Tirant lo Blanch; a study of its authorship, principal sources and historical setting

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Title: Tirant lo Blanch; a study of its authorship, principal sources and historical setting
Author: Vaeth, Joseph Anthony
Language: English
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AUTHORSHIP, PRINCIPAL SOURCES AND HISTORICAL SETTING ***

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Columbia University
STUDIES IN ROMANCE PHILOLOGY AND
LITERATURE

TIRANT LO BLANCH

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS SALES AGENTS

NEW YORK
LEMCKE & BUECHNER
30-32 WEST 27TH STREET

LONDON
HUMPHREY MILFORD
AMEN CORNER, E.C.

SHANGHAI
EDWARD EVANS & SONS, LTD.
30 NORTH SZECHUEN ROAD

TIRANT LO BLANCH

A STUDY OF ITS AUTHORSHIP
PRINCIPAL SOURCES AND HISTORICAL
SETTING

JOSEPH A. VAETH, PH.D.

INSTRUCTOR IN ROMANCE LANGUAGES
IN NEW YORK UNIVERSITY

[Illustration]

New York
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
1918
_All rights reserved_

BY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS

Printed from type, May, 1918

_Approved for publication, on behalf of the Department of Romance
Languages and Literatures of Columbia University._

HENRY ALFRED TODD

NEW YORK, December, 1917.

PROFESSOR RAYMOND WEEKS

WHOSE ENTHUSIASM, SCHOLARSHIP AND DEVOTION TO FRANCE
HAVE BEEN OF SUCH FAR-REACHING INFLUENCE IN
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE STUDY OF
ROMANCE LANGUAGES IN AMERICA,
THIS BOOK IS GRATEFULLY DEDICATED

PREFACE

On my return to Columbia University in the fall of 1914 for the purpose
of continuing my studies, I consulted Professor H.A. Todd in regard to
available subjects for a doctoral dissertation. In the course of our
conversation he called my attention to a large volume which had been
presented to him by Mr. Archer M. Huntington. It was a facsimile copy
of the first edition of the Catalan romance of chivalry, _Tirant lo
Blanch_. Realizing that here was an opportunity to become intimately
acquainted with a work that was made well known, in name at least,
by Cervantes in his celebrated _Don Quijote_, I eagerly accepted
the suggestion of Professor Todd to examine the book with a view of
ascertaining what possibilities _Tirant lo Blanch_ might offer in the
field of literary investigation. I immediately began to consult the
local libraries, and discovered that no elaborate and extensive study
of this work had been made. After I had read the romance my mind was
made up that the subject of my dissertation would be based on this
Catalan work. I saw in it an abundance of material which provided
excellent opportunities for research work. I experienced no little
difficulty in selecting the special problems and investigations which
were to claim my close and serious attention. Fortunately I again
looked over the cards in the Catalogue of the Library of the Hispanic
Society, and to my surprise I found a new card which indicated that a
critical study of this Catalan work had been published in 1912, the
_Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_ by Givanel Mas. After a careful
study of this comprehensive and scholarly production and all other
available sources of information pertaining to this subject, I found
myself deeply interested in the question of the authorship of this
romance, its principal sources, and its historical setting.

During the course of my researches and investigations, I have on
numerous occasions been the recipient of favors and acts of kindness
which, although not bearing directly on my work, nevertheless
facilitated my labors and stimulated my efforts. I therefore take
advantage of this opportunity to express my most sincere thanks to
the following persons: to Doctor Peter H. Goldsmith, Director of the
Inter-American Division of the American Association for International
Conciliation, and Editor of the _Inter-America_; to Don F. Javier
Salas, Consul General of Spain at New York; to Professor H.C. Heaton of
New York University; and to Mr. Louis Imbert of Columbia University.

To Professor E.B. Babcock of New York University I am deeply indebted
for sympathetic encouragement and valuable suggestions, and for his
patient reading of the proof-sheets.

I am exceedingly grateful to Professor J.L. Gerig of Columbia
University for a critical reading of the MS., for suggesting certain
improvements, for his good will and helpful advice, and for his final
reading of the proof-sheets.

It is extremely difficult to express in an adequate manner my
appreciation and gratitude to Professor H.A. Todd, who, from the
beginning to the end of the work, advised, guided, and encouraged me.
His kind and never-failing interest in his students and their work is,
it is needless to say, a constant source of inspiration.

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION 1

Quotation from _Don Quijote_, with comments.—Valencia
edition of _Tirant lo Blanch_.—Barcelona edition of 1497,
of which the only complete copy known is in the library of the
Hispanic Society.—Other editions and translations published.—Scope
of this study.

PART I. ANALYSIS OF _TIRANT LO BLANCH_

CHAPTER I. THE WILLIAM OF WARWICK EPISODE 7

William of Warwick a noble and valiant English knight.—He
makes a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, returns, and lives as
a hermit near Warwick.—Moorish invasion of England.—William
of Warwick becomes the hermit-king and the
commander of the English forces.—Defeat and annihilation
of the Moors.—He gives back to the former king the
royal insignia, and retires to a new hermitage.—The King
of England announces an assembly of the General Court in
London.—Meeting of Tirant lo Blanch and the hermit,
William of Warwick, at the hermitage.—The marriage of
the king and the festivities of the General Court.—On his
way back to Brittany Tirant visits the hermit.—The
principal events that took place near and in London.—Tirant
proclaimed the best knight.—His exploits: he vanquishes
two champions of the field, also the Lord of Viles
Hermes; without arms he kills a fierce mastiff; he vanquishes
the kings of Friesland and of Poland, and the dukes
of Burgundy and of Bavaria; his prospective combat with
Kirielayson de Muntalba; he defeats Thomas de Muntalba;
combat with the Knight Villa Formosa.—Narration concerning
the Order of the Garter.—Tirant takes leave of the
hermit and returns to Brittany.

CHAPTER II. TIRANT SUCCORS THE KNIGHTS OF RHODES 26

Tirant is received with great honors in the city of Nantes.
He learns that the knights of Rhodes are besieged by the
Moors and are in a desperate plight.—On a large ship
heavily laden with provisions he, accompanied by Philip,
the youngest son of the King of France, sets sail for Rhodes.—Makes
landing at Lisbon.—Voyage resumed.—Ship
attacked by Moorish vessels but finally reaches Sicily.—Philip
becomes a suitor for the hand of the Sicilian princess,
Ricomana.—The king of Sicily accompanies Tirant and
the ship succeeds in reaching the castle of Rhodes.—The
Moors raise the siege.—Tirant, with his royal companions,
goes to Jerusalem and then to Alexandria, where he ransoms
many Christian captives.—Philip marries Ricomana.

CHAPTER III. TIRANT JOINS THE EXPEDITION OF THE KING
OF FRANCE AGAINST THE INFIDELS 31

Tirant, in a galley of his own, joins the combined fleet
of the Christians.—Attack on the city of Tripoli in Syria
fails.—Quarrel between Tirant and Ricart lo Venturos for
the honor of being the last to board the ship.—The Turkish
coast is plundered and devastated and fleet sails for Tunis.—In
the attack on that city Tirant falls in a ditch and is
rescued by Ricart.—Tunis is captured.—Fleet sailed along
coast of Barbary and finally disbanded at Marseilles.—Tirant
visits his parents and then, at the request of Philip,
returns to Sicily.

CHAPTER IV. TIRANT ENTERS THE SERVICE OF THE EMPEROR
OF CONSTANTINOPLE 33

At the request of the Emperor of Constantinople, Tirant
sets sail for that imperial city, and immediately upon his
arrival is named commander of the Emperor’s forces.—He
falls in love with the charming princess, Carmesina.—Opposition
to Tirant.—Princess warns him against the
treacherous Duke of Macedonia.—Tirant’s novel way of
confessing his love.—Review of the Imperial troops.—First
encounter with the Turks.—The Duke defies Tirant.—Two
thousand soldiers sent by the Grand Master of
the Knights of Rhodes arrive to help Tirant.—Tirant’s
strategy wins another victory.—The Turks decide that
Tirant must be slain.—The King of Egypt’s challenge
accepted by Tirant.—Quarrel between Tirant and the
Duke.—Five thousand men sent by Philip, now king of
Sicily, arrive to join Tirant.—Emperor and Princess visit
the camp.—Great rout of the Turks.—Tirant’s companion,
Diaphebus, appointed Constable.—Tirant captures
ships laden with provisions for the enemy.—Fleet of the
Grand Caramany and the King of Sobirana India dispersed
and the royal leaders captured.—Tirant obliged to remain
in bed in Constantinople in order that a serious wound received
in naval battle may heal.—Arrival of five thousand
“franc archers.”—Tirant’s passionate love.—Viuda
Reposada’s jealousy.—Diaphebus marries Stephania.—Tirant
in Carmesina’s chamber.—Hippolyte and the Empress.—Tirant
and Carmesina exchange vows.—Tirant
embarks to return to camp.—Tirant’s ship is driven by a
storm to the shores of Barbary, where it is wrecked.

CHAPTER V. TIRANT CONQUERS ALL BARBARY 54

Tirant reaches the shore and takes refuge in a cave.—He
is discovered and sent to a castle in the kingdom of
Tremicen as a prisoner.—He takes up arms in defense of this
kingdom, which is attacked by Scariano, the King of Tunis.—Maragdina,
the daughter of the King of Tremicen, is
captured by Scariano, who, in his turn, is captured by
Tirant.—Maragdina, Scariano, and a multitude of Moors
become Christians.—Several Moorish kings of Barbary determine
to exterminate the Christians, but are forced to
give up their designs.—Tirant now makes up his mind to
conquer all Barbary.—The siege of Montagata.—Senyor
Dagramunt and Plaer de mi Vida become the king and queen
of Fez and Bugia.—Caramen, the last city to oppose the
Christians, is captured.—Tirant gathers an army of
250,000 men at Constantine to reconquer all the lost territory
for the Emperor of Constantinople.—Christianity is
firmly established in Barbary.

CHAPTER VI. TIRANT RETURNS TO CONSTANTINOPLE AND
THE GREEK EMPIRE IS COMPLETELY RESTORED 61

Tirant’s immense expedition surprises the Moorish vessels
which blockade the port of Constantinople.—The Sultan
and the Grand Turk sue for peace.—Tirant’s visit to the
Imperial Palace.—The Emperor’s conditions of peace
accepted by the Moors.—The betrothal of Tirant and
Carmesina.—He is proclaimed Caesar of the Empire and
successor to the imperial crown.—He sets out with a large
army to accomplish the restoration of the empire.—This
task completed, he starts back for Constantinople.—His
death.—The despair and passing away of the Emperor
and Carmesina.—Hippolyte becomes Emperor.

PART II. AUTHORSHIP OF _TIRANT LO BLANCH_

CHAPTER I. IN WHAT LANGUAGE WAS _Tirant lo Blanch_
FIRST WRITTEN? 69

Purport of dedicatory letter.—Note at the conclusion
of the book.—Reasons for doubting the accuracy of the
statements made by Martorell and de Galba.—Was there
an English original of _Tirant lo Blanch_?—Was there a
Portuguese translation or a Portuguese original?—Parallel
passages from Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ and from
_Tirant lo Blanch_.—Others from _Lo Somni d’En Bernat
Metge_ and from Martorell’s work.—Strong evidence that
_Tirant lo Blanch_ was originally written in Catalan.

CHAPTER II. IN WHAT WAY WAS DE GALBA CONNECTED
WITH THE PRODUCTION OF _Tirant lo Blanch_? 91

De Galba asserts that he translated the fourth part, the
end of the work.—The book is not divided into four parts.—The
inconsistency of the proposed seven parts explained.—Internal
evidence refutes the statements of de Galba.—Perhaps
he composed the last chapter.—Probably did no
more than to prepare the MS. for the printer.

PART III. COMPARATIVE STUDY OF _TIRANT
LO BLANCH_ AND THE SOURCES: _GUY OF
WARWICK_; LIFE OF ROGER DE FLOR IN
MUNTANER’S _CHRONICA_; AND LULL’S _LIBRE
DEL ORDE D’CAUAYLERIA_

CHAPTER I. WILLIAM OF WARWICK STANDS FOR THE MATURE
GUY OF WARWICK 97

View generally held that Tirant lo Blanch stands for
Roger de Flor.—A close study of _Guy of Warwick_ tends to
change that view.—The William of Warwick episode is
based on the latter part of the career of Guy of Warwick.—The
principal part of Lull’s work which was utilized
in the episode.

CHAPTER II. TIRANT LO BLANCH RESEMBLES YOUNG GUY
OF WARWICK 104

Tirant and Guy are victors in knightly contests.—Their
love affairs.—Guy’s career at Constantinople.—Comparison
with Tirant’s career at that imperial city.

CHAPTER III. ROGER DE FLOR’S CAREER AT CONSTANTINOPLE 112

Arrival of the Catalan-Aragonese expedition.—Battle
between the _almogávares_ and the Genoese.—First victory
over the Turks.—Roger begins his triumphant march
through Anatolia.—Arrival of reinforcements.—The
power of the Turks completely broken.—Roger proclaimed
Caesar of the empire.—He is slain at Adrianople.—Points
of resemblance in the careers of Tirant lo Blanch and Roger
de Flor.

CHAPTER IV. OTHER MATERIAL FROM THE _Chronica_ UTILIZED
BY MARTORELL 117

The Emperor’s attitude towards the Genoese.—Xor
Miqueli.—Arrival of reinforcements.—The story of Paris
and Helen.—En Fernan de Ahones.—The raising of the
siege of Messina.

CHAPTER V. OTHER MATERIAL FROM _Guy of Warwick_ 122

The shipwreck of Heraud.—The story of Earl Jonas of
Darras.—Felice was well versed in the seven arts.—Guy’s
desperate love.—Oisel’s devotion to Tirri.—Felice justifies
her attitude towards Guy.—Felice’s expression of
grief and despair as Guy lies dead on the bier before her.—The
love story which unfortunately is debased by the
author.—Conclusion: Tirant lo Blanch bears a stronger
resemblance to Guy of Warwick than to Roger de Flor.—The
exploits of Roger de Flor do not constitute the principal
source of _Tirant lo Blanch_.

PART IV. THE HISTORICAL BASES UPON WHICH
TIRANT’S SPHERES OF OPERATION ARE FOUNDED

CHAPTER I. THE WILLIAM OF WARWICK EPISODE 133

This episode is given a setting in the first part of the
fifteenth century.—Henry VI and Richard of Beauchamp.—Sir
John Stuart and the Duke of Exeter.—The author’s
method in composing his work.

CHAPTER II. CONCERNING THE ORDER OF THE GARTER 140

Inconsistency of two passages in _Tirant lo Blanch_.—Circumstances
that led to the institution of this Order.—Names
of members selected by the King.—Golden Collar of
the members.—Although some of the details are inaccurate
from a historical standpoint, yet Martorell reveals an intimate
knowledge of the Order.

CHAPTER III. TIRANT SUCCORS THE KNIGHTS OF RHODES 146

The attempt of the Genoese to capture Rhodes.—Rhodes
threatened by the Turks.—Siege of Rhodes, in 1444,
forms the historical background of Tirant’s enterprise.

CHAPTER IV. TIRANT JOINS THE EXPEDITION OF THE KING
OF FRANCE AGAINST THE INFIDELS 150

Certain incidents and geographical names pertaining to
this expedition coincide with certain others in connection
with the Crusades of Louis IX.—Joinville’s description
of the king’s leap into the sea compared with a later version.

CHAPTER V. TIRANT CONQUERS AND CHRISTIANIZES ALL
BARBARY 152

Portuguese campaigns against the Moors do not furnish
any material for this undertaking.—Statements in regard to
the origin of _Tirant lo Blanch_ apparently refuted.—Muntaner’s
_Chronica_ furnished historical background for Tirant’s
activities in Barbary, perhaps suggested by Guy of Warwick.

CONCLUSION 158

General description of _Tirant lo Blanch_.—This Catalan
romance of chivalry is a composite historical novel, with
a hero of a composite historical character.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 163

INDEX 165

TIRANT LO BLANCH

INTRODUCTION

In Chapter VI of the immortal work, _Don Quijote de la Mancha_, is
given a glowing account of the burning of the books to which were
ascribed the mental derangement of the “ingenioso hidalgo.” In the
passage in question, Cervantes, speaking through the priest, pays
the following tribute to the Catalan romance of chivalry, _Tirant lo
Blanch_:

[1]Válame Dios, dijo el Cura, dando una gran voz.—Que aquí esté
Tirante el Blanco! Dádmele acá, compadre; que hago cuenta que he
hallado en él un tesoro de contento y una mina de pasatiempos. Aquí
está D. Quirieleisón de Montalbán, valeroso caballero, y su hermano
Tomás de Montalbán, y el caballero Fonseca, con la batalla que el
valiente de Tirante hizo con el alano, y las agudezas de la doncella
Placerdemivida, con los amores y embustes de la viuda Reposada, y la
señora Emperatriz, enamorada de Hipólito, su escudero. Dígoos verdad,
señor compadre, que, por su estilo es éste el mejor libro del mundo:
aquí comen los caballeros, y duermen, y mueren en sus camas, y hacen
testamento antes de su muerte, con otras cosas de que todos los demás
libros deste género carecen. Con todo eso, os digo que merecía el que
lo compuso, pues no hizo tantas necedades de industria, que le echaran
á galeras por todos los días de su vida.[2]

[1] Bless me, cried the Priest in a low voice, and is _Tirante
the White_ here? Give it to me, gossip, for I reckon that I have
found herein a treasure of delight and a mine of entertainment.
Here you have Don Qurieleison of Montalvan, the valiant cavalier,
and his brother Thomas of Montalvan, and the Knight Fonseca, with
the fight which the valiant Tirante had with the big mastiff,
and the witty conceits of the damsel Placer-de-mi-vida, and the
amours and tricks of the widow Reposada, and my Lady the Empress
in love with Hippolito, her squire. I tell you truth, good master
gossip, that this for its style is the best book in the world.
Here the Knights eat and sleep and die in their beds, and make
their wills before dying, with other things that are wanting
in all other books of this sort. For all this, I say that he
who wrote it is well-deserving; for he did not commit follies
purposely which should send him to the galleys for the term of
his life—_Don Quixote of La Mancha_, translated by Henry Edward
Watts, London, 1888.

[2] _Cervantes, El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha._
Edited and annotated by Francisco Rodríguez Marín, Madrid, 1911;
vol. I, chap. vi, pp. 160-163.

The last sentence of this quotation is not clear. It has become
the subject of many comments and discussions, but no wholly
satisfactory explanation has resulted. Menéndez y Pelayo
intimates that probably the sign of negation should be omitted
from the clause “pues no hizo tantas necedades de industria.”
If this were done the passage would make good sense. In the
second volume, page 76, of his _Introducción a los Orígenes de
la Novela_ he suggests another explanation. He quotes a passage
from Juan Rufo which reads as follows: “mas a fe que en algo
errárades, y yo fuera presidente, que os avia de _echar a galeras
pues no_ podiades _hazello de ignorancia_.” He is of the opinion
that Cervantes expressed or intended to express the same idea
as that contained in the words just quoted, but that in some
way “industria” was substituted for “ignorancia.” If Cervantes
had used the latter word instead of the former, the sentence in
question would be free from obscurity. However that may be, it
is evident that the judgment of Cervantes concerning _Tirant lo
Blanch_ was expressed in a humorous way. Almost the whole of
it consists of words of praise. The only adverse criticism is
to be found in the last sentence, whereby Cervantes voices his
objections to the nonsense and obscene features of the work.

According to Menéndez y Pelayo, the whole sentence would be clear
if the clause, “pues no hizo tantas necedades de industria,” were
not one of negation. It seems to me possible and practicable to
remove the negative meaning from the clause without omitting or
changing any words that are now found in the text. The clause
may be made affirmative, emphatically affirmative, by resorting
to the rhetorical device of converting it into a negative
interrogation. The sentence may as a result appear complicated,
but orally expressed it would not seem unnatural or forced. The
passage, with this change in punctuation, would read: “Con todo
eso, os digo que merecía el que lo compuso, pues, ¿no hizo tantas
necedades de industria? que le echaran á galeras por todos los
días de su vida.”

_Tirant Lo Blanch_ was first published in Valencia, in 1490. Of this
edition there are three copies extant: one in the British Museum,
another in the Biblioteca Provincial in Valencia, and the third in
the library of the Hispanic Society of New York.[3] Mr. Archer M.
Huntington, founder of the above Society and a distinguished patron of
Spanish letters, had two hundred facsimile copies made from the last
one mentioned.[4] One of these was used in the investigations connected
with this dissertation.

[3] For the history and description of these three copies see
D. Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart, _La Edición príncipe del “Tirant lo
Blanch” Cotejo de los tres ejemplares impresos en Valencia, en
1490, únicos conocidos hoy día_ (_Discursos leídos en la Real
Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona en la recepción pública
de D. Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart_, Barcelona, 1907). Also see Juan
Givanel Mas, _Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_, Madrid, 1912;
pp. 27-34.

[4] _Ibid._, p. 59.

A second edition was published in Barcelona, in 1497. While I was in
that city in the summer of 1915, I saw fragments of a copy of this
edition in the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. It is to these fragments
that Givanel Mas refers in the following words: “Los únicos pliegos
que se conocen hoy día de la edición barcelonesa de 1497 del Tirant lo
Blanch, se hallan en la Biblioteca del Institut d’Estudis Catalans;
comprenden desde el capítulo ccxviiii al ccccxciii y del ccccxxxix al
ccccxlv.”[5]

[5] _Ibid._, p. 41, footnote 2.

It therefore affords me great pleasure to be able to announce that the
Hispanic Society of New York has in its possession a complete copy
of the edition of 1497. It is gilt edged and is bound in leather of
a yellowish, almost brown, color. Its back is decorated with gilded
lines and bears the title _Roman del Cavaller_ | _Tirant Blanc_ |
Barcelona | 1497. The title page is missing, but at the end of the
book a fragment of paper bearing the words “Tirant lo Blanch” in large
letters is pasted on a flyleaf. This fragment is probably a part of
the title page. The edges of several pages at the beginning and at the
close of the book had been torn, but they have been neatly mended. A
considerable number of pages are somewhat soiled, but all are easily
legible. The facsimile reproduction of a page of the fragments in
Barcelona, which Givanel Mas has inserted in his work, coincides
exactly with the corresponding page of the book in the library of the
Hispanic Society. This author has also set forth other interesting
details concerning the edition of 1497.[6] The colophon of the edition
reads:

[6] _Ibid._, pp. 38-42.

A honor y gloria d’nostre senyor deu Jeusucrist: fon principiat a
stampar lo present libre per mestre Pere miquel condam y es acabat
per Diego de gumiel castella en la molt noble e insigne ciutat de
Barcelona a .xvi. de Setembre d’l any .M. CCCC. XCVII.[7]

[7] To the honor and glory of our Lord God, Jesus Christ: the
printing of this book was begun by Master Pere Miquel Condam and
is completed by Diego de Gumiel, a Castilian, in the most noble
and excellent city of Barcelona on the sixteenth day of September
of the year 1497.

In 1873 Don Mariano Aguiló y Fuster of Barcelona began the publication
of a new edition, but it was not completed until 1905. In this edition
the work is divided into four volumes.[8]

[8] For further information concerning this edition, see Juan
Givanel Mas, _op. cit._, pp. 43-58.

A Spanish translation of _Tirant lo Blanch_ was published in
Valladolid, in 1511.[9] The name of the translator is not known. The
eminent Catalan book-lover and scholar, Don Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart, of
Barcelona, has a copy of it in his library. We have no information in
regard to the existence of any other copy. An Italian translation was
made by Lelio Manfredi and published in Venice, in 1538.[10] A French
translation by the Comte de Caylus was published about 1737; London is
given as the place of publication, but this is probably incorrect.[11]

[9] _Ibid._, pp. 61-76.

[10] _Ibid._, pp. 70-89.

[11] _Ibid._, pp. 90-104.

In the course of my studies of _Tirant lo Blanch_, I have found myself
confronted by three important questions: (1) What are the real facts
concerning the authorship of this book of chivalry? (2) Is it true
that Tirant, the hero of the book, stands for the historic personage
Roger de Flor, in connection with the Catalan-Aragonese expedition to
Constantinople in the early years of the fourteenth century? (3) What
are the historical data utilized by the author in the composition of
his work? Each of these problems I have investigated, and the processes
and results are duly set forth in their appropriate places in this
work. Three distinct parts of it will be devoted to a consideration of
these three questions. They will be preceded by an analysis of _Tirant
lo Blanch_, to which the reader will be referred whenever it may be
deemed expedient or necessary. The analysis is, moreover, intended to
throw light on all the points mentioned in the quotation from _Don
Quijote_; to give a fuller account of the activities of Tirant than has
been done up to the present time; and to give as accurate an idea of
the book as a reasonable allotment of space will permit.

PART I

ANALYSIS OF TIRANT LO BLANCH

CHAPTER I

THE WILLIAM OF WARWICK EPISODE

On the delightful island of England there lived a noble and valiant
knight. For many years he performed with great honor the duties
pertaining to knighthood. This noble representative of chivalry was
Earl William of Warwick. He was very strong and well-trained in the
use of arms. Many were the battles in which he took part, and many a
formidable adversary was vanquished by him. (Chap. 2)

Having reached the age of fifty-five years, moved by sorrow and
contrition for the many deaths he had caused in his knightly career,
he resolved to do penance for his sins by making a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem. The announcement of his intention to the Countess, his
wife, caused her a severe shock. The Earl called his servants before
him and paid them all that was due them and much more. To the Countess
he gave possession of the whole county, with the privilege of doing
with it what she wished. He caused a gold ring to be made bearing his
escutcheon and that of the Countess. This ring was wrought in such a
way that it could be divided into two parts, each being a complete
ring in itself, but showing only one half of the escutcheons. One
of these he gave to the Countess, asking her to keep it until his
return. In long lamentations she bewailed her sad fate. But the Earl
was resolute, and with tears streaming down his cheeks took leave of
his wife and son, the latter being only three months old. Leaving the
city of Warwick accompanied by a squire, he sailed to Alexandria, and
thence made his way to Jerusalem. Here he made a careful and contrite
confession of his sins and received Holy Communion. After visiting
the Holy Sepulcher and other holy places in this city, he returned to
Alexandria, and set sail for Venice, where he dismissed his squire,
who, in accordance with the instructions given him by his master,
spread the report that Earl William of Warwick was dead. The Earl also
had merchants write letters to England, in which they told that William
of Warwick had died while returning from Jerusalem. The Countess was
grief-stricken when she received the bad tidings, and caused funeral
obsequies to be celebrated in a manner befitting the Earl’s station.
(Chaps. 2-4)

After some time had elapsed the Earl returned to his native land. He
was greatly changed in appearance. Long hair hung over his shoulders,
and his snow-white beard reached to his girdle. In the garb of a
Franciscan monk, he came to a hermitage of Our Lady not far distant
from the city of Warwick, and there lived all alone, avoiding all
worldly affairs in order that he might make atonement for his
transgressions. Once a week he went into the city of Warwick to solicit
alms. No one recognized him, on account of his beard and long hair. He
used to go to the Countess to ask for charity, and she, touched by his
profound humility, would give to him more than to the other mendicants.
And thus he lived undisturbed for some time. (Chap. 4)

Now it happened that corsairs had plundered a city belonging to the
King of Canary. This Moorish king became enraged when he heard of it,
and prepared a great fleet to invade England. One dark night this
fleet entered the port of Dantona [Hampton, i.e. Southampton]. The
Moors disembarked without being seen or heard by the English. When
the English king was informed of this invasion, he quickly gathered
all his available men to drive back the invaders, but his forces were
defeated and he was obliged to retreat towards the city of Saint Thomas
of Canterbury. Along a river near this place he made a stand, but
was again defeated. After losing nine battles, one after another, he
sought refuge in the city of London. But the scarcity of provisions
soon compelled him to evacuate this place, and he withdrew to the
city of Warwick, which was well supplied with food, arms and all the
instruments of warfare. The Countess offered all that was in her county
to the unfortunate monarch. The Moors pursued the retreating forces,
and on the way captured the castle of Alimburch [Wellingborough?].
The English king from a tower in the city of Warwick could see the
Moors devastating the land and slaying his Christian people, both men
and women. Dark despair came over him. He could not bear this sight,
but came down from the tower and retired to a small chamber where he
lamented and prayed. In his great affliction, he bowed his head upon
the bed, and presently it seemed to him that a beautiful lady in white,
with a child in her arms, entered the chamber. She was attended by
many other ladies who were chanting the “Magnificat.” When the singing
ceased, the Lady approached him, and, placing her hand on his head, she
said: “Fear not, O King; have confidence; the Son and the Mother will
help you in your great tribulation. As a sign of peace, kiss on the
mouth the first man with a long beard whom you shall see, and who will
ask you for alms. Request him to lay aside his garment, and make him
captain of all your forces.” When the king opened his eyes the vision
had vanished, but the dream had been so vivid that he could not forget
it. The next morning the hermit, William of Warwick, while gathering
herbs, saw the Moorish forces overrunning all the surrounding country,
and sought refuge in the city of Warwick. He went to the castle to
ask the Countess for alms, and there met the king, whom he immediately
approached. He knelt down before him and asked for charity. The king,
bidding him arise, kissed him on the mouth and led him into a room of
the castle, where he asked him to put aside his penitent garb and to
take up arms. The hermit at first declined, but finally agreed to yield
to the wishes of the king, since he would be taking up arms to defend
Christianity and to spread the Holy Catholic faith. (Chaps. 5-10)

In his travels in the East the hermit had learned to make certain
grenades which would burn and which no water could extinguish. For
several days he was busy making some of these. One day he informed
the king he was ready to carry out a plan by which he hoped to deal
a severe blow to the enemy. That night he disguised himself as a
Moor and, carrying a number of grenades, reached the camp of the
invaders. He set fire to the camp, and while the infidels were trying
to extinguish the fire, the English came out of the city and attacked
them. Many Moors were slain, and the rest fled in disorder to the
castle of Alimburch. (Chaps. 10-12)

From this place, the great King of Canary sent ambassadors to the
English king with a letter in which he proposed that, to avoid further
bloodshed, the two kings should engage in mortal combat. If the Moorish
king should be the victor, the English king was to recognize him as
his lord and pay a heavy tribute every year. If, on the other hand,
the English king should win, then the Moors were to return to their
own land, and England should again enjoy peace. This proposal was
immediately accepted by the English sovereign. (Chaps. 13-14)

Then the King of England convened the General Council to deliberate
over the matter. The hermit was first asked to give his advice. He
suggested that since the Moorish king was a strong and hardy man, and
the English king young and feeble, some one who was more likely to win
over such a formidable adversary should fight in place of England’s
king. Moreover, he proposed that the Duke of Lancaster, the uncle of
the king, should be the person to represent him in the combat. But
immediately three dukes, the Duke of Gloucester, the Duke of Bedford,
and the Duke of Exeter, protested loudly that, since they were more
closely related to the king, the honor of representing him should
devolve upon them. But the king was unwilling that any one should fight
in his place. However, he was finally persuaded that this should be
done, and he yielded only on condition that he be permitted to name
the substitute, to whom he also intended to surrender the royal crown
and scepter. He nominated the hermit, who wished to decline, but was
finally induced to put on the royal robes. The regal power was then
conferred upon him in the presence of a notary. Arms were brought, from
which he was to select those that he preferred. But he chose none of
these. He asked that the arms of William of Warwick be obtained from
the Countess. The latter sent certain arms, but they were not the ones
that he wanted. Those that he desired were kept in the chamber of the
Countess. The astonished lady gave the hermit permission to enter her
chamber, and he there equipped himself for the coming combat. (Chaps.
14-19)

