Ahouerhopiheim_ |
| _Korenkake_, „ _Koienkahé_ |
| _Korkone_, „ _Konkone_ |
| _Maghai_, „ _Meghai_ |
| _Thecamenes_, „ _Tecamenes_ |
| _Kavagan_, „ _Kavayan_ |
| _Kannehonan_, „ _Kannehoüan_ |
| _Tohaka_, „ _Tohaha_ |
| _Chanzes_, „ _Chancres_ |
| _Orcampion_, „ _Orcampieou_ |
| _Ayona_, „ _Ayano_ |
| _Canohatino_, „ _Cannohatinno_ |
| |
| Compare the notes to p. 107, l. 34, and pp. 114, 115.—_C. C. |
| edit._ |
| |
| [90] _Fr._ “belle campagne.” |
| |
| [91] _Fr._ “quarante anciens Sauvages”—forty old Indians. [Later, |
| the translator uses the proper word “Elders.”] _C. C. edit._ |
| |
| [92] The Eng. translator here omits the words in the _Fr._ |
| original “& to make lime” (“& à fair de la chaux”). |
| |
| [93] This occurred, according to Douay’s account, on the 19th |
| March, 1689. |
| |
| [94] _Fr._ “dans le temps qu’il y avait tout à esperer des ses |
| grands travaux”—at a time when there was the greatest hopes of |
| the success of his enterprise. _C. C. edit._ |
| |
| [95] The author referred to here, is Father Douay, whose |
| statement to this effect may be doubted, as Parkman observes that |
| he did not “always write honestly,” and that he probably invented |
| the story of the burial, to cover his own dereliction in having |
| failed (through terror) to discharge this duty. See Parkman’s _La |
| Salle and the Discovery of the Great West_, ii, 176, 178, note, |
| Champlain edition. This assassination occurred in a southern |
| branch of the Trinity River. |
| |
| [96] _Fr._ “Tilleul.” |
| |
| [97] Trappings. The _Fr._ word used here is “ajustemens.” |
| |
| [98] _Fr._ “d’autre leurs arcs & deux fléches seulement,”—“others |
| their bows & two arrows only.” [d’autre is a misprint for |
| “d’autres.”] _C. C. edit._ |
| |
| [99] _Fr._ “Il nous fit bien des caresses, il estoit tout nud, |
| comme eux, & ce qui est surprenant, il avoit presque oublié son |
| langage naturel.”—“He gave us many caresses; he was, like them, |
| quite naked; and what is remarkable, he had almost forgotten his |
| native tongue.” M. B. A. |
| |
| [100] _Fr._ “pav halneaux”—probably a misprint for |
| “hameaux”—hamlets. M. B. A. |
| |
| [101] _Fr._ “d’espace en espace”—at intervals. |
| |
| [102] _Fr._ “presque tout le travail”—almost all the work. |
| |
| [103] |
| _Takensa_, _Fr._ _Tahenssa_ |
| _Enepiahe_, „ _Enepiahæ_ |
| _Ahonerhopiheim_, „ _Ahouerhopiheim_ |
| _Ahekouen_, „ _Ahehoüen_ |
| _Meghty_, „ _Meghey_ |
| _Kouayon_, „ _Koüayan_ |
| _Cagabegux_, „ _Coyabegux_ |
| _Pickar_, „ _Pichar_ |
| _Tokau_, „ _Tohau_ |
| _Peihoun_, „ _Peihoum_ |
| |
| [104] _Fr._ “un cheval entier et fort beau”—a very handsome |
| _entire_ horse. _C. C. edit._: _i. e._, a stallion. |
| |
| [105] _Fr._ “Nord’oüest”—Northwest. |
| |
| [106] This name, although same in French original, is probably a |
| misprint for _Leitot_. |
| |
| [107] _Fr._ “Il apprit de Duhaut”—He learned from Duhaut. |
| |
| [108] That we might see what direction we could take [_i. e._, |
| take information as to their future line of march]. M. B. A. |
| |
| [109] _Fr._ “qui se mirent â chanter â pleine gorge des chansons |
| differentes”—who began loudly to sing various songs. _C. C. edit._ |
| |
| [110] M. Moranget. Following the word “nephew,” in the _Fr._ are |
| the words “& pour moy”—and for me. |
| |
| [111] _Fr._ Nahoudikhe. |
| |
| [112] In _Fr._ original, this sentence is in a marginal note. _C. |
| C. ed._ |
| |
| [113] _Fr._ Cahainihoüa. [Cf. pp. 90 and 44, and the notes. A |
| marginal note in the _Fr._ calls this tribe _Cahaynaho_.] _C. C. |
| edit._ |
| |
| [114] _Fr._ “aspiroient grandement”—ardently longed for. |
| |
| [115] _Fr._ “Quelques une cependant sont plus proprement; mais |
| generalement, non”—Some nevertheless are more cleanly, but |
| generally they are not. |
| |
| [116] _Fr._ “des Cannes seiches allumées”—dry reeds aflame. |
| |
| [117] _Fr._ “difficile”—difficult. |
| |
| [118] This was the famous expedition of the Marquis de Nonville |
| against the Senecas, in which Tonty, Du Shut and Duromtage, came |
| to the aid of the Governor, with 180 French _coureurs de bois_ |
| and 400 Indians from the upper lakes. |
| |
| [119] The Marquis De Nonville, Governor General of Canada. |
| |
| [120] _Fr._ “billet & reconnoissance”—_i. e._, note and receipt. |
| |
| [121] Father Claude Allouez. |
| |
| [122] Michilimackinac. |
| |
| [123] _Fr._ “manne”—maple sap? |
| |
| [124] _Fr._ “cerfeüil”—chervil. |
| |
| [125] The concealment of the fact of La Salle’s death, which |
| was maintained by this party of survivors, until, and for some |
| time after, their return to France, gave rise to an heroic |
| manifestation of courage and friendship, by the Chevalier Tonti, |
| who had been left in charge of Fort Louis on the Illinois. |
| |
| Although they had been, on their journey northward, to Canada, |
| the guests of that officer at Fort St. Louis, from September, |
| 1687, till the end of February, 1688, they had made no disclosure |
| of that fact. And, it was not until some months later, that Tonti |
| heard of it, from the lips of one of his own men, Couture by |
| name, who had been left at the Arkansas, and who had been told |
