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Title: The Natural History of the Tea-Tree, with Observations on the Medical Qualities of Tea, and on the Effects of Tea-Drinking
Author: Lettsom, John Coakley
Language: English
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TEA-TREE, WITH OBSERVATIONS ON THE MEDICAL QUALITIES OF TEA, AND ON THE
EFFECTS OF TEA-DRINKING***
images generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org)
Images of the original pages are available through
Internet Archive. See
https://archive.org/details/mobot31753000729282
Transcriber’s note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
The long-form ſ character has been replaced by the
modern s.
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes
have been placed at the end of the book.
There is one large very wide table on page 24 of the original
book. This has been split into six parts, with the first column
replicated for readability. It is best viewed with a monospace
font. The two footnotes specific to this table have been placed
under the table, as in the original book, and are marked by †
and ‡.
The list of Plates in the original book, and in this etext, is
at the end of the book.
There are frequent abbreviated references to Kæmpfer’s
Amœnitatum Exoticarum (Amœn. Exot. and similar).
Changes to the text are noted at the very end of the book.
[Illustration: Green Tea
Fig. 1 to Fig. 17
Painted & Engraved by J. Miller.
Publish’d according to Act of Parliament Dec. 10th 1771.]
THE
NATURAL HISTORY
OF THE
TEA-TREE,
WITH OBSERVATIONS ON
THE MEDICAL QUALITIES OF TEA,
AND ON THE
EFFECTS OF TEA-DRINKING.
A NEW EDITION.
BY JOHN COAKLEY LETTSOM, M. D.
_LONDON._
PRINTED BY J. NICHOLS;
FOR CHARLES DILLY.
1799.
ADVERTISEMENT.
In the year 1769 was printed an inaugural dissertation, intituled,
“Observationes ad vires Theæ pertinentes.”
In the year 1772 was published, “The Natural History of the Tea tree,
with Observations on the Medical Qualities of Tea, and Effects of
Tea-drinking,” which not only contained a translation of the Thesis,
but likewise the natural history of this vegetable, and which having
been long out of print, it was thought a second edition would be
favourably received by the publick.
In Sir George Staunton’s Embassy to China, lately published, there
are some remarks on Tea, which are occasionally referred to in the
present edition; and they are referred to with the satisfaction of
confirming the relation first offered to the publick in 1772.
As the Preface inserted at that time affords some hints respecting
the introduction of the Tea-tree into Europe, it is prefixed to the
present edition.
PREFACE
TO
THE FIRST EDITION, 1772.
The subject of the following Essay being now in general use among
the inhabitants of this kingdom, as well as in many other parts of
Europe, and constituting a large part of our commerce, it cannot but
afford pleasure to the curious to possess the history of a shrub,
with the leaves of which they are so well acquainted.
Many treatises have been published on the uses and effects of Tea;
a few writers have likewise given some circumstances relative to
its natural history and preparation, the indefatigable Kæmpfer
particularly; but these circumstances lie so dispersed, and the
accounts which have been given of the virtues and efficacy of Tea are
in general so contradictory, and void of true medical observation,
that it still seemed no improper subject for a candid discussion.
The reader may at least have the satisfaction of seeing, in a narrow
compass, the principal opinions relative to this subject.
Within these three or four years we have been successful enough to
introduce into this kingdom a few genuine Tea plants. There was
formerly, I am told, a very large one in England, the property of an
East-India captain, who kept it some years, and refused to part with
either cuttings or layers. This died, and there was not another left
in the kingdom. A large plant was not long since in the possession of
the great Linnæus, but, I am informed, it is now dead. I know several
gentlemen, who have spared neither pains nor expence to procure this
ever-green from China; but their best endeavours have, in general,
proved unsuccessful. For, though many strong and good plants were
shipped at Canton, and all possible care taken of them during the
voyage, yet they soon grew sickly, and but one, till of late,
survived the passage to England.
The largest Tea plant in this kingdom is, I believe, at Kew; it was
presented to that royal seminary by John Ellis, Esq. who raised it
from the seed. But the plant at Sion-house, belonging to the Duke
of Northumberland, is the first that ever flowered in Europe; and
an elegant drawing has been taken from it in that state, with its
botanical description. The engraver has done justice to his original
drawing, which is now in the possession of that great promoter of
natural history, Dr. Fothergill, to whom I have been indebted for
many dried specimens and flowers of the Tea-tree from China. If the
reader compare this plate with the following description, he will
have as clear an idea of this exotic shrub, as can at present be
exhibited.
A few young Tea plants have lately been introduced into some of the
most curious botanic gardens about London; hence it seems probable
that this very distinguished vegetable will become a denizen of
England, and such of her colonies as may be deemed most favourable to
its propagation.
In regard to the effects of Tea on the human constitution, one
might have imagined that long and general use would have furnished
so many indisputable proofs of its good and bad properties, that
nothing could be easier than to determine these with precision:
yet so difficult a thing is it to establish physical certainty in
regard to the operation of food or medicines on the human body,
that our knowledge in general, even with respect to this article,
is very imperfect. Nevertheless, I have endeavoured to avail myself
of what has been written on this subject by my predecessors with
the appearance of reason, as well as of the conversation of learned
and ingenious men now living, together with such experiments and
observations as have occurred to me, so as to furnish the means of a
more extensive knowledge of the subject.
* * * * *
With respect to the present edition, subsequent information has
enabled me to enlarge it with some important additions. Since the
period of the original publication, the Tea-tree has been introduced
into many of our gardens, and afforded the means of ascertaining
its botanical characters. I have, at the same time, the pleasure to
observe, that the first edition has received the approbation of some
of the most distinguished botanists. Linnæus, as well as Haller, as
soon as they had perused it, conveyed to me their approbation, in
the kindest manner: Murray and Cullen, and recently Schreber, have
made frequent references to its authorities. If these distinguished
characters have approved the former, I am encouraged to hope that the
present edition will not be less favourably received by the publick.
CONTENTS.
PART I.
THE NATURAL HISTORY OF THE TEA TREE.
Section I. Class and Order page 1
II. Synonyma 8
III. Authors upon Tea 10
IV. Origin of Tea 19
V. Soil and Culture 26
VI. Gathering the Leaves 29
VII. Method of curing or preparing Tea 33
VIII. Varieties of Tea 38
IX. Drinking of Tea 48
X. Succedanea 50
XI. Preserving the Seeds for Vegetation 54
PART II.
THE MEDICAL HISTORY OF TEA 59
THE
NATURAL HISTORY
OF THE
TEA-TREE.
_PART THE FIRST._
SECTION I.
CLASS XIII. ORDER I.
POLYANDRIA MONOGYNIA.
{ PERIANTHIUM
{ quinquepartitum,
K. CALYX, { _minimum_,
Fig. 1, 2, 3. 10. { _planum_,
{ segmentis _rotundis_,
{ _obtusis_,
{ _persistentibus_. (Fig. 1. K.)
{ A PERIANTHIUM
{ quinquepartite,
{ very small,
K. The CALYX, { flat,
Fig. 1, 2, 3. 10. { the segments round,
{ obtuse,
{ permanent. (Fig. 1. K.)
{ PETALA _sex_,
{
{ _subrotunda_,
{
{ _concava_:
{ duo exteriora
{ (F. 4. 7. C. C.)
{ minora,
{ inæqualia,
{
C. COROLLA, { Nondum expansa:
F. 1. 3, 4, { (F. 3. C.)
5, 6, 7, 8. {
{ quatuor interiora,
{ (F. 6. C. C. C. C.
{ & F. 5.)
{ magna,
{ _æqualia_,
{ antequam decidunt,
{ recurvata. (F. 8.
{ C. C.)
{ The PETALS six[1],
{ subrotund, or
{ roundish.
{ concave:
{ two exterior,
{ (F. 4. 7. C. C.)
{ less,
{ unequal,
C. THE COROLLA { the flower before
F. 1. 3, 4, { it is fully blown:
5, 6, 7, 8. { (F. 3. C.)
{ four interior (F. 6.
{ C. C. C. C. and
{ F. 5.)
{ large,
{ equal,
{ before they fall off,
{ recurvate. (F. 8.
{ C. C.)
{ f. FILAMENTA _numerosa_,
{ (ducenta circiter.)
{ (f. a. F. 6. 9.)
{ _filiformia,_
STAMINA, {
F. 6. 9, 10, 11. { _corolla breviora_.
{
{ a. ANTHERÆ } (F. 10. 11.
{ cordatæ, } *Lente aucta.)
{ biloculares. }
{ f. The FILAMENTS
{ numerous[2], (f. a.
{ Fig. 6. 9.)
The STAMENS, { (about 200.)
F. 6. 9, 10, 11. { filiform,
{ shorter than the
{ Corolla.
{
{ a. The ANTHERAS } (F. 10. 11.
{ cordate, } *magnified.)
{ bilocular[3]. }
{ g. GERMEN _globosotrigonum_.
{ (F. 1. 10. 12.)
{
{ S. STYLUS simplex,
{ ad apicem trifidus,
{ (F. 12.)
{
PISTILLUM, { Petalis Staminibusque
F. 1. 10. 12. { delapsis,
*Lente auctum. { a se mutuo
{ recedentes,
{ divaricantes, &
{ longitudine aucta,
{ marcescentes.
{ (F. 1. 12.)
{
{ t. STIGMATA _simplicia_.
{ (F. 1. 9. 10. 12.)
{ g. The GERMEN
{ three globular
{ bodies joined
{ (F. 1. 10. 12.)
{
{ s. The STYLE
The PISTILIUM, { simple, at the
F. 1. 10. 12. { apex trifid,
*magnified. { (F. 12.)
{
{ After the petals
{ and stamens are
{ fallen off, they
{ part from each
{ other, spread open,
{ increase in length,
{ and wither on the Germen.
{ (F. 1. 12.)
{
{ t. The STIGMAS simple.
{ (F. 1. {9. 10. 12.)
{ CAPSULA _ex tribus_
{ _globis coalita_, (F. 13.)
{
P. PERICARPIUM, { trilocularis, (F. 14.)
F. 1. 13, 14. {
{ apice trifariam dehiscens. (F. 13.)
{ A CAPSULE in the form
{ of three globular bodies united,
{ (F. 13.)
{
P. The PERICARPIUM, { trilocular, (F. 14.)
F. 1. 13. 14. {
{ gaping at the top in three
{ directions, (F. 13.)
{ _solitaria_,
S. SEMINA, { _globosa_,
F. 14. { _introrsum angulata_.
{ single,
S. The SEEDS, { globose,
F. 14. { angular on the inward side.
{ ramosus,
T. TRUNCUS, { lignosus,
F. 1. { teres:
{ ramis alternis,
{ vagis,
{ rigidiusculis,
{ cinerascentibus,
{ prope apicem
{ rufescentibus.
{ ramose,
T. The TRUNK[4], { ligneous,
F. 1. { round:
{ the branches alternate,
{ vague, _or placed in_
{ _no regular order_,
{ stiffish,
{ inclining to an ash
{ color,
{ towards the top
{ reddish.
{ axillares, (F. 1. p.)
{ alterni,
{ solitarii,
{ curvati,
{ uniflori,
PEDUNCULI, { incrassati, (F. 1, 2. 7.)
(F. 1. p.) { stipulati:
{ stipula solitaria,
{ subulata, } (F. 1, 2.
{ erecta. } 7. 9. d.)
{ alterna,
{ elliptica,
{ obtuse serrata,
{ marginibus interdentes
{ recurvatis.
{ axillary, (F. 1. p.)
{ alternate,
{ single,
{ curved,
{ uniflorous,
PEDUNCLES, { incrassate, (F. 1. 2. 7.)[5]
F. 1. { stipulate:
{ the stipula single,
{ subulate, } (F. 1, 2.
{ erect. } 7. 9. d.)
{ alternate,
{ elliptical,
{ obtusely serrate,
{ edges between
{ the teeth recurvate.
{ apice marginata, }
{ (F. 15. e.) } *Lente aucta.
{ basi integerrima, }
{ (F. 16, 17.) }
F. FOLIA, {
F. 1. 15, 16, 17. { glabra,
{ nitida,
{ bullata,
{ subtus venosa,
{ consistentia,
{ petiolata:
{
{ Petiolis brevissimis,
{ (F. 1. 16, 17. b.)
{
{ subtus teretibus, } (F. 16. b.
{ gibbis, } *Lente auctis.)
{
{ supra plano-canaliculatis.
{ (F. 17. b. *Lente auctis.)
{ apex emarginate, }
{ (F, 15. e.[6]) }
{ at the base } *magnified.
{ very entire, }
{ (F. 16, 17.) }
F. The LEAVES, {
F. 1. 15, 16, 17. { smooth,
{ glossy,
{ bullate[7],
{ venose on the under side,
{ of a firm texture,
{ on foot-stalks:
{ The foot-stalks very short,
{ (F. 1. 16, 17. b.)
{
{ round on the under }
{ side, }
{ gibbous, _or_ } (F. 16. b.
{ _bunching out_, } *magnified.)
{
{ on the upper-side, flattish,
{ and slightly channelled.
{ (F. 17. b. *magnified.)
Nomina trivialia
Thea bohea & viridis.
The common names
bohea and green Teas.[8]
There is only one species of this plant; the difference of green and
bohea Tea depending upon the nature of the soil, the culture, and
manner of drying the leaves. It has even been observed, that a green
Tea-tree, planted in the bohea country, will produce bohea Tea, and
so the contrary.[9]
SECTION II.
SYNONYMA.
Many authors have at different times treated upon this subject; some
who never saw the Tea-tree, as well as others who have seen it[10]. I
shall enumerate those who are mentioned in the Species plantarum of
Linnæus[11].
Thea; Hortus Cliffort. 204. Mat. Med. 264. Hill. Exot. t. 22.
Thee; Kæmpfer. Japan. 605. t. 606.
Thee frutex; Barthol. Act. 4. p. 1. t. 1. Bont. Jav. Amstel. fol. 87
ad 88.
Thee Sinensium; Breyn. Cent. 111. t. 112. incon. 17. t. 3. Bocc. Mus.
114. t. 94.
Chaa; Casp. Bauhin. Pinax Theatri Botanici. Basil. 1623. 4to. p. 147.
_Evonymo_ affinis arbor orientalis nucifera, flore roseo; Pluk. Alm.
Botan. Stirp. nov. tradens. 1200. Lond. 1705. fol. 139. t. 88. fig. 6.
In the Acta Haffniensia, we meet with the first figure of this tree;
but, as it was taken from a dried specimen, it does not illustrate
the subject very well. Bontius published another, and though drawn in
India, where he might have seen the plant, it does not much surpass
the preceding. The figure given by Plukenet is better than either of
the former; and after his, Breynius published one still better: but
of all the engravings formerly executed, that given by Kæmpfer must
be allowed to be the most accurate[12]; yet even this icon, like all
the others published by this industrious naturalist, is extremely
imperfect; although he certainly saw the living plants which he has
represented, however expert the Chinese may be in deception[13].
SECTION III.
AUTHORS UPON TEA.
Besides the Authors already mentioned, several others have given
some account of this exotic ever-green, the principal of which are
added for the farther information of those who may be desirous of
consulting these writers on the subject.
Johann. Petr. Maffeus Rerum Indicarum libro VI. pag. 108. & lib. XII.
pag. 242. Ludov. Almeyd. in eodem opere lib. IV. select. epist.
Petr. Jarric. tom. III. lib. II. cap. XVII.
Matth. Ric. de Christian. exped. apud Sinas, lib. I. cap. VII.
L. Baptista Ramusio, le Navigationi e viaggi nelli quali si Contienne
la Descrittione dell’ Africa, del paese del prete Joanni del mar
Rosso, Calicut, isole Moluchese la Navigazione interno il mondo.
Venet. 1550. 1563. 1588. 3 Vol. Fol. Vol. III. p. 15.
Translation in English of Giovanni Botaro,[14] an eminent Italian
author. Printed in 1590.
Texeira, Relaciones del origen de los Reyes de Persia y de Hormuz.
Amberes, 1610. p. 19.
Fischer’s Sibirische Geschichte, 1639. Vol. II. p. 694.
Alois Frois, in Relat. Japonicâ.
Nicol. Trigaut. de Regno Chinæ, Cap. III. p. 34.
Linscot. de Insulâ Japonicâ, Cap. XXVI. p. 35. Ha. 1599. Fol. et
Belgiæ Amst. 1644. Fol.
Bernhard. Varen. in descriptione Regni Japoniæ, Cap. XXIII. p. 161.
Johan. Bauhin. Histor. Univers. Plantarum, 1597. Tom. III. lib.
XXVII. cap. I. p. 5. b.
Alex. Rhod. Sommaire des divers voyages et missions Apostoliques du
R. P. Alexandre de Rhodes de la compagnie de Jesus à la Chine, et
autres Royaumes de l’orient, avec son retour de la Chine, à Rome;
depuis l’année, 1618, jusques à l’année, 1653, p. 25.
Dionysii Joncquet, Stirpium aliquot paulò obscurius officinis,
Arabibus aliisque denominatarum, per Casp. Bauhin, explicat. p. 25.
Ed. 1612.
Simon Pauli, Quadripartitum Botanicum, classe secundâ, pag. 44.
Ibidemque classe tertiâ, pag. 493.
Simon Pauli, Comment. de abusu Tobaci et herbæ Theæ, Rostock. 1635.
4to. Strasburgh. 1665. Argent. 1665. 4to. Francf. 1708. 4to. London,
1746. 8vo.
Wilhelm. Leyl. epistol. apud Simon Pauli in Comment. de abusu Tobaci,
&c. p. 15. b.
Jacob. Bontii de Medicina Indorum, lib. IV. Leid. 1642. 12mo. et
cum Pisone, Leid. 1658. Fol. Belgiæ, Oost en Westindische waarande,
Amstel. 1694. 8vo. Anglicè. An Account of the Diseases, Natural
History, and Medicines, of the East Indies: London, 1769, 8vo.