The hermit-king spent all that night in the church, kneeling before the
altar, upon which he had placed his arms. After mass the next morning
he ate to strengthen his body and then armed himself for the fight.
Finally the adversaries met, and the fighting was fast and furious.
Suddenly the hermit-king cut off one of his opponent’s arms, and a few
moments later, his head. England’s champion had won, and great was the
rejoicing among the Christians. (Chap. 19)

The next day the English sent ambassadors to the infidels to request
them to leave the country, as had been stipulated in the agreement made
before the combat took place, but the Moors in great wrath cut off the
heads of these ambassadors. They put the heads in a sack and sent them
back to the English. The hermit-king was astounded when this cruel and
treacherous deed was reported to him, and he made a solemn vow never to
go under any roof except that of the church to hear mass, until he had
driven the whole Moorish tribe out of the kingdom. And he ordered that
all male subjects of the crown over the age of eleven years and under
seventy should take up arms to fight the invaders. (Chaps. 19-20)

When the Countess learned that her son, who was barely eleven years
old, would be obliged to fight the Moors, she became frantic. She
implored the hermit-king to permit her to keep her son, the only
comfort of her life, but he would not yield to her entreaties. And when
the boy himself expressed an eagerness to go against the enemy, she
realized that all her petitions would be in vain, and, with despair in
her heart, she gave the lad her blessing. (Chaps. 20-22)

The hermit-king gathered his forces and led them out upon a plain
before the city, and there they established their camp. Around it a
high wall was thrown up. An opening was left on one side and there
caltrops were placed and pitfalls were dug. When the Moors attacked
the camp, they were slaughtered in great numbers. Finally they began
to retreat. The Christians followed them and killed many more in the
pursuit. The young son of the Countess slew a doughty Moor, and the
king, after dubbing him, threw him upon the slain Saracen, so that the
boy’s hands and face became covered with blood. That was the lad’s
baptism of blood. (Chaps. 24-25)

After this disastrous defeat the Moors again returned to the castle
of Alimburch. The English made an assault upon this stronghold and
succeeded in setting it on fire. The infidels were obliged to come out,
and all that emerged were slain, while all the rest that were found in
the kingdom were put to death. The victorious English then marched to
Dantona, threw into the sea all the Moors that they encountered there,
and destroyed all the ships in which they had come. (Chap. 25)

When peace and order were again established on the island of England,
the hermit-king decided to make himself known to the Countess, and
in order that he might be free to return to his hermitage and his
penitential life, he purposed to restore the kingdom to the former
sovereign. (Chap. 26)

Accordingly, he sent a chamberlain with the half-ring to the Countess.
The messenger said to her: “He who has loved you with infinite love,
and who still loves you, sends you this ring.” She took it and was
startled. She hurried to her chamber, where she said a short prayer.
Then she opened the jewel-case and took a ring from it. She placed
one of the rings on top of the other, and behold they fitted together
perfectly and the escutcheons were complete. All perturbed and excited,
she rushed towards the door, but before she was able to reach it, she
fell to the floor in a swoon. The chamberlain hurried to the king and
announced that the Countess had fallen dead. The king hurried to her
room. Doctors were already there trying to revive her. Finally she
recovered her senses, arose, and threw herself on her knees before the
king, who raised her up from the floor and embraced her and kissed her
many times. Then he announced that he was the Earl of Warwick. And when
the people generally knew that the hermit-king was their own William of
Warwick, there was great rejoicing. All the nobility went to the church
with the reunited couple and offered up to heaven infinite praise and
thanks. Then, in a triumphant procession, they returned to the castle,
where a sumptuous banquet was served. (Chap. 26)

Nine days later there arrived four hundred carts laden with gold
and silver, all of which had been taken from the Moors. The Duke of
Bedford, the Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Salisbury, and the Earl of
Stafford were put in charge of this immense treasure. A meeting of the
General Council was ordered for the next day. (Chap. 26)

At this council the earl gave instructions concerning the distribution
of the booty, and restored to the former ruler the crown, scepter,
and royal robes. He himself immediately put on again the garb of the
Franciscan order. The reinstated king begged him to remain at his
court. He offered him the principality of Wales, but he would not
accept it. All the members of the council besought him to stay, but
he answered that he must return to serve God. When the king realized
that he could not induce him to dwell amongst them, he gave half of
the kingdom of Cornwall to the earl’s son, to whom was also granted
the privilege of wearing an iron crown. The hermit gave thanks to the
king for the gift and the honors bestowed on his son, and then bade
farewell to His Majesty and his court. He went to a small villa in his
county, where he remained several days. The king sent him thirty carts
loaded with the most precious things contained in the booty captured
from the Moors, but he refused to accept any of it. When the king left
the city of Warwick he sent for the earl’s son, and, at the city gate,
he appointed him Grand Constable of all England. Then the king departed
for London. (Chap. 27)

The Countess visited her husband, the hermit, in the villa, and finally
persuaded him to have a hermitage built, which was to consist of a
church, with an apartment on each side of it, one for him and the
other for her. After its completion, and just about the time that they
were going to live there, the Earl of Northumberland came to them as an
ambassador of the king. His mission was to request the noble couple to
come to London. The king was going to marry the daughter of the King
of France, and was anxious that the Countess should instruct the queen
in the practices and customs of England. The hermit replied that he
must keep the vow that he had made to serve God, but he should be very
happy if the Countess would be willing to go. And the Countess, moved
by the wish of her husband and by a sense of duty to her sovereign
lord, expressed her willingness to comply with the king’s request. And
thus, William of Warwick and his wife were again separated; she went to
London, and he entered the new hermitage, which stood in a dense grove,
in which there was a clear spring, whose waters flowed with a gentle
murmur through the flowers and green grasses of a beautiful meadow. And
every day after the hermit had finished his hours he would come out
under a beautiful pine tree that stood in the center of this meadow, to
watch the animals that came to drink from this crystal spring. (Chap.
27)

The King of England, in order to keep his people well-trained in the
use of arms, and to celebrate his approaching marriage in a befitting
manner, announced that a General Court would be held in London at which
many exercises of arms should take place. The announcement of the great
festivities which the king was preparing was spread throughout all the
Christian lands. Now it happened that a young nobleman from Brittany
started on his way to attend the great event, and with him several
other youths. And as they were riding along, he dropped somewhat behind
the others, and, being weary from the long journey, fell asleep. His
steed, instead of following the company, took a path which led to the
crystal spring where the hermit was reading a book entitled _Arbre de
Batalles_. When the horse came to the spring, it lowered its head to
drink, and this movement awakened the rider, who opened his eyes and
saw before him the white-bearded hermit. Quickly dismounting, he bowed
to him. The hermit received him kindly, and asked his name, and why he
had come to that deserted place. The youth answered: “My father is Lord
of the March of Tirania, and my mother’s name is Blancha; therefore it
has pleased them to call me Tirant lo Blanch.” He then related that
he and several young noblemen were on their way to attend the General
Court which the English king had announced and at which those who
wished to become knights would have an opportunity to realize their
ambition. When he had said this, the hermit grew pensive and, when
asked wherefore, replied that he was thinking of knighthood and the
duties and obligations of knights. Young Tirant then begged him to tell
about the order of knighthood. The hermit read to him a chapter from
the _Arbre de Batalles_, which was a kind of treatise on the order of
chivalry. And he explained the origin of chivalry; its noble purpose;
the significance of the arms and the different parts of armor; how
a knight who has disgraced the order is degraded; and he named some
of the great knights of olden times. When asked who were the best
knights of England at that very time, he mentioned the names of the
good knight Muntanyanegre, the Duke of Exeter, and Sir John Stuart.
Tirant, disappointed at this answer, asked why he did not make mention
of the Earl William of Warwick, who had won so many battles in France
and Italy, and in many other countries; who had saved the life of the
Countess of Belestar, accused of adultery by her husband and her three
sons; who had snatched a child away from a lion and returned it to
its mother; and who vanquished the Moors in England and liberated many
English captives. The hermit replied that he had heard of William of
Warwick, but having never seen him he did not mention his name. (Chaps.
28-38)

While Tirant was receiving instructions in knighthood from the hermit,
his companions were traveling on, and, although he would gladly have
remained longer, it was necessary to depart if he did not wish to
travel to London alone. The hermit bade him farewell, and gave him the
book. He invited Tirant to visit him on his return, and the invitation
was accepted. Then the young aspirant for the honors of knighthood
resumed his journey to London. Some of his companions, when they missed
him, turned back, and when they found him, he was riding along reading
the book. The company of young men arrived in London a few days before
the beginning of the festivities. (Chap. 39)

The feast of St. John was the wedding day of the king, and on that day
began the festivities of the General Court. The celebration continued
for a year and a day. Then the visitors took leave of the king and the
queen, and returned to their respective homes. Tirant, remembering
his promise, stopped at the hermitage with his companions. They were
embraced one by one by the venerable man, and then they sat down with
him on the grass underneath the large pine tree. At the request of the
hermit, Tirant described the principal events that had taken place at
London. He told of the generous hospitality of the king; of the great
procession when the king went out of the city to meet his betrothed;
of the manner in which the exercises of arms were conducted; and of
the splendor and merriment at the royal nuptials. He spoke also of
those who essayed their skill in knightly combats, praising highly
the Duke of Aygues Vives, the Duke of Cleves, and the brother of the
Duke of Burgundy. But the contest that he admired most of all was the
one in which a youth who did not seem to be more than fourteen or
fifteen years old took part. This youthful knight was called the Grand
Constable of England. His mother and the king, too, had forbidden him
to participate in any of the combats. But he came to Tirant and asked
him for permission to use his arms and steed. He begged so well that
Tirant was unable to refuse. In this contest the youth slew the Senyor
de Escala Rompuda. The king chided him for having entered the lists
without permission, but the young Constable answered that it was not
right that he should be denied the privilege of following the footsteps
of his valiant father, William, Earl of Warwick. The Countess sent
for Tirant and begged him never again to do anything that might cause
her to lose the only joy and comfort that she had in this life. And
he promised that he would never willingly put the life of her son in
jeopardy. (Chaps. 39-57)

The hermit had already twice asked who had been declared the best
and greatest knight among the victors. But Tirant seemed to pay no
attention to his questions. And finally the hermit said: “But, Tirant,
why do you not answer my question?” Then arose one of the company and
his name was Diaphebus. He drew forth a parchment saying that the
document in his hands would answer the question. This he read to the
hermit, who was delighted when he heard that it was a proclamation to
the world that the noble and valiant Tirant lo Blanch was declared the
best knight of all those that had taken part in the exercises of arms
at the festivities connected with the General Court. It also contained
the instructions given by the king that Tirant should be placed on a
white steed and that all, walking with the king, should escort the
hero to the church of Saint George, where a solemn high mass would be
celebrated in honor of this most excellent knight. The document was
signed by “Rex Enricus,” and by judges of the field, heralds, and the
great lords in attendance. (Chaps. 57-58)

After the reading of the document, the hermit asked Diaphebus to tell
of some of Tirant’s exploits, whereupon our hero withdrew from the
company to busy himself with giving orders for the putting up of the
tents and the preparation of supper. Diaphebus then related how Tirant
was the first person upon whom the honor of knighthood was conferred,
and the first one to engage in combat with one of the champions of
the field. In this contest, which was fought on horseback, he slew
his adversary. Then he challenged another champion of the field to
a _combat à outrance_ on foot. In this he succeeded in striking his
opponent to the ground. Not wishing to take his life, he asked the
fallen knight to beg for mercy, but the latter answered that he was
the Caualler de Muntalt, knighted by the Earl of Warwick, loved and
feared by many, and that he preferred to die with honor rather than
live in disgrace. And Tirant, regretting that knights were by their
very profession obliged to be cruel, placed the point of his dagger
over the eye of his victim, and then struck a sharp blow on the end of
the handle so that the point came out on the other side of his head.
(Chaps. 58-60)

One day the king and the queen, accompanied by many knights and ladies,
went out into a meadow for recreation. With them was “Beautiful Agnes,”
the daughter of the Duke of Berry. On this day she wore a precious
brooch. Tirant approached her and praised her many excellent qualities.
He then asked her for that brooch, saying that in return for the favor
he would be willing to meet any knight in a _combat à outrance_. She
gave him permission to take it. Thereupon Tirant detached it from her
bodice and fastened it on his cap. The following day the Senyor de les
Viles Ermes, a valiant and well-trained knight, came to Tirant, and,
after telling him that from his very childhood he had loved Agnes,
demanded that the brooch be given him. Threatening to kill Tirant
if the latter should refuse, he tried to take it from him by force,
whereupon a fight ensued in which the friends of each took part, and
twelve men were killed before peace could be restored. Three days
later, the Senyor de les Viles Ermes sent a challenge to Tirant and
it was immediately accepted. Tirant relinquished his right to select
the arms, and also gave his adversary the privilege of designating
the manner in which the duel was to be fought. Thereupon the latter
specified that the combat should be fought on foot. Each of the
combatants should wear a plain shirt, and have a wreath of flowers on
his head. No other clothing was to be worn. Each should be provided
with a paper shield and a pointed double-edged Genoese dagger. The
duel was fought in a neighboring forest early in the morning. The two
adversaries inflicted many horrible wounds on each other. Their white
shirts were red with the blood that flowed copiously from their wounds.
Gradually they grew weaker and weaker. Finally Tirant made a desperate
thrust and struck his opponent just over the heart. At the same time he
himself received a blow on the head which made him sink to the ground
even before his antagonist fell dead. Four of Tirant’s wounds were
pronounced fatal, but fortunately they gradually healed and his life
was saved. (Chaps. 60-68)

The Prince of Wales, too, had come to attend the festivities, and since
he was fond of hunting he brought with him several enormous dogs. One
day the king, accompanied by several knights, visited him. And it
happened that on that same day Tirant was riding by the house in which
the prince lived. A large mastiff having broken loose from his chain,
came out and rushed towards Tirant. Our hero dismounted and drew his
sword, and when the dog saw the gleaming blade, it turned away. The
king and the prince saw this, and the latter, knowing the ferocious
nature of the animal, remarked that a splendid fight was in prospect.
Tirant remounted his steed and proceeded on his way, but he had hardly
advanced twenty paces, when the mastiff again rushed at him with great
fury, and the rider was a second time obliged to alight from his horse.
He again drew his sword and advanced towards the savage animal, when
the latter, being afraid of the shining weapon, retreated. Then Tirant
threw aside his sword, for he concluded that it was not right nor fair
that he should use arms when the dog had none. The mastiff rushed for
the weapon, seized it with his teeth, and carried it a short distance
away. And as he came back towards Tirant, the latter said: “Now we
shall fight on equal terms; I shall use the same kind of weapons to do
you harm, as you will employ against me.” They attacked each other with
fierceness. The gigantic mastiff caused Tirant to fall three times.
Finally the latter seized the raging beast by the throat and strangled
it with all his might. At the same time he bit its cheek so savagely
that the animal fell dead on the ground. The king and others came out
immediately, and carried Tirant into the house. Doctors were called and
they treated the many wounds on his arms and legs. For this victory he
received the same honors as if he had vanquished a formidable knight in
the lists. (Chap. 68)

The King of Friesland, the King of Poland, the Duke of Burgundy, and
the Duke of Bavaria met in the city of Rome on the occasion of an
important celebration of the Church. Among other subjects of their
conversation, they came to speak of the King of England and the
wonderful festivities and exercises of arms that were taking place at
his court. They decided to go there _incognito_ and try their fortune
in the lists. Tirant met each of them in mortal combat, and vanquished
them all. (Chaps. 68-73)

Some time after came the knight Villa Fermosa from Scotland. The lady
who had captivated his soul would not listen to him, nor would she
speak to him until he had vanquished the renowned knight, Tirant lo
Blanch. But the latter did not wish to accept the challenge, for his
wounds were not yet healed. The Scottish knight, however, would not
take a refusal, and finally Tirant consented to meet him, and promised
that he would not fight any other knight until after their combat.
(Chap. 74)

But this promise Tirant was obliged to break, for the following
reasons. When the news of the death of the King of Friesland reached
his kingdom, there was great grief among his subjects. The favorite
of the dead king, Kirielayson de Muntalba, who was a man strong and
valorous, and descended from a race of giants, determined to make
Tirant pay dearly for slaying his lord the king. He sent a challenge,
in which he accused him of having vanquished the two kings and the two
dukes through treachery. Tirant, in his answer, gave him the lie and
accepted the challenge. The giant-knight came, but before the combat
he went to visit the tombs of those whose death he wished to avenge.
Seeing the shields of the vanquished, over which the shields of Tirant
had been placed, he began to weep and lament. In a fit of anger he took
down Tirant’s shields and threw them on the ground. Then he noticed
that they were painted on the tabernacle over the tomb. Blind with
rage, he struck them with his head so violently that he fell half
unconscious. A few moments later, when he opened the tabernacle and saw
the lifeless body of his king and sovereign, his gall bladder burst,
and he died instantly. (Chaps. 74-80)

The unsuccessful avenger of the King of Friesland had a brother whose
name was Thomas de Muntalba, and he had been the favorite of the
other monarch, the King of Poland. Thomas came to England with a grim
determination to avenge the death not only of the kings and dukes, but
also of his brother. He was well built, of great strength, and so tall
that Tirant scarcely reached up to his waist. It was said that he was
the tallest man in all Christendom. He, too, accused our distinguished
champion of having slain his victims treacherously, and challenged him
to mortal combat. The challenge was accepted. The friends of Tirant
tried to prevent the duel, for they feared that he might be vanquished.
Finally the combat took place and it was of long duration. The giant’s
blows were powerful. Once they forced Tirant to his knees, but at that
very moment he wounded his opponent in the groin. In the violence of
the fight the big knight let fall his ax. Tirant told him that he would
permit him to pick it up, if he would retract his false accusation of
treachery. Thomas de Muntalba did so, and recovered his ax. Then the
combat began again and it became more furious than before. Finally the
gigantic adversary had difficulty in breathing, and was becoming weak
from loss of blood. Tirant made a desperate effort to put an end to
the fight. He succeeded in landing two powerful blows on the head of
his opponent, who fell to the ground. Tirant quickly placed the point
of his dagger over one of the eyes of the giant, and at the same time
told him if he would acknowledge that he was vanquished his life would
be spared. The fallen knight answered that since Fate willed it, he
would deliver himself into his hands. Then Tirant went into the middle
of the field, knelt down, and gave praise and thanks to God for the
victory. Thomas de Muntalba was degraded and later he became a monk of
the Franciscan order. (Chaps. 80-84)

A few days after this event Tirant went to Scotland to engage in combat
with the knight Villa Fermosa. The Queen of Scotland acted as judge of
the contest. She stopped the combat before either of the knights had
come to grief. (Chap. 84)

When the hermit had heard all these things, he expressed his delight
at the many successes and great honors that young Tirant had won.
In the meantime our modest hero had tables set up beside the clear
spring, and an excellent supper was awaiting the hermit and all the
rest. After supper the venerable man retired to the hermitage. The
next day, after he had said his hours, he came out again. Tirant and
his companions went to receive him, and they sat on the grass as the
day before. Then Diaphebus tells about the institution of the Order of
the Garter. He narrates the well-known incident which caused the king
to say; “Puni soyt qui mal hi pense.” He relates how His Royal Majesty
instituted the above-named fraternity as a result of that incident.
He gives a detailed description of the Church of St. George in the
castle of Windsor; he recounts the rules of the Order and describes the
ceremonies; he repeats the oaths of the members of the Order, and the
vows of the ladies of honor. He tells how the king selected twenty-five
knights to make up the membership so that with the king the members
numbered twenty-six, and that the king himself was the first to swear
to obey all the rules. Tirant, being the best knight of all those at
the court, was the first to be chosen. And among the other members
selected was John of Warwick, the Grand Constable of England. (Chaps.
84-97)

Tirant and his companions stayed with the hermit for ten days. On the
eve of their departure for Brittany, they asked him to sleep in one
of their tents for that night, since they were going to leave early
in the morning and were eager to have his blessing before starting.
Their request was granted. The next morning, after they had departed,
he returned to the hermitage, which, to his great surprise, he found
well stocked with all manner of provisions. He even found wood and
coal within, so that it would not be necessary for him to go out
when the weather was bad. The hermit was deeply moved by this act of
kindness, and attributed it to Tirant, who, he resolved, should ever be
remembered in his prayers. (Chap. 97)

CHAPTER II

TIRANT SUCCORS THE KNIGHTS OF RHODES

The news of the great deeds of Tirant preceded him, and when he arrived
in Brittany he was received with great honor in the city of Nantes by
the Duke of Brittany and a multitude of people. One day, while Tirant
was engaged in conversation with the duke, two knights arrived from
the court of the King of France, who related how the Knights of Saint
John had left Jerusalem when that city fell, and established themselves
on the island of Rhodes. The Sultan of Cairo was highly displeased
that Christians should live on that island and made preparations to
capture it. The Genoese, discovering the intentions of the Sultan, and
realizing what an important seaport it afforded, planned to conquer
it for themselves, but their designs and plans were discovered by the
Knights of Rhodes and frustrated. The captain of the unsuccessful
Genoese venture then sailed to Beirut, where the Sultan was at that
time, and told all that had happened. It was then agreed that the
Sultan in person should go to Rhodes with as large an army as possible.
One hundred and fifty thousand Moors were taken to the island, and
they destroyed everything on it, except the city, which they besieged.
The port of the city was blockaded so that no food could reach the
inhabitants. The Grand Master of the Knights, seeing that their plight
was daily becoming more and more critical, sent letters to the Pope,
the Emperor, and to all the Christian kings and princes, begging them
to come to their aid. The King of France received one of these appeals,
but paid little attention to it. (Chaps. 97-99)

Tirant, however, was eager to give them help. He interviewed mariners,
from whom he learned that it was possible to reach the castle of
Rhodes. Encouraged by this information, he bought a large ship and
ordered it to be well armed and loaded with provisions. Tirant’s
intentions were to go to Jerusalem after having succored Rhodes.
Philip, the youngest son of the King of France, an awkward and not very
intelligent youth, desired to visit the Holy City, and Tirant was very
glad to have him as companion. When all was ready, they embarked and
the boat proceeded on its way. The first landing was made at Lisbon.
They were cordially received by the King of Portugal and remained at
his court for ten days. Then they resumed their voyage. They passed
Cape Saint Vincent without incident, but upon entering the Strait of
Gibraltar, they were attacked by a large number of Moorish ships.
But Tirant’s ship was so large and so well defended, especially by a
certain mariner named Cataquefaras, that it finally escaped from its
pursuers. Many of the men on the ship, including Tirant and Philip,
were wounded, and the vessel was badly damaged. It landed at an
uninhabited island, where the crew repaired the ship. Then they again
set sail, and followed the shores of Barbary. Not only Moorish but also
Genoese ships attacked and harassed them until they came near Tunis.
Tirant’s vessel landed at Palermo in Sicily to take on more provisions.
The royal family of Sicily gave Tirant and Philip a hearty welcome,
and during their stay an interesting love affair developed between
Philip and the princess Ricomana, which Tirant took great pleasure
in promoting. Much of his time was spent at the elbow of Philip,
preventing or rectifying awkward blunders. Finally he spoke to the king
in behalf of Philip. The king was delighted at the prospect of uniting
the House of Sicily with that of France, and requested Tirant to write
to the French king in regard to the matter. (Chaps. 99-104)

One day the news came to Sicily that the city of Rhodes was in dire
distress and would fall within a few days, unless food and help should
come at once. The loading of provisions was then rapidly completed.
The day before setting sail, the King of Sicily asked Tirant to permit
him to embark on his boat, for he, too, wished to go to Jerusalem.
Tirant was delighted to have him as companion on the voyage. Finally
they set sail, and in four days crossed the Gulf of Venice and were
in sight of Rhodes. They directed the vessel to the Castle of Saint
Peter, and there anchored to await favorable winds and weather. When
the desired winds came up, they again set sail. They started during the
night, and at dawn were very near the city of Rhodes. When the hostile
fleet saw the ship coming, they thought it was one of theirs. They soon
discovered their mistake, but it was too late. They were not able to
stop the ship, which, with all sails unfurled, was dashing towards the
castle. It succeeded in reaching its destination, and when the Knights
of St. John saw it, and noticed its strange banner, they knew it must
be a ship that had come to bring them relief. The provisions were soon
unloaded and the knights felt certain that, for some time at least,
starvation could not compel them to surrender. (Chap. 104)

The Grand Master sent samples of the provisions to the Sultan to show
him that they had food to spare. A mariner with great cunning and skill
succeeded in setting fire to the ship of the captain who was in command
of the hostile fleet, and the conflagration caused consternation among
the foe. The rainy season set in, and the cold days of winter were near
at hand. On account of these things, the Sultan gave orders to raise
the siege, saying however that he would return the following year. The
unfortunate Sultan, when he arrived at home, was accused of cowardice
by his vassals, and thrown in the house of the lions, where he met a
horrible death. When the people of Cyprus heard that the siege had been
raised, many vessels laden with all kinds of provisions sailed from
Famagosta to the city of Rhodes. Never before had such abundance of
food and supplies come to this place. (Chaps. 104-107)

A few days after the raising of the siege, two Venetian galleys arrived
at the city of Rhodes. They were carrying pilgrims to Jerusalem.
Tirant, the King of Sicily, and Philip made arrangements to make their
voyage to the Holy City in one of these galleys. The Grand Master
wished to reward Tirant for the timely relief that he had brought,
but our hero would accept payment neither for the vessel nor for the
provisions. The honor that he had won was sufficient reward for him.
When the Venetian galleys resumed their voyage, Tirant, the king,
Philip, and Diaphebus were among the passengers. They landed at Jaffa
and afterwards at Beirut. At the latter place the pilgrims disembarked
and made their way to Jerusalem, where they remained for two weeks.
After having visited all the holy places, they went to Alexandria. One
day, while Tirant and the king were walking through the city, they came
upon a wretched Christian captive. Tirant went to the owner of the
poor slave and paid him the ransom demanded. Then he had it announced
throughout the city that all those who held Christian slaves would
recover ransom if they brought them to the inn where he was staying.
In two days he ransomed four hundred and seventy eight captives, and
took all of them with him to the city of Rhodes, where he gave them new
garments. The discarded clothes he sent to Brittany, in order that,
after his death, they might be hung in the chapel with the shields of
the knights that he had vanquished in England. He told the liberated
slaves that they were welcome to follow him, but if they preferred to
stay in Rhodes, or wished to go elsewhere, they were free to do so.
He gave them money, and they, in their great joy, threw themselves at
his feet, kissing these and then his hands. From Rhodes, Tirant and his
royal companions sailed directly for Sicily, where they arrived a few
days later. (Chaps. 107-109)

When the king landed, he found waiting for him forty knights who had
come as ambassadors from the King of France. They gave him a letter
from their royal master, in which the latter expressed his approval
of the proposed marriage of Philip and Ricomana. Shortly afterwards
the nuptials of the youngest son of the King of France with the only
daughter of the King of Sicily were celebrated in great solemnity and
splendor. The festivities, which consisted of tournaments, jousting,
dances, and other forms of entertainment, continued for a whole week.
(Chaps. 109-111)

CHAPTER III

TIRANT JOINS THE EXPEDITION OF THE KING OF FRANCE
AGAINST THE INFIDELS

In the letter which was brought by the ambassadors, the King of France
announced that he was going to make war against the infidels, and asked
the King of Sicily to join him in the holy enterprise. The latter,
accordingly, after the festivities connected with the marriage were
over, fitted out two galleys and four other vessels and placed them
under the command of Philip. (Chap. 112)

The fleets of the kings of France, Castile, Aragon, Navarre, Portugal,
and Sicily, and those of the Pope and of the Emperor, all met at the
island of Corsica. Tirant joined the expedition in a galley of his
own, for he wished to have a free hand. The united fleet set sail,
and one morning at dawn it arrived before the large city of Tripoli
in Syria. Tirant went before the French king and made the vow that he
would be the first to step on land and the last one to return on board.
Among the knights there were many who were envious of Tirant, and they
were eager to make him break his vow. When the men from the different
vessels were about to land, Tirant gave orders to his mariners to drive
the galley at full speed until it struck ground. He stood in the bow
of the vessel all armed, and the moment it touched land he jumped into
the water. The Moors immediately rushed upon him, but Diaphebus and
others quickly gathered about him and drove them back. The Christians
were able to enter the city, but they found the enemy there in such
large numbers that they were obliged to return to their ships. Tirant
and another valiant knight, Ricart lo Venturos, were the last ones to
embark. They had a lively dispute as to who should be the very last.
Finally, Ricart consented to embark before Tirant, if the latter should
put his foot on the ladder first. And in this way Tirant fulfilled his
vow, for which he was highly honored. Ricart, however, was angry and
sullen, and challenged our hero to mortal combat. The latter, incensed
at this act of insolence, slapped the challenger, and only the presence
of the king was able to prevent bloodshed. (Chaps. 112-114)

The fleet then went along the Turkish coast, plundering and
devastating. It sailed in the direction of Cyprus, landed at Famagosta
a short time afterwards, and with replenished supply of provisions,
sailed for Tunis. In the attack on that city Tirant and his men tried
to capture a tower, in front of which there was a deep ditch. Our hero
had the misfortune to fall into it. He would undoubtedly have been
slain, had not Ricart come to his rescue. The latter, however, warned
him to be on the alert, for it was his purpose to kill him. If he saved
him, it was because he did not wish to see the infidels slay him.
Tirant was deeply moved by this unexpected conduct of his rival, and he
threw himself at his feet and asked his pardon for having offended him.
Ricart, touched by the humility of Tirant, forgave him, and they became
inseparable friends until they were parted by death. (Chap. 114)

After the capture of Tunis, the fleet sailed for Sicily, where the
ships were provided with a new supply of provisions; thence along the
coast of Barbary and through the Strait of Gibraltar; then, turning, it
made its way to Marseilles, where the King of France dismissed all the
ships except his own and those of Philip. The latter went to see his
mother, and Tirant made a visit to his parents in Brittany. When the
time came for Philip to return to Sicily, he asked the king to persuade
Tirant to go with him. And thus it was that Tirant returned to Sicily.
(Chap. 114)

CHAPTER IV

TIRANT ENTERS THE SERVICE OF THE EMPEROR OF CONSTANTINOPLE

Tirant had been back in Sicily only a week when the king called him
into his presence and read to him a letter which he had received from
the Emperor of Constantinople. In this letter the emperor described
the sad state of affairs in the empire, and he begged the king to ask
Tirant to come to his assistance. Tirant was pleased to go, since it
was the king’s wish that he should. The ruler of Sicily ordered eleven
ships to be fitted out and provided with all things necessary for
the expedition. When all was ready Tirant sailed for Constantinople
with his small fleet, and on his arrival the gloom of the city was
changed to joy. Tirant, Diaphebus, Ricart, together with the other
knights, disembarked and went to the emperor to do him homage. His
Imperial Majesty immediately appointed Tirant Commander-in-chief of
his army, and Administrator of Justice. The latter wished to decline
these high positions, but finally accepted them to please the emperor.
Heralds then proclaimed throughout the city that Tirant lo Blanch was
appointed Capita Major by His Imperial Majesty. When Tirant went to
pay his respects to the empress and the infanta, he found them dressed
in mourning and afflicted with great grief, for the prince, the only
son of the emperor, had recently fallen in battle. He suggested that
in order to give courage to the people, and to inspire them with
confidence in regard to the final outcome of the war with the Moors,
gloom and despair ought to give way to hope and cheerfulness. The
emperor immediately ordered the court to cease its mourning. (Chaps.
115-117)

