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Title: A Class-Book of New Testament History
Author: Maclear, G. F. (George Frederick)
Language: English
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HISTORY ***
A CLASS-BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY
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_A CLASS-BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY._
Illustration: (‡ Colophon)
=Elementary Theological Class-Books.=
A CLASS-BOOK
OF
NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY.
BY
THE REV. G. F. MACLEAR, D.D.
WARDEN OF ST AUGUSTINE’S, CANTERBURY, AND LATE HEAD MASTER
OF KING’S COLLEGE SCHOOL, LONDON.
_WITH MAPS._
London:
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK.
1890
[_The Right of Translation is reserved._]
_First printed 1866._
_Reprinted 1867, 1869, 1871, 1873, 1875, 1877,
1879, 1880, 1882, 1885, 1888, 1890._
NOTICE.
THE present Volume forms a sequel to the Author’s Class-Book of Old
Testament History, continuing the Narrative from the point at which
it there ends, and carrying it on to the close of St Paul’s second
imprisonment at Rome.
In its preparation, as in that of the former Volume, the most recent
and trustworthy Authorities[1] have been consulted, notes subjoined,
and references to larger Works added. It is thus hoped that it may
prove at once a useful Class-Book and a convenient Companion to the
study of the Greek Testament.
All questions relating to the Canonicity of the several Books of the
New Testament have been considered in another Volume of the _Cambridge
School Class-Books_, viz. _The Bible in the Church_, by the Rev. B. F.
Westcott.
SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS.
BOOK I.
_The connection between the Old and New Testaments._
PART I.
_The Jews under the Persians, and the Kings of Egypt._
CHAP. I. High-Priesthood of Jaddua――Alexander at Jerusalem
CHAP. II. Ptolemy Soter and Ptolemy Philadelphus
CHAP. III. Ptolemy Euergetes and Ptolemy Philopator
PART II.
_The Jews under the Kings of Syria._
CHAP. I. Antiochus the Great――Seleucus Philopator
CHAP. II. Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes
CHAP. III. Persecution of the Jews under Epiphanes
PART III.
_Rise of the Asmonean Dynasty._
CHAP. I. Mattathias and Judas Maccabæus
CHAP. II. Battle of Emmaus――Re-dedication of the Temple
CHAP. III. Exploits and Death of Judas Maccabæus
CHAP. IV. Jonathan Maccabæus
CHAP. V. Exploits and Death of Jonathan
CHAP. VI. Simon Maccabæus
CHAP. VII. John Hyrcanus and Alexander Jannæus
PART IV.
_Decline of the Asmonean Dynasty; Interference of
the Romans, and rise of the Herodian family._
CHAP. I. Hyrcanus II. and Aristobulus; Pompeius and Crassus
CHAP. II. Antipater and Herod; Julius Cæsar and Antonius
CHAP. III. Herod, King of Judæa
CHAP. IV. Herod, King of Judæa
CHAP. V. Herod, King of Judæa
CHAP. VI. Herod, King of Judæa
PART V.
_Retrospect and Reflections._
CHAP. I. Dispersion of the Jews――Rise of Synagogues
CHAP. II. The Jewish Sects
NOTE. _The Expectation of the Messiah_
BOOK II.
_The Gospel History._
PART I.
_The Birth and Childhood of Christ._
CHAP. I. The Birth of John the Baptist
CHAP. II. The Nativity of Christ
CHAP. III. The Saviour’s Early Life at Nazareth
PART II.
_From the beginning of the Ministry of the Baptist
to the First Passover._
CHAP. I. The Preaching of John――the Baptism of Christ
CHAP. II. Call of the First Disciples――The Marriage at Cana
CHAP. III. The First Passover, and Cleansing of the Temple
PART III.
_From the first Passover to the Election of the Apostles._
CHAP. I. Imprisonment of the Baptist――The woman of Samaria
CHAP. II. Second visit to Cana and Jerusalem
CHAP. III. Miracles at Nazareth and Capernaum
CHAP. IV. Call of Matthew――Hostility of the Pharisees
PART IV.
_From the Election of the Apostles to the death
of John the Baptist._
CHAP. I. Call of the Apostles――Sermon on the Mount
CHAP. II. Teaching in Galilee
CHAP. III. Miracles at Capernaum――Death of the Baptist
PART V.
_From the Death of John the Baptist to the visit of the Saviour
to Jerusalem at the Feast of Tabernacles._
CHAP. I. The Feeding of the Five Thousand, and the Walking on
the Lake
CHAP. II. The Discourse in the Synagogue of Capernaum
CHAP. III. The Four Thousand Fed――The Confession of St Peter
CHAP. IV. The Transfiguration――The Lunatic Child
CHAP. V. The Coin in the Fish’s mouth――Tour through Samaria
PART VI.
_From the Feast of Tabernacles to the
Triumphal Entry into Jerusalem._
CHAP. I. The Feast of Tabernacles――Hostility of the Sanhedrin
CHAP. II. The opening of the eyes of one born blind
CHAP. III. Mission of the Seventy――Discourses and Miracles
CHAP. IV. The Feast of Dedication――Tour in Peræa
CHAP. V. Raising of Lazarus
CHAP. VI. Resolve of the Sanhedrin――Jesus retires to Ephraim
PART VII.
_From the Arrival at Bethany to the Ascension._
CHAP. I. The Anointing at Bethany――The Triumphal Entry
CHAP. II. The Second Cleansing of the Temple
CHAP. III. The Day of Questions――The Enquiring Greeks
CHAP. IV. The Compact of Judas――The Last Supper
CHAP. V. The Agony and Betrayal――Peter’s Denial
CHAP. VI. The Jewish Trial――Remorse and Suicide of Judas
CHAP. VII. The Trial before Pilate――The Condemnation
CHAP. VIII. The Crucifixion
CHAP. IX. The Burial and Resurrection
CHAP. X. The Great Forty Days, and the Ascension
BOOK III.
_The Apostolic History._
PART I.
_The Church of Jerusalem._
CHAP. I. The Election of Matthias――The Pentecostal Effusion
CHAP. II. Activity of the Apostles Peter and John
CHAP. III. Ananias and Sapphira――Renewed Hostility of the
Sadducees
CHAP. IV. The Institution of Deacons――Activity of Stephen
PART II.
_The Church of Palestine._
CHAP. I. Dispersion of the Christians――Activity of Philip
CHAP. II. The Conversion of St Paul
CHAP. III. St Paul’s First Visit to Jerusalem――Peter at Joppa
CHAP. IV. The Conversion of Cornelius
CHAP. V. Martyrdom of St James――Death of Herod
PART III.
_The Church of the Gentiles._
SECTION I.
_First Missionary Tour of Paul and Barnabas._
CHAP. I. Cyprus――Perga――The Pisidian Antioch
CHAP. II. Visit to Lystra, Derbe――Disputes at Antioch
CHAP. III. The Council at Jerusalem
SECTION II.
_St Paul’s Second Missionary Journey._
CHAP. I. The Sharp Contest――Tour in Phrygia and Galatia
CHAP. II. Paul and Silas at Philippi
CHAP. III. Thessalonica, Berœa, Athens
CHAP. IV. Arrival and Stay of St Paul at Corinth
SECTION III.
_St Paul’s Third Missionary Journey and Imprisonment at Cæsarea._
CHAP. I. Visit to Ephesus
CHAP. II. Letter to the Corinthians――Disturbance at Ephesus
CHAP. III. Troas――Second Journey to Greece
CHAP. IV. The Return to Jerusalem――The Tumult in the Temple
CHAP. V. The Imprisonment at Cæsarea
CHAP. VI. Paul before Felix and Festus
SECTION IV.
_St Paul’s Imprisonment at Rome._
CHAP. I. The Voyage from Cæsarea
CHAP. II. The Reception at Malta, and Arrival at Rome
CHAP. III. The first Imprisonment at Rome
CHAP. IV. St Paul’s Second Imprisonment and Death
APPENDIX AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES
INDEX
MAPS.
1. A Map of the Holy Land to illustrate the Asmonean Period
2. A Map of the Holy Land to illustrate the New Testament
3. The Shores of the Sea of Galilee
4. Jerusalem in the time of Our Lord
5. A Map to illustrate the Apostolic History
BOOK I.
THE CONNECTION BETWEEN THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS.
PART I.
THE JEWS UNDER THE PERSIANS, AND THE KINGS OF EGYPT.
CHAPTER I.
_HIGH-PRIESTHOOD OF JADDUA――ALEXANDER AT JERUSALEM._
B.C. 413–332.
“AFTER the death of Nehemiah, about B.C. 413, a thick curtain falls
on the history of the Jews till the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes,
B.C. 175[2].” During upwards of 230 years, a period as long, to compare
it with modern history, as from the death of Queen Elizabeth to the
accession of Queen Victoria, the record of events is of the scantiest
description. It appears certain, however, that Nehemiah was the last of
the governors sent from the court of Persia. Judæa itself was annexed
to the satrapy of Cœlesyria, and the administration of affairs was
entrusted to the high-priest subject to the control of the Syrian
Governor. Thus the civil and spiritual functions were united in one
person, and the pontifical office became an object of competition to
the different members of the family of Aaron, and the cause of many
violent and disgraceful contests.
As subjects, however, of the Persian kings, the Jews were pre-eminent
for their loyalty and good faith. While Egypt, Phœnicia, Cyprus, and
other dependencies of the Persian crown, were frequently the scenes of
rebellions, which were with difficulty suppressed, the Jews remained
steadfast in their allegiance to the “Great King,” and increased
rapidly alike in wealth and population.
A single incident distinguishes the uneventful annals of this period.
During the lifetime of Ezra and Nehemiah, the high-priest was Eliashib.
His successor, Joiada, had two sons, the one Jonathan or Johanan (Neh.
xii. 11, 22), the other Joshua. Joshua stood high in the favour of
Bagoses, the general of the Persian army, and obtained from him the
promise of the high-priesthood. Relying on this assurance, he ventured
to quarrel openly with his brother in the Temple, and fell slain by his
hand within the precincts of the sanctuary itself. So flagrant a crime
roused the indignation of Bagoses. Advancing to Jerusalem he demanded
admittance into the Temple, and when the Jews would have prevented his
entrance, declared he was less unclean than the body of the murdered
man, and not only polluted the sanctuary by entering it, but also
levied a fine of 50 shekels on every lamb offered in sacrifice during
the next seven years.
Like his father, Johanan also had two sons, Jaddua (Neh. xii. 11)
and Manasseh. Jaddua succeeded to the high-priesthood, B.C. 341, and
distinguished himself by zealously maintaining the Mosaic institutions
as restored by Ezra and Nehemiah. Manasseh, on the other hand, married
the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite[3], thus contracting one of
those alliances, against which the Princes of the Captivity had so
energetically protested. This roused the indignation of the elders in
Jerusalem, and of Jaddua himself, who declared that Manasseh must put
away his wife, or be no longer associated in the priesthood. This the
other declined to do, and repaired to his father-in-law in Samaria,
who suggested the building of a temple on Mount Gerizim, where Manasseh
might continue to exercise his priestly functions. With the permission
of the Persian court, this was accordingly done, and Manasseh became
the first priest of the Samaritans at their rival sanctuary, being
joined from time to time by those Jews who had been guilty of criminal
offences in their own country, or had any cause for dissatisfaction[4].
Though by these immigrations the Samaritans were more and more recalled
from idolatry, the building of this temple tended in no small degree to
stimulate the animosity between the two nations. The Jews affirmed that
sacrifice could only be offered at Jerusalem; the Samaritans replied
that on Gerizim Joshua had built his first altar, and that it was
the true place of sacrifice. The controversy thus generated gradually
extended, and produced that intense degree of illwill between the two
peoples, to which there are several allusions in the New Testament
(Lk. ix. 51–56; Jn. iv. 9, viii. 48).
During the high-priesthood of Jaddua, the Persian empire, to which the
Jews had so long been faithful, crumbled to pieces before the armies of
Alexander the Great. Victorious over the Persian forces at the Granicus,
B.C. 334, and again at Issus in the following year, the conqueror
captured Damascus, and having taken Sidon, laid siege to Tyre, B.C. 332.
Thence he sent a message to the high-priest at Jerusalem, demanding
the transference of his allegiance, and auxiliaries and supplies for
his army. This Jaddua declared was impossible, on the ground of his
oath of fidelity to the Persian monarch. Though incensed at this reply,
Alexander delayed to execute his vengeance, till after the reduction of
Tyre, and then set out for the Holy City. Jaddua and his people were in
the utmost consternation. Sacrifices were offered, prayers were put up
to God, and the Divine aid sought to appease the wrath of the invader.
At length the high-priest is said to have been warned in a dream how to
act. He hung the city with garlands, threw open the gates, and as soon
as he was informed that Alexander drew near, clad in his pontifical
robes, and followed by the priests in their ceremonial attire and the
people in white garments, he went forth to meet him at Sapha, probably
Mizpeh, _the watch-tower_, on the high ridge to the north of the city.
As soon as the Grecian conqueror beheld the venerable form of the
high-priest, he fell prostrate, and adored the holy Name inscribed
in golden letters on the frontal of his tiara. The Phœnicians and
Chaldæans in his retinue, ancient enemies of the Jewish people, were
only awaiting the signal to pillage the city and put the high-priest
to the torture. They could not, therefore, conceal their astonishment,
while the Syrian chiefs concluded that the great conqueror had lost
his senses, and Parmenio addressing him enquired why he, whom all the
world worshipped, should kneel before the high-priest. “It is not the
high-priest,” replied the other, “whom I worship, but his God, who has
honoured him with the priesthood. In a vision at Dios in Macedonia, I
saw him arrayed precisely as he now stands, and when I was debating how
I might obtain the dominion of Asia, he exhorted me to make no delay,
but boldly cross over the sea, for he would conduct my army, and give
me victory over the Persians.”
Then taking Jaddua by the right hand, he entered the city, and
repairing to the Temple, offered sacrifice to God, and paid high
honours to the whole priestly body. The prophecies of Daniel[5] were
now read in his hearing, and overjoyed at the prediction there recorded
that a Greek would overthrow the Persian Empire, he offered the Jews
whatever privilege they might select. Thereupon they requested that the
free enjoyment of their lives and liberties might be secured to them,
as also to their brethren in Media and Babylonia, and that they might
be exempted from tribute during the Sabbatical years. These privileges
the conqueror willingly conceded.
This famous visit is recorded only by Josephus, and has been
discredited on the ground that it is not mentioned by Arrian or
Plutarch, Diodorus or Curtius. But it has been observed that, though
probably incorrect in some of the details, there are several points
which confirm the truth of the main facts. Thus Curtius himself
relates that, after the capture of Tyre, Alexander visited some of the
cities which refused to submit to him, and that he personally executed
vengeance on the Samaritans[6]. The Jews, moreover, certainly served
in the army of Alexander, and were located by him in great numbers in
his new city of Alexandria; while the privileges he is said to have
conferred upon them undoubtedly existed in later times, and imply some
such relation between them and the great conqueror. Moreover, from
policy or conviction, Alexander delighted to represent himself as
chosen by destiny for the great acts which he achieved, and his visit
to Gordium before the battle of Issus, and his pilgrimage to the shrine
of Jupiter Ammon alike illustrate the force of religious feelings in
connection with his campaigns[7].
CHAPTER II.
_PTOLEMY SOTER AND PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS._
B.C. 323–247.
ON the death of Alexander, B.C. 323, the vast empire, which he had
won by his arms, was divided amongst his generals, and Palestine, as a
province of Syria, passed into the possession of Laomedon, while Egypt
was assigned to Ptolemy Soter. Between these two war soon broke out,
and Ptolemy having conquered Cyrene, cast longing eyes on the kingdom
of Syria, the harbours of Phœnicia, and the iron and timber, which
abounded in Palestine and amongst the lofty ridges of Libanus and
Anti-Libanus. Accordingly he invaded the realms of Laomedon, defeated
him in a great battle, and gained possession of all Syria and Phœnicia.
The Jews on this occasion manifested such unwillingness to violate
their engagements to the Syrian king, that Ptolemy advanced against
Jerusalem, and besieged it with a large army. Entering the city B.C.
320, under pretence of offering sacrifice on the Sabbath-day, when
the scruples of the inhabitants forbade their offering any defence,
he easily succeeded in capturing it. Instead, however, of following
up his victory by an indiscriminate massacre, he contented himself
with transporting a great number of the inhabitants to Egypt, where he
distributed them as garrisons in different places, but especially in
Alexandria, and conceded to them equal privileges with the Macedonians
themselves. Eight years afterwards he transported another large body
of them to Libya and Cyrene, and thus by successive deportations and
voluntary immigrations on the part of the people themselves, Egypt
became an important centre of Jewish influence.
The king of Egypt, however, was not allowed to remain long in
undisturbed possession of his prize, and found it disputed with him
by Antigonus, one of the most turbulent of the successors of Alexander.
Twice the coveted province fell into the hands of his rival, twice
Ptolemy managed to recover it, and it was finally adjudged to his share
after the decisive battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, B.C. 301.
Meanwhile Jaddua had been succeeded in the high-priesthood at Jerusalem
by his son Onias I., and he again by Simon the Just, the last of the
men of the “Great Synagogue[8],” as he was called by the Jews. He
superintended the repair of the sanctuary of the Temple, surrounded
with brass the cistern or “sea” of the principal court, fortified
the city-walls, and maintained the sacred ritual with much pomp and
ceremony (Eccles. i. 1–22). He is also said to have completed the Canon
of the Old Testament, by adding to it the books of Ezra and Nehemiah,
of Chronicles and Esther, as also the prophecies of Malachi[9]. He died
B.C. 291.
The battle of Ipsus, besides securing to Ptolemy Soter the dominion of
Palestine, Phœnicia, and Cœlesyria, elevated Seleucus to the command of
an Empire greater than any other held by the successors of Alexander.
He assumed the title of “king of Syria,” and his dominion, in the words
of the prophet Daniel (Dan. xi. 5), was _a great dominion_, extending
from the Euxine to the confines of Arabia, and from the Hindokush to
the Mediterranean. His Eastern capital he founded on the banks of the
Tigris, and called _Seleucia_, after his own name. For his western
metropolis he selected a spot admirably situated both for military
and commercial purposes[10], on the left bank of the river Orontes,
just where “the chain of Lebanon running northwards, and the chain
of Taurus running eastwards, are brought to an abrupt meeting[11].”
Here he founded a city with much display in the year B.C. 300, and
called it _Antioch_, after the name of his father Antiochus. Convinced,
like the Egyptian monarchs, of the loyalty of the Jews, he began to
invite many of them to his new capital and other cities in Asia Minor,
assuring them of the same privileges which they enjoyed under Ptolemy
in Alexandria. This invitation was readily embraced by many of the Jews,
who settled down in Antioch, were governed by their own ethnarch, and
were admitted to the same advantages as the Greeks[12].
Ptolemy Philadelphus succeeded his father Ptolemy Soter, B.C. 283.
In pursuance of the policy of the previous reign, he distinguished
himself by uniform kindness to the Jewish nation, ransoming many who
had been sold as slaves, and inviting many to settle in Egypt. A
liberal patron of literature and science, he established a famous
library at Alexandria, and spared no pains in procuring books to be
deposited therein. He is also represented to have caused the Hebrew
Scriptures to be translated into Greek, and thus to have originated
the celebrated Version called the _Septuagint_, from the tradition
that 72 persons were engaged in the translation, which obtained a
wide circulation, and was extensively read. The same monarch conferred
costly presents on the Temple at Jerusalem, consisting of a table for
the shewbread of marvellous workmanship, cisterns of gold, bowls, and
other vessels for the public and private use of the priests[13].
CHAPTER III.
_PTOLEMY EUERGETES AND PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR._
B.C. 247–222.
ON the death of Philadelphus, Ptolemy Euergetes succeeded to the
Egyptian throne. The new king considerably extended the privileges
of the Jews, and bestowed many presents upon their Temple. During his
reign an incident occurred, which illustrates in a striking manner
at once the condition of Judæa at this time, and the influence of
individual members of the chosen nation.
On the death of Simon “the Just,” his brother Eleazar became
high-priest B.C. 291. He was succeeded in B.C. 276, not by his
own son Onias, but his uncle Manasseh, the son of Jaddua. At his
death, B.C. 250, the son of Simon, Onias II., became high-priest, but
inherited none of his father’s virtues, being distinguished for nothing
but meanness, and an inordinate love of money. The older he grew, the
more avaricious he became, and neglected from year to year to remit
to Ptolemy Euergetes the customary tribute of 20 talents of silver.
At length, about B.C. 226, that king sent his commissioner Athenion
to Jerusalem to demand the arrears, and threatened violence, if his
claims were not satisfied. The Jews were filled with dismay at the
too probable consequences of continued disobedience, but Onias still
persisted in his refusal.
At length his nephew Joseph took upon him the task of appeasing the
royal anger, and having ingratiated himself with Athenion persuaded him
to return to Alexandria, and promised that he himself would speedily
follow, and satisfy every demand. Shortly afterwards he himself set
out, and on his way fell in with several men of distinction belonging
to Phœnicia and Cœlesyria who were going up to the Egyptian capital
to compete for the farming of the revenues, which were annually sold
to the highest bidder. Not suspecting a competitor in the Jew, whose
slender equipage contrasted unfavourably with their splendid cavalcade,
they unwittingly revealed the amount at which the revenues had been
farmed.
Thereupon Joseph resolved to outbid them, and in an audience with the
king contrived by his cleverness and ready address completely to win
the royal favour. When the day for the auction came, the nobles of
Phœnicia and Cœlesyria bid 8000 talents for the farming of the revenues.
But Joseph came forward and engaged to pay twice that sum, in addition
to all the goods which should be confiscated for neglect of payment.
Thereupon Ptolemy granted his request, and he became collector of
the revenues from Judæa, Samaria, Cœlesyria, and Phœnicia, and was
furnished with a guard of 2000 soldiers to extort payment from the
refractory.
Having liquidated the arrears due from his uncle, Joseph returned to
Palestine to carry out his instructions. Excited by the disappointed
collectors, Askelon at first refused payment, and treated his demands
with insult. But Joseph was not to be trifled with. He slew 20 of the
chief inhabitants, and sent 1000 talents of their confiscated property
to the king, who highly commended his determination. A similar instance
of severity at Scythopolis[14] put down all further opposition, and
Joseph was at length universally acknowledged as the collector for the
Egyptian king, and held the office upwards of 22 years. He now became
the founder of a family, which vied with that of the high-priest in
power and influence, and became the occasion of many serious quarrels
between them.
The reign of Ptolemy Euergetes came to a sudden and tragical close.
In the year B.C. 222 he was assassinated by his own son Ptolemy IV.,
who in irony was called _Philopator, the lover of his father_. As soon
as he ascended the throne, he murdered his mother Berenice, and his
brother Magas, and gave himself up to luxury and dissipation. Taking
advantage of his well-known effeminacy, Antiochus the Great welcomed
the offer of Theodotus, governor of Cœlesyria, to surrender that
province, and after a brief campaign became master of Phœnicia,
Tyre, Ptolemais, Damascus, and the greater part of Cœlesyria. Roused
at length from his lethargy, the Egyptian monarch confronted his
rival at Raphia, between Rhinocorura and Gaza, and defeated him with
enormous loss, B.C. 217, the same year that Hannibal was victorious at
Thrasymene.
Meanwhile the Jews had remained steadfast in their allegiance to
Ptolemy, and the conqueror visited Jerusalem, offered sacrifices
according to the Jewish law, and presented rich gifts to the Temple.
Attracted by the beauty of the building, and the solemnity of the
service, he desired to penetrate into the Holy of Holies. Simon II.,
who had succeeded Onias, together with the priests, entreated him to
desist from his purpose, but this only increased his determination
to view the interior, and he pressed forward, amidst the dismay of
the pontiff and the lamentation of the people, towards the sanctuary.
Here, however, he was seized with a sudden and supernatural terror,
and was carried forth half-dead. Enraged at this repulse, he retired
to Alexandria, and wreaked his vengeance on the numerous Jews who had
settled there. Some he is said to have put to death, others he degraded
from their high positions and consigned to slavery, or reduced to the
lowest class of citizens. Thirteen years afterwards, B.C. 204, he died
a victim to his sensual habits, and was succeeded by his son Ptolemy
Epiphanes, then only five years old.
Meanwhile, since his disastrous defeat at Raphia, Antiochus had been
gradually strengthening his position in Upper Asia, where he had
won his title of “the Great” by his successes against the Parthians
and Bactrians, as also on the banks of the Indus. Having thus
re-established the supremacy of the Seleucidæ he returned to Western
Asia, to find his old rival dead, and the Egyptian throne in the
possession of a child. He instantly embraced the opportunity of
attacking the Egyptian dominions, and in concert with Philip III. of
Macedon resolved to avenge the defeat at Raphia. In the campaigns that
ensued the Jews suffered severely, and became in turn the prey of each
of the contending parties[15]. In B.C. 203, Antiochus succeeded in
taking Jerusalem. In B.C. 199 it was retaken by Scopas, the general of
the Egyptian forces. Next year Antiochus reappeared in the field, and
at the foot of Mount Panium[16], near the sources of the Jordan, gained
a decisive victory over Scopas, capturing that general himself and the
remnant of his forces, which had fled for refuge to Sidon.
Wearied of the struggle, and remembering the indignities offered to
their sanctuary by Philopator, the Jews now threw off their subjection
to Egypt, welcomed the conqueror as their deliverer, and furnished
supplies for his army. Antiochus in his turn treated his new subjects
with liberality and kindness. He not only guaranteed to them perfect
freedom and protection in the exercise of their religion, but promised
to restore their city to its ancient splendour, forbade the intrusion
of strangers in their Temple, and contributed largely towards the
regular celebration of its services. At the same time, imitating the
examples of Alexander and Seleucus, he issued orders to Zeuxis, the
general of his forces, to remove 2000 Jewish families from Babylon into
Lydia and Phrygia, where they were to be permitted to use their own
laws, to have lands assigned them, and to be exempted from all tribute
for ten years[17].
PART II.
THE JEWS UNDER THE KINGS OF SYRIA.
CHAPTER I.
_ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT――SELEUCUS PHILOPATOR._
B.C. 198–175.
THE battle of Mount Panium marks an era in the history of the Jews. For
a century since the battle of Ipsus they had been steadfast in their
allegiance to the Egyptian throne. They now transferred it from the
descendants of the Ptolemies to those of Seleucus Nicator, and their
connection with the Syrian kings begins.
Antiochus, who had bestowed upon them so many privileges, did not long
enjoy the fruits of his victory. His chief ally in the late campaign
had been Philip of Macedon, who, at the conclusion of the third war
against Carthage, found himself attacked by the forces of the great
Republic of the West now commencing its conquest of the world. Deserted
by his friend Antiochus, whose aid he might reasonably have expected,
he was forced after three campaigns to sue for peace, and the Romans
became supreme in Macedonia and Greece, B.C. 197.
Five years afterwards Antiochus found _his_ turn was come to feel the
weight of the same all-conquering arms. In the year B.C. 192 he crossed
over into Greece on the invitation of the Ætolians, and under the
expectation of a general rising of the Greeks ventured on a campaign
with Rome, entrenching himself at Thermopylæ[18]. But in the following
year the consul M. Acilius Glabrio attacked him in his entrenchments,
and speedily put his whole army to flight. Thereupon the Syrian king
hastened back to Asia, and employed himself in collecting a vast host
from all parts of his dominions, wherewith to prosecute the campaign,
which his friend Hannibal truly warned him was close at hand. In
B.C. 190 the Romans, under Scipio Africanus and his brother Scipio
Asiaticus, crossed the Hellespont, and Antiochus confronted them in the
neighbourhood of Magnesia[19], at the foot of Mount Sipylus. His motley
hosts, though aided by numerous elephants and the Macedonian phalanx,
were utterly unable to resist the terrible Roman legions. Defeated with
a loss of 50,000 men, the haughty Syrian was constrained to sue for
peace. The conditions exacted by the conquerors were the death-blow of
the Syrian empire. Antiochus was forced to cede all his dominions in
Asia Minor west of Mount Taurus; to surrender all his ships of war, and
retain no more than 10 merchant vessels; to keep no elephants; to raise
no mercenaries in any of the countries allied with Rome; to pay down
2500 Euboic talents at once, and 12,000 more by instalments of 1000
a year; and to deliver up Hannibal and other enemies of Rome who had
taken refuge in his dominions.
Beaten, baffled, and disgraced, the Syrian monarch returned to his
capital. The hard conditions of peace were approved by the senate
B.C. 188, and to raise the heavy tribute, which threatened to exhaust
all the resources of his empire, he resolved to plunder the temples
throughout his dominions. The first attack it was agreed should be
made on that of Elymais, situated at the meeting-point of the caravan
routes which connected Media with Persia and Susiana. But the guards
of the temple, aided by the hardy mountaineers of the district, made a
vigorous defence of their shrine, and Antiochus was slain, B.C. 187[20]
(Dan. xi. 19).
On the news of his death, his son Seleucus ascended the throne, and
assumed the title of _Philopator_. During the early period of his
reign, the new king carefully abstained from giving any offence to the
Jewish nation, guaranteed to them the free exercise of their religion,
and even contributed to the expenses of the Temple services (2 Macc.
iii. 2, 3).
Before long, however, his attention was directed to the riches
deposited in the sanctuary at Jerusalem. At this time that city
presented an appearance of much external prosperity. The high-priest
Onias III, who succeeded Simon B.C. 195, was held in high respect,
and ruled the people with firmness and vigour (2 Macc. iii. 1). But
an untoward cause of intestine dissension soon arose, and led to the
interference of the Syrian king.
Joseph, the collector of the revenues of Phœnicia and Cœlesyria, had
left behind him an illegitimate son, named Hyrcanus. Between this son
and his legitimate brothers a serious quarrel arose respecting their
father’s property. Onias espoused the cause of Hyrcanus, and on his
death secured his property in the treasury of the Temple, the custody
of which was now held by one Simon, who is supposed by some to have
been a son of Joseph (2 Macc. iii. 4). Filled with spite against the
high-priest he gave information to Apollonius the governor of Phœnicia
and Cœlesyria respecting the amount of treasure contained in the Temple,
and represented that it might without difficulty be applied to the
king’s use (2 Macc. iii. 4–6). The governor reported this to Seleucus,
and the Syrian king, straitened for means to pay the Roman tribute,
directed his treasurer Heliodorus not only to penetrate into the Temple,
but plunder it of its funds.
Heliodorus arrived at Jerusalem, communicated his instructions,
and demanded the surrender of the money. In vain the high-priest
expostulated on the insult which would be offered to the national
sanctuary, and declared that one half the treasures belonged to God,
and the other to widows and orphans, who had placed it there for
security. Heliodorus declared that his orders must be carried out,
demolished the outer gates, and was on the point of entering the
sanctuary, when, like Ptolemy Philopator, he too was struck with a
panic terror, which prostrated him speechless on the ground, so that he
had to be carried away insensible by his retinue (2 Macc. iii. 26–30).
Restored, however, by the prayers of Onias, he gradually recovered, and
returning to Antioch related all that had occurred, and declared to his
Syrian lord that nothing would induce him to venture again on such an
errand.
On the death of Antiochus the Great, it had been agreed between the
senate of Rome and Seleucus that he should send his son Demetrius to
take the place, as a hostage, of his brother Antiochus, who was to be
allowed to come back to Syria. Shortly after his return from Jerusalem,
Demetrius departed for this purpose, and Heliodorus, in the absence
of the two persons nearest in succession to the throne, poisoned his
master and usurped the crown. News of this reached Antiochus as he was
visiting Athens on his way to the Syrian capital. He instantly invoked
the aid of Eumenes king of Pergamus, at this time master of the greater
part of the territories in Asia Minor wrested by the Romans from his
father, and having quickly crushed the usurper, ascended the Syrian
throne, and assumed the title of Epiphanes, or _the Illustrious_, while
his nephew Demetrius remained a hostage at Rome[21], B.C. 175.
CHAPTER II.
_REIGN OF ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES._
B.C. 175–170.
THE long-continued subjection of the Jews to Grecian monarchs had by
this time exerted a very considerable influence on their habits and
mode of life. Familiar not only with the language but the literature
and philosophy of Greece, many had acquired a strong taste for Grecian
studies, preferred the Grecian religion to their own, adopted Grecian
manners, and practised Grecian arts. Amongst this Hellenizing party
none was more active than Joshua the brother of the high-priest, who
even assumed the Grecian name of Jason.
On the accession of Epiphanes he made his appearance among the princes
who flocked to Antioch to assure the new monarch of their allegiance,
and by his insinuating manners rapidly rose into high favour. Knowing
the depressed condition of the Syrian exchequer, in consequence of
the annual tribute to Rome, he offered the king the tempting bribe of
440 talents of silver to secure the deposition of his elder brother,
and his own appointment to the high-priesthood. Successful in this he
caused Onias to be summoned to Antioch, and kept there as a prisoner at
large, and then returning to Jerusalem devoted himself to the work of
introducing Grecian customs among the people.
By a second bribe of 150 talents he obtained permission from his
patron to establish at Jerusalem a gymnasium for athletic exercises,
and with such success that even the priests _despised the Temple_ and
_neglected the sacrifices_ to take part in the games (2 Macc. iv. 14).
He next procured a license to establish an academy in which the Jewish
youth might be brought up in the Grecian fashion, and was empowered
to confer the citizenship of Antioch on many of his fellow-countrymen,
who eagerly coveted the empty honour (2 Macc. iv. 9). Not content with
this, in the year B.C. 174 he went so far as to send a deputation with
300 drachmas of silver to Tyre, towards the celebration of the games
in honour of the tutelary deity, Hercules. But even his own ♦partisans
shrunk from such open idolatry, and in place of bestowing the money
on the games, preferred to offer it towards the building of a fleet
(2 Macc. iv. 20).
For three years the high-priest continued his work of corrupting the
manners of his people, and then found the means he had used to acquire
his ill-gotten dignity turned against himself. Having occasion to send
his brother Onias IV., who had assumed the name of Menelaus, to the
Syrian court, his envoy embraced the opportunity of offering Antiochus
300 talents a year more than his brother had paid for the office of
high-priest, and succeeded in supplanting him in the royal favour
(2 Macc. iv. 24). Escorted by a body of Syrian troops, he then expelled
Jason, who fled into the country of the Ammonites, and assuming the
position and title of high-priest, proved even more wicked than his
predecessor.
For some time, however, he delayed to make the stipulated payment to
Antiochus, and when Sostratus, the commander of the Acra, had made
several ineffectual demands for it, they were both summoned to the
Syrian capital. At the time of their arrival Epiphanes was absent in
Cilicia, and had left Andronicus in charge of affairs. Finding that
in some way the money must be procured, Menelaus sent instructions to
his brother Lysimachus to abstract some of the golden vessels of the
Temple, and having secretly sold them at Tyre, obtained sufficient
money to liquidate the debt and bribe over Andronicus to espouse his
cause. The sacrilegious sale, however, transpired, and came to the ears
of the venerable Onias III., the legitimate high-priest, who severely
reproved the usurper for his conduct. Enraged at this reproof, Menelaus
prevailed on the king’s deputy to seize the aged priest and put him
to death (2 Macc. iv. 27–35). This atrocious deed roused the utmost
indignation amongst the Jews at Antioch, and the Syrian king stripped
Andronicus of the purple, and ordered him to be executed on the very
spot, where the venerable priest, whose _sober and modest behaviour_
(2 Macc. iv. 37) he always respected, had been murdered.
At this time the thoughts of Antiochus were fixed on the reduction of
Egypt. In B.C. 171 he led his forces through Palestine and defeated
the Egyptians before Pelusium. In the following year he led a second
expedition, and taking advantage of the occupation of the Romans
with the war against Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, evaded
the condition of the late treaty[22], which restricted his fleet to
10 ships, and attacked Egypt by sea and land. Again he was successful,
and reduced the whole country with the exception of Alexandria.
While he was before the walls of this city, a report reached Palestine
that he was dead. On this Jason, taking advantage of the unpopularity
of Menelaus, placed himself at the head of 1000 men, seized Jerusalem,
and, while his brother secured himself in the castle of Zion, put great
numbers of the Jews to death (2 Macc. v. 5, 6).
The first intelligence of these events received by Antiochus
represented that all Judæa was in a state of rebellion, and that the
Jews were rejoicing in his supposed death. Enraged at these tidings
he instantly made preparations for marching upon Jerusalem, whence
Jason, hearing of his approach, fled into the country of the Ammonites.
The city was taken by storm, and the late proceedings being considered
as a revolt, it was resolved to inflict a proportionate punishment.
Accordingly for three days Antiochus surrendered the capital to the
fury and license of his soldiers, and during this period 40,000 of the
inhabitants were slain, and an equal number sold into captivity. Under
the guidance of the impious Menelaus, he then entered the Sanctuary,
seized all the sacred vessels, and searching even the subterranean
vaults, carried off treasure to the amount of 1800 talents of gold.
He next ordered a great sow to be sacrificed on the brazen altar of
burnt-offering, a portion of the flesh to be boiled, and the liquor
poured over every part of the Temple; and having thus drained the
capital of its treasure, drenched the streets with blood, and profaned
its Sanctuary, handed it over once more to the administration of
Menelaus, supported by Philip, a Phrygian, and _for manners more
barbarous than he that set him there_ (2 Macc. v. 15–23; 1 Macc.
i. 20‒28).
CHAPTER III.
_PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS UNDER EPIPHANES._
B.C. 169–167.
HIS exchequer recruited by this valuable plunder, Antiochus in the
following year, B.C. 169, led a third expedition into Egypt, and once
more laid siege to Alexandria. But his late proceedings at Jerusalem
had raised against him fiercer enemies even than the Egyptians. The
Jews, who formed a full half of the population, stung to the quick by
the indignities offered to their fellow-countrymen and the desecration
of the national Temple, assisted the Alexandrians with the fiercest
zeal in repelling his attacks, and once more forced the king to raise
the siege.
Undaunted, however, by this second repulse, he reappeared before the
walls the next year, B.C. 168, and having a still larger force at his
command, determined to reduce the city to subjection. But he was now
confronted with a power it was impossible to resist. Having defeated
Perseus at the decisive battle of Pydna, and reduced Macedonia to
the condition of a Roman province, the Romans had at length found
themselves able to listen to the repeated entreaties of the Ptolemies
for assistance.
Accordingly Antiochus, on invading Egypt for the fourth time, found
at Eleusis, about 4 miles from Alexandria, Caius Popilius Lænas, Caius
Decimius, and Caius Hostilius, ambassadors from Rome, who commanded
him to abstain from all hostilities against the Ptolemies, or prepare
for war against the haughty republic of the West. During his long
residence at Rome[23], Antiochus had made the acquaintance of Popilius,
and seeing him at the head of the embassy, stretched forth his arms to
embrace him. But the Roman sternly repelled the salute, and handed to
him the written orders of his government. The Syrian monarch requested
time to refer the matter to his council, but Popilius drew a circle on
the sand with his staff round the king, and declared that he should not
leave it, till he had given him an answer, which he could report to the
senate. Confounded at this determined conduct, Antiochus was obliged
to yield, and having, after a brief struggle, consented to bow to the
senate’s decree, was rewarded with the ambassador’s hand[24].
Accordingly the command was given to desist from any attack upon
Alexandria, and the Syrian mercenaries prepared to evacuate the land
of the Ptolemies. But the rage and disappointment of Antiochus knew
no bounds. The imperious commands of the haughty Romans roused him
to positive phrenzy. His private life had long since procured for him
the title of _Epimanes_, “the madman,” instead of _Epiphanes_, “the
illustrious[25].” Uniting “the quick and versatile character of a Greek
with the splendid voluptuousness of an Asiatic[26],” he thought nothing
of debasing the royal dignity by mingling with the revels of his
meanest subjects. He would scour the streets, visit the lowest places
and the commonest baths, or, like Peter of Russia, converse with the
artizans in their shops respecting their various trades. Sometimes he
would mingle with some drunken revellers, and amuse them by singing or
playing on his flute. At other times he would array himself in a white
robe like the candidates for office at Rome, and in this guise go about
the streets of Antioch, saluting the citizens, taking them by the hand,
and supplicating their votes for some Roman office, of which in all
probability they had never heard the name. Having in this way obtained
a sufficient number of votes he would, with all the solemnity of
a tribune or an ædile, take his seat in the market-place after the
Roman fashion, and deliver judgment with all the gravity of a Roman
magistrate. Immoderately fond of wine, he became under its influence
a madman, and when thwarted in any design his fury knew no bounds.
At the same time he was bigoted and intolerant to an extent almost
incredible. His favourite deity was Zeus Olympius, and in his honour
he was in the habit of celebrating games at Daphne, which exceeded
in splendour anything that his predecessors had ever attempted, and
erected a magnificent temple, at which he offered the most sumptuous
and extravagant sacrifices.
Such was the man, now goaded into even more than usual fury by the
disappointments of his designs on Egypt, who was forced to bow before
the power of Rome. As he returned to his own dominions, Jerusalem
unfortunately lay in his way. Accordingly, he detached Apollonius,
one of his generals, with a division of 22,000 men, and ordered him
to wreak that vengeance on the city which he could not inflict on
Egypt. As he was the chief collector of the tribute throughout Judæa,
Apollonius found no difficulty in effecting his way into the capital,
and no suspicions were entertained of his designs. He then waited till
the first sabbath after his arrival, when he knew no resistance was
to be dreaded, and suddenly let loose his soldiers on the unresisting
multitude, instructing them to slay all the men they met, to make
slaves of the women and children, plunder the houses, and throw down
the city walls (2 Macc. v. 24–26).
His orders were executed with relentless severity; the streets of
the city and the courts of the Temple ran with blood; the houses
were pillaged; the dwellings near Mount Zion demolished; and with
the materials thus obtained the fortifications of that citadel were
strengthened, and occupied with a Syrian garrison (1 Macc. i. 33).
This fortress overlooked the Temple, and the Jews could no longer steal
into the city, and offer sacrifice in the accustomed place. The daily
sacrifice therefore ceased in the month of Sivan, B.C. 167; Jerusalem
became deserted; her inhabitants fled; _her sanctuary was laid waste
like a wilderness; her feasts were turned into mourning; her sabbaths
into reproach; her honour into contempt_ (1 Macc. i. 39).
But the persecution did not end here. Like Nebuchadnezzar before him,
Antiochus resolved on obtaining a uniformity of worship throughout
his dominions. A decree therefore was issued from the Syrian capital
enjoining his subjects to worship the gods of the king, and none other.
Some of the Jews now fled from the land, or concealed themselves in
caves or mountains. Others, long secretly attached to Grecian customs,
consented to conform, _sacrificed unto idols, and profaned the Sabbath_
(1 Macc. i. 43).
Before long a royal commissioner, named Athenæus, arrived with
instructions to enforce a general compliance to the royal edict. He
re-consecrated the Temple in honour of Zeus Olympius; erected on the
brazen altar of burnt-offering another in honour of that god; offered
swine’s flesh upon it; and introduced the heathen ritual with all
its lascivious accompaniments. Having thus set up _the abomination of
desolation upon the altar_ (1 Macc. i. 54; comp. Dan. xi. 31), he made
the observance of any portion of the law of Moses a capital offence.
Circumcision, the keeping of the Sabbath, the reading of the Law, were
strictly forbidden. Every copy of the sacred books that could be found
was seized and defaced, torn to pieces or burnt. Groves were at the
same time consecrated, heathen altars set up in every city, and every
month, on the birthday of the king, the people were ordered to offer
sacrifice and eat swine’s flesh. Moreover, in place of the Feast of
Tabernacles, they were compelled to observe the licentious festival of
the Bacchanalia, to join in the procession, and to appear crowned with
the ivy wreaths sacred to the god of wine (2 Macc. vi. 3–7).
Proceedings equally tyrannical were enacted in other parts of the land.
The Samaritans, on the occasion of the visit of Alexander the Great,
had claimed relationship with the Jews. They now wrote to Antiochus,
stating that they were Zidonians, and offering to dedicate their temple
on Mount Gerizim to Zeus Xenios, _the Defender of Strangers_. With
this proposal the Syrian monarch complied, and the temple was dedicated
accordingly. Meanwhile all who refused to yield to the orders of the
persecutor suffered the most fearful tortures. Two women, who had dared
to circumcise their children, were led round the streets of Jerusalem
with their babes hanging round their necks, and were cast down the
battlements into the deep valley below the city-walls. Eleazar, an
aged man, and one of the principal of the scribes, for refusing to eat
swine’s flesh was beaten to death, while a mother and her seven sons
for the same offence were executed after enduring the most revolting
and horrible tortures (1 Macc. i. 61; 2 Macc. vi. vii.).
PART III.
RISE OF THE ASMONEAN DYNASTY.
CHAPTER I.
_MATTATHIAS AND JUDAS MACCABÆUS._
B.C. 167–165.
NEVER did the fortunes of the Chosen People look so dark and troubled
as now; never did the nation itself, never did the religion of Jehovah
appear so near to total extermination. But it was at this very time,
when the gradual prevalence of Grecian manners, Grecian idolatry, and
Grecian corruption threatened to eradicate all real attachment to the
Law of Moses, that God interposed in behalf of His people, and through
the genius, bravery, and heroic devotion of one noble-minded family,
raised them from their prostrate misery to a height of power, which
recalled the glory and the splendour even of the reign of David.
At Modin[27], a town situated on an eminence on the road between
Jerusalem and Joppa, there lived a priest, named MATTATHIAS, of the
line of Joiarib, the first of the 24 courses (1 Chron. xxiv. 7). The
son of Jochanon, the son of Simon, the son of Asamonæus or Chasmon,
from whom the family took its name, he could boast of noble blood.
At this time he was advanced in years, but his sons were in the prime
of life, and were five in number, Johanan, Simon, Judas, Eleazar, and
Jonathan.
The sad declension of the nation and the ruthless persecution of
Antiochus had already roused his keenest indignation, when a royal
commissioner, Apelles, arrived at Modin, charged to carry out the
edict against the Jewish religion, and to require the people to
offer idolatrous sacrifice. Knowing his influence in the place, the
commissioner used his utmost efforts to induce Mattathias to conform to
heathen customs. But it was in vain. The aged priest not only declared
his resolution to live and die in the faith of his fathers, but when
an apostate Jew approached the altar which Apelles had erected to offer
sacrifice, struck him down, and then, aided by his sons and the men
of the town, rushed upon the commissioner himself, slew him and his
retinue, and tore down the altar (1 Macc. ii. 15–29). The first blow
thus struck, he called upon all such of his fellow-townsmen as were
zealous for the Law of Moses to follow him, and, unfurling the banner
of the national Faith, fled to the dark and rugged mountains of Judæa,
where he was soon joined by many who feared God, and hated idolatry.
Tidings of these events quickly reached the ears of the Phrygian
governor at Jerusalem, and he dispatched a large force, which attacked
the patriots on the Sabbath-day, when they were unlikely to offer any
resistance, and slew upwards of 1000, with their wives, children, and
cattle (1 Macc. ii. 31–38). This untoward incident awoke the little
army of Mattathias to the conviction that they would be _rooted out
of the earth_ (1 Macc. ii. 40), if they persisted in their resolve
not to act in self-defence on the Sabbath-day. With the sanction,
therefore, of their brave leader, they determined to break through
this overscrupulous observance, and though they would not attack, they
henceforth considered it lawful to defend themselves on this day.
Before long, they were joined by the “Assideans,” the zealots for the
Law (1 Macc. ii. 42), and by numbers flying from the persecution still
going on throughout the country, and prepared to conduct the war of
independence with prudence and discretion. For a time, therefore, they
laid hid in their mountain fastnesses, and, as opportunity offered,
poured down upon the towns, destroyed the heathen altars, enforced
circumcision, punished all apostates who fell into their hands,
recovered many copies of the Law from the possession of their enemies,
and re-established public worship.
But the hardships of the campaign did not suit the advanced age of
Mattathias. Sinking under the weight of years, he called together his
followers, exhorted them in noble words to constancy and devotion, and
bequeathed the command of his little army to Judas, the third and most
valiant of all his sons, associating with him Simon, his second son,
as chief counsellor (1 Macc. ii. 49–69). Having given them this prudent
advice, he died, and was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers at
Modin, amidst the universal lamentations of the people, B.C. 166[28].
Though Judas was young in years, he lacked neither energy nor prudence,
and succeeding to the designs of his aged father, first unfolded the
banner of the MACCABEES. This name is of uncertain meaning. Some derive
it from the concluding letters of a sentence in Exod. xv. 11, Mi Camo
Car Baalim Jehovah, i.e., _Who is like unto Thee among the gods, O
Jehovah?_ Others, again, derive it from the banner of the tribe of Dan,
which is said to have contained the three last letters of the names of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Others, with more probability, understand
it to have been a personal appellation of Judas himself, meaning the
_Hammerer_, like Martel, the surname of the famous Carlovingian chief,
Charles.
Whatever was the precise meaning of the name, the new leader _girt
his warlike harness about him_ (1 Macc. iii. 3), rallied his forces,
and bent all his energies to the task of uniting in a compact body all
who were zealous for the national faith. “By night attacks, by sudden
surprises (2 Macc. viii. 6, 7), he taught his people how to fight and
conquer. Alert of foot and quick of brain; yesterday in the mountains,
to-day in the plain; now marching on a post, now storming a castle;
in a few months of service he changed his rabble of zealots into an
army of solid troops, capable of meeting and repelling the royal hosts
commanded by generals trained in the Macedonian school of arms[29].”
At length Apollonius, who had recently signalized himself by plundering
Jerusalem and massacring its inhabitants, deemed it time to interfere.
At the head of a large army, mostly composed of Samaritans and apostate
Jews, he marched against the patriot chief, but was totally defeated
and slain (1 Macc. iii. 10–12). Tidings of this disaster roused Seron,
the deputy-governor of Cœlesyria, and he went forth at the head of
a still larger force, determined to have his revenge. Judas did not
decline the combat, which took place at Beth-horon, famous as the scene
of Joshua’s victory over the southern Canaanites[30], and resulted in
the complete defeat of the Syrian general, whose troops were driven in
confusion down the rocky pass to the western lowlands (1 Macc. iii. 24).
These two disasters moved the indignation of Antiochus beyond measure.
He was himself, however, unable to take the field, for his exchequer
being exhausted by his prodigal munificence (1 Macc. iii. 29), and
his eastern provinces, Armenia and Persia, refusing to pay any further
tribute, he deemed it expedient to lead an expedition thither in hopes
of recruiting his treasury. Accordingly he entrusted the government of
all that portion of his empire, which lay between the Euphrates and the
borders of Egypt, to Lysias, one of his nobles and of the blood royal,
and gave him the command of half his army, with instructions utterly
_to destroy and root out the strength of Israel and the remnant of
Jerusalem_ (1 Macc. iii. 35).
CHAPTER II.
_BATTLE OF EMMAUS――RE-DEDICATION OF THE TEMPLE._
B.C. 165.
ON the departure of Antiochus, the regent, who entered zealously into
all his plans, began to concert measures with Ptolemy Macron, the
governor of Cœlesyria, and diligently collecting his forces, early the
next year dispatched 40,000 troops into Judæa, under the command of
Gorgias and Nicanor, two generals of tried ability.
While the Syrian troops, who were shortly joined by 7000 cavalry,
encamped at Emmaus, about a mile to the north-east of Modin, Judas had
assembled his little army of 6000 devoted followers at Mizpeh, _the
Watchtower_, over against Jerusalem (1 Macc. iii. 46), where Samuel,
in one of the darkest periods of his nation’s history, had erected
the Stone of Eben-ezer, _the rock of help_, after the Lord had given
victory to the people[31]. Here the Maccabæan chieftain kept a solemn
fast, laid open the book of the Law, _wherein the heathen had sought
to paint the likeness of their images_ (1 Macc. iii. 48), and made a
public confession of the national sins. In strict conformity with the
command of Moses (Deut. xx. 5–8), he then bade all, who in the course
of the year had built a house, or betrothed a wife, or had planted a
vineyard, or were fearful, to return every man to his home. Half of his
little army obeyed the invitation, and with barely 3000 men, _who had
neither armour nor swords to their minds_ (1 Macc. iv. 6), he was left
to confront the vast hosts of the enemy.
So certain did the Syrians deem themselves of a victory in the
approaching encounter, that Nicanor had proclaimed beforehand in all
the cities and sea-ports round about (1 Macc. iii. 41) a sale of Jewish
captives, at the rate of 90 for a talent. This proclamation attracted
numbers of slave-merchants to his camp, who with their servants made
every preparation to carry off their anticipated booty. Hearing through
his scouts of the reduction of the forces of Judas, he now dispatched
Gorgias with 5000 infantry and 1000 cavalry, to surprise him by night,
and cut off his retreat into the mountains. But equally well served
by _his_ spies, the Jewish warrior was no sooner made aware of his
intention, than he instantly conceived the daring design of attacking
the camp of Nicanor, in the absence of his brother commander, and
sallying forth early in the evening, fell upon it with the utmost
fierceness at midnight.
Fully believing in the certain success of Gorgias, Nicanor had made
no provision against such an attack, and was roused from sleep only
to find his camp in inextricable confusion. The terrible bravery of
the Maccabees filled the Syrians with a sudden panic, and they were
as little able to resist the fury of their attack as the Midianites
to oppose the onset of Gideon’s three hundred men. Without striking a
blow, they fled precipitately to Gazara[32], the plain of Idumæa[33],
Azotus[34], and Jamnia[35], and left their camp at the mercy of their
foes, with all the wealth which it contained.
Meanwhile Gorgias was wandering in the mountains, vainly searching
for the little army of Judas, who having persuaded his men to restrain
themselves from rifling the Syrian camp till their victory was complete,
calmly awaited his return. The first sight that met the Syrians, when
they came back, was the flame of their blazing tents; the first sound,
the signal from the Maccabæan trumpets for the onset. Filled with alarm
they too fled precipitately, nor attempted to lift a hand against the
victorious Hebrews.
After these two routs, in which the Syrians lost upwards of 9000 men,
their camp could be plundered with impunity of its gold and silver,
provisions, and rich merchandise (1 Macc. iv. 23). The numerous
slave-dealers who had followed the Syrians for the purpose of buying
up the Jewish captives were themselves sold into bondage, and the
spoil was divided partly amongst the conquerors, and partly amongst the
numerous widows and orphans of the late persecutions. Nicanor himself
escaped from the field in the disguise of a slave, and flying to
Antioch, openly acknowledged the power of that God who had so mightily
avenged the wrongs of His people, and raised them up from their former
prostrate condition.
Thus closed the first campaign of the Maccabees. Furnished from the
recent spoils with ample arms and ammunition, and joined by numerous
fresh followers, Judas was now in a position to cope with the forces
of Timotheus, governor of the country beyond the Jordan, as also of
Bacchides, an experienced Syrian general, who next invaded Judæa with
a large army. Defeating them in a pitched battle, he captured upwards
of 20,000 stand of arms, and ample provisions. Next year he was called
to confront Lysias himself, who with 60,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry
marched through Idumæa, and encamped before Beth-sura[36], or Beth-zur,
a strong fortress in the mountains of Judæa, north-west of Hebron.
Though the Maccabæan chief had but 10,000 men, with whom to confront
this formidable array, he did not scruple to meet them in the field,
and again succeeded in obtaining decisive advantages (1 Macc. iv.
29, 34).
The Syrian regent now returned to Antioch, and Judas, successful on
every side, turned his thoughts towards the capital of the recovered
province of Judæa. On ascending Mount Moriah, and entering the courts
of the Temple, a sad scene of desolation met his eyes. The altar of
burnt-offering was surmounted with that dedicated to Zeus Xenios;
the gates were in ashes; the priests’ chambers were in ruins; _shrubs
grew in the courts as in a forest, or on one of the mountains_ (1 Macc.
iv. 38); while the sanctuary itself was empty and exposed to all eyes.
Having taken the precaution to fill the avenues with his choicest
troops to be on the watch against the Syrian garrison in the Acra,
Judas at once cleared the sacred precincts, took away the polluted
altar, constructed a new one, replaced the holy vessels, reinstated
the priests, rekindled the sacred flame, and three years after its
desecration by Apollonius celebrated the re-dedication of the Temple,
on the 25th of the winter month Chisleu, in the year B.C. 165, with a
festival which lasted 8 days (1 Macc. iv. 45–59).
Illustration: A MAP OF THE HOLY LAND
to illustrate the
ASMONEAN PERIOD
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_Stanford’s Geographˡ Estabᵗ. London_
CHAPTER III.
_EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABÆUS._
B.C. 165–161.
THIS recovery of a powerful city by the skill and energy of one man,
was regarded with no friendly feelings by the surrounding nations.
But Judas, resolving to be beforehand with any opposition they might
offer, carried his victorious arms into the territories of the Idumæans
and Amorites. Then, having strengthened the outer wall of the Temple,
and placed there a garrison to act against the Syrians in the Acra,
and fortified the stronghold of Beth-zur, he divided his army into
three parts. With 8000 men he himself crossed the Jordan into the
land of Gilead; his brother Simon with 3000 was stationed in Galilee;
while Joseph and Azariah were posted with the remainder in Judæa, with
express orders not to venture on any attack before they were joined by
the rest of the patriot forces.
As before, the energy of the brothers was irresistible. Simon
fought many battles in Galilee, chased the Syrians to the gates of
Ptolemais[37], and restored many Jewish captives to their own land
(1 Macc. v. 21–23). Judas with his brother Jonathan captured numerous
cities in Gilead, ransomed many captives, and returned in triumph to
Jerusalem to find that the captains he had left there, disregarding
his instructions, had made an unsuccessful attack upon the sea-ports
of Jamnia, and had been driven back with severe loss.
Meanwhile Epiphanes, the terrible oppressor of the Jews, had died.
Repulsed in an attempt to capture the rich Temple of Nanea, the Moon
Goddess, at Elymais, which was hung with the gifts of Alexander the
Great (1 Macc. vi. 1, 2; 2 Macc. i. 13–16), he fell back upon Ecbatana,
and there received intelligence of the disasters which had befallen his
arms in Palestine. Filled with rage and vexation, he urged his troops
westward, but, struck with an incurable disorder which preyed upon his
vitals, he died, B.C. 164, at the village of Tabæ near Mount Zagros, on
the road to Babylon, having appointed his foster-brother Philip regent
of Syria, and guardian of his son, Antiochus the Fifth.
On receiving intelligence of his death, Lysias, who was himself of the
blood royal (1 Macc. iii. 32), assumed the government as guardian of
Antiochus Eupator, another son of the deceased king, who was at this
time but nine years old. His first act was to attempt the reconquest
of Judæa, to which he was urged at once by the representations of many
apostate Jews, and by the Syrian garrison at Jerusalem, which Judas was
now besieging with banks and engines (1 Macc. vi. 18–27). Accordingly
assembling all his forces to the number of 180,000 infantry, 20,000
cavalry, and 32 elephants, he marched, accompanied by the young king,
through Idumæa, and once more laid siege to Beth-zur. The Jewish
garrison posted there made a vigorous defence, and succeeded for some
time in keeping off the assailants. Resolved to succour them, Judas
marched forth from Jerusalem, and encamped at Bethzacharias, an almost
impregnable position about nine miles north of Beth-zur. Thither Lysias
also marched with all his elephants, each attended by a thousand of his
troops, and bearing a strong tower of wood containing 32 men. Several
obstinate contests took place, in one of which Eleazar covered himself
with glory by rushing under an elephant, and stabbing it in the belly,
to be himself crushed to death by its fall (1 Macc. vi. 32–46).
Perceiving the strength of the foe, Judas now fell back upon Jerusalem,
and entrenched himself in the Temple-fortress. Thereupon the garrison
at Beth-zur, pressed by famine, capitulated on honourable terms, and
the Syrians advanced against the capital. But the stronghold of Zion
resisted all their efforts, and assault after assault was delivered
in vain. Soon however, for it was a Sabbatical year (1 Macc. vi. 53),
the garrison began to be hard pressed by famine, and many effected
their escape. At this juncture Lysias received information that Philip
had been appointed regent by the late king, and had succeeded in
taking Antioch. On this he hastily concluded a treaty with the Jews,
guaranteeing to them the use of their own laws and religion, and
retired to Syria, taking with him the apostate Menelaus, whom he
persuaded Antiochus to smother in the Ash-tower at Berœa, as being the
cause of all the late reverses. Judas was now recognised as governor
of Palestine, and from this year, B.C. 163, his accession to the
principality is usually dated.
On reaching Antioch, Lysias defeated Philip, but in the course of a
year was himself put to death by another aspirant to the Syrian throne.
It has been mentioned, that in the year B.C. 175, Demetrius was sent
as a hostage to Rome, in exchange for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes.
Secretly leaving Italy, he now landed with a small force at Tyre, and
having given out that the Romans had recognised his claim to the Syrian
throne, easily succeeded in putting Antiochus and Lysias to death, and
seizing the crown (1 Macc. vii. 1–14).
At the same time that he put Menelaus to death at Berœa, Lysias had
conferred the high-priesthood on one Jakim, or Joachin, who, according
to the prevailing fashion of adopting Grecian names, was also known by
that of _Alcimus_. One of the stock of Aaron, but not of the pontifical
family, the new high-priest was a zealous adherent of the Hellenizing
party. In him, Demetrius saw a ready instrument for sowing discord
among the Maccabæan patriots. Accordingly he confirmed him in the
sacerdotal dignity, and sent him to Jerusalem, accompanied by Bacchides,
governor of Mesopotamia, and one of his most able generals. With a
large force they appeared before Jerusalem, and the zealots for the
Law, unwilling to reject a descendant of Aaron, admitted Alcimus within
the walls, and acknowledged him as high-priest. So long as the Syrian
general remained in the neighbourhood, Alcimus was able to assert his
authority, and take a cruel revenge on his enemies. But no sooner had
Bacchides withdrawn his troops, than Judas, quickly recovering his old
influence, compelled the innovating high-priest to fly to Antioch.
By dint, however, of large bribes, Alcimus again succeeded in
persuading Demetrius to assist him in recovering his authority, and
crushing the Maccabæan chief. Accordingly a large army was entrusted
to Nicanor, with strict injunctions to cut off the partisans of Judas,
and reinstate Alcimus in power. Nicanor, taught by past experience on
the disastrous field of Emmaus to entertain a wholesomer dread of his
enemy’s prowess, at first endeavoured to get him into his power by
treachery (1 Macc. vii. 27–31). Unsuccessful in this, and urged on
by the express orders of Demetrius, he then ventured to attack him
at Capharsalama, but was defeated with the loss of 5000 men. Shortly
afterwards, with 40,000 men he again attacked him at Adasa, about
30 stadia from Beth-horon, where his whole army sustained a total rout,
and he himself fell amongst the slain (1 Macc. vii. 40–47; 2 Macc.
xv. 36).
This signal victory restored peace for a short time to Judæa, and was
deemed of sufficient importance to justify an annual commemoration on
the 13th of the month Adar. Fully aware of the necessity of providing
against the ceaseless animosity of Demetrius, Judas resolved to improve
this interval by concluding an alliance with the Romans. He had heard
much of the fame of this great nation, of their conquests in Gaul,
Spain, and Greece, of their victories over Philip and Perseus, and
the great Antiochus (1 Macc. viii. 1–16). Accordingly he sent two
ambassadors to the metropolis of the West, and the Roman senate, whose
settled policy it was to weaken great states by forming alliances
with smaller ones, readily passed a decree acknowledging the Jews as
their friends and allies, and resolved to send a letter to Demetrius,
commanding him, on pain of their heavy displeasure, to desist from any
further attacks upon them (1 Macc. viii. 17–32).
Before, however, the ambassadors could return, the Syrian king keenly
resenting the disaster which had befallen the army of Nicanor, had sent
Alcimus and Bacchides with the entire force of his realm into Palestine.
Never were the Maccabæan patriots so ill prepared to meet this fresh
invasion. The mass of the people were tired of constant fighting, and
the late negociations with Rome had alienated a considerable number
of the Jewish zealots from the councils of Judas. In consequence the
brave Maccabee was unable to bring more than a very small force into
the field, and of these, a large portion deserted him on the eve of
battle (1 Macc. ix. 6). With 800 men, however, he ventured to attack
the Syrian host at Eleasa, not far from Ashdod, and actually succeeded
in routing their right wing with enormous loss. But the odds were far
too desperate, and the brave chief fell amongst a number of gallant
followers, and was buried amidst universal lamentation in the ancestral
tomb at Modin (1 Macc. ix. 19–21).
CHAPTER IV.
_JONATHAN MACCABÆUS._
B.C. 161–146.
THE death of their great leader was a terrible blow to the hopes of
the Jewish patriots, and for a short time their plans were totally
disorganized. The Syrians regained their ascendancy everywhere, Alcimus
was reinstated in the high-priesthood, and Bacchides wreaked his
vengeance on the adherents of Judas with unrelenting cruelty. All the
advantages which that brave chieftain had gained during six years of
incessant warfare, seemed to have been utterly thrown away, and the
national cause to be on the verge of destruction.
At length, however, the Maccabæan party rallied, and offered the
command to Jonathan, surnamed Apphus (_the wary_), the youngest son
of Mattathias. In view of the present desperate circumstances of the
nation, the new leader did not attempt to operate in the open country,
but retired to the wilderness of Tekoa, where the Syrian general in
vain endeavoured to surprise and capture him. Thence, crossing the
Jordan, he carried on a guerilla warfare, while Bacchides resolving
to keep the Jews in subjection, employed himself in strengthening the
fortifications of Emmaus, Beth-horon, Gazara, and Beth-zur. At the same
time he furnished the garrison in the Acra, which commanded the city
and temple of Jerusalem, with fresh supplies of arms and provisions,
and placed there the children of several of the chief Jewish families
as hostages. Meanwhile Alcimus, bent on his plan of fusing Jew and
Gentile, gave orders that the wall of the inner court of the sanctuary
should be pulled down, and was in the act of seeing them carried out,
when he was suddenly struck with paralysis, and died in great misery.
Upon this, Bacchides returned to Antioch, and Jonathan re-appearing
from his hiding-place, established himself in Judæa, where, for upwards
of two years, he was left unmolested by the Syrians, in accordance with
orders from Demetrius, who by this time had received the commands of
the Roman senate forbidding all hostilities towards their new allies.
This condition, however, of tranquillity by no means fell in with
the views of the large Hellenizing party in Judæa, and they invited
Bacchides to return once more and crush their enemy. Accordingly the
Syrian commander re-entered Judæa at the head of a considerable army,
and Jonathan retiring as before into the wilderness, maintained a
desultory warfare, while his brother Simon occupied the fortress
of Beth-basi, in the Jordan valley, not far from Jericho. Though he
attacked it with all his forces, Bacchides was utterly unable to reduce
this stronghold, and at length, wearying of a campaign which brought
little glory and less profit, he turned against those who had advised
the expedition, and sought means to secure an honourable retreat.
Informed of the altered feelings of his foe, Jonathan thereupon sent
envoys, and succeeded in concluding a peace, agreeing to acknowledge
Bacchides as governor under the Syrian king, and obtaining a promise
from that general that he would not enter the land again.
On these terms, hostilities were suspended, and the authority
of Jonathan as deputy governor of Judæa was publicly recognised.
Establishing himself at Michmash (1 Macc. ix. 73), he ruled the
people according to the law of Moses, though Jerusalem and many of
the stronger towns were still retained by garrisons of Syrians or
apostate Jews.
After the lapse, however, of a very few years, a revolution took place
in Syria, which produced a surprising change in his fortunes. About
the year B.C. 153, Demetrius retired to a new palace he had built at
Antioch, and there gave himself up to pleasure, and various luxurious
excesses[38]. This, added to other causes, made him extremely unpopular
with his subjects, and gave rise to a conspiracy which was fostered by
Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, Attalus king of Pergamus, and especially
by Ptolemy Philometor king of Egypt, from whom Demetrius had taken the
island of Cyprus. By their connivance, a young man named Balas[39] was
persuaded to give himself out as the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, and to
claim the Syrian throne. Through the intrigues of Heraclides, a former
treasurer of Epiphanes, his claim was admitted by the Romans, and on
his landing at Ptolemais after a visit to Rome, the place was betrayed
by the garrison, and his standard was joined by numerous disaffected
subjects of Demetrius, B.C. 152.
Roused at last from his lethargy, that monarch collected an army,
and prepared to defend his crown. Both kings had an equal interest in
securing the friendship of Jonathan, who could render essential service
to whichever side he joined. The promises of Demetrius were lavish even
to desperation. He offered to make Jonathan commander-in-chief over
Judæa, to allow him to levy soldiers, and also undertook to release the
Jewish hostages held by the Syrian garrison in the Acra. Jonathan read
the letter containing these offers to the soldiers in the citadel, and
they straightway delivered up the hostages, while the garrisons retired
from most of the stronger towns, save those of Beth-zur and Jerusalem,
which were chiefly composed of apostate Jews (1 Macc. x. 3–9, 12–14),
who dreaded to leave their places of refuge. The power of the Maccabæan
chief was thus greatly extended; he levied troops, and supplied them
with arms; he rebuilt and repaired the walls of Jerusalem, particularly
around Mount Zion, which were strongly fortified, and took up his own
abode in the capital (1 Macc. x. 10, 11).
It was now the turn of Balas to court the alliance of the Jewish prince,
and he resolved to outdo Demetrius in the liberality of his promises.
Accordingly, he wrote a letter in which he saluted Jonathan as his
“brother” (1 Macc. x. 18), conferred upon him the high-priesthood,
which had now been vacant seven years, and sent him the purple robe,
and the crown of an _ethnarch_, or independent prince of Judæa.
Jonathan accepted all that the other conferred, and without openly
espousing the cause of either king, assumed the pontifical robes at the
Feast of Tabernacles (1 Macc. x. 21), and with them the purple. Thus
the high-priesthood, which had remained in the family of Jozadak ever
since the time of Cyrus, was transferred to that of Joiarib, and the
reign of the Priest-kings of the Asmonean line commenced, B.C. 153.
As soon as Demetrius was informed of the offers of Balas, he wrote
a second time to Jonathan, and made him the most extravagant promises
if he would espouse his cause. But the Jews, remembering what they had
suffered at his hands, could not be convinced of his sincerity, and
threw all the weight of their influence into the cause of his rival. At
first the efforts of Balas were unsuccessful, but eventually, B.C. 150,
he succeeded in completely routing the army of Demetrius, mounted the
Syrian throne, and at Ptolemais was united in marriage with Cleopatra,
the daughter of Philometor, king of Egypt. On this occasion Jonathan
also repaired to that city, where he was received by Balas with every
mark of friendship and regard, raised to the rank of _meridarch_, or
ruler of a part of the empire (1 Macc. x. 65), and invested with regal
honours.
But the prosperity of the usurper of the Syrian throne was shortlived.
So long as the contest with the late king continued, he evinced both
energy and courage, but no sooner was his power confirmed, than he gave
himself up without restraint to the indulgence of the worst passions,
and became only an object of contempt to his subjects. At this time
Demetrius, surnamed afterwards _Nicator_, was at Cnidus. Hearing of
the feelings with which Balas was regarded, he landed in Cilicia at
the head of a considerable force, and rapidly gained over a number
of adherents, and amongst them Apollonius, governor of Cœlesyria,
who openly revolted and espoused his cause. Jonathan, however, still
remained faithful in his allegiance, and attacking Apollonius near
Azotus, completely defeated him, laid that city in ashes, and returned
to Jerusalem with rich spoils. This complete suppression of the revolt
in Cœlesyria excited the warmest gratitude in the heart of Balas, who
sent his faithful ally a rich gold chain, such as was worn by none but
princes of the highest rank (1 Macc. x. 88, 89), and bestowed upon him
the city and territory of Ekron as a free gift.
But though checked in Cœlesyria, the rebellion made such progress in
other parts of his dominions, that he shut himself up in the city of
Antioch, and appealed for aid to Philometor, the father of his wife
Cleopatra.
Accordingly, B.C. 146, that monarch set out attended by a fleet and a
numerous army to assist his son-in-law. As he proceeded along the coast
of Palestine, every city threw open its gates in token of friendship,
and at Joppa he was met by Jonathan, who escorted him as far as the
river Eleutherus (1 Macc. xi. 1–7). No sooner, however, had he reached
Antioch, than he threw off the mask, and wrote to Demetrius offering
to support his claims, and to unite him in marriage with his daughter.
Demetrius eagerly accepted his offer, and, though not without some
difficulty, was acknowledged as king. Early in the following year Balas
made a determined effort to recover his crown, but being defeated in
battle, fled to Abæ in Arabia, where five days after he was murdered by
a native chief named Zabdiel, who sent his head to Demetrius ( 1 Macc.
xi. 17).
CHAPTER V.
_EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF JONATHAN._
B.C. 146–144.
THE accession of the new Syrian monarch once more raised the hopes
of the faction opposed to Jonathan, who had gathered his forces and
laid siege to the Syrian garrison in the Acra (1 Macc. xi. 20). This
was eagerly reported to Demetrius, and he instantly sent for the
priest-king to meet him at Ptolemais. Great as was the risk, without
suspending the siege, Jonathan forthwith set out thither with some of
the elders of the ♦Sanhedrin, and pleaded his cause with such effect
that he not only succeeded in silencing the clamour of his enemies,
but was confirmed in all the dignities he had received from Balas, and
even secured for himself still further advantages. Three principalities,
hitherto included in the district of Samaria, were added to his
dominions, and all previous claims for tribute due from his kingdom
were remitted (1 Macc. xi. 23–37).
Successful beyond his utmost expectations, Jonathan returned to
Jerusalem, and again pushed forward the siege of the Syrian garrison.
But such was the energy of the defenders, and such the strength of the
fortress, that all his efforts were frustrated, and he resolved on
making an application to Demetrius for an order directing the
evacuation of the stronghold, as also of Beth-zur.
At the time when this request reached him, Demetrius himself was in the
greatest straits. Young and inexperienced he had entrusted the entire
management of his affairs to a Cretan officer, named Lasthenes, who had
assisted him in obtaining his crown with a large body of mercenaries
(1 Macc. x. 67[40]), and by his advice had disbanded the whole of the
national troops. This, added to the ferocious conduct of his general,
naturally roused the illwill of the citizens of Antioch, and they
broke out into a furious revolt, which all the efforts of the king
were unable to quell. At this juncture he received the message of
Jonathan, and anxious for assistance from whatever quarter, professed
his readiness to grant all his demands, on condition of receiving help
in putting down the rebellion of his own subjects. To this Jonathan
readily assented. A force of 3000 Jews marched to Antioch, and, aided
by the royal mercenaries, slew upwards of 100,000 of the rioters, and
quenched the rebellion in blood. But the priest-king soon found reason
to regret the step he had taken. Once more secure upon his throne,
Demetrius not only refused to order the evacuation of the fortress, but
demanded the speedy payment of all the tribute, which he had agreed to
remit at Ptolemais[41].
But in a very short time he learned to repent of his perfidy. Attached
to the court of the late usurper Balas was a Syrian Greek, named
Diodotus, or, as he was afterwards called, Tryphon, _the Luxurious_.
Perceiving the growing unpopularity of Demetrius, he repaired to the
Arab chief Zabdiel, to whom Balas had entrusted the care of his young
son Antiochus, and by dint of much importunity prevailed upon him to
surrender the young prince into his charge. Then returning to Antioch
he shewed him to the disaffected soldiers, whom Lasthenes had disbanded,
and easily persuaded them to revolt against Demetrius. A battle was
fought in which that king was defeated, and the young prince was
crowned at Antioch, and assumed the title of Theos, _the God_.
One of the first steps of the new monarch was to secure the
co-operation of Jonathan and his people. Accordingly he not only
confirmed all former grants made to the Jewish nation, and remitted
all arrears of tribute, but sent him a purple robe and gold chain, and
invested his brother Simon with the command of all the royal forces
between the “ladder of Tyre” and the frontiers of Egypt. Jonathan,
who had every reason to resent the ingratitude of Demetrius, readily
accepted his proposals, and at the head of a large army speedily
subdued the entire country, as far as Damascus, to the power of
Antiochus, while Simon captured the fortress of Beth-zur, and
garrisoned it with Jewish soldiers (1 Macc. xi. 65, 66)[42].
Resolved to make the most of the present advantageous turn of events,
the Jewish prince now sent ambassadors to Rome, renewed the previous
treaty, and at the same time concluded another with the Lacedæmonians
(1 Macc. xii. 1, 2)[43]. Meanwhile Demetrius had assembled an army,
with which he encamped at Hamath on the extreme north of Palestine.
Thither Jonathan quickly went forth to meet him, and gaining
information that a night attack on his camp was meditated, made such
a disposition of his troops that the enemy gave up their design, and
retired beyond the river Eleutherus. Returning thence he fell upon the
Nabathæan Arabs, who had espoused the cause of Demetrius, and defeated
them, while Simon attacked and succeeded in taking Joppa (1 Macc.
xii. 25–35).
Never did the fortunes of the Jewish patriots appear brighter than
at this period. Masters of the entire province of Judæa, strong in
the confidence of the Syrian monarch, invested with the command of
numerous trained warriors, the Maccabæan brothers seemed on the verge
of restoring their country to a condition of complete independence.
Accordingly they convened an assembly of the elders, and consulted
on the present state of affairs. The reduction of the garrison in the
Acra was the great object of the national hopes. It was clear that
this could never be accomplished so long as the garrison was able
to communicate, as had hitherto been the case, with the city and the
country, and there buy provisions. While therefore Simon was sent to
fortify several of the more important towns, Jonathan himself remained
in the city, and superintended in person the erection of new defences.
Accordingly the wall of the Temple was repaired, especially on the
eastern side, towards the valley of the Kidron, while a new wall was
built between Mount Zion and the rest of the city, of such a height
and strength as to cut off the hostile garrison from all communication
with the city on the west, and the country on the east[44] (1 Macc.
xii. 36, 37).
It soon appeared that these precautions had not been unreasonable.
Tryphon, though he had placed Antiochus on the throne, now resolved
to usurp the royal authority for himself. The only serious obstacle to
his design was the faithfulness of Jonathan to the Syrian king. At all
risks, therefore, he determined to get the Jewish prince into his power,
and for this purpose advanced into Palestine as far as Beth-shan or
Scythopolis, with a considerable force. Here Jonathan met him with an
army of 40,000 men. Afraid to confront so numerous a force, Tryphon
resorted to treachery, and pretended that the sole object of his coming
was to mark his gratitude for Jonathan’s services in the cause of
Antiochus, by placing him in possession of Ptolemais[45]. Completely
deceived, the Jewish prince disbanded all his forces, excepting 3000
men, and having left 2000 of these in Galilee, set out with the scanty
remainder for Ptolemais. No sooner however had he entered the city,
than the traitor Tryphon ordered the gates to be shut, butchered
Jonathan’s retinue to a man, and flung him loaded with chains into
a dungeon (1 Macc. xii. 37–52).
CHAPTER VI.
_SIMON MACCABÆUS._
B.C. 144–135.
NEWS of these occurrences filled the Jews with the deepest sorrow and
the utmost consternation. For 17 years their late leader had conducted
the affairs of the country with prudence, vigour and success. Now
all their fair hopes seemed destined to be crushed, if the perfidious
Tryphon should succeed in following up the success he had already
gained. In this emergency the eyes of all were turned towards Simon
surnamed _Thassi_, the elder and only surviving brother of Jonathan,
whom the aged Mattathias on his death-bed had commended for his
prudence in council. He therefore assumed the command of the patriot
forces, and was acknowledged as their leader.
His first step was to finish the walls and fortifications of Jerusalem
and to place the country in a complete posture of defence (1 Macc. xiii.
10, 11). He then went forth to meet Tryphon, who taking Jonathan with
him, had moved up from Ptolemais with a large force, and encamped at
Adida or Adithaim (Joshua xv. 36), a town on an eminence overlooking
the low country of Judæa. No sooner however did he find a Jewish army
ready to oppose him, than he once more had recourse to treachery,
and representing that Jonathan was merely held in custody on account
of a debt of 100 talents, offered to deliver him up on condition of
receiving the money and two of his children as hostages. Though he was
certain this was nothing more than an artifice, Simon determined that
it never should be said he had left any means untried for the release
of his brother (1 Macc. xiii. 17–19), and accordingly sent the money
and the hostages. But, as he had expected, Tryphon failed to fulfil his
word, and began to ravage the neighbouring country.
Meanwhile the Syrian garrison in Jerusalem, suffering severely from
the long-continued blockade, sent messengers begging Tryphon to come
to their aid. Thereupon the other ordered his cavalry to press forward
instantly to their relief, but a heavy fall of snow rendered the roads
impassable, and Tryphon finding it impossible to render the required
assistance, retired across the Jordan into the land of Gilead. Here he
put the heroic Jonathan to death at the city of Bascama, and hurrying
into Syria, murdered the young king Antiochus, and seized the supreme
power, which he exercised with cruelty and violence (1 Macc. xiii. 23).
As soon as he retired Simon sent to Bascama, and brought thence the
body of his brother to Modin, where he laid it with great pomp in the
ancestral tomb, and erected over it a magnificent monument, consisting
of seven pillars, and adorned with the beaks of ships, a conspicuous
sea-mark for all the vessels which sailed along the coast (1 Macc.
xiii. 27–30).
The continued tyranny of Tryphon once more raised the hopes of
Demetrius, and the Jews resolved to espouse his cause in preference
to that of his treacherous enemy. Accordingly Simon sent an embassy
offering to acknowledge his supremacy, and to aid him against the
usurper. Demetrius received the proposition with alacrity, and in a
royal edict formally drawn up and ratified, agreed to recognize Simon
as the high-priest and prince of Judæa, to renounce all claims on the
Jewish nation for tribute, customs, and taxes, and to grant an amnesty
for all past offences against himself. This amounted to a virtual
recognition of the complete independence of the country, and the year
B.C. 143, in which it was granted, was regarded as the first year of
the “freedom of Jerusalem” (1 Macc. xiii. 42).
Secure from all immediate danger of foreign interference, Simon now
devoted his energies to provide for the internal security of his
kingdom. He began by reducing the fortresses that still held out, and
garrisoned Gaza, Jamnia, and Joppa. He then turned his attention to
the Syrian garrison in the Acra, and reduced it to such straits that
the troops composing it were in imminent danger of perishing by famine,
and finally agreed to evacuate the fortress on condition that their
lives were spared. These terms were accepted, and, to his inexpressible
satisfaction, Simon entered the place on the 23rd day of the second
month of the year B.C. 142, _with thanksgivings, and branches of
palm-trees, and with harps and cymbals, and with viols and hymns and
songs_ (1 Macc. xiii. 51). The fortress was then entirely demolished,
and the eminence on which it had stood was lowered, until it was
reduced below the height of the Temple-hill beside it. This operation
cost incredible labour, and occupied upwards of 3 years[46]. The
fortifications of the hill, on which the Temple stood, were next
strengthened, and a fortress, called Baris[47], was erected to command
the site of the Acra, and here Simon and his immediate adherents took
up their abode.
The dominion of the priest-king was now confirmed on every side, and
the land enjoyed profound quiet. His subjects _tilled their ground in
peace, and the earth gave her increase, and the trees of the field
their fruit. The ancient men sat all in the streets, communing together
of good things, and the young men put on glorious and warlike apparel
... every man sat under his vine and his fig-tree, and there was
none to fray them_ (1 Macc. xiv. 4–13). Taking advantage of these
circumstances Simon sent an ambassador to Rome bearing a golden shield
weighing upwards of 1000 pounds. His present was accepted, and Lucius
the consul (1 Macc. xv. 16) sent letters recognizing his authority,
and claiming protection for the Jews from the kings of Syria, Pergamus,
Cappadocia, and Pontus, from the inhabitants of Sparta, Delos,
Sicyon, Gortyna in Crete, Samos, Cos, Rhodes, Myndus, Halicarnassus,
Cnidus, Aradus, Cyprus, and Cyrene (1 Macc. xv. 22, 23); “a singular
illustration,” it has been remarked, “of the widespread dispersion of
the Jews, and of the all-commanding policy of Rome[48].” In the same
year, B.C. 141, an assembly of the elders met at Jerusalem, and out
of gratitude for the services rendered to the nation by the house of
Mattathias, it was resolved that the high-priesthood and the dignity
of regent should be henceforth hereditary in the family of Simon. This
resolution was then engraven upon tables of brass, and set up in a
conspicuous place in the Temple, and copies of it were deposited in the
treasury (1 Macc. xiv. 41–49).
During this period, taking advantage of the disturbed condition of
Syria, Arsaces VI., king of Parthia, who was also called Mithridates,
had extended his authority from the Euphrates to the confines of
India. Wishing to collect forces, or in some way to strengthen his
position against the usurper Tryphon (1 Macc. xiv. 1), Demetrius
penetrated into the Parthian territory, and after several engagements
was taken prisoner B.C. 139. The conqueror, however, treated his
captive honourably, gave him his daughter Rodoguna in marriage, and
permitted him to reside in Hyrcania, with every indulgence due to his
rank (1 Macc. xiv. 3).
News of this marriage, and of the improbability of her husband ever
returning no sooner reached his wife Cleopatra, whom he had left
regent, than she sent to his younger brother, who was then residing at
Rhodes, and offered him her hand and kingdom. Antiochus entered into
the project with all the eagerness of youthful ambition, levied an
army, and assuming the title of king of Syria, wrote to Simon begging
his aid in recovering his father’s dominions from the usurper Tryphon,
and in turn confirming all his former privileges, and further conceding
that of the right to coin money of his own. Then sailing to Syria,
he married Cleopatra, and joining her forces to his own, commenced
hostilities against Tryphon, who fled to Dora, on the coast of Samaria,
where he straitly besieged him (1 Macc. xv. 11–14)[49]. Thence, however,
he managed to effect his escape to Apamea in Syria, and there was put
to death, or, according to some authorities, committed suicide.
Antiochus Sidetes[50] had no sooner become undisturbed master of the
Syrian kingdom, than, forgetting the promises already made to Simon,
he sent Athenobius to Jerusalem to demand the surrender of Gazara and
Joppa, of the fortress on Mount Zion, and other strongholds, or in lieu
of these 500 talents of silver, and an additional 500 as a compensation
for the injuries done to the Syrian dominions. Simon replied that he
was willing to give 500 talents for Gazara and Joppa, but the other
places were the inheritance of his fathers, and could not be given up
or bartered. This answer greatly irritated Antiochus, and as soon as
he had reduced Dora, he sent Cendebeus, the governor of Phœnicia, to
invade Judæa with a portion of his forces, and enforce the payment of
his demands.
Accordingly the Syrian general entered upon the expedition with a
powerful army of horse and foot, and capturing Cedron near Azotus and
Jamnia, fortified it in order to command the road of Judæa (1 Macc.
xv. 39; xvi. 9), and ravaged the neighbouring country. Simon was at
this time far too advanced in age to bear the fatigues of a campaign,
and therefore entrusted the command of the Jewish forces to his two
sons John Hyrcanus and Judas. The brothers forthwith set out, and
bivouacking for the night at Modin, descended on the following day into
the lower ground, and after a sharp engagement succeeded in defeating
the Syrian general, and carried a portion of his forces into Cedron,
and the remainder into Azotus, the tower of which they laid in ashes
(1 Macc. xvi. 1–10).
This invasion repulsed, the Jews enjoyed during three years a season
of peace, and the priest-king, though far advanced in age, devoted
himself assiduously to the superintendence of the internal affairs
of his people, while his three sons guarded the frontier. In the
prosecution of his design of inspecting in person the national defences,
he now visited Jericho where his son-in-law Ptolemy held the supreme
command. A prominent leader of the Hellenizing faction, and a man of
great wealth, Ptolemy bore no goodwill towards the priest-king, and,
in concert, it is probable, with Antiochus Sidetes, had resolved to
assassinate his father-in-law, and raise himself to supreme power.
The visit of Simon, with his two younger sons Judas and Mattathias,
presented a favourable opportunity for carrying out his designs, and he
treacherously murdered the three at a banquet, B.C. 137. Then sending
messengers to John Hyrcanus at Gazara he instructed them to stab him
also, and would have succeeded, had not the latter received speedy
tidings of what had occurred at Jericho. He therefore put the intended
assassins to death, and hurrying to Jerusalem, was acknowledged
as his father’s successor, and afterwards besieged Ptolemy in his
stronghold of Dôk, whence he effected his escape to the court of the
prince of Philadelphia, to be heard of afterwards no more (1 Macc.
xvi. 15–21)[51].
CHAPTER VII.
_JOHN HYRCANUS, AND ALEXANDER JANNÆUS._
B.C. 135–79.
THOUGH the confederacy between Ptolemy and Antiochus was thus
disconcerted by the rapid movements of Hyrcanus, the Syrian monarch
nevertheless led his forces into Palestine, overran the whole country,
and laying siege to Jerusalem, reduced Hyrcanus to the greatest
extremities. So close, in fact, was the siege, that for fear of famine
Hyrcanus was constrained to expel from the city all such as were, from
age or infirmity, unable to bear arms. As the Syrians refused them
a passage through their ranks, the fugitives presented a miserable
spectacle, wandering about between the two armies, and perishing in
extreme wretchedness amidst the outworks[52].
At length the Feast of Tabernacles drew near, and Hyrcanus requested
a week’s respite to celebrate that time-honoured festival. With rare
generosity, his adversary not only granted his request, but supplied
the besieged with victims for the sacrifices, and gold and silver
vessels for the Temple service. Such kindness induced Hyrcanus to send
an embassy, and endeavour to obtain a suspension of hostilities. In
this he succeeded, and peace was concluded on far better terms than
he had any right to expect. A portion of the fortifications of the
city was dismantled, tribute was exacted for the fortresses held out of
Judæa, but the conqueror was induced, by a present of 500 talents, to
forego the rebuilding of the fortress on the Acra, and the introduction
of a Syrian garrison[53].
The unexpected forbearance of Antiochus on this occasion won for him
not only the admiration, but the friendship of Hyrcanus, and when the
Syrian king led an expedition against the Parthians, who were now
extending their dominions on every side, the Jewish prince resolved to
accompany him. For this purpose he took into his pay a body of foreign
mercenaries, and with these and a detachment of his Jewish forces
followed him across the Tigris. At first Antiochus was successful,
but his army giving themselves up to luxury and dissipation, he was
unexpectedly attacked, and lost his life, B.C. 128.
Disorders of every kind, civil wars, murders, and mutinies of troops,
now rapidly succeeded one another in the Syrian kingdom, and Hyrcanus,
who had fortunately returned to Jerusalem before the overthrow of
his late ally, now threw off the Syrian yoke altogether, and employed
himself in extending his own kingdom. After reducing, therefore,
various fortresses on the further side of the Jordan, he invaded
Samaria, captured Sychem, and levelled with the ground the temple
on Mount Gerizim, which for 200 years had been a constant offence to
his subjects. Then, B.C. 129, turning his arms against the Idumæans,
who had made themselves masters of the southern part of Judæa, he
vanquished them in battle, and offered them the choice of leaving
the country, or adopting the Jewish religion. They chose the latter
alternative, submitted to circumcision, and became so completely
identified with their conquerors, that their name as an independent
power henceforth disappears.
During the next 20 years Judæa enjoyed profound peace under the
energetic government of Hyrcanus, who renewed the treaties with Rome,
and secured his subjects from foreign aggression. At length, B.C. 110,
he resolved to overpower the province of Samaria, and entrusted the
command of the expedition to his two sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus.
Twice the Samaritans applied for aid to Antiochus Cyzicenus, prince of
Damascus, who was twice defeated by the Jewish forces, and at length,
after an obstinate defence which lasted an entire year, their capital
fell, and with Scythopolis and other towns, passed into the hands of
the conqueror[54].
During his long and prosperous reign, Hyrcanus had raised his nation
to a height of greater power and dignity than it had ever enjoyed
since the return from the Captivity. But while triumphant abroad, his
domestic peace began to be troubled by serious dissensions between
two rival parties, now rapidly growing in power, the _Pharisees_ and
_Sadducees_. An examination of their respective tenets may be reserved
for another place. For the present it will be sufficient to say that
Hyrcanus was an adherent of the Pharisaic party, till a characteristic
incident induced him to espouse the cause of their rivals. Towards the
close of his administration he invited the chiefs of the Pharisees to a
banquet, and requested them to inform him if he had been guilty of any
dereliction of duty towards God or man. All the guests with one accord
testified to his blameless integrity, and praised his government, save
one, Eleazar, who affirmed that he ought to resign the high-priesthood,
because his mother had once been a captive, and it was doubtful
whether he was descended from Aaron, or from a heathen. Indignant
at this calumnious charge, Hyrcanus demanded the trial of Eleazar for
aspersions upon his character. By the influence of the Pharisees the
sentence was limited to scourging and imprisonment, and the priest-king,
considering this a proof of hostility to himself, listened to the
representations of Jonathan, a Sadducee, that the rival faction was
bent on lowering his sovereign power, and henceforth alienated himself
entirely from the Pharisaic party, and deposed from their high offices
many who had been the firmest supporters of his dynasty[55].
Escaping the fate of the older members of the Maccabæan family,
Hyrcanus died in peace, B.C. 106, bequeathing the sovereignty to his
wife. And now the decline of the Asmonean dynasty rapidly set in.
Aristobulus, the son of the deceased king, seized the supreme power,
flung his mother into prison, and starved her to death. He also
imprisoned three of his four brothers, sparing but one, Antigonus, the
next in age to himself. Assuming the diadem and the royal title, he
hastened to take advantage of the distracted state of affairs in Syria,
and turning his arms against Ituræa, a district south of Anti-Libanus,
forced the inhabitants, like the Idumæans, to conform to the Jewish
religion, on pain of being expelled from their country. During this
expedition he was seized with a dangerous illness, which compelled him
to return to Jerusalem, and leave his brother Antigonus to complete the
subjugation of the country. As he had no children, his queen Salome,
according to the Jewish law, would, in the event of his death, be
expected to marry Antigonus; but such was her aversion to him, that
she resolved to compass his death rather than be united with him in
marriage[56].
An opportunity soon presented itself for carrying out her design.
Successful in subjugating Ituræa, Antigonus returned to Jerusalem, and
at the Feast of Tabernacles hastened to the Temple, with his body-guard,
to offer up his petitions for his brother’s recovery. This act was
represented to Aristobulus as covering a seditious design against his
own life. Scarcely able to credit such a calumny, the king, who still
lay sick in his chamber in the tower of Baris, desired that his brother
should appear before him, but without arms. A dark underground passage
led from the Temple to the tower, and here, by the queen’s connivance,
a company of soldiers was stationed with instructions to put Antigonus
to death if he appeared clad in armour. She then caused it to be
represented to the unfortunate prince that it was the royal will he
should appear in a suit of splendid armour, which his brother wished
to see. Thus deceived he entered the underground passage, and was
instantly assassinated. What had occurred was reported to Aristobulus,
and brought on a sudden paroxysm of his malady followed by an excessive
hæmorrhage. A slave bore away the vessel into which the blood had
flowed, and stumbling on the very spot where Antigonus had been
murdered, caused the blood of the two brothers to mingle on the floor.
A cry of horror ran through the palace, and reaching the ears of the
king, roused a wish to know the cause. For some time his attendants
refused to tell the truth, but at length he forced them to declare what
had occurred, and had no sooner heard it than he was seized with such
an agony of remorse that he instantly expired.
After this tragical event, Alexander Jannæus, the eldest of the
imprisoned brothers, was placed upon the throne, B.C. 104. Taking
advantage of the disordered condition of the Syrian kingdom, he turned
his arms against Moab, Gilead, Ammon, and Arabia Petræa, and after
several successes laid siege to the port of Ptolemais. The inhabitants
called in the aid of Ptolemy Lathyrus, who came to their aid with
an army of 30,000 men. But no sooner did he appear before the gates,
than the very party which had invoked his aid refused to admit him.
On this he turned his arms against Gaza, and Jannæus, while pretending
to negotiate with him for a friendly surrender of the place, secretly
corresponded with his mother Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, and
besought her aid in expelling him from the country. Discovering this,
Ptolemy marched into Judæa, defeated Alexander with enormous loss, and
to spread the terror of his name, fell upon some villages, murdered
the women and children, and cutting their bodies in pieces boiled their
flesh.
The kingdom of Judæa would now have been totally lost, had it not been
for the intervention of an Egyptian army led by two Jews of Alexandria,
They drove Lathyrus into Cœlesyria, and once more restored to Jannæus
the sovereignty of the country, who now embarked on fresh expeditions
east and west of the Jordan, captured Gadara, Raphia, and Anthedon, and
at length succeeded in reducing Gaza.
But the domestic discords, which had distracted the reign of Hyrcanus,
broke out with tenfold violence in that of his son. The Pharisees had
by this time gained an extraordinary degree of influence over the
people. Detesting their turbulence and lofty pretensions, Alexander
attached himself to the Sadducaic faction, and thus brought down
upon himself the concentrated hatred of the Pharisees, who lost no
opportunity of aspersing his name and character. At length their
opposition took a more violent turn, and at the Feast of Tabernacles,
when the priest-king, clad in his gorgeous robes, was officiating
before the altar, they excited the people to fling at him the citrons,
which it was the custom of the Jews to carry in their hands at this
feast, and to deny his right to the high-priesthood. A fearful outbreak
ensued, in the midst of which Alexander ordered his body-guard to fall
on the unarmed multitude, and slew upwards of 6000.
To obviate a recurrence of such insults, he next caused a wooden
partition to be erected between the court of the priests and that
of the people, and surrounded himself with Pisidian and Cilician
mercenaries. But a defeat he sustained, while carrying on an expedition
in the country east of the Jordan, was the signal for a general rising,
which resulted in civil war carried on for upwards of six years, and
marked by the most shocking barbarities on both sides.
At first Jannæus met with much success, but on endeavouring to come to
terms with his subjects, they declared that nothing would satisfy them
short of his death, and even invoked the aid of Demetrius Euchærus,
king of Syria, and in a battle near Shechem utterly routed the
priest-king, with the loss of all his mercenaries. Thereupon he fled to
the mountains, rallied fresh troops, drove Demetrius from the country,
and took the majority of his rebellious subjects prisoners in the
fortress of Bethone. Returning to Jerusalem he crucified 800 of them in
one day, and seated at a banquet surrounded by his concubines, caused
their wives and children to be slain before their eyes, and glutted his
vengeance with the spectacle of their dying agonies.
This shocking act, which won for him the title of “the Thracian,”
shews how terribly the Asmonean princes were degenerating. Externally,
indeed, the country appeared to be prosperous, for the realm of Jannæus
extended over Samaria and Idumæa, the entire western seaboard from
_Strato’s Tower_ to Rhinocorura, and a considerable district beyond the
Jordan, but the temper neither of prince nor people was the same as in
the times of Mattathias and Judas, and evil days were at hand.
Four years after his triumph over his rebellious subjects, Alexander
Jannæus died, B.C. 79, having on his death-bed advised his queen
Alexandra to ally herself closely with the Pharisaic faction, as being
alone able to control the people. Acting on this advice, she convened
the most eminent of that faction, and entrusted to them the entire
management of affairs. Upon this their conduct underwent an instant
change; the highest honours were paid to the memory of the late king,
and the priesthood was conferred on his eldest son Hyrcanus II.
PART IV.
DECLINE OF THE ASMONEAN DYNASTY; INTERFERENCE OF THE ROMANS,
AND RISE OF THE HERODIAN FAMILY.
CHAPTER I.
_HYRCANUS II. AND ARISTOBULUS; POMPEIUS AND CRASSUS._
B.C. 79–53.
BESIDES the new high-priest, Alexander had left another son named
Aristobulus, a man of an ardent and impetuous temper, who took no pains
to conceal his dislike of his mother’s proceedings. Placing himself at
the head of the now offended and persecuted Sadducees, he encouraged
them in their opposition to the triumphant Pharisees, and so far
prevailed with the queen, that the leaders of the Sadducaic faction
were allowed to retire to the frontier fortresses of the kingdom.
Shortly afterwards he himself was sent on an expedition to Damascus,
to check the depredations of Ptolemy, who governed a small independent
kingdom at Chalcis[57]. The young prince did not lose the opportunity
thus afforded him of ingratiating himself with the soldiers, and began
to form designs of usurping the kingdom.
After a successful reign of 9 years, queen Alexandra died, B.C. 69,
and the Pharisaic party immediately placed Hyrcanus II. on the throne.
This was regarded as the signal for definite action by Aristobulus.
Quickly summoning his adherents from the frontier cities, he marched
towards Jerusalem, where the partisans of Hyrcanus seizing his wife
and children, placed them as hostages in the Tower of Baris, and then
prepared to meet the invader at Jericho[58]. But so strongly did the
feeling of the army declare itself in favour of Aristobulus, and so
many were the desertions to his side, including even not a few members
of the Sanhedrin, that Hyrcanus fell back upon Jerusalem, and with
such of his adherents as still remained faithful took refuge in the
fortifications of the Temple. But provisions failing them, they were
unable to stand a lengthened siege, and were soon compelled to yield to
Aristobulus, who thus obtained possession of the entire kingdom, while
his brother, who was of a feeble and indolent disposition, retired into
private life after a brief reign of three months.
But now a different actor appeared upon the scene, destined to prove
a far more fatal enemy to the Asmonean dynasty, and to raise his own
house upon its ruins. This was Antipater, the son of an officer who
had been high in the confidence of Alexander Jannæus, and had been
appointed governor of Idumæa. A man of great courage, astuteness,
and decision, he had acquired a complete mastery over the feeble
Hyrcanus, and in concert with the Pharisees repeatedly urged him to
attempt the recovery of his throne, but for a long time the indolent
prince absolutely refused to listen to his suggestions. At length, by
representing that his life was in danger, he succeeded in persuading
him to fly with himself to the court of Aretas, king of Arabia, whom he
induced, by promising to restore twelve frontier cities which Jannæus
had taken and united to Judæa, to espouse his cause. At the head of
50,000 men Aretas marched into the country, and being joined by the
partisans of Hyrcanus, defeated Aristobulus, and closely besieged him
in the Temple-fortress at Jerusalem[59]. The feast of the Passover
drew near, during which even heathen generals had been wont to allow
the sacrificial victims to be introduced into the city. But such was
the fury of the rival claimants for the supreme power that even this
indulgence was refused to the besieged. When Aristobulus let down
baskets from the top of the wall with 1000 drachmas of silver for each
victim, the besiegers took the money, but returned the baskets empty,
or, as some say, even laden with swine[60].
At this juncture news reached Jerusalem that a Roman army had seized
Damascus, and was advancing towards the country. Bent on their plan of
establishing a universal empire, the great republic of the West was now
busily engaged in those wars, which gradually placed at her feet the
old Asiatic monarchies. The Syrian kingdom, since B.C. 83, had passed
into the power of Tigranes, king of Armenia. This monarch, as well as
Mithridates, king of Pontus, was utterly defeated by Pompeius, B.C. 66,
and the ancient realm of the Seleucidæ was now reduced to a Roman
province. Retiring himself into lesser Armenia, the conqueror placed
his lieutenants Scaurus and Gabinius at Antioch and Damascus, the two
great capitals of the Syrian Empire.
This intelligence determined both brothers to try and secure the aid
of these powerful arbitrators, and their emissaries soon appeared
before Scaurus at Damascus, with 400 talents. The Roman general at
first hesitated which side to espouse, but at length reflecting that
Aristobulus was in possession of the Temple-fortress, and therefore
of the treasures, he ordered Aretas to withdraw, and break up the
siege[61]. The Arabian chief was forced to comply, and taking with
him Hyrcanus and Antipater marched away with his army, but not before
Aristobulus had sallied forth and inflicted upon it a considerable loss.
His triumph, however, was shortlived. Before long Pompeius arrived
in person at Damascus, and twelve kings crowded together to pay him
homage. The king of Egypt brought him a crown worth 4000 pieces of gold.
Aristobulus sent him a golden vine upon a square mount, the leaves and
branches most skilfully wrought, beneath which were lions, deer, and
other animals in life-like attitude[62]. His present was accepted, but
instead of his own name, that of his father was inscribed upon it, and
after hearing the ambassadors of each brother, the conqueror declared
that they must attend and plead their cause before him in person early
in the following year B.C. 63.
At the time appointed the brothers appeared, attended by numerous
witnesses in support of their respective claims, as also by
representatives of the Jewish people. Pompeius listened with attention
to their arguments, and then closed the conference by announcing his
purpose of settling the question in person at Jerusalem, intending
first to subjugate Aretas and to conquer Petra. The impetuous
Aristobulus, divining that the decision would be adverse to his
interests, prepared for resistance by flinging himself into the
fortress of Alexandrium, on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem,
a position well adapted for resisting an approach to his capital.
Professing the greatest indignation at this conduct, and relieved
from the necessity of invading Arabia by the timely submission of
Aretas, Pompeius marched through the country east of the Jordan,
and besieged the impetuous Asmonean in his stronghold. After three
fruitless interviews, Aristobulus was forced to sign written orders
for the surrender of all his strongholds, and on promise of obedience
was liberated. Fleeing to Jerusalem, he now betook himself to the
Temple-fortress, and prepared for a siege. Pompeius advanced to
Jericho[63], where his soldiers were struck with admiration by the
beautiful palm-groves and balsam-trees of that tropic region, and then
pressed on to Jerusalem. The partisans of Hyrcanus, who were the most
numerous, threw open the gates, those of Aristobulus remained within
their stronghold, and resolutely refused the summons of the Roman
general to surrender.
On this Pompeius sent to Tyre[64] for his military engines, and
prosecuted the siege with the utmost vigour for three months[65].
It might have been protracted still longer, but for the suspension
of hostilities by the Jews on the Sabbath-day. At length the largest
of the towers was thrown down by one of the battering engines, and
Cornelius Faustus, a son of Sylla, mounted the breach, and the day was
gained B.C. 63. A terrible carnage now ensued, during which the priests
remained unmoved at the altar, and continued their solemn services,
pouring their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, till they
were themselves stricken down. The conqueror entered the Temple, and,
amidst the horror of the Jews, explored the total darkness of the Holy
of Holies, and found, to his great amazement, neither symbols, nor
statues, nor representation of any deity[66]. He surveyed with interest
the sacred vessels, the golden altar of incense, the golden candlestick,
and the Temple treasures, but with politic generosity left them
untouched. He then ordered the sacred enclosure to be cleansed from the
profanation of his soldiers, nominated Hyrcanus to the high-priesthood,
though without the royal diadem, and confined the limits of his
jurisdiction to Judæa. The walls of the city having been demolished, he
then set out for Rome, taking with him the captive Aristobulus, as also
his two sons and two daughters to grace his splendid triumph.
On the way, however, Alexander, the eldest son of the captive king,
managed to effect his escape, and returned to Judæa, where, rallying
round him the partisans of his father, he seized the fortresses of
Alexandrium, Hyrcania, and Machærus, and began to attack the adherents
of Hyrcanus. Alarmed at the progress of the invader, and unable to make
head against him themselves, the ethnarch and Antipater called in the
aid of the Romans, and Gabinius, who had been appointed prefect of
Syria, B.C. 57, deputed Marcus Antonius, his master of the horse, to
render the required assistance. Antonius, having defeated the invader
in a short engagement, shut him up in the stronghold of Alexandrium,
and on the arrival of Gabinius forced him, after a somewhat protracted
siege, to purchase his life by the surrender of the three fortresses,
which were now demolished[67].
Gabinius now employed himself in completely reorganizing the government
of the country. Hitherto the nominal power had centred in Hyrcanus.
Now he was deprived of even this semblance of authority, which was
placed in the hands of the aristocracy, five independent senates or
Sanhedrins being established, the first sitting at Jerusalem, the
second at Jericho, the third at Gadara, the fourth at Amathus, the
fifth at Sepphoris[67]. These arrangements made for destroying the
influence of the capital as a centre of union, Gabinius returned to
Syria. But scarcely had he done so, when Aristobulus himself reappeared,
having escaped from Rome with his younger son, Antigonus. He was,
however, more quickly disposed of even than Alexander had been, for the
prefect of Syria instantly dispatched a force against him, and having
overpowered his adherents, sent him back as a prisoner to Rome with his
son, who was afterwards, however, released.
Gabinius now proceeded with Antonius to Egypt to place Ptolemy
Auletes upon the throne, and both generals were strenuously assisted
by Hyrcanus and Antipater, who sent supplies for their armies, and
urged the Jews at Leontopolis to befriend them in like manner. Taking
advantage of the absence of the legions, Alexander made a second
attempt to recover the supreme power, but only to be a second time
defeated near Mount Tabor by the Roman commanders on their return from
Egypt, with a loss of 10,000 men.
The next year, B.C. 54, the prefect was recalled to Rome, where
numerous charges of rapacity and extortion were preferred against him,
and though defended by Cicero he was ignominiously banished[68]. The
celebrated triumvir Marcus Crassus now succeeded to the prefecture
of Syria, a man of mean abilities, but enormous wealth, and unbounded
avarice. Armed like Pompeius with proconsular authority for five years,
and empowered to maintain as large a force as he might see fit, and to
carry on wars without consulting the senate and people of Rome, Crassus
resolved on entering upon a war with Parthia. Hurrying to his province,
with some of the troops he had already collected, he entered Jerusalem,
attracted by the well-known fact that the treasury of its Temple
contained 2,000 talents, equivalent to nearly £2,000,000 sterling,
besides vessels of gold and silver to an almost equal amount. The Jews
were powerless to resist his intentions, but Eleazar, the guardian of
the Temple, offered him a solid bar of gold weighing nearly 1000 pounds,
concealed in a beam of wood, on condition that he left the rest of the
treasures untouched. Crassus solemnly promised to be satisfied with
this huge ingot, took it, and then, in defiance of his plighted faith,
robbed the Temple of all the treasures he could lay his hands on, not
sparing even the sacred vessels. The total amount he carried off is
said to have been worth upwards of 10,000 Attic talents, and consisted
of the gifts and offerings which during a hundred years the annual
contributions of Jews from well-nigh every quarter of the world
had amassed[69]. He then set out against the Parthians, crossed the
Euphrates, and plunged into the sandy deserts of Mesopotamia, to be
defeated with the loss of nearly his entire army at the disastrous
battle of Carrhæ, B.C. 53.
CHAPTER II.
_ANTIPATER AND HEROD; JULIUS CÆSAR AND ANTONIUS._
B.C. 53–41.
MISFORTUNE seemed to follow in the footsteps of every Roman general
that interfered in the affairs of Judæa. Gabinius was ignominiously
exiled, Crassus perished miserably in a foreign land, and now the
disastrous issue of the battle of Pharsalia, B.C. 48, drove Pompeius
to the shores of Egypt, there to perish by the blow of an assassin.
A new actor now appeared upon the stage. Master of Rome, nominated
dictator for the second time, Julius Cæsar repaired to Egypt in pursuit
of his rival, and a few days after his death arrived at Alexandria. For
the purpose of effecting a diversion in his favour, he had liberated
Aristobulus, and sent him to Palestine with two legions to overawe
Syria. But the partisans of Pompeius managed to poison him on the way,
and Scipio, who held the command in Syria, seized his son Alexander,
and caused him to be beheaded after a mock trial at Antioch[70].
The supremacy was thus left in the hands of Hyrcanus, or rather of
his minister Antipater, who really ruled in his name. With prudent
alacrity the wily Idumæan completely changed his tactics, and did
everything in his power to promote the cause of Cæsar. Resolved to
settle the disputes concerning the succession to the throne of Egypt,
and determined to uphold the claims of Cleopatra, who had completely
won his heart, this general embarked in a war, in which for some
time he was exposed to great danger on account of the small number of
his troops. Antipater seized the opportunity of displaying a prudent
activity on his behalf. He assisted his ally, Mithridates, king of
Pontus, in marching to his relief, he contributed to the reduction of
Pelusium, he conciliated the Jews in Egypt, who had espoused the cause
of the opposite party, and received wounds in almost every part of his
body[71], while fighting on his behalf.
Cæsar was not slow to declare his gratitude. Having brought the
Egyptian war to a close B.C. 47, he conferred upon his friend the
privileges of Roman citizenship, and at the same time at his request
confirmed Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood[72]. But Antigonus, son
of Aristobulus, now appeared before him, and breaking forth into
the fiercest accusations against Antipater, charged him with cruelty
towards himself, oppression of the Jews, and an insincere friendship
for his patron. The Idumæan was equal to the occasion. Throwing open
his vest, he exposed the numerous wounds he had received in Cæsar’s
cause, and protested his innocence and fidelity. The Dictator could not
resist such an appeal, appointed him procurator of Judæa, and granted
him permission to restore the ruined fortifications of Jerusalem[73].
Having made these arrangements Cæsar marched through Syria towards
Pontus, to attack Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates the Great, who had
defeated one of his lieutenants. Antipater conducted him beyond the
Syrian frontiers, and returning to Jerusalem, commenced rebuilding the
walls which had been overthrown by Pompey. He then set out on a tour
through the country, suppressing tumults, and exhorting all to submit
to the rule of Hyrcanus; soon waxing bolder, and taking advantage of
the indolence of his nominal sovereign, he appointed his eldest son
Phasael military governor of Judæa, and conferred the tetrarchy of
Galilee on his younger son Herod, afterwards Herod the Great.
Though but a youth of 15, according to Josephus[74], but more probably
of 25[75], the new governor of Galilee soon began to give signs of that
decision of character which subsequently distinguished him. Turning
his energies against numerous robber bands, who infested his province
as also the confines of Syria, he put to death Hezekias, one of their
notorious chiefs, with nearly all his associates. Such energy and
determination won the delighted approval of the Syrians, who sang his
praises in their villages and cities[76], and not less of Sextus Cæsar,
the new president of that province.
But the news of these successes of the young man filled Hyrcanus
and many of the national party at Jerusalem with indignation. The
priest-king felt that the family of Antipater was everything, while
he himself was nothing. Herod was, therefore, summoned before the
Sanhedrin to answer for his conduct in putting so many to death without
a trial. He came, not in the garb of a suppliant, but clothed in purple,
accompanied by a strong escort, and bore with him a letter from Sextus
Cæsar, ordering his acquittal of the capital charge[77]. The great
council was terrified. Not a man dared to lift his voice to accuse
him, backed as he was by the terrible power of the Roman governor,
save Sameas, or Shammai, one of the most learned Rabbis and a man of
unblemished character. He sternly rebuked the accused for the haughty
independence he had evinced, and the others, emboldened by his conduct,
were ready to pronounce the sentence of death[78]. Hyrcanus now
interposed, and secretly advised Herod to fly from the city. He took
the advice and hurried to Damascus, where he threw himself at the feet
of Sextus Cæsar, and in consideration of a heavy bribe, was appointed
governor of Cœlesyria and Samaria. Burning with rage, he now gathered
an army, marched against Jerusalem, and would have taken summary
vengeance on his opponents, had it not been for the intervention of his
father and brother, who advised him to be satisfied with his acquittal
and draw off his troops.
Two years afterwards, B.C. 44, Cæsar was assassinated on the Ides of
March, in the senate-house at Rome. Cassius, the chief conspirator,
betook himself to Syria, to secure the troops stationed at Apamea[79],
and began to impose heavy tribute on the various cities of Asia Minor,
and the Syrian provinces. Palestine was assessed to pay the enormous
sum of 700 talents of silver[80], and Antipater commissioned his son
Herod to collect the contribution from Galilee, while Malichus, a
powerful Jew, and principal adherent of Hyrcanus, collected the rest.
With characteristic tact, Herod employed himself diligently in raising
his quota, and repairing to Cassius with 100 talents gained his hearty
good will, while Malichus so incensed him by his dilatoriness, that he
would have put him to death, had not Hyrcanus soothed the Roman’s anger
by the present of another 100 talents[81].
The influence of Antipater on this occasion Malichus deemed unendurable.
He saw that his patron Hyrcanus was rapidly losing even the semblance
of power, and he resolved to compass the Idumæan’s death. Suspecting
his designs, Antipater fled beyond the Jordan, and collected a body
of men to defend himself. But persuaded that his suspicions were
groundless, he returned to Jerusalem, where he was shortly afterwards
poisoned with a glass of wine at an entertainment in the high-priest’s
palace, B.C. 43. Herod would have instantly avenged his father’s murder,
but Phasael persuaded him to bide his time, and the brothers celebrated
their father’s obsequies with the greatest splendour, pretending
to believe the assassin’s assertion of innocence. Before long, an
opportunity of revenge presented itself. On the capture of Laodicea by
Cassius, the kings and nobles of the surrounding provinces assembled,
bearing gifts and crowns. Amongst the rest came Hyrcanus and Malichus,
and on the way stayed at Tyre, where Herod, who had joined them,
invited them to a banquet, and sending secret instructions to the Roman
soldiers, caused Malichus to be dispatched on the sea-shore. The feeble
Hyrcanus witnessed the bloody deed, and immediately fainted away, but
no sooner heard that it had been done by command of Cassius, than he
acquiesced, and denounced Malichus as the enemy of his country.
It was now clear that the virtual supremacy lay in the hands of the
sons of Antipater, and that the party of Hyrcanus could but struggle
in vain against their influence. It was not, however, their interest to
come to an open rupture with the high-priest, and Herod for the sake of
conciliating the people, who still clung with unabated devotion to that
noble race, resolved to ally himself with a princess of the Asmonean
family. He had already married Doris, a native of Judæa, and by her
had become the father of a son Antipater. He now was betrothed to
the beautiful and accomplished grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, the famous
Mariamne, who was as yet a child.
Meanwhile, B.C. 42, the forces of Brutus and Cassius had met their
opponents Antonius and Octavius on the bloody field of Philippi, and
had sustained a disastrous defeat. The conquerors separated; Octavius
departed for Italy, Antonius for Asia. On his arrival in Bithynia, a
number of influential Jews waited upon Antonius with bitter complaints
against Phasael and Herod[82], but Herod plied him with such heavy
bribes, that the deputation withdrew unable to effect anything. Shortly
afterwards another deputation met him at Daphne near Antioch, and with
them came Hyrcanus. The Roman listened to their complaints, and then
turning to the high-priest, asked whom he deemed best fitted to rule
the country? Influenced probably by the projected alliance between
Herod and his grand-daughter, he named the brothers. Antonius, who
had been hospitably entertained by their father Antipater, when he
accompanied Gabinius to Egypt[83], readily assented, and named them
tetrarchs of Judæa, nor could a subsequent deputation of 1000 Jews,
who waited upon him at Tyre, avail to alter his decision[84].
A single obstacle to the complete success of the brothers still
remained in the person of Antigonus. He had already made an ineffectual
attempt to recover the throne, and now assistance appeared in an
utterly unexpected quarter. While Antonius was wasting his time in
the society of Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, the Parthians, under Pacorus,
entered Syria, overran the whole country, and made themselves masters
of Sidon and Ptolemais. Antigonus resolved to court the assistance of
these unexpected allies, and by a bribe of 1000 talents and 500 Jewish
women, persuaded Pacorus to espouse his cause. With a division of
the Parthian army he now marched against Jerusalem, and an obstinate
struggle commenced. At length the Parthian general with a few horsemen
was admitted into the city, and offered to act as umpire between the
rival claimants. Phasael assented, and in an evil hour for himself,
accompanied by Hyrcanus repaired to the court of Barzapharnes, the new
Parthian governor of Syria, who threw them into chains[85]. Meanwhile
Herod, suspecting treachery, and warned by Mariamne, secretly escaped
with a picked body of troops from Jerusalem[86], and made his way to
Masada[87], a strong fortress on the south-western side of the Dead
Sea. So desperate were his circumstances, that he was with difficulty
restrained from making away with himself[88], and finally, leaving
Mariamne and his family at Masada, in charge of 800 men, he fled to
Petra, to try to obtain help from the successor of Aretas. This being
denied, he dismissed the remainder of his forces, and made his way
to Pelusium, and so to Alexandria, whence declining the command of an
expedition offered him by Cleopatra, he took ship, although it was the
depth of winter, and sailed for Rome[89], B.C. 40.
CHAPTER III.
_HEROD, KING OF JUDÆA._
B.C. 40–33.
MEANWHILE the Parthians had made themselves masters of Jerusalem,
reinstated Antigonus in the supreme power, and delivered into his hands
the captives Hyrcanus and Phasael. The new ruler, unwilling to put his
aged uncle to death, but determined that he should never be able to
hold the office of high-priest again, caused his ears to be cropped
off[90], and then sent him to Seleucia in Babylonia to be retained as
a prisoner of the Parthians. Phasael, knowing his death was certain,
anticipated the executioner by beating out his brains against the walls
of his prison.
In the mean time Herod had reached Rome, where he found Antonius at the
very summit of power. The Roman received him with much kindness, and
introduced him to Octavius, who calling to mind the aid which the great
Julius had received from Antipater during his Egyptian war[91], was no
less ready to befriend him. Herod protested he wished for nothing more
than that Aristobulus, the brother of his betrothed Mariamne, should
be placed on the throne of Judæa. But the triumvirs would not entertain
the proposition for a moment. Who was more fit to receive the title
of king than Herod himself? Who was more likely to cope effectually
with Antigonus, and to render aid in the projected war with Parthia?
Accordingly with the assent of the senate he was formally nominated
King of Judæa, and preceded by the consuls and other magistrates,
walked in procession between Antonius and Octavius to the Capitol,
where the usual sacrifices were offered, and the decree formally laid
up in the archives[92].
A week only had elapsed since the arrival of Herod in Italy. But
without losing a moment he hurried to Brundusium, and thence took ship
for Ptolemais, where he presented himself after an absence of barely
three months. Meanwhile Antigonus had been unsuccessfully besieging
the fortress of Masada, with the design of obtaining possession of
Mariamne and Aristobulus. The first object of the newly-arrived king
was to relieve this stronghold, and the recollection of his energy as
a governor in Galilee quickly attracted many to his standard. He also
invoked the aid of Ventidius the Roman general, who had been sent to
check the advance of the Parthians and had encamped before Jerusalem,
and partly through his aid but still more by his own energy succeeded
in raising the siege of Masada, liberated his relatives, and recovered
the treasures he had deposited there.
His next step was to march upon Jerusalem, and having united with the
Roman forces, encamped on the west side of the city B.C. 38. Finding,
however, that he could not reduce it with the forces then at his
command, he repaired to Samaria, and there was formally united in
marriage with the beautiful Mariamne. Early in the following spring,
B.C. 37, he again set out for Jerusalem, supported on this occasion by
Sosius, the lieutenant of Antonius, with 11 legions and 6000 cavalry.