Beginne ende voortgang van de Vereenighde Neederlande, 1646, 2 vol.
et sub titulo, Recueil des Voyages faits pour L’Etablissement de la
Campagnie des Indes Orientales, Amstel. 1702. 12mo. 10 Vol.
Joann. Nieuzofs, Gezantschap an den Keizer van China, p. 122. a.
Erasmi Franciss. Ost- und West-Indischer wie auch Sinesischer
Lust- und Stats-Garten, p. 291.
Nicol. Tulpii, Observ. Medic. lib. IV. cap. LX. p. 380. Leidæ, 1641.
8vo.
Adam. Olearii, Persionische Reise-Beschreibung, 1633. p. 325. lib. V.
cap. XVII. p. 599. Fol. 1656. Hamburg. 1698. Amstel. 1666. 4to.
Johan. Albert, von Mandelslo, Morgenlandische Reise-Beschreibung,
lib. I. cap. XI. p. 39. Edit. 1656.
Olai Wormii, Mus. lib. II. cap. XIV. p. 165. Hafn. 1642. 4to.
Gulielm. Piso, in Itinere Brasilico, Cliviæ, 1661. 8vo.
Athanas. Kircher, Chin. Illustrat. Ed. 1658. cum figura Fruct. Theæ.
Simon de Molinariis, Ambrosia Asiatica, sive de virtute et usu Theæ,
Genuæ, 1672. 12mo.
De Comiers, le bon usage du Thee, du Coffee, et du Chocolat, pour la
Preservation et pour la Guerison des Malades, Paris, 1687. 12mo.
Marcus Mappus, de Thea, Coffea, et Chocolata. Argent. 1675 et 1695.
4to.
Oliv. Dappers, Beschryvinge des Keizerryts van Taising of Sina,
Amstel. 1680. Fol. p. 226.
Nic. Blegny, du bon usage du Thé, du Caffé, et du Chocolat. Lyon.
1680. 12mo. Abrégé du traité du Caffé, &c. Lyon. 1687. 12mo.
John Overton, Voyage to Surat, London, 1696. 8vo.
John Overton, Essay upon the Nature and Qualities of Tea, London,
1735. 8vo.
Paul Sylvestre du Four, de l’usage du Thè, Caphè, et Chocolat.
London, 1671. et auctius, 1684. 1686. 12mo. Hunc libellum Jacobus
Sponius Latinè reddidit, et edidit cum titulo, Tr. nov. de potu Theæ,
Coffeæ, Chocolatæ, Paris. 1685. 12mo. cum figuris.
Pechlin, Theophilus Bibaculus, Franckfort, 1684. 4to.
Franc. Mich. Disdier, Beschreibung des Caffée, The, Chocolate, und
Tobaks, Hamb. 1684. 12mo.
Bern. Albini, Disputatio de Thea, Francf. Viadr. 1684. 4to.
Arnold. Montan. Gudenswaerdige Gesandtchappen aen de Kaisaren van
Japan. 1684.
J. Chamberlane, manner of making Tea, Coffee, and Chocolate, Lond.
1685. 12mo. p. 46.
Republiques des Lettres, tom. III. Fev. 1685.
Petri Petivi, Carmen de Thea; et Joh. Georg. Heinichen de Theæ
encomiis. Lugdun. 1685. 4to.
Corn. Bontekoe, van The, Coffy, en Chocolate. Haag. 1685. 8vo.
Spanius de Thea, Coffea, et Chocolata.
Christian. Kursner, de potu Theæ. Marpurg, 1681.
Jan. Abraham. à Gehema, Weetstreit des Chinesisehen Thea mit Warmen
Wasser. Berlin, 1685, 8vo. Francf. 1696. 8vo. sub titulo, Zwanzig
gesundheits regeln.
Steph. Blankaart, gebrugk en misbruyk van de Thee. Haag. 1686. 8vo.
The Natural History of Coffee, Tea, Chocolate, and Tobacco, with a
Tract of the Elder and Juniper Berries. Lond. 1683. 4to.
Henrici Cosmii, magnæ naturæ œconomia cum demonstratione Theæ,
Coffeæ, Chocolatæ, Francf. Lips. 1687. 12mo.
Elias Comerarius, in disputationibus de Thea et Coffea, Tubingae,
1694. 8vo.
Le Compte’s Journey through the Empire of China. Lond. 1697. 8vo. p.
228.
Joh. Ludov. Apinus, obs. 70. Decur. 3. Miscell. Curios. 1697. Andr.
Cleyerus, Dec. 2. an. 4ti. pag. 7. Dan. Crugerus, Dec. 2. Ann. 4ti.
p. 141. Riedlinus Lin. Med. Ann. 4ti. Dom. Ambros. Stegmann, de
Decoct. Theæ. Vol. V. p. 36.
Sir Thomas Pope Blount’s Natural History, 8vo. London, 1693.
Wilh. Ulrich Waldschmidt, de usu et abusu Theæ in genere. Kiel. 1692.
8vo.
Ejusdem, an potus herbæ Theæ ecsiccandi et emaciandi virtute
pollerat? Kiel, 1702. 4to.
P. Duncan, Avis Salutaire contre l’Abus du Coffè, du Chocolat, et du
Thè. Rotterdam, 1705. 8vo. London, 1766. 8vo.
Groot misbruyk van de Theæ en Coffæ. Haag, 1695. 4to.
Philosophical Transactions, V. I. an. 1665, 1666. Monday, July 2,
1766.
Plukenetii, Amalth. Botan. Londini, 1705, p. 79. 139.
Renaudot, anciennes relations de la Chine et des Indes. Paris, 1718,
p. 31.
Kæmpfer, Amœnit. Exotic. Lemgov. 4to. 1712, p. 618.
Les Lettres curieuses et edifiantes des Jesuites, passim.
Car. Frid. Luther, de potu Theæ, Kiel, 1712. 4to.
J. Cunningham, de variis speciebus Theæ, Agricultura Chinensi, &c. n.
280.
Levuh. Frid. Meisner, Disputatio inaugur. de Thea, Coffea, Chocolata.
Nuremb. 1721, 8vo.
Botanicum Officinale, or a compendious Herbal of such Plants as are
used in Physic, by Joseph Miller. Lond. 1722. 8vo.
Labat, Nouveau Voyage aux Iles de l’Amerique. Paris, 1721.
Joh. Henricus Cohauson, Niewe Thee Tafel. et de Thea, Coffea, &c. à
Christ. Helwig. Amstel. 1719. 8vo. Germanicè, 1722. 8vo.
Short’s Dissertation upon the Nature and Properties of Tea, &c.
London, 1730. 4to.
Ancient Accounts of India and China, by two Mahommedan Travellers.
London, 1732.
L’Abbé Pluche, Le Spectacle de la Nature, à Paris, 1732.
Les Entretiens Physiques d’Ariste et d’Edoxe, par le pere Reynault.
Paris, 1732. tom. 3.
John Arbuthnot, M. D. Essay concerning the Nature of Aliments. Lond.
1735. 8vo.
Casp. Neumann, vom Thee, Coffee, Bier und Wein, Leips. 1735.
J. Franc. le Fevre, de natura, usu, et abusu, Coffeæ, Theæ,
Chocolatæ. Vesuntione, 1737. 4to.
R. James, Treatise on Tea, Tobacco, Coffee, and Chocolate, translated
from Simon Pauli, Comment. &c. London, 1746, 8vo.
Barr. Rarior. 128. t. 904.
Du Halde, Description génerale Historique, Chronologique, Politique,
et Physique, de la Chine, Paris, 1735. Fol. 4 vol. Haag. 1736. 4to. 4
vol. History of Japan, Lond. 1735. 8vo. 4 vol.
Astley’s Collection of Voyages, 4 vol. 4to. Lond. 1746.
The true Qualities of Tea. Anonymous. Lond. 1746. 8vo.
Petr. Kalms, Wästgöta Resa, Stockholm, 1746. 8vo. translated by
Forster, Lond. 1772. 8vo. 2 vol.
James Stevenson, Treatise on Tobacco, Tea, Coffee, and Chocolate,
Lond. 1746. 8vo.
Chambers’ Encyclopædia, Lond. 1752. Fol. Tom. II.
Mason on the Properties of Tea, 1756. 8vo.
The good and bad Effects of Tea considered, Anonymous, Lond. 1758.
8vo.
Linnæi Amœnit. Acad. V. VII. p. 241.
Newmann’s Chemistry, by Lewis. Lond. 1759. 4to. p. 373.
Hanway’s Journal of eight Days Journey. London, 1759. 8vo. 2 vol. p.
21. vol. II.
Hanway’s Observations on the Causes of the Dissoluteness amongst the
Poor. Lond. 1772. 4to. p. 73. et passim.
L’Abbé Jacquin, de la Santé utile à tout le Monde, à Paris, 1763.
8vo. p. 190.
Burmanni Fl. Indica, Lugd. Bat. 1766. p. 122.
Linnæi Sp. Plant. Vindobonæ. 1746. p. 734. Syst. Nat. Vind. 1770.
Tom. II. p. 365.
Linnæi Mat. Med. Vind. 1773. p. 136. Conf. Murray, appar. Med. Bergii
Mat. Med. &c.
Encyclopedie, ou Dict. Raisonné, Neufch. 1765. Fol. Tom. XVI. Thè.
M. de Begne de Presle, de Conservateur de la Santé, ou Avis sur les
Dangers, &c. à Paris. 1763. 12mo. Dangers du Thè, p. 118.
Concorde de la Geographic, ouvrage postume de l’Abbé Pluche, Paris,
1764. 12mo.
Will. Lewis, Experimental History of the Materia Medica, Lond. 1768.
4to. p. 518.
Hart’s Essays on Husbandry. Lond. 1768. p. 166.
Tissot on Diseases incidental to literary and sedentary Persons, by
Kirkpatrick. Lond. 1769. 12mo. p. 145.
Romaire, Dictionaire d’Histoire naturelle. Paris, 1769. 8vo.
Milne’s Botanical Dictionary, Lond. 1770. 8vo.
Brookes’ Natural History. Lond. 1772. 6 vol. with a plate of the Tea
Plant.
Osbeck’s Voyage into China, by Forster. Lond. 1771. 8vo. 2 vol.
Young’s Farmer’s Letters, Vol. I. p. 202. & 299.
Buc’hoz, Dissertation sur le Thè sur la recolte, et sur les bons et
mauvais effets de son infusian. Paris.
Blackwell’s herbal. Lond. 1739. t. 351.
Thunberg, Flora Japon. Lipsiæ, 1784. p. 225.
Cullen’s Mat. Med. Edinb. 1789. Tom. II. p. 309.
Murray, Appar. Medic. Gotting. 1787. Tom. IV. p. 226.
Grozier’s general Description of China. London. 2 vol. 8vo. Vol. I.
p. 442.
Fougeroux de Bondaroi, in Rozier, obs. et mem. sur la Physique, Tom.
I. f. 1.
Woodville’s Supplement to Medical Botany. Lond. 1794. p. 116, with a
figure.
Sir George Staunton, An authentic Account of an Embassy, Lond. 1797.
Vol. I. p. 22. and particularly Vol. II. p. 464.
SECTION IV.
ORIGIN OF TEA.
As China and Japan[15] are the only countries known to us, where the
Tea shrub is cultivated for use, we may reasonably conclude, that
it is indigenous to one of them, if not to both. What motive first
led the natives to use an infusion of Tea in the present manner is
uncertain; but probably in order to correct the water, which is said
to be brackish and ill-tasted in many parts of those countries[16].
Of the good effects of Tea in such cases, we have a remarkable proof
in Kalm’s journey through North America, which his translator gives
us in the following words:
“Tea is differently esteemed by different people, and I think we
_would_ be as well, and our purses much better, if we were without
tea and coffee. However, I must be impartial, and mention in praise
of Tea, that if it be useful, it must certainly be so in summer, on
such journies as mine, through a desart country, where one cannot
carry wine, or other liquors, and where the water is generally unfit
for use, as being full of insects. In such cases it is very pleasant
when boiled, and Tea is drank with it; and I cannot sufficiently
describe the fine taste it has in such circumstances. It relieves
a weary traveller more than can be imagined, as I have myself
experienced, together with a great many others, who have travelled
through the desart forests of America: on such journies Tea is found
to be almost as necessary as victuals[17].”
About the year 1600, Texeira, a Spaniard, saw the dried Tea leaves in
Malacca, where he was informed that the Chinese prepared a drink from
this vegetable; and, in 1633, Olearius found this practice prevalent
among the Persians, who procured the plant under the name of Cha
orchia, from China, by means of the Usbeck Tartars. In 1639, Starkaw,
the Russian Ambassador, at the Court of the Mogul, Chau Altyn,
partook of the infusion of Tea; and, at his departure, was offered a
quantity of it, as a present for the Czar Michael Romanof, which the
Ambassador refused, as being an article for which he had no use[18].
This article was first introduced into Europe by the Dutch East
India Company, very early in the last century; and a quantity of
it was brought over from Holland about the year 1666[19], by Lord
Arlington and Lord Ossory. In consequence of this, Tea soon became
known amongst people of fashion, and its use, by degrees, since that
period, has become general.
It is, however, certain, that before this time, drinking Tea, even
in public coffee-houses, was not uncommon; for, in 1660, a duty of
four-pence per gallon was laid on the liquor made and sold in all
coffee-houses[20].
So early as 1678, Cornelius Bontekoe, a Dutch physician, published
a treatise, in his own language, on Tea, Coffee, and Chocolate[21].
In this he shews himself a very zealous advocate for Tea, and denies
the possibility of its injuring the stomach, although taken to the
greatest excess, as far as one or two hundred cups in a day. To what
motive we are to impute the partiality of Dr. Bontekoe, is uncertain
at this period; but as he was first physician to the Elector of
Brandenburgh, and probably of considerable eminence and character,
his eulogium might tend greatly to promote its use: however, we find
its importation and consumption were daily augmented; and, before the
conclusion of the last century, it became generally known among the
common people in England.
It is foreign to my subject, or it would perhaps afford to a
speculative mind no inconsiderable satisfaction, to trace the
consumption from its first entrance at the Custom-house to the
present amazing imports. At this time upwards of twenty-three
millions of pounds are annually allowed for home consumption; and the
East India Company have generally in their warehouses a supply at
least for one year.