When Tirant beheld the charming princess, it must be said that his
eyes had never had such a feast. He confided to Ricart how much he
admired the wonderful beauties of the palace, but more than all these
he admired the beauty of the princess, Carmesina. After taking leave of
the imperial family, he retired to the abode which had been prepared
for him. He entered a room and rested his head on a cushion at the foot
of the bed. Soon afterwards he was invited to eat, but he answered that
he had pains in his head and did not wish to eat—he was really wounded
by that passion that deceives so many. Diaphebus came and asked what
was ailing him, to which he answered that it was an ailment caused by
the air of the sea, but a moment later, he turned his face from his
friend and said: “I am in love.” Tears began to flow from his eyes, and
he sighed and sobbed. Becoming somewhat ashamed of himself, he arose
and went to dinner, but could not eat. (Chaps. 117-119)

Diaphebus and another knight went to the palace and were welcomed
by the imperial family and the ladies of the court. He announced
that Tirant was indisposed, whereupon doctors were immediately sent
to attend him. They returned a little later, and reported that the
slight indisposition was due to change of climate. At the request of
the emperor, Diaphebus gave an account of the festivities connected
with the General Court of the King of England. He told of the great
deeds of Tirant, and showed them the document signed by the King of
England, in which Tirant lo Blanch was proclaimed the best knight. All
those who heard of the hero’s exploits were filled with admiration
for him. When Diaphebus and Carmesina were a little apart from the
others, she questioned him concerning Tirant, and Diaphebus told her
that Tirant had come to Constantinople for no other reason than to
see and to serve her, for he had heard much concerning her beauty and
her excellent qualities. Upon hearing these words, her cheeks became
suffused with blushes, and she could not say a word. (Chap. 119)

This interview with Diaphebus left the princess in a pensive mood. The
daughter of the late Duke of Macedonia, Stephania, brought up with
Carmesina and of the same age, was one of her dearest friends. The
princess told her about the conversation with Diaphebus, and confided
to her that her heart was much inclined to obey all the wishes and
commands of Tirant. Stephania encouraged her by saying that there was
no lady in the world who would not be pleased to be loved by such a
one as he. Carmesina did not sleep that night. When Tirant saw the
princess again, her beauty charmed him even more than at first, and he
became really lovesick. Diaphebus consoled him as best he could, and
promised to do all in his power to advance his interests with regard to
Carmesina. (Chaps. 119-121)

One day, at a meeting of the General Council, Tirant was requested
to make ready to go against the Genoese, who were coming in great
numbers. At this session of the Council it came to light that there was
some opposition to the newly appointed Capita Major, for one of the
members protested that the Duke of Macedonia, who was still acting as
Commander-in-chief, should not be superseded, and especially not by a
foreigner. The aged emperor grew very angry when he heard these words,
and declared that the Duke of Macedonia was a coward and had never won
a battle. He further declared that he himself would choose the Capita
Major, and that those who opposed his wishes in the matter should be
punished in such manner as would never be forgotten. Then he gave
orders that a proclamation be made throughout the city instructing all
those who had grievances to appear before the imperial tribunal, where
their complaints would be given due consideration. The following day
Tirant, the imperial judge, heard complaints and administered justice.
(Chaps. 122-124)

The new Commander soon occupied himself with his military duties. He
reorganized the guards who watched over the emperor, and made many
innovations that contributed to the general order and security of the
city. He took charge of the food supply and caused it to be evenly
distributed among the inhabitants. (Chap. 124)

One day the princess sent for him. She warned him to beware of the Duke
of Macedonia, who was very adroit in committing acts of treachery. She
related how he had cut the thongs of the helmet of her brother while
the latter was bravely fighting the Moors, so that it fell from his
head and he was easily slain. Indeed, the duke was the very incarnation
of all the seven mortal sins. (Chap. 125)

Tirant was happy sometimes, but more often he was sad. His conduct and
his speech revealed that something was preying on his mind. His was
the lot of the uncertain lover, swaying between hope and fear. One
day Carmesina asked him why he was so sad. He answered that he was in
love. Then she requested him to tell her who the lady was that caused
him so much anxiety. As an answer, he took something out of his sleeve
and handed it to the princess with these words: “The image that you
will see there can make me die or live.” She took the object, went to
her room, and looked at it. Instead of the painted picture that she
expected to find, she saw an image of herself, for the object was a
precious and beautiful mirror. Carmesina admired greatly this novel
manner of making a confession of love. While she was in her room, Viuda
Reposada, who had been the nurse of the princess and still had much
influence over her, entered the room, and with her came Stephania.
They saw the mirror and inquired how it came into her hands. She told
them all about it. Viuda Reposada then reproached her for being on such
intimate terms with one who was no more than her father’s servant. She
denounced the whole affair as absolutely improper. The princess was
very much affected by this harsh rebuke and, on the verge of weeping,
she retired to her private chamber. Stephania followed and tried to
console her. (Chaps. 126-127)

The next day Tirant sent Diaphebus to see the princess, in order to
find out how she felt disposed towards him since the mirror episode.
When he began to speak to her about Tirant, she exclaimed: “Oh! if
you knew of the trick that he played on me; with a mirror he made a
confession of love to me; just let me see him and I shall tell him
things that he will not care to hear.” (Chap. 127)

The next time that Tirant saw her, she received him coldly, and rebuked
him severely, charging him with being untrue to the trust imposed
upon him; ungrateful and disrespectful to the emperor, her father;
and insolent towards her, because he made a confession of love to her
as one would to a woman of low degree. Tirant answered that he would
avenge the insult by taking his own life. He hastened to his abode.
Immediately upon his departure, she became sorry that she had spoken to
him so severely, and fearing that in his despair he might do himself
harm, sent Stephania to beg him to forgive her, and by no means to take
his life. She was so afraid that Stephania might fail in her mission,
that she herself went to Tirant, expressed her sorrow for what she had
said, and humbly asked pardon. Tirant was deeply moved by the love that
her words and actions revealed, and his woe was changed to joy. (Chaps.
127-130)

Bad news came from the imperial forces that were in the field opposing
the Moors. Under the leadership of the Duke of Macedonia, they had
again suffered defeat, and were obliged to seek refuge in a city not
far away from the place where the battle was fought. The Moors followed
and besieged the city. The provisions in it were almost exhausted,
and unless relief came from Constantinople within a very short time,
the besieged forces would be compelled to surrender. When Tirant
heard this, he made preparations to lead a relief expedition to the
threatened city within six days. (Chaps. 130-131)

Five days afterward there was a review of all the troops within
Constantinople, and on the morning of the sixth day the banners were
blessed, and all the soldiers armed themselves and mounted their
steeds. A knight whose name was Fontsequa, and who was riding a large
and beautiful snow-white charger, carried the imperial banner and
led the assembled host as it marched out of the city. Many dukes,
marquises, earls, viscounts, and other leaders were in this impressive
military parade, all with their squadrons. The last division to march
out was Tirant’s. (Chap. 132)

Our hero, the newly appointed Capita Major, was in command of all these
troops. The expedition moved along in perfect order. Tirant’s wonderful
sense of organization and his ability to cope with any and all
difficulties were not long in revealing themselves. His army arrived at
the city of Pelidas, which was only a league and a half from the camp
of the Turks who were besieging the city in which the forces of the
Duke of Macedonia had sought refuge. The sultan and the Grand Turk, who
were in command of the troops of the enemy, knew that a Greek army had
entered Pelidas, but they were little concerned, for of the ten parts
of the emperor’s dominion they already held nine and one-half parts.
All that was necessary for them to do to become the undisputed masters
of the whole empire was to capture the duke’s besieged forces and then
take Constantinople. In view of their vastly superior numbers, they
felt confident that the complete conquest of the Greek empire was near
at hand. (Chap. 133)

After Tirant had carefully observed the lay of the land and the
disposition of the hostile forces, he prepared his plan of attack.
In the darkness of night he led his troops out of Pelidas, all ready
for battle. A large number of mares brought from Constantinople were
quietly led to the camp of the Turks, and when the steeds of the latter
heard them, they broke loose and ran towards them. The whole camp was
thrown into confusion. The Turks, unarmed, went to look after their
horses, and were met by the Greeks, who slaughtered them in great
numbers and put the rest to flight. (Chap. 133)

The loud tumult occasioned by the fighting was heard by the duke in the
besieged city. Thinking that the enemy was about to attack the place,
he ordered all his men to take up their arms and defend the city. At
daybreak he was surprised to see imperial banners outside the city
walls, and soldiers in pursuit of the fleeing Turks. He then came out
with his men and plundered the deserted tents of the enemy. They found
there a large quantity of gold, silver, and jewels. They took the booty
into the city and hid it, then came out again and rode towards the
imperial banners. When Tirant saw them, he rode in their direction, and
on approaching the duke, dismounted and showed him great respect and
honor. But the latter only raised his hand to his head. He spoke not a
word. All the kind and deferential words and actions of our hero were
met with scorn and contempt. (Chap. 133)

When Tirant sent ambassadors to the duke to ask him to give an account
of the booty taken from the camp of the Turks, the latter refused to do
so, and he bade the messengers tell the foreigner, Tirant, to return
to his country, and if he did not do so, he would make him drink so
much water that half of the amount would be too much. This speech was
bitterly resented by Tirant’s men. A battle between the forces of the
two leaders was imminent, but was averted by the calmness and prudence
of our hero. (Chap. 134)

Immediately after the victory over the Turks, Diaphebus had sent a
messenger to the emperor to announce the glad tidings. The good news
was then proclaimed throughout the city, all the bells were rung, and
the inhabitants went to the Church of Saint Sophia to render thanks
unto the Lord for the great victory. (Chap. 134)

In the meantime, Armini, the Grand Sultan of Babylon, sent three
ambassadors to Tirant to ask for a truce of six months, and also for
the liberation of a youth who was a brother of the sultan’s wife.
The generosity and magnanimity of our hero led him to set free the
youthful prisoner of war, and with him forty others. But the truce was
not granted, for it was the opinion of Tirant and his Council that
permanent peace could be secured only by vanquishing the infidel host.
(Chaps. 135-138)

On the same day that the ambassadors left the camp of Tirant, he
sent Diaphebus to Constantinople to deliver to the emperor the large
number of prisoners captured in the first battle with the enemy. This
gave Diaphebus an excellent opportunity to speak to his dearly loved
Stephania and to the princess. He told the latter that Tirant was
always thinking of her, and that whenever he went into battle, the name
of Carmesina was on his lips. And Stephania suggested that there was
no one more worthy and better qualified to be the next emperor than
Tirant, and he ought to be the husband of the princess. As for herself,
she confided to Carmesina, she would marry his kinsman, Diaphebus.
(Chap. 138)

While Tirant was storming a strongly fortified city, held by the Turks,
two thousand soldiers, under the command of the Prior of St. John,
joined him and placed themselves under his direction. These had been
sent by the Grand Master of the Knights of St. John from Rhodes. They
assisted in the plundering of the city, for a breach had already been
made in the walls of the place when they arrived. (Chap. 139)

In the meanwhile the Turks had received reinforcements in great
numbers. They encamped on one side of a river, and the imperial
forces on the other side. About a league farther up the river there
was a stone bridge held by a faithful subject of the emperor. It was
protected by a castle at each one of the approaches, so that the Turks
were unable to cross over it. One of these castles was guarded by the
knight Mal Vehi, and the other by his son, Hypolite (Hippolyte). The
latter was a bold and valiant youth, who soon became an enthusiastic
admirer of Tirant. At the earnest request of both father and son, our
hero conferred the honors of knighthood upon Hypolite. (Chap. 140)

The Turks began to construct a bridge in order that they might cross
the river to attack the Greek forces. When Tirant saw this, he ordered
his men to build a considerable number of boats. These were then
fastened together, and upon them was erected a framework to support
a large quantity of light and inflammable wood. When this peculiar
construction was completed, it was fastened to the stone bridge and
“camouflaged” with branches so that the enemy might not see it. (Chap.
140)

As soon as the Turks had finished their wooden bridge, they crossed
over it. As they were coming over, Tirant led his forces up to the
stone bridge. By the time that the enemy arrived there, the Greeks
were already on the other side, and the passage over the bridge was
closed. Then the Turks went back over their bridge to the other side,
whereupon Tirant crossed back over the stone bridge. These maneuvers
continued for three days. Finally the Moors decided to divide their
forces, and that was exactly what Tirant desired them to do. When one
of the divisions came over, the Greeks went up a mountain near the
wooden bridge. Since it was growing dark, the Turks decided to stop
at the foot of the mountain and make an attack the next morning. In
the darkness of the night, Tirant sent the floating construction down
the stream, and it was set on fire just before it reached the wooden
bridge. When the Turks who had crossed saw the fire and realized that
their bridge would be destroyed, they became panic-stricken and rushed
wildly to return to the other side of the river. In the disorder and
confusion many were pushed off the bridge and were drowned. Twenty-two
thousand of them were unable to get back, and these surrendered to
Tirant the next morning. (Chaps. 140-141)

In the meantime the Duke of Macedonia had sent a messenger to
Constantinople to report to the emperor that the vile foreigner, Tirant
lo Blanch, had led the whole army to destruction and had fled no one
knew whither. The false news plunged the aged emperor into gloom and
dejection, and the whole city was filled with weeping and lamentation.
(Chap. 141)

As soon as those of the Turks who had not been able to rejoin the main
body of the army surrendered, Diaphebus again sent a messenger to the
imperial city to announce the successful event. But when he arrived
there, the emperor would not receive him. Finally he succeeded in
delivering the message to the princess. She immediately reported it to
her father, who fell unconscious from excess of joy. And again all the
bells of the city were rung, and thanks were offered up to God. (Chap.
141)

The Constable and Diaphebus took the prisoners to Constantinople. In
recounting the exploits of Tirant in the field, the Constable gave
unlimited praise to the young Capita Major. Diaphebus naturally made
an effort to see the princess and Stephania, and not without success.
The words he spoke to Carmesina increased greatly her admiration for
Tirant. His own love affair made wonderful progress during this visit.
(Chaps. 144-148)

The Turks, having lost one hundred thousand men since Tirant became the
leader of the imperial army, held a council, in which it was decreed
that the foreign captain, Tirant lo Blanch, must be slain. The King of
Egypt was designated as the one to accomplish this, since he was the
most skillful of them all in the use of arms. The sultan himself said:
“If this devil of a man had not come from France, we should even now be
in the palace of Constantinople, and should already have made a mosque
of the beautiful church there. We shall never be able to accomplish
that, if this captain lives much longer.” (Chaps. 148-149)

The King of Egypt accordingly challenged Tirant to mortal combat. In
the challenge this king stated that he had made a vow to his lady-love
that he would engage in a _combat à outrance_ with a king or a king’s
son, or with the best captain of the Christian army, and that it was
his intention to send her the head of Tirant to show that his vow had
been accomplished. He also suggested that each one of them should
champion the cause of a lady, and then the combat should also determine
which one of these ladies excelled in beauty, dignity, virtue,
lineage, grace, and wisdom. The challenge and the suggestion were
accepted. It was agreed that the King of Egypt should fight in behalf
of his lady-love, the Grand Turk’s daughter, and Tirant, in behalf of
Carmesina, the emperor’s daughter. The combat was to take place on the
field of battle, on August the twentieth, four days earlier, or four
days later. (Chaps. 149-152)

Tirant was making preparations for a supreme effort to win a decisive
victory over the enemy. But the Duke of Macedonia was opposed to his
plans, and, in a speech full of bitter invectives, he declared that
Tirant had made a bargain with the Turks to deliver the Greeks into
their hands. He called him a second Judas, who, on account of his
treachery, ought to be thrown into burning oil. He protested against
the leadership of this foreigner and declared that he would obey his
orders no longer. A great uproar followed this speech. Many soldiers
took up their arms, and some of them mounted their steeds. In reply,
Tirant denounced the duke for never having won a single battle; he
accused him of having cut the thongs of the late prince’s helmet in
the thick of a battle, whereupon the heir of the empire was slain; and
he spoke of the great loss in lives and in territory that the empire
suffered while the duke was in command of the armies. In the name of
the emperor, he asked them to prepare to attack the enemy. But the
duke replied that neither he nor any of his men would take part in the
proposed attack. (Chaps. 153-154)

The following day the council of war met, and Tirant suggested that a
new leader should be selected. He assured the members that he would
remain with them to serve His Imperial Majesty. But they would not hear
of this. In strong language they expressed their confidence in him.
(Chap. 154)

It was at this time that some more foreign soldiers came to place
themselves under the command of Tirant. Philip, the son of the King
of France, had become King of Sicily, and in grateful memory he sent
five thousand men under the leadership of the Duke of Messina, and
Queen Ricomana sent two thousand under the leadership of the Senyor de
Pantalea. (Chap. 154)

When the emperor heard of the quarrel between the duke and Tirant,
he went to the camp to settle the dispute once for all. The princess
accompanied him, and with her went Stephania, Viuda Reposada, Plaer de
mi Vida, and other ladies of the court. While they were in camp, the
greatest battle of all that had been fought up to this time took place.
It was waged fiercely on both sides, from early in the morning until
late in the afternoon. The contending foes fought with determination
and desperation. Tirant wielded his battle-ax wherever help seemed to
be needed most. The King of Egypt recognized him on the field, and he,
together with the King of Cappadocia and the King of Africa, agreed to
make it their special duty to slay him that day. While Tirant was in
the midst of violent fighting, the Duke of Macedonia came up behind him
and with a vigorous blow of his sword wounded him in the neck. A few
moments later the King of Cappadocia and the King of Egypt suddenly
came upon our hero, and they attacked him with such force that both
he and his steed fell. He had some difficulty in getting up, for his
charger had fallen on one of his legs, but fortunately one of his men
came to the rescue. The latter, with his lance, wounded the King of
Egypt in the thigh. A moment later the king’s lance struck Tirant on
his cheek and knocked out four of his teeth. Then the king withdrew
from the field on account of his wound. Tirant searched for him, but in
vain. He met, however, the King of Cappadocia and slew him. Finally,
the sultan, seeing that the tide of battle was going against him,
withdrew from the battlefield, and soon afterward the Turks were put to
flight. Tirant and his forces pursued them and continued to slaughter
many until it was very late. The sultan and his defeated army sought
refuge in a certain city, and this was taken by Tirant’s forces the
following morning. Among the many prisoners captured there, was the
King of Egypt. Tirant was notified that this important royal personage
was a prisoner, and was invited to come to slay him, but he replied
that for nothing in the world would he take the life of a prisoner.
Thereupon the Marquis of Saint George dispatched the unfortunate
king. In this battle and pursuit the Turks lost 103,000 men, including
those who were taken prisoners. Among the Greeks that were slain were
the Duke of Macedonia and the Constable. The brave Ricart, too, was
among the dead. A messenger announced the result of the battle to the
emperor, and immediately the venerable monarch knelt down and offered
thanks to Christ and His Most Blessed Mother, Our Lady. (Chaps. 155-158)

After this disastrous defeat of the Moors, the sultan and all the
men who had been able to escape with him found refuge in the city of
Bellpuig, which was four leagues distant from that in which the King of
Egypt was slain. The imperial forces did not attack the sultan’s army,
but confined their operations for the time to recapturing some of the
other places that had recently been taken by the enemy. The emperor
accompanied the troops from Sicily, who succeeded in recovering several
cities. (Chap. 159)

After the emperor’s return to the castle of Mal Vehi, where he lived
during his visit to the camp, he asked Tirant to recommend some one
to fill the vacancy caused by the death of the Constable. The name of
Diaphebus was suggested. And it was the pleasure of the emperor to
appoint Diaphebus Constable of the Empire. Then he turned to Tirant
and said: “And you I shall make the Earl of Sent Angel.” But Tirant
declined the honor, and this greatly displeased His Majesty. And the
Capita Major, not wishing to wound the feelings of the aged monarch,
said that since whatever belonged to Diaphebus was his, and whatever
was his belonged to Diaphebus, he would accept the earldom, but that
the title should be bestowed on his friend, the newly appointed
Constable. The princess was very curious to know why he would not
accept the title, and in his reply to her question, he told her that
he would never accept any title as long as he lived except that of
emperor—either that or none. (Chap. 161)

The appointment of Diaphebus as Constable, and his elevation to the
dignity of Earl of Sent Angel, were celebrated with great splendor.
But Tirant was sad during the festivities. The princess noticed this,
and she asked what grieved him so. He answered that he was filled with
sorrow because she was about to return to Constantinople. Carmesina
told this to Stephania, and they invited Tirant and Diaphebus to visit
them secretly that night. When the visitors came, all the attendants
and companions of the princess were asleep, with the exception of Plaer
de mi Vida, who was wide awake with curiosity, although she pretended
to be sleeping. She heard and saw all that happened, and the next
morning she told Carmesina and Stephania that she had had a wonderful
dream during the night. Being asked to relate it, she told all about
the secret visit of Tirant and Diaphebus. And then she added, with a
sigh, that she regretted deeply that Hypolite and she had not been
invited to the party. (Chaps. 162-163)

That same day the emperor and all who had come with him returned to
Constantinople. The heart of the princess was heavy when the time came
for her to leave Tirant. She veiled her face in order that no one might
see her tears. (Chap. 163)

Five large ships arrived at a port which was at a considerable
distance from the camp of the imperial army, and these were laden with
provisions for that army. Tirant placed the camp under the command of
the Constable and went to see about the unloading of the ships. The
owners of these vessels and the mariners were delighted to see the
great Captain. They informed him that seven Genoese ships had entered
the port of Bellpuig with provisions for the sultan’s army. Tirant
remarked that he would do all in his power to eat some of those
provisions. As soon as all the vessels were unloaded, Tirant embarked
with a large number of armed men, and, in the darkness of night,
started out for the port of Bellpuig. They arrived there early the
following morning, and, with little difficulty, captured the ships. The
provisions were sent to the camp of the Greek army. (Chap. 163)

From the prisoners taken in this venture, Tirant learned that the
Grand Caramany and the King of Upper India were on their way to join
the sultan. They were coming with fifty thousand men. Following
the advice of one of the prisoners, and aided by the men from
the island of Rhodes, who were well-trained in seafaring, Tirant
prepared a formidable fleet and waited for the arrival of the Moorish
reinforcements. Finally the expected fleet came in sight, and Tirant’s
vessels went out to meet it. The hostile fleet was dispersed, and after
a long chase and a terrible fight, Tirant’s ship captured the vessel
which bore the Grand Caramany and the King of Upper India. Our hero,
in person, took the royal prisoners to Constantinople and delivered
them to the emperor. This naval victory caused great rejoicing in
the imperial city. The inhabitants came out to greet and honor their
invincible Captain. They fixed their eyes upon him as if he had been
sent to them from heaven. (Chaps. 163-166)

Tirant had been severely wounded in the sea fight, and the emperor’s
physicians ordered him to remain in bed until his wounds were healed,
for there was great danger that he might be permanently maimed. During
the period of his recovery the imperial family visited him daily, and
Viuda Reposada, moved more by love than piety, was his faithful and
devoted attendant. (Chap. 166)

During his absence from the camp the imperial army was faring badly.
The Turks won two great victories, and as a result the Greeks lost
their courage and their confidence. They offered up special prayers
for the rapid recovery of their valiant Captain. Without him, they
considered their cause lost. They sent him a letter in which they
declared that they would fight no more battles until he had rejoined
them. While he was waiting for his wounds to heal, his martial spirit
seemed to desert him. Carmesina noticed this, and, in one of their
private conversations, said to him: “Cease to be a lover, and win
honors; I do not say that you should cease to be a lover altogether,
for in times of peace men take great delight in loving, but in time of
war men are obliged to undergo much toil and many hardships.” (Chaps.
166-172)

When Tirant was about to return to the camp, the sultan sent
ambassadors to the emperor. Their mission was concerned with three
things: first, a truce for three months; secondly, ransom of the Grand
Caramany and the King of Upper India; and thirdly, an agreement whereby
the emperor’s daughter should be given in marriage to the sultan, in
consideration whereof all the cities and territory captured by the
Turks should be restored to the emperor. (Chaps. 177-178)

Many of the members of the Imperial Council were in favor of the
proposed marriage for the sake of the peace that would follow. Tirant’s
heart was filled with fear and anxiety at this state of affairs. The
princess consoled him with the following words: “How can you believe
that my royal person will submit to a Moor? How can you even imagine
that my noble heart will condescend to become the friend of one of
those Moorish dogs, who have as many women as they wish, and none of
these a wife, for they can leave them any hour that they wish.” (Chaps.
178-179)

A great festival was arranged in honor of the Moorish ambassadors. The
celebration lasted nine days. On the very last day a large number of
galleys were observed coming towards the shore. They were French ships
bringing five thousand “francs archers,” and each of these archers
was accompanied by a squire and a page. They were coming to enter the
service of the emperor. The galleys had been fitted out and furnished
with provisions by the King of France. Tirant’s cousin, the Viscount of
Branches, was in command of these soldiers. Our hero warmly welcomed
him and all those who had come with him. The emperor was delighted at
their coming, and his pleasure was considerably increased by the fact
that the Moorish ambassadors had witnessed the arrival of these foreign
warriors. (Chap. 189)

At the close of these festivities the emperor gave his answer to the
ambassadors in regard to the ransom of the royal prisoners and the
marriage of the princess to the sultan, the proposal of the truce
having been accepted immediately after the Turkish representatives had
announced their mission. He bade them tell the sultan that the emperor
of Constantinople would not liberate the Grand Caramany and the King
of Upper India until the empire had been wholly restored; and that he
would not give his daughter in marriage to a man who was not of the
Christian faith, for that would be against the precepts of the Holy
Catholic Church. (Chaps. 207-208)

While the truce was in effect, Tirant remained in the imperial city.
He pretended to be occupied with military matters, but, in reality,
his mind was centered upon Carmesina. His one dominant purpose was to
obtain from the princess the “compliment de amor.” He made strong and
repeated efforts to attain his end, but she was firm. She loved him
with all her heart, but she would not sacrifice her honor. Tirant had
helpful allies in Plaer de mi Vida, Stephania, and Hypolite, but their
arguments, plans, and schemes availed him naught. Carmesina was young
and in love with him whom she considered the only person that could
save the empire. She was human and could not force herself to forbid
him to approach her. The temptations to fall were strong, but her
religious training and her moral courage sustained her in the hour of
need. (Chaps. 208-215)

Viuda Reposada, whose affectionate and passionate advances to Tirant
had always been met with scorn, was burning with unrequited love and
jealousy. She determined to make a desperate effort to sever the bond
of love that existed between Tirant and the princess. To accomplish
this she told Carmesina base lies about her lover, and advised her
gradually to avoid meeting him. As a result the heart of the princess
was filled with fear and torment. (Chap. 215)

A short time before the termination of the truce Diaphebus, Constable
and Earl of Sent Angel, was married to Stephania. The wedding was
celebrated with great splendor. To add to the importance of the
occasion, he was appointed Duke of Macedonia. And Tirant and his
friends kissed the foot and the hand of the emperor, and gave him
infinite thanks for the great favor he had shown them by giving his
niece to their companion. (Chaps. 219-222)

But while Diaphebus and Stephania were happy, and all were making
merry, the princess and Tirant were downcast and wretched. Carmesina
was following the advice of Viuda Reposada. She avoided Tirant. He
became aware of this, and it tormented him. (Chap. 224)

Plaer de mi Vida was always ready and eager to help Tirant. One night
she led him into Carmesina’s chamber. When the latter suddenly saw him
beside her, she gave a scream which caused great excitement in the
palace. Plaer de mi Vida helped him escape through a window by means of
a rope, but it was too short, and he was obliged to let himself fall
a distance of twelve yards. One of his legs was broken as a result
of the fall. Fortunately, Hypolite and the Viscount of Branches found
him, and they spread the report that Tirant’s steed had fallen on his
leg and broken it. The emperor sympathized with his esteemed Captain in
his misfortune. The accident happened at an inopportune time, for the
Moors had received strong reinforcements. The aged monarch feared that
as long as Tirant was absent from the army, it would not give a good
account of itself. (Chaps. 225-238)

Hypolite remained at the court with Tirant, and gradually a love affair
began between him and the empress, which finally resulted in an illicit
liaison. He and Plaer de mi Vida continued to act as intermediaries in
Tirant’s relations with the princess. One day Carmesina, in order to
prove her love for the Capita Major, took his right hand in her own and
spoke these words: “I, Carmesina, give myself to you, Tirant lo Blanch,
as your faithful wife, and accept you as my loyal husband.” Then she
took a formal oath that she would never leave him for any other man in
the world, and that she would always be true, faithful, and without
blemish. Great was Tirant’s joy when he heard these words, for they
gave him a feeling of assurance that in a short time not only the
princess, but also the imperial crown would be his. And he, too, made a
vow similar to the one pronounced by Carmesina. (Chaps. 248-272)

After Tirant’s leg had completely mended, and when he was ready to
resume active command of the army in the field, a great celebration was
given in his honor. The Imperial Council felt that he well deserved
such manifestation of respect and esteem, for in four and one-half
years he had recovered three hundred and seventy-two cities, towns, and
castles. (Chap. 275)

During Tirant’s absence from the camp the Duke of Pera and Diaphebus
were in command of the Greek army. On account of a disagreement between
the two commanders, the whole imperial army suffered a disastrous
defeat, which plunged all Constantinople in grief. Tirant made haste to
rejoin his troops. Having decided to go by sea instead of by land, he
embarked. He informed no one concerning his departure except those who
were to go with him. He did not take leave of Carmesina, for jealous
Viuda Reposada had carried out a diabolical plot which shook Tirant’s
faith in the purity of the princess. When the latter heard that he had
embarked, she was disconsolate, and sent Plaer de mi Vida to Tirant
for the purpose of finding out why he had not bidden her farewell. The
messenger succeeded in reaching the vessel on which Tirant was about
to set sail. The infamous plotting of Viuda Reposada was discovered,
and the Capita Major was sorry for having permitted himself to be so
basely deceived, and asked Plaer de mi Vida to express his regret to
the princess and to beg her to pardon him. But suddenly a violent storm
came up, which drove the boat far out on the sea. Finally the ship was
wrecked off the coast of Barbary. Both Tirant and Carmesina’s messenger
succeeded in reaching the shore, but not together. (Chaps. 286-299)

CHAPTER V

TIRANT CONQUERS ALL BARBARY

Plaer de mi Vida fell into the hands of a Moor who had been a captive
in Spain for a long time. One day this Moor had saved the life of a
son of the lady whom he was serving, and on account of this she set
him free. In grateful remembrance of that kindness, he was moved to
befriend the shipwrecked lady. He led her to his home and placed her
in the care of his daughter, whom he told that the Christian woman was
a daughter of the lady who had freed him. The Moor’s daughter received
her and treated her with much kindness. (Chap. 299)