Now for the first time the Romans found how desperate an enemy they had
to encounter in the Jews, who defended Antigonus with all the constancy
of their race. Upwards of 40 days elapsed before the first wall was
taken, 15 before the second was reduced. Fighting with reckless courage,
the besieged were driven successively from the outer court of the
Temple and the lower city into the interior of the Sanctuary, nor was
it till after five long months of combat that the signal could be given
for an assault. No sooner had this been given than a dreadful massacre
ensued. Exasperated by the obstinacy of the foe, the Romans struck down
all whom they met, without distinction of age or sex. Multitudes were
butchered in the narrow streets, many crowded together in their homes,
many flying for refuge to the Sanctuary. Herod used every effort to
mollify the wrath of the legions, and even threatened to cut down any
who attempted to penetrate into the Holy of Holies. Finding all was
lost, Antigonus descended from the Baris, where he had taken refuge,
and flung himself at the feet of Sosius. The Roman treated him with
contempt and scorn, called him in derision _Antigona_, and put him
in chains. Then laden with munificent presents from the new ruler
of Jerusalem, he retired to Antioch with his captive, to await the
pleasure of Antonius himself. The latter, at the request of his
favourite now installed in power, had the unfortunate prince tried
and condemned, and after he had first been scourged by the Roman
lictors, struck off his head[93]. Thus ignominiously perished the
last priest-king of the Asmonean dynasty, 126 years[94] after Judas
Maccabæus obtained the government of Judæa.
Herod had now attained the highest object of his ambition. In the prime
of his vigour and great abilities he had become ruler of Palestine,
being lifted into his high position by the Roman legions, and by
uniting himself with one of the Asmonean line he had conciliated
somewhat the popular favour. But though successful, he clearly foresaw
the difficulty and danger of his position, for the partisans of
Antigonus still retained much influence, and the people were strong in
their attachment to the Asmonean dynasty. But the Idumæan had profited
in the school of the Roman proscriptions, and selecting 45 of the
most prominent partisans of Antigonus, he put them all to death, and
confiscated their estates to liquidate the heavy debt he had contracted
with Antigonus. He next wreaked his vengeance on the Sanhedrin, every
member of which was executed save two only, Sameas and Pollio, who
alone during the late siege had urged their countrymen to capitulate
and receive him as king.
The question of the appointment to the high-priesthood next required
to be disposed of. Hyrcanus was in captivity at Seleucia, where the
Parthian Phraates treated him with every consideration, and allowed him
to live at full liberty among many of his own nation, who had settled
in that region[95]. Herod sent an embassy requesting that his former
patron might be permitted to return, and pretended a wish to recompense
him for old kindnesses. The Jews in Seleucia easily divined his
insidious designs. But the weak old man heeded not their council, and
returned to Jerusalem. The mutilation of his ears by Antigonus rendered
it impossible for him to hold the office of high-priest, and Herod,
while treating him with much apparent respect, conferred the coveted
post on Ananel, an obscure priest of the line of Aaron, whom he had
summoned from Babylon.
But this selection was regarded with feelings of detestation by
Aristobulus, his youthful brother-in-law, his wife Mariamne, and her
mother-in-law, Alexandra. Well acquainted with Cleopatra, queen of
Egypt, at whose court Antonius was now living in luxury and indolence,
Alexandra began to address her complaints to her, and succeeded in
awakening an interest in her favour. The secret correspondence coming
to the ears of Herod, he forthwith deposed Ananel, and with great pomp
installed Aristobulus in his stead. The people were delighted at his
elevation, and when the handsome youth the descendant of their ancient
princes appeared before them at the feast of Tabernacles B.C. 35,
clad in the gorgeous robes of his office, they could not restrain the
expression of their admiration, and their shouts of acclamation rent
the air.
This sealed the doom of the unfortunate young man. Seeing in him
a possible rival, and suspecting the designs of Alexandra, Herod
resolved to compass his destruction, and an opportunity soon presented
itself. At the close of the solemnities he repaired with the youthful
high-priest to Jericho, where Alexandra had invited them to an
entertainment. The day was close――sultry, even for that tropical
region――and the two, with many of their retinue, betook themselves to
the fish-ponds, for the purpose of bathing. At first the attendants
alone plunged into the water, and Herod and the high-priest merely
looked on. But as it grew dark, the king proposed that his companion
should join the rest in the water, where several of the attendants,
suborned for the purpose, plunged him under the water, and held him
down till life was extinct[96]. Next day it was announced at Jerusalem
that Aristobulus had been accidentally drowned, and the spectacle
of the dead body excited the wildest sorrow. Herod himself pretended
the utmost grief. But neither the tears he shed, nor the magnificent
funeral with which he honoured the young man’s remains, could divert
the popular suspicion and indignation. Least of all could he deceive
the bereaved mother. The grief of Alexandra was intense, and more than
once she was on the point of laying violent hands upon herself. At
length she resolved to appeal for the second time to the friendship of
Cleopatra, and wrote her a full account of the treacherous deed. The
Egyptian queen, herself a woman and a mother, moved by her touching
story, would not let Antonius have any rest till he had promised that
the matter should be investigated.
On his arrival, therefore, at the Syrian Laodicea[97] B.C. 34, the
triumvir sent to Herod, and demanded an explanation of the death of
Aristobulus. Though Herod was well aware of the ill-will of Cleopatra
towards himself, and of the risk he ran, he dared not disobey this
summons, and resolved to go in person and plead his cause. Before
setting out he entrusted to his uncle Joseph not only the government
of Jerusalem, but the care also of the beautiful Mariamne, strictly
enjoining him, in the event of his own death, to slay her rather than
let her fall into the hands of Antonius. Having thus provided for the
worst he departed, and, on his arrival at Laodicea, presented himself
before the Roman and his Egyptian enchantress. Cleopatra, eager to
add Judæa to her dominions, exhausted every expedient to ensure his
ruin. But by his confidence, and still more by his lavish bribes,
Herod succeeded in defeating her designs, and in clearing himself in
the opinion of her paramour, so that Antonius not merely dismissed
the charges against his favourite, but placed him by his side on his
judicial throne, invited him to his luxurious banquets, and heaped upon
him every mark of distinction.
Meanwhile very different events had occurred at Jerusalem. In an evil
hour Joseph had revealed his secret instructions respecting Mariamne,
and while she and Alexandra were indulging in transports of rage, a
sudden rumour reached the city that Herod had failed in his mission,
and been put to death. Instantly both mother and daughter took measures
for seizing the supreme power, and Alexandra indulged the hope that the
glorious beauty of her daughter might win the affections even of the
paramour of Cleopatra. But in a moment all these schemes were dashed
to the ground. Letters arrived announcing Herod’s complete success, and
soon he himself appeared. His sister Salome, jealous of the charms of
Mariamne, filled his mind with suspicions against her, which at first
he refused to credit. But unhappily one day, as he was protesting his
undying love, she chanced to inquire how, if he really loved her, he
could have given the order for her execution. Furious at the discovery
of his secret compact, he rushed from her arms, and was on the point
of putting her to death with his own hand. Her loveliness, however,
induced him to spare her, and he contented himself with ordering the
instant execution of his uncle Joseph, and flinging Alexandra into
prison with every mark of insult.
CHAPTER IV.
_HEROD, KING OF JUDÆA._
B.C. 34–24.
MEANWHILE the friendship between Octavius and Antonius had at length
been broken, and the whole East rang with preparations for the coming
contest between the triumvirs for the supremacy of the world. Herod
raised a body of troops to assist Antonius, but the latter declined
his aid, and being thus excused taking any prominent part in a doubtful
struggle, he turned his arms against Malchus, king of Arabia. The
artful designs of Cleopatra had involved him in this war. Already
mistress of Cœlesyria, and of the palm-groves around Jericho by the
concessions of her Roman lover, she cast longing eyes upon Judæa also.
The Arabian king, emboldened by the rupture between the Roman triumvirs,
had withheld the payment to her of his annual tribute, an insult which
Antonius directed Herod to avenge. Seeing her opportunity, she urged
Herod to embark in the war, hoping if he was successful to become
mistress of Arabia, if unsuccessful, of Judæa.
But the Jews were exceedingly unwilling to undertake a war against a
nation with whom they had no quarrel, and Herod was defeated in the
first campaign with great loss. His troops were still more unwilling to
engage a second time, but fortune came to his aid. A sudden earthquake
convulsed the cities of southern Palestine, and destroyed in one
day upwards of 30,000 of the inhabitants. Taking advantage of the
consternation thus caused, the Arabs slew the Jewish ambassadors who
had come to treat of peace. News of this treachery roused once more the
martial spirit of the nation, and enabled Herod to win a signal triumph
over his foes, and to reduce the country to subjection.
On his return from this expedition he received intelligence that his
patron Antonius had been defeated in the decisive battle of Actium,
B.C. 31, and had left the supremacy of the world to his rival Octavius.
His first impulse was to urge the triumvir to seize Egypt, and put
to death Cleopatra, the faithless cause of his misfortunes. But the
infatuated Roman, rejecting this advice, followed his enchantress to
Alexandria. There twelve months afterwards, deserted by his troops, and
unable to come to any terms with Octavius, he fell upon his sword, and
Cleopatra, rather than grace a Roman triumph, applied the fatal asp to
her breast.
Herod’s fate once more seemed to tremble in the balance. But, equal
to the emergency, he provided with characteristic energy and boldness
an escape from his embarrassments. He first resolved to put Hyrcanus
out of the way, as the last remnant of the Asmonean dynasty, and on a
charge of a treasonable correspondence with the king of Arabia, dragged
him before the Sanhedrin, and caused him to be executed. He next
resolved to make a personal appeal to Octavius, and before he left
sent his mother, sister, and children to Masada, and placed Mariamne in
the fortress of Alexandrium, under the custody of faithful adherents,
Soemus the Ituræan, and Joseph his steward, again enjoining that, in
the event of his death, Mariamne should be instantly dispatched.
Then setting out for Rhodes he appeared before Octavius without the
diadem, but with all the spirit and dignity of a king, and addressed
him in a speech of the utmost freedom[98]. He did not in the least
disguise his friendship for the late triumvir. He had given him, he
said, the best advice in urging him to put Cleopatra to death, and
prosecute the war with vigour. But Antonius had rejected his counsels,
and pursued a course ruinous to himself and beneficial only to his
rival. If Octavius, seeing the steadiness of the speaker’s friendship
towards his late foe, would honour him with his confidence, he might
count on being served with the same steadiness and the same fidelity.
His frankness completely won over the arbiter of the world, who
restored to him the diadem, treated him with the greatest distinction,
and assured him of his friendship and confidence[99].
Thus successful beyond his utmost expectations, Herod returned to
Jerusalem. But the secret orders entrusted to the guardian of Mariamne
had been again disclosed, and she met his greeting with coldness
and aversion, and reproached him bitterly with the murder of her
grandfather Hyrcanus. Herod’s anger was deeply roused, but for the
present other and more public duties demanded his attention. Bent on
the invasion and conquest of Egypt, Octavius passed through Syria and
arrived at Ptolemais. Thither Herod went to meet him, presented him
with 800 talents, and supplied provisions in great abundance for his
troops. This still further conciliated the Roman’s favour, and on his
return from Egypt, where the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra removed
all obstructions to the reduction of the country to a Roman province,
he not only conferred upon him the territory around Jericho, which had
been ceded to the late Egyptian queen, but reannexed to his dominions
the cities of Gadara, Hippo, and Samaria, together with the maritime
towns Gaza, Joppa, and Strato’s Tower[100], B.C. 30.
But these successes did little towards compensating the Jewish king
for the loss of the affections of Mariamne, who persisted in rejecting
his caresses, and reproaching him with his cruelty towards her family.
At this juncture the envious Salome suborned the royal cupbearer to
accuse the queen of having bribed him to poison his master. This new
accusation filled Herod with such rage that he ordered Mariamne’s
favourite eunuch to be put to the rack. The wretched man denied all
knowledge of the plot, but confessed that the secret orders given to
Soemus had excited the queen’s hatred and disgust. Furious at what he
deemed a second proof of her infidelity, Herod directed that Soemus
should be instantly executed, and arraigned Mariamne before a tribunal
of judges on a charge of adultery. The judges, too terrified to do any
thing but obey his bidding, pronounced her guilty, and sentenced her to
death. But though he had procured her condemnation, the tyrant shrunk
from proceeding to her execution. His mother and sister, however,
suffered him to have no rest, and so worked upon his feelings that at
length he signed the fatal order for her execution, and Mariamne was
led forth to die, B.C. 29.
But now a reaction set in. The terrible reality of the deed, combined
with a sense of his own loss, so wrought upon his feelings, that he
became the victim of the most violent remorse. “Everywhere, day and
night, he was haunted by the image of the murdered queen; he called
upon her by name; he perpetually burst into passionate tears; he
ordered his servants to bring Mariamne to him, as though she were
yet alive. In vain he tried every diversion,――banquets, revels, the
excitements of society. A sudden pestilence breaking out, to which
many of the noblest of his court and of his own personal friends fell a
sacrifice, he recognised and trembled beneath the hand of the avenging
Deity. On pretence of hunting he sought out the most melancholy
solitude, till the disorder of his mind brought on a disorder of body,
and he was seized with violent inflammation and pains in the back of
his head, which led to temporary derangement[101].”
After lying in this state for some time in his palace at Samaria, he
was at length partially restored to health, and came forth gloomy,
stern, revengeful, more ready than ever to resort to cruelty and
bloodshed. Alexandra was his first victim. Taking advantage of
his malady she had again renewed her intrigues, and tried to gain
possession of Jerusalem. She was now executed, together with Costobaras,
governor of Idumæa and Gaza and husband of Salome, who was accused of
harbouring some of the Asmonean dynasty, with many others of rank and
influence[102].
Meanwhile, B.C. 27[103], the senate of Rome had conferred upon Octavius
the title of _Augustus_, the _august_, the _divine_, and soon in every
part of the empire temples began to rise in honour of the divinity of
the Emperor. Herod resolved not to be behindhand in adulation towards
his patron, and, all being now dead who had any claims to the crown, he
devoted himself to the introduction of foreign customs into the country.
Though fully aware of the intensely national feelings of his subjects,
he resolved to lose no opportunity of breaking down the wall of
partition between them and the surrounding nations.
He introduced, therefore, public exhibitions and spectacles of all
kinds; erected a theatre within, an amphitheatre without, the walls
of Jerusalem; instituted quinquennial games, which were celebrated on
a scale of the most lavish magnificence; invited to his capital the
professors of every kind of gymnastic exercises, and did not even
shrink from exhibiting in the city of David shows of gladiators and
combats with wild beasts.
The stricter Jews regarded with horror those innovations, but their
indignation knew no bounds when, for the purpose of celebrating the
victories of Octavius, he set up in his theatre complete suits of
armour captured during the imperial wars. Nothing could persuade them
to believe that these trophies did not conceal heathen images, and it
was only when they had been taken to pieces, and the bare peg of wood
exposed underneath, that their suspicions were removed. This raised a
laugh, but the deepfelt exasperation of the majority was not removed.
At length ten men formed a conspiracy to assassinate the king as he
entered the theatre. The plot was betrayed, and they were put to death
with the most cruel tortures. The people, sympathising with their
sufferings, seized the informer who had betrayed the secret to Herod,
tore him to pieces, and flung his flesh to the dogs. This roused the
king in his turn to retaliate, and seizing the ringleaders he put them
to death, together with their families, B.C. 25.
These risings, however, convinced him that his life was insecure, and
he had recourse to various measures of precaution. He erected a palace
on the impregnable hill of Sion; restored and enlarged the Baris, and
named it Antonia, after his former patron. At the same time he rebuilt
and founded various cities to serve as military ports and retreats on
occasions of danger, such as Gaba in Galilee, and Heshbon in Peræa.
Samaria also, which had been destroyed by John Hyrcanus, once more rose
from its ruins, was surrounded with a wall, strongly fortified, and
peopled with 6000 veterans devoted to the king’s interests. A temple
also was erected within it, dedicated to the occupant of the imperial
throne, in whose honour the city also was now called Sebaste, _the
August_[104].
But Herod[105] further resolved that his kingdom should have a naval
harbour and a maritime city, whereby he might communicate more securely
with the western world. A convenient point along the inhospitable
coast-line of Palestine offered itself at a spot called Strato’s Tower,
situated about 30 miles south of Mount Carmel, and 70 miles north-west
of Jerusalem, on the line of the great road from Tyre to Egypt. To
protect the shipping from the violent south-west winds, which blew
along the coast, it was first necessary that a breakwater should be
constructed. Accordingly enormous stones were sunk in deep water to
form a mole 2000 feet in length. This supported a pier, 200 feet wide,
defended by a wall and towers, and formed a sort of double harbour
equal in size to the Piræus at Athens, and surrounded with broad
landing wharves. The entrance was from the north, so that a vast fleet
could ride at anchor with perfect safety. Above the harbour rose the
city, built on the Greek model with a forum and amphitheatre, and
called, in honour of the king’s friend on the imperial throne, Cæsarea.
Upwards of 12 years were spent in the erection of this important
maritime city[106].
CHAPTER V.
_HEROD, KING OF JUDÆA._
B.C. 24–14.
THUS Judæa seemed to be sinking more and more into the form of a
Roman province, while Herod rivalled the other vassal kings of Rome
in subservience to the master of the world. It was a saying that Cæsar
assigned to him the next place in his favour to Agrippa, while Agrippa
esteemed Herod higher than all his friends, except Augustus[107]. The
three vied with one another in mutual courtesies, and whenever either
Cæsar or Agrippa visited the Eastern provinces, the Jewish king was
sure to be first to pay his homage, and to assist with his personal
support and advice.
In return for these attentions the Roman emperor was profuse in his
concessions. When Herod sent his two elder sons by Mariamne, Alexander
and Aristobulus, to Rome for their education, he received them into
his palace and treated them with the utmost care and distinction[108].
Moreover, besides the large addition he had already made to Herod’s
territories, he now conceded to him the district east of the Lake
of Gennesaret, known as Trachonitis, with Batanæa and Auranitis, and
afterwards appointed him procurator of the province of Syria, and
with such authority, that his colleagues in command could take no
step without his concurrence[109]. At the same time a tetrarchy was
conferred on his brother Pheroras, and in memory of these concessions,
Herod erected a splendid temple of white marble at Paneas, near the
sources of the Jordan, and dedicated it to his benefactor[110].
But while the Jewish king was on terms of such intimate friendship
with his imperial patron, his relations with his own subjects were far
from satisfactory. In spite of the profuse liberality with which he
had poured forth the contents of his treasury, and even parted with the
silver plate of his table to satisfy their wants during a severe famine,
B.C. 25, in spite also of his munificence in diminishing a third of the
annual taxation, the murmurs of the populace against his rule could not
be restrained.
Strong as was the party which favoured his designs and approved his
policy, the majority of the nation regarded with undissembled suspicion
and mistrust his numerous innovations, and the introduction of foreign
rites and customs. In vain he forbade any assemblages of the citizens
for feasting or deliberation; in vain he kept himself informed through
his spies of all who disapproved of his government, threw them into
prison, and sometimes punished them with death; in vain he tried to
compel all his subjects to take an oath of fidelity towards himself
and his dynasty; he could not control the opposition of the powerful
Pharisaic faction[111], or check the general feeling of disaffection.
At length, B.C. 20, he determined on a measure which he trusted might
have the effect at once of giving employment to large numbers, and
winning the favour of the nation. He resolved to rebuild the Temple.
Since the construction of the second Temple by Zorobabel that structure
had suffered much from dilapidation, and bore unmistakeable traces
of the assaults of various armies. The evident need, therefore, of
renewal, induced the king to hope that no obstacle would be put in
the way of his design. But on laying his project before the assembled
people, he found that it was regarded with little favour and greater
suspicion[112]. Under pretence of rebuilding, many believed he really
intended to destroy their national sanctuary.
Great caution was therefore needed, and everything was done that could
be devised to allay the popular mistrust. Vast preparations were made
before a single stone of the old building was removed, and two years
were spent in bringing together all the materials; 1000 waggons were
constructed for the purpose of bearing stones for the building, and
upwards of 10,000 of the most skilful workmen, superintended by 1000
Levites, who had been taught the arts of carpentry and stone-cutting,
were employed on the works[113].
In the 20th year of Herod’s reign, or B.C. 18, the erection of the
new structure began. The foundations of the Temple of Zorobabel were
removed, and on those laid by Solomon the new pile arose, built of
hard white stones of enormous size. The Porch, Holy Place, and Holy of
Holies, were completed in a year and a half[114]; the rest of the pile,
with the courts and cloisters, in eight years more, so as to be fit
for the actual services of religion, but the whole structure was not
finally completed[115] till A.D. 65[116].
On the highest level of the rocky platform stood the _Temple_ itself,
divided as in the days of Solomon, and covered with plates of gold,
which shone like a meteor under the rays of the sun, so that the eye
could hardly bear to rest upon them. Twelve steps below was a second
level, occupied by the _Court of the Priests_, with the Great Laver,
and the Altar of Burnt-offering. Three flights of steps below this
was the _Court of the Israelites_, with the houses of the priests, the
various offices, and hall of the Sanhedrin. Fourteen steps more led
down to the _Court of the Gentiles_, which was hardly regarded as a
part of the Temple, and was open to men of all nations and became a
kind of exchange and market-place.
While the Sanctuary had been left to the care of the priests, Herod
exhausted all his taste on this Court of the Gentiles. “Cloisters
ran round the wall on the inner side, sustained on rows of columns
exquisitely wrought, the capitals being ornamented with the acanthus
and waterleaf, as in the famous Tower of the Winds. West, north, and
east these columns were in three rows; on the south they were in four.
The floor made a shaded walk, like the colonnade in Venice, and the
roof an open walk like the gallery of Genoa. The pavement was inlaid
with marbles of many colours. Leading into this Court from the city and
the country were many noble gates; one of these on the Eastern side,
facing the Mount of Olives, was called _Solomon’s Porch_, and a second
near by it was called the _Beautiful Gate_[117].”
Immediately after the completion of the Sanctuary, which was
commemorated with lavish sacrifices and splendid feasts[118], Herod
set out for Rome, to bring back his sons Alexander and Aristobulus.
On his arrival in the imperial city[119], he was received by Augustus
with every mark of regard, and returned with his two sons apparently
in the spring of the year B.C. 15. During the autumn his friend Agrippa
visited Judæa[120], and Herod shewed him his new cities, Sebaste and
Cæsarea, and the fortresses of Alexandrium, Herodium, and Hyrcania.
Then conducting him to Jerusalem, he entertained him at a sumptuous
banquet, while the people welcomed the great minister of Augustus with
acclamations, and Agrippa offered a sacrifice of 100 oxen in the Temple,
and feasted the subjects of the Jewish king at a splendid entertainment.
CHAPTER VI.
_HEROD, KING OF JUDÆA._
B.C. 15–4.
BUT the return of the young princes, Alexander and Aristobulus, from
Rome was the signal for a scene of bloodshed, still more awful than
that which had darkened the beginning of Herod’s reign.
The monarch married them, Alexander to Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus,
king of Cappadocia; Aristobulus to Berenice, the daughter of his sister
Salome[121]. The grace and beauty of the young men, added to their
descent through their mother from the great Asmonean house, made them
objects of the utmost interest to the people, and they were regarded as
the future rulers of Palestine.
The popular favour, however, which they thus attracted, aroused the
keenest hatred of Salome and Pheroras. Conscious of the part they had
played in the execution of Mariamne, they looked with dismay at the
future elevation of the young princes. Taking advantage, therefore,
of some incautious expressions they chanced to let fall respecting
the execution of their mother, they began by circulating rumours that
the young men were bent on avenging their mother’s death, and bore no
goodwill towards the king. For some time Herod refused even to listen
to these rumours. But before long they acquired fresh strength and
consistency, and to check their pride, he sent for Antipater, the son
of his first wife Doris, and set him up as a foil to the aspirations
and popularity of Alexander and Aristobulus[122].
Salome had thus a ready tool for prosecuting her cunning designs, and
as Herod had permission from Augustus to appoint whom he pleased as his
successor, the two together bent all their efforts towards alienating
him from the sons of Mariamne.
In the beginning of B.C. 13, the king went to join Agrippa at Sinope,
and attended him through Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Phrygia, and Ionia,
to Ephesus. On this occasion he introduced Antipater to his powerful
friend, and sent him in his train on a visit to Rome, with many costly
presents and an introduction to Augustus. Even at Rome the crafty
Idumæan did not remit his machinations against his rivals, but in every
letter to his father dropped something to the discredit of the sons of
Mariamne, veiling his real designs under pretence of great anxiety for
Herod’s security.
By these artful means the suspicions of the king were at length raised
to such a pitch, that he resolved on formally accusing his sons before
the tribunal of Augustus. Accordingly, B.C. 11, he conducted them to
Rome, and in the presence of the emperor charged them with designs upon
his life. Augustus perceived that the accusation rested only on hearsay
and suspicion, and after hearing the case succeeded in reconciling
the young men to their father, and the three, accompanied by Antipater,
returned to Jerusalem apparently on terms of amity and goodwill.
On regaining his capital, Herod convened an assembly of the people,
introduced to them his three sons, and formally announced his design
that they should succeed him in the order of their birth, first
Antipater, then Alexander, and lastly Aristobulus[123]. But this
arrangement was satisfactory to no one. The sons of Mariamne were
indignant that the right of primogeniture should have been confined
to Antipater, while Antipater was indignant that they should obtain
honours even second to his own[124].
While the jealousies in the royal household were thus for a short
time hushed, the building of the new and magnificent city of Cæsarea
was completed, B.C. 10. This event was celebrated with an imposing
ceremonial, with shows, games, exhibitions of gladiators, and sumptuous
entertainments, to which the wife of Cæsar herself contributed
largely[125]. Other cities now arose in honour of different members of
Herod’s family. Antipatris[126], between Cæsarea and Lydda, preserved
the name of his father _Antipater_; Cypron, near Jericho, of his mother
_Cyprus_; Phasaelis, in the plain near the same city, of his brother
_Phasael_.
But soon the quarrels in the royal household broke out afresh. With
a strange lack of caution, the sons of Mariamne again indulged their
dissatisfaction by the use of intemperate language, which the artful
Antipater managed to report to Herod, exaggerated or distorted, as best
suited his purpose. Knowing not whom to trust, the king had no rest
night or day. At length he ordered some of the confidential slaves of
the young princes to be put to the torture, and they, to obtain relief
from their agony, made false declarations respecting Alexander, who was
immediately flung into prison and loaded with chains.
There the wretched young man had recourse to a strange expedient. He
sent four papers to his father, in which he accused himself of all
kinds of treasonable practices, but added that Pheroras, Salome, and
several of the king’s most intimate friends, were his accomplices.
The whole court was now a scene of suspicion and distrust. Herod knew
not which way to look or whom to believe. In a state of phrenzy he
day after day caused persons of all grades to be apprehended; some
of these he executed; others he tortured to compel them to confess,
and with such severity that several of them died under the hands of
their tormentors. In the midst of these troubles, Archelaus, king of
Cappadocia, and father-in-law of Alexander, arrived at Jerusalem, and
succeeded in obtaining his release, and restoration to Herod’s favour.
But the lull was only temporary. A few months had barely elapsed before
Salome and Pheroras, regaining all their old ascendancy, poisoned the
king’s mind with suspicions. Unable to trust any one around him, Herod
once more had recourse to Augustus, and poured forth the bitterest
complaints against the sons of Mariamne. In reply, the emperor advised
him to summon a council of sovereigns at Berytus[127], with Volumnius
and Saturninus the prefects of Syria, and formally arraign the young
men before them.
Acting on this advice, Herod thereupon summoned a council of princes.
Upwards of 150 met together, and before them he pleaded his own cause,
examined witnesses, read documents, and accused his sons with the
utmost vehemence. After hearing the charge, Saturninus expressed
himself in favour of mercy; Volumnius and the majority for condemnation.
For a short time Herod appeared to hesitate, but the malice of
Salome eventually had its reward, and the young men were strangled
at Sebaste[128], B.C. 6.
But they had scarcely perished before Herod found himself exposed to
a far more terrible danger. Pheroras had married a slave, who attached
herself to the powerful Pharisaic party. For the second time the
king ordered the members of this influential sect to take the oath of
allegiance to Augustus and himself. Upwards of 600 positively refused,
and were sentenced to pay heavy fines. These the wife of Pheroras
instantly liquidated out of her own property, and the Pharisees,
grateful for such kindness, began to whisper that God intended the
kingdom for her and her husband[129].
Salome announced these signs of ♦disaffection to Herod, who instantly
executed the ringleaders of the Pharisees, and ordered Pheroras to put
away his wife. This his brother absolutely declined to do, and retired
to his own tetrarchy in Peræa, while the wily Antipater contrived to
get himself summoned to Rome.
Shortly afterwards Pheroras sickening, Herod came to visit him, and
on his death gave him a magnificent funeral. He was scarcely buried
before rumours of foul play were bruited about. To ascertain their
truth, Herod ordered a strict examination of the female slaves of his
brother’s wife, and under the agonies of torture a horrible secret came
to light.
Antipater, for whom Herod had strangled the sons of Mariamne, whom he
had designed as his successor, had been associated with Pheroras in
a plot against his life, and his brother’s widow was in possession of
a subtle poison, with which it had been intended to take him off on
the first opportunity. Thereupon she was examined, acknowledged her
guilt, and immediately after flung herself from the roof of the house.
The fall, however, was not fatal, and being brought before Herod,
she recounted the whole history of the plot, adding that his kindness
to her husband on his death-bed had caused him to relent, and he had
bidden her fling the poison into the fire. This she had done, and had
reserved only a small portion, which was now produced[130].
Just at this juncture, a freedman of Antipater’s arrived from
Rome, with letters for the king, accusing Archelaus and Philip of
disaffection towards their father. The man was instantly placed upon
the rack, and confessed that he had brought another phial of poison,
which he was to entrust to Pheroras, in the event of the first not
proving successful. The proofs of this dark treachery being thus
complete, Herod wrote to Antipater requesting his instant return, and
at the same time gave orders that the roads should be strictly guarded,
and that not a word should be allowed to drop respecting what had
transpired at Jerusalem.
Triumphing in the success of his base intrigues, and confident of his
succession to the throne, Antipater had already set out, and arrived at
Celenderis in Pamphylia. News of the death of Pheroras had reached him
at Tarentum, and excited some misgivings, but, contrary to the advice
of many of his friends, he continued his journey and entered the port
of Cæsarea.
Here his fears were still more excited. The crowded harbour appeared
like a solitude. Not a soul approached to salute or congratulate him
on his return. The few who did meet him turned aside, or looked on, as
if they now dared to shew the hatred they had long borne towards him.
Every one seemed in possession of some dark secret, of which he alone
was ignorant[131].
Dissembling, however, his fears, he pressed on, for it was too late
to fly, and reaching Jerusalem, hurried to his father’s palace. At
the gates his retinue was denied entrance, and with Herod he found
Quintilius Varus the prefect. Advancing to salute the king, he was
angrily repelled, informed of the charge against him, and told that
his trial would take place on the morrow before the prefect.
Accordingly, on the next day the accusers appeared. The evidence of his
guilt was conclusive. The cup of poison was brought in, and a criminal
under sentence of death being ordered to drink it, expired on the
spot. Antipater was condemned and placed in bonds, but Herod delayed
the execution of the sentence, till the will of Augustus could be
ascertained.
By this time the king was 70 years of age, and being seized with
a severe illness, removed for the sake of change of air to Jericho,
and resolved to make the final alterations in his will. Passing over
Archelaus and Philip, whom Antipater had accused of disaffection, he
nominated Antipas as his successor in the kingdom, and bestowed rich
donations of money and lands upon Salome, and other members of his own
family.
But during his absence fresh symptoms of disaffection appeared amongst
his subjects. Of all his numerous innovations, none had irritated the
Jews more than the placing of a large golden eagle, the emblem of Roman
power, over the principal gate of the Temple. Two of the most learned
rabbis, Judas and Matthias, resolved to have it removed. Accordingly
they instigated some daring and fanatical youths to take down the
offensive symbol. Emboldened by a sudden rumour of the death of Herod,
the young men lowered themselves by ropes from the roof, and cut
away the eagle with hatchets. They could never have hoped to execute
so daring a deed with impunity, and being apprehended and brought
before Herod, boldly avowed their guilt, and gloried in the success
of the feat. Dissembling his anger, the king assembled the chiefs
of the nation at Jericho, and reproaching them bitterly for their
ingratitude after all the favours he had bestowed upon them, ordered
the instigators of the deed to be burned alive[132].
In the meantime his disorder had made rapid progress. A slow fire
seemed to consume his vital parts. His appetite became ravenous, but
he dared not gratify it on account of dreadful pains and internal
ulcers, which preyed on the lower parts of his body. Moreover his
breathing became difficult, and violent spasms convulsed his frame,
and imparted supernatural strength to his limbs[133]. But in spite of
these accumulated sufferings he still clung to life, and cherishing
hopes of recovery caused himself to be conveyed across the Jordan to
Callirrhoë[134], hoping to obtain relief from its warm bituminous baths.
Arrived there, the physicians advised that he should be fomented with
warm oil. For this purpose, he was lowered into a vessel filled with
that fluid, when his eyes relaxed, and he suddenly fell back as if dead.
Roused, however, by the cries of his physicians, he revived, and was
conveyed back to Jericho, where, as if defying death, he devised a new
atrocity. Knowing the joy his death would cause, he gave instructions
that the men of distinction from every town in Judæa should be
assembled in the hippodrome, and secretly confided to Salome his
pleasure that they should be butchered immediately upon his decease,
that thus his funeral might at least be signalized by a real mourning.
He had scarcely given these orders, when his messengers returned from
Rome, and announced the ratification of the sentence against Antipater.
Instantly the tyrant’s desire for life revived, but being as quickly
followed by a sudden racking pain, he called for an apple and a
knife, and in an unguarded moment tried to stab himself. He might
have succeeded had not an attendant seized his hand. The clamour
that followed reached the ears of Antipater, who was in bonds in
a neighbouring apartment. Thinking his father was dead, he made a
desperate effort to escape by bribing his guards. Informed of this
Herod instantly ordered a spearman to dispatch him on the spot.
Antipater having thus paid the penalty of his life of treachery, the
king once more amended his will, nominated his eldest son Archelaus as
his successor to the throne, and appointed Antipas tetrarch of Galilee
and Peræa, Herod Philip tetrarch of Auranitis, Trachonitis, and Batanæa,
and Salome mistress of Jamnia and some other towns. Five days more of
excruciating agony remained to the tyrant, and then he expired[135],
after a reign of 34 years.
PART V.
RETROSPECT AND REFLECTIONS.
CHAPTER I.
_DISPERSION OF THE JEWS――RISE OF SYNAGOGUES._
ARRIVED at the threshold of the Gospel History, it may not be amiss
to survey some of the more prominent features of the period we have
traversed, and to notice some of the changes which it had produced on
the Jewish nation.
The influences under which the Jews had been brought since the
Captivity were, as we have seen, of a very varied character. For two
centuries after that event, they were subject to the dominion of Persia;
for nearly a century and a half they were under Greek rulers; for a
century they enjoyed independence under their native Asmonean princes;
and for more than half a century, while nominally ruled by the family
of Herod, were really in subjection to the power of Rome[136].
In the present Chapter we shall notice, (a) _The Wide Dispersion of the
Jews_, (b) _The Change in their Vernacular Language_, and (c) _The rise
of Synagogues_.
(a) _The Wide Dispersion of the Jews._
About the time of the building of Rome the ten tribes were carried away
by the Assyrian monarchs, and 130 years after, this event was followed
by the removal of their brethren of Judah and Benjamin to Babylon. The
influential results of this earliest migration, it has been observed,
“may be inferred from the fact, that about the time of the battles of
Marathon (B.C. 490) and Salamis (B.C. 480), a Jew was the minister,
another Jew the cupbearer, and a Jewess the consort, of a Persian
monarch[137].” Once settled under the shadow of the Babylonian and
Persian kings, the Jews were very loth to quit the country of their
adoption, and comparatively few availed themselves of the permission of
Cyrus to return to their native land. The important colony in Babylonia
which afterwards exerted a very remarkable influence, threw off shoots
which extended to the borders of the Caspian Sea and the confines of
China.
Important, however, as were the results of this earliest dispersion,
they were exceeded by those which attended the policy of Alexander and
his successors. That great conqueror, as we have seen, removed a great
number of Jews to his new city of Alexandria[138], and there conferred
upon them many and important privileges, setting an example, which
Ptolemy Soter and Philadelphus were alike not slow to follow[139]. To
such an extent did the Egyptian Jews increase, that Philo estimates
them in his time at little less than 1,000,000, and declares that two
of the five districts of Alexandria derived their names from them. From
Egypt they quickly spread along the coast of Africa to Cyrene (Acts
ii. 10), and the towns of the Pentapolis, and inland to the realms of
Candace, queen of Ethiopia (Acts viii. 27).
The Seleucidæ, in their turn, were equally anxious to locate colonies
of Jews in the cities which they founded. Seleucus Nicator invited them
to his new capital at Antioch[140]; Antiochus the Great removed 2000
Jewish families from Babylon to Lydia and Phrygia[141]. Led on by that
love of trade which now began to distinguish them, they soon became
numerous in the commercial cities of Western Asia, Ephesus and Pergamus,
Miletus and Sardis. The Archipelago furnished a natural bridge whereby
to cross over into the countries of Europe and to settle at Philippi
(Acts xvi. 12), Berœa (Acts xvii. 10), and Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1);
Athens (Acts xvii. 17); and Corinth (Acts xviii. 4); and the decree of
Lucius[142], the consul during the reign of Simon Maccabæus, gives us
a vivid idea of the extent to which they spread themselves in every
direction, and no less of the power of the Sanhedrin[143] at Jerusalem,
to which all Jews, wherever located, were amenable.
At Rome itself they first appeared in the train of captives led up by
Pompeius to the Capitol, but their captivity was of no long duration,
and under the protection of Julius Cæsar, who reproduced in the West
the privileges they had enjoyed under the Ptolemies and Seleucidæ in
the East, they quickly multiplied, and not only appropriated a whole
quarter in the capital[144], but spread into other towns of Italy.
Thus the Nation, whose native land had for centuries been in the
centre of the world’s power, civilization, and commerce, now, under the
superintending Hand of Providence, was scattered everywhere, East and
West, North and South, bearing about with them their peculiar customs
and institutions, and diffusing a knowledge of the Law and the Prophets.
(b) Corresponding to this wide diffusion of the Elect Nation was the
_change which gradually grew up in their vernacular language_.
i. The earliest dispersion in Babylonia produced a change in the older
Hebrew of Judæa. The language spoken in the days of David and Solomon
was gradually exchanged for the Chaldee or “Syrian tongue.” (Comp. 2 K.
xviii. 26; Isai. xxxvi. 11; Dan. ii. 4.) And those who returned from
the Captivity and settled in Palestine and Syria, used Chaldee Targums
or paraphrases for the interpretation of the Old Hebrew Scriptures,
and spake kindred Aramæan dialects, and hence were known as the Aramæan
Jews.
ii. After the conquests of Alexander, Greek became the language almost
of the whole world[145]. It was a Greek speech that Pompeius was
reading, preparatory to delivery, when he received his deathblow off
the port of Alexandria. It was in Greek that Brutus conversed with
his friends on the evening of the battle of Philippi. The mass of the
poorer population at Rome were Greek either in descent or speech. The
Jews, therefore, dispersed by the Ptolemies and the Seleucidæ over the
shores of the Mediterranean, were forced to adopt the Grecian language,
and to use the Septuagint translation made at Alexandria, hence their
name of _Hellenists_[146], or “Jews of the Grecian speech,” which we
shall find recurring so often in the Acts of the Apostles.
(c) _The Rise of Synagogues._
During the captivity, when of course the Temple ritual was suspended,
we gather that the devouter Jews were wont to assemble round the
prophet Ezekiel and listen to his words and counsel[147] (Ezek.
viii. 1; xiv. 1; xxiii. 31). Such meetings Ezra reproduced in Palestine
amongst those who returned from Babylon (Ezra viii. 15; Neh. viii. 2;
ix. i, &c.), and after the Maccabæan period they spread through every
town and village, and in course of time gave rise to buildings called
_Synagogues_, in which they might be held.
i. These Houses of Meeting varied in size according to the town or
village in which they were built[148]. They were usually erected on the
highest ground available, and so constructed, that a worshipper, when
entering, or kneeling in prayer, might have his face towards Jerusalem.
Like the ancient Tabernacle, they were divided into two parts by a
hanging veil, behind which, at the upper end or that facing Jerusalem,
was the ark containing the Book of the Law. Before this veil were
the “chief seats,” for which the Pharisees strove so eagerly (Matt.
xxiii. 6); a silver lamp always kept burning; and an eight-branched
candlestick, only lighted on the greater festivals. About the centre
of the building was a raised platform, on which was a desk, where the
reader _stood_ to read the lesson or _sat down_ to teach (Acts xiii. 16;
Lk. iv. 20). All round were seats, where the men sat on one side, and
the women on the other, separated by a low partition[149].
ii. The chief officers of each synagogue were (a) a kind of Chapter
or college of elders, presided over by the _ruler of the Synagogue_
(Lk. viii. 41, 49; Acts xviii. 8, 17), who superintended the services,
and had the power of excommunication[150]; (b) the _Sheliach_, or
officiating minister, who read the prayers and the Law; (c) the
_Chazzan_, ὑπηρέτης (Lk. iv. 20), a sort of deacon, whose office it
was to open the doors, prepare the room for service, maintain order,
scourge the condemned; (d) ten men called _Batlanim_ (men of leisure),
who attended the week-day as well as sabbath services, and were at once
representatives of the congregation, and collectors of alms[151].
iii. The worship of the Synagogues was on the model of the Temple
Services, and at the same hours, the third, sixth, and ninth[152]
(Acts iii. 1; x. 3, 9). On entering, the people bowed towards the ark,
and took their places in the body of the building; the elders ranged
themselves on the raised platform; the rich went up to the “chief
seats” near the ark. A prayer was said, and a psalm was sung. Then
the _Chazzan_ walked towards the veil, drew it aside with reverence,
took out the Book of the Law from the ark; and as he carried it to the
platform, on which the _Sheliach_ stood, every one pressed forward to
kiss or touch it with his hand.
Taking the roll, the _Sheliach_ rose, and commenced reading a portion
according to a fixed cycle, the interpreter rendering the sacred
verses from the Hebrew into the vulgar tongue[153]. The writings of
the Prophets formed a second lesson, and were also read according to
a fixed order. Then followed the delivery by one of the Elders sitting,
of the _word of exhortation_ (Lk. iv.; Acts xiii. 15), at the close
of which the roll of the Law was carried back towards the ark, while
as before, men and women stretched out their hands and tried to touch
or kiss it. The Law replaced in the ark, the Prayers began and were
carried on till the close of the service.
Such were the Synagogues, one of which was at this time to be found
in every town, and almost in every village throughout Palestine,
as also in every city in Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece, where was a
Jewish settlement. In Jerusalem itself there are said to have been
upwards of 480[154], some of which were built specially for the use
of the foreign Jews of Cilicia, Alexandria, and other countries,
resident in or visiting the capital. Comp. Acts vi. 9. Where the Jews
did not exist in sufficient numbers to found or fill a synagogue,
a Proseucha[155] or ‘Place of Prayer’ was built, sometimes open,
sometimes covered in, usually outside towns and near running water,
for the ablutions before prayer (Acts xvi. 13).
It is easy to see how the synagogues thus scattered through wellnigh
every town or city in the countries bordering on the Mediterranean,
and in which not “Moses” only but “the Prophets” _were read every
sabbath-day_ (Acts xv. 21), tended to keep alive Israel’s hopes of the
Advent of the Messiah, and to diffuse the expectation of the kingdom of
Heaven.
CHAPTER II.
_THE JEWISH SECTS._
HAVING considered in the previous Chapter the wide dispersion of the
Jewish nation, the change in their language, and the general adoption
of synagogue worship, we shall now proceed to notice the rise of
various sects among the Jews themselves.
(i) Of these sects the most important were (a) THE SADDUCEES, (b) THE
PHARISEES, (c) THE ESSENES, (d) THE HERODIANS.
(a) _The Sadducees._
It has been already observed that the long-continued subjection of
the Jews to Grecian monarchs exerted a very marked influence on their
habits and modes of life. Familiar not only with the language but
the literature and philosophy of Greece, many acquired a strong taste
for Grecian studies, preferred the Grecian religion to their own,
adopted Grecian manners, and practised Grecian arts[156]. We have seen
from time to time how it became the fashion even for many amongst the
highest families to adopt Grecian names, and to recommend themselves
in every conceivable way to Grecian rulers in the courts of Alexandria
and Antioch. The Law, with its restraints and strict requirements, was
regarded by them as a heavy yoke, and they affected the gymnasia, the
theatres, and all the worldly pleasures of Grecian life.
To such aspirants after freedom the principles of the Epicurean
philosophy would naturally recommend themselves, the more so as they
found special acceptance in the Syrian courts. Amongst the scholars
of Simon the Just[157] was Antigonus of Socho, the first of the
Jewish doctors who bears a Greek name. Antigonus was the master of
one Sadoc[158] (B.C. 291–260), the essence of whose teaching was that
virtue is its own reward, that men ought not to serve the Lord for the
sake of gain, but to do good because it is right.
True as this doctrine was in itself, it was perverted by the
disciples of Sadoc, who first attract our attention under the name
of _Sadducees_[159], in the time of Jonathan the Asmonean[160]. While
on the one hand especially after the Maccabæan period, they were far
removed from any actual adoption of Grecian customs, or apostasy from
the national faith, yet on the other, they betrayed evident marks of
the influence on their opinions of Grecian philosophy.
Hence they denied the doctrine of the Resurrection[161] (Mtt. xxii. 23;
Lk. xx. 27), any rewards or punishments after death, and the existence
of angels or spirits (Acts xxiii. 8). Holding that the actions of men
depended entirely on their own free will, they denied that there was
such a thing as destiny, and while they admitted the creation, they
removed the Deity as far as possible from any actual administration of
the world. It has been thought that they recognised as Scripture only
the five books of Moses, but the truth appears to be that while holding
the Law in higher estimation than the prophetical and other books of
Scripture, they acknowledged the authority of the Old Testament like
the rest of the Jews, but refused to hold the authority of tradition.
Aiming as they did at a philosophic elevation of sentiment they
found little favour with the common people, and caring little about
making proselytes numbered their followers chiefly among the rich and
powerful[162], and especially the young men of Judæa, and those who
were in a position to live a life of ease and worldly enjoyment[163].
(b) _The Pharisees._
The tendency to adopt Grecian customs and modes of thought above
alluded to was not, of course, shared by the entire nation. When
Mattathias unfurled the banner of revolt against the heathenizing
policy of Antiochus Epiphanes, it will be remembered that he was joined
before long by a class calling themselves _Assideans_[164] (1 Macc.
ii. 42), who seem to have been already in existence as a distinct party,
and bound by a vow to the strict observance of the Law. The name they
assumed sufficiently indicates their views. Living in times when their
countrymen were becoming more and more infected with heathen customs,
they protested against such declension from the spirit of the law, and
in opposition to _the impious_ (1 Macc. iii. 8; vi. 21; vii. 5), _the
lawless_ (1 Macc. iii. 6; ix. 23), _the transgressors_ (1 Macc. i. 11),
as they called the Hellenizing faction, adopted for themselves the
title of the Assideans, _the pious_, and in these days of _mixing_
(2 Macc. xiv. 3, 38) maintained the strictest observance of the
Law[165].
Amongst a nation, which prided itself on its distinction from all other
people on the earth, such a party would naturally have great influence,
and when the Maccabees triumphed over their Syrian tyrants, the tenets
of the Assideans rapidly gained ground, and received their complete
development in those of the _Pharisees_, from _Perashin_, to separate,
_the Separatists_, who are also first distinctly mentioned during the
time of the high-priest Jonathan, B.C. 145[166].
Like their earlier prototypes, the Pharisees were distinguished by
great zeal for the Mosaic Law and the whole Canon of Scripture. But
in their rigorous interpretation of its precepts and doctrines, they
were mainly guided by Oral Tradition, _the traditions of the Elders_
(Mtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 3). This Oral Tradition, which was regarded as
supplementary to the written Law, was said to have been received by
Moses on Sinai, to have been delivered by him to Joshua, by Joshua to
the elders, by the elders to the prophets, by the prophets to the men
of the Great Synagogue.
Of this Law the Pharisees were regarded as the highest interpreters,
and presided over various schools, the principal of which in the time
of the New Testament, were those of Hillel and Shammai, the former a
moderate, the latter the strictest sect.
They held, (i) the existence of angels and spirits, good and
bad; (ii) the immortality of the soul; (iii) a state of rewards
and punishments after death; (iv) a resurrection of the just and
unjust[167] (Comp. Acts xxiii. 8). As exponents of the Law, (i) they
attached an undue importance to the outward act as compared with the
inward spirit and motive; (ii) they were rigorous in exacting every
external ceremonial, especially in reference to washings, fastings,
tithes and alms; and (iii) were noted for pride and austerity.
Their political influence we have already seen was very great[168].
Holding strongly that the nation ought to be independent of foreign
rule, standing high in favour with the people, and especially with
the women[169], pervading the entire country and forming the majority
in the Sanhedrin, they wielded a very considerable power in the
state, against which we have seen Hyrcanus, and Jannæus, vainly
struggling[170], and which Herod, with all his energy, was unable to
control.
The writings of the New Testament illustrate, amongst many others, the
following features of their character as a sect: _their high repute_,
Jn. vii. 48; Acts xxii. 3; _their regard for externals_, while they
disregarded the weightier matters of the Law, Mtt. xxiii. 24; xii. 2, 7;
Mk. vii. 1; Lk. vi. 7; Jn. ix. 16, &c.; _their regard to tradition_,
Mtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 3; _their scrupulous exactness of washings, tithes,
alms_, &c., Mtt. ix. 14; xxiii. 15, 23; Lk. xi. 39 sq.; xviii. 12;
_their excessive zeal in making proselytes_[171], Mtt. xxiii. 15;
_their lax morality_, Mtt. v. 20; xv. 4, 8; xxiii. 3, 14, 23, 25;
Jn. viii. 7.
(c) _The Essenes._
Though nowhere mentioned in the New Testament, the _Essenes_ were
a numerous body, amounting, according to Philo, to upwards of 4000.
Dating, like the other sects already mentioned, from about the middle
of the second century B.C., they formed a purely ascetic order, and
dwelt far from the distractions of their age in the villages along
the western shore of the Dead Sea, where they led a life of labour,
abstinence, and meditation[172].
They were divided into four orders, but permitted marriage only in one
of them, maintained a community of goods, and inculcated a hatred of
all riches and all luxury. Sacrifice they did not allow, and though
they sent gifts to the Temple, never resorted to it, but held religious
assemblies on the Sabbath, where they read the Scriptures, and listened
to the expositions of their elders.
Even in their intercourse with one another they observed the greatest
secrecy, dreaded contact with all who were not circumcised, and would
rather die than eat food which had not been prepared by themselves or
those of their own order.
(d) _The Herodians._
This sect, which is twice mentioned in the Gospels (Mtt. xxii. 16;
Mk. iii. 6; xii. 13), was rather a political than a religious body.
Taking alike their names and their views from the family of Herod, the
Herodians held that the hopes of the Jewish nation rested on the Herods
as a bulwark against Roman ambition, and almost looked to them for a
fulfilment of the prophecies of the Messiah[173]. Hence many amongst
them would not regard with dissatisfaction that fusion of the national
faith and heathen civilisation, which it was the great object of Herod
the Great and his successors to bring about.
It is not improbable that the Herodians in some respects approached
very nearly to the Sadducees in their opinions (Comp. Mk. viii. 15 with
Mtt. xvi. 6), for both would hold the duty of submission to the Romans,
and join in supporting the throne of Herod. The hostility of the
Pharisees to the teaching of our blessed Lord may be estimated by the
fact that they joined their enemies the Herodians in attempting to
ensnare Him (Mtt. xxii. 16).
(ii) Before concluding this Chapter, this seems the appropriate place
for noticing _the Samaritans_, who are frequently mentioned in the New
Testament.
In the year B.C. 721 Sargon captured Samaria, and removed into
captivity the remains of the ten tribes, already decimated by
Tiglath-Pileser[174], and located them partly in Gozan or Mygdonia,
and partly in cities recently captured from the Medes. This was not
a partial but a complete evacuation of the country, which was wiped
clean of its inhabitants as _a man wipeth a dish_ (2 K. xxi. 13), in
accordance with a not unusual custom of Oriental conquerors actually
to exhaust a land of its inhabitants[175].
In this desolate condition the country remained till about the year
B.C. 677, when Esarhaddon during the invasion of Judah perceived the
impolicy of leaving it thus exposed, and resolved to garrison it with
foreigners. Accordingly he gathered men _from Babylon_, and _from
Cuthah_, and _from Ava_, and _from Hamath_, and _from Sepharvaim_ (2 K.
xvii. 24; comp. Ezra iv. 2, 9, 10), and entrusting them to an officer
of high rank, _the great and noble Asnapper_, had them conveyed to the
country formerly occupied by the Ten Tribes, and there settled them.
These _strangers_ (comp. Lk. xvii. 18) from the further East[176] were
of course idolaters, and worshipped various deities, and knowing not
the God of the land provoked Him by their heathenish rites to send
lions among them, _which slew some of them_ (2 K. xvii. 25). In their
distress they applied to the king of Assyria, who sent one of the
captive priests to instruct them _how they should fear the Lord_. Under
his teaching they added the acknowledgment of Jehovah as the God of
the land, to their ancient idolatries, and in course of time detached
themselves more and more from heathen customs, and adopted a sort of
worship of Jehovah.
Refused permission, on the return from the Captivity, to participate in
the rebuilding of the Temple, they became the open enemies of the Jews,
and erected a rival temple on Mount Gerizim[177], where they continued
to worship till it was destroyed by John Hyrcanus, B.C. 130. After this
they built another temple at Shechem, and there, under its modern name
of _Nablûs_, they have a settlement, consisting of about 200 persons,
at the present hour.
Gradually detaching themselves from their ancient idolatries, the
Samaritans adopted the Mosaic religion, but received as Scripture
only the Pentateuch, rejecting every other book in the Jewish Canon.
They celebrated the Passover (and celebrate it even now), on Mount
Gerizim, and even after their temple had fallen, directed their worship
towards that mountain. Holding the doctrine of the coming of the
Messiah (Jn. iv. 25), whom they called _Hashah_, “the Converter[178],”
their conceptions of His functions and character were derived chiefly
from the original promise of a Saviour (Gen. iii. 15), the Shiloh
or Peace-maker predicted by Jacob (Gen. xlix. 10), and the Prophet
promised to the Israelites like unto Moses (Num. xxiv. 17; Deut. xviii.
15), and they mainly expected that He would _teach all things_ (Jn.
iv. 25), and restore the glory of the holy Law on Mount Gerizim[179].
The feud between the Jews and Samaritans, engendered by the refusal
of the former to permit their participation in the rebuilding of the
Temple, ripened into a mutual hostility of the most bitter description.
The Jews were perpetually reminding the Samaritans that they were
“Cuthites,” mere “strangers from Assyria.” They loved to call them
“proselytes of the lions” (2 K. xvii. 25), and to accuse them of
worshipping the idol-gods buried long age under the oak of Shechem
(Gen. xxxv. 4). To such an extent did they carry their dislike,
that they cursed them publicly in their synagogues; declared their
testimony was naught, and could not be received; affirmed that any
who entertained a Samaritan in his house was laying up judgments for
his children; that to eat a morsel of his fare was to eat swine’s
flesh[180]; refused to receive him as a proselyte, and declared that
he could have no part in the resurrection of the dead. Moreover they
would have no dealings with them that they could possibly avoid, and
in travelling from the South to the North preferred to take the long
circuit through Peræa rather than pass through their hated country.
On the other hand, the Samaritans were not behind-hand in
recriminations. They would refuse hospitality to the pilgrim companies
going up to the feasts at Jerusalem (Comp. Lk. ix. 53), and sometimes
even waylay and murder them[181]. On one occasion certain of them
are said to have entered the Temple at Jerusalem, and defiled it
by scattering on the pavement human bones[182]. One special mode of
annoyance was frequently practised. The Jews were in the habit of
communicating to their numerous brethren in Babylon, the exact day and
hour of the rising of the Paschal moon, by means of a system of beacon
fires, which telegraphed the welcome news from the Mount of Olives,
through Auranitis, to those who _sat by the waters of the Babylon_. The
Samaritans would, therefore, annoy the watchers on the mountain-tops
by kindling a rival flame on the wrong day, and thus perplex them, and
introduce confusion.
NOTE.
_The Expectation of the Messiah._
From the earliest period of their national history the Jews had been
pre-eminently “the people of the future,” and at the period we have
now reached they were filled with the expectation that an extraordinary
Being would appear, and prove Himself the Messiah or Deliverer. But
though in the Temple of Prophecy[183] there had from the beginning
ever been heard two Voices mysteriously blended, one jubilant and glad,
telling of victory and of triumph, the other subdued and mournful,
whispering of shame and suffering, yet to one of these Voices only had
attention been really paid.
The characteristics attributed by the nation to the Messiah were
(i) _regal_, and (ii) _prophetic_.
i. Many looked for a great Conqueror, whom God would send, investing
Him with the attributes of majesty and humanity, describing Him
as the “Elect One,” the “Anointed,” the “Son of Man,” who should
“execute a terrible vengeance on the enemies of His people,” “cleanse
Jerusalem,” and exalt the Jews above all other nations[184]. These
attributes, ascribed to the Messiah in early Jewish literature, receive
illustration from the Gospel Narrative. It was the opinion of the
national teachers that His coming would be heralded by Elias, and
the belief was shared by the common people (Mtt. xvii. 10 and the
parallels; Comp. also xvi. 14).
There was considerable uncertainty, indeed, as to the precise _manner_
of His appearance (Jn. vii. 27), but it was fully expected that He
would be born _at Bethlehem, the city of David_ (Mtt. ii. 5; Comp.
Jn. vii. 41, 42); that He would be _David’s Son_, and should _sit on
David’s throne_ (Mtt. xxii. 42; xii. 23; ix. 27; xx. 30; xv. 22); that
He would _abide for ever_ and _set up a kingdom_ in which He would
dispense honours _on His right hand and on His left_ (Mtt. xx. 21;
Mk. x. 37).
ii. With these regal attributes others combined prophetic functions,
and looked for _the Prophet_ that should come into the world (Comp. Jn.
vi. 14; i. 21, 46; vii. 40; 1 Macc. xiv. 41), expecting that He would
show “signs” not unlike the giving of the manna in the wilderness,
and instruct the people _in all things_ (Jn. iv. 25), and instead of
altering or abolishing any of the Mosaic ordinances, would enhance
them to a greater glory, making the sacrifices, purifications, Sabbaths,
festivals, and all other usages, far more resplendent and glorious
than they had ever been before. That the Messiah would ever _suffer_
or _die_ was an idea, from which, to the last, even the Apostles shrank
with horror and amazement (Mtt. xvi. 22, 23; Lk. xxiv. 21; Jn. xx. 9).
BOOK II.
THE GOSPEL HISTORY.
PART I.
THE BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF CHRIST.
CHAPTER I.
_THE BIRTH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST._
A.U.C. 749, B.C. 5.
ABOUT the year B.C. 5, when the bloodstained reign of Herod was
approaching its close, there lived in Judæa, either at the little
village of Juttah, or the time-honoured city of Hebron[185], an aged
priest named ZACHARIAS. His wife ELISABETH was also of the priestly
family (Lk. i. 5), and both enjoyed a high reputation for piety and
uprightness of life, being alike _righteous before God, walking in all
the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless_ (Lk. i. 6). One
great sorrow, however, cast a deep shadow over their daily life. They
were now old and well-stricken in age, but no child had ever gladdened
their humble home.
In the time of Solomon the priests were divided into twenty-four
“courses,” each of which served at the Temple in weekly rotation
(1 Chr. xxiv. 1–19). Of these, four only returned from the captivity,
but they were again divided into twenty-four, and received the same
names as the original courses. The course, to which Zacharias belonged,
was the eighth, known as that of Abiah or Abijah (1 Chr. xxiv. 10), and
in process of time, in accordance with the prescribed arrangement, it
devolved on him to go up to the Holy City. Of all the services at the
Temple (which to avoid contention were uniformly decided by lot), none
was deemed more honourable than that of entering into the Holy Place
and offering incense on the Golden Altar[186]. This was done twice
every day, before the morning and evening sacrifice, _i.e._ at 9 in the
morning and 3 in the afternoon. The sound of a small bell announced the
priests’ entrance for this purpose, and on hearing it the Priests and
Levites took up their position before the Altar of Burnt-offering, the
space between the Porch and the Altar was cleared, and the people in
the different courts stood and prayed in solemn silence (Rev. viii. 1)
so long as he remained within the Holy Place. As soon, however, as he
reappeared, they laid the sacrifice on the altar, and the Levites,
amidst the full burst of the Temple music, commenced the sacred
Psalmody[187].
Such was the august office which now fell to the lot of Zacharias.
Bearing the incense in a large vessel of gold, he entered into the Holy
Place, and was kindling it on the Golden Altar, when he was accosted
by an Angel standing at the right side of the Altar. This sudden
apparition startled and affrighted him. But the Angel calmed his
fears, and announced that the prayers he had offered to God in secret
were heard. Though Elisabeth was stricken in years, she should yet
become the mother of a son, who was to be named JOHN[188]. From the
first hour of his existence this child should be filled with the Holy
Ghost, and drinking neither wine nor strong drink, in accordance with
the Nazarite’s vow, _should be great in the sight of the Lord_. As
the second Elijah, to whom the finger of prophecy had pointed (Isai.
xl. 3; Mal. iii. 1), he should be the immediate forerunner of the
long-expected Messiah, and _make ready a people prepared for him_
(Lk. i. 12–17).
Astounded by so sudden an announcement, the aged priest sought some
assurance of the promised blessing. On this the Angel, who announced
himself as no other than he that had appeared many years before to
the prophet Daniel under the name of GABRIEL (Dan. viii. 16; ix. 21),
replied, that such an assurance would be vouchsafed, but, because of
his unbelief, it should be in the shape of a judgment. _He should be
dumb, and not able to speak, till the day that these things should be
performed_ (Lk. i. 20).
While Zacharias was receiving this mysterious intimation within
the Sanctuary, the people[189], who crowded the Temple-courts, were
anxiously expecting his return, and marvelled at his unusual delay. At
length he reappeared. But his strange aspect shewed that something had
occurred. When questioned he could not return any answer, and intimated
by signs that he had seen a vision in the Sacred Place. Then at the
close of his week of ministration he returned to his own house, where,
in accordance with the announcement of the Angel, Elisabeth _conceived,
and hid herself for five months_ in quiet and peaceful retirement
(Lk. i. 24).
Six months after his appearance in the Temple, the same Angel was sent
from God to NAZARETH[190], a secluded village unknown and unnamed in
the Old Testament, hidden away amongst the hills of Galilee, and within
the limits of the ancient tribe of Zebulun. At this village there lived
a lowly Virgin named MARY, or Miriam. She belonged to the royal tribe
of Judah, and the lineage of David (Lk. i. 32; Rom. i. 3), and was
connected by marriage with Elisabeth (Lk. i. 27), who belonged to the
tribe of Levi. Moreover, she was at this time betrothed to Joseph, who
occupied a humble position as a carpenter at Nazareth, but like herself
was _of the lineage of David_ (Lk. i. 27; ii. 4).
To this lowly Virgin the Angel Gabriel now appeared, and announced that
by virtue of the operation of the Holy Ghost, she should become the
mother of a SON, whom she was to call JESUS[191] (_God the Saviour_).
He should be great, and should be called the Son of the Highest, should
_sit on the throne of His father David, and reign over the house of
Jacob for ever_ (Lk. i. 30–33). Though at first startled at the sudden
address of an angelic visitant (Lk. i. 29), the Virgin received his
announcement with implicit faith, and prayed that it _might be with
her according to his word_ (Lk. i. 38), and being informed of what had
occurred to her relative Elisabeth, arose with haste to seek out her
home amidst the Judæan hills. The journey of four or five days[192]
accomplished, she reached the humble abode, and had no sooner crossed
the threshold, and saluted the aged wife of Zacharias, than the
other addressed her as _the mother of her Lord_, and fully confirmed
the words of the angel. Thus assured of the certainty of the mighty
event about to happen, the lowly virgin, like Hannah at the birth
of Samuel, burst forth into words of holy praise and exultation,
and gave utterance to the inspired hymn, which under the name of the
_Magnificat_, remains one of the most precious treasures of the Church,
and the most familiar of her hymns (Lk. i. 46–56).
After a sojourn of about three months with Elisabeth, Mary returned
to Nazareth, and Joseph perceived that she was with child. Being a
just man, he resolved on privately giving her a bill of divorcement,
instead of making her a _public example_ (Mtt. i. 19). But as in deep
perplexity he pondered on these things, he too was visited by an Angel
in a dream, and bidden not to be afraid to take to him Mary as his wife.
That which was conceived in her was _not of blood, nor of the will of
the flesh, nor of the will of man_, but of the Holy Ghost, and the SON,
to whom she would give birth, he was to name JESUS, for _He should save
His people from their sins_ (Mtt. i. 21).
Meanwhile the event announced in the Temple to the aged Zacharias had
taken place, and Elisabeth brought forth a son. Such an event in the
East is always an occasion of unbounded joy. In the present instance it
would be still more so, and the relatives and neighbours of Elisabeth
came together with no ordinary feelings to rejoice with her. On the
eighth day, the child was brought to the priest for circumcision, and
the relatives proposed that it should be named after his father, but
Elisabeth demurred, and declared that it should be called JOHN (_the
grace of God_). Marvelling at her wishing for a name, which had no
precedent in the family, they appealed by signs to the speechless
Zacharias. The aged priest called for a writing tablet, and wrote
_His name is John_, and then, while all were lost in astonishment, his
mouth, which had been closed for nine months, was opened, and he too
burst forth into an inspired Psalm of exultant thanksgiving, in which
he acknowledged the faithfulness of God in the birth of his son, and
foretold his future greatness as the forerunner of the Messiah (Lk. i.
61–79).
Born as _one out of due time_ the child grew, _waxed strong in spirit_
(Lk. i. 80), and, in accordance with the words of the Angel, adhered
steadfastly to the Nazarite vow[193]. Like Samson, like Samuel, no
razor was suffered to come near his head. Drinking _neither wine nor
strong drink_, he systematically denied himself all the pleasures
and indulgences of ordinary life. The son of a priest, he doubtless
received a strict religious education, and at some period, though when
we are not told, retired to the dreary deserts west of the Dead Sea.
Here, like Moses in Midian, he prepared himself by solitary communion
with God for his high emprise, assumed the garb of one of the old
prophets, the robe of camel’s hair fastened round the body by a
leathern girdle (2 K. i. 8), and subsisted on such fare as the desert
afforded, eating _locusts[194] and wild honey_ (Mtt. iii. 4).
CHAPTER II.
_THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST._
A.U.C. 750, B.C. 4.
THE voice of Prophecy (Mic. v. 2) had declared that the Messiah should
be born at Bethlehem of Judæa, a spot endeared to every Jew as the
birth-place of the son of Jesse. Though Mary was now living at Nazareth,
a circumstance apparently fortuitous, under the superintending hand of
Divine Providence, brought about a fulfilment of the prediction.
At this particular period there was peace throughout the dominions
of the Roman empire. The Temple of Janus was shut[195]. The fierce
contests, which for so many years had been carried on with such
relentless persistence, which had drenched with blood the fairest
fields in the dominions of Augustus, had ceased, and the din of battles
was hushed. As that monarch revolved in his mind the most suitable
means for the administration of his numerous dependencies, it occurred
to him that it would be well to carry out a general registration[196]
of all his subjects, with a view to some fixed scale of taxation. He
issued, therefore, a decree that _all the world_, which owned his sway,
should _be taxed_[197] (Lk. ii. 1). Judæa was not indeed at this time
a Roman “province,” but its reduction to that condition sooner or later
was already determined[198]. The imperial edict, therefore, declaring
the will of his master was placed in the hands of the Idumæan Herod as
in those of other rulers, and he would naturally ordain that while the
Roman orders were obeyed, the customs and traditions of the country
should not be entirely overridden[199].
Toilsome, therefore, as was the journey, and not altogether free from
danger, the Virgin left the place of her usual abode, and set out for
the village of Bethlehem accompanied by Joseph. This he would have done
as her natural protector, but the Jewish law required his presence in
the town of his forefathers, _because he_, like Mary, _was of the house
and lineage of David_ (Lk. ii. 4)[200]. Accordingly, in the society,
probably, of others bound on the same errand as themselves, they
proceeded on their southward journey, either through Samaria or across
the Jordan through Peræa[201], and after probably visiting and passing
through Jerusalem, surmounted the long ascent leading to the village
of Bethlehem, and sought shelter in the inn or _khan_, which the
inhabitants had provided for the reception of strangers.
But they had reached it too late. Every guest-chamber was already
full, and crowded with strangers, who, like themselves, had come up
to be taxed. They were constrained, therefore, to seek shelter amongst
the cattle and beasts of burden of the wayfarers, and so it was, that
while they were there, the days were accomplished that the lowly Virgin
should be delivered, and _she brought forth her firstborn Son_, and
_wrapped him in swaddling clothes_, and laid Him in one of the mangers
by her side (Lk. ii. 6, 7).
Such was the first Advent of the Saviour “in great humility.” Thus
did He who was with the Father before all worlds, _by whom all things
were made, and without whom was not any thing made that was made_
(Jn. i. 1–3), deign to take upon Him our nature. Unimportant, however,
as appeared the event that had just taken place in that crowded inn,
unknown to the Idumæan Herod, unknown to his imperial master in the
City of the Cæsars, signs were not wanting that it had moved all heaven
to its centre, and was there hailed with rapturous acclaim. On the
bleak downs of Bethlehem shepherds were that night keeping watch over
their flocks, when suddenly there came upon them a light brighter than
the brightest of the countless stars that spangled the midnight sky,
and _the glory of the Lord shone round about them_ (Lk. ii. 9). Sore
afraid, they would have fled in dismay. But a Voice came to them which
calmed their fears. An Angel addressed them, and announced the Glad
Tidings that in the city of David had that day been born to them
_a Saviour, even Christ the Lord_, whom they would find _wrapped in
swaddling clothes and lying in a manger_ (Lk. ii. 11, 12). He ceased,
and then a multitude of the heavenly host brake the silence of the
night, and sang _Glory to God in the highest, and on earth Peace,
Goodwill towards men_. Such an announcement roused all the wonder of
the simple, humble men who heard it. Hastily leaving their flocks they
repaired to Bethlehem, where they _found Mary and Joseph, and the Babe
lying in the manger_, and recounted all that they had heard from the
heavenly visitants concerning the Child. Great was the astonishment
of those who listened to their tale, but the holy Virgin treasured
their words in her heart, and the shepherds returned to their lowly
occupation, glorifying and praising God for all they had seen and heard
(Lk. ii. 16–20).
Born _under the Law_ (Gal. iv. 4) the Saviour was to submit to all
its ordinances. Accordingly on the eighth day after His birth He
was circumcised, like any other Jewish child, and received the name
of JESUS. Moreover on the fortieth day after His birth, the Virgin
repaired to the Temple, and presented her humble offering of a _pair
of turtle doves or two young pigeons_ (Lev. xii. 2, 6, 8), according
to the law of her purification. Without pomp or earthly circumstance,
the infant Saviour, the Messenger of the Covenant, came to His temple
(Mal. iii. 1), and might have left it equally unnoticed. But two humble
worshippers, who had long been _waiting for the consolation of Israel_
(Lk. ii. 25), recognized “in helpless infancy and clad in mortal flesh”
the long-expected Messiah.
There was living at Jerusalem a _just and devout man_ named SYMEON.
Though far advanced in years, he had received divine intimation that
he _should not see death_ till his eyes had rested on the Lord’s
Christ. He was now present at the national sanctuary, when His parents
brought in the Child _to do for Him after the custom of the Law_ (Lk.
ii. 27), and no sooner did he behold the Child, than he saw that the
long-promised hour was come. He _took Him up in his arms_, and blessed
God that at length his eyes had been permitted to _see His Salvation,
the Light to lighten the Gentiles, and the Glory of His people Israel_
(Lk. ii. 32). Then while Joseph and Mary were marvelling at his words,
the aged seer, already on the verge of the eternal world, blessed them
also, and addressing the Virgin Mother declared that her Child was
_appointed for the fall and rising again of many in Israel_, and that
_a sword should_ in days to come _pierce through her own heart_. At
the same time there came forward an aged woman, a prophetess, ANNA,
the daughter of Phanuel. Seven years had she lived with her husband
after quitting her maiden state, and since his death had remained in
widowhood upwards of 84 years. Though the territories of the tribe of
Asher, to which she belonged (Lk. ii. 36), were at a great distance
from the Holy City, yet there she had taken up her abode, and was
constant in every act of worship and in her attendance at every sacred
service. She too drew near while the Holy Child was being brought into
His Father’s house, and, like the aged Symeon, _gave thanks to God_,
and _spake of Him to all those that were looking for redemption in
Jerusalem_ (Lk. ii. 38).
But as she was thus proclaiming to the faithful in the Holy City the
Advent of their King, pilgrims and worshippers were drawing near from
far different and far distant lands. A short time after Joseph and
Mary had returned to Bethlehem, there appeared certain travel-stained
pilgrims, whose arrival stirred Jerusalem to its very centre. In their
native home in Arabia or Persia, their attention had been directed to
a luminous body in the sky, which had guided them to Palestine, and
they now enquired where was He that was _born King of the Jews_[202],
and declared that they had seen His star in the East, and had come
to worship Him. The arrival of these Magi[203], as they were called
in their own land, was quickly announced to Herod, and the enquiry
respecting an hereditary _King of the Jews_ roused the alarm and
suspicion of one so jealous for the integrity of his own dynasty[204].
Hastily convening a formal assembly of the Chief Priests and Scribes,
he enquired where, according to the prophetical books, the long-
expected Messiah was to be born. Without the least hesitation they
pointed to the words of the prophet Micah (v. 2), which declared
_Bethlehem in Judæa_ to be the favoured place. On this the monarch
sought a private interview with the Magi (Mtt. ii. 7), and made
diligent enquiries respecting the time of the appearance of the Star,
and then bade them repair to Bethlehem and seek diligently for the
young Child, declaring his intention, if they found Him, to come
himself and lay his honours at the feet of the heir of David’s throne.
Thus advised the Magi set out, when lo! the Star, which they had seen
in their far-off eastern home appeared before them, and guided their
feet to the lowly abode where lay the object of their search. With
great joy (Mtt. ii. 10) they entered the house, and seeing the young
child and Mary His mother fell down and worshipped Him, and opening
their treasures brought forth costly gifts of _gold, frankincense, and
myrrh_[205]. Then warned in a dream not to return to the perfidious
tyrant, they made their way to their own land by another route. Thus
HE, who had been “manifested” to the shepherds, to the faithful Symeon
and Anna, was manifested also to these His first Gentile worshippers
from the distant East.
But that same night Joseph was also warned in a dream, of peril
awaiting the young Child. Herod was watching his opportunity to put Him
to death, and it was necessary that he should fly. So Joseph arose, and
taking the Infant and His mother, went down into Egypt, where He and
they were to remain till they received further intimations respecting
their course.
Their departure had not been too soon. Perceiving that the strange
visitors to his capital had not returned, and that his design against
the young Child’s life had been frustrated, with a reckless ferocity,
which, we have seen, he too often displayed, Herod sent and slew every
male child in Bethlehem _from two years old and under_, to make sure
that he had included the Object of his terrible vengeance. His cruel
edict was carried out, and filled many a home in Bethlehem with sorrow
and mourning[206]. The voice of lamentation and weeping arose in Ramah,
of which an inspired Prophet (Jer. xxxi. 15) had spoken 400 years
before, and which the Jewish historian Josephus does not record, even
if he knew of it, as though it was a matter of little moment compared
with other atrocities[207] of the same monarch, who could butcher on
one occasion well-nigh every member of the Sanhedrin[208], and on the
very eve of his death meditate the wholesale slaughter of the chiefs of
the Jews in the Hippodrome[209] at Jericho.
CHAPTER III.
_THE SAVIOUR’S EARLY LIFE AT NAZARETH._
B.C. 4‒A.D. 27.
THIS ferocious action was one of the last crimes in the bloodthirsty
career of this guilty monarch. Very shortly afterwards he died under
circumstances already related[210] at Jericho A.U.C 750. This event was
made known to Joseph by an Angel in a dream (Mtt. ii. 19), and he was
bidden to arise and return with the young Child and His mother into the
land of Israel. Accordingly he set out, but hearing that the tyrant’s
son Archelaus[211], who enjoyed a reputation worthy of his father,
was reigning in his stead, he was afraid to continue his journey, and
was only encouraged to proceed by another supernatural intimation. The
place whither he was to go had not before been distinctly specified,
and he might have supposed that Bethlehem, the city of David, was the
proper place to rear the Son of David, so near to Jerusalem, the most
religious, the most sacred part of Palestine[212]. But now he was
directed to repair to the safer obscurity of his former residence
in Galilee, and accordingly went down from the highlands of Judæa to
Nazareth, and there the Holy Child _grew and waxed strong in spirit,
filled with wisdom, and the grace of God was upon Him_ (Lk. ii. 40).
From this time till the commencement of His public ministry a
thick veil conceals from us all details of the Saviour’s life. The
Evangelists pass this period by with a solemn reserve. One event, and
one only, emerges from the obscurity that enshrouds it.
It was the custom of Joseph, and even of Mary[213], to go up year after
year to attend the celebration of the great festival of the Passover at
Jerusalem (Lk. ii. 41). When He had attained the age of twelve years,
A.U.C. 762, the Holy Child accompanied them, having attained to that
period of life when Jewish children were required to attend the feasts
and began to be instructed in the Law. At the close of the Festival,
and probably on the eighth day, His parents, in company with other
pilgrims (Lk. ii. 44), set out on their return to Galilee. On reaching,
however, their resting-place on the first evening[214], they found
their Son was missing, and, full of trouble and anxiety, returned a
day’s journey, and _sought Him amongst their kinsfolk and acquaintance_,
and the travelling companies hastening homewards from the Holy City.
But they found Him not. Still another day was spent in searching for
Him in the city itself, but with the same result. At length on the
third day[215] they found Him in the precincts of the Temple, probably
in one of the chambers where the Rabbis were wont to give instruction
during the festivals[216], sitting in the midst of learned Masters of
Israel, not only listening to their words, but _asking them questions_.
While all present were marvelling at the understanding He displayed,
His parents drew near, and were amazed to find their Son in the midst
of so august an assemblage, and the holy Mother expostulated with Him
on the anxiety His absence had caused. To this He replied in artless
but mysterious words, _How is it that ye sought Me? Wist ye not that
I must be about My Father’s business?_ proving that even already He
was aware of His heavenly origin. Then, while they understood not the
saying, which nevertheless His Mother kept and treasured in her heart,
He went down with them to the lowly home in despised Galilee. There
in meek subjection He abode beneath their humble roof, and probably
shared[217] in His reputed father’s earthly labours, _growing in wisdom
and stature, and in favour with God and man_ (Lk. ii. 52; Mk. vi. 3).
While thus in silence and seclusion the Holy One was advancing towards
man’s estate, great changes were taking place in the fortunes of the
Jewish nation, which now demand our attention.
After the death of Herod some considerable delay took place before the
confirmation of his will by Augustus arrived from Rome, and Jerusalem
was the scene of tumult and violence. At length that emperor was
pleased to announce his approval, and Archelaus was appointed to
the government of Judæa[218], Idumæa, and Samaria, with the title
of ethnarch; Herod Antipas obtained Galilee[219] and Peræa[220];
Herod Philip, Auranitis[221], Gaulanitis[222], Trachonitis[223],
Batanæa[224] and Ituræa[225]; while Salome was declared mistress of
Jamnia, Azotus, and Phasaëlis, with a palace at Askelon and a revenue
of 60 talents[226]. The emperor promised to Archelaus the title of
king, if he proved worthy of it. But his government was marked by such
gross cruelty and injustice both towards the Jews and Samaritans that
complaints were lodged against him before the emperor. After a reign,
therefore, of nine years he was summoned to Rome, and his cause having
been formally heard, sentenced to be banished to Vienne in Gaul[227],
and to forfeit his estates[228], A.D. 6.
And now in truth the _sceptre departed from Judah_ (Gen. xlix. 10), and
the kingdom of David and Solomon, of the famous Asmonean house and of
Herod, sank into the form of a Roman province[229], and was annexed to
the prefecture of Syria. This office was now conferred on P. Sulpicius
Quirinus, but the immediate government of Judæa and Samaria was given
to a procurator, Coponius[230], a man of equestrian rank, who had a
body[231] of troops at his command, and was entrusted in certain cases
with the power of life and death[232].
Quirinus, as we have seen above[233], had in all probability been
already governor of Syria, and in this capacity had conducted the
preliminary enrolment of names preparatory to a general census. This
census he was now entrusted to carry out[234], and with it a levying
of imposts and rates in money. This was regarded by the Jews as the
last and most degrading mark of their subjection to a foreign power.
The whole country was in a ferment, and though the energy of the
high-priest Joazar[235] repressed any actual outbreak at Jerusalem, the
popular feeling could not be restrained in the provinces. At the head
of the disaffected appeared one Judas of Gamala[236] in Gaulanitis.
A man of energy, eloquence, and undaunted courage, he quickly gathered
around him a body of adventurers, and aided by a confederate Sadoc,
of the Pharisaic faction, unfurled the banner of resistance to foreign
dominion, and especially to foreign tribute. For a time the country
was at the mercy of the fierce and lawless throng, which flocked to his
standard, but the effort was utterly fruitless. Nothing could withstand
the terrible Roman legions; Judas himself was slain (Acts v. 37), and
his followers were dispersed, but his work lived after him, and the
Zealots and Sicarii or _Assassins_, who drank deeply of his fierce
and independent spirit, long kept alive the popular discontent under
a foreign sway.
Having completed the confiscation of the property of Archelaus,
Quirinus deposed Joazar from the high-priesthood, and substituted in
his place Annas, the son of Seth[237], the ablest friend of Rome. He
then returned to Syria, and Coponius having planted a small garrison
on Zion and a guard at the Temple-gate, took up his abode at Cæsarea
on the sea.
So long as Augustus filled the imperial throne the procurators in
Judæa held their commands for a very limited number of years, and were
rapidly changed. Thus Coponius, whose supremacy began in A.D. 6, was
succeeded after four years, in A.D. 10, by Marcus Ambivius[238]. In
three years Marcus Ambivius handed over the reins of power to Annius
Rufus, who in the following year made way for Valerius Gratus. But in
A.D. 14 Augustus died, and Tiberius resolved that such rapid changes
should be discontinued[239]. Gratus, therefore, held his command till
A.D. 26. He deposed the high-priest Annas, and set up Ishmael, son of
Phabi, but a furious uproar ensuing he deposed Ishmael, and elevated
Eleazar, a son of Annas, to the pontificate, permitting the latter,
under the name of Sagan, or _deputy_, to discharge the spiritual
functions of his office and conduct the ceremonial rites. But this
appointment was of no long duration. Deeming Annas to possess too much
influence the procurator deposed Eleazar, and set up Simon, son of
Kamith, who held the office for less than a year, and then made way for
Joseph Caiaphas, the Sagan’s son-in law[240]. These rapid changes shew
how entirely the high-priesthood was at this time at the mercy of the
Roman governors.
Valerius Gratus was succeeded in A.D. 26[241] by Pontius Pilate[242].
He brought with him his wife, and a Roman household, established
himself at Cæsarea, but repaired oftener than any of his predecessors
to Jerusalem. Resolved to keep on good terms with the noble families,
and to unite with himself as many as possible who were likely to
help him to preserve the public peace, he suffered the Jewish priests
to manage their own affairs. So Annas remained Sagan, and Caiaphas
high-priest.
But one of his first acts roused the furious animosity of his new
subjects. He resolved to transport the head-quarters of the army
from Cæsarea to Jerusalem. With the soldiers, followed, as a matter
of course, the standards, bearing the image of Cæsar; but as they
were introduced in the night-time they did not at first attract
attention[243]. No sooner, however, was the fact observed, than there
were no bounds to the rage of the people. They resorted in crowds to
his residence at Cæsarea, and besought him to remove the obnoxious
emblems. For five days they beset his palace, and at length he gave
the signal to his troops to put them to death, unless they desisted
from troubling him. Thereupon the petitioners flung themselves upon
the ground, and declared their willingness to meet death in any
shape, rather than see their city polluted with heathen symbols. Their
undaunted bearing had its effect. The procurator deemed it best to
concede the point, and the standards were brought back to Cæsarea.
In spite, however, of this warning, he on another occasion had a clear
proof of the refractory spirit of the people. Anxious to signalise
his reign in Judæa by erecting a noble aqueduct, which was to bring
a supply of water to the city from a distance of twenty-five miles,
and wanting funds, he appropriated the Corban[244], or the money
laid up in the Temple and dedicated to God. This act roused the Jews
to madness. They gathered in thousands and tens of thousands before
his palace-gates, obstructed the works, and demanded that the sacred
treasures should be restored[245]. Resolved not to be thwarted, Pilate
ordered a company of the legionaries, carrying daggers under their
garments, to surround and disperse them. The soldiers carried out his
orders with greater cruelty than he had intended, charged the rioters,
chased them into the Temple-courts, slew great numbers, and wounded
many more, so that their blood was mingled with the blood of the
victims on the altar.
Such was the man who now presided over the province of Judæa. Under his
rule, and that of his predecessors, the Roman yoke cut more and more
deeply into the heart of the nation. Finding no hope from their own
chiefs, who all sided with the Romans, the people prayed with increased
earnestness that the Messiah, the Deliverer, would come. The Galilæans
in the North, the Separatists in the South waxed hotter and hotter in
their hatred of their heathen rulers[246]. Many claiming the title of
Messiah appeared, and gathered numbers of excited followers. But their
careers were soon cut short, and they were swept away before the Roman
legions.
But before Pilate had been many months in power, all Jerusalem and
Judæa was roused by the appearance of a strange Preacher on the banks
of the Jordan[247], announcing the advent of a very different Messiah
from that expected by the nation, and the speedy establishment of a
kingdom not of earth but of heaven.
Illustration: A MAP OF THE HOLY LAND
to illustrate
THE NEW TESTAMENT
and
A COMPARATIVE VIEW
_of the successive divisions of the Holy Land mentioned
in the New Testament after the death of Herod the Great_.
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_Stanford’s Geograph.ˡ Estab.ᵗ_
PART II.
FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE MINISTRY OF THE BAPTIST
TO THE FIRST PASSOVER.
CHAPTER I.
_THE PREACHING OF JOHN――THE BAPTISM OF CHRIST._
A.U.C. 780, ♦A.D. 27.
THE strange Preacher was none other than John, the son of Zacharias.
Recalling in his garb and appearance one of the Prophets of the Old
Testament, he now came forth from his retirement, and straightway
commenced his task of preparing the way for the Messiah. The wilderness
of Judæa (Mtt. iii. 1), that is the dry and unpeopled region extending
from the gates of Hebron and Jerusalem to the shores of the Dead Sea,
was the first scene of his ministration. Thence he moved northwards
towards the Jordan, and at Bethabara, or rather Bethany[248],
administered the rite of baptism in its rushing waters to all who were
willing to receive it.
The news of his appearance quickly spread throughout the length and
breadth of the land. From Jerusalem, the towns of Judæa, and the Jordan
valley, multitudes flocked forth to hear him (Mtt. iii. 5; Mk. i. 5).
The river’s banks became like the streets of a crowded city. Pharisees
and Sadducees (Mtt. iii. 7), tax-gatherers (Lk. iii. 12), and soldiers
(Lk. iii. 14), rich and poor, gathered around him and listened to his
burning words. No temporal Messiah did he proclaim, no king higher
than the Cæsars, no rising against the Roman yoke. Personal repentance,
personal reformation, this was his message. To all alike his language
was bold, severe, uncompromising. The chiefs of the great religious
parties approached him, and were bidden to abjure all trust in mere
descent from Abraham (Mtt. iii. 9), to bring forth fruits worthy of the
repentance they professed, and to flee _from the wrath to come_. The
multitudes groaning under the Roman dominion drew near, and enquired
what they should do in view of the great crisis he proclaimed to be
at hand, and were bidden to cultivate mutual charity (Lk. iii. 11).
The tax-gatherers offered themselves for baptism, and were told that
there was room for them, if they would practise justice (Lk. iii. 12).
Rough, and too often brutal, soldiers enquired what they should do, and
they too were not rejected, but exhorted to abstain from violence and
pillage, and to be content with their wages (Lk. iii. 14).
With a boldness hitherto unparalleled, save in the teaching of the
sternest of the prophets of the Old Covenant, the son of Zacharias
declared _the whole nation_ to be spiritually unclean. The baptism,
which the Jewish teachers required of all who would be admitted as
proselytes from heathenism[249], he demanded of the elect nation itself,
of high and low, rich and poor, learned and unlearned, if they would
be prepared for the coming of the Messiah. _The axe_, he cried, _lay
at the root of the trees_, and EVERY _tree which brought not forth good
fruit would be hewn down and cast into the fire_ (Mtt. iii. 10).
Great were the searchings of heart caused by the appearance of this
strange Preacher, and the utterances of this _Voice crying in the
wilderness_ (Lk. iii. 15). Some thought he was the Messiah, the hope
of Israel; others Elias; others the Prophet of whom Moses had spoken.
John replied he was none of these. He was only preparing the way for
Another. He, indeed, baptized with water unto repentance, but One was
at hand far _mightier than himself, the latchet of whose shoes he was
not worthy to bear[250], He should baptize with the Holy Ghost and with
fire. His winnowing fan was in His hand, and He would throughly purge
His floor, gathering the wheat into His garner, but burning up the
chaff with unquenchable fire_ (Lk. iii. 16–18).
The impression thus made upon the people was profound. How long the
Baptist continued his work of preparation we are not told[251]. But at
length, even as he declared, the MESSIAH appeared, and commenced His
public ministry. Leaving the home of His childhood in retired Nazareth
(Mtt. iii. 13; Mk. i. 9), probably about the close of the year A.D. 27,
JESUS advanced southward towards the Jordan Valley. Either at the
northern ford of Succoth or the more southern one east of Jericho,
He found His great Forerunner, and desired to be baptized by him.
The Baptist, who had hitherto rebuked without distinction the sins of
all classes and all grades, was deeply moved by the request. With an
instinctive conviction of the immaculate purity of Him, whose advent
he had announced, he sought to prevent[252] Him, saying, _I have need
to be baptized of Thee, and comest Thou to me?_ (Mtt. iii. 14). But his
objection was overruled. _Suffer it to be so now_, replied the Holy One;
_for thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness_ (Mtt. iii. 15).
Then at length the Baptist consented, and when all the people had
been baptized (Lk. iii. 21), descended with Him into the river, and
administered the initiatory rite, after which the Redeemer ascended
from the water, and was engaged in solemn prayer (Lk. iii. 21), when
the heavens were opened, and in an embodied form, like unto a Dove, the
Holy Spirit descended, and _abode upon Him_. But this was not all, for
at the same time there came a Voice from heaven, saying, _Thou art My
beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased_ (Mtt. iii. 16, 17; Lk. iii. 22;
Mk. i. 11).
Thus in the presence of His Forerunner, the Divine nature of the
Messiah was attested, and His work of Redemption inaugurated. He had
come to _destroy the works of the devil_ (1 Jn. iii. 8), His very first
work, therefore, was to enter on a conflict with the great Enemy of
mankind. _Full of the Holy Ghost_, He was _led up_ by the motions of
that Spirit (Mtt. iv. 1), either into the wilderness of Judæa, or the
lonely desert mountains east of the Jordan[253], to _be tempted by
the devil_ (Mtt. iv. 1; Mk. i. 12). For forty days and forty nights
He remained amidst the thickets and caverns of that dreary region,
abounding in fierce and savage beasts (Mk. i. 13), and during all this
period He had nothing to eat.
At length, when hunger had weakened the energies of the body, the
Tempter approached, and suggested that if He was in truth the Son of
God, He should command the stones that lay around to become bread. But
the Holy One detected at once the subtle insinuation to mistrust His
heavenly Father’s power, and in the words of Scripture (Deut. viii. 3)
replied, _It is written, Man shall not live by bread alone, but by
every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God_ (Mtt. iv. 4; Lk.
iv. 4).
Foiled in his attempt to induce the Redeemer by a selfish display
of power to satisfy the wants of the body, the Tempter now sought
by another avenue to achieve a victory over Him. Taking Him up to an
exceeding high mountain, he displayed before His eyes in a moment of
time all _the kingdoms of the world and the glories of them_, promising
to place all in His power, if He would only fall down and worship him.
But this temptation also the Holy One repelled. Falling back a second
time on the revealed Word, and the same portion of it (Deut. vi. 13),
He replied, _It is written, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and
Him only shalt thou serve_.
But yet again the Evil One renewed his attack. Taking the Redeemer into
the Holy City, he placed Him on the lofty pinnacle, the topmost ridge
of the South side of the Temple, and bade Him, if He were the Son of
God, vindicate His eternal nature, cast Himself down, and thus display
by one dazzling exhibition of power His relation to the Supreme, and
confirm His Messianic claims. But he was no more successful than before.
The Redeemer saw through his wiles, and the sophistry wherewith he
sought to support his demand by quoting the language of the Psalmist
(Ps. xci. 11), _He shall give His angels charge concerning Thee, and
in their hands they shall bear Thee up, lest at any time Thou dash
Thy foot against a stone_. For the third time He had recourse to the
written Word, and for the third time referring to the same portion of
it (Deut. vi. 16), made answer, _Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God_.
With this last assault the Temptation was ended. Where the first Adam
had fallen, the second Adam had triumphed, nor swerved for a moment
from the path of strictest obedience to the will of His Father in
Heaven. The Devil now left Him _for a season_ (Lk. iv. 13), or rather
till a more convenient occasion for renewing his attempt, _and angels
came and ministered unto Him_, who had already proved Himself “more
than conqueror” over the crafts and assaults of the Wicked One.
CHAPTER II.
_CALL OF THE FIRST DISCIPLES――THE MARRIAGE AT CANA._
A.D. 27.
SUSTAINED by the ministries of these blessed spirits the Saviour
returned towards the Jordan Valley, and drew near the ford of Bethabara
or Bethany (Jn. i. 28). Here again He met the Baptist, who was still
prosecuting his work, and baptizing the multitudes who flocked around
him. Such was the effect produced by his preaching, that the rulers
at Jerusalem determined to interpose, and the day before a formal
deputation had waited upon him to enquire whether he was the Messiah,
or Elias, or the prophet predicted by Moses (Jn. i. 21). Again he
declared that he had no pretensions to such a dignity, that he was but
the _Voice of one crying in the wilderness_, and preparing the way of
the Messiah, of One infinitely mightier than himself, _the very latchet
of whose shoe he was unworthy to unloose_.
But now, lifting up his eyes, he beheld Him to whom he had borne such
faithful testimony (Jn. i. 29), and addressing Him as _the Lamb of
God, who taketh away the sin of the world_, repeated his solemn and
assured conviction of His Divine nature (Jn. i. 30–34). Again, the day
following, as he was standing in the company of two of His disciples,
he beheld the Redeemer, and in their hearing pointed Him out under
the same impressive title. On this occasion his words were not without
their effect. The two disciples, one of whom was Andrew, a native
of Bethsaida (Jn. i. 41), and the other, in all probability, the
Evangelist St John, were so powerfully affected by them, that, drawn
as it were by a powerful magnet, they left the Baptist and _followed
Jesus_ (Jn. i. 37).
The Redeemer perceived them following Him, and enquired what they
sought? _Rabbi, where dwellest Thou?_ was their reply. He mercifully
bade them _come and see_, and they went and abode with Him for the
rest of that day (Jn. i. 39), and resolved to follow Him. Others soon
followed their example. Andrew went in quest of his own brother Simon,
and declaring that the true Messiah had been found brought him to
Jesus, who named him Cephas or Peter, _the Rock-man_. The day following,
the Saviour set out in the direction of Galilee, and finding Philip,
a native, like Andrew and Peter, of Bethsaida, bade him join their
company. Philip obeyed, and falling in with Nathanael[254], the son of
Tolmai, a native of Cana in Galilee (Jn. xxi. 2), announced that HE,
of whom Moses and the Prophets had written, had been discovered in
the person of Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of Joseph. Though a native
of Galilee, Nathanael could not at first believe that any good could
come out of a town which enjoyed so low a reputation as Nazareth. But
his friend bade him come and judge for himself. He obeyed, and was
drawing near the Holy One, when he heard His declaration that he was
_an Israelite indeed in whom was no guile_ (Jn. i. 48). So little was
Nathanael prepared for such words of praise, that he could not refrain
from enquiring how he had become known to Jesus. _Before that Philip
called thee, when thou wast under the fig-tree_[255], answered the Holy
One. The reply convinced the other that One from whom no secrets were
hid could be no ordinary Being. _Rabbi_, said he, _Thou art the Son of
God, Thou art the King of Israel_, and was enrolled in the number of
his new Master’s followers.
On the third day after His departure towards Galilee, the Saviour with
His five disciples reached the little village of Cana[256], situated
no great distance from Nazareth. Here a marriage-feast was about to
be celebrated, at which the Virgin was present, and the Holy One with
His new found followers was invited as well. Their presence appears to
have increased beyond expectation the number of the guests, and to have
rendered the provision made for their entertainment insufficient. When,
therefore, they wanted wine, the mother of the Saviour directed His
attention to the fact. Whatever was the precise meaning she herself
attached to her words, they drew down upon her a slight rebuke. _Woman_,
was His reply, _what have I to do with thee? Mine hour is not yet
come._ But as though these words concealed a real granting of her
request, she bade the servants execute any command He might give, and
the issue justified her expectations (Jn. ii. 2–5).
In the apartment, where the feast was proceeding, were placed, for the
sake of the frequent lustrations of the Jews, six large waterpots of
water, containing as much as two or three firkins a-piece. These the
Saviour commanded the servants to fill with water. And on their filling
them up to the brim, bade them draw out and bear to the master of the
feast, _i.e._ either one of the guests set over the banquet by general
consent of the guests, or a chief attendant who ordered the course of
the feast, and superintended the ministrations of the inferior servants.
He tasted the water now converted into wine, and knowing not whence it
was, remarked that men usually set forth good wine at the beginning of
the feast, and afterwards that which was worse, but _He had kept the
good wine_ until then (Jn. ii. 10).
Unobtrusively, however, as it had been wrought, the reality of this
first miracle could not escape the notice of the guests. The _glory_
of the Saviour hitherto hidden was now _manifested_, and the faith of
the disciples in their new-found Master was confirmed. The marriage
festivities of the Jews usually lasted six or seven days, and at
the close of this period with His mother, His brethren, and His five
disciples (Jn. ii. 12), the Saviour went down to Capernaum[257] on the
shore of the lake of Gennesaret. The Passover was now nigh at hand,
and Capernaum would afford a convenient point for joining the pilgrim
companies going up to Jerusalem[258], and there He abode a few days (Jn.
ii. 12), engaging, probably, in private intercourse with His disciples,
rather than any public ministrations in the city.
CHAPTER III.
_THE FIRST PASSOVER, AND CLEANSING OF THE TEMPLE._
A.D. 28.
AFTER a stay of not many days at Capernaum (Jn. ii. 12) the Redeemer
and His five disciples turned their steps southward towards Jerusalem,
to celebrate the first Passover of His public ministry (Jn. ii. 13).
Strange and full of deep significance was the scene which the Holy City
presented at this season. The streets were filled with multitudes of
Jews and proselytes, who had come up from all quarters of the world
to celebrate the Feast. The hills around were whitened with countless
flocks of lambs[259] and kids. The gates, especially the Sheep-gate,
were choked with moving masses of helpless victims ready to be examined
by the priests, and on being pronounced free from blemish, to be
selected by each Paschal company for their Paschal meal.
In the midst of a moving scene like this He, who had been already
pointed out as the _Lamb of God_, entered the city. Repairing to the
Temple, He was confronted, probably in the Court of the Gentiles,
with a scene of desecration, which called forth the first[260] display
of holy zeal for the dwelling-place of Him, whom He had already
declared to be His Father (Lk. ii. 49). For the convenience of Jews
and proselytes residing at a distance from the Holy City, a kind of
market had been established in the outer court, and here sacrificial
victims, incense, oil, wine, and other things necessary for the service
and the sacrifices, were to be obtained. The common money, moreover,
circulated in foreign countries not being receivable within the Temple,
the money-changers had set up their tables in the same locality, to
exchange all common and foreign coins for the sacred shekel, alone
current in the Temple precincts. But together with the money-changing
other business had gradually crept in, and in place of the order and
decorum that ought to have reigned there, the noisy huckstering of
merchants and traders disturbed the devotions of the worshippers,
and converted the Sanctuary of the most High into the likeness of a
wrangling mart.
Such was the scene that presented itself to the Saviour in the courts
of His Father’s House. As soon as His eye had rested upon it, He made
_a scourge of small cords_ (Jn. ii. 15), and with this simple weapon,
singly and alone, drove forth the sheep and oxen. Then overthrowing
the tables of the money-changers, He poured out their unholy gains,
and with a voice of conscious authority bade even those who sold doves,
to take those things thence, nor make _His Father’s house a house of
merchandise_. Awed by His words and His calm majesty, the desecrators
left the scene of their unholy traffic, while others wondering at an
act, which legally could only be performed by one of the Sanhedrin or
a prophet, approached Him and requested a sign, the performance of some
miracle or prodigy, in attestation of His right to do these things[261]
(Jn. ii. 18).
Thus challenged the Holy One did not withhold a “sign.” With that
majestic calmness, which ever distinguished Him, but without a single
word of comment or explanation, He said, _Destroy this Temple, and
in three days I will raise it up_. Perplexed and confounded the Jews
replied, _Forty and six years was this Temple in building, and wilt
Thou raise it up in three days?_ But to their enquiry no answer was
vouchsafed. They had asked for a “sign,” and a “sign” had been given,
but in the shape of a “parable,” a “dark saying,” which they never
forgot[262], and which, though not understood by the disciples at
the time, was afterwards revealed to them in all its deep meaning (Jn.
ii. 21, 22).
But another incident was to render this Passover forever memorable.
During His stay at Jerusalem (Jn. ii. 23) the Saviour wrought signs
and wonders, which stirred the hearts of those who witnessed them,
and caused many to _believe on His Name_. But their faith sprang from
imperfect motives, and He, who knew what was in man, would not entrust
Himself to them, or unveil the mysteries of His kingdom. Still even
thus early there was one to whom He could more nearly reveal Himself.
One of the members of the Sanhedrin[263] at this time was a Pharisee,
named Nicodemus, who had probably heard of the marvellous incident,
which had so lately occurred in the Temple-courts, and had witnessed
one or more of the mighty works, which the Stranger from Nazareth had
wrought. Convinced that He could be no ordinary person, that unassisted
by Divine Power He could not perform such signs and wonders, he had
resolved, in spite of his position, in spite of the risk he ran, in
spite of the natural prejudice against so obscure a teacher, to go
himself and ascertain who and what He was.
Under cover of night, therefore, he sought out the Saviour, who not
only graciously received him, but unfolded to him the mystery of a
birth, _not of the will of man, nor of the will of the flesh_, but of
water and of the Holy Spirit (Jn. iii. 5–8). And when the wondering
ruler enquired _how could these things be_, He went on to hint at a
still deeper mystery, and to intimate the true purport of the coming
of the Son of Man, the Messiah, whom he and the nation expected. _As
Moses_, that Moses whose writings he studied and expounded, _lifted
up the serpent in the wilderness[264], even so must the Son of Man be
lifted up, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have
everlasting life_ (Jn. iii. 12–16). How far the Jewish ruler entered
into the meaning of this mysterious intimation, so entirely opposed
to all that was expected by his nation of their Messiah, and how far
it served to stimulate him to still deeper enquiries into the Law and
the Prophets, we are not told. Certain, however, it is that he was not
entirely alienated from the new Teacher, and we shall find at a later
period that he, who thus came to Jesus by night, lived to plead for Him
in open day before the council of the nation (Jn. vii. 50, 51), and to
do honour to His crucified body, when all the Apostles had forsaken Him
and fled (Jn. xix. 39).
PART III.
FROM THE FIRST PASSOVER TO THE ELECTION OF THE APOSTLES.
CHAPTER I.
_IMPRISONMENT OF THE BAPTIST――THE WOMAN OF SAMARIA._
A.D. 28.
THE private interview with Nicodemus just related appears to have
closed the occurrences at this first eventful Passover. When the
pilgrim-companies broke up each for their own homes, the Saviour
repaired with His more immediate followers to the north-eastern parts
of Judæa near the Jordan. Here He too administered the rite of baptism
by the hands of His disciples (Jn. iii. 22; iv. 2), and quickly drew
around Him so great a number of followers, that the adherents of the
Baptist began to find a sensible decrease in the multitude that flocked
around their master.
Repairing, therefore, to him at Ænon[265] near Salim[266], where he
was baptizing, they drew his attention to the fact that HE, to whom
he had borne witness, was also baptizing, and all men were flocking
to Him. But John knew nothing of the mortification of his followers.
With a true greatness of soul far exalted above their wounded feelings,
he asserted in the most emphatic manner that his position was only
secondary with that of the Prophet of Nazareth. He _must decrease_,
but the Other would _increase_, for He was the Bridegroom and had the
Bride. He himself was but the _friend of the Bridegroom_, and rejoiced
to _hear His voice_, and was satisfied with that measure of joy (Jn.
iii. 29–32).
This was the last public testimony of the Baptist to the exalted nature
of the Saviour’s person and work. His own career was rapidly drawing
to a close. The place where he was baptizing was close to the dominions
of Herod-Antipas, the ruler of Galilee and Peræa. This monarch had
been married by his father to the daughter of Aretas, king of Arabia
Petræa, but becoming acquainted at Rome with Herodias, the wife of
his half-brother Herod-Philip, he made overtures of marriage to her,
which were accepted, on condition that he divorced the daughter of
Aretas[267]. But the facts becoming known to the latter, she fled
to her father’s court, who forthwith assembled an army to avenge her
wrongs, and punish her guilty husband. The contest waxed hot on the
frontier of Herod’s dominions, and it was, not improbably, on his way
to confront his father-in-law, when he first encountered the Baptist.
If he had hoped to escape the censure of one, whose influence with
all classes was unbounded, he was utterly deceived. The Baptist was
no _reed shaken by the wind_ (Lk. vii. 24). Boldly, straight-forwardly,
he not only rebuked the king for his notorious offences (Lk. iii. 19),
but denounced the royal incest, and declared the marriage unlawful
(Mtt. xiv. 4; Mk. vi. 18). Such an outspoken reproof from one, whom all
reverenced as a prophet, the monarch could not forgive, and therefore
flung the bold preacher into prison, probably in the gloomy castle of
Machærus, which his father had built on the eastern shore of the Dead
Sea to overawe the wild Arab tribes[268].
The imprisonment of His great forerunner was announced to the Saviour
at a time when He was also aware that the results of His ministry had
roused the jealousy of the Pharisees (Jn. iv. 1). Accordingly, He left
Judæa, and prepared to return by the shortest route through Samaria to
the hills of Galilee (Jn. iv. 3, 4). It was now late in December, four
months from the harvest[269] (Jn. iv. 35), when He thus set out with
His disciples, and reaching the well near Shechem[270], which Jacob had
built in the parcel of ground he gave to his son Joseph, He sat upon
it, weary with travel, for it was the sixth hour, the sultry hour of
noon[271].
As He sat there alone, for His disciples had gone to the neighbouring
town to purchase provisions, a woman of Samaria approached with her
pitcher on her head, and the Saviour requested of her water to quench
His thirst. Astounded that such a request should be made to her by
a Jew, she enquired how He could thus address a Samaritan, with whom
it was not lawful to have any dealings[272]? On this, drawing, as was
ever His wont, similitudes from present circumstances, He excited her
wonder by telling her of _living waters_ at His command _springing up
unto everlasting life_ (Jn. iv. 10, 14), and increased it by revealing
His acquaintance with the secret of her life, for she was living in
adultery (Jn. iv. 18). Roused by this proof of superhuman knowledge
to the fact that she was in the presence of no ordinary Being, she
instantly sought to change the subject, and pointing to the slopes of
Gerizim[273] near at hand, remarked that her fathers worshipped on that
mountain, while the Jews affirmed that in Jerusalem was the place where
men ought to worship. Thereupon the Saviour assured her that _an hour
was at hand, when neither on Gerizim nor yet at Jerusalem would men
worship the Father; the Samaritans worshipped they knew not what; the
Jews worshipped that which they knew, for of them was salvation; but a
time was coming when the true worshippers would worship the Father in
spirit and in truth_. The astonished woman replied that this might be,
when Messiah came, for He could _teach them all things_ (Jn. iv. 25),
and then heard from the Speaker’s own lips the first clear and distinct
announcement that He was the long-expected Messiah (Jn. iv. 26)[274].
At this juncture the disciples returned with the provisions they had
bought, and marvelled that their Master talked with one of the hateful
race, but ventured on no open expostulation. Meanwhile the woman
herself had returned to the town, and bade the inhabitants come and see
One, who had _told her all that ever she did_, and could be no other
than the Messiah (Jn. iv. 28, 29). Accordingly the townsfolk came forth
to see the Saviour, and requested Him to abide with them, which He did,
staying amongst them two days, during which period, the number, which
had learned to believe on Him on account of the woman’s testimony to
His Omniscience, was increased by many others, who, listening to His
own gracious words, were convinced that He was indeed _the Saviour of
the world_[274] (Jn. iv. 42).
Thus to a woman of Samaria He, whose _meat it was to do the will of Him
that sent Him and to finish His work_ (Jn. iv. 34), revealed Himself
as the true Messiah, and she became the first herald of the Gospel, the
firstfruits of a harvest now sown and to be afterwards reaped by Philip
the Deacon (Jn. iv. 38; Acts viii. 5; &c.).
CHAPTER II.
_SECOND VISIT TO CANA AND JERUSALEM._
A.D. 29.
AFTER this stay in Samaria the Saviour returned to Galilee. Thither had
gone before Him the fame of the miracles He had wrought at Jerusalem,
reported by those Galilæans who had returned from the Passover (Jn. iv.
45), and this was now confirmed by a second miracle wrought at Cana.
While staying in this little village, He was visited by a nobleman, or
officer of state[275], not improbably in the service of Herod-Antipas,
who besought him to go down to Capernaum, and heal his son who was
lying at the point of death. Though he was clearly unable to conceive
of any cure, save through the Lord’s bodily presence, and was urgent
that He should come down to Capernaum, the Holy One sent him away
with the assurance that his son was alive. Contented with this word,
the father returned, and on the morrow was met by his servants, who
announced his son’s recovery, and in answer to his enquiries when the
youth had begun to amend, informed him that the day before, at the
seventh hour[276], the fever not only began to abate, but _left_ or
suddenly forsook him. This the other remembered was the very hour
when the Lord had assured him of his son’s recovery, and he became
a believer with all his family (Jn. iv. 53).
After a brief stay in Galilee, the season approached for the
celebration of the Feast of Purim[277], and the Redeemer went up
to Jerusalem (Jn. v. 1). At this time there was near the Sheep-gate,
through which the victims intended for sacrifice were usually brought
into the city, a pool called in the Hebrew language Bethesda[278], or
the _House of Mercy_, which at certain seasons possessed remarkable
healing properties, heralded it would seem by a violent commotion or
bubbling of the waters. Around the pool, sheltered by five porticoes
(Jn. v. 2), there was wont to assemble a multitude of diseased persons,
_lame, blind, withered, waiting for the troubling of the waters_ (Jn.
v. 3).
Amongst these was one who for upwards of 38 years had been a helpless
paralytic, and had long watched in vain for an opportunity to descend
into the healing stream. As often as with slow and painful motion he
crawled towards the waters, another was certain to step in before him,
and anticipate him in acquiring the welcome cure. Seeing this miserable
sufferer, and knowing how long he had been thus afflicted, the Saviour
drew near, and enquired whether he wished to be made whole. Deeming,
probably, that he was only listening to words of casual sympathy, and
little expecting a cure, the man contented himself with relating the
sad story of his constant disappointments (Jn. v. 7). Great, then, must
have been his astonishment, when the Saviour not only bade him rise
and take up the bed or pallet on which he had lain so long, but with
the word gave him also the power to obey, so that he was instantly made
whole, and taking up his bed bore it away with healthy tread.
It was a Sabbath-day on which this marvellous cure was wrought, and the
carrying of any burden was regarded by the Pharisaic interpreters of
the Law as a heinous violation of the sanctity of the day. The sight,
therefore, of a man whose case must have been well known, thus openly
and publicly violating a received rule, could not but excite much
attention. Accordingly “the Jews,” a term by which St John generally
denotes the adherents of the Sanhedrin, summoned him before them, and
questioned him closely concerning his conduct. With artless simplicity,
the man replied that he was only acting up to the command of his Healer,
but when further questioned who He was, could not say, for Jesus had
vanished from the crowd when the cure was wrought (Jn. v. 13).
Shortly afterwards, however, he met his Healer in the Temple, and
then returning informed the authorities that Jesus was the author of
his cure. On this the Saviour Himself was called to account for His
conduct (Jn. v. 16, 17), and proceeded to avow before His astonished
and indignant auditors His union in dignity and honour with the eternal
Father. This avowal, added to the fact that He had shewn dishonour to
the Sabbath, roused the first symptoms of hostility on the part of the
authorities at Jerusalem, and they even sought to kill Him (Jn. v. 18).
But, undeterred by their opposition, the Holy One went on to claim
plainly and unreservedly, the character and functions of the Messiah,
to reiterate the fact of His Divine Original, and to declare that He
was invested with power as the future Judge of mankind (Jn. v. 22–30).
In support of these claims, He appealed to the testimony which the
Baptist had publicly borne to His exalted nature (Jn. v. 33–35), to
the miracles which He had wrought (Jn. v. 36), to the authority of the
sacred writings which testified of Him (Jn. v. 39), and to the great
Lawgiver Moses, who, He declared, had written of Him (Jn. v. 46).
This incident forms an important epoch in the Gospel history[279].
The degree of toleration, and even of acceptance, with which the
preaching of the Saviour had been received in Judæa, was exchanged
for hostility, which, though as yet it led to no attempt to seize His
Person, manifested itself with increasing distinctness. Accordingly,
He left Judæa, which had shewn itself unwilling to receive Him, and
retired to Galilee, and there taught in the synagogues (Lk. iv. 15).
CHAPTER III.
_MIRACLES AT NAZARETH AND CAPERNAUM._
A.D. 29.
AMONGST the places He now visited, the Redeemer repaired to Nazareth,
where _He had been brought up_ (Lk. iv. 16), and where many, if not
all His kindred were residing. The Sabbath came round, and, as was
His wont, He entered the Synagogue, and for the first time stood up to
read in His native village. The worship, which began with prayer, was
followed by the reading of the Law and the Prophets, and the portion
of the latter either appointed for the day, or selected by His own
Divine wisdom and foreknowledge, was taken from the 61st chapter of
the prophet Isaiah. This portion was by universal consent applied to
the Messiah, and spoke of Him as anointed _to preach the Gospel to the
poor_, as sent _to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to
the captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them
that were bound_ (Lk. iv. 18, 19). Accordingly the Saviour read the
words in the ears of those assembled, and then folding up the scroll,
returned it to the _♦chazzan_ or minister, and sat down[280].
This last act was a sign that He intended to take upon Himself the
office of interpreter, and _the eyes of all were fastened upon Him_
(Lk. iv. 20). _This day_, He began to say, _is this Scripture fulfilled
in your ears_, and proceeded to pour forth the long-hidden treasures of
wisdom and grace. The first effect upon His audience was one of signal
approval. They all marvelled at the _gracious words which proceeded out
of His lips_ (Lk. iv. 22). But other and very different feelings soon
arose in their minds. They began to recall the fact of His lowly origin
(Lk. iv. 22), and when the Holy One went on to intimate that no prophet
was accepted in his own country, that, as was illustrated, even in Old
Testament times, by the cases of the widow of Zarephath and Naaman the
Syrian, the mercies of God were not restricted to the Jews only (Lk.
iv. 24–28), they were wrought up to such a pitch of fury, that they not
only arose and thrust the Speaker out of their synagogue, but leading
Him to _the brow of the hill on which their city was built_[281], would
have cast Him down headlong, had He not, probably by an exercise of
Divine power, escaped from their hands, and disappeared (Lk. iv. 30).
Thus rejected at Nazareth as He had been at Jerusalem, the Saviour
turned His steps towards the busy neighbourhood of the lake of
Gennesaret, and took up His abode at Capernaum[282] (Mtt. iv. 13;
Lk. iv. 31), whence He could easily communicate, as well by land as
by lake, with many important towns, and in the event of any threatened
persecution retire into a more secure region[283].
Illustration: THE SHORES OF THE SEA OF GALILEE
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_Maclear’s New Test.ᵗ History_
_Stanford’s Geog.ˡ Estab.ᵗ_
The recent cure of the son of the officer in Herod’s court was not
forgotten at Capernaum, and _many pressing_ upon the Saviour _to hear
the word of God_ (Lk. v. 1), it became clear that an opportunity was
now afforded for an active and systematic ministry among a people
_sitting in darkness and in the shadow of death_ (Mtt. iv. 16). The
first act, therefore, of the Redeemer was permanently to attach to His
Person, and invest with the authority of teachers, four of the number
afterwards known as the “twelve Apostles.” As He walked by the lake, He
saw Simon and Andrew employed in fishing, and the sons of Zebedee[284],
James and John, in a vessel mending their nets (Mk. i. 16, 19; Mtt.
iv. 18, 21; Lk. v. 2–6). They had already known Him for above a year,
and now He would formally call them to leave their earthly occupations,
and become _fishers of men_[285].
As the people, therefore, pressed upon Him, He requested Simon to
push off his boat a little way from the shore, that He might teach the
multitude, and at the close of His discourse, bade him thrust out into
the deeper waters, and let down his net for a draught. The ill success
that had attended his efforts the previous night, made Simon at first
hesitate, but he had no sooner made the trial, than the net enclosed
such a multitude of fishes, that it began to break (Lk. v. 6). On
this he and Andrew beckoned to James and John, and their companions in
the other boat, who had doubtless watched all that had occurred, and
they immediately came to their help, and filled both the boats so that
they began to sink (Lk. v. 7). So deep was the impression made by this
unlooked-for success upon the mind of Peter, that yielding as always to
the impulse of the moment, he cried, _Depart from me, for I am a sinful
man, O Lord_[286]. But the emblem of their future destinies, and the
pledge of future success, having thus been given them, the Saviour
bade him and the others leave their ships and become _fishers of men_.
And thus Peter and Andrew, James and John, quitting their earthly
occupations, henceforth became His regular attendants and disciples.
The report of this miracle, and of the determination of the four to
follow the Prophet of Nazareth, would soon be noised abroad among the
populous villages along the lake. It is no wonder, then, that on the
following Sabbath the words of the Saviour were eagerly listened to
in the synagogue of Capernaum (Mk. i. 22; Lk. iv. 32), confirmed as
they also were by a remarkable occurrence that now took place. A man
was present in the synagogue possessed with an evil spirit, which, in
the hearing of all, cried out, _What have I to do with Thee, Jesus of
Nazareth? art Thou come to destroy us? I know Thee who Thou art, the
Holy One of God._ Thereupon the Redeemer rebuking him, and bidding him
hold his peace, commanded the Evil Spirit to leave the sufferer he was
tormenting, and the demon having thrown the man into strong convulsions
(Mk. i. 26), and “uttering an inarticulate cry of rage and pain[287]”
left him, amidst the awe and wonder of those assembled.
This miracle――the first of the kind――over unclean spirits was speedily
noised abroad throughout the whole region of Galilee, and excited a
strong enthusiasm in favour of the _Prophet of Nazareth_. Leaving the
synagogue, the Saviour repaired to the abode of Peter, whose wife’s
mother lay struck with a violent fever[288], and taking her by the
hand lifted her up. Immediately the malady yielding before that Divine
rebuke (Lk. iv. 39), left her, and in place of the exhausted energy and
prostration usually following it, she found herself able not only to
rise, but even to minister to the Healer and His disciples (Mk. i. 31).
When, however, the sun began to set, the effect of the miracle in the
synagogue became still more apparent. The whole city seemed to have
collected about the abode of the humble fisherman, bringing with them
all who were sick, or afflicted with demons, and placed them before his
Master. Nor did they come in vain, for laying His hands upon each of
them, He, who _Himself took our infirmities and bare our sicknesses_
(Is. liii. 4; Mtt. viii. 17), restored to them the blessing of health.
CHAPTER IV.
_CALL OF MATTHEW――HOSTILITY OF THE PHARISEES._
A.D. 28.
EARLY on the following morning Peter and his companions found that
their Master had left the city, and retired to a solitary place for the
purpose of engaging in secret prayer. Having discovered the place of
His retreat, they announced that the excitement of the previous evening
was not subsided, that all _were seeking Him_ (Mk. i. 37); and soon
their words were confirmed by the coming of a crowd, who besought Him
not to leave them. But this could not be. The Divine Purpose required
that He should proclaim the Glad Tidings of His kingdom in other places
also; and He commenced a tour throughout Galilee, teaching in the
synagogues, casting forth demons, and healing all manner of sickness
and disease (Mtt. iv. 23; Mk. i. 39).
Among other recipients of His gracious bounty, was one afflicted with
the awful malady of leprosy, which none ever hoped could be cured.
Bearing about him all the emblems of his sad condition, his clothes
rent, his head bare (Comp. Num. vi. 9; Ezek. xxiv. 17), his lip covered
(Ezek. xxiv. 17), he drew near the Saviour, and flinging himself on the
ground before His feet, besought Him, if it was His will, to cleanse
him. Though the Law forbade all contact with one, afflicted with a
disease, to which the Jews gave the significant name of _the Stroke_,
the Holy One put forth His hand, and touched Him, saying, _I will,
be thou clean_. Instantly his flesh returned to him as the flesh of
a little child, and he was clean, and, at the command of his Healer,
repaired to the priests at Jerusalem to present the offering required
of one so cleansed[289], and thus in his own person bear witness
against them[290], and their unbelief.
Obedient to this injunction of his Healer, the cleansed leper found it
more difficult to remember His other command, and abstain from saying
anything to any one of the way in which he had been healed (Mk. i. 44;
Lk. v. 14). In the fulness of his exulting thankfulness he could not
contain himself, but, wherever he went, began _to blaze abroad the
matter_, so that crowds gathered round the Saviour, and, unable to
enter Capernaum (Mk. i. 45), He was fain to remain in secluded places,
where He continued in prayer (Lk. v. 16) and ministered unto such as
sought Him (Mk. i. 45).