The following account of the importation of Tea, from 1776 to
1795, as related by Sir George Staunton (Vol. II. p. 624), may be
satisfactory to the Reader:
_An Account of the Quantities of Teas exported from China, in English
and Foreign Ships, in each Year from 1776 to 1795, distinguishing
each Year._
Legend: #S. = Number of Ships
---------------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
|#S.| 1776. |#S.| 1777. |#S.| 1778. |#S.| 1779. |
+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
| | lb. | | | | | | |
By Swedes | 2 | 2,562,500| 2 | 3,049,100| 2 | 2,851,200| 2 | 3,328,000|
Danes | 2 | 2,833,700| 2 | 2,487,300| 2 | 2,098,300| 1 | 1,388,400|
Dutch | 5 | 4,923,700| 4 | 4,856,500| 4 | 4,695,700| 4 | 4,553,100|
French | 3 | 2,521,600| 5 | 5,719,100| 7 | 3,657,500| 4 | 2,102,800|
Imperial |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Hungarian |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Tuscan |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Portugueze |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
American |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Prussian |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Spanish | | | | | | | | |
+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
Total Foreign |12 |12,841,500|13 |16,112,000|15 |13,302,700|11 |11,302,300|
English private| | | | | | | | |
Trade included| 5 | 3,402,415| 8 | 5,673,434| 9 | 6,392,788| 7 | 4,372,021|
+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
|17 |16,243,915|21 |21,785,434|24 |19,695,488|18 |15,674,321|
+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
---------------+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
|#S.| 1780. |#S.| 1781. |#S.| 1782. |
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
| | | | | | |
By Swedes | 2 | 2,626,400| 3 | 4,108,900| 2 | 3,267,300|
Danes | 3 | 3,983,600| 2 | 2,341,400| 3 | 4,118,500|
Dutch | 4 | 4,687,800| 4 | 4,957,600|-- | -- -- |
French |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Imperial | 1 | 1,375,900|-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Hungarian |-- | -- -- | 1 | 317,700| | |
Tuscan |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Portugueze |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
American |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Prussian |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Spanish | | | | | | |
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
Total Foreign |10 |12,673,700|10 | 11,725,600| 5 | 7,385,800|
English private| | none | | | | |
Trade included|-- | imported.|17 |‡11,592,819| 9 | 6,857,731|
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
|10 |12,673,700|27 | 23,318,419|14 |14,243,531|
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
---------------+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
|#S.| 1783. |#S.| 1784. |#S.| 1785. ||
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
| | | | | | ||
By Swedes | 3 | 4,265,600| 3 | 4,878,900| | ||
Danes | 4 | 5,477,200| 3 | 3,204,000| 4 | 3,158,000||
Dutch |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- | 4 | 5,334,003||
French |-- | -- -- | 8 | 4,231,200| 4 | 4,960,000||
Imperial |-- | -- -- | 5 | 3,428,400| | ||
Hungarian | | | | | | ||
Tuscan | 1 | 933,300| | | | ||
Portugueze | 8 | 3,954,100|-- | -- -- | 4 | 3,199,000||
American |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- | 2 | 880,100||
Prussian |-- | -- -- | 2 | 3,329,800| | ||
Spanish | | | | | | ||
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
Total Foreign |16 |14,630,200|21 |†19,072,300|18 |†17,531,100||
English private| | | | | | ||
Trade included| 6 | 4,138,295|13 | 9,916,760|14 | 10,583,628||
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
|22 |18,768,495|34 | 28,989,060|32 | 28,114,728||
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
Legend: #S. = Number of Ships
---------------+---+-----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
|#S.| 1786. |#S.| 1787. |#S.| 1788. |#S.| 1789. |
+---+-----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
| | lb. | | | | | | |
By Swedes | 4 | 6,212,400| 1 | 1,747,700| 2 | 2,890,900| 2 | 2,589,000|
Danes | 3 | 4,578,100| 2 | 2,092,000| 2 | 2,664,000| 2 | 2,496,800|
Dutch | 4 | 4,458,800| 5 | 5,943,200| 5 | 5,794,900| 4 | 4,179,600|
French | 1 | 466,600| 1 | 382,260| 3 | 1,728,900| 1 | 292,100|
Imperial | | | | | | | | |
Hungarian | | | | | | | | |
Tuscan |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Portugueze | | | | | | | | |
American | 1 | 695,000| 5 | 1,181,860| 2 | 750,900| 4 | 1,188,800|
Prussian |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- | 1 | 499,300|-- | -- -- |
Spanish |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- | 2 | 318,400|
Genoese |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
+---+-----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
Total Foreign |13 |†16,410,900|14 |11,347,020|15 |14,328,900|15 |11,064,700|
English private| | | | | | | | |
Trade included|18 | 13,480,691|27 |20,610,919|29 |22,096,703|27 |20,141,745|
+---+-----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
|31 | 29,891,591|41 |31,957,939|44 |36,425,603|42 |31,206,445|
+---+-----------+---+----------+---+----------+---+----------+
---------------+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
|#S | 1790. |#S.| 1791. |#S.| 1792. |
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
| | | | | | |
By Swedes |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- | 1 | 1,591,330|
Danes | 1 | 1,773,000| 1 | 520,700|-- | -- -- |
Dutch | 5 | 5,106,900| 3 | 1,328,500| 2 | 2,051,330|
French | 1 | 294,300| 2 | 442,100| 4 | 784,000|
Imperial | | | | | | |
Hungarian | | | | | | |
Tuscan |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- |
Portugueze | | | | | | |
American |14 | 3,093,200|-- | -- -- | 3 | 1,863,200|
Prussian |-- | -- -- | 3 | 743,100| 1 | 5,070|
Spanish |-- | -- -- |-- | -- -- | 1 | -- -- |
Genoese |-- | -- -- | 1 | 260|-- | -- -- |
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
Total Foreign |21 |10,267,400|10 | 3,034,660|12 | 6,294,930|
English private| | | | | | |
Trade included|21 |17,991,032|25 | 22,369,620|11 |13,185,467|
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
|42 |28,258,432|35 | 25,404,280|23 |19,480,397|
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+----------+
---------------+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
|#S.| 1793. |#S.| 1794. |#S.| 1795. ||
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
| | | | | | ||
By Swedes | 1 | 1,559,730| 1 | 756,130| | ||
Danes | 1 | 852,670|-- | -- -- | 1 | 24,670||
Dutch | 3 | 2,938,530| 2 | 2,417,200| 4 | 4,096,800||
French | 2 | 1,540,670| | | | ||
Imperial | | | | | | ||
Hungarian | | | | | | ||
Tuscan | 1 | 393,870 | | | | ||
Portugueze | | | | | | ||
American | 6 | 1,538,400| 7 | 1,974,130| 7 | 1,438,270||
Prussian | | | | | | ||
Spanish | 3 | 400|-- | -- -- | 1 | ||
Genoese | 2 | 578,930| 2 | 289,470| 1 | 17,460||
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
Total Foreign |19 | 9,403,200|12 | 5,436,930|14 | 5,577,200||
English private| | | | | | ||
Trade included|16 |16,005,414|18 | 20,728,705|21 | 23,733,810||
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
|35 |25,408,614|30 | 26,165,635|35 | 29,311,010||
+---+----------+---+-----------+---+-----------++
† Most of these foreign ships went to China, previous to the Commutation
Act, which passed into effect in England in September, 1784.
‡ Part of these should have arrived in 1780.
It is probable that the Dutch, as they traded considerably to Japan
about the time Tea was introduced into Europe, first brought this
article from thence. But now China is the general mart, and the
province Fokien, or Fo-chen[22], the principal country, that supplies
both the Empire and Europe with this commodity.
SECTION V.
SOIL AND CULTURE.
To the ingenious Kæmpfer we are principally indebted for any accurate
information respecting the culture of the Tea Tree; and, as his
account was composed during his residence at Japan, greater credit is
certainly due to it. We shall give what he says upon this subject,
and then state the accounts we have been able to collect of the
Chinese method.
Kæmpfer tells us, that no particular gardens or fields are allotted
for this plant, but that it is cultivated round the borders of rice
and corn fields, without any regard to the soil. Any number of the
seeds, as they are contained in their seed vessels, not usually less
than six, or exceeding twelve or fifteen, are promiscuously put into
one hole, made four or five inches deep in the ground, at certain
distances from each other. The seeds contain a large proportion of
oil, which is soon liable to turn rancid; hence scarce a fifth part
of them germinate, and this makes it necessary to plant so many
together.
The seeds vegetate without any other care; but the more industrious
annually remove the weeds, and manure the land. The leaves which
succeed are not fit to be plucked before the third year’s growth, at
which period they are plentiful, and in their prime.
In about seven years the shrub rises to a man’s height; but as it
then bears few leaves, and grows slowly, it is cut down to the stem,
which occasions such an exuberance of fresh shoots and leaves the
succeeding summer, as abundantly compensates the owners for their
former loss and trouble. Some defer cutting them till they are of ten
years growth.
So far as can be gathered from authors and travellers of credit, this
shrub is cultivated and prepared in China, in a similar manner to
what is practised in Japan; but as the Chinese export considerable
quantities of Tea, they plant whole fields with it, to supply foreign
markets, as well as for home consumption.
The Tea-tree delights particularly in vallies; or on the declivities
of hills, and upon the banks of rivers, where it enjoys a southern
exposure to the sun; though it endures considerable variations of
heat and cold, as it flourishes in the northern clime of Pekin,
as well as about Canton[23], the former of which is in the same
latitude with Rome; and from meteorological observations it appears,
that the degree of cold about Pekin is as severe in winter, as in
some of the northern parts of Europe[24].
SECTION VI.
GATHERING THE LEAVES.
At the proper seasons for gathering the Tea leaves, labourers are
hired, who are very quick in plucking them, being accustomed to
follow this employment as a means of their livelihood. They do not
pluck them by handfuls, but carefully one by one; and, tedious as
this may appear, each person is able to collect from four to ten or
fifteen pounds in one day. The different periods in which the leaves
are usually gathered, are particularly described by Kæmpfer[25].
I. The first commences at the middle of the last moon, immediately
preceding the vernal equinox, which is the first month of the
Japanese year, and falls about the latter end of our February, or
beginning of March. The leaves collected at this time are called
Ficki Tsjaa, or powdered Tea, because they are pulverised and sipped
in hot water (SECT. IX. I). These tender young leaves are but a few
days old when they are plucked; and, because of their scarcity and
price, are disposed of to princes and rich people only; and hence
this kind is called Imperial Tea.
A similar sort is also called Udsi Tsjaa, and Tacke Sacki Tsjaa, from
the particular places where it grows. The peculiar care and nicety
observed in gathering the Tea leaves in these places deserve to be
noticed here, and we shall therefore give some account of one of them.
Udsi is a small Japanese town, bordering on the sea, and not far
distant from the city of Miaco. In the district of this little town,
is a pleasant mountain of the same name, which is thought to possess
the most favourable soil and climate for the culture of Tea, on which
account it is inclosed with hedges, and likewise surrounded with a
broad ditch for farther security. The trees are planted upon this
mountain in such a manner as to form regular rows, with intervening
walks. Persons are appointed to superintend the place, and preserve
the leaves from injury or dirt. The labourers who are to gather them,
for some weeks before they begin, abstain from every kind of gross
food, or whatever might endanger communicating any ill flavour to
the leaves; they pluck them also with the same delicacy, having on a
thin pair of gloves[26]. This sort of imperial or bloom Tea[27] is
afterwards prepared, and then escorted by the chief surveyor of the
works of this mountain, with a strong guard, and a numerous retinue,
to the emperor’s court, for the use of the Imperial family.
II. The second gathering is made in the second Japanese month,
about the latter end of March, or beginning of April. Some of the
leaves at this period are come to perfection, others not arrived at
their full growth; both however are promiscuously gathered, and are
afterwards sorted into different classes, according to their age,
size, and quality; the youngest particularly are carefully separated,
and are often sold for the first gathering or Imperial Tea. The tea
collected at this time is called Tootsjaa, or Chinese Tea, because
it is infused, and drank after the Chinese manner (SECT. IX. I.)
It is divided by the Tea-dealers and merchants into four kinds,
distinguished by as many names.
III. The third and last gathering is made in the third Japanese
month, which falls about our June, when the leaves are very plentiful
and full grown. This kind of Tea, called Ban Tsjaa, is the coarsest,
and is chiefly drank by the lower class of people (SECT. IX. III.)
Some confine themselves to two gatherings in the year, their first
and second answering the preceding second and third. Others have only
one general gathering[28], which they make also at the same time with
the preceding third or last gathering: however, the leaves collected
at each time, are respectively separated into different sortments.
The Chinese collect the Tea at certain seasons[29], but whether
the same as in Japan, we are not so well informed, most probably,
however, the Tea harvest is nearly at the same periods, as the
natives have frequent intercourse, and their commercial concerns with
each other are very extensive[30].
SECTION VII.
METHOD OF CURING OR PREPARING TEA IN JAPAN.
Public buildings, or drying houses, are erected for curing Tea,
and so regulated, that every person, who either has not suitable
conveniences, or wants the requisite skill, may bring his leaves at
any time to be dried. These buildings contain from five to ten or
twenty small furnaces, about three feet high, each having at the top
a large flat iron pan[31], either high, square, or round, bent up a
little on that side which is over the mouth of the furnace, which at
once secures the operator from the heat of the furnace, and prevents
the leaves from falling off.
There is also a long low table covered with matts, on which the
leaves are laid, and rolled by workmen, who sit round it. The iron
pan being heated to a certain degree by a little fire made in the
furnace underneath, a few pounds of the fresh-gathered leaves are put
upon the pan; the fresh and juicy leaves crack when they touch the
pan, and it is the business of the operator to shift them as quick
as possible with his bare hands, till they grow too hot to be easily
endured. At this instant he takes off the leaves, with a kind of
shovel resembling a fan, and pours them on the matts to the rollers,
who, taking small quantities at a time, roll them in the palms of
their hands in one direction, while others are fanning them, that
they may cool the more speedily, and retain their curl the longer[32].
This process is repeated two or three times, or oftener, before the
Tea is put in the stores, in order that all the moisture of the
leaves may be thoroughly dissipated, and their curl more completely
preserved. On every repetition the pan is less heated, and the
operation performed more slowly and cautiously[33]. The Tea is then
separated into the different kinds, and deposited in the store for
domestic use or exportation.
As the leaves of the Ficki Tea (SECT. VI. and IX. II.), are usually
reduced into a powder before they are drank, they should be roasted
to a greater degree of dryness. As some of these are gathered when
very young, tender, and small, they are first immersed in hot water,
taken out immediately, and dried without being rolled at all.
Country people cure their leaves in earthen kettles[34], which answer
every necessary purpose at less trouble and expence, whereby they are
enabled to sell them cheaper.
To complete the preparation, after the Tea has been kept for some
months, it must be taken out of the vessels, in which it had been
contained, and dried again over a very gentle fire, that it may be
deprived of any humidity which remained, or might since have been
contracted.
The common Tea is kept in earthen pots with narrow mouths; but
the best sort of Tea used by the Emperor and nobility is put in
porcellane or China vessels. The Bantsjaa, or coarsest Tea, is kept
by the country people in straw baskets, made in the shape of barrels,
which they place under the roofs of their houses, near the hole that
lets out the smoke, and imagine that this situation does not injure
the Tea.
This is the relation we have from Kæmpfer of the method in which the
Japanese collected and cured their Tea. In the accounts of China,
authors have in general treated very slightly of the cultivation and
preparation of Tea. Le Compte[35] indeed observes, that to have good
Tea, the leaves should be gathered while they are small, tender, and
juicy. They begin commonly to gather them in the months of March and
April, according as the season is forward; they afterwards expose
them to the steam of boiling water to soften them; and, as soon as
they are penetrated by it, they draw them over copper plates[36]
kept on the fire, which dries them by degrees, till they grow brown,
and roll up of themselves in that manner we see them.
However, it is certain, from the Chinese drawings, which exhibit
a faithful picture, though rudely executed, of the whole process
from beginning to end, that the Tea tree grows for the most part in
hilly countries, on their rocky summits, and steep declivities; and
it would seem by the pains the Chinese are at, in making paths, and
fixing a kind of scaffolds, to assist them, that these places afford
the finest Tea. It appears from these drawings, that the trees in
general are not much taller than man’s height: The gatherers of the
leaves are never represented but on the ground; they make use of
hooked sticks indeed, but these seem rather intended to draw the
branches towards them, when they hang over brooks, rivers, or from
places difficult of access, than to bend down the tops or upper
branches of the trees on plain ground.
They pick the leaves as soon as gathered into different sorts, and
cure them nearly in the manner described to be practised by the
Japanese. They build a range of stoves, like those in a chemist’s
laboratory, or great kitchen, where the men work, and curl the leaves
in the pans themselves. It seems also that they repeat the drying.
They dry it likewise, after having spread it abroad in shallow
baskets, in the sun; and, by the means of sieves, separate the larger
from the smaller leaves, and these again from the dust.
The Chinese put the finer kinds of Tea into conic vessels, like
sugar loaves, made of tutenaque, tin, or lead, covered with neat
matting of bamboo; or in square wooden boxes lined with thin lead,
dry leaves and paper, in which manner it is exported to foreign
countries. The common Tea is put into baskets, out of which it is
emptied, and packed up in boxes or chests as soon as it is sold to
the Europeans[37].
One thing should be mentioned to their credit; when their harvest of
Tea is finished, each family fails not to testify, by some religious
rite, their gratitude to the Giver.
SECTION VIII.
VARIETIES OF TEA.
It has been already observed (SECT. VI.) that many different
sortments of Tea are made during the times of collecting the
leaves; and these are multiplied according to the goodness of their
preparation, by which the varieties of Tea may be considerably
augmented[38]. The distinctions with us are much more limited, being
generally confined to three principal kinds of green, and five of
bohea.
I. Those of the former are,
I. Bing, imperial, or bloom Tea, with a large loose leaf, of a light
green colour, and faint delicate smell.
II. Hy-tiann, hi-kiong, or hayssuen, known to us by the name of Hyson
Tea, so called after an East-India merchant of that name, who first
imported it into Europe. The leaves are closely curled and small, of
a green colour, verging towards blue[39].
III. Singlo, or songlo, which name it receives, like many other Teas,
from the place where it is cultivated.
II. The bohea Teas.
I. Soochuen, or sutchong, by the Chinese called saatyang, and
sact-chaon, or su-tyann, is a superior kind of long-fou Tea. It
imparts a yellowish green colour, by infusion[40].
II. Camho, or soumlo, called after the name of the place where it is
gathered; a fragrant Tea with a violet smell. Its infusion is pale.
III. Cong-fou, congo, or bong-fo. This has a larger leaf than the
following, and the infusion is a little deeper coloured. It resembles
the common bohea in the colour of the leaf[41].
IV. Pekao, pecko, or pekoe, by the Chinese called back-ho, or
pack-ho. It is known by having the appearance of small white flowers
intermixed with it.
V. Common bohea, called moji by the Chinese, consists of leaves of
one colour[42].
III. There has also been imported a sort of Tea, in balls, of a
different form from any of the preceding, made up into cakes or
balls of different sizes, by the Chinese called Poncultcha.
I. The largest kind of this cake Tea, that I have seen, weighs about
two ounces; the infusion and taste resemble those of good bohea Tea.
II. Another sort, which is a kind of green Tea, is called tio tè: it
is rolled up in a round shape, about the size of peas, and sometimes
as large as a nutmeg.
III. The smallest kind done in this form is called gun-powder Tea.
IV. Sometimes the succulent Tea leaves are twisted into cords like
packthread, about an inch and a half or two inches long; and usually
three of these are tied together at the ends by different-coloured
silk threads. These resemble little bavins, one of which might
suffice for tea for one person. I have seen them both of green and
bohea Tea.
* * * * *
The Chinese likewise prepare an extract from Tea, which they exhibit
as a medicine dissolved in a large quantity of water, and ascribe to
it many powerful effects in fevers and other disorders, when they
wish to procure a plentiful sweat. This extract is sometimes formed
into small cakes, not much broader than a sixpence, sometimes into
rolls of a considerable size.
That there is only one species of Tea tree, has already been
mentioned (SECT. I.) from which all the varieties of Tea are
procured. Kæmpfer, who is of this opinion, attributes the difference
of Teas to the soil and culture of the plant, age of the leaves when
gathered, and method of curing them[43]. These circumstances will
severally have more or less influence; though whether they account
for all the varieties observable in Tea may be doubted. The bohea Tea
trees, now introduced into many botanic gardens near London, exhibit
very obvious varieties. The leaves are of a deeper green colour, and
not so deeply serrated; the stalk is usually of a darker colour, and
the whole shrub appears less luxuriant as represented in the annexed
plate of the bohea Tea; but the botanical characters are the same.
[Illustration: Bohea Tea.]
I infused all the sorts of green and bohea Teas I could procure, and
expanded the different leaves on paper, to compare their respective
size and texture, intending thereby to discover their age. I found
the leaves of green Tea as large as those of bohea, and nearly as
fibrous; which would lead one to suspect, that the difference does
not so much depend upon the age, as upon the other circumstances.