Tirant, upon reaching land, concealed himself in a cave which happened
to be in the territory of the King of Tunis, Scariano. A short time
before, this king had asked the King of Tremicen to give him his
daughter in marriage, which the latter was unwilling to do, for she was
already married. In order to settle the affair in a friendly manner,
the King of Tremicen sent the chief officer of his army as ambassador
to the King of Tunis. The ambassador went hunting one day and found
Tirant in the cave. He sent him secretly to one of his castles in
Tremicen, where he kept him as a prisoner for some time. Finally the
negotiations were discontinued, and the King of Tunis, with 50,000
men, marched against the King of Tremicen, who was not able to gather
more than 20,000. In the meantime the unsuccessful ambassador had
returned home and assumed command of the army of Tremicen. He asked
his Christian prisoner, Tirant, to help in the defense of the kingdom.
Our hero was quite willing to do so, and soon his skill, bravery, and
strategies won for him great admiration and esteem. As a reward for his
valuable services, he was liberated, but he remained in the service
of the kingdom. The King of Tremicen with his family, including the
husband of his daughter, had found refuge in the city of Tremicen. But
a treacherous Jew admitted the enemy in large numbers into the strongly
fortified city, and the king, his sons, and his son-in-law were all
slain. The daughter, whose name was Maragdina, was taken to a castle,
where she was obliged to remain with Scariano, the King of Tunis. This
castle was soon afterwards captured through the subtle stratagems of
Tirant, and Scariano was made prisoner. (Chaps. 299-318)

When Maragdina saw the fair, manly, and handsome Tirant for the first
time—which was some time before her husband had been slain—she wished
that her husband were dead that she might be free to wed this wonderful
Christian. But now that he was dead, there was still an obstacle; she
was a Mohammedan, and Tirant a Christian. She suggested to our hero
that he become a Mohammedan, but, she naïvely added, if he should
insist that his religion was better than hers, she would very willingly
believe it, and always say that it was better. Tirant answered her that
he was betrothed to another, and that he must and would remain faithful
to her. He treated Maragdina with so much kindness and affection that
she finally asked him to baptize her. He sent for a gold basin and a
pitcher of water, and when these had been brought to him, she came
before him, knelt down, uncovered her head, and received the sacrament
of baptism. (Chaps. 322-326)

When Scariano heard that Maragdina had accepted the Christian faith,
he, too, wished to be baptized. But first he desired to be enlightened
in regard to the doctrines of that religion. Tirant confessed that
he was not too well versed in matters pertaining to the faith, but
would nevertheless give him instruction. And he did it so well that
Scariano was surprised that a knight could know so much concerning the
Trinity, and declared that the explanations given by him were more
comprehensible than those that he had once heard made by certain monks
when he was a youth. (Chaps. 326-327)

The baptism of Scariano took place in a beautiful square of the city.
Many of his officers and kinsmen witnessed the ceremony, and they,
too, were baptized. Tirant administered the sacrament of baptism to
more than six thousand Moors that day. A monk of the Order of Mercy
came opportunely, and he was requested by our hero to baptize the rest
of those who wished to become Christians. In all 44,327 Moors were
baptized. (Chaps. 329-330)

Several kings of Barbary, who were on their way with many men to
help Scariano, became indignant when they heard that he had become a
Christian, and they took possession of the kingdom of Tunis and placed
another king over it. Thereupon Scariano withdrew with his faithful
subjects to Tremicen, the inhabitants of which, following the example
of their queen, Maragdina, embraced the Christian faith. The queen made
another effort to induce Tirant to take her as his wife, but was again
unsuccessful. He spoke to her kindly, reasoned with her, and finally
persuaded her to marry Scariano. The marriage ceremony was performed
by the monk, and thus Scariano became the King of Tremicen. (Chaps.
330-333)

After the Moorish kings had subdued all the kingdom of Tunis, they
decided to make war against the kingdom of Tremicen in order to
exterminate the Christians. Tirant then began to gather and organize
an army which was to defend Tremicen against the combined forces of
those kings. He won the admiration, confidence, and love of the people,
and as he passed through the streets they greeted him with the cheer:
“Vixca lo magnanim Capita crestia.” (Chap. 334)

Many bloody battles were fought during this war. The enemy had ten
times as many men, but Tirant’s forces were never dismayed, although
sometimes it seemed as if the fortunes of war were against them.
Tirant’s military genius and his prowess were always in evidence.
Never was a lance handled more dexterously, nor a battle-ax wielded
more vigorously. He was ever in the thick of the fray unless there
was some special work for him to do. Senyor Dagramunt, one of the
shipwrecked men who had succeeded in rejoining his great Captain, and
Scariano, too, performed many feats of valor, and slew almost as many
of the enemy as Tirant. The Moorish kings could not understand how the
Christians, so few in numbers compared with their own, could withstand
them. They attributed the stubborn and heroic defense of Tremicen to
Tirant, and made up their minds to slay him. But several of them met
death in the attempt. Finally, they asked for an armistice, which was
granted. While this was in effect, they withdrew their forces and
retired to their respective kingdoms. The Christian kingdom of Tremicen
had fought for its existence, and its cause had triumphed. (Chaps.
333-349)

Tirant’s ambition now was to conquer all Barbary. In order that the
conquest might be accomplished as rapidly as possible, Senyor Dagramunt
set out with an army to capture the cities, towns, and castles on
the other side of the mountains. The expedition met with no serious
opposition until it came to a city named Montagata, which belonged to
the daughter of a Moorish king who had been slain in battle. When the
inhabitants of this place learned that the Christian army was near,
they sent the keys of the city to Senyor Dagramunt. But when he arrived
there, they had changed their minds and preferred to die rather than
surrender. The Christian leader was extremely vexed by this turn of
affairs, and determined to take the city at all hazards. While taking
part in an attack on the fortifications, he was painfully wounded. He
sent a messenger to Tirant with the request that he come to his aid
with the heavy artillery. When the latter arrived, the assault was
renewed with great violence. The inhabitants soon sent a number of
their most distinguished men to Senyor Dagramunt. They offered to pay
him a heavy tribute annually, if he would spare the city and permit
them to live in their faith. The offer was rejected with scorn. Then
the Senyora of the city, accompanied by many maids of honor, went out
to placate the obdurate Christian commander, but all her efforts were
in vain. The failure of these two attempts to save the city caused
great fear and distress in Montagata. (Chaps. 349-350)

Some time prior to this the Senyora had bought a certain female slave
on account of her great skill in embroidering. When this slave learned
that Tirant and Senyor Dagramunt were in command of the Christian
forces, she asked permission to go out and plead with them to spare
the city. She spoke so confidently of the success of her mission that
her request was granted. Disguising herself, she went to Tirant, and
in long speeches she pleaded for the inhabitants of Montagata. When
she finally told him the story of his life, he was mystified. He
begged her to tell him how it came that she knew so much about him.
When she answered that she was Plaer de mi Vida, he threw himself on
his knees before her, and embraced and kissed her several times as
a sign of true love. Then Tirant immediately gave orders that it be
proclaimed that all the inhabitants were pardoned, and that they would
be permitted to profess and practice the religion that they preferred.
When the keys of the city were delivered to him, he gave them to
Plaer de mi Vida, who was led in triumphal procession into the palace
and made Senyora of Montagata. She ruled over the city for a week and
then abdicated in favor of the former Senyora, who became a Christian
and all her subjects likewise. Tirant persuaded Plaer de mi Vida to
accept Senyor Dagramunt as husband, and after their marriage he placed
them as king and queen over the conquered provinces of Fez and Bugia
[Bougie]. Tirant continued his victorious campaign until finally there
was but one city in all Barbary that had not been captured. This was
the city of Caramen, in which three Moorish kings had taken refuge.
He sent ambassadors to request them to leave Caramen and the soil of
Barbary. The answer he received was one of defiance. A great battle was
fought in which the Moors were defeated, and they went back into the
strongly fortified city, where they resisted the violent attacks of the
Christians for a whole year. But finally one thousand of Tirant’s men
succeeded in entering the city by means of a mine, and these opened the
city gates, on the outside of which divisions of the Christian army
were waiting. These poured into the city and annihilated the Moors.
This was the last stand made by the infidels against the victorious
Christians. And now Tirant’s purpose was accomplished; all Barbary was
conquered. (Chaps. 350-387, 394)

Some time prior to the capture of Caramen, Tirant sent a messenger to
Constantinople to inform the emperor that, if the empire was still in
need of aid, he would return with 250,000 men, and that the King of
Sicily would probably join him with his army. The emperor received the
news with great delight. After delivering the message to the imperial
monarch, the messenger went to a convent to which the princess had
retired, and gave her a letter from Tirant. She was speechless with
emotion upon learning that he was still alive. When the messenger
returned to Tirant with communications from the emperor and the
princess, the great Captain learned that the Moors had conquered the
whole empire, with the exception of the cities of Constantinople and
Pera and a few castles, and that Diaphebus and many of his friends were
prisoners. (Chaps. 388-393, 395-398)

At Constantine, in Tunis, Tirant gathered an army of over 250,000 men,
with which he hoped to drive the Moorish invaders from the soil of the
Greek empire. He sent an agent to Genoa, Rome, and Venice to secure
ships to transport this vast army. The vessels arrived at Constantine
within a short time. But before these forces embarked, Tirant assembled
the people in a vast plain and addressed them in a short speech. After
his address, a Catalan monk, John Ferrer, who was a native of Lérida,
and who spoke the Moorish tongue well, preached to the multitude. After
his sermon the people in loud cries asked to be baptized, and in three
days the monks and chaplains whom Tirant had sent for baptized 334,000
men, women, and children. (Chaps. 401-407)

Throughout the period of the military conquest of Barbary, Tirant built
churches and monasteries for the priests and monks who came thither in
response to his call. Mohammedanism had been dealt a deathblow, and
Christianity was firmly established in all Barbary. (Chap. 404)

CHAPTER VI

TIRANT RETURNS TO CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE GREEK
EMPIRE IS COMPLETELY RESTORED

Finally the huge army embarked and sailed for Sicily, where it was
joined by King Philip with his forces. Within a few days the expedition
arrived near Constantinople, the port of which was blockaded by the
Moorish fleet. The army could not land until the hostile ships were
dispersed or captured. Tirant’s fleet attacked the enemy at break of
day, coming upon them so suddenly that they could not make a strong
resistance. Some Moors leaped into the water and succeeded in reaching
the shore, but all those who remained on the vessels were slain. Tirant
took possession of all the boats of the enemy. The troops of the sultan
and the Grand Turk were on the shore ready to attack the Christians if
these should attempt to land, so Tirant took his whole fleet, together
with the captured vessels, out to sea, and when darkness fell he
turned about, came back, and landed at a very advantageous point only
four leagues distant from the Moorish army. The next day the Moors
saw themselves surrounded by an army vastly superior to their own in
numbers. The sultan and the Grand Turk were in a quandary. Finally,
they decided to send ambassadors to Tirant to propose a treaty of peace
for a hundred and one years. In order to obtain such a peace, they were
willing to restore all the cities, towns, and castles that they had
conquered, and liberate all prisoners. Tirant convened his council to
consider the proposal, and it was decided to refer the matter to His
Imperial Majesty. The affair was important, and Tirant himself went to
consult the emperor about it. (Chaps. 408-434)

What a welcome excuse it was to go to see the princess! It was night
when Tirant arrived at the palace, and His Majesty had already retired.
But he succeeded in finding Plaer de mi Vida, who had come with the
expedition and had entered Constantinople almost immediately after
the landing of the troops. She quickly arranged a meeting between the
victorious Captain and Carmesina, and that night the princess was
overcome with love. (Chaps. 434-436)

The following day he went to see the emperor. The aged ruler could
not withhold his tears, so great was the joy he felt on seeing again
the invincible Commander. As soon as Tirant had informed him of the
purpose of his visit, the Imperial Council was convened, and after
mature deliberation it was decided to accept the proposal of peace made
by the enemy, but on the one condition that the sultan and the Grand
Turk, together with other important Moorish chieftains, should give
themselves up as hostages until the whole empire should be completely
restored and the prisoners liberated. The condition imposed by the
emperor was accepted and the treaty of peace was concluded. (Chaps.
440-447)

The sultan, the Grand Turk, and twenty other Moorish lords surrendered
to Tirant. He took them into the imperial city, where he was received
with rapturous rejoicing and was acclaimed liberator of the empire. The
great host of the infidels was taken back to Turkey by the imperial
fleet, and then an elaborate reception was given in honor of the
King of Sicily, the King of Fez and Bugia, Tirant, and others. The
merrymaking continued for a week. During this period Tirant frequently
saw the princess and he longed for the day when their vows might be
realized. (Chaps. 447-452)

In order to bring about the complete restoration of the empire as
quickly as possible, Tirant asked the emperor for permission to take
formal possession of all the places that were to be given back by the
Moors. At the same time he assured him that, if fortune should not be
against him, His Majesty should rule over all the lands that had been
under the dominion of his predecessor, Justinian. The emperor, moved by
the devotion of his faithful Captain, and mindful of his past services,
offered to abdicate in his favor, but Tirant would not consent to that.
However, he expressed his willingness to succeed him after his death.
Then His Imperial Majesty offered him the hand of Carmesina and led him
into her chamber. When he saw that both of them seemed pleased at his
suggestion, he sent for the archbishop, and Tirant and Carmesina were
betrothed. This betrothal was celebrated with great pomp and splendor.
And the emperor ordered his heralds to proclaim throughout the city
that all should regard and hold Tirant as his first-born son and Caesar
of the Empire, and that he should be their lord and emperor after
his death. The people in exultation gave answer to the proclamation
with the loud and enthusiastic cheers: “Visca la celestial e angelica
bondat del Emperador! e Visca lo novell Cesar del Imperi grech, honor,
manteniment, y gloria.” (Chaps. 452-453)

Tirant, accompanied by two representatives of the sultan and the Grand
Turk, and provided with letters of credence from these two Moorish
chiefs, set out with a large army to begin the work of restoring the
empire. It was not a difficult task. City after city was delivered
to him without a struggle. At Trebizond, Diaphebus and many other
prisoners of rank were liberated. Then Tirant resumed his triumphant
march until he had received in behalf of the emperor all the territory
that had been taken by the Moors. He did more than this; he conquered
additional territory. He ordered the fleet to aid in the work, and it
took possession of all the islands that had formerly belonged to the
empire. And now the task that he had purposed to accomplish was done.
(Chaps. 444-466)

With his heart filled with joyful anticipations, he started on his way
back to Constantinople, where the princess was eagerly awaiting him.
When he arrived at Adrianople he received word from the emperor to wait
there until sent for, because the monarch wished to prepare a wonderful
celebration on the occasion of the triumphal entry of the Caesar of the
Greek empire. (Chap. 467)

While walking along the bank of a river near Adrianople he was suddenly
attacked by a severe pain in the side. He was carried to the city,
where physicians immediately attended him, but they were unable to
give him any relief. Feeling that the hour of his death was near, he
called for a priest and made a careful and contrite confession. When
the sacred Host was presented to him, tears came to his eyes, and
with great devotion he said several prayers. After he had received
Holy Communion, he asked for his secretary and made his last will
and testament. Then he asked to be carried to Constantinople, for he
believed that to see and to be near Carmesina might save him. They
placed him on a litter and carried him as gently as possible towards
the imperial city. When they had covered about half the distance, they
were met by Diaphebus and Hypolite. Tirant requested them to kiss him,
for it would be their last farewell. And they, in tears, kissed him,
and while they were addressing him with words of hope and cheer, he
suddenly cried out: “Jesus, Son of David, have mercy on me!” A moment
later, he added: “Jesus, into Thy hands I commend my spirit.” And these
were the last words of Tirant lo Blanch, Caesar of the Greek empire.
(Chaps. 467-471)

It was pitiful to bear the weeping and lamenting and sobbing of those
about him. When finally they were able to master their grief, they
carried his body into Constantinople and had it embalmed. Then it was
clothed in imperial vestments and placed on a beautiful catafalque in
the Church of Saint Sophia. (Chap. 471)

When the emperor was informed of the death of Tirant he staggered as
from a blow, and spent that night in lamenting and sobbing as if his
heart would break. When daylight came, he went to the church to do
honor to the fallen hero. (Chaps. 471-472)

When the princess saw all those about her weeping, she wondered what
had happened. One of her attendants informed her that Tirant had passed
from this life into the other. Carmesina was stunned; she could neither
speak nor weep. After she had partially recovered from the shock, she
asked for the robe that she was to have worn on her wedding-day; she
put it on, and then, with her attendants, hastened to the church.
Having mounted the catafalque, she threw herself upon the corpse of
her hero and lover. Tears were streaming from her eyes, and they
fell upon the cold face of Tirant, so that it seemed that he too was
weeping, although dead. That pallid face again and again she kissed,
and all the while she was lamenting, uttering words of love, of grief,
and of despair. All those who witnessed the anguish and suffering of
the princess wept with her. Finally she was taken back to the palace.
She asked her attendants to weep with her, for she would not be with
them much longer. Her grief was so poignant that blood flowed from her
mouth. The physicians saw in her condition the signs of one doomed to
die. The aged emperor, who could not bear to witness the sufferings of
his daughter, had retired to his chamber. And now she sent for him, for
her soul wished to go where the soul of her hero was. She made a public
confession and received Holy Communion, after which she sent for the
emperor’s secretary, who drew up her last will and testament. Then she
kissed the emperor and the empress many times and bade them farewell.
The venerable monarch was overcome with grief and anguish, and fell to
the floor unconscious. He was carried into another room and laid on a
bed, and there he died. Then, as successor to the imperial throne, she
ordered that the corpse of Tirant be brought to her. She had it placed
at her left side, and the corpse of the emperor was placed on the right
side. She kissed her father often, but Tirant she kissed even more
frequently. Then she invited Death to come and take her so that she
might be with her lover. Finally she asked for the cross. When it was
presented to her, she fixed her eyes upon it, and after saying a long
prayer with intense devotion, she rendered her soul to God. And when
she died there was seen a great splendor of angels, who bore away her
soul with that of Tirant, for the soul of her beloved had waited for
hers. (Chaps. 472-478)

The obsequies of the emperor were celebrated with great splendor.
Many kings, dukes, earls, marquises, noble knights, and the people of
the city were present. The clergy sang the divine offices with such
sorrow, that there was not one person present who did not weep. The
following day the funeral rites were performed with an equal splendor
and solemnity in honor of the princess, and on the third day, Tirant,
the late Caesar of the Greek empire, was honored by ceremonies no less
magnificent than the preceding. The body of the emperor was laid in a
beautiful tomb, but the bodies of Tirant and the princess were enclosed
in a casket, and with an escort of forty galleys they were taken to
Brittany and placed in a magnificent tomb in the principal church of
the city of Nantes. (Chaps. 471, 485)

The empress married Hypolite, and thus he who had fought so well and
bravely as Capita Major while Tirant was conquering Barbary became
emperor. He was much loved and feared by his subjects and by those
outside of his realm. He conquered many provinces, amassed great
treasures, and his rule was long and prosperous. (Chaps. 483, 487)

PART II

AUTHORSHIP OF TIRANT LO BLANCH

CHAPTER I

IN WHAT LANGUAGE WAS TIRANT LO BLANCH FIRST WRITTEN?

The caption of the dedicatory letter in _Tirant lo Blanch_ is conceived
in the following words:

A honor, lahor e gloria de nostre senyor deu Jesu crist: e de la
gloriosa sacratissima verge Maria, mare sua, senyora nostra. Comença
la letra del present libre appellat tirant lo blanch, dirigida per
mossen Johanot martorell caualler al serenissimo princep don Ferrando
de portogal.[12]

[12] To the honor, praise and glory of our Lord God, Jesus
Christ, and of the glorious most blessed Virgin Mary, His Mother,
Our Lady. Here beginneth the dedicatory letter of this book
entitled _Tirant lo Blanch_, addressed by Sir Johanot Martorell,
Knight, to the most serene Prince Ferdinand of Portugal.

In this letter we are told that Prince Ferdinand found great delight
in the contemplation of heroic deeds. His most enthusiastic admiration
was called forth by the feats of that famous hero, Tirant lo Blanch,
who outshone all other knights as the sun outshines all other planets.
But, according to this letter, the story of that great knight was
written in the English language. Prince Ferdinand wished to have it
translated into Portuguese, and since he knew that Martorell had spent
some time in England, he considered him well qualified to do the work.
Accordingly he asked him to translate the book.

Martorell, however, expresses a feeling of incompetency, and on
account of his professional and family affairs and the adversities of
fortune which do not permit him to enjoy peace of mind, he feels that
he might be justified in declining the noble task. But notwithstanding
all these obstacles he will undertake it, for surely the Sovereign
Good, who comes to the aid of those who wish to do worthy things,
will not fail him in his endeavor. Then in an enterprising spirit he
announces:

... me atreuire expondre, no solament d’lengua Anglesa en Portoguesa,
mas encara de Portoguesa en vulgar valenciana: perço que la nacio
don yo so natural sen puxa alegrar e molt ajudar per los tants e tan
insignes actes com hi son.[13]

[13] I shall undertake to translate, not only from the English
language into Portuguese, but also from the Portuguese into
the Valencian vernacular: in order that the country of which I
am a native may enjoy and be highly benefited by the many very
remarkable acts that are described therein.

He asks the prince to accept the book as from a devoted servant,
and begs him to overlook with indulgence the errors that may be
found therein, for in some passages it was impossible to give a good
translation of the English words. The letter closes as follows:

E perque en la present obra altri no puxa esser increpat si
defalliment algu trobat hi sera; yo Johanot martorell caualler sols
vull portar lo carrech e no altri ab mi: com per mi sols sia stada
ventilada a servey del molt illustre Princep e senyor rey spectant don
ferrando de portogal: la present obra e començada a .ii. d’giner de
lany .Mcccclx.[14]

[14] And in order that no other person may be blamed for any
faults that may be contained in this work, I, Johanot Martorell,
Knight, wish to accomplish this task alone and with the aid of no
one else: in order that it may be performed by me alone in the
service of the most illustrious Prince and Lord, expectant of the
royal crown, Don Ferdinand of Portugal. This work is begun on the
second day of January, 1460.

The principal part of the note that is found at the conclusion of the
book reads as follows:

Aci feneix lo libre del valeros e strenu caualler Tirant lo blanch,
Princep e Cesar del Imperi grech de Contestinoble, lo qual fon traduit
de Angles en lengua portoguesa, e apres en vulgar lengua valenciana
per lo magnifich e virtuos caualler mossen johanot martorell, lo qual
per mort sua non pogue acabar de traduir sino les tres parts. La
quarta part que es la fi del libre, es stada traduida a pregaries de
la noble senyora dona Ysabel de loriç per lo magnifich caualler Mossen
Marti johan d’galba: e si defalt hi sera trobat vol sia atribuit a la
sua ignorancia.[15]

[15] Thus ends the book of the valorous and brave knight,
Tirant lo Blanch, Prince and Caesar of the Grecian Empire of
Constantinople, which was translated from English into the
Portuguese language, and afterwards into the Valencian vernacular
by the illustrious and excellent knight, Sir Johanot Martorell,
who by reason of his death was not able to translate more than
the three parts. The fourth part, which is the end of the book,
has been translated at the request of the noble lady, Dona Isabel
de Loriç by the illustrious knight, Sir Marti Johan d’Galba: and
if there are any defects in it, may they be attributed to his
ignorance.

Then is appended the colophon:

Fon acabada d’empremptar la present obra en la Ciutat de Valencia a
.xx. del mes de Nohembre del any de la natiuitat de nostre senyor deu
Jesu crist mil .cccc. lxxxx.[16]

[16] The printing of this work was completed in the city of
Valencia on the twentieth day of November of the year of the
nativity of our Lord God, Jesus Christ, 1490.

According to the above representations, _Tirant lo Blanch_ existed
originally as an English romance of chivalry which was translated into
Portuguese by Martorell; then the Portuguese version was translated
into the Valencian language, three parts of it by Martorell and the
fourth part by de Galba.

But the literary world knows no English _Tirant lo Blanch_, nor, so
far as can be discovered, has it ever seen a reference to a romance
of that description except the statements in the Catalan book.
Consequently no little doubt arises as to an English original. The same
is the case concerning a Portuguese _Tirant lo Blanch_, and the doubt
as to the accuracy of Martorell’s and de Galba’s assertions increases
considerably. And then, finally, the contents of the work, its spirit,
its sources, and the fact that there is a _Tirant lo Blanch_ in the
Catalan language, strongly impel the reader to conclude that the
Catalan book is the original.

Let us first consider the question as to an English original. After a
careful study of _Tirant lo Blanch_, we have come to the conclusion
that it is hardly possible that it ever existed as an English romance.
That conclusion is based on a study of its principal sources and on the
nature of its contents. A truly Catalan atmosphere pervades by far the
greater part of it. The court and military life of the Catalonians and
Aragonese, their political problems and aspirations, their hopes and
fears,—all these are vividly reflected in this romance of chivalry.
Their history and their literature are so closely interwoven with the
story of Tirant lo Blanch, that we can scarcely conceive it possible
that it is not a Catalan production. We believe that when Martorell
says that the work is translated from the English, he means that it has
been inspired by an English book. And his statement has the semblance
of truth, for his composition contains a reproduction of a considerable
part of the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, somewhat modified
however, together with an account of the institution of the Order of
the Garter, of which the scenes of action are all laid in England. To
the story based on the above romance has been joined material derived
from other sources, and one of these is Raymond Lull’s _Libre del
Orde d’Cauayleria_. In the story, of which the material from these
two sources forms the foundation, Guy of Warwick is represented as
Guillem de Varoych, and for this reason we shall name this composite
reproduction, the William of Warwick episode.[17] _Tirant lo Blanch_
begins with this episode, which occupies a little more than one-eighth
part of the complete work. But this is not the only part in which the
influence of _Guy of Warwick_ is revealed. We know that Martorell,
when he planned his book of chivalry, was acquainted with the story of
Guy of Warwick, and in the course of the composition certain features
of the latter occurred to him and were incorporated in his work.
But these are not very numerous, and they are so sparsely scattered
that the pronounced Catalan atmosphere in which they appear absorbs
whatever distinguishing characteristics they may have had originally.
Our investigations, the details of which will follow, lead us to the
conclusion that if _Tirant lo Blanch_ had an English original, this
must have been written by a Catalan,—which, to say the least, is
improbable. Scholars who have given some attention to this question
entertain serious doubts concerning the representations that the work
is translated from the English. Menéndez y Pelayo regards the question
as very problematic.[18] Givanel Mas, in his excellent study on _Tirant
lo Blanch_,[19] intimates that it is doubtful that there has existed
an English original. Still he would consider it bold to deny that the
book has ever appeared in English or in Portuguese. But, on the other
hand, he sees no reason why we should consider it impossible that the
author has followed the custom of writers of chivalry, who, in perhaps
a majority of cases, pretend that their works were based on productions
found in foreign languages, not only in Greek, Latin, and Arabic, but
also in English and German. Bonsoms y Sicart says: “No cabe duda que
la celebrada novela es hija de la imaginación del magnífico y virtuoso
caballero valenciano.”[20] Rubió y Lluch makes this statement: “El
Tirant, en la parte fundamental, en el carácter general del cuadro
en que los personajes se mueven con más desembarazo, es indígena, es
catalán por sus cuatro costados.”[21]

[17] Why did Martorell change the name from Guy to William
(Guillem)? The Catalan form for Guy is Guiu, which may have been
easily confused in the MSS. with Guim, a contracted form of
Guillem. If this substitution did not result from a confusion in
names, the resemblance may have suggested Guillem, which was more
popular and therefore may have seemed preferable.

[18] D.M. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Orígenes de la Novela_, Madrid,
1905; tomo I, p. ccliii.

[19] Juan Givanel Mas, _Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_,
Madrid, 1912; p. 21.

[20] _Discursos leídos en la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de
Barcelona en la recepción publica de D. Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart_,
Barcelona, 1907; por Don Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart y Don Antonio
Rubió y Lluch, p. 40.

[21] _Ibid._, p. 164.

There is a passage in the William of Warwick episode which we feel
is a probable indication that the author was not English. When the
hermit-king, as leader of the English forces, recaptured the castle
of Alimburch from the Moors, in which the latter held many Christian
ladies as captives, Johan de Varoych, son of Guillem, called to them in
the following words: “Dones angleses, exiu defora e tornau en vostra
primera libertat, car vengut es lo dia de la vostra redempcio.”[22] Why
did the author say “Dones angleses”? Is it not probable that he for the
moment had forgotten that the work was supposed to be a translation
from the English, and addressed the ladies as a foreigner might have
done?

[22] English ladies, come out and enjoy your former liberty, for
the day of your redemption has come.

In spite of our efforts to take the author at his word, we feel moved
to conclude that the work was not translated from an English original.
We believe that a statement to that effect was made, because the
beginning of _Tirant lo Blanch_ was a kind of reproduction of a romance
in which an English knight was the hero, and because the events that
are recounted in that first part took place in England. The declaration
was perhaps suggested by examples of other authors of romances of
chivalry who attributed their works to foreign sources.

But if there was no English original, was there some other work to be
translated? In what language was it written? For lack of any other
information, we shall have to conclude that it was in Catalan, for the
contents of the final version clearly indicate that. This, then, was
translated into Portuguese, and then into Catalan. How absurd! for it
already existed in Catalan. It is evident that there was no translating
to be done.

If the book was not translated from an English, or a Catalan original,
it may be asked whether it was first written in Portuguese and then
translated into Catalan. In attempting to answer this question it is
necessary to remember the reason that is given for translating the work
from English into Portuguese, viz., that Prince Ferdinand of Portugal
asked Martorell to produce the work in the Portuguese language. And who
was this “serenissimo princep”?

Prince Ferdinand (1433-1470) was the second son of King Edward I of
Portugal. His mother was Doña Leonor de Aragón, a daughter of King
Ferdinand I. At the death of King Edward, in 1438, the latter’s eldest
son mounted the throne as Alfonso V. He was but six years old, and in
order that there might be no question as to the succession, “foi o
Infante D. Fernando jurado Principe pellos Infantes, e pello Conde de
Barcellos e por todos os que eraõ presentes, por si, e por todos os do
Reyno, de que se fizeraõ Autos solemnizados por Notarios publicos e
dahi em diante se chamou Principe de Portugal.”[23] This prince was,
according to de la Clède, “Duc de Viseo, Grand Maître de Christ et de
Saint Jacques en Portugal, et Connétable du Roiaume.”[24] He took an
active part in the fighting against the Moors in the northwestern part
of Africa.

[23] The Infante, D. Ferdinand was solemnly accepted as Prince
by the other Infantes, and by the Count of Barcellos and by all
those who were present, for themselves and for those of the
kingdom; duly attested acts of this action were drawn up by
notaries, and henceforth he was called Prince of Portugal. Duarte
Nunes de Leaõ, _Cronicas del rey Dom Joaõ de gloriosa memoria,
o I. deste nome, e dos reys de Portugal o X., e as dos reys D.
Duarte, e D. Affonso o V._, Lisbon, 1780; vol. 2, p. 86.

[24] M. de la Clède, _Histoire générale de Portugal_, Paris,
1735; vol. 3, p. 242.