After the subsidence, however, of the first excitement, He returned
to Capernaum (Mk. ii. 1), and either in His own abode (Mk. ii. 1),
or possibly that of Peter, preached the word to the multitudes, who
flocked thither. During His absence there had arrived not only from
Galilee, but even from Judæa and Jerusalem (Lk. v. 17), Pharisees and
lawyers, who insidiously watched all that He did. As, then, He was
proclaiming the doctrines of the kingdom in their presence, an incident
occurred, which roused in no small degree the ill-will of these doctors
of the law. Four men approached the chamber where the Saviour was,
bearing upon a litter a helpless paralytic, and finding an entrance in
the usual way impracticable, they bore the man up the outside staircase,
and let him down through the roof into His presence.
Perceiving their faith, the Saviour was ready to bestow upon the
object of so much solicitude the boon they craved. But, instead of
assuring him of the cure of his malady, He addressed the paralytic
with the words _Son, thy sins be forgiven thee_. This expression,
more startling than anything He had yet said, inasmuch as it implied a
distinct equality with God in respect to one of His most incommunicable
attributes, roused much disputing among the watchful emissaries from
Jerusalem. Was not this a blasphemous utterance, for who could forgive
sins, save God only? But, unmoved by their dark suspicions, and knowing
the secret thoughts of their hearts, the Holy One bade the man rise,
take up his bed, and walk, which he straightway did, and so revealed
the completeness of his restored powers to the astonishment of all the
spectators, who confessed that they had _seen strange things that day_,
and _glorified God, who had given such power unto men_ (Lk. v. 26;
Mtt. ix. 8).
Overpowered by their wonder at this signal miracle, the Pharisees and
Scribes did not give further vent to their indignation at this claim
to exercise the awful power of forgiving sins. But their national
prejudices were soon to receive a still greater shock. As He walked by
the side of the lake of Gennesaret, the Saviour beheld _sitting at the
receipt of custom_, probably at the port of Capernaum, a tax-gatherer
named Levi or Matthew[291], the son of Alphæus. Though he belonged
to a class above all others hated and despised by Jews of all orders,
the Lord did not hesitate to invite him to become one of His immediate
followers. The tax-gatherer, who may have had some prior acquaintance
with the Prophet of Nazareth, straightway gave up his usual calling,
and in honour of his new Master made _a great feast_ (Lk. v. 29; Mk.
ii. 15), to which he invited many of his old associates.
When the Scribes and Pharisees beheld Him thus openly associating
with a degraded caste, they could not restrain themselves, and openly
protested against such an infraction of custom and right behaviour.
But they were speedily silenced by His wise reply. If those, amongst
whom He sat, were sinners, then to them was it specially meet that He
should vouchsafe His presence, for, as the Physician of souls, He had
specially come to call _not the righteous but sinners to repentance_
(Mtt. ix. 13; Mk. ii. 17; Lk. v. 31, 32). Nor were they more successful
in contrasting His apparent laxity and freedom with the strictness and
austerity of the Baptist. The very garments worn by those around, the
very wine they were drinking, suggested similes that conveyed the true
answer to their objections[292]. _To sew a piece of new cloth on an
old_ and ragged garment, to _pour new wine into old bottles_ of skin,
was not more foolish than to attempt to unite with the Dispensation He
was inaugurating the dead formalities of one which was rapidly passing
away for ever (Mtt. ix. 14–17; Mk. ii. 18–22; Lk. v. 33–39).
The day following was a Sabbath, _the second-first Sabbath_[293],
as St Luke calls it (Lk. vi. 1), and the Saviour walked through
the corn-fields with His disciples, who began to pluck the ears
of ripening grain, and to eat them, rubbing them in their hands.
Such an act, though not forbidden by the Mosaic code, was declared
unlawful by the traditional expounders[294]. The Pharisees, therefore,
already scandalized by His assumption of power to forgive sins, and
His associating with publicans, now urged a third complaint against
His allowing His disciples to do what was unlawful on the Sabbath. But
in full and explicit vindication of what they had done, the Saviour
not only referred His accusers to the well-known incident in the life
of David, when flying from Saul, he ate the shewbread, forbidden to all
except the priests (1 Sam. xxi. 6), and to the words of the Prophet,
who had declared that God would _have mercy, and not sacrifice_ (Hos.
vi. 6), but openly declared that HE, as the Son of Man, was _Lord also
of the Sabbath_, which had been _ordained for man, and not man for the
sabbath_ (Mtt. xii. 8).
A week afterwards He entered the Synagogue, and descried a man having
his right hand withered, occupying, it would seem, a prominent position,
and surrounded by Scribes and Pharisees, who were maliciously on the
watch to see what He would do, and to obtain matter for accusation
(Mtt. xii. 10; Mk. iii. 2; Lk. vi. 7). They now propounded the distinct
question whether it was lawful to heal on the Sabbath-day. In reply
the Saviour reminded them that the Law allowed a man, whose sheep had
fallen into a pit, to lift it out on the Sabbath, and enquired whether
they deemed it more consistent with the holiness of the day to do good
or to do evil, to save life or to slay. Silenced and abashed they had
not a word to urge in their own defence, and were obliged to stand by,
while He, _looking round about on them with anger, being grieved for
the hardness of their hearts_ (Mk. iii. 5), bade the man stretch forth
his hand, which was instantly restored whole as the other.
Such an exhibition of Divine power, such a calm and unanswerable
protest against their narrow bigotry, was more than they could bear.
Filled with _madness_ (Lk. vi. 11), the Scribes and Pharisees went
forth and called a council (Mtt. xii. 14), and not ashamed to unite
with their political opponents, the followers of Herod Antipas (Mk.
iii. 6), began to form plans for compassing His death (Mk. iii. 6; Lk.
vi. 11).
PART IV.
FROM THE ELECTION OF THE APOSTLES
TO THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST.
CHAPTER I.
_CALL OF THE APOSTLES――SERMON ON THE MOUNT._
A.D. 28.
WE have now reached a very important turning-point in the Gospel
History. While the fame of the Saviour had spread abroad in every
direction throughout the land, the animosity of the ruling powers had
clearly displayed itself alike in Judæa and in Galilee, and there was
already an active correspondence between the Scribes and Pharisees in
both districts respecting His claims and pretensions. As yet, while the
current of popular feeling ran in His favour, their hostility confined
itself to secretly plotting against Him, and devising means for
hindering Him in His work, with the hope that some imprudence or sudden
change in the feeling of the multitude might put him in their power.
It was at this juncture, then, that He took a more decided step
towards the establishment of His Divine work. Hitherto He had seemed
to stand almost alone. Though a few had been gathered around Him as
His disciples they did not present the appearance of a regular and
organized community, of which He was the Head, nor had they received
a distinct and solemn commission to disseminate His doctrines.
Such a commission was now to be given.
Attracted by His miracles of healing, crowds gathered about Him not
only from Judæa, Jerusalem and Galilee, but even from Peræa, Idumæa,
and the country around Tyre and Sidon (Mk. iii. 7, 8; Lk. vi. 17),
bringing such as were afflicted with any diseases, and beseeching his
aid. While, therefore, He did not withhold that Divine assistance which
they so eagerly craved (Lk. vi. 9), but graciously healed them, He now
retired from the constant interruption, to which their coming exposed
Him, and sought a retreat in the lonely mountain-range west of the sea
of Tiberias. There he spent a night in solemn meditation and prayer
(Lk. vi. 12), and on the following morning called to Him His disciples,
and made selection amongst them of Twelve, who should be in continual
personal attendance upon Him (Mk. iii. 14), and whom He might send
forth to preach in His name, and to exercise power over evil spirits
(Mk. iii. 15).
The Twelve thus selected and denominated Apostles were:――
1. Symeon or Simon, the son of Jonas (Jn. i. 42; xxi. 16), called
also Cephas[295] or Peter (a _stone_ or _rock_).
2. Andrew, his brother (Mtt. iv. 18), a native of Bethsaida,
and a former disciple of the Baptist[296].
3. James, the son of Zebedee (Mtt. iv. 21) and Salome (Mk.
xv. 40), also of Bethsaida, and
4. John, his brother, afterwards known as “the friend of Jesus,”
the “♦disciple whom Jesus loved” (Jn. xiii. 23), and in
the ancient Church as ὁ ἐπιστήθιος, he who “leaned on His
breast[297].”
5. Philip, a native of Bethsaida, and one of the earliest
disciples (Jn. i. 43)[298].
6. Bartholomew = Bar-Tolmai, “the son of Tolmai,” most probably
identical with Nathanael[299].
7. Matthew or Levi, a collector of customs at Capernaum[300].
8. Thomas or Didymus (_a twin_), (Jn. xi. 16; xx. 24).
9. James, the son of Alphæus, or “James the Less.”
10. Judas, a brother or, possibly, a son of James (Acts i. 13),
and surnamed Thaddæus and Lebbæus (Mtt. x. 3; Mk. iii. 18).
11. Simon the _♦Canaanite_ (Mk. iii. 18) or _Cananæan_ (Mtt.
x. 24), in Greek _Zelotes_ (Lk. vi. 15; Acts i. 13), one,
probably, who before his call had belonged to the sect of
the zealots[301].
12. Judas, sometimes called the _son of Simon_ (Jn. vi. 71;
xiii. 2, 26), more generally _Iscariot_, _i.e._ probably a
native of Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25), a little village in the
tribe of Judah.
After this formal selection and ordination of the Twelve Apostles,
the Saviour descended from the mountain-peak[302], where He had spent
the night, to a more level spot (Lk. vi. 17), and sitting down in
the formal attitude of a Teacher in the presence of His disciples and
the multitude, which had gathered around Him, proceeded to deliver
that wondrous summary of Christian doctrine and practice known as the
“Sermon on the Mount”[303] (Mtt. v.‒vii.; Lk. vi. 20–49).
At its conclusion, He repaired again to Capernaum (Lk. vii. 1), where
He was met by certain elders of the synagogue bearing a message from
a centurion belonging to the Roman garrison quartered in the place,
one of whose slaves lay stricken with paralysis. Though an officer of
imperial Rome, he had not regarded with contempt the religion of the
people amongst whom He was placed, but had aided them in building their
synagogue, and evinced much kindness towards them. At their request,
therefore, the Saviour proceeded towards his house, but on the way was
met by certain of the centurion’s friends, who bade Him not trouble
Himself to enter his abode, but speak the word, and he was assured
his slave would recover. Such faith, the faith of a true soldier[304],
who could believe that the Holy One was as well able to command the
unseen agencies producing sickness, as he was himself to rule his own
soldiers, moved the wonder even of the Lord, and was quickly rewarded
by the healing of apparently the first Gentile sufferer[305].
On the following day (Lk. vii. 11), leaving Capernaum, accompanied
by His disciples and a large multitude, the Saviour proceeded in the
direction of Nain, then a place of considerable extent in the Esdraelon
plain, now little more than a cluster of ruins[306]. As he drew near, a
sad and mournful spectacle met his eyes. A young man, _the only son of
his mother_, and _she a widow_ (Lk. vii. 12), was being carried on a
bier towards his last resting-place, probably in one of the sepulchral
caves which perforated the rock on the western side of the town.
Beholding the forlorn and desolate mother, the Holy One was filled
with the deepest compassion, and bidding her not weep, advanced towards
the bier and touched it. Thereupon the bearers stood still, while
addressing the corpse He said, _Young man, I say unto thee, Arise_, at
which word of power the dead man instantly sat up and began to speak,
and was restored to his wondering and rejoicing mother (Lk. vii. 15).
This first signal victory over death filled all those, who witnessed
it, with awe and astonishment, and they thankfully glorified God who
had raised up a prophet among them and truly _visited His people_ (Lk.
vii. 16). No such miracle had been wrought since the days of Elisha,
and the fame of it _went forth throughout all Judæa, and throughout
all the region round about_. (Lk. vii. 17). Amongst those to whom it
was related, together with the mighty works of the Saviour, was the
Baptist, still detained in prison in the gloomy castle of Machærus[307]
(Mtt. xi. 2; Lk. vii. 18). Thereupon he sent two of his disciples[308]
to Jesus with the question, _Art Thou He that should come, or do we
look for another?_ Whatever was his precise motive in making this
formal enquiry, whether it was for the sake of fully convincing
his own disciples, or from a desire for the comfort of a definite
assurance from the Saviour’s own lips, or from impatience at the slow
establishment of the kingdom of the Messiah, it was fully answered. At
the hour when the messengers arrived, the Saviour was actively engaged
in His daily labours of love, healing diseases, casting out demons, and
restoring sight to the blind (Lk. vii. 21); He therefore bade the two
disciples return and tell their master what things they had seen and
heard, _how the lame walked, the lepers were cleansed, the dead were
raised, the poor had the Gospel preached to them_ (Mtt. xi. 5). But
besides these proofs of His Messiahship, which, as the Baptist could
hardly fail to remember, had been distinctly indicated by the Prophets
(comp. Isai. xxxv. 5, 6; lxi. 1), the Holy One added a special word
for John’s weary prison-hours and the doubts of his disciples, saying,
_Blessed is he, whosoever shall not be offended in Me_ (Mtt. xi. 6;
Lk. vii. 23), “at My calm and unassuming course of mercy and love to
mankind, at My total disregard of worldly honours, at My refusal to
place Myself at the head of the people as a temporal Messiah[309].”
No sooner, however, had the messengers departed than the Saviour took
the opportunity of vindicating before the bystanders[310], who, perhaps,
from the enquiry he had put, might receive an unfavourable impression
respecting the Baptist, the true greatness of his character. _No reed
shaken by the wind_ was he, whom, a little more than a year ago, all
Judæa and Jerusalem had flocked forth _into the wilderness to see_; no
effeminate prince clad in luxurious apparel; no prophet merely, such
as those of the Old Testament dispensation. Himself the subject of
prophecy (Mtt. xi. 10), he was greater than all the prophets that had
preceded him, being no other than the long-expected Forerunner of the
Messiah (Mtt. xi. 10; Lk. vii. 27), the true Elias of whom Malachi had
spoken, as destined _to prepare His way before Him_.
CHAPTER II.
_TEACHING IN GALILEE._
A.D. 28–9.
APPARENTLY while He was in the neighbourhood of Nain[311], the Saviour
received an invitation from a Pharisee, named Simon, to enter his house,
and sit at meat with him (Lk. vii. 36). Among the guests there pressed
in a woman of unchaste life[312], which had brought her into bad repute
amongst her neighbours. Standing behind Him weeping, she kissed His
feet, and anointed them, as He reclined at meat, with a costly unguent
from an alabaster box[313], and wiped away with her hair the copious
tears that fell from her eyes. Shrinking from any moral or physical
uncleanness, Simon marvelled that the Holy One suffered such a woman to
approach Him, and could only attribute it to His ignorance of her real
character. But the Saviour addressing His entertainer in the touching
parable of the “Two Debtors[314]” (Lk. vii. 40–43), pointed out that
there was hope and mercy even for the lowest and most degraded, and
turning to the woman bade her go in peace, for her faith had saved her,
and _her sins, though many, were forgiven_ (Lk. vii. 10, 47).
Almost immediately after this striking incident, accompanied not
only by the Twelve, but by pious women, amongst whom were Mary of
Magdala, Joanna the wife of Chuza, Herod’s steward[315], Susanna, and
many others (Lk. viii. 3), He proceeded on a somewhat lengthened tour
through the cities and villages of Galilee, preaching the kingdom of
God. Returning, as it seems most probable, to Capernaum, the multitude
quickly gathered around Him, thronged Him in such numbers, and
importuned Him with such persistent craving for His merciful aid, that
neither He nor His disciples had sufficient leisure _even to eat bread_
(Mk. iii. 20). The enthusiastic zeal of Him, whose _meat it was to
do the will of Him that sent Him and to finish His work_ (Jn. iv. 34)
inspired His mother and brethren with the desire to interpose, and to
protest against such exhausting labours[316] (Mk. iii. 21). But the
intelligence that they were without the circle of the crowd seeking
Him, did not induce Him to suspend His loving toil. Stretching forth
His hands towards His disciples (Mtt. xii. 49), He declared that they
and all who heard and _did the will of His Father in heaven_ were as
dear to Him as _brother, or sister, or mother_ (Mtt. xii. 49, 50; Mk.
iii. 34, 35; Lk. viii. 21).
While, however, the feelings of the multitude were thus openly enlisted
on the side of the Redeemer, those of the Scribes and Pharisees from
Jerusalem were tinged with the intensest virulence and hostility. The
miraculous cure of a deaf and dumb demoniac (Mtt. xii. 22) caused the
greatest astonishment amongst the multitudes, and roused the enquiry
whether this was not the Messiah, the son of David (Mtt. xii. 23).
Resolved to check their enthusiasm, the Pharisaic faction openly
declared that the Saviour owed His authority over the inferior demons
to a secret compact with Beelzebub, the prince of the powers of
darkness (Mk. iii. 22). Such a fearful charge, which ascribed to the
influence of the Author of Evil works of beneficence and divine power,
brought down upon those who urged it a terrible reply. The Saviour’s
acts, they were reminded, were those of purest beneficence, while evil
spirits took a malignant pleasure in the miseries of men. Could it be
believed that Satan would allow his kingdom thus to be divided, that
he would cast out those who were only accomplishing his will? Such
an ascription of works of purest mercy to the energy of the Prince of
Darkness, was an outward expression of an inward hatred of all that
was good and Divine, and bordered closely on a terrible climax of sin,
incapable of forgiveness either in this world or the world to come,
even sin against the Holy Ghost (Mtt. xii. 24–37; Mk. iii. 22–30; Lk.
xi. 17–23).
In the afternoon or evening of the day on which these solemn warnings
were uttered, the Lord went down to the shores of the Lake (Mtt.
xiii. 1; Mk. iv. 1), followed by a great multitude from all the towns
round about. So numerous, indeed, were the crowds which gathered
around Him, that, for the sake of more conveniently addressing them,
He entered into one of the fishing-vessels, and sitting there a
little distance from the water’s edge, addressed them in a series
of parables[317] illustrative of the growth and extension of His
kingdom――_the Sower_ (Mtt. xiii. 3–9; Mk. iv. 3–9; Lk. viii. 4–15);
_the Wheat and the Tares_ (Mtt. xiii. 24–30); _the Seed growing
secretly_ (Mk. iv. 26–29); _the grain of Mustard-seed_ (Mtt. xiii.
31–33; Mk. iv. 30–32; Lk. xiii. 18–21); _the Hid Treasure_ (Mtt.
xiii. 44); _the Merchant and the Pearl_ (Mtt. xiii. 45, 46); _the
Draw-net_ (Mtt. xiii. 47–50).
Later in the evening He requested of His disciples that they would
push across the lake towards the Eastern shore; on which, they took
Him _as He was_ (Mk. iv. 36), _i.e._ without any preparations for the
voyage, and made for the opposite coast. Wearied with the toils of that
long and exhausting day He fell asleep on a cushion in the stern, when
suddenly from one of the deep clefts in the surrounding hills a violent
storm of wind[318] (Mk. iv. 37; Lk. viii. 23) burst upon the surface
of the lake, lashed it into waves (Mk. iv. 37), which almost hid the
little vessel (Mtt. viii. 24), and threatened to sink it to the bottom.
Terror-stricken at the sudden tempest, the Apostles hastily awoke Him,
and implored His aid, lest they should perish, whereupon He arose,
_rebuked the wind_ and the surging waters, and instantly _there was a
great calm_ (Mtt. viii. 26; Mk. iv. 39), amidst which they reached next
morning the other side, deeply wondering at the power of their Master,
which could reduce even the winds and the sea to obedience to His word.
In the country of the Gadarenes[319], where they now arrived, a fearful
spectacle awaited them. Amongst the tombs, which existed, and can even
now be traced in more than one of the ravines on the Eastern side of
the lake, dwelt two demoniacs. The more notable or fiercer of the two
was possessed of such extraordinary muscular strength that all efforts
to bind and restrain him had proved ineffectual, and the chains and
fetters, with which he had at times been secured, had been broken and
crushed, nor had any been able to tame him (Mk. v. 4). Fleeing from
the fellowship of his kind (Lk. viii. 27), he had for a long time taken
up his dwelling in the tombs, and there in the paroxysms of his misery
he often cried out and cut himself with stones (Mk. v. 5), and so
terrified all travellers, that they dared not _pass by that way_ (Mtt.
viii. 28).
Such was the miserable being, who now in company with his companion,
without any garment to cover him (Lk. viii. 27), issued from his lonely
abode, and seeing the Saviour afar off (Mk. v. 6) ran and fell down
before Him crying out _What have I to do with Thee, Jesus, Thou Son of
the most high God? I adjure Thee by God that Thou torment me not_ (Mk.
v. 7; Lk. viii. 28).
Resolved in His infinite mercy to rid him of the terrible spirit that
possessed him, the Great Physician enquired his name. Thereupon he
replied, _My name is Legion, for we are many_, comparing the cruel and
inexorable powers that mastered him to the “thick and serried ranks
of a Roman legion, that fearful instrument of oppression, that sign of
terror and fear to the conquered nations[320].”
Sensible that they were in the presence of the Lord of the spirit-world,
the demons possessing him besought the Holy One that He would not drive
them out of the country (Mk. v. 10), or send them into the Abyss of
Hell[321], the abode of the lost (Lk. viii. 31), but suffer them to
enter into a herd of swine (Mk. v. 12; Mtt. viii. 31), which numbering
nearly 2000 was feeding close at hand (Mk. v. 13). The Saviour gave
the required permission, and the whole herd rushing wildly down the
cliff[322] into the lake were choked and destroyed.
Such a remarkable incident paralysed the keepers of the herd with
fear, and straightway flying to the city, they recounted all that
had occurred, as also the marvellous change, which had come over
the terrible demoniac. Their report brought out wellnigh all the
inhabitants (Mtt. viii. 34), and though in the man, probably a
fellow-citizen[323], who _sat at the feet of Jesus, clothed, and in his
right mind_ (Mk. v. 15), they saw a proof of the superhuman power of
his Deliverer, they yet besought Him to depart from their neighbourhood.
Thereupon the Saviour, taking them at their word, turned towards the
lake, and was in the act of stepping into the boat (Mk. v. 18), when
the healed man prayed that he might be allowed to accompany Him. But
this the Holy One did not see fit to concede, and bade the man return
to his friends, and recount to them what great things the Lord had
done to him. On which the other went his way, proclaiming throughout
the region of Decapolis[324] the story of his wonderful deliverance,
himself a witness and a standing monument of the Saviour’s grace and
power.
CHAPTER III.
_MIRACLES AT CAPERNAUM――DEATH OF THE BAPTIST._
A.D. 29.
IMMEDIATELY after this miracle the Lord crossed over to the western
shore of the lake (Mk. v. 21), where a great multitude was awaiting
Him, and amongst them one of the prefects of the synagogue, probably
of Capernaum, whose name was Jairus. Falling down before His feet, he
earnestly besought Him to come to his house, and lay His hands upon
_his little daughter_, who was at the point of death. Thereupon the
ever compassionate Redeemer arose and followed him, accompanied by His
disciples, and a curious and eager crowd.
Amongst the rest, who thus followed and pressed upon Him, was a woman,
that had laboured for upwards of twelve years under an issue of blood,
which all the efforts of many physicians had proved powerless to
asswage. Believing that, if she could but touch His clothes, she would
be made whole, she now came behind, and touched the hem or blue fringe
on the border of His garment. No sooner had she done so, than she
felt within herself that the long wished-for cure had at length been
accomplished. The fountain of her blood was stanched, and she was
healed. But she was not to bear away the boon thus totally unobserved.
Perceiving that power had gone out of Him, and turning round amidst the
crowd, the Saviour enquired who had touched Him? The Apostles, with
Peter at their head, would have put the enquiry aside, but the Saviour
repeated it, and then the woman, trembling and alarmed, came and fell
down before Him, confessed all that she had done, and was gladdened by
the cheering words, _Daughter, be of good cheer, thy faith hath saved
thee go in peace_ (Mk. v. 34; Lk. viii. 48).
Meanwhile, though the delay must have been a sore trial to Jairus,
“now when every moment was precious, when death was shaking the last
few sands in the hour-glass of his daughter’s life[325],” he betrayed
no signs of impatience at a boon so readily bestowed upon another. But
at this juncture his faith was still more put to the proof. Messengers
arrived informing him that the worst was over, and that his daughter
was already dead, and suggesting that he should no further trouble the
Master. Overhearing the announcement (Mk. v. 36), the Holy One bade
him not be afraid, but only believe, and hastened towards his house.
Entering it, accompanied only by Peter, James, and John, and the father
and mother of the maiden, He advanced into the chamber of death, where
He found a number of hired mourners weeping and wailing with all the
boisterous and turbulent symbols of Oriental grief. Putting them forth,
while they laughed to scorn His announcement that the damsel was not
dead but only asleep, He went forward to the bed, and said, _Talitha
Cumi_, “Maid, arise.” Instantly His word was obeyed. The spirit of the
maiden came to her again, and she arose straightway, and began to walk,
while “at once to strengthen that life which was come back to her,
and to prove that she was indeed no ghost, but had returned to the
realities of a mortal existence, _He commanded to give her meat_[326]”
(Mk. v. 43).
Soon afterwards, accompanied by His disciples, He left Capernaum, and
for the second time appeared on a Sabbath in the synagogue of His own
town of Nazareth (Mk. vi. 2; Mtt. xiii. 54). The conduct of His hearers
on this occasion did not betray the frantic violence they exhibited
during His previous visit. The miraculous works wrought by His hands,
of which they must have heard, could not be gainsaid, and the wondrous
wisdom with which He spake filled them with astonishment (Mtt. xiii. 54;
Mk. vi. 2). But again their minds recurred to the thought of His lowly
origin, to the fact that He was the son of a carpenter, that his family
connections were well known to them, and living in their midst (Mk. vi.
3; Mtt. xiii. 55). Stumbling at this rock of offence (Mtt. xiii. 57)
they still refused to believe in Him, and the Lord Himself _marvelling
at their unbelief_ (Mk. vi. 6), confined His designs of mercy to laying
His hands on _a few sick folk_ (Mk. vi. 5), who felt the influence of
that Divine touch and were healed.
On the morrow He and His disciples set out on another circuit
amongst the towns and villages of Galilee (Mtt. ix. 35–38; Mk. vi. 6),
preaching the glad tidings of the Kingdom, and healing the sick. Great
multitudes from that thickly-peopled district followed Him, and deeply
moved to see them scattered _like sheep without a shepherd_ (Mtt. ix.
36), He said to His disciples that _the harvest truly was plenteous,
while the labourers were few_, and calling the Apostles to Him (Mtt. x.
1; Mk. vi. 7; Lk. ix. 1), formally bestowed on them power over unclean
spirits, and the ability to heal diseases, and sent them forth two and
two with instructions not to enter into any heathen or Samaritan city
(Mtt. x. 5), but to proclaim to the _lost sheep of the house of Israel_
the near approach of the Kingdom of Heaven. Accordingly they went
forth and preached in the various towns and villages the message
of repentance, casting out demons, and healing the sick, and at the
conclusion of this trial of their powers, returned to their Master,
probably at Capernaum (Mk. vi. 30; Lk. ix. 10).
Meanwhile important events occurred in the gloomy prison, where John
the Baptist was confined. The anger he had excited in the breast of
Herodias by his outspoken denunciation of her sin, never slumbered or
slept. She constantly kept her eye upon him, and would have put him
out of the way without scruple, but Herod, though there was little from
which he would shrink, dared not lay hands on one so venerated by the
people, and whose exhortations he himself was not above listening to
and in some respects obeying (Mk. vi. 20).
At length an opportunity for gratifying her revenge presented itself,
which she instantly embraced. Herod’s birthday[327] came round, which,
like a true Herod, conforming in this as in other things to Roman
customs, he kept probably at Machærus, with feasting and revelry,
surrounded by the petty chiefs and grandees of Galilee, the lords of
his court, and the officers of his camp (Mk. vi. 21). During the feast
the youthful Salome, the daughter of Herodias, entered the banqueting
hall, and danced before the riotous company. So delighted were the
guests, and especially Herod, with the brilliancy of her movements,
that in the delirium of his admiration, he promised her anything,
everything _even to the half of his kingdom_, and ratified his word
with the royal oath.
The maiden departed, and consulted with her mother. Herodias saw that
at last her hour was come, that at length the long-desired vengeance
was within her grasp. No jewelled trinket, no royal palace, or splendid
robe should be the reward of her daughter’s feat; _Ask_, said she, _for
John Baptist’s head in a charger_ (Mtt. xiv. 8; Mk. vi. 24), _i.e._ on
one of the dishes on which the fruits and viands of the table had been
served. Forthwith (Mk. vi. 25), as though not a moment was to be lost,
Salome returned, and named her price to the assembled company.
Herod’s brow instantly fell. Even amidst the delirium of that riotous
hour he was _exceeding sorry_ (Mk. vi. 26) for the brave preacher,
whose words he had so often listened to, and for whom he entertained
much reverence. But he had promised, and ratified the promise with an
oath. The captains and great lords, who had heard him swear, sat round
the festive board, and none in that riotous company would say a word
for the friendless prophet. So the word was given, and an officer was
bidden to seek out the Baptist’s dungeon and bring the reward which the
maiden claimed. He went, and executed his command, and Salome bore the
bleeding head to her mother (Mk. vi. 28).
Before long the news of their master’s death became known to the
disciples of the Baptist, and having consigned his headless body to
the grave (Mtt. xiv. 12; Mk. vi. 29), they went and recounted all that
had occurred to the Saviour (Mtt. xiv. 12), whom they appear to have
found in or near Capernaum (Mtt. xiv. 13; Mk. vi. 30; Lk. ix. 10). On
receiving these sad tidings respecting His Forerunner, the Lord left
the place with His Apostles, who had just returned from their tentative
mission, and crossing the lake of Gennesaret (Mtt. xiv. 13), sought the
neighbourhood of Bethsaida-Julias[328] (Lk. ix. 10).
Meanwhile the news of the Baptist’s death excited much consternation
amongst the Jews[329], who all regarded him as a prophet (Mtt. xiv. 5),
and Herod’s conscience allowed him little rest after the cruel murder.
Returning to Galilee[330], he received intelligence, probably from
those who had witnessed the mission of the Twelve, of the wonderful
works of the Prophet of Nazareth (Mtt. xiv. 1; Mk. vi. 14; Lk. ix. 7).
Perplexed at the appearance of a new Teacher he enquired who this
could be, and received different answers. Some said He was the awful
Elias, whose coming had been so often predicted; others that He _was
a prophet, or as one of the prophets_ (Mk. vi. 15). But the uneasy
and superstitious king could not be satisfied with these replies, and
declared Him to be none other than _the Baptist risen from the dead_
(Mk. vi. 16), come back to haunt his footsteps, and reproach him with
his crimes. All that he heard awakened in him a desire to see the new
Teacher, and destined he was to see Him, but not now (Lk. ix. 9).
PART V.
FROM THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST TO THE VISIT OF THE SAVIOUR
TO JERUSALEM AT THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES.
CHAPTER I.
_THE FEEDING OF THE FIVE THOUSAND, AND THE WALKING ON THE LAKE._
A.D. 29.
AT this time the Passover, the second Passover, as seems most probable,
during the Saviour’s public ministry, drew nigh (Jn. vi. 4), but on
this occasion He does not appear to have gone up to Jerusalem, where
the determined hostility of the ruling powers rendered any further
activity dangerous, at least for the present.
It was probably, to commune in retirement with the Twelve, and to
afford them a season of comparative rest after their late labours, that
the Lord now sought the neighbourhood of Bethsaida-Julias (Mk. vi. 31).
But the numbers moving about the country in consequence of the near
approach of the great Festival, who came on foot from all the towns
round about to see and hear Him (Mtt. xiv. 13; Mk. vi. 32; Lk. ix. 11),
rendered the desired solitude impossible. The sight, moreover, of these
multitudes _scattered as sheep without a shepherd_ (Mk. vi. 34), again
roused His deepest compassion, and He not only _taught them many things
concerning the Kingdom_ of God, and healed those amongst them that were
afflicted with various diseases (Mtt. xiv. 14), but was moved on this
occasion to minister still further to their temporal necessities.
Accordingly at a somewhat early period, as it would seem, in the
afternoon[331], He enquired of the Apostle Philip where bread might be
bought to satisfy the hunger of the multitudes (Jn. vi. 5). Though _He
Himself knew what He would do_, He put this question to prove the trust
of the Apostle. But Philip, thinking of no other supplies save such
as natural means could procure, replied that _two hundred pence_ (or
rather _denarii_) would not be sufficient to procure sustenance for
such a number (Jn. vi. 7). Having thus obtained from his own mouth a
confession of the inability of all human power to satisfy the present
need, the Holy One left “the difficulty and perplexity to work in his
mind and the minds of the Apostles[332],” and thus prepare them for
what He was about to do.
As the evening, however, drew on (Mtt. xiv. 15; Lk. ix. 12)
the disciples approached Him, and drawing His attention to the
desert[333] character of the locality, proposed that He should send
away the multitudes, in order that they might seek refreshment in the
neighbouring towns and villages. To this He replied that _they need not
depart_ (Mtt. xiv. 16), and bade _them_ supply their needs, and when,
reiterating the assertion[334] of Philip, they declared how impossible
it was to do such a thing, He sent them to see what supplies they
had. Returning they informed Him that from a lad in their company they
had been enabled to procure _five barley loaves and two small fishes_
(Jn. vi. 9), and were thereupon bidden to marshal the multitudes _in
companies_[335] amid the green grass of the rich plain around. This
done, He took the loaves and the two fishes and _looking up to heaven
He blessed_, and brake, and gave of the food to the Apostles, who in
their turn distributed to the different groups, till _they did all eat
and were filled_. When the wondrous meal was over, the Holy One, who,
as the Lord of nature, ever “makes the most prodigal bounty go hand in
hand with the nicest and truest economy,” bade the disciples _gather
up the fragments that remained, that nothing might be lost_, and though
5000 men _besides women and children_ (Mtt. xiv. 21) had eaten and been
satisfied, yet they took up twelve baskets full of fragments that still
remained over and above (Mtt. xiv. 20; Mk. vi. 43; Jn. vi. 13).
The impression made upon the people by this miracle was profound. It
was the popular expectation that the Messiah would repeat the miracles
of Moses[336], and this “bread of wonder,” of which they had partaken,
vividly recalled to the minds of the multitude their great Lawgiver,
who had given their fathers manna in the wilderness. They were
convinced, therefore, that the Holy One was none other than the Prophet,
of whom Moses had spoken (Deut. xviii. 15), and in this conviction
would have taken _Him by force and made Him a king_ (Jn. vi. 14,15).
To defeat this their intention, the Saviour bade His Apostles take ship
and cross over to Bethsaida[337] (Mk. vi. 45), on the other side of the
lake, while He dismissed the multitudes. Having done so, He ascended
to a point in the neighbouring mountain-range, and there continued
in solitary communion with His Heavenly Father till near the fourth
watch[338] of the night (Mtt. xiv. 23–25; Mk. vi. 46).
Meanwhile the Apostles had rowed about 25 or 30 furlongs[339] (Jn.
vi. 19), when one of those sudden storms of wind to which the lake
is subject, rushed down from the western mountains, and lashing the
usually placid surface into waves (Mtt. xiv. 24) prevented them making
their way towards Capernaum, and exposed them to imminent peril. At
this moment, to add to their fears, they discerned amidst the darkness
(Mk. vi. 50) a Figure walking on the water and approaching their vessel.
Thinking it could be nothing but a Phantom, they cried out in their
terror, when a well-known Voice was heard saying _It is I, be not
afraid_. Thereupon the ardent, impetuous Peter replied, _Lord, if it
be Thou, bid me come unto Thee on the water_. The rejoinder was _Come_;
and so descending from the vessel (Mtt. xiv. 29) amidst the darkness
and howling wind the Apostle made some little way towards his Lord. But
soon the wind roared (Mtt. xiv. 30) and the waters raged, and his heart
failed him, and beginning to sink he cried, _Lord, save me_. Thereupon
Jesus _stretched forth His hand and caught him_, and gently rebuking
him for his want of faith took him with Him into the ship, which amidst
the calm that now stilled the waves, quickly reached the harbour of
Capernaum, while the Apostles, _amazed beyond measure_ (Mk. vi. 51),
worshipped Him, saying, _Truly Thou art the Son of God_ (Mtt. xiv. 33).
CHAPTER II.
_THE DISCOURSE IN THE SYNAGOGUE OF CAPERNAUM._
A.D. 29.
THE fact of the Saviour’s presence on the western side of the lake was
soon spread abroad amongst the people (Mk. vi. 54), and, as so often
before, they brought their sick, who experienced the effects of the
healing word (Mtt. xiv. 36). Meanwhile many of the five thousand, who
on the previous evening had witnessed the marvellous multiplication
of the loaves, not finding the Lord on the eastern side of the lake,
had taken ship[340] and crossed over to Capernaum _seeking Him_ (Jn.
vi. 24). Knowing that He had not embarked with His disciples after
the miracle, they wondered how He had crossed over, and finding Him in
the Synagogue of Capernaum (Jn. vi. 59) eagerly questioned Him on the
subject.
But, as in the case of Nicodemus, the Holy One was not pleased to
vouchsafe a direct answer to their question. He knew the superficial
character of their enthusiasm, and the merely temporal objects that had
brought them to Him; _Verily, verily, I say unto you_, He replied, _ye
seek Me, not because ye saw the miracles, but because ye did eat of the
loaves and were filled. Labour not for the meat which perisheth, but
for the meat which endureth unto everlasting life, which the Son of Man
shall give unto you, for Him hath God the Father sealed._ Apparently
understanding the Bread He spoke of in a literal sense, they replied by
asking _how they might work the works of God_, whereupon the Holy One
declared that the work acceptable to God was _to believe on Him whom He
had sent_ (Jn. vi. 29). To this they rejoined, with their usual craving
for miracle after miracle, by asking for some sign to confirm their
belief in Him, and then proceeded to suggest “a sign from heaven” such
as they desired. The miracle of the preceding evening had convinced
many of them that the Speaker was indeed the Prophet _that should come
into the world_, and whose Advent had been predicted by Moses. That
Lawgiver had given them bread from heaven not once only, but during
a space of forty years; could He give them such a sign from heaven?
In condescension to the associations they had themselves recalled, the
Saviour replied that Moses had not given them the bread from heaven,
but His Father was giving them the true Bread, even HIM _who cometh
down from heaven, and giveth life unto the world_ (Jn. vi. 33). Still
understanding Him to speak of some miraculous life-sustaining food, the
Jews begged that He would _evermore give them that Bread_, whereupon,
passing from indirect to direct assertions, He replied in the
ever-memorable words,
_I am the Bread of Life_;
and in language majestic in its very simplicity proceeded to vindicate
His Divine nature and His descent from heaven.
This last assertion gave great offence to His hearers; they called to
mind the earthly parentage of the Speaker (Jn. vi. 42), and marvelled
how He could claim a Divine origin. But, unmoved, unruffled by their
increasing discontent, whether “they would hear or whether they would
forbear,” He went on to repeat that He was the Bread from heaven, that
the Bread He would give was _His flesh_, which He was about _to give
for the life of the world_ (Jn. vi. 47–51).
These mysterious words provoked still greater opposition on the part
of the Jews; they _strove with one another, saying, How can this man
give us His flesh to eat?_ But their opposition and questionings moved
not His calm majesty. With the same formula of solemnity, which He had
already thrice used[341] (Jn. vi. 53), He resumed in language still
more emphatic His assertion, that unless they _ate the flesh of the Son
of Man, and drank His blood, they could have no life in them――that His
Flesh was meat indeed, and His Blood drink indeed――that whoso ate His
Flesh and drank His Blood had eternal life, and He would raise him up
at the last day_ (Jn. vi. 53–58).
These solemn words, so entirely in keeping with the associations of
the Passover, now on the point of being[342] celebrated at Jerusalem,
exerted a great influence on those who heard them. The Jews, as we have
seen, were deeply offended. But many even of His disciples regarded
what they had heard as a _hard saying_ (Jn. vi. 60), and walked no
more with Him (Jn. vi. 66). Turning to the Twelve, the Saviour enquired
whether they too were about to join the general defection, whereupon
Peter replied, in the name of the rest, that there was no other Teacher
to whom they could go, for He had the words of eternal life, and they
believed and were assured that He was the _Holy One[343] of God_ (Jn.
vi. 69). This declaration of faithful adherence their Omnipotent Master
accepted, but with the sad remark that even now there was a traitor in
their midst (Jn. vi. 70, 71).
After this memorable day in the synagogue of Capernaum, the Holy One
appears to have continued a short time in the Plain of Gennesaret,
during which period the excitement caused by His first landing was not
diminished, His popularity was great in spite of the mysteriousness
of His doctrines, and His mighty power continued to be marvellously
displayed[344].
But soon His labours of love were interrupted. Having kept the Feast
at Jerusalem the Scribes and Pharisees returned (Mk. vii. 1), and soon
found matter for accusation against Him. In the social gatherings of
the Saviour and His Apostles they noticed that He did not observe the
strict and minute traditions of the elders, but ate bread with unwashen
hands (Mtt. xv. 2; Mk. vii. 5). In reply the Holy One told them that by
those _commandments of men_ which they so studiously observed they were
making of none effect the commandments of God, whom, in the words of
the prophet Isaiah, _they honoured only with their lips, while their
hearts were far from Him_ (Isai. xxix. 13). The external defilement
they were so careful to avoid was, He declared in the hearing of the
people (Mk. vii. 14), nothing compared with the defilement of the heart,
out of which proceeded all manner of evil thoughts, which ripened into
the worst crimes――these truly defiled a man (Mtt. xv. 13–22).
The severity with which He thus, in the presence of the people,
rebuked the rulers of the nation for a hypocritical observance of
vain traditions, roused to a still greater height the animosity of
the Pharisaic faction (Mtt. xv. 12). Knowing that He could not now
shew Himself openly without being exposed to their machinations[345],
the Lord passed north-west through the mountains of upper Galilee,
and thence into the border-land of Tyre and Sidon (Mtt. xv. 21; Mk.
vii. 24). Here He _entered into a house, and would have no man know
it_ (Mk. vii. 24). But the rest and seclusion He sought were not to be
found. A Syrophœnician[346] woman crossed the frontier (Mk. vii. 25),
and earnestly besought His aid in behalf of her daughter, who was
grievously afflicted with a demon. At first it seemed as though she had
come in vain. But in spite of silence (Mtt. xv. 23), refusal (Mtt. xv.
24), and seeming reproach (Mtt. xv. 26), she persevered in her petition,
and at length, when the trial of her faith was ended, she obtained that
which she had sought so earnestly, and with the encouraging assurance
that though a descendant of ancient idolaters, her faith was great
(Mtt. xv. 28), and that her daughter was made whole, returned to the
place whence she came forth.
After a short stay in this region, the Saviour proceeded northwards,
still nearer, as it would seem, to pagan Sidon[347], and thence passing
round the sources of the Jordan and in a south-easterly circuit through
Decapolis (Mk. vii. 31), to the further shore of the sea of Gennesaret.
In this region His merciful aid was besought in behalf of a deaf
and dumb[348] man (Mk. vii. 32), whom He withdrew from the throng of
bystanders (Mk. vii. 33), and after using special outward signs[349]
gradually restored to the full possession of his faculties, charging
the multitudes to preserve a strict silence respecting the miracle (Mk.
vii. 36). This injunction, however, was not obeyed, for the spectators
spread abroad the news far and wide (Mk. vii. 36), and the effect was
that many who were _lame, blind, dumb, maimed_ (Mtt. xv. 30), were
brought to Him, and experienced the beneficent results of the healing
word.
CHAPTER III.
_THE FOUR THOUSAND FED――THE CONFESSION OF ST PETER._
A.D. 29.
THE effect of these miraculous cures on the inhabitants of the
half-pagan district of Decapolis was very great, and they confessed
that the God who had chosen Israel was indeed above all gods[350]
(Mtt. xv. 31). Before long, therefore, a great multitude, amounting to
upwards of four thousand besides women and children (Mtt. xv. 38), were
collected from the neighbouring region, and continued with the Lord
three days (Mtt. xv. 32), beholding His works and listening to His
words.
They had not, like the multitude earlier in the year, assembled for the
purpose of going up to Jerusalem to keep the Passover, and their scanty
provisions failing them, could only retire to their mountain-homes
through the passes by which they had followed the Lord[351]. The
compassionate Redeemer had no wish that they should return only _to
faint by the way_ (Mk. viii. 3), and enquired of the disciples how
many loaves they had with them. To this they replied, _Seven, and a
few small fishes_ (Mtt. xv. 34), and were thereupon commanded to make
the men sit down[352], when their scanty supply in the hands of Him,
who was the true Bread from heaven, proved sufficient for the hungry
multitude: they did eat and were filled, _and took up of the broken
meat that was left seven baskets[353] full_ (Mtt. xv. 37).
Having dismissed the recipients of His bounty, the Lord immediately
entered with His disciples into a ship[354], and crossed over,
according to St Matthew, _into the coasts of Magdala_[355] (xv. 39),
according to St Mark, _into the parts of Dalmanutha_[356] (viii. 10), a
village close by. Here, however, His stay was of no long duration, for
certain Pharisees, now for the first time combined with the Sadducees,
approached (Mtt. xvi. 1) with a demand that He would shew them _a sign
from heaven_. This request, already twice preferred[357], and now urged
in explicit terms, He, who knew the hearts of those who claimed it,
would not gratify. _Sighing deeply in His spirit_ (Mk. viii. 12), and
grieved at their continued unbelief, He denounced them as hypocrites,
who could _discern the face of the sky_, but not _discern the signs
of the times_ (Mtt. xvi. 3), and refusing to give them any other sign
than that of _the prophet Jonah_ (Mtt. xvi. 4), straightway entered
the vessel, in which He had come (Mk. viii. 13), and made for the other
side.
Warning His disciples during the voyage against the leaven of the
Pharisees and the Sadducees (Mtt. xvi. 5–12; Mk. viii. 14–21),
he reached the eastern shore of the lake and the neighbourhood of
Bethsaida-Julias (Mk. viii. 22). Here a blind man was brought to Him,
with a petition that He would touch him. Taking him, like the deaf and
dumb man spoken of above, outside the village, the Lord anointed his
eyes with the moisture from His own mouth, and laying His hands upon
him enquired whether he saw aught? To this the sufferer looking up
replied that he _saw men, as trees, walking_ (Mk. viii. 24). Thereupon
the Redeemer laid His hands again upon his eyes, and his sight was
completely restored.
From Bethsaida, accompanied by His Apostles, He now set out in
a northerly direction, and travelling along the eastern banks of
the Jordan and beyond the waters of Merom, reached the confines
or _the villages_ (Mk. viii. 27) of Cæsarea Philippi[358]. In this
neighbourhood, on one occasion, the Apostles found their Master engaged
in solitary prayer (Lk. ix. 18), a solemn and significant action,
the precursor of not a few important events[359], as now of a deeply
momentous revelation. For as they resumed their journey, He addressed
to them the formal enquiry, _Whom do men say that I am_?
This was not an ordinary question. He was speaking to those who had now
for some time been His constant companions, hearers of His words, and
spectators of the signs which accompanied them. He seems to have wished
to ascertain from their own lips the results of those labours, which
now, in one sense, were drawing to a close, and thence to pass on to
other and more painful truths, which He had to communicate to them[360].
To this enquiry, then, the Apostles replied in words that reflected
the various opinions then held amongst the people; _Some say John the
Baptist, others Elias, others Jeremias, or one of the prophets_ (Mtt.
xvi. 14; Mk. viii. 28; Lk. ix. 19). _But_, continued the Holy One,
_whom say ye that I am_? To this the Apostle Peter, speaking in the
name of the rest, made the ever-memorable reply, _Thou art the Christ,
the Son of the living God_ (Mtt. xvi. 16).
The object for which the question had been put was now partly achieved.
By the mouth of one of their number the Apostles had expressed the
conclusion, to which they had come after so long enjoying the society
of their Master, that He was no other than the Messiah, the Son of
God. This their testimony He accepted; acknowledged the truth of the
Apostle’s confession; declared that it had not been revealed to him _by
flesh and blood, but by His Father in heaven_; and bestowed upon him
the promise of peculiar dignity in the Church He was about to establish
(Mtt. xvi. 18, 19).
But now, having, as three Evangelists distinctly tell us (Mtt. xvi. 20;
Mk. viii. 30; Lk. ix. 21), charged them strictly not to divulge the
fact of His Messiahship to the world at large, He began to reveal to
them strange and mournful tidings respecting Himself. _The Son of Man_,
He declared, _must go up to Jerusalem, and there suffer many things
from the elders, chief priests, and scribes, and be put to death, and
after three days rise again_. This was the first announcement, clear,
distinct, peremptory of what lay before Him (Mk. viii. 32), revealing
not only that He should suffer, but the agents in His sufferings, the
form they would take, the place where He would undergo them, and their
issue, a mysterious resurrection after three days. To the Apostles the
announcement sounded utterly strange and inconceivable. The selfsame
Peter, who, a moment before, had witnessed so noble and outspoken a
confession to his Lord’s Divinity, was utterly unable even to endure
the thought of His suffering. _That be far from Thee, Lord_, was his
indignant reply. But with a solemn rebuke the Holy One checked his
untimely expostulations, which savoured of the weakness of flesh and
blood, not of holy obedience to a heavenly Father’s will. Nay more, as
if to seal the words He had uttered in the presence of many witnesses,
He called to Him some of the people that were standing near (Mk.
viii. 34), and in their hearing, as well as that of the Apostles,
bade any who would come after Him, _take up his Cross_ and follow Him,
for through the gate of suffering lay the road to Glory, not only for
Himself, but for all His followers (Mtt. xvi. 24; Mk. viii. 34; Lk.
ix. 23).
CHAPTER IV.
_THE TRANSFIGURATION――THE LUNATIC CHILD._
A.D. 29.
AFTER the announcement we have just considered, the teaching of
the Lord as addressed to His disciples assumed a new character. The
mysterious close of His life had been already[361] more than once
hinted at in figures or parables, but now He began gradually, as they
were able to bear it, to speak clearly and openly of His death and
rejection by the Jews. So far from establishing any earthly kingdom
such as they expected, in which they might occupy distinguished places,
He proceeded from this time to intimate in precise and distinct
language how very different was the end that really awaited Him.
To the Apostles, who indulged to the close in dreams of a reign like
that of earthly kings, these intimations of their Master sounded
strange and unaccountable. To cheer, therefore, their wounded spirits,
to enable them in some measure to comprehend the supernatural character
of His kingdom, the Holy One was pleased to assure them that there were
_some standing there_, who should not _taste of death till they had
seen_, in spite of the sad announcement He had just made, _the Son of
Man coming in His kingdom_ (Mtt. xvi. 28; comp. Mk. ix. 1; Lk. ix. 27).
Accordingly six days afterwards, with three of the most privileged
of their number, who had already in the chamber of Jairus witnessed
their Master’s power over death[362], He retired to one of the numerous
mountain-ranges in the neighbourhood, not improbably one of the summits
of Hermon[363]. From St Luke’s intimation that one object of His own
withdrawal was that He might engage in solitary prayer (Lk. ix. 28),
and that the three Apostles were wearied and oppressed by sleep (Lk.
ix. 32), we infer that evening was the time of this retirement of
the Holy One, the close, it may be, of a long day spent in going
about doing good. While, then, they slept and He continued engaged
in prayer, a marvellous change came over His person (Lk. ix. 29). His
raiment suddenly became shining, _exceeding white as snow, the fashion_
also _of His countenance_ was altered, _and shone like the sun_ (Mtt.
xvii. 2; Mk. ix. 3; Lk. ix. 29).
Roused at length by the supernatural brightness around them, the
Chosen Three awoke[364], and shaking off their slumbers, perceived not
only the mysterious change that had come over their Master, but also
that He was no longer alone! He was accompanied by _two men_, in whom
they were enabled to recognize no others than the great pillars and
representatives of the Old Testament dispensation, _Moses and Elias_.
Nor did they only see their transfigured Lord attended by these strange
visitants from the world of spirits, but they were privileged to
overhear the subject of their mutual converse. _They spake of_, or
described[365], _the decease He was about to accomplish at Jerusalem_
(Lk. ix. 31).
Upon the ardent, impulsive Peter it was the scene itself, and not
the topic of mysterious converse he overheard, that made the most
impression. To him it seemed as though the kingdom of heaven was indeed
“revealed in power.” In the excitement of the moment he would have made
three tabernacles, one for his Lord, one for Moses, and one for Elias,
in order that from thence the laws of the kingdom might be promulgated,
and all men might recognise the true Messiah attended by the Pillars
of the old Economy. But it was not to be. While he was yet speaking
there came a cloud overshadowing them, and out of it there came a Voice,
saying, _This is My Beloved Son, hear ye Him_. And then all was over.
While the Apostles lay panic-stricken on their faces, their Master once
more joined them, and bade them _rise and not be afraid_, and, as they
descended from the Mount, He charged them to reveal to no man what they
had seen, _till_ (again the mysterious words recurred) _He should have
risen from the dead_ (Mtt. xvii. 9; Mk. ix. 9).
Rejoining the rest of their fellow-Apostles, the Chosen Three found
them surrounded by a great crowd, amongst which were certain of the
Lord’s old adversaries, the Scribes, not unwilling witnesses of a
defeat which His disciples had sustained. During their Master’s absence
a man had besought their aid in behalf of his son, who was possessed
with an evil spirit of peculiar malignity. But he had besought their
aid in vain. The Nine had been unable to expel the demon, and the
Scribes, making the most of their discomfiture, were eagerly disputing
with them (Mk. ix. 14), and doubtless “arguing from the impotence of
the servants to the impotence of the Master[366],” when He suddenly
appeared, bearing, it would seem, on His face and person traces of
the celestial glory of the past night. _Greatly amazed_ (Mk. ix. 15)
at His appearance, the multitude no sooner saw Him, than they _ran to
Him and saluted Him_ (Mk. ix. 15), and as He was asking of the Scribes
the reason of their dispute with His disciples, the father drew near,
related what had occurred, and the terrible condition of his only son
(Lk. ix. 38). Possessed he had been for a long time with a dumb spirit
(Mk. ix. 17), but at times it seized him with such violence, that he
_foamed and gnashed with his teeth_ (Mk. ix. 18), or was driven with
almost irresistible impulse into the water and into the fire (Mtt.
xvii. 15).
With a sad rebuke of the faithlessness of the generation in which He
lived, the Lord commanded the boy to be brought into His presence. He
was brought, but no sooner did he see the Saviour (Mk. ix. 20), than
he was seized with one of those sudden paroxysms, which the father
had described, and falling on the ground, he _wallowed foaming_ at
the mouth (Mk. ix. 20). On beholding the miserable sufferer, the Lord
enquired of his father how long he had been in this case. To this
the other replied that it dated from his childhood (Mk. ix. 21), and
described the terrible nature of the fits which came upon him, ending
with a touching request, that if He could do anything, He would have
compassion on him, and help him. _All things are possible_, said the
Holy One, _to him that believeth_. _Lord, I believe_, replied the
agonized father, _help Thou mine unbelief_ (Mk. ix. 23, 24), and his
faith, though but a little spark, was rewarded. Addressing the demon
in words of solemn and conscious authority the Holy One commanded him
to leave the child and _enter him no more_ (Mk. ix. 25), and the foul
spirit, unable to resist the word of power, uttering a piercing cry and
rending the sufferer with one last convulsive paroxysm (Mk. ix. 26),
left him lying on the ground, to all appearance dead. But his merciful
Healer took him by the hand, and, invigorated by that touch, he rose up,
and was restored to his rejoicing father (Lk. ix. 42).
CHAPTER V.
_THE COIN IN THE FISH’S MOUTH――TOUR THROUGH SAMARIA._
A.D. 29.
AFTER the incidents just related, the Redeemer appears to have again
turned His steps southward through the northern parts of Galilee and
in the direction of Capernaum (Mtt. xvii. 22; Mk. ix. 30). This journey
He wished should be as private as possible (Mk. ix. 30), undisturbed by
the presence of the large crowds that usually gathered about Him. For
now that He had so plainly and unreservedly spoken to His Apostles of
His approaching death and resurrection, He desired that these His words
should _sink deep into their ears_ (Lk. ix. 44), and that they should
be more fully instructed respecting their reality and certainty. Once
more, therefore, He began to tell them of His coming rejection by the
rulers of the nation, of His death, and resurrection. But His words
took no root in the minds of His hearers. His “thoughts were not their
thoughts,” nor His “ways their ways;” they could not understand that
whereof He spake, or how One, whom they believed to be the Messiah,
could be called upon to suffer, and were afraid to ask Him personally
what He meant (Mk. ix. 32; Lk. ix. 45).
On their arrival at Capernaum, the collection of the half-shekel[367]
due from every male Israelite, who had attained the age of 20 years,
for the service of the sanctuary at Jerusalem, was going on.
Approaching the Apostle Peter, the collectors enquired whether his
Master did not pay this sum (Mtt. xvii. 24), to which he replied in
the affirmative. Shortly afterwards on reaching the house where they
were about to lodge (Mtt. xvii. 25), the Lord, aware of the incident,
enquired of the Apostle whether earthly monarchs levied custom and
tribute[368] of their own children or of strangers. _Of strangers_,
was the instant reply. _Then_, said the Holy One, alluding to His own
relation to His heavenly Father, _are the children free_, and He as
the Son of God was exempt from a payment which went to the support of
His Father’s house. Lest, however, it should be said that He and His
Apostles despised the Temple, and so men should be offended, He bade
him go down to the lake, cast in a hook, and take the first fish that
came up, assuring him that, when he had opened its mouth, he would
find sufficient[369] to pay both for the Apostle and his Master (Mtt.
xvii. 27).
In spite of His repeated intimations respecting His own coming
sufferings, the thoughts of the Apostles were still running on the
high places they believed in store for them in their Master’s kingdom,
and the late selection of three of their number to behold the glory
of His transfiguration, added to the prominence of Simon in the
miraculous payment of the tribute-money, excited their jealousy and
carnal aspirations. While their Master was contemplating the cross,
their imaginations were apportioning crowns, and the question which was
the greatest amongst them excited much discussion (Mk. iv. 33; Lk. ix.
46, 47). Knowing their thoughts He replied to their question respecting
the disputed point (Mtt. xviii. 1) by a touching symbolical action.
Taking a little child in His arms (Mk. ix. 36) He placed him in their
midst, and solemnly (Mk. ix. 35) declared that unless they laid aside
all their thoughts of dignity and place and power, and became like
little children (Mtt. xviii. 3), they could not hope to enter into His
Kingdom at all; for in that Kingdom he was greatest who could humble
himself like the little child before them, and whoso received even one
such little child in His Name, received Him.
These last words reminded the Apostle John of a fault which he now
confessed. On one occasion he and the rest of the Apostles had seen
a man trying to cast out demons by pronouncing over the possessed the
name of Jesus (Comp. Acts xix. 13), and they had forbidden him, on
the ground that he was not one of their Master’s avowed followers (Mk.
ix. 38; Lk. ix. 49). On being informed of this, the Holy One gently
rebuked the spirit which had prompted the Apostle thus to act. _No
man_, He declared, _who could work a miracle in His name, could lightly
speak evil of Him; he that was not against them was for them; and even
a cup of cold water given to a disciple in His name should not lose
its reward_ (Mk. ix. 41). Having thus urged upon them the duty of
child-like humility, He proceeded to enforce that of avoiding offences
(Mtt. xviii. 10), and of cultivating a spirit of love towards their
Lord’s little ones. Then by the Parable of the _Lost Sheep_ He taught
them the joy that pervaded heaven at the repentance of a single sinner
(Mtt. xviii. 10, &c.; Lk. xv. 3–7), and by that of the _Debtor who
owed ten thousand talents_ (Mtt. xviii. 23–35), how they were bound to
forgive every one his brother their trespasses.
While the Apostles were being thus gradually trained for the reception
of other ideas than those of earthly glory, in respect to the
establishment of their Master’s Kingdom, the season for the celebration
of the feast of Tabernacles drew near (Jn. vii. 2). The harvest being
over, and the grapes trodden in the winepress, numerous caravans of
Jewish pilgrims would be gathering together to go up to the Holy City
and keep the Feast. At this juncture, then, the Lord’s brethren[370]
(Jn. vii. 3) who, though they did not believe in His Divinity (Jn.
vii. 5), were yet not above cherishing feelings of pride and exultation
at the mighty works which He wrought[371], bade Him leave Galilee,
and display proofs of His wonder-working power, no longer in obscure
northern towns, but in the streets of Jerusalem itself (Jn. viii. 3–6).
Though He intended to keep the feast, the Redeemer could not go up to
it for such a manifestation of Himself to the world as they desired
(Jn. vii. 4). His Hour, the Hour for a very different exaltation,
was not yet come (Jn. vii. 6), nor for the present could He take part
in festal solemnities. They accordingly went their way to Jerusalem,
and on their departure, amidst no open, avowed procession of a mere
wonder-worker, but privately and unobtrusively as became a lowly
Redeemer (Jn. vii. 10), accompanied by His Apostles, He set His face
to go up to the Holy City (Lk. ix. 51).
Instead of taking the longer and more frequented route through Peræa,
for the sake, probably, of greater seclusion, the Saviour chose
that through Samaria (Lk. ix. 52), and sent messengers before Him to
prepare for His coming. Entering a certain village of the Samaritans,
the Apostles sought to do as He had bidden them. But the churlish
inhabitants, perceiving the reason why He was passing through their
land, usually so studiously avoided, refused to receive Him[372] (Lk.
ix. 53). Indignant at this rebuff, the impetuous “Sons of Thunder,”
James and John, would have had their Master act in the spirit of
Elijah[373], and call down fire from heaven on the inhospitable and
churlish villagers. But the Holy One rebuked their intemperate zeal,
and the forgetfulness they evinced of the true spirit that became them
as His followers, and sought shelter in another village (Lk. ix. 56).
PART VI.
FROM THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES TO THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY
INTO JERUSALEM.
CHAPTER I.
_THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES――HOSTILITY OF THE SANHEDRIN._
A.D. 29.
MEANWHILE the excitement at Jerusalem respecting the Saviour was
very great. The Festivals of Passover and Pentecost had alike passed
away, and He had not assumed publicly the title or functions of the
Messiah. The question whether He would present Himself at the Feast
of Tabernacles was eagerly discussed (Jn. vii. 11), and many were the
opinions advanced concerning Him; some affirming Him to be _a good man_;
others, a _deceiver of the people_; while fear of the ruling powers in
the city prevented any open declaration in His favour (Jn. vii. 12).
When, however, the Feast had reached its midst, He suddenly appeared
in the Temple, and began to teach openly in its crowded courts. Such
a step at a time when the Sanhedrin had pronounced Him guilty of
a capital offence[374], when they were even seeking to kill Him
(Jn. vii. 25), excited the greatest astonishment. That One, who had
been brought up at the feet of none of the recognised and celebrated
teachers (Jn. vii. 15), should venture thus openly to instruct the
people, should claim for His doctrines a mysterious and exalted origin
(Jn. vii. 16, 17), should justify His violation of the Sabbath by
His works of mercy (Jn. vii. 21),――this, added to the hesitation and
inactivity of the ruling powers[375], caused much perplexity. While,
therefore, some could not recognise His claims to be regarded as the
Messiah with His well-known Galilæan origin, and the uncertainty which
was popularly ascribed to the quarter whence the Messiah was to come
(Jn. vii. 27), many could not resist the impression His wondrous works
made upon their minds, and refused to believe that the long-expected
Deliverer would perform any greater miracles than those they now
witnessed (Jn. vii. 31).
These murmurs of the multitude at length reached the ears of the
Sanhedrin, and they resolved to take steps for securing His person (Jn.
vii. 32). For this purpose they sent their officers to seize Him on the
first favourable opportunity. But their hostility, though now clearly
avowed, did not stay the Lord from continuing His teaching; He knew He
was to be but a little while longer with the multitude, who listened
to Him gladly, before He returned to Him that had sent Him, and now for
the first time publicly, though darkly, hinted at His speedy removal
(Jn. vii. 33–36), and on the last, _the great day of the Feast_ (Jn.
vii. 37), taking up His parable from the water brought in a golden
vessel from the Pool of Siloam and poured before the Brazen Altar[376],
preached with peculiar appropriateness on _the living waters_ of the
Spirit, which should flow forth when He was glorified (Jn. vii. 39).
This boldness, added to the solemnity of His words, exerted a still
greater influence on the multitudes. Some declared He must be _the
Prophet_ (Jn. vii. 40); others that He was the Messiah (Jn. vii. 41);
others would have thought so too had He not risen out of Galilee
instead of Bethlehem of Judæa, as Prophecy had indicated (Jn. vii. 42;
Mic. v. 2), while a fourth, but clearly a smaller party, wished to
apprehend Him, but dared not from fear of the people.
Accordingly the Sanhedrin met a second time, and the officers they had
deputed to effect His apprehension appeared before them (Jn. vii. 45),
and in reply to the enquiry why they had not brought Him, declared it
was impossible――_never man spake like Him_――and they felt powerless
to carry out their instructions. Such an avowal was received with
undisguised contempt (Jn. vii. 47, 48), but the Sanhedrin found that
the influence of the mysterious Teacher had penetrated within their own
council. While they were, apparently, proceeding to discuss some plan
for His condemnation, Nicodemus interposed with the enquiry whether
the Law did not demand an open examination of a man’s claims before
they pronounced judgment? This candid and generous suggestion drew down
upon the speaker the uttermost derision. He was asked whether he too
was from Galilee, and bidden to search and see whether any prophet had
risen out of that despised and half-heathen region[377]? (Jn. vii. 52).
On the following day the Pharisees, finding open hostility ineffectual,
made a crafty and insidious effort to undermine the growing popularity
of the Saviour[378]. When He returned from the Mount of Olives (Jn.
viii. 1), and reappeared in the Temple surrounded by the multitude,
they brought to Him a woman who had been taken in the act of adultery,
and placing her in the midst requested His decision respecting her.
The Law of Moses certainly denounced death as the penalty of her
crime (Lev. xx. 10), but, owing to the corrupt morals of the times,
such a sin seldom incurred any other penalty than divorce. If, then,
He decided _for_ the punishment of death, He would, they expected,
lose ground with the people by rigidly adhering to an enactment which
they themselves were wont to mitigate[379]; if, on the other hand,
He pronounced her acquittal, they could denounce Him as One who set
at nought the Law of Moses, and lowered its time-honoured authority
(Jn. viii. 6).
While, however, they were eagerly claiming His decision, the Holy One,
as if indifferent to their request, continued seated (Jn. viii. 2),
and stooping down appeared to be tracing characters with His fingers
in the dust. At length He looked up (Jn. viii. 7), and said, _He that
is without sin amongst you, let him first cast a stone at her_, and
then again bending downwards resumed the writing on the floor. Such
was the solemnity of His words, and such the authority with which they
appealed to the consciences of all present, that they dared not persist
in advancing their charge, and stole out one by one. When, therefore,
He looked up again, He found Himself alone with the woman, and enquired
whether none was present to convict her. To this she replied, _No man,
Lord_, and He, declining to assume the functions of the judge, or to
pronounce her condemnation, bade her _go and sin no more_ (Jn. viii.
11).
CHAPTER II.
_THE OPENING OF THE EYES OF ONE BORN BLIND._
A.D. 29.
AFTER this signal discomfiture of His enemies, the Redeemer would seem
to have been permitted to resume His discourses to the people in one of
the temple corridors, known as the Treasury, where stood the numerous
treasure-chests[380] to receive the contributions of the worshippers
(Jn. viii. 20). Resuming, then, His teaching on the first Sabbath,
probably, after the late festival, He reiterated with increasing
boldness and authority His claims to be the Messiah, and drew attention
to the testimonies whereby they had been confirmed (Jn. viii. 12, 20).
Again, too, He hinted at His approaching removal, and declared with
unruffled composure that, when He should have been lifted up upon
the Cross, then men would truly know who He was, and recognise the
authority with which He spake (Jn. viii. 28, 29).
The effect of these solemn declarations was again apparent, and
_many believed on Him_ (Jn. viii. 30). But His advice to those, who
thus professed their belief in Him, _to abide in His word_, and His
assurance that thus they would _know the truth_, and the truth _would
make them free_ (Jn. viii. 32, 33), excited much discussion amongst the
Jews. How could they, the descendants of Abraham, who had never been
slaves to any one, be made free? Though, as the Roman garrison in the
tower of Antonia all too plainly attested, they were nationally in a
condition of vassalage to a foreign power, they protested against the
idea of their being in a state of bondage, and urged their descent
from the great patriarch Abraham. The children of Abraham, the Holy
One replied, they were not, for they were seeking to kill Him, Whose
_day Abraham had desired to see_, and _had rejoiced to behold_. This
assertion roused the utmost fury of their wrath; they heaped upon Him
the most bitter taunts, declared Him a Samaritan, and possessed with
a demon, and taking up some of the stones lying about ready for some
repair of the temple, were on the point of inflicting upon Him the
punishment of a blasphemer, when He passed through the midst of them,
and withdrew beyond the present reach of their malice (Jn. viii. 33–59).
The Sabbath, however, was not to close without another manifestation of
His divine and merciful power even in the midst of those who sought His
life. As He passed by, accompanied by His disciples, he encountered a
man, who, it was well known, had been blind from his birth (Jn. ix. 1).
His sad affliction suggested to the Apostles the enquiry whether it
was to be ascribed to sins of his own or to those of His parents; to
which the Lord replied that it was due to neither of the causes they
suggested; that his privations were intended to subserve higher objects
of God’s love; and making clay with the moisture from His mouth, He
anointed the sufferer’s eyes, and sent him to the Pool of Siloam, with
the injunction to wash therein. The man went, and returned perfectly
restored to sight (Jn. ix. 7).
Such a recovery of such a man, in such a manner, excited no small
stir amongst his kinsfolk and acquaintance, and some actually doubted
whether he could be the same as the man they had so long remembered
sitting in pitiable plight at the corner of the street and begging alms
of every passer by. He, however, persisted that he was really the same,
and related in simple and artless language the particulars of his cure.
A miracle like this could not fail to arouse much attention, and the
Sanhedrin determined, if possible, to invalidate its effect on the
public mind, and summoning the man before them, began to investigate
the circumstances of the cure. Their questions he answered with the
same simplicity as those of his kinsfolk――whereas he was blind, now
through the power of One, who had put clay upon his eyes, he saw. But
it was a Sabbath-day when the cure had been effected, and some of the
council wished to decide at once that one, who had flagrantly violated
the law, could not be acting under the sanction of God (Jn. ix. 16).
Others, however, were too much impressed by the evidence of the miracle,
to acquiesce in such an off-hand decision, and there was a division in
the council (Jn. ix. 16).
The man himself, therefore, was again examined, but he could add
nothing to the information he had already given, and expressed his
conviction that his Healer must be a Prophet (Jn. ix. 17). Hoping next
in some way to throw discredit on the reality of his malady and its
cure, they sent for his parents, who allowed that he was their son,
and that he had been born blind, but, fearful of the terrible sentence
of excommunication, with which the Council had threatened all the
followers of Jesus, referred the judges to their son for any further
information they might require.
Turning therefore, once more, to the healed man, they bade him give
praise for the blessing he had received to God alone (Jn. ix. 24),
and take no thought about Jesus of Nazareth, whom they authoritatively
pronounced to be _a sinner_. But their dicta had no effect upon his
resolute and honest temper; whether his Healer was a sinner or not he
would not discuss before such an assembly; of the reality of his cure
he was certain, and that was enough for him; it was useless to question
him further, unless, perchance, they desired to become the disciples of
Jesus.
This opened a door for the more violent party in the council. They
began to revile the man, and to declare their conviction that he was
a secret adherent of Jesus, while they were the followers of Moses.
God had spoken to that great Lawgiver, but of the origin of Jesus they
avowed themselves utterly ignorant. With increasing boldness the man
commented on the extraordinary fact that One, of whose origin such a
learned body was in such complete ignorance, could perform so great
a miracle, utterly unheard of before, and inexplicable save on the
supposition of Divine power (Jn. ix. 33). This outspoken language
excited the utmost indignation, and after taunting the poor man with
his blindness in which he had been born, and which marked him out as
accursed of God, the Council proceeded to pass upon him the terrible
sentence of excommunication (Jn. ix. 34).
Informed of the step they had taken, the Lord sought out the late
recipient of His bounty, and enquired whether he believed on the Son of
God? To this question the other replied, _Who is He, Lord, that I may
believe on Him_? (Jn. ix. 35, 36); _I that speak unto thee_, rejoined
the Holy One, _am He_, and accepted his act of instant adoration and
avowal of belief (Jn. ix. 37).
But the present visit to Jerusalem was to be marked by yet another
protest against the assumptions and errors of the ruling party in the
city. The Holy One affirmed that they were guilty of misleading the
people; that, whereas they pretended to see, they saw not; that they
were hireling shepherds, caring not for the lives and souls of the
people; that He, and He alone, was the true, the genuine Shepherd, the
purport of whose coming into the world was _to lay down His life for
the sheep_ (Jn. x. 1–17). With this sublime discourse respecting the
_Good Shepherd_, the occurrences of this visit to Jerusalem appear to
have come to a close. On no occasion does such an effect appear to have
been made on the minds of the people. We are told indeed of few works
of mercy and redeeming power; but the gracious words that fell from His
lips appear to have sufficed to produce a great influence on many and
divers classes. “The mixed multitude, the dwellers at Jerusalem (Jn.
vii. 25), the officials of the Temple (Jn. vii. 46), and to some extent
even the hostile Jewish party (Jn. viii. 30), bore witness to the more
than mortal power of the teaching of Jesus of Nazareth[381].”
CHAPTER III.
_MISSION OF THE SEVENTY――DISCOURSES AND MIRACLES._
A.D. 29.
FROM this point the exact movements of our blessed Lord are enwrapped
in some obscurity, and the region whither he now retired is a matter
of conjecture. It seems probable, however, that He did not leave Judæa,
but continued His ministrations within its frontier, and about this
period sent forth the Seventy Disciples[382] (Lk. x. 1–6), two and two
before His face, to preach the word, and to visit various towns whither
He Himself also intended to come (Lk. x. 1). After receiving specific
instructions respecting their mission, the Seventy set out probably in
the direction of Peræa, and after some short time returned to recount
with much joy (Lk. x. 17) the success of their ministrations, and their
discovery that even the evil spirits were subject to their Master’s
Name.
One of the places visited by the Saviour during the present sojourn
in Judæa, was the village of Bethany[383] (Lk. x. 38), situated about
15 stadia from Jerusalem (Jn. xi. 18). Here the abode of two sisters,
Martha and Mary[384], and their brother Lazarus, was gladly thrown open
to welcome Him, and each member of the little family enjoyed a share of
His peculiar affection (Jn. xi. 5), and from time to time the sunshine
of His presence.
Scanty as are the indications of the places the Holy One now visited,
it seems clear that the effect of His ministry was not inconsiderable:
multitudes gathered about Him to hear the Word of Life[385] (Lk.
xi. 16), and behold His works of power[386]. But the enmity of the
Pharisees and the ruling body of the nation increased rather than
lessened in intensity (Lk. xi. 53, 54). They still persisted in
ascribing His power over unclean spirits to a secret collusion with the
Evil One (Lk. xi. 14, 15; Mtt. ix. 32–34); reiterated their demand for
_a sign from heaven_ (Lk. xi. 29–36); carped at His refusal to conform
to their superstitious observances in respect to _divers washings_
(Lk. xi. 37–42); and stung to the quick by His denunciations of their
hypocritical and bloodthirsty spirit[387], bent all their efforts to
entangle Him in His talk, and find some matter for accusation against
Him (Lk. xi. 54).
Undeterred, however, by their ceaseless hostility, He persevered in His
ministrations, warned His disciples in the presence of the multitudes,
who crowded around Him in such numbers _as to tread upon one another_
(Lk. xii. 1), against the _leaven of the Pharisees, which is hypocrisy_
(Lk. xii. 1–4); reiterated His solemn words respecting blasphemy
against the Holy Ghost (Lk. xii. 10); and, refusing to accede to a
request to divide an inheritance amongst two brothers, took occasion
to warn His hearers against covetousness, and delivered the striking
parable of the _Rich Fool_ (Lk. xii. 13–21). Not merely, however, would
He warn them against this common sin, but “knowing how often it springs
from a distrust in God’s providential care[388],” He proceeded to teach
them where they might find a preservative against over-anxiety[389]
about the future, in the assurance of the loving care of a Father in
heaven, who feeds the fowls of the heaven, though they _neither sow
nor reap_, and have _neither storehouse nor barn_ (Lk. xii. 22–24), and
clothes the _lilies[390] of the field_ with a beauty, such as _Solomon
in all his glory_ never approached (Lk. xii. 27).
It was probably about this time that certain persons informed the Lord
of a fresh outrage amongst the many that Pilate had committed[391].
On the occasion of the visit of a body of Galilæans, whose turbulent
character has been already noted[392], to Jerusalem, the governor for
some unrecorded reason had slain them, and mingled their blood with
the blood of the slain beasts they were offering on the Altar at the
Temple[393]. If men “might have been supposed to be safe anywhere,
or at any time, it would have been at the altar of God, and while in
the act of offering sacrifices unto Him[394];” their terrible death,
therefore, appears to have been urged by the narrators of this outrage
as a peculiar evidence of God’s anger against them, and of some unknown
awful guilt[395] on their part (Lk. xiii. 1, 2). But such hasty and
cruel judgments the Lord instantly rebuked, and declared that the
terrible ends of these sufferers no more marked them out as _sinners
above all other_ of their fellow-countrymen than certain eighteen
persons on whom a tower of Siloam[396] had recently fallen and crushed
them beneath its ruins (Lk. xiii. 4). In such swift calamities they
were not to trace the evidence of a pre-eminence of guilt on the part
of the sufferers[397], but a call to remember their own uncertain
tenure of life, and to repentance[398] while as yet the day of grace
lasted, which solemn considerations He still further enforced by the
appropriate parable of the _Barren Fig-Tree_ (Lk. xiii. 6–9).
On a subsequent occasion the Lord entered a synagogue on the
Sabbath-day (Lk. xiii. 10), where there was a woman inwardly afflicted
in her spirit[399] (Lk. xiii. 16), and outwardly with a permanent
and unnatural contraction of her body (Lk. xiii. 11). Without waiting
till His aid was sought, He forthwith called her to Him, and laying
His hands upon her, said, _Woman, thou art loosed from thy infirmity_,
whereupon the affliction of eighteen long years (Lk. xiii. 11)
instantly left her, _she was made straight, and glorified God_. Such a
cure, which excited the wonder of all present, was more than the ruler
of the synagogue could bear, and he openly expressed his indignation
at this violation of the Sabbath, remarking that there were six days
in the week when such servile working as healing might be done, and
bidding those who needed help come then, and not degrade the sanctity
of the Sabbath-day (Lk. xiii. 14). Such hypocritical strictness on the
part of one who sat in Moses’ seat and was regarded as a teacher of the
Law, moved the Saviour’s righteous indignation. In words, the force of
which was irresistible (Lk. xiii. 17), He justified that He had done by
the “very relaxations of the Sabbath strictness[400],” which the ruler
of the synagogue himself allowed. Would he not _loose his ox or his
ass from the stall and lead him away to water_ on the Sabbath-day, and
should he be blamed for merely speaking a word and releasing a daughter
of Abraham from a bond with which Satan had enthralled her for so many
years? The question admitted of no reply; even His adversaries were
ashamed, while the multitude rejoiced for all the glorious things that
had been done by Him (Lk. xiii. 17).
CHAPTER IV.
_THE FEAST OF DEDICATION――TOUR IN PERÆA._
A.D. 29.
BY the time the incident recorded in the last Chapter took place, the
season of winter had returned (Jn. x. 22), and the snow lay upon the
mountains[401]. With the return of winter came also the celebration
of the Feast of Dedication[402], on the 25th of the month Chisleu,
which lasted eight days. On this occasion the Lord once more visited
Jerusalem, and presented Himself in the Temple, and probably on
account of the wintry state of the weather sought shelter in “Solomon’s
Porch[403],” where He was speedily encircled by the Jews (Jn. x. 24),
who began with eager impetuosity to enquire how long He intended to
keep them in suspense, and to ask that if He was the Messiah He would
tell them so plainly and distinctly (Jn. x. 24).
The question appears to have been put neither in a hostile nor
unfriendly tone, and indicates a wish on the part of the ruling powers
to discover whether He might not be induced to set Himself forth as
the Messiah they expected, and, like a second Judas Maccabæus, whose
exploits they were commemorating, deliver them from the hated yoke of
the foreigner[404].
In reply, however, to their question, the Holy One contented Himself
with pointing to the wonderful works He had already wrought in their
midst. This testimony they had refused to receive, for neither in their
aims nor desires were they of His sheep (Jn. x. 26). _His sheep heard
His voice, and He knew them, and He would give them eternal life, nor
should any ever snatch them out of His hand_ (Jn. x. 27, 28); _for the
Eternal Father in heaven had given them to Him, and He and the Father
were one_ (Jn. x. 29).
This solemn and mysterious language, this claim to essential unity with
the eternal Father, again[405] provoked the anger of His hearers. Their
earthly and carnal hopes centered on some great earthly conqueror. The
words of the Holy One sounded in their ears like blasphemy, and taking
up some of the stones lying around for the repairs[406] of the Temple
which were almost always going on, they were on the point of stoning
Him as He stood.
But He calmed their fury by enquiring for which of His many works, that
proved by their moral goodness no less than the power they displayed,
His union with the Father, they wished to stone Him. In reply the
Jews declared that it was His blasphemous words which made them act
as they now did, for though a man, He claimed a union with God (Jn. x.
32, 33). This charge the Holy One repelled by reference to their own
sacred books[407]. Was not the title of God sometimes applied there to
the judges and rulers of the nation (Ps. lxxxii. 6[408]), and was it
with less justice applicable to One, whose wondrous works proved His
intercommunion with the Father and His Divine mission to the world?
(Jn. x. 34–38). This reply only excited a fresh burst of fury, and
though the Jews gave up their design of stoning Him, they tried to
apprehend Him and bring Him before their courts (Jn. x. 29).
But His “hour” was not yet come, and retiring from the capital, He
crossed the Jordan, and sought the fords of Bethabara or Bethany, where
His forerunner _at first baptized_ (Jn. x. 40). In this region, where
that eminent servant of God had closed his course[409], it was proved
that “though dead he yet spake.” Many remembered his burning words
and faithful testimony to the Messiah, whom the Jews at Jerusalem had
rejected, and acknowledging the truth of His words, gathered round the
Saviour (Jn. x. 41), and avowed their belief in Him.
Still even here He had to encounter hostile opposition. His
indefatigable enemies, the Pharisees, penetrated His seclusion and
represented that Herod Antipas, within whose dominions He now was,
sought opportunity to kill Him (Lk. xiii. 31). But He saw through their
cunning and hypocrisy, no less than the fox-like (Lk. xiii. 32) craft
of the Tetrarch, by whom they had been probably suborned[410]. He,
doubtless, would be glad to get out of his territory[411] One, whose
fame caused him so much perplexity, and they would be no less anxious
to drive Him from a quarter, where He was comparatively safe, to the
hostile neighbourhood of Jerusalem[412]. But though it was impossible
that a prophet could perish elsewhere than in a capital, which had
slain so many who had been sent to it[417], yet there was still time
for the performance of works of mercy (Lk. xiii. 32, 33), for the
healing of the sick, and the expulsion of demons, before He went up to
Jerusalem, whose children He would so often have gathered together _as
a hen gathereth her chickens under her wing[418], but they would not,
and whose house was now left unto them desolate_ (Lk. xiii. 34, 35).
Of the works of mercy here mentioned, apparently but one is actually
recorded by the Evangelist. At the house of one of the leaders of the
Pharisees, to which He had been invited (Lk. xiv. 1) on the Sabbath-day,
for a hostile purpose[419], the Holy One healed a man afflicted with
dropsy (Lk. xiv. 2–6), and taking occasion from the associations of the
time and place, not only rebuked the haughty selfishness with which the
Pharisees claimed the chief seats at feasts (Lk. xiv. 7–14), but also
uttered the appropriate parable of the _Great Supper_ (Lk. xiv. 15–24).
In the same neighbourhood also, finding Himself surrounded by great
crowds, amongst which some indicated a wish to follow Him, He addressed
them solemnly on the self-denial required of all who would be His
real disciples (Lk. xiv. 25–35), and the necessity for first counting
the cost, and taking up the cross if they would truly follow Him.
On another occasion a great number of tax-gatherers, who were very
numerous near Jericho and the Jordan fords[420], gathered round Him,
together with many regarded as profligate sinners. Their eagerness to
listen to His teaching, and His willingness to receive and eat with
them (Lk. xv. 1), roused again the hostility of the Pharisees and
Scribes, and provoked them to open murmuring. But, undeterred by their
opposition, the Good Shepherd, with striking appropriateness now, gave
utterance to the parables of the _Lost Sheep_ (Lk. xv. 1), the _Lost
Coin_ (Lk. xv. 8–10), and the _Prodigal Son_ (Lk. xv. 11–32), and
afterwards addressed to His disciples, though in the hearing of the
Pharisees, those of the _Unjust Steward_ (Lk. xvi. 1–13), and of
_Lazarus and the Rich Man_ (Lk. xvi. 19–31).
CHAPTER V.
_THE RAISING OF LAZARUS._
A.D. 30.
WHILE the Lord was in Peræa, and apparently in the neighbourhood
of Bethabara, a messenger reached Him from the sisters Martha and
Mary[421], announcing that their brother Lazarus was sick (Jn. xi. 13).
On receiving this intelligence, He replied in the hearing of His
Apostles, but chiefly to the messenger, and for him to bring back
to those that had sent him[422], _This sickness is not unto death_
(Jn. xi. 4), _but for the glory of God, that the Son of God might be
glorified thereby_.
Whatever amount of hope this announcement may have raised in the minds
of the sisters was for the present at least dashed to the ground. For
He, to whom they had sent their simple message, and who had so often
healed others at a distance by simply uttering a word, now neither
spoke the word of power, nor came to them, but _remained still two
days in the same place where He was_ (Jn. xi. 6), and in the meantime
Lazarus died, and was laid in a rock-hewn sepulchre.
At the close, however, of the two days, the Holy One proposed to His
disciples that they should go into Judæa again. But the trembling
Apostles, recollecting the extreme danger He had so lately incurred
at Jerusalem, ventured to expostulate: a short time back the Jews were
seeking to stone Him (Jn. xi. 8), and for the sake of safety He had
been constrained to seek the seclusion of the region where He now was,
would He venture then, so soon to incur afresh the malice of His foes?
Thereupon He calmed their apprehensions, and announced that their
friend Lazarus _was asleep_, but He intended to _wake him out of sleep_
(Jn. xi. 12). This announcement perplexed the Apostles still more. If
Lazarus slept, it indicated a favourable crisis of his illness, and the
perilous journey was unnecessary. Perceiving that they understood His
words literally, He now told them plainly that _Lazarus was dead_, but
still declared His intention of going to Bethany (Jn. xi. 15), on which
the Apostle Thomas, betraying the tendency to misgiving and despondency
which distinguished him[423], and convinced that his Master would fall
into the hands of His deadly enemies, proposed to the rest that at
least they should accompany Him, and share His end (Jn. xi. 16).
With these sad forebodings the Apostles accompanied their Lord, and
on reaching Bethany found that Lazarus had been already dead four
days[424], and as the village lay only three quarters of an hour’s
journey from Jerusalem, many Jews (Jn. xi. 19) had come thither over
the Mount of Olives, to pay the customary visit of condolence to the
two sisters[425].
Tarrying Himself outside the village (Jn. xi. 30), the Lord suffered
the tidings of His arrival to go before Him, and no sooner did Martha
become aware of it, than she hurried forth to meet Him, while Mary
remained in the house. In few and touching words Martha revealed the
anguish of her heart. _Lord_, said she, _if Thou hadst been here, my
brother had not died_, but added, shewing that even now she had not
abandoned every hope, _I know that even now, whatsoever Thou wilt ask
of God, God will give it Thee_ (Jn. xi. 22). In reply the Holy One
assured her that her brother would rise again, and when she answered
that she knew he would _rise again at the last day_ (Jn. xi. 24),
proceeded to declare Himself to be the _Resurrection and the life_,
in whom whosoever believed should live though he died, and whosoever
lived and believed should never die (Jn. xi. 25, 26).
Having spoken of Himself in these solemn and momentous words, He
enquired whether Martha herself believed He was what He thus claimed
to be. _Yea, Lord_, was her reply: _I believe that Thou art the Christ,
the Son of God, which should come into the world_ (Jn. xi. 27), and
with this assurance hastened away, and secretly called her sister.
Informed of her Lord’s arrival Mary also hurried to meet Him, and was
quickly followed by a large number of the Jews, who took for granted
that, according to the usual custom[426], she was proceeding to the
grave to weep there. Arrived at the spot where Jesus was, Mary could
only fall down before His feet (Jn. xi. 32), and falter out the words
her sister had already uttered, and then gave way to passionate grief.
The spectacle of her deep sorrow deeply affected many of the Jews also,
and they mingled their tears with hers, while the Lord Himself _groaned
in spirit and was troubled_, and enquired where they had laid the dead
(Jn. xi. 33).
With the words _come and see_, they conducted Him to the sepulchre,
and on the road[427] He Himself, borne away by the “great tide of
sorrow[428]” around, joined His tears with theirs (Jn. xi. 35).
On reaching the sepulchre, which, like the family vaults of the Jews,
was a cave[429], with recesses in the sides, in which the bodies were
laid, He commanded the stone, which closed the entrance, to be removed.
On this Martha, shrinking from the exposure to the eyes of strangers of
the body of one so dear, and already partially decomposed (Jn. xi. 39),
ventured to expostulate; but Jesus reminded her of His promise that,
if she believed, she should _see the glory of God_, and calmed her
feelings. Accordingly the stone was removed, and then the Holy One,
after a brief pause, during which He thanked the Eternal Father for
having heard Him (Jn. xi. 41, 42), cried with a loud voice, _Lazarus,
come forth_. Instantly the word of Power was obeyed. There was a stir
in the sepulchre. The dead man rose, and came forth, _bound hand and
foot with grave clothes, and his face covered with a napkin_, while the
Lord, who was never calmer than when during His greatest works, simply
bade the bystanders _loose him and let him go_ (Jn. xi. 44).
CHAPTER VI.
_RESOLVE OF THE SANHEDRIN――JESUS RETIRES TO EPHRAIM._
A.D. 30.
THE remarkable miracle recorded at length in the preceding Chapter
marks an important epoch in the life of our Lord.
The effect it exerted upon those who witnessed it was twofold. Many
of those, who had come to mourn with the sisters of Bethany, avowed
their belief in the Saviour’s claims (Jn. xi. 45), but others, with no
friendly intentions, hurried to the Pharisees and recounted to them all
that had taken place. Their report led to instant measures.
The ruling powers, hitherto comparatively calm, became very uneasy.
A meeting of the Sanhedrin was convened, at which Caiaphas presided,
and the course to be followed was keenly debated. It was clear that
the sentence of excommunication (Jn. ix. 22), lately passed upon the
followers of the Saviour, had not counteracted the impression made
by His ministry on the minds of the people[430]. The notable miracle
He had just wrought could not be gainsaid, and its effect upon the
multitude was profound. If he was suffered to continue His ministry,
all, it was argued, would believe on Him, and in all probability
proclaim Him as their King. Such a proclamation would inevitably lead
to a riot, a riot to a visit from Pilate, the ruthlessness of whose
character had been again and again experienced[431], and this would be
followed by a massacre, and the total deprivation of what remained of
their national existence.
Many measures were, probably, advocated by various members of the
Council, but found no general acceptance. At length Caiaphas arose,
and with unconcealed contempt declared that his weak and vacillating
colleagues _knew nothing at all_ (Jn. xi. 49). The life and teaching
of One Man threatened to imperil the whole nation, and to bring them
into collision with their Roman masters. One effectual remedy alone
existed. _It was expedient_ that He should be put to death rather than
the whole nation should be swept away. As a Sadducee[432] (Acts v. 17)
Caiaphas believed in the might of the Roman legions, though he denied
the doctrine of the resurrection and the existence of spiritual
powers, and rather than embroil the nation in fresh troubles with
their unscrupulous masters, he advocated the death of the Holy One,
all unconscious[433] of the momentous results of the step he advised.
Though there were some dissentients (Lk. xxiii. 50, 51), his words
expressed the feelings of the majority of the Council. The more decided
and violent party triumphed. It was deliberately determined that Jesus
should be put to death, and from that day forward continual councils
were held to decide how this should be brought about (Jn. xi. 53).
But the Holy One, knowing that His “hour” was not yet come, retired
with His disciples to Ephraim, a town situated[434] in the wide desert
country north-east of Jerusalem, not far from Bethel, and on the
confines of Samaria.
Here in quiet and seclusion He remained till the approach of the
Passover, and then commenced a farewell-journey along the border-line
of Samaria and Galilee, in the direction of the Jordan (Lk. xvii. 11;
Mtt. xix. 1), and so to Peræa (Mk. x. 1).
It was probably while yet on the confines of Samaria, that at the
entrance of a village, the name and position of which are not recorded,
He encountered Ten Lepers, one of whom was a Samaritan[435] (Lk. xvii.
16). Standing _afar off_ (Lk. xvii. 12), they all _lifted up their
voices_, and implored His aid, on which, filled with compassion for
their miserable condition, He bade them go and _shew themselves to the
priests_ at Jerusalem. Though they must have been aware that they could
not expect healing from the priest, whose only office it was either to
pronounce the sufferer affected with this fearful malady, or to restore
him with ceremonial washings to the society of his fellow-men[436], the
Lepers nevertheless set out, and lo! as they went (Lk. xvii. 14), their
flesh came back to them _like unto the flesh of a little child_ (2 K.
v. 14), and they were cleansed. But though they all experienced His
unlooked-for blessing, one only, and he a Samaritan, returned to give
thanks to His Healer, who, accustomed as he was to man’s ingratitude,
yet marvelled at this striking proof of it (Lk. xvii. 17, 18), and
dismissed the grateful man with a higher and a peculiar blessing[437],
saying, _Go thy way, thy faith hath made thee whole_ (Lk. xvii. 19).
Continuing His journey towards the Jordan, the Saviour at some place,
the name of which is not mentioned, encountered certain Pharisees, who
professed, probably in treachery or mockery, a question respecting the
coming of the kingdom of God, to which He replied, that it would be
with no such visible establishment as they expected (Lk. xvii. 20, 21),
and proceeded to found upon the question a warning to His own disciples
on the same subject (Lk. xvii. 22–37). It was now also, in all
probability, either before or just after He crossed into Peræa[438],
that He delivered the parables of the _Unjust Judge_ and the _Pharisee
and Publican_ (Lk. xvii. 1–14), and replied to a question respecting
the lawfulness of divorce (Mtt. xix. 3–12; Mk. x. 2–12), on which the
rival schools of Hillel and Shammai[439] held opposite opinions.
In striking contrast to the malice which prompted these questionings,
certain parents, who probably honoured Him, and valued His benediction,
brought their children to Him, and begged that He would lay His hands
upon them and offer up a prayer in their behalf (Mtt. xix. 13). To the
disciples such an act appeared unfitting, and they would have kept back
those that brought them (Mk. x. 13; Lk. xviii. 15), but with touching
condescension He not only rebuked their interference (Mk. x. 14), and
said, _Suffer the little children to come unto Me, and forbid them
not, for of such is the kingdom of heaven_, but called them to Him (Lk.
xviii. 16), _took them up in His arms, laid His hands upon them, and
blessed them_ (Mk. x. 16; Mtt. xix. 15).
It was in this region also that a rich young ruler approached Him,
desiring to know what he should do to inherit eternal life (Mtt. xix.
16; Mk. x. 17). The Holy One referred him to the commandments. These
the other declared he had kept from his youth (Mk. x. 20), on which
the Lord looked upon him with a glance of deep affection, informed him
that he lacked _yet one thing_ (Lk. xviii. 22), and bade him _go and
sell all that he had, and give to the poor_, and take up his cross (Mk.
x. 21) and follow Him. Such a demand, so totally opposed to the popular
notions of the kingdom of the Messiah, in which the Jews expected
every form of temporal blessing, was too severe a test for the ruler’s
sincerity; he _had great possessions_ (Mtt. xix. 22; Mk. x. 22), which
he could not part with, and in sorrow he left the Saviour and went his
way.
But the same ideas of temporal blessings were still held by the
Apostles themselves. They had left everything to follow their Master,
might they not look for some great reward? To Peter, who put the
question (Mk. x. 28; Mtt. xix. 23) the Holy One replied, by assuring
him and the rest that a reward they should have, though very different
from what they expected, and taking them apart (Mtt. xx. 17; Mk. x. 32)
began for the third time[440], and with greater particularity than
before, to speak of the future that awaited Himself; how at Jerusalem
He should _be delivered into the hands of the Gentiles, and be mocked,
and scourged, and crucified_ (Mtt. xx. 18–24; Mk. x. 33–40; Lk. xviii.
32–34). But though awed by the unusual solemnity of His manner (Mk.
x. 32), and the dauntless resolution with which He pressed on towards
Jerusalem (Mk. x. 33), they could not enter into the meaning of His
words. His predictions of suffering and death clashed with all their
deeply-rooted ideas of the nature of the Messianic kingdom, and it
was now that two of their number, James and John, encouraged by their
mother, preferred the request[441] that in His kingdom they might _sit
the one on His right hand, and the other on His left_. Even His reply
that they should indeed _drink of His cup, and be baptized with His
baptism_, sounded to the rest like the concession of some mysterious
dignity, and provoked a jealousy on their part, which the Holy One
strove to check by reminding them once more of the true nature of His
kingdom, that therein He is truly _first who is the servant of all;
even as the Son of Man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister,
and to give His life a ransom for many_.
With this final proof of the utter inability even of His own chosen
Twelve to lighten by their sympathy a particle of what lay before
Himself, the Holy One, having recrossed the Jordan, continued His
way amidst the crowd of pilgrims setting forth towards Jerusalem.
Approaching Jericho He healed two blind men[442], who sat by the
wayside begging and implored His aid; He accepted in the City of Palm
Trees itself the hospitality of Zacchæus[443], a superintendent of
customs or tribute there (Lk. xix. 1–10); corrected, by delivering
the Parable of _the Pounds_[444], the idea that the Kingdom of Heaven
was _about immediately to appear_, and at length, six days before the
Passover, reached the safe seclusion of the mountain hamlet of Bethany
(Mtt. xxvi. 6–13; Mk. xiv. 3–9; Jn. xii. 1–11).
Illustration: JERUSALEM in the time of OUR LORD
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_For Maclear’s New Test.ᵗ History_
_Stanford’s Geog.ˡ Estab.ᵗ_
PART VII.
FROM THE ARRIVAL AT BETHANY TO THE ASCENSION.
CHAPTER I.
_THE ANOINTING AT BETHANY――THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY._
A.D. 30.
IT was apparently on a Friday evening when the Saviour reached the
hamlet of Bethany, where in quiet retirement He could spend His last
earthly Sabbath. At Bethany resided one Simon (Mtt. xxvi. 6; Mk.
xiv. 3), who had been a leper[445], and possibly had been restored
by the Lord Himself, and at his house the sisters of Lazarus provided
a festal repast[446], to welcome Him who had in so signal a manner
restored happiness to their little circle (Jn. xii. 2).
In keeping with her character Martha on this occasion busied herself
in ministering to the Lord (Jn. xii. 2), while Lazarus reclined at the
table as one of the guests. As the feast proceeded, Mary approached
with an alabaster casket in her hand, containing a pound of precious
spikenard[447] (Jn. xii. 3), and breaking off the closed top (Mk. xiv.
3), poured a portion on the head of the Saviour. Then kneeling down
she anointed His feet also (Jn. xii. 3), while the sweet odour diffused
itself through the whole room.
But her act of beautiful affection did not win the approval of all
the guests at the table. Judas Iscariot enquired why a casket of
such precious unguent, which might have been sold for more than
300 denarii[448] and given to the poor, should be wasted in such
a useless piece of extravagance[449] (Jn. xii. 5), and even others
of the Apostles sympathised with his views, and had indignation and
murmured against her (Mtt. xxvi. 8). He, however, for whom she had thus
manifested her affectionate adoration, suffered scarcely a moment to
elapse before He signified _His_ opinion of that she had done. Not only
did He bid the murmurers desist from troubling her, but declared that
she had wrought a beautiful and worthy deed. The poor, for whom they
pretended so much anxiety, they _had always with them_, but Himself
they would not _have always_ (Mk. xiv. 7), thus reminding them again of
that speedy removal He had so often predicted. Moreover, He proceeded
to declare that what she had done had a special significance. In
reference to the mysterious event so soon about to befall Him, wherein
He should receive so little assistance or comfort from any human being,
she at least _had done what she could_ (Mk. xiv. 8), _she had come
beforehand to anoint His Body for the burying_, and wherever the Gospel
should be preached throughout the whole world, there should also the
deed which had moved their unworthy indignation be _told for a memorial
of her_ (Mtt. xxvi. 13; Mk. xiv. 9). Thus by a prophetic word He
elevated and interpreted her act of affectionate adoration.
Thus the eventful evening wore on. Meanwhile the news of the Saviour’s
presence at Bethany had reached Jerusalem, and great crowds (Jn.
xii. 9) resorted thither not only to see Him but Lazarus also, whose
resurrection from the dead caused many to avow their belief in the Lord
of life (Jn. xii. 11). This fact was well known to the chief-priests,
and a council was convened to consider the propriety of putting him
also to death (Jn. xii. 10).
The next day dawned, the first day of the Holy week. Leaving Bethany,
the Saviour proceeded towards Bethphage[450], and sending two of His
disciples, desired them to bring an ass, and her colt with her, which
they would find tied at the entrance of the village (Mtt. xxi. 2, 3; Lk.
xix. 30; Mk. xi. 2). The disciples went, and in answer to the question
of the owners (Lk. xix. 33), why they thus loosed them, replied, as
bidden, that _the Lord had need of them_, and returned to their master.
The voice of ancient prophecy (Zech. ix. 9) had declared that her King
would come to Zion _meek, and sitting on an ass, and a colt the foal
of an ass_; and the hour for its fulfilment had now come. The road from
Bethany to Jerusalem wound through rich plantations of palm-trees, and
fruit- and olive-gardens[451], and was now crowded with pilgrims making
their way towards the Holy City, or the encampments on the declivity of
the Mount of Olives[452]. Amongst these would naturally be many who had
witnessed the Saviour’s miracles in Galilee, and their enthusiasm would
be much increased by the news of the wondrous event at Bethany. The
heart of the people, therefore, was deeply stirred, and the disciples,
filled with the general excitement, spread their garments on the
animals they had brought to their Master (Mtt. xxi. 7), and placed Him
thereon. Soon the crowds began to express their joy in a more lively
manner. Some strewed their garments[453] on the rough mountain-path,
others cut down branches[454] from the neighbouring gardens, and threw
them on the road before Him.
Meanwhile a second stream issuing from the Holy City (Jn. xii. 12) came
forth to meet the Conqueror of Death, and meeting the others coming
from Bethany, turned round, and swelled the long procession towards
Jerusalem. As they approached the descent of the Mount of Olives (Lk.
xix. 37), their feelings found expression in the prophetic language
of the Psalms, and with loud Hosannas they glorified God (Lk. xix. 37),
and proclaimed the approach of the _Son of David_ to receive the
kingdom of His Father, and to establish His Messianic kingdom (Mtt.
xxi. 9; Mk. xi. 9). Certain of the Pharisees alone were found to murmur.
They would have had the Saviour rebuke the zeal of the multitude, but
pointing to the stones beneath their feet, He declared that _they would
immediately cry out if these were to hold their peace_.
Thus amidst loud Hosannas the procession swept along, till on a nearer
approach, the whole of the magnificent City, as if rising from an abyss,
burst into view, “with its back-ground of gardens and suburbs[455],”
and its glorious Temple-tower. The procession paused, and the hour of
triumph became the hour of deepest sorrow. In strange contrast with the
excited emotions of the crowds around Him, the Holy One wept over the
devoted city, foresaw the Roman legions gathered round its fated walls,
its proud towers laid low in the dust, and its children within it,
because they knew not _the day of their visitation_ (Lk. xix. 41–44).
Such things were hidden from the eyes of the eager throngs who were
shouting “Hosanna,” and believed that now at length the Messiah,
welcomed and accepted, would claim the sceptre and ascend the throne.
Passing through the City the Holy One advanced towards the Temple.
Jerusalem was stirred to its very centre. _Who is this?_ enquired many.
_This is the Prophet, Jesus, of Nazareth of Galilee_ (Mtt. xxi. 10, 11),
was the eager reply of His believing followers, expecting, doubtless,
that some unmistakeable sign would be given of His real character.
They were doomed to disappointment. Entering the Courts of the Temple,
He surveyed with a clear and searching glance (Mk. xi. 11) the scene of
disorder and mercenary desecration which they again presented, and in
the evening returned with the Twelve (Mk. xi. 11) to the seclusion of
Bethany, and the great Palm-Sunday was over.
CHAPTER II.
_THE SECOND CLEANSING OF THE TEMPLE._
A.D. 30.
THE country between Bethany and Jerusalem, as has been observed in the
previous Chapter, abounded in gardens of fig-trees, from which fact
indeed Bethphage, or the “House of Figs,” derived its name.
Early in the morning after the Triumphal Entry the Saviour set out
once more for the Holy City, where, as the inspection of the previous
evening had too clearly testified, a second vindication of the sanctity
of His Father’s house was needed. Being a hungred, probably after a
night of fasting, and perceiving _afar ♦off_ (♦Mk. xi. 13) a fig-tree
standing alone _by the way side_ (Mtt. xxi. 19), which presented an
unusual show of leaves for the season, He went up to it to see _if
haply[456] He might find fruit thereon_ (Mk. xi. 13), but on reaching
it found nothing but leaves. Though at this early period of the year
neither leaves nor fruit were to be _expected_ on a fig-tree, this
tree by its ample foliage appeared to give promise of the fruit,
which ordinarily appears before the leaves[457]. But a nearer approach
proved that this promise it fulfilled only in appearance, and in the
hearing of His disciples the Holy One laid upon it the doom of utter
barrenness, saying, _Let no man eat fruit of thee hereafter for ever_,
and straightway it was dried up (Mtt. xxi. 19), and withered.
Passing onwards to Jerusalem, He entered the Temple. The nefarious
scene He had rebuked at the first Passover of His public ministry
was still enacted. The evil practices which had called forth that
first display of holy zeal for the honour of His Father’s house had
by degrees returned. The fruit, the reality of righteousness, which He
had come seeking then and sought in vain, He found not now. As before,
therefore, so on this occasion, He drove forth the intruders, the
buyers, the sellers, and the money-changers, upset their tables, and
poured forth their unholy gains, and declared in words of conscious
authority that His House was not for thievish traffic, but for prayer
and praise (Mk. xi. 17; Mtt. xxi. 13).
Having thus once more vindicated the sanctity of the Temple, He
commenced teaching in its courts, and speedily gathered around Him many
eager to listen, and astonished at His doctrine (Mk. xi. 18). But works
of mercy were now to follow words of power. Those who needed His help
sought Him in the Temple itself. The blind and the lame (Mtt. xxi. 14)
came to Him, and experienced the effects of the healing word. The
marvels that He wrought (Mtt. xxi. 15) moved the youngest pilgrims at
the festival, and children’s voices cried _Hosanna to the Son of David_.
This was more than the chief priests and scribes could endure. Eager as
they were to put Him to death, they dared not lift a hand or show open
violence, for the whole multitude _hung upon Him_ to hear His words
(Lk. xix. 48). In a tone of expostulation, however, they ventured to
enquire whether He heard what these children were saying, to which He
replied by asking whether they had never read the words of the Psalmist,
_Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings Thou hast perfected praise_
(Ps. viii. 2); with which rebuke He left them, and when even was come
returned to Bethany (Mk. xi. 19; Mtt. xxi. 17).
As He proceeded towards Jerusalem on the following day, the Apostles
observed with surprise how rapidly the tree doomed the day before had
withered away. The late hour at which they left the City the preceding
evening had probably prevented their noticing it before, and now the
Saviour took occasion by it to teach them a lesson respecting the
nature and power of Faith (Mtt. xxi. 20–22; Mk. xi. 20–25).
On entering the Temple and recommencing His gracious work of teaching
those assembled there, He was interrupted by the arrival of a formal
deputation from the Sanhedrin, which had resolved to discredit Him if
possible with the people (Mtt. xxi. 23; Lk. xx. 1).
They began by enquiring by what authority He acted as He was doing, and
from whom He had received it (Mk. xi. 28). This question the Holy One
met by another. Two years before[458] they had sent a deputation to the
Baptist (Jn. i. 26), and he had borne a public and emphatic testimony
to His Messianic claims. The prophetic character of John was generally
admitted (Mtt. xxi. 26), and his bold rebuke of Herod had endeared
him to the hearts of many――_Whence, then, was his baptism, from heaven
or from men?_ The question filled his hearers with embarrassment. If
they replied that his was a divine commission, they exposed themselves
to the obvious rejoinder, why had they not received his testimony
respecting the Messiah? If they said of men, they would expose
themselves to popular indignation (Mk. xi. 31, 32). Accordingly they
preferred to own that they could not tell, whereupon He also declined
to answer the question they had put to Him respecting His mission
(Mtt. xxi. 27; Lk. xx. 8).
Though thus repulsed, His enemies do not appear to have left the
Temple-courts, and were condemned to listen to still more humiliating
language. In the parables of the _Two Sons_ (Mtt. xxi. 28–32), and the
_Wicked Husbandmen_ (Mtt. xxi. 33–44; Mk. xii. 1–11; Lk. xx. 9–18), the
Redeemer set forth with the utmost distinctness their neglect of their
high vocation, the guilt of that outrage which they already meditated
against Him in their hearts, their speedy rejection, and the bestowal
of the privileges they had abused on other nations.
The drift of these parables the Pharisees and chief priests clearly
discerned, and sought earnestly to lay hands upon Him (Mk. xii. 12;
Lk. xx. 19), but feared to do so openly because of the multitude, who
all regarded Him as a Prophet (Mtt. xxi. 46). Undeterred, however, by
these manifestations of intended violence He warned them solemnly, for
the last time, in the Parable of the _Marriage of the King’s Son_ (Mtt.
xxii. 1–14), that a day was at hand when the kingdom of God would be
taken away from the Jewish people who had despised its privileges, and
be bestowed upon the Gentiles[459].
CHAPTER III.
_THE DAY OF QUESTIONS――THE ENQUIRING GREEKS._
A.D. 30.
THUS far the efforts of the ruling powers had been of no avail. The
authority of the Lord with the people remained unshaken, His career was
unchecked, and they themselves had been humiliated in the very midst
of the Temple-courts[460]. A formal council was therefore held (Mtt.
xxii. 15), and it was resolved to organize some plan for _ensnaring_
Him in His speech (Mtt. xxii. 15; Mk. xii. 13), and beguiling Him into
statements which might afford a pretext for delivering Him up to the
Roman procurator (Lk. xx. 20). United, therefore, in one formidable
conspiracy, the Pharisees[461], Sadducees[461], and Herodians[461],
suborned (Lk. xx. 20) men, to all appearance right-minded and
thoroughly in earnest, to propose various cases of conscience to Him
as the Lord and Judge in the land[462].
i. First, then, approached the Herodians with certain of the Pharisees
(Mtt. xxii. 16) enquiring whether it was _lawful to give tribute to
Cæsar, or not_? How keenly this question was debated in Palestine, and
what disturbances it had caused, especially in Galilee, the province of
Herod, has been already noticed[463]. To answer it now, and to avoid on
the one hand giving offence to the excited crowds in the Temple-courts,
and on the other supplying matter for accusation before the Roman
governor in the Tower of Antonia, so close at hand, appeared impossible.
No patriotic Jew would admit that tribute was due to Cæsar. No one
claiming to be the Messiah could allow it for a moment, unless he would
forfeit all his popularity with the people. And yet if the Redeemer
denied this, a charge of treason, which the Romans were always quick
to hear, was clearly made out. But the Holy One, thrown off His guard
neither by the affected courtesy nor adulation of their address (Mtt.
xxii. 18; Lk. xx. 23), saw through their hypocrisy and the snare they
had laid. With infinite wisdom He called for the tribute-money. They
brought Him a _denarius_[464]. _Whose image and superscription is
this?_ He enquired. They answered, _Cæsar’s_. _Render, therefore_, He
replied, _to Cæsar the things that are Cæsar’s, and to God the things
that are God’s_. The snare they had laid so cunningly was broken.
A single word had rent the whole “web of craft and hypocrisy.” The
enquirers themselves acknowledged the wisdom of His answer. There was
nothing they could _take hold of_ (Lk. xx. 26). _They were silent, and
went their way_ (Lk. xx. 26).
ii. The Herodians thus repulsed, the Sadducees approached. With their
wonted[465] philosophic pride they usually kept aloof from all popular
religious movements. Now, however, they advanced to the encounter
with a religious difficulty respecting the position in another world
of a woman who had had seven husbands in this[466]. But their coarse
question was met with Divine wisdom. Had they known the Scriptures, or
the power of God, they could never have asked it (Mtt. xxii. 29). Such
corporeal and earthly relationships ceased with this life, and in the
next man would be exalted to a higher order of beings by the almighty
power of HIM, who even in the Law[467], which they professed to receive,
had declared Himself _the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of
Jacob, the God of the living, and not of the dead_ (Ex. iii. 6).
iii. Struck with the singular wisdom, with which He had _put the
Sadducees to silence_ (Mtt. xxii. 34), a scribe belonging to the
Pharisaic sect (Mk. xii. 28) now drew near, requesting information
as to the relative greatness of the commandments of the Law (Mtt.
xxii. 36). The point was probably one much debated in the Rabbinical
schools, though it is not clear in what way it was calculated to
ensnare the Saviour. But the sublime, though simple response it
received, comprising the whole of religion, under the precepts of Love
to God and Love to Man, struck even the questioner with admiration
(Mk. xii. 32); he frankly owned that such love was better than all
_burnt-offerings and sacrifice_[468], and obtained the gracious
declaration from the Redeemer that he was _not far from the kingdom of
God_ (Mk. xii. 34).
After such successive proofs of Divine wisdom the Pharisees did not
venture[469] to put any more questions to the Redeemer, and He Himself,
taking advantage of the opportunity, now assumed the character of
a questioner, and interrogated them (Mtt. xxii. 41) respecting the
descent of the Messiah. Speaking under the influence of the Spirit,
David in the Psalms (Ps. cx. 1) had called Him Lord, saying, _The Lord
said unto My Lord, Sit Thou on my right hand, till I have made Thy foes
a footstool for Thy feet_. If the Messiah was to be David’s _son_, how
could He be at the same time his _Lord_, thus mysteriously uniting a
Divine and a human nature?
To this profound question those addressed did not even venture to make
a reply, and were in their turn constrained to listen, while in words
of awful and righteous judgment He denounced the hypocrisy (Mtt. xxiii.
1–12) and tyranny (Mtt. xxiii. 13–18) of the Pharisees, their bigoted
attachment to the most minute observances, and their blindness to the
spirit of true religion (Mtt. xxiii. 18–36), which had led them to
pour out the blood of Jehovah’s prophets, even as they now thirsted
for His own. For them and for their city the hour of desolation was at
hand. The times of mercy, when He would have gathered the children of
Jerusalem _as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wing_[470] (Mtt.
xxiii. 37–39), had passed away, never to return.
After this stern denunciation of the ruling powers, who veiling their
malice and wickedness under the pretence of righteousness had so
pertinaciously sought to entrap Him, the Redeemer sat down opposite
the Treasury, in the Court of the Women[471], and looking up beheld
the multitude casting in their voluntary[472] gifts and contributions.
Amongst the rest His eye rested on a certain poor widow, one of the
helpless class which He had just described as devoured by the extortion
of the Scribes and Pharisees (Mk. xii. 40; Lk. xx. 47). All her
possessions consisted of _two mites_[473], which together made _a
farthing_, both of which she now cast into the Treasury, and knew not
that One had called to Him His disciples (Mk. xii. 43), and declared
that she had cast in _more than all the rest_, and that her gift should
be known and remembered till the end of time.
It was apparently while the Redeemer was still in the Court of the
Women that two of the Apostles, Andrew and Philip, approached Him with
what they deemed a strange announcement. Amongst the thousands that
crowded the Holy City were certain Greeks, not Grecian Jews[474], but
Gentiles, proselytes of the gate, who were in the habit of coming up
to the Feast. In common with many others they had heard of the famed
Teacher of Nazareth, of His mighty works, and His wondrous words, and
they wished with their own eyes to behold Him (Jn. xii. 21). Shrinking,
however, from approaching Him directly, they had applied to the Apostle
Philip, possibly on account of his Græcised name[475], saying, _Sir, we
would see Jesus_. Philip, apparently perplexed, consulted his brother
Apostle Andrew, and together the two went and told their Lord.
No sooner did the Saviour hear their announcement, and perhaps behold
these enquirers from the West, than He instantly broke forth into words
of mysterious joy: _The Hour_, He declared, as if in a transport of
holy rapture, _The Hour is come that the Son of Man should be glorified.
Verily, verily I say unto you, Except a corn of wheat fall into the
ground and die, it abideth alone; but if it die, it bringeth forth much
fruit. He that loveth his life shall lose it; and he that hateth his
life shall keep it unto life eternal. If any man serve Me, let him
follow Me; and where I am, there will also My servant be; if any man
serve Me, him will My Father honour_ (Jn. xii. 24–26).
But with the thought of the seed-corn cast into the ground and dying,
and the spectacle of these pledges[476] of the vast multitude He should
draw unto Him if He was lifted up, came the thought of all that He must
first undergo. There fell upon Him the shadow of the dreadful hour so
close at hand, and He exclaimed, _Now is My soul troubled, and what
shall I say? Father, save Me from this hour_; and then, as though a
cloud had rolled away, the perfectly willing spirit spoke again, _For
this cause came I unto this hour[477]: Father, glorify Thy Name_ (Jn.
xii. 27, 28).
But these words, expressive of such deep, such infinite resignation,
were not to pass unheeded; they called forth the last of the Three[478]
Heavenly Voices, which, during His life on earth, attested the Divinity
of His mission. The Voice, which had been heard on the banks of Jordan
and on the Mount of Transfiguration, was now heard in the courts of
the Temple itself, saying in response to the Redeemer’s significant
utterance, _Father, glorify Thy Name_; _I have both glorified it, and
will glorify it again_.
Various[479] were the interpretations of this mysterious Voice by the
surrounding crowd. Some thought that _it thundered_, others that _an
angel had spoken to Him_ (Jn. xii. 29). But the Redeemer set all doubts
at rest, saying, _This Voice came not because of Me, but for your
sakes_; and then He exclaimed in the same strain of triumph, which the
announcement of two Apostles respecting the enquiring Greeks had called
forth, _Now is the judgment of this world; now shall the Prince of this
world be cast out; and I, if I be lifted up, will draw all men unto Me_,
signifying, adds the Evangelist, _by what death He should die_[480].
This striking incident was the appropriate close of this great day
in the Temple. The public work of the Holy One was now over. He had
given His last counsels and His final warnings to the ruling powers;
He now departed and _hid Himself from them_ (Jn. xii. 36). In spite of
the mighty works He had wrought (Jn. xii. 37), the Jewish nation did
not believe on Him. Many, indeed, of the rulers could not resist the
evidence of His life and works, but they dared not openly avow their
faith for fear of the Pharisees and the terrible ban of excommunication
(Jn. xii. 42).
As thus, however, He quitted the Temple, which as a Teacher He was
never to enter again, a striking incident took place. His disciples
began to invite His attention to the magnificence and solidity of
the structure, the enormous size of the stones (Mk. xiii. 1), the
glistering of its marble blocks, and the gorgeous gifts with which
it was endowed[481] (Mtt. xxiv. 1; Lk. xxi. 5). But their words of
admiration could not mislead Him. The imposing building might seem to
them to be founded for eternity. But He told them that a day was coming,
when not one of these enormous masses of stone should be left standing
upon the other.
With this mysterious announcement of a dreadful doom awaiting their
national sanctuary ringing in their ears, the Apostles accompanied
their Lord along the well-known road towards Bethany. But when they
reached the Mount of Olives, He sat down (Mtt. xxiv. 3; Mk. xiii. 3),
as if to take one last look at the glorious city and its still more
glorious Temple. And as He sat there directly opposite to it in the
evening twilight[482], four of the Apostles, Peter, James, John, and
Andrew (Mk. xiii. 3), disquieted by the announcement of the coming
destruction of their City, approached with an earnest enquiry _when all
these things should come to pass, and what should be the sign of His
coming, and of the end of the world_ (Mtt. xxiv. 3; Lk. xxi. 7).
In reply to their enquiries the Holy One, with the utmost
conceivable solemnity, proceeded to set forth the judgments destined
to befall Jerusalem, and from these to lead up their thoughts to the
contemplation of His own second coming to judge the world (Mtt. xxiv.
5–42), to describe the events that should precede it, and to enforce
the necessity on their part of watchfulness and preparation by the
striking parables of the _Ten Virgins_ (Mtt. xxv. 1–13) and _the
Talents_ (Mtt. xxv. 14–30), closing His solemn revelations with a
distinct declaration of the circumstances of the Awful Day, when the
Son of Man should come in His glory to judge both the quick and dead
(Mtt. xxv. 31–46).
CHAPTER IV.
_THE COMPACT OF JUDAS――THE LAST SUPPER._
A.D. 30.
AT the close of these solemn prophecies the Redeemer reminded the
Apostles that after two days the Passover would be celebrated, and
the Son of Man would be betrayed to be crucified (Mtt. xxvi. 1,2).
Having thus indicated the precise time, when the Hour so often spoken
of before should come, He retired in all probability to Bethany[483],
and there, hidden in holy seclusion (Jn. xii. 36), spent the last day
preceding His sufferings.
Meanwhile the rulers of the nation were holding a formal and deliberate
consultation as to the best means for putting Him to death. Humbled as
they had been that day in the Temple in the eyes of the people, and
disappointed in all their projects of ensnaring Him in a capital charge,
they saw that their influence was lost unless they were willing to take
extreme measures[484]. The chief priests, therefore, the scribes, and
the elders (Comp. Mtt. xxvi. 3; Mk. xiv. 1) assembled not in their
usual place of conclave, the hall Gazith[485] on the Temple Mount, but
in the court of the palace of Caiaphas, the high-priest (Mtt. xxvi. 3).