We know that in Europe the soil, culture, and exposure, have great
influence on all kinds of vegetables: but the same species of plants
differ in the same province, and even in the same district; and in
Japan, and particularly along the continent of China, it must be
much more considerable, where the air is in some parts very cold, in
others moderate, or warm almost to an extreme. I am persuaded that
the method of preparation must also have no little influence. I have
dried the leaves of some European plants in the manner described
(SECT. VI.) which so much resembled the foreign Tea, that the
infusion made from them has been seen and drunk without suspicion.
In these preparations which I made, some of the leaves retained a
perfect curl, and a fine verdure like the best green Tea; and others
cured at the same time were more like the bohea[44].
I would not, however, lay too much stress upon the result of a few
trials, nor endeavour to preclude further enquiries about a subject
which at some future period may prove of more immediate concern to
this nation.
We might still try to discover whether other arts, than are yet known
here, are not used with Tea before its exportation from China, to
produce the difference of colour[45], and flavour[46], peculiar to
different sorts. An intelligent friend of mine informs me, that in a
set of Chinese drawings, in his possession, representing the whole
process of manufacturing Tea, there are in one sheet the figures of
several persons apparently separating the different kinds of Tea,
and drying it in the sun, with several baskets landing near them
filled with a very white substance, and in considerable quantity.
To what use this may be applied is uncertain, as well as what the
substance is; yet there is no doubt, he thinks, that it is used in
the manufacturing of Tea, as the Chinese seldom bring any thing into
their pieces but such as relate in some respect to the business
before them.
[Illustration: Olea Fragrans.
_J. Miller del: et so:_]
We are better acquainted with a vegetable substance which has been
employed by the Asiatics in giving a flavour to Tea. This is the
Olea Fragrans, whose flowers are frequently to be met with in Teas
exported from China: and as the plant is now not unfrequent in the
gardens near the metropolis, I am enabled to give an engraving of the
plant and its botanical history[47].
OLEA FRAGRANS.--Sweet-scented Olive.
_Class and Order._
DIANDRIA MONOGYNIA.
_Generic Character._
_Cor._ 4. fida: laciniis
subovatis.
_Drupa_ monosperma.
_Corol._ 4. cleft: segments
somewhat ovate.
_Drupe_, one-seeded.
_Specific Character and Description from_ THUNBERG.
OLEA _fragrans_ foliis lanceolatis
serratis, pedunculis lateralibus
aggregatis unifloris. _Thunb._
_Fl. Japon._ p. 18, t. 2.
_Caulis_, arboreus vastus.
_Rami_ et ramuli trichotomi,
obsolete tetragoni, glabri.
_Folia_ decussata, petiolata oblonga,
acuta, serrata, margini
subreflexo, parallelo-nervosa, reticulata,
glabra, supra saturate
viridia, subtus pallidiora, patentia,
in ramulis frequentia, digitalia.
_Petioli_ semiteretes, sulcati,
glabri, semiunguiculares.
_Flores_ in ramulis umbellato-aggregati,
circiter 6 vel 8, pedunculati.
_Pedunculi_ filiformes, uniflori,
glabri, albidi, unguiculares.
_Perianthium_, 1-Phyllum, minimum,
obsolete 4-dentatum,
albidum, glabrum.
_Corolla_, 1-petala, rotata, flavo-alba;
_Tubus_ subnullus; _Limbus_
patens, quadrifidus: laciniæ
ovatæ, obtusæ, concavæ,
crassiusculæ.
_Filamenta_ duo, ori tubi inserta,
alba, brevissima.
_Antheræ_ ovatæ, grandiusculæ,
didymæ, flavescentes.
_Germen_ superum, oblongum,
glabrum.
_Stylus_ filiformis.
_Stigmata_ simplicia, acuta.
OLIVE _sweet-scented_ with
lanceolate serrated leaves, peduncles
lateral, cluttered, one-flowered.
_Stem_, a vast tree.
_Branches_ both large and small
trichotomous, faintly four-cornered
and smooth.
_Leaves_ growing cross-wise on
leaf-stalks, oblong, acute, serrated,
edge somewhat turned
back, ribs parallel, reticulated,
smooth above, of a deep green
colour, paler beneath, spreading
on the small branches, numerous,
about the length of
the finger.
_Leaf-stalks_, flat on one side,
round on the other, grooved,
smooth, half the length of the
finger nail.
_Flower_ on the small branches
in clustered umbels, about 6 or
8 together, standing on peduncles.
_Flower-stalks_ filiform, one-flowered,
smooth, whitish, a
finger nail in length.
_Perianthium_, one-leaved, very
minute, faintly four-toothed,
whitish and smooth.
_Corolla_ of one petal, wheel-shaped,
of a yellowish-white
colour; _Tube_ scarce any; _Limb_
spreading, quadrifid, segments
ovate, obtuse, concave, thickish.
_Filaments_ two, inserted into
the mouth of the tube, white,
very short.
_Antheræ_ ovate, somewhat
large, double, yellowish.
_Germen_ above, oblong, and
smooth.
_Style_ filiform.
_Stigmata_, simple and pointed.
Sir George Staunton, in his Embassy to China, Vol. II. p. 467,
describes another Plant, whose flowers are used for the purpose of
scenting Tea. The flower resembles the dog-rose, and the leaves those
of Tea; hence the Chinese call it Cha-whaw, or flower of Tea. A Plate
of this Plant is annexed, with the following description, which this
very accurate and learned traveller has obligingly permitted me to
introduce here.
[Illustration: _Camellia Sesanqua._]
“A Plant very like the Tea flourished at this time on the tides and
the very tops of mountains, where the soil consisted of little more
than fragments of stone crumbled into a sort of coarse earth by
the joint action of the sun and rain. The Chinese call this plant
Cha-whaw, or Flower of Tea, on account of the resemblance of one to
the other; and because its petals, as well as the entire flowers of
the Arabian jessamine, are sometimes mixed among the Teas, in order
to increase their fragrance.
“This plant, the Cha-whaw, is the Camellia Sesanqua of the botanists,
and yields a nut, from whence is expressed an esculent oil equal to
the best which comes from Florence. It is cultivated on this account
in vast abundance; and is particularly valuable, from the facility of
its culture, in situations fit for little else.” It is delineated on
the opposite page.
As green Tea is by some suspected to have been cured on copper, they
have attributed the verdure to be derived from that metal (SECT.
VII.); but, if there were any foundation for this supposition, the
volatile alkali, mixed with an infusion of such Tea, would detect the
least portion of copper, by turning the infusion blue[48].
Others have, with less propriety, attributed the verdure to green
copperas[49]; but this ingredient, which is only salt of iron, would
immediately turn the leaves black, and the infusion made from the Tea
would be of a deep purple colour[50].
Is it not more probable, that some green dye, prepared from vegetable
substances, is used for the colouring?
SECTION IX.
DRINKING OF TEA.
Neither the Chinese, nor natives of Japan, ever use Tea before it has
been kept at least a year; because when fresh it is said to prove
narcotic, and to disorder the senses[51]. The former pour hot water
on the Tea, and draw off the infusion in the same manner as is now
practised in Europe; but they drink it simply without the addition of
sugar or milk[52]. The Japanese reduce the Tea into a fine powder,
by grinding the leaves in a hand-mill; they then mix them with hot
water into a thin pulp, in which form it is sipped[53], particularly
by the nobility and rich people. It is made and served up to company
in the following manner: the Tea-table furniture, with the powdered
Tea inclosed in a box, are set before the company, and the cups are
then filled with hot water, and as much of the powder as might lie
on the point of a moderate-sized knife is taken out of the box, put
into each cup, and then stirred and mixed together with a curious
denticulated instrument till the liquor foams, in which state it is
presented to the company, and sipped while warm[54]. From what Du
Halde relates, this method is not peculiar to the Japanese, but is
also used in some provinces of China[55].
The common people, who have a coarser Tea (SECT. VI. III.) boil it
for some time in water, and make use of the liquor for common drink.
Early in the morning the kettle, filled with water, is regularly
hung over the fire for this purpose, and the Tea is either put into
the kettle inclosed in a bag, or, by means of a basket of a proper
size, pressed to the bottom of the vessel, that there may not be any
hindrance in drawing off the water. The Bantsjaa Tea (SECT. VI. III.)
only is used in this manner, whose virtues, being more fixed, would
not be so fully extracted by infusion.
And indeed Tea is the common beverage of all the labouring people in
China: one scarcely ever sees them represented at work of any kind,
but the Tea pot and Tea cup appear as their accompaniments. Reapers,
threshers, and all who work out of doors, as well as within, have
these attendants[56].
To make Tea, and to serve it in a genteel and graceful manner, is an
accomplishment, in which people of both sexes in Japan are instructed
by masters, in the same manner as Europeans are in dancing, and other
branches of polite education.
SECTION X.
SUCCEDANEA.
Curiosity and interest would mutually induce the Europeans to make
the most diligent enquiries in order to discover the real Tea
shrub, or a substitute in some other vegetable most resembling it.
Simon Paulli, a celebrated physician and botanist at Copenhagen,
was the first who pretended to have discovered the real Tea plant
in Europe. By opening some Tea leaves, he found them so much like
those of the Dutch myrtle[57], (Flor. Su. 907.) that he obstinately
maintained they were productions of the same species of Tea; though
he was afterwards refuted by several botanists in Europe, and by
the specimens sent to him, and to Dr. Mentzel of Berlin, from the
East-Indies, by Dr. Cleyer[58].
Father Labat next thought he had discovered the real Tea-plant in
Martinico[59], agreeing, he says, in all respects with the China
sort. He pretends also to have procured Tea seeds from the East
Indies, and to have raised the plant in America; but, from his
own account, this supposed Tea appears to be only a species of
Lysimachia, or what is called West-India Tea[60].
Many other pretended discoveries of the Oriental Tea-tree have been
related; all which have proved erroneous, when properly enquired
into. The genus of plant, called by Kæmpfer Tsubakki[61], has the
nearest resemblance to it. The leaves of several European herbs
have been used at different times as substitutes for Tea, either
from some similarity in the shape of the leaves, or in the taste
and flavour; among these, two or three species of Veronica are
particularly recommended[62], besides the leaves of sage[63],
myrtle[64], betony[65], sloe[66], agrimony, wild rose[67], and many
others[68]. Whether any of these are really more salutary or not, is
undetermined; and we now find, that from the palace to the cottage
every other substitute has yielded to the genuine Asiatic Tea[69].
SECTION XI.
PRESERVING THE SEEDS FOR VEGETATION.
Many attempts to introduce the Tea-tree into Europe have proved
unsuccessful, owing to the bad state of the seeds when first
procured, or to a want of judgement in preserving them long enough
in a state capable of vegetation. If this complaint arise from the
first cause, future precautions about such seeds will be in vain; it
is therefore necessary to procure fresh, sound, ripe seeds, white,
plump, and moist internally.
Two methods of preserving the seeds have put us in possession of a
few young plants of the true Tea-tree of China; one is, by inclosing
the seeds in bees wax, after they have been well dried in the sun;
and the other, by putting them, included in their pods, or capsules,
into very close cannisters made of tin and tutenague[70].
[Illustration: Boxes for conveying Plants by Sea.
_The Box with plants shut down with the openings
at the ends and front left for fresh air._
_The Cask for serving seeds with the
openings defended by Wire._
_The Inside of the box shewing the manner of securing the roots
of plants surrounded with earth & moss tied with packthread
and fasten’d cross & cross with laths or packthread to keep them
steady._
_The Box with divisions for serving
different seeds in earth & cut moss._]
But neither of these methods have succeeded generally,
notwithstanding the utmost care, both in getting fresh seeds, and in
securing them in the most effectual manner. The best method is to
sow the ripe seeds in good light earth, in boxes, at leaving Canton;
covering them with wire, to prevent rats and other such vermin
coming to them. The boxes, plans of which are annexed, should not be
exposed to too much air, nor to the spray of the sea, if possible.
The earth should not be suffered to grow dry and hard, but a little
fresh or rain water may be sprinkled over it now and then; and, when
the seedling plants appear, they should be kept moist, and out of
the burning sun[71]. Most of the plants now in England were procured
by these means; and though many of the seedlings will die, yet by
this kind of management we may probably succeed in bringing over the
most curious vegetable productions of China, of which they have an
amazing treasure, both in respect to use, shew, and variety[72]. If
young plants could be procured in China, they might be sent over in a
growing state in some of these boxes.
The young Tea-plants in the gardens about London thrive very well in
the green-houses in winter, and some bear the open air in summer. The
leaves of many of them are from one to three inches long, not without
a fine deep verdure; and the young shoots are succulent. It is
therefore probable, that in a few years many layers may be procured
from them, and the number of plants considerably increased thereby.
It may not be improper to observe here, that many exotic vegetables,
like human constitutions, require a certain period before they become
naturalized to a change of climate; many plants, which on their
first introduction would not bear our winters without shelter, now
endure our hardest frosts; the beautiful magnolia, among several
others, is a proof of this observation; and we have already taken
notice (SECT. V.), that the degree of cold at Pekin sometimes exceeds
ours. We have hence reason to expect, that the Tea-tree may in a few
years be capable of bearing our climate, or at least that of our
colonies; at length thrive, as if indigenous to the soil; and, were
labour cheaper, become an article of export[73], like the common
potatoe, for which we are indebted to America, or Spain[74]. It is,
however, better suited for the climates of the Southern parts of
Europe, and America; but hitherto it has not been cultivated in an
extensive manner, in either of these quarters of the world; nor is
it likely ever to be, whilst it can be procured from Asia at the
present reduced price. It was introduced into Georgia about the year
1770. Hence the ingenious author of Ouabi (Mrs. Morton) in her recent
poem of Beave-hill, in describing the products of this province,
introduces the exotic of China:
“Yet round these shores prolific plenty twines,
Stores the thick field, and swells the cluttering vines;
A thousand groves their glossy leaves unfold,
Where the rich orange rolls its ruddy gold,
_China’s green shrub_, divine Magnolia’s bloom,
With mingling odours fling their high perfume.”
It is indeed probable that the North American summers, in the same
latitude with Pekin, would suit this Tree better than ours; for, in
China and some parts of North America, the heat in summer is such,
that vegetables make quicker and more early shoots, whereby they have
time to acquire sufficient strength and firmness before the winter
commences: but, in England, the tender shoots are puttied forth late,
and, winter soon after succeeding, they often perish, in a degree of
cold much less severe than at Pekin, or in colder latitudes of North
America.
THE
MEDICAL HISTORY
OF
TEA.
PART II.
SECTION I.
As the custom of drinking Tea is become general, every person may be
considered as a judge of its effects, at least so far as it concerns
his own health; but, as the constitutions of mankind are various, the
effects of this infusion must be different also, which is the reason
that so many opinions have prevailed upon the subject.
Many, who have once conceived a prejudice against it, suffer it
to influence their judgement too far, and condemn the custom as
universally pernicious. Others, who are no less biassed on the other
extreme, would make their own private experience a standard for that
of all, and ascribe the most extensive virtues to this infusion.
This contrariety of opinion has been particularly maintained among
physicians[75]; which will ever be the case, while mere suppositions
are placed in the room of experiments and facts impartially related.
Some physicians, however, avoid both extremes; who, without
commending it, or decrying it universally, admit its use, while they
are not insensible of the injuries it may produce. It requires no
small share of sagacity to fix the limits of good and harm in the
present case: multitudes of all ages, constitutions, and complexions,
drink it freely, during a long life, without perceiving any ill
effects. Others, again, soon experience many inconveniences from
drinking any considerable quantity of this infusion.
It is difficult to draw certain conclusions from experiments made on
this herb. The parts which seem to produce these opposite effects are
very fugitive. We become acquainted chiefly with the grosser parts by
analysis. I made the following experiments with considerable care;
but, I own, they inform us not sufficiently wherein consists that
grateful relaxing sedative property, which proves to the generality
of mankind so refreshing; nor from whence it is, that others feel
from the pleasing beverage so many disagreeable effects. Accurate
observation would instruct us in this difficult investigation, more
than simple experiments on the subject itself.
EXPERIMENT I.
I took an equal quantity of an infusion of superfine green Tea, and
of common bohea Tea, made equally strong; and also the same quantity
of the liquor remaining after distillation (SECT. III. I.), and of
simple water; into each of which, contained in separate vessels, I
put two drachms of beef, that had been killed about two days.
The beef, which was immersed in the simple water, became putrid
in forty-eight hours; but the pieces in the two infusions of Tea,
and in the liquor remaining after distillation, shewed no signs of
putrefaction, till after about seventy hours[76].
EXPERIMENT II.
Into strong infusions of every kind of green and bohea Tea that I
could procure, I put equal quantities of salt of iron (sal martis),
which immediately changed the several infusions into a deep purple
colour[77].
It is evident from these experiments, that both green and bohea
Tea possess an antiseptic (EXPERIMENT I.), and astringent power
(EXPERIMENT II.), applied to the dead animal fibre.
SECTION II.
Nevertheless, as I have often observed that drinking Tea,
particularly the most highly-flavoured fine green, proves remarkably
relaxing to many persons of tender and delicate constitutions, I was
induced to prosecute my enquiries farther.
1. To this end I distilled half a pound of the best and most
fragrant green Tea with simple water[78], and drew off an ounce of
very odorous and pellucid water, free from oil, and which on trial
(SECTION I. EXPERIMENT II.) shewed no signs of astringency.
2. That part of the liquor which remained after distillation, was
evaporated to the consistence of an extract; it was slightly odorous,
but had a very bitter, styptic, or astringent taste. The quantity of
the extract thus procured weighed about five ounces and a half[79].
EXPERIMENT III.
a. Into the cavity of the abdomen, and cellular membrane of a frog,
about three drachms of the distilled odorous water (No. 1.) were
injected.