Apparently, then, this dedication and all that concerns Prince
Ferdinand is written in good faith. And since he was a Portuguese, it
would be only natural to suppose that the book was composed in the
Portuguese language.

But this supposition loses much of its force when we consider that his
mother was a Catalan, and consequently it is probable that he knew, or,
at least, understood the Catalan language. Then, too, Martorell, who
was so fond of making elaborate descriptions of court life, fails to
reveal this tendency in telling about Tirant’s visit to the Portuguese
court at Lisbon, while this hero was on his way from Brittany to
Sicily. A few cold, matter-of-fact statements of that brief stay are
the only homage he renders to the kingdom of his patron. Surely that
was an excellent opportunity to sing the praises of Portugal, its
heroes, and its rulers, but to our great surprise no such attempt
is made. This fact is indeed astonishing, and causes us to doubt
that the book was written under the direction or at the request of a
Portuguese. Moreover, at the very time that Martorell was engaged in
the composition of _Tirant lo Blanch_, the Portuguese were doing what
they had been doing for years, performing heroic exploits in their
wars against the Moors on the African shores opposite the Spanish
peninsula. In the book under consideration the hero conquers that very
territory, but the Portuguese efforts find no place in the account of
that victorious campaign. And yet that conquest had a historical basis,
for it was founded on conditions and events described in Muntaner’s
_Chronica_.[25] We cannot help asking ourselves the question: Why did
Martorell wholly disregard the great deeds of valor of the Portuguese
heroes? He has given proof of being well versed in the history of his
times, and surely he had heard and read of their prowess. The answer
that suggests itself is, that the experiences of his native land with
Barbary as narrated in the _Chronica_ were uppermost in his mind, and
while he was writing the book the exploits of the Portuguese probably
did not occur to him. If such was the case, it is highly probable
that he did not reside at the Portuguese court, and perhaps Prince
Ferdinand was not much more than a name to him. In the kind of work
undertaken by the author, a work based principally on historical events
and the customs of the times, intermingled with literary productions
and problems that confronted Christianity and involved the destiny of
nations, the absence of traces of Portuguese influence from the fields
of history and of literature, or from any other field, causes us to
doubt seriously that the book was originally in Portuguese.[26]

[25] _Chronik des Edlen En Ramón Muntaner_, edited by Dr. Karl
Lang, _Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_,
Stuttgart, 1844.

[26] See page 152.

Moreover, Martorell, who was to write this book, was a Catalan. Was he
as excellent a master of Portuguese as he was of his native tongue? We
have no definite information in that regard upon which we may rely.
Surely he was courageous to write such a voluminous work in Portuguese,
if he did not control that language with ease. When he drew his
material from Lull’s and from Metge’s works (see pp. 79-89), did he
translate it into Portuguese and then turn it back into Catalan without
consulting the corresponding passages in the sources? If such was
the case, there would have been a greater difference in the parallel
passages. But a man who is a master of the two languages would never
take that trouble. And why should he try to make the passages exactly
alike? Now, what was Martorell to write about? About a great hero
whose name was Tirant lo Blanch and whose deeds were so much admired
by Prince Ferdinand. But this Tirant lo Blanch is not a historical
personage, he is an imaginary individual, a literary character. If
the Catalan Tirant had not yet been written, if there was not even
such a literary character, how, then, could the Prince have become so
enthusiastic about him?

The strongest argument in favor of a Portuguese original is the fact
that de Galba states that he translated the final fourth part from
the Portuguese. But we must remember that Martorell says that he will
translate the Portuguese into Catalan, and for that reason de Galba
was obliged to say the same. But the same style, vocabulary, method
of composing the work, the point of view and characteristics of the
author are in evidence throughout the book. For this reason it may seem
that Martorell wrote the whole work in Portuguese and then translated
three-fourths of it into Catalan. He died and de Galba completed it.
But if the latter had translated the fourth part, we feel that we
should have been able to discover some differences in style, spelling
and vocabulary, and an absence of some of the favorite expressions of
Martorell. If he had composed that part we should not have had much
difficulty in detecting it. Consequently we cannot believe that _Tirant
lo Blanch_ was first written in Portuguese, and then translated into
Catalan.

However, we accept in full faith the statement of the author that
he is a Valencian. The contents of his work corroborate it. He knew
that Ferdinand was Prince of Portugal; but did the latter ask him to
translate the English original? We cannot believe that there was such
a book in English, and consequently we doubt that _Tirant_ was written
at this request. We shall probably never be able to discover whether
Martorell was personally acquainted with Prince Ferdinand, or whether
he ever was in communication with him. The details of the dedicatory
letter point in that direction, but perhaps that was only an ingenious
way of the author to induce us to give credit to his statements.
However that may be, there was probably some good reason for dedicating
the work to the prince, but very likely we shall never know just what
that reason was.

If we cannot believe that there was an English original, and we doubt
that the book was first written in Portuguese, then it is probable that
we shall conclude that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was first written in Catalan.
Perhaps an attempt to prove that it is a Catalan production will help
us solve the problem.

In the composition of this book, material drawn from Catalan history
and Catalan literature has been utilized. The former we shall discuss
in other parts of this work, but we take up at this time two of the
literary sources. First let us give a series of parallel passages
from Raymond Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ and from _Tirant lo
Blanch_ in order to see what can be gained from a study of these.

_Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ _Tirant lo Blanch_

1^{a} En aquell temps en la entrada 1^{b} Lo virtuos rey de Anglaterra
del gran iuern sesdevench perque a total oci e languiment
que un gran Rey molt noble nos sotsmetessen: delibera, puix
e de bones costumes be habundos, hauie contractat matrimoni, de
hac manades corts: e per fer cridar cort general afi que
la gran fama qui fon per la terra si fes gran exercici darmes. La
de sa cort, hun assaut scuder fama fon divulgada per tots los
tot sol, en son palaffre caualcant, regnes de cristians, de la grandissima
anava a la cort per esser adobat festa que lo famos Rey
a noueyl cauayler: on per lo preparaua. Seguis que un gentilom
trebayl que hac sostengut d’son de linatge antich e natural
caualcar, dementre que anaua de Bretanya, anant en companyia
en son palaffre adormis. E en de molts altres gentils
aquella hora lo cauayler qui en homens qui a la gran festa
la forest fahia sa penitencia ffon anauen aturas mes darrer de
vengut a la ffont contemplar tots e adormis sobrel roci fatigat
Deu e menysprear la vanitat de del treball del gran cami que
aquest mon, seguns que cascun fet hauia. Son cauall lexa lo
jorn hauia acustumat. cami e pres per una senda qui
Dementre que lescuder caualcaua dreçava ala delitosa font hon
en axi, son palaffre exi d’l lermita staua qui en aquell cas
cami e mes se per lo boscatge, se delitaua legir un libre qui es
e ana tant la hon li plach per lo nomenat arbre de batalles. E
boscatge, tro esdevench en la feya continuament gracies, com
fontana hon lo cauayler estava aquell libre legia, a nostre
en oracio. Lo cauayler qui viu Senyor Deu de les singulars
venir lescuder lexa sa oracio e graties que en aquest mon hauia
assech se en lo bel prat a la aconseguides servint lorde de
ombra del arbre, e comença a caualleria. E stant axi veu
legir a .i. libre que tenia en la venir per pla un home a cauall;
fauda. e conegue que venia dormint;
lexas de legir e nol volgue despertar.
Lo palaffre con fo a la font Com lo roci fon dauant
bech de laygua, e lescuder qui la font e veu laygua, acostasi
senti en durment que son palaffre per voler beure: e per que tenia
nos mouia, despertas, e la falça regna en larço de la
viu denant si lo cauayler qui fo çella no podia: e tant bascha
molt veyl, e hac gran barba e que fon forçat al gentilom ques
lonchs cabels, e romputs vestiments: despertas: e obrint los hulls, se
per la velea e per la veu dauant un hermita ab molt
penitencia que fasia fo magre gran barba tota blancha: e quasi
e descolorit, e per les lagremes les vestidures rompudes: e mostrauas
que gitaua, sos hulls foren apoquits, flach e descolorit. E
e ac esguart d’molta santa aço causaua la molta penitencia
vida. que feya continuament, e per
les moltes lagremes quels seus
hulls destillauen li eren los hulls
molt apoquits. Lo conspectu
seu era de home admirable e de
gran sanctedat.

2^{a} Con lo cauayler ausi parlar 2^{b} Con lermita hoy parlar al
de cauayleria et remembra lorde gentilom que anaua per rebre
de cauayleria lorde de caualleria, recordant li
lorde quina cosa es, e tot ço que
e so quey pertany pertany a caualler, lansa un gran
a cauayler, adonchs gita .j. suspir sospir e entra en gran pensament,
et entra en consirer membrant essent en recort de la
en lo honrament en lo grandissima honor en que caualleria
qual cauayleria lo auia longament lauia longament mantengut.
mantengut.

3^{a} Com, fiyl, so dix lo cauayler, 3^{b} E com, dix lermita, no saps
e no saps tu qual es la regla e tu qual es la retgla e lorde de
lorde de cauayleria? e com pots caualleria? E com pots tu demanar
tu demanar cauayleria tro sapies caualleria fins que sapies
lorde de cauayleria? cor negun lorde, car negun cavaller no pot
cauayler no pot mantenir lorde mantenir lorde si nol sap e tot
que no sap, ni pot amar son lo que pertany a lorde:
orde ni so que pertany a son
orde, si no sap lorde de cauayleria,
ni sap conexer lo fayliment
que sia contra son orde.
Ni negun cauayler no deu fer e negun caualler sino sap
cauayler si no sap lorde de lorde de caualleria no es caualler,
cauayleria, cor desordenat cauayler car desordenat caualler es
es qui fa cauayler e no qui fa altre caualler e no li sap
li sap mostrar les custumes quis mostrar los costums que pertanyen
pertanyen a cauayler. a caualler.

4^{a} Bel amic, ço dix lo cauayler, 4^{b} Mon fill, dix lermita, tot lorde
la regla e lorde de cauayleria es es en aquest libre scrit, lo qual
en aquest libre en lo qual jo lig yo lig algunes veguades, perque
alcunes vegades per ço quem sia en recort de la gratia que
fassa remembrar la gracia et la nostre senyor
merce que Deus ma feta en
aquest mon, per ço cor honraua ma feta en aquest mon, per ço
e mantenia lorde de cauayleria a com honraua e mantenia lorde
tot mon poder. Cor en axi con de caualleria de tot mon poder.
cauayleria dona tot ço que pertany E axi com caualleria dona tot
a cauayler, en axi cauayler ço que pertany a caualler, axi
deu donar totes ses forses a caualler deu donar totes ses
honrar cauayleria. forces a honrar caualleria.

5^{a} E per ayso de tot lo poble 5^{b} E per aquesta causa de tot
foren fets milanaris, e de cascun lo poble foren fets millenars e de
.M. fo elet e triat .j. home pus cascun miller fonch elet un
amable, pus savi, pus leyal e home, mes amable e de mes
pus fortz, e ab pus noble coratge, afabilitat, mes savi, mes leal,
ab mes densenyaments e de mes fort e ab mes noble animo,
bons nodriments que tots los ab mes virtuts e bones costumes
altres. Encercat fo en totes les que tots los altres. E apres feren
besties qual es pus beyla bestia, cercar de totes les besties qual
e pus corrent e que pusca sostenir seria mes bella mes corrent, e
mes de trebayl, ni qual es pus que pogues sostenir maior treball,
covinent a servir home. E cor e qual fos mes covinent per
cauayl es la pus nobla bistia e a la servitut de lome,
la pus covinent a servir home,
per ayso de totes les besties hom e de totes
eleech cauayl e dona lo al home elegiren lo cauall e donaren lo a
qui fo elet de .M. homens: e lome qui fonch elet de mil homes
per ayso aquel home ha nom hu: e perço aquell home ague
cauayler. Com hom ac aiustada nom caualler com aguessen aiustada
la pus nobla bistia al pus noble la mes noble bestia ab lo
home... mes noble home.

1^{a} At that time, which was in 1^{b} The noble King of England,
the beginning of the severe winter, in order that his people
it happened that a great should not give themselves up to
king, who was most noble and absolute idleness and languor,
of many excellent habits, ordered determined, since he had contracted
an assembly of his court. marriage, to proclaim a
On account of the great fame meeting of the General Court
which his court enjoyed all over where great exercises of arms
the earth, a doughty squire, all should take place. The news of
alone and riding on his palfrey, the wonderful festival which the
went thither in order that he famous king was planning was
might be made a knight; when, spread throughout all the Christian
on account of the fatigue that he realms. It happened that
underwent from his riding, he a nobleman of ancient lineage
fell asleep while going along on and a native of Brittany, traveling
his steed. And at that moment in the company of many
the knight who was doing penance other noblemen who were going
in the forest had come to to the great festival, fell behind
the spring to contemplate and all the rest, and, overcome by
to despise the vanity of this the fatigue of the long journey
world just as he was accustomed that he had made, dropped
to do every day. asleep. His steed left the road
While the squire was riding and followed a path which led
along in this manner, his steed to the delightful spring where
left the road and entered the the hermit was, who at that
woods. It went wherever it very moment was reading with
pleased in the forest until it came great delight a book entitled
to the spring where the knight _Arbre de Batalles_. And he was
was praying. The knight, who continuously rendering thanks,
saw the squire coming, ceased while reading that book, to our
praying and seated himself on Lord God for the singular favors
the beautiful meadow in the that he had obtained in this
shade of the tree, and began to world in the service of the Order
read in a book which he had in of Chivalry. Being occupied in
his lap. When the steed was at this manner, he saw a man on
the spring, it drank, and the horseback coming across the
squire who in his sleep felt that plain, and noticed that he was
the palfrey was no longer moving, asleep. He ceased reading and
awoke, and saw before him did not wish to awaken him.
the knight who was very old, When the steed was in front of
and had a big beard and long the spring and saw the water,
hair, and clothes that were torn. it approached, for it wished to
From his vigils and from the drink, but because the rein was
penance that he was doing he fastened to the pommel of the
was thin and pale; and from the saddle it was not able to do so:
tears that he was shedding, his it stooped so low that the rider
eyes were swollen, and he had was obliged to wake up, and
the appearance of a man leading opening his eyes, he found himself
a very holy life. Ramon Lull, before a hermit with a very
_Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_, big snow-white beard: his clothes
Barcelona, 1879; p. v. were almost in shreds and he
was weak and pale. This was
caused by the great penance
that he was continuously doing,
and on account of the many
tears that his eyes distilled,
these were very much swollen.
His appearance was that of a
venerable and very holy man.
_Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. xxviii.

2^{a} When the knight heard the 2^{b} When the hermit heard the
subject of chivalry mentioned, nobleman say that he was going
and remembered the Order of so that he might be received into
Chivalry and what pertains to the Order of Chivalry, he, remembering
a knight, he gave a sigh and what the order is,
began to reflect deeply, remembering and all that pertains to a knight,
the honor in which gave a heavy sigh and began to
chivalry had so long maintained reflect deeply, recalling the very
him. _Ibid._, p. v. great honor in which chivalry
had so long maintained him.
_Ibid._, chap. xxix.

3^{a} “How now, my son,” this 3^{a} “And how now,” said the
said the knight, “and do you hermit, “do you not know what
not know what the rules and the rules and the Order of
the Order of Chivalry are? How Chivalry are? And how can you
can you ask for knighthood before ask for knighthood before you
you know the Order of know the order, for no knight
Chivalry? For no knight can can maintain the order if he
maintain the order that he does does not know it and all that
not know, nor can he love his pertains to the order: and no
order nor what pertains to his knight, if he does not know the
order if he does not know the Order of Chivalry, is a knight,
Order of Chivalry nor can distinguish for a poor knight is he who makes
the faults that are another a knight and cannot
against his order. Neither ought show him the practices which
any knight if he does not know pertain to a knight.” _Ibid._,
the Order of Chivalry make a chap. xxx.
knight, for a poor knight is he
who makes a knight and cannot
show him the practices which
pertain to a knight.” _Ibid._,
p. vi.

4^{a} “My fair friend,” this said 4^{b} “My son,” said the hermit,
the knight, “the rules and the “the whole order is described in
Order of Chivalry are contained this book, which I read sometimes,
in this book in which I read in order that I may be
sometimes in order that I may reminded of the grace that our
be reminded of the grace and Lord granted me in this world,
the favors that God has granted for I honored and maintained
me in this world, for I honored the Order of Chivalry with all
and maintained the Order of my might. And just as chivalry
Chivalry with all my might. gives all that pertains to a
For just as chivalry gives all knight, so also a knight ought to
that pertains to a knight, so give all his strength to honor
also a knight ought to give all chivalry.” _Ibid._, chap. xxxi.
his strength to honor chivalry.”
_Ibid._, p. vi.

5^{a} And on account of this all 5^{b} And for this reason all the
the people were divided into people were divided into groups
groups of thousands, and from of thousands and from each
each thousand was selected and thousand was selected one man
chosen one man who was more who was more amiable and of
amiable, wiser, more loyal and greater affability, wiser, more
more powerful, and with more loyal, more powerful and with
noble courage, with more instruction nobler courage, with more excellent
and good training than qualities and good practices
all the others. A diligent search than all the others. And
was made among all the animals afterwards they caused a search
to determine which one of them to be made among all the animals
is the most beautiful and most to determine which was the most
fleet and which is able to endure beautiful, most fleet, and which
most fatigue, and which is most could endure greatest fatigue,
suitable to serve man. And and which was most suitable for
since the horse is the most noble the service of man, and from
animal and the most suitable to all, they selected the horse and
serve man, for this reason, from gave it to the man, the one who
all the animals one selected the was chosen from one thousand
horse and gave it to the man men: and therefore that man
who was chosen from one thousand was called caualler, since they
men: and therefore that had adapted the most noble
man is called cauayler. Since animal to the most noble man.
one has adapted the most noble _Ibid._, chap. xxxii.
animal to the most noble
man... _Ibid._, p. vii.

The five parallel passages given above indicate that Martorell had
Lull’s work before his eyes at the time that he was writing the part
that treats of the meeting of young Tirant and the hermit and their
conversation concerning the order of Chivalry. The first passage from
the _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ is an excellent example of the
author’s method in selecting a foundation on which to base the various
and numerous activities of his hero. The passage is important, for it
has furnished an interesting manner of introducing Tirant lo Blanch
to the reader, and, moreover, it may have been the author’s starting
point. The corresponding passage from Martorell’s work reveals that
the source was followed very closely. It is an easy matter to pick out
the part of it that he needed to change in order to make it suit his
purpose. The details of the latter part give evidence that he consulted
the source probably more than once, and that the modifications which we
find there are not necessarily due to the processes of translation. The
same may be said of the second parallel passages. But the other three
are so very nearly alike that the translation theory must be given up.
Let us remember what we are asked to believe. We are told that _Tirant
lo Blanch_ was translated from the English. Then these passages were
translated from Lull’s work (written in Catalan), first into English,
then into Portuguese, and finally back into Catalan. And in all these
various processes the passages in their final form are practically the
same as the original. Is not this a marvelous achievement? We cannot
believe the author’s ingenious representations. We are convinced that
_Tirant lo Blanch_ was not translated from the English. And since that
is the case, is it not probable that it was not written in Portuguese?
We admit that by translating from the Catalan into Portuguese, and
then back again into Catalan, the resulting passages might not be so
very different. But we cannot believe that they could be so similar to
the original after two translations. Then, how do we account for the
changes? A comparative study of Lull’s style and language and that of
Martorell shows that there was considerable difference between them.
Of course, it was not the latter’s intention to copy the material
word for word. He recast it, adapting it to his style and vocabulary;
in other words, he took in general merely the ideas and expressed
them in his own way. If Lull’s manner of expression in certain cases
agreed with his own, he did not make any changes. He added or omitted
incidents at his own pleasure. Sometimes he made a reproduction, and
at other times a copy with only such alterations as were necessary
to make the passages conform to his own style, which presumably he
considered an improvement over the original. Some few changes may have
been caused by misreading or in the process of copying. Now and then we
get the impression that he made certain alterations in order to avoid
a literal transcription. A glance over the above passages shows that
Martorell changed certain words. For “palaffre” he substituted “roci”;
for “vestiments,” “vestidures”; for “magre,” “flach”; for “ausi”
(heard), “hoy”; for “remembrar,” “recordar” or “esser en recort de”;
for “consirer,” “entrar en gran pensament”; for “honrament,” “honor”;
for “tro,” “fins”; for “en axi,” “axi”; for “pus” in comparisons,
“mes.” A study of Martorell’s vocabulary reveals that the words for
which he made substitutions are lacking in it. Other similar cases
may be found, but, to prove our point, we do not feel it necessary
to make an exhaustive study of the vocabularies of these authors. We
shall, however, call attention to the ending of the first parallel
passages. Lull says: “... e per les lagremes que gitaua, sos hulls
foren apoquits.” The corresponding passage of Martorell reads: “e per
les moltes lagremes quels seus hulls destillauen li eren los hulls
molt apoquits.” There is much weeping in _Tirant lo Blanch_, and the
author’s favorite way of describing it is something like this: “los
seus hulls destillaren vives lagremes.” Without making an exhaustive
search for this expression, we find twenty-one instances in _Tirant
lo Blanch_ where the words “hulls,” some form of “destillar,” and
“lagremes” are used to describe this emotional manifestation. He
expresses it in other ways, but he never uses the verb “gitar,” which
is employed by Lull in this connection. Martorell never uses this
word, but, on the other hand, he frequently employs “lançar” with the
very same meaning.

After a careful comparison of the above passages, we are satisfied
that the book under consideration is not a translation from an English
original, nor was it first written in Portuguese. However, if the
reader is still doubtful in regard to these questions, let us examine
other parallel passages, of which the originals are found in another
Catalan production, which bears the title Lo _Somni d’En Bernat Metge_.

_Lo Somni d’En Bernat Metge_[27] _Tirant lo Blanch_[28]

1^{a} Tamaris reyna de Scithia, 1^{b} ... Tamarits Reyna de Sicilia
no fo de menor coratge; la qual la qual no fo de menor
en venjança de la mort de son fill animo. Car en veniança de la
y consolacio sua mata batallant mort de son fill per consolacio
aquell famos y molt temut Cirus, sua mata en batalla aquell famos
rey d’Assia, ab dos cents milia e molt temut Cirius Rey d’dasia
Persians. ab. CC. milia persians.

2^{a} ... y apres que la hague 2^{b} ... Lo dit Cornelio obtengue
dompdada, se’n glorieja tant della victoria. E sen
com si hagues vençut lo major glorieja tant com si hagues
y pus victorios princep del vençut lo major princep del
mon. mon.

3^{a} ... E aquella [amor] que 3^{b} ... E aquella Porcia filla
Porcia filla de Catho, hague a d’l Rey Tracio sabent que lo
Brut, marit seu, la qual encontinent marit seu mort era.
que sabe la mort
d’aquell, per tal com no habia E com no pogues
prest ferre ab que’s matas, desitjant hauer ferro prest ab ques matas
seguir l’espirit del dit cobejant seguir lesperit de
Brut begue carbons foguejants aquell begue carbons foguejants
y mort. e mort.

4^{a} Be fo cordial e memorable 4^{b} Mes fon cordial e memorable
amor que Artemisia, reyna, lamor que Artemisa reyna
hague a Mauseolo, marit seu; hague a Menaculo, marit seu, la
la qual apres que ell fo mort y qual apres que ell fon mort e li
li hague celebrades solempnes hague celebrades solemnes exequies
exequies, lo feu polvoritzar, y’l lo feu poluorizar e begues
begue, mostrant que ella volia la polvora mostrant que ella
esser sepulcre d’ell. volia esser sepultura dell.

1^{a} Tomyris, Queen of Scythia, 1^{b} ... Tomyris, Queen of
was not of less courage: who Sicily, who was not of less
in avenging the death of her courage. For in avenging the
son and her consolation killed death of her son, for her consolation
battling that famous and much she killed in battle that
feared Cyrus, King of Asia, with famous and much feared Cyrus,
two hundred thousand Persians. King of Asia, with two hundred
thousand Persians.

2^{a} ... and after he had defeated 2^{b} The aforesaid Cornelius
her, he boasted about it won a victory over her. And
as if he had vanquished the he boasted about it as if he had
greatest and most victorious vanquished the greatest prince
prince in the world. in the world.

3^{a} ... and that [love] which 3^{b} ... and that Portia,
Portia daughter of Cato had for daughter of the King Tracio,
Brutus her husband, she, who, knowing that her husband was
as soon as she knew of his death, dead. And since she could not
for the reason that she had no get an iron instrument immediately,
iron instrument immediately at being eager to follow his
hand with which to slay herself, spirit, ate burning coals and
desiring to follow his spirit, ate died.
burning coals and died.

4^{a} Very cordial and memorable 4^{b} More cordial and memorable
was the love which Queen was the love which Queen
Artemisia had for Mausolus her Artemisa had for Menaculo
husband; she, who, after he was her husband, she, who, after
dead and she had solemn exequies he was dead and she had solemn
celebrated for him, caused exequies celebrated for him,
his body to be converted into caused his body to be converted
dust, and she swallowed it, into dust, and she swallowed the
showing that she wished to be dust, showing that she wished to
his sepulcher. be his sepulture.

[27] _Lo Somni d’En Bernat Metge_, edited by R. Miquel y Planas,
Barcelona, 1907; Libre quart, pp. 93-95.

[28] Chap. cccix, cols. 3 and 4.

All that we have said in support of our contention that the excerpts
from _Tirant lo Blanch_ in the first series of parallel passages have
been taken directly from Lull’s work, and not from a translation, is
borne out by a comparison of the passages just given. We feel that
the evidence is conclusive and that comment would be superfluous. And
with all this array of evidence we feel justified in concluding that
_Tirant lo Blanch_ was written originally in Catalan. Martorell was a
learned Catalan; he was well versed in the history of his country and
its literature; he was a master of his native language; and he composed
his voluminous work in the tongue that he knew so well. If _Tirant lo
Blanch_ was translated into Portuguese, it was not from an English but
from a Catalan original that the translation was made.

CHAPTER II

IN WHAT WAY WAS DE GALBA CONNECTED WITH THE
PRODUCTION OF TIRANT LO BLANCH?

We are told in the note at the end of the book that Martorell, because
of his death, was unable to translate more than three parts of it, and
that “la quarta part que es la fi del libre es stada traduida ... per
lo magnifich caualler Mossen Marti Johan de Galba.” Now the question
arises: What did de Galba have to do with the production of _Tirant lo
Blanch_? It is difficult to answer the question definitely.

In the first place, we do not know what the four parts of the book are.
Martorell, at the beginning of the work, probably intended to divide
it into a number of parts, for, after the dedication and the prologue,
we read: “Comença la primera part del libre de Tirant la qual tracta
de certs virtuosos actes que feu lo Comte Guillem de Ueroych en los
seus benaventurats darrers dies.” Then, in the chapter immediately
following this caption, we find these words: “E per tant com la
divina providencia ha ordenat, e li plau que los .vii. planets donen
influencia en lo mon e tenen domini sobre la humana natura.... per ço
ab lo diuinal adiutori sera departit lo present libre de caualleria
en .vii. parts principals.... La primera part sera del principi de
caualleria. La segona sera del stament e offici de caualleria, etc.”
After informing us of what these seven parts shall treat, he makes this
puzzling statement: “Les quals .vii. parts de caualleria seran deduydes
en serta part del libre.”[29] Here, then, we have the conflicting
statements that the book is to be divided into seven parts, and then
follows the announcement that these seven parts shall be produced in a
certain part of the work. But nowhere in it do we find any indications
that the author attempted to make such a division. It is true, as we
have already stated, that the beginning of the first part is announced,
but after that no mention of the beginning or end of any other part is
made. A logical division into four almost equal parts is absolutely
impossible. But we do find that in Chapters XXXI-XXXVI some of the
subjects mentioned in the proposed divisions of the work are treated
and discussed.

[29] Here commences the first part of the book of Tirant, which
treats of certain great deeds done by the Earl, William of
Warwick, in his last blessed days.... And inasmuch as Divine
Providence has ordained and is pleased that the seven planets
exert an influence over the world and hold dominion over human
nature. ... on account of this, with divine aid, this book of
chivalry will be divided into seven principal parts.... The first
part shall treat of the beginning of chivalry. The second shall
treat of the state and profession of chivalry, etc.... These
seven parts shall be presented in a certain part of the book.

An examination of Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ will explain the
inconsistency. In this book we find, in the “Incipit Prologus,” the
following words:

“Per Significança de les .vii. planetes ... que gouernen e ordonen
los corsos terrenals, departim aquest libre d’cauayleria en .vii.
parts.... La primera part es d’l començament d’cauayleria. La segona
es del offici de cauayleria, etc.”[30]

[30] With the significance of the seven planets ... which
govern and control the terrestrial bodies, we divide this book
of chivalry into seven parts.... The first part treats of the
commencement of chivalry. The second treats of the profession of
chivalry, etc.

Martorell had evidently copied from Lull’s book, and the inconsistency
was overlooked and found its way into his work.

We have made endeavors to locate the fourth part, which we are told
was translated by de Galba, but all our efforts have been in vain.
We have carefully examined the spelling, vocabulary, and style of
the whole book, but have been unable to find any part that differed
sufficiently from the rest of the work to justify the assertion of even
a possibility that it represents the part translated by de Galba. The
statement can hardly be accepted, for we cannot find anything at all
that would tend to support or corroborate it in any way.

But we have concluded that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was originally written
in Catalan. Consequently it is not the question: What part did de
Galba translate? but, What part did he write? It is not a difficult
matter to see why de Galba states that he _translated_ the fourth
part. Martorell had called his book a translation and consequently de
Galba was obliged to do the same. But the assumption that the latter
wrote a part of considerable importance can hardly be maintained.
We have already remarked that there is no appreciable difference in
vocabulary and style in any part. Moreover, we find throughout the work
a marked similarity in the manner of observation and description. The
author has certain favorite expressions which he uses again and again,
and these are not confined to any special parts. The same method of
composing the book is followed from beginning to end. The same mind
and the same heart are always in evidence. The different characters,
when laboring under intense emotion, speak and act in practically the
same way. Martorell has stamped his work with a strong individuality,
and his characteristics are revealed throughout. All these facts tend
to indicate that _Tirant lo Blanch_ is the work of one author and
one only. If it were not for the statement to the contrary, we feel
certain that no one would ever doubt that the whole book was written by
Martorell.

But if we conclude that de Galba neither translated nor wrote a
considerable part of the work, what did he do that would give him any
right to claim part of the honor in the production? Perhaps Givanel
Mas is right when he hints that de Galba’s rôle was limited to the
preparation of the manuscript for publication. We are rather inclined
to accept that suggestion. We are, however, disposed to add that
probably de Galba did contribute something to the story. Perhaps he
wrote the very last chapter, which consists of about three hundred
words. We suggest this probability, because the reading of that chapter
leaves the impression that the ending of the story is overdone. It may
be that he wrote it for no other reason than to be able to say that he
“translated” the fourth part, “la fi del libre.” In this chapter we
are told that under the rule of Hypolite the empire was prosperous and
extended its limits. After the death of the empress, according to the
same chapter, he married a daughter of the King of England, who bore
him three sons and two daughters. The eldest of these sons was named
after his father and performed great deeds of prowess. The emperor and
the empress reached a very advanced age, and they died on the same day.
Their rule was so excellent, and their lives were so good and virtuous,
that we may feel assured that they are now enjoying the glory of heaven.