He, as we have seen, had already advised that the Holy One should
be put to death[486], and doubtless many of those present would have
gladly resolved on seizing Him by force. But by degrees they became
alive to the difficulties of the case.
The recent events on the day of the Triumphal Entry convinced them of
the great influence which the Redeemer wielded over many of the nation,
and especially the bold and hardy mountaineers of Galilee. The only
place where He appeared in public after the nights had been spent
at Bethany was the Temple. But to seize Him there in the present
excited state of popular feeling would certainly lead to a tumult (Mtt.
xxvi. 5; Mk. xiv. 2; Lk. xxii. 2), and this to the interposition of
the procurator in the fortress of Antonia. Forcible and hasty measures
were therefore to be avoided, and it was formally resolved to take
Him by craft, and therefore secretly, and for this purpose to await
a favourable opportunity[487].
While, however, they were thus debating, a mode of apprehending Him
suddenly presented itself which they had never anticipated[488]. Judas
Iscariot, whose chagrin at the discovery of His real character[489]
and the rebuke of His Master on the evening of the Anointing at Bethany
has been already described, approached with an enquiry as to the sum
they were willing to give him in the event of his betraying the Holy
One into their hands (Mtt. xxvi. 14). Thereupon with a joyous alacrity
(Mk. xiv. 11; Lk. xxii. 5) they covenanted to give him _thirty pieces
of silver_[490], and he on his part began to watch for a seasonable
occasion of delivering Him into their hands, without rousing the
feelings of the multitude (Lk. xxii. 6).
Thus, then, the day of seclusion at Bethany, the Thursday of the
Holy Week, passed away. Meanwhile the hour for the celebration of the
Passover drew near. The Saviour had already reminded His disciples
of its approach, and connected it with His own death. Accordingly the
Apostles now enquired of Him where He intended to celebrate it, and in
reply He bade two of their number, Peter and John, go into the city (Lk.
xxii. 8), and informed them that on entering it they would meet a man
bearing a pitcher of water, whom they were to follow to whatever house
he should enter. On reaching it they were to address to the owner[491]
of this house the significant words, _The Master saith, My time is at
hand; where is the guest-chamber where I may eat the Passover with My
disciples_? and he would shew them a large upper-room _furnished and
prepared_; there they were _to make ready_[492] (Mtt. xxvi. 18; Mk.
xiv. 14; Lk. xxii. 11).
Thus directed, the two Apostles went their way, and found everything
as their Lord had described with such striking minuteness. The large
upper-room is represented as already _furnished and prepared_ (Mk.
xiv. 15; Lk. xxii. 12). Hence we may perhaps infer that the searching
for and putting away of every particle of leaven (1 Cor. v. 7), so
important a preliminary to the Passover, had already been carried out,
and that the preparation made by the Apostles included the provision of
the unleavened cakes, of the bitter herbs, and the cups of wine; of
everything, in short, that could be prepared on the day before the
sacrifice of the Paschal Lamb[493].
This done, they probably returned to their Lord, who later in the
evening, when _the hour was come_ (Lk. xxii. 14), left the little
village of Bethany, crossed the Mount of Olives, and entering the city
repaired with the Twelve to the upper-room. There they sat down, or
reclined, according to the usual custom, and the Redeemer, taking the
place of Celebrant or Proclaimer of the Feast, said, _With desire have
I desired to eat this Passover with you before I suffer; for I say unto
you, I will no more eat thereof until it be fulfilled in the Kingdom
of God_. With these words He took a Cup, the first Cup we may believe,
usually devoted to the “announcement” of the Feast, and gave thanks,
and said, _Take ye this, and divide it amongst you; for I say unto
you, I will not drink of the fruit of the Vine, till the Kingdom of
God shall come_ (Lk. xxii. 17, 18).
But even now, even in this solemn hour, the old contention touching
priority again broke out among the Apostles (Lk. xxii. 24). Thereupon
the Holy One spake a few gentle but solemn words to repress so unseemly
a dispute (Lk. xxii. 25–30); and to teach them in the most striking
manner possible a lesson of humility, took upon Him the form of a
servant, and girding Himself with a towel washed His disciples’ feet
(Jn. xiii. 1–6). Simon Peter, with his wonted impetuosity, would have
checked the loving designs of His Master, and when the Redeemer told
him that, unless He washed his feet he had no part with Him (Jn. xiii.
9), with that quick revulsion so natural to him, he begged that He
would wash not only his feet, but his hands and his head. _He that hath
bathed_, replied his Master, _needeth not save to wash his feet, but is
clean every whit; and ye are clean, but not all_ (Jn. xiii. 10, 11).
With this sad intimation of treachery in their midst the Feast was
resumed[494], and probably the second Cup of Wine was drunk. But soon
the consciousness of the Traitor’s presence so wrought upon the Saviour,
that His inmost soul was deeply moved and troubled, and He testified
and said, _Verily, verily, I say unto you, that one of you will betray
Me_ (Jn. xiii. 21). This announcement excited great surprise and deep
sorrow among the Apostles, and many were the earnest questionings,
_Lord, is it I_? At length He gave a special and private indication to
the disciple that reclined upon His bosom. He was the Traitor to whom
_He should give the sop[495], when He had dipped it_ (Jn. xiii. 26). At
this point Judas Iscariot, though he had already made his compact with
the chief priests, dared to enquire, _Lord, is it I_? (Mtt. xxvi. 25).
_Thou hast said_, replied the Redeemer, and gave him the sop, adding
shortly afterwards, _That thou doest do quickly_ (Jn. xiii. 27). The
real import of these words remained unknown to the rest of the Apostles,
and they imagined that they related only to the provision of something
needed for the feast, or the bestowal of some charity on the poor. As
soon, then, as he had received the sop, Judas arose and went forth to
execute his awful purpose, _and it was night_ (Jn. xiii. 30).
On his departure the Saviour was no more troubled in spirit, but brake
forth into the same triumphant language which fell from His lips when
He heard of the request of the Greeks in the Temple Courts: _Now_, said
He, _is the Son of Man glorified, and God is glorified in Him; if God
is glorified in Him, God will also glorify Him in Himself, and will
straightway glorify Him_ (Jn. xiii. 31, 32).
Again the Meal proceeded, and soon taking one of the unleavened cakes
that had been placed before Him, and giving thanks, probably in the
usual words, He brake it, and gave it to His Apostles, saying,
_Take, eat: this is My Body, which is given for you: do this in
remembrance of Me[496]._
Afterwards He took a Cup of wine, in all probability the third Cup, and
known as the “Cup of blessing,” and having offered thanks, gave it unto
them saying,
_Drink ye all of this; for this Cup is My Blood of the New Covenant,
which is shed for you and for many, for the remission of sins: this do
ye, as oft as ye shall drink it, in remembrance of Me[497]._
The Holy Eucharist thus instituted, He conversed with the Apostles
concerning the events that were soon to happen to Himself and them,
how they would desert Him in His most critical and trying hour, how
their faith would fail, how they would be dispersed each unto his own.
These announcements of coming failure sounded unbearable to the Apostle
Peter. _Lord_, said he, _I am ready to go with Thee unto prison and
to death――I am ready to lay down my life for Thee_ (Mtt. xxvi. 33; Jn.
xiii. 37). _Verily, verily, I say unto thee_, replied the Master, in
solemn words, _This night, before the cock crow twice, thou shalt deny
Me thrice_ (Mtt. xxvi. 34; Mk. xiv. 30; Jn. xiii. 38). But this sad
announcement, so far from solemnising the Apostle’s feelings, provoked
him to fresh protestations of fidelity (Mk. xiv. 31). With still
greater vehemence he declared, _If I should die with Thee, I will not
deny Thee_; and in these well-meant but short-sighted declarations the
rest of the Apostles joined also (Mtt. xxvi. 35; Mk. xiv. 31).
And now, whereas at the usual Paschal Feast it had been customary
to continue long in religious conversation respecting the great
events of the Exodus, and the national deliverance from Egypt, so on
this occasion did the Saviour continue long in earnest conversation
with His chosen ones. But He spake to them of other and still more
exalted themes; of His own departure to the Father and the coming of
the Comforter (Jn. xiv. 1–31); of Himself as the true Vine and His
disciples as the branches (Jn. xv. 1–6); of the hatred of the world and
its sin against Him (Jn. xv. 18–25); of the trials which the Apostles
must expect, and the assured aid of the Comforter (Jn. xvi. 1–16); of
offering up prayer in His name (Jn. xvi. 23–27). And at the close of
these solemn and affecting discourses, lifting up His eyes to heaven
in rapt and solemn devotion, He committed the Apostles to the guardian
care of the Eternal Father, and dedicated to Him His own completed work,
contemplating it once more in its issues not only on these then present,
but on all that should believe on His Name (Jn. xvii.).
The night was now far advanced. A hymn, probably the Hallel, was sung,
and the Apostles went forth with their Lord through the quiet streets
of the city towards the Mount of Olives (Mtt. xxvi. 30; Mk. xiv. 26).
CHAPTER V.
_THE AGONY AND BETRAYAL――PETER’S DENIAL._
A.D. 30.
THE road, which the Redeemer and His Apostles now traversed, led across
the Kidron, and thence to a garden at the foot of the Mount of Olives,
which from the produce of the adjacent hills was called Gethsemane[498],
or _the oil-press_[499], and was a spot to which He often resorted with
His disciples (Jn. xviii. 2).
On reaching this garden, the Holy One left the greater number of His
Apostles at the outskirts (Mtt. xxvi. 36), while with three chosen
witnesses[500], Peter and the two sons of Zebedee, He Himself advanced
further into the shadow of the overhanging olives. Here He began to be
_sore amazed_ (Mk. xiv. 33) and _very heavy_ (Mtt. xxvi. 37; Mk. xiv.
33), and His _soul exceeding sorrowful even unto death_, and as a last
request He begged them to watch, while He proceeded about a _stone’s
throw further_ (Lk. xxii. 41) and engaged in solitary prayer. And
now had come the hour for the last and most terrible assault of the
Prince of Darkness (Comp. Lk. iv. 13). Kneeling down (Lk. xxii. 41),
and falling forward on the earth (Mk. xiv. 35), He twice prayed that,
_if it were possible_, the cup of suffering might pass from Him, and
as often with infinite resignation added, _Not as I will, but as Thou
wilt_ (Mtt. xxvi. 39). Soon the conflict deepened in intensity, and
being in an “agony” He prayed _yet more earnestly_, while drops of
bloody sweat fell from Him, and testified to the terrible nature of
His sufferings (Lk. xxii. 44). Twice, as if to assure Himself of their
sympathy and watchfulness, He came to the three Apostles, who had
promised so eagerly even to die with Him, and twice He found them
sleeping (Mtt. xxvi. 40, 43). The first time He awoke them, saying to
Simon, _Simon, sleepest thou? couldest not thou watch with Me one hour?
Watch and pray, lest ye enter into temptation_ (Mk. xiv. 37, 38). But
on the second occasion He uttered not a word. Alone He retired to renew
once more the conflict, and to offer for the third time the prayer of
mingled entreaty and resignation to His Father in heaven; and then,
having been strengthened by an angelic being, He for the third time
revisited the Apostles to find them still sleeping. On this occasion,
however, He awoke them, and with words of sorrowful expostulation told
them that the golden opportunity for watching and prayer was over:
_Rise_, said He, _let us be going; behold he that betrayeth Me is at
hand_ (Mtt. xxvi. 46; Mk. xiv. 42).
He had scarcely spoken, when the Garden was filled with armed men,
and flashed with the light of numerous lanterns and torches[501]. At
the head of a portion of the Roman cohort[502] with its captain (Jn.
xviii. 12) in attendance on the procurator (Jn. xviii. 3), and of
the Levitical guards of the Temple, attendants and apparitors of the
Sanhedrin, the traitor[503] approached. Advancing he saluted his Master
with a kiss, the signal which had been agreed upon, and received the
reproachful reply, _Friend, wherefore art thou come? betrayest thou
the Son of man with a kiss?_ (Mtt. xxvi. 50; Lk. xxii. 48). Having
thus rebuked the traitor, the Lord proceeded towards the entrance of
the garden[504] (Jn. xviii. 4), and meeting the soldiers and officers
enquired whom they sought. They replied, _Jesus of Nazareth_. _I am
He_, answered the Holy One, and immediately, awed by His calm majesty
and the sudden appearance of One whose name had so long had for
them a mysterious significance, they recoiled backwards and _fell to
the ground_ (Jn. xviii. 6)[505]. _Whom seek ye?_ the Redeemer again
enquired, and when they answered as before, again declared that He was
the object of their search, and covenanting only for the safe dismissal
of His followers, freely surrendered Himself into their hands (Jn.
xviii. 7–9).
But one of His followers was not minded to yield thus willingly.
Drawing his sword the impetuous son of Jonas cut off the ear of Malchus,
a servant of the high-priest. The soldiers were just on the point of
laying hands on the Holy One, and taking Him into custody, but seeing
what His Apostle had done, He said to them, _Suffer ye thus far_, and
touching the ear of the wounded man restored it whole as before (Lk.
xxii. 51); then rebuking the disciple for his over-hasty zeal, and
protesting[506] meekly against the mode in which He had been arrested
by His captors, He allowed Himself to be bound and led towards the city;
for it was their _hour and the power of darkness_ (Lk. xxii. 53).
On the part of the Apostles all was now terror and confusion. Though
they had all promised to die with Him, they now forsook their Master
and fled (Mtt. xxvi. 56; Mk. xiv. 50). Their last hope of a temporal
kingdom of the Messiah had crumbled to pieces[507].
Meanwhile the Roman guard and the officers (Jn. xviii. 12) led the
Saviour over the Kidron, and up the road leading into the city, and
either at the suggestion of some of the ruling powers, or in accordance
with previous concert, conducted Him to the palace of Annas[508],
who as the father-in-law of Caiaphas, and as an able and experienced
counsellor, had great influence with the nation.
It is not improbable that both Annas and his son-in-law occupied[509] a
common official residence, and that before it or within the outer porch
was a large square open court, in which public business was transacted.
Into this court[510] or hall the Redeemer was led, and thither two of
the Apostles, John and Peter (Jn. xviii. 15), recovering from their
first alarm, ventured to follow. The former, as being acquainted with
the high-priest[511], easily obtained admittance into the hall, but
Peter appears to have been at first rejected by the porteress. After a
while John missed his companion, and going back spake to the porteress,
who thereupon immediately allowed him to enter (Jn. xviii. 16).
The night was chilly, and the servants having made a fire of charcoal
in the centre of the court, were warming themselves before it (Jn.
xviii. 18; Mk. xiv. 54), and thither Peter pressed forwards, anxious
to _see the end_ (Mtt. xxvi. 58). As he sat there, the porteress,
whose suspicions appear to have been aroused, approached the group, and
fixing her eye steadfastly upon him (Lk. xxii. 56) said, _Surely thou
art one of this Man’s disciples_. Thrown off his guard, and perhaps
disconcerted by the searching glances of the bystanders, the Apostle
replied at first evasively[512], _I know not what thou sayest_ (Mtt.
xxvi. 70; Mk. xiv. 68), and then more strongly, _I know Him not_ (Lk.
xxii. 57; Jn. xviii. 17).
Thus silenced the maid withdrew, and after a brief delay the Apostle,
anxious probably for a favourable opportunity of retiring, went back
towards the porch (Mtt. xxvi. 71; Mk. xiv. 68). But here another maid
approached and said to the bystanders, _This fellow was also with Jesus
of Nazareth_ (Mtt. xxvi. 71). Thus a second time assailed, and not
knowing what might happen, his faith again failed him, and with an oath
he declared _I know not the Man_ (Mtt. xxvi. 72); _and the cock crew_.
While this sad scene of moral cowardice was going on, Annas began to
put several questions to the Saviour respecting His disciples and His
doctrine (Jn. xviii. 19). Thus interrogated, the Redeemer appealed to
the publicity of His teaching, and referred His enquirer to His hearers,
whom he had so often addressed in the wonted places of resort, the
synagogue and the Temple (Jn. xvii. 20, 21): He had no secret doctrines,
and no secret society of dependants[513] for purposes either of tumult
or sedition. This reply was the signal for the first beginning of a
dreadful scene of insult and violence. An officer of the high-priest
struck Him on the mouth, saying, _Answerest thou the high-priest so_?
_If I have spoken ill, bear witness of the ill_, meekly replied the
Holy One, _but if well, why smitest thou me_? (Jn. xviii. 22–24).
The day was now rapidly dawning, and the Sanhedrin, which had been
hastily summoned, had begun to assemble. Annas therefore sent the
Saviour, who was still in bonds, to the official judgment-hall of
Caiaphas (Jn. xviii. 24), and it was not improbably as He was crossing
the court[514], that He _turned and looked upon_ the Apostle, who now
for the third time denied that he had ever known Him. Recognised at
the porch, Peter, it would seem, had returned again to the fire, and
there mingling with the group of soldiers and servants (Jn. xviii. 25),
conversed with them freely in his rough uncouth Galilæan dialect[515].
This excited suspicion, and an hour had scarcely elapsed (Lk. xxii. 59)
before certain of the bystanders began to express their opinions.
_Surely_, said one, _this fellow was one of them. Thou art a Galilæan_,
said another (Mk. xiv. 70). _Thy speech bewrayeth thee_, added a third
(Mtt. xxvi. 73). _Did I not see thee in the garden with Him?_ broke in
a fourth, a kinsman of the servant whose ear the Apostle had cut off
(Jn. xviii. 26). Thus attacked on all sides he fell deeper still. With
oaths and curses (Mtt. xxvi. 74; Mk. xiv. 71) he declared, _I know not
the Man_, and for the second time the cock crew (Mk. xiv. 72). It was
this base denial that the Holy One now overheard. _Turning round He
looked upon Peter_ (Lk. xxii. 61). The remembrance of all that He had
said rushed to the Apostle’s recollection. He could not linger a moment
in that Presence. His faith indeed had not _utterly[516] failed_, but
Satan had _sifted him as wheat_. _He went forth and wept bitterly_
(Mtt. xxvi. 75; Lk. xxii. 62)[517].
CHAPTER VI.
_THE JEWISH TRIAL――REMORSE AND SUICIDE OF JUDAS._
A.D. 30.
BY this time the entire body of the Sanhedrin had assembled in the
palace of Caiaphas, and the Redeemer was placed before them.
The first object was to secure the agreement of two witnesses on
some specific charge (Mtt. xxvi. 59; Mk. xiv. 55). But this was found
to be a matter of the utmost difficulty. Many indeed were at hand
suborned to utter any falsehood, but their testimony was so confused
and contradictory (Mk. xiv. 56), that the council could not receive
it. At length two were found who could testify to the words the Holy
One had uttered on the occasion of His first visit to the Temple[518].
_This fellow said_, was their charge, _I will destroy this Temple made
with hands, and in three days I will raise up another made without
hands_ (Mk. xiv. 58). But besides the fact that their allegations were
exaggerated, they themselves did not agree in their statements (Mk. xiv.
59), and though eager to pronounce the capital sentence, the council
felt themselves unable with any decency to do so on such evidence.
Meanwhile the Redeemer preserved a solemn and impressive silence,
neither interrupting, nor replying to the questions of the high-priest
or the statements of His accusers (Mtt. xxvi. 62; Mk. xiv. 60). He
condescended not to any defence.
Nothing therefore remained but, if possible, to make Him criminate
Himself. Once more, then, the high-priest _stood up in the midst_
(Mk. xiv. 60), and in the most solemn manner adjured Him in the name
of Jehovah to declare whether _He was the Messiah, the Son of God_
(Comp. Mtt. xxvi. 63; Mk. xiv. 61).
Thus formally addressed, the Holy One at length broke the silence He
had hitherto maintained, saying, in reply to the question, _I am; and
hereafter ye shall see the Son of Man sitting on the right hand of
power, and coming in the clouds of heaven_[519]. He thus in the most
solemn and explicit manner asserted that He was not only the Messiah,
but the Son of God, and that in the sublimest sense of the words.
All was now uproar and confusion. In token of his horror the
high-priest rent his clothes, and pronounced the utterance of the
Redeemer to be direct and treasonable blasphemy. _What further need_,
he exclaimed, _have we of witnesses? Ye have heard His blasphemy:
what think ye?_ (Mtt. xxvi. 65; Mk. xiv. 63, 64). Carried away by
his vehement gestures and words, and his great influence, the court
pronounced their opinion, _He is guilty of death_ (Mtt. xxvi. 66).
Worse than false prophet, worse than false Messiah, He had declared
Himself to be the _Son of God_, and that in the presence of the
high-priest and the great council of the nation. He had incurred the
capital penalty.
And now ensued a scene of fearful violence. The bystanders were
permitted to do their worst to One thus declared guilty of blasphemy.
Some _spat upon His face_; others _smote Him with the palms of their
hands_; others _blindfolded_ Him, and in derision of His Messianic
claims bade Him detect the hand that had been raised against Him (Mtt.
xxvi. 67, 68; Mk. xiv. 65; Lk. xxii. 63, 64).
But though the great council of the nation had thus passed sentence,
there remained a serious obstacle before they could carry it out. Cases
punishable with death, such as false claims to prophetic inspiration,
or blasphemy, they were fully competent to _try_[520] (Comp. Acts iv.
5–21; v. 17–40; vi. 12–15; xxiii. 1–10), but they could not _execute_
the sentence of death, for the right had been taken from them ever
since Judæa became a Roman province[521]. Mistrusting, therefore,
the people who might attempt to rescue the Holy One from the hands of
their own officers, reluctant to incur the odium of profaning so sacred
a day with a public execution, anxious to shift the responsibility from
their own head upon that of the Romans, yet determined to insure the
destruction of their Victim, they again reassembled their court (Mtt.
xxvii. 1; Mk. xv. 1), and resolved to send the Redeemer before the
tribunal of Pilate, who, they might not unreasonably suppose, “would
not hesitate, at once, and on their authority, on the first intimation
of a dangerous and growing party, to act without further examination
or inquiry, and without scruple add one victim more to the robbers
and turbulent insurgents, who, it appears, were kept in prison, in
order to be executed, as a terrible example at that period of national
concourse[522].” Pilate had, as usual, come up to Jerusalem to preserve
order during the Passover, and was now residing either in a palace near
the tower of Antonia[523], or in the splendid and luxurious structure
which had been erected by Herod the Great[524]. Thither, therefore, the
Saviour, after He had been again placed in bonds (Mtt. xxvii. 2), was
led, attended by a deputation of the Sanhedrin to support and explain
the charge[525].
Meanwhile the fact of His condemnation had become known[526] to the
traitor Judas (Mtt. xxvii. 3), and filled him with the deepest remorse.
Hitherto he had been lured on by covetousness, and his eyes had been
blinded by the Evil One. Now they were opened, and he saw what he had
done. _He had betrayed innocent blood_ (Mtt. xxvii. 4). Filled with
terror and anguish, he hurried to the chief priests and elders, and
openly confessed his awful crime. But they received his confession with
gibes and taunts. _What is that to us?_ said they; _see thou to that_
(Mtt. xxvii. 4). In frantic despair the wretched man resolved to get
rid of the reward of his treachery. Rushing into the sanctuary[527]
he flung down the thirty pieces of silver before the priests, and went
and hanged himself[528] (Mtt. xxvii. 5), but, probably in consequence
of the rope breaking, he _fell headlong, and burst asunder in the
midst_ (Acts i. 18), so that, when his body was found, _all his bowels
had gushed out_. With the blood-money he had left in the Temple the
chief priests were at first perplexed what to do. Though they had not
scrupled to pledge it as the reward of the basest treachery, yet they
were unwilling to return it to the Temple funds, and at length resolved
to apply it to the purchase[529] of a field for the burial of strangers,
which was afterwards known as Aceldama[530] (Acts i. 19), or the _Field
of Blood_ (Mtt. xxvii. 6–10; Zech. xi. 13).
CHAPTER VII.
_THE TRIAL BEFORE PILATE――THE CONDEMNATION._
A.D. 30.
WHAT amount of knowledge Pilate already possessed of the Saviour’s
person and character is not known. But he could not fail to have been
surprised, on this occasion, at the earnest request so early in the
morning to decide the question respecting the Teacher from Galilee.
The deputation from the Sanhedrin would not enter his prætorium, lest
they should incur pollution, and be unable to keep the Passover (Jn.
xviii. 28). Yielding, therefore, to the popular custom[531], with
political tact he came forth from his palace (Jn. xviii. 29), and
enquired the nature of the accusation against the Redeemer.
At first they replied evasively, and as if they felt hurt at the
question, _If this fellow were not a malefactor we would not have
delivered Him unto thee_ (Jn. xviii. 30). But this would not satisfy
Pilate, and he replied ironically[532], _Then take ye Him, and judge
Him according to your law_, as if anxious to refer the whole matter
back to themselves. To this the Jews replied that it was not lawful for
them to put any one to death (Jn. xviii. 31), and having thus intimated
that the Redeemer had committed a crime, for which the punishment
of death was due, artfully put forward a charge, which, as a Roman
procurator, Pilate could not overlook. _We found this fellow_, said
they, _perverting our nation, and forbidding to give tribute to Cæsar,
saying that He is Christ a King_ (Lk. xxiii 2).
Though Pilate must have known the Jews too well to imagine that the
Sanhedrin would really hate and persecute One, whose sole crime was an
anxiety to free them from the Roman power[533], he saw that the case
could not be hastily put aside, involving as it did three grave charges;
(i) seditious agitation, (ii) attempted prohibition of the payment of
the tribute-money, and (iii) the assumption of the suspicious title of
“King of the Jews.”
It was clearly necessary that he should at least examine the Accused,
and, as a _procurator_[534], he was bound to conduct the examination
himself.
Withdrawing, accordingly, with the Redeemer into the interior of the
prætorium (Jn. xviii. 33), he began by enquiring, _Art thou the King
of the Jews_? (Jn. xviii. 33; Mtt. xxvii. 11). To this the Holy One
replied by asking the governor whether he put this question of himself,
or at the suggestion of others (Jn. xviii. 34). Apparently offended
at such a rejoinder, and disclaiming all communion with the prejudices
of the Jews[535], Pilate responded that he was not a Jew; His own
countrymen, and the ruling powers of the nation, had brought Him before
his tribunal, _what had He done_?
Thus interrogated the Saviour replied by an assertion of the real
nature of His kingdom: _My kingdom_, said He, _is not of this world;
had my kingdom been of this world, then would my servants have
contended that I should not be delivered to the Jews: My kingdom is
not from hence_. _Art Thou[536], then, a king?_ enquired the wondering
governor. _Thou sayest it_, answered the Redeemer; _for I am a King.
For this purpose was I born, and for this purpose came I into the world,
that I might bear witness unto the truth. Every one that is of the
truth heareth My Voice_ (Jn. xviii. 37, 38). These mysterious words
from the lips of One, whose life seemed to be entirely at his mercy;
this denial that He was a king in a worldly sense, and the implication
that in another sense He was[537]; this declaration that the object of
His birth and of His life was to bear witness to _the truth_, increased
the procurator’s perplexity. _What is truth?_ he asked, partly in
sadness, partly in irony, partly from a real inability to discern the
connection of such an abstract matter with “the present question, with
a question of life and death, with a capital charge brought by the
national council before the supreme tribunal[538].” He could connect a
kingdom with _power_, but not with _truth_.
The only sect Pilate could have ever heard of that believed in such
a kingdom was the Stoics[539], and their opinions he would naturally
regard as those of visionary enthusiasts. The Accused might be a
dreamer, but certainly He was not one who had done anything deserving
of the sword of the civil power, and going out to the Jewish deputation
standing before the gate (Jn. xviii. 38), he declared his conviction of
His innocence; _he found no fault in Him_ (Lk. xxiii. 4).
But this was the signal for a furious clamour on the part of the chief
priests and the members of the Sanhedrin. _He stirreth up the people_,
they cried, _teaching throughout all Judæa, beginning from Galilee even
unto this place_ (Lk. xxiii. 5). Pilate thereupon turned once more to
the Accused, and enquired what answer He had to give to these charges
(Mtt. xxvii. 13). But the Holy One continued silent, and answered not
a word. This increased still further the astonishment of the procurator
(Mtt. xxvii. 14; Mk. xv. 5), but he fancied he had discovered an escape
from the dilemma. The word _Galilee_ had not escaped his ears (Lk.
xxiii. 6). Galilee was in the jurisdiction of Herod-Antipas, who was
now present in the city as a worshipper at the Feast (Lk. xxiii. 7),
and by sending the case before him[540], he might at once rid himself
of a troublesome responsibility[541], and conciliate one, with whom
he had hitherto been on no friendly terms[542] (Lk. xxiii. 12). Having
assured himself, therefore, that the Accused was a Galilæan (Lk.
xxiii. 6), he sent Him before Herod’s tribunal.
The tetrarch of Galilee[543], as we have seen before, had often heard
of the Saviour, and had long desired to see Him[544] (Lk. xxiii. 8).
He was highly pleased, therefore, when informed who was awaiting
an audience with him, and hoped his curiosity to see some sign of
supernatural magical power might be gratified. With this view he _put
many questions_ to Him, but the Redeemer maintained an imperturbable
silence. Meanwhile the chief priests and scribes, who had followed
into the presence of Herod, persisted in their furious accusations. But
neither their charges nor the questions of the tetrarch could induce
the Holy One to utter a word. Provoked at being thus disappointed of
the object of his hopes, Herod’s superstitious curiosity was exchanged
for scorn. He did not venture indeed to condemn the Accused to death,
and saw that there was nothing He had done which rendered Him liable to
punishment, but he did not scruple to insult Him, and therefore handed
Him over to his soldiers, amongst whom probably, as in his father’s
body-guard[545], were Gaulish and Thracian barbarians, who treated the
Holy One with every kind of indignity (Lk. xxiii. 11). This done, he
sent Him back to the Roman procurator, clad in a purple robe, and the
ill-feeling between the two was from that day exchanged for friendship
(Lk. xxiii. 12).
Perplexed, as Pilate probably was, at finding the case thus thrown
back upon his hands, he was more than ever convinced that the Holy One
was entirely innocent of such grave charges as had been made against
Him. He therefore summoned the chief priests and rulers of the people
(Lk. xxiii. 13) together, and once more declared his conviction that
their accusations could not be sustained, and added that in this he
was fortified by the judgment of Herod also. He offered, however, to
scourge Him before letting Him go (Lk. xxiii. 16).
This first symptom of weakness and irresolution was not lost upon the
Jewish rulers, and their followers assembled before the _prætorium_,
and the proposition merely to scourge the meek Sufferer found little
favour with them. Pilate therefore resolved to try another method of
making the proposed acquittal more acceptable[546].
It appears to have been a custom, the origin of which is wholly
unknown[547], to release at the season of the Passover any prisoner
whom the people might select. There was at this time in confinement
a celebrated (Mtt. xxvii. 16) bandit, named Barabbas[548], who with
others had committed murder in an insurrectionary tumult (Mk. xv. 7) in
the city (Lk. xxiii. 18). The procurator therefore, in accordance with
this custom, proposed to the Jews that they should select for release
one of the two, either Barabbas, a condemned murderer and insurgent,
or the Prophet of Nazareth. He saw clearly that it was envy of His
fame and popularity (Mk. xv. 10) which had induced the ruling powers
to accuse the Holy One, and he hoped by this appeal to the people to
procure His release. Indeed so certain does he appear to have been
that they would select for release One, whom thousands had so lately
welcomed with loud Hosannas as their Messiah, that he ascended and sat
down upon the judgment-seat[549] as if to ratify and formally accept
their decision (Mtt. xxvii. 19).
But at this moment, as if to increase his perplexity, an attendant
approached bearing a message from his wife[550] imploring him to have
nothing to do with the _just person_ (Mtt. xxvii. 19) standing before
his tribunal. During the night she had probably been roused by the
messengers[551] of the high-priest requesting a Roman guard, and a
fearful and harrowing morning (Mtt. xxvii. 19) dream concerning the
righteous Prophet of Nazareth had induced her thus to appeal to her
husband in His behalf.
Pilate’s feelings of awe and amazement were now intensified, and
his determination to release his Prisoner increased. But the chief
priests and the Sanhedrists had improved their opportunity while he was
listening to his wife’s message, and when he composed himself afresh
to receive their decision, he saw that malice and bitter, determined
hatred had done their work. Persuaded by their teachers, the multitude
cried out, _Not this Man, but Barabbas_. In vain the procurator tried
to stem the torrent, in vain he expostulated (Mk. xv. 9), in vain
he re-asserted his conviction of the innocence of the Accused. Loud
clamour, and furious faces, and uplifted hands, told him that the
feelings of the throng were excited beyond such efforts. Equally
powerless was a solemn and significant action, by which he strove
to represent in the most striking manner possible, how strongly he
was convinced of the perfect innocence of the Holy One. Calling for
water, he washed his hands publickly (Mtt. xxvii. 24) before the whole
multitude, saying, _I am guiltless of the blood of this Just Person:
see ye to it_. _His blood be upon us and upon our children_, was
the frantic reply, and Pilate saw that further opposition would only
increase the tumult (Mtt. xxvii. 25).
One hope, however, he still seems to have retained[552]. Perhaps that
tossing clamorous throng would be satisfied with the infliction of a
punishment only less terrible than death. Perhaps the inhuman scourge
of the Roman soldiers would be enough[553], without the penalty of
crucifixion, for which so many were already clamorous. He gave the
order, therefore, that He should be scourged, and appears to have again
sat down on the judgment-seat while the command was carried into effect.
The soldiers executed his orders with their wonted severity, and then
flung around the bleeding body of the Divine Sufferer a purple[554]
robe (Mtt. xxvii. 28; Jn. xix. 2), and placing a reed in His right hand
(Mtt. xxvii. 29), and a crown of thorns[555] upon His head, bowed the
knee before Him, and in cruel mockery saluted Him, saying, _Hail, King
of the Jews_ (Mtt. xxvii. 29; Mk. xv. 18). Not satisfied with this
outrage, they took the reed and struck Him with it on the head, and
spat in His face (Mtt. xxvii. 30; Mk. xv. 19), and heaped upon Him
every kind of indignity.
The scourging appears to have been inflicted within the _prætorium_
(Mtt. xxvii. 27), and when it had been carried out, Pilate himself went
and led forth the Sufferer wearing the crown of thorns and the purple
robe (Jn. xix. 4, 5), and presented Him to the people, saying, _Behold
the Man_[556]. Would not this spectacle of terrible suffering suffice?
Could cruelty demand yet more? _Crucify Him_ was the cry of the
chief priests and their attendants (Jn. xix. 6). The sight of so much
suffering so meekly borne drew forth no pity, and no relenting. _Take
ye Him, and crucify Him_, replied the procurator; _for I find no fault
in Him_. _We have a law_, rejoined the Jews, _and by our law[557] He
ought to die, because He made Himself the Son of God_.
These last words roused afresh all Pilate’s fears (Jn. xix. 8). Taking
his bleeding, lacerated Prisoner once more within the prætorium he
enquired anxiously, _Whence art Thou[558]?_ But the Holy One made
him no reply. Startled by this continued silence the procurator asked
whether He did not know that he had power to release Him, and power
to crucify Him. _Thou couldest have had no power at all against Me_,
was the mysterious reply, _unless it had been given thee from above;
therefore he[559] that delivered Me unto thee hath the greater sin_ (Jn.
xix. 11). This answer, so calm, so gentle, so full of mystery, made a
deep impression on Pilate, already awed by the message of his wife, and
still more by the infinite patience of the accused, and he resolved to
make one last effort to release Him (Jn. xix. 12). But it was too late.
A cry, far more formidable to himself than any he had yet heard, struck
upon his ears: _If thou let this Man go_, cried the Jews, _thou art not
Cæsar’s friend: whosoever maketh himself a king speaketh against Cæsar_
(Jn. xix. 12). It was a crafty, well-chosen cry. Pilate knew that the
Jews already had matter for accusation against him[560], and could
well divine the consequences, if they accused him before the gloomy
suspicious Tiberius of sparing a prisoner who had been accused of
treason[561]. Loss of place, degradation, banishment, perhaps a death
by torture, stared him in the face. His fears for his own personal
safety turned the scale. He must save _himself_[562], even though
he sacrificed One whom he had confessed to be innocent. Once more,
therefore, he took his seat upon the tribunal (Jn. xix. 13), but even
now he could not resist the impulse to bid the Jews bethink themselves
before it was too late. _Behold your King_, said he. His words were
the signal for uproarious cries of _Away with Him! Away with Him!
Crucify Him!_ _Shall I crucify your King?_ asked the procurator. _We
have no king but Cæsar_, replied the chief priests (Jn. xix. 15), thus
renouncing altogether the hope of the Messiah in order to satisfy their
thirst for the Redeemer’s blood, and Pilate seeing it was useless to
prolong the controversy, pronounced the word, the irrevocable word,
_Let Him be crucified_ (Joh. xix. 16).
CHAPTER VIII.
_THE CRUCIFIXION._
A.D. 30.
THUS the Holy One was formally delivered into the hands of the
soldiers[563], who instantly made their preparations for His
crucifixion. The place of execution was a spot of slightly rising
ground without the gates of the city, called, probably from the shape
of its rounded summit[564], Golgotha[565], _the place of a skull_ (Mtt.
xxvii. 33; Jn. xix. 17). Thither, therefore, after stripping Him of
the purple robe, and putting on Him His own garments (Mtt. xxvii. 31;
Mk. xv. 20), the soldiers led Him forth bearing[566], as was customary,
the Cross on which He was to suffer (Jn. xix. 17), attended by a
centurion[567], and two malefactors who were to be crucified with
Him[568] (Lk. xxiii. 32).
As they proceeded from the city, the Redeemer, exhausted by the
grievous sufferings He had already undergone, sank under the heavy
weight of the Cross, and the soldiers meeting one Simon[569] of Cyrene
in Northern Africa, coming from the country[570], laid hold upon him,
and compelled[571] him to assist in bearing it (Mtt. xxvii. 32; Mk.
xv. 21; Lk. xxiii. 26). And so the mournful procession was resumed,
followed by a great multitude, amongst which many women began to utter
loud laments at the sad spectacle. Turning to these _daughters of
Jerusalem_ the exalted Sufferer with superhuman composure bade them
_weep not for Him, but for themselves_; for nameless sorrows awaited
them, days when they would _bless the wombs which had never borne_,
and _the paps that had never given suck_, when they would _cry to the
mountains to fall upon them, and to the hills to cover them_[572] (Lk.
xxiii. 28–31).
On reaching the appointed place, the hole for the Cross was dug in the
ground, and the customary stupefying potion[573] of wine mingled with
myrrh was offered to the Holy One. He touched it with his lips (Mtt.
xxvii. 34), but would not drink it, being resolved to preserve His
senses clear, and to endure all the coming agony in the full possession
of His consciousness. Then the soldiers stripped Him of His garments,
nailed His hands and feet to the Cross[574], placed over His head the
title[575] which Pilate had written in three languages, Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin,
_This is Jesus the Nazarene, the King of the Jews_,
and between the two malefactors, one on His right hand and the other on
His left (Isai. liii. 12), the Redeemer hung suspended between heaven
and earth, breathing forth even under the hands of His murderers words
of infinite love, _Father, forgive them, for they know not what they
do_ (Lk. xxiii. 34).
It was now about the _third hour_[576] (Mk. xv. 25), and the quaternion
or party of four soldiers[577] (Jn. xix. 23), with their centurion
(Mtt. xxvii. 54), whose special duty it was to see that the bodies
of those who suffered by crucifixion were not taken away, sat down
and watched (Mtt. xxvii. 36). According to custom, the clothes of
the Redeemer had become their perquisite. Of the outer garment they
made four parts, probably loosening the seams[578]. But the inner
garment[579] _was without seam, woven from the top throughout_ (Jn.
xix. 23). That they might not rend this garment, therefore, they drew
lots for it whose it should be, and thus unconsciously fulfilled the
words of the Psalmist, _They parted My raiment among them; and for My
vesture they did cast lots_ (Ps. xxii. 18; Jn. xix. 24).
While, however, the soldiers were thus employed, and the high-priests
were busy wrangling with Pilate respecting the title he had placed upon
the Cross, a few faithful ones had ventured to draw near the suffering
Redeemer. Near His Cross stood His mother, His mother’s sister, Mary
the wife of Clopas[580], and Mary Magdalene (Jn. xix. 25), and with
them the Apostle John. Looking upon His mother, and seeing standing
by her the disciple whom He loved, He said to her, _Woman, behold thy
son_, and to the disciple, _Behold thy mother, and from that hour_ the
Apostle _took her to his own home_[581] (Jn. xix. 27).
But soon others than these faithful ones drew near. The passers-by
began to vent their mockery and bitter gibes upon The Redeemer. Some
reminded Him in derision of His deep saying at the first Passover of
His public ministry, and bade Him who could _destroy the Temple and
build it in three days, save Himself_ (Mtt. xxvii. 39, 40; Mk. xv. 29).
Others, and especially the chief priests, bade Him if He was in truth
the Son of God, the Messiah, and King of Israel (Mtt. xxvii. 42; Mk.
xv. 32), _come down from the Cross_. The soldiers also took up their
words, and drawing near offered Him in mockery their sour wine[582]
(Lk. xxiii. 36), and required Him, if, as His title portended, He was
the King of the Jews, to deliver Himself, and soon even the crucified
malefactors followed their example, and cast the same in His teeth
(Mtt. xxvii. 44; Mk. xv. 32).
But as the weary time wore on, the feelings of one of the two, won
over by the heroic bearing of the Saviour and His infinite patience,
underwent a striking change. He began to reprove the other for his
revilings (Lk. xxiii. 40). They indeed were suffering justly, and
_receiving the reward of their misdeeds_, but the Holy One in their
midst _had done nothing amiss_. This avowal, made amidst all His
present agony and degradation, was a great step, but soon it led to
another. The more the penitent malefactor reflected on the sinlessness
of Him who hung beside him, the more he contrasted it with his own
shortcomings, the more the light streamed into his soul, and at length
the eye of faith opening to discern the invisible, and the conviction
dawning upon him that this was his Lord, the true King of the Jews, he
turned and said, _Lord, remember me when Thou comest in Thy kingdom_,
and received the comforting reply, _This day shalt thou be with Me in
paradise_ (Lk. xxii. 43).
But now the greatest and most mysterious period of the Passion drew
near. Already nature herself had begun to evince her sympathy with
the awful scene that was being enacted. At the sixth hour, the hour of
noon, the clearness of day began to be obscured. A fearful darkness[583]
gradually spread over the whole land (Mtt. xxvii. 45; Mk. xv. 33; Lk.
xxiii. 44)[584], and deepened in intensity till nearly the ninth hour,
the hour of the evening sacrifice. Meanwhile the Holy One began to be
sensible of the burning thirst, which is the most painful aggravation
of a death by crucifixion, and gave expression to it in words (Jn.
xix. 28). Close at hand stood a vessel full of vinegar, and one of
the soldiers took a sponge, and filling it with the fluid put it on
a hyssop-reed, and raised it to His lips. At this moment the Redeemer
gave utterance to the prophetic words of the xxiind Psalm, in which, in
the bitterness of his heart, David had complained of the desertion of
his God, and said, _Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani? My God, My God, why
hast Thou forsaken me_? (Mk. xv. 34).
On hearing this exclamation, some of those standing near, either
misapprehending His words, or in wilful mockery, declared that He
called not on Eli, God, but on Elias, whose appearance was universally
expected as the sign of the Messiah’s kingdom. They would, therefore,
have waited to see whether the great prophet would really come (Mk. xv.
36), and would have arrested the compassionate hand that was raising
the vinegar. But the moment of release was near. As soon as He had
tasted the vinegar (Jn. xix. 30), the dying Redeemer cried with a loud
voice, _It is finished; Father, into Thy hands I commend My spirit, and
gave up the ghost_.
These last words had hardly been uttered before a wondrous event took
place in the Temple. The veil, the beautiful veil, inwrought with
figures of Cherubim, which separated the Holy Place from the Most
Holy, was suddenly _rent in twain from the top to the bottom_[585]
(Mtt. xxvii. 51; Mk. xv. 38; Lk. xxiii. 45), and at the same moment
the earth trembled with the convulsion of an earthquake, and the rocks
were rent, laying open many of the sepulchres with which they were
perforated on all sides of the city[586] (Mtt. xxvii. 52).
These marvellous incidents made a deep impression, not only on the
centurion and his soldiers who had been stationed to watch the cross,
but on the multitudes who had been spectators of all that had occurred,
and the women and kinsmen of the Holy Sufferer who _stood gazing afar
off_ (Mtt. xxvii. 55; Mk. xv. 40). The people beating their breasts
in deep but unavailing sorrow (Lk. xxiii. 48) began to pour back with
fearful forebodings into the city, while the Roman officer, who though
he had often looked upon death and its victims in various forms, had
never witnessed such a death as this[587], under the influence of deep
emotion testified that He, who had been condemned as a blasphemer,
was indeed a _righteous man_ (Lk. xxiii. 47), nay more, that He was in
truth the _Son of God_[588] (Mtt. xxvii. 54; Mk. xv. 39).
CHAPTER IX.
_THE BURIAL AND RESURRECTION._
A.D. 30.
THE day was now far advanced. Unconscious that the true Paschal Lamb,
the antitype of all previous sacrifices, had offered up Himself upon
the altar of His Cross for the sins of the whole world, numerous bands
of householders were gathering towards the Temple to slay their victims
and make ready for the Feast[589]. The morrow _being a high day_, at
once the Sabbath and the solemn fifteenth of Nisan[590] (Jn. xix. 31),
the Jewish rulers would be more than usually anxious that the bodies of
the Saviour and the two malefactors should not remain upon the cross,
profaning the sanctity of their great national festival, and violating
one of the strict injunctions of their law[591].
It was not indeed the Roman custom to remove the crucified from the
cross. Instead of shortening their agonies the Roman law had left them
to die by a lingering[592] death, and suffered their bodies to moulder
under the action of the sun and rain[593], or to be devoured by wild
beasts[594]. The more merciful Jewish custom, however, did not allow
such barbarities, and their Roman masters had made an express exception
in their favour. The Jewish rulers therefore repaired to Pilate, and
requested that the legs[595] of those on Golgotha might be broken and
their bodies removed (Jn. xix. 31). The Procurator gave his consent,
and the soldiers entrusted with the task repaired thither, and broke
the legs of one malefactor and then of the other. When however, they
came to the Body of Jesus, they found that He was dead already (Jn.
xix. 33). Unconsciously fulfilling, therefore, the typical language of
Scripture respecting the Paschal Lamb, which declared that _not a bone
of it should be broken_ (Ex. xii. 46; Ps. xxxiv. 20), and a prediction
that men should look upon _Him whom they pierced_ (Zech. xii. 10),
they abstained from breaking His legs, but one of them, as if resolved
to give a stroke of itself sufficient to cause death, thrust his
spear[596] into His side, whence immediately there flowed forth Blood
and Water, a wondrous incident, of which the Evangelist St John was
himself a spectator (Jn. xix. 35).
Meanwhile, before the tidings of the Saviour’s death could reach the
ears of Pilate, Joseph of Arimathæa[597], a man of wealth (Mtt. xxvii.
57), a member of the Sanhedrin (Lk. xxiii. 50), and a secret disciple
of Jesus (Jn. xix. 38), who had not consented to the cruel resolution
of the rest to put Him to death (Lk. xxiii. 51), boldly went in to the
Procurator, and requested that the Body of the Redeemer might be given
up to him (Mk. xv. 43). Filled with astonishment that death had so
speedily taken place, Pilate called in the centurion who had kept watch
on Golgotha, and enquired whether this was really the case (Mk. xv.
44). Assured that it was so, he freely granted the request, and Joseph
having purchased fine linen (Mk. xv. 46) repaired to Golgotha, to take
down the Holy Body. Here he was joined by Nicodemus (Jn. xix. 39),
who, probably informed of his successful petition to the procurator,
had brought _a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about a hundred pound[598]
weight_ (Jn. xix. 39). Together, then, they took down the Body, wrapped
it in the linen clothes, sprinkled the myrrh and aloes amongst them,
and conveyed the Holy One to a tomb which was close at hand. It was a
new tomb, wherein no man had ever yet been laid (Lk. xxiii. 53), and
had been hewn by Joseph himself out of a rock in a garden, which he
possessed hard by Golgotha (Jn. xix. 41). Hither they bore the Body,
and in the presence of Mary Magdalene, Mary the Mother of Joses, and
other women who had followed the Saviour during His lifetime from
Galilee (Mtt. xxvii. 61; Mk. xv. 47; Lk. xxiii. 55), laid it in the
receptacle[599], and with the utmost despatch, _for the Sabbath was
drawing on_ (Lk. xxiii. 54), rolled a great stone to the entrance, and
departed.
Thus He, who all His life long had been the poorest of the poor, made
_His grave with the rich_ (Is. liii. 9), and received the anointing of
the great ones of the earth. But though the outward temple of His body
had been _destroyed_, the Pharisees and chief-priests could not forget
the mysterious saying of His that in _three days He would raise it up_,
and probably were not altogether unaware of the more direct assertions
He had made to His Apostles respecting the same subject[600]. These
words now recurred to them with such alarming force that on the morning
after the Crucifixion, though it was their great Paschal Sabbath, they
met together, and repairing to the residence of Pilate, informed him of
what _that Deceiver_ had said, and requested that the sepulchre might
be made secure till the third day, lest His disciples should come and
steal Him away, and give out that He had risen (Mtt. xxvii. 63, 64).
With the curtness of one who felt himself fatigued and wearied out,
the Procurator replied, _Ye have_, or rather, _Take[601] a watch, and
make it secure as ye know how_. Accordingly with the guard thus deputed
they went their way, sealed[602] the stone at the entrance of the
sepulchre with their official seal in the presence of the soldiers, and
then consigned to them the duty of watching the tomb of the Holy One.
Though both Joseph of Arimathæa and Nicodemus had assisted in embalming
the Body of the Saviour, it had necessarily been done in haste, and the
women who had witnessed the entombment resolved to complete it, and on
the evening of the Crucifixion had prepared spices and ointments for
that purpose (Lk. xxiii. 56). With these, then, early in the morning
of the first day of the week, while it was yet dark (Jn. xx. 1), Mary
Magdalene[603], Mary the Mother of James, and Salome (Mk. xvi. 1),
set out for the sepulchre, their thoughts occupied on the way with the
natural question _who would roll away the great stone_[604] they had
seen fitted into its appointed place (Mk. xvi. 3).
While they were thus musing, and, as it would seem, were as yet some
distance from the sepulchre, the earth quaked beneath their feet with
a mighty convulsion (Mtt. xxviii. 2), and an angel descended and rolled
away the stone and sat upon it; his countenance was like lightning
and his raiment white as snow, and before him the Roman sentinels fell
prostrate for fear, _and became as dead men_ (Mtt. xxviii. 3, 4).
Bewildered by the sudden earthquake, the women advanced nearer, and
beheld the stone rolled away from the tomb (Mk. xvi. 4; Lk. xxiv. 2).
Summoning courage two of them thereupon entered in (Lk. xxiv. 3), and
became assured of the fact that the tomb was empty, that the Holy Body
they had seen securely placed therein, was there no longer.
While, however, they were standing bewildered at this unexpected
discovery, one of their number, Mary Magdalene, had already hurried
back to Jerusalem. The sight of the stone rolled away had roused
her worst apprehensions, and she could think of nothing but that the
Body of her Lord had been taken away and the tomb violated. Resolved,
therefore, to seek more effectual aid than such as weak women could
afford, she ran with all speed to Simon Peter[605], and announced
to him and the Apostle John, who was apparently with him, that the
tomb was empty, and she and her companions[606] of the morning knew
not whither the Body of their Lord had been conveyed (Jn. xx. 2). On
receiving this startling intelligence the two apostles forthwith set
out towards the tomb (Jn. xx. 3), followed by Mary Magdalene herself
(Jn. xx. 11).
Before, however, they reached the spot, the women who had remained
behind, and who had ventured into the open sepulchre, had received
other and still more startling tidings. As they were standing
irresolute and bewildered by the sight of the empty tomb, there
appeared to them _two_ (Lk. xxiv. 4), or, as it seemed to others of
their number, _one_ of the heavenly host (Mk. xvi. 5) in mortal guise
indeed but clad in glistering apparel, who announced to them, while
ready to fall prostrate in alarm and terror, that their _Lord was
risen_: there was no need for them _to seek the living amongst the
dead_ (Lk. xxiv. 5); He had told them that on the third day He should
rise again (Lk. xxiv. 7), and thus His words were fulfilled; the spot,
where they had seen Him laid, did not contain Him now (Mk. xvi. 6); let
them, therefore, go to His Apostles, and announce the joyful tidings
that their risen Lord was going before them into Galilee, and there
they should see Him (Mtt. xxviii. 7).
Without losing a moment (Mtt. xxviii. 8), agitated at once by mingled
fear and joy (Mk. xvi. 8), which sealed their lips to any whom they
chanced to meet upon the road (Mk. xvi. 8)[607], the women hurried with
all speed to the Apostles, and recounted their cheering tidings (Lk.
xxiv. 9). But in their deep sorrow (Mk. xvi. 10) the Eleven regarded
the words of the women as no better than an _idle tale_ (Lk. xxiv. 11),
and could not credit their announcement, on which the latter, saddened
it may be by their refusal to believe, returned once more to the
sepulchre.
Meanwhile the two Apostles, Peter and John, had been running thither
with all speed, to ascertain the truth of what they had heard from
Mary Magdalene. Outrunning his fellow Apostle, John first reached
the tomb, and _stooping down saw[608] the linen clothes lying_ there,
but probably from feelings of awe entered not in. The characteristic
energy of Peter overcame such feelings, and entering in he steadily
contemplated the state of the sepulchre and the position of the
grave-clothes; there lay the swathing-bands in one place (Jn. xx. 6);
there was the napkin which had been about His head, not lying with the
rest of the clothes, but folded up in another spot by itself. There
was nothing to indicate disorder or confusion, or any violation of
the tomb. Encouraged by the other’s boldness, the Apostle John also
now ventured to enter in, and surveyed the condition of the sepulchre,
and though as yet neither of them understood the announcements of
the resurrection contained in the Scripture (Jn. xx. 9), yet he
could not resist the evidence of his senses[609]. The position of the
grave-clothes precluded the idea that the Holy Body had been removed by
enemies: he believed that his Lord had risen, and turned back towards
Jerusalem[610] with his fellow Apostle, who marvelled at what had taken
place (Lk. xxiv. 12).
But these signs did not carry conviction to the mind of Mary, who had
followed them, but more slowly. Unable to tear herself away from the
sepulchre, she stood outside weeping (Jn. xx. 11), and stooping down
beheld two angels in white standing, the one at the head, the other at
the feet, where the body of her Lord had lain, who said to her, _Woman,
why weepest thou_? She replied, _They have taken away my Lord, and I
know not where they have laid Him_; and turning away even from their
sympathy, beheld One standing near, in whom she did not recognise her
Lord, but who repeated the angels’ question why she wept? Thinking
it was the keeper of the garden, and that he could give her further
information, she replied, _Sir, if thou hast borne Him hence, tell
me where thou hast laid Him, and I will take him away_ (Jn. xx. 15).
She had hardly spoken, when the Stranger addressing her in well-known
intonations, said, _Mary_. Instantly she knew who He was. Prostrating
herself before Him, she called Him in the Hebrew dialect _Rabboni_ (Jn.
xx. 16), and apparently in her bewildered joy sought to clasp the feet
of His risen Body. But this might not be. The relations between herself
and the mighty Conqueror of death were changed. _Touch Me not_[611],
said He, _for I am not yet ascended unto My Father: but go unto My
brethren, and tell them, I am about to ascend to My Father, and your
Father, to My God, and your God_ (Jn. xx. 17). And Mary went, and
thus she, out of whom the Lord had cast seven demons, became the first
messenger of His resurrection to His disciples[612].
Soon, however, the other women, who had brought the first tidings
to the Apostles, and who appear to have also returned towards the
sepulchre, were met by their risen Lord (Mtt. xxviii. 9), who saluted
them with the word _Hail_. Thereupon they drew near and worshipped Him,
and, like Mary Magdalene, were bidden to announce to His brethren the
joyous news that He was going before them into Galilee (Mtt. xxviii.
10).
As they departed to execute His commands, certain of the Roman
sentinels entered into the city and recounted to the chief priests all
that had occurred (Mtt. xxviii. 11). On the receipt of this startling
intelligence, a meeting of the Sanhedrin was convened, and it was
resolved that by some means the miraculous disappearance of the Body
of the Redeemer must be concealed. Accordingly the soldiers were called
in, and by dint of heavy bribes (Mtt. xxviii. 14) persuaded to give out,
that, while they were sleeping at their posts, the disciples had come
and stolen away the Body of their Master, and this story obtained a
very general circulation amongst the Jews.
CHAPTER X.
_THE GREAT FORTY DAYS AND THE ASCENSION._
A.D. 30.
THUS the morning of the world’s first Easter-day passed away, and the
risen Saviour had revealed Himself to Mary Magdalene and the other
ministering women.
Early in the same afternoon two[613] of the disciples, Cleopas[614]
and another, whose name is not recorded, set out from Jerusalem in the
direction of the village of Emmaus[615] (Lk. xxiv. 13). As they went,
they conversed earnestly about the events that had so lately occurred
in the Holy City, and that with heavy hearts, for every hope was buried
in their Master’s grave. While they were thus engaged, He of whom they
spake drew near, and accompanying them along the road began to enquire
the meaning of their sorrowful looks, and of the earnest conversation
they were holding with one another. Not recognising Him (Comp. Lk.
xxiv. 16; Mk. xvi. 12), and surprised that even a stranger at Jerusalem
could be ignorant of the event which filled their hearts and had
stirred their whole capital, they proceeded to give full vent to their
disappointed hopes. Jesus of Nazareth, they said, had appeared amongst
them, and had proved Himself a Prophet[616], mighty both in word and
deed, before God and all the people; they had joined themselves to Him
in the full belief that He was the long promised Redeemer of Israel,
but their chief priests and rulers had condemned and crucified Him[617],
and three days had now passed since His death: some women, indeed, of
their company had gone to His tomb early that morning, and had returned
with the mysterious tidings that His Body had disappeared, and that
they had seen a vision of angels, who declared that He was alive, and
on this certain disciples had repaired thither also and found that the
Body indeed had disappeared, but they had not _seen_ their risen Lord
(Lk. xxiv. 19–24).
Such was the touching record of their deep disappointment. But to
their surprise it evoked serious reproof instead of sympathy from
their companion. _O foolish, and slow of heart to believe all that
the Prophets have spoken_, said He: _ought not the Messiah to have
suffered these things, and to have entered into His glory?_ and then
beginning from Moses and all the Prophets He expounded to them in all
the Scriptures the things relating to the Messiah’s work and person
(Lk. xxiv. 26, 27).
Meanwhile the hours had sped quickly, and by the time He had finished
speaking, the two disciples found themselves close to Emmaus (Lk. xxiv.
28). Their Companion appeared to be going further, but they could not
bear the idea of parting with One, who had opened up such new fields of
hope. _Abide with us_, said they earnestly; _the day is far spent, and
it is towards evening_; nor did they cease till they had constrained
Him to enter their abode (Lk. xxiv. 28, 29).
There they quickly prepared an evening meal, and their Companion,
assuming the office of “Master of the House,” took bread, and
pronouncing probably the grace[618], with which the Jews commenced
their meals, proceeded to distribute it amongst them (Lk. xxiv. 30).
But while so doing, the tone of His voice, or some well-known gesture,
or, it may be, the marks of the nails in His hands, revealed to them
who He was. Their eyes were opened and they recognised Him, and at the
same moment _He vanished out of their sight_ (Lk. xxiv. 31).
Certain now who it was that on the road had caused _their hearts to
burn_ within them, as He talked with them and opened up the Scriptures,
they instantly hurried back, though it was dark, to Jerusalem,
and ascended to the upper-room, where the Apostles and others were
assembled with closed doors for fear of the Jews[619] (Lk. xxiv. 33;
Jn. xx. 19). They thought they were the bearers of strange and welcome
tidings. But their companions had equally joyous news for them. The
Lord was risen indeed, and by a special appearance had revealed Himself
to the repentant Simon[620] (Lk. xxiv. 34; comp. 1 Cor. xv. 5).
Then they told their tale, and suddenly, while they yet were speaking,
and perhaps replying to the others’ doubting questions[621], _the Lord
stood in their midst_ (Lk. xxiv. 36; Jn. xx. 19), and saluted them with
the words, _Peace be unto you_. Terrified by so sudden an apparition,
they imagined that they beheld a spectre or phantom, and shrunk back.
But He calmed their fears. _Why are ye troubled_, He enquired, and
_why do thoughts arise in your hearts? Behold My hands and My feet,
for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see Me have._ But though
He shewed them His hands and His side (Jn. xx. 20), their joy still
struggled with unbelief (Lk. xxiv. 41) and bewilderment, on which He
enquired whether they had anything to eat, and when they gave Him a
piece of a broiled fish and of an honeycomb, the remains probably of
their evening meal, He took and ate in their presence (Lk. xxiv. 42,
43). Then with the reiterated salutation, _Peace be unto you_ (Jn.
xx. 21), He proceeded, _As the Father hath sent Me, even so send I
you_; and with these words _He breathed on them_ and said, _Receive
ye the Holy Ghost: whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted; and
whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained_ (Jn. xx. 23).
On the evening, however, of this first Easter-day, when the risen
Saviour thus manifested Himself to the Apostles, and bestowed upon them
the firstfruits[622] of the effusion of the Holy Spirit, one of their
number, Thomas[623], was not present. Why he was not has been much
debated. Some suppose it was owing to an accident. Others imagine that
he had thrown away all hope, that he had concluded it was impossible
that his crucified Lord could ever revive. Certain it is that he was
not with the rest in their wonted place of meeting. When, therefore, he
was informed by the others of the wondrous appearance in the upper-room,
he utterly refused to believe it. _Unless_, said he, _I shall see in
His hands the print of the nails, and put my finger into the print of
the nails, and thrust my hand into His side, I will not believe_ (Jn.
xx. 25). Slow of faith, subject to despondency, ever ready to take
the darker view of things, and to distrust extraordinary good news all
the more because it was good, he could not accept the evidence of his
fellow Apostles in so weighty a matter as the resurrection of his Lord,
he must see and touch Him for himself[624].
Seven days passed away, and no recorded appearance of the risen Saviour
was vouchsafed. On the eighth, the first day of the week, the Apostles
were again assembled in the upper-room. On this occasion Thomas was
not absent. Hope probably had revived, and he expected some removal of
his doubts. While, then, the doors were shut as before from fear of the
Jews, suddenly the familiar words, _Peace be unto you_ (Jn. xx. 26),
struck on the astonished ears of the assembled Eleven, and their risen
Lord _stood in their midst_. Knowing all things, knowing therefore all
the hesitation and doubt of His apostle, with infinite condescension He
gave him the required sign. _Thomas_, said He, _reach hither thy finger,
and see My hands, and reach hither thy hand, and thrust it into My side,
and be not faithless but believing_ (Jn. xx. 27).
Whether the Apostle touched his Lord or not is not recorded. The
impression is that he did not. But whichever was the case, certain
it is that the effect upon him was instantaneous. All his doubts fled
away like the morning mist. In the fulness of believing faith, he
exclaimed, _My Lord and my God_. Because _thou hast seen Me_, replied
the ever-merciful One, _thou hast believed: blessed are they that have
not seen Me, and yet have believed_ (Jn. xx. 29).
At some period after this last appearance, though when exactly we are
not told, obedient to their Lord’s repeated commands, the Apostles
returned to the region of Galilee[625] and the familiar neighbourhood
of the lake of Gennesaret. Here once more amidst old haunts, and quiet
scenes of nature, some of them resumed, probably for the sake of their
daily sustenance[626], their former occupations as fishermen; and
on one occasion, seven of their number, Peter, Thomas, Nathanael
Bar-Tolmai, James, John, and two others, whose names are not mentioned,
entered into a boat at eventide and plied their craft[627] (Jn. xxi.
1–3). Hour after hour passed away, and still they toiled but took
nothing. Just, however, as the morning broke (Jn. xxi. 4), and the
sun bursting forth began to reveal distinctly each cleft and broken
cliff[628] down the rocky sides of the hills fringing the lake, a Voice
was heard through the still morning air, saying, _Children, have ye any
meat?_ They answered, _No_. Thereupon the Voice spake again, _Cast the
net on the right side of the boat, and ye shall find_ (Jn. xxi. 6).
Ready after the ill success of the previous night “to take any
suggestion by whomsoever offered,” they did so, and straightway found
themselves unable to drag the net in again by reason of the multitude
of the fish they had enclosed. Awakened partly by the incident itself,
partly perhaps by the Voice of the Stranger, to the recollection of a
former and similar experience (Lk. v. 5)[629], the Apostle John felt
sure He knew who was standing on the beach, and said to Simon Peter,
_It is the Lord_ (Jn. xxi. 7). Instantly the son of Jonas, eager,
ardent, impetuous as of old, girding his fisher’s coat[630] about him,
flung himself into the lake, and by swimming and wading reached the
shore, followed by the rest in the boat dragging the net with the fish
they had caught.
On landing they not only found themselves in the presence of their
risen Lord, but perceived mysterious provision made for their wants
after the wearying night. On the smooth margin of the lake[631] was
a fire of charcoal[632], and fish laid thereon and bread, and the
Redeemer bade them add to these some of the fish they had just brought
to land. In obedience to this command Peter drew the net to shore, and
brought of the fish, which numbered _a hundred and fifty and three_
(Jn. xxi. 11), and then all sat down to the early morning meal as in
former days, when dwelling with Him by the shore of that same lake. And
now too, as at Emmaus, the risen Saviour as Master of the family took
of the bread and fish, and distributed unto them, while they, filled
with reverential awe, though certain that it was He, did not venture
to question[633] Him with regard to the exact “state of His holy
personality[634].”
When the meal was over, turning to the Apostle Peter the risen Saviour
enquired, _Simon, son of Jonas, lovest[635] thou Me more than these_?
_Yea, Lord, Thou knowest that I love Thee_, replied the Apostle, but
not as on the sad evening of the Betrayal, exalting himself on his
own faithfulness above his fellow-disciples[636] (Jn. xxi. 15). _Feed
My lambs_, responded his Lord. A second and yet a third time was the
question repeated, till the Apostle touched probably by this reminder
of his three denials, and flinging himself on the Omniscience of the
Holy One made answer, _Lord, Thou knowest all things; Thou knowest that
I love Thee_. Once more the command _Feed My sheep_ was given, and thus
the Apostle was restored to his old place in the circle of the Twelve
(Jn. xxi. 16, 17).
But this was not all. The Apostle was to learn what great things
he must suffer for the Master, who had thus reinstated him in his
Apostolic office. _When thou wast young_, the Lord continued, _thou
girdedst thyself, and walkedst whither thou wouldest: but when thou
shalt be old, thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, and another shall
gird thee, and carry thee whither thou wouldest not_ (Jn. xxi. 18).
And with this intimation of the death that awaited the Apostle, of a
day when he should be bound to the cross, and his hands be extended
upon it[637], He added, _Follow Me_, _i.e._ even unto that martyr’s
death for His name which He had just foretold[638]. Apparently not
understanding the meaning of the command, the Apostle interpreted it
literally, and while advancing perceived the “loved disciple” also
following, and filled with a desire to know what lot awaited him,
enquired, _Lord, and what shall this man do_? (Jn. xxi. 21). But the
question, whatever was its precise motive, was gently put by: _If I
will that he tarry till I come_, replied the Saviour, _what is that
to thee? Follow thou Me_; which intimation of long tarrying in store
for St John, in contrast to the sharper discipline for which his fellow
Apostle was destined, originated the mistaken idea that the “loved
disciple” was to leave the world without undergoing the penalty of
death (Jn. xxi. 23).
This was the third occasion on which the Saviour appeared to His
Apostles after His resurrection, and it was probably now that He gave
them specific directions respecting a manifestation to a still larger
assembly, which was not long delayed. For apparently a short time after
this last appearance, the Eleven repaired to a mountain[639] in Galilee
which He Himself had indicated (Mtt. xxviii. 16), and there He appeared
not only to them but in all probability to the _five hundred brethren_
of whom St Paul speaks[640] (1 Cor. xv. 6). Even now some _doubted_
whether they were really beholding their Lord (Mtt. xxviii. 17), but
the Eleven no sooner saw Him than they offered Him their reverent
adoration (Mtt. xxviii. 17), which He accepted, and declared that now
_all power was given Him in heaven and in earth_, and at the same time
gave them His great commission;
_Go ye into all the world, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing
them into the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost,
teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have told you, and lo!
I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world_ (Mtt. xxviii. 19,
20; Comp. Mk. xvi. 15–18).
And now the great Forty Days (Acts i. 3) were rapidly drawing to a
close[641]. Warned it may be by the Saviour Himself, or attracted by
the near approach of the festival of Pentecost[642], the Apostles and
their companions left Galilee and returned to Jerusalem. There once
more amidst the scene of His late sufferings they saw their risen Lord,
and for the last time received from His own Divine lips instruction in
the things concerning the kingdom of God, and learned to trace in the
prophetic Scriptures, in the Law, and in the Psalms, intimations of the
sufferings and resurrection of the Messiah (Lk. xxiv. 44–48). There too
they received His last command to remain in Jerusalem (Acts i. 4) till
the promise of the Eternal Father should receive its accomplishment,
and they should be _baptized with the Holy Ghost_, and _endued with
power from on high_ (Acts i. 5; Lk. xxiv. 49).
At last one day He bade them accompany Him along the road towards
Bethany and the Mount of Olives (Lk. xxiv. 50), associated with so many
memories of the risen Lazarus, of the Triumphal Entry, and the last sad
days in His earthly life.
Convinced that something mysterious was about to happen, and with their
carnal hopes still set on the idea that He was about to commence His
long-looked for reign, they began to enquire, _Lord, wilt Thou at this
time restore the kingdom to Israel_ (Acts i. 6)? But their enquiries
were solemnly silenced. It was not for them to know _the times or the
seasons, which the Father had put in His own power_. A time was at hand
when, on the descent of the Holy Spirit, they should receive power, and
become witnesses to their Lord in _Jerusalem, and all Judæa, in Samaria,
and unto the uttermost parts of the earth_ (Acts i. 8).
Thus conversing they followed Him even to the borders of the district
of Bethany, to one of the secluded hills which overhang the village
of Bethany on the Eastern slope of Olivet[643]. There they received
His last solemn and abiding blessing (Lk. xxiv. 50), and while His
hands, bearing the marks of the wounds which man had inflicted, were
yet uplifted in benediction (Lk. xxiv. 51), He _began to be parted
from them, and there came a cloud_ (Acts i. 9), in which slowly and
gradually He rose from Olivet, till at length He was lost to sight, and
ascended up to that highest heaven, where He was in the glory of the
Father before the world was.
Long time stood the Eleven looking wistfully upwards, and watching
Him as He receded more and more from view (Acts i. 10). At length two
angelic beings clad in white apparel addressed them, saying, _Ye men of
Galilee, why stand ye gazing up into heaven? This same Jesus, who hath
been taken from you into heaven, shall so come in like manner as ye
have seen Him go into heaven_ (Acts i. 11).
And then all was over. With hearts subdued and solemnized the Apostles
returned to the Upper Room at Jerusalem, and _there continued with one
accord in prayer and supplication, with the women, and Mary[644] the
mother of Jesus, and with His brethren_ (Acts i. 14).
BOOK III.
THE APOSTOLIC HISTORY.
PART I.
THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM.
CHAPTER I.
_THE ELECTION OF MATTHIAS――THE PENTECOSTAL EFFUSION._
A.D. 30.
IN accordance with the command of their lately ascended Lord, the
Apostles remained in the Holy City, and there _continued with one
accord in prayer and supplication_ (Acts i. 14) with the rest of the
little company. This now amounted in all to about 120 (Acts i. 15), and
consisted of
1. The Eleven,
2. The Virgin, the women who had accompanied the Saviour from
Galilee to Jerusalem, Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of
James, Salome, Joanna, Susanna, and others,
3. The _brethren_[645] of the Lord, who though at an early
period they were not for but against Him (Jn. vii. 5),
now undoubtedly believed on Him,
4. The other disciples.
Though the duty enjoined upon them at this time, was that of patient
waiting for the bestowal of the promised gift of the Holy Ghost, one
thing could be done by way of preparation for the work they were called
to perform. They could restore their original number as it was composed
by their Lord, and fill up the gap which the treachery of Judas had
made in their body.
Accordingly, the Apostle Peter, already beginning to take that lead
for which his natural gifts no less than the prophetic words of the
Saviour had destined him, stood up in their midst, and called attention
to the deserted seat of the traitor. He had fallen, as they all knew,
and after a terrible end[646] had gone _to his own place_ (Acts i. 25).
The language of inspired prophecy had not been silent respecting his
shameful treachery, but the same Psalms (Ps. lxix. 25; cix. 8), which
had foreshadowed his fall, had spoken also of the election of another
to take his charge or office of oversight (Acts i. 20). He advised,
therefore, that they should proceed to choose a new Apostle, and
suggested, as the conditions of his election, that he should be one who
had companied with them from the beginning to the close of their Lord’s
official ministry, from the Baptism of John to the Ascension, and so be
qualified in an especial degree to be a witness of His Resurrection
(Acts i. 22).
His suggestion found favour with the assembled body of the brethren,
and they nominated two of their number, who eminently possessed their
confidence, as also the special qualifications thus laid down. One
was Joseph Bar-Sabas, surnamed Justus, and Matthias, of whom, however,
nothing further is known in the New Testament[647]. These they put
forward, and leaving to the Lord the final determination, they prayed
that, as the Searcher of hearts, He would indicate whom He had selected
for the office, and then _gave forth their lots[648], and the lot fell
upon Matthias, and he was numbered_ with the Eleven Apostles (Acts
i. 26).
Thus quietly and without observation was the first seed sown of what
was destined to grow into a _great tree_[649] (Mtt. xiii. 31–33).
Never did it seem more unlikely that the religion of the crucified
Redeemer could be revived. The City had been restored to peace, as
though nothing extraordinary had taken place. The Roman guard had
been bribed to contradict any rumour that might be bruited about of
the Resurrection; in the popular estimation the death of Jesus had
extinguished all ideas that He was the Messiah; and no leader of any
weight appeared likely to rally the little band of His once attached
followers[650]. The triumph of the Sanhedrin appeared complete.
But this was the very hour when the new Faith was to achieve its first
conquest. Ten days passed away after the Ascension. The Fiftieth, the
day of Pentecost[651], the Feast of Weeks, was come[652]. The Holy
City, crowded with strangers from every quarter of the then known world,
presented a scene of unusual animation. There was scarcely a region
but had its representative in its streets. Not only from Palestine[653]
itself, but from the lands beyond the Euphrates, whither the Israelites
had been carried by the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities[654],
Parthia and Media, Elam[655] and Mesopotamia[656]; from the various
districts of Asia Minor, Cappadocia and Pontus[657], Phrygia and
Pamphylia, as well as those fringing the Western coast-line, Mysia,
Lydia, and Caria, and now comprehended under one name, _Roman
Asia_[658]; from the islands of the Mediterranean[659]; from populous
Alexandria and the flourishing region of Cyrene[660]; from the
capital of the West itself, Jews and Hellenists, “proselytes of
righteousness[661]” and “proselytes of the gate,” had flocked to take
part in the great Festival (Acts ii. 9–11).
All gathered together in one place, the disciples were awaiting any
indications of the Divine will, when suddenly there arose out of heaven
a sound as of a _rushing mighty wind_, which filled the whole house
where they were sitting (Acts ii. 2), and simultaneously tongues as
if of fire[662] distributed[663] themselves amongst and settled upon
each one of them (Acts ii. 3). The Strengthener, the Comforter, had
come, the disciples were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and though
poor, illiterate, and obscure men of Galilee, found themselves by the
operation of the indwelling Spirit able to speak not only in their own
rough unpolished language, but in as many dialects as were represented
that day at Jerusalem[664] (Acts ii. 4).
Meanwhile the noise[665], with which the mighty rushing wind had
descended from heaven, had been audible all over the city, and
attracted a great multitude to the abode of the disciples. Arriving
there they were confounded to find natives of the despised region
of Galilee speaking _of the wonderful works of God_, not only in the
language, but the very dialect of the language, which each recognized
as his own (Acts ii. 6). In the minds of most this strange portent
excited emotions of serious awe. _What meaneth this?_ they exclaimed;
_are not all these which speak Galilæans?_ There were not wanting,
however, some who ascribed the strange sounds they heard to the effects
of drunken excess; _these men_, said they, _are full of new wine_
(Acts ii. 13).
Thereupon the Apostle Peter stood up with the Twelve, and having in a
loud voice indignantly refuted the charge of drunkenness by a reference
to the hour of the day, the third only from sunrise[666] (Acts ii. 15),
proceeded to explain the meaning of what they heard and saw.
“Eight hundred and fifty years before, as they knew from the Scriptures
of the Old Testament, the prophet Joel (ii. 28, 29) had foretold the
coming of days, when God would pour out of His Spirit on all flesh, not
on one or two only, but upon His people generally without distinction
of age or rank or sex, upon _sons and daughters_, upon _young men and
old_, upon _servants and handmaidens_ (Acts ii. 17, 18). Thus had the
prophet spoken, and this day they beheld the fulfilment of his words.
Jesus of Nazareth, a Man approved[667] amongst them by miracles[668],
and wonders, and signs, which God had wrought by Him in their midst, as
they themselves knew full well, they had taken and by the wicked hands
of Roman soldiers had crucified and slain. But in so doing they had not
frustrated the gracious purposes of Him who had sent Him. All things
had happened according to His _determinate counsel and foreknowledge_
(Acts ii. 23), and He had raised up that same Jesus, and had loosed
the pangs of death, because it was not possible that He could be
permanently mastered by them. For He, of whom the Psalmist had said
that God would not leave His soul in Hades[669] nor suffer Him to see
corruption, could not be the patriarch David. He had died and been
buried, and his ashes had long reposed in the tomb which was before
their eyes. It was not of _himself_ that he had thus spoken, but of
Another, the fruit of his loins, whom as a prophet he foreknew God
would raise up to sit upon his throne; and this King was no other than
Jesus (Acts ii. 32). Him God had raised from the dead, and exalted
to the right hand of power, and made both Lord and Christ, and He had
that day bestowed upon His disciples those wonderful gifts which they
saw and heard, the expressions and indications of the presence of the
Spirit promised by the Father.”
Such was the substance of the Apostle’s words, and though they clashed
with the strongest prejudices of those who had so short a time before
given such fearful evidence of their hatred of that crucified Saviour,
they produced a deep impression. Pricked to the heart they addressed
him and the rest of the Eleven, saying, _Men and brethren, what shall
we do?_ _Repent_[670], was the reply, _and be baptized every one of
you in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of sins, and ye shall
receive the gift of the Holy Ghost_ (Acts ii. 38); _for the promise
is unto you, and to your children, and to all that are afar off[671],
even as many as the Lord their God shall call_. These and many other
similar words of his were not lost; many received them gladly, and were
baptized, and the same day there _were added to the Church about three
thousand souls_[672] (Acts ii. 41).
CHAPTER II.
_ACTIVITY OF THE APOSTLES PETER AND JOHN._
A.D. 30.
THUS at the Feast which celebrated the ingathering of the natural
harvest, a rich harvest of souls was for the first time gathered into
the Christian garner, the Church assumed its separate and organised
existence, and its members gave themselves up to the full requirements
of their new life:
1. _They continued[673] steadfastly_, or waited constantly _upon
the Apostles’ doctrine_ (Comp. Mtt. xxviii. 20), by whose hands many
wonders and signs were wrought (Acts ii. 43), and who were enlightened
to remember and commissioned to teach all that their Lord had said and
commanded (Jn. xv. 26; xvi. 13).
2. _They persevered in fellowship and communion with one another_[674],
cultivating and fostering a spirit of mutual love, and instead of
living each for themselves, _had all things common_, selling their
possessions and lands, and parting them to all men, _as every man had
need_ (Acts ii. 42–45).
3. _They attended constantly on the breaking of the Bread_[675], and
thus consecrated their chief daily meal with the celebration of that
Feast, which shewed forth (1 Cor. xi. 26) their Lord’s death, and the
sacrifice He had offered.
4. _They were stedfast_ also in their attendance at the public
prayers[676] in the Temple, at the stated hours of the national worship
(Acts ii. 42, 46), _praising God, and having favour with all the
people_.
And in the Temple occurred the next eventful incident in the history
of the early Church. Two of the Apostles, Peter and John, were going up
thither at the ninth hour[677], the hour of prayer and the offering of
the evening sacrifice. At the entrance they encountered a man lame from
his birth, who was in the habit of being laid day by day at the Gate
known as the “Beautiful Gate[678],” for the purpose of exciting the
compassion and appealing to the charity of the passing worshippers. On
the present occasion he appealed to the two Apostles, and supplicated
their aid. Thus accosted they stopped, and fixing upon him an earnest
gaze, bade him _look on them_ (Acts iii. 4). Expecting perhaps some
charitable offering, he did so[679], when Peter addressing him said,
_Silver and gold have I none, but what I have give I thee: In the name
of Jesus Christ of Nazareth rise up and walk_ (Acts iii. 6, 7), and
with the words took him by the right hand and lifted him up, and he,
who had been lame from his birth, found strength suddenly restored to
his crippled feet[680] and ankles, found himself able to spring up,
stand, and walk, found himself able to accompany the Apostles into the
Temple, and there give thanks to God (Acts iii. 8).
The cure of such a man in such a manner was quickly noised abroad
amongst the worshippers crowding the Temple-courts. Filled with wonder
and amazement the people ran together with one accord into the porch
or colonnade of Solomon[681], and there beheld the two Apostles, and
clinging[682] to them in the first transport of grateful attachment,
the very man they had so long and so often seen sitting for alms at the
Beautiful Gate (Acts iii. 11). It was a meet occasion for addressing
the astonished throng, and Peter commenced one of those heart-stirring
discourses, whereby in these early days, as his Lord had predicted, he
_strengthened his brethren_ (Lk. xxii. 32).
“_Why marvel ye_, said he, _at this?_ Why look ye so earnestly on us,
as though by magical power or holiness of our own we have caused that
this man should walk? The God of your fathers, the God of Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, whom for years ye have owned and worshipped, He and
no other has been working by us. Though ye delivered up, and denied
in the presence of Pilate His Servant[683] Jesus, and demanded that,
in place of the Holy One and the Just, a murderer, Barabbas, should
be granted unto you; though ye killed the Prince of life, yet God hath
raised Him from the dead, and our faith in His Name hath restored this
cripple, as your eyes behold (Acts iii. 16).
“In ignorance, indeed, ye and your rulers did this. But in so doing
ye fulfilled a mysterious purpose of Divine Love, even the counsels of
that God, who predicted by the mouth of all His prophets that Christ
should suffer. Repent ye, therefore, and be converted, that your sins
may be blotted out, and that so[684] seasons of refreshing may come
from the presence of the Lord, and He may send unto you Christ Jesus,
whom the heavens must retain till the times of the restitution of all
things, of which God from the beginning hath spoken by the mouth of His
holy prophets. Moses, your great lawgiver, said when your fathers stood
before the awful mount of Sinai, _A Prophet shall the Lord your God
raise up unto you from among your brethren. Him shall ye hear according
to all things whatsoever He shall say unto you, and it shall be, that
every soul which shall not hear that Prophet shall be destroyed from
among the people_ (Deut. xviii. 15, 18). This Prophet hath appeared
in the person of Jesus, and to you first[685] hath God sent Him forth,
blessing you in turning away each one from your iniquities (Acts iii.
17–26).”
This powerful address had a still greater effect than the previous
discourse of the Apostle. Upwards of five thousand avowed themselves
believers in the Crucified, and swelled the ranks of the Christian
Church (Acts iv. 4). But it had other issues also. The Sanhedrin,
which had hitherto stood aloof[686] from all notice of the movements
of the Apostles, resolved to act with decision. As the evening
of this eventful day closed in, the priests, the captain of the
Levitical guard[687], and the Sadducees[688], naturally annoyed at
the proclamation of the resurrection of the dead through the power
of a risen Saviour, laid hands on the two Apostles and the healed
cripple[689] (Comp. Acts iv. 14), and committed them to prison,
intending on the morrow to institute a formal trial (Acts iv. 3).
Accordingly on the next day the rulers, the elders, and scribes,
Annas[690] the high-priest and Caiaphas, John[691] and Alexander[692],
and others of the pontiff’s family, assembled probably in their hall
Gazith, and when the Apostles had been placed in the midst of the
judicial circle, enquired by what authority and by virtue of what
commission they had acted as they had done.
Thereupon Peter, _filled with the Holy Ghost_ (Acts iv. 8), again stood
forward, and boldly declared that the miracle of the previous day was
due entirely to the mighty working of Jesus of Nazareth, whom they
had crucified, but whom God had raised from the dead. He was the Stone
whom, in the language of the cxviiith Psalm, they the builders of the
nation and its appointed teachers had rejected as worthless, but which
had become _the head of the corner_, nor was there in any other the
Salvation, for which all hoped; for there _was no other Name under
heaven given among men, whereby they could be saved_ (Acts iv. 8–12).
The boldness, power, and knowledge, which this speech betrayed,
astonished the Sanhedrin beyond measure, and the more so when they
reflected that the speaker and his fellow Apostle were of the common
class, unlearned and ignorant[693], in whom they recognised[694] the
obscure followers of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts iv. 13). The miracle,
indeed, which they had wrought could not be gainsaid, for the restored
cripple, a man more than 40 years of age (Acts iv. 22), stood beside
them (Acts iv. 14), ready to support by his testimony the power by
which he had been so marvellously healed. It was deemed, therefore,
inexpedient to go into the question of evidence, and after a secret
conference (Acts iv. 15) it was resolved to prevent, if possible, the
spread of the report of the miracle amongst the people, and to forbid
for the future any preaching or teaching in the name of Jesus.
Accordingly the Apostles, who had been ordered to withdraw during the
consultation, were recalled and informed of their decision. But they
absolutely declined to act upon it. They could not, they said, refrain
from proclaiming what their own eyes had seen and their own ears
had heard, or hearken to the council rather than to that God, whose
commissioned witnesses they were. After further threats, therefore,
they were dismissed; for the Sanhedrin saw plainly that they had done
nothing deserving punishment, and the popular feeling ran so strongly
in their favour, that they dared not resort to violence (Acts iv. 21).
Thus released they returned to the rest of the disciples, and recounted
all that had occurred. Their tidings had not the effect of lessening
the courage of their hearers. Lifting up their voices with one
accord to the Lord and Maker of heaven and earth, they declared their
conviction of the vanity of the machinations of their rulers against
the Supreme and the Messiah whom He had sent. Herod, and Pontius Pilate,
the nations and people of Israel, had gathered themselves together
against their Master, but only to do what His hand and counsel had
foreordained should come to pass. The threats, therefore, of their foes
they regarded not, and only prayed that, while[695] the Lord stretched
forth His hand to heal, and caused signs and wonders to be performed
through the Name of His holy servant Jesus, they themselves might
receive still greater strength to preach His Word (Acts iv. 23–30).
Their petition received an immediate and sensible response. The place
where they were assembled was shaken as by an earthquake, and a fresh
and special communication of the Holy Ghost filled them with still
greater boldness to proclaim their message and deliver their testimony
(Acts iv. 31).
CHAPTER III.
_ANANIAS AND SAPPHIRA――RENEWED HOSTILITY OF THE SADDUCEES._
A.D. 30–34.
THUS terminated the first collision of the Christian community with
the ruling powers at Jerusalem. Within that community itself all as
yet went well. While the Apostles with increased power gave forth their
testimony to the resurrection of their Lord, the disciples proved the
sincerity of their convictions by the self-denial of their lives. All
being _of one heart and of one soul_ (Acts iv. 32), they regarded their
possessions as belonging to a common fund, and such as were possessed
of lands or houses sold them, and brought the price and laid it at the
Apostles’ feet, who caused distribution to be made thereof according to
the requirements of each (Acts iv. 35).
Of this self-denying goodwill no one afforded a brighter example than
a man of the tribe of Levi[696], and a native of Cyprus, whose name
was Joseph, or, as he was called by the Apostles, Barnabas[697], the
_Son of Consolation_, or rather of _Exhortation_, on account of the
extraordinary gifts of inspired discourse and exhortation by which he
was distinguished[698] (Acts iv. 36). His estates, which were probably
considerable, he sold, and rejoiced in the distribution of the price
amongst his poorer brethren.
Before long, however, a sad incident occurred, which told of evil
already at work within the Christian society. A certain man named
Ananias, with the privity of his wife Sapphira, sold a possession, and
having appropriated a portion of the price, laid the remainder at the
Apostles’ feet, giving it to be understood that that was the whole sum
he had received (Acts v. 1, 2). But his aspiration after high honour
amongst his brethren with so little cost to himself did not escape the
detection of the Apostle Peter. Fixing his eye upon him as he brought
the portion and laid it before him, he enquired how he had permitted
Satan to tempt him to deceive the Holy Ghost. _While it remained_, said
he, _was it not thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thine
own power? Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God_ (Acts v. 4). At
these words, so stern, so solemn, and yet so true, reading his heart
to its lowest depths, the wretched man was utterly overwhelmed, and
_fell down and gave up the ghost_. When the awe of the assembly at this
instant judgment on the sin of hypocrisy had somewhat subsided, the
young men[699] who were present rose up, and wrapping the body in the
usual burial clothes[700] bore it forth to a tomb without the city[701]
(Acts v. 6).
Three hours had scarcely elapsed before his wife Sapphira, not knowing
what had occurred, entered the place where the disciples were met
together, and was straightway asked by Peter whether she and Ananias
had really sold the farm for the price which the latter had alleged.
To this she replied in the affirmative, and thus made her husband’s
sin her own, and deliberately confirmed the fraud. The Apostle had not
denounced the awful judgment, which had befallen her husband, he had
only denounced the offender. But now he not only denounced the sin, but
declared its instant penalty, saying, _Behold the feet of them which
buried thy husband are at the door, and shall carry thee out_. Thus
informed at one and the selfsame moment of her husband’s fate and her
own, she too dropped down a corpse, and was instantly conveyed to the
grave by those who had just returned from burying Ananias (Acts v.
8–10).
The effect of this terrible but just judgment was very great. Fear
came upon all who saw and all who heard what had taken place, and
the Apostles, by whose hands many _signs and wonders_ continued to
be wrought, acquired still greater reverence. Those who did not yet
believe, forbore to join themselves to the Christian society rashly or
from light motives, while the common people, impressed with a sense of
the supernatural power possessed by the Apostles, brought forth their
sick, and placed them on beds and couches in the streets, that they
might have the benefit even of Peter’s shadow passing by[702] (Acts v.
15). Soon the populations of the towns round about Jerusalem imitated
their example, and experienced the effects of the healing word as
addressed either to the sick or those possessed by unclean spirits
(Acts v. 16).
The excitement thus aroused could not escape the notice of the
Sanhedrin. Annas and Caiaphas and the Sadducaic faction saw that they
must make another effort to suppress the new sect so quickly gaining
adherents in their very midst. Accordingly they caused the Apostles to
be seized and cast into the common prison, and on the morrow calling
together the whole Council, sent their officers to summon them into
their presence.
When, however, they reached the prison, the officers found indeed the
doors fast closed, but the prisoners had disappeared! On receiving
this intelligence the high-priest and the Sanhedrin[703] were in the
utmost perplexity, which was still further increased by the entrance
of a messenger, announcing that the Apostles were in the Temple,
where indeed they had been since daybreak, having been released by an
angel during the night (Acts v. 18–25). Thereupon the Captain of the
Levitical guard was despatched to fetch them, and even he found himself
obliged to act with caution and gentleness, for the feelings of the
people were largely on the side of the Apostles, and stones were ever
ready at hand in the precincts of the Temple, to furnish weapons for a
tumultuous resistance[704].
But the Twelve readily accompanied the officers, and presented
themselves before the Sanhedrin, and in reply to the high-priest’s
complaint that they had not obeyed the injunctions of the council to
forbear preaching in the Name of Jesus, evinced even more boldness
and resolution than before. Peter, once more their spokesman, declared
that obedience was due to God rather than to man, for he had raised
up from the dead that same Jesus, whom they had crucified and slain,
and exalted Him to be a Prince and a Saviour, _to give repentance to
Israel and forgiveness of sins_. To the fact of His resurrection they
were witnesses, and their testimony they were bound to deliver (Acts
v. 29–32).
These words, breathing such dauntless resolution, roused the Council to
the utmost fury, and the majority, especially the Sadducaic party, were
eager for the execution of their prisoners. But the rising of one of
their number was the signal for calmer measures.
This was the famous Rabbi Gamaliel[705], an illustrious teacher of the
Law, who was held in the utmost reverence by the people, and according
to Jewish tradition was the president of the Sanhedrin. He advised that
the Apostles should withdraw for a while, and then proceeded to urge
his brethren to moderation and calmness. There was no need, he said,
for any apprehension from such an obscure band of Galilæans. Could not
the Council recall how a few years before one Theudas[706] had arisen,
boasting himself to be some great one, and had collected a body of 400
followers? But what was the issue? Was he not slain, and as many as
followed him dispersed and annihilated? And then again _in the days of
the taxing_ did there not rise up[707] Judas of Galilee, who also drew
away much people after him? But was he a whit more successful? Did he
not perish with all his followers? Let these instances, he continued,
suffice, and let the assembly _refrain from these men_. If their
work or counsel was of men, it would come to nought, but if it was of
God, it would be impossible to overthrow it, and they ought to be on
their guard lest they should by any chance _be found fighting against
God_[708] (Acts v. 34–39).
The weight of the speaker’s name and his high reputation prevailed over
the bitterness of faction. His prudent advice was adopted. The Apostles
were recalled, and after being beaten with rods, were dismissed with
strict injunctions to abstain from speaking any more in the name of
Jesus (Acts v. 40). But threats and stripes were alike ineffectual to
seal their mouths. They went forth from the council _rejoicing that
they had been found worthy to suffer for the Name_ of their Master,
and ceased not publicly in the Temple courts, and privately from house
to house, to proclaim Jesus as the Messiah (Acts v. 41, 42).
CHAPTER IV.
_THE INSTITUTION OF DEACONS――MARTYRDOM OF STEPHEN._
A.D. 34–36.
UP to this time, it will be observed, the attempts to put down the new
Faith had come from the Sadducaic party. Separated in no respect from
the nation, the members of the Christian society attended the festivals,
worshipped in the Temple and the Synagogue, and observed the ordinances
of the Law side by side with the “breaking of the Bread” from house
to house[709]. Conforming, then, to national rites and usages, and
agreeing with the Pharisees in opposition to the Sadducees respecting
the resurrection of the dead, their relations with the more moderate
portion at least of the former were of an amicable character[710].
But they were now destined to incur the hostility of both sects alike.
Their own numbers, so far from suffering any diminution in consequence
of the recent persecutions, steadily increased, and were swelled by the
adhesion of _multitudes of men and women_ (Acts v. 14), both Hebrews
or Jews proper, and Hellenists or Jews of the Grecian speech[711].
For some time the same brotherly love which had prevailed before,
distinguished all alike, and out of the common fund daily distribution
was made according to the requirements of each person and household.
But before long in the midst of this general benevolence arose
suspicions that the distribution was not made with perfect fairness.
Between the Jews who spoke the sacred tongue of Palestine, and those
scattered in different lands, who had adopted the Grecian language[712];
between the zealous Aramæan, who read the Scriptures in the Hebrew,
and the Hellenists, who read the Septuagint, and whose most learned
teachers strove to “accommodate Jewish doctrines to the mind of the
Greeks, and to make the Greek language express the mind of the Jews,”
there had long been a feeling of mutual jealousy and dislike.
This now reproduced itself even within the Christian community. There
arose a murmuring between the “Hellenists” and the “Hebrews,” on the
ground that the widows of the former were overlooked in the daily
distribution[713] (Acts vi. 1). Such complaints, if not checked, might
lead to disastrous results. Accordingly the Apostles met together, and
having assembled the general body of the disciples (Acts vi. 2), urged
that it was not meet to expect them to leave the ministry of the word
and _serve tables_, and advised that seven men of good report, full
of the Holy Ghost and of practical wisdom, should be selected, who
might devote themselves to the superintendence of this distribution,
while they confined themselves to the more spiritual functions of their
office (Acts vi. 3, 4). The proposal met with universal acceptance, and
the general body of the disciples submitted to the Apostles seven men,
whose names appear to indicate that they were of Hellenistic, rather
than Jewish extraction, Stephen[714], Philip, Prochorus, Nicanor, Timon,
Parmenas, and Nicolas[715] _a proselyte of Antioch_ (Acts vi. 5). The
Twelve approved of the selection, and after offering prayer they laid
hands upon them[716], and thus solemnly consecrated them to their
office[717].
Thus a danger, which threatened a breach in the Christian community,
was happily removed by a wise and liberal concession. The Hellenists
were introduced into the actual ministry of the Church, and the
admission of a body more free than their Hebrew brethren from local and
national prejudices was doubtless divinely ordered to pave the way for
still greater results. Meanwhile the Word of God had free course and
was glorified, the multitude of the disciples in Jerusalem was largely
increased, and a great company even of the priests, whose antecedents
and prepossessions would be all strongly against such a step, _became
obedient to the faith_ (Acts vi. 7).
One of the “Seven” now admitted into the ministry of the Church was
destined to be the proximate cause of its first collision with the
Pharisaic party, and to prepare the way for the admission of the
Gentiles into the Christian fold. This was Stephen, a man full of
faith and power, of irresistible spirit and wisdom. Though appointed to
superintend the distribution of secular funds, he soon became eminent
for other gifts, and not only wrought great wonders and signs amongst
the people (Acts vi. 8), but proved himself able to argue with the Jews
of Cyrene and Alexandria, of Cilicia[718] and Roman Asia, as also the
Libertini[719] or enfranchised Jews, in their several synagogues in
Jerusalem, and that with such wisdom and power that they were unable to
confute his arguments, or resist _the spirit by which he spake_ (Acts
vi. 10).
Freed by the circumstances of his birth and education from mere
local and national prejudices, he appears to have spoken strongly of
the fulfilment of the Mosaic ordinances[720] by the Founder of the
Christian Church, and to have proclaimed that a time was at hand
when, in the words of the Holy One to the woman of Samaria[721], men
should _worship the Father in spirit and in truth_, not in the Temple
only, or in Jerusalem only, but everywhere throughout the world. This
teaching roused a furious opposition, and unable to oppose the eloquent
Hellenist by fair means, those whom he addressed had recourse to
artifice. Having privily suborned[722] men, who affirmed that they
had heard him utter blasphemous words against the Temple and the Law;
that they had heard him say that Jesus of Nazareth would destroy the
national sanctuary and change the rites which Moses had ordained;
they succeeded in stirring up the people, as also the ruling powers
of the nation (Acts vi. 12). Accordingly an assembly of the Sanhedrin
was convened, Stephen, who had in the meanwhile been apprehended, was
placed before them, and the charges formally preferred against him.
As he stood in the midst of the council-hall, the members of the
Council looked steadfastly upon him and observed his face _as it had
been the face of an angel_ (Acts vi. 15) lighted up with supernatural
radiance and serenity. At length, as in the case of the trial of his
Lord[723], the high-priest enquired what he had to say respecting the
accusations brought against him, and Stephen commenced his reply, “the
framework of which was cast in a summary of the history of the Jewish
Church[724],” and treated of all the great epochs of the national
existence,――from Abraham to Joseph,――from Joseph to Moses,――from Moses
to David and Solomon[725]. Keeping in mind the charges, of which he was
accused, he shewed that the Divine blessing had not been confined to
the Jews solely as inhabitants of the sacred land of Palestine, or as
partakers in the Temple-worship.
The original cradle of their faith was not Palestine but Mesopotamia,
and not only had the patriarch Abraham been called from the far distant
_land of the Chaldæans_ (Acts vii. 2–5), but whole centuries of the
nation’s existence had been spent in _a strange country_. In Egypt
the Divine blessing had not failed to rest upon the piety of Joseph
(Acts vii. 6–10), or upon the descendants of Jacob, when they all went
down and sojourned there (Acts vii. 11–16). In Egypt God raised up
Moses their great Deliverer, preserved his life from the machinations
of Pharaoh, and so ordered events that he became _learned in all the
wisdom of the Egyptians, and mighty in words and in deeds_[726] (Acts
vii. 17–22). In Midian He revealed Himself to him in the vision of the
Burning Bush, and sent him forth to lead the ransomed people towards
the Promised Land; but though by his hands their fathers had received
the Law, it had not kept them from idolatry[727]; though he had set
up the tabernacle of witness, it had not kept them from setting up
_the tent of Moloch, and the star of their god Remphan_[728] (Acts
vii. 22–44): nay, when, on the subjugation of the Canaanitish nations,
that Tabernacle had been brought into Canaan, and was there after a
long delay exchanged for the Temple, on which the Jews threw the whole
stress of their ♦dependence, neither Solomon himself who built it,
nor the prophets[729] had ever regarded it as in the highest sense the
dwelling-place of the Most High (Acts vii. 44–50).
Thus far the great Hellenist was heard with patience. “It was the story
of the Chosen People, to which every Jew listened with interest and
pride[730].” But now,――perhaps perceiving that his hearers had caught
the real drift of this review of their national history,――perhaps
carried away by the retrospect of their narrow and persistent
opposition to the divine counsels which it suggested,――in a strain of
holy indignation he rebuked the unbelieving hypocritical disposition of
the Jews, whose conduct in reference to the divine communications had
been the same from the time of Moses up to that very moment[731]; who
had always resisted the Holy Ghost, persecuted the prophets, and slain
those that had predicted the coming of the Just One; who had betrayed
and murdered Him, and had not kept the Law which they had received by
_the disposition of angels_ (Acts vii. 50–53).
This severe though just rebuke was the signal for an outburst of wrath
and fury on the part of his judges. They were _sawn asunder_[732] in
their hearts, _and gnashed upon him with their teeth_. Perceiving what
was coming, and unaffrighted by their tumultuous rage, he looked up
to heaven, and exclaimed, _Behold, I see the heavens opened, and the
Son of Man[733] standing[734] on the right hand of God_ (Acts vii. 56).
This last declaration was more than the Sanhedrin could bear. Breaking
forth into a loud yell (Acts vii. 57), they stopped their ears, as
if to close them against any more words of blasphemy, and rushing
upon him with one accord led him forth outside the city gate to stone
him[735] (Lev. xxiv. 16). The instruments of punishment were collected,
the witnesses threw off their loose outer garments (Deut. xvii. 7),
laid them at the feet of a young Pharisee, a prominent member of the
Cilician synagogue, named Saul, and hurled the first stones. As they
fell, the martyr cried to Him whose form he had so lately seen standing
at the right hand of God, _Lord Jesus, receive my spirit_ (Acts vii.
59). Then falling on his knees, he exclaimed with a loud voice, in
the words of his Master on the Cross, _Lord, lay not this sin to their
charge_, and――in the touching language of the narrator, “who now uses
for the first time the word, since applied to the departure of all
Christians, but here the more remarkable from the bloody scenes in
the midst of which the death took place――_he fell asleep_[736] (Acts
vii. 60).”
PART II.
THE CHURCH OF PALESTINE.
CHAPTER I.
_DISPERSION OF THE CHRISTIANS――ACTIVITY OF PHILIP._
A.D. 36.
THE martyrdom of the great Hellenist, who was conveyed to his grave
amidst much lamentation _by devout men_[737] (Acts viii. 2), was the
signal for a furious persecution of the Christians. The protection
with which the prudence of Gamaliel had hitherto shielded them was now
withdrawn. Pharisee and Sadducee alike[738], in the absence or with the
connivance of the Roman procurator[739], turned against the hated sect,
and the young Cilician of Tarsus, who was _consenting to the death_ of
Stephen (Acts viii. 1), and probably was now or shortly afterwards a
member of the Sanhedrin[740], found himself able to give vent to the
full fury of his zeal.
Resolved _to make havoc of the Church_ (Acts viii. 3), he invaded
the dwellings of those who professed adherence to the Christian faith,
dragged forth their inmates, whether men or women, and committed
them to prison (Acts viii. 3, xxvi. 9, 10, xxii. 3). Some of these
persecuted people he scourged, _often, in many synagogues_ (Acts xxvi.
11); some he strove to compel to blaspheme the Holy Name whereby they
were called (Acts xxvi. 11); others he brought before the Sanhedrin,
and when it was decided that they should be put to death, _gave
his vote against them_[741] (Acts xxvi. 10), so that his fame as an
inquisitor spread beyond the boundaries of Palestine, and reached even
the distant city of Damascus (Acts ix. 13).
From a persecution instigated by such a zealous leader the disciples
fled in different directions throughout Judæa and Samaria, and even
further north still, to Phœnicia, Cyprus, and Antioch (Acts xi. 19),
but the Apostles remained firm at their posts, and for the present did
not leave Jerusalem (Acts viii. 1).
Amongst those, who were thus dispersed abroad, was one of the “Seven”
who had been elected with Stephen to superintend the distribution of
the funds of the Christian society. Between Judæa and Galilee lay the
district of Samaria, the inhabitants of which, though shunning and
shunned by the Jew, “yet clung to the same promises and looked forward
to the same hopes[742].” Thither Philip now went down, and entering
one of its towns[743], began to proclaim the message of Glad Tidings
to its people, and performed many miracles, casting out demons, and
healing many that were lame and paralysed. He was received with no less
readiness than the Holy One Himself, when sitting on Jacob’s well[744],
He declared Himself the Messiah to the woman who was a sinner. With one
accord the Samaritans _gave heed to his words_ (Acts viii. 6).
At this time there was present in the neighbourhood a man, who made no
small stir in his day, by name Simon[745]. By his skill as a magician
he had succeeded in astounding the people of Samaria to such a degree
that he found votaries amongst all ranks and all ages, and was
pronounced to be _the Power of God which is called Great_[746] (Acts
viii. 10). But in Philip he found a rival whom he could not resist. He
might astonish and perplex, but Philip could do more. He could heal,
and restore gladness to many a saddened home (Acts viii. 12). The
magician, therefore, soon found himself deserted, and many, both men
and women, left him, and believing the Glad Tidings announced by the
Evangelist, were admitted into the Church by baptism (Acts viii. 12).
These results made a deep impression on the mind of Simon, and he too
professed himself a believer, and received baptism at the hands of
Philip (Acts viii. 13).
Meanwhile news that the despised Samaria had received the word of God
reached the ears of the Apostles at Jerusalem, and they dispatched
Peter and John[747] thither on a special mission of enquiry. They
on their arrival prayed that some of those extraordinary gifts,
which followed and attested the effusion of the Spirit on the Day of
Pentecost, might be bestowed upon the Samaritan believers, and laid
their hands upon them (Acts viii. 17), whereupon the endowments, for
which they had prayed, were vouchsafed, and attested the planting of a
Church in Samaria, standing in an equal rank with the first Church at
Jerusalem[748].
Astonished as Simon had been at the miracles of Philip, he was still
more astonished at the results of the imposition of the hands of the
two Apostles, and he tried to bribe them to bestow upon him the same
peculiar power (Acts viii. 18, 19). This mercenary proposal opened
their minds to the real character of the man, and with the same just
severity with which he had rebuked Ananias, Peter now denounced the
wickedness of the pretender, and declaring that his heart was not right
in the sight of God, that he had neither part nor lot in the matter,
bade him pray that peradventure his evil intentions might be forgiven
(Acts viii. 20–22). Struck dumb by the plain-spoken truthfulness of
the Galilæan fisherman, and awakened rather to feelings of apprehension
of the Divine vengeance than to repentance[749], Simon implored the
Apostles to intreat the Lord for him, that none of the things which
they had threatened might come to pass (Acts viii. 24)[750].
After this encounter Peter and John extended their missionary labours
to many other villages of the Samaritans[751] (Acts viii. 25), and
then returned to Jerusalem. But other work was reserved for Philip,
for a Divine intimation bade him go toward the south, along the road
leading from Jerusalem to Gaza. Of the roads leading to this well-known
city[752], one by Ramleh passed through town and villages; another,
better adapted for carriages, through Hebron, and thence through
a district comparatively little inhabited[753], and exposed to the
incursions of southern marauders, whence it was called _desert_[754]
(Acts viii. 26). The latter was the one which the heavenly Voice bade
the Evangelist take, and as he traversed it, probably ignorant of
the cause wherefore he was sent, he perceived a chariot, in which one
sat reading as he rode. This was a man of Ethiopia[755], a eunuch,
the chief officer of Candace, queen of Meröe, and steward of all
her treasure, who had come up to worship at one of the Feasts at
Jerusalem, and was now returning (Acts viii. 27, 28). Bidden by the
heavenly Voice to join the Stranger, Philip quickened his steps, and
presently overheard him reading aloud[756], probably in the Septuagint
Version[757], the words of the prophet Isaiah (chap. liii. 6, 7):
_He was led as a sheep to the slaughter; and like a lamb dumb before
his shearer, so opened He not His mouth: in His humiliation His
judgment was taken away: and who shall declare His generation? For
His life is taken away from the earth._
_Understandest thou what thou readest?_ enquired Philip. _How can I_,
answered the other, _unless some man should guide me?_ and he besought
him to get up and sit down by his side. Then the conversation began.
_I pray thee_, said the eunuch, _of whom is the prophet speaking this?
of himself, or of some other man?_
Thereupon Philip opened his mouth, and told him who that “Man” was,
and preached the glad tidings of Him, who died, and rose again, and
ascended into heaven. As he went on, the eunuch was filled with an
ardent desire to embrace the faith, and, being probably informed by
Philip of the last command of his ascended Lord to the Apostles, on
reaching a stream of water, enquired whether aught could hinder his
being baptized? Thereupon the chariot was stayed[758], and the two went
down to the water[759], and Philip baptized him, and then, either in
consequence of some sudden inward summons or by a miraculous withdrawal,
was instantly caught away, so that the eunuch saw him no more, and
went on his way rejoicing (Acts viii. 39). Meanwhile Philip had passed
on to Azotus, the ancient Ashdod[760], and thence evangelizing all
the towns[761] in his way, and following the coast-line, proceeded to
Cæsarea on the Sea[762] (Acts viii. 40).
CHAPTER II.
_THE CONVERSION OF ST PAUL._
A.D. 36 or 37‒A.D. 40.
IN His parting charge to His Apostles the Saviour had declared that
they should be His witnesses _in Jerusalem, and in all Judæa, and in
Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth_ (Acts i. 8). In
exact accordance with this order the Church, as we have seen, was first
founded in Jerusalem (Acts ii. 1), then spread to the cities round
about (Acts v. 16), and after the martyrdom of Stephen to Samaria (Acts
viii. 5–25). Provision was now to be made for its extension to the
Gentiles, and for this purpose a fitting instrument was raised up in
the person of no other than the young Cilician Pharisee, whom we have
seen consenting to the death of the first Martyr, and _making havoc_ of
the Church.
At this point, then, it will be well to group together such particulars
of his early life as have come down to us.
1. Saul, or as he was afterwards called Paul, was born at Tarsus (Acts
ix. 11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3), the capital of Cilicia, situated on the
banks of the Cydnus, a river famous for the dangerous fever caught by
Alexander while bathing, and for the meeting of Antonius and Cleopatra.
Even in early times it was a place of consequence[763], and after
belonging to the empire of the Seleucidæ, and for a short time to that
of the Ptolemies, espoused the cause of Cæsar during the civil wars,
was then named Juliopolis[764] in honour of a visit from him, and
made a _free city_[765] by Augustus. Under the early Roman emperors it
was famous as a seat of education, and in this respect could vie even
with Athens and Alexandria, and could boast of several Stoics, such as
Athenodorus, the tutor of Augustus, and Nestor, the tutor of Tiberius.
As a place of commerce, it was a meeting-point for Syrians, Cilicians,
Isaurians, and Cappadocians.
2. The family of Saul were strict Jews, though Hellenists in speech,
and of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil. iii. 5). Neither his father’s nor
his mother’s names are mentioned, but we have notices of his sister,
and his sister’s son (Acts xxiii. 16), and of some more distant
relatives (Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21).
3. Born probably during the later years of the reign of Herod, or the
earlier of his son Archelaus[766], as the son of a Pharisee (Acts xxiii.
6), he was _circumcised on the eighth day_ (Phil. iii. 5), and received
the name of Saul[767]. But from his earliest years he probably had two
names, “Saul the name of his Hebrew home, Paul[768] that by which he
was known among the Gentiles.”
4. From his father he inherited a great privilege, that of Roman
citizenship. How his father acquired it is unknown. He may have
obtained it for _a large sum_ of money (Comp. Acts xxii. 28), or it
may have descended to him, or it may have been bestowed upon him in
recognition of some service rendered during the civil wars to some
influential Roman[769].
5. In conformity with the usual custom of his nation, one of whose
proverbs was that _He who taught not his son a trade, taught him to
be a thief_, the youthful Saul was instructed in the art of making
tents[770], of the hair-cloth known as _Cilicium_, and supplied by
the goats of his native province.
6. Carefully nurtured under his father’s roof, speaking Greek, and
acquainted with the Septuagint version[771] of the Old Testament, he
was removed, probably between the age of 10 and 15, to Jerusalem[772],
where he was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel[773], and under the
superintendence of this wise and candid teacher made progress in his
knowledge of Jewish rites above many of his contemporaries in his
own nation, and became distinguished for extraordinary zeal for the
traditions handed down from his fathers[774] (Gal. i. 14). Under the
same teacher he probably added to that knowledge of Greek and of the
Septuagint, as also of the elements of Gentile learning, which he
had brought with him from Tarsus, a more exact acquaintance with the
original Hebrew, as also with the hidden and mystical meaning of the
Scriptures; a knowledge of aphorisms, allegories[775], and the opinions
of the learned; as also the facility of quick and apt quotation; while
the study of Greek authors[776] would not be altogether discouraged.
Such was the early life, and such was the training of the champion of
the Pharisaic party, who was now to become the great Apostle of the
Gentiles.
In his determination to make havoc of the Church, Saul was not content
to persecute its members at Jerusalem. _Breathing forth threatenings
and slaughter_ against them, he determined to seek them out wherever
they might be found, and with this intention requested letters of the
high-priest[777] empowering him to seize any of “the Way,” whom he
might find in the city of Damascus, whether men or women, and convey
them thence to Jerusalem to be punished (Acts ix. 1, 2, xxvi. 12,
xxii. 5).
Armed with these credentials, he set out with a considerable retinue,
and having probably passed through Shechem, then called Neapolis,
and Samaria, and thence through Galilee towards the sea of Tiberias,
crossed the Jordan[778], and made his way along the dreary barren
uplands which stretch between the base of Antilibanus and the city of
Damascus.
It was on the last, probably the sixth day[779] of this long journey,
that about noon (Acts xxii. 6, xxvi. 13), when the sun was burning with
the fulness of its noontide heat, that the beautiful city[780] appeared
in view. But just as the object of his journey seemed to be attained,
suddenly a light, brighter even than that fiery sun, flashed upon the
persecutor and his companions (Acts ix. 6, xxvi. 13). Struck dumb with
fear he and they fell to the ground (Acts ix. 7, xxvi. 14), and then
from the inmost depths of the incomprehensible light there came a Voice,
which all heard, but one only was enabled to understand[781] (Acts
xxii. 9, ix. 8), and a Form appeared, which none saw save one, the
persecutor himself (Acts xxii. 14; 1 Cor. xv. 8). _Saul, Saul_, said
the Voice in distinct articulate words _in the Hebrew tongue_ (Acts
xxvi. 14), why _persecutest thou ME?_ _Who art Thou, Lord?_ replied the
stunned and confused Pharisee. _I am JESUS_, was the answer, _Whom thou
persecutest: it is hard for thee to kick against the goad_[782] (Acts
xxvi. 14). Trembling and astonished the persecutor went on, _Lord, what
wilt Thou have me to do?_ and in reply was directed to _arise and go
into the city_, and there it should be told him what he was to do (Acts
ix. 11).
Thereupon he arose, but when he opened his eyes, all was dark around,
for they were blinded by the brightness of the light and the majesty of
the Son of God. His companions who had _stood speechless_ listening to
the _voice[783], but seeing no man_ (Acts ix. 7), now took him by the
hand (Acts ix. 8), and led him into the city, and through the street
called “Straight[784]” to the abode of one Judas (Acts ix. 11).
For three days the blindness continued, and during this period he
neither ate nor drank (Acts ix. 9), but remained engaged in solitary
prayer (Acts ix. 11) unvisited either by the Christians, who had been
alarmed by the intelligence of his approach, or the Jews, who could
not sympathise with his present condition. At length one drew near to
reveal the Divine will respecting him[785].
There was living at this time in Damascus a disciple named Ananias,
held in high estimation amongst all the Jews resident there (Acts xxii.
12). To him the Lord appeared in a vision, and bade him seek out in the
house of Judas for one called Saul, for _behold he was praying_, and
had seen in a vision a man coming in, and laying his hand upon him that
he might recover his sight. At first Ananias would have declined the
mission, knowing well the character of him to whom he was to go, and
the purpose for which he had visited Damascus. But his objections were
overruled; he who had been a persecutor was designed by the Lord to do
great things, and to him he must go (Acts ix. 11–16).
Thereupon Ananias went, entered the house, and beholding the triumphant
persecutor lying exhausted and fasting, laid his hands upon him and
said, _Brother Saul, the Lord hath sent me, even Jesus who appeared
unto thee on the way as thou camest, that thou mayest receive thy sight,
and be filled with the Holy Ghost_ (Acts ix. 17). He had scarcely
spoken when from the eyes of the new disciple of the risen Saviour
there fell as it had been scales, and looking up he beheld the face of
Ananias (Acts xxii. 13), and learned the object of the heavenly vision,
and the purpose for which the God of his fathers had chosen him (Acts
xxvi. 18). Thereupon he arose and was baptized, and having taken meat
was strengthened for the work that lay before him.
The arrival of the delegate of the Sanhedrin was no secret among the
Christians at Damascus, and the words of Ananias testify to the fame
he had acquired as a persecutor of their body. Great, then, must have
been their surprise when they heard of the change which his spirit had
undergone, and still more when they saw him entering the synagogues
(Acts ix. 20), and fearlessly declaring his conviction that that Jesus,
whose followers he had come to imprison, was _the Son of God_. The
first effect upon those who heard him was blank amazement, for they
were well acquainted with his previous history, and the object of his
visit, and they clearly saw that the astounding change which had come
over him could not be ascribed to any wayward, irregular impulse, for
his energy gathered renewed strength day by day, and the Jews were
unable to confute the arguments by which he proved that Jesus was the
long-promised Messiah (Acts ix. 21, 22).
After the lapse, however, of some days, it became clear that it would
not be safe for him to continue his labours. The fury of the Jews
would naturally be roused to the utmost pitch, and it became necessary
that he should leave the city. But instead of going up to Jerusalem to
consult those who were Apostles before him (Gal. i. 17), he departed to
Arabia[786], either the region which bordered on Syria and Mesopotamia
and included Damascus itself[787], or the Sinaitic peninsula, the
scene of the giving of the law. What was the purpose of this journey we
are not told. Perhaps it was to undertake some missionary enterprise,
perhaps to engage in solitary communion[788] with Him who had called
him to be an Apostle, before he entered upon his active labours.
CHAPTER III.
_ST PAUL’S FIRST VISIT TO JERUSALEM――PETER AT JOPPA._
A.D. 40.
WHATEVER was the precise object of this journey to Arabia, and whatever
was its duration, certain it is that the Apostle returned thence to
Damascus (Gal. i. 17), and _preached boldly in the name of Jesus_ (Acts
ix. 27). On this occasion, however, the Jews, unable to confute his
arguments, resolved to assassinate him, but their design reached his
ears, and every precaution was taken by the Christians that night to
secure him from danger.
This, however, was a matter of no little difficulty. In consequence
either of hostilities between the Romans and Herod Antipas on the one
side and Aretas king of Petra on the other[789], or of the assignment
of Damascus by Caligula, the successor of Tiberius, to Aretas, the city
was held by the Ethnarch[790] of this monarch (2 Cor. xi. 32), and the
Jews having won him and his soldiers over to their side, a strict watch
was kept day and night to prevent the Apostle’s escape, and deliver
him over to execution (Acts ix. 24). In this emergency, therefore, the
disciples taking advantage of an unguarded part of the wall and the
darkness of the night, let him down in a basket from a window, which
opened on the outer country[791] (Acts ix. 25; 2 Cor. xi. 33). Thus
delivered from circumstances of great peril, the Apostle turned his
steps towards Jerusalem, being desirous, as he informs us, to become
acquainted with Peter[792], and in the Holy City he arrived three
years[793] after his conversion (Gal. i. 18).
But his escape had been too hurried to allow him to bring with him
letters of commendation; when, therefore, he attempted _to join himself
to the disciples_ (Acts ix. 26), they were all afraid of him, and
could not believe that he was united with them in the bonds of a common
discipleship. But now it was that Barnabas, who, as we have seen[794],
may have become acquainted with him at Tarsus, took him by the hand and
brought him to the Apostles, and told them how he had seen the Lord on
the road to Damascus, and how in that city he had already spoken boldly
in His Name (Acts ix. 27). Thereupon Peter, and James _the Lord’s
brother_[795] (Gal. i. 18, 19), in the absence of the other Apostles,
probably on some mission to the churches of Judæa, Galilee, and Samaria
(Acts ix. 31), gave him the right hand of fellowship, and for a period
of 15 days[796] (Gal. i. 18) he was with them _coming in and going out
of Jerusalem_ (Acts ix. 28).
As might be expected, the chief sphere of his activity was in the
synagogues of the Hellenists, where he had before distinguished himself
as a zealous opponent of Stephen. Now, however, he disputed with the
same energy and force in support of the very doctrines which he had
then persecuted (Acts ix. 29), and brought down upon himself the same
furious opposition which had caused the death of the first Martyr.
A plot was formed to secure his assassination, and the disciples
perceived that he must retire from the work he had commenced in
Jerusalem. The Apostle, himself, was unwilling to quit a place, where
his former zeal against the faith was so well-known, and his sincerity,
as he hoped, would be appreciated (Acts xxii. 19, 20). But as he was
one day praying in the temple, he fell into a trance (Acts xxii. 17),
and saw his Lord, who said to him, _Make haste, and get thee quickly
out of Jerusalem, for they will not receive thy testimony concerning
Me_; and when he hesitated to obey the command and pleaded his former
zeal in persecuting the faith as a reason why he should stay, the
injunction to leave the city was repeated, _Depart, for I will send
thee far hence unto the Gentiles_ (Acts xxii. 21).