In twenty minutes, one hind leg of the frog appeared much affected,
and a general loss of motion and sensibility succeeded[80]. The
affection of the limb continued for four hours, and the universal
torpidity remained above nine hours; after this the animal
gradually recovered its former vigor.
b. In like manner some of the liquor remaining after the
distillation of the green Tea (No. 1.) was injected; but this was
not productive of any sensible effect.
EXPERIMENT IV.
a. To the ischatic nerves laid bare, and to the cavity of the
abdomen of a frog, I applied some of the distilled odorous water
(No. 1. and EXPERIMENT III, 1.). In the space of half an hour, the
hindermost extremities became altogether paralytic and insensible;
and in about an hour afterwards the frog died.
b. In like manner I applied the liquor remaining after distillation
(No. 1. and EXPERIMENT III. 2.) to another frog; but no sedative or
paralytic effect was observable.
3. From these experiments the sedative and relaxing effects of Tea
appear greatly to depend upon an odorous fragrant principle, which
abounds most in green Tea, particularly that which is most highly
flavoured[81]. This seems farther confirmed by the practice of the
Chinese, who avoid using this plant, till it has been kept at least
twelve months, as they find when recent it possesses a soporiferous
and intoxicating quality. (PART I. SECT. IX.)
Thus often under trees supinely laid,
Whilst men enjoy the pleasure of the shade,
Whilst those their loving branches seem to spread }
To screen the sun, they noxious atoms shed, }
From which quick pains arise, and seize the head. }
Near Helicon, and round the learned hill
Grow Trees, whose blossoms with their odour kill[82].
SECTION III.
Waving, however, any attempts to fix with precision the effects of
Tea from these experiments alone, let us endeavour to collect from
observation likewise, such facts as may enable us to judge what its
effects are on the human frame, and from thence draw the clearest
inferences we can, how far it is salutary or otherwise.
The long and constant use of Tea, as a part of our diet, makes
us forget to enquire whether it is possessed of any medicinal
properties. We shall endeavour to consider it in both respects.
The generality of healthy persons find themselves not apparently
affected by the use of Tea: it seems to them a grateful refreshment,
both fitting them for labour and refreshing them after it. There are
instances of persons who have drank it from their infancy, to old
age; have led, at the same time, active, if not laborious lives; and
yet never felt any ill effects from the constant use of it.
Where this has been the case, the subjects of both sexes were for the
most part healthy, strong, active, and temperate. Amongst the less
hardy and robust, we find complaints, which are ascribed to Tea, by
the parties themselves. Some complain that after a Tea breakfast,
they find themselves rather fluttered; their hands less steady in
writing, or any other employment that requires an exact command of
spirits. This probably soon goes off, and they feel no other injury
from it. Others again bear it well in the morning, but from drinking
it in the afternoon, find themselves very easily agitated, and
affected with a kind of involuntary trembling.
There are many people who cannot bear to drink a single dish of Tea,
without being immediately sick and disordered at the stomach: To some
it gives excruciating pain about that part, attended with general
tremours. But in general the most tender and delicate constitutions
are most affected by the free use of Tea; being frequently attacked
with pains in the stomach and bowels; spasmodic affections; attended
with a copious discharge of limpid urine, and great agitation of
spirits on the least noise, hurry, or disturbance.
SECTION IV.
There is one circumstance, however, that renders it more difficult
to investigate the certain effects of Tea; which is, the great
unwillingness that most people shew, to giving us a genuine account
of their uneasy sensations after the free use of it; from a
consciousness that it would be extremely imprudent to continue its
use, after they are convinced from experience that it is injurious.
That it produces watchfulness in some constitutions is most certain,
when drank at evening in considerable quantities. Whether warm water,
or any other aqueous liquor, would have the same effect, is not
certain.
That it enlivens, refreshes, exhilarates, is likewise well known.
From all which circumstances it would seem, that Tea contains an
active penetrating principle, speedily exciting the action of the
nerves; in very irritable constitutions, to such a degree as to give
very uneasy sensations, and bring on spasmodic affections: in less
irritable constitutions, it rather gives pleasure, and immediate
satisfaction, though not without occasionally producing some tendency
to disagreeable tremours and agitation.
The finer the Tea, the more obvious are these effects. It is perhaps
for this, amongst other reasons, that the lower classes of people,
who can only procure the most common, are in general the least
sufferers. I say, in general, because even amongst them there are
many who actually suffer much by it: they drink it as long as it
yields any taste, and, to add to its flavour, for the most part hot;
and thus the quantity which they take, and the degree of heat in
which it is drank, conspire to produce in them, what the finer kinds
of Tea effect in their superiors.
It ought not, however, to pass unobserved, that in a multitude of
cases the infusions of our own herbs, sage for instance, mint, baum,
even rosemary, and valerian itself, will sometimes produce similar
effects, and leave that sensation of emptiness, agitation of spirits,
flatulence, spasmodic pains, and other symptoms, that are met with in
people, the most of all others devoted to Tea.
Besides the injuries which the stomach sustains, by taking the
infusion of Tea extremely hot; it is not improbable but the teeth
also are affected by it. Professor Kalm, in his Travels into North
America, observes, that such of the inhabitants as took their Tea
and food in general, in this state, were frequently liable to lose
half their teeth at the age of twenty, without any hopes of getting
new ones. This cannot be attributed to the variations of weather in
that clime, because the Indians who enjoy the same air, but take
their viands almost cold, were to a great age possessed of fine white
teeth; as were likewise the Europeans who first settled in America,
before the use of Tea became general. It was no less remarkable,
that the Indian women, who had accustomed themselves to drink this
infusion after the European fashion, had likewise lost their teeth
prematurely, though they had formerly been quite sound[83]. Kalm does
not appear to suspect any injury to the teeth from the sugar used
with the Tea.
SECTION V.
Many, from a supposition that Tea was dried in India on copper, have
attributed its pernicious properties to this metal; but we have
already observed (Part I. § VIII.), that, if Tea were tinctured with
the least quantity of copper, it might easily be detected by chemical
experiments.
Some have attributed the injurious qualities of this fashionable
exotic upon the stomach to the sugar usually drank with the Tea; but
I have had sufficient opportunities of observing in the West Indies
the good effects of drinking freely the juice of the sugar-cane,
to obviate this objection. I have known feeble emaciated children,
afflicted with worms, tumefied abdomen, and a variety of diseases,
soon emerge from their complicated ailments, by drinking large
draughts of this sweet liquor, and become healthy and strong[84].
“While flows the juice mellifluent from the cane,
Grudge not, my friend, to let thy slaves, each morn,
But chief the sick and young, at setting day,
Themselves regale with oft-repeated draughts
Of tepid nectar, and make labour light[85].”
That there is something in the finer green Teas, that produces
effects peculiar to itself, and not to be equalled by any other
substance we know, is, I believe, admitted by all who have observed,
either what passes in themselves, or the accounts that others give
of their feelings, after a plentiful use of this liquor. Nor are
the finer kinds of bohea Teas incapable of the like influence. They
affect the nerves, produce tremblings, and such a state of body for
the time, as subjects it to be agitated by the most trifling causes,
such as shutting a door too hastily, the sudden entrance even of a
servant, and other the like causes.
I know people of both sexes, who are constantly seized with great
uneasiness, anxiety, and oppression, as often as they take a single
cup of Tea, who nevertheless, for the sake of company, drink several
cups of warm water, mixed with sugar and milk, without the same
inconvenience.
A physician, whose acquaintance I have long been favoured with, and
who, with some others, was present when the preceding experiments
were made at the college of Edinburgh, has a remarkable delicacy in
feeling the effects of a small quantity of fine Tea. If drank in the
forenoon, it affects his stomach with an uneasy sensation, which
continues for several hours, and entirely takes away his appetite
for food at dinner; though at other times, when he takes chocolate
for breakfast, he generally makes a very hearty meal at noon, and
enjoys the most perfect health. If he drink a single dish of tea in
the afternoon, it affects him in the same manner, and deprives him of
sleep for three or four hours through the succeeding night; yet he
can take a cup of warm water with sugar and milk, without the least
inconvenience.
It may be remarked that opium has nearly the same effect upon him as
Tea, but in a greater degree; for he informs me, that when he once
accidentally took a quantity of the solution of opium, it had not
the least tendency to induce sleep, but produced a very disagreeable
uneasiness at his stomach, approaching to nausea. The late celebrated
Professor Whytt[86], of Edinburgh, affords a striking example how
injurious the effects of Tea may be upon constitutions, which I shall
relate in his own words. “I once imagined Tea to be in a great
measure unjustly accused; and that it did not hurt the stomach more
than an equal quantity of warm water; but experience has since taught
me the contrary. Strong Tea drunk in any considerable quantity, in a
morning, especially if I eat little bread with it, generally makes
me fainter before dinner than if I had taken no breakfast at all; at
the same time it quickens my pulse, and often affects me with a kind
of giddiness. These bad effects of Tea are most remarkable when my
stomach is out of order.”
SECTION VI.
I am informed likewise by a physician, of long and extensive practice
in the city, that he has known several instances of a spitting of
blood having been brought on, by breathing in an air loaded with the
fine dust of Tea. It is customary for those who deal largely in this
article to mix different kinds together, so as to suit the different
palates of their customers. This is generally performed in the back
part of their shops, several chests perhaps being mixed together at
the same time. Those who are much employed in this work are at length
very often sufferers by it; some are seized with sudden bleedings
from the lungs or from the nostrils; and others attacked with violent
coughs, ending in consumptions.
These circumstances are chiefly brought in sight to prove, that,
besides a sedative relaxing power, there exists in Tea an active
penetrating substance, which, in many constitutions, cannot fail of
being productive of singular effects.
An eminent Tea-broker, after having examined in one day upwards of
one hundred chests of Tea, only by smelling at them forcibly, in
order to distinguish their respective qualities, was the next seized
with a violent giddiness, head ache, universal spasms, and loss of
speech and memory. By proper assistance, the symptoms abated, but
he did not totally recover. For, though his speech returned, and
his memory in some degree, yet he continued, with unequal steps,
gradually losing strength, till a partial paralysis ensued, then a
more general one, and at length he died. Whether this was owing to
the effluvia of the Tea, may perhaps be doubted. Future accidents may
possibly confirm _the suspicions_ to be just or otherwise.
SECTION VII.
An assistant to a Tea broker, had frequently for some weeks
complained of pain and giddiness of his head, after examining and
mixing different kinds of Tea: the giddiness was sometimes so
considerable, as to render it necessary for a person to attend him,
in order to prevent any injury he might suffer from falling or other
accident. He was bled in the arm freely, but without permanent
relief; his complaint returned as soon as he was exposed to his
usual employment. At length he was advised to be electrified, and
the shocks were directed to his head. The next day his pain was
diminished, but the day after closed the tragical scene. I saw him
a few hours before he died; he was insensible; the use of his limbs
almost lost, and he sunk very suddenly into a fatal apoplexy. Whether
the effluvia of the Tea, or electricity, was the cause of this event,
is doubtful. In either view the case is worthy of attention[87].
A young man of a delicate constitution, had tried many powerful
medicines in vain, for a depression of spirits, which he laboured
under to a degree of melancholy, which rendered his situation
dangerous to himself and those about him. I found he drank Tea very
plentifully, and therefore requested him to substitute another kind
of diet; which he complied with, and afterwards gradually recovered
his usual health. Some weeks after this, having a large present of
fine green Tea sent him, he drank a considerable quantity of the
infusion on that and the following day. This was succeeded by his
former dejection and melancholy, with loss of memory, tremblings, a
proneness to great agitation from the most trifling circumstances,
and a numerous train of nervous ailments. I saw him again, and he
immediately attributed his complaints to the Tea he had drank; since
which he has carefully denied himself the same indulgence, and now
enjoys his former health.
I have known many other instances, where less degrees of depression,
and other complaints depending upon a relaxed irritable habit, have
attended delicate people for many years; and though they have had
the advice of skilful physicians, yet in vain have medicines been
administered, till the patient has refrained from the infusion of
this fragrant exotic[88].
SECTION VIII.
In treating of this substance, I would not be understood to be
either a partial advocate, or a passionate accuser. I have often
regretted that Tea should possess any pernicious qualities, as the
pleasure which arises from reflecting how many millions of our
fellow-creatures are enjoying at one hour the same amusing repast;
the occasions it furnishes for agreeable conversation; the innocent
parties of both sexes it daily draws together, and entertains without
the aid of spirituous liquors; would afford grateful sensations
to a social breast. But justice demands something more. It stands
charged by many able writers, by public opinion, partly derived from
experience, with being the cause of many disorders; all that train
of distempers included under the name of NERVOUS are said to be, if
not the offspring, at least highly aggravated by the use of Tea.
To enumerate all these would be to transcribe volumes. It is not
impossible but the charges may be partly true. Let us examine them
with all possible candour.
The effect of drinking large quantities of any warm aqueous liquor,
according to all the experiments we are acquainted with, would be,
to enter speedily into the course of circulation, and pass off as
speedily by urine or perspiration, or the increase of some of the
secretions. Its effects on the solid parts of the constitution
would be relaxing, and thereby enfeebling. If this warm aqueous
fluid were taken in considerable quantities, its effects would be
proportionable; and still greater, if it were substituted instead of
nutriment[89].
That all infusions of herbs may be considered in this light seems
not unreasonable. The infusion of Tea, nevertheless, has these two
particularities. It is not only possessed of a sedative quality
(SECT. II. EXP. III. IV.), but also of a considerable astringency
(SECT. II. EXP. II.); by which the relaxing power ascribed to a mere
aqueous fluid is in some measure corrected. It is, on account of the
latter, perhaps less injurious than many other infusions of herbs,
which, besides a very slight aromatic flavour, have very little if
any stypticity, to prevent their relaxing debilitating effects.
Tea, therefore, if not too fine, nor drank too hot, or in too great
quantities, is, perhaps, preferable to any other vegetable infusion
we know. And if we take into consideration likewise its known
enlivening energy, it will appear that our attachment to Tea is not
merely from its being costly or fashionable, but from its superiority
in taste and effects to most other vegetables.
SECTION IX.
It may be of some use in our inquiries to consider its effects
where it has been long and universally used. Of Japan we know
little at present: of China we have more recent accounts; from
these it appears, that Tea of some kind, coarser or finer, is drank
plentifully by all degrees of people; the general provision of the
lower ranks especially is rice, their beverage Tea. The superior
classes of people drink Tea; but they likewise partake of animal
food, and live freely.
Of their diseases we know but little, nor what effects Tea may have
in this respect. They seldom or never bleed. The late Dr. Arnot, of
Canton, a gentleman who did his profession and his country honour,
and was in the highest estimation with the Chinese, I am informed,
was the first person who could ever prevail upon any of the Chinese
to be blooded[90], be their maladies what they might. It would appear
from hence, that inflammatory diseases were not frequent among them;
otherwise a nation, who seem so fond of life as the Chinese are
reputed to be, would by some means or other have admitted of this
almost only remedy in such cases. May we infer from hence, that
inflammatory diseases are less frequent in China, than in some other
countries, and that one cause of this may be the constant and liberal
use of this infusion? Perhaps, if we take a view of the slate of
diseases, as exactly described a century ago, and compare it with
what we may observe at present, we may have a collateral support
for this suggestion. If we consider the frequency of inflammatory
diseases in Sydenham’s time, who was both a consummate judge of these
diseases, and described them faithfully, I believe we shall find they
were then much more frequent than they are present; at least, if
any deference is due to the observations of judicious persons, who
mostly agree, that genuine inflammatory diseases are much more rare
at present, than they were at the time when Sydenham wrote. It is
true, this disposition, admitting it be fact, may arise from various
causes; amongst the rest, it is not improbable, Tea may have its
share.
SECTION X.
Before the use of Tea, the general breakfast in this country
consisted of more substantial aliment[91]; milk in various shapes,
ale and beer, with toast, cold meat, and other additions. The like
additions, with sack, and the most generous wines, found their way
amongst the higher orders of mankind. And one cannot suppose but that
such a diet, and the usual exercise they took, would produce a very
different state of blood and other animal juices, from that which
Tea, a little milk or cream, and bread and butter, affords.
It was not the breakfast only that seems to have contributed its
share towards introducing a material alteration in the animal system,
but the subsequent regale likewise in the afternoon. Tea is a second
time brought before company; it is drank by most people, and often
in no very small quantities. Before the introduction of this exotic,
it was not unusual to entertain afternoon guests in a very different
manner; jellies, tarts, sweet-meats; nay, cold meat, wine, cyder,
strong ale, and even spirituous liquors under the title of cordials,
were often brought out on these occasions, and perhaps taken to
excess, much to the injury of individuals.
This kind of repast would tend to keep up the natural inflammatory
diathesis, which was the result of vigour, and a plenitude of rich
blood, as well as savour diseases originating from such causes. It
seems not unreasonable therefore to suppose, that, as the diet of
our ancestors was more generous, their exercises more athletic, and
their diseases more generally the produce of a rich blood, than
are observable in the present times, these debilitating effects
before-mentioned may in part be attributed to the use of Tea, as no
cause appears to be so general and so probable.
SECTION XI.
If these suggestions are admitted, they will assist us in determining
when and to whom the use of Tea is salutary, and to whom it may be
deemed injurious. Those, for instance, who either from a natural
propensity to generate a rich inflammatory blood, or from exercise,
or diet, or climate, or all together, are disposed to be in this
situation: to these the use of Tea would seem rather beneficial, by
relaxing the too rigid solids, and diluting the coagulable lymph of
the blood, as a very sensible and ingenious author very justly styles
it[92].