We have not been able to find anything in the style and language of
this last chapter that would indicate that it was written by any other
than Martorell, and we confess that our suggestion is based almost
exclusively upon the fact that it might very well have been omitted.
In the chapters immediately preceding this one, Tirant and Carmesina
are placed in their tomb, Hypolite marries the empress, rewards his
friends, and marries them to ladies of the imperial court. The closing
words of the next to the last chapter are:

“Apres dona a tots aquells qui se eren casats ab les criades de la
Emperadriu e de la Princessa bones heretats, quen podien molt be viure
a lur honor, e cascu segons son grau, que tots nestauen molt contents.
E apres per temps casa totes les altres axi com de bon senyor se
pertanyia.”[31]

[31] Afterwards, to all those who had married the maids of the
empress and of the princess, he gave generous gifts, so that they
could live well and in honor, and each one according to his rank.
As a result all were very happy. And in time, as a worthy lord
ought, he gave all the others maids in marriage.

The passage just quoted seems to have been intended for the conclusion
of _Tirant lo Blanch_. This indication, together with the fact that the
last chapter seems unnecessary and superfluous, surely justifies the
suggestion that probably de Galba wrote “la fi del libre,” but not the
fourth part, unless he called these last few lines “la quarta part.”

The best explanation that we can suggest in regard to de Galba’s
statement is, that on account of preparing the manuscript for the
printer, he considered himself entitled to some credit in the
production of this book. Why he claims to have translated the fourth
part can only be a matter of conjecture. Perhaps that part was in
special need of revision. He may have made some changes or additions,
but we cannot admit that he wrote or translated the whole or a
considerable portion of it.

PART III

COMPARATIVE STUDY OF _TIRANT LO BLANCH_ AND
THE SOURCES: _GUY OF WARWICK_, LIFE OF
ROGER DE FLOR IN MUNTANER’S _CHRONICA_,
AND LULL’S _LIBRE DEL ORDE D’CAUAYLERIA_.

CHAPTER I

WILLIAM OF WARWICK STANDS FOR THE MATURE
GUY OF WARWICK

Towards the end of his book, the author of _Tirant lo Blanch_ annexed
to the life of his hero, with extensive modifications however, the
latter part of the career of the famous Catalan hero, Roger de Flor,
whose life from childhood to death is related in Muntaner’s _Chronica_.
It is not so strange, then, that those who have read _Tirant lo Blanch_
and are acquainted with the life of Roger de Flor should designate
Martorell’s work as a kind of historical novel.

In his excellent _Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_, Givanel Mas
exclaims:

Cuán acertado estuvo Amador de los Ríos al indicar que la principal
fuente del libro de caballerías catalán, fueron las proezas de aquel
caudillo [Roger de Flor] cuyas hazañas llenan bastantes páginas de la
Crónica de Muntaner.[32]

[32] _Op. cit._, p. 117.

In Denk’s _Geschichte der altcatalanischen Litteratur_ we read the
following statement:

Jeder Kenner der catalanischen Geschichte sieht in Tirant nichts als
die novellistisch behandelte Gestalt des kühnen Abenteurers Roger de
Flor, dessen Thaten Muntaner und Moncada erzählen und schildern.[33]

[33] Dr. V.M. Otto Denk, _Einführung in die Geschichte der
altcatalanischen Litteratur_, Munich, 1893; pp. 144 and 145.

In Menéndez y Pelayo’s _Orígenes de la Novela_ we find the following
passage:

El tema principal de la novela, las empresas de Tirante en Grecia
y Asia ... dan al Tirante cierto sello de novela histórica, donde
se reconoce no muy disfigurada (dentro de los límites que separan
siempre la verdad de la ficción), la heróica expedición de catalanes y
aragoneses á Levante y el trágico destino de Roger de Flor.[34]

[34] D.M. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Orígenes de la Novela_, Madrid,
1905; tomo I, p. ccliv.

But when we compare this book of chivalry with Muntaner’s _Chronica_
and with _Guy of Warwick_, we see that these quotations, while true in
general, are at the same time more or less misleading, for the English
romance has provided more material than is generally believed, not
only that which furnished the basis of the William of Warwick episode,
but also elements that were utilized in different parts of the work.
Therefore we shall point out all the constituents or features that seem
to owe their origin to the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, or to
that part of Muntaner’s _Chronica_ which contains the life of Roger de
Flor.

In the William of Warwick episode, with which we have begun our
analysis, Martorell has given us a kind of free reproduction of an
important part of _Guy of Warwick_. But the Catalan author is not a
servile imitator; the incidents that he has taken from the English
romance he has treated in such a way as to render them more interesting
than the original.

The episode is based upon the following events which we find in the
fourteenth-century versions of the Guy of Warwick romance[35]: After
many knightly combats and adventures on the continent, and after
slaying the dragon in Northumberland, Guy married Felice, the daughter
of Earl Rohold. The newly married couple lived in great happiness
for two weeks. One evening, after a hunt, Guy mounted a high tower,
where he admired the stars of heaven. He thought of the many honors
that had been bestowed upon him by Christ, our Saviour, and then it
occurred to him that he had never done anything for the Lord in return.
On the contrary, he had engaged in wars, wrought much woe, and slain
many of his fellow-men. He became deeply repentant and resolved to
spend the rest of his life as a pilgrim, and thus make amends for his
transgressions. He informed Felice of his resolution. She, in tears,
begged him to remain with her, but he was firm. Before his departure,
she gave him a ring as a remembrance of her. He crossed the sea and
proceeded on his way to Jerusalem.

[35] These fourteenth-century versions were edited from the
Auchinleck MS. in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh, and from MS.
107 in Caius College, Cambridge, by Julius Zupitza, and published
for the Early English Text Society, London, 1883, 1887, and 1891.
For the beginning of the episode, cf. p. 396.

After many adventures abroad Guy finally returned to England. During
his absence the Danes had invaded the country and wrought great
destruction. When he arrived at Winchester none that saw him recognized
him. Just at the time of his arrival, the English king, Aethelstan,
was holding a council with the leading men of the realm. They were
considering the demand of the Danish king that the English surrender
the kingdom and pay tribute to Denmark or bring some one forth to
engage in combat with the giant, Colbrond, the champion of the Danes.
If this giant should be vanquished, the invaders would leave the soil
of England; but if, on the other hand, he should be victorious, the
English would be obliged to pay tribute to the Danes. King Aethelstan
asked his assembled men if they knew any knight who would dare to fight
against Colbrond, but they all stood silent with downcast eyes. The
king could not sleep that night, and was praying incessantly that God
might send some one to champion the cause of England, when an angel
appeared before him and bade him arise early the following morning
and go to church, where he would find a pilgrim who would undertake
the fight against the giant. Early the next morning the king met the
pilgrim. The latter at first declined the king’s behest, pleading
feebleness and old age, but finally consented. On the day appointed
the pilgrim went to the spot where the combat was to take place, knelt
down and prayed for victory. Then came Colbrond on foot, for he was too
heavy for any horse. All his armor was black, and his appearance such
as to make one shudder. Guy rode towards him and the combat began. The
giant cut Guy’s steed in two without much delay. Guy was then obliged
to fight on foot, and he was scarcely able to reach his adversary’s
shoulder with his sword. Nevertheless he succeeded in inflicting an
ugly wound on Colbrond, who returned the blow, cutting Guy’s shield
in twain. A moment later Guy struck a vigorous blow with his sword
and broke it. Thereupon he seized one of the axes of the giant, who
immediately drove his sword at him with all his might, but missed him,
the sword going three feet into the earth. While he was stooping to
pull it out, Guy cut off his right arm. The giant made a desperate
effort to extricate his weapon with his left, but before he could do
so, Guy severed his head from the body. Thus was Colbrond, champion of
the Danes, vanquished, and the invaders, true to their word, boarded
their ships and returned to their country.

Guy was led back into the town of Winchester in a great triumphal
procession. King Aethelstan wished to reward him, but the pilgrim
would accept nothing. The king asked him to reveal his name. The
stranger replied that if he would accompany him out of the city, his
wish should be granted. Aethelstan went with him and was amazed when he
found out that the pilgrim was none other than Guy of Warwick. He asked
him to remain with him, but the request was denied. Both weeping, they
kissed each other and parted. Guy, in his pilgrim garb, went to the
city of Warwick, where he presented himself before his wife, Felice,
who gave him food without recognizing him. She asked him to come every
day, and he should always receive food and drink from her; but he
never returned. Going instead to visit a certain hermit, he found that
the latter had died during his absence. Guy then decided to pass the
remainder of his days in the deserted hermitage. One night an angel
appeared to him and announced that on the morning of the eighteenth day
he should exchange this world for heaven. When the period had almost
expired he sent a messenger to Felice with the ring that she had given
him when he set out on his pilgrimage. Recognizing the ring, she fell
unconscious. After recovering, she immediately went to him. Guy kissed
her tenderly and then passed away. A few days later Felice was buried
at his side.

This part of the English romance was utilized by Martorell to form
the foundation of the William of Warwick episode. He made changes
and additions to suit his purpose, following the general plan, but
inventing the details. The simple ring he describes as a complicated
double ring; the Danish invasion as an incursion of the Moors; and the
angel that appeared to the king as the Virgin and the Child. When the
Danish champion is defeated, the Danes withdraw from England; but when
the Moorish king is vanquished, the Moors do not leave the kingdom as
they had agreed to do. Consequently a campaign to exterminate the
Moors results, and William of Warwick becomes the commander of the
English forces.

But all of the episode is not based on _Guy of Warwick_. We have
seen in the beginning of the analysis that, after the Moors had been
annihilated, William again returned to a hermitage. Up to this point
Martorell followed his model rather faithfully, but thereafter he
abandoned it. However, he continued the episode, drawing his material
from a different source. In order to point out to the reader what parts
of the episode are not based on the English romance, and at the same
time to give a concrete example of the method followed by Martorell in
the composition of his work, we shall note the procedure of the author
in the continuation of this episode.

In the prologue of Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ Martorell had
read of a great knight who likewise had retired to a hermitage, and
doubtless this striking coincidence, which apparently had attracted
his attention even before he began writing his romance, caused him to
incorporate in the episode the incident related by Lull. The prologue
recites how, in a certain country, a knight, who for a long time had
been an honor to knighthood, finally realized that the end of his days
was approaching, whereupon he decided to spend the rest of his life as
a hermit. Accordingly he went to live in a dense forest. It was his
custom to come every day to a clear spring under a large tree, where
he was wont to contemplate and pray. Now it happened that a great king
had announced an assembly of his court, and a certain mounted squire
was proceeding on his way to attend that court in order that knighthood
might be conferred upon him. Overcome by the fatigue of the journey,
the squire fell asleep. His steed left the road, entered the wood,
and came to a spring at a time when the hermit was there. The latter
discontinued his prayers when he saw the squire approaching and began
to read in a book. When the steed stopped at the spring to drink,
the rider awoke and was surprised to see the aged hermit before him.
After exchanging greetings, the hermit spoke to the youth of things
pertaining to knighthood, and when they parted, asked him to come back
after he had been made a knight.

The author of _Tirant lo Blanch_ incorporated in his work the incident
just mentioned by paraphrasing it and by reproducing certain parts
almost literally, as we have already observed, making such changes as
he saw fit. In the reproduction of this incident the unknown hermit
is William of Warwick; the unnamed king is the King of England; and
the squire is Tirant lo Blanch. In Lull’s work the hermit invites the
squire to return, but he never comes back. Martorell makes his hero
accept the hermit’s invitation, and Tirant with his companions returns
to William of Warwick, when the principal events that took place at the
English court, including the marvelous feats of Tirant, are related to
him. The deeds that Martorell ascribes to Tirant while at the court
of the English king are not similar to those of Guy of Warwick as
described in the English romance. They are probably inventions of the
author, based on what he witnessed, heard, or read in connection with
tournaments or knightly affairs. Tirant remained with the hermit for a
few days and then returned to his native land, Brittany. Here ends the
William of Warwick episode.

To sum up: All that part of the episode up to and including the
retirement of William of Warwick to a hermitage after the extermination
of the Moors, is based on the English romance, but only on that portion
of it that treats of the latter part of the career of the English hero.
The subsequent part of the episode at first seems to reveal no other
traces of the romance, but suddenly a resemblance emerges.

CHAPTER II

TIRANT LO BLANCH RESEMBLES YOUNG GUY OF WARWICK

Perhaps William of Warwick stands for the mature Guy of Warwick, and
Tirant lo Blanch for the youthful Guy of Warwick. If such is the case,
we have met with a very interesting phenomenon: in the meeting of the
hermit and Tirant we have the venerable and experienced Guy of Warwick
giving instructions in regard to knighthood to his younger self. Our
attention is first called to this resemblance when we read of the
honors that Tirant gained at London.

Tirant lo Blanch crossed the English Channel, took part in the
exercises of arms that were conducted under the auspices of the King of
England, and won for himself the honor of being the best knight; for in
reading the document given by the King to Tirant we meet these words:
“... volem que [Tirant lo Blanch] sia per tots los quatre cantons de
les liçes publicat per lo millor dels cauallers.”[36]

[36] It is our desire that [Tirant lo Blanch] be proclaimed from
all four corners of the lists the best of the knights. _Tirant lo
Blanch_, chap. lviii, col. 2.

Guy of Warwick crossed the English Channel, engaged in a tournament
that had been proclaimed by the daughter of the emperor of Germany, and
as a result a sergeant came to him after the tournament and addressed
him in these words:

Sir Guy, he seide, god the kepe:
Thou art holde the best in this borough
And in all this londe thurgh and thorough.[37]

[37] Caius MS., p. 59.

But Tirant lo Blanch is supposed to represent Roger de Flor. Does the
youthful career of Tirant resemble that of the Catalan hero? Let us
consult Muntaner’s _Chronica_. There we find that Roger de Flor, when
eight years old, began his training for a sea-life and at the age of
twenty was pronounced a perfect mariner and placed in command of a ship
of the Templars. His early laurels were won as a seaman. No mention is
made of his prowess in the exercise of arms.

From the above comparisons it is evident that Martorell did not have
Roger de Flor in mind when he described the knightly combats of Tirant.
But we do find a strong similarity between the youthful Tirant and
young Guy of Warwick as he is pictured to us in the English romance. We
know that Martorell had great respect for Guy of Warwick, for he calls
him “lo egregi e strenu caualler, pare de caualleria.” Perhaps the
youthful career of Guy or other incidents in the English romance have
made such impression on the author as to have left other visible marks
on his book of chivalry? Perhaps _Guy of Warwick_ has yielded more than
is generally believed? Let us follow the hint and see what result the
investigation will produce.

Guy of Warwick in his youth served Earl Rohold as cup-bearer, and fell
in love with Felice, the daughter of his lord. Such woe came over
him that he wept. His suffering became greater and greater. Finally
he concluded to tell her of his love, for he could not eat nor drink
nor rest, and his woe was driving him to despair. He went to her, and
throwing himself at her feet, he made confession of his love. She
rebuffed him and warned him not to come to her again. He returned to
his room, where he tore his hair and rent his clothes until he swooned.
The earl sent doctors, and Guy pretended to be suffering from chills
and fever. Love again drove him to her feet. A maid remarked that
if she were the daughter of the richest king on earth, she could
not refuse Guy her love. Felice chided the maid for her speech, but
nevertheless took compassion on the unhappy lover and promised him her
love if he should become a great knight. And finally Guy, by his valor,
love, and true worth, won her, although he was beneath her in station.

Tirant, as we have observed in the analysis, was afflicted in much
the same manner, when first he beheld Carmesina. He, too, was below
his lady in station, and his confession of love was received as an
insult. The emperor sent his physicians to him, and he claimed that his
sickness was due to change of climate. Just as the maid interceded for
Guy, so Stephania pleaded in behalf of Tirant. And in the end his love,
prowess, and great service to the empire removed the obstacle which the
difference in station had placed between them.

The _Chronica_ of Muntaner does not give us any information concerning
a love affair between Roger de Flor and the niece of the Emperor of
Constantinople. Nor are there any love scenes at all in that part of
the _Chronica_ that deals with the career of the Catalan hero.

While Guy of Warwick was at Spires with the Emperor of Germany, they
went hunting along the river. When Guy was returning from the hunt,
he noticed a dromond coming to the shore. He greeted the men in the
boat, and learned that they were merchants who had left Constantinople
because the sultan, after having devastated nearly all of the Grecian
empire, laid siege to the imperial city. Guy, with his faithful
companion from England, Heraud, and one hundred of the most stalwart
knights that he could find in Germany, went to Constantinople to succor
the unfortunate emperor. When he arrived His Imperial Majesty greeted
him with these words:

Of thine help gret nede haue we.
Michel ich haue herd speke of the.

..................................

Forti thousand thai slowe on a day
Of mine men as ich you telle may.
Mine men thai slowe, mi sone also,
Wharfore, leue frende, y bede the to,
If thou might me of hem wreke,
And the felouns out of mi lond do reke,
Mine feyre douhter thou shalt habbe,
And half mi lond, with-outen gabbe.[38]

[38] Auchinleck MS., pp. 166 and 168.

In speaking of the formidable Saracen, Emir Costdram, a citizen said to
Guy:

That other day he dede ous sorwe anough
Of themperour sone that he slough,
That was so gode and stalworth knight,
That opon hem had geuen mani fight.
In this site so gode knight was non,
That with wretthe durst loke him on.[39]

[39] Auchinleck MS., p. 170.

Guy and his companions, immediately after their arrival, went out
against the enemy, and soon gave proof of their wonderful fighting
qualities. They routed the Saracens, and in pursuing them Guy overtook
Esclandar, who exclaimed:

Artow Gij?
Bi Mahoun that ich leue upon,
Neuer schal ich oway gon,
No neuer schal y blithe be,
Til ich that heued binim the:
Behote ich it haue a maiden of pris,
The soudans douhter that wel fair is.[40]

[40] _Ibid._, p. 176.

But Esclandar, after a lance had been driven through him, was obliged
to resume his flight. When the victors returned to the city, the
emperor said to Guy:

Mi feir douhter, that is of pris,
Ichil the giue to spouse y-wis
Thou schalt ben emperour after me,
Thou art a knight of gret bounte.[41]

[41] _Ibid._, p. 178.

Guy had learned through a spy that the sultan was planning a desperate
assault upon Constantinople. He informed the emperor, who placed the
defense of the city in his hands. Guy, assisted by the Constable, made
preparations to attack the Saracens before they should reach the city.
Before the sortie Guy addressed his men, urging them to attack boldly
and vigorously and rid the country of the foe. Guy, Heraud, and their
companions performed many prodigies of valor, and the Greeks, too,
fought well. The infidels were slaughtered by the thousands, and as a
result of this victory,

Guy, the good knyght,
Most was worshipped and that was right.[42]

[42] Caius MS., p. 215.

Morgadour, the imperial steward, who aspired to the hand of the
emperor’s daughter, became envious of the honors won by Guy, and his
jealousy and hatred increased in proportion as the realization of his
hopes grew less and less probable. He plotted to remove his rival by
suggesting to the emperor that Guy and Heraud be sent as ambassadors
to the sultan to make a proposal of peace. The steward well knew that
if they should go, they would never return. The emperor was willing to
make a proposal of peace to the enemy, but unwilling that Guy should go
on this dangerous mission. However, Guy insisted upon going. He entered
the tent of the sultan defiantly, and proposed to him that he select
a champion to represent the Saracens. Guy himself would defend the
cause of the emperor. If the sultan’s champion should win, the Greeks
were to pay tribute to the sultan and acknowledge him as their lord.
If, however, he should be vanquished, the infidels should leave the
country. The sultan’s answer to the proposal was an order to his men to
take and slay the insolent ambassador. Thereupon the latter drew his
sword and cut off the sultan’s head, seized it, and hurried away on
his steed. He was pursued and attacked by a multitude of Saracens, but
they were unable to take or to slay him. When Guy reached the city, he
gave the head to the emperor, and

Whan thei of the Citee wiste of his comynge
For ioye they ganne all the belles rynge.[43]

[43] Caius MS., p. 235.

The following day, the emperor said to Guy:

Gij, make the redi;
Tomorwe thou schalt mi doughter weddi.[44]

[44] _Ibid._, p. 240.

And so the next day Guy and his companions went to the church, where
they met the imperial family. The archbishop was there to perform the
marriage ceremony. The emperor addressed Guy with these words:

Mi douhter ich giue the here,
And thritti castels with hir also,
With the worthschip that lith ther-to
And half my lond ich giue the,
Befor mi barons that here be.
Thou schalt ben emperour after me:
Biforn them all y graunt it the.[45]

[45] Auchinleck MS., p. 238.

But when the wedding-ring was brought forth a feeling of distress
came over Guy, and this was caused by his love for Felice. He fell
in a swoon, and when he had recovered consciousness, he asked that
the ceremony be postponed. He was in torment for two weeks. Finally
he resolved to remain true to Felice. Now it happened that Morgadour
slew a certain lion that Guy had rescued from a dragon, and which
thereafter followed him as a faithful and grateful companion. This act
so enraged Guy that in a quarrel he killed the treacherous steward. He
then decided to leave Constantinople. When the emperor saw that it was
not in his power to retain him, he wept and all the court wept with
him. Then he brought forth his treasures and bade Guy to take whatever
might please him, but he would accept nothing. Guy’s companions,
however, were in a receptive mood, and the emperor gave them whatever
they desired. And Guy departed for England, leaving the hearts of the
emperor, the princess, and the people of Constantinople filled with woe.

For an account of Tirant’s activities while in the service of the Greek
emperor, we beg to refer the reader to the analysis. We shall, however,
call his attention to the following striking similarities between
_Tirant lo Blanch_ and _Guy of Warwick_. In both these works the empire
is described as being in desperate straits. Guy went to Constantinople
with one hundred knights; Tirant, with one hundred and forty. In both
books the only son of the emperor was slain. In the English romance,
Esclandar promised to his lady-love, the sultan’s daughter, the head
of Guy; in the Catalan work, the King of Egypt expressed his intention
of sending to his lady-love, the Grand Turk’s daughter, the head of
Tirant. Tirant addressed his soldiers on various occasions, as did Guy
before the Greeks attacked the enemy. Guy, although never formally
appointed leader of the imperial army, was intrusted with the defense
of Constantinople; Tirant was in full command of the forces of the
emperor. Morgadour cherished hopes of marrying the daughter of His
Imperial Majesty, harbored envy and ill will against Guy, and tried to
bring about his death; the Duke of Macedonia was one of Carmesina’s
suitors, hated Tirant, and treacherously attacked him from behind in
the midst of battle. In both works the bells were rung when there was
cause for rejoicing. Both Guy and Tirant were always successful in
their encounters with the enemy. In _Guy of Warwick_ and in _Tirant
lo Blanch_ the emperor gave the hand of his daughter to the hero and
publicly announced him successor to the imperial throne. But in neither
case was the marriage consummated. Guy’s perilous mission as ambassador
to the sultan is reëchoed in _Tirant lo Blanch_, but the scene takes
place in Barbary. Tirant went to King Scariano as ambassador of the
King of Tremicen, refused to salute him, for they were enemies, and
harshly rebuked him for making war against the King of Tremicen. So he
issued a challenge that if any of Scariano’s knights should dare to
say that the war was just, he, the ambassador of the King of Tremicen,
would be pleased to maintain the contrary and engage in mortal combat
with that knight.

From the resemblances just pointed out, are we not justified in
challenging the statement that Tirant lo Blanch represents Roger
de Flor? Tirant’s activities at Constantinople constitute the most
important part of his career, and this part is said to be based on the
Catalan-Aragonese expedition to Constantinople under the leadership of
that famous Catalan hero. Let us examine closely the part of Muntaner’s
_Chronica_ which treats of Roger de Flor and his expedition, in order
that we may see how closely Martorell followed the facts connected with
that glorious page in Catalan history.

CHAPTER III

ROGER DE FLOR’S CAREER AT CONSTANTINOPLE

Roger de Flor, with many soldiers and adventurers from Catalonia
and Aragon, had fought on the side of Frederick I of Aragon, while
the latter was engaged in a war against Charles of Anjou, King of
Naples, for the possession of the kingdom of Sicily. When the war
was over, Roger and his companions in arms were without employment.
He then conceived the plan of entering the service of the Emperor of
Constantinople, who was hard pressed by the Turks. Accordingly he sent
two trustworthy knights to the emperor, with instructions and full
powers to act for him. He offered his services under the following
conditions: that the emperor give him his niece in marriage; that he
appoint him Magaduch of the empire; and that he pay to the soldiers who
came with Roger a stipulated wage. He felt certain that the mission of
his agents would be successful, and, even before these returned, was
busy making preparations for the expedition. Finally they came back
with the espousals duly signed and Roger’s appointment and commission
as Magaduch. This title and position was equal to that of prince, and
carried with it command of the soldiers of the empire and authority
over the Admiral. Roger, with the assistance of King Frederick,
gathered a fleet of thirty-six vessels, and in these, without counting
the crews, women, and children, 1500 cavalry and 5000 infantry set
sail. On arriving at Constantinople they were received with great joy.
The marriage of Roger and the emperor’s niece was celebrated without
delay. The Genoese who were fighting under the imperial banners were
in an ugly mood when they saw with what cordial welcome their rivals
were received. Roger’s men resented their insolence, and a bloody
battle ensued in which 3000 Genoese were slain. The emperor watched the
fight with pleasure, for the overbearing ways of the Genoese had long
been a source of extreme vexation to him. Roger’s _almogávares_ wished
to sack Pera, where the Genoese lived, and it was with difficulty that
the new Magaduch restrained them.

The Turks had conquered all the territory of Anatolia and were so near
the city of Constantinople that only an arm of the sea separated them.
Some time before the arrival of Roger, Xor Miqueli,[46] the eldest son
of the emperor, had crossed this body of water with 12,000 cavalry and
100,000 infantry, but he was afraid to join battle with the Turks.
The emperor now sent Roger with his 1500 cavalry and 5000 infantry
to attack the enemy. But before the Magaduch set out he succeeded in
having his intimate friend, En Ferran de Ahones, married to a relative
of the emperor and at the same time appointed Admiral. Then he took
his forces across the arm of the sea and landed near the camp of the
Turks, without having been seen by them. The next day at dawn his
forces made an unexpected attack on the enemy, and a hard-fought battle
ensued. The Turks were unable to resist the terrific onslaught of the
_almogávares_, and finally were forced to yield, after having lost 3000
cavalry and 10,000 infantry. The news of the victory brought great
joy to the heart of the emperor, but to the Genoese it was a bitter
draught. Xor Miqueli, too, was disappointed. From that time he frowned
on Roger and his men.

[46] Xor is a Greek title of honor, accorded to illustrious
personages. It corresponds to the Spanish Don as used formerly.

After this victory the Magaduch planned to reconquer all the cities,
towns, and castles that the Turks had captured. But a severe winter
set in, and he was obliged to go into winter quarters at Artaqui, where
the above battle had been fought. When the cold season was nearly over
he ordered all his men to be ready to follow the banner on the first
day of April, on which date the army marched towards Filadelfia. Just
before reaching that city they came upon a Turkish army drawn up in
battle array. The battle that followed was stubbornly fought on both
sides, but finally the Magaduch’s forces were victorious. They entered
the city, where they were warmly welcomed. From this place they went
to Nif, thence to Magnesia, and next to Tira. The morning after they
entered this city hostile troops appeared, and the Magaduch sent out
the Seneschal, En Corberan de Alet, with a body of men, to attack them.
The Turks were soon routed and in pursuing them the Seneschal was
struck by an arrow and killed.

The Magaduch sent word to the Admiral to bring the whole fleet to Ania.
In the meantime En Berenguer de Rocafort arrived at Constantinople
with 200 cavalry and 1000 infantry, and these were immediately sent to
the Magaduch. These reinforcements, the fleet, and the forces in the
field all came together at Ania. Rocafort was made Seneschal. At this
place another clash with the enemy took place, and the latter was soon
put to flight. The victorious army then continued its march through
Anatolia, and when they arrived at a mountain pass called “La Porta
del Ferre,” they were attacked by a large army of the enemy. The Turks
fought furiously, but in vain; they were forced to flee and the victors
pursued them until darkness intervened.

Finally the power of the Turks in Anatolia was completely broken. Roger
now asked the emperor to make a payment to his troops, and the latter
ordered special money to be coined. This money was not worth its face
value. The emperor did this in order that friction and hatred might
arise between the people of the empire and the strangers, for “if he
had not had need of these foreigners, he would have wished all of them
dead and out of the empire.”

En Berenguer Dentença arrived with additional reinforcements. A few
days later Roger suggested to the emperor that the newly-arrived
commander should be given a position of honor, and offered to resign
his position in order that Dentença might be appointed Magaduch. His
Imperial Majesty approved this suggestion. The following day Roger
placed his cap on the head of Dentença and gave him the insignia of
the high office of Magaduch. Thereupon the emperor asked Roger to be
seated and proclaimed him Caesar of the Empire. Caesar’s throne was a
half-hand lower than the emperor’s, and his cap and robes were blue
instead of red. That constituted the only difference between emperor
and Caesar. There had been no Caesar of the Empire for four hundred
years. Roger’s elevation to this dignity was celebrated with great
solemnity.

Another winter came on, and the Caesar spent it with his troops
at Gallipoli. After the Christmas festivities he returned to
Constantinople to confer with the emperor in regard to affairs of
the empire. As a result of this consultation the whole territory of
Anatolia and the islands of Romania were placed in his hands. He was to
distribute the cities, towns, and castles among vassals, who were to
furnish armed men and horses in return.

But before going to Anatolia he felt it his duty to take leave of Xor
Miqueli, who was at Adrianople, five _jornadas_ from the imperial city.
His wife and her mother, knowing the hatred that the emperor’s son
bore him, warned him not to go there, but he went in spite of their
pleadings. Xor Miqueli came out to meet him and showed him much honor.
Apparently the fears of his wife and her mother were unfounded. But on
the seventh day of his visit Gircon, the chief of the Alanos, entered
the palace, and at the behest, or at least with the consent, of Xor
Miqueli, put a tragic end to the heroic career of Roger de Flor, Caesar
of the Empire.

* * * * *

Now let us see what striking resemblances we can discover in comparing
the careers of Tirant lo Blanch and Roger de Flor. The points of
similarity that stand out prominently in the comparison of these heroes
are the following: Tirant, like Roger de Flor, came from Sicily to the
aid of the ill-faring empire; both were immediately placed in command
of the imperial forces, Tirant with the title of Capita Major and Roger
de Flor with that of Magaduch; both were always victorious on the field
of battle, and recovered the territory that had been conquered by the
Turks; both were made Caesar of the Empire for their distinguished
services; Roger was assassinated at Adrianople, and in that same city
Tirant’s fatal malady seized him.

The historical basis of Tirant’s career at Constantinople is evidently
furnished by the _Chronica_, but Martorell’s hero differs very much
from the Catalan hero. The author evidently had the latter in mind
to some extent, but apparently he did not wish to portray him in
such manner that one would recognize him. While we still have Guy of
Warwick’s career at Constantinople fresh in mind, do not the details of
Tirant’s career seem to be more in accord with the English hero’s than
with those of Roger de Flor? Did we not expect more of a resemblance,
when we were told that Tirant represents the latter? In short, is
that judgment not misleading? If it had been Martorell’s intention to
make this part a kind of historical novel in which Roger de Flor was
to be the central figure, would he not have adhered to the facts more
closely, and elaborated them at his own free will and pleasure?