Thus assured that Jerusalem was not to be the field of his labours, he
allowed the brethren to convey him to Cæsarea-on-the-sea[797], whence
he took ship and sailed to Tarsus, his native city, and there probably
devoted himself to preaching in its synagogue, and to missionary
activity[798] in the regions of Syria and Cilicia[799] (Gal. i. 21).
His brief visit to Jerusalem had not been without some result. He had
seen and was recognised by Peter and James, and though he remained
for the present personally unknown to the churches of Judæa[800], yet
the intelligence which reached them from time to time[801] that their
persecutor of former days was now preaching the Faith, filled them with
thankfulness, and they _glorified God in him_ (Gal. i. 22–24).
While the Apostle was thus employed amidst the familiar scenes of his
childhood, the churches _throughout Judæa and Galilee and Samaria_,
lately disturbed by his unceasing animosity, _had peace_, increased in
numbers, and walked _in the fear of the Lord_ (Acts ix. 31). The rest,
however, which they thus enjoyed, may perhaps be ascribed to another
cause besides the conversion of their late persecutor[802]. In A.D. 36
Pontius Pilate, as we have already seen[803], was sent to Rome by
Vitellius. Thereupon Marcellus was sent out as procurator of Judæa in
his place, but on his arrival at Cæsarea was directed to make way for
Marullus[804]. In the following year, A.D. 37, Vitellius was recalled
from Syria, and was succeeded in that prefecture by Petronius, while
Theophilus[805] succeeded his brother Jonathan in the office of
high-priest. But a still more important event in the same year was the
death of Tiberius[806], and the accession of Caligula. Releasing Herod
Agrippa[807], the grandson of Herod the Great, from his prison at Rome,
where Tiberius had confined him, he appointed him king of Trachonitis,
which had belonged to Herod Philip’s tetrarchy, and bestowed upon him
also the tetrarchy of Lysanias[808]. But the new emperor was scarcely
seated on the throne, before in his insane vanity he ordered divine
honours to be paid to himself throughout the empire[809], and directed
that a golden colossal statue of himself should be placed in the Holy
of Holies at Jerusalem. The execution of this mandate was entrusted to
Petronius, and having ordered Sidonian workmen to make the statue, he
moved up with his troops to Ptolemais, prepared to set it up by force.
But no sooner did intelligence of what was intended reach the Jews
than one universal feeling of horror pervaded the nation, and thousands
assembled from all quarters without distinction of rank or age or sex,
imploring the prefect to desist from carrying out his instructions.
Shrinking from the horrible task of commencing a war of massacre and
extermination which he saw was inevitable, if the statue was set up,
Petronius hesitated, wrote to expostulate with his master, and put off
the execution of the order. At the same time Herod Agrippa, then at
Rome, implored his patron to pause, and a deputation from Alexandria,
headed by the learned and venerable Philo, set forth the stern
requirements of the Jewish Law. But Caligula was inexorable, and it
is impossible to say what would have been the result[810], had he not
been assassinated[811] on the 24th of January, A.D. 41. Thus the Jews
were delivered from this terrible indignity.
The rest, then, which the Christians now enjoyed, may not improbably
be ascribed to the distractions of Caligula’s reign, and to the fact
that the Jewish authorities were wholly occupied with frustrating his
mad designs. Taking advantage, therefore, of this period of repose
the Apostle Peter made a visitation of the different churches founded
in Palestine, and amongst other places went down to Lydda, anciently
called Lod[812] (1 Ch. viii. 12; Neh. vii. 37), and afterwards
Diospolis, situated about 9 miles from the sea-port of Joppa. Here
finding a man afflicted with paralysis, who had kept his bed for
upwards of 8 years, he addressed him in his Master’s name, _Æneas,
Jesus Christ healeth thee_, whereupon he rose immediately, restored
to perfect soundness. The cure of such a man was quickly noised abroad
throughout his own town and the neighbouring plain of Sharon, and
contributed in no small degree to the spread of the Church in those
regions.
While still at Lydda the Apostle received intelligence that the
Christian society at Joppa had sustained a grievous loss by the death
of a widow of substance, named Tabitha[813] or Dorcas, who had been
wont not only to minister with her own hands to the wants of the poor,
but in providing clothing for them. The death of such a person caused
great regret at Joppa, and the Apostle was no sooner informed of it
by messengers, who intreated his presence, than he set out, and on his
arrival was conducted to the upper chamber, where the body lay prepared
for the burial (Acts ix. 37–39), surrounded by many widows, who stood
by weeping, and shewed him the many proofs of the kindness of their
benefactress.
Like his Master before him in the chamber of the daughter of
Jairus[814], the Apostle thereupon put these mourners forth, and
kneeling down[815] engaged in prayer. Then turning to the body he
pronounced the words _Tabitha, arise_ (Acts ix. 40), whereupon her
eyes instantly were opened, and seeing Peter she sat up. Taking her by
the hand the Apostle then raised her from the spot where she had lain
prepared for burial, and calling in the widows presented her to them
alive. The fame of this miracle, confirming as it did the impression
already made at Lydda, quickly spread, and caused an accession of many
to the Christian Church; and the Apostle perceiving an opportune field
of usefulness thus opened to him, _tarried many days in Joppa with one
Simon a tanner_ (Acts ix. 43).
CHAPTER IV.
_THE CONVERSION OF CORNELIUS._
A.D. 41–43.
DURING the Apostle’s stay at Joppa an event occurred destined to have
no small influence on the spread of the Church.
Cæsarea, as has been already stated, was the head-quarters of the
Roman government in Judæa[816]. Among the troops quartered there was a
cohort of Italians[817], possibly volunteers, and amongst its officers
was a centurion named Cornelius, a devout man, who had learned to
worship the one true God[818], and was well known for his almsgiving
and uprightness of life (Acts x. 2). One day, about the ninth hour,
the hour of prayer, he beheld in a vision an angel who informed him
that his prayers and alms were not forgotten before God, and bade him
send for the Apostle, now lodging at Joppa, who would tell him what
he should do, and inform him concerning that faith which had already
excited much attention in the neighbourhood[819] (Acts ix. 42).
Obedient to the heavenly vision the centurion summoned two of his
servants, and a devout soldier attached to his own person, and sent
them with the necessary instructions to Joppa. As the three drew near
their destination, the Apostle Peter, who had retired for devotion
to the flat[820] housetop of his lodging by the seaside[821] at the
noontide hour of prayer (Acts x. 9), fell into a trance, and saw the
heaven opened, and a great sheet-like vessel[822], let down by its four
corners, till it rested upon the earth (Acts x. 11). As he observed it
closely, he noticed that it contained _all manner of four-footed beasts
of the earth, and wild beasts, and creeping things, and fowls of the
air_, and he heard a Voice saying, _Rise, Peter, kill and eat_. But
this the Apostle, who from earliest childhood had observed the strict
precepts of the Levitical Law[823], stedfastly declined to do: he had
_never eaten anything common or unclean_. Then the Voice spoke again,
saying, _What God hath cleansed, that call not thou common_, and when
the strange scene had been repeated three times, probably with the same
command, the same remonstrance, and the same reply[824], the vessel
_was received up again into heaven_ (Acts x. 15, 16).
The Apostle was deeply moved, and while meditating on the possible
meaning of what he had beheld and heard, the messengers of Cornelius
had arrived, and were making enquiries for him, and at the same moment
the Spirit bade him go down and accompany them whithersoever they went,
_doubting nothing_ (Acts x. 19, 20). Thereupon he descended from the
housetop, and having learned from the men the purport of their errand,
he brought them in and hospitably entertained them (Acts x. 21–23).
The next day he set out with them towards Cæsarea, attended by certain
of the brethren from Joppa, and on entering the house of Cornelius
found him in the midst of many of his relatives and intimate friends,
whom he had assembled to listen to the Apostle’s words. As he crossed
the threshold (Acts x. 25), the centurion went forth to meet him, and
falling down at his feet would have worshipped him. But Peter raised
him up, and reminded him that he also was a man, and then addressed
himself to the assembled company. They all knew, he said, that he was
a Jew, and how unlawful it was for one of that nation to associate
with or enter the house of a foreigner: but God had shewed him that he
was not to call any man common or unclean, and therefore he had come
without delay, and now desired to know the reason for which he had been
sent (Acts x. 28, 29).
Then Cornelius recounted the particulars of his vision (Acts x. 30–33),
and requested the Apostle to announce to him and his assembled friends
what he, as a messenger of God, had to say to them. Thus assured that
all things had occurred under the Divine guidance, the Apostle opened
his mouth, and having acknowledged that God _was indeed no respecter
of persons, but accepted out of every nation all that feared Him and
worked righteousness_, proceeded to proclaim the glad tidings of his
risen Lord. He told them of His life of love; of His victories over
disease and the spirit-world (Acts x. 38); of His death by the hands of
men (Acts x. 39); of His resurrection, and His appearances afterwards,
not to all the people but to chosen witnesses, even the Apostles, who
had eaten and drunk with Him (Acts x. 40, 41); of His exaltation to
heaven and His future coming to judge the world; of the commission
he and the rest of the Twelve had received to proclaim to all that
believed in Him the _remission of sins_ (Acts x. 42, 43).
While he was still speaking, the events of the day of Pentecost were
repeated in the house of the Roman soldier. To the astonishment of
the Jewish Christians who had accompanied the Apostle from Joppa,
the gift of the Holy Ghost was poured out upon the Gentiles, and they
heard them speaking in various dialects and magnifying and praising
God (Acts x. 46). Now fully awakened to the meaning of the vision on
the housetop, the Apostle enquired whether any could forbid that these,
who had already evidently received the gift of the Holy Ghost, should
be admitted to the rite of baptism, and then ordered that it should be
administered; and thus he who had first preached the resurrection to
the Jews, baptized the first converts at Jerusalem, and confirmed the
first-fruits of the church in Samaria, now, under direct communication
from heaven, first threw down the barrier which separated proselytes
of the gate from Israelites, and admitted them on an equal footing into
the Christian Church[825].
The news of such an event was not long in reaching Jerusalem, and
provoked not only enquiry and comment, but actual complaint, so that
when the Apostle returned thither, he found himself warmly censured
by not a few of the more exclusive section of the “circumcision,”
who complained that he had consorted and eaten with men who were
uncircumcised[826] (Acts xi. 1–3). Thereupon Peter recounted all the
particulars of his visit to Cæsarea from the beginning; how he had
seen a vision at Joppa, and how a Divine Voice had accompanied and
interpreted it; how the messengers of Cornelius had arrived while he
was pondering over the vision, and he had been bidden to accompany
them nothing doubting[827]; how taking with him six impartial witnesses
(Acts xi. 12), who were then present, he had proceeded to the house of
Cornelius, and on his arrival was told of another vision which the good
centurion had beheld, the “very counterpart and index of his own;” how
when he had only begun to speak and to touch upon the Gospel History,
the infallible sign of the Divine Presence had been manifested, and
the Holy Ghost had fallen on his Gentile hearers as on the disciples
in Jerusalem at the beginning; how this had recalled to his mind
his Lord’s words, _John indeed baptized with water, but ye shall be
baptized with the Holy Ghost_, and he had admitted them to baptism; for
who was he, after this visible proof of the Divine Presence, that he
could withstand God? (Acts xi. 4–17). The question contained its own
answer, and the Christians at Jerusalem not only held their peace, and
desisted from further reprehension of the Apostle, but glorified God,
saying, _Then hath God also to the Gentiles granted repentance unto
life_ (Acts xi. 18).
Meanwhile events had occurred at other and more distant places than
Cæsarea, shewing that the Christian Church was no longer to be confined
to the Jews only or to the sacred land of Palestine. The Christians,
whom the persecution that followed after the stoning of Stephen[828]
had driven from the Holy City, travelled in different directions, to
Phœnicia, the neighbouring island of Cyprus, and to Antioch[829], the
metropolis of Syria (Acts xi. 19). For some time they confined their
ministrations to the Jews only, but at length some of them, _men of
Cyprus[830] and Cyrene_, on their arrival at Antioch, began to preach
the word even to the Gentiles, and with such success that a great
number became believers, and turned unto the Lord (Acts xi. 21).
Tidings of these events reaching the Church at Jerusalem, in accordance
with the precedent already acted upon in Samaria (Acts viii. 14), it
was resolved to send to Antioch one in whom they had entire confidence,
and who might report on all that had occurred. The person selected
for this important duty was no other than Barnabas, _the son of
exhortation_, himself a Hellenist, a native of Cyprus, and in all
probability well acquainted with Antioch, one known to be _a good man,
full of the Holy Ghost, and of faith_ (Acts xi. 24).
Accordingly Barnabas set out, and on his arrival found much to approve
in the ministrations of the Hellenistic teachers. They had evidently
been blessed with great success, and he laboured earnestly to advance
it, _exhorting all to cleave to the Lord with full purpose of heart_.
His own endeavours did not lose their reward, for the church at Antioch
received many additions to its numbers (Acts xi. 24), but Barnabas saw
that _a wise master-builder_ (1 Cor. iii. 10) was required for the work,
and he therefore set out for Tarsus to fetch Saul. Once more, then, the
two met, and Saul proceeded with his friend to the Syrian metropolis,
and there side by side they continued to labour for a whole year,
and so greatly were their exertions blessed, and so numerous were the
additions made to the Church, that it was clear the disciples could no
longer be confounded with any sect or party of the Jews. Standing out,
then, as a separate community, they acquired a distinctive title, and
it was first at Antioch, whose inhabitants were notorious for inventing
names of derision[831], that the honourable appellation of CHRISTIANS
was first applied to them (Acts xi. 26). This name they were not likely
to assume themselves[832], nor is it probable that it was bestowed upon
them by the Jews. They called them in hatred and contempt _the sect
of the Nazarenes_[833] (Acts xxiv. 5), and Christ being equivalent to
Messiah, they were not likely to apply to them a term they themselves
held sacred[834]. The name, therefore, probably originated with the
Gentiles, and with the Romans rather than the Greeks. The disciples
would often speak of Christ as their leader and chief, and the
heathens[835] would naturally call them in mockery and derision
_Christians_, or the _Followers of Christ_, just as the partisans of
Marius were called Mariani, of Pompeius Pompeiani, of Otho Othoniani,
of Vitellius Vitelliani, of Herod Herodiani.
While the two Apostles were thus employed, there arrived at Antioch,
A.D. 42, certain prophets[836] from Jerusalem, one of whom named Agabus
stood up and announced that a great famine was at hand, which in fact
came to pass during the reign of Claudius Cæsar (Acts xi. 28), a reign
distinguished for earthquakes, bad harvests, and general scarcity[837].
Having full faith in his prophetic words the Christians in the Syrian
metropolis[838] determined to send relief, every man according to his
ability, to their poorer brethren at Jerusalem, and Saul and Barnabas
were selected to convey their contributions to the Holy City (Acts xi.
29, 30)[839].
CHAPTER V.
_MARTYRDOM OF ST JAMES――DEATH OF HEROD._
A.D. 44.
ABOUT the time when these delegates from the church at Antioch arrived
on their errand of Christian love at Jerusalem, a severe calamity
befell the Church there. On the accession of Claudius, A.D. 41, Herod
Agrippa, who had taken an active part in securing his succession[840],
was rewarded by the addition of Judæa and Samaria to the tetrarchies
of Philip and Antipas which he had already received, and ruled as
king over a territory as widely extended as that governed by his
grandfather[841].
Arriving at Jerusalem, A.D. 42, he dedicated in the Temple, as a
memorial of the Divine protection, the golden chain with which he had
been presented by Caligula, and which was of equal weight with the
iron one he had worn when imprisoned by Tiberius[842], and endeavoured
to ingratiate himself with his subjects by the strictest profession of
Judaism. He offered sacrifice every day; paid the expenses of certain
Nazarites on completing their vows[843]; abstained from every legal
impurity; remitted the house-tax of the inhabitants of Jerusalem[844];
encircled the new suburb of Bezetha with a wall; and prepared to
strengthen the entire fortifications of the city[845].
Thus determined to ingratiate himself with the Jews, and doubtless at
the suggestions of their chiefs, he resolved to take measures for the
suppression of Christianity. Accordingly, in A.D. 44, he seized the
Apostle James, the brother of St John, and without any apparent process
of Jewish law[846] summarily slew him with the sword (Acts xii. 2),
thus early admitting him to his Master’s baptism[847] (Mtt. xx. 23).
Perceiving that this atrocity rendered him exceedingly popular with
his subjects[848], he arrested Peter also at the feast of the Passover,
and committed him to the custody of four quaternions of soldiers[849]
(Acts xii. 4), intending at the close of the festival to bring him
forth before the people and gratify them with his death.
Great was the sorrow of the Church at the prospect of the Apostle’s
execution, and unceasing and not ineffectual prayer was made to God
in his behalf. For on the night before the day fixed for the spectacle
of his martyrdom, while the Apostle was sleeping between two soldiers,
bound with two chains, and the sentinels without were carefully
guarding the doors, a light suddenly shone into his cell, and an angel
touched him on the side, and bade him rise up quickly. Thereupon he
arose, and his chains fell from off his hands. _Gird thyself_, resumed
the angel, _and bind on thy sandals_. The Apostle did so, and casting
his garment about him, and scarcely believing the reality of what was
going on, followed his celestial guide through the first and second
ward, and thence through the iron gate, which opened of its own accord,
into the street of the city (Acts xii. 5–10).
Then the angel departed, and the Apostle realising for the first time
the fact of his deliverance, repaired to the house of Mary[850], a
sister of Barnabas, where many were gathered together praying. As soon
as he had knocked at the door, a damsel named Rhoda came forth to open
it, but recognising his voice was so transported with joy that she ran
in and announced that Peter was standing at the door. Those within,
however, declared that she was mad, that she had seen his angel or
ghost, and refused to believe her words. Meanwhile the Apostle stood
without knocking, and at length the door was opened, and the disciples
were assured that it was he and no other. They would have expressed
their joy with loud thanksgivings, but holding up his hand he beckoned
to them to be silent, and then having recounted all that had befallen
him, bade them carry the joyful news to James _the Lord’s brother_ and
the rest of the disciples (Acts xii. 11–17). With these words he betook
himself to some secure hiding-place.
The morning dawned, and the soldiers rising from their slumbers were
overwhelmed with astonishment at finding their prisoner gone, and
while with no small stir they were endeavouring to make out what had
become of him, Herod sent for them, and when he could not ascertain any
tidings respecting their prisoner, ordered them to be put to death, and
then left Jerusalem for Cæsarea (Acts xii. 19).
Before the autumn, however, a terrible end had overtaken the tyrant.
Tidings reached Judæa of the triumphant return of Claudius from his
expedition to Britain[851], and shows similar to those at Rome were
commenced at Cæsarea, which was crowded with people from all quarters.
On the second day[852] of the festival the king, clothed in magnificent
robes, entered the glorious theatre[853] which his grandfather had
built, and sitting down on his throne (Acts xii. 21) proceeded to
give an audience to certain ambassadors from the inhabitants of Tyre
and Sidon. For some reason the people of these Phœnician cities had
given him offence, and through the intercession of Blastus, the royal
chamberlain, they now sought a reconciliation and a renewal of friendly
relations, which was a matter of no small importance, since Phœnicia,
as in ancient times[854], depended on Palestine for its supplies of
corn and oil (Acts xii. 20). It was early morning[855]. The sun’s rays
fell upon the apparel of the king glistering with silver tissue, and
the excited multitude sitting in a great semicircle, tier above tier,
on the stone seats of the theatre, were dazzled with the brightness
which flashed forth from the monarch’s robes. Presently he spoke, and
they shouted, _It is the voice of a god and not of a man_. The king
made no attempt to repress their adulation, and in the midst of this
idolatrous ostentation an angel of God smote him, and he was carried
out of the theatre, smitten with a terrible internal disorder, and
eaten of worms[856] (Acts xii. 23). After lingering five days in
excruciating agony he died in the fifty-fourth year of his age, having
reigned seven years, four over part of his dominions, and three over
the whole of Palestine[857], and leaving behind him one son, Agrippa,
and three daughters, Drusilla, Berenice, and Mariamne[858].
PART III.
THE CHURCH OF THE GENTILES.
Illustration: A MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE APOSTOLIC HISTORY.
London and New York: Macmillan & Co.
_Stanford’s Geographˡ Estabᵗ. London_
SECTION I.
_First Missionary Tour of Paul and Barnabas._
CHAPTER I.
_CYPRUS, PERGA, THE PISIDIAN ANTIOCH._
A.D. 45, 46.
THE martyrdom of Stephen exercised, as we have seen, an important
influence on the development of the Church, scattering the disciples
over heathen lands. The martyrdom of James the son of Zebedee marks
a no less important epoch. It seems to have been the signal for the
withdrawal of the Apostles from Jerusalem[859]. The special work
assigned there to Peter, the Apostle of the Circumcision, was over.
He had founded the Church, opened its gates to Jews and Gentiles, and
laid down the conditions of their admission. Consigning, therefore, the
direction of the Christian society in Jerusalem to James _the Lord’s
brother_ (Gal. i. 19), the Apostles departed to enter upon wider fields
of action.
After completing the object of their journey, and proving the
fellowship that existed between the disciples in Syria and Palestine,
Saul and Barnabas, accompanied by a kinsman of the latter[860], John
surnamed Mark, returned to Antioch. In the Syrian metropolis the three
were joined by other teachers, Simeon, surnamed Niger[861], Lucius
of Cyrene[862], and Manaen[863] a foster-brother[864] of Herod the
tetrarch (Acts xiii. 1), and together they continued to instruct
and build up the Church. At length while, on one occasion, they
were engaged in a solemn service of prayer and fasting, the Holy
Ghost intimated, probably through one or more of the prophets then
present (Acts xiii. 2), that Barnabas and Saul should be set apart to
accomplish a special work, for which they had been called.
In accordance with this intimation, after a solemn religious service
(Acts xiii. 3), the hands of the chief members of the church at
Antioch were laid upon the two, and accompanied by Mark they repaired
to Seleucia[865], and thence sailed to Cyprus, where amongst their
connections and friends[866] it might be expected that Barnabas and his
kinsman might labour with good results, and where there was already the
nucleus of a Christian Church.
After a few hours’ sail, therefore, they reached Salamis[867], the
eastern port and ancient capital of the island, and preached the word
in its synagogues, of which there appear to have been several. Thence
they travelled to Paphos[868], at the south-western extremity of
Cyprus, the seat of the Roman government and the residence of the
proconsul[869], Sergius Paulus. At his court was one of those Jewish
sorcerers, whom we have already seen encountering the Apostle Peter
in Samaria[870], named Bar-jesus, or, as he called himself in Arabic,
Elymas, _the wise_ (Acts xiii. 8). Provoked at the willingness of the
proconsul to listen to the preaching of the newly-arrived teachers, he
offered a strenuous opposition to his wishes. But Saul, or, as he is
now for the first time called Paul[871], fixed his eyes upon him, and
in the plenitude of that power which he possessed from the Holy Ghost,
sternly rebuked him for thus seeking to _pervert the right ways of
the Lord_, and denounced an instantaneous judgment: _the hand of the
Lord should be upon him, and he should be blind, nor see the sun for
a season_. This privation, which the Apostle had himself experienced,
was instantly inflicted on the sorcerer, and he had to seek the aid
of others in going from place to place (Acts xiii. 11). Such a vivid
exhibition of miraculous power produced a deep impression upon the
proconsul, and _he believed, being astonished at the doctrine of the
Lord_ (Acts xiii. 12).
From Paphos the three sailed in a north-westerly direction to the
harbour of Attaleia[872] in Pamphylia[873], and thence up the river
Cestrus 6 or 7 miles inland to the town of Perga[874] (Acts xiii. 13).
Here Mark, either yearning after the home he had left at Jerusalem, or
affrighted by the perils he was likely to encounter[875], departed from
his companions, and returned to Jerusalem, while the others pressed on
alone to Antioch in Pisidia, a town of considerable importance, having
been built by the founder of the Syrian Antioch[876], and since then
advanced by Augustus to the dignity of a Roman _colony_[877].
The population of the Pisidian Antioch was mixed, consisting of
Greeks, Romans, and native Pisidians, but the influence of the Jews
was considerable, and they had succeeded in making not a few converts.
Having waited, therefore, for the ensuing Sabbath, Paul and Barnabas
repaired to the synagogue, and after the regular service[878] were
bidden by the president of the synagogue, if they had _any word of
exhortation_, to address those assembled (Acts xiii. 15).
Thereupon Paul rose up, and _beckoning with his hand_ delivered
his first address of which we have any record. Like the discourse he
had himself heard from the lips of Stephen[879], it was based on the
history of the Jewish nation. The call of Abraham, the Wanderings in
the wilderness, the occupation of Canaan, the period of the Judges[880],
the election of the first King, the accession of David; all these
important events were touched upon in their order (Acts xiii. 16–22).
Of David’s seed, he then proceeded, God had promised (2 Sam. vii. 12)
to raise up a Saviour, and this promise he had fulfilled. Duly heralded
by His predicted Forerunner (Acts xiii. 24, 25), the promised Saviour
had appeared in the person of Jesus. The rulers, indeed, of Jerusalem,
not knowing Him, or the real meaning of the words of the prophets read
in their ears every Sabbath-day, had constrained Pilate to put Him to
death, had crucified, and laid Him in a sepulchre; but God had raised
him from the dead, and He had been seen after His resurrection[881],
not by strangers, but by those familiar with His person, who had been
His companions from Galilee to Jerusalem (Acts xiii. 26–31), who were
His witnesses to the people of Israel. By His death and resurrection
He had truly accomplished the ancient prophecies[882], which could not
refer to their forefather David (who was dead, and had long mouldered
in the tomb); and now through Him was offered to all the forgiveness
of sins, even of those from which they could not have been delivered
by the Law of Moses[883].
Such was the purport of the Apostle’s first recorded sermon. Its
immediate effect was a deep impression upon those who heard it. As they
left the synagogue many[884] besought the Apostles that these words
might be repeated in their hearing on the next Sabbath, and not a few,
both Jews and proselytes, accompanied them from the synagogue, and
listened to their exhortations that having received the word they would
not let it slip, but continue steadfastly in the grace of God (Acts
xiii. 43).
Accordingly when the next Sabbath came round _almost the whole city_
was assembled to hear the word, multitudes of Gentiles pressing in with
the Jews and proselytes. This was more than the stricter section of
the Jews could bear, and filled with envy at the assembly of so many
strangers, they made an uproar, and opposed the word spoken by Paul
with contradictions and even blasphemy (Acts xiii. 45).
Their opposition only nerved the Apostles with still greater
boldness, and they openly proclaimed the course they would now adopt.
In accordance with their Master’s directions, they had addressed
themselves first to members of their own nation, but since they
despised their message, and deemed themselves _unworthy of eternal
life_, they would turn to the Gentiles[885]. This declaration many of
the latter then present received with joy, and became believers, so
that the word of the Lord was published abroad through the whole region
(Acts xiii. 49).
This success provoked still greater opposition. Through the female
proselytes in the city the Jews gained the ear of the chief authorities,
and succeeded in raising a storm of persecution against the Apostles,
and expelling them beyond the limits of the colony (Acts xiii. 50).
They did not leave it, however, without a solemn protest against
the impiety of its inhabitants. In obedience to their Master’s
directions[886], they shook off the dust of their feet against them,
and while, in spite of the persecution that had been raised, the
little band of Christians were _filled with joy and the Holy Ghost_
(Acts xiii. 52), they proceeded to cross the barren uplands[887] which
separate Antioch from the plain of Iconium.
CHAPTER II.
_VISIT TO LYSTRA, DERBE――DISPUTES AT ANTIOCH._
A.D. 48–50.
ON reaching Iconium[888], as they had done at Antioch, the Apostles
repaired to the synagogue, and there proclaimed their message with
such success, that a great multitude both of Jews and Gentiles embraced
the faith. Thereupon the unbelieving Jews repeated the tactics already
found so successful at Antioch. They excited the minds of the Gentile
population against the brethren, and stirred up a furious opposition
(Acts xiv. 2). On this occasion, however, the Apostles did not feel
themselves called to leave the city immediately. They remained at
Iconium some considerable time, and spoke boldly in the Name of
their Divine Master, who attested the truth of their words by many
_miracles and signs_. In the end the population was divided. The one,
including the influential classes, sided with the Jews, the other with
the Apostles. At length a conspiracy was formed with the connivance of
the magistrates (Acts xiv. 5) to insult and even stone them, and Paul
and Barnabas, recognising the signal to leave, betook themselves to the
neighbouring Lycaonian towns, Lystra[889] and Derbe[890].
Lystra was the place first visited, and here there was no synagogue,
and apparently but few Jews. It was a small town in a wild district and
amongst a rude population speaking a dialect of their own, and serving
_the gods many and lords many_ of primitive heathenism. The Apostles
therefore could only make known their message by repairing to places
of public resort, and addressing themselves to such groups as curiosity
or interest might gather together. On one of these occasions, a man,
who had been a cripple from his birth (Acts xiv. 8), and who probably
sat for alms in the public thoroughfare, listened to them with deep
attention. Thereupon the Apostle Paul, moved with compassion, and
probably sensible of the necessity of some miracle to attest his
authority, as also perceiving that the man had faith to be healed,
fixed his eye upon him and addressing him in a loud voice, said, _Stand
upright on thy feet_. In an instant the man sprang up, and leaped, and
walked.
Such a cure of such a man in such a manner was speedily noised abroad,
and the multitudes gathering together no sooner saw what had been done,
than they lifted up their voices, saying in their native Lycaonian
dialect[891], _The gods are come down to us in the likeness of
men_ (Acts xiv. 11). That the gods, in the form of mortal men, did
often visit the earth, was a cherished belief amongst many heathen
nations, and nowhere more than in the very district now visited by
the Apostles[892]. The tutelar deity of Lystra was Zeus, Jupiter, and
at the entrance of the town he had a temple, where he was worshipped
as its founder and protector. The inhabitants therefore rushed to the
conclusion, that in the Apostle Barnabas, probably in consequence of
his venerable appearance, they beheld none other than the “father of
gods and men,” while in his companion, who was _the chief speaker_,
they thought they recognised Hermes, or Mercury, the god of eloquence,
and the frequent companion of Jupiter on his visits to earth[893].
The news that these deities had honoured Lystra with their presence
quickly spread, and reached the ears of the priest of Jupiter.
Accordingly he and his assistants soon appeared with oxen and garlands
before the residence of the Apostles, prepared to offer sacrifice
in their honour. Perceiving for the first time the object of these
proceedings, Paul and Barnabas rushed forth from their abode, and
meeting the procession approaching the vestibule[894], exclaimed,
_Sirs, what do ye? we also are men of like passions with you_. And then
they went on to declare the real purport of their coming, which was
to persuade them to turn from the worship of such false gods, to the
living and life-giving God, the Maker of heaven, and earth, and the
sea, and all things that are therein, who in the past generations had
permitted all nations[895] to walk in their own ways, interposing not
by any visible judgment or by any world-wide revelation, but who had
not left Himself without witness, doing good to the creatures of His
hand, giving _rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, filling their
hearts with joy and gladness_ (Acts xiv. 15–17).
Even this appeal hardly prevailed upon the people to abandon their
intentions. At length they reluctantly retired, and led away the
victims without offering them in sacrifice to the Apostles. The
impression, however, thus made was on the surface only, and was soon
to give place to an entire revulsion of feeling. It had become known
at Antioch and Iconium, whither the Apostles had retired. From both
places, therefore, certain of the Jews made their way to Lystra, and
stirred up the minds of the people against their newly-arrived visitors,
representing, it is not improbable, that they were impostors, and
practised magical arts[896]. Thereupon, with the fickleness for which
they were proverbial, the Lycaonians turned upon the men they had
so lately been willing to adore, and actually stoned Paul[897], and
supposing him to be dead dragged him forth out of their town.
Some disciples[898], however, had been made even in Lystra, and these
did not now desert their teacher in the hour of peril. While they were
standing around him, and probably using means for his restoration, the
Apostle arose, and returned with them to his abode. A longer stay was
clearly dangerous, and therefore on the morrow he and his companion
left for the neighbouring town of Derbe, and thence, having preached
the Word and made several disciples (Acts xiv. 21), they returned
through the several towns they had visited, exhorting the disciples
to abide constant in the faith, and reminding them that _through much
affliction they must enter the kingdom of God_. Moreover in the several
churches they had established they now appointed elders[899], and
after prayer and fasting, solemnly presented them before the Lord
(Acts xiv. 23). Thence they proceeded to Perga, and after preaching
the Word there, to the sea-port of ♦Attaleia. There they took ship, and
sailing to Seleucia reached Antioch, and on their arrival summoned the
brethren, and announced to them the success of their mission, and the
many proofs they had witnessed that _God had opened the door of faith
to the Gentiles_ (Acts xiv. 27).
Arrived at Antioch, the Apostles continued there for some time, A.D.
47–50, strengthening and confirming the faith of the Church, and during
their stay began that contest with the Judaizing Christians with which
St Paul was destined to be so largely occupied.
It had by this time become clear that the Christian faith, instead of
being the purest and highest form of Judaism, was to prove itself a
world-wide universal religion, and that its Jewish elements were to
be absorbed and _vanish away_. In every nation and in every place, at
Joppa, at Cæsarea, at Antioch, in rude village-towns like Lystra and
Derbe, as well as populous cities like Perga and Iconium, it was seen
that God accepted without respect of persons those that feared Him and
worked righteousness (Acts x. 34, 35).
Such a revolution of feeling towards the Gentile world[900] could not
be at once received with entire acquiescence. At Jerusalem, in sight of
the Temple, and in the midst of all the associations of his faith and
national history, the exclusive feelings, which the Jew carried with
him wherever he went, were concentrated and intensified[901]. Hitherto
there had been no attempt to define the mutual relations of Jewish
and Gentile converts. “All such questions, it would seem, had been
tacitly passed over, neither side perhaps being desirous of provoking
discussion[902].” Events, however, now occurred, which rendered
necessary a solution of the question.
Certain _false brethren_[903] (Gal. ii. 12) went down from Judæa to
Antioch (Acts xv. 1), and _creeping in unawares_[904], began to observe
with no favourable eye the extent to which the Jewish Law was relaxed
in favour of the Gentile Christians, and their liberty in Christ Jesus
vindicated (Gal. ii. 4). Before long they began to insinuate, not that
the observance of certain ceremonies in themselves indifferent was
advisable for the sake of expediency, but that the rite of circumcision
was essential for salvation; _Except ye be circumcised_, said they to
the Gentile Christians, _ye cannot be saved_ (Acts xv. 1).
To such a doctrine no one was more opposed than the Apostle Paul. To
the subjection which these teachers required, he would not advise his
Gentile converts to yield, _no, not for an hour_ (Gal. ii. 5). The
consequence was, that no small dissension and disputation arose between
himself and Barnabas on the one hand, and the false teachers on the
other, and no slight anxiety and perplexity harassed the minds of the
disciples.
At length it was resolved that he and Barnabas with certain others
should go up to Jerusalem, and seek an interview with the Apostles and
Elders, with the object of settling the dispute[905]. Any hesitation
the Apostle might have felt about the expediency of the course proposed
was removed by a special _revelation_[906] (Gal. ii. 2) which conspired
with the declared view of the church at Antioch, and intimated to
him that the journey found favour with God, and that an authoritative
settlement of the question was necessary to the well-being of the
Christian churches[907].
Accordingly he himself, accompanied by Barnabas, a Jew and a Levite by
birth, and therefore a fair representative of the circumcision, Titus,
a living example of the power of God among the heathen[908], and some
of the Christian brethren of the towns through which they passed, set
out on their memorable journey.
CHAPTER III.
_THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM._
A.D. 50.
FOLLOWING the coast-line of Phœnicia[909], and then traversing the
midland districts of Samaria and Judæa, the deputation from the church
at Antioch proclaimed in every town they entered the conversion of the
Gentiles, and caused _great joy among all the brethren_ (Acts xv. 3).
On their arrival at Jerusalem they were welcomed by the Apostles
present, as also by the elders, and recounted to them all that God had
done by their instrumentality amongst the Gentiles. Very soon, however,
the Pharisaic section in the Church which the emissaries at Antioch
represented, put forward their objections. They rose up and insisted
that the Gentile converts should be circumcised and instructed to
conform to the Mosaic Law (Acts xv. 5). Their sentiments, put forward
with such determination, revealed the importance of the crisis, and it
was resolved that a formal assembly of the church should be convened.
In the interval, knowing how much depended on the decision now invoked,
the Apostle Paul held private interviews[910] (Gal. ii. 2) with the
more prominent members[911] of the Church, and especially with James,
Peter and John, the great Pillars of the new society, and used every
effort to remove the prejudices against the reception of heathen
converts without conforming to the requirements of the Law, and to
avoid misunderstanding as to the great principle he had proclaimed
wherever he had preached――the freedom of the Gentile churches.
At length the council met, and consisted of the Apostles, elders, and
general body of disciples. The debate was earnest, and led to much
disputing (Acts xv. 7), in the midst of which Peter rose up, and
reminded his hearers that these recent converts in Syria and Cilicia
were not the first Gentile believers[912]. “He himself had been chosen
some years before[913] to preach the word to ‘those without’ and admit
them into the Christian Church, and God _who knoweth the hearts_ had
shewn that He was no _respecter of persons_, for He had bestowed upon
them the same miraculous gifts as upon the Jews, and had purified
their hearts by faith. In the face of these facts, then, he for his
part could not believe it was right to tempt God by laying upon the
necks of the new converts a yoke[914] which neither they themselves nor
their fathers had been able to bear, and from which they had only been
delivered by the salvation offered through faith in Jesus Christ (Acts
xv. 11).”
This address of the Great Apostle of the circumcision was received with
attention by the Council, and in the midst of the general silence (Acts
xv. 12) Paul and Barnabas rose, and were eagerly listened to while
they recounted in a continued narrative what God had wrought by their
instrumentality among the Gentiles in Antioch and Cyprus and the cities
of Pamphylia and Lycaonia, and declared how He had attested their
labours by the signs and wonders which He had enabled them to perform
(Acts xv. 12).
When they had concluded, another speaker arose to address the assembly.
This was James, _the brother of the Lord_, to whom the direction of
the Church at Jerusalem had apparently been committed[915]. No man was
more calculated to command the earnest attention and deference of all
present. Austere[916] and inflexibly upright[917], so that both Jews
and Christians called him _James the Just_, resembling not only in the
earnestness of his exhortations, but even in his outward garb[918], the
Baptist or one of the prophets of the older Dispensation, he might be
expected to conciliate even the Pharisaic section in the Council.
He began by reminding those present of the reality of the conversion
of the household of Cornelius to which Peter[919] had alluded (Acts
xv. 14). This taking of a people from amongst the Gentiles was not
contrary to, but a direct fulfilment of, the words of ancient prophecy
(Amos ix. 11, 12)[920], which foretold that the tabernacle of David
should be gloriously revived, and the worship of Jehovah extended
to all nations. What, therefore, had occurred in Syria and Cilicia,
in Pamphylia and Lycaonia, need not excite any astonishment. God, to
whom _all things are known from the beginning_, was but fulfilling
His eternal counsels, and the words He had Himself spoken by the
mouth of His holy prophets. His judgment, therefore, was that they
should not trouble the minds of believers from amongst the Gentiles,
or lay upon them any obligations beyond those necessary to ensure peace
and goodwill amongst them and their Jewish brethren. The latter from
ancient times and from immemorial usage were wont to hear the Law read
in their synagogues every Sabbath-day, and any direct violation of its
vital principles could not fail to give the deepest offence. He advised,
therefore, that the Gentile converts should be required to abstain
(1) from that which had been polluted by being offered in sacrifice to
idols[921]; (2) from the flesh of animals which had been strangled[922];
(3) from the eating of blood[923]; (4) from fornication, and those
licentious orgies, which were so closely connected with heathen
sacrificial feasts, and nowhere more than in the centres of those
very countries about which they had been speaking, the sanctuaries of
Antioch[924] and Paphos[925].
These sentiments found acceptance with the majority. Titus[926] was
not compelled to submit to circumcision (Gal. ii. 3), and the course
adopted by Paul was entirely approved by the other Apostles. James,
Peter, and John, who had the reputation of being Pillars[927] of the
truth, gave to him and Barnabas _the right hands of fellowship_ (Gal.
ii. 9), and agreed to recognise unreservedly his independent mission
to the heathen as well as their own to the Jews (Gal. ii. 9). One
condition only was annexed, that in his journeys among the Gentiles
and the dispersed Jews he would not forget the wants and the sufferings
of the poorer brethren at Jerusalem[928].
Thus the dispute was settled, and a circular letter (Acts xv. 23)
was drawn up embodying the views of the Council. This was entrusted
to Paul and Barnabas, and they accompanied by certain _chief men[929]
among the brethren_ (Acts xv. 22), Judas surnamed Barsabas and Silas
or Silvanus[930], returned to Antioch, and the whole body of the
disciples having been assembled, read it in their ears. Great was the
joy manifested at the contents, and no less welcome the consolation
after so much discussion and perplexity (Acts xv. 31), which was in
no small degree increased by the fact that Judas and Silas, being both
“prophets,” exhorted and confirmed the brethren in the enjoyment of
that free and unfettered liberty now assured to them. After some days
they returned to Jerusalem, but Paul and Barnabas prolonged their stay
in the Syrian capital, and together with many others proclaimed the
message of Redemption, and employed themselves in the general work of
Christian instruction (Acts xv. 35).
During their stay, for some reason which is not specified, Peter
came down to Antioch (Gal. ii. 11). At first he lived in free and
social intercourse with the Gentile converts, met them on terms of
equality, and ate with them at the Agapæ and on other occasions,
in the true spirit of the recent decree, and as he had done in the
house of Cornelius (Gal. ii. 12). Before long, however, there arrived
from Jerusalem certain brethren, either deputed by James on some
special mission, “or invested with some powers from him, which
they abused[931]” (Gal. ii. 12). They brought with them their old
Pharisaic[932] repugnance against intercourse with uncircumcised
heathen, and awed by their presence the Apostle of the Circumcision
began timidly to withdraw and separate himself[933] from those whom he
had lately met on free and equal terms.
Such conduct roused the deepest indignation in the heart of Paul.
Through fear of the converts from Judaism[934] Peter was violating the
very principle of the late decree, and by his example causing others to
vacillate. Not only the other Jewish converts resident at Antioch[935]
(Gal. ii. 13), who had mingled freely with the Gentiles, but even
his friend and colleague Barnabas, who had defended their cause at
Jerusalem, was carried away with the flood of their dissimulation[936]
(Gal. ii. 13). It was clearly necessary to interfere, and accordingly
he withstood his fellow Apostle _to the face_ (Gal. ii. 11), and
rebuked him before all. The dissimulation he had practised carried
with it its own condemnation. If he, born and bred a Jew, had made it
his principle to discard Jewish customs and to live with the freedom
of a Gentile, why did he practically[937] coerce the Gentiles into
Judaism. Both of them, though born to all the privileges of the elect
nation, not _sinners_[938], as they used proudly to call the Gentiles,
convinced that a man could not be justified by the works of the Law
but by faith in Jesus Christ, had become believers in Him, that of that
justification they might become partakers. How, then, could he seek to
impose on others the yoke of conformity to the works of the Law?
What ensued upon this indignant rebuke is not recorded. It is not
probable that any actual quarrel took place between the two[939].
Though the character of Peter was impulsive and susceptible of quick
and sudden changes, it was loving, generous, and forgiving. Certain it
is that afterwards he was not ashamed to allude to the Epistles of his
_beloved brother Paul_ (2 Pet. iii. 15, 16), albeit that the censure
upon himself finds a place in one of them, and though afterwards they
seldom met, yet their lives were united in the propagation of one great
cause, and in their deaths _they were not divided_[940].
SECTION II.
_St Paul’s Second Missionary Journey._
CHAPTER I.
_THE SHARP CONTEST――TOUR IN PHRYGIA AND GALATIA._
A.D. 51.
THE sphere of the labours of St Paul, as the Apostle of the Gentiles,
having been publickly recognized at Jerusalem, he did not deem it
right to linger at Antioch, and therefore proposed to Barnabas that
they should revisit the places where they had preached the Word of
God, and founded churches. To this his fellow Apostle assented, but
was unwilling to undertake the journey unless his relative John Mark
accompanied them (Acts xv. 37). St Paul, however, was by no means
inclined to suffer one, who had withdrawn from them in Pamphylia,
and _had not gone with them to the work_, to become again their
companion on a journey requiring resolution and undaunted courage.
Barnabas, on his side, was equally earnest in desiring that his kinsman
should accompany them, and the consequence was nothing less than
a sharp contention between the two, which at last ended in a mutual
separation[941]. They agreed to choose each a different path, and to
labour independently. Barnabas, therefore, taking with him John
Mark[942] sailed to Cyprus, there, doubtless, though the details of his
labours are not recorded, to superintend with advantage the churches
already planted there, and to quicken and confirm their spiritual
growth.
St Paul, on the other hand, selecting for his companion Silas or
Silvanus, who had returned from Jerusalem, and _commended by the
brethren to the grace of God_ (Acts xv. 40), proceeded to form his
own field of labour, instead of trespassing on that of another[943].
As his late colleague, therefore, had selected an insular, so he chose
a continental sphere of operations, and traversed Syria and Cilicia
confirming the churches[944], and probably exhibiting the circular
epistle from the church of Jerusalem.
From Cilicia he and his companion then passed into Lycaonia[945], and
once more visited the towns of Derbe and Lystra. In the latter place
he found a pleasing proof that his labours during his previous visit
had not been in vain. In Timothy, who has been already mentioned[946],
who had been carefully nurtured from childhood in the knowledge of the
Old Testament Scriptures by his mother Eunice and his grandmother Lois
(2 Tim. i. 5), who had witnessed the persecutions which the Apostle
had undergone, and now as a Christian enjoyed the confidence of the
church at Lystra and Iconium (Acts xvi. 2, 3), he saw one well fitted
to do more than supply the place of John Mark, and invited him to
become his companion. Timothy, on his part, was ready and willing to
join him, and on account of the Jews who were numerous in the town
and neighbourhood[947], and probably for the sake of his admission
into the synagogue in which the Apostle intended to preach, submitted
to the rite of circumcision (Acts xvi. 3). Before _many witnesses_
(1 Tim. vi. 12) he was then[948] solemnly ordained by the laying on
of the hands of the whole assembly of the elders, and of the Apostle
himself (2 Tim. i. 6), to do the work of an Evangelist, and proceeded
with him and Silas, visiting the churches already founded, and
exhibiting the decrees of the Council at Jerusalem (Acts xvi. 4).
The effect of this visitation was speedily felt. Strengthened by the
superintendence of three such earnest labourers, the churches were
established in the faith, and _increased in number daily_ (Acts xvi. 5).
The first part of their mission completed, the three advanced in a
northerly direction through Phrygia[949] and Galatia[950] (Acts xvi. 6).
In the last-named district it does not seem to have been the intention
of St Paul to have preached the Gospel, being probably anxious at once
to bear his message to the more important and promising district of
proconsular Asia[951] (Acts xvi. 6). But a sharp and violent attack of
a malady, to which he was subject, and which he calls _a thorn in the
flesh[952], the messenger of Satan sent to buffet him_ (2 Cor. xii. 7),
prostrated his physical strength, and he was constrained to linger in
Galatia[953] (Gal. iv. 13, 14).
But though the Apostle appeared in the capitals of Galatia――Pessinus,
Ancyra and Tavium――bowed down with physical infirmity, he was received
with peculiar kindness by the warm-hearted[954] Gauls. They did _not
despise nor loath the temptation in his flesh_ (Gal. iv. 14). They
welcomed him as _an angel of God, even as Christ Jesus_, nay, they
_would have plucked out their own eyes_, and _have given them to
him_[955] (Gal. iv. 15). His announcement of a crucified Saviour (Gal.
iii. 1) they received with eagerness and deep fervour, and many, both
Jews and Gentiles, men and women, freemen and slaves[956] (Gal. iii.
27, 28), professed themselves believers, and the churches of Galatia
were added to those of Cilicia, Lycaonia and Phrygia.
Considering the circumstances under which this visit was made, it is
not probable that it was very protracted, but at first the Apostles
were somewhat uncertain in what direction to turn, for new fields of
labour opened to them on different sides. At one time they thought
of proceeding in a south-westerly direction to the populous cities of
proconsular Asia[957], but received a Divine intimation that this was
not to be the scene of their labours (Acts xvi. 6). They then turned
towards Mysia[958], and were essaying to proceed into Bithynia[959],
when a monition from the Divine Spirit, the Spirit of the glorified
Redeemer[960], caused them to abandon this route also. Passing,
therefore, by the district of Mysia without pausing to evangelise
it[961], they proceeded in a north-westerly direction towards the
shores of the Ægean, and arrived at Alexandria Troas[962] (Acts xvi. 8).
There they stayed for the night, and now, after the Apostle Paul had
doubtless been pondering deeply over the nature of the supernatural
intimations which had been leading him[963], the mystery was solved.
During the night there appeared to him in vision[964], a man from the
opposite shores of Macedonia, beseeching him and saying, _Come over
and help us_ (Acts xvi. 9). The morning dawned, and the purport of the
heavenly vision was discussed by the Apostle with his companions Silas
and Timothy, and a new colleague, Luke _the beloved physician_ (Col.
iv. 14), who had now joined him, either by pre-arrangement, or by a
providential meeting, or perhaps in consequence of his feeble state of
health[965]. They were not long in coming to a conclusion. The vision
could have but one meaning. The Lord was assuredly calling them to
carry the glad tidings of salvation to the European shores (Acts xvi.
10). Without further delay, therefore, they sought means for crossing
over, and having found a vessel on the point of sailing for Europe they
embarked and proceeded on their voyage.
CHAPTER II.
_PAUL AND SILAS AT PHILIPPI._
A.D. 52.
THE wind blew fair, when the Apostle and his companions left Troas, and
running before it in a straight course they reached, probably the same
night[966], the island of Samothrace, and there came to anchor[967].
The next day, passing under the lee of the island of Thasos, they
reached the Macedonian harbour of Neapolis, and thence passed inland
a distance of about 10 miles to Philippi[968], the first[969] city
which the traveller would reach in this part of Macedonia, and a Roman
military colony[970] (Acts xvi. 12).
Here the Apostle and his companions stayed _some days_ (Acts xvi. 12).
Being a military and not a mercantile city, the number of Jews here
was small, and consequently there was no synagogue. There was, however,
a Proseucha, _a House or Place of Prayer_, a slighter[971] and more
temporary structure than the regular places of Jewish worship, outside
the gate[972], on the banks of the Gaggitas, the fountains of which
gave the ancient name to the city[973]. Those who met here for worship
consisted chiefly of women (Acts xvi. 13), and amongst them was one,
named Lydia, a proselytess[974] (Acts xvi. 14) of Thyatira[975] (Rev.
i. 11), a town in proconsular Asia, famous ever since the days of Homer
for its dyed goods, for the reception of which she had an establishment
at Philippi.
On the Sabbath the newly-arrived strangers joined the little company
by the river-side, and sitting down[976] in the attitude of teachers,
spoke to the women there assembled. Lydia was an earnest listener, _and
the Lord opened her heart, so that she gave heed to the word spoken
by Paul_, and together with her household was admitted into the Church
by baptism, probably in the waters of the stream that flowed by the
_Proseucha_. Thus the Gospel found a lodgment in Europe, and Lydia,
grateful for _the spiritual things_, which the Apostle had ministered
unto her, was anxious to minister to him and his companions of her
_temporal things. Since ye have deemed me a believer in the Lord_, said
she, _come into my house, and there abide_. She would take no refusal,
and Paul and the rest accepted her offer of hospitality.
At no great distance from Philippi[977] was an oracle of Dionysus,
the prophet-god of the Thracians. Thence, or from some similar
establishment, there came a damsel _possessed with the spirit of
divination_[978], who had been hired by certain Philippian citizens,
and brought much gain to her owners by her soothsaying (Acts xvi. 16).
Meeting the little company of Christians as they went to and fro
from the Proseucha, she followed Paul crying out, _These men are the
servants of the most High God, who are come to announce unto you the
way of salvation_. This continued many days. At length grieved that
this testimony should be borne by one possessed with an evil spirit,
Paul turned, and in the name of his Divine Master commanded the evil
spirit to leave her, whereupon the word of power was instantly obeyed,
and the damsel was restored to her right mind (Acts xvi. 18).
Perceiving that now all hope of any future gain was gone, the owners
of the damsel, filled with anger, seized Paul and Silas, and dragged
them into the forum (Acts xvi. 19) before the _duumviri_ or authorities
of the colony, charging them with creating a disturbance in the place,
and introducing innovations in their religion[979]. Such an accusation
quickly roused the feelings of the populace, and a furious mob beset
the Apostle and his companion as they stood before the magistrates.
To retain their popularity the latter saw that they must give in to
the popular feeling, and ordered the lictors to strip off the clothes
of the accused and scourge them[980] (Acts xvi. 22). The order was
forthwith executed, and faint and bleeding from the infliction of
_many stripes_ (1 Thess. ii. 2), they were thrust into prison, and the
jailer was strictly enjoined to keep them safely. Anxious to fulfil
his instructions to the letter, he thrust them into _the inner prison_,
probably a dark, cold, pestilential cell[981], and made their feet fast
in the stocks[982] (Acts xvi. 24).
But though _shamefully intreated_ (1 Thess. ii. 2), and thrust under
a false charge into a loathsome dungeon, the Apostle and his companion
were not in despair. At midnight they were praying and singing hymns
to God, while the rest of the prisoners listened with eager attention.
But deliverance was near at hand. Suddenly a great earthquake shook
the prison to its foundations, every door was opened, every fetter was
loosed (Acts xvi. 26). Roused from sleep the jailer instantly concluded
that his prisoners had escaped, and drawing his sword was on the point
of laying violent hands upon himself, when the voice of the Apostle
Paul was heard calling out loudly, _Do thyself no harm, for we are all
here_ (Acts xvi. 28).
On this the jailer called for lights, and leaped into the inner prison,
and trembling with alarm fell down before Paul and Silas, and then
leading them forth said, _Sirs, what must I do to be saved?_ _Believe_,
was their reply, _in the Lord Jesus, and thou shalt be saved_, and then
they proceeded to explain to him and the members of his family, who
probably crowded around, what belief in Jesus meant (Acts xvi. 32).
The word fell upon good ground, and in the self-same hour, late as it
was, the rough Roman officer washed the stripes of his prisoners, and
was baptized together with all his house. Then taking them up into
his house he set food before them, and as a believer rejoiced in his
new-found faith (Acts xvi. 34).
By this time the morning had dawned, and messengers arrived from the
magistrates. Either alarmed at the earthquake, or conscience-stricken
with having acted with unnecessary harshness, they had come to a
different decision respecting the Apostles, and the lictors now bore
their orders that they should be released. The jailer received these
instructions with the utmost joy, and going with the messengers
announced these commands to the Apostles. But St Paul declined to
_go in peace_, as he suggested (Acts xvi. 36). He and his companion,
uncondemned, and without any form of trial, had been openly scourged,
and thrust into prison, in direct violation of their rights as Roman
citizens[983]. He refused, therefore, to accept such a secret and
ignominious release. _Let them come themselves_, said he, _and lead
us forth_ (Acts xvi. 37).
Without delay the messengers conveyed the intelligence that the
prisoners were Roman citizens to the magistrates, who were in no little
alarm, when they discovered what an insult they had unwittingly offered
to the Majesty of the imperial city. Hastening, therefore, to the
prison, they earnestly besought the Apostles to depart from the colony.
Accordingly they came forth, and with quietness and dignity repaired
to the house of Lydia, and having seen and bidden farewell to the
Christian brethren departed (Acts xvi. 40). Timothy, however, and Luke,
appear to have remained for the present behind, to water the seed sown,
and to build up the newly-formed Philippian Church.
CHAPTER III.
_THESSALONICA, BERŒA, ATHENS._
A.D. 52.
LEAVING, then, their first Macedonian converts, Paul and Silas
proceeded along the great Roman road, known as the Via Egnatia, to
Amphipolis[984], and thence through Apollonia[985] to Thessalonica[986].
In the latter city was the[987] chief synagogue of the Jews in this
part of Macedonia (Acts xvii. 2), and hither Paul repaired, and for
three consecutive Sabbaths argued with those of his own nation from
their own Scriptures, opening them up to them, and shewing that the
Messiah there predicted was no temporal Prince or earthly Conqueror,
but One who should suffer and rise from the dead, and that He had
appeared in the person of that Jesus, whom he announced to them (Acts
xvii. 3; Comp. 1 Thess. i. 10, iv. 14, v. 9, 10).
His words were variously received. Some, including a considerable
number of the Greek proselytes and of the influential women, believed.
But the Jews, furious at the spread of such obnoxious tenets, gathered
together a mob of idlers from the markets and landing-places, threw the
town into an uproar, and falling upon the house of Jason[988], where
the Apostle was lodging, sought to drag him and his companion before
the _demus_, or assembly of the people[989]. Unsuccessful, however, in
finding them, they hurried Jason and certain of the brethren before the
magistrates, and charged them with violating the decrees of Cæsar[990]
in asserting that there was another King, namely Jesus (Acts xvii. 7).
This charge caused the magistrates considerable perplexity. Instead,
however, of visiting the Apostle with any punishment, they contented
themselves with taking security[991] from Jason and the rest for their
future good conduct, and the maintenance of peace, and then set them at
liberty.
But though the city was thus quieted, the position of the Apostle
was one of great danger. Without delay, therefore, the brethren sent
him and Silas under cover of night in a south-westerly direction to
Berœa[992]. Here also there was a synagogue, and here Paul found far
more candid, generous, and willing hearers than he had met with at
Thessalonica. The Berœans not only accepted the message he preached,
but searched the Scriptures, and that daily, to see whether his
arguments were well founded. The consequences were soon apparent. The
promise _seek, and ye shall find_ was fulfilled, and many, both Jews
and Gentiles, men and women, and amongst the latter sex some of the
highest rank, professed themselves Christians (Acts xvii. 12).
But the work thus auspiciously commenced was not destined to go on
unimpeded. After no long interval the Jews of Thessalonica, hearing
that Paul was preaching with success at Berœa, followed in his
track[993], and threw the town into commotion. The danger was imminent,
and perceiving that the ceaseless animosity of the Jews rendered any
further labours in Macedonia useless for the present, the brethren
conveyed the Apostle to the nearest sea-port[994], probably Dium[995],
and thence by ship to Athens. Silas and Timotheus, who probably had
rejoined the Apostle at Berœa, had meanwhile been left there, to
strengthen the faith of the new converts, but on the return of those
who had conducted Paul to Athens, received his injunctions to join him
with all speed (Acts xvii. 15).
Thus the disciple of Gamaliel, once a Pharisee, now a Christian and
an Apostle, found himself in the far-famed centre of Grecian culture,
the pride of the ancient world, the patroness of Art, Science, and
Literature. While awaiting, alone and among strangers, the arrival of
his companions, his spirit burned within him, as he beheld on every
side proofs of the point to which the inhabitants of the glorious city
carried their religious instincts, and the idols and idol-temples with
which it was crowded[996]. Even here, however, he commenced in his
usual manner. On each Sabbath-day he repaired to the synagogue (Acts
xvii. 17), and preached to the Jews and proselytes, and during the week
he was to be found in the busy Agora at the foot of the Acropolis and
the Areopagus, conversing with any who would listen to his words.
In such a place and among such a people he was not likely to lack an
audience. _All the Athenians and the strangers that were there_, writes
St Luke, _spent their time in nothing else but either to tell or to
hear some new thing_ (Acts xvii. 21). To them, therefore, the coming
of one like the Apostle, burning with zeal, and setting forth with
learning and ability new and unheard-of doctrines respecting _Jesus
and the Resurrection_ (Acts xvii. 18), would be certain to awaken no
little interest. Amongst others, who heard him and marvelled at his
words, were certain of the world-famous Epicurean and Stoic schools
of philosophy. On them his preaching produced a varied effect. Some
treated it with scorn, saying, _What doth this babbler[997] mean?_
Others remarked that he appeared to be setting forth certain new
divinities. At length they determined to ascertain the point more
closely, and taking him to the Areopagus[998], requested to know[999]
the meaning of what he preached (Acts xvii. 19, 20).
So the Apostle took his stand, alone[1000] and unaided, “his bodily
aspect still showing what he had suffered from weakness, toil, and
pain,” on the summit of the hill of Areopagus (Acts xvii. 22) in the
midst of temples, statues and altars dedicated to the _gods many and
lords many_ of the heathen world. Horror-struck as he must have been
at the spectacle of idolatry which confronted him on every side, he
yet with peculiar prudence did not begin by attacking in intemperate
language the national worship of his hearers. During his brief sojourn
in the city he had observed an altar with the inscription, _To an
unknown God_[1001] (Acts xvii. 23). “Taking his stone,” therefore, to
use the expressive language of Chrysostom, “out of their own brook,” he
determined to make this inscription and the mournful testimony it bore
to the vanity of heathenism his text, and from it to speak to them
words of eternal life.
This altar, he began, like all things else he had seen in their city,
proved their carefulness in religion[1002], their earnest desire to
worship, and at the same time their ignorance in worshipping. “The
unknown God,” whose power, by their own confession, they acknowledged,
he would declare unto them. The Lord of heaven and earth, who had
made the world and all things therein, dwelt not in temples made with
hands[1003]. He was subject to no exigencies, which made him need
anything from his worshippers, seeing that He gave to all life, and
breath, and all things. For all the nations of mankind, originally
made by Him of one blood[1004], He had assigned the seasons of their
existence and the bounds of their habitation, to the end that they
should feel after Him, if haply they might find Him, though in truth
He was not far from any of them, as one of their own poets had said,
_For we are also His offspring_[1005].
As the offspring, therefore, of God, and endowed with the faculty
of knowing Him, they ought not to have imagined that the Godhead was
like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by the art and device
of man. Such imaginations they might have indulged in times past of
ignorance. But these God had overlooked[1006], and now commanded all
men everywhere to repent, for He had appointed a day, wherein He would
judge the world in righteousness by the Man whom He had ordained, and
of this He had given to all a pledge and an assurance, in that He had
raised Him from the dead (Acts xvii. 30, 31).
At this point the Apostle’s address was suddenly interrupted. Some
who heard him broke out into laughter, regarding the idea of the
resurrection as ridiculous. Others, in the spirit of Felix afterwards
(Acts xxiv. 22, 25), said they would hear him again on the subject;
and thus amidst mingled indifference and division, the hearers of the
Apostle dispersed, and he _departed from among them_. The word spoken,
however, did not fall utterly to the ground. Dionysius, a member of
the Court of Areopagus, a woman named Damaris[1007], and some others,
professed themselves believers in that Redeemer and Judge of all
mankind, whom he had preached to them.
CHAPTER IV.
_ARRIVAL AND STAY OF ST PAUL AT CORINTH._
A.D. 52, 53.
AFTER a stay at Athens, the duration of which is not recorded,
the Apostle Paul repaired to Corinth, a place eminently adapted to
be the centre of missionary operations, being the capital of the
province[1008] of Achaia, a large mercantile city, and inhabited by
a large number of Jews. At this time the number of the latter was
unusually large, owing to a decree issued by the emperor Claudius,
in A.D. 50, directing their expulsion from Rome (Acts xviii. 2). The
imperial edict here alluded to by St Luke is probably the same as
that mentioned by Suetonius[1009], who relates that Claudius drove
the Jews from the capital, “because they were incessantly raising
tumults at the instigation of a certain Chrestus,” a name used by
mistake, there is little reason to doubt, for Christus, and pointing
to mutual hostilities between the Jews and Christians respecting the
Messiah[1010].
Among those thus banished were two natives of Pontus in Asia Minor,
named Aquila and Priscilla, who on their way homewards by the ordinary
maritime track across the isthmus of Corinth, had settled down there
for the present, and engaged in the manufacture of tents, probably of
the _Cilicium_[1011], or hair-cloth, already mentioned as an important
article of trade in the Levant. Whether they were already converted to
Christianity or not is doubtful, but as workers at a common trade the
Apostle _came and attached himself to them_ (Acts xviii. 3), and the
intimacy now commenced lasted during the whole of St Paul’s life, and
his new found friends became not only partakers of a common faith, but
rendered him the most important services.
While, however, he laboured working with _his own hands_ (1 Cor.
iv. 12), he did not neglect his great work as an Apostle. According
to his usual practice, he repaired every Sabbath-day to the synagogue,
and endeavoured to persuade both the Jews and Gentiles there present
(Acts xviii. 4) to believe in Jesus as the promised Messiah and Saviour
of the world. Nor were his labours unsuccessful. Many, both Jews and
Gentiles, professed themselves believers. Amongst these was the _house
of Stephanas_, whom the Apostle calls _the first-fruits of Achaia_
(1 Cor. xvi. 15). Another convert, and one of considerable note, was
Crispus, a ruler of the synagogue (Acts xviii. 8); a third was Gaius,
or Caius, with whom he afterwards lodged. All these he baptized _with
his own hand_ (1 Cor. i. 14–17).
After he had been thus labouring about two or three months, Silas
and Timothy returned from Macedonia (Acts xviii. 5), and relieved the
Apostle’s intense anxiety respecting the churches he had planted there
(1 Thess. i. 2; ii. 13; iii. 6), informing him of the continuance of
their faith and love, of their fond remembrance of himself, and their
eager desire to see him again (1 Thess. iii. 6). The effect of this
welcome news seems to have been an instantaneous increase of the zeal
and resolution with which he prosecuted his labours. Already there
were signs of opposition to the progress of the truth, and he had begun
his work at Corinth _in weakness, and in fear, and in much trembling_
(1 Cor. ii. 3). But now a weight was taken off from his mind (1 Thess.
iii. 1–6), and _he was pressed in the spirit_, or, according to a
preferable reading, he was _pressed by the word_[1012] (Acts xviii. 5).
His zeal was a positive pain to him. His anxieties removed, he felt he
could not restrain the impulse to give utterance to the Word of God,
and to apply himself with redoubled energy to his work.
Satisfactory, however, as had been in the main the tidings brought
by Silas and Timothy from Thessalonica, some irregularities which
had crept in, and some mistaken notions the new converts entertained,
required correction. Since the Apostle’s visit several of their
relatives and friends had died, and they feared that these departed
Christians would lose the happiness of witnessing their Lord’s second
coming, which they conceived to be close at hand (1 Thess. iv. 13–18).
Under the excitement of the same expectation others had abandoned
their lawful callings, and fancying that they need not work claimed
the support of the richer members of the church (1 Thess. iv. 11, 12).
Others, again, had not learned to subdue their carnal appetites
(1 Thess. iv. 1–8), and there were symptoms of a lack of order (1 Thess.
iv. 9, 10), and a tendency to despise the gift of prophesying, or
inspired teaching, in comparison with other and more showy gifts
(1 Thess. v. 20; comp. 1 Cor. xiv.).
For these reasons he addressed his first Epistle to the Thessalonians.
Meanwhile the progress of the Church at Corinth had awakened the
determined opposition of the Jews, who not only obstinately opposed
the truth, but poured forth coarse blasphemies on the name of Jesus
(Acts xviii. 6). Accordingly the Apostle confronted them sternly, and
declaring that their blood must rest upon their own heads, announced
his intention of turning to the Gentiles, and made the house of a
Gentile convert named Justus, which was contiguous to the synagogue,
the place of his public teaching (Acts xviii. 7). The difficulties
of his position were thus much increased, and so greatly was he
discouraged, that, though Crispus remained faithful, and many of the
Corinthians had embraced the faith, he appears to have thought of
withdrawing from the city[1013]. But while he was thus hesitating,
the Lord Jesus appeared in a vision of the night, and bade him be
not afraid, but speak forth boldly, for He _was with him, and He
had much people in the city_ (Acts xviii. 8–10). Thus encouraged the
Apostle resumed his labours, and continued them without any apparent
interruption for a space of eighteen months.
During this period intelligence received from Thessalonica induced him
to address a second Epistle to the Church there. His previous letter
had not abated the excitement connected with the expectation of the
Saviour’s speedy advent. A fanatical section had even laboured to
increase it, claiming imaginary revelations from the Spirit (2 Thess.
ii. 2), and the authority of a rumoured letter from the Apostle himself
in support of their views (2 Thess. ii. 2). To discourage such ideas,
and that neglect of daily employments (2 Thess. iii. 6–16) to which
they led, the Apostle wrote again, A.D. 53, explaining more fully
certain signs he had already told them must precede the Redeemer’s
second coming (2 Thess. ii. 1–12), and exhorting the Thessalonians to
an orderly and diligent life after the example he had himself set when
present in their city (2 Thess. iii. 8, 9).
Thus while continuing to labour at Corinth, did he seek to promote
the growth of the Churches he had planted in Macedonia. By this time
a new proconsul of Achaia had arrived in the person of Gallio[1014],
the brother of Seneca the philosopher, and of Mela, whose son Lucan
was the author of the Pharsalia. The new governor had the reputation of
being a man of remarkable sweetness of disposition and great popularity,
whom “every one loved too little, even he who loved him most[1015].”
Accordingly the Jews thinking they might presume with impunity upon
his easy temper, with accord set upon Paul and dragged him before
his judgment-seat[1016], alleging the old charge that _he persuaded
men to worship contrary to the law_ (Acts xviii. 13). When, however,
the Apostle was on the point of entering upon his defence, Gallio,
probably acquainted with commotions of the same kind at Rome and
with the nature of the Jewish opposition to Christianity, refused to
listen to it. If the question brought before him had been some act of
crime or wickedness, it would have been only reasonable that he should
have heard it through. But if, as it appeared to him, it was merely a
question of doctrine, of words and names and Jewish law, he would have
nothing to do with it, they must see to it themselves; and he drove
them from the judgment-seat (Acts xviii. 16).
This decision had a remarkable result. The mob[1017], always unfriendly
to the Jews, seized Sosthenes, one of the rulers of the Synagogue[1018],
or perhaps the successor of Crispus, and began to beat him in the
very presence of the proconsular tribunal. But Gallio left him to his
fate, and _cared for none of these things_ (Acts xviii. 17). Thus the
assurance given to the Apostle in the late vision was fulfilled. Though
bitter enemies had set upon him, none had “hurt” him, and it had been
proved that the Lord _had much people in the city_.
Having tarried, therefore, at Corinth yet a good while, he took his
leave of the brethren, and after[1019] terminating a religious vow,
taken for some unknown reason, by cutting his hair at Cenchreæ[1020],
sailed, accompanied by Silas and Timothy, Priscilla and Aquila, in the
direction of Syria. A voyage of about 13 or 15 days brought them to the
port of Ephesus. There Aquila and Priscilla remained, while the Apostle,
after only staying long enough to hold one conference with the Jews
in their synagogue, hastened on by sea with his other companions to
Cæsarea, and thence by land to Jerusalem, in time to keep the great
national festival of Pentecost (Acts xviii. 20–22). His stay was very
brief, and after saluting the Church there he returned to Antioch, from
which he had been so long absent, and there continued some time (Acts
xviii. 23).
SECTION III.
_St Paul’s Third Missionary Journey,
and Imprisonment at Cæsarea._
CHAPTER I.
_VISIT TO EPHESUS._
A.D. 54–57.
AFTER staying some time at Antioch, the Apostle resolved to enter
upon his third missionary journey. Accompanied, it is probable, by
Timothy[1021], he began by a systematic visitation of the Churches
he had planted in Galatia and Phrygia, establishing all the disciples
in the true principles of the Gospel (Acts xviii. 23), and exhorting
them to evince their sympathy with their brethren in Judæa, by weekly
collections in behalf of the poorer Christians (Comp. 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2).
While he was thus employed there arrived at Ephesus a certain Jew of
Alexandria, named Apollos[1022], an eloquent man, and mighty in the
Scriptures (Acts xviii. 24). He had been instructed in the way of the
Lord, and was acquainted with the main facts of the Saviour’s earthly
history, but had received no other baptism than that of His forerunner.
Aquila and Priscilla listened to his eloquent words in the synagogue
of Ephesus, and having sought his acquaintance, did much to correct his
imperfect conceptions of Christian doctrine, and to explain to him more
accurately the _way of God_ (Acts xviii. 26). Though trained in the
schools of Alexandria, Apollos was not above receiving instruction from
these humble natives of Pontus, and when made fully acquainted with
the Christian doctrine was desirous of crossing over into Achaia. On
communicating his wishes to the brethren at Ephesus, he received from
them much encouragement; and furnished with letters of introduction
to the disciples in Achaia, set out for Corinth, where he contributed
important aid to the establishment of the Christian Church, employing
his extensive acquaintance with Scripture to the confutation of Jewish
disputants, and proving incontestably that Jesus was the Messiah (Acts
xviii. 28).
Thus where _Paul had planted, Apollos watered_, and God _gave_ an
abundant _increase_ (1 Cor. iii. 6). Meanwhile that Apostle’s circuit
through the Galatian district being ended, in accordance with a promise
he had made (Acts xviii. 21) he also came to Ephesus. Here Aquila and
Priscilla were awaiting him ready to aid him in his work[1023]. They
had already dispatched to the Church of Corinth an eloquent teacher,
and now there was present a company of about twelve men (Acts xix. 7),
who, like Apollos, were acquainted only with John’s baptism, and who
were probably introduced to the Apostle by his friends from Pontus.
Thereupon he enquired of them, _Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye
became believers[1024]?_ To this they replied that they had not so much
as heard of Him and of His great outpouring on the day of Pentecost.
This led to further enquiry on the part of the Apostle as to the nature
of the baptism they had received, and becoming aware that they had only
been made partakers of John’s baptism of repentance and preparation,
he proceeded to speak of a yet higher baptism to which it was intended
to lead up. On this the men were baptized into the Name of the Lord
Jesus Christ, and on the imposition of the Apostle’s hands were endued
with miraculous gifts and enabled to speak with tongues and to prophesy
(Acts xix. 4–7).
Ephesus now became the centre of St Paul’s missionary labours.
Repairing, according to his invariable practice, to the synagogue,
he was employed during _three whole months_ (Acts xix. 8) in arguing
with the Jews from their own Scriptures, and persuading them that
the kingdom of God was truly come, and that Jesus was no other than
the long promised Messiah. While some believed and joined themselves
to the Christian Church, others were hardened and disobedient, and
began openly to calumniate the Apostle’s doctrine before the people.
Perceiving this, and resolved that their example should not contaminate
the rest, he resolved to abandon his attendance at the synagogue, and
separating the disciples transferred his instructions to the school
of _one Tyrannus_, probably a teacher of rhetoric or philosophy to the
young of Ephesus, and who may or may not have been himself a convert
(Acts xix. 9).
This continued for two years, A.D. 55–57, and during this period the
labours of the Apostle were carried on with unceasing energy. Not only
in the school of Tyrannus, but _from house to house_ he went about
amongst the brethren, instructing them in their most holy faith, and
warning them _with tears_ (Acts xx. 20–31) to hold fast that which they
had been taught, _repentance towards God, and faith towards our Lord
Jesus Christ_ (Acts xx. 21). The result of such labours, carried on by
the Apostle himself, and probably by his immediate[1025] converts, was
speedily perceptible. An important church was founded at Ephesus itself,
over which “presbyters” were appointed to preside (Acts xx. 28), and
the Word was made known throughout the Roman province of Asia, and
probably contributed to the foundation of the seven famous churches of
that region (Acts xix. 10).
Ephesus, it must be borne in mind, was no common city[1026]. The
capital of the province, the principal emporium of trade on the nearer
side of Mount Taurus, it claimed with Smyrna the honour of being
one of the “eyes” of Asia. Though Greek in its origin it was half
Oriental in the prevalent worship and the character of its inhabitants,
and contained the famous temple of Diana, or Artemis, deemed by the
ancients one of the wonders of the world[1027]. The original temple,
built at the expense of all the Greek cities in Asia, the erection
of which was begun before the Persian, and lasted even through the
Peloponnesian war, was set on fire by Herostratus on the night that
Alexander the Great was born. But in its place there soon arose a still
more sumptuous structure, on which all that art and skill could achieve
was freely lavished. The Temple-area was 425 ft. long by 220 in breadth,
and was surrounded by 127 marble columns, 60 ft. high, each the gift
of kings, and 36 of them beautifully ornamented. The roof was supported
by columns of green jasper, eight of which may be seen in the mosque of
St Sophia at Constantinople, whither they were removed by the emperor
Justinian after the temple had been destroyed by the Goths. The altar,
richly adorned, was the work of Praxiteles, and here and there were
statues from the chisels of the most eminent sculptors. The walls were
adorned with the finest paintings in the world, the master-pieces of
Apelles and Parrhasius, while the sacred precincts, to the extent of
a furlong from the building, offered an inviolable sanctuary to all who
sought an asylum there.
The presiding deity of this magnificent pile was an ancient, black,
wooden idol, said to have fallen down from heaven, representing Artemis,
not the huntress-goddess of the Greeks, but an Asiatic divinity[1028],
the impersonation of nature, the prolific “mother of life,” as shown by
the many breasts represented on her image.
Round this worship of Artemis there clustered a host of minor
superstitions, and Ephesus was at this time the head-quarters of the
magical arts. Here were to be bought charms and incantations of all
kinds; amulets to preserve men from bodily danger; formulas to ward off
the influence of demons; mysterious symbols called “Ephesian letters,”
copied from the inscriptions on various parts of the idol, deemed a
safeguard against all kinds of evil. These arts were not studied merely
by strolling vagabonds, for the purpose of imposing on idle women and
ignorant men; they were believed by the educated, and studied by men of
letters, who wrote many books on the subject, opening up the secrets of
the art, which were highly valued and fetched great prices.
Here, then, was a new field for the efforts of the Apostle, and in this
stronghold of heathenism it pleased God to work special miracles by his
hands (Acts xix. 11), so that napkins[1029] and aprons[1029] brought
from his body were enabled to communicate a healing power, to expel
disease and deliver the possessed. Such miracles produced a deep
impression on those who witnessed them, and before long, as in the case
of Moses in Egypt, certain Jewish exorcists, who wandered about the
Asiatic cities, strove to effect the same marvellous results by their
enchantments. Fancying that the Name of Jesus was used by the Apostle
as a kind of spell, and was in fact his secret, they also began to
pronounce the same over the possessed saying, _We adjure you in the
name of Jesus, whom Paul preacheth_ (Acts xix. 13).
One particular family, consisting of seven brothers, sons of one Sceva,
a Jewish High-priest[1030], were especially addicted to this practice,
and on one occasion while thus engaged the evil spirit answered, _Jesus
I recognise[1031], and Paul I know, but who are ye?_ and thereupon the
possessed flung himself upon them, and with the terrible strength of a
madman and a demon drove them forth naked and wounded from the house.
This incident was quickly noised abroad throughout all Ephesus, became
known both to Jews and Gentiles, and proved that the power of the name
of Jesus was one “fatal to counterfeit and impossible to resist.” Fear
fell upon all. The magicians of Ephesus confessed that this was the
finger of God, and many of the converts, who even as Christians had
continued the practice of “curious, or magical arts, and had not parted
with their books of charms,” confessed their errors, and publickly
burned the magic scrolls in the presence of the Church. An estimate of
the value of these books was made, and was found to amount to upwards
of 50,000 pieces of silver[1032], _so mightily grew the word of the
Lord and prevailed_ (Acts xix. 20).
CHAPTER II.
_LETTER TO THE CORINTHIANS――DISTURBANCE AT EPHESUS._
A.D. 57.
DURING the Apostle’s stay at Ephesus disastrous intelligence arrived
from Corinth. The Church established there combined two distinct
elements, Jews or proselytes and Gentiles, of whom the latter were the
most numerous. The natural jealousy between these two bodies repressed
during the Apostle’s presence, had burst out on his departure, and
divided the Church into various parties. Some affected fidelity solely
and exclusively to St Paul himself (1 Cor. iii. 4); others, probably
the Jewish section, to Peter and _the brethren of the Lord_ (1 Cor.
i. 12, ix. 5); a third, fascinated by the eloquence and learning of
the Alexandrian Apollos (1 Cor. i. 12), had attached themselves to him,
and probably “hung halfway between the extreme Jewish and the extreme
Gentile party;” while a fourth abjured all devotion to any human
teachers, and styled themselves the “Christ” party (1 Cor. i. 12).
In addition to these evils the Gentile faction pushed their views of
Christian freedom beyond all due bounds. The profligacy that disgraced
the inhabitants of Corinth and made their name a byword was openly
avowed and gloried in (1 Cor. v. 1). To such a pitch, moreover, did
they carry their disputes that lawsuits were brought into Roman and
Greek courts of Justice (1 Cor. vi. 1–8), and instead of shrinking
from the contaminating influence of sensuality at the sacrificial
feasts, they freely frequented them even in the colonnades of the
temples (1 Cor. viii. 10): the women threw off the head-dress which the
customs of Greece and of the East required (1 Cor. xi. 2–16); the most
solemn ordinance of the Church was profaned by disorderly and reckless
festivity (1 Cor. xi. 17–34); the most showy “gifts” were desired to
the disparagement of those which tended only to instruct and improve
(1 Cor. xii. 1, xiv. 1–4); mixed marriages were freely contracted
(1 Cor. vii. 10–17); and the doctrine of the Resurrection was either
denied or emptied of all meaning (1 Cor. xv. 12).
Rumours of these disorders had reached the Apostle from time to time,
and he had already sent Timothy[1033] and Erastus (Acts xix. 22) from
Ephesus to Macedonia, desiring the former if possible to continue his
journey to Corinth, and recall to the Church there the image of his own
teaching and life. But after their departure members of the household
of Chloe arrived informing him that the factions had reached a still
more formidable height (1 Cor. i. 11), and that an incestuous marriage,
scandalous even to the heathen, of a man with his father’s wife,
had been allowed to be contracted without rebuke (1 Cor. v. 1). This
determined the Apostle to write the first of his extant letters[1034]
to the Corinthians and other Christian communities in the province of
Achaia (comp. 1 Cor. i. 2), in which he treated of all these points,
directed that the incestuous offender should be expelled from the
Christian community, and replied to various questions, which three
members of the Corinthian Church, Fortunatus, Stephanas, and Achaicus
(1 Cor. xvi. 17), themselves the bearers of the Epistle, had brought
for his solution relating to the controversies respecting sacrificial
feasts, meat offered to idols, the right of divorce, and the exercise
of spiritual gifts in the public ministrations of the Church.
At the time he dispatched this letter, it was the Apostle’s intention
to proceed through Macedonia to Corinth, and after spending the winter
there (1 Cor. xvi. 5, 6; Acts xix. 21) to proceed to Jerusalem, whence
he contemplated a journey to Rome itself (Acts xix. 21). Till Pentecost,
however, he resolved to stay at Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 8), for there
_a great door_ was opened to him, and there were many _adversaries_
against whom he had yet to contend. But these designs were destined to
be rudely interrupted.
It was now about the month Artemisius, or the month of Artemis[1035],
when the annual festival of the goddess was observed throughout Greece
and Asia, and a vast concourse of people from all quarters would
be brought together. The preaching of the Apostle had by this time
produced a great effect both in Ephesus and throughout proconsular Asia,
and a great multitude had avowed themselves believers (Acts xix. 26).
Consequently the sellers of portable shrines[1036] of Diana found
their trade sensibly diminished, and _no small tumult arose about
the Way_. Prominent among the malcontents was a certain Demetrius,
a master-manufacturer of these silver shrines, who found employment
for a large body of workmen. These he now called together, and others
similarly employed, and set forth the damage which their trade had
sustained, and the danger lest the temple of the great goddess Diana,
which not only Asia but all the civilized world held sacred, should
fall into disrepute. His words found eager listeners, and an excited
cry arose, _Great is Diana of the Ephesians_ (Acts xix. 28). The
commotion thus aroused quickly spread, and the thousands of citizens
and strangers, whom the games had attracted to Ephesus, made a general
rush towards the theatre. Failing on the way in their attempt to seize
St Paul[1037], they dragged thither two of his companions, Gaius and
Aristarchus of Macedonia. News of the danger of his friends would have
urged the Apostle to venture thither himself, but the disciples, aided
by the Asiarchs[1038], who exercised high authority during the games,
induced him to remain in privacy, and not venture to incur inevitable
risk. Meanwhile the crowded seats of the theatre presented a scene of
the utmost confusion, some crying one thing and some another, and the
majority not knowing _why they were come together_ (Acts xix. 29–32).
At length the Jews, not unwilling to injure the Apostle’s cause,
and anxious to clear themselves, put forward one Alexander, who may
possibly have been _the coppersmith_ mentioned in 2 Tim. iv. 14, and
being connected in trade with Demetrius might have been expected to
have some influence with the people. So he stood forth and beckoned
with his hand for silence. But he was soon recognised as a Jew, and
one unanimous cry which lasted upwards of two hours arose from the
tumultuous throng, _Great is Diana of the Ephesians_ (Acts xix. 34).
When this had partially subsided, another effort was made to calm the
storm. The Town-clerk[1039] or Recorder, who was the lawful president
of the assembly, stood forward and reminded his hearers that the city
of Ephesus was beyond all question the devoted “warden[1040]” of the
great goddess Diana and the image that came down from the sky. The
statements of a few unknown foreigners could not contradict a fact so
patent to all the world. Let them, therefore, avoid doing anything rash
or inconsiderate, especially as St Paul and his companions had neither
profaned their temple nor uttered calumnious words against the goddess.
If Demetrius and his friends had any just cause of complaint, it could
be decided in the assize-courts[1041], then open, or by an appeal to
the proconsul, or, if necessary, in the regular assembly. Above every
thing, let the present tumultuous proceedings be discontinued, which
could only bring down upon them the displeasure of the Romans, who
could not be expected to tolerate such causeless and disorderly doings,
however willing to indulge an ancient and loyal city (Acts xix. 35–40).
With these arguments the cautious man of authority tranquillized
the assembly, and the crowd dispersed to their own homes. Thus by
the intrepidity of his friends[1042] Aquila and Priscilla, and the
interposition of a Greek magistrate, the Apostle’s life was saved;
and having assembled the disciples and given them his last farewell,
set out towards Macedonia (Acts xx. 1), and accompanied, it is not
improbable, by Tychicus and Trophimus, reached Alexandria Troas[1043].
(Acts xx. 4, 5.)
CHAPTER III.
_TROAS――SECOND JOURNEY TO GREECE._
A.D. 57, 58.
ON the occasion of his former visit to Troas[1044] the Apostle had
been able to stay but a very short time. Now, however, though disturbed
in mind by the late outbreak, he occupied himself for some time in
preaching the Word (2 Cor. ii. 12). But a cause of still deeper anxiety
harassed him. He had sent Titus to Corinth, either with or soon after
the first Epistle, to superintend the great collection now being made
for the poorer Christians at Jerusalem, to enforce the instructions
contained in his Epistle, and to report the state of the Corinthian
church; and he had directed him to return through Macedonia and rejoin
him probably at Troas[1045], where he hoped to have arrived shortly
after Pentecost. But the late tumult had driven him sooner than he had
intended from Ephesus, and he waited for Titus at Troas with a heart
full of anxiety respecting the Church at Corinth. Day after day passed,
and still Titus came not. At length the suspense became unbearable,
_his spirit had no rest_ (2 Cor. ii. 13) in the prolonged absence of
his brother, and though at Troas a door _was opened to him of the Lord_,
and he was enabled to lay the foundation of a flourishing church, he
resolved to sail to Macedonia, hoping the sooner to meet Titus on his
return.
Bidding farewell, therefore, to the disciples, he embarked, and
probably, as before[1046], landing at Neapolis, pressed on to Philippi.
There he paused, and for a while was cheered by the zeal and warm
affection of his Philippian converts (2 Cor. viii. 1, 2). But still
he could think of nothing but Corinth. “Corinth, and Corinth only, was
the word which would then have been found written on his heart[1047].”
Timothy, indeed, appears to have met him at Philippi (comp. 2 Cor.
i. 1), but till Titus arrived his flesh could find no rest; he was
_troubled on every side, without were fightings, within were fears_
(2 Cor. vii. 5).
At last the long-expected messenger reached Philippi, and bore with him
tidings sufficiently cheering to relieve the Apostle of the chief load
of his anxieties. His first Epistle had not only been received, but
bore good fruit. The majority of the Corinthian church had submitted
to his injunctions, and were deeply repentant for the sins they
had committed (2 Cor. vii. 7–11); the incestuous person had been
excommunicated (2 Cor. ii. 6), and afterwards forgiven (2 Cor. ii. 10);
and the collection for the poor Christians at Jerusalem had made good
progress (2 Cor. viii. 10). All, however, was not as it ought to be.
The parties which claimed the authority of Christ, aided by an emissary
from Palestine (2 Cor. xi. 4), who had brought letters of commendation
from Jerusalem, had grown so powerful as to openly assail both the
Apostle’s authority and his character, charging him with selfish
motives, with fickleness, timidity, and self-distrust, and disparaging
his inartificial speech, and the insignificance of his _bodily
presence_ (2 Cor. x. 10).
The news that the Corinthians had generally submitted to his
injunctions, removed a load from the Apostle’s mind, and filled
him with overwhelming thankfulness, but the insinuations of his
adversaries roused in him the utmost indignation. Titus was, therefore,
immediately directed to return to Corinth with instructions to continue
the collection, and bearing a second Epistle, in which the Apostle
expressed his heartfelt satisfaction at the tidings brought by Titus
(2 Cor. i.‒vii.), urged the speedy completion of the contributions
(2 Cor. viii. ix.), and vindicated his Apostolical character against
the assertions of his Judaizing opponents (2 Cor. x.‒xiii.).
With this Epistle, then, Titus accompanied by Luke (2 Cor. viii. 18)
and Trophimus, set out for Corinth, while St Paul, as yet unwilling to
revisit that city, continued to prosecute his labours in the northern
regions of Greece, and to accomplish those plans which he had been
unable to complete during his previous visit to Macedonia. But not
satisfied with preaching the word in the towns of that province
bordering on the Ægean, he appears now to have penetrated into the
interior, and even beyond them, to the shores of the Adriatic, _fully
preaching the Gospel round about unto Illyricum_[1048] (Rom. xv. 19).
This tour probably occupied the summer and autumn of A.D. 57, and then
_having no more place in those parts_ (Rom. xv. 23), he removed with
the approach of winter to Achaia, and took up his abode at Corinth
(Acts xx. 2). But while here in the house of Gaius he could enjoy the
society of Erastus and Stephanas, of Fortunatus, Achaicus, and others
of the brethren, his heart was saddened[1049] by painful intelligence
concerning the state of the Galatian Churches. The circumstances under
which these churches[1050] were founded have been already noticed, as
also the peculiar affection with which the Apostle had been received
there. Now however he learned that his restless enemies the Judaizers,
who had been thwarting him at Corinth, were busy also in Galatia,
insisting on the necessity of circumcision (Gal. v. 2, 11, vi. 12, 13),
inculcating nothing less than submission to the whole ceremonial law
(Gal. iii. 2, iv. 21, v. 4, 18), impugning his own credit, representing
him as no true Apostle, as having derived his knowledge of the Gospel
at second hand, and as nothing in comparison with James, Peter, and
John, the Pillars of the Church at Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 2, 9, &c.).
Their teaching he heard with the deepest sadness, had completely
_fascinated_[1051] (Gal. iii. 1) the easily impressible Galatians,
and already many had embraced their doctrines with the same alacrity
that they had welcomed himself when he proclaimed Christ crucified
amongst them. On receiving this intelligence, the Apostle deemed it
right to take instant measures for checking the evil before it became
incurable, and accordingly addressed them in an Epistle[1052], in
which he strenuously defended his own independent Apostolic authority
(Gal. i. 11, ii. 21), showed that the doctrine of these Judaizers was
calculated to destroy the very essence of Christianity, “to reduce it
from an inward and spiritual life to an outward and ceremonial system”
(Gal. iii. iv.), and exhorted them once more to walk in a manner worthy
of that state of freedom and not of bondage, into which they had been
called (Gal. v. vi.).
The Apostle’s present stay at Corinth continued upwards of three months
(Acts xx. 3), and he probably employed himself not only in convincing
and silencing the gainsayers who opposed him, as he had declared
he would (2 Cor. xiii. 1–6), and in visiting other churches in the
province of Achaia, but also in superintending the great collection for
the poorer Christians at Jerusalem, about which he felt so solicitous.
This collection was now completed, and certain treasurers were
nominated by the whole Church, with whom the Apostle was to carry it
on his contemplated journey to Jerusalem (1 Cor. xvi. 3).
Meanwhile a Christian matron, named Phœbe[1053], of the port of
Cenchreæ, was about to sail in an opposite direction to Rome upon some
private business. St Paul therefore availed himself of the opportunity
thus afforded of addressing an Epistle to the Church in that city,
which he already intended to visit speedily, and with the members
of which, though they had not _seen his face in the flesh_, he yet
appears, from the numerous salutations at the close of the Epistle, to
have been well acquainted. When this Church was founded is uncertain.
Christianity may have been planted in Rome by some of the strangers
from that city present on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 10), or by
believing Jews attracted thither in the early days of Christianity,
and who had been converted by St Paul’s own preaching. Whichever is the
correct opinion, the Church there appears to have been numerous, and
though in the first instance its members were probably Jews, who had
been converted in the eastern parts of the Empire, they had received
large accessions from the Gentiles (Rom. i. 13). Between these two
parties disputes had arisen respecting the obligation of the Mosaic
law, and while the one could not bring themselves to acknowledge their
Gentile brethren as their equals in Christian privileges (Rom. iii.
9–29, xv. 7–11), the other could not make sufficient allowance for
Jewish prejudices respecting the observation of days and the eating
of meats (Rom. xiv.). Long desirous of visiting the Church at Rome,
and probably informed of its condition by Aquila and Priscilla,
now resident there[1054] (Rom. xvi. 3), he deemed it his duty, as
the Apostle of the Gentiles, to compose the differences between the
two sections of the Roman Church, to lay down, in opposition to the
Judaizers[1055], the great doctrine of justification by faith only
(Rom. i.‒viii.), to explain the mystery of the rejection of the Jews
and the admission of the Gentiles into the Christian covenant (Rom.
ix.‒xi.), and to inculcate on all the duty of mutual forbearance
respecting the matters in dispute, and the need of a holy and a
Christian life (Rom. xii.‒xv. 13).
Anxious to visit Jerusalem before his projected journey to Rome, the
Apostle at the close of his three months’ stay in Corinth intended to
go by sea to Syria and probably from the port of Cenchreæ (Acts xx. 3).
Though, however, his intended visit to the Holy City had for its object
the supplying of the wants of the poorer Christians there by the great
collection, which had been so long in progress, he could not look
forward to it without grave misgiving, knowing as he did the inveterate
hostility of the Judaizers towards himself (Rom. xv. 30–32). But even
before he could set sail the enmity of the Jews at Corinth ripened into
a plot against his life (Acts xx. 3). He resolved, therefore, to make a
change in the proposed route, and instead of going to proconsular Asia
by sea, he went by land through Macedonia, Berœa, Thessalonica, and
Philippi, towards the spot where he had first landed on the shores of
Europe. His companions on this occasion were Sopater, a native of Berœa,
Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe, and Timotheus,
and two Christians from proconsular Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus (Acts
xx. 4). The whole of this company did not at once cross over to Asia
with St Paul, but while he and Luke remained at Philippi, preceded the
rest to Troas. It was now the season of the Passover, and the Apostle
and his companion remained at Philippi till the feast was ended, and
then sailed from Neapolis, and after a voyage, which, probably from
unfavourable weather, occupied upwards of five days[1056] (Acts xx. 6),
reached Troas, and there joined the other disciples and abode seven
days. We have no details respecting the Apostle’s labours during the
early part of this week, but on the evening of the Sabbath preceding
the day appointed for the ship to sail, the Christians were assembled
in an upper-room, lighted up by many lamps, celebrating that Breaking
of the Bread which now formed so essential a part of their religious
services (Acts xx. 7). Impressed with the feeling that the morrow was
appointed for his departure, and that the present opportunity might not
again recur, St Paul was prolonging his discourse till midnight, when
overcome by weariness and the heat of the room, a young listener, named
Eutychus, sank into a slumber, and suddenly falling from the balcony
where he sat was dashed upon the floor below and taken up dead. Much
confusion thereupon ensued and no little lamentation (Acts xx. 10),
but St Paul went down and embracing the body said to the bystanders,
_Trouble not yourselves, for his life is in him_. Thereupon he was
taken up alive, and amidst joy and thankfulness the Eucharistic feast,
combined then, as was usual, with a common meal, was resumed, and the
Apostle continued his discourse till the dawn of day.
The ship was now ready to sail, and the Apostle’s companions went
on board. It was arranged, however, that he himself should join the
vessel at Assos, a little more than 20 miles distant, and thus secure
a few more hours with the disciples at Troas. To Assos, therefore, he
proceeded by land, and there embarking, sailed with the rest of his
companions to Mitylene, the chief city of Lesbos, and separated from
Assos by a narrow channel. Another day’s sail brought them to Chios,
whence having put in at Samos they lay to for the night at Trogyllium,
a cape and town on the Ionian coast. The following morning they got as
far as Miletus, the ancient capital of Ionia, about 50 miles south of
Ephesus. Here they landed, and St Paul, who was hastening forward to
reach Jerusalem, if possible, by Pentecost, sent a messenger to Ephesus
to request the elders of the Church to meet him there. They quickly
obeyed his summons, and the Apostle took leave of them in an affecting
and impressive address, in which he reminded them of his past labours
amongst them (Acts xx. 18–21), expressed his conviction that bonds and
imprisonment awaited him at Jerusalem (Acts xx. 22–24), and in the most
solemn manner warned them to tend the flock over which the Holy Spirit
had made them overseers, and to defend the Church of God, which He had
purchased with His own blood, against _grievous wolves_, which he too
surely foreboded would enter in among them (Acts xx. 25–31).
Having given them these warnings, and finally commended them _to God
and the word of His grace_, he knelt down on the shore and prayed with
them, and then with an outburst of natural grief they fell upon his
neck and kissed him again and again[1057], _sorrowing most of all for
the words which he spake, that they should see his face no more_ (Acts
xx. 38).
CHAPTER IV.
_THE RETURN TO JERUSALEM――THE TUMULT IN THE TEMPLE._
A.D. 58.
DEEP as was the grief of the brethren at the departure of the
Apostle, no long time could be devoted to its indulgence. The wind
blew fair[1058], and the vessel was ready to depart. With sorrowing
hearts, therefore, they accompanied him to the water’s edge, and there
tore[1059] themselves away from him and his companions. The voyage
was now resumed, and running before the wind the vessel soon reached
Cos[1060], off the coast of Caria, and on the following day the island
of Rhodes. Thence they proceeded to Patara[1061] in Lycia, where the
vessel in which St Paul had been hitherto sailing apparently finished
its voyage, or was bound for some place further east along the coast of
Asia Minor.
In the harbour, however, there lay a vessel just about to sail across
the open sea to Phœnicia (Acts xxi. 2), and without a moment’s delay
they went on board, and made sail. After sighting[1062] Cyprus and
leaving it on the left hand they made straight for the port of Tyre,
and reached it probably in two days. Here their vessel was bound to
unlade her cargo, and the anxiety of the Apostle as to reaching
Jerusalem in time for the Pentecostal festival being removed, he
resolved to remain at Tyre a few days (Acts xxi. 4).
A church had been probably founded at Tyre soon after the death
of Stephen[1063], and may have been already visited by St Paul
during one of his missionary journeys in the region of Syria and
Cilicia[1064]. However this may have been, the Apostle now enjoyed
a week of refreshing intercourse with the Tyrian disciples, and so
won their affections that on the day fixed for his departure, they all,
with their wives and children, accompanied him outside the city-gate
to the sea-shore. There the scene at Miletus was repeated, and after
prayer and mutual embraces the travellers proceeded on board, while
the brethren of Tyre returned to their homes, their hearts filled with
many forebodings, for prophets amongst them had intimated that danger
awaited their beloved teacher at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 4).
Before evening the Apostle and his companions had reached
Ptolemais[1065]. Here the sea-voyage terminated, and the little company
spent a day with the disciples in the place, and then set out on foot
for Cæsarea. At Cæesarea Philip[1066] the Evangelist had taken up his
residence, and in his house St Paul found a welcome shelter. The family
of the Evangelist consisted of four virgin daughters, who all possessed
the gift of prophecy. Whether they gave the Apostle any intimations
of coming danger is not recorded, but he was not destined to remain
at Cæsarea long without receiving even more explicit warnings than he
had listened to at Tyre. At the time when news reached Jerusalem of
the Apostle’s arrival at Cæsarea, the prophet Agabus[1067], who had
predicted the famine during the reign of Claudius, was in the city.
Thereupon he straightway hastened to the coast and entering Philip’s
house, took St Paul’s girdle, and binding[1068] with it his own hands
and feet, declared in the name of the Holy Spirit that so the Jews at
Jerusalem should bind the owner of that girdle, and deliver him into
the hands of the Gentiles (Acts xxi. 11).
This explicit intimation of coming trials made a deep impression on all
present, and Luke, Trophimus, and Aristarchus, the Apostle’s companions,
with the Christians of Cæsarea, burst into tears (Acts xxi. 13) and
implored him not to go up to Jerusalem. Though deeply affected by
their grief on his behalf, the Apostle was not to be moved from his
deliberate purpose. He was ready, he declared, not only _to be bound,
but to die at Jerusalem for the Name of the Lord Jesus_, and finding
his resolution not to be shaken, they desisted from all further
intreaties, saying, _The will of the Lord be done_ (Acts xxi. 14).
The Festival was now close at hand. The Holy City was already
crowded[1069] with multitudes of pilgrims, and it was an important
matter to obtain a lodging. This an early convert, Mnason of
Cyprus[1070], whose residence was at Jerusalem, undertook to supply;
and with him the Apostle, his companions, and certain of the brethren
at Cæsarea, having made arrangements respecting their baggage[1071],
proceeded to Jerusalem.
On their arrival they were gladly welcomed by the brethren, and St
Paul could not but have rejoiced in their sympathy. The day following
they repaired to the abode of James, _the Lord’s brother_[1072], and
president of the church at Jerusalem, and there found all the Elders
assembled to receive them (Acts xxi. 18). Mutual salutation followed,
and then the Apostle recounted in a lengthened narrative all _that
God had wrought by his ministration among the Gentiles_, and doubtless
pointed with pride and joy to the contributions which the delegates
from the various churches he had planted had brought for the relief
of the poorer Christians at Jerusalem. The narrative made a deep
impression, and in united thanksgiving his hearers glorified God
(Acts xxi. 20).
In recounting, however, the progress of the churches in Galatia and
Achaia it would be scarcely possible for St Paul to fail touching
on subjects which would excite painful feelings, and rouse bitter
prejudice in many of his hearers[1073], and the peculiar dangers he was
liable to encounter in the Holy City soon became apparent. The assembly,
which had just glorified God for his success in heathen lands, began
to call his attention to the strength of the Judaizing faction in the
city[1074]. They told him it was generally reported and believed in
Jerusalem, among the thousands of converted Jews who still remained
zealous for the Law, that he forbade their brethren in foreign lands
to circumcise their children or observe the Mosaic customs (Acts xxi.
20, 21). This being so, it was advisable to do something that might
correct these erroneous ideas. It was impossible that the arrival of
one so well known could be concealed, and his public appearance might
lead to scenes of violence. They suggested, therefore, that he should
adopt the following course.
There were four disciples, who had taken a Nazarite vow, of which seven
days remained unexpired, who would at the close of this period present
the usual offerings[1075] in the Temple. Let the Apostle, then, join
himself to them, and defray the necessary expenses of the whole party.
This would prove in the most public manner his observance of Mosaic
ceremonies, and contradict the calumnies of his enemies (Acts xxi.
21–25). This advice, in which James the Just apparently acquiesced, the
Apostle wishing, if possible, to conciliate the church of Palestine,
was not unwilling to adopt. Accordingly on the following day, after
first performing the necessary purifications, he proceeded with the
Christian Nazarites to the Temple, and announced to the priests in
the name of his friends, their intention of fulfilling their time, and
awaiting the moment of the proper offering.
But the Apostle’s object was frustrated by circumstances that took
place on the very eve of the completion of the period of their
vow. Amongst the thousands present in Jerusalem were many Jews from
proconsular Asia, who recognised the able disputant, whom they had
so often been unable to confute in their synagogues, walking in the
streets with Trophimus the Ephesian (Acts xxi. 29). On one occasion
they saw him in the Temple-courts, and rushing to the conclusion that
he had taken his companion also thither, instantly sprang upon him,
shouting, _Men of Israel, help. This is the man that teacheth all men
everywhere against the People, the Law, and this place, yea, who hath
also brought Gentiles into the Temple, and profaned this Holy Place_
(Acts xxi. 28).
Roused to fury a mob quickly rushed towards the spot, and St Paul
would probably have been instantly put to death, had it not been for
the unwillingness of his foes to pollute the Temple with blood. They
therefore dragged him down the steps from the Court of the Women[1076]
into the Outer Court, and had no sooner passed, than the Levitical
guard closed behind them the Corinthian gates[1077] (Acts xxi. 30).
Once in the Outer Court they began beating the Apostle violently,
being clearly bent on putting him to death, and would have succeeded,
had it not been for a providential intervention. The commotion in
the Temple-courts had not failed to attract the notice of the Roman
sentries in the tower[1078] of Antonia, and they instantly informed
Claudius Lysias, the commandant of the garrison, that _all Jerusalem
was in an uproar_ (Acts xxi. 31).
Thereupon, without a moment’s delay, Lysias rushed down attended by
some centurions and a strong body of troops. The sight of the dreaded
arms of the Imperial forces brought the multitude to their senses,
and they left off _beating Paul_. The commandant then approached, and
apprehending the Apostle, ordered him to be chained by each hand to a
soldier[1079], suspecting that he was an Egyptian pretender[1080], who
had lately caused a revolt, and had hitherto baffled the pursuit of
the soldiers of Felix the governor (Acts xxi. 38). He then endeavoured
to ascertain from the bystanders who his prisoner was and what he
had done, but _some cried one thing, and some another_; and finding
it impossible to gain any information amidst the tumult, he ordered
him to be conveyed into the barracks within the fortress. Accordingly
the soldiers proceeded to remove the Apostle, but so furious was the
crowd pressing behind them with yells and execrations, that they had
to bear him up in their arms up the staircase. Just as they reached
the barracks, St Paul, addressing the commandant in Greek, enquired
respectfully whether he might speak to him. Startled at being addressed
in the Grecian tongue, Lysias in his turn enquired whether he was
mistaken in supposing him to be the Egyptian rebel. St Paul replied
that he was no Egyptian, but a Jew, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia,
_a citizen of no mean city_, and requested permission to address the
people. On which the commandant, influenced it may be by the aspect
and manner of his prisoner, at once gave his consent (Acts xxi. 40).
CHAPTER V.
_THE IMPRISONMENT AT CÆSAREA._
A.D. 58.
STANDING then on the stairs, and beckoning to the crowd with his
chained hands to invite their attention, the Apostle began to address
them in the Hebrew language. Charmed by the accents of their own
beloved tongue, the multitude listened with the deepest silence while
he tried to dispel their prejudices against himself. Beginning with
the well-known circumstances of his birth and education at Tarsus
and Jerusalem, he declared that he was a Jew like themselves, that
he had been brought up according to the strictest requirements of the
Law, and had hated, persecuted, and endeavoured to extinguish the sect
of the Christians (Acts xxii. 3–5). He then proceeded to recount the
wonderful circumstances of his conversion on the way to Damascus[1081],
of his blindness, cure, and baptism (Acts xxii. 6–16), and how on his
return to Jerusalem, as he was praying in the Temple, he fell into a
trance[1082], saw that Saviour who had appeared to him on his memorable
journey, and was commanded by Him to leave Jerusalem, and preach the
Gospel to the Gentiles (Acts xxii. 17–21).
Up to this point the multitude listened to the Apostle with the deepest
attention, but no sooner had he spoken of his mission to the Gentiles,
than they broke out into such furious cries of rage and indignation
that the previous clamour appeared as nothing in comparison. The
thought of uncircumcised heathen being placed on an equality with the
children of Abraham was unbearable. _Away_, they cried, _with such a
fellow from the earth, it is not fit that he should live_, and while
some flung dust into the air, others cast off their clothes, as if they
would stone him on the spot (comp. Acts vii. 58). This fresh outbreak
of frantic violence filled the commandant with still greater perplexity.
Unable to understand the language in which the Apostle spake, he could
only infer from the results it produced that his prisoner had been
guilty of some enormous offence. He therefore gave orders that he
should be conveyed into the castle, and, since other means had failed,
that the secret of his guilt should be ascertained by torture. As in
the case of the Saviour’s crucifixion[1083], a centurion was deputed
to superintend the scourging, and like a common malefactor the Apostle
was on the point of being stretched or fastened to the post to receive
the lashes, when he turned to the centurion and enquired whether it
was lawful to scourge one who was a Roman citizen and uncondemned (Acts
xxii. 25)? Astonished at such a question, the centurion ordered the
scourging to be suspended, and hurrying to the commandant, bade him
take heed what he was doing, for the prisoner was a Roman citizen. Upon
this Lysias himself hastened to the spot and enquired whether the news
was true, and on his replying in the affirmative, remarked that he had
purchased this privilege for a large sum, on which St Paul informed
him that he was free-born (Acts xxii. 28). Thus assured of the true
position of his prisoner, the commandant ordered the instruments of
torture to be instantly removed, and was in no little alarm at the turn
affairs had taken.
For the present, indeed, he was obliged to keep him in the Tower, but
on the morrow he determined to make a second effort to ascertain the
nature of his prisoner’s offence, and therefore summoned a meeting
of the Sanhedrin, and bringing down the Apostle from the Tower to
the hall Gazith[1084] placed him before them. Casting a steadfast and
scrutinizing glance (Acts xxiii. 1) on the faces of those assembled,
many of whom must have been familiar to him, St Paul began by proving
that he had lived a conscientious[1085] life before God up to that
very day. This assertion so offended the high-priest that he commanded
those standing near to strike him on the mouth, whereupon the Apostle,
filled with indignation at so brutal an insult, replied, _God shall
smite thee[1086], thou whited wall[1087]. For sittest thou to judge
me according to the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary
to the law?_ To this the bystanders rejoined, _Revilest thou God’s
high-priest?_ and St Paul, recovering himself, answered that he did not
know or consider that Ananias was high-priest, otherwise he would not
so have spoken, for it was written in the Law, _Thou shalt not revile
the ruler of thy people_ (Ex. xxii. 28).
By this time, however, the Apostle had seen only too clearly that
there was little prospect of his obtaining an equitable decision from
his judges. Knowing, therefore, that there were both Pharisees and
Sadducees among them, and that however much they might be united in
persecuting him, they were sundered from one another by a deep gulf on
one important article of faith, he exclaimed, as indeed he could say
with truth, that he was brought to trial, because he had testified
of the hope of Israel, and of the resurrection of the dead (Acts
xxiii. 6). He had scarcely pronounced these words, when there was an
instant division in the Council. The Pharisees present were united
in his favour, and a hot debate ensued between them and the Sadducaic
faction, who denied any Resurrection and the existence alike of angels
and spirits[1088]. While the latter party were furious against him, the
former declared they could find no fault in him, and if, as he had said
in his speech on the stairs, an angel or a spirit had indeed spoken to
him[1089], they would not criminate him on this account.
A scene of great confusion now ensued (Acts xxiii. 10), in the midst
of which Claudius Lysias being afraid lest the Roman citizen should be
torn in pieces by them, ordered a detachment to go down instantly, and
bring him into the barracks. Thus the Apostle was delivered from the
most imminent danger, and in the evening his anxieties were relieved by
the appearance of his Divine Master in a vision of the night, bidding
him be of good cheer, and declaring that, as he had _testified unto Him
in Jerusalem, so he must testify also at Rome_ (Acts xxiii. 11).
The following morning however had hardly dawned, before a fresh danger
revealed itself. Disappointed on the previous day in their malicious
designs, more than forty of the Jews bound themselves by a solemn vow
that they would neither eat nor drink till they had put the Apostle
to death. Accordingly they went to the chief members of the Sanhedrin,
and proposed that they should present themselves before the commandant
and request him to allow St Paul to be brought down and placed a
second time before them, in order that they might resume the enquiry
so tumultuously interrupted, and they, on their part, undertook that he
should not reach the council-chamber alive, for they would murder him
on his way down from the fortress.
But their design in some way reached the ears of the Apostle’s
nephew[1090], who was now present in Jerusalem, and he no sooner heard
of the danger which threatened his uncle, than he obtained admittance
into the barracks, and imparted to him the intelligence. Thereupon St
Paul called one of the centurions, and requested him to take the young
man to Claudius Lysias, for he had something to tell him. The officer
complied, and conducting him to the commandant told him of St Paul’s
message. Claudius Lysias received the young man kindly, and leading him
cautiously aside enquired what he wished to say. The other thereupon
acquainted him with the plot that had been laid, and was dismissed
with strict injunctions not to divulge the fact that he had given this
information.
Thus assured of the danger that threatened his prisoner, and knowing
that he was responsible for his safety as a Roman citizen, Lysias
resolved to send him away that very night under a strong escort to
Cæsarea, and there leave him in the hands of the governor Felix.
Summoning therefore two of the centurions, he gave orders that 200 of
the legionary soldiers, with 70 cavalry and 200 spearmen[1091], should
be in readiness to proceed thither by nine[1092] in the evening. In the
meantime he wrote to the governor a dispatch, giving a fair and clear
account of the case, save in the statement that he had rescued St Paul
in the first instance because he had discovered he was a Roman citizen,
and in the suppression of all allusion to his intention to scourge him
(Acts xxiii. 26–30).
At the time appointed the escort was ready, and mounted on
horseback[1093] between the two Roman soldiers, to whom he was chained,
the Apostle was conducted from Jerusalem to Antipatris[1094]. Here the
soldiers halted after their long night-march, and while the cavalry
proceeded to Cæsarea, the legionary troops, no longer necessary to
the Apostle’s safety[1095], returned to the fortress of Antonia.
It was probably during the afternoon of the day succeeding[1096]
their departure that the cavalry reached Cæsarea, and the officer in
charge immediately delivered up his prisoner to the governor, with the
dispatch from Claudius Lysias. Felix[1097] read it, and enquired to
what province the prisoner belonged[1098], and having ascertained that
he was a native of Cilicia, replied that he would hear and decide his
case as soon as his accusers had arrived, and ordered that for the
present he should be kept in _Herod’s prætorium_[1099] (Acts xxiii. 35).
CHAPTER VI.
_PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS._
A.D. 58–60.
FIVE days after the Apostle’s arrival at Cæsarea his accusers made
their appearance, headed by the high-priest Ananias, certain of the
elders, and an orator named Tertullus[1100], whose services had been
engaged for this occasion. Accordingly, Felix took his seat on the
tribunal[1101], and Paul having been sent for, Tertullus formally
opened the case. After paying an adroit compliment to the procurator
on the comparative quiet which the land enjoyed owing to his vigilance
and energy[1102], he brought three charges against the prisoner:
First, that he was a pestilent mover of sedition among all the Jews
throughout the world, which amounted to a charge of treason[1103]
against the emperor; secondly, that he was a ringleader of the sect
of the Nazarenes; and thirdly, that he had made an attempt to profane
the Temple at Jerusalem. On these charges he declared the Jews had been
about to judge him before their own tribunal, when Lysias forcibly took
him away, and referred his accusers to the judgment-seat of Felix.
To these allegations the Jews present expressed their consent, hoping
doubtless that the procurator would hand over the prisoner to their
courts, where his fate would be soon decided. But Felix made a sign to
the Apostle to proceed with his defence, and he, after expressing his
satisfaction in pleading before one who had been so long familiar with
the nation, commenced replying to the charges that had been brought
against him. A disturber of the nation, he said, he was not, for on his
recent visit to the Holy City but twelve days before, he had neither
caused a disturbance, or even disputed in the temple, the synagogue, or
the streets. As to his being a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes,
he had never swerved from his belief in the Law and the Prophets; like
his accusers, he believed the doctrine of a resurrection, and strove to
keep a conscience void of offence towards God and man. As to profaning
the Temple, he had lately visited it as the bearer of offerings for
his nation, and to observe some of the strictest ceremonies of the Law,
not to gather together a multitude or cause a tumult. Certain Jews of
Asia, indeed, had brought an accusation against him, but they ought now
to have been present as witnesses, ready to bring forward a specific
charge, if they had any (Acts xxiv. 10–21).
Felix, who had listened attentively to the Apostle’s address, was well
acquainted with the character of the Christian religion, which had
not only penetrated into Cæsarea, but also numbered disciples even
among the troops[1104]. He was, therefore, in a position fully to
appreciate the weakness of the allegations against the prisoner, and
the misrepresentations of his accusers, and must have felt that the
only proper course was to pronounce his acquittal and set him free.
But this he could not make up his mind to do, and chose to reserve his
final[1105] decision till Lysias should arrive, and in the meantime
committed the Apostle to the charge of the centurion[1106] who had
brought him to Cæsarea, with instructions to keep him safely, but at
the same time to allow his friends[1107] to have free access to his
apartments.
A few days afterwards Felix entered the audience chamber with his wife
Drusilla[1108], daughter of the late king Herod Agrippa. Her beauty
is spoken of as something marvellous, and she had been induced by the
procurator to leave her first husband, Azizus king of Emessa, to become
his paramour. The two now sent for St Paul, and desired to have the
Christian doctrines explained to them. Accordingly before the Roman
libertine and the profligate Jewish princess, the Apostle preached
with his wonted faithfulness, and while he discoursed concerning
_righteousness, and temperance, and judgment to come_, Felix trembled.
But though he trembled, the profligate governor would not release his
prisoner from confinement. _Go thy way_, said he, _for this time; when
I have a convenient season I will send for thee_. He knew that the
Apostle’s relatives moved in a respectable sphere, and he had heard
him speak of sums of money[1109] intrusted to his care, and he wished
it to be understood that his liberation was not hopeless, if bought
with a suitable sum[1110]. Hence he frequently sent for the Apostle,
and conversed with him. But St Paul was not one to stoop to such
dishonourable means. He preferred to remain in confinement rather than
purchase his freedom with a bribe, and at Cæsarea he continued upwards
of two years, or from A.D. 58 to A.D. 60.
During this long period of suspense from active labour, it is not
improbable that the Gospel of St Luke was composed under the Apostle’s
eye, and it is possible that “many messages, and even letters, of
which we know nothing, may have been sent from Cæsarea to brethren
at a distance[1111].” Meanwhile the government of Felix became more
and more unpopular, and the disaffection of his subjects was increased
by a serious quarrel between the Jewish and heathen population at
Cæsarea, in which the troops sided with the latter, and committed gross
acts of butchery and plunder[1112]. This led to the recall of Felix,
A.D. 60; and anxious to conciliate the Jews, who had complained of his
administration at Rome, he left Paul in bonds (Acts xxiv. 27).
His successor was Porcius Festus, who like himself had probably been
a slave, and was one of the emperor’s freedmen. Three days after his
landing at Cæsarea he repaired to Jerusalem, and there was introduced
to the high-priest[1113] and leading members of the nation. They
instantly embraced the opportunity of renewing their machinations
against the Apostle, and requested the new governor to allow him to be
removed to Jerusalem, intending to assassinate him on the road (Acts
xxv. 3). Festus replied that St Paul was in custody at Cæsarea, whither
he himself was on the point of returning: the Roman Law did not allow
an uncondemned person to be given up as a mere favour: he must have his
accusers face to face, and be enabled to make his defence; if therefore
they wished to bring any charges against him, they must come down to
Cæsarea and there prefer them (Acts xxv. 4, 5, 16).
After a stay, therefore, of 8 or 10 days in Jerusalem, he returned
to Cæsarea, and the accusers apparently went down the same day. No
time was lost in putting the Apostle on his trial. The very next day
Festus took his seat on the tribunal, and ordered St Paul to be put
forward. Then the delegates from the Sanhedrin urged their accusations,
which appear to have been much the same as those brought forward at
the previous trial. But they were utterly unable to support their
statements, and the Apostle contented himself with a brief but emphatic
denial that he had done anything against the Law, the Temple, or Cæsar
(Acts xxv. 8).
The sincerity of his bearing appears to have told favourably with
the procurator, and he quickly perceived that he was involved in no
political movements (Acts xxv. 18, 19), that he had done nothing worthy
of death (Acts xxv. 25), and that the charges against him related only
to religious questions between him and his nation. Unwilling, however,
to allow a matter immediately to drop, in which the Jews evidently took
so deep an interest, he proposed that he should go up to Jerusalem, and
there submit to a formal trial in the presence of himself (Acts xxv. 9).
But the Apostle knew full well the danger involved in such a journey.
He replied, therefore, that he had done no wrong, as Festus himself
knew well, and that if he was guilty he was willing to die, but that
since the accusations preferred against him were really groundless,
rather than go up to Jerusalem, he would avail himself of his privilege
as a Roman citizen; _he appealed unto Cæsar_[1114] (Acts xxv. 11).
According to the Roman law, it was sufficient that a Roman citizen
should merely utter the words _I appeal_, and his case was instantly
removed to the supreme tribunal of the Emperor. After a brief
conversation, therefore, with his assessors, Festus merely enquired
whether he adhered to his determination, and then made answer, _Thou
hast appealed unto Cæsar; to Cæsar thou shalt go_ (Acts xxv. 12).
Though, however, the appeal had been allowed, Festus was in much
perplexity to decide how he might describe the charge against the
Apostle to the Emperor. It seemed to him a foolish thing to send a
prisoner to Rome, without at the same time specifying the charges
against him, but how to do this after the vague and unsatisfactory
information elicited at the trial appeared extremely difficult. It
happened, however, at this time that Herod Agrippa II.[1115], king
of Chalcis, with his sister Bernice[1116], arrived on a complimentary
visit[1117] to the procurator, and stayed some time at Cæsarea. Agrippa
had long been acquainted with all that related to Jewish customs, and
had, as we have seen, been invested by the Emperor with the power of
nominating the high-priest. Festus, therefore, gladly embraced this
opportunity of consulting one so much better informed than himself on
the points in dispute, and related all the particulars concerning the
Apostle so far as he was acquainted with them (Acts xxv. 14–21), and
more especially his reiterated assertion concerning one Jesus _who had
died and was alive again_. Agrippa, who could not have heard now for
the first time of the great doctrine of the Christian faith expressed a
desire to see the prisoner. To this Festus readily assented, and fixed
the following day for the interview.
Accordingly at the time appointed Agrippa and Bernice with much pomp
entered the audience-chamber, accompanied by their suite and the
chief men of Cæsarea, and at the command of Festus, Paul was brought
before them. As soon as the Apostle appeared, Festus in a set speech
detailed the circumstances under which he had become acquainted with
the prisoner, his appeal to Cæsar, and his own anxiety to obtain some
definite information which he might lay before his lord[1118] the
emperor concerning him (Acts xxv. 24–27).