| of it by the Abbe Cavelier himself. Meanwhile Tonti had received |
| from and paid over to his reverend guest an order from La Salle |
| for over 2,500 livres in beaver and supplies, on which money the |
| party had made their further journey homeward. |
| |
| Learning now, for the first time, with what grief and indignation |
| we may well imagine, of the death of his beloved friend and |
| chief; and also that the Arkansas Indians were anxious to join |
| with the French in an invasion of Mexico—which information was |
| also followed by an official notification from the Governor of |
| Canada, that war had again been declared against Spain, Tonti |
| decided to rescue, if possible, the remaining members of La |
| Salle’s party on the Gulf coast; and, by making them the nucleus |
| of a small army, to cross the Rio Grande, and thus win a new |
| province for France. |
| |
| Leaving the fort early in December, in a canoe, with five |
| Frenchmen, an Indian warrior and two other Indians, he reached |
| the home of the Caddoes in Red River, by the last of March, 1688, |
| and was preparing to push on to a village eighty miles distant |
| in search of Hiens and his companions, when he was left almost |
| helpless by the refusal of all his men, except one Frenchman and |
| the Indian warrior, to longer pursue the tiresome journey they |
| had thus far made. But, with the two faithful ones, he pushed |
| on, losing nearly all their ammunition in crossing a river, |
| and finding, upon reaching the village where he had expected |
| to find them, that they had been killed. As his ammunition was |
| lost, and the Indians refused to furnish him guides, he could |
| only return to the Arkansas country which he only reached by the |
| end of July, after traversing a flooded country, in a ceaseless |
| rain, sometimes by wading, sometimes by rafts, breaking their |
| way with hatchets through the inundated cane brakes, and finally |
| having to kill and eat their dogs. Even Tonti, the hero of many |
| such emergencies of travel, confessed, “I never in my life |
| suffered so much.” Then followed an attack of fever, after the |
| abatement of which he arrived at his fort, in September, 1689. |
| This heroic attempt marks, more distinctly than any other, the |
| character of Tonti, who, in the language of the missionary, St. |
| Cosmo, who traveled under his escort in 1699, was “beloved by |
| all voyageurs—the man who best knows the country—he is loved and |
| feared everywhere.” Tonti was a robust man in appearance, and had |
| (as has been already said) but one hand, but he truly had a great |
| soul within him—Courageous, generous and loyal. Though holding a |
| captain’s commission, he had, as late as 1690, never received any |
| pay; but in that year the proprietorship of the Fort St. Louis |
| of the Illinois was granted to him jointly with La Forest, La |
| Salle’s then lieutenant—and there they carried on a fur trade; |
| and in 1699, they were granted further privileges of trade, by a |
| royal proclamation. In 1702, a royal order assigned La Forest to |
| Canada, and Tonti to residence on the Mississippi. Tonti, in that |
| year, joined D’Iberville in Lower Louisiana, and was by him sent |
| to secure the alliance of the Chickasaws. His after career or the |
| time of his death are unknown. |
| |
| Never were mutiny, conspiracy and assassination more signally |
| and justly followed by retribution than in the fate of these |
| miscreants who had murdered La Salle—as graphically portrayed by |
| Parkman (_La Salle & the Discovery of the Great West_, ii, pp. |
| 212–216. _Champlain edition._) Exiled, by their own deeds, from |
| Canada; in fear of their Spanish neighbors, whose dominion they |
| had invaded, they were finally overwhelmed by an Indian attack, |
| many of them butchered and the fort laid waste. Compulsory |
| domestication among their savage captors was the fate of the |
| rest; and when, in 1689 the Spanish general Alonzo de Leon |
| visited the ruined fort of St. Louis in Texas, they were handed |
| over to him, and expiated their sins in the naval service or |
| prisons of Spain. |
| |
| [126] The eldest son of Louis XIV, who had died a year or two |
| before the publication of the _Fr._ original of this Journal. _C. |
| C. ed._ |
| |
| [127] _Fr._ “overture au droit de l’œil”—opening opposite the eye. |
| |
| [128] _Fr._ “du gros mil”—coarse millet. |
| |
| [129] Bracketed words not in the French original. |
| |
| [130] Reprinted, Albany, 1903, edition of five hundred copies. |
| |
| [131] Reprinted, Albany, 1902, five hundred copies. |
| |
| [132] New edition, Albany, 1903. |
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+
Transcriber’s Notes:
- Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
- Blank pages have been removed.
- Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected,
otherwise archaic or inconsistent spelling was left as-is.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Joutel's Journal of La Salle's Last Voyage 1684-7" ***
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