CHAPTER IV

OTHER MATERIAL FROM THE _CHRONICA_ UTILIZED BY MARTORELL

But there are other features in this part of _Tirant lo Blanch_ that
reveal the influence of that portion of the _Chronica_ which treats
of Roger de Flor and his expedition. In recounting the career of
the latter we have noted that the first fight in which his forces
were engaged was against the Genoese, who were in the service of the
emperor. This incident is reflected in the following words spoken by
the emperor and addressed to Tirant:[47] “... perqueus prech, Capita
virtuos, queus vullau dispondre en anar contra los enemichs nostres los
genouesos, generacio mala....”

[47] Therefore I pray you, excellent Captain, to make ready to
march against our enemies, the Genoese, an evil race.... _Tirant
lo Blanch_, chap. cxxii, col. 2.

The incompetent, envious and treacherous commander, Xor Miqueli, is
probably the prototype of the sullen and malicious Duke of Macedonia.

En Berenguer de Rocafort and En Berenguer Dentença came with
reinforcements to Constantinople and joined Roger’s army; the Prior of
Saint John, the Viscount of Branches, and the Duke of Messina came with
many men to join Tirant’s forces.

At a session of the Imperial Council which had convened to consider
certain military matters, one of the members proposed:

[48] ... antes que partixquen de açi la gent darmes deuen anar en
romiatge, e fer grans presentalles als deus en la ylla don Paris sen
porta la Reyna Elena: e perço hagueren en temps antich los Grechs
victoria dels Troyans.

[48] ... before they leave here, the men at arms ought to make a
pilgrimage and make great offerings to the gods on the island
whence Paris carried away Queen Helen: it was in this way that,
in ancient times, the Greeks won a victory over the Trojans.
_Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. cxxiii, col. 4.

This proposal is surprising. Why should such a suggestion be made in a
Christian court? We find the answer in the following passage taken from
the _Chronica_:

[49] E en aquella illa del Tenedo en aquell temps hauia una ydola,
e venien hi un mes del any tots los honrrats homens de Romania, e
les honrrades dones a romeria. E axi fo, que en aquell temps Arena,
muller del duch de Tenes, hi vench en romeria ab C cauallers qui
lacompanyaren, e Paris, fill del rey Priam de Troya, axi mateix era
vengut a romeria, e hauia ab si entro cinquanta cauallers. E vae la
dona Arena, e altas tant della, que dix a sos homens, que mester era,
que lagues e la sen menas. E axi com so mes en cor, axi fo: que garnis
ab tota sa companya, e pres la dona, e volch sen menar. E aquells
cauallers qui eren ab ella volgren la li defendre, e finalment tots
cent muriren, e Paris menassan la dona.

[49] And on that island of Tenedos, there was at that time an
idol, and one month in every year all the noble men and noble
ladies of Romania came thither on a pilgrimage. And thus it
was that at that time Arena [Helen] wife of the Duke of Tenes
[Athens?] came thither on a pilgrimage with a hundred knights
who accompanied her. And Paris, the son of King Priam of Troy,
likewise had come on a pilgrimage and he had with him about
fifty knights. He saw the Lady Arena, and fell so deeply in love
with her that he said to his men that he must have her and carry
her away with him. And what he had set his heart upon doing was
done: he made ready to carry out his purpose with his company,
and he seized the lady and was about to take her away. And those
knights who were with her tried to defend her, and finally every
one of the hundred was killed and Paris carried away the lady.
Muntaner’s _Chronica_, chap. ccxiv.

Roger’s companion, En Fernan de Ahones, married a relative of the
emperor and was appointed Admiral; Tirant’s intimate companion,
Diaphebus, became Constable and married the niece of the emperor,
Stephania.

The above are the principal features that seem to owe their origin to
that part of the _Chronica_ that treats of Roger de Flor in connection
with the Catalan-Aragonese expedition to the Orient. Another feature
which is apparently due to the same source is the description of the
manner in which Tirant ran the blockade at Rhodes. The description is
as follows:

[50] E en la primera guayta la nau feu vela: e ixqueren del port ab
molt bon temps: e agueren lo vent molt prosper: que en .iiii. dies
passaren lo golf de Venecia e foren en vista de Rodes, e anaren al
castell de sanct Pere, e aqui surgiren per sperar vent que fos un poch
fortunal. E Tirant a consell de dos mariners que de sa terra hauia
portats, qui amauen molt la honor sua, com veren lo vent larguer e bo,
en la nit donaren vela e de mati apuntant la alba, ells foren en vista
de Rodes molt prop. Com les naus de Genouesos veren aquella nau venir
pensaren que era una de dues que hauien trameses per portar vitualles
per al camp, e vehien que venien de levant, no podien pensar que neguna
altra nau tingues atreviment de venir en mig de tantes naues com en lo
port stauen. La nau se acosta e con fon prop delles carregua de tantes
veles com podia portar: en aço conegueren los Genouesos, e en lo galip
de la nau que no era de les sues, posarense en orde del que pogueren:
empero la nau los fon tan prop que neguna nau no pogue alçar vela, e
aquesta a veles plenes passa per mig de totes les naus al lur despit.

[50] And in the first watch the ship set sail: they left the port
in very good weather and they had very favorable winds so that in
four days they crossed the Gulf of Venice and were in sight of
Rhodes. They went to the castle of Saint Peter, where they cast
anchor in order to await a rather stormy wind. Tirant followed
the advice of two mariners whom he had brought along with him
from his native land. Both of these held his honor in high
esteem. When they saw that the wind was strong and propitious
they set sail during the night and in the morning at break of day
they were very near Rhodes. When the ships of the Genoese saw
that vessel coming they thought that it was one of two that they
had sent to get provisions for the camp, and seeing that they
were coming from the west, they could not imagine that any other
ship would have the boldness to come into the midst of so many
ships as were in the port. The vessel approached and when it was
very close to them, all the sails that it was able to carry were
set. By this and by the lines of the ship the Genoese saw that it
was none of theirs and they put themselves in order the best they
could: but the vessel was so near them that no ship was able to
set a sail, and that one with sails full spread passed through
the midst of all the ships in spite of them. _Tirant lo Blanch_,
chap. ciiii, cols. 3 and 4.

When Robert, Duke of Catania, besieged the city of Messina in Sicily,
Roger de Flor brought provisions to the starving soldiers and
inhabitants, and the duke was obliged to raise the siege. Below follows
the account of this event as narrated by Muntaner.

[51] E frare Roger ... axi hach deu galees, e carrega les a Xacca de
forment, e venchses a Caragoça, e espera ques metes fortuna de xaloch
o de mig jorn. E com la fortuna fo, que era tant gran, que tota la
mar nanaua en sanch, que nul hom no so gosara pensar, qui no fos axi
bon mariner, com ell, ana a fer vela de Caragoça, com hach donada
part a la nuyt, e a lalba ell fo en bocha de Far; e en bocha de Far
es la major marauella del mon, com res hi ha durada, com fortuna de
xaloch o de mig jorn hi ha, que les corrents hi son tant grans, e la
mar hi caua tant fort, que res no hi ha durada: e ell ab la sua galea
primera pensa dentrar ab los artimons borts en que hauia forats. E
com les galees del duch les vaeren, totes comensaren a chiular, que
volgren llevar los ferres, e no pogren. E axi les deu galees ab frare
Roger entraren a Macina saluament e segura; mas no hi hach nul hom qui
hagues sobre si fil exut ... e axi Macina fo restaurada, e lendema lo
duch llevas del setge, e tornasen a Cathania.

[51] And Brother Roger ... thus had ten galleys, and he loaded
them with grain at Sciacca and came to Syracuse and waited for a
strong wind to come up from the southeast or south. And when the
wind came it was so strong that the whole sea began to rage, so
that no man who was not so good a mariner as he, dared think of
setting sail. He set sail from Syracuse when night had come, and
at dawn he entered the Strait of Faro; and it is the greatest
wonder in the world that anything can survive in the Strait
of Faro when there is a strong wind from the southeast or the
south, for the currents there are so powerful and the sea rages
so violently that nothing can stand it. And he decided to enter
first with his own galley provided with large sails in which
there were holes. And when the galleys of the duke saw them, all
began to shout and they wished to raise the anchors but they were
unable to do so. And thus the ten galleys with Brother Roger
entered the harbor of Messina safely and securely, but there was
not a man who had on him a dry thread ... and thus Messina was
relieved and the next day the duke raised the siege and returned
to Catania. _Chronica_, chap. cxcvi.

The above comparative study of _Tirant lo Blanch_ and that part
of Muntaner’s _Chronica_ that deals with Roger de Flor and the
Catalan-Aragonese expedition presents strong evidence that Martorell
was acquainted with Muntaner’s work. But yet what a difference! Were
it not for the fact that Tirant reconquered practically all the lost
territory of the Greek empire and was made Caesar of the empire, we
should hardly associate his name with that of Roger de Flor. Such being
the case, are not the statements that Roger de Flor’s career forms the
principal source of this book rather misleading? However that may be,
we are willing to admit that the martial and adventurous spirit of
Roger de Flor and the members of his expedition finds expression in
_Tirant lo Blanch_, and this constitutes the strongest resemblance.

CHAPTER V

OTHER MATERIAL FROM GUY OF WARWICK

But let us now return to the English romance, for it contains
other features that have been reproduced or at least utilized in
the composition of the Catalan book of chivalry. The Auchinleck
MS. contains a kind of sequel to _Guy of Warwick_, which bears the
title, _Reinbrun, Gij sone of Warwicke_. In this sequel we are told
that Reinbrun was stolen by foreign merchants. Heraud, the faithful
companion of Guy before the latter’s pilgrimage, went in search of the
lad, and while he was on his way to Constantinople a tempest drove
to the shores of Africa the ship on which he was making the voyage.
There the Saracens seized him and brought him before Emir Persan, who
ordered him to be thrown into prison. In a doleful lament Heraud spoke
of himself as a doughty knight, and this was overheard by a keeper, who
reported it to the emir. Now it happened that at that very time King
Argus was making war upon Persan, and had captured all his possessions
except the very city in which Heraud was held a prisoner. The emir sent
for Heraud and asked him to assist in the defense of the city. His
request was granted, and in the first battle with the enemy he fought
so skillfully and so valiantly that Persan rewarded him by making him
his steward.

The reader will readily see the striking resemblance between this
incident and that part of the analysis which deals with the shipwreck
of Tirant on the shores of Barbary. Tirant, like Heraud, was driven by
a tempest to the hostile shores of Africa, cast into prison, released
therefrom because of his fighting abilities, and practically became the
leader of an army which was on the defensive. This incident Martorell
then developed, and Tirant finally became the conqueror of Barbary.

In the analysis we have told how Tirant went to Jerusalem and from
there to Alexandria, where he ransomed Christian captives. It seems
probable that this incident is based upon the following narrative of
the English romance. Guy of Warwick made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and
from there he went to Antioch. Here he met a pilgrim who was in great
distress. It was Earl Jonas of Darras, who related to Guy how he, his
fifteen sons, and others had fought a body of Saracens and had defeated
them. They pursued them as far as Alexandria, when suddenly a strong
band of the enemy attacked him and his men, and after a heroic but
useless fight he was compelled to surrender.

To the king we yolden ous al and some
That we might to ransoum come,
To save our lives ichon.[52]

[52] Auchinleck MS., p. 422.

And thus they fell into the hands of Triamour, King of Alexandria. Earl
Jonas then told how the sultan held a great festival which was attended
by this king and his son, Fabour. The latter killed the son of the
sultan over a game of chess. The sultan promised the king that if he
should engage in combat with the black giant, Amoraunt, and slay him,
both he and his son should go unpunished. Triamour asked for a respite
in order that he might find a substitute, and it was granted. He asked
his prisoner, Earl Jonas, if he knew any one who might be able to slay
the giant. The names of Guy and Heraud were mentioned. The king then
sent him in quest of these knights, promising him that if he should
be able to bring either one of them, he and his fifteen sons should
regain their liberty, but if, on the other hand, he returned without
Guy or Heraud, they should all be hanged. Jonas had made a diligent
search for the English knights, not only on the continent, but even in
England. Alas! it was all in vain. The period of the respite was one
year and forty days, and the end of the term was near. Guy, without
revealing his identity, offered to undertake the fight with the giant.
They went to Alexandria and Guy was presented to the king as a pilgrim
who was willing to meet the black giant in mortal combat. In response
to the king’s invocation, “Mahoun me helpe and turmegaunte,” Guy
replied:

“Nay, but Mary is sonne,
That for us on the rode was done:
He be myn helpe for his mercye;

................................

For I the sey well sikerlye
That Mahoun hath no poweste
Nother to helpe the ne me.”
Quod the kyng, my frende so dere,
I wyll make a covenaunte here.
If thou myght the Geaunte sloo,
And bring me out of my woo,
Thi god for the love of the
Grete honour shall haue of me.

All crysten that I haue taken here
Shall be delyuered with good chere.
In all my lond of Alexaundre
Men shall not the Crysten dere.
There shall be none in hethenes,
Man ne woman more ne lesse,
That is of crystiante
But he here shall delyuered be.[53]

[53] Caius MS., p. 451.

The combat took place at the sultan’s court. When Guy beheld the
horrible giant, he declared that it was the devil and no man. After a
long and fierce fight, Guy cut off his adversary’s right arm, then
his left, and finally his head. Let the reader note the following
coincidences: Guy and Tirant both made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; from
there they came to Alexandria; the ransom of prisoners is mentioned in
_Guy of Warwick_, and the ransom of captives is a fact in _Tirant lo
Blanch_. Martorell did not reproduce this story, but he seems to have
retained the words Jerusalem, Alexandria, and ransom of Christians, and
from these he developed his own story. In the lines quoted above, Guy’s
fervent religious spirit is brought into prominence, and at the same
time a struggle for supremacy between the Christian and the Mohammedan
religions is suggested. In _Tirant lo Blanch_ also, the hero is filled
with religious zeal and fervor, and under his leadership Christianity
triumphs in all Barbary.

We have pointed out above the more important points of resemblance in
_Guy of Warwick_ and _Tirant lo Blanch_. Let us now mention a few of
the minor ones.

In the English romance, the following words are spoken of Felice:

She was therto curteys and free ywys,
And in the .vii. arts well learned withoute mys.
All the .vii. artis she kouthe well,
Noon better that euere man herde tell.[54]

[54] Caius MS., p. 7.

In _Tirant lo Blanch_ the empress confesses that she cannot argue as
well as Carmesina, “per yo no hauer studiat les liberals arts com ma
filla.”[55]

[55] ... because I have not studied the liberal arts as my
daughter has. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. clxxxii, col. 2.

When Guy made his confession of love to Felice, he said:

Bot thou haue mercy on me,
Myself y shall for sorwe slee.[56]

[56] Caius MS., p. 23.

When Tirant made his confession to the princess, he said: “puix lo meu
cor ha tant fallit que es stat causador de tant agreujar la vostra
singular persona e percaçar tant de mal per a mi, ab la mia ma plena de
cruel vengança ans que lo sol haja passat los columnes de Hercules yol
partire en dues parts....”[57]

[57] ... since my heart has been so delinquent that it has been
the cause of afflicting so grievously your excellent personage
and producing so much pain through me, with my hand full of cruel
vengeance I shall cut it in two before the sun has passed the
columns of Hercules. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. cxxix, col. 3.

In _Guy of Warwick_, Oisel beholds her betrothed, Tirri, lying before
her as if dead, and in her despair she utters these words:

A, leman Tirri,
In wroched time mi bodi thou say,
When thou shalt for me day.
Dye ich-il forth with the:
For sorwe lives no may y be.
Bot y may dye ichil me quelle:
Len to libbe is nought mi wille.[58]

[58] Auchinleck MS., p. 278.

Let us compare with these lines the words of Carmesina, while lamenting
over the lifeless body of Tirant:

Puix la fortuna ha ordenat, e vol que axi sia, los meus ulls no deuen
james alegrarse, sino que vull anar a cercar lanima de aquell qui
solia esser meu Tirant en los lochs benaventurats hon reposa la sua
anima si trobar la pore: e certament ab tu vull fer companyia en la
mort.[59]

[59] Since fortune has ordained and wills it so, my eyes will
never more be gladdened, but I will go to seek the soul of him
who used to be my Tirant in the blissful places where his soul
reposes if I can find it: and indeed I wish to be thy companion
in death. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. cccclxxiii, col. 2.

And in another lamentation she utters these words: “Si la sperança de
morir nom detingues, yom mataria.”[60]

[60] ... if the hope of dying did not deter me, I should kill
myself. _Ibid._, chap. cccclxxv, col. 1.

In the analysis we have observed how Carmesina pleaded with Tirant not
to permit his amorous nature to interfere with his martial spirit. In
the English romance, Felice justifies her attitude towards Guy in the
following manner:

And if y the had mi loue yiue
And wille it the whiles y liue
Sleuthe wolde the so oercome,
That thou woldest nomore armes doon,
Ne come in turnement nor in fighte.
So amorous thou wolde bee anone righte.[61]

[61] Caius MS., p. 65.

We have described in the analysis the scene in which Carmesina throws
herself on the corpse of Tirant. Let us compare with it the following
lines which picture to us the grief of Felice at Guy’s death.

She sowned on her lordys bere,
And kyst hys mouth with wepying chere.
Hys fete, hys hondys she kyssed then,
So dyd many an other man.
All that with her commyn were
Mad mornying and sorry chere.[62]

[62] _Ibid._, p. 621.

The love story in _Tirant lo Blanch_ forms an important part of the
book. Surely the origin of this feature cannot be attributed to the
career of Roger de Flor. On the contrary, the above comparative study
presents strong evidence that the love affair between Tirant and
Carmesina was developed by Martorell from elements drawn from _Guy of
Warwick_. But unfortunately the author ascribed to the Capita Major so
passionate a nature that in some of the love scenes we are disgusted at
the actions of the protagonist. The character of Tirant is admirable
in almost all respects, but in the pursuit of his immoral desires it
is detestable. In our amazement and disappointment we ask ourselves
why the author endowed his hero with such low and immoral cravings.
Tirant’s conduct towards the princess reminds us of a passage in the
English romance wherein the treacherous steward, Morgadour, falsely
accuses Guy of having dishonored the daughter of the Emperor of
Constantinople. The passage reads as follows:

Sir, quoth he, y shall the telle:
Thy shame noo lenger couere y nelle.
A souldiour thou hast with the,
That thinketh for to shende the.
Thy doughter, that so fair is,
He hath leyn by, ywis.
In-to hir boure with strength he yede:
By thy doughter his wille he dede.[63]

[63] Caius MS., p. 187.

This incident may have prompted Martorell to ascribe to Tirant the
rôle of a passionate lover, and we feel that he adopted the suggestion
without any hesitation whatever. Boccaccio’s influence was powerful in
those days, and the incident afforded great possibilities for emulating
the famous Italian writer. If this conjecture be true, our censure of
the author must be limited to a reproach for having so easily and so
shamelessly followed that influence. But Martorell keeps in close touch
with real life. It may be that such conduct of knights had come to his
notice directly or indirectly. If that is the reason why the obscene
features were introduced, our condemnation will not be extremely
severe. But if it was his purpose to present to us an ideal hero, then
the author is deserving of the most scathing denunciation possible, for
he must have been as morally weak as the hero he asks us to admire. He
seems to take a delight in describing unbecoming and immoral scenes.
Not only does he give vivid narrations of Tirant’s efforts to attain
the “compliment de amor,” but he also makes bold descriptions of the
liaison between the empress and Hypolite; the relations of Diaphebus
and Stephania; and the revolting plan by which Viuda Reposada
succeeded in making Tirant believe that Carmesina was unfaithful. But
we may be doing the author a grave injustice. Possibly these immoral
scenes were intended to have a moral effect. It may have been the
purpose of Martorell to disgust the readers with these scenes. Possibly
it was a protest against the immoral conditions that prevailed in his
time.

After making the above comparative study, we are not willing to accept
the statement of Amador de los Ríos, so emphatically repeated by
Givanel Mas, that the feats of Roger de Flor form the principal source
of the Catalan book of chivalry. Nor will we accept the opinion of
Denk that _Tirant lo Blanch_ represents nothing else but the figure of
Roger de Flor reproduced in the form of a novel. To the conservative
statement of Menéndez y Pelayo we shall offer no serious objections,
for the latter part of _Tirant lo Blanch_ does bear the stamp of a kind
of historical novel in which the heroic expedition of the Catalans
and Aragonese and the tragic fate of Roger de Flor is more or less
faithfully reflected. But we feel that the resemblance between Roger de
Flor and Tirant lo Blanch and their military enterprises is so slight
that even his statement must be qualified as misleading. However,
had he stated that Tirant’s activities at Constantinople had a true
historical basis, and that basis was Roger de Flor’s expedition to the
Orient, we should most heartily indorse that statement.

If we have objected to the intimations and declarations that this book
of chivalry is a historical novel based on the exploits of Roger de
Flor, it is due to the fact that the real deeds of that hero play a
very insignificant part in it. Roger de Flor was a brave commander
with a remarkable genius for organizing his forces, and for planning
campaigns. Muntaner does not describe him a single time as fighting
hand to hand in a battle with the enemy. The historical Roger de
Flor probably would not have created enough interest and enthusiasm.
Moreover, in Tirant’s adventures and fights on the sea, whenever some
extraordinary naval strategy was necessary, the credit for it is
not given to Tirant, but to some member of the crew who is usually
described as an experienced seaman. And yet Roger de Flor was so
efficient a sea captain that the officers of the Temple intrusted
him with their largest ship. If the author had intended to represent
him, surely he would not have denied him the honor of those exploits.
It is obvious that he did not regard his hero as an experienced
mariner. The hero he had in mind was a knight whose duty called him
to the battlefield. Tirant lo Blanch bears a far stronger resemblance
to Guy of Warwick than to Roger de Flor. The striking points of
similarity of these characters have already been noted. In addition
to these points, we may briefly add that Tirant’s religious zeal; his
generosity; his refusal to accept rewards; his fighting in tournaments,
in personal combats, and on the field of battle; and his love—debased
unfortunately—are qualities that are not mentioned in connection with
Roger de Flor, but they are all in accord with the career of Guy of
Warwick. Such being the case, would it not be far more accurate to say
that _Guy of Warwick_ is the principal source? The very beginning of
_Tirant lo Blanch_ indicates that its author was intimately acquainted
with the English romance. Is it not probable that Guy of Warwick’s
activities at Constantinople reminded Martorell of Roger de Flor’s
heroic services to the emperor of that same city, whereupon he selected
that historical event as a background for a certain part of the career
of his hero? It must be remembered that Martorell knew well the
exploits of the brave and adventurous soldiers of the Catalan-Aragonese
expedition. His conception of military heroism was in great part based
on the history, traditional or written, of his people. The spirit
that animated its heroes became a part of him, and consequently it
was but natural that that spirit should find expression in a literary
production in which a military hero is portrayed.

From the above comparative study of _Tirant lo Blanch_ in relation to
its sources, viz., Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_, Muntaner’s
_Chronica_, and the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, we are convinced
that these sources have furnished important ideas and material to
Martorell. The features drawn from Lull’s work are few, but, on the
other hand, they have been subjected to very little change. It is
important, however, for it seems to have provided a starting point for
the author. Guy of Warwick has yielded more concrete material than the
other two sources, but it has been modified to suit the pleasure and to
meet the needs of the author. Muntaner’s _Chronica_ did not furnish as
many ideas and suggestions as _Guy of Warwick_, but the martial spirit
of the Catalan and Aragonese warriors pervades a large part of the work.

It is not in our power to divine with certainty the plan as originally
conceived by the author when he began his work. However, it is evident
that he was intimately acquainted with Lull’s work and the English
romance from the very beginning. It is quite probable that Martorell’s
purpose was to make a hero of the squire who had received instructions
pertaining to knighthood from the hermit, as related by Lull. This
hermit reminded him of Guy of Warwick, whom he greatly admired, and he
could not resist the temptation to reproduce that part of the English
champion’s career which led to his retirement to a hermitage. Then,
as we have already observed, the squire who is now Tirant lo Blanch
meets the hermit, William of Warwick, after which he continues his way
to the English court. A little more than a year later he returns to
the hermit, and the latter is informed of the important events that
took place in London. After a few days’ sojourn, Tirant returns to
his native land, Brittany. His career is very promising, for he has
been proclaimed the greatest knight in the exercises of arms at the
English court. And now what is the young hero to do? Martorell had
perhaps from the beginning of his work rather definite ideas in regard
to his hero’s career. Still it is quite possible that he had made no
fixed plan in advance, but selected the various spheres of Tirant’s
activities during the course of the composition of his book. However
that may be, Tirant’s career finally resolved itself into the following
distinct spheres of operation: he succored the Knights of St. John on
the island of Rhodes; after that, he joined the expedition of the King
of France against the infidels; then he went to the aid of the Emperor
of Constantinople; next he conquered and christianized Barbary; and
finally he returned to Constantinople and reconquered all the lost
territory of the Grecian empire. And now the question arises: Are all
these various spheres of operation based on real historical events?

PART IV

THE HISTORICAL BASES UPON WHICH TIRANT’S
SPHERES OF OPERATION ARE FOUNDED

CHAPTER I

THE WILLIAM OF WARWICK EPISODE

In the preceding part, wherein was made a comparative study of three
important sources of _Tirant to Blanch_, we have had occasion to
mention the real historical facts that form, in a more or less general
way, the basis of Tirant’s career while in the service of the Emperor
of Constantinople. Let us now transfer our researches to the field of
history and try to determine what historical events underlie the hero’s
various undertakings. Let us, moreover, examine all the features of
_Tirant lo Blanch_ that give any indication of historical influence, in
order that we may attain a better understanding of the author’s method
in composing this work. The first question that confronts us is: What
historical basis is to be found in the William of Warwick episode?

The hero of the English romance of _Guy of Warwick_ is more or less
a legendary personage. John Rous, a learned scholar and writer who
lived between 1411 and 1491, in his writings concerning the legendary
history of Warwickshire, names Guy as the second of the Saxon Earls of
Warwick. We cannot cite any authentic historical facts about him. The
story probably represents an old Saxon legend, perhaps in the form of
a ballad, which in the course of time became a romance in French, and
this was later translated into English. In the two fourteenth-century
versions to which we have referred in Part III of this work, Aethelstan
is represented as the King of England. This fixes the supposed time
of Guy’s career as prior to 940, which marks the end of Aethelstan’s
reign. The latter annexed Danish Northumbria, and, in 937, won the
great battle of Brunanburh over the Danes, Scots, and Strathclyde
Britons. This fact shows that there are at least some traces of
authentic history in the romance, for in _Guy of Warwick_ we read of an
invasion of the Danes.

In _Tirant lo Blanch_, no dates are mentioned so that if we wish to
establish the period in which the events described took place, we shall
have to depend on the historical characters that are named, and the
incidents, occurrences, and events that are narrated. The data that we
may gather for this purpose probably will throw light on other matters
in which we are interested.

The document that was given to Tirant in which he was declared the best
knight of all those that participated in the exercises of arms at the
English court was signed “Rex Enricus.” This king was young and feeble,
and for that reason the hermit William of Warwick suggested that the
Duke of Lancaster should take the place of the king in the approaching
personal combat with the strong and valiant Moorish king of Canary;
but the suggestion caused loud protests from the Dukes of Gloucester,
Bedford, and Exeter, who claimed that their kinship to the king was
closer than that of the Duke of Lancaster. It is quite clear that the
author had in mind the English king, Henry VI, who during his minority
was represented by his two uncles, the Duke of Bedford as protector of
the realm, and the Duke of Gloucester as regent in England while the
protector was in France. The Duke of Exeter was the grand-uncle of the
young king. There was no Duke of Lancaster at that particular period.
Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, also was closely associated
with the boy-king. When Henry V was on his deathbed, he sent for the
earl and asked him to be the master of his son, the future Henry VI,
requesting him at the same time “to be gentle with him and guide and
instruct him in the condition of life to which he belonged.”[64] Henry
V died in 1422, and the Earl of Warwick became the tutor and governor
of the new king, although that title was not conferred upon him until
1428. The coincidence is striking! In the story William of Warwick was
the fatherly adviser of the young English king, and in history Richard
of Warwick was the tutor and governor of the English boy-king. And
here the question arises: Could Martorell have had in mind Richard de
Beauchamp when he wrote certain parts of his work?

[64] The Countess of Warwick, _Warwick Castle and its Earls_, New
York and London, 1903; vol. I, p. 121.

Let us here give a brief account of the career of Richard de Beauchamp.
Upon his father’s death in 1401, he became Earl of Warwick, being at
that time twenty years old. His early years were spent chiefly in
performing feats of arms, as did the knights of old. At the coronation
of Queen Jane he defended the field against all those that dared to
joust with him. Not finding sufficient opportunities for knightly
exercises and adventures at home, he went abroad. He made a pilgrimage
to Rome and from there went to Verona, where he engaged in a joust
with another knight. After the jousting they fought with axes, next
with swords, and finally with daggers. From Verona he went to Venice
and then to Jerusalem. There the sultan’s lieutenant, upon being
informed that Richard was a descendant of Guy of Warwick of whom he
had read in books in his own language, entertained him royally, and
gave him precious gifts. Richard then made his way overland to England,
frequently interrupting his journey by taking part in tournaments.
Shortly after his return, he was sent to the town of Calais and made
Captain of that place. Longing for a little excitement, he made up
a tournament of his own. Three days in succession, mounted on his
caparisoned steed, he went out on the field, and each day he returned
victorious. Later he was sent as ambassador to Constance in Germany,
to attend the well-known Council of Constance. There he was challenged
by some great duke, who was slain in the encounter. The German emperor
expressed his admiration for him by saying that “no Christian prince
hath such another knight for Wisdom, Nurture, and Manhood; that if
all courtesy were lost, yet it might be found again in him.”[65] His
principal military activities were in the war against the French.
In 1416 he was sent to relieve Harfleur; was at the siege of Caen;
captured several places; was made Captain of Beauvais; and was present
at the siege of Rouen. When that city finally fell, the capitulation
was made to him. He was appointed to several offices at home and
abroad, his last and most important one being the Governorship of
France and Normandy. In the year 1439 he died in the castle of Rouen at
the age of fifty-eight.

[65] _Ibid._, vol. I, p. 113.

A strong resemblance between Richard de Beauchamp and Guy of Warwick
is evident. Is it not probable that this similarity was to some
degree instrumental in causing Martorell to give the William of
Warwick episode a setting of the fifteenth century? There are several
references made to deeds of William of Warwick which cannot be found in
the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_. One of them, however, concerns
without doubt Richard de Beauchamp. When the hermit-king told the
countess where the arms were that he desired, she begged him to reveal
to her how he happened to know so much about her husband. He answered
that he was with the earl when the latter, as Capita Major of the city
of Rouen, won a signal victory over the large army of the French king.
Richard de Beauchamp was a popular hero, and if Martorell had been in
England, as he claims in his dedicatory letter, he might have heard of
many feats of the great knight and soldier that are not recorded in
history. However, we have already learned the method of our author, and
we must not expect too many historical data on any subject. But, as a
rule, he gives us sufficient real facts to determine what events or
periods in history he has in mind. Other historical personages cited
in connection with the William of Warwick episode are the Earl of
Salisbury, the Earl of Northumberland, the Duke of Clarence, and the
Prince of Wales. These names also indicate that the historical period
represented is the first half of the fifteenth century.