Upon this Agrippa signified to the Apostle that he was permitted to
speak for himself, and St Paul stretching forth his manacled hands
proceeded to address his numerous and influential hearers. After
expressing his satisfaction at the opportunity thus afforded him of
speaking before one so well versed as Agrippa _in all customs and
questions amongst the Jews_, he went on, much as he had done on the
stairs leading up to the Castle of Antonia, to speak of his education
according to the strictest requirements of the Jewish law (Acts xxvi.
4–8); of the zeal with which he formerly persecuted the believers
in Christ; of the vision vouchsafed to him on the road to Damascus,
and the commission he had received to preach the Gospel amongst the
Gentiles (Acts xxvi. 9–18); and lastly of his unceasing endeavours to
carry out this commission, which had brought upon him the enmity of
the Jews, though his teaching was in strict accordance with the Jewish
Scriptures, and their predictions of the coming of a Messiah who should
suffer and rise from the dead (Acts xxvi. 19–23).
This address made no impression upon Festus. Regarding the idea of a
resurrection as foolishness, he ascribed the zeal of the Apostle to an
excited imagination, or the effect of over-study[1119]. Interrupting
him, therefore, he cried out in a loud voice (Acts xxvi. 24), _Paul,
thou art mad; much learning doth make thee mad_. _I am not mad, most
noble Festus_, replied the Apostle with dignified courtesy, _but speak
forth the words of truth and soberness_; and turning to Agrippa, who
had knowledge of these matters, and before whom he could speak freely,
he solemnly enquired whether he did not believe the prophets. But the
persuasive appeal glanced off from the heart of the profligate prince
to whom it was addressed. In playful banter or scornful sarcasm he
replied, _Lightly[1120] thou persuadest me to become a Christian_.
On which the Apostle, lifting up his chained hands, made answer, _I
would to God that, whether lightly or with difficulty[1121], not only
thou, but also all that hear me this day, might become such as I am,
except these bonds_ (Acts xxvi. 29). With these words this memorable
conference ended. Agrippa had no wish to hear more. He rose up with
Festus, Bernice, and their suite, and retired from the audience-chamber.
The case of the prisoner was then discussed, and it was agreed that he
was guilty of nothing deserving of death or even of imprisonment, and
Agrippa remarked that he might have been released had he not appealed
to Cæsar. But the appeal had been made, and to the imperial tribunal
the Apostle must go.
SECTION IV.
_St Paul’s Imprisonment at Rome._
CHAPTER I.
_THE VOYAGE FROM CÆSAREA._
A.D. 60.
AS soon, then, as it was actually decided that St Paul should be
sent to Rome, he was delivered over with certain other prisoners to
a centurion, named Julius, belonging to the “Augustan cohort,” or the
bodyguard of the Emperor, who always treated the Apostle with kindness
and consideration.
The ship selected was a vessel of Adramyttium, a sea-port of Mysia,
opposite Lesbos, which had probably touched at Cæsarea on a return
voyage from Egypt, and was now bound for her own port. In her the
Apostle embarked with Aristarchus of Thessalonica, the Evangelist
St Luke, the prisoners, and their guard. The wind was fair[1122],
and on the next day they put into Sidon, probably for the purposes of
trade, and here the centurion allowed the Apostle to go on shore and
receive the kind attentions of his friends[1123].
Loosing from Sidon they were constrained, by reason of adverse winds,
to run under the lee of Cyprus, that is, probably, along the north side
of the island, and thence, keeping nearer the main-land than the isle,
to catch the favouring land-breezes[1124], sailed through the open
sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia to Myra of Lycia, now a desolate waste,
but then a flourishing sea-port. Here the centurion found a ship of
Alexandria laden with wheat, which though bound for Italy had been
carried to Myra by the same westerly winds which had forced the vessel
of Adramyttium to keep to the east of Cyprus. To her, therefore, he
transferred his charge, and she set sail, laden with a heavy cargo and
upwards of 276 passengers (Acts xxvii. 37).
After loading at Myra, their progress was extremely slow, and in
consequence of unfavourable winds it was _many days_ (Acts xxvii. 7)
before they came over against Cnidus[1125], at the extreme S. W. of
the peninsula of Asia Minor. From this point their natural course
would have been by the north side of Crete and westward through the
Archipelago. But with a north-west wind blowing, it was deemed most
prudent to run down to the southward, and after rounding Cape Salmone
to pursue their voyage under the lee of Crete. Accordingly having
worked up with difficulty along the southern coast, they reached the
harbour of Fair Havens[1126], about 5 miles to the east of which was
the town of Lasæa.
Here they were detained a considerable time waiting for a
favourable change of the wind. But none occurred, and the Fast of the
Atonement[1127], which took place about the period of the autumnal
equinox, having passed, the navigation had become very dangerous. It
now became a grave question whether they should remain at Fair Havens
for the winter, or seek some other anchorage. St Paul advised that they
should remain where they were, and declared his conviction that any
attempt to pursue the voyage would be attended with loss, not only
of the ship and cargo, but also of the lives of those on board. But
the owner and master of the ship were of a different opinion, and the
harbour of Fair Havens being incommodious for wintering in[1128], the
majority decided for leaving at the first opportunity, and, if possible,
making for a harbour called Phœnix, on the south coast of the island,
and somewhat further to the west[1129]. Influenced by the words of the
mariners the centurion resolved to adopt this course, and all waited
anxiously for a change of the wind (Acts xxvii. 9–12).
At length the long-looked for change took place. A light breeze sprang
up from the south, and the mariners thought their purpose was already
accomplished. Weighing anchor, therefore, they set sail, hoping to
reach Phœnix in a few hours. Keeping close to the coast they doubled
Cape Matala, and were proceeding “with the boat towing astern (Acts
xxvii. 16), forgetful of past difficulties, and blind to impending
dangers[1130],” when suddenly a violent wind, called Euroclydon[1131],
came down from the heights of Ida[1132] on the Cretan shores,
and striking the ship whirled her round with such force that it
was impossible for the helmsman to make her keep her course (Acts
xxvii. 15). Consequently they were obliged to scud before the wind to
the south-west about 28 miles, when they neared the little island of
Clauda, and running under the lee of it, with much difficulty succeeded
in hoisting the boat on board, which was probably full of water. They
then proceeded to undergird[1133] the vessel, that is, passed strong
cables several times round her hull to prevent the starting of her
planks and timbers, and being afraid lest they should drift in to the
Syrtis[1134] on the African coast, lowered the gear, either reefing the
mainsail or lowering the great yard upon deck.
Having taken these precautions they proceeded, steering as close to the
wind as the gale would permit, and on the following day lightened the
ship by flinging overboard all that could be most easily spared. This,
however, relieved but little the strain upon her, and on the third
day both passengers and crew assisted in throwing out her tackling,
including probably the mainyards. Several days of the utmost anxiety
and incessant labour then ensued, during which neither sun nor stars
appeared in the sky, and the mariners having lost their reckoning, knew
neither where they were nor in what direction to steer, and gave up all
hopes of safety. But besides being wearied and dispirited, they were
suffering also from hunger, owing to the loss of provisions, and the
impossibility of preparing any food. On the 14th day, therefore, of
the voyage, the Apostle deemed it right to stand forward in their midst
(Acts xxvii. 21) with words of encouragement and hope. After gently
reminding them that all this harm and loss might have been avoided had
they taken his advice, he bade them be of good cheer, for though the
vessel could not be saved, not one of their lives should be lost. Of
this he was fully assured, for an Angel of that God, whose he was and
whom he served, had appeared to him in the night, and told him that he
should appear before Cæsar, and that God had given him the lives of all
on board; he, for his part, had no doubt that this would prove true,
and added that they must be cast upon a certain island.
What effect these words had upon the hungry and exhausted mariners
is not recorded, but we cannot doubt that it contributed not a little
to nerve them with fresh courage to meet the difficulties before them.
The storm, indeed, still continued with unabated fury, but on the
midnight of the fourteenth day as they were drifting through the sea of
Adria[1135], the sailors suspected from the roar of the breakers that
they were nearing land. On this they sounded, and found the depth of
water to be 20 fathoms. After a brief interval they sounded again, and
found it was 15 fathoms. Filled with fear lest the ship should strike
and break up, they thereupon let go four anchors[1136] by the stern,
and waited anxiously for the day (Acts xxvii. 29). During these weary
hours, the sailors, aware that the vessel might founder before dawn,
lowered the boat under pretence of laying out anchors from the bow
for the purpose of steadying the ship, but really to effect their
own escape, and leave the passengers to their fate. But the Apostle
penetrated their design, and addressing himself to the centurion and
the soldiers, declared that unless these remained on board they could
not hope to be saved. Thereupon the soldiers, with characteristic
decision, cut the ropes, and the boat fell off (Acts xxvii. 32).
Another proof of the ♦ascendancy which St Paul had acquired over all on
board was soon afforded. But a short space now remained before daylight,
and then fresh exertions would be needed. He advised, therefore, that
during the interval they should recruit their exhausted energies by
partaking of food. Then setting an example himself, he took bread,
gave thanks to God before them all, and began to eat. Encouraged by his
calmness, the rest did the same, and, strengthened by the meal, made a
final effort to lighten the ship by flinging overboard the cargo, which
by this time must have been spoilt by the salt water. While they were
thus employed, the long-looked for day at length dawned, and revealed
to the sailors a coast, which, however, they did not recognise. But the
sight of a small bay, with a sandy or pebbly beach[1137], revived their
determination, if possible, to run the vessel aground. Every precaution
was therefore taken. The cables were cut and the anchors cast adrift;
the lashings of the rudders[1138] were unloosed; the foresail[1139]
hoisted (Acts xxvii. 40), and the vessel was run on shore at a spot
_between two seas_ (Acts xxvii. 41). Here the bow stuck fast on a
bank of tenacious clay, while the stern began to break up under the
violence of the waves. Certain that the ship must very speedily go
to pieces, the soldiers, who were responsible with their lives for
the safe custody of their prisoners, afraid that some might swim off
and so escape, formed the cruel design of putting them all to death.
This, however, the centurion, resolved at all risks to save St Paul,
resolutely forbade, and ordered such as were able to swim to cast
themselves into the sea first, while the rest, some on spars, and some
on broken pieces of the ship, made their way to land; and thus, as the
Apostle had said, the whole company escaped safely (Acts xxvii. 44).
CHAPTER II.
_THE RECEPTION AT MALTA, AND ARRIVAL AT ROME._
A.D. 60, 61.
THUS flung upon the shore, the exhausted voyagers ascertained that the
island was none other than Melita[1140], at that time much uncultivated
and overrun with wood, and inhabited by a population of Phœnician
origin, who not being of Greek or Roman descent were designated
_barbarians_ (Acts xxviii. 2). But the reception they gave to the
shipwrecked crew proved that they were no savages, for hurrying down
to the beach, they eagerly afforded all possible relief to their wants.
The rain was falling in torrents, and the weather was extremely cold.
Lighting a fire therefore on the shore, they welcomed them all to its
genial warmth. Foremost amongst those gathering the sticks to increase
the much-needed blaze was the Apostle himself, and as he did so, a
viper came out of the heat and fastened on his hand. The incident did
not escape the notice of the islanders. _This man_, said they, _must
be a murderer: he has escaped from the sea, but vengeance suffereth
him not to live_. But the Apostle no sooner flung off the creature
without suffering any injury, than their feelings underwent an instant
change[1141], and they said that he was a god. Near the place where the
vessel had been lost, Publius, the Roman governor[1142] of the island,
had some possessions. For three days he entertained the shipwrecked
strangers with much hospitality, and the Apostle was enabled to requite
his attentions by miraculously healing his father, who lay afflicted
with fever and dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8). The fame of this cure
soon spread abroad, and others afflicted with disease repaired to the
Apostle and experienced similar healing effects.
After a stay of three months on the island, the time when the ancients
deemed navigation practicable again came round, and Julius secured a
passage for himself and his charge in another corn-ship of Alexandria,
which had wintered in the island, and was called the Castor and Pollux.
Laden with many presents from the grateful islanders the Apostle
and his party went on board, and setting sail put into the harbour
of Syracuse, where they remained three days. Thence they shaped a
course northwards towards the straits of Messina. But the wind was
not favourable, and they were constrained, after beating about (Acts
xxviii. 13), to put into Rhegium at the entrance of the straits, where
they remained one day. On the following morning a south wind sprang
up, and they were enabled to reach Puteoli[1143], the most sheltered
part of the bay of Naples, and the great emporium for the Alexandrian
corn-ships[1144], and here they were rejoiced to find certain of the
brethren, and abode with them seven days (Acts xxviii. 14).
At the end of this period the party commenced their journey towards
Rome, distant 150 miles. The first part of their route was probably
from Puteoli by a cross-road to Capua, thence along the Via Appia by
Sinuessa on the sea, Minturnæ, and Formiæ to Terracina[1145]. The next
stage brought them to Appii Forum[1146], whither the Christians from
Rome who had heard of the Apostle’s arrival at Puteoli, had come forth
a distance of 43 miles to meet him. Deeply moved by this proof of their
affectionate zeal, he thanked _God and took courage_ (Acts xxviii. 15).
Ten miles further on, at a place called the “Three Taverns,” a second
company was waiting to greet him, and thus in the society of numerous
friends whom he had probably known during his labours in the East,
the Apostle proceeded through the town of Aricia to the imperial city.
There Julius the centurion delivered up his prisoners to the prefect
of the prætorian guard[1147], an office held at this time by Burrhus,
one of the chief advisers of Nero (Acts xxviii. 16). Either influenced
by the favourable report of the centurion, or the tone of the letter
from Festus, the prefect allowed the Apostle to be kept separate from
the rest of the prisoners, and to take up his abode in a hired house
(Acts xxviii. 30), with the soldier to whom he was chained[1148].
Three days after his arrival the Apostle sent for the leading men
among the Jews, and sought to remove any prejudices they might have
formed against him from the circumstances under which he had entered
the capital of the West. Though, he said, he had committed no offence
against his nation or the customs of his fathers, he had yet been
delivered a prisoner into the hands of the Romans. They had examined
him, but could discover nothing he had done that was worthy of death,
and would have liberated him, had it not been for the opposition of his
Jewish enemies. Under these circumstances, not with any intention of
accusing his nation before the emperor, he had appealed to Cæsar. His
only crime had been his firm conviction of the reality of the promise
of the Messiah, and _for the hope of Israel_ he was bound with the
chains he then wore (Acts xxviii. 17–20).
In reply to this address the Jews assured him that they had received
no information[1149] to his disadvantage from Judæa, and none of the
brethren had arrived alleging anything against him. The Christian sect
they knew well was everywhere spoken against, and they would be glad to
hear from him any statement concerning its doctrines which he might be
willing to make. A day was accordingly fixed for the desired hearing,
and a considerable number repaired to the Apostle’s own private lodging
(Acts xxviii. 23), and from morning till evening he continued to plead
with them, delivering his testimony concerning the kingdom of God, and
opening up, both from the Law and the Prophets, the things relating
to Jesus Christ. The result was a division amongst his hearers.
_Some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not_
(Acts xxviii. 24), and after much discussion the unbelieving portion
departed, but not before they had been warned by St Paul that they were
incurring the penalty of that judicial blindness of which the prophet
Isaiah[1150] had spoken (Is. vi. 9, 10), and that the inheritance they
renounced would be bestowed upon the Gentiles (Acts xxviii. 28).
After this address the Jews departed. The ways of the great Apostle
were not their ways, neither were his thoughts their thoughts. While
they retired to dispute concerning the Christian sect, he remained
in his own hired house, and there resided upwards of two years, still
indeed a prisoner under military custody, but permitted to receive all
who came to him, and to preach boldly the kingdom of God, and _those
things which concerned the Lord Jesus Christ_ (Acts xxviii. 30, 31).
CHAPTER III.
_THE FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME._
A.D. 61–63.
BEYOND the point where the last Chapter ends, the sacred narrative,
contained in the Acts of the Apostles, does not conduct us. The
incidents connected with St Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, and his
subsequent history, must be gathered from various allusions in several
letters he wrote during this period.
His trial it would seem, then, was for a considerable time postponed.
His accusers, whose arrival was not even expected by the Roman Jews
(Acts xxviii. 21), do not appear to have reached Rome before the summer
or autumn of the year[1151] A.D. 61, and the necessity of obtaining
evidence as to the charges against him from Judæa, Syria, Cilicia,
Pisidia, and Macedonia, added to the fact that according to the Roman
law the witnesses both of the prosecutors and the accused must be
examined on each of the charges separately[1152], would necessitate an
adjournment of the case from time to time to suit the convenience of
the Emperor.
During, however, this long period of delay the Apostle was not
obliged to remain inactive. Allowed to live in a house by himself,
and to receive any who wished to visit him, he had many opportunities
of preaching the word, and the glad tidings of the Kingdom (Acts
xxviii. 31). Nor were his efforts fruitless. To use his own language,
he _begat_ many children even _in his bonds_ (Philem. 10), and through
the numerous and deeply attached friends, by whom he was surrounded,
he was enabled to communicate with many of the Churches which he had
planted. Thus there were with him at this time Luke, the beloved
physician, and his old companion (Col. iv. 14; Philem. 24); Timothy his
favourite disciple (Philem. 1; Col. i. 1; Phil. i. 1). Tychicus[1153]
(Col. iv. 7; Eph. vi. 21); John Mark, whom he had once[1154] been
obliged to reject as having abandoned the ministry, but who, he now
allowed, was _profitable to him_ (comp. Col. iv. 10, 2 Tim. iv. 11);
Demas, now, indeed, _a faithful fellow-labourer_ (Philem. 24); Col.
iv. 14), though soon, alas, to be drawn away by love of _this present
world_ (2 Tim. iv. 10); Aristarchus of Macedonia (Col. iv. 10); and
Epaphras[1155] of Colossæ (Col. i. 7).
But amongst these, thus ministering unto him, was one in whom he felt
a peculiar interest. This was a slave, named Onesimus, who had run
away from his master Philemon[1156], a Christian[1157] of Colossæ, and
had fled to Rome, where, amidst the vast population of the metropolis,
he probably hoped to escape the notice of his pursuers. Through
circumstances which have not been recorded, the fugitive slave became
acquainted with the imprisoned Apostle, and was converted to the faith
of Christ. There appears to have been something peculiarly attractive
in his character, and so useful did he prove in various private ways,
that St Paul would have kept him at Rome and employed him in the
service of the Gospel (Philem. 13), but, with his habitual regard
for the rights of others, he decided that he must first return and
be reconciled to his master; and to make this duty less painful, he
sent with him a letter[1158] to Philemon, in which he requested his
master to forgive him, and offered to reimburse any loss he might
have sustained by his running away (Philem. 19), and at the same time
expressed his thankfulness to God for the account which he had heard of
Philemon’s faith and love (Philem. 4–7).
But Onesimus was not to return to the East alone. Tychicus was on the
point of setting out thither also, and it was the Apostle’s wish that
he should be the bearer of a letter to the church of Colossæ[1159]. Of
the condition of this church he had heard through Epaphras, now present
in Rome, and who is regarded by some as its probable founder[1160] (Col.
i. 7), and the news was such as to give him serious concern. Through
the coming of some teacher, probably from Alexandria, the Colossians
had become imbued with a spirit of a half-Jewish and half-Oriental
philosophy, tending to corrupt the simplicity of their faith, and to
obscure the dignity of Christ by a spurious union of Jewish observances
with a worshipping of angels, and an extravagant asceticism. These
growing evils St Paul deemed his duty to counteract, and in the Epistle,
of which Epaphras was the bearer, set forth with special prominence the
eternal glory and inherent dignity of Christ (Col. i. 15–23), and after
cautioning the Colossians against false philosophy, legal observances,
angel-worship, and asceticism (Col. ii.), exhorted them to various
Christian virtues (Col. iii.‒iv. 6), referred them to Tychicus and
Onesimus for information respecting his condition (Col. iv. 7–9), and
requested them to forward the Epistle to Laodicea, and to read that
from the same place (Col. iv. 16).
As bearers of these letters Tychicus and Onesimus set out for Asia
Minor. But Tychicus was charged with another letter, the Epistle to
the Ephesians, either addressed to the Christians in the capital of
proconsular Asia, or intended as a circular letter for the use of
the various churches in that province[1161]. In this Epistle, the
thoughts and language of which betray a very considerable resemblance
to those employed in that to the Colossians, the Apostle, after
a summary (chiefly in the form of thanksgiving) of the Christian
doctrines (Eph. i.‒iii. 19), exhorted the Ephesians to unity (Eph.
iv. 1–16), the abstinence from heathen vices (Eph. iv. 17‒v. 21),
the faithful discharge of their domestic duties as wives and husbands,
children and parents, servants and masters (Eph. v. 22‒vi. 9), and
urged them, amidst surrounding dangers and temptations, to be vigilant,
and to array themselves in the whole panoply[1162] of God (Eph. vi.
10–20).
After the dispatch of these three letters in the spring of A.D. 62,
the Apostle’s heart was cheered by the arrival of a contribution from
the Philippians, brought by Epaphroditus, a leading presbyter in that
church. Though apparently in ill-health when he set out, he had, in the
face of some unusual danger, persevered in his journey (Phil. ii. 30),
in order that he might present to the Apostle this fresh proof of the
noble liberality of the church over which he presided.
Till the close of the year A.D. 62, or the commencement of A.D. 63,
Epaphroditus continued at Rome, and while tendering his services to
the Apostle fell dangerously ill. Subsequently, however, he fully
recovered, and was filled with anxiety to return to his friends at
Philippi, who he learnt were in much distress on receiving intelligence
of his sickness (Phil. ii. 26). St Paul was also himself anxious that
he should return (Phil. ii. 25, 28), and resolved to make him the
bearer of a letter to the Philippian church in acknowledgment of the
kindness he had experienced from its members. His own circumstances
were somewhat changed since he wrote to the Colossians and Ephesians.
Though what had befallen him had tended rather to the furtherance
than hindrance of the message he proclaimed, and his chains had become
_well-known throughout the whole prætorium_[1163] (Phil. i. 12, 13);
though also by the energy of the Apostle himself and of many of the
brethren no little impression had been made on the masses of heathendom
in the city (Phil. i. 14–18); yet the course of political events was
sufficient to excite considerable apprehension. The virtuous Burrhus
was dead[1164], and had been succeeded in the command of the prætorian
guards by Fenius Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus, the former a man of
no capacity, the latter notorious for determined wickedness. About
the same time also Nero contracted an alliance with the infamous
Poppæa[1165], a Jewish proselytess, whose influence over the emperor
was strongly exerted in favour of the Jews, and in furtherance of their
cause.
The horizon, therefore, of the Apostle was dark and lowering, and he
could not look forward with the same confidence as before to his speedy
release (comp. Philem. 22 with Phil. ii. 17, iii. 11), but he could
write to the church he had planted at Philippi, and though the time
might be at hand for his blood to be poured forth as a libation (Phil.
ii. 17) over the sacrifice of his continued zeal in his Master’s cause,
he could rejoice in their progress and the tidings he had received
of their welfare (Phil. i. 3–5). In the Epistle, therefore, of which
Epaphroditus was the bearer, he expressed his heartfelt thankfulness
for all he had heard of their constancy under persecution (Phil. i. 29,
30), and liberality, which distinguished them above all other churches
(Phil. iv. 15); exhorted them to continued unity and fortitude, to
humility and earnestness (Phil. ii. 1–16); expressed his intention of
shortly sending Timothy to them (Phil. ii. 17–24); warned them against
Judaizing teachers (Phil. iii. 1–8), and urged two female converts of
distinction, Euodias and Syntyche, who had been guilty of strife and
altercation, to love and reconciliation (Phil. iv. 2, 3), and all to
a holy and a Christian life (Phil. iv. 4–9). With this Epistle, which
concludes with a significant salutation from the Christians in Cæsar’s
household (Phil. iv. 22), and points to the progress of the Gospel
there, even amidst the scenes of terrible wickedness[1166] now enacted
in the imperial household, Epaphroditus set out for Macedonia.
CHAPTER IV.
_ST PAUL’S SECOND IMPRISONMENT AND DEATH._
A.D. 63–68.
THE Apostle’s trial, as we have seen in the preceding Chapter, was long
delayed. At length, however, a time was fixed for hearing his case,
and after a trial in all probability before the Emperor Nero himself,
he was, according to the universal testimony[1167] of the ancient
Church, acquitted of the charges that had been brought against him.
Thus liberated he would be naturally anxious to fulfil the intentions
he had expressed in his Epistles to Philemon and the Philippians[1168]
of revisiting the Churches he had planted in Macedonia and Asia Minor,
and others, which had not as yet _seen his face in the flesh_.
Setting out, therefore, from Rome to Brundusium, it is probable that
he crossed thence to Dyrrachium or Apollonia, and so travelled by the
great Egnatian road to Philippi. We cannot doubt that the joy of the
Christians there would be great at being thus able to welcome once
more their revered teacher, but his stay there was not likely to have
been protracted; and proceeding to Asia, in accordance with his former
designs and intentions, he most probably fixed his head-quarters at
Ephesus, and thence visited Colossæ, Laodicea, Hierapolis and other
Churches[1169].
What time he now spent amongst the brethren of proconsular Asia is not
known, but it is not altogether improbable that in the year A.D. 64
he carried out his long-intended visit to Spain (Rom. xv. 24, 28),
and spent two years in planting churches amongst the numerous Jewish
proselytes in all the towns along the Spanish coast from Gades to
Tarraco[1170]. Thence we may believe he returned about A.D. 66 to
Ephesus, and found to his great sorrow that what he had long ago
predicted to the presbyters of that city, when they bade him farewell
on the sea-shore of Miletus (Acts xx. 28–31), had been too truly
fulfilled. Grievous wolves had indeed entered in amongst them, not
sparing the flock; nay, from the very bosom of the Church itself men
had arisen, _speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after
them_ (Acts xx. 30). Leaders of rival sects, Hymenæeus, Philetus,
Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20; 2 Tim. ii. 17, iv. 14, 15), had appeared,
perverting the minds of the disciples from the simplicity of the
faith, and blending with it the subtilties of Greek philosophy, Jewish
superstition, and wild Oriental speculation. Other duties, indeed,
prevented the continuance of the Apostle’s personal supervision of
the Asiatic churches, and leaving Timothy at Ephesus, he returned to
Macedonia (1 Tim. i. 3). There, however, he appears to have feared he
might be detained longer than he had anticipated (1 Tim. iii. 14, 15),
and, well acquainted with the peculiar difficulties connected with the
position of his beloved disciple, he addressed to him what is known as
“the first Epistle to Timothy.”
The main objects of this Epistle were two-fold, first, to encourage him
in the superintendence of the Ephesian church, and to aid him in his
struggle with the heretical teachers spoken of above (1 Tim. i. 3–20).
The second was to give him various personal directions respecting
the government of the Church itself, such as the manner of conducting
public worship (1 Tim. ii. 1–8); the dress and behaviour of women
(1 Tim. ii. 9–15); the qualifications of bishops and deacons (1 Tim.
iii.); the selection of widows to receive the charity of the Church
(1 Tim. v. 3–16); the punishment of offenders (1 Tim. v. 20, 21); and
his own life and conversation (1 Tim. vi. 11–19).
In this letter he also expressed his design of shortly returning to
Ephesus (1 Tim. iii. 14), and this intention he appears to have carried
out. Repairing from Macedonia to the capital of proconsular Asia, he
made an expedition thence to the island of Crete, accompanied by Titus
(Tit. i. 5). The churches there do not seem to have been now for the
first time founded, but to have already been some considerable period
in existence. Like those, however, in proconsular Asia, they were
“troubled by false teachers, and probably had never yet been properly
organised, having originated, perhaps, in the private efforts of
individual Christians, who would have been supplied with a centre of
operations and nucleus of churches by the numerous colonies of Jews
established in the island[1171].”
Unable, however, himself to remain long, the Apostle left Titus there,
as he had left Timothy at Ephesus, to complete what he had been obliged
to leave unfinished, and to organise the Church by the appointment of
presbyters in every city (Tit. i. 5). But shortly after his return to
Asia Minor, he deemed that a letter from himself might encourage him
to confront the opposition he was likely to encounter in carrying
out his wishes, and with this he resolved to send general directions
respecting the organisation of the Church. From Ephesus, therefore,
he dispatched an Epistle to Titus, in which he laid down certain
instructions concerning the ordination of elders (Tit. i. 5–9);
cautioned him against false teachers (Tit. i. 9–16); described the
sound and practical Christianity which he was to inculcate on old and
young, on masters and slaves, and to exemplify in his own life (Tit.
ii. 1–15); and enjoined obedience to rulers, gentleness and forbearance
towards all men, and an avoidance of all idle speculations (Tit. iii.
1–11).
At the time of writing this Epistle it was not St Paul’s intention
that Titus should remain long in Crete. He himself was on the point
of leaving Asia for Nicopolis[1172], intending to winter there (Tit.
iii. 12). On the arrival, therefore of Artemas or Tychicus, whom
he intended to send to him, Titus was to endeavour to join him.
Accordingly setting out from Ephesus the Apostle repaired to Miletus
(2 Tim. iv. 20), and there left his old companion Trophimus[1173],
who was overtaken with sickness. Thence he sailed to Corinth, and
leaving there Erastus, the former chamberlain of that city, passed on
to Nicopolis[1174], where he would seem to have laboured for a space
during the winter.
At this time however the Christians had become distinguished from the
Jews, and the objects of suspicion and hostility, and the Apostle’s
labours at Nicopolis were brought to an abrupt conclusion. Arrested it
is not improbable, before the middle of the winter[1175], through the
restless activity of some of his many enemies, he was sent to Rome to
be tried a second time for his life. The terror of his arrest scattered
many of his friends. Demas from love of _this present world_ forsook
him and departed to Thessalonica, Crescens to Galatia, and Titus
himself, who had joined his master at Nicopolis, possibly by his desire,
repaired to the neighbouring Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10). Luke alone
remained in constant attendance on the Apostle, and shared with him the
perils of his second imprisonment at Rome. This was evidently far more
severe than the previous one. Not only was he chained to a soldier, but
he was treated as a malefactor (2 Tim. ii. 9), and so perilous was it
to visit him that few were willing to seek out his dungeon or to stand
by him (2 Tim. i. 16, iv. 16), while he himself could look forward to
nothing but certain martyrdom (2 Tim. iv. 6–8).
The course of political events sufficiently accounts for the change in
the Apostle’s circumstances. Anxious to avert from himself the charge
of having set the capital on fire, Nero had let loose the rage of the
populace upon the Christians, now very numerous and objects of intense
hatred. A familiar passage in the writings of Tacitus[1176] tells us
how some of them were crucified, some hunted to death with dogs, some
wrapped in robes smeared with pitch and set on fire at night before
the eyes of the Emperor, who watched their dying agonies arrayed in the
costume of a charioteer. Since then the fury of the first excitement
had passed away, but so prominent a ringleader of a hated sect as the
Apostle would be certain to be treated with much severity.
On the evidence therefore of certain informers, of whom _Alexander the
coppersmith_ apparently was one (2 Tim. iv. 14), he was put upon his
trial, probably before the city prefect[1177], in one of the numerous
basilicas that stood in the Forum. No friend, no adviser, stood by him
(2 Tim. iv. 16), to cheer or to encourage. Alone and unaided, save by
an Almighty though Invisible Friend (2 Tim. iv. 17), he pleaded the
cause of the Gospel before a numerous audience, and _all the Gentiles_
heard his testimony, and the result was that of the first of the
charges brought against him he was acquitted, and _was delivered out
of the mouth of the lion_ (2 Tim. iv. 17).
Remanded back to his dungeon to await the second hearing of his case,
and not anticipating anything but an ultimate conviction, _ready to
be offered_ and convinced that _the time of his departure was at hand_
(2 Tim. iv. 6), the Apostle, though cheered by the society of Luke
and Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 16, 17), yearned towards the friend of his
earlier days, his own son Timothy. He longed to see him once more,
and though he was far away in Ephesus, discharging the duties of his
difficult position, he resolved to dictate an Epistle to him, bidding
him come with all speed to Rome, and receive his parting injunctions.
Accordingly, it was now that the “Second Epistle to Timothy” was
written, in which the aged Apostle, with the utmost tenderness and
solemnity exhorted his own son to diligence and stedfastness, to
patience under persecution (2 Tim. i. 6–15), and a willingness to share
in the sufferings of saints (2 Tim. ii. 1–16). In the event moreover
of his not arriving in time to receive his last injunction, he charged
him, with all the solemnity of one about to appear before the Judge of
quick and dead, to be faithful in all the duties of his office (2 Tim.
iv. 1–5), and cautioned him against the false teaching which now
threatened the very foundation of the Faith (2 Tim. iii.).
Whether Timothy did rejoin the Apostle, as he so earnestly requested,
and bring _the cloak_ for which with touching simplicity he made
request amid the rigours of the winter (2 Tim. iv. 13), is not recorded.
Some are willing to hazard the conjecture that he did[1178]; but
however it was, the Apostle’s second trial and condemnation were not
long delayed. As a Roman citizen, he could not be compelled to endure
the lingering tortures, which so many who shared with him the name of
“Christians” had lately undergone. But beyond the city-walls, along
the road to Ostia, the port of Rome, he was led forth under military
escort, to the place of execution; there the sword of the headsman fell
flashing down, and he obtained that Crown, which HE, whose faithful
witness he was, had promised to _all them that love Him_ (2 Tim. iv. 8).
NOTE.
Beside the Apostle, whose glorious career was thus closed by the
sword of the executioner, three and three only of the immediate
followers of our Lord hold a prominent place in the Apostolic
records――James _the Lord’s brother_, Peter and John[1179].
1. The main facts in the history of James, who was surnamed _the
Just_, have been already related, and we have seen how prominent
was the part he took at the Council held at Jerusalem[1180],
A.D. 50. He[1181] was the author of the first of the Seven
so-called “Catholic or General Epistles,” which he addressed,
apparently from Jerusalem, to the Jewish Christians residing in
Palestine, or scattered among the Gentiles, according to some as
early as A.D. 45, according to others as late as A.D. 62.
2. Our last notice of St Peter referred to the time when St Paul
_withstood him to the face_ at Antioch, because he _was to be
blamed_[1182]. Subsequently to this date we have no notices in
Scripture of his place of abode or of his work. It is probable,
however, that after completing the organisation of the Churches
in Palestine, and some parts of Asia Minor (1 Pet. i. 1, 2),
he resided for some time at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13), where had
been settled from very early times an important community of
Jews[1183]. Hence, at some period between the years A.D. 63 and
67[1184], he addressed his first Epistle to the Jewish converts
scattered throughout Asia Minor, for the purpose of confirming
them in the Christian faith, encouraging them to endure the
persecutions to which they were exposed, and exhorting them to
refute the calumnies of their enemies by leading a holy life.
The time and place of the composition of his Second Epistle
are alike surrounded with difficulties. The most reasonable
conjecture appears to be that the Apostle wrote it in his old
age, about the year A.D. 68, either from Rome, where he is said
to have suffered martyrdom[1185], or somewhere on the journey
thither from the East.
3. St John, we saw, was at Jerusalem, when St Paul paid his
third visit to that city[1186], and was then regarded as one of
the Chief “Pillars” of the Church. His movements after this date
are shrouded in much obscurity. It seems most probable, however,
that after remaining for a season in Palestine, he repaired to
Ephesus, and laboured amongst the seven Churches of Asia Minor.
Thence on the authority of Irenæus and Eusebius we gather that
he wrote his three Epistles, according to some as early as
A.D. 68, according to others as late as the close of the first
century. During the reign of Domitian, A.D. 94 or 95, he was
banished to the isle of Patmos, and there wrote his Apocalypse,
and afterwards returned to Ephesus, where he died.
4. The writer of one other “Catholic” Epistle remains to
be noticed――Jude, called also Lebbæus and Thaddæus[1187],
the brother of James the Less, and most probably one of the
so-called _brethren of our Lord_. We find his name in the lists
of the Apostles (Lk. vi. Acts i.), but the only incident relating
to him recorded in the Gospel narrative is the question he put
to the Saviour on the eve of his crucifixion, _Lord, how is it
that thou wilt manifest thyself to us, and not unto the world?_
(Jn. xiv. 22). The place where the Epistle was written is not
known. Various dates have been assigned to it, some referring
it to A.D. 64 or 65, others to A.D. 75 or even later. The
readers are nowhere expressly defined; but the reference to
Jewish traditions (Jude 9–14) seems to hint that the Christians
of Palestine were the objects of his warnings against false
teachers, and of his exhortations to steadfastness in the faith.
APPENDIX.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
I. THE JEWS UNDER THE PERSIANS.
PALESTINE. │ B.C.│ PERSIA.
────────────────────┼─────┼──────────────────────────────────────
Death of Nehemiah. │ 413 │
Jaddua, high-priest.│ 341 │
│ 334 │ Victory of Alexander on the Granicus.
│ 333 │ Battle of Issus.
Alexander visits │ 332 │
Jerusalem. │ │
│ 331 │ Battle of Arbela.
│ 323 │ Death of Alexander.
II. THE ERA OF THE PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDÆ.
PALESTINE. │ B.C.│ EGYPT. │ B.C.│ SYRIA.
────────────────────┼─────┼────────────────┼─────┼─────────────────
│ │Ptolemy Soter. │ 323 │
Ptolemy Soter │ │ │ │
captures │ │ │ │
Jerusalem, plants │ │ │ │
colonies in │ │ │ │
Alexandria & │ │ │ │
Cyrene. │ 320 │ │ │
│ │ │ 312 │Seleucus Nicator.
Simon the Just, │ │ │ │
high-priest. │ 300 │ │ │
Eleazar, │ │ │ │
high-priest. │ 291 │ │ │
│ │P. Philadelphus.│ 283 │
│ │ │ 280 │Antiochus Soter.
│ │ │ 261 │Antiochus Theos.
Onias II. │ │ │ │
high-priest. │ 250 │ │ │
│ │P. Euergetes I. │ 247 │
│ │ │ 246 │Seleucus Callinicus.
│ │ │ 226 │Seleucus Ceraunus.
│ │ │ 223 │Antiochus Magnus.
│ │P. Philopator. │ 222 │
Ptolemy Philopator, │ │ │ │
prevented from │ │ │ │
entering the │ │ │ │
Holy of Holies, │ │ │ │
attempts to │ │ │ │
destroy the Jews │ │ │ │
in Alexandria. │ 216 │ │ │
│ │P. Epiphanes. │ 205 │
Antiochus Magnus │ │ │ │
obtains Palestine.│ 203 │ │ │
Scopas recovers │ │ │ │
Judæa. │ 199 │ │ │
Antiochus regains │ │ │ │
Judæa. │ 198 │ │ │
Onias III. │ │ │ │
high-priest. │ 195 │ │ │
│ │ │ 187 │Seleucus Philopator.
│ │P. Philometor. │ 181 │
│ │ │ 175 │Antiochus Epiphanes.
Antiochus Epiphanes │ │ │ │
takes Jerusalem. │ 170 │ │ │
Persecution of the │ │ │ │
Jews. │ 167 │ │ │
Rise of the │ │ │ │
_Maccabees_. │ 167 │ │ │
Battle of Emmaus, │ │ │ │
re-dedication of │ │ │ │
the Temple. │ 165 │ │ │
│ │ │ 164 │Antiochus Eupator.
│ │ │ 162 │Demetrius Soter.
Death of Judas │ │ │ │
Maccabæus. │ 161 │ │ │
│ │ │ 150 │Alexander Balas.
│ │P. Physcon. │ 146 │Demetrius Nicator
│ │ │ │ (1st reign).
Jonathan Maccabæus │ │ │ │
murdered by │ │ │ │
Tryphon, and │ │ │ │
Accession of Simon│ 144 │ │ │
First Year of │ │ │ │
the _Freedom of │ │ │ │
Jerusalem_. │ 143 │ │ │
Murder of Simon: │ │ │ │
John Hyrcanus │ │ │ │
succeeds him. │ 137 │ │ 137 │Antiochus Sidetes.
John Hyrcanus throws│ │ │ │
off the Syrian │ │ │ │
yoke, and destroys│ │ │ │
the Temple on │ │ │ │
Gerizim. │ 130 │ │ │
│ │ │ 128 │Demetrius Nicator
│ │ │ │ (2nd reign).
│ │ │ 125 │Antiochus Grypus.
│ │P. Lathyrus. │ 116 │
│ │ │ 113 │Antiochus Cyzicenus.
│ │P. Alexander │ │
│ │ and Cleopatra │ │
│ │ joint rulers. │ 107 │
Accession of │ │ │ │
Aristobulus. │ 106 │ │ │
Accession of │ │ │ │
Alexander Jannæus.│ 106 │ │ │
│ │ │ 95 │Antiochus Eusebes
│ │ │ │ and Philippus.
│ │ │ 83 │Tigranes.
│ │P. Auletes. │ 80 │
Death of Jannæus; │ │ │ │
accession of his │ │ │ │
wife Alexandra. │ 79 │ │ │
Death of Alexandra, │ │ │ │
accession of │ │ │ │
Hyrcanus. │ 70 │ │ │
│ │ │ 69 │Antiochus Asiaticus.
│ │ │ 65 │Pompeius makes
│ │ │ │ Syria a Roman
│ │ │ │ province.
│ │P. Auletes │ │
│ │ driven from │ │
│ │ Egypt. │ 58 │
│ │Restored by │ │
│ │ Gabinius. │ 55 │
│ │Accession of P. │ │
│ │ Dionysus and │ │
│ │ Cleopatra. │ 51 │
III. RISE OF THE HERODIAN FAMILY.
JUDÆA. B.C. ROME.
───────────────────────────────┼────┼───────────────────────────────
Conflict between Hyrcanus and │ │
Aristobulus――Pompeius takes │ 63 │ Catiline’s conspiracy.
Jerusalem. │ │
│ 60 │ First Triumvirate: Pompey,
│ │ Cæsar, and Crassus.
Gabinius remodels the │ │
government. │ 57 │
Crassus plunders the Temple. │ 54 │ The Parthian War.
│ 53 │ Death of Crassus at the battle
│ │ of Carrhæ.
│ 48 │ Battle of Pharsalia; death of
│ │ Pompey.
Julius Cæsar appoints Antipater│ │
procurator of Judæa. │ 47 │ Julius Cæsar in Egypt.
│ 44 │ Death of Cæsar, March 15.
Death of Antipater. │ 43 │ Second Triumvirate――Octavius,
│ │ Antonius, and Lepidus; death
│ │ of Cicero.
Herod marries Mariamne. │ 42 │ Battle of Philippi.
The Parthians take Jerusalem: │ │
Herod flies to Rome. │ 40 │
Herod takes Jerusalem, and │ │ Antonius captivated with
becomes king of Judæa. │ 37 │ Cleopatra.
Murder of Aristobulus. │ 35 │
Herod summoned before Antonius.│ 34 │
│ 33 │ War between Antonius and
│ │ Octavius.
│ 31 │ Battle of Actium.
His kingdom increased by │ │ Death of Antony and Cleopatra;
Octavius. │ 30 │ Egypt becomes a Roman
│ │ province.
Murder of Mariamne. │ 29 │ Temple of Janus shut.
│ 27 │ Octavius assumes the title of
│ │ _Augustus_; division of the
│ │ provinces (see p. 147, n.).
Plot to assassinate Herod――He │ │
rebuilds Samaria. │ 25 │
Foundations laid of Cæsarea. │ 21 │
Herod proposes to rebuild the │ │ The standards taken from
Temple. │ 20 │ Crassus restored.
Erection begun. │ 18 │
Herod goes to Rome to bring │ │
back Alexander and │ 15 │
Aristobulus. │ │
Salome’s schemes against them. │ 14 │
Completion of Cæsarea. │ 10 │
Execution of Alexander and │ │
Aristobulus. │ 6 │ Tiberius retires to Rhodes.
IV. THE GOSPEL HISTORY.
PALESTINE. B.C. ROME. B.C. PREFECTS OF SYRIA.
─────────────────────┼────┼─────────────────┼────┼─────────────────
Birth of John the │ │ │ │
Baptist. │ 5 │ │ │
The NATIVITY OF │ │ │ │Pub. Sulp.
CHRIST――Death of │ 4 │ │ 4 │ Quirinus 1st
Herod. │ │ │ │ time (Lk. ii. 1).
Reign of Archelaus, │ │ │ │
Herod Antipas, and │ 4 │ │ │
Herod Philip (see │ │ │ │
pp. 144–146). │ │ │ │
Disturbances at │ │ │ │
Jerusalem. │ 3 │ │ │
│A.D.│ │A.D.│
│ │Tiberius adopted │ │
│ │ by Augustus as │ 4 │
│ │ his son. │ │
│ │ │ │Pub. Sulp.
│ │ │ 5 │ Quirinus (2nd
│ │ │ │ time).
Archelaus banished │ │ │ │
to Vienne in Gaul. │ │ │ │
Judæa becomes a │ │ │ │
Roman province │ │ │ │
and is annexed to │ 6 │ │ │
the prefecture of │ │ │ │
Syria. _Coponius_ │ │ │ │
the first │ │ │ │
procurator. │ │ │ │
The Census actually │ │ │ │
carried out (see │ │ │ │
above, p. 148). │ │ │ │
Rising of Judas the│ 7 │ │ │
Gaulonite. Quirinus│ │ │ │
appoints Annas │ │ │ │
high-priest. │ │ │ │
Visit of the Saviour │ │ │ │
to the Temple. │ 8 │ │ │
_Marcus Ambivius_, │ │ │ │
2nd procurator. │ 10 │ │ │
_Annius Rufus_, 3rd │ │ │ │
procurator. │ 13 │ │ │
_Valerius Gratus_, │ │Augustus dies at │ │
4th procurator. │ 14 │ Nola. Accession │ 14 │
│ │ of Tiberius. │ │
Joseph Caiaphas │ │ │ │
appointed │ 17 │Death of Ovid. │ 17 │M. Calpurnius Piso.
high-priest (see │ │ │ │
above, p. 149). │ │ │ │
│ │Jews expelled │ 19 │Cn. Sentius
│ │ from Italy. │ │ Saturninus.
│ │Influence of │ 22 │L. Pomponius
│ │ Sejanus. │ │ Flaccus.
_Pontius Pilate_, │ │Tiberius retires │ │
5th procurator. │ 26 │ to Capreæ. │ 26 │
Riots at Jerusalem │ │Herod Antipas. │ │
(see pp. 150, 151).│ │ in Italy, and │ │
The Preaching of │ 27 │ there becomes │ 27 │
John, and Baptism │ │ acquainted │ │
of Christ. │ │ with Herodias │ │
│ │ (see p. 168). │ │
Herod Antipas marries│ │ │ │
Herodias. War │ │ │ │
breaks out with │ │ │ │
Aretas. │ 28 │ │ │
Imprisonment of │ │ │ │
John the Baptist. │ │ │ │
Death of the Baptist.│ 29 │ │ │
The Crucifixion of │ │ │ │
Christ. │ 30 │Era of Seneca. │ │
V. THE APOSTOLIC HISTORY.
PALESTINE. A.D. ROME.
───────────────────────────────────┼─────┼─────────────────────────
The Pentecostal Effusion (May). │ 30│Banishment of Agrippina.
│ 31│Death of Sejanus.
Martyrdom of Stephen, Pilate │ │
deposed by Vitellius. │ 36│
Dispersion of the Christians. │ │Death of Tiberius,
Conversion of Saul, who spends │ 37│ March 16, accession
3 years in Damascus and Arabia. │ │ of CALIGULA.
Herod Agrippa appointed king of │ │Birth of Nero. Caligula
Trachonitis. │ 38│ orders his Statue to be
│ │ set up at Jerusalem.
Great disturbances at Jerusalem │ │
owing to Caligula’s order │ │
respecting his statue │ 39│
(see p. 393). │ │
Herod Antipas banished with │ │
Herodias to Lyons in Gaul. │ 38│
St Peter’s visitation of the │ │
Churches (see pp. 395, 396). │ 38│
Conversion of Cornelius. │ 41│Death of Caligula, Jan. 24,
│ │ accession of CLAUDIUS.
Spread of the Gospel to Antioch. │ 42│
Herod Agrippa I. receives Judæa │ │
and Samaria in addition to │ │
the tetrarchies of Philip and │ │
Antipas, and the title of ‘king.’│ │
Martyrdom of James. │ 44│Return of Claudius from
│ │ Britain.
Death of Herod Agrippa at Cæsarea. │ 44│
_Cuspius Fadus_ appointed │ │
procurator of Judæa. │ 44│
Saul and Barnabas sent to Jerusalem│ │
with contributions from Antioch. │ 44│
Return to, and sojourn at, Antioch.│45–48│
(i) _First Missionary Journey of │ │
Saul and Barnabas_ to Cyprus, │48,49│
Perga, Antioch in Pisidia, │ │
Iconium, Lystra, Derbe. │ │
_Cumanus_ procurator of Judæa. │ 49│
The Council at Jerusalem. │ 50│Birth of Domitian.
(ii) _St Paul’s Second Missionary │ │
Journey: he visits │ │
Lycaonia, Galatia, Troas. │ 51│Caractacus brought before
│ │ Claudius.
Philippi, Thessalonica, Berœa, │ │
Athens, Corinth. │ 52│
FIRST EPISTLE TO THE │ │
THESSALONIANS. │ 52│
At Corinth. │ 53│
SECOND EPISTLE TO THE │ │
THESSALONIANS. │ 53│
_Felix_ procurator of Judæa. │ │
St Paul sails from Corinth. │ 54│Death of Claudius,
Fourth visit to Jerusalem. │ │ accession of NERO.
(iii) _St Paul’s Third Missionary │ │
Journey_: │ │
Second circuit of Galatia. │ │
Reaches Ephesus. │ 55│Britannicus poisoned.
At Ephesus. │ 56│
FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS │ │
(Spring). │ 57│
Leaves Ephesus for Macedonia. │ │
SECOND EPISTLE TO THE │ 57│
CORINTHIANS (Autumn). │ │
At Corinth. EPISTLE TO THE │ │
GALATIANS. EPISTLE TO THE │ 58│
ROMANS. Return to Jerusalem. │ │
(iv) _St Paul arrested, and sent to│ │
Cæsarea._ │ 59│Nero murders Agrippina.
Felix succeeded by Festus. │ 60│
St Paul sent to Rome by Festus. │ │
Shipwrecked at Malta (Winter). │ 60│Agricola in Britain.
Reaches Rome. │ 61│Tacitus born.
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON (Spring) │ │
EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. │ │
EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. │ 62│Death of Burrhus. Nero
EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS │ │ marries Poppæa.
(Autumn). │ │
Albinus succeeds Festus. │ 63│Tigellinus, prætorian
│ │ prefect.
EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. (?) │ │
(v) _St Paul’s acquittal_; journey │ │
to Philippi and Asia Minor. │ 63│
Journey to Spain (?) │ 64│Great Fire at Rome.
│ │ Persecution of the
│ │ Christians.
Returns to Asia Minor (?) │ 66│Vespasian commands in
│ │ Judæa.
Journey to Macedonia. │ │
FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. │ 67│
Voyage to Crete with Titus. │ │
EPISTLE TO TITUS from Asia Minor │ │
(Autumn). │ │
At Nicopolis (Winter). │ │
Second Imprisonment at Rome. │ │
SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. │ 68│
Martyrdom (May or June). │ 68│Death of Nero,
│ │ June 9 or 11.
VI. THE HERODIAN FAMILY.
HEROD THE GREAT,
SON OF ANTIPATER, PROCURATOR OF JUDÆA,
married │ │ │
successively │ │ │
ten wives, │ │ grand │ great grand
of whom were │ children │ children │ children
─────────────┼─────────────────┴─────────────────┴─────────────────
Doris │Antipater
─────────────┼─────────────────────────────────────────────────────
│Alexander.
├─────────────────┬─────────────────┬─────────────────
│ │ │Herod Agrippa II.
│ │ │ Acts xxv. 13.
│ │ ├─────────────────
│ │Herod Agrippa I. │Bernice.
│ │ Acts xii. 1. │ Acts xxv. 13.
│ │ ├─────────────────
Mariamne I. │ │ │Drusilla.
│Aristobulus. │ │ Acts xxiv. 24.
│ ├─────────────────┴─────────────────
│ │Herod, king of
│ │ Chalcis.
│ ├───────────────────────────────────
│ │Herodias.
│ │ Mark vi. 17.
─────────────┼─────────────────┴───────────────────────────────────
│Herod Philip,
│ disinherited
│ by Herod; first
Mariamne II. │ husband of
│ Herodias.
│ Mark vi. 17.
─────────────┼─────────────────────────────────────────────────────
│Archelaus,
│ Ethnarch of
│ Judæa, Samaria,
│ and Ituræa.
│Matt. ii. 22.
├─────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Malthace. │Herod Antipas,
│ Tetrarch of
│ Galilee and
│ Peræa; second
│ husband of
│ Herodias. Luke
│ iii. Mark vi.
─────────────┼─────────────────────────────────────────────────────
│Philip, Tetrarch
Cleopatra. │ of Trachonitis
│ and Idumæa.
INDEX.
A.
Aceldama,
conjectures upon, 297
Acra,
fortress in Jerusalem, 21, 36, 37, 42;
besieged by Jonathan Maccabæus, 47;
demolished by Simon Maccabæus, 53
Adida,
position of, 51
Æneas,
healed by St Peter, 394
Ænon,
St John Baptist at, 167
Agabus,
famine prophesied by, 403;
his interview with St Paul at Cæsarea, 482
Agony,
of Christ, the, 286
Agrippa.
See Herod
Alcimus,
the High-priest, 39;
opposes Judas Maccabæus, 40;
flies to Antioch, 40;
his reinstatement and death, 42
Alexander Jannæus,
succeeds Aristobulus, 62;
defeated by Lathyrus, 62;
opposed by the Pharisees, 63;
civil war under, 64;
his cruelties and death, 64
Alexander the coppersmith,
conjectures concerning, 470, 526
Alexander the Great,
his victories over the Persians, 5;
visit to Jerusalem, 6;
historic grounds for this, 7;
grants privileges to the Jews, 7;
division of his empire at his death, 8
Alexandra,
succeeds Alexander Jannæus, 64;
her death, 65
Alexandra,
mother-in-law of Mariamne, 83;
imprisoned by Herod the Great, 85;
put to death, 90
Alexandria,
Jews established at, 7, 8;
besieged by Antiochus Epiphanes, 23
Alexandria Troas,
account of, 438;
St Paul there, 472
Amphipolis,
situation of, 445
Ananias,
death of, 357
Ananias,
of Damascus, 385;
his mission to St Paul, 386
Andrew, St,
call of, 159, 177, 187;
with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276
Andronicus, deputy of Syria,
kills Onias III., 22;
his execution, 22
Angel,
releases the Twelve from prison, 359;
delivers St Peter, 406
Angels,
at the sepulchre, 321, 322, 324
Anna,
her testimony concerning Christ, 138
Annas,
appointed High-priest and Sagan, 149;
Christ at his house, 289;
his hostility to the Christians, 353, 359
Antigonus,
defeated by Ptolemy Soter, 9
Antigonus,
son of Aristobulus, 73;
attempts to gain the throne, 78;
his success, 79;
overcome by Herod the Great, 81;
his death, 82
Antigonus,
son of Hyrcanus, 59;
his assassination, 61
Antioch,
founded by Seleucus, 10;
settlement of Jews at, 10, 107;
early Christian church at, 401;
teaching of St Paul and Barnabas at, 402, 422, 429;
the term Christians first applied there, 403;
disputes at, 423, 430
Antioch in Pisidia,
St Paul’s sermon at, 414;
the Apostles expelled from, 416
Antiochus Epiphanes,
accession of, 3, 19;
reduces Egypt, 22;
takes Jerusalem, 22;
profanes and plunders the Temple, 23;
his attacks on Alexandria, 23, 24;
his character, 25;
his persecution of the Jews, 26;
his death, 37
Antiochus Eupator,
38
Antiochus Sidetes,
King of Syria, 55;
besieges Jerusalem, 58;
his death, 59
Antiochus the Great,
defeated at Raphia, 13;
captures Jerusalem, 14;
the Jews submit to him, 15;
his reverses, 17;
and death, 18
Antiochus Theos,
king of Syria, 48;
murdered by Tryphon, 52
Antipater,
governor of Idumæa, 66, 70, 71;
his exertions for Julius Cæsar, 73;
appointed procurator of Judæa, 74;
poisoned, 76
Antipater,
son of Herod the Great, 98, 100;
plots against his father, 102;
his condemnation 103;
and death, 105
Antipatris,
situation of, 99
Antonia, the Temple fortress,
erected by Herod the Great, 91;
St Paul’s address from the steps of, 487
Apollonia,
account of, 446
Apollonius, Syrian general,
his cruelties at Jerusalem, 26;
his defeat and death, 31
Apollos,
at Ephesus and Corinth, 460
Apostles,
call of the first four, 177;
the Twelve selected, 187;
powers conferred upon them, 202;
committed to prison, and released by an angel, 359;
tried before the Sanhedrin, 360;
their dismissal 362
Apostolic history, the,
chronological table of, 533
Aquila,
St Paul’s friend, at Corinth 454;
accompanies him to Ephesus, 459;
her connection with St Paul, 461, 469, 471;
residence at Rome, 476
Arabia,
conjectures on St Paul’s visit to, 387
Aramæan Jews,
origin of, 109
Archelaus,
accession and character of, 142;
his dominions, 144;
his cruelty and banishment, 146
Aretas, king of Arabia,
besieges Jerusalem, 66;
his hostilities with Herod Antipas, 388
Arimathæa,
conjectures upon, 318
Aristobulus,
son of Alexander Jannæus, 65;
usurps the throne, 66;
besieged in Jerusalem, 66, 69;
taken captive to Rome, 69, 71;
his death, 72
Aristobulus,
son of Hyrcanus, 59;
seizes the supreme power, 61;
his tragical death, 62
Aristobulus, brother-in-law of Herod the Great,
made High-priest by him, 83;
who causes his death, 84
Artemis.
See Diana
Ascension,
the, site of, 338
Ashdod or Azotus,
34;
Philip the deacon at, 378
Asia,
Roman province of, 344
Asiarchs,
the officers so called, 460
Asmonæan dynasty,
commencement of, 45;
its decline, 61;
its extinction, 82
Assideans, the,
30, 116
Athens,
settlement of Jews there, 108;
St Paul at, 449
Attaleia,
position of, 413
Augustus,
emperor of Rome, 90;
his decree of taxation, 134;
his death, 149
Auranitis,
situation of, 145
Azotus.
See Ashdod
B.
Bacchides,
Syrian general, 35, 40, 42, 43
Bagoses, Persian general,
advances on Jerusalem, 4
Balas,
opposes Demetrius, 44;
his success, 45;
confers the High-priesthood on Jonathan Maccabæus, 45;
his defeat and death, 47
Barabbas,
the robber, 303
Baris,
the Temple fortress, 53, 61, 65, 91
Barnabas, St,
his liberality, 356;
first recognises St Paul, 389;
his mission to Antioch, 402;
accompanies St Paul, 411;
with him at Cyprus, 411;
Pamphylia, 413;
Pisidian Antioch, 414;
Iconium, 417;
Lystra, 418;
at the disputes at Antioch, 422;
attends the Council at Jerusalem, 425;
separates from St Paul, 432
Barsabas, Joseph,
nominated for the Apostleship, 342
Barsabas, Judas,
at Antioch, 429
Bartholomew, or Nathanael,
call of, 159, 187
Bartimæus,
the healing of, 258
Batanæa,
situation of, 145
Batlanim,
their duties, 111
Beautiful Gate, the,
of the Temple, 96;
the cripple healed there, 350
Berœa,
settlement of Jews there, 108;
its position, 448
Bethabara.
See Bethany
Bethany,
St John Baptist at, 153;
sojourn of Christ at, 239;
its situation, 239;
death and raising of Lazarus at, 248;
Christ’s last Sabbath at, 259;
His anointment there by Mary, 260;
the Ascension near, 337
Bethesda,
pool of, 172;
the paralytic healed there, 172
Beth-horon,
defeat of the Syrians at, 32
Bethlehem,
Christ born there, 136;
the shepherds at, 137;
the declared birthplace of the Messiah, 140;
murder of children there, 141
Bethphage,
supposed position of, 261
Bethsaida-Julias,
situation of, 204;
the blind man restored at, 218
Bethsaida, Western,
situation of, 208
Beth-sura or Beth-zur,
fortress of, 36;
besieged by Lysias, 38
Betrayal, the,
of Christ, 287
Brethren, the,
of the Lord, names of, 228
C.
Cæsarea on the sea,
founded by Herod the Great, 92;
description of, 92;
its completion, 99;
the residence of the procurator, 147;
Pilate resides there, 150;
Philip the Deacon at, 378;
St Paul at, 391;
St Peter’s visit to Cornelius there, 398;
St Paul entertained there by Philip the Deacon, 482;
St Paul imprisoned at, 493, 502
Cæsarea Philippi,
its situation and history, 218
Caiaphas,
appointed High-priest, 149;
his counsel to the Sanhedrin, 253;
the conclave at his palace, 277;
his hostility to the Christians, 353, 359
Calvary,
its meaning, and site, 309
Cana,
supposed site of, 160;
the first miracle at, 161;
the second miracle at, 171
Canon, the,
of the Old Testament, completed by Simon the Just, 9
Capernaum,
doubts as to its site, 162;
nobleman’s son of, healed, 171;
Christ takes up His abode there, 76–181;
call of the Apostles there, 177;
its advantages for His work, 176;
His discourse in the synagogue there, 210
Captain, the,
of the Levitical guard, duties of, 353, 359
Cenchreæ,
situation of, 459
Census,
of the Roman Empire under Augustus, 134;
of Palestine under Herod, 135
Centurion’s slave,
healed, 188
Chaldee,
language used by the Jews, 109
Chazzan, the,
duties of, 111
Children, the,
murder of, by Herod, 141
♦Chiun,
the idol of the Israelites, 369
Christian,
origin of the term, 403
Church, the,
its first ordinances, 349, 363
Chuza,
Herod’s steward, 171, 192
Circumcision,
Christian disputes concerning, 423, 425;
their settlement, 428
Cleopas,
conjectures regarding, 326
Coinage, the,
of Simon Maccabæus, 55
Colossæ,
account of, 517
Colossians,
object of the Epistle to, 517
Coponius,
procurator of Judæa, 147
Corinth,
settlement of Jews in, 108;
St Paul there, 453, 474;
Apollos there, 460;
parties in the Church there, 466;
St Paul’s anxiety about the Church there, 473
Corinthians,
object of the 1st Epistle to, 468;
of the 2nd Epistle, 474
Cornelius the Centurion,
conjectures concerning, 396;
sends for St Peter, 397;
events of his visit, 398
Cos,
situation of, 480
Courts,
the various, in Herod’s Temple, 96
Crassus, prefect of Syria,
enters Jerusalem, 71;
plunders the Temple, 72
Crete,
Titus placed at, 524
Cripple, the,
at the Beautiful Gate, healed by SS. Peter and John, 350
Crosses,
various kinds of, 311
Crown of Thorns, the,
conjectures upon, 306
Crucifixion,
Roman customs regarding, 317
Custody,
various kinds of under the Roman law, 496
Cyprus,
position of, 356;
its advantages for a Christian mission, 411
Cyrenius, or Quirinus,
governor of Syria, explanation of, 134
D.
Dalmanutha,
position of, 217
Damascus,
seized by the Romans, 67;
St Paul there, 384, 388
Darkness, the,
at the Crucifixion, 314
Deacons,
institution of, 365
Decapolis,
cities in the region of, 199
Dedication, Feast of,
institution 96;
attended by Christ, 244
Demas,
with St Paul at Rome, 516;
forsakes him, 525
Demetrius,
hostage at Rome, 19;
seizes the Syrian crown, 39;
opposes the Maccabees, 40;
conspiracy against him, 44;
routed by Balas, 45
Demetrius Nicator,
opposes Balas, 46;
becomes king of Syria, 47;
deposed, 49
Denarius, the,
description of, 269;
its value, 279
Derbe,
conjectures upon, 418;
St Paul and Barnabas at, 421;
St Paul and Silas at, 433
Devil,
his temptation of Christ, 157
Diana, or Artemis,
the temple of, at Ephesus, 463;
account of her image and worship there, 464
Didrachma,
the coin, 226
Disciples,
call of the first five, 159;
their number after the Ascension, 341
Dispersion,
of the Jews, 107
Dorcas,
raised from the dead by St Peter, 395
Drachma,
value of the coin, 466
Drusilla,
wife of Felix, 376, 496
E.
Egypt,
transportation of Jews to, 7, 8, 10, 107;
flight of Mary and Joseph into, 140
Elam,
position of, 344
Eleazar,
brother of Simon the Just, High-priest, 11
Eleazar,
son of Annas, 149
Eliashib,
High-priest, 4
Elisabeth,
wife of Zacharias, 127;
her retirement, 129;
visited by the Virgin, 131;
becomes the mother of St John Baptist, 132
Elymas the Sorcerer,
struck blind, 413
Emmaus,
battle of, 33;
position of, 326;
Christ with the two disciples there, 327
Epaphroditus,
bearer of the Epistle to the Philippians, 519
Ephesians, the,
Epistle to, doubts about, 518
Ephesus,
settlement of Jews there, 108;
St Paul at, 459–461;
importance of the city, 462;
the conversion of the magicians there, 464;
great disturbance at, 470;
Timothy placed there by St Paul, 523
Ephraim,
Christ retires to, 254
Essenes, the,
account of, 118
Ethnarch, the,
office of, 388
Eucharist, the Holy,
institution of, 284;
the first practice of, 349
Eumenes,
King of Pergamus, 19
Eunuch, the Ethiopian,
accosted by Philip, 377;
baptized, 378
Eutychus,
restored by St Paul, 479
F.
Felix the governor,
character of, 493;
St Paul before him, 494, 496;
is recalled, 497
Festus,
succeeds Felix, 497;
St Paul brought before him, 498, 501
Field of blood, the,
site of, 297
Fig-tree,
the barren, cursed, 265
G.
Gabbatha,
meaning of, 304
Gabinius,
prefect of Syria, 70
Gabriel, the angel,
appears to Zachariah, 129;
to the Virgin Mary, 130
Gadarenes, the,
country of, conjectures upon, 196;
the works of Christ there, 197
Galatia,
the district so called, 435;
churches founded there, 436–438
Galatians,
their fickleness, 437;
origin of the Epistle to, 475
Galilee,
geographical account of, 145;
‘of the Gentiles,’ why so called, 145;
Christ’s teaching in, 192, 202;
prophets arisen from, 232
Galilee, sea of.
See Gennesaret, lake of
Gallio,
character of, 458
Gamaliel,
account of, 360;
his advice to the Sanhedrin, 361
Garment,
Christ’s seamless, account of, 312
Gaulanitis,
situation of, 145
Gauls, the,
early invasions of, 435;
character of the race, 437
Gaza of the New Testament,
notice of, 376
Gazara,
position of, 34
Gehenna,
meaning of, 198, 347
Gennesaret,
lake of, 176;
miraculous draught of fishes from, 178;
St Matthew at, 182;
parables delivered from, and scenery suggestive of them,
194, 195;
Christ stills the storm on, 196;
cause of the violent tempests there, 196;
desert character of its eastern side, 206;
Christ walks on its waters, 209;
His appearance there after His Resurrection, 331;
description of the beach, 333
Gentile Greeks,
enquire for Christ, 272
Gentiles, the,
receive the Holy Ghost, 399;
admitted into the Christian Church, 400
Gerizim, Mount,
the rival temple built on, 5, 121;
its destruction by John Hyrcanus, 59
Gethsemane,
the site of, 286;
the Betrayal there, 287
Golgotha,
its meaning and site, 309
Gospel history, the,
chronological table of, 532
Grecian influence,
its effect on the Jews, 20, 114
Greek Gentiles,
enquire for Christ, 272
Greek language,
the general use of, 109;
adopted by the Jews, 110
H.
Hades,
meaning of, 347
Hamath,
Demetrius at, 49
Hebrew Jews,
their disputes with the Hellenists, 363;
their poverty, 364
Heliodorus,
treasurer to Seleucus, 18;
baffled in his attempt on the Temple, 19;
his usurpation and defeat, 19
Hell,
meaning of, 347
Hellenists, the,
why so called, 110;
their disputes with the Hebrew Jews, 364;
introduced into the ministry as deacons, 365
Herod Agrippa I.,
account of, 392;
appointed king of Judæa, 404;
slays St James, 405;
arrests St Peter, 406;
his miserable death, 407
Herod Agrippa II.,
account of, 499;
St Paul brought before him, 500
Herod Antipas,
his dominions, 145;
imprisons St John Baptist, 168;
causes his death, 203;
his desire to see Christ, 205;
his hostility to Him, 246;
Christ brought before him, 301;
his hostilities with Aretas, 388
Herod Philip,
his dominions, 145
Herod the Great,
appointed tetrarch of Galilee, 74;
his energy and successes, 74;
betrothed to Mariamne, 77;
escapes from Jerusalem, 78;
goes to Rome, 79;
nominated King of Judæa, 80;
his marriage, 81;
captures Jerusalem, 81;
his cruelties to the Jews, 82;
causes the death of Aristobulus, 84;
his policy with Octavius, 87;
his anger against Mariamne, 88;
orders her death, 89;
his policy to the Jews, 90;
founds Cæsarea, 92;
his unpopularity, 94;
rebuilds the temple, 95;
discords in his family, 97, 100;
causes his sons to be strangled, 101;
his jealousy of Christ, 139;
his interview with the Magi, 140;
orders the massacre of the Innocents, 141;
his severe illness, 103, 104;
his cruelties and agonizing death, 105
Herodian family, the,
chronological table of, 531;
genealogy of, 535
Herodians, the,
account of, 119;
they question Christ, 268
Herodias,
wife of Herod Antipas, 168;
her anger against St John Baptist, 202;
causes his murder, 203
High-priest, the,
subject to the civil governor, 3
Hillel,
a sect of the Pharisees, 117, 255
Holy Ghost, the,
descent of, 345;
the second descent of, 355;
descends on the Gentiles, 399
Hyrcanus, John,
defeats the Syrians, 56;
succeeds Simon Maccabæus, 57;
besieged in Jerusalem, 58;
his prosperous reign, 60;
his death, 61
Hyrcanus II.,
the succession of, as High-priest, 64;
as King, 65;
his deposition, 66;
nominated by Pompeius to the High-priesthood, 69;
confirmed by Julius Cæsar, 73;
imprisoned by the Parthians, 78;
mutilated by his nephew, 79;
executed by Herod the Great, 87
I.
Iconium,
situation of, 417
Idumæa,
plain of, 34
Illyricum,
position of, 474
Imperial provinces,
the government of, 147
Inscription, the,
placed over Christ, 309, 311
Ipsus,
battle of, 9
Italy,
settlements of the Jews in, 109
Ituræa,
situation of, 145
J.
Jacob’s well,
situation of, 169
Jaddua,
High-priesthood of, 4;
refuses allegiance to Alexander the Great, 5;
the meeting between them, 6
Jairus’ daughter,
restored to life, 199
Jakim, or Joachin,
High-priest, 39.
See Alcimus
James, St, the Great,
call of, 177;
named with his brother Boanerges, 187;
present at the raising of Jairus’ daughter, 201;
at the Transfiguration, 222;
his request to Christ, 257;
with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276;
at Gethsemane, 286;
slain by Herod, 405
James, St, the Less,
call of, 187;
his recognition of St Paul, 389;
notices of him in the Acts, 390;
head of the Church in Jerusalem, 410, 483;
his character, 426;
his address at the Council of Jerusalem, 427;
receives St Paul at Jerusalem, 483;
date of his Epistle, 528
Jamnia,
position of, 34
Jannæus.
See Alexander
Jason, or Joshua, brother of Onias III,
usurps the High-priesthood, 20;
deposed by Onias IV., 21;
favours idolatry, 21;
seizes Jerusalem, 22
Jericho,
Simon Maccabæus murdered at, 57;
Pompeius at, 69;
death of Herod the Great at, 105, 142;
blind man restored at, 257;
sources of its wealth, 258;
Christ entertained there by ♦Zacchæus, 258
Jerusalem,
Bagoses at, 4;
visited by Alexander the Great, 6;
captured by Ptolemy Soter, 8;
by Antiochus Scopas, 14;
by Antiochus Epiphanes, 22;
by his general Apollonius, 26;
deserted by the Jews, 26;
the walls repaired by Jonathan Maccabæus, 45, 50,
and by Simon Maccabæus, 51;
its freedom achieved under Simon Maccabæus, 53;
taken by Pompeius, and its walls demolished, 69;
entered by Crassus, 71;
taken by the Parthians, 79;
by Herod the Great, 81;
number of Synagogues there, 113;
routes to it from Nazareth, 131;
scenes in, during the Passover, 162;
Christ attends the Feast of Tabernacles there, 230,
and the Feast of Dedication, 244;
His triumphal entry into it, 262;
His view of it from the Mount of Olives, 276;
the assembly at the Feast of Pentecost, 344;
St Paul’s first visit to, 389;
the proceedings at the Council of, 425
Jesus,
His birth announced, 130;
meaning of the Name, 130;
is born in Bethlehem, 136;
circumcised, 137;
testimony of Symeon and Anna concerning Him, 138;
Herod’s jealousy of Him, 139;
adored by the Magi, 140;
His flight into Egypt, 140;
returns to Nazareth, 142;
with the Rabbis in the Temple, 144;
baptized by John, 156;
His temptation, 157;
calls His disciples, 159;
His first miracle at Cana, 161;
celebrates His first Passover, 162;
cleanses the Temple, 163;
His interview with Nicodemus, 165;
with the woman of Samaria, 169;
announces Himself the Messiah, 170, 173, 219;
heals the nobleman’s son, 171;
the paralytic at Bethesda, 172;
is forcibly rejected from Nazareth, 175;
abides at Capernaum, 176;
the miraculous draught of fishes, 178;
heals the man with an evil spirit, and St Peter’s wife’s
mother, 179;
the leper, 180,
and the paralytic, 181;
his declarations regarding the Sabbath, 184, 243;
restores the withered hand, 185;
selects His twelve Apostles, 186;
delivers the Sermon on the Mount, 188;
heals the centurion’s slave, 188;
raises the widow’s son, 189;
His testimony to St John Baptist, 191;
anointed by the sinful woman, 192;
cures the deaf and dumb demoniac, 193;
stills the storm on Gennesaret, 196;
His works among the Gadarenes, 197;
cures the woman with an issue, 200;
raises Jairus’ daughter, 201;
feeds five thousand, 206;
walks on the sea, 209;
discourses in the synagogue of Capernaum, 210;
cures the daughter of the Syro-Phœnician, 214;
the deaf and dumb man, 215;
feeds four thousand, 216;
restores the blind man, 218;
foretells His death, 220, 221, 225, 234, 257;
His transfiguration, 222;
cures the lunatic child, 224;
attends the Feast of Tabernacles, 230;
hostility of the Sanhedrin to Him, 231, 236;
dismisses the woman taken in adultery, 233;
restores the man born blind, 235;
sends forth the seventy, 238;
His sojourn at Bethany, 239;
His various discourses and miracles, 239;
raises Lazarus from the dead, 251;
effect of this on the ruling powers, 252;
His death determined upon, 254;
retires to Ephraim, 254;
cleanses the ten lepers, 255;
His reply to the sons of Zebedee, 257;
entertained by Zacchæus, 258;
retires to Bethany, 259;
anointed by Mary, 260;
His triumphal entry into ♦Jerusalem, 262;
curses the barren fig-tree, 265;
second cleansing of the Temple, 265;
questioned by the Herodians, 268;
by the Sadducees, 269;
by the Pharisees, 270;
interrogates the Pharisees, 271;
enquired for by the Gentile Greeks, 272;
foretells the destruction of the Temple, 275;
and the judgments upon Jerusalem, 276;
celebrates the Last Supper, 282;
washes His disciples’ feet, 282;
gives the sop to Judas, 283;
institutes the Eucharist, 284;
His agony in Gethsemane, 286;
Betrayal, 288;
in the house of Annas, 290;
before the Sanhedrin, 293;
sent before Pilate, 296;
His trial before him, 298;
before Herod, 301;
the clamours for His death, 304;
is scourged, 305;
His condemnation, 308;
Crucifixion, 311;
His death, 315;
His side pierced, 318;
His entombment, 319;
His resurrection, 322;
appears to Mary Magdalene and the other women, 324;
to the two disciples at Emmaus, 326;
to Peter, 328;
to the ten disciples, 329;
to the eleven, 330;
reproves Thomas, 330;
appears to disciples at Lake of Gennesaret, 332;
His charge to Peter there, 334;
His appearance on the mountain to five hundred, 336;
his manifestations during the great forty days, 336;
His Ascension, 338
Jews, the,
scanty records of for 250 years, 3;
their loyalty as Persian subjects, 3;
privileges granted to them by Alexander the Great, 5, 107;
their feuds with the Samaritans, 5, 122;
transported to Egypt by Ptolemy Soter, 8, 107;
oppressed there by Ptolemy Philopator, 14;
submit to Antiochus the Great, 15;
become subject to the Syrian kings, 16;
effects of Grecian influence on them, 20, 114;
their persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, 26;
their revived fortunes under the Maccabees, 49;
their wide dispersion, 107;
gradual changes in their language, 109;
the three Greek words signifying them, 110;
the sects among them, 113;
their expectations of the Messiah, 123;
they revolt against the census of Augustus, 148;
disputes between the Hebrew and Hellenist sects, 364;
chronological table of, under the Persians, 530
♦Joazar,
High-priest, 148
Johanan, or Jonathan,
slays his brother in the Temple, 4
John, St, the Baptist,
his birth announced, 128;
and mission, 129;
events attending his birth, 132;
becomes a Nazarite, 132;
his mode of life, 133;
begins his ministry, 153;
his preaching, 154;
its effect, 155–158;
baptizes Christ, 156;
at Ænon, 167;
his testimony to Christ there, 167;
imprisoned by Herod Antipas, 168;
sends two disciples to Christ, 190;
Christ’s testimony to him, 191;
events causing his death, 202
John, St, the Evangelist,
call of, 159, 177;
named with his brother Boanerges, 187;
present at the raising of Jairus’ daughter, 201;
at the Transfiguration, 222;
his request to Christ, 257;
with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276;
sent to prepare the Passover, 279;
with Christ at Gethsemane, 286;
at the Cross of Christ, 312;
takes charge of the Virgin Mary, 313;
at the sepulchre, 321, 323;
recognises Christ at Gennesaret, 332;
Christ’s announcement to him there, 335;
heals the cripple at the Beautiful Gate, 350;
his mission to Samaria, 375;
his subsequent history, 529
John, surnamed Mark.
See Mark
Joiada,
the High-priest, 4
Joppa,
taken by Simon Maccabæus, 49;
St Peter’s visit there, 395
Jordan, the,
St John Baptist at, 153
Joseph Barsabas,
put forward for the Apostleship, 342
Joseph, nephew of Onias II.,
collector for the king of Egypt, 12;
his powerful family, 13;
the quarrel between his sons, 18
Joseph, the husband of Mary,
his lineage, 130, 136;
an angel appears to him, 132;
accompanies Mary to Bethlehem, 136;
his flight into Egypt, 140
Joseph of Arimathæa,
buries Christ, 318
Joshua,
slain by his brother in the temple, 4
Judæa,
a Persian dependence of Cœlesyria, 3;
conquered by Alexander the Great, 5;
its independence recognised under Simon Maccabæus, 53;
its prosperity, 54, 60;
its decline under Jannæus, 63;
its position at the birth of Christ, 134;
its extent as a Roman province, 144;
its form of government, 147;
oppressiveness of the Roman yoke, 151;
the wilderness of, 153
Judas Iscariot,
the call of, 188;
his complaints at Christ’s anointment by Mary, 260;
inferences as to his character, 260;
his motives for the betrayal of Christ, 278;
his compact with the rulers, 279;
receives the sop from Christ, 283;
his movements after, 288;
betrays Christ, 288;
his remorse, 296;
probable mode of his death, 296;
his suicide, 297;
his place filled by Matthias, 342
Judas of Galilee,
the rising of, 148, 362
Jude, St,
the call of, 187;
conjectures as to his Epistle, 529
Julius Cæsar,
confirms Hyrcanus II. in the High-priesthood, 73
K.
Karaites, or Karæans,
sect of, 115
L.
Language, Jewish,
gradual changes in, 109
Laomedon,
defeated by Ptolemy Soter, 8
Lazarus,
position of the family of, 239;
his death, 248;
is raised from the dead, 251;
at the house of Simon the leper, 259
Levi,
identity of, with Matthew, 182
Libertini, the,
conjectures upon, 366
Lilies of the field,
conjectures upon, 241
Locusts,
as an article of food, 133
Lots,
choosing by, the mode of, 343
Lucius of Cyrene,
notice of, 410
Luke, St,
an instance of his professional knowledge, 179;
becomes the companion of St Paul, 439;
with him at Cæsarea, 496;
his Gospel probably composed there, 497;
with St Paul during his first imprisonment at Rome, 516;
and at his second imprisonment, 526
Lydda,
the position of, 394
Lydia,
settlement of Jews there, 15, 108
Lydia,
converted by St Paul, 441
Lysias,
Syrian regent, 32;
defeated by Judas Maccabæus, 35;
besieges Beth-Zur, 38;
his death, 39
Lysias, Claudius,
rescues St Paul from the Jews, 486, 490;
sends him to Cæsarea, 492
Lystra,
St Paul and Barnabas at, 418;
the cripple healed there, 418;
St Paul and Silas at, 433
M.
Maccabæus, Jonathan,
succeeds Judas, 42;
deputy governor of Judæa, 43;
becomes High-priest, 45;
his loyalty to Balas, 46;
his dignities confirmed by Demetrius, 47;
his exploits, 47;
overthrown by the treachery of Tryphon, 51;
his death and burial, 52
Maccabæus, Judas,
30;
his exploits, 31, 35, 37;
his successes at Emmaus, 33;
re-dedicates the Temple, 36;
becomes governor of Palestine, 39;
his death, 41
Maccabæus, Simon,
30, 37;
commands the royal forces, 49;
succeeds Jonathan, 51;
confirmed in the High-priesthood, 53;
accomplishes the freedom of Judæa, 53;
his dominion confirmed, 54;
his coinage, 55;
murdered at Jericho, 57
Maccabees,
supposed meanings of, 31
Magdala,
position of, 217, 320
Magi, the,
conjectures concerning them, 139;
they arrive at Jerusalem, 139;
their interview with Herod, 140;
their adoration of Christ, 140
Magnificat, the,
origin of, 131
Malchus,
his ear cut off by St Peter, 289
♦Malichus,
adherent of Hyrcanus II., 75;
the murder of, 76
Manaen,
foster-brother of Herod, conjectures upon, 410
Manasseh,
brother of Jaddua, 4;
becomes first High-priest of Samaria, 5
Manasseh, son of Jaddua,
High-priest, 11
Mariamne,
betrothed to Herod the Great, 77;
married to him, 81;
her anger against him, 85, 88;
put to death by his order, 89
Mark, John,
account of, 410;
accompanies St Paul and Barnabas, 411;
returns to Jerusalem, 414;
again to Antioch, 429;
cause of dissension between St Paul and Barnabas, 432;
accompanies Barnabas, 432;
with St Paul at Rome, 516
Marriage, the,
at Cana, 161
Martha,
sister of Lazarus, 239, 248;
her conduct on the death of her brother, 250, 251;
at the house of Simon the leper, 259
Mary Magdalene,
at the Cross of Christ, 312;
at the entombment, 319;
at the sepulchre, 320, 321, 323;
Christ appears to her, 324
Mary, St,
the Virgin, her lineage, 130, 136;
the birth of Jesus announced to her, 130;
visits Elisabeth, 131;
her journey to Bethlehem, 135;
gives birth to Christ, 136;
her purification, 137;
her flight into Egypt, 140;
finds Christ in the Temple, 143;
at the Cross of Christ, 312;
St John takes charge of her, 313;
the last mention of her in the New Testament, 338
Mary,
sister of Barnabas, 406
Mary,
sister of Lazarus, 239, 248;
her conduct on the death of her brother, 250;
anoints Christ, 260;
His declaration, 261
Mary,
wife of Clopas, at the Cross of Christ, 312, 320;
at the entombment, 319;
at the sepulchre, 320
Masada,
fortress of, its position, 78;
besieged by Antigonus, 80
Mattathias,
his family and descent, 29;
revolts against Antiochus, 29;
his last counsels and death, 30
Matthew, St,
call of, 182, 187;
his identity with Levi, 182
Matthias, St,
chosen an Apostle, 342
Melita,
St Paul at, 510
Mesopotamia,
position of, 344
Messiah, the,
expectation of amongst the Jews, 123, 151;
His supposed attributes, 124;
foretold by St John Baptist, 155, 158;
Christ announces Himself as such to the woman of Samaria, 170;
to the Jews, 173;
to the Apostles, 219
Michmash,
Jonathan Maccabæus at, 43
Miletus,
settlement of the Jews there, 108;
St Paul’s farewell there, 479
Miracle,
four Greek words signifying it in the New Testament, 347
Miraculous draught of fishes,
the first, 178;
the second, 332
Mite,
the coin so called, 272
Mithridates,
king of Parthia, 55
Mizpeh,
the watch-tower near Jerusalem, 6, 33
Mnason of Cyprus,
402, 483
Modin,
the position of, 29;
the burial-place of the Maccabees, 30, 41, 52
Mount of the Beatitudes, the,
188
N.
Nain,
position of, 189;
the widow’s son restored to life there, 190
Nathanael, or Bartholomew,
call of, 159, 187
Nazareth,
its position and aspect, 129, 176;
routes to it from Jerusalem, 131;
Christ in the Synagogue there, 174, 201;
His forcible rejection from, 175
Nicodemus,
his visit to Jesus, 165;
pleads for Him in the Sanhedrin, 232;
at the entombment, 318
Nicopolis,
situation of, 525
Nobleman of Capernaum,
supposition concerning, 171;
his son healed, 171
O.
Officers of the Synagogues,
111
Olives, Mount of,
Christ views Jerusalem from, 276
Onesimus,
account of, 516;
St Paul’s letter to Philemon on his behalf, 517;
bearer of the Epistle to the Colossians, 518
Onesiphorus,
with Paul at Rome, 527
Onias I.,
High-priest, 9
Onias II.,
High-priest, his avarice, 11;
refuses tribute to Egypt, 12
Onias III.,
High-priest, 18;
deposed by his brother, 20;
his death, 22
Onias IV., or Menelaus,
usurps the High-priesthood, 21;
his sacrilege, 21;
his impiety, 23;
his death, 39
Oriental house,
description of, 290
P.
Palestine,
census of, under Herod, 134
Panium, Mount,
battle of, 15;
its results, 16
Paphos,
account of, 412
Parables,
suggested by the scenery of the Lake of Gennesaret, 194, 195
Parthians, the,
capture Jerusalem, 79
Passover,
the first attended by Christ, 162;
the ceremonies at its celebration, 280
Patara,
situation of, 481
Paul, St,
at the martyrdom of St Stephen, 371;
his persecution of the Christians, 372, 382;
his birthplace and education, 379;
his conversion, 383;
baptized by Ananias, 386;
his teaching at Damascus, 386, 388;
withdraws to Arabia, 387;
his escape from Damascus, 389;
his first reception at Jerusalem, 389;
his teaching there, 390;
his teaching at Antioch, 402, 410;
joined by Barnabas, 411;
strikes Elymas blind, 412;
conjectures on the change of his name, 413;
his sermon at Pisidian Antioch, 414;
his proceedings at Iconium, 417;
at Lystra, 418;
is stoned there, 420;
proceedings at Derbe, 421;
disputes at Antioch, 422;
attends the Council of Jerusalem, 425;
withstands St Peter at Antioch, 430;
his contention with Barnabas, 432;
accompanied by Silas, 433;
ordains Timothy, 435;
his tour in Galatia, &c., 435;
his “thorn in the flesh,” 436;
joined by St Luke, 439;
his proceedings at Philippi, 440;
at Thessalonica, 446;
Berœa, 448;
Athens, 449;
Corinth, 453;
Ephesus, 459, 461;
his work there, 462–472;
his anxiety at Troas and Philippi, 473;
his second visit to Greece, 473–480;
his farewell at Miletus, 479;
his visit to Tyre, 481;
with St Philip the Evangelist at Cæsarea, 482;
arrives at Jerusalem, 483;
the tumult in the Temple, 486;
his address to the crowd, 487;
ordered to be scourged, 488;
claims the right of a Roman, 489;
brought before the Sanhedrin, 489;
sent to Cæsarea, 492;
his defence before Felix, 495;
brought before Festus, 498, 501;
appeals to Cæsar, 499;
his defence before Agrippa, 501;
sets out for Rome, 503;
his shipwreck, 508;
reception at Melita, 510;
arrival at Rome, 512;
address to the Jews there, 513;
acts during his first imprisonment, 515;
trial and acquittal, 521;
subsequent travels, 522–525;
his second imprisonment at Rome, 525;
writes for Timothy, 527;
his condemnation and death, 527
Pavement, the,
its use in forms of justice, 303
Pentecost, the Feast of,
strangers assembled at, 343;
descent of the Holy Ghost on, 345
Peræa,
situation of, 145;
Christ’s tour in, 245
Perga,
position of, 443
Pergamus,
settlement of Jews there, 108
Persian Empire, the,
downfall of, 5
Peter, St,
call of, 159, 177, 187;
his wife’s mother healed, 179;
present at the raising of Jairus’ daughter, 201;
sinks in the sea, 208;
his declaration to Christ, 212;
his confession, 219;
present at the Transfiguration, 222;
with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276;
sent to prepare the ♦Passover, 279;
his denial foretold, 285;
cuts off Malchus’s ear, 289;
his denial of Christ, 290;
at the Sepulchre, 321, 323;
Christ reveals Himself to him after the resurrection, 328;
his zeal at the Lake of Gennesaret, 333;
Christ’s charge to him there, 334;
advises the election of an Apostle, 342;
his discourse on the Day of Pentecost, 346;
heals the lame man at the Beautiful Gate, 350;
his discourse afterwards, 351;
his defence before the Sanhedrin, 354, 360;
reproves Ananias and Sapphira, 357;
his mission to Samaria, 375;
reproves Simon Magus, 375;
recognizes St Paul, 389;
restores Æneas at Lydda, 394;
raises Dorcas at Joppa, 395;
his vision there, 397;
his visit to Cornelius, 398;
arrested by Herod, 406;
delivered by an Angel, 406;
his address at the Council of Jerusalem, 425;
his difference with St Paul, 430;
his subsequent history, 528
Pharisees,
the rise of, 60;
their opposition to Jannæus, 63;
account of their doctrines, 115;
their hostility to Christ, 181–186, 193, 213, 232, 240,
246, 267;
try to ensnare Christ, 270;
He interrogates them, 271;
their conduct to the early Christians, 353, 363, 372
Phasael,
governor of Judæa, 74;
his imprisonment, 78;
death, 79
Philemon,
account of, 516;
cause of St Paul’s Epistle to, 517
Philip of Macedon,
ally of Antiochus the Great, 14;
his reverses, 16
Philip, St, the Evangelist,
consecrated a deacon, 365;
preaches in Samaria, 373;
baptizes Simon Magus, 375;
his meeting with the Ethiopian eunuch, 377;
takes up his abode at Cæsarea, 378;
receives St Paul there, 482
Philip, St, the Apostle,
call of, 159, 187;
Christ’s enquiry of him about feeding the five thousand, 206
Philippi,
settlement of Jews in, 108;
description of, 440;
St Paul and Silas there, 441;
St Paul’s second visit to, 473
Philippians,
object of St Paul’s Epistle to, 519;
its contents, 521
Phœbe,
account of, 476
Phrygia,
settlement of Jews in, 15, 108;
geographical meaning of, 435
Pilate, Pontius,
his despotic government of Judæa, 150;
meaning of his names, 150;
ruthlessness of his character, 150, 151;
his outrage on the Galatians, 241;
Christ sent to him by the Sanhedrin, 296;
His trial before him, 298;
his efforts for Christ, 302, 307;
the message from his wife, 304;
condemns Christ to be crucified, 307;
his ultimate fate, 308;
his inscription on the cross, 309, 311;
sets a watch over the sepulchre, 320
Pilate’s wife,
traditions concerning, 304
Place of prayer, the,
or Proseucha, 113
Pompeius,
at Damascus, 68;
in the Temple at Jerusalem, 69
Pontus,
situation of, 344
Potion, the,
offered to Christ, composition of, 310
Prætorium,
meaning of, 493
Priscilla,
friend of St Paul, at Corinth, 454;
accompanies him to Ephesus, 459;
her connection with him, 461, 469, 471;
with him at Rome, 476
Proconsul,
the office of, 147, 412
Proprætor,
the office of, 147, 412
Proselytes,
the various classes of, 118
Proseucha, the,
or place of prayer, 113
Ptolemais,
the position of, 37;
St Paul there, 482
Ptolemies, the,
era of, chronological table of, 530
Ptolemy,
son-in-law of Simon Maccabæus, 57
Ptolemy Epiphanes,
accession of, 14
Ptolemy Euergetes,
the policy of, 12
Ptolemy Philadelphus,
his policy to the Jews, 10, 107;
originates the Septuagint, 11
Ptolemy Philopator,
reign of, 13;
visits the Temple, 13;
his death, 14
Ptolemy Soter,
captures Jerusalem, 8;
transports the Jews to Egypt, 8;
defeats Antigonus, 9
Purple robe, the,
of Christ, conjectures upon, 305
Q.
Quirinus or Cyrenius,
dates of his government of Syria, 134;
carries out the Census, 148
R.
Raphia,
battle of, 13
Remphan,
the Israelites’ idol, 366
Roman Asia,
extent of, 344
Roman yoke in Judæa,
the oppressiveness of, 151
Romans,
origin of the Epistle to, 476
Rome,
settlement of Jews in, 109;
St Paul arrives at, 512;
his first imprisonment there, 515–522;
his second imprisonment, 525;
martyred there, 528
Ruler of the Synagogue,
office of, 111
S.
Sabbath, the,
Christ’s declarations concerning it, 184, 243
Sabbath-feasts,
among the Jews, 259
Sadducees, the,
rise of, 60;
their doctrines, 114, 270;
causes of their pacific feeling towards the Romans, 253;
try to ensnare Christ, 269;
their bitterness against the Apostles, 353, 360, 363;
their hostility to the Christians, 372
Sagan,
the office of, 149
Salamis,
account of, 412
Salim,
position of, 167
Salome,
at the sepulchre, 320
Salome, daughter of Herodias,
asks for St John Baptist’s head, 203
Salome,
queen of Aristobulus, 61;
causes the assassination of Antigonus, 62
Salome,
sister of Herod, 85;
plots against Mariamne, 88;
against Herod’s sons, 98;
her dominions, 146
Samaria, the district of,
the rival temple established there, 5;
conquered by Hyrcanus, 59;
the history of, 120;
Christ’s tour through, 229;
Philip’s preaching there, 373;
Mission of Peter and John to, 375
Samaria, the city of,
destroyed by Hyrcanus, 59;
rebuilt under Herod the Great, 91;
Christ stays there, 170
Samaritans,
their controversy with the Jews, 5, 122, 169;
their religious belief, 121
Samothrace,
situation of, 440
Sanhedrin, the,
Herod’s vengeance on, 82;
account of its constitution, 108;
Nicodemus a member of it, 165;
its hostility to Christ, 231, 236;
effect upon it of the raising of Lazarus, 252;
counsel of Caiaphas to, 253;
it resolves on Christ’s death, 254;
a deputation from, questions Christ, 266;
assembles at the palace of Caiaphas to try Christ, 291;
the trial, 293;
sends Christ to Pilate, 295;
policy of, regarding Christ’s Resurrection, 325;
its trial of Peter and John, 352;
of the Twelve Apostles, 359;
Gamaliel’s advice to, 360;
its trial of Stephen, 367;
and of Paul, 489
Sapha or Mizpeh,
the watch-tower near Jerusalem, 6, 33
Sapphira,
the death of, 358
Sardis,
settlement of Jews in, 108
Saul,
reason of the change in his name, 413.
See Paul
Scopas,
retakes Jerusalem, 14;
defeated by Antiochus the Great, 15
Scourging by the Romans,
its torture, 305
Scribes, the,
account of, 116
Scythopolis,
the ancient Beth-shan, 13, 50;
captured by Hyrcanus, 59
Sects,
among the Jews, 113
Seleucia,
founded by Seleucus, 9;
advantages of its position, 10, 411
Seleucidæ, the,
era of, chronological table of, 430
Seleucus,
king of Syria, the empire of, 9;
numerous cities founded by him, 10
Seleucus Philopator,
accession of, 18
Senatorial provinces,
the Government of, 147
Septuagint, the,
originated by Ptolemy Philadelphus, 11
Sepulchral caves,
among the Jews, 251
Sepulchre, the,
of Christ, 319
Sergius Paulus,
the conversion of, 413
Sermon on the Mount, the,
traditional scene of its delivery, 188;
differences in the narrative of, 188
Seventy, the,
mission of, 238;
meaning of the number, 238
Shammai,
a sect of the Pharisees, 117, 255
Shechem,
Samaritan temple at, 121;
Jacob’s well at, 168
Shekel, the coin,
description of, 55;
its scarcity at the time of Christ, 225;
its value, 279
Sheliach,
officer of the Synagogue, 111;
duties of, 112
Silas,
derivation of his name, 429;
accompanies St Paul, 433;
imprisoned at Philippi, 443;
remains at Berœa, 449;
rejoins Paul at Corinth, 445;
remains at Jerusalem, 459
Siloam pool,
the blind man sent to wash in, 235
Siloam, tower of,
the fall of, 242
Simon, surnamed Niger,
notice of, 410
Simon II.,
High-priest, 14
Simon Magus,
account of, 374;
baptized by St Philip, 375;
rebuked by St Peter, 375;
his subsequent history, 376
Simon of Cyrene,
account of, 310
Simon Peter.
See Peter
Simon, St,
call of, 187
Simon the Just,
High-priest, 9;
completes the canon of the Old Testament, 9;
his death, 11
Simon the leper,
entertains Christ at Bethany, 259
Simon the Pharisee,
entertains Christ, 192
Simon the tanner,
St Luke’s visit to, 396
Solomon’s porch,
in the temple, 96;
why so called, 244
Spikenard,
costliness of, 260
Stater,
the coin, 227
Stephen, St,
consecrated a deacon, 365;
his teaching, 366;
brought before the Sanhedrin, 367;
his defence, 368;
the forerunner of St Paul, 368;
his martyrdom, 371
Strato’s tower,
its position, 92;
Cæsarea built there, 92
Sychar,
Jacob’s well at, 168
Sychem,
captured by Hyrcanus, 59
Symeon,
his testimony to Christ, 138
Synagogues,
origin of, 110;
their arrangement, 110;
their chief officers, 111;
the form of worship in them, 112;
their wide dispersion, 113
Syrian tongue,
used by the Jews, 109
Syrophœnician woman, the,
214
T.
Tabernacles, the feast of,
attended by Christ, 230
Tabitha,
raised by St Peter, 395
Tarsus,
position of, 379
Taxation,
of Roman empire under Augustus, 134
Temple, the,
profaned by Bagoses, 4;
Alexander’s sacrifice in, 6;
enriched by Simon the Just, 9;
attempted profanity of Ptolemy Philopator, 14;
attempt on by Heliodorus, 19;
profaned by Antiochus Epiphanes, 23;
cessation of the daily sacrifice in, 26;
heathen abominations in, 27;
re-dedicated by Judas Maccabæus, 36;
its fortifications strengthened by Simon Maccabæus, 53;
captured by Pompeius, 69;
plundered by Crassus, 72;
rebuilt by Herod the Great, 95;
description of it, 96;
Christ with the Rabbis in, 143;
its profanation by ♦merchandise, 163;
cleansed by Christ, 164;
second cleansing of, 265;
the heavenly voice in, 274;
Christ foretells its destruction, 275;
the veil rent at the death of Christ, 315;
the cripple healed at the Beautiful Gate, 350;
the tumult against St Paul in, 485
Temple, the rival,
on Mount Gerizim, 5;
heathen dedication of, 27;
its destruction by Hyrcanus, 59
Temptation, the,
of Christ, its traditional site, 156
Therapeutæ, the,
account of, 119
Thessalonians,
reasons for St Paul’s epistles to, 456
Thessalonica,
settlement of Jews in, 108;
description of, 446
Theudas,
conjectures concerning, 361
Thief,
the penitent, 313
Thirty pieces of silver,
value of, 279
Thomas, St,
call of, 187;
his character, 249;
his doubts concerning the Resurrection, 330;
their removal, 331
Thyatira,
situation of, 441
Tiberias, Sea of.
See Gennesaret
Tiberius,
the Emperor, 149, 152
Timothy,
conversion of, 421;
conjectures concerning him, 433;
ordained by St Paul, 435;
remains at Philippi, 445;
rejoins Paul at Corinth, 455;
accompanies him to Ephesus, 459;
meets him at Philippi, 473;
with him at Rome, 516;
placed at Ephesus, 523;
causes of St Paul’s first Epistle to him, 523;
of the second, 527
Title, the,
placed by Pilate, on the Cross, 309, 311
Titus,
accompanies Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem, 424, 428;
the probable companion of Paul to Ephesus, 459;
his mission to Corinth, 472, 474;
placed at Crete, 524;
objects of Paul’s epistle to, 524
Tongues of fire, the,
at the Pentecostal effusion, 345
Town-clerk of Ephesus,
office of, 470
Trachonitis,
situation of, 145
Transfiguration, the,
of Christ, 222
Treasure-chests,
in the Temple, 234
Tribute-money,
the purpose of, 95;
Peter takes it from the fish’s mouth, 226
Tribute to Cæsar,
Christ questioned on, 269
Troas,
account of, 438;
St Paul at, 472
Trophimus,
accompanies Paul to Troas, 471;
remains at Miletus, 525
Tryphon,
revolts against Demetrius, 48;
his treachery to Jonathan Maccabæus, 50;
and to Simon, 52;
murders Antiochus, 52;
his reverses and death, 55
Tychicus,
accompanies Paul to Troas, 471;
with him at Rome, 516;
bearer of the Epistle to the Colossians, 517;
to the Ephesians, 518
Tyre,
St Paul at, 481
V.
Via Appia,
the account of, 511
Voice, the heavenly,
at the Jordan, 156;
at the Transfiguration, 223;
in the Temple, 274
W.
Watches,
the Jewish, periods of, 208
Widow’s offering, the,
272
Wilderness of Judæa, the,
153
Woman of Samaria, the,
Christ’s interview with, 169
Woman, the sinful,
anoints Christ, 192
Woman, the,
of Syrophœnicia, 214
Woman, the,
taken in adultery, 232
Worship of the Synagogue,
account of, 112
Z.
Zacchæus,
entertains Christ, 258
Zacharias,
the priestly office of, 127;
the promise of a son to him, 128, 129;
names him John, 132
Zebedee,
his social position, 177
THE END.
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Footnotes.
1 ‒ The Edition of the _Synopsis Evangelica_ of Tischendorf
referred to is the First Edition, 1854; that of Wieseler’s
_Synopsis of the Four Gospels_ is the English Translation
by Venables, 1864; that of Conybeare and Howson’s _Life
and Travels of St Paul_ is the People’s Edition, 2 Vols.,
1864; that of Dean Stanley’s _Sinai and Palestine_, the
3rd, 1856.
2 ‒ Milman’s _History of the Jews_, I. 443.
3 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XI. 8. 2. Comp. Article _Jerusalem_ in Smith’s
_Bibl. Dict._ I. 998, and note.
4 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XI. 8. 7.
5 ‒ Probably Dan. vii. 6; viii. 3–8, 20, 21, 22; xi. 3.
6 ‒ Curtius, IV. 5. 13; IV. 8. 10.
7 ‒ See Thirlwall’s _Greece_, VI. 265; Raphall’s _History of
the Jews_, I. 42–50.
8 ‒ “The _Great Assembly_ or _Synagogue_, whose existence
has been called in question on insufficient grounds,
was the great council of the nation during the Persian
period, in which the last substantive changes were made
in the constitution of Judaism. It was organized by Ezra,
and, as commonly happens, the work of the whole body was
transferred to its representative member. Ezra probably
formed a collection of the prophetic writings; and the
Assembly gathered together afterwards (as the Christian
Church at a later period in corresponding circumstances)
such books as were still left without the Canon, though
proved to bear the stamp of the Spirit of God.” Westcott’s
_Bible in the Church_, Appendix A.
9 ‒ Prideaux’s _Connection_, I. 545.
10 ‒ “By its harbour of Seleucia it was in communication
with all the trade of the Mediterranean; and through
the open country behind the Lebanon it was conveniently
approached by the caravans from Mesopotamia and Arabia. It
united the inland advantages of Aleppo with the maritime
opportunities of Smyrna.” Conybeare and Howson, _Life and
Epistles of St Paul_, I. 118; Smith’s _Dict. Geog._ Art.
_Antiochia_.
11 ‒ “Few princes have ever lived with so great a passion for
the building of cities as Seleucus. He is said to have
built in all 9 Seleucias, 16 Antiochs, and 6 Laodiceas.
This love of commemorating the members of his family was
conspicuous in his works by the Orontes. Besides Seleucia
and Antioch, he built, in the immediate neighbourhood, a
Laodicea in honour of his mother, and an Apamea in honour
of his wife.” Conybeare and Howson, I. 119; Merivale,
III. 368.
12 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XII. 3. 1; _Contr. Apion._ II. 4.
13 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XII. 2. 10.
14 ‒ The Beth-shan of the Old Testament; see _Class-Book of Old
Testament History_, p. 316, and 445 note, 2nd ed.
15 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XII. 3. 3.
16 ‒ One of the branches of the Lebanon, containing a cave
sacred to Pan, whence it derived its name. See below,
p. 218, n.
17 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XII. 3. 3.
18 ‒ See Mommsen’s _History of Rome_, II. 264.
19 ‒ In the valley of the Hermus, not far from Smyrna. See Livy,
XXXVII. 37, foll.; Tac. _Ann._ II. 47.
20 ‒ Strabo, XVI. 744; Justin, XXXII. 2. 1.
21 ‒ Livy, XLI. 19, 20.
22 ‒ See above, p. 17.
23 ‒ See above, p. 19.
24 ‒ Livy, XLV. 12.
25 ‒ Polyb. XXVI. 10; Livy, XLI. 19, 20.
26 ‒ Milman’s _History of the Jews_, I. 457.
27 ‒ Identified with the half-ruined village of Latrôn, the
_Castellum boni Latronis_ of the Mediæval writers, from
the tradition that it was the residence of the penitent
thief Dysma. Porter’s _Handbook_, I. 285.
28 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XII. 6. 4.
29 ‒ Hepworth Dixon’s _Holy Land_, I. 64.
30 ‒ _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 212 and note.
31 ‒ See _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 275.
32 ‒ An important stronghold (comp. 1 Macc. ix. 52; xiii. 53;
xvi. 1) in all probability the same as the ancient
Gezer or Gazer (Josh. x. 33; xii. 12), between the lower
Beth-horon and the sea. Thither we find David pursued the
Philistines (2 Sam. v. 25; 1 Chr. xiv. 16), and the place
was fortified by Solomon as commanding the communication
between Egypt and Jerusalem. See _Class-Book of Old Test.
Hist._ p. 361.
33 ‒ During the Captivity the Idumæans advancing westward had
occupied the whole territory of the ancient Amalekites
(Jos. _Ant._ II. 1. 2), and even took possession of many
towns in Southern Palestine, including Hebron (Jos. _Ant._
XII. 8. 6; _B. J._ IV. 9. 7). The name Edom, or rather
its Greek form Idumæa, was now given to the country
lying between the valley of Arabah and the shores of the
Mediterranean; and Roman authors sometimes give the name
Idumæa to all Palestine, and even call the Jews Idumæans.
Virgil, _Georg._ III. 12; Juvenal, VIII. 160.
34 ‒ The ancient Ashdod. See _Class-Book of Old Testament
History_, pp. 259, 263, 272.
35 ‒ The Greek form of the ancient Jabneel (Josh. xv. 11), the
modern _Yebna_, 11 miles S. of Jaffa, 4 from Ekron. In
the time of the Maccabees it was a strong place. After
the fall of Jerusalem it became one of the most populous
places in Judæa, was the seat of a famous school, and
according to an early Jewish tradition, the burial-place
of the great Gamaliel.
36 ‒ Beth-sura, or Beth-zur, _house of rock_, is named between
Halhul and Gedor in Josh. xv. 58, and was fortified by
Rehoboam for the defence of his new kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 7).
It occupied a strong position, and commanded a great road,
the road from Beer-sheba and Hebron, which has always been
the main approach to Jerusalem from the south.
37 ‒ The ancient Accho (Judg. i. 31). During the period that
Ptolemy Soter was in possession of Cœlesyria, it received
the name of _Ptolemais_ from him, by which it was long
distinguished.
38 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 2. 1.
39 ‒ According to some, he was a natural son of Antiochus
Epiphanes (Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 2. 1), but he was more
generally looked upon as an impostor who falsely laid
claim to the connection. Justin, XXXV. 1; Polyb. XXXIII.
16.
40 ‒ Comp. Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 4. 3.
41 ‒ Comp. 1 Macc. xi. 33; Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 3.
42 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 6.
43 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 8.
44 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 11; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art.
_Jerusalem_.
45 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 6. 1.
46 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 6. 7; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art.
_Jerusalem_.
47 ‒ “Nehemiah mentions a palace, or rather fortress, which
appertained to the Temple (Neh. ii. 8); and in the Hebrew
Birah we have probably the origin of the Greek Baris,
which Josephus tells us was the name of the fortress
subsequently called _Antonia_. It was the fortress of the
Temple, as the Temple was of the city.” Porter’s _Handbk._
I. 128, 129.
48 ‒ Milman’s _History of the Jews_, II. 21.
49 ‒ Comp. Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 7. 2.
50 ‒ By this king the privilege of a national coinage was
granted to Simon, 1 Macc. xv. 6. “Numerous examples of
them are extant, bearing the dates of the first, second,
third and fourth years of the ‘liberation of Jerusalem;’
and it is a remarkable fact confirming their genuineness,
that in the first year the name Zion does not occur, as
the citadel was not recovered till the second year of
Simon’s supremacy, while after the second year Zion alone
is found. The emblem which the coins bear have generally
a connexion with Jewish history――a vine-leaf, a cluster
of grapes, a vase (of manna?), a trifid flowering rod, a
palm-branch, surrounded by a wreath of laurel, a lyre, a
bunch of branches symbolical of the feast of Tabernacles.”
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Maccabees_.
51 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 8. 1.
52 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 8. 2.
53 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 8. 3.
54 ‒ Samaria itself was now razed to the ground, the hill on
which it had stood being full of springs, was pierced with
trenches, and the site of the city flooded and converted
into a pool of water. Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 10. 3.
55 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 10. 6.
56 ‒ Raphall’s _History of the Jews_, II. 103.
57 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 16. 3.
58 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 1. 2.
59 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 2. 1.
60 ‒ Milman, _History of the Jews_, II. 42.
61 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 2. 3; _B. J._ I. 6. 3.
62 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 3. 1.
63 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 6. 6.
64 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 7. 3.
65 ‒ Liv. _Epit._ 102.
66 ‒ Comp. Cic. _pro Flacco_, c. xxviii.; Tac. _Hist._ V. 5.
67 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 8. 5; _Ant._ XIV. 5. 2–4.
68 ‒ Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, I. 381, 382.
69 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 7. 2; _B. J._ I. 8. 8, 9; Milman, II. 51.
70 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 7. 4.
71 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 8. 1; _B. J._ I. 9. 5.
72 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 8. 3; _B. J._ I. 9. 5.
73 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 10. 2, 3; _Ant._ XIV. 8. 5.
74 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 9. 2.
75 ‒ Merivale, III. 377.
76 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 9. 2; _B. J._ I. 10. 5.
77 ‒ See Merivale, III. 375.
78 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 9. 4.
79 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 11. 1.
80 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 11. 2.
81 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 11. 3; _Ant._ XIV. 11. 2.
82 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 12. 4; _Ant._ XIV. 12. 2.
83 ‒ See above, p. 71.
84 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 12. 6; _Ant._ XIV. 13. 1, 2.
85 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 13. 4–6.
86 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 13. 6; _Ant._ XIV. 13. 7–9.
87 ‒ Masada, now called _Sebbeh_, was situated at the S.W. end
of the Dead Sea, on a rock from 1200 to 1500 ft. in height,
separated from the adjoining range of mountains by deep
ravines on the N. and S., and only attached to them on the
W. by a narrow neck about two-thirds of its height. The
fortress was first built by Jonathan Maccabæus, but Herod
the Great added to it and made it an impregnable place of
refuge for himself in case of danger. The rock on which it
was built overhung the Dead Sea, and was only accessible
by two rock-hewn paths, one on the W., the other on the
E. side, carried up from the shore by a zigzag cut in
the precipice, and called “the Serpent.” The summit of
the rock was not pointed, but a plain of 7 stadia in
circumference, surrounded by a wall of white stone, 12
cubits high and 8 thick, fortified with 37 towers of 50
cubits in height, and adorned with a palace and baths.
The interior being left free for cultivation, so that the
garrison might partially raise their own food. Traill’s
_Josephus_, II. 109–115; Porter’s _Handbk. of Syria and
Palestine_, p. 239.
88 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 13. 8.
89 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 14. 2; _Ant._ XIV. 14. 2, 3.
90 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 13. 9; _Ant._ XIV. 13. 10.
91 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 14. 4. See above, p. 73.
92 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 14. 4; _Ant._ XIV. 14. 5.
93 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 18. 3. “Antonius was the first of the
Romans who consented to smite a king with the axe.”
Merivale, III. 382.
94 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 16. 4.
95 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 2. 2.
96 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 3. 4.
97 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 3. 5.
98 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 6. 6; _B. J._ I. 20. 1.
99 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 20; Merivale, III. 356.
100 ‒ He at the same time bestowed upon him the 400 Gauls, who
had formed the bodyguard of Cleopatra. Jos. _Ant._ XV.
7. 3; _B. J._ I. 20. 3.
101 ‒ Milman’s _Hist. of the Jews_, II. 70; Jos. _Ant._ XV. 7. 7;
Merivale, III. 386.
102 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 7. 9. 10.
103 ‒ Jan. 13, A.U.C. 727, B.C. 27. Dion LIII. 16; Liv. _Epit._
134; Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, III. 417.
104 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 8. 5; _B. J._ I. 21. 2.
105 ‒ In B.C. 22 he contracted another marriage, and united
himself with a second Mariamne, the daughter of one Simon,
an obscure priest of Jerusalem, whom he raised to the
dignity of high-priest, after deposing Joshua, the son of
Phaneus, thus again throwing discredit on an office which
he persisted in depriving of all political weight and
influence.
106 ‒ The full name was Cæsarea Sebaste, Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 5. 1,
but it was sometimes called Cæsarea Stratonis, or Cæsarea
Palestinæ, or the “City by the Sea,” Jos. _B. J._ III. 9;
VII. 1. 3. Its modern name is _Kaisariyeh_. It became
the official residence of the Herodian kings, as also of
Festus, Felix, and other Roman procurators. Tacitus calls
it “the head of Judæa,” _Hist._ II. 79. In the centre of
the city rose a vast temple, conspicuous from the sea,
dedicated to Octavius, and adorned with two colossal
statues, one of the Emperor, the other of the Imperial
city. The foundations were laid in B.C. 21, and the work
was completed in B.C. 10. Jos. _Ant._ XV. 9. 6; Lewin’s
_Fasti Sacri_, p. 89.
107 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 20. 4.
108 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 10. 1.
109 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 10. 3; _B. J._ I. 20. 4.
110 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 21. 3.
111 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 10. 4.
112 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 11. 2.
113 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 11. 2.
114 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 11. 6.
115 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 7.
116 ‒ For the maintenance of the service the half-shekel claimed
by the Law (Ex. xxx. 13) from every male Israelite above
twenty years old was religiously executed. This is the
tribute-money mentioned Matt. xvii. 24, under the name
δίδραχμα, and according to Josephus, was collected from
all Jews even in foreign countries, their foreign coins
being exchanged by the κολλυβισταί for the half-shekels of
the temple-money (Matt. xxi. 12; Mk. xi. 15; Jn. ii. 15).
117 ‒ Dixon’s _Holy Land_, II. 47, 48; Raphall’s _History of the
Jews_, II. 335–337; Milman, II. 77.
118 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XV. 11. 6.
119 ‒ On the way he gave proof of his ardent zeal for Grecian
customs, stopping at Elis to witness the Olympic games,
and settling an annual revenue on the inhabitants. Jos.
_B. J._ I. 21. 12.
120 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 2. 1.
121 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 1. 2.
122 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 3. 3; _B. J._ I. 23. 1.
123 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 4. 6; Comp. _Ant._ XV. 9. 6.
124 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ I. 24. 1.
125 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 5. 1.
126 ‒ Built on the site of the more ancient town of _Caphar
Saba_, sixteen Roman miles from Joppa, and twenty-six
from Cæsarea. The old name lingers under the modern form
_Kefr-Saba_.
127 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 11. 1–6. Berytus was a town of Phœnicia,
identified by some with the Berotha, or Berothai of
Scripture (2 Sam. viii. 8; Ezek. xlvii. 16). After its
destruction by Tryphon B.C. 140, it was reduced by Agrippa,
and colonised by the veterans of the V. Macedonica Legio,
and VIII. Augusta, and became a Roman colony under the
name of _Colonia Julia Augusta Felix Berytus_. See Smith’s
_Dict. Geog._, Art. _Berytus_.
128 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 11. 7.
129 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 2. 4.
130 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 4. 2.
131 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 5. 1; _B. J._ I. 31. 4.
132 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 6. 2. 3.
133 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 6. 5; _B. J._ I. 33. 5.
134 ‒ On the eastern side of the Jordan, and not far from the
Dead Sea. Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 6. 5.
135 ‒ Probably some day between the 13th March and 4th April
A.U.C. 750 = B.C. 4. See Wieseler’s _Synopsis_, p. 51.
136 ‒ Westcott’s _Introduction to the Gospel History_, pp. 47, 48.
137 ‒ Conybeare and Howson, _Life and Travels of St Paul_, I. 16;
Merivale, III. 358.
138 ‒ See above, p. 7.
139 ‒ See above, pp. 8, 9.
140 ‒ See above, p. 10.
141 ‒ See above, p. 15.
142 ‒ See above, p. 54. This was probably Lucius Calpurnius Piso,
consul in B.C. 139.
143 ‒ The _Sanhedrin_, or supreme court of judicature amongst
the Jews, in things spiritual and temporal, consisted
of seventy, seventy-one, or seventy-two members, chosen
from the chief priests, scribes, elders, and some of the
inferior members of the priestly order. Its President,
generally but not always the high-priest, was called
_Nasi_; the vice-president, _Ab Beth Din_, its place of
meeting (βουλή, βουλευτήριον) was the chamber _Gazith_ in
the temple, where the members sat in a half-moon.
The Jews traced back its origin to the time of Moses
(Deut. xvii. 8), but it is only after the return from the
Captivity, and especially during the Asmonean era, that we
find it first mentioned.
Its decrees were of binding force not only in Palestine,
but amongst the extensive colonies of Jews in Egypt,
Babylonia, and Asia Minor, and related to the worship
of the temple, offences against the state, the levying
of war, claims to the prophetical office, and questions
appertaining to the high-priest’s functions. Ordinary
cases came before the _Lesser Sanhedrin_, of which
courts there were two at Jerusalem, and one in every town
containing more than 120 inhabitants.
The jurisdiction and authority of the Sanhedrin were
much curtailed, first by Herod, see above, p. 82, and
afterwards by the Romans (Comp. Jn. xviii. 31; xix. 6;
Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 1).
144 ‒ Comp. Hor. _Sat._ I. ix. 69 sq.; Juvenal, III. 296;
XIV. 96; Cic. _pro Flacco_, ch. XXVIII.
145 ‒ Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, III. 369. “We
find that at Tyre, at Sidon, and at Ascalon, the Romans
published their decrees in the Latin and the Greek idioms;
in the Latin, in token of their own supremacy; in the
Greek, as the language most generally understood by the
conquered people. Ascalon became famous for its Greek
writers in philosophy, history, and grammar. Gadara, a
city of Greek foundation, is celebrated by Strabo for its
contributions to Hellenic science.”
146 ‒ The three words for the elect nation used in the New
Testament are
i. Ἰουδαῖος = a Jew as regards his nation, in
opposition to Ἕλλην, a Gentile;
ii. Ἑβραῖος = a Jew in respect to his language and
education, in opposition to Ἑλληνιστής, a Jew of the
Grecian speech;
iii. Ἰσραηλίτης = a Jew in respect to his religious
privileges, the sacred name. Trench, _N. T.
Synonyms_.
147 ‒ Compare with this the assemblies for prayer and worship
held by the prophets or their scholars in the kingdom of
the Ten Tribes, 2 K. iv. 33.
148 ‒ Generally they were erected and maintained by the
congregation, but sometimes were built by private
individuals: Comp. Lk. vii. 5.
149 ‒ Godwyn’s _Moses and Aaron_, p. 71.
150 ‒ The officers of the synagogue exercised a judicial power.
And in the building itself could (i) bring an offender
to trial (Lk. xii. 11; xxi. 12); and (ii) scourge (Matt.
x. 17; Mark xiii. 9; Acts ix. 2).
151 ‒ Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Synagogue_.
152 ‒ The service was held on Sabbaths and feast-days, later on
the Mondays and Thursdays also.
153 ‒ This would be the case at least in the Palestine
synagogues.
154 ‒ Godwyn’s _Moses and Aaron_, pp. 69–73; Conybeare and
Howson, I. 59.
155 ‒ Comp. Juv. III. 296, _in quâ te quæro proseuchâ?_
156 ‒ See above, p. 20. Comp. Merivale, III. 370.
157 ‒ See above, p. 9.
158 ‒ See Raphall’s _History of the Jews_, Vol. I. pp. 160, 162.
159 ‒ Others, however, derive their name from Tsadikim, ‘the
righteous,’ but its origin appears uncertain.
160 ‒ See above, p. 60.
161 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 1. 4.
162 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 10. 6; XVIII. 1. 4.
163 ‒ The later sect of the Karaites, or _Karæans_,
‘Scripturists,’ succeeded to the Sadducees, but chiefly
in respect of the rejection of tradition, and their strict
adherence to the letter of the law.
164 ‒ See above, p. 30.
165 ‒ The _Scribes_ (γραμματεῖς) are often mentioned in
the Gospels in connection with the Pharisees and
elders. Originally they appear to have been employed
in transcribing the Jewish Scriptures, but subsequently
became interpreters of the Law and teachers of the people.