There are idiosyncrases, certain particularities, which are
objections to general rules. There are, for instance, men of this
temperament, strong, healthy, vigorous, and with not only the
appearance, but the requisites of firm health, to whom a few dishes
of Tea would produce the agitations familiar to an hysteric woman;
but this is by no means general: in common they bear it well, it
requisites them, they endure fatigue after it, as well as after the
most substantial viands. Nothing refreshes them more than Tea, after
lasting and vehement exercise. To such it is undoubtedly wholesome,
and equal at least, if not preferable, to any other kind of regale
now in use.
But, if we consider what may reasonably be supposed to happen to
those who are in the opposite extreme of health and vigour; that
is, the tender, delicate, enfeebled, whose solids are debilitated,
their blood thin and aqueous, the appetite lost or depraved, without
exercise, or exercising improperly; in short, where the disposition
of the whole frame is altogether opposite to the inflammatory; the
free and unrestrained use of this infusion, and such accompanyments,
must unavoidably contribute to sink the remains of vital strength
still lower.
Between these two extremes there are many gradations; and, every
thing else being alike, Tea will in general be found more or less
beneficial or injurious to individuals, in proportion as their
constitutions approach nearer to these opposite extremes. To descend
into all the particulars would require experience and abilities, more
than I can boast. Suffice it to say, that, except as a medicine,
or after great fatigue, large quantities are seldom beneficial,
nor should it ever be drank very hot; and, as hath been already
mentioned, the finer Tea, the green especially, is more to be
suspected than the common or middling kinds.
SECTION XII.
The experiments and observations hitherto related render it
evident, that Tea possesses a fragrant volatile principle, which in
general tends to relax and enfeeble the system of delicate persons,
particularly when it is drank hot, and in large quantities. I have
known many of this frame of constitution, who have been persuaded,
on account of their health, to deny themselves this fashionable
infusion, and received great benefit (SECT. VII.). Others, who have
found their health impaired by this indulgence, are unhappily induced
to continue it for want of an agreeable substitute, especially for
breakfast.
But, if such cannot wholly omit this favourite regale, they may
certainly take it with more safety, by boiling the Tea a few minutes,
in order to dissipate this fragrant principle (SECT. II. 1, and EXP.
IV.) which is the most noxious; and extract the bitter, astringent,
and most stomachic part (SECT. II. 2, and EXP. III.) instead of
preparing it in the usual manner by infusion.
An eminent physician in the city, frequently experiencing the
prejudicial effects of Tea by drinking it in the usual form, was
induced, from reading a dissertation upon this subject, published
some time since at Leyden[93], to try the infusion prepared after
another manner. He ordered the Tea to be infused in hot water, which
after a few hours he caused to be poured off, stand over night, and
to be made warm again in the morning for breakfast. By this means,
he assures me, he can take, without inconvenience, near double the
quantity of Tea, which formerly, when prepared in the usual method,
produced many disagreeable nervous complaints.
The same end is obtained by substituting the extract of Tea (SECT.
II. 2.) instead of the leaves. It may be used in the form of Tea, by
dissolving it in warm water; and, as the fragrancy of the Tea is in
this case dissipated, the nervous relaxing effects, which follow the
drinking it in the usual manner, would be in great measure avoided.
This extract has been imported into Europe from China, in flat round
dark-coloured cakes, not exceeding a quarter of an ounce each in
weight, ten grains of which, dissolved in a sufficient quantity of
water, might suffice one person for breakfast. It might also be made
here without much expence or trouble (See SECT. II. 2.).
It is remarkable, that in all the forms which Du Halde relates, for
administering Tea as a stomachic medicine among the Chinese, it is
ordered to be boiled for some time, or prepared in such a manner,
as to cause a dissipation of its fragrant perishable flavour; which
practice, as it seems consonant to experiments here (SECT. II.
EXP. III.), may probably have taken its rise in China, from long
experience and repeated facts.
SECTION XIII.
Perhaps it will not be deemed foreign to an essay upon this subject,
to take a concise view of the manners and dispositions of the
Chinese, as we have done of their diseases. Those who are best
acquainted with human nature seem to ascribe even to their food,
and way of life, as well as to their climate and education, certain
propensities at least to vice and virtue; and it may be of use to
draw what light we can in these respects, from the character of a
people, who have used the infusion of Tea for a long series of years.
They are in general described to be a people of moderate strength of
body, not capable of much hard labour, rather feeble when compared
with the inhabitants of some nations, excelling in some minute
fabricks and manufactures, but exhibiting no proofs of elevated
genius in architecture, either civil or military. They are said to
be pusillanimous, cunning, extremely libidinous, and remarkable
for dissimulation and selfishness[94], effeminate, revengeful, and
dishonest[95].
It would be unjust to ascribe all these qualities to their manner
of living: other causes have undoubtedly their share: but it may
be suspected, that the manner of life, or kind of diet, that tends
to debilitate, virtually contributes to the increase of the meaner
qualities. When force of body is wanting, cunning often supplies its
place; and if not regulated by other principles, it would discover
its effects more universally; and thus will take place whether the
debility is natural, or acquired by a diet that enfeebles the body.
That there is a probity, fortitude, and generosity, in female minds,
not inferior to the like qualities possessed by the other sex, is
most certain; but that it is generally so may perhaps be doubted;
though both
Not equal, as their sex not equal seem’d;
For contemplation he and valour form’d,
For softness she, and sweet attractive grace[96].
Whether the present age exhibits as many instances of superior
excellence as the preceding, is beyond my abilities to determine:
that it is tarnished more than some others with one vice at least, is
generally confessed; and it may, perhaps, be a problem not unworthy
of consideration, whether the general use of Tea may not gradually
increase the disposition. For whatever tends to debilitate, seems
for the most part to augment corporeal sensibility. The same person,
who in health does not start at the firing of a cannon, shall
be extremely disconcerted when sunk by disease to the border of
effeminacy, at the sudden opening of a door. Desire is not always
proportioned to bodily strength: it may sometimes be strongest when
the corporeal strength is at the lowest ebb; it is often found so;
and therefore another reason occurs, why the general use of Tea ought
not to be considered as the most indifferent of all subjects.
From what has been said upon this subject, it will probably be
admitted, that children and very young persons in general should be
deterred from the use of this infusion. It weakens their stomachs,
impairs the digestive powers, and favours the generation of many
diseases. We seldom perceive the rudiments of scrophulous diseases so
often any where as in the weak feeble offspring of the inhabitants
of towns, and whose breakfast and supper often consist of the weak
runnings of ordinary Tea, with its usual appurtenances. It ought
by no means to be the common diet of boarding-schools; if it be
allowed sometimes as a treat, the children should at the same time
be informed, that the constant use of it would be injurious to their
health, strength, and constitution in general.
SECTION XIV.
Thus far I have chiefly endeavoured to trace the effects of Tea as
a part of our diet. In medicine it has at present but very little
reputation amongst us. It is even scarcely ever recommended as a
part of the furniture of a sick chamber; it is seldom mentioned even
as a gentle diaphoretic: in cases, however, where it is necessary
to dilute and relax, to promote the thinner secretions, it promises
at least as much advantage as most other infusions. For, besides
its other effects, it seems to contain something sedative in its
composition (SECT. II. EXP. III. IV.), not altogether unlike an
opiate. Like this class of medicines, it mitigates uneasiness,
perhaps more than any other merely aqueous infusion: and, like
very small doses of opium, it sometimes prevents rest, and gives a
temporary flutter to the spirits.
Where, therefore, large quantities of the infusion must be taken,
to produce or support a considerable diaphoresis, a decoction of
Tea, or a strong infusion, may be administered with great propriety,
particularly in inflammatory complaints; the sedative power of
Tea, assisted by the diluting effects of warm water, generally
producing a diaphoresis, without stimulating the system. The Chinese
most commonly give it as a medicine in decoction, in a variety of
diseases; but if the infusion were drawn from a large proportion of
fine Tea, and soon poured off, that the finest part may be procured,
and drank warm, it would seem preferable as an attenuant and relaxant.
I have more than once given fine green Tea in substance with some
diluting vehicle, and observed the same effects nearly as are
produced from taking the infusion. Thirty grains of this kind of
Tea powdered, taken three or four times at as many hours interval,
generally relaxes the solids, diminishes heat and restlessness, and
induces perspiration. Such a dose as produces a slight nausea, which
this quantity usually does, more certainly induces a perspiration,
and a mitigation of the symptoms accompanying inflammatory
complaints. If this dose be doubled, the nausea and sickness will
be increased, and a disagreeable sensation or load is felt for some
time about the region of the stomach, which usually goes off with a
laxative stool.
SECTION XV.
It is said that in Japan and China the stone is a very unusual
distemper, and the natives suppose that Tea has the quality to
prevent it[97]. So far as it softens and meliorates the water, which
is very bad, it may certainly be of use[98]. We may also observe
here, that every solvent is capable of taking up a limited quantity
only of the solvend, and, when fully saturated with it, is incapable
of suspending it long; hence it is plain, that the quantity of the
stony matter carried off must be greater when the urine is increased
in quantity, and has not been too long retained in the bladder:
and therefore, as Tea is a diuretic, it may in this view prove
lithonthriptic.
Tea, we have already observed, contains an astringent antiseptic
quality (SECT. I. EXP. I, II.) It likewise possesses no
inconsiderable degree of bitterness; and, as the uvæ ursi, and other
bitters, have mitigated severe paroxysms of the stone, may not Tea
prove serviceable also by its antacid quality?
It is an observation I have often had occasion to make, that people,
after violent exercise, or coming off a journey much fatigued, and
affected with a sense of general uneasiness, attended with thirst
and great heat, by drinking a few cups of warm Tea, have generally
experienced immediate refreshment. It also proves a grateful diluent,
and agreeable sedative, after a full meal, when the stomach is
oppressed, the head pained, and the pulse beats high[99]; hence the
Poet says,
“The Muse’s friend, Tea, does our fancy aid,
Repress those vapours which the head invade,
And keeps that palace of the soul serene,
Fit on her birth-day to salute a queen.”
WALLER.
SECTION XVI.
I shall finish these remarks with some reflections on this herb,
considered in another light.
As luxury of every kind has augmented in proportion to the increase
of foreign superfluities, it has contributed more or less its share
towards the production of those low nervous diseases, which are now
so frequent. Amongst these causes, excess in spirituous liquors is
one of the most considerable; but the first rise of this pernicious
custom is often owing to the weakness and debility of the system,
brought on by the daily habit of drinking Tea[100]; the trembling
hand seeks a temporary relief in some cordial, in order to refresh
and excite again the enfeebled system; whereby such almost by
necessity fall into a habit of intemperance, and frequently intail
upon their offspring a variety of distempers, which otherwise
probably would not have occurred.
Another bad consequence resulting from the universal custom of
Tea-drinking, particularly affects the poor labouring people, whose
daily earnings are scanty enough to procure them the necessary
conveniences of life, and wholesome diet. Many of these, too
desirous of vying with their superiors, and imitating their luxuries,
throw away their little earnings upon this foreign herb, and are
thereby inconsiderately deprived of the means to purchase proper
wholesome food for themselves and their families. In the words of
Persius we may here justly exclaim,
O curas hominum quantum est in rebus inane!
I have known several miserable families thus infatuated, their
emaciated children labouring under various ailments depending upon
indigestion, debility, and relaxation. Some at length have been so
enfeebled, that their limbs have become distorted, their countenance
pale, and a marasmus has closed the tragedy[101].
These effects are not to be attributed so much to the peculiar
properties of this costly vegetable, as to the want of proper
food, which the expence of the former deprived these poor people
from procuring. I knew a family, confiding of a mother and several
children, whose fondness for Tea was so great, that three times
a day, as often as their meals, which generally confided of the
same articles, they regularly sent for Tea and sugar, with a
morsel of bread to support nature; by which practice, and the want
of a due quantity of nutritious food, they grew more enfeebled;
thin, emaciated habits and weak constitutions characterised this
distressed family, till some of the children were removed from this
baneful nursery, by which they acquired tolerable health.
My valuable friend, Dr. Walker, of Leeds, in Yorkshire, has noticed,
in several parts of that extensive and commercial county, and
particularly in Leeds; that, “since the more plentiful introduction
of Tea into the families of the industrious poor, by the late
reduction of its price, the Atrophia Lactantium, or Tabes Nutricum,
a species of decline, has made an unusually rapid progress. The
difficulty with which animal food is procured by the lower ranks of
society, in quantity sufficient for daily nutriment, has led many
of them to substitute, in the place of more wholesome provisions, a
cheap infusion of this foreign vegetable, whose grateful flavour (and
perhaps narcotic quality, which it possesses in a small degree in
common with most other ever-greens) is found to create an appetite
for itself, in preference to all other kinds of aliment that the
scanty income of poverty allows these deluded objects to procure;
though I am sorry to have occasion to add, that the lowering effects
of tea-drinking lead too many of these to seek relief from spirits,
and other pernicious cordials, at the expence of health, and the sure
consequences of penury and want.
“As this change, in the article of diet, has been very generally
made, especially by the females, and the younger branches of the
families of the manufacturing poor, their constitutions have been
rendered much less able to bear evacuations of any sort, and
particularly that of lactation. I may, with great truth, aver, that
more than two hundred patients of this denomination have, within the
last two years, come under my notice: upon their application for
relief, and the consequent enquiry which I have been led to make
respecting the nature of their diet, their almost invariable reply
has been, that they have chiefly depended upon Tea for their support,
at the same time that they were permitting an apparently healthy
child to draw the whole of its nourishment from them.
“That it is debility, and an impoverished state of the whole
system, arising from a deficiency in the due supply of proper and
sufficiently nutritious aliment, at a time when the constitution
particularly requires it, in consequence of the continual waste which
the mother sustains from the suckling of her infant, which lay the
foundation of this disease, and that the lungs are but secondarily or
symptomatically affected, is clearly evinced from an attention to the
symptoms.
“The patient first complains of languor, and general weakness; loss
of appetite; fatigue after exercise, though it be of the gentlest
kind; wearisome pains in the back and limbs; soon after which,
symptoms of general atrophy come on; the face, in particular, grows
thin, and is marked by a certain delicacy of complexion; paleness
about the nose; but with a small degree of settled redness in the
cheeks. In a short time, if the patient still continues to give
suck, she is seized with transitory stitches in the sides, under
the sternum, or in some other part of the thorax; accompanied with
a short dry cough, and slight dyspnæa, upon any muscular exertion;
the pulse also becomes frequent, but seldom so hard as in the
inflammatory state of the genuine phthisis pulmonalis; morning sweats
next make their appearance; abscesses and ulcers are often formed in
the lungs; pus mixed with mucus is expectorated; the general weakness
increases; the emaciated patient is unable to support an erect
posture; and at last dies literally exhausted.”
An ingenious author observes, that as much superfluous money is
expended on Tea and Sugar in this kingdom, as would maintain four
millions more of subjects in bread[102]. And the author of the
Farmer’s Letters calculates, that the entertainment of sipping Tea
costs the poor each time as follows:
_d._
The tea ¾
The sugar ½
The butter 1
The fuel and wear of the Tea equipage ¼
----
2½
When Tea is used twice a day, the annual expence amounts to 7l.
12s. a head. And the same judicious writer estimates the bread,
necessary for a labourer’s family of five persons, at 14l. 15s. 9d.
per annum[103]. By which it appears, that the yearly expence of Tea,
Sugar, &c. for two persons, exceeds that of the necessary article of
bread, sufficient for a family of five persons.
It appears also, from a moderate calculation, that twenty-one
millions of pounds of Tea[104] are annually imported into England.
In the beginning of the present century the annual public sales by
the East-India Company did not much exceed 50,000 pounds weight,
independently of what little might be clandestinely imported. The
Company’s annual sales about this time, 1797, approach to twenty
millions of pounds; being an increase of four hundred fold in less
than 100 years, and answers to the rate of more than a pound weight
each in the course of the year, for the individuals of all ranks,
sexes, and ages, throughout the British dominions in Europe and
America[105].
Since the year 1797, it is probable, that the import of Tea has
increased in a much greater ratio; for the East-India Company, at
their sale in September 1798, put up 1,300,000 pounds of bohea;
3,500,000 pounds of congou and campoi; 400,000 pounds of souchong and
pekoe; 600,000 pounds of singlo and twankay; 400,000 of hyson; hyson
skin 100,000; making, in the whole, 6,300,000 pounds, the quantity
sold in the autumnal quarterly sale: and it may be presumed, from the
table annexed, (p. 1. Section IV.) and other documents, that at least
30,000,000 of pounds are annually imported into Europe and America!
FINIS.
DIRECTIONS FOR THE PLATES.
Green Tea, to front the title page.
Bohea Tea Page 41
Olea fragrans 43
Camellia Sesanqua 46
Boxes for conveying plants by sea 55
ERRATUM.
P. 41. l. 10. for _than that_ read _as_.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Among several hundred specimens of dried Tea-flowers that I have
examined, scarcely one in twenty was perfect. Some had three petals
only, some nine, and others the several intermediate numbers. The
greatest number consisted of six large petals, and externally three
lesser ones of the same form. But the flowers, which blossomed on the
Tea-plant belonging to the duke of Northumberland, from which this
description is taken, consisted in general of six petals. One of the
flowers indeed appeared to have eight petals; however, the number in
the flowers in most plants vary considerably, which may account for
the mistake of Dr. Hill, and professor Linnæus (who described this
plant on Dr. Hill’s authority), who make the green and bohea Tea two
distinct species, giving nine petals to the former, and six to the
latter. See Amœn. Acad. Vol. VII. p. 248. Hill. Exot. t. 22. Kæmpfer.
Amœn. Exot. p. 607. Breyn. Exot. Plant. Cent. 1. p. 111. Hist. de.
l’Acad. des Sciences, 1776, p. 52.
[2] In a flower I received from that accurate naturalist, J. Ellis,
F. R. S. &c. I counted upwards of 280 filaments; and, in another I
had from Dr. Fothergill, there appeared to be nearly the same number.