The majority of them probably belonged to the sect of the
Pharisees, but not all, see Acts xxiii. 9.
166 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 5. 9, and see above, p. 60.
167 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 1. 3.
168 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 10. 5; _B. J._ I. 5. 2, 3.
169 ‒ Comp. above, p. 63, and Luke xi. 43.
170 ‒ See above, pp. 60, 62.
171 ‒ The Jews of later times were very zealous in making
_proselytes_ (Comp. Horace, _Sat._ I. iv. 143), and
succeeded to a great extent, especially among the women.
They are said, though it does not appear absolutely
certain, to have been divided into two classes; (i)
_Proselytes of righteousness_, who were admitted to all
the privileges of Judaism after submitting to circumcision,
and baptism, and offering sacrifice: (ii) _Proselytes
of the gate_, who were not circumcised, but simply
bound themselves to observe what were called ‘the seven
precepts of Noah,’ i.e. (1) to renounce idolatry, (2) to
worship the one true God, (3) to abstain from bloodshed,
(4) incest, (5) robbery, (6) to be obedient to the
magistrates, (7) to abstain from eating flesh with the
blood. Josephus calls such Proselytes οἱ σεβόμενοι, _the
worshippers_, and they are supposed to be meant by the
same word, rendered in our Version _devout men_ in such
passages as Acts xiii. 50; xvi. 14; xvii. 4, 17; xviii. 7.
172 ‒ Analogous to the Essenes were the _Therapeutæ_, who lived
in Egypt, were bound by even stricter rules, and spent
their time in still greater seclusion, Godwyn’s _Moses and
Aaron_, I. 12.
173 ‒ Conybeare and Howson, I. 33; Godwyn, Lib. I. 13.
174 ‒ _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 427.
175 ‒ Compare for a notice of such a process, Herod. III. 149;
VI. 21, quoted in Trench, _Miracles_, p. 311, note.
176 ‒ Comp. Jos. _Ant._ X. 9. 7; IX. 14. 3.
177 ‒ See above, p. 5.
178 ‒ ‘The Samaritans have a firm belief in the coming of
Messiah. They found this upon the words of Moses (Deut.
xviii. 15). They differ, however, with regard to the
character of the Messiah, as well from Jews as from
Christians. They ridicule the Jewish idea of his being
a king and a great conqueror. His mission, they say, is
not to shed blood, but to heal the nations; not to make
war, but to bring peace. He is to be, according to Moses’
promise, a great Teacher, a Restorer of the Law, one that
will bring all the nations, by the illumination of his
teaching, to unite in one service to one God. Therefore
his common name with them is _Taebah_ (תהבה), though the
better known name is _Hatah_ or _Hashah_, the Restorer,
or the Arabic equivalent, Al Mudy, because it is he whose
mission it is to turn the ungodly and unbelieving unto the
Lord.’ Mill’s _Modern Samaritans_, 215, 216.
179 ‒ Westcott’s _Introduction to the Study of the Gospels_,
148, 9.
180 ‒ Godwyn’s _Moses and Aaron_, Lib. I. p. 48; Trench,
_Miracles_, p. 311.
181 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XX. 6. 1; _B. J._ II. 12. 3.
182 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 2. 2.
183 ‒ See _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 483.
184 ‒ Ebrard’s _Gospel History_, p. 487; Westcott’s
_Introduction to the New Testament_, pp. 92, 95.
185 ‒ So Grotius, Lightfoot and others. Reland and Robinson
identify it with Juttah in the mountain-region of Judah,
near Maon and Carmel (Josh. xv. 55), allotted to the
priests (Josh. xxi. 16), now _Yŭtta_. The traditions of
the Greek and Latin Churches point on the other hand to
_Ain Karim_, a village near Jerusalem. Thomson’s _L. and
B._ 664.
186 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 123. For the
composition of the Incense, _Ibid._ p. 135.
187 ‒ See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Incense_.
188 ‒ Hebrew Jochanan = _God is gracious_.
189 ‒ The number present appears to indicate that it was the
Sabbath-day.
190 ‒ It is one peculiarity of the Galilæan hills, as distinct
from those of Ephraim or Judah, that they contain or
sustain green basins of table-land just below their
topmost ridges; forming marked features in any view
from the summit of Tabor, or further north from the
slopes of Hermon.... Such above all is Nazareth. Fifteen
gently rounded hills “seem as if they had met to form an
enclosure” for this peaceful basin――“they rise round it
like the edge of a shell to guard it from intrusion. It
is a rich and beautiful field in the midst of these green
hills――abounding in gay flowers, in fig-trees, small
gardens, hedges of the prickly pear; and the dense rich
grass affords an abundant pasture. The expression of
the old topographer, Quaresmius, was as happy as it is
poetical: ‘Nazareth is a rose, and, like a rose, has the
same rounded form, enclosed by mountains as the flower by
its leaves.’” Stanley’s _Sinai and Palestine_, p. 365.
191 ‒ As the first leader of the hosts of Israel was called
first Hoshea, a _Saviour_, and afterwards Jehoshua or
Joshua, _God the Saviour_ or _God’s Salvation_, in Greek,
ΙΗΣΟΥΣ, JESUS, and saved the Israelites from their enemies
the Canaanites, so the second Joshua was to save His
people from enemies no less real――even _their sins_ (Matt.
i. 21). Compare the title of Conqueror so often applied to
our blessed Lord in the Book of Revelation, as ii. 7, 11;
iii. 5, 12, 21; v. 5; vi. 2, &c., as also in St John’s
Gospel, xvi. 33, and in 1 Jn. ii. 13, 14; iv. 4. See
Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. II.; _Class-Book of O. T.
History_, pp. 173, 223.
192 ‒ The distance from Nazareth to Jerusalem is about 80
miles, and if Zacharias lived at Hebron 17 miles south
of Jerusalem, the whole journey would occupy four or five
days. (i) The most direct route was by Nain and Endor,
and through Samaria and southward by Bethel. (ii) If for
any cause Samaria was to be avoided, the Jordan would be
crossed near Scythopolis, and the way followed through
Peræa along its eastern bank. This was the common route
with the Jews in their journeyings to the feasts, if they
wished specially to avoid Samaria. (iii) Still a third way
was by Dor on the sea-coast, passing through Lydda, and
thence over the mountains of Ephraim. Andrews, p. 64.
193 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 158.
194 ‒ Locusts were frequently used as an article of food (comp.
Levit. xi. 21, 22), being sometimes ground and pounded
and then mixed with flour and water and made into cakes,
sometimes salted and then eaten, or prepared in many other
ways. See Kitto’s _Bible Illustrations_, VII. 191, 2;
Kirby and Spence’s _Entomology_; Thomson’s _Land and the
Book_, pp. 419, 20.
195 ‒ Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, III. 401, smaller
edition.
196 ‒ From Suetonius (_Aug._ Chap. XXVII.) we learn that
Augustus three times held a census for Italy, A.U.C. 726,
746, and 767; and Strabo speaks of one in Gaul and another
in Spain. Tacitus (_Ann._ I. 11) tells us that he had
a little book written out in his own hand treating of
the numbers of his soldiers, the taxes, imposts, &c.,
of his empire, which is also alluded to by Suetonius and
Dion Cassius, and must have been based on surveys of all
parts of the empire. It is also well established that he
commenced, if he did not carry out, a complete geometrical
survey of the empire (see Merivale’s _Romans_, III. 404).
Though these facts do not absolutely _prove_ the holding
of a general census, they go far to _confirm_ the
Evangelist’s statement.
197 ‒ St Luke relates that _this taxing or enrolment took place
as a first one, when Cyrenius was governor of Syria_ (Lk.
ii. 1). But Josephus states that Cyrenius was sent as
governor of Syria after the deposition of Archelaus and
the annexation of Judæa as a Roman province to Syria,
and that he then instituted a census. This could not be
earlier than A.U.C. 758 or 760; but the Saviour was born
before Herod’s death in A.U.C. 750. Various explanations
have been offered of the Evangelist’s words:
i. Some would throw the emphasis on the ἐγένετο, and
translate, “This enrolment first _took effect_ when
Cyrenius was governor of Syria,” i.e. the enrolment,
enumeration of persons, _descriptio capitum_, was made
at the time of our Lord’s birth, but its actual execution
was deferred some nine or ten years, till Judæa was made a
Roman province, when (Acts v. 37) the rebellion took place
against the actual levying of the taxes.
ii. Others would render πρώτη _before_, as in the somewhat
parallel passages in Jn. i. 15, 30, where it is used as
= πρότερος, and translate, “This enrolment took place
_before Cyrenius was governor of Syria_.”
iii. It appears, however, almost certain, Merivale says
_demonstrated_, that Publius Sulpicius Quirinus (Cyrenius)
was _twice_ governor of Syria, _first_ from A.U.C. 750–753,
or B.C. 4–1, and _secondly_ from A.U.C. 760–765, or A.D.
6–11. It is true that Cyrenius does not appear to have
been governor till the autumn of A.U.C. 750, but the
enumeration may have begun or been appointed under Varus
the preceding governor, and being suspended in consequence
of Herod’s death and the disturbances that followed it,
was reserved for execution to Cyrenius, with whose name
it was connected. Merivale, IV. 457; Ellicott, p. 58 n.;
Andrews, 5–8; and see the results of Zumpt’s dissertation
_De Syriâ Romanorum provinciâ_ in Wieseler’s Synopsis,
129–135.
198 ‒ On Herod’s completely tributary relation to Rome, see
Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ pp. 84, 85.
199 ‒ “In the kingdoms of their allies the Romans adopted at
first a milder, and even when circumstances dictated it,
an exceedingly lenient form of census. This we may be sure
would have been the case in the census of Palestine under
Herod, who reigned over the entire nation of the Jews, a
people so much inclined to revolt. It is probable that the
forms for holding the census, issued by Rome, were adapted
as closely as possible to the conditions of the country,
while the execution of it was, as far as practicable,
entrusted to the sole management of Herod and his officers.”
Wieseler, p. 82.
200 ‒ Under purely Roman law “Joseph might _perhaps_ have been
enrolled at Nazareth,” but the fact that he is described
by the Evangelist as journeying to Bethlehem to be
enrolled at the town of his forefathers, is in remarkable
accordance with “the perplexed political relations of the
intensely national yet all but subject Judæa.” Ellicott’s
_Lectures_, p. 60.
201 ‒ On the reasons why this journey was often taken by the
Jews, see above, pp. 122, 123.
202 ‒ It is not impossible that these Magi were acquainted with
Balaam’s prophecy respecting a star to rise out of Jacob
(Num. xxiv. 17; _Class-Book of O. T. History_, 191, 192),
and very probable that they were not ignorant of the
Prophecies of Daniel. The general expectation in the East
at this time that a king should arise in Judæa to rule
the world, is mentioned in Suetonius, _Vesp._ c. IV.,
Tac. _Hist._ V. 13.
203 ‒ The Magi were a tribe of the Medes, like that of Levi
among the Jews, to whom were entrusted all the priestly
functions connected with the practice of their religion,
the chief feature of which was a worship of the elements,
as also the study of astrology, and the interpretation of
dreams.
204 ‒ Though the terrible disorder which carried him off was
already afflicting him, and it wanted probably but a few
days of the period when he sought relief in the baths
of Callirhoe; see above, p. 104, Ellicott’s _Lectures_,
p. 75, n.
205 ‒ The customary gifts of subject nations, see Gen. xliii. 11;
Ps. lxxii. 15; 1 Kings x. 2, 10; 2 Chron. ix. 24; Cant.
iii. 6; iv. 14.
206 ‒ Under any circumstances the number of children thus
ruthlessly murdered could not have been large. “In
peaceful times such an act as this, even if executed,
as this probably was, in secresy, would have excited
general indignation when it became known; but now the
Jewish people had so long ‘supped with horrors,’ and were
so engrossed in the many perils that threatened their
national existence, that this passed by comparatively
unnoticed. Such a deed, from a man of whom Josephus says
that ‘he was brutish and a stranger to all humanity,’ ...
could have awakened no surprise. It was wholly in keeping
with his reckless and savage character, but one, and by no
means the greatest of his crimes. It is therefore possible
that it may never have come to the knowledge of the Jewish
historian, writing so many years after the event.” Andrews,
p. 89, Rawlinson’s _Bampton Lectures_, pp. 352, 3 and note.
207 ‒ Compare the execution of the zealots for pulling down the
Golden Eagle, above, p. 104.
208 ‒ See above, p. 82.
209 ‒ See above, p. 105.
210 ‒ See above, p. 105.
211 ‒ He was the son of Herod by his Samaritan wife Malthace
(Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 8. 1; _B. J._ I. 28. 4). He was guilty
of great cruelty and oppression. Not long after his
accession he put to death in the Temple 3000 of the Jews,
letting loose upon them his entire army during the Paschal
Festival (Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 9. 3; _B. J._ II. 1. 3). The
Samaritans also suffered terribly from his cruelties
(_B. J._ II. 7. 3).
212 ‒ Andrews’ _Life of our Lord on Earth_, p. 91; Ellicott,
p. 81.
213 ‒ The attendance of women at the great feasts was not
_required_ by the Law. Ellicott, p. 89.
214 ‒ “As is well known, the first day’s journey of a company
of eastern travellers is always short. On that day it
is not customary to go more than six or eight miles, and
the tents are pitched, for the first night’s encampment,
almost within sight of the place from which the journey
commences.” Hackett, _Script. Ill._ 12, quoted in Andrews,
p. 96.
215 ‒ This we may compute in two ways; either (i) the _first_,
that of their departure from Jerusalem; _second_, the day
of their return; _third_, the day when He was found; or
(ii) excluding the day of departure; _first_, the day of
their return; _second_, the day of search in Jerusalem;
_third_, the day when He was found. _Ibid._
216 ‒ See above, p. 96; comp. Lightfoot _Hor. Heb._ on Lk. ii. 46.
217 ‒ This was the general opinion of the early Fathers; is in
accordance with the settled custom of the Jews to bring up
their sons to some trade; and is implied in the question
of the inhabitants of Nazareth, “_Is not this the
carpenter?_” (Mtt. xiii. 55, Mk. vi. 3).
218 ‒ The _Roman province of Judæa_ extended from the plain of
Esdraelon southwards to the desert, and in our Lord’s time
_included Samaria_, which had now no separate political
existence. On Idumæa, see above, p. 32 and note.
219 ‒ Galilee, from the Hebrew form _Galil_ or _Galilah_
(comp. Jos. xx. 7; 1 Kings ix. 11; Is. ix. 1), denoting
“a circle” or “region,” and “implying the separation of
the district from the more regularly organized tribes
or kingdoms of Samaria and Judæa,” extended from the
region of Lebanon to the southern border of the plain
of Esdraelon. It thus comprised the district formerly
occupied by the tribes of Asher, Naphtali, Zebulun,
Issachar, and part of Manasseh, and was divided into two
sections: (i) _Lower Galilee_, which included the rich
plain of Esdraelon and the whole region from the plain
of Akka to the shores of the Lake of Gennesaret. (For
the fertility of this region, see _Class-Book of O. T.
History_, pp. 219, 220.) (ii) _Upper Galilee_, which
“embraced the whole mountain-range lying between the Upper
Jordan and Phœnicia,” and was also called _Galilee of the
Gentiles_ (Matt. iv. 15; 1 Macc. v. 15), for twenty of its
towns were given by Solomon to Hiram king of Tyre (1 K.
ix. 11), and were then or afterwards colonised by strangers
(Is. ix. 1), who increased in number during the Captivity
and the times of the Maccabees (1 Macc. v. 20–23), and
chiefly consisted of Syrians, Phœnicians, Arabs, and
Greeks. It was probably from contact with this large body
of foreigners that the pronunciation of the Jews residing
in Galilee became peculiar (Mtt. xxvi. 73; Mk. xiv. 70).
220 ‒ A region extending from the Arnon to the Hieromax.
221 ‒ _Auranitis_ was the Greek form of the old name Hauran
(Ezek. xlvii. 16), and was the name of the district in the
upper valley of the Hieromax.
222 ‒ _Gaulanitis_ derived its name from the ancient Levitical
city of refuge (Jos. xx. 8; xxi. 27), Golan, in the
territory of Manasseh (Deut. iv. 43), and included the
district immediately east of the lake of Gennesaret, and
the Upper Jordan. Its principal cities were Golan, Hippos,
Gamala, Bethsaida-Julias (Mark viii. 22) and Seleucia.
223 ‒ _Trachonitis_ was the Greek form of the Hebrew Argob =
_stony_. See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 185.
224 ‒ _Batanæa_, the Græcized form of the Hebrew Bashan,
included, probably, the mountain-district east of
Auranitis.
225 ‒ _Ituræa_ was a little province lying between Gaulanitis
on the south, Trachonitis on the east, Hermon on the
west, and the plain of Damascus on the north. It derived
its name from _Jetur_, a son of Ishmael, who colonised
it (Gen. xxv. 15, 16). His descendants were conquered
by the half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 19–23) but
not annihilated, for, as we have seen, above, p. 61,
♦Aristobulus re-conquered their colony, then called
Ituræa, and gave them their choice between Judaism or
banishment (Jos. _Ant._ XIII. 11. 3). Remnants, however,
still survived, and retiring to the neighbouring rocky
fastnesses “became known as skilful archers and daring
plunderers” (Virgil, _Georg._ II. 448; Cic. _Phil._ II. 24;
VIII. 19; XLIV. 112; V. 18). When Pompeius came into Syria
it was ceded to the Romans, and was heavily taxed by M.
Antonius; it then fell into the hands of a chief called
Zenodorus, but about B.C. 20 was bestowed by Augustus on
Herod the Great (see above, p. 93), who bequeathed it to
his son Philip. Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 8. 1; Smith’s _Bibl.
Dict._ and _Dict. Geog._
226 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ II. 6. 3.
227 ‒ According to Dion Cassius he was banished by Augustus
to Vienne in Gaul, in the consulship of Marcus Æmilius
Lepidus and L. Arruntius, after reigning from A.U.C. 750
to A.U.C. 759, Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 50.
228 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ II. 7. 3; Lewin’s _Fasti Sacri_, p. 146.
229 ‒ From the time of Augustus (B.C. 27) the provinces
subject to the Roman sway were divided into two classes,
(i) _Senatorial_, and (ii) _Imperial_.
(i) _Senatorial_ provinces were governed by a _Proconsul_,
called in Greek Ἀνθύπατος (Acts xiii. 7; xviii. 12;
xix. 38), who was appointed by lot, held his authority
for a year, carried with him the lictors and fasces,
the insignia of a consul, but had no military power.
(ii) _Imperial_ provinces were governed by a _Proprætor_,
in Greek Ἀντιστράτηγος, or as he was sometimes termed
“Legatus,” or Πρεσβευτής, the representative or
“Commissioner” of the emperor. He was appointed by
the emperor himself, held his authority as long as
the latter wished, and went from Italy with all the
pomp of a military commander.
Syria was an _imperial_ province, and therefore was
governed by a Legatus, or “Commissioner” of the emperor,
and Judæa, partly on account of its remoteness from
Antioch, partly from the peculiar character of its
inhabitants, was ruled by a special procurator, subject to
the governor of Syria, but vested within his own province
with the power of a Legatus. Hence we never find the title
Proconsul applied to Quirinus, Pilate, Festus, or Felix,
but Ἡγεμών, a general term = the Latin _præses_ (Comp. Lk.
ii. 2; iii. 1; Acts xxiii. 24). The procurator of Judæa
(a) had his head-quarters at Cæsarea (Acts xxiii. 23);
(b) was assisted by a council consisting of assessors
(Acts xxv. 12); (c) was attended by six lictors, wore the
military dress, and had a cohort as a body-guard (Matt.
xxvii. 27); (d) came up to Jerusalem at the time of the
great festivals, when, according to Josephus, he resided
in the palace of Herod (_B. J._ II. 14. 3); (e) had an
audience-chamber (Acts xxv. 23), and a judgment-seat
(Acts xxv. 6); (f) had the power of life and death (Matt.
xxvii. 26), and sent appeals to the emperor (Acts xxv. 12).
230 ‒ During his procuratorship occurred the pollution of the
temple by the Samaritans, related above, p. 123. Up to
this time they had been admitted to the temple, but were
now excluded.
231 ‒ “Sebaste and Jerusalem being far from Antioch, the
mountains difficult and the people turbulent, Quirinus was
allowed to treat these new districts of the empire as a
sub-province, placing them under a procurator of their own,
with a provincial capital at Cæsarea on the sea-coast.”
H. Dixon’s _Holy Land_, I. 236.
232 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ II. 8. 1.
233 ‒ See above, p. 135, note.
234 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVI. 13. 5.
235 ‒ _Ib._ XVII. 1. 1.
236 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 1. 1; _B. J._ II. 8. 1.
237 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 2. 1.
238 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 2. 2; Lewin’s _Fasti Sacri_, p. 160, 1.
239 ‒ Seeing that a rapid succession of governors only increased
the oppressions and exactions of the provinces; the
governor, who anticipated but a short harvest, making the
most of his time, and extorting as much as he was able
in the shortest possible period. Jos. _Ant._ XVII. 7. 5;
Merivale, V. 281.
240 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 2. 2. Some think that Annas was now
_Nasi_ or President of the Sanhedrin, an office not always
held by the high-priest. Ellicott, 333, n.
241 ‒ The _gens_ of the Pontii, with whom he may have been
connected either by descent or adoption, is first
conspicuous in Roman history in the person of C. Pontius
Telesinus, the great Samnite general. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
242 ‒ By some (i) deemed to denote “armed with the _pilum_, or
javelin;” by others (ii) considered an abbreviation of
pileatus, from _pileus_, “the cap or badge of manumitted
slaves,” indicating that he was either a _libertus_, i.e.
“freedman,” or descended from one. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
243 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 3. 1.
244 ‒ Comp. Mark vii. 11.
245 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 3. 2.
246 ‒ “With the Roman legions came the Roman fiscal system;
harbour-dues, post-dues, town-dues, customs, excise;
in the streets a house-tax, in the markets a fruit-tax,
everywhere a poll-tax. The Jews began to groan under the
weight, and sicken under the names of these Roman imposts
... their nationality was gone, they were denied the grain
of comfort which an Oriental finds in seeing and kissing
the foot that grinds him into dust. For many years after
Archelaus left Jerusalem, the Jews rarely saw the faces of
their lords. Augustus dwelt at Rome, Quirinus at Antioch,
Coponius at Cæsarea. Jerusalem was garrisoned by a
subaltern, governed by a priest.” H. Dixon’s _Holy Land_,
I. 238.
247 ‒ The 15th year of Tiberius mentioned by St Luke iii. 1.
either (i) includes the two years during which Tiberius
appears to have been associated with Augustus, or (ii)
coincides not with the first appearance, but the captivity
of John the Baptist, “the epoch, from which, in accordance
with ancient tradition, the narrative of the first three
Gospels appears to date.” Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 104, n.;
Wieseler’s _Chronol. Synop._
248 ‒ Situated either thirty miles north of Jericho, near
Succoth, the northern ford, or nearly east of that city,
the ordinary point of passage across the river. Ellicott’s
_Lectures_, 106, n.
249 ‒ See above, p. 118, note.
250 ‒ “Lightfoot shews that it was the token of a slave having
become his master’s property, to _loose_ his shoe, to
_tie_ the same, or to carry the necessary articles for
him to the bath.” Alford on Matt. iii. 11.
251 ‒ Probably about six months after his ministry had begun.
Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 102, n.
252 ‒ Διεκώλυεν, Mtt. iii. 14, a much stronger word than the
simple ἐκώλυεν, and denoting earnestness and an active
endeavour to prevent him.
253 ‒ Ellicott, p. 109. The traditional site is the mountain
Quarantania, “a high and precipitous wall of rock 12
or 1500 feet above the plain west of the Jordan near
Jericho.” The side facing the plain is as perpendicular
and apparently as high as the rock of Gibraltar, and
upon the summit are still visible the ruins of an
ancient convent. Midway below are caverns hewn in the
perpendicular rock, where hermits formerly retired to fast
and pray in imitation of the “Forty Days.” Robinson’s
_Palestine_, I. 567; Thomson’s _L. and B._ 617; Tristram,
pp. 208, 209.
254 ‒ The identity of Nathanael and Bartholomew appears highly
probable.
a. St John twice (i. 45; xxi. 2) mentions Nathanael, never
Bartholomew.
b. The other Evangelists (Mtt. x. 3; Mk. iii. 18; Lk.
vi. 14) all speak of Bartholomew, never of Nathanael.
c. Philip first brought Nathanael to Jesus, and
Bartholomew is mentioned by each of the first three
Evangelists immediately after Philip.
d. St Luke couples Philip with Bartholomew precisely in
the same way as Simon with his brother Andrew, and Joses
with his brother John.
255 ‒ Perhaps for the purpose of prayer and meditation. “The
foliage of the fig-tree produces a thick shade, and the
Jewish Rabbis were accustomed to rise early and study
beneath it.” Wordsworth’s _Notes_.
256 ‒ Identified either with (i) _Kefr Kenna_, a small village
about 4½ miles N.E. of Nazareth, which “now contains only
the ruins of a church, said to stand over the house in
which the miracle was performed;” or (ii) _Kana el Jelil_,
about 5 miles north of Sepphoris, and 9 from Nazareth,
near Jotapata, the name of which is considered by some
completely to represent the Hebrew original. Robinson,
II. 346–349; Thomson, _Land and Book_, p. 425; Stanley,
_S. and P._ 367.
257 ‒ It is a striking confirmation of our Lord’s words (Mtt.
xi. 23) that the very site of Capernaum, then a flourishing
and populous place, is now one of the most hotly-contested
points connected with the geography of Palestine: (i) some
would place it at _Khân Minyeh_, at the N.E. end of the
Plain of Gennesaret: (ii) others place the Fountain of
Capernaum, mentioned by Josephus (_B. J._ III. 10. 8) at
_Et-Tabiga_, a little to the north of _Khân Minyeh_, and
the town itself at _Tell Hum_, where there are the remains
of a place of considerable extent, “consisting chiefly of
the fallen walls of dwellings and other buildings, all of
unhewn stone.” Robinson, I. 540; Thomson, _L. and B._
258 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, II. 298.
259 ‒ Josephus (_B. J._ VI. 9. 3) estimates the number of lambs
sacrificed at the Passover in the time of Nero at 256,500.
260 ‒ This cleansing of the Temple recorded by St John is
clearly distinct from the later one mentioned by Mtt.
xxi. 12, &c.; Mk. xi. 15, &c.; Lk. xix. 15, &c.
261 ‒ “Any Jew might come forward as a zealot against illegal
abuses in the national life (Num. xxv. 7), but the
greatest zealots generally justified their proceedings
as prophets and workers of miracles (1 K. xviii. 23, 24).
By His act the Lord had rebuked the whole nation, and
the Sanhedrin itself; they demanded, therefore, a sign
to legitimate His proceeding.” Lange, II. 300; Milman, I.
159 n.
262 ‒ How widely this mysterious saying, though misunderstood,
was circulated, and how deep was the impression it made,
is clear from several subsequent incidents. See Mtt.
xxvi. 61; Mk. xiv. 58; Mtt. xxvii. 39, 40; Mk. xv. 29.
263 ‒ Comp. Jn. iii. 1; vii. 26, 50; Lk. xxiv. 20.
264 ‒ For the circumstances here alluded to see _Class-Book of
O. T. History_, pp. 182, 183.
265 ‒ Ænon means _place of fountains_, a Greek form of the
Chaldee word denoting the same.
266 ‒ According to Eusebius and Jerome, Salim existed in
their day near the Jordan, eight Roman miles south of
Scythopolis. In exact accordance with this position the
name _Salûm_ has been lately discovered six English miles
south of Beisan, and two miles west of the Jordan. Beside
it there gushes out a splendid fountain, and rivulets
wind about in all directions, so that of few places in
Palestine could it be said so truly _there was much water
there_. Van de Velde, II. 356.
267 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 1.
268 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 2.
269 ‒ See the Calendar in _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155.
270 ‒ At this time called Sychar by the Jews of the south, in
studied contempt, as denoting either _falsehood_, i.e.
_idol-worship_ (Hab. ii. 18), or _drunkard_.
271 ‒ Jacob’s well is a spot the identity of which has never
been seriously questioned; Jews and Samaritans, Christians
and Mahommedans, unite in attesting it. It is situated
“on the end of a low spur or swell, running out from the
north-eastern base of Gerizim,” the mouth being encumbered
by the ruins of a Christian church once built over it. “The
width of the bore is about nine feet, the upper portion
built in with neatly dressed and squared stones like the
masonry of the wells of Beersheba, the lower portion hewn,
to all appearance, out of the solid rock.” The well is
still deep, about seventy-five or eighty feet, though
evidently choked with many feet of rubbish, and oftentimes
filled with much water. Robinson, III. 132; Tristram, 146;
Stanley’s _S. and P._ pp. 240, 241.
272 ‒ On the feeling of the Samaritans towards the Jews, see
above, p. 122.
273 ‒ For the building and destruction of the temple there, see
above, pp. 3, and 57.
274 ‒ On the Samaritan expectation of the Messiah, see above,
pp. 121, 122.
275 ‒ Τις βασιλικός (Jn. iv. 46). Some have supposed him to have
been Chuza, Herod’s steward, whose wife was among the holy
women that _ministered unto the Lord of their substance_
(Lk. viii. 3). “This is not wholly improbable,” writes
Archbishop Trench, “for it would seem as if only some
mighty and marvellous work of this kind would have drawn
a steward of Herod’s with his family into the net of the
Gospel,” _On the Miracles_, p. 119.
276 ‒ One hour after noon.
277 ‒ The true reading in Jn. v. 1 appears to be ἑορτή without
the article, and the feast spoken of is identified by
Wieseler, Tischendorf, Ellicott and others, with that of
Purim; for the institution of which see _Class-Book of
O. T. History_, p. 475.
278 ‒ By some identified with a large reservoir called the
_Birket Israil_ within the walls of the city and close to
St Stephen’s Gate, under the N.E. wall of the haram area.
Robinson, however, identifies it with the “Fountain of the
Virgin,” in the Kedron valley, a little above the pool of
Siloam. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
279 ‒ Ellicott’s _Lectures_, pp. 141, 142.
280 ‒ For the service of the Synagogue see above, pp. 111–113.
281 ‒ “They arose,” it is said of the infuriated inhabitants,
“and cast Him out of the city, and brought Him to _a
brow of the mountain_ (ἕως ὀφρύος τοῦ ὄρους) on which the
city was built, so as to _cast Him down the cliff_ (ὥστε
κατακρημνίσαι αὐτόν). Most readers probably from these
words imagine a town built on the summit of a mountain,
from which summit the intended precipitation was to take
place. This is not the situation of Nazareth. Yet its
position is still in accordance with the narrative. It
is built ‘upon,’ that is, on the side of ‘a mountain,’
but the ‘brow’ is not beneath but over the town, and such
a cliff (κρημνός), as is here implied, is to be found,
as all modern travellers describe, in the abrupt face
of the limestone rock, about thirty or forty feet high,
overhanging the Maronite convent at the south-western
corner of the town.” Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 367;
Robinson, II. 335; Tristram’s _Land of Israel_, p. 121.
282 ‒ “The Saviour _came down_ (Lk. iv. 31; Jn. iv. 47, 51)
from the high country of Galilee, where He had hitherto
dwelt, and from henceforth made His permanent home in
the deep retreat of the sea of Galilee.... It was no
retired mountain-lake by whose shore He took up His abode,
such as might have attracted the eastern sage or western
hermit. It was to the Roman Palestine almost what the
manufacturing districts are to England. Nowhere, except
in the capital itself, could He have found such a sphere
for His works and words of mercy; from no other centre
could _His fame_ have so gone throughout all Syria (Mtt.
iv. 24).... Far removed from the capital, mingled with
the Gentile races of Lebanon and Arabia, the dwellers
by the sea of Galilee were free from most of the strong
prejudices which in the south of Palestine raised a bar
to His reception. _The people in the land of Zabulon and
Nephthalim, by the way of the sea, beyond Jordan, Galilee
of the Gentiles_, had _sat in darkness_; but from that
very cause _they saw_ more clearly _the great Light_ when
it came: _to them which sat in the region and the shadow
of death_, for that very reason _light sprang_ up the more
readily. He came to _preach the Gospel to the poor_, _to
the weary and heavy laden; to seek and to save that which
was lost_. Where could He find work so readily as in the
ceaseless toil and turmoil of these teeming villages and
busy waters? The heathen or half-heathen _publicans_ or
tax-gatherers would be there, sitting by the lake side
_at the receipt of custom_. The _women who were sinners_
would there have come, either from the neighbouring Gentile
cities, or corrupted by the license of Gentile manners.
The Roman soldiers would there be found quartered with
their slaves (Luke vii. 2), to be near the palaces of
the Herodian princes, or to repress the turbulence of the
Galilæan peasantry. And the hardy boatmen, filled with the
faithful and grateful spirit by which that peasantry was
always distinguished, would supply the energy and docility
which He needed for His followers.” Stanley’s _S. and P._
375–377; comp. Jos. _B. J._ III. 3. 2.
283 ‒ Milman, I. 177; Andrews, p. 179.
284 ‒ The notice of _the hired servants_ (Mark i. 20), the _two
vessels_ employed (Luke v. 7), and the subsequent mention
of St John’s acquaintance with one in so high a position
as the high priest (John xviii. 15), seem to indicate that
Zebedee, if not a wealthy man, was at any rate of no mean
position in Capernaum. See Ellicott, 169 n.
285 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, 127, 128.
286 ‒ Comp. Exod. xx. 18, 19; Judg. xiii. 22; Dan. x. 17; Isai.
vi. 5.
287 ‒ Trench, 232.
288 ‒ Or “great fever,” one of the expressions often cited as
illustrating St Luke’s professional acquaintance with
disease. The Greek medical writers recognised a marked
distinction between “great” and “small” fevers.
289 ‒ See _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 150.
290 ‒ Comp. Mk. vi. 11, _for a testimony unto them_, with Luke
ix. 5, _for a testimony against them_.
291 ‒ The identity of Matthew and Levi seems to follow from
(i) The perfect agreement in the narratives of the
calling of the one (Matt. ix. 10), and of the other
(Mark ii. 15; Luke v. 29);
(ii) The absence from the lists of the Apostles of any
trace of the name _Levi_, while that of _Matthew_
occurs in all.
It is not improbable that the grateful “publican” changed
his name after and in memory of his call, so that he,
who was before called Levi, was now known as Matthew, or
Matthias, which is equivalent to _Theodore_, the “gift of
God.” See Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 172 n.
292 ‒ Ellicott’s _Lectures_, p. 173.
293 ‒ By some explained as
(i) The Sabbath that succeeded the second day of the
Passover;
(ii) The 15th of Nisan, the 14th being, it is asserted,
always coincident with the Sabbath;
(iii) The first Sabbath of a year that stood second in a
Sabbatical cycle.
294 ‒ “He that reapeth corn on the Sabbath, to the quantity
of a fig, is guilty; and plucking corn is as reaping.”
Lightfoot, quoting the Mishna.
295 ‒ See above, p. 159.
296 ‒ See above, p. 159.
297 ‒ It was probably now that the Saviour called these brothers
Boanerges, “_Sons of Thunder_,” from their burning and
impetuous spirit, of which we trace indications in Lk.
ix. 54, Mk. ix. 38.
298 ‒ See above, p. 159.
299 ‒ See above, p. 159, n.
300 ‒ See above, p. 182.
301 ‒ See above, p. 148.
302 ‒ Tradition places the scene of the Sermon on the Mount on
a hill known as the “Horns of Hattin,” a ridge no great
distance from _Tell Hûm_, running east and west for about
a quarter of a mile, and called by the Latins the Mount
of Beatitudes. Stanley thinks “the situation so strikingly
coincides with the intimations of the Gospel narrative as
almost to force the inference, that in this instance the
eye of those who selected the spot was for once rightly
guided,” _S. and P._ p. 360. On the peculiar acoustic
properties of the neighbourhood, see Tristram’s _Land of
Israel_, p. 433.
303 ‒ In reference to the Sermon on the Mount as related by
St Matthew and St Luke, it may be observed that the
differences are on the whole few when compared with the
resemblances: Thus (i) both have the same beginning and
ending; (ii) the order is generally similar; (iii) the
expressions are often identical; (iv) the audience (Mtt.
iv. 25; Lk. vi. 17; Mk. iii. 7, 8) was the same, and
included crowds from every part of the land; (v) probably
St Matthew relates it _substantially_ as it was delivered,
and writing for Jews retains those portions which relate
to the Jewish sects and customs, while St Luke has
modified it to meet the wants of those for whom he more
especially wrote. Ellicott’s _Lectures_, p. 180, n. and
Andrews, p. 223.
304 ‒ Trench _On the Miracles_, pp. 225, 226.
305 ‒ Ellicott’s _Lectures_, p. 181.
306 ‒ Now called _Neïn_. It was near the source of the brook
Kishon, not far from Endor, and 2½ leagues from Nazareth.
The name means “the lovely,” and was perhaps given
on account of its pleasant situation in the plain of
Esdraelon.
307 ‒ Jos. _B. J._ VII. 6. 1–3.
308 ‒ Like Socrates, the Baptist, though in confinement, was
allowed to hold intercourse with his disciples. Comp. Mtt.
xxv. 36; Acts xxiv. 23. Lange, III. 116, n.
309 ‒ Milman, I. 215.
310 ‒ Lange, III. 108.
311 ‒ Ellicott, p. 182.
312 ‒ There is no real ground for identifying this woman with
Mary Magdalene. It is true that she was a victim of
Satanic influence (Lk. viii. 2), but it does not follow
that she had been guilty of sins of impurity.
313 ‒ This anointing is not to be confounded with that recorded
in Mtt. xxvi. 6, &c., Mk. xiv. 3, &c., Jn. xii. 1, &c. The
two anointings differ in time, and place, as well as the
chief actors. Trench _On the Parables_, p. 290.
314 ‒ Trench _On the Parables_, pp. 289–293.
315 ‒ See above, p. 171.
316 ‒ See Ellicott, p. 184, and note.
317 ‒ On the scenery around the lake which would suggest the
majority of the Parables now delivered, see a striking
passage in Stanley’s _Sinai and Palestine_, pp. 425–427.
“A slight recess in the hill-side, close upon the Plain
of Gennesaret, disclosed at once, in detail, and with a
conjunction I remember nowhere else in Palestine, every
feature of the great parable of the Sower;” there was
i. The undulating _corn-field_ descending close to the
water’s edge, over which hovered countless _birds_
of various kinds. Comp. also Tristram, p. 431;
ii. The _trodden pathway_ running through the midst of
it, with no fence or hedge to prevent the seed from
falling here and there on either side of it or upon
it; itself hard with the constant tramp of horse
and mule and human feet;
iii. The _rocky ground_ of the hill side protruding here
and there through the corn-fields, as elsewhere
through the grassy slopes;
iv. The large _bushes of thorn_, the “Nabk,” springing
up like the fruit-trees of the more inland parts,
in the very midst of the waving wheat;
v. The _good rich soil_, which distinguishes the whole
of the Plain of Gennesaret and its neighbourhood
from the bare hills elsewhere descending into the
lake, and which, where there is no interruption,
produces one vast mass of corn;
vi. The women and children picking out from the wheat
the tall green stalks, called by the Arabs _Zurwân_,
= the Greek _Zizania_, = the _Lollia_ of the
Vulgate, = the _tares_ of our version, which if
sown designedly throughout the fields would be
inseparable from the wheat, from which, even when
growing naturally and by chance, these are at first
sight hardly distinguishable;
vii. The _mustard-tree_ (in Arabic _Khadel_, in Hebrew
_Chardal_, in N.W. India _Khardel_), growing
especially on the shores of the Lake, [as also near
Damascus, Jerusalem, and the Dead Sea], rising from
_a small seed_ into a _large shrub or tree_, 25 ft.
high, and producing numerous branches and leaves,
among which _the birds take shelter_.
viii. The great _fisheries_, which once made the fame of
Gennesaret, with
(1) the busy fishermen plying
(a) the _drag-net_, or _hawling-net_, σαγήνη (Mtt.
xiii. 47, 48), the Latin _tragum_ or _tragula_,
the English _seine_ or _sean_, sometimes half
a mile in length (Trench, _Parables_, 134, n.);
(b) the _casting-net_, ἀμφίβληστρον (Mtt. iv. 18;
Mk. i. 16), the Latin _funda_ or _jaculum_,
circular in shape, “like the top of a tent”
(Thomson, _L. and B._ 402);
(c) the _bag-net and basket-net_, so constructed
and worked as to enclose the fish out in deep
water (Lk. v. 4–9), Thomson, p. 402.
(2) “The marvellous shoals of fish of various kinds,
the most striking phenomenon of the lake” (Tristram,
p. 432).
318 ‒ With reference to the sudden and violent tempests, to
which the lake is exposed, “we must remember,” writes
Thomson, “that it lies low, 600 feet lower than the ocean;
that the vast and naked plateaus of the Jaulan rise to
a great height, spreading backwards to the wilds of the
Hauran, and upward to snowy Hermon; that the water-courses
have cut out profound ravines, and wild gorges converging
to the head of the lake, and that these act like gigantic
funnels to draw down the cold winds from the mountains.
And moreover, these winds are not only violent, but they
come down suddenly, and often when the sky is perfectly
clear,” _The Land and the Book_, p. 374; Tristram, p. 430.
319 ‒ The MSS. in all three Evangelists vary in their readings
between Γαδαρηνῶν, Γερασηνῶν, and Γεργεσηνῶν. Gadara,
the capital of Peræa, lay S.E. of the southern extremity
of Gennesaret, at a distance of about sixty stadia from
Tiberias, its country being called Gadaritis. Gerasa lay
on the extreme E. limit of Peræa, and was too far from
the lake to give its name to any district on its borders.
It is the opinion of Dr Thomson that St Matthew, “writing
for those intimately acquainted with the topography of the
country in detail, names the obscure and exact locality
_Gergesa_, while SS. Mark and Luke, writing for those at
a distance, simply name the country _Gadara_, as a place
of importance, and acknowledged as the capital of the
district.” Directly opposite Gennesaret this traveller
visited some ruins called by his guide _Kerza_ or _Gersa_,
which he identifies with the Gergesa of St Matthew, _Land
and Book_, p. 375.
320 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, p. 170.
321 ‒ Εἰς τὴν ἄβυσσον (Lk. viii. 31), translated in the English
version _the deep_, which leads to a confusion of ideas.
The word occurs here and in Rom. x. 7, where also _Hell_
would be the better translation, and several times in
Revelation, as ix. 1, 2, 11; xi. 7; xvii. 8; xx. 1, 3;
in which places it corresponds to τάρταρος Tartarus,
and γέεννα Gehenna (2 Pet. ii. 4), Trench, _Miracles_,
p. 171, n.
322 ‒ At _Kerza_ or _Gersa_, “while there is no precipice
running sheer to the sea, but a narrow belt of beach, the
bluff behind is so steep, and the shore so narrow, that
a herd of swine, rushing frantically down, must certainly
have been overwhelmed in the lake before they could
recover themselves,” Tristram, p. 462.
323 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, p. 176.
324 ‒ Decapolis, “the ten cities” (Mtt. iv. 25; Mk. v. 20; vii.
31), all lay, with the exception of Scythopolis, East of
the Jordan, and to the E. and S.E. of the sea of Galilee.
They were, 1. Scythopolis, 2. Hippos, 3. Gadara, 4. Pella,
5. Philadelphia, 6. Gerasa, 7. Dion, 8. Canatha, 9. Abila,
10. Capitolias. They were rebuilt, partially colonized,
and endowed with peculiar privileges immediately after the
conquest of Syria by the Romans, B.C. 65. The limits of
the territory of Decapolis were not very clearly defined,
and the word was sometimes used to designate a large
district extending along both sides of the Jordan: see
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
325 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, p. 181.
326 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, p. 186.
327 ‒ Such is the usual explanation of γενέσια. Wieseler,
however, and others, consider it refers to a feast kept
in honour of his accession to the throne, and so make
the date of the Baptist’s execution April 11, A.U.C. 782,
since Herod the Great died a few days before the Passover,
A.U.C. 750. Wieseler’s _Synopsis_, p. 265; Andrews, p. 254.
328 ‒ Bethsaida-Julias was at the N.E. extremity of the lake
of Gennesaret. It had been a village, but was rebuilt and
adorned by Herod Philip, who raised it to the dignity of a
town, and called it Julias after the daughter of Augustus
(Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 2. 1; _B. J._ II. 9. 1; III. 10. 7).
329 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 2.
330 ‒ Greswell, _Harm._ III. 428, thinks that during the earlier
period of the Saviour’s ministry Herod had either been
engaged in hostilities with Aretas, or had been on a
visit to Rome, whither he went about this time, and so
had remained ignorant of what had already taken place.
The late mission of the Twelve would be very likely to
rouse attention, indicating, as it apparently did, a
purpose to disseminate His doctrine more widely, and to
make disciples in larger numbers, Andrews, p. 256.
331 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, p. 262.
332 ‒ Trench, p. 262.
333 ‒ “There is now, and probably always was, one characteristic
feature of the Eastern side of the Lake――its _desert
character_. Partly this arises from its near exposure
to the Bedouin tribes, partly from its less abundance of
springs and streams. There is no recess in the Eastern
hills; no towns along its banks corresponding to those in
the Plain of Gennesaret. Thus the wilder regions became a
natural refuge from the active life of the Western shores.”
Stanley’s _S. and P._ 379.
334 ‒ Compare Trench, _Miracles_, p. 264.
335 ‒ Consisting some of 50, some of 100, and, in the graphic
words of St Mark, showing like so many _garden plots_
(πρασιαὶ πρασιαὶ), on the green turf. “Our English ‘_in
ranks_,’ does not reproduce the picture to the eye, giving
rather the notion of continuous lines. Wiclif’s was better,
‘_by parties_.’ Perhaps ‘_in groups_’ would be as near as
we could get to it in English,” Trench, _Miracles_, p. 265.
“In the parts of the plain not cultivated by the hand of
man would be found _the much green grass_ (Mk. vi. 39; Jn.
vi. 10) still fresh in the spring of the year, before it
had faded away in the summer sun――the tall grass which,
broken down by the feet of the thousands there gathered
together, would make as it were couches (Mk. vi. 39, 40)
for them to recline upon.” Stanley’s _S. and P._ 381.
336 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, p. 271, and note.
337 ‒ The Western Bethsaida, the city of Philip, and Andrew, and
Peter, is placed by Robinson at the modern _Et-Tabighah_,
by Ritter at _Khân Minyeh_. Ellicott, 207, note.
338 ‒ The proper Jewish reckoning recognised only _three_ such
watches, entitled (i) _the first or beginning of the
watches_ (Lam. ii. 19), lasting from sunset to 10 P.M.;
(ii) _the middle watch_ (Judg. vii. 19), from 10 P.M. to
2 A.M.; (iii) _the morning watch_ (Ex. xiv. 24; 1 Sam.
xi. 11), from 2 A.M. to sunrise. After the Roman supremacy
the number of watches was increased to _four_, sometimes
described by their numerical order (as Mtt. xiv. 25),
sometimes by the terms “_even_,” closing at 9 P.M.;
“_midnight_;” “_cock-crowing_” at 3 A.M.; “_morning_” at
6 A.M.; See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
339 ‒ Scarcely, therefore, more than half the way, the lake
being 40 or 45 furlongs in breadth.
340 ‒ “The contrary wind, which, blowing up the lake from the
south-west would prevent the boat of the Apostles from
returning to Capernaum, would also bring _other boats_
(Jn. vi. 16–24) from Tiberias, the chief city on the south,
to Julias, the chief city on the north, and so enable the
multitudes, when the storm had subsided, to cross at once,
without the long journey on foot which they had made the
day before.” Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 382.
341 ‒ _Verily, verily, I say unto you_, Jn. vi. 26; vi. 32;
vi. 47; vi. 53.
342 ‒ If it was not actually being celebrated. Many hold that
the day on which this momentous discourse was delivered
in the synagogue of Capernaum was the 15th of Nisan, the
second day of the Paschal Feast. See Wieseler, p. 281;
Tischendorf, _Synop. Evang._ XXXIV.; Ellicott’s _Hulsean
Lectures_, p. 210 and note.
343 ‒ Ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ (Jn. vi. 69): such appears to be the
preferable reading. See Scrivener’s Greek Testament.
344 ‒ It is not necessary to regard the statements in Mk. vi.
54, 55 as descriptive of an activity confined to that one
day. Andrews, p. 269.
345 ‒ Lange on Mtt. xv. 21.
346 ‒ A _woman of Canaan_ according to St Matthew (xv. 22), _a
Greek_ or _Syrophœnician_ according to St Mark (vii. 26).
The first term describes her religion, that it was not
Jewish, but heathen; the second, the stock of which she
came, “which was even that accursed stock once doomed
of God to a total excision, but of which some branches
had been spared by those first generations of Israel
that should have extirpated them root and branch. (See
_Class-Book of Old Testament History_, pp. 225–227.)
Everything, therefore, was against this woman, yet she
was not hindered by that everything from drawing nigh,
and craving the boon that her soul longed after,” Trench,
_Parables_, p. 339.
347 ‒ If not _through Sidon_, according to a reading, διὰ
Σιδῶνος, in Mk. vii. 31, found in several MSS., in several
ancient Versions, and adopted by Tischendorf, Alford,
Tregelles and others, and “which certainly appears to
deserve the preference thus almost unanimously given to
it.” Ellicott, 218, n. What part of the Decapolis the Lord
visited is not mentioned.
348 ‒ Not, indeed, absolutely dumb, but unable to utter
intelligible sounds, having, as our Version renders the
word, an impediment in his speech; Greek μογιλάλος =
βραδύγλωσσος.
349 ‒ _He put His fingers into His ears, and spat, and touched
His tongue, and looking up to heaven He sighed, and saith
unto him, Ephphatha, that is, Be opened_ (Mk. vii. 34).
350 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, p. 353.
351 ‒ Lange on Mtt. xv. 32.
352 ‒ _Where_ is not very distinctly specified. All we can
certainly gather is that it was on the Eastern side of the
lake, and in a _desert spot_ (Mtt. xv. 33), possibly about
the middle or southern end of the Lake.
353 ‒ The baskets on this occasion are called σπυρίδες (comp.
Acts ix. 25), on the occasion of the feeding of the
Five Thousand, κόφινος (Mtt. xiv. 20 and the parallels).
When alluding to the two miracles subsequently (Matt.
xvi. 9, 10; Mk. viii. 19, 20), the Saviour preserves
the distinction. For the word κόφινος, compare Juvenal,
III. 13,
Judæis, quorum cophinus fœnumque supellex.
354 ‒ Possibly the ship kept specially for His own use.
355 ‒ Now unanimously identified with a miserable collection
of hovels (Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 382) known as
_el-Mejdel_, on the western side of the lake, and at the
S.E. corner of the Plain of Gennesaret. Its name “is hardly
altered from the ancient Magdala or Migdol, so called,
probably, from an ancient watch-tower that guarded the
entrance of the plain.” Stanley, _l. c._; compare Tristram,
p. 425; Thomson, _L. and B._
356 ‒ “Just before reaching Mejdel we crossed a little open
valley, the _Ain-el-Baridah_, with a few rich corn-fields
and gardens straggling among the ruins of a village, and
some large and more ancient foundations by several copious
fountains, and probably identified with the Dalmanutha of
the New Testament.” Tristram, _l. c._ “We conjecture that
the Lord touched the shore somewhere between these two
villages.” Lange on Mtt. xv. 39.
357 ‒ Comp. Jn. ii. 18, above, p. 164; Jn. vi. 30, above,
p. 211. A sign from heaven denoted either (i) some visible
manifestation of the _Shechinah_, or (ii) some change in
the sun or moon, some meteor, or thunder and lightning.
Comp. Lange on Mtt. xvi. 1.
358 ‒ A town, not Canaanite but Roman, “in its situation, in
its exuberance of water, its olive-groves, and its view
over the distant plain, almost a Syrian Tivoli.” Stanley’s
_S. and P._, p. 398. (i) Its ancient name was _Panium_ or
_Paneas_ (Jos. _Ant._ XV. 10. 3, and see above, p. 13), so
called from a cavern near the town, “abrupt, prodigiously
deep, and full of still water,” adopted by the Greeks of
the Macedonian kingdom of Antioch as “the nearest likeness
that Syria affords of the beautiful limestone grottos
which in their own country were inseparably associated
with the worship of the sylvan Pan,” and dedicated to that
deity. Hence its modern appellation, _Banias_. (ii) The
town retained its old name under Herod the Great, who
built here a splendid temple, of the whitest marble, which
he dedicated to Augustus Cæsar (see above, p. 94). But
Herod Philip made great additions to the town (Jos. _Ant._
XVIII. 2. 1; _B. J._ II. 9. 1), and called it Cæsarea
Philippi, partly after his own name, and partly after
that of the Emperor. Agrippa II. afterwards called it
Neronias (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 4), and here Titus exhibited
gladiatorial shows at the close of the Jewish war (Jos.
_B. J._ VII. 2. 1).
359 ‒ i. The _Baptism_ (Lk. iii. 21); ii. The _Election of
the Twelve_ (Lk. vi. 12, 13); iii. The _Discourse in
the Synagogue_ of Capernaum (Mtt. xiv. 23); iv. Now
_the Transfiguration_ (Lk. ix. 28); v. The _Agony_ (Lk.
xxii. 44).
360 ‒ Stier, II. 329; Lange’s _Life of Christ_, III. 229.
361 ‒ Already by His very name the deepest purport of His
mission had been declared to be the _delivery of His
people from their sin_ (Mtt. i. 21); already the aged
Symeon had foreseen _heart-piercing anguish_ in store for
His mother (Lk. ii. 35); already the Baptist had twice
pointed Him out as the _Lamb of God_ destined _to take
away the sin of the world_ (Jn. i. 29); already at the
first Passover He had spoken to the Jews of a _Temple
to be destroyed and rebuilt in three days_ (Jn. ii. 19);
and to Nicodemus of _a lifting up of the Son of Man_ even
as Moses had _lifted up the serpent in the wilderness_
(Jn. iii. 12–16); already at the second Passover He had
declared that He was about to give His flesh _for the life
of the world_, that His flesh was _meat indeed_, and His
blood _drink indeed_ (Jn. vi. 47–51).
362 ‒ See above, p. 201.
363 ‒ Stanley, _S. and P._, 399; Lightfoot on Mk. ix. 2.
364 ‒ It is clear that the occurrence was no waking vision
or “dream.” Peter and they that were with him _had been
weighed by sleep_ (ἦσαν βεβαρημένοι ὕπνῳ), _but they
thoroughly roused themselves_ (διαγρηγορήσαντες δέ),
_and saw_ His glory and the two men standing with Him.
Lk. ix. 32. See Alford _in loc._
365 ‒ Ἔλεγον τὴν ἔξοδον αὐτοῦ, Lk. ix. 31. “An unusual
construction of λέγειν,” it has been remarked, “though
it occurs again in Rom. iv. 6, and in the earliest
ecclesiastical writers, in the sense of _recounting,
relating the details of, describing_.” Westcott’s _Introd.
to the Study of the Gospels_, p. 298, n. For the word
Ἔξοδος here used compare Wisdom vii. 6; 2 Pet. i. 5.
366 ‒ Trench, _Miracles_, p. 361.
367 ‒ The _Didrachma_ (Matt. xvii. 24) was exactly the sum
mentioned in Ex. xxx. 11–16, due for the current expenses
of the tabernacle, and afterwards of the Temple. The
shekels, half-shekels, and quarter-shekels, which the
Jews were permitted in the time of the Maccabees to coin
(see above, pp. 55, 56), becoming scarce, and not being
coined any more, “it became the custom to estimate the
Temple-dues as two drachmas (the δίδραχμον here required),”
Trench, _Miracles_, p. 373.
368 ‒ Κῆνσος = the capitation-tax; τέλη = customs or tolls on
goods, Trench, _Miracles_, p. 380.
369 ‒ The coin he was told he would find in the fish’s mouth
was a _Stater_ (στατήρ, Matt. xvii. 27) = a whole shekel,
which amounted to about 3 shillings and 3 pence, or just
the sum required.
370 ‒ From Mtt. xiii. 56 we learn that their names were _James_,
_Joses_, _Judas_, and _Simon_. By some they are regarded
as the actual brethren of our Lord; by others as his first
cousins, being the sons of Alphæus or Clopas and Mary the
sister of the Virgin.
371 ‒ Ellicott, 246 n.
372 ‒ Ellicott, 249.
373 ‒ See _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 403.
374 ‒ Comp. Jn. v. 16–18, and see above, p. 173.
375 ‒ Milman, I. 244.
376 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 154, and note.
377 ‒ “This was not historically true; for two prophets at least
had arisen from Galilee: Jonah of Gath-hepher, and the
greatest of the prophets, Elijah of Thisbe; and perhaps
also Nahum and Hosea. Their contempt for Galilee made them
lose sight of historical accuracy.” Alford _in loc._
378 ‒ Milman, _Hist. of Christianity_, I. 246.
379 ‒ Milman, I. 246.
380 ‒ Lightfoot (Wks. I. 325) says they were 13 in number, and
stood in the Court of the Women.
381 ‒ Ellicott, p. 256.
382 ‒ From the fact that the Jews divided the heathen world into
70 nations, it has been supposed that this mission of “the
Seventy” hinted at the future destination of the Gospel
for the whole world, just as the mission of “the Twelve”
Apostles typified its first offer to the twelve tribes of
Israel. Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb. in Joann._ VII. 37. Lange’s
_Life of Christ_, III. 403 n. E. T.
383 ‒ This village, now called _el’ Azarîyeh_, from the name
of Lazarus, is situated on the E. slope of the Mount of
Olives, “not very far from the point at which the road
to Jericho begins its more sudden descent towards the
Jordan valley.” Bethany is usually taken to mean _House of
Dates_, just as Bethphage close by denotes _House of Figs_.
Another explanation is _House of Misery, Poor-House_,
see Deutsch’s Note in Hepworth Dixon’s _Holy Land_, II.
214–219.
384 ‒ Several circumstances appear to indicate that the family
at Bethany were not amongst the poorest of their people:
_e.g._ (i) They possess a family vault (Jn. xi. 38),
which was a privilege of the wealthier orders; (ii) The
number of Jews (Jn. xi. 19) who assembled from Jerusalem
to condole with them were of the higher class (comp.
St John’s use of the term Ἰουδαῖοι in i. 19; vii. 13;
viii. 22; ix. 22, &c.); (iii) the costly box of spikenard
with which Mary anointed the Saviour’s feet (Jn. xii. 3).
Trench _On the Miracles_, 410.
385 ‒ “To this period we may assign that instructive series of
discourses which extend from the middle of the xth to the
middle of the xiiith chapter of St Luke.” Ellicott, p. 257.
386 ‒ Such as the cure of a deaf and dumb demoniac (Lk. xi.
14, 15).
387 ‒ On the blood of Zacharias the son of Barachias, who
perished between the sanctuary (ναός) and the altar of
burnt-offering, see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 425,
and note.
388 ‒ Trench _On the Parables_, p. 341.
389 ‒ Distracting anxiety. Such is the full force of μέριμνα,
from μερίζειν _to divide, cleave asunder_.
390 ‒ On the “Lily” of Palestine, see Stanley, _S. and P._
pp. 139, 429. “The lilies of the field are all out, a few
tulips cover the rocks, but the scarlet anemone (_Anemone
coronaria_, L.) now dominates everywhere, and a small
blue bulbous iris, almost rivalling it in abundance and
brilliancy of colour. There have been many claimants for
the distinctive honour of _the lilies of the field_; but
while it seems most natural to view the term as a generic
expression (comp. Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 429), yet if
one special flower was more likely than another to catch
the eye of the Lord as He spoke, no one familiar with
the flora of Palestine in spring-time can hesitate in
assigning the place to the anemone,” Tristram’s _Land of
Israel_, p. 433.
391 ‒ See above, p. 151.
392 ‒ See above, p. 148.
393 ‒ This outrage very probably was, if not the cause, at least
one of the causes of the quarrel between Herod and Pilate,
alluded to in Lk. xxiii. 12.
394 ‒ Trench _On the Parables_, p. 343.
395 ‒ Compare the same argument as addressed to the patriarch
Job, _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 24.
396 ‒ Probably close to the fountain of Siloam: see above,
p. 235.
397 ‒ Trench _On the Parables_, p. 346.
398 ‒ _Except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish._ “As the
tower of Siloam fell and crushed 18 of the dwellers at
Jerusalem, exactly so multitudes of its inhabitants were
crushed beneath the ruins of their temple and their city;
and during the last siege and assault of that city, there
were numbers also who were pierced through by the Roman
darts, or more miserably yet by those of their own frantic
factions (Jos. _B. J._ V. 1. 3), in the courts of the
temple, in the very act of preparing their sacrifices, so
that literally their blood, like that of these Galilæans,
was mingled with their sacrifices, one blood with another.”
Trench _On the Parables_, p. 346.
399 ‒ Trench _On the Parables_, p. 323.
400 ‒ Trench _On the Parables_, p. 326.
401 ‒ See the Calendar in _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155.
402 ‒ For its institution, see above, p. 36, and _Class-Book of
O. T. History_, p. 154.
403 ‒ See above, p. 96. “This cloister had its name from the
circumstance that, according to the Jewish tradition, it
was a relic of Solomon’s temple, left standing when the
Babylonians destroyed the rest of the sacred edifice.”
Lange’s _Life of Christ_, III. 432, n. E. T.
404 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, III. 432, E. T.
405 ‒ See above, p. 235.
406 ‒ For illustrations of this, see Josephus, _Ant._ XX. 9. 7;
XVII. 10. 2; XVII. 9. 3.
407 ‒ The _Law_ here alluded to is used in its widest
acceptation for the whole Old Testament, as in Jn. xii. 34;
xv. 25.
408 ‒ This Psalm is directed against the tyranny and injustice
of judges in Israel, and the argument is, if in any sense
they could be called _gods_ (as in Ex. xxi. 6; xxii. 9,
28), how much more He, “the only One, sealed and hallowed
by the Father, and the Son of God,” Alford on Jn. x. 36.
409 ‒ See above, p. 153.
410 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, III. 374, E. T.; Alford on Lk.
xiii. 31; Bengel _in loc._
411 ‒ Ellicott, 263, and note.
412 ‒ Milman’s _History of Christianity_, I. 262.
417 ‒ “Every murder of a prophet, perpetrated by the Jews,
proceeded either mediately or immediately from the rulers
of the people, whose residence was at Jerusalem,” Oosterze
on Lk. xiii. 31.
418 ‒ It seems not unreasonable to suppose that these words were
uttered on two different occasions, now and afterwards,
as recorded in Mtt. xxiii. 37 sq. See Ellicott, 264, n.;
Alford on Lk. xiii. 34.
419 ‒ Ἦσαν παρατηρούμενοι, Lk. xiv. 1. Comp. vi. 7; xx. 20; Mk.
iii. 2. See Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 328, n.
420 ‒ Where our Lord now probably was. See Lange’s _Life of
Christ_, III. 388.
421 ‒ See above, p. 239, and note.
422 ‒ Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 391.
423 ‒ For other indications of the character of St Thomas,
see Jn. xiv. 5; xx. 25. We gather that he was (i) deeply
attached to his Master, (ii) prepared to die with Him, but
(iii) ever ready to take the darker view of things, and
(iv) unable to believe other and more than he saw.
424 ‒ “He had most likely died on the same day that the
messenger announcing his illness had reached the Lord
... the day of his arrival would be one day; two our Lord
abode in Peræa after He had dismissed him, and one more He
would have employed in the journey from thence to Bethany
... dying upon that day, he had, according to the custom
of the Jews, which made the burial immediately to follow
on the death, been buried upon the same day” (cf. Acts v.
6–10). Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 397.
425 ‒ Compare Thomson’s _Land and the Book_, pp. 102, 103.
426 ‒ See _Ibid._ pp. 101, 2.
427 ‒ The question of some of the spectators, _Could not this
Man, which opened the eyes of the blind, have caused
that even this man should not have died?_ (Jn. xi. 47)
is characteristic of the exact truth of the narrative
... dwellers in Jerusalem, they refer to a miracle so
well known amongst themselves, rather than to the former
raisings of the dead, of which, occurring at an earlier
period and in the remote Galilee, they had probably heard
by rumour only. Trench, p. 408; Lange’s _Life of Christ_,
III. 473, n.
428 ‒ Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 407.
429 ‒ “Sometimes natural (Gen. xxiii. 9), sometimes artificial,
and hollowed out by man’s labour from the rock (Isai. xxii.
16; Mtt. xxvii. 60), in a garden (Jn. xix. 41), or in some
field, the possession of the family (Gen. xxiii. 9, 17–20;
xxxv. 18; 2 K. xxi. 18).” Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 409.
430 ‒ Neander’s _Life of Christ_, p. 378.
431 ‒ See above, pp. 150, 151.
432 ‒ “Having much to risk, and nothing to gain by change, the
Sadducees, or aristocratic party, were anxious to keep
things safe, so as to prevent any action on the side of
Rome.” H. Dixon’s _Holy Land_, II. 221. Josephus says of
the Sadducees, εἰσὶ περὶ τὰς κρίσεις ὠμοὶ παρὰ πάντας τοὺς
Ἰουδαίους, _Ant._ XX. 9. 1, and the spirit of the family
of Annas, whose son-in-law Caiaphas was, was haughty, bold,
and cruel. See Jos. _Ib._; _Bell. Jud._ II. 8. 14.
433 ‒ “Caiaphas was only consciously stating what he deemed
politically advisable, but he was nevertheless, as the
inspired Evangelist distinctly tells us (Jn. xi. 51), at
the time actually prophesying.” Ellicott’s _Lectures_,
269, n. Alford on Jn. xi. 51.
434 ‒ Robinson identifies Ophrah with Ephraim (comp. 2 Chr.
xiii. 19), and with a village on a conspicuous conical hill,
4 or 5 miles east of Bethel, and 16 from Jerusalem. _Bib.
Res._ I. 447.
435 ‒ “In this border-land it was more natural than elsewhere
that they should find themselves in one company, and thus
a Samaritan had found admission into this forlorn assembly.”
Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 332; Alford on Lk. xvii. 11.
436 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 157.
437 ‒ Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 336.
438 ‒ Probably at Scythopolis, where there was a bridge. See
Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb. et Talm._ on Lk. xvii. 11.
439 ‒ The former adopting the more lax, the latter the stricter
view. Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb. et Talm._ on Mtt. xix. 3. The
object of the question may also in some degree have been
“to involve Him with the adulterous tetrarch in whose
territory He then was.” Ellicott, p. 272.
440 ‒ The two other occasions being (i) in the neighbourhood
of Cæsarea Philippi just after St Peter’s confession (see
above, p. 219); (ii) shortly afterwards, during the return
to Capernaum (see above, p. 225).
441 ‒ Or perhaps the mother was the actual speaker, while the
two Apostles were the instigators. Ellicott, p. 374, note.
442 ‒ Perhaps, as in the case of the Gadarene demoniacs, the one,
whom St Mark (x. 46) names as Bartimæus, was better known,
and hence his case is more particularly recorded; and “the
one who is mentioned at our Lord’s entry into Jericho as
having learnt from the crowd who it was that was coming
into the city (Lk. xviii. 37), was not healed _then_, but
in company with another sufferer, when the Saviour was
leaving the city.” Ellicott, p. 274, n.; Trench _On the
Miracles_, p. 428.
443 ‒ St Luke (xix. 2) calls him ἀρχιτελώνης, an unusual term,
which probably denotes an administrator of taxes, who was
entrusted with the superintendence of other publicans,
and perhaps was the agent of one of the Roman knights, who
often filled the office of _publicanus_. “The collection
of customs at Jericho, which at this time produced
and exported a considerable quantity of balsam, was
undoubtedly an important post, and would account for
Zacchæus being a rich man, Lk. xix. 2.” On the palm-groves
of Jericho and its balsam-trade, see above, p. 86.
444 ‒ See Trench _On the Parables_, p. 512.
445 ‒ It is the opinion of some that he was a connection of the
family of Lazarus.
446 ‒ For another feast upon a Sabbath, comp. Lk. xiv. 1.
“The Sabbath is still among the Jews preferred for the
enjoyment of feasts; but the food was prepared previously,
and even the tables must have been arranged in order
before the Sabbath began,” Hengstenberg on St John xii. 2.
447 ‒ Of the costliness of a casket of spikenard some idea may
be formed from the fact that it was among the gifts sent
by Cambyses to the Ethiopians (Herod. III. 20); compare
also Horace’s words, _Carm._ IV. xii. 16, 17:
Nardo vina merebere.
Nardi parvus onyx eliciet cadum.
448 ‒ Τριακοσίων δηναρίων (Jn. xii. 5). On the denarius, see
below, p. 269, note.
449 ‒ St John remarks that he said this, not _because he cared
for the poor, but because he was a thief, and had the bag,
and bare what was put therein_ (Jn. xii. 6). From which
observation we gather (i) that the brotherhood of the
Twelve had a common treasury, and received contributions
for the poor; (ii) that Judas was their steward or almoner;
(iii) that he had already proved unfaithful, and been
guilty of embezzlement. See Lange’s _Life of Christ_,
IV. 29.
450 ‒ Bethphage (_house of unripe figs_), a place on the Mount
of Olives, on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem. “It
was apparently close to Bethany, and from its being named
first of the two in the narrative of a journey from East
to West, it may be presumed that it lay, if anything, to
the eastward of Bethany.” No remains answering to this
position, according to Robinson, have been found, but see
Barclay’s _City of the Great King_, p. 65.
451 ‒ Lange, IV. 39; Stanley, _S. and P._ 191. In Mk. xi. 8 the
Vatican and Cambridge MSS. read ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν, “having cut
the branches from the gardens.” Eastern gardens are not
flower-gardens, nor private gardens, but the orchards,
vineyards, and fig-enclosures round a town.
452 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 41, n.
453 ‒ Τὰ ἱμάτια, the “abba” or “hyke,” the loose blanket or cloak
worn over the tunic or shirt (χιτών). A striking instance
of the practice is mentioned by Robinson, II. 162, when
the inhabitants of Bethlehem threw their garments under
the feet of the horses of the English consul of Damascus,
whose aid they were imploring. Stanley, _S. and P._
p. 191, n.
454 ‒ “The _branches_ (κλάδοι) cut from the trees as they went
(Mtt. xxi. 8) are different from the mattings ♦στοιβάδες
(Mk. xi. 8), which they had twisted out of the palm-branches
as they came,” _S. and P._ 191, n.
455 ‒ “Again the procession advanced. The road descends a slight
declivity, and the glimpse of the city is again withdrawn
behind the intervening ridge of Olivet. A few moments,
and the path mounts it again, it climbs a rugged ascent,
it reaches a ledge of smooth rock, and in an instant the
whole city bursts into view.” _S. and P._ 193; Tristram’s
_Land of Israel_, p. 196.
456 ‒ εἰ ἄρα, if, as was reasonable to expect under such
circumstances, fruit was to be found. Ellicott, 294, n.;
Lange on Mk. xi. 4.
457 ‒ “This tree, so to speak, vaunted itself to be in advance
of all the other trees, challenged the passer by that
he should come and refresh himself with its fruit. Yet
when the Lord accepted its challenge, and drew near, it
proved to be but _as_ the others, without fruit as they;
for indeed, as the Evangelist observes, the time of figs
had not yet arrived,――its fault, if one may use the word,
lying in its pretension, in its making a show to run
before the rest, when it did not so indeed.” Trench _On
the Miracles_, p. 440; Lange on Mtt. xxi. 18. Thomson,
_The Land and the Book_, p. 349, states that in sheltered
spots figs of an early kind may occasionally be found ripe
as soon as the beginning of April.
458 ‒ See above, p. 158.
459 ‒ Trench _On the Miracles_, 211, 212.
460 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 69; Milman, I. 287.
461 ‒ For their distinctive tenets, see above, pp. 114–119.
462 ‒ Lange, IV. 69; Ellicott, 302.
463 ‒ See above, p. 148.
464 ‒ “The little silver coin (in value about 7½d.), bearing on
its surface the head encircled with a wreath of laurel,
and bound round with the sacred fillet――the well known
features, the most beautiful and the most wicked, even in
outward expression, of all the Roman Emperors――with the
superscription running round, in the stately language
of imperial Rome, _Tiberius Cæsar, Divi Augusti filius
Augustus, Imperator_.” Stanley’s _Canterbury Sermons_,
p. 108.
465 ‒ See above, p. 115.
466 ‒ The Sadducees appear to have held that the soul perishes
with the body: as “the cloud faileth and passeth away,”
they said, “so he that goeth down to the grave doth not
return.” Lightfoot on Mtt. xxii. 23; Comp. Jos. _Ant._
XVIII. 1. 4; _B. J._ II. 8. 14.
467 ‒ See above, p. 115.
468 ‒ Which seems to confirm Lightfoot’s opinion that the
enquiry turned on the importance of the ceremonial as
compared with the moral law. Lightfoot on ♦Mark xii. 28.
469 ‒ Some, however, would refer to this occasion the question
respecting the woman taken in adultery (Jn. viii. 1–11).
See Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 310, and notes.
470 ‒ It is not improbable that the solemn apostrophe to
Jerusalem, uttered on the occasion of the triumphal entry,
was now in part repeated. See Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 314,
and note.
471 ‒ So called, not because “women only entered in there, but
because women might not go further,” just as the court of
the Gentiles was so called, “not, because heathens only
might enter there, but because they might not go further.”
Lightfoot _in loc._
472 ‒ “Before the Passover, free-will offerings, in addition
to the temple-tax, were generally presented.” Lange on
Mk. xii. 41.
473 ‒ Λεπτὰ δύο, ὅ ἐστιν κοδράντης, Mk. xii. 42. The λεπτόν was
the very smallest copper coin. Two made one Roman quadrans,
which was ¼th of an _as_. The _as_ in Cicero’s time =
nearly a halfpenny, and the _quadrans_ = one tenth of a
penny. Lange on Mk. xii. 41.
474 ‒ The regular word for which is Ἑλληνισταί, but Ἕλληνες,
Gentile Greeks. Lange, IV. 53. See above, p. 110. For
the attendance of proselytes of the gate at the feasts at
Jerusalem, comp. Acts viii. 27, Jos. _B. J._ VI. 9. 3, and
Lightfoot on Ju. xii. 20.
475 ‒ Or they may have come from some of the Greek towns of
Galilee――Galilee of the Gentiles. See Lightfoot on Jn.
xii. 20, and above, p. 145, n.
476 ‒ _Præludium regni Dei a Judæis ad gentes transituri._
Bengel. “These men from the West represent at the end
of Christ’s life that which the wise men from the East
represented at its beginning; but those came to the cross
of the King, even as these came to His manger, and receive
presently more full intelligence,” Stier, VI. 78.
477 ‒ Concurrebat horror mortis, et ardor obedientiæ: Veni in
hanc horam, ut venirem in hanc horam, eamque exemplarem.
Bengel.
478 ‒ See above (i) p. 156 and (ii) p. 223.
479 ‒ Compare Acts ix. 4, 7, with Acts xxii. 9, and xxvi. 14.
(i) “The more dull-hearted heard the _sound_, recognized
from whence it came, but mistook it for thunder; (ii) the
more susceptible hearers perceived it to be a _voice_, but
were unable to distinguish what was uttered; (iii) the
smaller circle, of which the Apostle who relates the
occurrence was one, both heard the voice, knew whence it
came, and were enabled to understand the _words_ that were
spoken,” Ellicott, 318, n.
480 ‒ Compare the intimation made to Nicodemus two Passovers
before, above, p. 165.
481 ‒ Their remarks were possibly called forth by His own words,
Mtt. xxiii. 38. On the nature of the buildings, see Jos.
_Ant._ XI. 5; _B. J._ V. 5. 6; and above, pp. 95, 96.
482 ‒ “It is impossible to conceive a spectacle of greater
natural or moral sublimity than the Saviour seated on
the slope of the Mount of Olives, and thus looking down,
almost for the last time, on the Temple and City of
Jerusalem, crowded as it then was with near three millions
of worshippers. It was evening, and the whole irregular
outline of the city, rising from the deep glens, which
encircled it on all sides, might be distinctly traced. The
sun, the significant emblem of the great Fountain of moral
light, to which Jesus and His faith had been perpetually
compared, may be imagined sinking behind the western hills,
whilst its last rays might linger on the broad and many
fortifications on Mount Zion, on the stately palace of
Herod, on the square tower, the Antonia, at the corner
of the Temple, and on the roof of the Temple, fretted
all over with golden spikes, which glittered like fire;
while below, the colonnades and lofty gates would cast
their broad shadows over the courts, and afford that
striking contrast between vast masses of gloom and gleams
of the richest light which only an evening scene, like
the present, can display.... The effect may have been
heightened by the rising of the slow volumes of smoke from
the evening sacrifices, while even at the distance of the
slope of Mount Olivet the silence may have been faintly
broken by the hymns of the worshippers.” Milman’s _History
of Christianity_, I. 294, 295.
483 ‒ Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 363.
484 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 151.
485 ‒ See above, pp. 96, 108, n.
486 ‒ See above, p. 253.
487 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 151; Milman, I. 301.
488 ‒ Neander’s _Life of Christ_, 419 and note; Milman, I. 303.
489 ‒ Amongst the motives which led him to the betrayal of
his Master we may perhaps give prominence to three.
(i) Avarice; (ii) Disappointment of his carnal hopes;
(iii) A gradual growth of hostility to his Master.
(i) _Avarice._ This feature in his character has been
already noticed above, p. 260, note. The germs of this
vice probably unfolded themselves gradually (Stier, VII.
40–67), and in spite of many warnings which he must have
heard from his Lord, as Mtt. vi. 19–34; xiii. 22, 23;
Lk. xvi. 11; Mk. x. 25 (Article _Judas_ in Smith’s
_Bibl. Dict._); but gathered strength and developed into
unfaithfulness and embezzlement as he became entrusted
with larger sums. Hence when he presented himself before
the Sanhedrin, _he probably expected more, but was not
unwilling to take what they offered_.
(ii) _Disappointment of his carnal hopes._ What were the
Messianic expectations of the Apostles we have seen again
and again――a visible kingdom, an earthly throne, high
places, and temporal blessings; these they looked forward
to in common with their nation. To one like Judas, then,
the issue of the Triumphal Entry must have been a deep
disappointment.
(iii) _A gradual growth of hostility towards his Master._
His practical and administrative talents which caused
him to be made treasurer were closely allied with carnal
selfishness (Neander’s _Life of Christ_, 424) which was
early rebuked (Jn. vi. 70), see above, p. 213, but still
more sharply during the supper at Bethany (see above,
p. 260). As he became aware that his real character was
known to the Lord, and found his earthly hopes more and
more disappointed, his “attachment to his Master would
turn more and more into aversion; when the manifestation
of Christ ceased to be _attractive_ it became _repulsive_,
and more and more so every day.” (Neander, p. 424, and
comp. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ I. 1066.)
490 ‒ “Thirty shekels = 120 denarii, and one denarius was at
that time the ordinary wages for a day’s labour (Mtt.
xx. 2); so that the whole sum amounted to about 4 months’
wages of a day-labourer. Thirty shekels, it is to be
noticed, was the value set upon a single slave, according
to Exod. xxi. 32.” Neander’s _Life of Christ_, 421, n.
491 ‒ Probably a believing follower: _Discipulus, sed non ex
duodecim_. Bengel. See also Stier, VII. 77; Ellicott’s
_Lectures_, 321, n.
492 ‒ At this point it may be well to try and realize the manner
in which the Paschal Feast was at this time celebrated by
the Jews.
The company at the Table, which might not be less than 10
persons, usually included from 10 to 20, according to the
family, or the number of strangers that might be present.
They met in the evening and reclined on couches, this being
the usual posture then, as standing had been originally.
The rites of the Feast were regulated according to the
succession of 4, sometimes 5, cups of red wine mixed with
water, which were placed before the head of the house, or
the most eminent guest, who was called the Celebrant, the
President, or _Proclaimer of the Feast_.
i. When they had reclined, he began by taking one of the
four cups of wine in his right hand, and pronounced the
benediction over the wine and the feast, saying, _Blessed
be Thou, O Lord our God, the King of the universe_, who
hast created _the fruit of the Vine_. He then drank the
first cup, and the remainder of the household followed his
example.
ii. Water was then brought in, and he blessed for the
washing of hands, and washed, followed by the rest.
iii. The table was next set out with the unleavened bread,
the sauce called Charoseth, the Paschal Lamb, and the
flesh of the _Chagigah_ or feast-offerings.
iv. The Proclaimer of the Feast then blessed God for the
fruits of the earth, and taking a portion of the bitter
herbs dipped it in the sop, and ate it with all who
reclined at the table.
v. The _Haggadah_ or _showing forth_ now commenced, and
the Celebrant declared the circumstances of the delivery
from Egypt, as commanded in the law (Ex. xii. 27; xiii. 8).
Then the second cup of wine was filled, and a child or
proselyte enquired, _What mean ye by this service_?
(Ex. xii. 26), to which reply was made according to a
prescribed formula or liturgy, and the wondrous events of
the Exodus were related, after which Psalms cxiii, cxiv.
were repeated, followed by a solemn blessing and drinking
of the second cup.
vi. Then, after a second washing of hands, taking two of
the unleavened cakes, the Celebrant broke one of them,
pronouncing the consecration in these words; _Blessed be
Thou, O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who bringest
forth fruit out of the earth_, and distributed a piece
to each person around him, saying, _This is the Bread of
Affliction which our fathers did eat in the land of Egypt_.
All present then dipped their portions with the bitter
herbs into the Charoseth and ate them.
vii. The flesh of the Lamb was now eaten, and the
Celebrant, lifting up his hands, blessed the third cup of
wine, specially known as the _Cup of Blessing_, and handed
it round to each person.
viii. After thanksgiving for the food of which they had
partaken, for the delivery from Egypt, the covenant of
circumcision, and the Law, a fourth cup was filled and
drunk, known as the _Cup of Joy_, for the remainder of
the Hallel, Ps. cxv‒cxviii. was now sung.
ix. Occasionally a fifth cup was drunk, while Psalms
cxx‒cxxviii. were chanted, but no more. See Buxtorf, _de
Cœnâ Domini_; Lightfoot’s _Temple Service_; Pedahzur’s
_Book of Jewish Ceremonies_, 51–56; Freeman’s _Principles
of Divine Service_, II. 29–39.
493 ‒ The view here taken, then, is that (i) the Supper,
to which our Lord sat down, was, as the first three
Evangelists (Mtt. xxvi. 17; Mk. xiv. 12; Lk. xxii. 7)
clearly intimate, a _Paschal_ Supper; (ii) that He ate it
on the eve with which Nisan 14 commenced; (iii) and thus
twenty-four hours earlier than the time when it was eaten
by the chief priests and rest of the nation. See Ellicott,
322, and notes.
494 ‒ Even if δείπνου γενομένου be the right reading in Jn.
xiii. 2, the meaning must be _when supper was begun_.
A preferable reading is γινομένου.
495 ‒ The portion of bread dipped into the sauce _charoseth_,
and consisting according to some of vinegar and water,
according to others of a “mixture of vinegar, figs, dates,
almonds, and spice.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ II. 716.
496 ‒ Τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ σῶμά μου (Mtt., Mk., Lk., 1 Cor. xi. 24),
τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν διδόμενον (Lk.), τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν [κλώμενον],
(1 Cor. xi. 24), τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν
(1 Cor. xi. 24).
497 ‒ Πίετε ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντες (Mtt.), τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τὸ αἷμά μου
τῆς διαθήκης (Mtt., Mk.), ἡ καινὴ διαθήκη ἐν τῷ αἵματί μου
(Lk., 1 Cor. xi. 25), τὸ περὶ πολλῶν ἐκχυνόμενον (Mtt.),
τὸ ἐκχυνόμενον ὑπὲρ πολλῶν (Mk.), τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἐκχυνόμενον
(Lk.), εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν (Mtt.), τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις
ἂν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν (1 Cor. xi. 25).
498 ‒ The site of the modern Gethsemane lies somewhat to the
East of the valley of Kedron, at a point where two paths
meet, each leading over the Mount of Olives. Descending
from St Stephen’s gate and crossing a bridge it is easily
reached. Within the enclosure are 8 venerable olive-trees,
their trunks much decayed, but their branches flourishing.
“The most venerable of their race on the face of the earth,
their gnarled trunks and scanty foliage will always be
regarded as the most affecting of the sacred memorials in
or about Jerusalem.” Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 455.
499 ‒ See Ellicott, p. 327, and note.
500 ‒ Witnesses before (i) of the resurrection of the
daughter of Jairus, see above, p. 201, and (ii) of the
Transfiguration, see above, p. 222.
501 ‒ Though the Paschal moon was at the full. On the rocky
valley of the Kedron “there fell great deep shadows from
the declivity of the mountain and projecting rocks; there
were there caverns and grottoes, into which a fugitive
might retreat; finally, there was probably a garden-house
and towers, into whose gloom it might be necessary for a
searcher to throw light around,” Lange, IV. 292.
502 ‒ Stationed during the Feast at the Tower of Antonia.
503 ‒ Of the movements of Judas, after he left the Supper, none
of the Evangelists give us an account. It seems, however,
most probable that going immediately to Caiaphas, or
some other leading members of the Sanhedrin, he informed
them where Jesus was likely to be found (Jn. xviii. 2),
and announced that he was ready to fulfil his agreement,
and at once make the arrest. “It was not the intention
to arrest HIM during the Feast, lest there should be a
popular tumult (Mtt. xxvi. 5), but now that an opportunity
offered of seizing Him secretly at dead of night, and
therefore without danger of interference or uproar, His
enemies could not hesitate. Once in their hands, the rest
was easy. A hasty trial, a pre-judged condemnation, an
immediate execution, and the hated prophet of Galilee
might be for ever removed out of their way.” Andrews,
p. 414.
504 ‒ Lange, IV. 293.
505 ‒ “At this moment Judas was already back among the people.
He must have hastened back quickly upon the sharp rebuke
of Christ. Probably by this hasty retreat he threw the
first element of sympathetic terror into the mass, which
now fully developed itself at the saying of Christ.” Lange,
IV. 294.
506 ‒ From St Luke’s account, xxii. 52, it is clear that not
only the officers of the Temple, but some of the Sanhedrin
had now joined the crowd.
507 ‒ Lange, IV. 301.
508 ‒ On the history of Annas, see above, p. 149, and notes.
He obtained the high-priesthood not only for Caiaphas his
son-in-law, but subsequently for four other sons. Jos.
XX. 9. 1.
509 ‒ Milman, I. 309.
510 ‒ “An Oriental house is usually built around a quadrangular
interior court, into which there is a passage (sometimes
arched) through the front part of the house, closed next
the street by a heavy folding-gate with a smaller wicket
for single persons, kept by a porter. In the text, the
interior court, often paved and flagged, and open to
the sky, is the αὐλή (translated _palace_, _hall_, and
_court_), where the attendants made a fire; and the passage
beneath the front of the house, from the street to this
court, is the προαύλιον or πύλων (both translated _porch_).
The place where Jesus stood before the high-priest
may have been an open room or place of audience on the
ground-floor, in the rear or on one side of the court; such
rooms open in front being customary.” Robinson’s _Harmony_,
p. 225.
511 ‒ See above, p. 177, n.
512 ‒ Lange, IV. 316.
513 ‒ _Ibid._ IV. 305.
514 ‒ Lange, IV. 313; Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 334.
515 ‒ See above, p. 145, n.; Lange, IV. 317.
516 ‒ Such is the full force of ἐκλείπῃ in Lk. xxii. 32: “I have
prayed for thee that thy faith may not _utterly fail_,” or
be _totally extinguished_. Comp. Heb. i. 12.
517 ‒ The order of the denials of the Apostle here given mainly
coincides with that suggested in Lange’s _Life of Christ_,
IV. 314–319; Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 334, n.; Andrews, pp.
426, 427.
518 ‒ See above, p. 164.
519 ‒ Herein probably alluding to the prophecy of Daniel vii.
13, 14, universally admitted to refer to the reign of the
Messiah.
520 ‒ Andrews, p. 428; Alford’s note on John xviii. 31.
521 ‒ See Lightfoot on Mtt. xxvi. 3.
522 ‒ Milman, I. 317.
523 ‒ Ewald’s _Life of Christ_; Lange, IV. 337, n.
524 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 338, n.; comp. Jos. _B. J._
II. 14. 8; II. 15. 5; Ellicott, 339, n.
525 ‒ Milman, I. 317.
526 ‒ “He might readily learn that Jesus had been condemned.
But he also _saw_ it, from the procession in which the
Pharisees conducted Jesus to Pilate, which could have no
other object than to procure His condemnation.” Lange on
Mtt. xxvii. 3; _Life of Christ_, IV. 335.
527 ‒ Ῥίψας τὰ ἀργύρια ἐν τῷ ναῷ, the inner portion of the
Temple, the sanctuary. See Lange on Mtt. ♦xxvii. 5, and
Ellicott, 339, n. If while a deputation of the Sanhedrin
attended the Saviour to the _prætorium_ of Pilate, the
rest retired to their own council-chamber in the Temple,
it is easy to understand how he could be near the
sanctuary.
528 ‒ It is not improbable that Judas hanged himself over an
abyss, perhaps the valley of Hinnom, and the rope giving
way, or the branch to which he hung breaking, he fell
down headlong (on his face, πρηνής, Acts i. 18), and
was crushed and mangled on the rocky pavement below. See
the quotation from Hackett’s _Ill. Script._, in Andrews,
p. 440; Ebrard’s _Gospel History_, p. 427; Ellicott, 339;
Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 334.
529 ‒ St Matthew (xxvii. 7, 8) states that the chief priests
bought with the money the potter’s field to bury strangers
in, and that therefore that place was called the _Field
of Blood_. St Peter (Acts i. 18) says that Judas purchased
a field with the reward of iniquity. Perhaps the latter
statement may be understood as meaning to say, that
whereas Judas had with the rest of the Apostles obtained
the glorious lot of the apostolate (Acts i. 17), yet
actually he had purchased for himself a mere corner of
a field in the valley of Genhinnom, as the reward of
unrighteousness. The field was bought not by himself in
person, but with his money, the wages of his iniquity, and
received the name of the _Field of Blood_, (i) as the spot
on which his mangled body fell, and (ii) as purchased by
the chief priests with the blood-money. See Lange’s _Life
of Christ_, IV. 333–336; Ebrard’s _Gospel History_, p. 427;
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Judas_.
530 ‒ “_The Field of Blood_ is now shewn on the steep southern
face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom, near its eastern
end on a narrow plateau, more than halfway up the
hill-side.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
531 ‒ Stier, VII. 339.
532 ‒ Stier, VII. 340; Lange, IV. 339.
533 ‒ Stier, VII. 343.
534 ‒ “Pilate being only a Procurator, though a _Procurator cum
potestate_, had no quæstor to conduct the examination, and
thus, as the Gospels most accurately record, performs that
office himself.” Ellicott, 342, n.; Smith’s _Classical
Dictionary_, Art. _Provincia_.
535 ‒ Milman, I. 322.
536 ‒ Σύ is emphatic in Jn. xviii. 37.
537 ‒ Neander’s _Life of Christ_, p. 460.
538 ‒ Milman, I. 323; Stier, VII. 370; Ellicott, 342, n.
539 ‒ Compare Horace, _Epist._ II. i. 106:
_Ad summum sapiens uno minor est Jove, dives,
Liber, honoratus, pulcher, Rex denique regum._
and _Sat._ I. iii. 125, and _Epist._ I. i. 59:
_At pueri ludentes, rex eris, inquit,
Si recte facias..._
quoted in Milman, I. 332.
540 ‒ It was not an unusual practice to refer the case of a
criminal from the _forum apprehensionis_ to the _forum
originis_. Comp. Acts xxvi. 3. Lange, IV. 347.
541 ‒ Stier, VII. 378; Milman, I. 324.
542 ‒ The cause is not known. Some think it was the recent
slaughter of the Galilæans (Lk. xiii. 1).
543 ‒ Where Herod was now residing is not known: some think
he occupied his father’s palace with Pilate; others,
that while the Procurator resided in the fortress Antonia,
Herod occupied his father’s palace; others would make his
abode the old palace of the Maccabees. Jos. _Ant._ XX.
8. 11.
544 ‒ See above, p. 205.
545 ‒ See above, p. 88, n.; Milman, I. 325.
546 ‒ Lange, IV. 353.
547 ‒ Possibly it was of Jewish origin, adopted and continued by
the Roman governors from motives of policy. According to
Lk. xxiii. 18 the request respecting Barabbas came first
from the people; according to Mtt. xxvii. 17, from Pilate;
Mark, however (ch. xv. 8), seems “to represent the people
as making the request in general terms, while Pilate
availed himself of it in the present emergency of this
particular case.” Ellicott, 345, n.
548 ‒ A patronymic denoting _Son of Abba_. Many of the later MSS.
of Mtt. xxvii. 16 give his name as Ἰησοῦς Βαραββᾶς.
549 ‒ The βῆμα was a portable tribunal (see above, p. 147, n.)
and stood, St John tells us (Jn. xix. 13), on a tesselated
pavement, called in Greek Λιθόστρωτον, in Hebrew
_Gabbatha_, which “perhaps formed the front of the
Procurator’s residence,” Ellicott, 346, n. So necessary
was the tesselated pavement and the tribunal deemed to
the forms of justice, that Cæsar carried about with him,
on his expeditions, pieces of marble ready fitted and a
tribunal. Suet. _Jul._ c. 46.
550 ‒ In early times the Roman magistrates had not been
permitted to take their wives with them into the provinces.
This rule, however, had gradually been relaxed, and lately
a proposition of Cæcina to enforce it had been rejected,
Tac. _Ann._ III. 33, 34. According to tradition, the name
of Pilate’s wife was Procula, or Claudia Procula, and she
is said to have belonged to the class of proselytes of the
gate. Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 351.
551 ‒ Lange, IV. 351.
552 ‒ Lange, IV. 355. Hengstenberg on Jn. xix. 1.
553 ‒ “Generally the scourging before crucifixion (Jos. _B. J._
II. 14. 9; V. 11. 1; VII. 6. 4; Livy, XXXIII. 56) was
inflicted by lictors. But Pilate, as sub-governor, had no
lictors at his disposal, and therefore had it inflicted by
soldiers.” Lange, IV. 356, n. The Roman scourging was so
painful and horrible, nails and pieces of bone being stuck
into the scourges, that the sufferer not unfrequently
died under it. Compare the _horribile_ flagellum of Hor.
_Sat._ I. iii. 119; Smith’s _Dict. of Antiquities_, Art.
_Flagellum_.
554 ‒ Χλαμύδα κοκκίνην, Mtt. xxvii. 28; πορφύραν, Mk. xv. 17;
ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν, Jn. xix. 2. “A war-cloak, such as
princes, generals, and soldiers wore, dyed with purple;
probably therefore, a cast-off robe of state out of the
prætorian wardrobe,” Lange, IV. 357; Ellicott, 348, n.
555 ‒ What exact species is unknown. “As _mockery_ seems to have
been the primary object, the choice of the plant was not
suggested by the sharpness of its thorns: the soldiers
took what first came to hand, utterly careless whether it
was likely to inflict pain or no.” Ellicott, 348, n.
556 ‒ Comp. Isai. liii. 3; Ps. xxii. 7.
557 ‒ Comp. Lev. xxiv. 16.
558 ‒ The mysterious title υἱὸς θεοῦ suggested to Pilate that
He might be one of his own heroes or demi-gods. Fearing
he might be braving the wrath of some unknown deity,
he enquired whether His descent was indeed such as the
title seemed to imply, Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 361;
Hengstenberg on Jn. xix. 8.
559 ‒ Probably the reference is to Caiaphas, who “formally gave
over our Lord to the Roman governor (Mtt. xxvii. 2; Mk.
xv. 1),” Ellicott, 349, n.
560 ‒ See above, p. 150.
561 ‒ Addito majestatis (treason) crimine, quod tum omnium
accusationum complementum erat, Tacitus, _Ann._ III. 38.
Atrocissimè exercebat leges majestatis, Sueton. _Vit. Tib._
c. 58. The release of a criminal from punishment came
under the head of majestas; see Merivale’s _History of the
Romans_, V. 251.
562 ‒ All that he feared, however, came upon him. On the
complaint of the Samaritans of Pilate’s cruelty, Vitellius,
the prefect of Syria, in A.D. 36, sent his friend
Marcellus to administer the affairs of Judæa, and ordered
Pilate to repair to Rome, to answer the accusation before
the emperor (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 4. 2). Tiberius, however,
died before he reached the capital, and Pilate is said
to have laid violent hands upon himself about A.D. 40.
See Euseb. _Hist. Eccl._ II. 7. “From the confidence with
which Tiberius was appealed to on a matter of such remote
concern, it would seem that the vigilance of his control
was not generally relaxed even in the last moments of his
life,” Merivale’s _History of the Romans_, V. 420.
563 ‒ Pilate not having lictors, to whom this duty specially
belonged, soldiers would be naturally employed on this
occasion.
564 ‒ Not from being, as some think, strewn with the remains of
condemned malefactors, for the Jews always buried them.
565 ‒ St Luke, according to his usual practice, omits the
Hebrew word Golgotha, and gives (xxiii. 33) only the Greek
equivalent κρανίον, _the place called a Skull_. From the
Vulgate rendering of this verse _et postquam venerunt in
locum, qui vocatur Calvariæ_ (= _a bare skull_), the word
_Calvary_ has been introduced into the English Version,
obscuring the Evangelist’s meaning. It was (a) apparently
a well-known spot, (b) outside the gate (comp. Heb.
xiii. 12), but (c) near the city (Jn. xix. 20), and (d) on
a thoroughfare leading into the country (Lk. xxiii. 26),
and (e) contained a garden or orchard, κῆπος (Jn. xix. 41).
See Robinson’s _Bib. Res._ I. 376, n.
566 ‒ Patibulum ferat per urbem, deinde affigatur cruci, Plaut.
_Carbonar_. Hence the term _furcifer_ = cross-bearer.
This was typified by Isaac bearing the wood of the
burnt-offering, Gen. xxii. 6. Pearson _On the Creed_,
Art. IV.
567 ‒ Exactor mortis; Tac. _Ann._ III. 14; XI. 37. Centurio
supplicio præpositus, Seneca. Lange, _Life of Christ_,
IV. 373.
568 ‒ The cause of execution was generally inscribed on a white
tablet, called σανίς, λεύκωμα, titulus, αἰτία, (_Titulus,
qui causam pœnæ indicaret_, Sueton. _Calig._ 32) and borne
either suspended from the neck, or carried before the
sufferer, _precedente titulo_, Sueton. The latter was
probably the mode in our Lord’s case. Lange, IV. 373.
Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV.
569 ‒ He was a Hellenistic Jew, the father of Alexander and
Rufus (Mk. xv. 21), the latter of whom is probably the one
mentioned in Rom. xvi. 13.
570 ‒ Ἐρχόμενον ἀπ᾽ ἀγροῦ, Lk. xxiii. 26; Mk. xv. 21.
571 ‒ Ἀγγαρεύουσι, Mk. xv. 21, Mtt. xxvii. 32. It only occurs
again in Mtt. v. 41, and denotes military compulsion. Comp.
Herod. VIII. 98.
572 ‒ For the fulfilment of these words, see Jos. _B. J._ VI.
8. 5; 9. 4.
573 ‒ This was a Jewish not a Roman custom, though probably
permitted by the Romans. See Lightfoot on Mtt. xxvii. 34.
“It was likely that only a bad sort of wine (ὀξίνης a
medium between οἶνος and ὄξος) would be given to those
who were led away to capital punishment, especially if the
wine was to be changed by the addition of bitter spices
into a compound draught.... And it was natural that the
bitters infused as a soporific into this poor vinegar wine
would be as strong as possible, whence such an ingredient
might be called gall (Mtt. xxvii. 34).” Lange, IV. 383.
574 ‒ There were four kinds of crosses: (i) the _crux simplex_,
a single stake driven through the chest or longitudinally
through the body; (ii) the _crux decussata_ (X); (iii) the
_crux immissa_ (†); and (iv) the _crux commissa_ (T). See
the Notes on Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV. Article
_Cross_ in Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ From the mention of the
Title placed over the Saviour’s head it is probable that
His cross was of the third kind. The upright post was by
no means so lofty as is often represented in pictures, but
generally only so high as to raise the sufferer (who sat
on a little projection, _sedile_, lest the arms should
be torn from the nails), a foot or two above the earth.
The feet were not always, nor generally, though certainly
not seldom nailed, but whether with one or two nails is
disputed. The nailing of the Lord’s feet is apparent from
Lk. xxiv. 39, 40.
575 ‒ See above, p. 309, note.
576 ‒ “The difference between Jn. xix. 14 (ἕκτη) and this
statement of St Mark seems clearly to point to a different
mode of reckoning.” Westcott’s _Introduction to the
Gospels_, p. 305, n.
577 ‒ Four soldiers were required, according to the Roman
appointment of military service, _ad excubias_. See Petr.
_Sat._ III. 6.
578 ‒ Lange, IV. 390.
579 ‒ Ὁ χιτών (Jn. xix. 23), was a closely-fitting garment,
worn next the body (Hom. _Od._ XV. 60), usually made in
two pieces, sewn together at the sides. “This, however,
was the so-called _toga ocellata_, or _byssina_, and was
fastened round the throat with a clasp. It was properly
a priest’s garment (Jos. _Ant._ III. 7. 4), and was woven
of linen, or perhaps of wool.” Alford _in loc._ Over
the χιτών was worn a wide cloak called φᾶρος, χλαῖνα, or
ἱμάτιον. The ἱμάτια the soldiers divided (Jn. xix. 23),
with the rest of His habiliments; for the χιτών they cast
lots.
580 ‒ From a comparison of Jn. xix. 25 with Mtt. xxvii. 56, and
Mk. xv. 40, it appears that Mary the wife of Clopas was
the same as Mary the mother of James the Less and of Joses.
581 ‒ Probably for the present to his lodging during the feast.
It seems likely that St John immediately led her away, and
then returned and witnessed what he has recorded in Jn.
xix. 31–37.
582 ‒ The wine or strong drink turned sour, drunk by the Jews,
was acid even to a proverb (comp. Prov x. 26; Ps. lxix. 21).
“The acetum of the Romans was a thin, sour wine consumed
by soldiers, either in a pure state, or, more usually,
mixed with water, when it was termed _posca_.” Smith’s
_Bibl. Dict._
583 ‒ Not proceeding from an eclipse of the sun, for such a
phenomenon could not occur at the time of the full moon,
but probably due to some special and peculiar derangement
of the terrestrial atmosphere.
584 ‒ Lange, IV. 404; Milman, I. 335.
585 ‒ For the full symbolism of this, see Heb. ix. 3; x. 19.
In reference to the record of the fact itself, we must
remember, (i) the almost certain spread of the rumour,
and (ii) that subsequently a great number _of the priests
became obedient unto the faith_ (Acts vi. 7). Alford
_in loc._
586 ‒ The resurrection of many _bodies of the saints that slept_
(Mtt. xxvii. 2) was _the result_, not _the immediate
accompaniment_, of the opening of the tombs (Alford _in
loc._). It was μετὰ τὴν ἔγερσιν αὐτοῦ that they appeared
unto many in the Holy City.
587 ‒ Lange, IV. 422.
588 ‒ “Thus this believing heathen became the first
representative of the heathen world, which in after times
bowed the knee before the might of Christ’s Cross.���� Lange,
IV. 423.
589 ‒ Ellicott, p. 360.
590 ‒ Comp. Ex. xii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 7.
591 ‒ Comp. Deut. xxi. 22, 23; Jos. _B. J._ IV. 5. 2.
592 ‒ Death after crucifixion did not generally supervene even
for three days, and “was at last the result of gradual
benumbing and starvation.” Sometimes the crucified were
despatched by a fire kindled below them, or by lions or
bears sent to devour them. Lange, V. 2, n.
593 ‒ Comp. Cic. _Tusc. Q._ I. 43: _Theodori nihil interest,
humine, an sublime putrescat_. Pearson _On the Creed_,
Art. IV. note.
594 ‒ See Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV., who quotes Hor.
_Epist._ XVI. 48: _Non hominem occidi: non pasces in
cruce corvos_; Juvenal, _Sat._ XIV. 77: _Vultur, jumento
et canibus crucibusque relictis, Ad fœtus properat,
partemque cadaveris affert._ The very object of setting
the guard was _cruces servare, ne quis ad sepulturam
corpora detraheret_, Petron III.
595 ‒ “Sometimes fractures of the legs, _crucifragium_ (Plaut.
_Pœn._ IV. 2. 64) was especially adopted by the Jews to
hasten death, and it was a mitigation of the punishment,
as observed by Origen.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ The _coup de
grace_ was, as a rule, combined with it. Lange, V. 2, n.;
Neander’s _Life of Christ_, 473 n.
596 ‒ Λόγχῃ, Jn. xix. 34, the only place where it occurs in
the New Testament. This was the ordinary Roman _hasta_,
“a lighter weapon than the _pilum_, consisting of a long
wooden shaft with an iron head, which was the width of a
handbreadth and pointed at the end, and so was egg-shaped.”
Lange, V. 3, n.
597 ‒ Probably the same as Ramah, the birthplace of the prophet
Samuel (1 Sam. i. 19), called in the LXX. Armathaim
(Ἀρμαθαίμ), and by Josephus (_Ant._ V. 10. 2), Armathia.
598 ‒ The Attic _Litra_ of 12 ounces is here spoken of. Both the
myrrh and aloes appear to have been pulverized and strewn
in the folds of the linen in which the body was wrapped,
Lange, V. 13; Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV. note.
599 ‒ The Jewish tombs had then probably, as these have now,
steps and a descent in a perpendicular direction, or an
entry in a sloping or horizontal position.
600 ‒ Comp. Jn. ii. 19 with Mtt. xii. 40.
601 ‒ The only κουστωδία at the actual disposal of the Sanhedrin
would be, as Bp. Ellicott remarks, the temple-guards, but
the watchers were Roman soldiers; it seems more natural
therefore to take ἔχετε as an imperative in Mtt. xxvii. 65,
though λάβετε might have been rather expected. See Alford
_in loc._
602 ‒ A string or cord was probably stretched across the stone
and sealed at either end with sealing-clay. For the custom
of using sealing-clay on tombs, see Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
Art. _Seal_.
603 ‒ Or Mary of Magdala (now called _el-Mejdel_), a town near
the lake of Tiberias. On the erroneousness of the idea
of her character generally entertained, see Article in
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
604 ‒ They did not know of the sealing of the stone, and the
setting of the watch, which took place on the eve of the
Sabbath.
605 ‒ It seems not impossible that St Peter, who must by this
time have won back the respect of the rest by his deep
repentance (Lange, V. 46), was in the same abode, to which
the Apostle John had conveyed the mother of the Redeemer.
606 ‒ Οὐκ οἴδαμεν, Jn. xx. 2, an incidental notice that she had
not been the sole visitant of the tomb. Ellicott, 381.
607 ‒ Οὐδενὶ οὐδὲν εἷπον· ἐφοβοῦντο γάρ, and see Ellicott,
381, n.
608 ‒ Such appears to be the force of θεωρεῖ in Jn. xx. 6.
“Ipsius animi intentionem denotat quâ quis intuetur
quidquam.” Tittman, _Synon. N. T._ cited by Ellicott,
283, n.
609 ‒ Such appears to be the force of the word ἐπίστευσεν in Jn.
xx. 8. See Lange, V. 46; Ellicott, 384, n.
610 ‒ The ἀπῆλθον πάλιν πρὸς αὐτούς (Jn. xx. 10) appears, as
Bp. Ellicott remarks, to denote that they returned to the
places, or perhaps rather place, where they were abiding,
to meditate on the amazing miracle (Lk. xxiv. 12).
611 ‒ Or rather, “Do not continue to cling to Me.” See
Donaldson’s _Gk. Gram._ 414. Ἅπτεσθαι denotes the
retaining of an object for some time, with perhaps here
a reference to clasping the knees as a suppliant or
worshipper. The Risen Saviour had not entered into those
relations in which He might truly thus be “touched.”
612 ‒ Lange, V. 57.
613 ‒ Not of the Twelve, nor necessarily of the Seventy, but of
the wider circle of the Redeemer’s followers now assembled
at Jerusalem. Lange on Lk. xxiv. 13.
614 ‒ Cleopas = Κλεοπάτρος, altogether different from Κλωπᾶς, Jn.
xix. 25. According to Eusebius he was a native of Emmaus.
Nothing further is known of him, or who the other disciple
was: some have conjectured Nathanael; others Simon; others
Luke himself.
615 ‒ There were two places of the name of Emmaus; (i) a town,
afterwards called Nicopolis, 22 Roman miles from Jerusalem,
where Judas Maccabæus defeated Gorgias, see above, p. 33;
(ii) another is mentioned by Josephus, _B. J._ IV. 1. 3,
before the city Tiberias, and interpreted the “warm baths.”
St Luke however states that this Emmaus was 60 stadia
(A. V. _threescore furlongs_), = about 7½ miles from
Jerusalem, and Josephus mentions a village at the same
distance, _B. J._ VII. 6. 6. Robinson, because two uncial
MSS. and a few cursives insert ἕκατον in Lk. xxiv. 13 and
thus make the distance 160 stadia, identifies it with the
Emmaus = Nicopolis. But the best critics do not accept
this reading, and the site of Emmaus remains yet to be
identified, though some would place it at _Kubeibeh_,
about 3 miles west of the ancient Mizpeh, and 9 miles from
Jerusalem.
616 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxi. 11, 46.
617 ‒ Ἀλλά γε καί, Lk. xxiv. 21 = _beside all this_.
618 ‒ The Jewish rule was _three eating together were bound
to give thanks_. The usual words were, _Blessed be Thou,
O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who bringest forth
fruit out of the earth_.
619 ‒ Is it not possible that on their way through the city they
may have met and told some of the οἱ λοιποί, not Apostles,
but general body of disciples, who refused to credit their
intelligence, as related in Mk. xvi. 12?
620 ‒ Of this appearance here incidentally mentioned, and more
prominently by St Paul in 1 Cor. xv. 5, we know nothing:
all that is certain is that it was after the return from
the sepulchre (Lk. xxiv. 12, Jn. xx. 10), but whether
(i) _before_, or (ii) _after_ the appearance to the two
disciples on the road to Emmaus cannot be determined. The
effect, however, it produced was clearly very great on the
disciples, who had given little credence to the accounts
of the women. See Ellicott, 398, n. It is observable that
on this occasion “he is called by his original name Simon,
not Peter; the higher designation was not restored until
he had been publicly reinstituted, so to speak, by his
Master.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.
621 ‒ Even if Mk. xvi. 12 refers to this, there is no real
contradiction. The ten believed (i) that the Lord was
really risen, and (ii) that He had appeared to Peter
(Lk. xxiv. 34), but that One, who had gently rebuked the
adoring touch of Mary Magdalene, should have accompanied
them as a humble wayfarer to Emmaus, and sat down with
them to their evening meal, may have appeared at first
incredible: see a note in Ellicott, 400, n. “They would
naturally be ignorant of the properties of His Risen Body,
and its powers of sudden transition from place to place.”
Andrews, p. 516.
622 ‒ Lange, V. 83.
623 ‒ For indications of his character, see above, p. 249, n.
624 ‒ “In the famous statue of him by Thorwaldsen in the Church
at Copenhagen, the Apostle stands, thoughtful, meditative,
with the rule in his hand for the due measuring of
evidence and argument.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
625 ‒ “The feast of the passover was completed on Thursday the
21st of Nisan. The disciples remained over the approaching
Sabbath, on the 23rd of Nisan, and also the 24th, as the
day which commemorated their Lord’s resurrection. After
this, there was nothing to prevent their leaving Jerusalem,
and therefore they obeyed their Lord’s command to go into
Galilee.” Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 395.
626 ‒ Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 453.
627 ‒ Probably from Bethsaida, the fishing-town of Capernaum.
Evening was the usual time then for commencing fishing,
as it is now. “The fishermen here (lake of Gennesaret),
as elsewhere, toil all night.” Tristram’s _Land of Israel_,
p. 428.
628 ‒ Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 378. “It seems natural to think
that the friendly voice, ‘calling, after the manner of
the East, _Children_’ (Stanley, _S. and P._, 374), and
inquiring if they had any προσφάγιον, was conceived by the
disciples to be that of one who wished to buy of them――ὡς
μέλλων τι ὠνεῖσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, Chrysost. _in loc._”
Ellicott, p. 405, n.
629 ‒ See above, p. 178. For the contrast between the first and
second miraculous draughts of fishes, see Trench,
_Miracles_, 456–459.
630 ‒ Τὸν ἐπενδύτην διεζώσατο, Jn. xxi. 7: “resuming the dress,
which, like Eastern boatmen, he had thrown off whilst
struggling with the net.” Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 378;
compare however Tristram, p. 438, and see note in Trench,
_Miracles_, p. 455. For the various nets and fish, see
above, p. 195. “Each of the Apostles comes wonderfully out
in his proper character: he of the eagle eye first detects
the presence of the Beloved, and then Peter, the foremost
ever in act, as John is profoundest in speculation, unable
to wait till the ship should be brought to land, throws
himself into the sea that he may find himself the nearer
at his Saviour’s feet.” Trench, p. 455.
631 ‒ All round the lake (which is about 13 miles long, and in
its broadest parts 6 miles wide) runs, “like a white line,”
“a level beach; at the southern end roughly strewn with
the black and white stones peculiar to this district,
and also connected with its volcanic structure; but the
central or northern part formed of smooth sand, or of a
texture of shells and pebbles so minute as to resemble
sand, like the substance of the beach on the banks of
Akaba.” Stanley’s _S. and P._, 371.
632 ‒ Ἀνθρακία only occurs elsewhere in Jn. xviii. 18, when
St Peter _denied_ his Lord.
633 ‒ Ἐξετάσαι, Jn. xxi. 12, is more than _ask_. It denotes
_studiose quærere_ (Bretschneider), to _question_, to
_prove_. The word only occurs in two other places in the
New Testament, (i) Mtt. ii. 8, where Herod bids the Magi
enquire accurately (ἀκριβῶς ἐξετάσατε) concerning the
Child, and (ii) Mtt. x. 11, where accurate enquiry is also
hinted at.
634 ‒ Ellicott, _Lectures_, p. 407.
635 ‒ (i) The Saviour enquires ἀγαπᾷς με; to which the Apostle
replies, ... φιλῶ σε; (ii) He asks again ἀγαπᾷς με; and
the Apostle answers, ... φιλῶ σε; (iii) He asks, φιλεῖς
με; and the Apostle replies, σὺ γινώσκεις ὅτι φιλῶ σε.
“Ἀγαπᾷν = _diligere_ (= _deligere_) has more of judgment
and deliberate choice; φιλεῖν = _amare_, has more of
attachment and peculiar personal affection. Thus the
ἀγαπᾷς on the lips of the Lord seems to Peter at this
moment too cold a word; as though his Lord were keeping
him at a distance; or at least not inviting him to draw as
near as in the passionate yearning of his heart he desired
now to do. Therefore he puts by the word and substitutes
his own stronger φιλῶ in its room. A second time he does
the same. And now he has conquered, for when the Lord
demands a third time whether he loves Him, He does it
with the word which alone will satisfy Peter, which alone
claims from him that personal attachment and affection,
with which indeed he knows that his heart is full.” Trench,
_Miracles_, p. 464, n.; _Synonyms_, I. 48.
636 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxvi. 33; Trench, _Miracles_, p. 463.
637 ‒ At Rome, and according to early writers, at or about the
same time as St Paul, and in the Neronian persecution.
According to Origen (see Euseb. III. 1) he was crucified
with his head downwards. For the legend found in St
Ambrose touching his death, see Article _Peter_ in Smith’s
_Bibl. Dict._ and the notes.
638 ‒ Ellicott, 408, n.
639 ‒ Possibly Tabor, or the Mount of the Beatitudes, or of the
Transfiguration. Lange, V. 109; Ellicott, 409, n.
640 ‒ See Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 396; Lange, V. 108.
641 ‒ During this period the risen Saviour had _manifested
Himself from time to time_ (ὀπτανόμενος, Acts i. 3) to
certain chosen witnesses, and these appearances according
to the order followed in the text were (1) to Mary
Magdalene; (2) to the other ministering women; (3) to
the two disciples journeying to Emmaus; (4) to St Peter;
(5) to the ten Apostles; (6) to the eleven Apostles; (7) to
seven Apostles by the lake of Tiberias; (8) to the eleven
Apostles, and probably the 500 brethren (1 Cor. xv. 6),
on the appointed mountain; (9) to James (1 Cor. xv. 7);
(10) to the Apostles in or near Jerusalem just before
the Ascension. See Wieseler, _Chronol. Synopsis_;
Tischendorf’s _Synopsis Evangelica_; Ellicott’s _Lectures_,
p. 414, n. “Thus,” in the words of Paley, “it was not
one person but many who saw Him; they saw Him not only
separately but together; not by night only but by day; not
at a distance but near; not once but several times; they
not only saw Him but touched Him, conversed with Him, ate
with Him, examined His person to satisfy their doubts.”
See also Pearson _On the Creed_, Article V.
642 ‒ Ellicott, p. 411. For the Festival, see _Class-Book of Old
Testament History_, p. 152.
643 ‒ “A more secluded spot could scarcely have been found so
near the stir of a mighty city: the long ridge of Olivet
screens the hills, and the hills themselves screen the
village beneath from all sound or sight of the city
behind.” Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 454. “Not altogether
into Bethany, but so far as the point where Bethany came
into sight,” Stier.
644 ‒ The last occasion on which she is mentioned in the New
Testament. From the commencement of the Saviour’s ministry
she is withdrawn almost altogether from sight. Four times
only is the veil removed, (i) at the marriage at Cana (Jn.
ii.); (ii) the attempt which she and His brethren made _to
speak with Him_ (Mtt. xii. 46; Mk. iii. 31; Lk. viii. 19);
(iii) the Crucifixion; (iv) the present occasion.
645 ‒ See note above, pp. 228, n., 229.
646 ‒ See above, p. 297, and note.
647 ‒ According to Eusebius, _H. E._ I. 12, he, as also Joseph
Bar-Sabas, was one of the Seventy, and is said to have
preached and suffered martyrdom in Ethiopia.
648 ‒ The use of lots occurs frequently in the Old Testament;
compare, among others, that at (i) the division of the
land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 13); (ii) at the detection
of Achan (Josh. vii. 14, 18); (iii) the Election of Saul
(1 Sam. x. 20, 21); (iv) over the two goats at the feast
of the Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8); (v) the distribution of
the priestly offices of the temple-service (1 Ch. xxiv.
3, 5, 19, and comp. Lk. i. 9, above, p. 128). “Tablets, on
which the names of Joseph and Matthias were written, were
probably placed in a vessel, and that lot which, on the
shaking of the vessel, first fell out, gave the decision.”
Lechler.
649 ‒ See above, p. 195, and note.
650 ‒ Milman, _History of Christianity_, I. 352.
651 ‒ Ἐν τῷ συμπληροῦσθαι τὴν ἡμέραν = “was now fully come, or
rather, perhaps, _was on the point_, or _in the act, of
being_ fulfilled; just dawning, we may suppose, for the
day to run its course;” Vaughan _on the Acts_, I. p. 42.
652 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 152. This festival
lasted one day, and was distinguished by the offering of
two leavened loaves, made from the new corn of the now
completed harvest. That it was likewise a memorial of the
giving of the Law from Sinai, is a supposition which rests
only on later Jewish traditions. Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 5, E. V.
653 ‒ The Catalogue (Acts ii. 9–11) proceeds from the North East
to the West and South.
654 ‒ On the colonies of Jews in Babylonia, see above pp. 7, 107.
655 ‒ In pure Greek the inhabitants were called Ἐλυμαῖοι, from
Elam or Elymais, a Semitic people, see Gen. x. 22. “Elam
is mentioned in connection with Babylon (Gen. xiv. 1);
with Media (Isai. xxi. 2; Jer. xxv. 25); with Assyria
(Ezek. xxxii. 24), as a province of Persia (Ez. iv. 9).”
Josephus (_Ant._ I. 6. 4) makes the Elymæans the
progenitors of the Persians.
656 ‒ A name apparently not older than the Macedonian conquests
for the Hebrew _Aram-Naharaim_, or Syria of the two rivers,
Tigris and Euphrates, of which we first hear in Gen. xxiv.
10.
657 ‒ The former kingdom of Mithridates, situated along the
southern coast of the Euxine, now divided into petty
principalities, subject to Roman protection, but under
Nero made a Roman province. It is mentioned again in Acts
xviii. 2; 1 Pet. i. 1.
658 ‒ Τὴν Ἀσίαν, Acts ii. 9. This expression, which frequently
occurs in the New Testament, denotes the _Roman province
of Asia_, which embraced the western part of the peninsula
of Asia Minor, and had Ephesus for its capital. It
included the territory anciently subdivided into Æolis,
Ionia, and Doris, and afterwards into Lydia, Mysia, and
Caria. Originally bequeathed to the Romans by Attalus,
king of Pergamus, (Hor. _Od._ I. 1. 12; II. 18. 5), or
king of Asia, (see 1 Macc. xi. 13), B.C. 133, it was,
after some rectifications of the frontier, constituted
a province, and placed by Augustus amongst those subject
to the senate, and therefore governed by a procurator.
Comp. Acts xix. 38, and see above, p. 147, n. Within its
boundaries were the seven Churches of the Apocalypse; see
Con. and Howson, _Life and Ep. of St Paul_, chap. xiv.;
Spruner’s _Atlas Antiquus_, Ed. 3.
659 ‒ On the Islands of the Mediterranean in connection with the
dispersion of the Jews, see above, p. 108.
660 ‒ For notices of Jews in Egypt and Cyrene see above, pp.
8, 107.
661 ‒ On the proselytes, see above, p. 118, n.
662 ‒ They were not πυρός but ὡσεὶ πυρός, not burning but
luminous, in appearance like fire: see Lechler _in loc._
663 ‒ Διαμεριζόμεναι, in our version rendered _cloven_, but
rather = _distributed or parting themselves among them_.
664 ‒ See Neander’s _Planting_, I. 12–15.
665 ‒ Τῆς φωνῆς ταύτης, Acts ii. 6, not this rumour, but the
noise of the rushing mighty wind: Vaughan and Alford
_in loc._ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 17.