[3] Kæmpfer describes the Antheræ as being single.
[4] Authors differ widely respecting the size of this tree. Le Compte
says, it grows of various sizes from two feet to two hundred, and
sometimes so thick, that two men can scarcely grasp the trunk in
their arms: though he afterwards observes, that the Tea-trees, he saw
in the province of Fokien, did not exceed five or six feet in height.
Journey through the empire of China, London, 1697, 8vo. p. 228. Du
Halde quotes a Chinese author, who describes the height of different
Tea-trees, from one to thirty feet. Description génerale historique,
chronologique, politique, et physique de la Chine, Paris, 1755. Fol.
4 Tom. History of China, London, 1736. 8vo. Vol. IV. page 22. See
also Guil. Piso in Itinere Brasilica.
But Kæmpfer, who is chiefly to be depended upon, confines the full
growth to about a man’s heighth. Amœn. Exot. Lemgov. 1712, 4to. pag.
605. Probably this may be a just medium; for Osbeck says, that he saw
Tea-shrubs in flower-pots, not above an ell high. Voyage to China,
Vol. I. p. 247. See also Eckeberg’s account of the Chinese husbandry,
Vol. II. p. 303.
[5] When the peduncles increase in thickness towards their
extremities.
[6] No author has hitherto remarked this obvious circumstance; even
Kæmpfer himself says, that the leaves terminate in a sharp point.
Amœn. Exot. p. 611.
[7] When the upper surface of the leaf rises in several places in
roundish swellings, hollow underneath.
[8] Whether the word TEA is borrowed from the Japanese _Tsjaa_, or
the Chinese _Theh_, is not of much importance. By this name, with
very little difference in pronunciation, the plant here treated of is
well known in most parts of the world.
[9] I have examined several hundred flowers, both from the bohea
and green Tea countries, and their botanical characters have always
appeared uniform. See Directions for bringing over seeds and plants
from distant countries, by John Ellis, Esq. Sir George Staunton’s
Embassy, Vol. II. p. 464, says, “Every information received
concerning the Tea plant concurred in affirming that its qualities
depended upon the soil in which it grew, and the age at which the
leaves were plucked off the tree, as well as upon the management of
them afterwards.”
[10] See Jac. Breynii Exotic. Cent. I. p. 114, 115.
[11] Vol. I. p. 734.
[12] Amœnit. Exotic. p. 618, et seq. See also his history of Japan by
Scheuchzer. Lond. 2 Vol. Fol. App. p. 3. Geoffr. Mat. Med. Vol. II.
p. 276. Other figures of this shrub are represented in Piso Itinere
Brasilico, Kircher’s China Illustrata, and Dutch Embassy.
[13] Osbeck, in his voyage to China, speaking of the Camellia, says,
“I bought one of a blind man in the street, which had fine double
white and red flowers. But, by farther observing it in my room, I
found that the flowers were taken from another; and one calyx was
so neatly fixed in the other with nails of bamboo, that I should
scarce have found it out, if the flowers had not begun to wither. The
tree itself had only buds, but no open flowers. I learned from this
instance, that whoever will deal with the Chinese, must make use of
his utmost circumspection, and even then must run the risk of being
cheated.” Vol. VII. p. 17. Mocquet in his Travels and Voyages, An.
1606, l. 4. p. 264, relates a curious piece of deception practised by
a Chinese of Canton. “A Portuguese,” he says, “bought a roasted duck
at a cook’s shop in Canton. Seeing it look well, and appearing to be
very fat, he carried it with him on-board his vessel, to eat it; but,
when he had put his knife within it to cut it up, he found nothing
but the skin, which was upon some paper, ingeniously fitted up with
little sticks, which made up the body of the duck; the Chinese
having very dexterously plucked away the flesh, and then so well
accommodated this skin, that it seemed to be a true duck.”
[14] This writer observes, that the Chinese have also an herb, out
of which they press a delicate juice, which serves them for a drink
instead of wine: it also preserves their health, and frees them from
all those evils “that the immediate use of wine doth breed unto us.”
By the use the modern Chinese make of Tea (who are a sober people) it
can be nothing else. Anderson’s Chronolog. Deduction of Commerce.
[15] Some authors add Siam also. Vid. Sim. Pauli Comment. et Wilh.
Leyl. epist. apud Simon. Pauli comment. Nich. Tulpius observ.
Medicin. lib. IV. cap. lx. Lond. 1641.
[16] Le Compte’s Journey through the Empire of China, p. 112.
Staunton’s Embassy, Vol. II. p. 96. and particularly p. 68.
[17] Kalm’s Travels into North America, Vol. II. p. 314. The
following note is added by the ingenious English translator in the 2d
edition, Vol. II. p. 141:
“On my travels through the desart plains, beyond the river Volga, I
have had several opportunities of making the same observations on
Tea; and every traveller in the same circumstances will readily allow
them to be very just.” Forster, ibid.
See Brydone’s Tour through Sicily and Malta, Let. 6. In letter 20, he
says, “We have travelled all night on mules; and arrived here about
ten o’clock, overcome with sleep and fatigue. We have just had an
excellent dish of tea, which never fails to cure me of both; and I am
now as fresh as when we set out.” Captain Forrest, in his Voyage to
New Guinea, relates several instances wherein the sailors experienced
the exhilarating effects of this infusion.
[18] Fischer’s Libirische Geschichte, Vol. II. p. 694-697. Monthly
Magazine, Vol. VI. p. 60.
[19] Hanway’s Journal of Eight Days Journey, Vol. II. p. 21. The
same author observes, that Tea sold at this time for sixty shillings
a pound. Anderson, in his “Chronological Deduction of Commerce,”
remarks, that the first European author that mentions Tea wrote in
the year 1590. However, by the preceding catalogue, it will appear,
that this subject had been considered much earlier.
In Renaudot’s anciennes Relations, Paris, 1718, p. 31, mention is
made of two Arabian travellers who visited China about the year 850;
and related, that the inhabitants of that empire had a medicinal
beverage, named chah or sah, which was prepared by pouring boiling
water on the dried leaves of a certain herb, which infusion was
reckoned an efficacious remedy in various diseases.
[20] By an act made this year, the duties of Excise on malt liquor,
cyder, perry, mead, spirits, or strong waters, coffee, tea, sherbet,
and chocolate, were settled on the King during his life. Then it was
that Coffee, Tea, and Chocolate, were first mentioned in the statute
book. Noorthouck, in his History of London, remarks, that King
Charles II. issued a proclamation for shutting up the coffee-houses,
&c. about a month after he had dined with the Corporation of London,
at Guildhall, on their Lord-Mayor’s day, Oct. 29, 1675. At this feast
the King afforded the Citizens abundant matter for animadversion, in
which they indulged themselves so much to his dissatisfaction, and
that of his _cabal_ ministry, that a proclamation was issued December
20, for shutting up and suppressing all coffee-houses; “because, in
such houses, and by occasion of the meeting of disaffected persons in
them, divers false, malicious, and scandalous reports were devised
and read abroad, to the defamation of his Majesty’s government, and
to the disturbance of the quiet and peace of the realm.” The opinions
of the judges were taken on this great point of stopping people’s
tongues, when they sagely resolved, “that retailing of Coffee and Tea
might be an innocent trade; but as it was used to nourish sedition,
spread lies, and scandalize great men, it might also be a common
nuisance.” In short, on a petition of the merchants and retailers of
Coffee and Tea, permission was granted to keep open the coffee-houses
until the 24th of June next, under an admonition, that the masters
of them should prevent all scandalous papers, books, and libels,
from being read in them; and hinder every person from declaring,
uttering, or divulging all manner of false or scandalous reports
against government or the ministers thereof. Thus, by a refinement
of policy, the simple manufacturer of a dish of Coffee or Tea was
constituted licenser of books, corrector of manners, and arbiter of
the truth or falsehood of political intelligence over every company
he entertained! And here the matter ended. Chap. 15.
In May 1784 an act was passed, called the Commutation Act, “for
repealing the several duties on Tea, and for granting to his Majesty
other duties in lieu thereof; and also several duties on inhabited
houses.”
[21] The second edition was published under the title of Van The,
Coffy, en Chocolate. Haag. 1685. 8vo. The late Baron Van Swieten
censures this physician for his remarkable bias in favour of this
exotic. Comment. Vol. V. p. 587. Est modus in rebus, may be as aptly
applied to Dr. Bontekoe as to Dr. Duncan.
[22] In this province, this shrub is called Thee, or Te; and as the
Europeans first landed here, that dialect has been preserved. Le
Compte’s Journey through the Empire of China, p. 227. Du Halde’s
History of China, Vol. IV. p. 21.
[23] The best Tea grows in a mild temperate climate; the country
about Nankin producing better Tea than either Pekin or Canton,
between which places it is situated. It has been asserted, that no
Tea-plants have yet died in England through excess of cold; but the
contrary, I know, has happened. The plant in the Princess Dowager’s
garden at Kew flourished under glass windows, with the natural
heat of the sun, as now do those at Mile-end, in the possession of
the intelligent Botanist J. Gordon. The Tea-plant belonging to Dr.
Fothergill thrives in his garden at Upton, exposed to the open air,
and the plant introduced into the Botanic garden at Chelsea had one
leaf which measured five inches and a quarter in length.
[24] Du Halde and other authors have observed, that the degree of
cold in some parts of China is very severe in winter. In the inland
parts of North America, and on extensive continents, the degrees of
heat and cold are found to be much more violent than in islands or
places bordering on the sea in the same latitude, as the air that
blows over the sea is liable to less variation in these respects,
than that which blows over large tracts of land.
[25] Amœnitat. Exotic. p. 618, et seq. History of Japan. Appendix to
Vol. II. p. 6, et seq.
[26] The same cautions are not used previous to collecting other
sorts of Tea.
[27] This cannot be the sort to which also the Dutch give that name,
as it is sold upon the spot to the princes of the country, for much
more than the common bloom Tea is sold for in Europe. Kæmpfer,
Amœnit. Exotic. p. 617. History of Japan, Appendix, p. 9. Neumann’s
Chemistry by Lewis, p. 373.
[28] In this case the under leaves, which are harsh and less
succulent, are probably left upon the trees. See Eckeberg’s Chinese
Husbandry in Osbeck’s Voyage, Vol. II. p. 303.
[29] Du Halde’s History of China, Vol. IV. p. 21.
[30] Du Halde, Vol. II. p. 300. Kæmpfer observes, in his History
of Japan, that the trade between these nations has continued from
remotest antiquity; formerly the Chinese had a much more general
intercourse with the Japanese than they have at present; the affinity
in the religion, customs, books, learned languages, arts and sciences
of the Chinese with the latter, procured them a free toleration in
Japan. History of Japan, Vol. I. p. 374.
[31] Some writers mention copper pans, and suppose that the green
efflorescence which appears on copper may increase the verdure of
green Tea; but, from experiments that I made, there does not appear
any foundation for this supposition. See SECT. VIII.
[32] Sir G. Staunton, Embassy to China, observes that the Tea leaves
are each rolled separately between the fingers of a female, Vol. II.
p. 465.
[33] This should be carefully attended to, in curing the fine green
Teas, to preserve their verdure and perishable flavour. See SECT.
VIII. ad finem.
[34] This is also done in China. See Eckeberg’s Chinese Husbandry in
Osbeck’s Voyage, Vol. II. p. 303.
[35] Journey through the Empire of China.
[36] Upon this subject, see SECT. VII. and VIII. It may be doubted
also whether the conclusion of Le Compte’s relation is not erroneous,
as it is improbable that any leaves should of themselves take so
perfect a curl as that in which Tea is brought into Europe. No
materials are used but iron and earthen for drying Tea, as observed
in note 1, p. 33.
[37] There are several disgusting circumstances attending the
preparation of Tea. Osbeck says, the Chinese servants tread the Tea
into the chests with their naked feet. Voyage to China, Vol. I. p.
252. Sir George Staunton makes a similar remark, Vol. II. p. 466.
[38] Du Halde’s History of China, Vol. IV. p. 21. Osbeck’s Voyage to
China, Vol. I. p. 246, et seq.
[39] The Chinese have another kind of Hyson Tea, which they call
Hyson-utchin, with narrow short leaves. Another sort of green Tea
they name Go-bé, the leaves of which are narrow and long.
[40] Padre sutchong has a finer taste and smell than the common
sutchong. The leaves are large and yellowish, not rolled up, but
expanded, and packed up in papers of half a pound each. It is
generally conveyed by caravans into Russia. Without much care, it
will be injured at sea. This Tea is rarely to be met with in England.
[41] There is a sort of Tea called lin-kisam, with narrow rough
leaves. It is seldom used alone, but mixed with other kinds. By
adding it to congo, the Chinese sometimes make a kind of pekoe Tea.
Osbeck’s Voyage to China, Vol. I. p. 249.
[42] The best bohea Tea is named by the Chinese tao-kyonn. An
inferior kind is called An-kai, from a place of that name. In the
district of Honam near Canton, the Tea is very coarse, the leaves
yellow or brownish, and the taste the least agreeable of any. By the
Chinese it is named Honam té, or Kuli té.
[43] This renders what has been observed at the conclusion of SECT.
I. more probable.
[44] A certain moderate degree of heat preserved the verdure and
flavour better than a hasty exsiccation. In the first case, it is
necessary to repeat the roasting oftener.
[45] Infusions of fine bohea Teas do not differ a great deal in
colour from those of green. To spirit they equally impart a fine deep
green colour.
[46] I am informed by intelligent persons, who have resided some
time at Canton, that the Tea about that city affords very little
smell whilst growing. The same is observed of the Tea plants in
England; and also of the dried specimens from China. We are not hence
to conclude, that art alone conveys to Teas when cured the smell
peculiar to each kind; for our vegetables, grasses for instance, have
little or no smell till dried, and made into hay.
[47] See Thunberg’s Flora Japonica, from which work the Botanic
History of the Olea Fragrans is chiefly taken.
[48] The hundredth part of a grain of copper, dissolved in a pint of
liquor, strikes a sensible blue with volatile alkalies. Neumann’s
Chemistry, by Lewis, p. 62. The finest imperial and bloom Teas shewed
no sign of the presence of this metal by experiment.
[49] See Short on Tea, p. 16. Boerhaave attributed the verdure of
green Tea to this substance.
[50] “It is confidently said in the country, that no plates of copper
are ever employed for that purpose. Indeed, scarcely any utensil used
in China is of that metal, the chief application of which is for
coin. The earthen or iron plates are placed over a charcoal fire,
which draws all remaining moisture from the leaves, rendering them
dry and crisp.” Sir G. Staunton’s Embassy, Vol. II. p. 465.
[51] Kæmpfer, Amœnit. Exot. p. 625. History of Japan, Vol. II. App.
p. 10. 16.
[52] Osbeck’s Voyage to China, Vol. I. p. 299.
[53] This is called koitsjaa, that is, thick Tea, to distinguish it
from that made by infusion.
[54] An inferior kind of Tea is infused, and drank in the Chinese
manner. SECT. VI. II. and SECT. IX. I.
[55] History of China, Vol. IV. p. 22.
[56] In public roads, and in all places of much resort in Japan, and
even in the midst of fields and frequented woods, Tea booths are
erected; as most travellers drink scarcely any thing else upon the
road. Kæmpfer’s History of Japan, by Scheuchzer, Fol. Vol. II. p. 428.
[57] Myrica Gale. Goule, Sweet Willow, or Dutch Myrtle. Hudson’s
Fl. Angl. p. 368. Linn. System. Natur. Vol. III. p. 651. A plant of
peculiar fragrance, found in the North of England, Brabant, and other
Northern countries. Simon de Molingriis was the first who opposed
this opinion of Simon Paulli, by shewing the difference betwixt this
species of myrtle and the oriental Tea. See also Wilh. Leyl. epist.
apud Sim. Paulli comment. &c.
[58] Figures of the same were published in the Acta Haffniensia, and
German Ephemerides, Dec. 11. Ann. IV.
[59] Nouveau Voyage aux Iles de l’Amerique, Paris, 1721, 12mo. 6 vol.
[60] This shrub I have frequently met with in the West-Indies.
[61] Two specimens of this plant are now in the physic garden at
Upsal. About the year 1755, they were brought over from China by
M. Lagerstrom, a director of the Swedish East-India Company, under
the supposition of being Tea-plants, till they appeared in blossom,
when they proved to be this species of Tsubakki, called by Linnæus,
Camellia. Spec. Plant, p. 982. This celebrated Naturalist says, “That
the leaves of his Camellia are so like the true Tea, that they would
deceive the most skilful botanist; the only difference is, that
they are a little broader.” Amœnit. Academ. Vol. VII. p. 251. See
also Ellis’s Directions for bringing over foreign Plants, p. 28. A
Camellia was brought in 1771 from China in good health; the leaves
of this shrub end in a double obtuse point (obtusely emarginated)
like those of the Tea tree, which makes them still more liable to be
mistaken for those of the latter. Kæmpfer observes, that the leaves
of a species of Tsubakki are preserved, and mixed with Tea, to give
it a fine flavour. Amœnit. Exotic. p. 858. It is now a common plant
in the green-houses about London.
[62] Mich. Frid. Lochner, de novis Theæ et Coffeæ Succedaneis. Hall.
1717. 4to. Veronica officinalis. Flor. Suec. p. 12. Veronica Chamædr.
Fl. Suec. p. 18. Pechlin Theophilus bibaculus, Franckfort. 1684.
Francus, de Veronica vel Theezantem. Coburg. 1690. 12mo. 1700. 12mo.
Paris, sub titulo, le Thè de l’Europe. 1704 and 1707, 12mo. Frid.
Hoffman de infusi Veronicæ efficacia præferenda herbæ Theæ, Hall. an.
1694. 4to.
[63] Fr. Afforty & Jos. de Tournefort ergo potus ex Salvia salubris,
1695. Wedel, de Salvia, 4to. 1707. Jena. Paulini nobilis salvia Ang.
Vindel. an. 1688. 8vo.
[64] Simon Paulli de abusu Theæ et Tabaci. Strasburg, 1665. Lond.
1746.
[65] Botanical writers celebrate this herb for its many virtues;
hence arose the Italian proverb, “_Vende la tonica, et compra la
Betonica_.”
[66] In the year 1776, an act was passed for the more effectual
prevention of the manufacturing of ash, elder, sloe, and other
leaves, in imitation of Tea; and to prevent frauds in the revenue of
Excise in respect to Tea, 17 George III. chap. 29, being an amendment
of the act 4 George II. intituled, “An Act to prevent Frauds in
the Revenue of Excise with respect to Starch, Coffee, Tea, and
Chocolate.” In the Appendix, from Sir George Staunton’s Embassy to
China, this is particularly detailed.
[67] Joseph Serer Lettera sopra la bevanda del Caffé Europæo,
Veron. An. 1730. Rose leaves are here substituted for those of Tea.
Godofred. Thomasius Thea ex Rosis in Cent III. Nat. curiosor. n. 199.
See also Cent. vij. obs. 15. by J. A. Fischer.
[68] See Neumann’s Chemistry, by Lewis, p. 375. J. Adrian. Slevogt,
De Thea Romana et Silesiaca, an. 1721. Aignan. le prêtre Medecin,
avec un Traité du Caffé, et du Thé de France. Paris. an. 1696. 12mo.
This author, whose name is probably corrupted, prefers balm leaves to
those of the Asiatic Tea.
M. Fr. Lockner, de novis et exoticis Thee et Cafe succedaneis
Noriberg. 1717. 4to. Et in Eph. Nat. Cur. Cent. vj.
J. Franc. Nic. Faber, de Thea Helvetica, Basil. 1715. 4to.
J. Georg. Siegesbeck, de Theæ et Caffeæ succedaneis in Kanoldiana
collectione, an. 1722. Jan.
Zanichelli obzervazioni intorno all abusodella Coffea ed alla vertute
di innuovo Te-Venegiano. Venez. 1755. 4to.
K. Collegii medici Rundgiorelse om den misbruk som Thee, och Caffe
drickande är unders kastot, samt anwisning pa Swenka örter, at Brucka
i stâlle for Thee Stokholm, 1746. 4to.
Conf. Murray, appar. Medicam. Vol. IV. p. 232. & seq.
[69] In some parts of Europe, however, Tea is yet a stranger. See
Brydone’s Tour through Sicily and Malta, Let. 6.
[70] See Directions for bringing over seeds and plants from the
East-Indies, by J. Ellis, F. R. S. &c. in which particular directions
are given, both to choose the proper seeds, and to preserve them
in the best manner for vegetation. See also the Naturalist’s and
traveller’s companion, containing instructions for discovering and
preserving objects of natural history, SECT. III. We may observe
here, that the best method of bringing over the parts of flowers
intire is to put them in bottles of spirit of wine, good rum, first
runnings, or brandy. In the directions, &c. above-mentioned the
learned naturalist has not recommended this easy method of preserving
the parts of fructification; but in a future edition, I am informed
he purposes to do it. Flowers of the Illicium Floridanum, or starry
anniseed tree, published in the last volume of Philosophical
Transactions (LX.) were sent to him in this manner.
In a paper by John Sneyd, Esq. inserted in the Transactions of the
Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Vol. XVI. p. 265, a method
of preserving seeds is related, which appears to have been highly
successful; this is merely by packing up seeds in absorbent paper,
and surrounding the same by raisins, or brown moist sugar; which,
by experiment, seems to afford that genial moisture requisite to
preserve the seeds in a state fit for vegetation.
Thouin, in his directions to the unfortunate navigator Pèrouse,
recommends the seeds to be placed “in alternate layers of earth or
sand, in tin boxes, which must be closed up exactly, and placed in
solid cases, which should be covered with waxed cloth; the boxes
should be put in a part of the ship the least accessible to moisture,
and the most sheltered from extreme heat or cold.” Vol. I. p. 278.
[71] “The carrying of trees cannot be done, with any hope of success,
except in boxes, wherein they may vegetate during the voyage. For
this purpose it is necessary to have a box forty inches long by
twenty broad, and as much in depth, with a dozen holes bored through
the bottom, for the superabundant water to run off. Its upper part
must be composed of a triangular frame, upon which lattice work of
iron wire must be fitted, with glazed frames and window shutters,
to keep up a free circulation of air, encrease the warmth when
necessary, and keep out the cold.” Pèrouse’s Voyage, Vol. I. p. 283.
[72] Another method has succeeded with some North American seeds, by
putting them into a box, not made too close, upon alternate layers of
moss, in such a manner as to admit the seeds to vegetate, or shoot
their small tendrils into the moss. In the passage, the box may be
hung up at the roof of the cabin; and, when arrived here, the seeds
should be put into pots of mold, with a little of the moss also about
them, on which they had lain. This method has procured us seeds in
a state fit for vegetation, which had often miscarried under the
preceding precautions; and therefore might be tried at least with Tea
and other oriental seeds. In order to succeed more certainly, some
of the Tea seeds, in whatever manner they may have been preserved,
should be sown when the vessel arrives at St. Helena, and also after
passing the tropic of Cancer, near the latitude of 30 degrees North.
[73] The high price of labour in this country may prove the principal
objection to this prospect. In China provisions are very cheap.
Osbeck says, that a workman who lives upon plucking of Tea-leaves,
will scarce be able to get more than one penny a day, which is
sufficient to maintain him. Voyage to China, Vol. I. p. 298.
[74] The following extract from Gerard’s Herbal, p. 780. ed. 1636.
though foreign to the subject of this Essay, is so curious, that
it may not be deemed improper to transcribe it. “Potatoes grow in
India, Barbarie, Spaine, and other hot regions, of which I planted
diuers rootes (that I bought in the Exchange in London) in my garden,
where they flourished untill winter, at which time they perished and
rotted.” At this date, he adds, “they were roasted in the ashes;
some, when they be so roasted, infuse them, and sop them in wine;
and others, to give them the greater grace in eating, do boile them
with prunes, and so eate them. And likewise others dresse them (being
first roasted) with oile, vinegar, and salt, every man according to
his own taste and liking.”
“These rootes (he observes) may serue as a ground or foundation
wheron the cunning confectioner, or sugar-baker, may worke and frame
many comfortable delicate conserves, and restorative sweete meates.”
In 1664 J. Foster published his “England’s Happyness increased by a
Plantation of Potatoes,” 4to.
“Captain Hawkins is said to have brought this root from Santa Fè, in
New Spain, A. D. 1565. Sir Walter Rawleigh soon after planted it on
his lands in Ireland; but, on eating the apple, that it produced,
which is nauseous and unwholesome, he had nearly consigned the whole
crop to destruction. Luckily the spade discovered the real potatoe,
and the root became rapidly a favourite eatable. It continued,
however, for a long time to be thought rather a species of dainty
than of provision; nor, till the close of the 18th century, was it
supposed capable of guarding the country where it was fostered, from
the attacks of famine.” Andrews’s History, Vol. I. p. 408. Comp.
Mocquet’s Travels, p. 54.
Shakespeare, very early also in this century, mentions this root in
the Merry Wives of Windsor, one edition of which, in 4to. was printed
in 1619. Vide Scene III. Falstaff.
[75] Compare Joh. Ludov. Hannemane de potu calido in Miscell. curios.
Simon Paulli de abusu Theæ et Tabaci. Tissot on the diseases of
literary and sedentary persons, &c. with Waldsmick in Disput. var.
argum. &c.
[76] See Percival’s Experimental Essays, p. 119, et seq. wherein many
ingenious experiments and observations are related.
[77] In this experiment, four ounces of infusion were drawn from two
drachms of each kind of Tea, and one grain of sal martis added to the
respective infusions.
See Neumann’s Chemistry by Lewis, page 377. Short, on the Nature and
Properties of Tea, p. 29. The first author I have met with, that
tried this experiment, was J. And. Hahn, who wrote in the year 1722.
De herbæ exoticæ Theæ infuso, ejusque usu et abusu, Erford, 4to.
Though it should be premised, that Nic. de Blegny, who published his
work, intituled, _Le bon usage du Thé_, &c. in 1680, takes notice of
the astringency of Tea, from which quality he deduces many of its
virtues. Vid. Act. Eruditor. V. vi. page 49. Ann. 1688.
[78] J. Andr. Hahn takes notice also of the odour of the water
distilled from Tea.
[79] The same author prepared an extract from this Tea, though in a
less proportion than my experiment afforded, or what Neumann relates
from his.
[80] Theæ infusum, nervo musculove ranæ admotum, vires motrices
minuit, perdit. Smith, Tentamen inaugurale de actione musculari.
Edinburgh, p. 46. Exper. 36.
[81] Two drachms of this odorous water were given to a delicate
person. He was soon after affected with a nausea, sickness, general
lowness, and debility, which continued for some hours, which he
observes usually follows the use of superfine green Tea.
Smelling forcibly at the same has occasioned similar effects upon
some delicate people. Dr Blegny, who wrote in 1680, attributes
considerable virtues to this fragrant odour, which he recommends to
be breathed into the lungs, where it acts as a sedative, according
to his own relation, producing sleep, and relieving pains of the
head. Agreeable to Counsellor De Blegny’s experience, I know a lady,
frequently troubled with a nervous head ache, who used to hold her
head over a hot infusion of Tea, and thus receive the fragrant
exhalation, which always affords her the most instantaneous and
effectual relief.
[82]
Arboribus primum certis gravis umbra tributa est
Usque adeo, capitis faciant ut sæpe dolores,
Si quis eas subter jacuit prostratus in herbis.
Est etiam in magnis Heliconis montibus arbos
Floris odore hominem tetro confueta necare.
LUCRETIUS, B. 6.
[83] Vol. I. p. 282. Ed. 2.
[84] In some parts of Scotland the common people give children large
draughts of sugar and water to destroy worms. See also Boerhaav.
Elem. Chemiae, Tom. II. p. 160. Historisch Verhaal. &c. inde
Voorreeden Bezoar. London, 1715, 8vo. Slare de Sacchar. et lapid.
Van. Swieten Commen. v. V. p. 586. Duncan, in his Avis Salutaire,
frequently introduces sugar as an agreeable poison, though he offers
no proof in support of this epithet. Dr. Robertson, in his History of
Charles V. Vol. I. p. 401, 8vo. observes, that “some plants of the
Sugar-cane were brought from Asia; and the first attempt to cultivate
them in Sicily was made about the middle of the 12th century. From
thence they were transplanted into the southern provinces of Spain.
From Spain they were carried to the Canary and Madeira Isles, and at
length into the New World. Ludovico Guicciardini, in enumerating the
goods imported into Antwerp, about the year 1560, mentions the sugar
which they received from Spain and Portugal as a considerable article
of import. He describes that as the product of the Madeira and Canary
islands. Deseritt. de Paesi Bassi, p. 180, 181. The sugar-cane was
either not introduced into the West-Indies at that time, or the
cultivation of it was not so considerable as to furnish an article
in commerce. In the middle ages, though Sugar was not raised in such
quantities, or employed for so many purposes, as to become one of the
common necessaries of life, it appears to have been a considerable
article in the commerce of the Italian States.” It is, however, well
ascertained, that the Sugar Cane is indigenous to South America, and
the West Indies. Moseley on Sugar, p. 29.
[85] Granger’s Sugar Cane, 4to. p. 109. See also p. 9.
Dulces bibebant ex arundine succos. LUCAN.
Μελι καλαμινον το λεγομενον σακχαρι. ARRIAN.
[86] Whytt’s Works, 4to. p. 642.
[87] From these instances of the deleterious effects of Tea, one
might be led to suppose that the same unhappy consequences would
frequently attend those who are employed in examining and mixing
different kinds of Tea in China; but there the Teas are mixed under
an open shed, through which the air has a free current, by which the
odour and the dust are dissipated: but in London this business is
usually done in a back room, confined on every side.
[88] Van Swieten, in his Commentaries on Boerhaave’s aphorisms,
speaks of the effects of Tea and Coffee in the following manner.
“Vidi plurimos, his potibus diu abusos, adeo enervatum corpus
habuisse, ut vix languida membra traherent, ac plures etiam apoplexia
et paralysi correptos suisse.” Tom. III. § 1060, p. 362, de paralysi.
[89] Vide Trattato di Medicina preservation: Scritto da Carlo
Gianella. Veron. 1751. p. 112. Simon Pauli, who took a pleasure in
opposing the use of Tea, indulges himself with the irony of the
following lines:
_Drinct Wiin and warff_,
_Drinct Beer and verdarff_,
_Drinct Waater and starff_:
Or;
Drink Wine, and profit;
Drink Beer, and grow thin;
Drink Water, and die.
[90] See Du Halde’s history of China, V. III. p. 362. He observes
here, that bleeding is not entirely unknown amongst the Chinese.
[91] The late Owen Salusbury Brereton, Esq. a gentleman well known
among the learned, had in his possession a MS. dated “apud Eltham,
mense Jan. 22, Hen. viij.” intituled, “Articles devised by his
Royal Highness (the title of Majesty was not given to our Kings
till a reign or two after), with Advice of his Council, for the
Establishment of good Order and Reformation of sundry Errors and
Misuses in his Household and Chambers.” In p. 85, “The queen’s maids
of honour to have a chet loaf, a manchat, a gallon of ale, and a
chine of beef, for their breakfasts.” Compare the Archæologia,
published by the Society of Antiquaries of London, Vol. III. p. 157.
Hume’s History of England, Vol. IV. p. 499. Historia delle cose
occorse nel regno d’Inghilterra in materia del Duca di Notomberlan
dopo la morte di Odvardo vi. Venice, 1538.
[92] Philosophical Transactions, Vol. LX. 1770. p. 368, & seq.
[93] Sistens Observationes ad vires Theæ pertinentes. Lugd. Batav.
1769.
[94] See Anson’s Voyage round the World, 8vo. p. 366, and many later
authorities.
[95] See likewise Du Halde’s History of China, Vol. II. p. 75, 130,
et seq. Les Lettres Curieuses et Edifiantes des Jesuites.
[96] Milton’s Paradise Lost.
[97] Vid. Alex. Rhod. Sommaire, &c. J. N. Pechlin. Obs. xxvii. de
Remed. Arthr. Prophylact. p. 276. Baglivius in doloribus calculosis
et podagricis eam specialiter commendavit, p. 117. Vogel. Mat. Med.
Thee Folia. Sir G. Staunton, Vol. II. p. 68, 69.
[98] By long boiling, water is certainly freed from some of the
earthy and saline substances it may contain, and thereby rendered
considerably softer; but it is by no means altered in these respects
by infusing with Tea. See Percival’s Experiments and Observations on
Water, p. 27 et 33.
[99] This is particularly remarked, as one of the good effects of
Tea, by De Blegny, who wrote in 1680, which he probably copied from
Alex. Rhod. Sommaire des divers Voyages, &c. printed in 1653. See
also Chamberlayn on Coffee, Tea, and Chocolate, p. 40. Le Compte’s
Memoirs and Observations, p. 227. Home’s Principia Medicinæ, p. 5.
Cheynæi Tractatus, p. 89. Percival’s Experimental Essays, p. 130.
Tissot on the Diseases of Literary and Sedentary persons, p. 145, &
seq. Dr. Kirkpatrick, in his notes upon this Work, relates the case
of a Lawyer, who had been troubled for some time with the gravel and
stone, and taken many medicines in vain; till at length he resolved
to try the effects of Tea, an account of which is given by himself
in the following words. “I had never used myself to Tea, so that
the drink was new to me. I took a quarter of an ounce of fine bohea
Tea, and, pouring a quantity of boiling water upon it, suffered the
infusion to stand till it grew cold. I then poured it off clear,
and drank three cups of it in the morning, at the distance of about
an hour between each, two cups fasting, one after breakfast, and
a fourth two hours after dinner. The first day, the only effect
produced was a more plentiful discharge of urine; but the second day
I voided in the morning twelve large fragments, a nucleus of the size
of a small pea, with some gravel; and what gave me more satisfaction
was, that the use of the Tea kept my body open as in perfect health.”
[100] See Percival’s Experimental Essays, p. 126. Duncan, in his Avis
Salutaire, takes occasion to be merry upon the use and influence of
Tea and hot liquors; whilst he would not deprive voluptuous persons
of their idol, he would prevent it from burning its adorers, as
_Moloch_ did. Methuselah, he observes, who lived near 1000 years, was
a water-drinker; but, since the time of Noah, the first wine-drinker,
the life of man is contracted, and diseases augmented.
[101] See Dr. Walker’s excellent Remarks, in Memoirs of the Medical
Society, Vol. II. p. 43.
[102] Essays on Husbandry, p. 166.
[103] Vol. I. p. 202, and 299.
[104] If we include the quantity smuggled into this kingdom, the
consumption might be calculated at half a million more.
[105] Compare Sir George Staunton’s Embassy, vol. I. p. 22.
* * * * * *
Transcriber’s note:
The change noted in the ERRATUM at the end of the book has been
applied to the etext.
In the original text the latin and english botanical descriptions
were placed side by side in two columns. In this etext the english
description has been indented and placed under the latin one.
(Part I Section I and Section VIII).
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in
the public domain.
Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
Pg 8: ‘ .147’ replaced by ‘p. 147’.
Pg 35: ‘earthern pots’ replaced by ‘earthen pots’.
Pg 51 Footnote [59]: ‘Iles d l’Amerique’ replaced by
‘Iles de l’Amerique’.
Pg 65 Footnote [81]: ‘head-ach’ replaced by ‘head ache’.
Pg 75: ‘head ach’ replaced by ‘head ache’.
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