666 ‒ The first hour of prayer = 9 A.M., before which,
especially on a feast-day, no Israelite ventured to taste
anything. Lightfoot _in loc._
667 ‒ Ἀποδεδειγμένον, demonstratum, attested and demonstrated,
_shewn_ to be that which He claimed to be. See Alford
_in loc._
668 ‒ Four names for what we commonly call “a miracle” occur
in the New Testament, (1) Τέρας, _a wonder_ (never used
alone, but always with one of the other names), the effect
of astonishment which the work produces upon the beholder
being transferred to the work itself; (2) Σημεῖον, or
_sign_ (an especial favourite with St John), a token and
indication of the near presence and working of God, the
seals and credentials of a higher power; comp. Exod. vii.
9, 10; (3) Δύναμις, _a power_, or _mighty work_, that is,
of God; as in the term _wonder_, the effect is transferred
and gives a name to the cause, so here the cause gives its
name to the effect; (4) Ἔργα, _works_, a significant term
often used by St John, the _works_ of Him whose name is
Wonderful (Isai. ix. 6), and who therefore does works of
wonder (comp. Jn. v. 36; vii. 21; x. 25, 32, 38, &c.).
Trench _on the Miracles_, pp. 2–8; _Synonyms of the N. T._,
Pt. II. 177–181.
669 ‒ Εἰς ᾄδου in Hades = the abode of departed spirits,
translated in our Version “hell,” which from _hælen_ to
cover, denotes, like the Hebrew _Sheol_, literally “the
covered place,” the place of departed spirits. On the word
Gehenna, the place of torment, ἡ ἄβυσσος, the bottomless
pit, see above, p. 198.
670 ‒ Μετανοήσατε, not μετανοεῖτε, as in Mtt. iii. 2, iv. 17.
The aorist denotes a definite, sudden act: the present,
a habit, more gradual; “The word imports _change of
mind_, here a change from thinking Jesus an impostor, and
scorning Him as one crucified, to being baptized in His
Name, and looking to Him for the remission of sins, and
the gift of the Spirit.” Alford _in loc._
671 ‒ Πᾶσι τοῖς εἰς μακράν = the Gentiles (comp. Eph. ii. 13),
whose conversion the Apostles expected, like all other
pious Jews, but not _as Gentiles_, which was not yet
revealed to them.
672 ‒ Thus the Apostle, the former fisherman of the lake,
now the fisher of men, launched forth, and cast his net
into the deep, amongst the multitudes of Jerusalem, and
enclosed many of every kind; see above, p. 178.
673 ‒ Ἦσαν προσκαρτεροῦντες τῇ διδαχῇ τῶν ἀποστόλων, Acts ii. 42.
Made disciples when they had been baptized into Christ;
detailed instruction, and gradual increase in knowledge
and holiness must now follow.
674 ‒ Τῇ κοινωνίᾳ, ver. 42, explained by the εἷχον ἅπαντα κοινά
of ver. 44.
675 ‒ Τῇ κλάσει του ἄρτου, Acts ii. 42, where the force of the
article is observable. “The Eucharist was at first, and
for some time, till abuses put an end to the practice,
inseparably connected with the ἀγάπαι or Love-Feasts of
the Christians, and unknown as a separate ordinance;”
Alford _in loc._ “We can scarcely doubt that this implies
that the chief actual meal of each day was one at which
they met as brothers, and which was either preceded or
followed by the more solemn commemorative acts of the
breaking of the Bread and the drinking of the Cup.”
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Lord’s Supper_: see also
Neander’s _Planting_, I. 23.
676 ‒ Ταῖς προσευχαῖς, the prayers, not of course excluding
private prayer among themselves. See Vaughan’s _Church of
the First Days_, p. 88.
677 ‒ Or 3 in the afternoon. See above, p. 112. Note the
imperfect ἀνέβαινον = _were going up_, in Acts iii. 1.
678 ‒ See above, p. 96.
679 ‒ He fixed his attention on them, ἐπεῖχεν (τὸν νοῦν) ἀυτοῖς,
Acts iii. 5.
680 ‒ Βάσεις = the _soles_ of his feet; σφυρὰ = _the ankles_.
681 ‒ See above, p. 244, n.
682 ‒ Κρατοῦντος = _holding fast_, Acts iii. 11.
683 ‒ Τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν. Not _Son_, for which υἱός is
always used, but _Servant_ of God, as the word is used in
Isa. xlii. 1; xlix. 3; Zech. iii. 8.
684 ‒ Ὅπως ἄν cannot mean _when_, as in our Version, it can only
denote _in order that_.
685 ‒ In accordance with the Saviour’s command (Mtt. xxviii.).
On the nature of the subsequent call of the Gentiles
expected by the Apostle, see above, p. 348 and note.
686 ‒ Either from (1) awe, or (2) miscalculating contempt, or,
(3) it is possible, internal dissension, Milman, I. 357.
687 ‒ Ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ (Acts iv. 1; comp. Lk. xxii. 4) was
not a Roman but a Jewish officer, and corresponded to the
προστάτης τοῦ ἱεροῦ spoken of in 2 Macc. iii. 4; comp.
2 K. xii. 9. He was the captain of the Levitical guard,
spoken of by Josephus, _B. J._ VI. 5. 3; _Ant._ XX. 6. 2,
under the name of στρατηγός, whose duty it was to visit
the sentries in the Temple during the night, and see that
they did their duties. See Lightfoot _in loc._
688 ‒ “It does not appear that the Pharisees, though they had
taken the lead in the condemnation of Christ, were eager,
after that event, to persecute His followers. They looked
on the illiterate Galilæans as worthy of no further
attention, especially since they observed the ceremonial
law, and at first abstained from controverting the
peculiar tenets of their party; they allowed them to
remain undisturbed, like some other sects by whom their
own interests were not affected.... But the Sadducees were
exasperated with the Apostles for so zealously advocating
the doctrine of the resurrection.” Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 41, 45; Milman (I. 359) thinks the Sadducees “had gained
a temporary ascendancy in the great council.”
689 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 43.
690 ‒ See above, pp. 150, 253, and note.
691 ‒ Identified by Lightfoot with Rabbi Johanan ben Zacchai,
who lived 40 years before the destruction of the Temple,
and was president of the great synagogue after its removal
to Jamnia.
692 ‒ Apparently holding some high office, and identified
by some with Alexander the Alabarch at Alexandria, the
brother of Philo-Judæus, whom Josephus mentions as a
friend of the Emperor Claudius. Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 8. 1;
XIX. 5. 1; See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
693 ‒ That is, who had not been educated in the Jewish schools.
694 ‒ Ἐπεγίνωσκον, Acts iv. 13.
695 ‒ Ἐν τῷ τὴν χεῖρά σου ἐκτείνειν σε = _in the stretching
forth of Thy hand (while Thou stretchest forth Thy hand)
for healing_, Acts iv. 30.
696 ‒ Though originally excluded from the possession of land
(see _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 220), this
tribe had begun to possess land, as in Jerem. xxxii. 7,
and this must have been generally the case after the
captivity. See Lechler _in loc._
697 ‒ Υἱὸς παρακλήσεως = _son of prophecy_ or _exhortation_.
If a native of Cyprus, he would be a Hellenist, and
“the schools of Tarsus, the birth-place of St Paul, may
naturally have attracted him, for Cyprus was within a few
hours’ sail from Cilicia, and there the friendship of the
two may have begun.” See Con. and Howson, I. 101.
698 ‒ See Lechler and Alford _in loc._
699 ‒ By some supposed to have been a class in the congregation
accustomed to perform such services, but more probably the
younger members of the church acting perhaps in accordance
with Jewish custom, perhaps on some hint from the apostle.
See Alford _in loc._
700 ‒ Or their own mantles, taken off in preparing to carry him
out. Alford _in loc._
701 ‒ On the shortness of the time after death allowed in the
east before burial, see above, p. 249, n. The practice was
to bury before sunset of the same day.
702 ‒ Now was fulfilled his Master’s promise, Mtt. xvi. 18.
703 ‒ The ἀρχιερεῖς mentioned in Acts v. 24 as members of the
Council were the _titular High-priests_; partly those who
had served the office, partly the presidents of the 24
courses, partly the kindred of the High-priest. Alford
_in loc._
704 ‒ Milman, I. 361: see above, p. 235.
705 ‒ This eminent teacher was the son of Rabbi Simeon, and
grandson of the celebrated Hillel, of the sect of the
Pharisees, but untrammelled by their narrow bigotry, and
distinguished for candour and wisdom. “His learning was
so eminent, and his character so revered, that he is one
of the seven who alone among Jewish doctors have been
honoured with the title of ‘Rabban’ (= the _Rabboni_ of
Jn. xx. 16). As Aquinas, among the schoolmen, was called
_Doctor Angelicus_, and Bonaventura _Doctor Seraphicus_,
so Gamaliel was called the _Beauty of the Law_, and it is
a saying of the Talmud, that since _Rabban Gamaliel died,
the glory of the Law has ceased_.” He was president of the
Sanhedrin under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, and died
18 years before the destruction of Jerusalem, or about the
time of St Paul’s shipwreck at Malta. Conybeare and Howson,
I. 56, and notes.
706 ‒ Because a Theudas is mentioned by Josephus (_Ant._ XX. 5.
1) as having been an insurgent in the time of Claudius,
or about A.D. 44, and St Luke places this Theudas before
the time of Judas of Galilee, he has been accused with the
utmost inconsistency of historical inaccuracy. But there
are two solutions of the apparent difficulty, either of
which meets all the requirements of the case: (i) St Luke
represents this Theudas as having appeared before the
time of Judas the Galilæan, and therefore he cannot have
appeared later than the close of the reign of Herod the
Great. Now the year of that monarch’s death (as mentioned
above, pp. 104, 144) was one of great turbulence, and
Palestine was overrun by insurrectionary chiefs and
fanatics, of whom Josephus mentions but three by name,
Judas the son of the bandit Hezekias, Simon a slave of
Herod, and Athronges, and passes over the rest with a mere
allusion (comp. _Ant._ XVII. 9. 3; XVII. 10. 4–8). Now of
these Theudas might easily have been one, for the name was
not uncommon. (ii) Others would identify him with Judas,
the son of Hezekias mentioned above, or more probably
with the second insurgent, Simon, one of Herod’s slaves
(_Ant._ XVII. 10. 6), a man of great personal strength and
comeliness, who assumed the diadem and the title of king,
“deeming himself more worthy of that dignity than any
one else” (_Ant._ _loc. cit._; comp. Acts iv. 36, λέγων
εἷναί τινα ἑαυτόν), gained a certain number of followers,
chiefly from Peræa, burned and plundered the palace of
Jericho, and many other places, and was devastating in all
directions till he was attacked by Gratus the procurator
(see above, p. 149), who utterly defeated his followers
and beheaded Simon himself. Being originally a slave he
might easily have assumed the name of Theudas with the
diadem, and have been mentioned by Gamaliel under one,
by Josephus under the other appellation. See Neander’s
_Planting_, I. 47, n.; Lightfoot, _Hor. Hebr._ IV. 54;
Biscoe’s _History of the Acts_, p. 428; Rawlinson’s
_Bampton Lectures_, 261, and notes.
707 ‒ This rising of Judas is described above, p. 148.
708 ‒ On the probable tone of Gamaliel’s feeling towards
Christianity see Neander’s _Planting_, I. 47.
709 ‒ See Lightfoot’s _Commentary on the Galatians_, pp. 278, 9;
Stanley’s _Apostolical Age_, p. 92; and above, p. 349.
710 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 48.
711 ‒ See above, pp. 109, 110.
712 ‒ Conybeare and Howson, I. 85. Alexandria was the metropolis
of Hellenistic theology, Philo their great representative.
“The Greek learning was not more repugnant to the Roman
Cato, than it was to the strict Hebrews. They had a saying,
_Cursed is he who teacheth his son the learning of the
Greeks_.” For other illustrations, see Con. and Howson,
I. 85, n.; Biscoe _On the Acts_, p. 60; Lightfoot, _Hor.
Hebr. et Talm._ IV. 60; and compare above, p. 116. The
ill-feeling lasted at least down to the time of Justinian.
713 ‒ “The Jews of Palestine were relatively poor, compared
with those of ‘the dispersion.’ We see this exemplified on
later occasions, in the contributions which St Paul more
than once anxiously promoted; see Acts xi. 29, 30; Rom. xv.
25, 26; Acts xxiv. 17; 1 Cor. xvi. 1–4; 2 Cor. viii. 1–4.”
C. and H., I. 64.
714 ‒ “His Hebrew (or rather Syriac) name is traditionally said
to have been Chelil, or Cheliel (_a crown_);” Smith’s
_Bibl. Dict._
715 ‒ By some supposed, by others denied, to have been the
founder of the sect of the Nicolaitans mentioned in
Rev. ii. 6, 15. See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ _sub voc._;
Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, 281 n.
716 ‒ An ancient and familiar practice in (i) pronouncing
a blessing (Gen. xlviii. 14–20), (ii) appointing to
an office (Num. xxvii. 18–21), transferring guilt (Lev.
iii. 2).
717 ‒ It will be noticed that the term “deacons” is nowhere
applied to them. They are called “the Seven” (Acts
xxi. 8), and two of them perform the work of preachers
and evangelists. See Article in Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._;
Stanley’s _Apostolical Age_, p. 62.
718 ‒ Among the conspicuous opponents of the great Hellenist
in the synagogue of Cilicia was doubtless _a young man_
(Acts vii. 58) a citizen of Tarsus, distinguished already
by his zeal and talents among the younger champions of
the Pharisaic party; see Gal. i. 13, 14; Acts xxii. 3;
xxiii. 7; xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5, 6.
719 ‒ Of the various explanations of the Λιβερτίνων in Acts
vi. 9, the most probable are (i) that they were the
inhabitants of Libertum, a town in the proconsular
province of Africa, a bishop of which place is mentioned
in the Council of Carthage, A.D. 411; (ii) that they were
Jews, who having been taken prisoners by Pompeius and
other Roman generals during the Syrian wars (see above,
p. 109), were reduced to slavery, and being afterwards
emancipated returned, either permanently or for a time,
to Palestine, and had a synagogue at Jerusalem. Tacitus
states (_Ann._ II. 85) that 4000 of the _libertini
generis_ (said by Josephus to have been Jews, _Ant._ XVIII.
3. 5) were banished by Tiberius, A.D. 19, to Sardinia,
under an edict for the suppression of Egyptian and Jewish
mysteries, and they are thought to have found their way
to Jerusalem. See Humphry _On the Acts_; Smith’s _Bibl.
Dict._; Orellius _in Tac. Annal._ II. 85; Biscoe _On the
Acts_, p. 69.
720 ‒ Although the accusations made against Stephen “are
represented as the depositions of _false_ witnesses, it
does not follow that all they said was a fabrication,
but only that they had, on many points, distorted his
assertions, with an evil intention. Yet he must, by
what he said, have given them some ground for their
misrepresentations, for before this time nothing similar
had been brought against the publishers of the Gospel;
hence we may make use of their allegations to find out
what Stephen really said.” Neander’s _Planting_, I. 51;
compare Milman, I. 364. “Stephen is the acknowledged
forerunner of the Apostle of the Gentiles. He was the
first _to look steadfastly to the end of that which
is abolished_, to sound the death-knell of the Mosaic
ordinances and the temple-worship, and to claim for the
Gospel unfettered liberty and universal rights.” Lightfoot
_On the Galatians_, p. 281.
721 ‒ See above, p. 169.
722 ‒ Comp. above, p. 268.
723 ‒ See above, p. 293.
724 ‒ It is remarkable how completely St Stephen is the
forerunner of St Paul, both in the form and the matter of
his defence. (i) His securing the attention of the Jews
by adopting the historical method, is exactly what the
Apostle did in the synagogue at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts
xiii. 16–22); (ii) His assertion of his attachment to the
true principles of the Mosaic religion is exactly what
St Paul said to Agrippa (Acts xxvi. 22); (iii) The words
used by Stephen of the Temple call to mind those which
the Apostle used at Athens (Acts xvii. 24); (iv) When
he speaks of the Law as received _by the disposition
of angels_ he anticipates the language of Gal. iii. 19;
(v) When he declares that the Jews had received the Law
and had not kept it, he foreshadows the language of the
great Apostle himself, Rom. ii. 17–29: Con. and Howson,
I. pp. 69, 70: Mr Humphry also in his _Commentary on the
Acts_ compares (a) Acts vii. 44 with Heb. viii. 5; (b) Acts
vii. 5–8 with Rom. iv. 10–19; (c) Acts vii. 60 with 2 Tim.
iv. 16.
725 ‒ Con. and Howson, I. 69.
726 ‒ On this period of the life of Moses, see _Class-Book of
O. T. History_, pp. 81, 82, and note.
727 ‒ On this period of Israel’s history, see _Class-Book of
O. T. History_, pp. 178, 179.
728 ‒ Remphan (Acts vii. 43) and Chiun (Amos v. 26) appear to
be the names of two idols worshipped by the Israelites
in the wilderness, akin probably to _Ken_ and _Rempu_,
two Egyptian divinities; see Article _Remphan_, in Smith’s
_Bibl. Dict._
729 ‒ Comp. Isai. lxvi. 1, 2; Jer. xxiii. 24.
730 ‒ Con. and Howson, I. 69.
731 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 54.
732 ‒ Διεπρίοντο ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν (Acts vii. 54).
733 ‒ One of the only three passages in the N. T. where the
title _Son of Man_ is applied to the Redeemer by any save
Himself; the two others being Rev. i. 13; xiv. 14.
734 ‒ “In other places (Eph. i. 20; Col. iii. 1; Heb. i. 3,
viii. 1, x. 12, xii. 2) He is represented as _sitting_ at
the right hand of the Father――here alone he is said to be
standing. It is as if (according to Chrysostom’s beautiful
thought) He had risen from His throne, to succour His
persecuted servant, and to receive Him unto Himself.”
Con. and Howson, I. 71.
735 ‒ “It was sentence and execution all at once; an act of
violence without regular judicial examination,” Neander’s
_Planting_, I. 55. “It was a savage and disorderly
condemnation,” Con. and Howson, I. 71.
736 ‒ Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
737 ‒ Probably the class of Hellenists and proselytes to which
he belonged, οἷ εὐσεβεῖς. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
738 ‒ “This persecution must have been more severe and extensive
than the former; for by the manner in which Stephen
entered into conflict with Pharisaism, he had roused to
hostilities against the teachers of the new doctrine the
sect of the Pharisees, who had the most credit with the
common people (see above, p. 117), and were powerful and
active, and ready to leave no means untried to attain
their object whatever it might be,” Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 56.
739 ‒ C. and H., I. 75.
740 ‒ _Ibid._
741 ‒ Ἀναιρουμένων τε ἀυτῶν κατήνεγκα ψῆφον (Acts xxvi. 10),
_vote_, not _voice_, as in our Version.
742 ‒ Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 282. For the Jewish
feeling respecting the Samaritans, see above, pp. 121, 122.
743 ‒ Κατελθὼν εἰς πόλιν τῆς Σαμαρείας (Acts viii. 5) = _to a
city of Samaria_, perhaps Sychar, comp. Jn. iv. 5, and
if so, the readiness of the people to receive Philip is
easily accounted for.
744 ‒ See above, p. 169.
745 ‒ A native of Gittim (Justin Martyr’s _Apol._ I. 26), a
village of Samaria. Educated probably at Alexandria, he
had there become acquainted with the tenets of the Gnostic
school (Clement, _Hom._ II. 22), and had acquired a great
reputation as a magician. He was one of those who at this
period, according both to Greek and Roman testimonies,
travelled about in numbers, and partly as soothsayers,
astrologers, and interpreters of dreams, partly as
jugglers, excited attention and received general regard.
See Dollinger’s _Gentile and Jew_, II. 198, 199; C. and H.,
I. 140.
746 ‒ Our version omits the word καλουμένη, and so renders the
verse imperfectly. “The Samaritans describe the angels
as δυναμεῖς, _i.e._ uncreated influences proceeding from
God. But to distinguish Simon from such an order of beings
they added the words _which is called great_, meaning
thereby the source of all power, in other words, the
Supreme Deity――according to Simon’s own expression, quoted
by Jerome on Mtt. xxiv. 5, _Ego sum Sermo Dei, Ego sum
Speciosus, Ego Paracletus, Ego omnia Dei_.” Smith’s _Bibl.
Dict._
747 ‒ The last time this Apostle is mentioned in the Acts; he is
only once more mentioned (except in Revelation) as having
been present in Jerusalem at St Paul’s visit, Gal. ii. 9.
748 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 62.
749 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 63.
750 ‒ The subsequent history of Simon Magus is involved in much
perplexity. Early ecclesiastical historians represent him
as the pertinacious foe of the Apostle Peter, encountering
him at Cæsarea on the sea, and subsequently at Rome,
which latter place he visited either (i) in the reign of
Claudius (Justin Martyr, _Apol._ I. 26. 56), or (ii) in
the reign of Nero. His success in the imperial city is
said to have been so great that he was deified, and a
statue was erected in his honour, with the inscription
_Simoni Deo Sancto_. For various accounts of his death,
see Burton’s _Bampton Lectures_, and Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
Some identify him with a Simon, a native of Cyprus, whom
Josephus (_Ant._ XX. 7. 2) mentions as a friend of Felix,
the Roman Procurator of Palestine, and as having persuaded
Drusilla, sister of Herod Agrippa, to marry him: see
Neander’s _Planting_, I. 63, and note; Alford on Acts viii.
751 ‒ Contrast this with Lk. ix. 52; see above, p. 229.
752 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 259, 262.
753 ‒ See Robinson’s _Bibl. Res._ II. 514.
754 ‒ Some apply this word to the city of Gaza, in the sense
that it was destroyed and uninhabited, or that it was
unfortified. But this is extremely improbable. Though
often destroyed in the wars, the city had been restored.
755 ‒ That is from the high land to the south of Egypt, and
now comprehending Nubia, Cordofan, and Abyssinia, whose
religious and commercial capital was the island of Meröe.
Candace was not a personal name, but, like Pharaoh of the
older and Ptolemy of the later Egyptian kings, the regular
title of the queens of Ethiopia (Meröe). Lechler _in loc._
The eunuch was probably a proselyte of the Gate.
756 ‒ The Easterns usually go on reading aloud, with a kind of
singing voice, moving their heads and bodies in tune, and
making a monotonous cadence at regular intervals. Kitto’s
_Bibl. Illust._ VIII. 95.
757 ‒ See above, p. 11.
758 ‒ Verse 37 in the received Version is wanting in the Codd.
A. B. C. G. H., the Sinaitic MS., more than 60 cursive
MSS., and several versions. It is omitted by Lachmann,
Tischendorf, Alford, and others.
759 ‒ Robinson would place the scene of the baptism at
_Wady-el-Hasy_, between Eleutheropolis and Gaza, not far
from the old sites of Lachish and Eglon. _Bibl. Res._
II. 514.
760 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, 254, 263, 272. Taken by
Judas Maccabæus (1 Macc. v. 68) and destroyed by Jonathan
(1 Macc. x. 84), it had been rebuilt by Gabinius (Jos.
_Ant._ XIV. 5. 3; _B. J._ I. 7. 7), and bequeathed by
Herod to his sister Salome: see above, p. 146.
761 ‒ Ekron, Jamnia, Joppa, Apollonia, perhaps Lydda.
762 ‒ For the foundation of which, see above, pp. 91, 92. On
the undesigned coincidence between the mention of Philip
here and afterwards in Acts xxi. 8, 9, see Birks’ _Horæ
Apostolicæ_, pp. 322, 323.
763 ‒ See Xen. _Anab._ I. 2. 23.
764 ‒ Cæsar, _Bell. Alex._ Cap. LXVI.
765 ‒ The privileges of an _urbs libera_ consisted in (a) being
governed by its own magistrates, (b) being exempted from
the occupation of a Roman garrison, and from taxes. Its
citizens did not necessarily possess the freedom of Rome.
766 ‒ C. and H., I. 44. He was a young man at the time of the
martyrdom of Stephen.
767 ‒ Either (i) after the name of his father, or (ii) as being
a name of traditional celebrity in the tribe of Benjamin,
or (iii) “as intended to denote (in conformity with the
Hebrew derivation of the word) that he was a son who had
long been desired, the firstborn of his parents, the child
of prayer.” C. and H., I. 41.
768 ‒ Paulus, a diminutive of _Pauxillus_, is a Roman name, so
are _Junia_ and _Lucius_; those he calls his kinsmen, Rom.
xvi. 7, 11, 21; the others are Greek.
769 ‒ “Great numbers of Jews were made slaves during the Civil
Wars, and then manumitted. A slave manumitted with due
formalities became a Roman citizen. Thus it is natural to
suppose that the Apostle, with other Cilician Jews, may
have been like Horace (_Sat._ I. vi. 45) _libertino patre
natus_.” C. and H., I. 45, n.; Lewin’s _Life of St Paul_,
I. 4.
770 ‒ For allusions to it, see Acts xviii. 3; xx. 34; 1 Cor.
iv. 12; 1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 8.
771 ‒ C. and H., I. 38. “It is observed that when St Paul quotes
from the Old Testament, his quotations are from the LXX;
and that, not only when he cites its very words, but when
(as is often the case) he quotes it from memory.”
772 ‒ Probably during the supremacy of one of the four governors
who preceded Pontius Pilate, i.e. between A.D. 6 and
A.D. 25. See above, pp. 149, 150.
773 ‒ For notices of Gamaliel, see above, p. 360, and note.
774 ‒ “St Paul seems to have belonged to the extreme party of
the Pharisees (Acts xii. 3, xxiii. 7, xxvi. 5; Phil. iii.
5, 6) whose pride it was to call themselves ‘zealots of
the law, zealots of God.’ To this party also had belonged
Simon, one of the Twelve, thence surnamed _the zealot_,
ζηλωτής, or Καναναῖος.” Lightfoot _On the Galatians_,
1. 14. See above, p. 187.
775 ‒ Such as that of Hagar and Sarah in Gal. iv. 21, where see
Lightfoot’s notes.
776 ‒ Hence in his address to the Athenians (Acts xvii. 28) he
could quote from the Cilician poet Aratus,
Τοῦ γὰρ καὶ γένος ἐσμέν;
to the refined Corinthians (1 Cor. xv. 33) from the
_Thais_ of Menander,
Φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρήσθ᾽ ὁμιλίαι κακαί;
he could rebuke the Cretans (Titus i. 12) from the poet
Epimenides,
Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται, κακὰ θηρία, γαστέρες ἀργαί.
777 ‒ On the authority of the Sanhedrin over Jews in foreign
cities, see above, p. 108, note. Damascus since its
capture by Pompeius (see above, p. 67) had been under
Roman rule, and belonged to the province of Syria. Many
Jews had settled in it since the times of the Seleucidæ
(comp. Jos. _B. J._ I. 2. 25; II. 20. 2), hence there was
more than one synagogue there (comp. πρὸς τὰς συναγωγάς,
Acts ix. 2). If A.D. 36 was the date of the conversion
of St Paul, Caiaphas was the high-priest, and the year
would coincide with the deposition of Pilate by Vitellius
prefect of Syria (see above, p. 307, note); if, as
some think, it took place in A.D. 37, the high-priest
was either Jonathan, one of the sons of Annas, and
brother-in-law of Caiaphas, whom Vitellius, on the occasion
of his visit to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover in
this year, appointed to the office in place of Caiaphas
(Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 4. 3), or Theophilus his brother, whom
he exalted to the pontificate during his second visit at
Pentecost (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 5. 3). In the same year,
A.D. 37, Tiberius died, March 16 (Tac. _Ann._ VI. 50), and
was succeeded by Caligula.
778 ‒ Probably near Scythopolis: see C. and H., I. 82: this
route would follow the later Roman itinerary.
779 ‒ The distance was about 136 miles, and Saul and his company
may have performed the journey, like the modern caravans,
in about 6 days, C. and H., I. 81; comp. Lewin, I. 54.
780 ‒ Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 410.
781 ‒ Compare (i) Jn. xii. 28, and note above, p. 273;
(ii) Acts ii. 12, 13; (iii) Dan. x. 7, and see Baumgarten’s
_Apostolic History_, I. 210. _Audiebant vocem solam, non
vocem cum verbis_, Bengel.
782 ‒ As the language uttered was the same, the sacred language
of Palestine, which the Son of Man had used on earth,
so also was the figurative allusion to which it gave
expression like the parables He had so often delivered. As
the ox rebels in vain against the long sharp-pointed goad
(see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 237, note) of its
master, and as all its struggles do nought but increase
its distress, so did the Apostle vainly struggle against
the power of His grace. C. and H., I. 88.
783 ‒ “The present participle marks the continuity of the effort,
while the genitive expresses the _mechanical_ side of
hearing, the impression of sound, and not the apprehension
of the meaning as a whole. On the other hand, St Paul says
(Acts xxii. 9), _The men who were with me saw the light;
but heard not the voice of Him that spake to me_ (τὴν δὲ
φωνὴν οὐκ ἤκουσαν τοῦ λαλοῦντός μοι): to them the voice
was no articulate utterance of that Saviour who was
speaking to, or rather talking with, St Paul.” Westcott.
On the difference between ἀκούω with the _gen._ and _acc._,
see Viner’s _Gr. Gram._ XXX. 7, Vol. I. 210, E. T.
784 ‒ Generally identified with the “Street of Bazaars,” a long,
wide thoroughfare, penetrating from the southern gate
into the heart of the city which, as in all the Syro-Greek
and Syro-Roman towns, it intersects in a straight line.
Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 412.
785 ‒ In reference to the three accounts of the Conversion
we notice (i) _the general agreement_ with regard to
the outward details of the narrative: the occasion, the
commission, the place, the time, the light, the company,
are the same in all; but (ii) each account contains some
peculiar details, and these varieties prove that the
descriptions are free and independent, that they are
not studied and servile; “they do not echo each other’s
words, they tell each its own story; there is none of that
elaborate guarding and fencing of expressions, none of
that careful reconciliation of statement with statement,
which every court of justice regards with strong suspicion
as a sure indication of design and falsehood.” Vaughan,
_Church of Jerusalem_, II. 7; Westcott’s _Characteristics
of the Gospel Miracles_, p. 120; Birks’ _Horæ Apostoliæ_,
pp. 324–328.
786 ‒ “A veil of thick darkness hangs over St Paul’s visit
to Arabia. Of the scenes among which he moved, of the
thoughts and occupations which engaged him while there, of
all the circumstances of a crisis which must have shaped
the whole tenour of his after life, absolutely nothing
is known. _Immediately_, says St Paul, _I went away into
Arabia_. The historian passes over the incident without
a mention. It is a mysterious pause. A moment of suspense
in the Apostle’s history, a breathless calm which ushers
in the tumultuous storm of his active missionary life.”
Lightfoot on Gal. i. 17.
787 ‒ See the words of Justin, _Dial. c. Tryph._ p. 305 A,
quoted by Lightfoot, and C. and H., I. pp. 117, 118.
This, however, appears improbable, for (i) it gives to
the term _Arabia_ an extension which does not seem to
have been common; (ii) it distinguishes the Arabia of the
first chapters of Galatians from the Arabia of the fourth;
(iii) it deprives this visit of a significance which, on
a more probable hypothesis, it possesses in relation to
this crisis of St Paul’s life. But if it was the Sinaitic
peninsula then his visit becomes full of meaning; here,
“where Moses had received the tables of the Law amid fire
and tempest and thick darkness, where Elijah, the typical
prophet, listened to the voice of God, and sped forth
refreshed on his mission of righteousness, in the fulness
of time St Paul, the greatest preacher of Him of whom
both the law and the prophets spoke, was strengthened
and sanctified for his great work, was taught the breadth
as well as the depth of the riches of God’s wisdom, and
transformed from the champion of a bigoted and narrow
tradition into the large-hearted Apostle of the Gentiles.”
Lightfoot, _in loc._
788 ‒ Ellicott on Gal. i. 18.
789 ‒ For the origin of the ill-feeling between Aretas and Herod
Antipas, see above, p. 168. In the battle between them
the army of Antipas was utterly routed (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII.
5. 3), and Antipas appealed to Tiberius for assistance. On
this Vitellius, the prefect of Syria, was commissioned to
march against Aretas, and take him dead or alive. But on
his march Vitellius heard of the death of Tiberius, March
16, A.D. 37, and abandoned the expedition. The position of
affairs was now reversed. Antipas was banished to Lyons;
Herod Agrippa received his kingdom from Claudius; and in
A.D. 38 it appears probable that Caligula granted Damascus
to Aretas. See C. and H., I. 97, 98; Art. in Smith’s _Bibl.
Dict._; Milman, I. 372.
790 ‒ This word is used to denote (i) the governor of a
dependent district (1 Macc. xiv. 47; Jos. _Ant._ XVII.
11. 4); (ii) a magistrate or consul allowed to Jewish
residents living under their own laws in Alexandria and
other cities (Jos. _Ant._ XIV. 7. 3).
791 ‒ C. and H., I. 98.
792 ‒ To visit _Cephas_: ἱστορῆσαι is somewhat emphatic. _A word
used_, says Chrysostom, by _those who go to see great and
famous cities_. It is generally said of things and places,
less commonly, as here, of persons: Lightfoot, _in loc._
and Ellicott on Gal. i. 18.
793 ‒ See Lightfoot’s note _in loc._, and Excursus on _St Paul’s
first visit to Jerusalem_. In Acts ix. 23 the time is said
to have been _many days_, but compare 1 Kings ii. 38, 39,
where _many days_ is used to denote a space of _three
years_: Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.
794 ‒ See above, p. 356, n.
795 ‒ “The Apostle James is named three times in the Epistle to
the Galatians, but only here with this distinctive title.
The history supplies a full key. This visit is evidently
the same as in Acts ix. 26–30, while the one in the next
chapter was much later, at or near the time of the Council,
Acts xv. Hence the first was before the death of James the
son of Zebedee, and the other long after it. A distinctive
addition to the name was thus as natural in the one case,
as it would be superfluous and even suspicious in the
other.” The same distinction is observed in the book of
Acts. In the earlier part the two Apostles of this name
are distinguished, _the brother of John_, or _the son
of Alphæus_. But after the elder James was martyred,
the other is three times called _James_ simply, without
any addition. This minute propriety is too delicate and
refined to be easily accounted for, except by the fact
that Luke and Paul were contemporary with the events they
record.” Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, pp. 197, 198.
796 ‒ On the brevity of this visit, see Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.
797 ‒ Some have thought this was Cæsarea Philippi (see above,
p. 218), “but the words κατήγαγον, ἐξαπέστειλαν, imply
a sea-port and an embarcation, and Cæsarea, without any
addition to distinguish it, is always the principal city
of the name.” Lightfoot, _in loc._: see also Birks’ _Horæ
Apost._ 199.
798 ‒ Probably he now founded those churches greeted in the
Apostolic decree, Acts xv. 23, 41. Perhaps “in his own
family some of those Christian _kinsmen_ (Rom. xvi.) whose
names are handed down to us, possibly his _sister_ and his
_sister’s son_ (Acts xxiii. 16, 23) were by his exertions
gathered into the fold of Christ.” C. and H., I. 104.
799 ‒ St Paul’s words here, _Syria_ and _Cilicia_, are probably
not intended to _describe the order_ in which he visited
the two countries. Cilicia had geographically a greater
affinity with Syria than with Asia Minor. The less
important country is here named after the more important.
Lightfoot on Gal. i. 21; C. and H., I. 103.
800 ‒ As distinguished from that of Jerusalem, whence “he
was hurried off to Cæsarea, and there embarking left
the shores of Palestine. The other churches of Judæa
therefore had no opportunity of knowing him. Judæa is
here distinguished from Jerusalem, as Italy is frequently
distinguished from Rome, _e.g._ probably Hebr. xiii. 24.”
Lightfoot, _in loc._
801 ‒ Note the force of ἀκούοντες ἦσαν in Gal. i. 23 = _they
kept hearing_, just as ἤμην ἀγνοούμενος = _I continued
personally unknown_.
802 ‒ Milman’s _History of Christianity_, I. 373.
803 ‒ See above, p. 307, note.
804 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10.
805 ‒ See above, p. 383, note.
806 ‒ See above, p. 383, note.
807 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10. Herod Agrippa, the son of
Aristobulus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great,
was born A.U.C. 743, and was brought up at Rome with
Claudius and Drusus, and on the death of the latter was
banished by Tiberius, A.D. 31, as recalling his memory by
his presence. Retiring to Malatha in Idumæa (Jos. _Ant._
XVIII. 6. 2), he was appointed ædile of Tiberias, and
five years afterwards was readmitted to the court of the
Emperor at Capreæ, and became the intimate friend of Caius
(Caligula), but for an imprudent speech was thrown into
prison. Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. 11.
808 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10. His arrival in Palestine with
royal pomp excited the bitterest jealousy of Herodias the
wife of Herod Antipas, the tetrarch of Galilee. She would
not rest till her husband also had obtained a royal title,
and in an unlucky hour he repaired with her to Rome to
solicit it from Caligula (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 7. 2). But
Agrippa was beforehand with them, outbid his rival in
bribery, and accused him of intrigues with Sejanus, and
Caligula banished both the tetrarch and his wife to Lyons
in Gaul, A.D. 39.
809 ‒ Merivale, VI. 45. For an account of the indignities
endured by the Jews of Alexandria, see Jos. _Ant._ XVIII.
8. 1, 2; Milman, _History of the Jews_, II. 133–139.
810 ‒ “Josephus, _Ant_ XVIII. 8. 9, states that Caligula at
one moment yielded to Agrippa, and rescinded his orders
to Petronius; but on hearing of the resistance the Jews
were prepared to make, repeated them more vehemently than
ever. The last missive, however, did not reach Petronius
till after the news had arrived of the tyrant’s death.”
Merivale, VI. 50, n.
811 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 1. 11.
812 ‒ The modern Lidd or Ludd stands in the great maritime plain
of Sharon (see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 30), and
when covered with its crops of corn, reminds the traveller
of the rich wheat-fields of our own Lincolnshire: Robinson,
_Bibl. Res._, III. 145. Thomson, _The Land and the Book_.
It received its name Diospolis in the reign of Hadrian, in
A.D. 136.
813 ‒ Tabitha is the Aramaic, Dorcas the Greek form, both
meaning _a gazelle_: Δορκάς is used in the LXX. as the
rendering of עְבִי in Deut. xii. 15, 22; 2 Sam. ii. 18; Prov.
vi. 5. We find the name also in Jos. _B. J._ IV. 3. 5.
814 ‒ See above, p. 201.
815 ‒ Like Elisha, 2 Kings iv. 33.
816 ‒ See above, p. 147, n.
817 ‒ As distinct from the legionary soldiers, and hence called
the _Italian cohort_. “As in the army of modern Austria,
the soldiers were drawn from different countries and spoke
different languages.” C. and H., I. 113.
818 ‒ “There is scarcely any room to doubt that he belonged
to the class of _Proselytes of the Gate_ (see above,
p. 118, n.). Nor can we infer the contrary from the
circumstances that Peter and the stricter Jewish
Christians looked on Cornelius as an unclean person, and
in many respects the same as an heathen. The Proselytes of
the Gate were certainly permitted to attend the synagogue
worship ... yet the Jews who adopted the stricter maxims
of the Pharisees, placed all the uncircumcised in the
class of the unclean, and avoided living and eating with
such persons as defiling.” Neander’s _Planting_, I. 68.
819 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 69.
820 ‒ Comp. the flat roof of the house of Rahab at Jericho,
_Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 202; of the house of
Samuel at Ramah, _ibid._ p. 280.
821 ‒ “Overlooking the waves of the Western Sea, the Sea of
Greece and Rome――the sea of the isles of the Gentiles.”
See Keble’s _Christian Year, Monday in Easter Week_.
Stanley’s _Apost. Age_, p. 93.
822 ‒ It appears doubtful whether δεδεμένον καὶ are genuine in
Acts x. 11: they are omitted by Lachmann and Tischendorf,
retained but doubtfully by Alford: they are wanting in
the Vulgate, which translates _quatuor initiis submitti
de cælo_. “At all events these four corners are not
unimportant. As they corresponded with the four quarters
of the heavens, they conveyed an intimation that men
from the north and south, the east and west (comp. Mtt.
viii. 11; Lk. xiii. 29), would appear as clean before God,
or be called to a participation of His kingdom.” Neander’s
_Planting_, I. 72, n.
823 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 156.
824 ‒ Vaughan, II. 66.
825 ‒ Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Peter_.
826 ‒ “The more rigid Jews looked with jealousy even on the
circumcised proselytes; the terms of admission were made
as difficult and repulsive as possible; on the imperfect
they looked with still greater suspicion, and were rather
jealous of communicating their exclusive privileges than
eager to extend the influence of their opinions.” Milman,
_Hist. Christ._ I. 382, n. “An opprobrious proverb coupled
proselytes with the vilest profligates, as hindering the
coming of the Messiah (Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb._ in Mtt.
xxiii. 15). It became a recognised maxim that no wise
man would trust a proselyte even to the twenty-fourth
generation.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ The belief in the
necessity of circumcision for the full admission of
proselytes is illustrated by the compulsory circumcision
of the Idumæans by John Hyrcanus and of the Ituræans by
Aristobulus (see above, pp. 59, 61, 146 n.).
827 ‒ “As a loyal and believing Hebrew Peter could not have
contemplated the removal of Gentile disqualifications
without a distinct assurance that the enactments of the
law which concerned them were abrogated by the Divine
legislator. The vision could not therefore have been
the product of a subjective impression. It was, strictly
speaking, objective, presented to his mind by an external
influence. Yet the intimation in the state of trance did
not at once overcome his reluctance. It was not _till
his consciousness was fully restored_, and he had well
considered the meaning of the vision, that he learned
that the distinction between cleanness and uncleanness
in outward things belonged to a temporary dispensation.”
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.
828 ‒ See above, p. 373.
829 ‒ For its foundation, see above, p. 10, and notes.
830 ‒ Perhaps Mnason was one of the number, see Acts xxi. 16.
831 ‒ C. and H., I. 118.
832 ‒ “In the Acts, and in their own letters, we find them
designating themselves as _brethren, disciples, believers,
saints_ (Acts xv. 23, ix. 26, v. 14, ix. 32; Rom. xv. 25;
Col. i. 2, &c.). Only in two places (Acts xxvi. 28, 1 Pet.
iv. 16) do we find the term _Christians_; and in both
instances it is implied to be a term used by those who are
without.” C. and H., I. 117, and notes; Humphry’s _Comm.on
the Acts_.
833 ‒ Or Galilæans. This last was the contemptuous name by which
the Emperor Julian afterwards enacted that they should be
called. Humphry’s _Comm._
834 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 99.
835 ‒ Comp. Tac. _Ann._ XV. 44, quos _vulgus_ Christianos
appellabat: they were sometimes miscalled _Chrestiani_;
Tertull. _Apol._ III.
836 ‒ Their office did not always or necessarily include that of
predicting future events. Compare the remarks on the O. T.
Prophets, _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 276, 277.
More generally it indicated extraordinary powers of
exposition of the Divine Word.
837 ‒ Tac. _Ann._ XII. 13; Jos. _Ant._ III. 15. 3, XX. 2. 5.
838 ‒ Four local famines are mentioned during the reign of
Claudius, (1) in his first and second year, A.D. 41, 42,
at Rome; (2) in his fourth year, A.D. 44, in Judæa; (3) in
his ninth year, A.D. 49, in Greece; (4) in his eleventh
year, A.D. 51, at Rome.
839 ‒ In this verse occurs the first mention of the Christian
πρεσβύτεροι, rendered in the Vulgate _seniores_, in the
E. V. _elders_. In Acts xx. 28 they are termed ἐπίσκοποι;
the last expression pointing to their office, the former
to their age and character. For the ancient Jewish
Elders, see Numb. xi. 16, and _Class-Book of Old Testament
History_, p. 170.
840 ‒ Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. 102.
841 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 5. 1; _B. J._ II. 11. 5. Merivale, VI. 115.
842 ‒ See above, p. 393, n.; Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 1.
843 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 1; 7. 3. Comp. Acts xxi. 23.
844 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 3. He exercised, however, his supreme
authority by continually displacing the high-priest.
Having deposed Theophilus, son of Annas (see above, p.
382, n.), he substituted Simon son of Boethus (Jos. _Ant._
XIX. 6. 2); he then offered the pontificate to Jonathan
son of Annas (Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 6. 4), and on his declining
it, bestowed it upon his brother Matthias; in A.D. 43 he
deposed Matthias, and appointed Elionæus, son of the Simon
mentioned above, to the post (Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 1).
845 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 7. 2. The prefect of Syria, however,
compelled him to desist.
846 ‒ Milman, _Hist. Christ._ I. 374.
847 ‒ See above, p. 257.
848 ‒ “The popular feeling, which from Pentecost till Stephen’s
death was in favour of the Gospel, now set in in the
contrary direction.” Humphry’s _Comm._
849 ‒ “One quaternion for each watch of the night; of the four
men forming the quaternion, two were stationed before the
door (Acts xii. 6), and to two the Apostle was chained
according to the Roman custom.” Veget. _Res Milit._ III. 8,
quoted in Humphry’s _Comm._
850 ‒ Comp. Col.iv. 10. Thus while the brother gave up his land
and brought its value into the common treasury of the
Church, the sister gave up her house for the use of the
early Christians. Peter seems to have been on terms of
intimacy with her, and this is confirmed by 1 Pet. v. 13.
851 ‒ Ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου (Claudius) σωτηρίας, Jos. _Ant._ XIX.
8. 2. Compare the language of Philo, _Leg._ 45, alluding to
Caligula’s safe return from Gaul, quoted in Lewin’s _Fasti
Sacri_, p. 280. Another opinion is that the festival was
held in honour of the birthday of Claudius, August 1.
852 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2.
853 ‒ See above, p. 92.
854 ‒ See the quotation from Kenrick’s _Phœnicia_, in _Class-Book
of O. T. History_, p. 355, and comp. Ezek. xxvii. 17;
1 Kings v. 9; Ezra iii. 7.
855 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2. Δευτέρᾳ δὲ τῶν θεωριῶν ἡμέρᾳ στολὴν
ἐνδυσάμενος ἐξ ἀργύρου πεποιημένην πᾶσαν ... παρῆλθεν εἰς
τὸ θέατρον ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας.
856 ‒ Luke _the physician_ is more accurate than Josephus in
his description of the disease that caused the death of
Agrippa. Comp. the deaths of Antiochus Epiphanes, above,
p. 38, and of Herod the Great, above, pp. 104, 105.
857 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 8. 2, i.e. from A.D. 37 to A.D. 44.
858 ‒ Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 9. 1; Milman, _Hist. of the Jews_, II.
161. The unexpected death of Herod Agrippa “seems to have
unhinged the plans of the Roman government. So important a
charge as the sovereignty of Palestine could be intrusted
only to a tried servant of the Emperor; and even Agrippa
had given cause of jealousy by the relation he had
cultivated with the princes of the frontier. None of
his family merited to succeed him. His brother Herod
was allowed to continue in the obscure dignity of his
petty chiefdom, and his son Agrippa, already resident
as a hostage at Rome, was retained there in honourable
custody; while the dominions of the great Idumæan reverted
once more to the control of the prefect of Syria, and
acquiesced, with a few uneasy murmurs, in its full
incorporation with the empire.” Merivale, VI. 116, 117.
Cassius Longinus was now appointed, A.D. 44, to the
presidency of Syria, while Cuspius Fadus was sent out as
governor of Judæa. Jos. _Ant._ XIX. 9. 2; XX. 1. 1.
859 ‒ Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 285.
860 ‒ He was the son of that Mary, a person of some means and
influence, to whose house Peter went after his miraculous
release from prison (Acts xii. 12). He was probably,
therefore, born at Jerusalem, and is by some identified
with the “young man” mentioned in Mk. xiv. 51, 52. Hence
he was the nephew of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10), and had
possibly been converted by St Peter (1 Peter, v. 13).
861 ‒ Nothing further is known of this Simeon. His first name
shews that he was a Jew by birth, his second, that, as in
other cases, he took another name as more convenient for
intercourse with foreigners.
862 ‒ By some identified with the kinsman or fellow-tribesman of
St Paul, mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21.
863 ‒ Manaen = _consoler_, the same name as that of the 16th
king of Israel (2 K. xv. 14–22).
864 ‒ Σύντροφος, Vulgate _collactaneus_ = ὁμογάλακτος,
_foster-brother_, i.e. Manaen’s mother (or the woman
who reared him) was also Herod’s nurse. Others would
interpret the word as = _comrade, associate, educated
with_, according to a not unusual custom of associating
other children with the sons of persons of rank, to share
their amusements and excite them to emulation. Comp. Xen.
_Cyrop._ I. 3. 14, and the passages cited in Wetstein
on Acts xiii. 1. The Herod alluded to was probably Herod
Antipas, who beheaded John the Baptist, and if so, Manaen
could hardly have been altogether unacquainted with the
circumstances of the Redeemer’s life. Josephus (_Ant._ XV.
10. 5) mentions a Manaen, an Essene, who foretold to Herod
the Great his future elevation to royal dignity, and who
was held by him in high esteem. He may therefore have been
the father of the companion of his children, Antipas and
Archelaus, who were educated at Rome: Comp. Jos. _Ant._
XVII. 1. 3, Ἀρχέλαος δὲ καὶ Ἀντίπας ἐπὶ Ῥώμης παρά τινι
ἰδιώτῃ τροφὰς εἶχον.
865 ‒ The sea-port and fortress of Antioch, and connected with
it by the river Orontes. Seleucus had named his metropolis
after his father (see above, p. 10), and the maritime
fortress after himself. It became a place of great
importance, and was made a _free city_ by Pompey for its
bold resistance to Tigranes. See Smith’s _Dict. Geog._
866 ‒ See above, p. 356, n. Cyprus was (1) near; (2) contained
the nucleus of a church; (3) was the birthplace of
Barnabas; (4) contained many Jews.
867 ‒ A city on the eastern coast of Cyprus, said to have been
founded by Teucer (Hor. _Od._ I. 7. 29). The farming of
the copper-mines of the island to Herod (Jos. _Ant._ XVI.
4. 5), as also the wine, flax, and honey which it yielded,
probably increased the numbers attracted by its harbour
and trade. On the revolt of the Jews in the reign of
Trajan, when the populous city became a desert, see Milman,
_Hist. Jews_, III. 111, 112.
868 ‒ Notorious for the worship of Venus or Aphrodite, fabled
here to have risen from the sea (Hom. _Od._ VIII. 362),
whose temple was at “Old Paphos,” while the harbour and
chief town were at “New Paphos,” a little distance off.
Titus made a pilgrimage to the shrine (Tac. _Hist._ II.
2. 3).
869 ‒ On the provinces and the difference between the proconsul
and proprætor, see above, p. 147, n. Cyprus originally was
an imperial province, but it was afterwards transferred
to the Senate. See Lardner’s _Credibility of the Gospel
History_, I. 32, &c.: for an engraving of a Cyprian coin
of the reign of Claudius, see C. and H., I. 147.
870 ‒ See above, p. 374. On the influx of Eastern sorcerers,
astrologers, and soothsayers into Rome, and their
influence, see Hor. _Od._ I. 11. 2; Cic. _Div._ II. 42–47;
Juv. VI. 562, XIV. 248. Marius always kept in his camp
a Syrian prophetess; Pompeius, Crassus, Cæsar, were all
addicted to Oriental astrology; the picture of Tiberius
surrounded by his “Chaldæan herd” (Juv. _Sat._ X. 93) is
well known. See C. and H., I. 141, and notes.
871 ‒ After this his old name Saul never recurs in the New
Testament. “It was an ancient conjecture that the change
was made to commemorate the conversion of the Proconsul:
this may have been the _occasion_; but the _reason_
probably was to make the name more familiar to Roman ears.”
Humphry’s _Comm. on the Acts_. That the Apostle probably
had both in his childhood is stated above, p. 380, and
possibly “the name Paulus came from some connection of his
ancestors (perhaps as manumitted slaves) with some member
of the Roman family of the Æmilian Pauli” (C. and H.,
I. 146). It can hardly be believed to be accidental that
the Gentile name rises to the surface at the moment when
St Paul visibly enters on his office as the Apostle of the
Gentiles.
872 ‒ Founded by _Attalus_ Philadelphus, as a port for the trade
between Egypt and Syria. It has lasted till the present
day, and is now called _Satalia_.
873 ‒ It will be remembered that St Paul had already preached
the word in Cilicia (see above, p. 380); he probably now
wished to extend it among the contiguous districts.
874 ‒ An important city of Pamphylia, situated on the river
Cestrus, as Tarsus on the Cydnus, celebrated for the
worship of Artemis (Diana), Cic. _Verr._ I. 20.
875 ‒ On the perils of _robbers_ and _rivers_ incident to the
Pisidian Highlands, see C. and H., I. 154, 155. Some
think he wished to join Peter and those Apostles who were
preaching in Palestine. We shall find him not unwilling
to accompany the Apostles on a second missionary journey
(Acts xv. 37).
876 ‒ See above, p. 10, and notes. Its site was discovered by
Arundell in 1833, at _Valobatch_, six hours distant from
_Akshar_.
877 ‒ The peculiarities of the constitution of a Roman _colonia_
will be treated of when we come to Philippi.
878 ‒ For a description of the synagogue service, see above,
pp. 111, 112.
879 ‒ Comp. above, p. 368.
880 ‒ On the duration here assigned to this period see
Wordsworth’s note _in loc._; Humphry’s _Comm. on the Acts_;
Biscoe’s _History of the Acts_.
881 ‒ Compare the importance attached to these appearances by
the Apostle in 1 Cor. xv. 1–12.
882 ‒ Ps. ii. 7, LXX; Isai. lv. 3, LXX; Ps. xvi. 10, LXX trans.
883 ‒ Compare this address with those of Peter in Acts ii. 27,
&c. and x. 30–43, above, pp. 351, 2. In both the chief
stress is laid on the Saviour’s resurrection (comp. Acts
i. 22, iv. 33). We can hardly fail to observe in Acts
xiii. 39 the first germ of the deeper teaching of St Paul
respecting the insufficiency of the Mosaic Law, developed
afterwards in the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians.
884 ‒ Lachmann and Tischendorf omit the τὰ ἔθνη inserted in Acts
xiii. 42 in the _Textus Receptus_.
885 ‒ Comp. Isai. xlii. 6, xlix. 6; Lk. ii. 32.
886 ‒ Mtt. x. 14, 15; Mk. vi. 11; Lk. ix. 5.
887 ‒ C. and H., I. 195.
888 ‒ Now called _Konieh_, situated on the western part of an
extensive table-land of Asia Minor, not far north of Mount
Taurus. This region was anciently called Lycaonia, and
thus Iconium “was on the great line of communication
between Ephesus and the western coast of the peninsula on
one side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the Euphrates on the
other.” See C. and H., I. 174, 175. From its position it
was clearly a well chosen spot for missionary operations.
889 ‒ Its site is unknown. There are strong reasons, however,
for identifying its site with that of _Kir-bir-Kilisseh_
at the base of the _Kara-dagh_.
890 ‒ Like Lystra the exact situation of Derbe is unknown. It
is certain, however, that it was in the eastern part of
the great upland plain of Lycaonia, which stretches from
Iconia eastwards along the north sides of the chain of
Taurus. For the various conjectures respecting its site,
see Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, and C. and H., I. 178, n.
Cicero passed through it on his road from Cilicia to
Iconium. Cic. _ad. Fam._ XIII. 73: Cum Antipatro _Derbete_
mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas
intercedit.
891 ‒ According to some a Syrian dialect, according to others
a corrupt form of Greek. Lycaonia is one of those
ethnological rather than political districts of Asia Minor
mentioned in the N. T.; politically it was sometimes in
Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia.
892 ‒ Compare the story of Baucis and Philemon in Ovid’s
_Metam._ VIII. 611, &c.
893 ‒ Comp. Ovid, _Fasti_, V. 495.
894 ‒ Ἐπὶ τοὺς πύλωνας in Acts xiv. 13, does not denote the
gates of the city, but the vestibule or gate which gave
admission from the public street into the court of the
house. So it is used Mtt. xxvi. 71 (on which see note
above, p. 290); Lk. xvi. 20; Acts x. 17; Acts xii. 13.
C. and H., I. 182, n.; Neander’s _Planting_, 113, n.
895 ‒ Compare the Apostle’s language in Rom. iii. 25.
896 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xii. 24.
897 ‒ This is the occasion alluded to in 2 Cor. xi. 24, 25,
“_Once_ I was stoned.” At Iconium the _design_ had been
formed of stoning him: “Had the assault been completed,
had the history related that a stone was thrown, as it
relates that preparations were made both by Jews and
Gentiles to stone Paul and his companions, or even had the
account of this transaction stopped, without going on to
inform us that St Paul and his companions were _aware of
the danger and fled_, a contradiction between the history
and the Epistle would have ensued. Truth is necessarily
consistent; but it is scarcely possible that independent
accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus
advance to the very brink of contradiction without falling
into it.” Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.
898 ‒ One was certainly Timothy, the son of a Jewess named
Eunice, his father being a Greek (Acts xvi. 1), whom Paul
afterwards found at Lystra, already a disciple, and of
good report among the brethren (Acts xvi. 2). In 1 Tim.
i. 2, i. 18; 2 Tim. ii. 1, he calls him _his own son in
the faith_, and in 2 Tim. iii. 10, 11, reminds him of his
intimate and personal knowledge of the sufferings he had
endured at Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra (note the accurate
order of the places). There is the strongest reason,
therefore, for believing that he was now converted to the
faith. See Birks’ Ed. of Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, p. 153,
and note on p. 155.
899 ‒ See above, p. 404, n.
900 ‒ On the Jewish feeling of jealousy and suspicion even
towards proselytes, see above, p. 400, n. 2.
901 ‒ C. and H., I. 197.
902 ‒ Lightfoot _On the Galatians_, p. 286.
903 ‒ They were converted Pharisees who had imported their
dogmas into the Christian Church.
904 ‒ Compare the words παρεισάκτους, παρεισῆλθον in Gal. ii. 4.
“The metaphor is that of spies or traitors introducing
themselves by stealth into the enemy’s camp.” See the
passages quoted by Lightfoot.
905 ‒ For an exhaustive note on the identity of the journey
mentioned in the Epistle to the Galatians and in Acts xv.,
see Lightfoot, _Com. on the Gal._ 110–113.
906 ‒ The historian St Luke naturally records the external
impulse, which led to the mission; the Apostle himself
states his inward motive: “What I did,” he says, “I did
not owing to circumstances, not as yielding to pressure,
not in deference to others, but because the Spirit of God
told me it was right.” The very stress which he lays on
this revelation seems to shew that other influences were
at work. Lightfoot, _Com._ p. 111.
907 ‒ Compare the combination of the natural and the
supernatural in the case of Peter’s journey to Cæsarea;
see above, pp. 398, 399; and in St Paul’s reasons for
leaving Jerusalem, above, pp. 391, 392.
908 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, p. 115.
909 ‒ The great Roman road followed the Phœnician coast-line.
On the previous mention of Phœnicia, see Acts xi. 19, 20;
above, p. 373.
910 ‒ Κατ᾽ ἰδίαν δὲ τοῖς δοκοῦσι, Gal. ii. 2.
911 ‒ See Neander’s _Planting_, I. 115, n. “The private
consultation was a wise precaution to avoid
misunderstanding: the public conference was a matter of
necessity to obtain a recognition of the freedom of the
Gentile churches.” Lightfoot _in loc._
912 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 117; Baumgarten’s _Apostolic History_.
913 ‒ Ἀφ᾽ ἡμερῶν ἀρχαίων, Acts xv. 7, refers to the whole
period of the Gospel up to that day, and especially to
the conversion of Cornelius about 12 years before.
914 ‒ Compare the Lord’s own words, Mtt. xxiii. 4.
915 ‒ See above, p. 410; for indications in the New Testament
of his important position comp. (1) Gal. i. 19; (2) Acts
xii. 17; (3) Gal. ii. 9; (4) Acts xxi. 18.
916 ‒ From 1 Cor. ix. 5 we gather that, like Samuel, he was
married, but in other respects a strict observer of the
Nazarite rule; Euseb. _H. E._ II. 23.
917 ‒ Διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς δικαιοσύνης αὐτοῦ, ἐκαλεῖτο Δίκαιος
καὶ Ὠβλίας· ὅ ἐστι Ἑλληνιστὶ περιοχὴ τοῦ ♦λαοῦ καὶ
δικαιοσύνη. Hegesippus quoted in Euseb. _H. E._ II. 23.
918 ‒ See Stanley’s _Apostolical Age_, pp. 302, 331; Con. and
Howson, I. 205; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
919 ‒ He characteristically uses the Jewish form of the
Apostle’s name, Acts xv. 14, as Peter does himself
2 Pet. i. 1.
920 ‒ The citation is made freely from the LXX version.
921 ‒ Only a portion of the victims was offered in sacrifice
to the heathen gods, the rest was consumed by the offerer
with his family and friends, or was sold in the shambles.
Hence most public entertainments and many private
meals were more or less remotely connected with heathen
sacrifices, which, as Thucydides relates (II. 38), became
the chief means of social enjoyment. Such meat the more
scrupulous Jewish converts would not touch, according
to the warning of Malachi (i. 7–12), or the good example
of Daniel (i. 8). See Stanley _On the Cor._ I. 150, 151.
Hence the doubt and the contention between the Gentile and
Jewish converts alluded to in 1 Cor. viii. ix.
922 ‒ See Levit. xvii. 13, 14; Comp. above, p. 118, n.
923 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 156.
924 ‒ C. and H., 207; Gibbon, XXIII.
925 ‒ See above, p. 412, n.; Milman, _Hist. of Christianity_,
I. 394; Neander’s _Planting_, I. p. 121.
926 ‒ Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ Τίτος ὁ σὺν ἐμοὶ Ἕλλην ὢν ἠναγκάσθη περιτμηθῆναι,
Gal. ii. 3. _But not even Titus_, though (1) the pressure
exerted in his case was so great, though (2) as my
fellow-labourer he would be brought constantly in contact
with the Jews, see Acts xvi. 3, though (3) _a Gentile, was
compelled to be circumcised_. See Lightfoot and Ellicott
_in loc._
927 ‒ Στῦλοι, Gal. ii. 9, a title applied by the Jews to the
great teachers of the Law, see Wetstein _in loc._: and,
the Church being regarded as the house or temple of God,
in the New Testament to Christians; comp. Rev. iii. 12;
1 Tim. iii. 15.
928 ‒ This the Apostle had already done, see Acts xi. 29, 30,
above, p. 404; this also he did on the occasion of his
last journey to Jerusalem, Rom. xv. 26, 27; Acts xxiv. 17.
929 ‒ John Mark appears to have accompanied them. Comp. Acts
xv. 37; Neander’s _Planting_, I. p. 125.
930 ‒ Derived from the Latin silva, _a wood_: this seems to
hint that he was a Hellenistic Jew, and from Acts xvi. 37
we gather that he was a Roman citizen; by some he is
identified with the Silvanus mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12.
931 ‒ The refusal to eat meat with the impure was one of their
leading principles: comp. Lk. xv. 2, and see above, p. 247.
932 ‒ Lightfoot _in loc._, who deems this not altogether
improbable, and compares Acts xv. 24, xv. 1. See also
Ellicott’s note.
933 ‒ Ὑπέστελλεν καὶ ἀφώριζεν ἑαυτόν, Gal. ii. 12: “the words
describe forcibly the cautious withdrawal of a timid
person who shrinks from observation, ὑπέστελλεν denoting
the partial, ἀφώριζεν the complete and final separation.”
Lightfoot _in loc._
934 ‒ Τοὺς ἐκ περιτομῆς, Gal. ii. 12. Comp. Acts x. 45, xi. 2;
Rom. iv. 12; Col. iv. 11; Tit. i. 10.
935 ‒ Οἱ λοιποὶ Ἱουδαῖοι See Lightfoot’s note.
936 ‒ Τῇ ὑποκρίσει, their _acting, assuming a part_, which
veiled their genuine feelings, and made them appear
otherwise than they were.
937 ‒ That is, his conduct, if persevered in, would have this
effect.
938 ‒ Almost a synonym for Gentiles: see 1 Macc. ii. 44; and
comp. Lk. vi. 32, 33; Mtt. v. 47; Mtt. xxvi. 45; Lk.
xviii. 32.
939 ‒ Con. and Howson, I. 215.
940 ‒ Ibid. See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.
941 ‒ The breach between them, however, appears to have been but
temporary. St Paul afterwards mentions his former friend
with commendation, see 1 Cor. ix. 6. At Salamis the tomb
of Barnabas is shewn.
942 ‒ Mark, too, though now the cause of this sharp contention,
afterwards won the Apostle’s confidence. He appears to
have been with Paul during his first imprisonment at Rome
(Philem. 24), and was acknowledged to be _profitable to
the ministry_ (2 Tim. iv. 11), and a cause of _comfort_
(Col. iv. 10, 11).
943 ‒ Comp. Rom. xv. 20; 2 Cor. x. 16. Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 170.
944 ‒ For their planting, see above, p. 391.
945 ‒ The journey was probably undertaken in the early part of
the year A.D. 51.
946 ‒ See above, p. 421, n. His father, whose name is unknown,
was a Ἕλλην (Acts xvi. 3), a Gentile, and probably died
during his son’s infancy. If in any sense a proselyte, he
could only have been a _Proselyte of the Gate_. Such mixed
marriages, though strictly forbidden by the Mosaic Law
(Deut. vii. 3), and always condemned by the stricter Jews,
were not uncommon in the later periods of Jewish history.
The children of such marriages were termed Mamzerim
(bastards). But even such a child, if a wise student of
the Law, “was, in theory, above an ignorant high-priest.”
Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb._ on Mtt. xxiii. 14, quoted in
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Timothy_. The education,
therefore, Timothy received, may possibly “have helped to
overcome the prejudice the Jews would have against him on
this ground.” “It is not improbable that the mother and
grandmother of Timothy may have been connected with those
Jews from Babylonia whom Antiochus settled in Phrygia
three centuries before.” C. and H., I. 243, and see above,
p. 10.
947 ‒ They knew that his father was a Greek, and that he had
been allowed to grow up to the age of manhood without
the sign of circumcision――that his “condition was that
of a negligent, almost an apostate Israelite.” They might
“tolerate a heathen, as such, in the synagogue or the
church, but an uncircumcised Israelite would be to them
a horror and a portent. With a special view, therefore,
to their feelings, and making no sacrifice of principle,
the Apostle _took and circumcised him_” (Acts xvi. 3). The
parents of Titus, on the other hand, _were both Gentiles_,
and in his case the Apostle maintained the principle that
the Gentiles did not need circumcision (Gal. ii. 3). See
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ “According to the Jewish rules, the
child should follow the mother; and the son of a mixed
marriage, whose mother was a Jewess, was bound to be
circumcised, otherwise the marriage would not have been
recognised by the Jewish law.” Kitto’s _Bibl. Illustr._
948 ‒ Probably at Iconium, C. and H., I. 246. From 1 Tim. vi. 12
we gather that on this occasion he witnessed _a good
confession_ before many witnesses; from 1 Tim. i. 18, that
_prophecies_ sanctioned his dedication to the work; from
1 Tim. iv. 14, that the bestowal of _gifts_ accompanied the
laying on of hands of the Church and the Apostle himself.
949 ‒ Not at this time the large and populous province of
Asia Minor, which it afterwards became in the age of
Constantine, but a “geographical expression denoting a
debateable country of indeterminate extent, diffused over
the frontiers of the provinces of proconsular Asia and
Galatia, but belonging chiefly to the former.” C. and H.,
I. 248.
950 ‒ Galatia――the “Gaul of the East”――is a somewhat ambiguous
expression, and might denote either (i) the Roman province
of that name, or (ii) Galatia proper. The former comprised
nearly all the centre of Asia Minor, and was bounded
by Bithynia and Pontus on the north, proconsular “Asia”
on the west, Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south, and
Cappadocia on the east, including south-eastern Phrygia,
Lycaonia, Isauria, and part of Pisidia. The latter (and
the more probable area of the Galatian churches) was a
comparatively small district, having for its three chief
towns, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium or Tavia, and occupied
by the Gauls, who poured down into Italy and Greece in
the third century B.C. Repulsed at Delphi (B.C. 279) a
considerable body of these invaders of southern Europe
forced their way into Thrace, occupied the coast of the
Propontis, crossed over into Asia Minor, and before long
conquered the whole of the peninsula north of the Taurus.
After ravaging the country far and wide they were signally
defeated by Attalus king of Pergamus, B.C. 230, and penned
up “in a strip of land in the interior of Asia Minor,
about 200 miles in length, and stretching from N.E. to
S.W.,” which was divided among the three invading tribes,
the Tectosages, the Trocmi, the Tolistoboii. Hence they
increased rapidly in numbers and prosperity, took part
as mercenaries in all the wars of the time, and acted as
body-guards to the king of Syria and Egypt, and even Herod
the Great. After their power had been materially curtailed
by neighbouring monarchs, they attracted the notice of
the Romans during the campaign against Antiochus the
Great, and were subjugated by the consul Manlius; during
a century and a half they were then governed by native
princes, and finally reduced to a Roman province by
Augustus. See C. and H., I. 222–225; and the Introduction
to Lightfoot’s _Commentary on the Galatians_, pp. 4–7.
951 ‒ Lightfoot, _Galatians_, p. 21.
952 ‒ Comp. 2 Cor. xii. 7 with Gal. iv. 13, 14. Many and various
are the opinions respecting the σκόλοψ τῇ σαρκί, the
_thorn_, or rather _stake_, here alluded to by the Apostle.
The following are the chief: (1) _persecution from his
enemies_, the opinion of the Greek fathers; (2) _carnal
thoughts_, the opinion of mediæval writers; (3) _spiritual
trial_, temptation to despair and doubt, &c., the opinion
of the Reformers; (4) _bodily ailment_ of some kind, an
opinion first expressed by Irenæus, and since adopted by
most modern expositors. Combining the two passages cited
above we infer (1) that it was marked by extremely acute
pain, whence it could be compared to a “stake driven
through the flesh;” (2) that it was of a very humiliating
nature; (3) that it could not be concealed from others,
and exposed him to contempt and even loathing; (4) that it
was a grievous hindrance to his constancy and resolution;
(5) that it was (possibly) connected with that meanness
of personal appearance to which he alludes, 2 Cor. x. 10;
and (6) that it was recurring (comp. Gal. iv. 13, 14 with
1 Thess. ii. 18; 1 Cor. ii. 3; 2 Cor. i. 8, 9). See the
interesting reference to the mysterious malady of Alfred
the Great, quoted in Lightfoot’s _Galatians_, pp. 173, 174.
Amongst bodily afflictions, (a) acute pains in the head,
(b) epilepsy, (c) a complaint in the eyes, have found the
chief supporters. See Lightfoot’s _Excursus_, and Stanley
on 2 Cor. xii. 7.
953 ‒ Δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν τῆς σαρκὸς εὐηγγελισάμην ὑμῖν τὸ πρότερον =
_On account of an infirmity in my flesh I preached the
Gospel amongst you on the former of my two visits_.
954 ‒ It is not improbable that St Paul founded the earliest
churches of Galatia (Lightfoot, p. 19). Pessinus was the
seat of the primitive worship of Cybele, the “Great Mother,”
superintended by her fanatical and effeminate priests,
the Galli (Cic. _Fam._ II. 12. 2; Pliny, III. 32, 45).
Ancyra was the capital of the Roman province, the site
of a magnificent temple of marble built by Augustus, the
meeting-place of all the great roads in the north of the
peninsula, and the resort of many Jews. C. and H., I. 520.
955 ‒ This, however, did not prevent their being afterwards
carried away into apostasy. With their wonted fickleness
they rapidly changed their sentiments (Gal. i. 6).
Compare Cæsar’s words concerning the Gauls, _Mobilitate
et levitate animi_, _B. G._ II. 1. _Infirmitatem Gallorum
veritus quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles et novis
plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum ratus_,
_B. G._ IV. 5. Comp. Tac. _Germ._ XXIX.
956 ‒ C. and H., I. 252.
957 ‒ Ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ: see above, p. 344, n. Paley (_Horæ Paulinæ_,
1 Cor. No. 2) well compares the relation of proconsular
Asia to the rest of the peninsula with that of Portugal
in relation to Spain.
958 ‒ Ἐλθόντες κατὰ τὴν Μυσίαν = _having come over against
Mysia_.
959 ‒ Εἰς τὴν Βιθυνίαν is the reading in the edition of Lachmann
and Tischendorf.
960 ‒ Τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰησοῦ is the better reading here.
961 ‒ Vulgate _transeuntes_. This seems to be the force of
παρελθόντες here. They _passed along_ the frontier of
Mysia, as it was popularly understood, and they _passed
by_ the whole district without staying to evangelise it.
962 ‒ This was its full name (Liv. XXXV. 42); sometimes it was
called simply Alexandria, sometimes simply Troas. Its
first founder, Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander,
called it _Antigoneia Troas_, and peopled it with the
inhabitants of some neighbouring cities. Lysimachus, who
succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased and
adorned it, but altered its name to Alexandria Troas.
It was a sea-port town at the north-west corner of Asia
Minor, near the site of ancient Troy, and opposite the
south-eastern extremity of the island of Tenedos, and
its site is now marked by the modern village of _Eski
Stamboul_, Old Constantinople. Under the Romans, in
consequence partly of the legend of their origin from Troy,
partly of its connection by good roads with the interior,
and its being the chief point of arrival and departure
for those who sailed between western Asia and Macedonia,
it became a place of great importance, and Augustus made
it a colony, and conferred upon it the _Jus Italicum_,
i.e. exempted its land from taxation. Con. and Howson,
I. 257, 258; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
963 ‒ See Baumgarten’s _Apost. History_, II. 107.
964 ‒ Comp. the vision of St Peter at Joppa, above, pp. 397, 398.
965 ‒ C. and H., I. 260.
966 ‒ Comp. the return voyage, Acts xx. 6.
967 ‒ “The ancient city, and therefore probably the usual
anchorage, was on the N. side, which would be sufficiently
sheltered from a S.E. wind.” Samothrace is a lofty
conspicuous island, visible at Troas towering over Imbros.
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
968 ‒ The full and proper name was _Colonia Augusta Julia
Philippensis_. The father of Alexander built it in a place
called Krenides, or _the Place of Fountains_, situated
in a plain of extraordinary fertility between the ranges
of Pangæus and Hæmus, about nine miles from the sea, and
on a spot watered by numerous streams. Augustus made it
a _colony_, to be at once a perpetual memorial of his
victory over Brutus, and a border-garrison of the province
of Macedonia.
969 ‒ The word _first_ denotes the _first_ city in its
geographical relation to St Paul’s journey, not the first
politically either of Macedonia or a part of it. The
chief city of the province was Thessalonica, and that of
Macedonia Prima was not Philippi but Amphipolis.
970 ‒ Like Antioch in Pisidia (see above, p. 414), and
Alexandria Troas (above, p. 438, n.), Philippi was
a Roman colony, a miniature resemblance of imperial
Rome. Originally designed as military safeguards of
the frontiers, and to check insurgent provincials, the
colonies were parts of the fortifications of the empire.
The colonists, veteran soldiers, freedmen, or Italians,
went thither with all the pomp of a Roman army, and were
enrolled in one of the tribes. They were amenable only
to their own magistrates, called _duumviri_ or, as they
delighted to style themselves, _proprætors_ (comp. Hor.
_Sat._ I. v. 34–36; Cic. _de Lege Agr._ II. 34), were
governed by Roman laws, and had Latin inscriptions stamped
upon their coins. See Art. _Colonia_ in Smith’s _Dict. of
Antiquities_.
971 ‒ C. and H., p. 270.
972 ‒ Ἔξω τῆς πύλης is the better reading in Acts xvi. 13.
973 ‒ See above, p. 440, n.
974 ‒ Σεβομένη, τὸν Θεόν, Acts xvi. 14.
975 ‒ A city on the Lycus, founded by Seleucus Nicator, on the
confines of Mysia and Ionia, about midway between Pergamus
and Sardis; now called _Ak-hissar_. It is mentioned in
connection with the dyeing trade in Hom. _Il._ IV. 141,
for which it has still a considerable reputation.
976 ‒ Comp. Acts xiii. 14; Lk. iv. 20. Comp. above, p. 112.
977 ‒ High up in Hæmus, among the tribe of the Satræ. Comp. Ὁ
Θρῃξὶ μάντις, Eurip. _Hecub._ 1267. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._,
Art. _Philippi_.
978 ‒ Acts xvi. 16, Ἔχουσαν πνεῦμα Πύθωνος (the better reading
is Πύθωνα). Πύθων = (1) the prophetic serpent at Delphi,
(2) the Pythian Phœbus or Apollo, from whom all who
claimed the powers of divination received their title,
and were called Pythons, exercising their arts by means
of internal mutterings and ventriloquism.
979 ‒ _These men_, said they, _are throwing the whole city
into confusion, being Jews to begin with; and they are
inculcating new customs, which it is not lawful for us
to receive or adopt, being Roman citizens_ (Acts xvi. 21).
The force of the accusation that they were _Jews to begin
with_ (Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες) will be more fully apprehended
by remembering (1) that Judaism was a _religio licita_
for Jews, but that they were forbidden to make proselytes
among the Romans; (2) that the Jews had lately been driven
out of Rome in consequence of an uproar, and that Philippi
would naturally imitate the mother-city; _Judæos impulsore
Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit_; Sueton.
_Claud._ xxv.
980 ‒ Ῥαβδίζειν = _to beat with rods_, as in 2 Cor. xi. 25.
981 ‒ Probably like the dungeon into which Jeremiah was let down
(comp. Acts xvi. 34, ἀναγαγών) with cords (Jer. xxxviii. 6),
or the _Tullianum_ at Rome. C. and H., I. 280, n.
982 ‒ Τὸ ξύλον, Acts xvi. 24. Comp. Aristoph. _Eq._ 1049, 1376;
Herod. VI. 75, IX. 37; and the Latin _nervus_, Plaut.
_Capt._ III. 5. 71.
983 ‒ “Lex Porcia (A.U.C. 306) virgas ab omnium civium Romanorum
corpore amovet.” Cic. _pro Rabirio_, Chap. III. “Facinus
est vinciri civem Romanum, scelus verberari.” Cic. _in
Verr._ V. 66.
984 ‒ Amphipolis stood on an eminence on the left bank of the
Strymon, about 3 miles from the sea and 33 from Philippi.
Originally called “Nine Ways,” from the number of Thracian
and Macedonian roads meeting here, it was colonised by
the Athenians, and named Amphipolis from being nearly
surrounded by the Strymon. For the battle fought under
its walls during the Peloponnesian war, in which Cleon and
Brasidas were killed, see Thuc. v. 6–11.
985 ‒ Apollonia is laid down in the Itineraries as being 30
miles from Amphipolis. Its exact position is not known,
but “it lay somewhere in the inland part of the journey,
where the Via Egnatia crosses from the Gulf of the Strymon
to that of Thessalonica.” C. and H., I. 295.
986 ‒ Thessalonica, 37 miles distant from Apollonia, is still
the most important town of European Turkey, next after
Constantinople, and retains to this day the name of
_Saloniki_. Originally named Therma (whence the _Thermaic
Gulf_), it was rebuilt and enlarged by Cassander, son of
Antipater, and named Thessalonica after his first wife,
the sister of Alexander the Great. Under the Romans, when
Macedonia was divided into four governments by Paulus
Æmilius, it was made the capital of the second; when
the whole was consolidated into one province, it became
practically the metropolis of the whole. During the first
civil war it was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party
and the senate, during the second it took the side of
Octavius, by whom it was made a free city (see above,
p. 379, n.), a privilege commemorated on some of its coins.
Situated on the Thermaic Gulf, and commanding the trade
by sea, lying on the Via Egnatia, and connected with other
important Roman roads, communicating inland with the wide
plains of Macedonia, and possessing all the advantages
of a busy commercial town, it formed one of the most
appropriate starting points of the Gospel in Europe.
Comp. 1 Thess. i. 8; C. and H., I. 295, 297; Smith’s _Bibl.
Dict._
987 ‒ Ἡ συναγωγή, Acts xvii. 1, _the synagogue_, not _a_
synagogue, as in our E. V.
988 ‒ A form which the name Joshua seems sometimes to have taken:
see 1 Macc. viii. 17; 2 Macc. ii. 23. He was perhaps a
Hellenist, and may possibly be alluded to in Rom. xvi. 21.
989 ‒ The general characteristics of a “free city” have been
described above, p. 379, n. Their form of government was
very various. In some the old magistracies and customs
were maintained without any material alteration. In
Thessalonica we find an assembly of the people, _demus_,
and supreme magistrates called _politarchs_ (Acts xvii. 8),
a title still legible on an archway of the town “in
an inscription informing us of the number of these
magistrates, and mentioning the very names of some who
bore that office not long before the day of St Paul.”
C. and H., I. 308.
990 ‒ On the severity of the laws respecting treason, see above,
p. 307, n.
991 ‒ Λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανόν, apparently a translation of the Latin
law-phrase _satis accipere_.
992 ‒ Berœa, 60 miles distant from Thessalonica, said to have
derived its name from the abundance of its waters, now
called _Verria_, or _Kara-Verria_, was situated on the
eastern slope of the Olympian mountain-range south-west
of Pella, and commanded an extensive view of the plain of
the Axius and Haliacmon. It still contains 18 or 20,000
inhabitants, and stands second in importance of the cities
of European Turkey.
993 ‒ As they had pursued him from Iconium to Lystra; see above,
p. 420. See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 1 Thess. No. 5.
994 ‒ Ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, Acts xvii. 14, does not imply that
any stratagem was used. The words simply “denote the
likelihood that in the first instance they had no fixed
plan of going to _Athens_, but merely to the _sea_:
their further course was determined by providential
circumstances.” C. and H., I. 315, n.
995 ‒ Dium, near the foot of mount Olympus, was “the great
bulwark of Macedonia on the south,” and a Roman colony,
like Philippi.
996 ‒ Κατείδωλον (Acts xvii. 16), not _given up to idolatry_,
but _full of idols_, like κατάδενδρος, _full of trees_,
κατάμπελος, _full of vines_. “Replete as the whole of
Greece was with objects of devotion, there were more
Gods in Athens than in all the rest of the country,
and the Roman satirist hardly exaggerates, when he says
that it was easier to find a god there than a man.” See
Wordsworth’s _Athens and Attica_.
997 ‒ Σπερμολόγος = (1) a bird that picks up seeds from the
ground; (2) a pauper prowling about the market-place;
(3) a parasite who lives by his wits, “a contemptible
and worthless person.” See C. and H., I. 345, n.
998 ‒ For a description of the objects in full view of the
Apostle from the summit of Mars’ hill, see Con. and Howson,
I. 348, &c.; Wordsworth’s _Athens and Attica_, ch. XI.
999 ‒ It was no formal trial on a charge of introducing foreign
religions. Something might have been founded upon it
afterwards; for the present it was a hearing only with a
view to information. See Neander’s _Planting_, I. 188, n.
1000 ‒ On the Apostle’s expectation of the arrival of Timothy,
see Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 1 Thess. No. 4.
1001 ‒ Ἀγνώστῳ Θεῷ To _the_ unknown god, however, “would be quite
as near the sense of the inscription upon any particular
one of such altars,” C. and H., I. 350, n. Altars were
erected by the Athenians, not only to particular gods, but
to Fame, to Modesty, to Energy, to Persuasion, and to Pity;
and besides thus deifying abstractions, it was not unusual,
on the occurrence of great public calamities, such as the
plague at Athens, when they sought aid in vain from their
gods of wood and stone, to erect altars to some unknown
god, whom they deemed they had offended.
1002 ‒ Δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ, Acts xvii. 22. The word
is here used not in any offensive sense. It points to
the _extreme carefulness_ of the Athenians in matters of
religion. See δεισιδαίμων in Trench’s _Synonyms_, Vol. I.
pp. 187–197, and Alford _in loc._
1003 ‒ Comp. the language of Stephen, Acts vii. 48; above, p. 369.
1004 ‒ In opposition to the well-known boast of the Athenians
that they were αὐτόχθονες, and of a nobler origin than
that of the “barbarians,” as they styled the rest of the
world.
1005 ‒ The words occur (i) in a poem of Aratus, a native of
Cilicia, the Apostle’s own country; (ii) in a hymn of
Cleanthes, a Lycian poet. There is some doubt from which
the Apostle quoted. See above, p. 382.
1006 ‒ Ὑπεριδών, _i.e._ without inflicting punishment. Comp. Acts
xiv. 16; Rom. iii. 25. No such idea as is implied in the
words _winked at_ of our version belongs to the original
word. See Wordsworth _in loc._
1007 ‒ Of Damaris nothing further is known. Dionysius is said by
some to have been the first bishop of Athens.
1008 ‒ The city had the constitution of a _colony_, and was the
metropolis of a _province_. At first it was proconsular,
afterwards Tiberius placed it under a procurator of its
own, but Claudius restored it to its place among the
proconsular provinces. Its full name was _Colonia Laus
Julia Corinthus_. C. and H., I. 389; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
1009 ‒ Suet. _Claud._ XXV. Judæus impulsore Chresto, assiduè
tumultuantes, Româ expulit.
1010 ‒ See Milman’s _Hist. Christ._ I. p. 443; Lewin’s _Life
of St Paul_, I. 294. The return of the Italian Jews from
Rome after the day of Pentecost (see above, p. 345) would
account for the spread of Christianity to Rome.
1011 ‒ See above, p. 381. The name Priscilla appears in 2 Tim.
iv. 19 under the form _Prisca_, a well-known Roman name.
“Livia and Livilla, Drusa and Drusilla, are used by Latin
authors of the same person.” C. and H., I. 358, n.
1012 ‒ Or _he was_ engrossed with _the word_; Instabat verbo.
Compare Lk. xii. 50. Hitherto he had been labouring day
and night with his own hands, determined to be chargeable
to no man. Now the pecuniary supplies brought from
Thessalonica (2 Cor. xi. 9; and comp. Phil. iv. 15)
enabled him to devote himself still more earnestly to his
Apostolic work. See Wordsworth’s note _in loc._; Lewin’s
_Life of St Paul_, I. 298.
1013 ‒ For illustrations of the Apostle’s feelings at this time,
see 2 Thess. iii. 2; 1 Cor. ii.3.
1014 ‒ His original name was Annæus Novatus, and he took the
name of Gallio from having been adopted into the family
of Junius Gallio.
1015 ‒ Solebam tibi dicere Gallionem fratrem meum (quem nemo non
parum amat etiam qui amare plus non potest) alia vitia non
nosse hoc etiam odisse.... Nemo mortalium uni tam dulcis
est quam hic omnibus. Seneca, _Nat. Quæst._ IV.
1016 ‒ On the proconsular power and the tribunal, see above,
p. 147, n.
1017 ‒ The true reading in Acts xviii. 17 appears to be πάντες,
without specifying exactly who they were. It seems,
probable, however, that they were Greeks.
1018 ‒ See above, p. 111. It is not certain that this is the same
Sosthenes mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1.
1019 ‒ Some would understand this to have been done by ♦Aquila.
The form of the sentence is somewhat ambiguous in the
original, and the word κειράμενος might be connected
either with the nearer Ἀκύλας or the more remote
Παῦλος. On the Nazarite vow see Num. vi. 3, 5, 13, 14,
18.――_Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 158.
1020 ‒ Now _Kichries_, about 8 or 9 miles from Corinth across the
Isthmian plain.
1021 ‒ Silas would seem to have remained behind at Jerusalem. We
do not meet with him again in connection with St Paul. He
is next mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12. It is not improbable
that Titus also was now with the Apostle Paul.
1022 ‒ An abbreviated form of Apollonius. On the Jews of
Alexandria and their theological influence, see above,
p. 364, n.
1023 ‒ It is not improbable that he again worked with them at the
same trade: comp. Acts xx. 34, 1 Cor. iv. 11, 12.
1024 ‒ That is, probably, the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost,
such as were bestowed on Cornelius and his company after
their baptism, see above, p. 399. Note the force of the
aorist here.
1025 ‒ Such as Epaphras, Archippus, and Philemon. See Col. i. 7;
iv. 7, 12; Philem. 23. C. and H., II. 13, and note.
1026 ‒ It retained even under the Romans its old democratic
constitution, and Josephus (_Ant._ XIV. 10. 12; XVI. 6.
4, 7) mentions the βουλή or γερουσία = the _senate_,
the ἐκκλησία = _assembly_, the δῆμος = the _people_. As
Thessalonica had its _politarchs_ (see above, p. 447, n.,
and Athens its _archons_, so Ephesus had its own
magistrates, amongst whom the γραμματεύς (Acts xix. 35)
= _town-clerk_ or _recorder_, held a high position.
1027 ‒ See generally on Ephesus and its temple, Con. and Howson,
I. 73–79; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, and _Dict. of Classical
Geography_.
1028 ‒ The head was a mural crown, each hand held a bar of metal,
and the lower part ended in a rude block covered with
figures of animals and mystic inscriptions. Her image
resembled an Indian idol rather than the beautiful forms
which crowded the Acropolis of Athens. “Like the Palladium
of Troy――like the most ancient Minerva at Athens――like
the Paphian Venus and the Cybele of Pessinus (see above,
p. 437, n.)――like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned by Cicero
(_in Verr._ V. 187), it was believed to have fallen
down from the sky” (Acts xix. 35). C. and H., I. 78. The
ceremonies of her worship were conducted by a troop of
virgin priestesses called Melissæ, and a number of priests,
eunuchs from the interior of Asia Minor, called Megabizi.
1029 ‒ Both the original words used here are Latin. The first,
σουδάριον, _sudarium_, occurs in Lk. xix. 20; Jn. xi. 44,
xx. 7, and is translated _napkin_; the latter, σιμικίνθιον,
_semi-cinctium_, appears to denote a _shawl_ or
_handkerchief_, or perhaps an apron used by workmen.
Baumgarten would connect them with the Apostle’s daily
labour in his own support. See Wordsworth _in loc._
1030 ‒ Or perhaps the head of one of the 24 courses of Priests.
1031 ‒ The Vulgate here has Jesum _novi_ et Paulum _scio_.
Γινώσκω expresses knowledge of a stronger degree than
ἐπιστᾶμαι (which only occurs elsewhere in Mk. xiv. 68).
The former = _I recognise and own His power_; the latter
= _I know, am acquainted with_. See Wordsworth’s note
_in loc._
1032 ‒ About £2000 of our money. The coin called ἀργυρίου in Acts
xix. 19, and translated _piece of silver_, was probably
the silver _drachma_, of the value of about 10d.
1033 ‒ He does not, however, seem to have reached Corinth on this
occasion, and St Paul himself doubted whether he would
be able to do so. Erastus is probably the “treasurer” of
Corinth alluded to in Rom. xvi. 23; 2 Tim. iv. 20.
1034 ‒ From a comparison of 2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 14, 21, xiii. 1, 2,
some would infer that the Apostle paid an unrecorded visit
to Corinth during his three years’ stay at Ephesus, and on
the authority of 1 Cor. v. 9–12 that he afterwards wrote a
short letter to the Church there respecting the exclusion
of profligates from the Christian body. See C. and H., II.
18–21.
1035 ‒ April or May, A.D. 57. See C. and H., II. 84; Lewin’s
_Life of St Paul_, I. 439; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art.
_Ephesus_.
1036 ‒ It is not certain whether these were models of the whole
temple or of the shrine. Such models, however, were
eagerly purchased by strangers, and carried by devotees on
journeys, or set up in their houses. The material might be
wood, or gold, or silver. C. and H., II. 78.
1037 ‒ It is not improbable that it was on this occasion he was
rescued by Aquila and Priscilla at the risk of their own
lives, as mentioned in Rom. xvi. 3, 4.
1038 ‒ The Asiarchs, Ἀσιάρχαι (Acts xix. 31), were officers,
generally ten in number, appointed like the _ædiles_ at
Rome, to preside over the games held in different parts
of the province of Asia, just as other provinces had their
_Galatarchs, Lysiarchs, Bythiniarchs_, &c. “They held for
the time a kind of sacerdotal position; and when robed in
mantles of purple and crowned with garlands, they assumed
the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and
controlling the tumultuous crowd in the theatre; they
might literally be called the _chiefs of Asia_.” C. and H.,
II. 83; Lewin’s _Life of St Paul_, I. 350–353.
1039 ‒ This officer “had to do with state-papers; he was keeper
of the archives; he read what was of public moment before
the senate and assembly; he was present when money was
deposited in the temple; and when letters were sent to the
people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him.
Hence we can readily account for his name appearing so
often on the coins of Ephesus (see C. and H., II. 89, and
p. 79). He seems sometimes to have given the name to the
year, like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome.”
C. and H., II. 81.
1040 ‒ Νεωκόρον, Acts xix. 35, literally _Temple-sweeper_, was
originally an expression of humility, and applied to
the lowest menials engaged in the care of the Temple.
Afterwards it became a title of high honour, and was
applied not only to persons, but to cities and communities.
Thus Ephesus was personified as the “devotee” of Diana,
and boastifully stamped the name upon her coins.
1041 ‒ Ephesus was an assize-town (_forum_ or _conventus_), which
the proconsul would visit at stated seasons, attended by
his interpreter, for all legal business was conducted in
Latin. C. and H., II. 82.
1042 ‒ See above, p. 461, n.; for the Apostle’s own feelings in
respect to the tumult, see 2 Cor. i. 8–11, on which see
Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 2 Cor. No. IV.
1043 ‒ Probably by sea: comp. Acts xx. 13, 14, though it is to
be remembered that one of the great roads passed by Smyrna
and Pergamus between Ephesus and Troas.
1044 ‒ See above, pp. 438, 439.
1045 ‒ See Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, p. 237; Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 247.
1046 ‒ See above, p. 440.
1047 ‒ Stanley’s _Comm. on 2 Cor. ii. 13_.
1048 ‒ See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_ on this passage. Illyricum was
an extensive region lying along the Eastern coast of the
Adriatic, and contiguous to Mœsia and Macedonia on the
East. It included Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10), which was
sometimes used for the whole of the district. Both terms
are probably used by the Apostle in their most extended
sense.
1049 ‒ See Con. and Howson, II. pp. 141–143.
1050 ‒ See above, pp. 436–438.
1051 ‒ Ἐβάσκανεν = _fascinated_, the metaphor being taken from
the popular belief in the power of the evil eye. On the
fickleness of the Galatian character, see above, p. 437
and note.
1052 ‒ Professor Lightfoot, while placing the Epistle to the
Galatians between the Second to the Corinthians and that
to the Romans, and referring its date to the winter of
A.D. 57 or the spring of A.D. 58, seems to think it may
have been written during the journey between Macedonia and
Achaia. See _Proleg. to the Comm._, pp. 48–54.
1053 ‒ She was probably a widow of consideration and wealth,
acting as one of the deaconesses of the Church. See
C. and H., II. 166; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
1054 ‒ On the salutation in Rom. xvi. 3, and the return of Aquila
and Priscilla since the dispatch of the First Epistle to
the Corinthians, see Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, No. II.
1055 ‒ The Epistles to the Romans and Galatians relate to the
same general question. But the Apostle had founded the
Church in Galatia, hence he puts the point in a great
measure upon personal authority (comp. Gal. i. 6, 11, 12,
v. 2); but he had never been at Rome, hence in his Epistle
to that Church he puts the same points upon argument.
“This distinction between the two Epistles is suited to
the relation in which the Apostle stood to his different
correspondents.” See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.
1056 ‒ Compare the time spent on the former voyage above, p. 440,
and the note.
1057 ‒ Note the force of the imperfect κατεφίλουν, Acts xx. 37.
1058 ‒ C. and H., II. 239: comp. Acts xxi. 1.
1059 ‒ Ἀποσπασθέντας, Acts xxi. 1.
1060 ‒ Distant from Miletus about 40 nautical miles, a passage of
about 6 hours: C. and H., II. 239.
1061 ‒ The sea-port of the city of Xanthus, 10 miles distant,
devoted to the worship of Apollo, and the seat of a famous
oracle. Comp. Hor. _Od._ III. iv. 64.
1062 ‒ Or _rising_ Cyprus, in English nautical phrase. The word,
in reference to sea-voyages, means _to see land_, _to
bring land into view_, _to make_ land.
1063 ‒ See above, p. 373.
1064 ‒ See above, p. 391.
1065 ‒ The distance being but 28 miles from Tyre. For a notice of
this sea-port, see above, p. 37, n.
1066 ‒ See above, p. 378.
1067 ‒ See above, p. 403, and note.
1068 ‒ Compare for similar symbolic prophetical actions Isai. xx.
2, 3; Jerem. xiii. 1–11.
1069 ‒ Comp. above, p. 344, and comp. pp. 162, 163.
1070 ‒ See above, p. 402, and note.
1071 ‒ For the word _carriage_ of our Version here used see Judg.
xviii. 21; 1 Sam. xvii. 22. Ἐπισκευασάμενοι is the better
reading, and denotes _having packed up_, made ready for
the journey. The Apostle, it is to be remarked, had with
him the proceeds of the great collection.
1072 ‒ On his character and influence, see pp. 426, 427, and the
notes.
1073 ‒ C. and H., II. 259.
1074 ‒ For notices of the excited and fanatical state of the
Jews at this period, see Milman, _Hist. of the Jews_,
II. 166, 172.
1075 ‒ For these, see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 158, 159.
Agrippa I., it will be remembered, showed his sympathy
with Judaism by defraying the expenses of certain
Nazarites; see above, p. 405, and the note.
1076 ‒ See above, p. 272, and note. It is clear from that passage
that this Court contained the Treasure-Chests, but it also
appears to have contained chambers, in one of which the
Nazarites performed their vows. C. and H., II. 269.
1077 ‒ “Made of brass and very strong, shut at midnight with
difficulty by twenty men.” Jos. _B. J._ VI. 5. 3. Comp.
V. 5. 3, cited in C. and H., II. 269, n.
1078 ‒ On this tower, see above, p. 53, n.and p. 91.
1079 ‒ Comp. Acts xii. 4, 6; see above, p. 406, n.
1080 ‒ He had come from Egypt into Judæa, and giving himself
out to be a prophet, collected in the desert upwards of
30,000 men (4000 of whom were Sicarii or “murderers,” Acts
xxi. 38), whom he persuaded to follow him to the Mount
of Olives, promising that the walls of Jerusalem would
fall down at his command, and they would be enabled to
seize Jerusalem, and assume the government. Felix, however,
marched against him, and easily dispersed his force,
slaying 4000, and taking 200 prisoners, but the adventurer
himself escaped. See Jos. _B. J._ II. 13. 5; Milman’s
_Hist. of the Jews_, II. 171.
1081 ‒ For a comparison of the Apostle’s words on this occasion
with the account given in Acts ix., see above, pp. 384,
385, and notes.
1082 ‒ Compare the account above, pp. 390, 391.
1083 ‒ See above, p. 309, and the note.
1084 ‒ See above, p. 96. Only a narrow space of the Great
Temple-court intervened between the steps of the tower
Antonia and this hall. But the Sanhedrin may have met in a
place less sacred, into which soldiers might be admitted.
C. and H., II. 281.
1085 ‒ Compare with this assertion 2 Tim. i. 3.
1086 ‒ If this was a prophetic denunciation, it was terribly
fulfilled when the hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin
was murdered by the Sicarii during the Jewish war. See Jos.
_B. J._ II. 17. 9.
1087 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxiii. 27. He compares him to those walls,
which composed of mud and other vile materials, made a
fair show without, being plastered and whitewashed.
1088 ‒ See above, p. 115.
1089 ‒ The sentence is broken off. The words μὴ θεομαχῶμεν,
Acts xxiii. 9, are wanting in the best MSS. See Neander’s
_Planting_, I. 307, and note.
1090 ‒ See above, p. 380.
1091 ‒ Δεξιολάβους, E. V. _spearmen_, Vulg. _lancearios_.
Whatever is the precise meaning of this singular word,
it distinguishes here _legionary soldiers_ from _cavalry_,
and probably means _light-armed troops_. The word implies
the use of some weapon simply carried in the right hand.
1092 ‒ Ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός, Acts xxiii. 23.
1093 ‒ With a view to greater expedition Lysias ordered that more
than one horse should be provided for the Apostle: comp.
Acts xxiii. 24, κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι.
1094 ‒ For the building of Antipatris, see above, p. 99, and note.
1095 ‒ Lysias had probably sent so large and so mixed a force
in view of a possible ambuscade. This was no longer to be
feared after leaving Antipatris, but the legionaries might
be needed in the fortress of Antonia.
1096 ‒ C. and H., II. 290; Robinson, _Bib. Res._ III. 46, 60.
1097 ‒ As mentioned above, p. 409, n., on the death of Herod
Agrippa I., A.D. 44, Cuspius Fadus was appointed
procurator of Judæa. He was succeeded in A.D. 48 by
Tiberius Alexander, who in his turn, in A.D. 48, made
way for Ventidius Cumanus. During his sway a frightful
tumult happened at the Passover, caused by the presence
of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia, and resulting in the
deaths of more than 10,000 persons (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 3;
_B. J._ II. 12. 1). Cumanus was recalled in A.D. 52, and
succeeded by Felix, a freedman of the Emperor Claudius.
From Tacitus (_Ann._ XII. 54) he would seem to have been
joint procurator with Cumanus. He was the brother of the
Emperor’s powerful friend Pallas, and is described by
Tacitus as ruling his province with meanness, cruelty, and
profligacy, _per omnem sævitiam et libidinem jus regium
servili ingenio_ exercuit. _Hist._ V. 9: comp. _Ann._ XII.
54, and see Merivale, VII. 195.
1098 ‒ Compare Pilate’s conduct in reference to the Saviour,
above, p. 301.
1099 ‒ The word _prætorium_ properly denotes the residence of
the Roman provincial governors, at which they administered
justice. Here it seems to denote some palace built by
Herod and now appropriated to public uses. As in our old
castles, there were prison-chambers in all such buildings.
Kitto’s _Bib. Illustrations_.
1100 ‒ The name is Roman. He was probably an Italian, and pleaded
in Latin. “The accuser and the accused could plead in
person, as St Paul did here, but _advocati_ (ῥήτορες) were
often employed.” C. and H., II. 302.
1101 ‒ On this, see above, p. 303, n.
1102 ‒ Felix during his period of office put down several false
Messiahs (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8; _B. J._ II. 13. 4), the
followers of the Egyptian pretender (above, p. 486, and n.),
riots between the Jews and Syrians in Cæsarea (_Ant._
XX. 8. 7; _B. J._ II. 13. 7), and cleared various parts of
the country of robbers (_B. J._ II. 13. 2), see Merivale,
VII. 195.
1103 ‒ On the severity of the laws against treason, see above,
p. 307, n.
1104 ‒ Acts x. See above, p. 399, and p. 482.
1105 ‒ Διαγνώσομαι, Acts xxiv. 22.
1106 ‒ There were three kinds of custody recognised by the Roman
law: (1) _custodia publica_, or confinement in a public
gaol, as at Philippi, see above, p. 443, and n.: this was
the worst kind; (2) _custodia libera_, or free custody,
usual only in the cases of men of rank who were committed
to the charge of some magistrate or senator, who made
himself responsible for their appearance on the day
of trial; (3) _custodia militaris_: in this species of
custody, introduced at the commencement of the Empire, the
prisoner’s right hand was chained to the left hand of a
soldier, who was responsible with his life for his safe
detention, and kept him either in barracks or a private
house. C. and H., II. 308.
1107 ‒ This perhaps included Philip the Evangelist resident there
with his family; perhaps Cornelius the centurion; and
almost certainly Luke and Aristarchus.
1108 ‒ Her brother was Agrippa, the present king of Trachonitis.
On the part Simon Magus is said to have played in
persuading her to leave her husband, see above, p. 376 n.
She was at this time in the 18th year of her age.
1109 ‒ Acts xxiv. 17. See Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, p. 344.
1110 ‒ Such practices were not unusual with some procurators. See
the instance of Albinus mentioned in Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 2.
The Julian Law strictly forbade taking a bribe from a
prisoner.
1111 ‒ C. and H., II. 308.
1112 ‒ See Milman’s _History of the Jews_, Vol. II. p. 173.
1113 ‒ At this time the high priest was Ishmael the son of Fabi,
Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8. 8. He had been appointed by Agrippa II.,
to whom the Emperor had entrusted all the ecclesiastical
arrangements in the Holy City. Milman, _Hist. Jews_,
II. 172.
1114 ‒ Under the Republic a Roman citizen could appeal to the
tribunes. The power of the latter being absorbed by the
Emperors, all appeals were transferred to them, and at
this time the Imperial tribunal “was a supreme court of
appeal from all inferior courts either in Rome or in the
provinces.” See Art. _Appellatio_ in Smith’s _Dict. Antiq._
1115 ‒ Herod Agrippa II. was the son of Agrippa I. and Cypros, a
grand-niece of Herod the Great. After he had been educated
at Rome, Claudius, about A.D. 49, appointed him king of
Chalcis (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 2; _B. J._ II. 12. 1), and
afterwards, A.D. 53, promoted him to the tetrarchies
of Philip and Lysanias (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 7. 1; _B. J._
II. 12. 8), with the title of _king_ (Acts xxv. 13).
In A.D. 55 Nero added several cities to his dominions,
and he displayed the lavish magnificence of his family.
During the Jewish war he sided with the Romans, and at
its conclusion retired to Rome, where he died in the third
year of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 100. See Lewin’s _Fasti
Sacri_; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
1116 ‒ She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. Her first
husband was her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose
death she lived with her own brother Agrippa II. (Jos.
_Ant._ XX. 7. 3). Afterwards she married Polemon, king of
Cilicia, and ultimately became the mistress of Vespasian
and of Titus. See Tac. _Hist._ II. 81.
1117 ‒ See Blunt’s _Scriptural Coincidences_, pp. 358–360.
1118 ‒ Τῷ κυρίῳ, Acts ♦xxv. 26. Note the title. Augustus and
Tiberius had declined it, but their successors had
sanctioned its use. See Sueton. _Aug._ LIII.; _Tiber_,
XXVII.
1119 ‒ Τὰ πολλὰ γράμματα, Acts xxvi. 24. The Apostle had
alluded to “writings” (vv. 22, 23), “and it is reasonable
to suppose that in his imprisonment such _books and
parchments_ as he wrote for in 2 Tim. iv. 13 were brought
to him by his friends.” C. and H., II. 318, n.
1120 ‒ Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις, Acts xxvi. 28. Our version _almost_
cannot stand. The expression might mean, (1) _in a little
space_, or (2) _in few words_, or (3) _in a small measure_.
Perhaps _lightly_ = “with few words, little pain, as
though it were a light thing to take up with so despised
a sect,” as suggested by Dean Alford _in loc._, best
suits the text: see also C. and H., II. 319, n.; Neander’s
_Planting_, I., 310, n.
1121 ‒ The better reading here is ἐν μεγάλῳ.
1122 ‒ “From the distance accomplished, 67 geographical miles,
we must infer that they had a fair, or at least a leading
wind, probably westerly, which is the wind that prevails
in this part of the Mediterranean.” Smith’s _Voyage and
Shipwreck of St Paul_, p. 22.
1123 ‒ See above, p. 481.
1124 ‒ “In pursuing this route they acted precisely as the most
accomplished seaman in the present day would have done
under similar circumstances; by standing to the north
till they reached the coast of Cilicia, they might expect
when they did so to be favoured by the land-breeze, which
prevails here during the summer-months, as well as by the
current, which constantly runs to the westward, along the
south coast of Asia Minor.” Smith, p. 28.
1125 ‒ A distance of 130 geographical miles, which with a fair
wind might have been accomplished in one day. Ibid. p. 34.
1126 ‒ Still retaining the same name. The site of Lasæa, also
retaining its old name, was discovered Jan. 18, 1856,
about two hours to the eastward of “Fair Havens.” Smith’s
_Voyage. &c._ Ed. 1861; C. and H., II. 341, n.
1127 ‒ Levit. xvi. 29; xxiii. 27, celebrated on the 10th of Tisri,
corresponding to the close of September or beginning of
October. See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155. This
was exactly the time when seafaring is pronounced most
dangerous by Greek and Roman writers.
1128 ‒ It was a good harbour in _some_ seasons, but, being an
open roadstead, or rather two open roadsteads, was not
commodious to winter in. Smith, p. 45.
1129 ‒ Literally πλέποντα κατὰ Λίβα καὶ κατὰ χῶρον = _looking
toward the S. W. wind, and the N. W. wind_. The harbour
was probably the modern _Lutro_, sheltered from the
above-mentioned winds, and looking _from the water towards
the land which encloses it_ in the direction of these
winds. C. and H., II. pp. 343, 344, and notes.
1130 ‒ C. and H., II. 345, and notes.
1131 ‒ Rather perhaps Εὐρακύλων = the Latin Euro-Aquilo, an
E. N. E. wind.
1132 ‒ Κατ᾽ αὐτῆς scil. Κρήτης. Comp. Mtt. viii. 32, κατὰ τοῦ
κρημνοῦ, and see above, p. 196 and note.
1133 ‒ Βοηθείαις ἐχρῶντο, ὑποζωννύντες τὸ πλοῖον (Acts xxvii. 17)
= _they proceeded to use stays or braces undergirding the
vessel_. This was lest she should leak and founder. For
instances of this procedure, see C. and H., II. 348, n.;
Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, p. 106.
1134 ‒ A notoriously dangerous bay between Tunis and the Eastern
part of Tripoli.
1135 ‒ Meaning then not merely that portion of the Mediterranean,
to which it is now applied, but all that which lay between
Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece and Crete on the
east. See Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_.
1136 ‒ “They can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship,
and run her ashore; but to do it before it was day would
have been to have rushed on certain destruction: they must
bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on
till daybreak.” Smith’s _Shipwreck_, p. 88. For similar
instances of anchoring by the stern, see C. and H., II.
357.
1137 ‒ C. and H., II. 362.
1138 ‒ Ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων (Acts ♦xxvii. 40) =
unloosing the lashings of the paddle rudders, which had
doubtless been hoisted up and lashed fast when they
anchored. C. and H., II. 362, n.
1139 ‒ See Smith’s _Shipwreck, &c._, p. 153.
1140 ‒ For a summary of the arguments for Malta, and not Melita
in the gulf of Venice, as the scene of St Paul’s shipwreck,
see Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, and Smith’s _Bibl.
Dict._
1141 ‒ Compare the conduct of the Lystrians, above, p. 420.
1142 ‒ The chief officer of Malta under the governor of Sicily
was called πρῶτος Μελιταίων, or _Primus Melitensium_, the
very title used by St Luke.
1143 ‒ Formerly called _Dicæarchia_, then from its strong mineral
springs (_a puteis_ or _putendo_) Puteoli, close to Baiæ,
and now called _Pozzuoli_. It was the great landing-place
for all travellers to Italy from the Levant.
1144 ‒ “All ships, on rounding into the bay, were obliged
to strike their topsails, with the exception of the
Alexandrian corn-vessels, which were thus easily
recognised, as soon as they hove in sight.” See the
quotation from Seneca in C. and H., II. 371. Puteoli from
its trade with Alexandria and the East would naturally
contain a colony of Jews.
1145 ‒ C. and H., II. pp. 376–379. “The foundation of the Via
Appia, which was 13 or 14 ft. broad, was of concrete or
cemented rubble-work, and the surface was laid with large
polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, and so nicely
fitted to each other that the whole seemed the work
rather of nature than of art. The distances were marked by
milestones, and at intervals of 20 miles were post-stations,
where vehicles, horses, and mules were provided for
the convenience of travellers and the transmission of
government dispatches.” Kitto’s _Bibl. Illust._ VIII. 501.
1146 ‒ Comp. Hor. _Sat._ I. v. 3, 4:
Inde Forum Appî
Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis.
On Anxur or Terracina, see the same Satire, line 26: a few
miles beyond it was the fountain of Feronia (Hor. _Sat._
I. v. 24), “the termination of the canal which Augustus had
formed to drain the Pomptine marshes, and which continued
for 20 miles along the side of the road. Over this
distance travellers had their choice, whether to proceed
in barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way
itself.” C. and H., II. 379.
1147 ‒ Τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ; Burro, præfecto prætorio, Bp Pearson.
Tac. _Ann._ XII. 43; Merivale, VI. 189.
1148 ‒ On the _custodia militaris_ see above, p. 496, n.
1149 ‒ The ignorance of the influential Jews concerning the
Christian Church which existed in the same city as
themselves, “is not inconceivable, if we only consider the
immense size of the metropolis, and the vast confluence
of human beings it contained, and if to this we add that
the main body of the Roman Church consisted of Gentiles,
and that these wealthy Jews busied themselves far more
about other objects than about the concerns of religion.”
Neander’s _Planting_, I. 311. “With regard to Paul himself,
it might well be true that they had little information
concerning him. Though he had been imprisoned long at
Cæsarea, his appeal had only been made a short time before
winter. After that time (to use the popular expression)
_the sea was shut_; and the winter had been a stormy
one; so that it was natural enough that his case should
be first made known to the Jews by himself.” C. and H.,
II. 392.
1150 ‒ See Mtt. xiii. 15; Jn. xii. 40.
1151 ‒ C. and H., II. 395.
1152 ‒ On the three separate heads of the indictment against the
Apostle, see above, p. 494.
1153 ‒ See Acts xx. 4; and above, p. 471.
1154 ‒ See above, p. 414, and the note.
1155 ‒ Though the name is probably an abbreviation of
Epaphroditus, it seems doubtful whether he is to be
identified with the Epaphroditus of Philip. ii. 25.
1156 ‒ Whether he had also robbed his master or not appears
somewhat uncertain, and depends on the meaning of the word
ἠδίκησε in Philem. 18.
1157 ‒ It is evident from Philem. 19 that he had been converted
by the Apostle himself, possibly (i) during his journey
through Phrygia (Acts xvi. 6); possibly (ii) during his
long stay at Ephesus (Acts xix. 10), when it is recorded
that _all they who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the
Lord Jesus_.
1158 ‒ Paley in his _Horæ Paulinæ_ notices that St Paul bids
Philemon prepare a lodging for him in expectation of his
speedy deliverance, which agrees with Phil. ii. 24. The
letter itself is often referred to as a model of delicacy
and tact.
1159 ‒ Or _Colassæ_ according to the reading of the best MSS.,
a city on the Lycus close to Hierapolis and Laodicea.
Ethnologically it belonged to Phrygia, but politically was
included in the province of Asia.
1160 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegom._ to the Greek Test., III. 35.
1161 ‒ The doubt about the persons for whom this Epistle was
intended arises (i) from the omission of the words ἐν
Ἐφέσῳ from the opening verse in the Sinai and Vatican MSS.;
(ii) from the fact that, though St Paul spent nearly three
years at Ephesus, it does not contain a single personal
greeting; (iii) from the apparent intimation in Eph. i. 15
that he knew only by report of the conversion of those
he was addressing, and in iii. 2 that they knew only of
his Apostleship by hearsay. Hence some (see C. and H.,
II. 417–420) consider it was addressed to the Church of
Laodicea. On the other hand, the testimony of all the
versions and “the universal designation of this Epistle
by the ancient Church (except in the case of Marcion) as
that to the Ephesians, warrants the retention of the words,
and the explanation of the peculiarities in Eph. i. 15
and iii. 2, above alluded to, may probably be explained
on the supposition mentioned in the text that it was
also intended for other Churches dependent on Ephesus in
proconsular Asia.” See Alford’s _Prolegom. in Ep._, and
Ellicott’s _Commentary on the Ephesians_.
1162 ‒ The various pieces of the Christian armour here alluded to
receive vivid illustration from the circumstances of the
Apostle at this time, and the fact that he was chained to
a Roman soldier.
1163 ‒ By some this has been identified with the palace of Cæsar
on the Palatine Hill (comp. Phil. i. 13 with iv. 22). But
though the word _Prætorium_ is applied in the N. T. to the
residence of Pilate at Jerusalem (see above, p. 298), and
of Herod at Cæsarea (see above, p. 493 n.), it is never
applied to the Imperial Palace at Rome. It rather seems
to denote the quarters of the Imperial guards, who were
in immediate attendance on the Emperor, who was _prætor_
or commander-in-chief of the troops, and whose immediate
body-guard would naturally be in a _prætorium_ near at
hand. See C. and H., II. pp. 438, 439.
1164 ‒ See Tac. _Ann._ XIV. 51. At his death the influence of
Seneca was broken, and under the guidance of Tigellinus,
Nero’s public life rivalled the infamy of his private
character. On Fenius Rufus, see Tac. _Ann._ XV. 66, 68;
Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. p. 333.
1165 ‒ See Josephus, _Ant._ XX. 8. 11; Tac. _Ann._ XV. 23.
1166 ‒ See C. and H., II. 457–459; Merivale’s _Romans under the
Empire_, Vol. VI. pp. 343, 344.
1167 ‒ See the quotations from Clement of Rome, Muratori’s Canon,
Eusebius, _H. E._ II. 22, Chrysostom, and Jerome, in
C. and H., II. 462, 463; Alford’s Gk. Test. III. _Prolegom._
pp. 92, 93.
1168 ‒ Philem. 22; Phil. ii. 24. It was probably about this time,
if he was its author, that St Paul wrote the _Epistle
to the Hebrews_. For a synopsis of the various opinions
respecting its authorship see Alford’s _Prolegom._ Vol. IV.
Pt. 1, Westcott’s _Bible in the Church_.
1169 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegomena_ to the Pastoral Epp. Vol. III.
p. 93.
1170 ‒ See C. and H., II. 471. Clement of Rome (_1 Ep. ad Cor._
c. v.), declares that he went ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως,
which some would extend not only to Spain but even to
Britain. Dean Alford expresses an opinion that if not
spent in Spain, the interval between A.D. 64 and 66 “may
have been spent in Greece and Asia and the interjacent
islands:” _Prolegom._ p. 94.
1171 ‒ C. and H., II. 487; and see the Articles _Crete_ and
_Titus_ in Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Jews are mentioned as
dispersed in Crete in 1 Macc. xv. 23 (see above p. 54),
and in Acts ii. 11 (see above, p. 345, and n.). See also
Alford’s Gk. Test., Vol. III. _Prolegom._ p. 108. On the
quotation respecting the Cretans, see above, p. 382, n.
1172 ‒ Most probably the Nicopolis in Macedonia, on a peninsula
west of the bay of Actium, erected by Augustus in memory
of the battle of Actium, and on the ground which his army
occupied before the engagement.
1173 ‒ See above, p. 472.
1174 ‒ It was conveniently situated for apostolic journeys in
the Eastern parts of Achaia and Macedonia, and also to the
north where churches perhaps were founded. On St Paul’s
previous preaching on the confines of Illyricum, see
p. 474, and n.; and Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, pp. 296–304.
1175 ‒ C. and H., II. p. 494.
1176 ‒ Tac. _Ann._ XV. 44. See Merivale, VI. 351.
1177 ‒ C. and H., II. 499.
1178 ‒ C. and H., II. 514; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Timothy_.
1179 ‒ See Lightfoot on _St Paul and the Three_ in his
_Commentary on the Galatians_, p. 276.
1180 ‒ See above, pp. 425, 426.
1181 ‒ It could not have been written by James, the son of
Zebedee, for he was beheaded A.D. 44 by Herod Agrippa, and
the notes of time in the Epistle itself point to a later
date.
1182 ‒ See above, p. 431.
1183 ‒ See above, p. 7.
1184 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegomena_, Greek Test. Vol. IV. Part I.
1185 ‒ See above, p. 431.
1186 ‒ See above, p. 425.
1187 ‒ See above, p. 187.
Transcriber’s Notes.
The following corrections have been made in the text:
Page 21:
Sentence starting: But even his own partisans....
– ‘partizans’ replaced with ‘partisans’
(But even his own partisans)
Page 47:
Sentence starting: Great as was the risk....
– ‘Sanhedrim’ replaced with ‘Sanhedrin’
(elders of the Sanhedrin)
Page 101:
Sentence starting: Salome announced these signs....
– ‘dissaffection’ replaced with ‘disaffection’
(these signs of disaffection)
Page 153:
Sentence starting: THE PREACHING OF JOHN....
– ‘A.C.’ replaced with ‘A.D.’
(A.U.C. 780, A.D. 27.)
Page 175:
Sentence starting: Accordingly the Saviour....
– ‘chazan’ replaced with ‘chazzan’
(returned it to the _chazzan_ or minister)
Page 187:
Sentence starting: John, his brother, afterwards known....
– ‘disciples’ replaced with ‘disciple’
(“disciple whom Jesus loved”)
Sentence starting: Simon the _Canaanite_....
– ‘Cananite’ replaced with ‘Canaanite’
(Simon the _Canaanite_)
Page 264:
Sentence starting: Being a hungred, probably....
– ‘of’ replaced with ‘off’
(and perceiving _afar off_)
– ‘Mtt’ replaced with ‘Mk.’
(Mk. xi. 13)
Page 369:
Sentence starting: In Midian He revealed Himself....
– ‘dependance’ replaced with ‘dependence’
(the whole stress of their dependence)
Page 422:
Sentence starting: Thence they proceeded to....
– ‘Attalia’ replaced with ‘Attaleia’
(to the sea-port of Attaleia)
Page 508:
Sentence starting: Another proof of the....
– ‘ascendency’ replaced with ‘ascendancy’
(proof of the ascendancy)
Index Chiun:
– ‘Chian’ replaced with ‘Chiun’
(Chiun, the idol of the Israelites,)
Index Jericho:
– ‘Zaccheus’ replaced with ‘Zacchæus’
(Christ entertained there by Zacchæus)
Index Jesus:
– ‘Jerulem’ replaced with ‘Jerusalem’
(His triumphal entry into Jerusalem)
Index Joazar:
– ‘Joazer’ replaced with ‘Joazar’
(Joazar, High-priest)
Index Malichus:
– ‘Malachus’ replaced with ‘Malichus’
(Malichus, adherent of Hyrcanus)
Index Peter:
– ‘Passver’ replaced with ‘Passover’
(sent to prepare the Passover)
Index Temple:
– ‘merchandize’ replaced with ‘merchandise’
(its profanation by merchandise)
Footnote 225:
– ‘Aristobolus’ replaced with ‘Aristobulus’
(Aristobulus re-conquered their colony)
Footnote 454:
– The Author’s word ‘στοιβάδες’ has been retained although
other authorities use other forms of the word.
Footnote 468:
– ‘Marc.’ replaced with ‘Mark’
(Lightfoot on Mark xii. 28.)
Footnote 527:
– ‘xxxvii’ replaced with ‘xxvii’
(See Lange on Mtt. xxvii. 5,)
Footnote 917:
– ‘λοοῦ’ replaced with ‘λαοῦ’
(τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ δικαιοσύνη)
Footnote 1019:
– ‘Aquilla’ replaced with ‘Aquila’
(have been done by Aquila)
Footnote 1118:
– ‘xv’ replaced with ‘xxv’
(Acts xxv. 26.)
Footnote 1138:
– ‘xxxvii’ replaced with ‘xxvii’
(Acts xxvii. 40)
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