When Tirant asked the hermit to name the greatest living knights in
England, the latter gave the names of Sir John Stuart and the Duke of
Exeter. History mentions but one great knight named John Stuart, and
he was of this period. From 1419 to the time of his death in 1429, Sir
John Stuart of Darnley was fighting valiantly on the continent on the
side of the French. Charles VII appreciated his worth, and rewarded
him several times: first he granted him the seigneurie of Aubigny in
Berry, next the comté of Evreux in Normandy, and finally the “glorious
privilege of quartering the Royal arms of France with his paternal arms
of Stuart.” He fell fighting bravely in a battle near Orleans. In the
well-known old French play, “Le Mistère du Siège d’Orléans,” written
some time after his death, the following tribute is paid to him:

Est mort tout le noble barnaige
Qui deffendoit la fleur de lis
Ha! le connestable d’Escosse,
Le plus vaillant dans la terre,
Est demeuré à fine force
Qui estoit tant prudent en guerre
On ne pourroit son bruit exquerre
Tant estoit vaillant et hardi
Or le convient il mectre en terre.[66]

[66] _Documents inédits sur l’histoire de France, première
série_, Paris, 1862; p. 342.

Martorell did well to name him as one of the greatest knights of that
period.

Sir Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, also was a great warrior. He
rendered distinguished services to the English nation in the struggle
with France. He was made Duke of Exeter in 1416, and in the same year
appointed Lieutenant of Normandy. He died at Greenwich in 1427.

Thus we see that Martorell has reproduced the latter part of the _Guy
of Warwick_ story, but has given it a setting in the fifteenth century.
It has been changed considerably, and the historical personage,
Richard de Beauchamp, has had some influence in giving form to this
reproduction. The career of this great knight reveals that the
exploits of Tirant at the English court were not the result of a vivid
imagination, but, on the contrary, were based in great part on knightly
customs and practices of the times. Martorell is a realist; when he
describes anything, it is usually based on something that he had
observed directly, or something that he had read or heard related which
impressed him as having really occurred. It is true that occasionally
we find the narration of some incredible incidents in his work, but it
is hardly probable that he expected us to believe them. It is owing to
the realistic temperament of the author that the different enterprises
of Tirant are based on historical events. He had a remarkable talent
for selecting interesting elements, and joining them so as to produce
an artistic whole. It was evidently not his purpose to make any part
of his work an accurate narration of some historical event. He distorts
facts or makes use of them under conditions different from those under
which they originally happened. Heroic deeds that called forth his
admiration, and historical incidents that were interesting to him and
of such a nature that he could utilize them in the work that he had
undertaken, furnished him with an abundance of material for his book
of chivalry. _Tirant lo Blanch_ is indeed a composite work, made up of
elements gathered here and there, logically connected and fashioned
into a consistent whole which impresses the reader with a feeling of
reality, because it is based, in the main, on actual experiences and
happenings in life.

CHAPTER II

CONCERNING THE ORDER OF THE GARTER

With regard to the duration of the festivities connected with the
marriage of the King of England to the daughter of the King of France,
and concerning the time of the departure of Tirant from London, we read
in chapter xxxix:

[67]Lo dia de Sanct Joan principiaren les festes e aquell dia se veu
lo rey ab la infanta sposada: duraren aquestes festes un any e un dia.
Complides les festes lo rey hague complit son matrimoni ab la infanta
de França. E tots les strangers prengueren comiat del rey e de la
reyna, e cascu sen torna en ses terres. Tirant apres que fon partit de
la Ciutat de Londres ab sos companyons fon en recort de la promesa que
hauia feta al pare hermita.

[67] The festivities began on the day of St. John and that day
the king was married to the Infanta: those festivities continued
for a year and a day. When the celebration was over the king had
consummated his marriage with the Infanta of France. And all
the foreigners took leave of the king and queen, and each one
returned to his own country. Tirant, after having left the city
of London with his companions, remembered the promise which he
had made to the hermit.

But in chapter lxxxv, Diaphebus, while telling the hermit about the
Order of the Garter, speaks these words:

[68]Ia era passat lany e lo dia: e les festes eran complides de
solemnizar com la magestat del senyor rey trames apreguar a tots los
stats ques volguessen esperar alguns dies: perço com la magestat sua
volia fer publicar una fraternitat, la qual nouament hauia instituida
de .xxvi. cauallers sens que negu no fos reproche. E tots de bon grat
foren contents de aturar.

[68] And now the year and a day had passed and the celebration of
the festivities was over, when His Royal Majesty sent word to the
noble visitors praying them to delay their departure for several
days: for His Royal Majesty wished to proclaim the institution of
a fraternity which he had recently founded, with a membership of
twenty-six knights, each of whom was without reproach. And all
were highly pleased to stay.

These conflicting statements as to the time of Tirant’s leaving London
indicate that when the author wrote chapter xxxix, he had no intention
of introducing the account concerning the Order of the Garter. But
later moved probably by a desire to show in what great honor Tirant was
held, and to describe the pomp, magnificence, and glory of knighthood,
he decided to introduce this feature. Still it is quite possible that
the peculiar and interesting stories in connection with the Order
may have caused its introduction. The circumstances which led to the
institution of the fraternity according to Martorell are as follows:

At a dance at the English court a lady named Madresilva lost a garter
while she was dancing. A certain knight picked it up. The King
witnessed the incident, and asked the knight to bring it to him and
fasten it on his left leg just below the knee. His Majesty wore the
garter in that way for four months and no one ventured to speak to him
concerning it. But one day one of the maids, who was a favorite of the
King, told him that the Queen, the maids of honor, the people of the
kingdom and those from abroad, all were displeased that he should show
so much honor to Madresilva. And the King answered:

[69]... donchs la Reyna sta de aço mal contenta, e los strangers e los
del meu regne ne stan admirats dix tales paraules en frances: Puni
soyt qui mal hi pense. Ara yo promet adeu, dix lo rey, yo instituire
e fare sobre aquest fet un orde de caualleria, que tant com lo mon
durara sera en recordacio aquesta fraternitat e orde que yo fare.

[69] “So then the queen is displeased with that, and the
foreigners and those of my kingdom are surprised at it.” Then he
spoke the following words in French: “Punished be he who thinks
evil of it. Now I promise God,” said the king, “I shall institute
and build upon this incident an order of knighthood, and this
fraternity and order that I shall found will be remembered as
long as the world shall last.” _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. lxxxv,
col. 3.

In Elias Ashmole’s voluminous work,[70] published in 1672, the above
incident is related in the following manner:

[70] Elias Ashmole, _The Institution, Laws and Ceremonies of the
most Noble Order of the Garter_, London, 1672.

“As to the occasion of its institution, the vulgar and more general
opinion is, That the garter of Joane, Countess of Salisbury, falling
casually off, as she danced in a solemn ball, King Edward hastily
stooping, took it up from the ground; whereupon some of the Nobles
and Courtiers smiling as at an amorous action, and he observing their
sportive humor, turned it off with this reply in French, ‘Honi soit
qui mal y pense’; but withal added in disdain of their laughter, That
in a short time, they should see that Garter advanced to so high honor
and estimation as to account themselves happy to wear it.”

This story is generally regarded by historians as untrue. Ashmole
intimates that it was first published by Polydore Virgil about the
middle of the sixteenth century. If that be so, the story in _Tirant
lo Blanch_ is the earliest known version of this famous incident. The
word “Puni” instead of “Honi” is striking, but not surprising. In the
pronunciation of these words, as well as in their written or printed
forms, the hearer or the reader might easily mistake the one for the
other, and the substitution would have been favored by the fact that
“Honi” was not in common use.

But let us follow the account concerning the Order as we find it
in _Tirant lo Blanch_. In the castle at Windsor was prepared a
beautiful chapel which was to serve as a home for the new fraternity.
The king was the first to take the oath to obey its statutes and
ordinances. Then he selected twenty-five other knights to constitute
its membership, and the first one chosen was Tirant, because he was
the best of all. Then the following were named: “lo Princep de Gales,
lo Duch de Beta fort [Bedford], lo Duch de lencastre [Lancaster], lo
Duch datçetera [Exeter], lo Marques de Sofolch [Suffolk], lo Marques de
Sanct Jordi, lo Marques de Belpuig, Johan de Varoych, Gran Conestable,
lo Comte de Nortabar [Northumberland], lo Comte de Salasberi, lo Comte
destafort [Stafford], lo Comte de Vilamur, lo Comte de les Marches
Negres, lo Comte d’la Joyosa Guarda, lo Senyor de Scala Rompuda, lo
Senyor de Puig Vert, lo Senyor de Terra Noua, Miçer Johan Stuart, Miçer
de Riuçech.” All these were from the kingdom. The foreigners were: “lo
Duch de Berri, lo Duch Danjou, lo Comte de Flandes.” Then the author
says: “Foren tots en nombre .xxvi. cauallers.” But, including the king
and Tirant, he has named only twenty-four.

According to history, Edward the Third founded the Order of the Garter
between the years 1344 and 1351. The roll of founders consists of
twenty-six names. Besides those of the king and the Prince of Wales,
there are only four names given by Martorell that can be found on the
roll. The Duke of Exeter was elected into the Order in 1400 and his
is the ninety-ninth name on the list of members. The Duke of Suffolk
was elected in 1420 and his number is one hundred and forty on the
list. From a historical standpoint, Martorell made a blunder when he
gave the name of Sir John Stuart as a member, for the latter was an
enemy of England. Several of the names seem to be pure inventions. It
is evident that Martorell made up a list of his own. At first we are
surprised that he did not include the name of William of Warwick, but
since the latter had so resolutely insisted upon living as a hermit, he
could not consistently have been made a member. We have noticed that
instead of naming twenty-six, he named but twenty-four. Why did he not
name the Duke of Gloucester, whom he mentions in his work? It is indeed
surprising that he did not name one of the Portuguese kings, for John
I, Edward, and Alphonse V were all members of the Order. The latter was
the brother of Prince Ferdinand, to whom the book was dedicated. If
Martorell had known that these kings were honored with membership in
the noble Order, he would hardly have failed to mention one of them.
But he named none of these, and consequently the conclusion may be
drawn that he did not live at the court of Portugal and that he knew
little more about Prince Ferdinand than his name. And, moreover, these
omissions indicate rather strongly that the work was not first written
in the Portuguese language.

We are furthermore told in _Tirant lo Blanch_ that the king gave to
every member of the Order a collar of gold covered with round S’s.
Martorell undertakes in the following story to explain how the king
happened to adopt these letters as a device: At a royal hunt, a deer,
white as the snow because of its age, was slain, and a collar bearing
S’s was found around its neck. On the collar were found words stating
that when Julius Caesar left the island the collar was put on the
deer, with the request that the king into whose hands the deer might
fall should adopt the letter S as a device. The author explains the
significance of this letter in these words:

[71]“E lo collar era tots de esses redones. E perço com en tot lo
A.B.C. no trobareu letra una per una de major auctoritat e perfectio
que pugua significar mes altes coses que aquesta lettra S.... La
primera, sanctedat; sauiesa; sapiencia; senyoria; e moltes altres
coses que per S principien.”

[71] And the collar was all covered with round S’s. Because
in the whole alphabet you cannot find one letter of greater
authority and perfection and which can signify more noble things
than this letter S. The first thing it stands for is sanctity;
then sapience; science; seigniory; and many other things that
begin with S. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chaps. xcvi and xcvii.

Martorell may have invented this story, but we are inclined to believe
that he had heard or read an explanation of the kind. Perhaps the story
was current at the time. Ashmole, too, had his curiosity aroused by the
letters on the collars, and remembers that he had read or heard that
there was once an organization called the “Society of Saint Simplicius”
and that the members of that society used to wear collars with SS on
them, and these letters stood for Saint Simplicius. This saint suffered
martyrdom under Diocletian about 287 A.D.

All that Martorell has to say about the rules, ceremonies, initiation,
ladies of honor and their vows, reveals that he knew a great deal about
the Order. Where did he obtain his information? Was it through reading
or through hearsay? In some respects his account resembles that of an
eye-witness, yet in giving the names of members of the Order, Martorell
was obliged to invent some, for the reason that he did not have enough
English names at his command. Some of the names are purely Catalan, and
this fact indicates that the account was not written in England, nor
in Portugal, but very probably in Valencia; another argument in favor
of the contention that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was written originally in
Catalan, and not in Portuguese.

CHAPTER III

TIRANT SUCCORS THE KNIGHTS OF RHODES

In the analysis we have told that the Genoese made a treacherous
attempt to capture Rhodes on account of its commercial importance as
a seaport. Having failed in their effort, they induced the sultan to
undertake the conquest of the island, and within a short time the port
of Rhodes was blockaded, the city besieged, and the island overrun by a
multitude of Moors. The city, however, offered heroic resistance. The
Grand Master appealed to the Christian powers for help. Tirant’s aid
finally led to the raising of the siege. Now upon what historical facts
is this part of the work based?

Let us first consider the attempt of the Genoese to capture the city of
Rhodes. The plan agreed upon was to have a considerable number of their
ships in the port, and other vessels carrying many men were to be near
by, but far enough away so as not to be seen by the people of Rhodes.
Two Genoese members of the Order rendered the instruments of defense
of the castle useless. The plan was to be carried out on Good Friday.
While the ceremonies of the day were being celebrated, the Genoese
were to enter the church two by two. All were to carry arms, but they
were to be concealed under long black cloaks. After a large number of
them had entered, they, with the assistance of the two traitors, were
to seize the towers and finally the whole city. But their plan was
fortunately discovered and frustrated.

Knowing the author’s inclination for taking ideas from certain sources
and applying them under circumstances that are altogether different
from those under which they originally occurred, we shall quote
the following passage from Vertot’s history of this military order,
which describes an event that may have furnished some details to the
story of the unsuccessful venture of the Genoese. The passage refers
to a banquet given by Jacques de Lusignan, when the regency of the
government of Cyprus was committed to him.

Il se trouva à ce repas royal un grand nombre de Seigneurs Vénitiens
et Génois. Ces étrangers se disputèrent la préséance; elle fut décidée
ce jour-là en faveur des Vénitiens. Les Génois pour s’en venger,
résolurent de l’emporter la force à la main et ils convinrent entr’eux
de se trouver le lendemain au palais avec des armes cachées sous leurs
manteaux. Le Régent ayant été averti de leur complot, fit jeter par
les fenêtres du Palais huit nobles Génois qui se promenoient....[72]

[72] Abbé de Vertot, _Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S.
Jean de Jérusalem_, Paris, 1726; Livre VI, p. 155.

Martorell began his work in 1460, seven years after the fall of
Constantinople. We are told that Mahomet the Second had said:
“Constantinople first and then Rhodes.” The sultan notified the Grand
Master of the Knights of Saint John that he would not respect the
treaty entered into by Amurates and the Order. The defiant answer to
this challenge, in the words of a Spanish historian of the Order, was
as follows:

Respondió dignamente la Orden que reconocida como Estado por todas las
naciones cristianas y por los soldanes turcos, sólo dependía de la
Santa Sede; que el Gran Maestre jamás la haría tributaria ni súbdita
de nadie, y que la religión de Rodas estaba no por mujeres, sino por
hombres que temían á Dios y sabían llevar la espada.[73]

[73] _La Soberana Orden militar de San Juan de Jerusalem ó de
Malta, por un Caballero de la Orden_, Madrid, 1899; p. 31.

This peril that was ever threatening Rhodes may have suggested to
Martorell that it would offer a favorable field for the exploits
of Tirant. And we are inclined to believe that the siege of Rhodes
conducted by the Sultan of Egypt in 1444, is the real historical event
upon which Tirant’s relief expedition is based. Some time prior to
that date the Grand Master de Lastic, being aware of the fact that the
sultan was planning to make a supreme effort to capture Rhodes, sent
ambassadors to most of the rulers in Europe to implore help, but, like
the King of France in _Tirant lo Blanch_, they did not respond. The
attack on Rhodes was made in the month of August, 1444. Let us quote
Vertot’s version of the event.

Une flotte considérable du Sultan parut de nouveau à la hauteur de
l’Isle de Rhodes, et y débarqua dix-huit mille hommes d’infanterie,
sans compter un gros corps de cavalerie et de Mamelus, qui faisoient
la principale force des Egyptiens. Ces Barbares sans s’arrêter à
aucune des Places de l’Isle, marchèrent droit à la Capitale, et
l’assiegèrent, pendant que leur flotte tenoit la mer pour le port et
empêcha qu’on n’y jettât du secours.[74]

[74] _Op. cit._, pp. 214 and 215.

There are no details of this siege on record. Vertot deplores this
fact, but he consoles himself by saying: “Ces Chevaliers sçavoient
mieux se servir de leur épée que d’une plume.” However, the records
give the general information that the siege lasted forty days; that the
fortifications were bombarded by many pieces of heavy artillery; that
many assaults were made which were always repulsed; and that, after
having lost the greater part of his men, the Saracen commander gave
orders to raise the siege.

In the discussion of the relation between Muntaner’s _Chronica_ and
_Tirant lo Blanch_, we have intimated that Tirant’s landing at the
castle of Rhodes was copied in a general way from Roger de Flor’s
successful attempt to bring relief to the besieged city of Messina. In
the analysis we have remarked that Tirant waited at the castle of Saint
Peter for favorable weather conditions to run the blockade. This castle
was built on the shores of Asia Minor, in or about the year 1402, under
the direction of the Grand Master de Naillac; consequently the date
of the siege of Rhodes in _Tirant lo Blanch_ cannot be assigned to a
period before that year.

CHAPTER IV

TIRANT JOINS THE EXPEDITION OF THE KING OF FRANCE
AGAINST THE INFIDELS

Some of the facts concerning this expedition are: the King of France
set sail from Aiguesmortes; his son, Philip, who was in charge of the
fleet of the King of Sicily, took part in this enterprise; at Tripoli
in Syria, Tirant, fully armed, leaped from his vessel into the water
and was the first to set his foot on the hostile shore; the stock of
provisions was replenished on the island of Cyprus; and towards the
close of this military enterprise, Tunis was taken.

The following historical facts indicate that the story of the
expedition was based on the Crusades of Louis IX. Saint Louis set
out on his Crusades from Aiguesmortes; he had a son named Philip who
accompanied him on the second Crusade; in Cyprus, an abundance of
provisions had been stored in advance for the use of the first Crusade;
when the king arrived at Damietta, he leaped into the water and was
among the first to step on Saracen soil; and Tunis was captured at the
time of the second Crusade and was obliged to pay tribute to the King
of Sicily, although this last event happened after the death of the
French king.

Perhaps the most striking of these coincidences is the one in which
these heroic figures leap into the water. Joinville, in his _Histoire
de Saint Loys_, describes this incident in the following words:

Quant le bon roy Saint Loys sceut, que l’enseigne saint Denis fut
arrivée à terre, il sortit de son vessel, qui ja estoit près de la
rive, et n’eut pas loisir que le vesseau, où il estoit, fust à terre:
ains se gette ... en la mer, et fut en eauë jusques aux espaulles.[75]

[75] _Histoire de Saint Loys, par Jehan Sire de Joinville_,
_Collection Complète des mémoires par M. Petitot_, Paris, 1819;
Tome II, p. 218.

A variant of this passage reads: “sailli en la mer tout armé, l’escu
au col, le glaive au poing, et fu des premiers à terre.”[76] When
the details of this incident had become somewhat dim in memory, the
following picture remains:

[76] _Ibid._, Tome II, p. 409.

Louis trouva le rivage bordé des troupes du Soudan, qui prétendoient
s’opposer au débarquement de son armée; mais ce Prince emporté par son
zèle et par son courage, se jetta le premier l’épée à la main dans
l’eau, et suivi de la Noblesse chargea les Infidèles et les tourna en
fuite.[77]

[77] Abbé de Vertot, _op. cit._, Livre III, p. 387.

This strikingly courageous act of Saint Louis, Martorell naturally
attributed to his hero, Tirant.

CHAPTER V

TIRANT CONQUERS AND CHRISTIANIZES ALL BARBARY

Tirant’s next field of operation is at Constantinople, which has
already been discussed. It must be remembered that he began his work
of freeing the Greek empire from the power of the Turks auspiciously.
But on returning to his army by sea, his vessel was driven by a
tempest to the African shores, where he was shipwrecked. After having
conquered Barbary and brought about the conversion of many thousands
to the Christian faith, he returned to Constantinople to complete the
restoration of the empire. Consequently, there remains for us the
task of ascertaining what historical basis underlies the story of the
conquest of Barbary.

When the author began his work, the Portuguese were busy fighting the
Moors in Africa. Prince Ferdinand of Portugal, who was Martorell’s
patron, according to the dedicatory letter, was at that very time
taking part in the African campaigns. But, to our surprise, the
conquest of Barbary does not reveal any significant traces of the
Portuguese wars against the Moors. The valiant Moorish Governor, Sale
ben Sale (Cale ben Cale in _Tirant lo Blanch_), plays an important rôle
in resisting the Portuguese, but the reference that is made to him in
Martorell’s work is not in connection with the conquest of Barbary. He
is mentioned in the William of Warwick episode as the successor of the
Moorish king who was slain by the hermit-king. Tirant’s conquest of
Barbary and the war of the Portuguese against the Moors had one object
in common, viz., the Christianization of northwestern Africa. With
Tirant, it became the chief purpose; with the Portuguese, it seems
to have been secondary, for their supreme aim was to rid themselves
of a constantly menacing enemy. It is possible that the campaigns of
the Portuguese against the African Moors attracted the attention of
Martorell, and, seeing that a similar undertaking would provide an
excellent field in which his hero might win additional laurels, he
determined to write and plan an imaginary account of a conquest of
that territory. But if this feature owes its origin to Portuguese
history, would it not be natural to expect in that account traces and
reminders of the military activities of the kingdom of Portugal? Did
this field not offer a wonderful opportunity to glorify the deeds
of Prince Ferdinand or, at least, of his people? But all efforts to
connect Tirant’s conquest with the campaigns of the Portuguese are in
vain. Here, then, is another strong indication that what the author
says in the dedicatory letter concerning the translation of an English
original into Portuguese is pure invention, for we are certain that no
English _Tirant lo Blanch_ existed and that Martorell wrote an original
work in which he created a hero according to his own good will and
pleasure. The various qualities of this hero manifested themselves
in certain spheres of operation which, as has already been pointed
out in all other cases, were based on real historical conditions and
events. We are told that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was written at the request
of a Portuguese prince, and yet Portuguese heroism and glory find no
place in the work, although there are occasions exceedingly favorable
for praises of Prince Ferdinand and his people. It seems almost an
act of disloyalty to his patron for Martorell to have passed over in
silence the opportunities of lauding Portuguese valor and honor. All
this indicates that the Catalan author did not reside at the court of
Portugal; that he did not write the book in the Portuguese language;
and that probably he was not requested by a prince of that nation
to write _Tirant lo Blanch_, for its contents in no way support the
statements made in the dedicatory letter; on the contrary, they seem to
refute them.[78]

[78] See page 77.

Is the conquest of Barbary perhaps based on some other historical
venture or event? We feel justified in answering the question
affirmatively, for Muntaner’s _Chronica_ seems to have furnished the
background for Tirant’s exploits in Barbary. In Martorell’s narration
of this conquest the following historical personages and geographical
names are of importance: the King of Tremicen, the King of Tunis,
Bugia, and Constantine. All these are found in Muntaner’s _Chronica_,
in certain parts of which are described the hostile relations between
the Moors of Africa and the crown of Aragon. In both accounts all
Barbary [“tota la Barbaria”] is specifically mentioned. This fact is
significant.

In Chapter XIX of the _Chronica_ Muntaner relates that the tribute due
to the King of Aragon from the King of Tremicen and the King of Tunis
had not been paid for a long time, and for this reason four well-armed
galleys were sent from Valencia to Tunis and Bugia. These wrought
great devastation along the African shores and besieged the important
ports. While in these waters they came upon a fleet of ten galleys,
all strongly armed and manned, belonging to the King of Morocco. The
Aragonese ships bravely attacked those of the Moors and succeeded in
capturing the whole fleet, which they took back with them to Valencia.

When Peter the Second became King of Aragon and Catalonia, he
determined to force the kings of Tremicen and Tunis to pay the tribute.
An expedition was sent to Barbary, and as a result Miraboaps, the King
of Tunis, was driven from the throne and his brother Mirabusach was
put in his place. The latter pledged himself to pay the tribute, and
signed a treaty with the Aragonese in which he granted them important
rights and privileges in his kingdom. Some time later Miraboaps
fomented a rebellion in Bugia and Constantine against his brother and
succeeded in making himself king of these two cities. When he died he
divided between his two sons, Mirabosecri and Bugron, the territory
over which he ruled. The former became King of Bugia and the latter
ruler over Constantine. But Mirabosecri was not satisfied; he wished to
hold sway over Constantine also, and accordingly he made preparations
to take that city from his brother.

Bugron saw that he could offer but feeble resistance against the
ambition of his brother. So he sent messengers to King Peter to inform
him that he wished to become a Christian and a subject of the crown
of Aragon. This message brought great joy to the heart of the king,
who immediately began to build many ships to transport a large army to
Africa. So extensive were his preparations that the lords and princes,
Christians as well as Saracens, who held territory along the seas,
became alarmed, for he told no one what he intended to do. The English
king, the French king, and the Pope made inquiries, but he would not
reveal his plans. Not until the expedition was far out upon the sea
did the commanders of the ships receive instructions as to their
destination. When Bugron was informed that the army of the King of
Aragon was on its way, he became elated and disclosed to some of his
intimate friends what he purposed to do, whereupon they arose in great
wrath and cut off his head. King Peter’s army landed at Alcoyll, not
far distant from Bugia. The king was shocked when he heard of Bugron’s
tragic death, but he concluded, nevertheless, to stay there and wage
war upon the Saracens. Fortifications were immediately constructed.
Formidable forces of Moors came to attack the Christians, but were
always repulsed. Troops from the vast Aragonese army made incursions
into the surrounding country, and soon none of the enemy could be
found for miles around. King Peter was highly pleased with this
excellent beginning, and it did not seem to him that the conquest of
all Barbary would be a difficult task if the Pope would only furnish
sufficient money to pursue the undertaking to a successful issue.
Accordingly he sent an ambassador to Rome to secure this necessary
financial assistance. Let us quote a few lines of the ambassador’s
petition to the Pope:

[79] Pare sanct, mon senyor lo rey En Pere Darago vos fa saber quell
es en Barbaria en un lloch qui ha nom Alcoyll, e troba que per aquell
lloch pot auer tota la Barbaria. Si vos, pare sanct, li volets fer
ajuda de diners e de perdonança, sera aço complit de la major part
auans que llonch temps sia. E la Barbaria es aytal, que qui haura les
marines si haura tota la Barbaria. E son gents qui tantost com vejen
lo gran destret que hauran se faran chrestians la major part.

[79] Holy Father, my lord king Peter of Aragon informs you that
he is in Barbary in a certain place called Alcoyll and finds
that with that place as base of operations, he can conquer
all Barbary. If you, Holy Father, will aid him with money and
indulgences, this will be accomplished within a short time. The
situation of Barbary is such that he who has possession of the
littoral will also hold all Barbary. And they are people who as
soon as they see the great distress that they will have to endure
will for the greater part become Christians. Muntaner, _op.
cit._; chap. lii.

In the meantime ambassadors came from the island of Sicily to implore
King Peter to come thither and free them from the oppressive rule of
Charles of Anjou. But the king’s heart was so firmly set upon this
conquest that he gave no heed to their entreaties. But when another
embassy came, and when he was informed that his petition to the Pope
had met with failure, he embarked with all his forces and sailed for
Sicily. And thus the high purpose of lo Senyor rey En Pere to conquer
and christianize all Barbary came to naught.

This undertaking of the King of Aragon furnished the historical
background for Tirant’s wonderful campaign against the Moors in
Barbary. Martorell did not make use of the details of the Aragonese
expedition, but he took up the subject and some of the geographical
names and historical personages and developed a story of conquest
according to his fancy. The enterprise of the Aragonese king was a
failure, but Tirant’s was naturally a glorious achievement.

It is quite probable that the shipwreck of Heraud as described in the
sequel to the romance of _Guy of Warwick_ led to the conception and
composition of the conquest. Tirant, like Heraud, was shipwrecked on
the African shores, was made prisoner, and became the leader of Moorish
forces. And now that Martorell had taken his hero to Africa, what
undertaking was he to engage in there? King Peter’s expedition came
to the mind of the author, and he decided to have Tirant accomplish
what the king had tried to do. It is possible, however, that Martorell
conceived his hero as conqueror of Barbary even before he thought of
the way in which he was to arrive there. But the first theory seems
more plausible, for the reason that in Tirant’s first activities in
Africa no conquest of Barbary and no religious motives are apparent.

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION: GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF TIRANT LO BLANCH

The Catalan romance of chivalry, _Tirant lo Blanch_, may be described
as a composite historical novel with a hero of a composite historical
character. From the beginning of the work to the end of the William of
Warwick episode the scenes are laid in England, and were it not for
the fact that Martorell describes a Moorish invasion as taking place
in that kingdom, we should be obliged to say that the atmosphere is
absolutely English. However, after Tirant’s return to the continent,
a purely Catalan or Aragonese spirit pervades the romance to the
very end. The names of other countries may be given as the scenes of
Tirant’s activities, but the Catalan heart and mind are always in
evidence. The author’s direct experience and his intimate acquaintance
with the history of his country find expression at every favorable
opportunity. Whatever is described or narrated bears a pronounced
Catalan stamp. Tirant’s relief expedition to Rhodes is based on the
siege of that place in 1444, but the manner in which he succeeded in
reaching the castle was copied from Roger de Flor’s successful attempt
to relieve Messina. The expedition of the King of France against the
infidels is based on the crusades of Louis IX; yet the way that it
ravaged the shores of Turkey was very similar to the manner in which
the vessels of King Jaime, King Peter’s predecessor, devastated the
shores of Africa. Tirant’s activities in the service of the Emperor of
Constantinople are based on the Catalan-Aragonese expedition to the
East under the leadership of Roger de Flor, but it cannot be forgotten
that the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, has left strong and
indisputable traces in this part of the work. The conquest of Barbary
is based on the experiences of the kings of Aragon with the Saracens of
northwestern Africa, but, in making use of these historical elements,
Martorell absolutely disregards their chronological order. According to
these historical data, Tirant’s military career begins in the middle of
the fifteenth century and ends incongruously in the early years of the
fourteenth. The hero is made up of elements taken from Guy of Warwick,
Richard of Beauchamp, Roger de Flor, Saint Louis, Peter the Second
of Aragon and others. It is clear that Martorell had no intention
of singing the praises of Roger de Flor or of any other historical
personage. In fact it seems that he attempts to disguise and conceal
the historical elements. If he had adhered to these elements too
closely, he would by that very act have deprived himself of the liberty
of proceeding with his composition as he pleased.

Martorell had probably no other purpose in view than that of writing
a romance of chivalry in which the hero was to conform in the main
to his notion of what constituted a great military leader. He was of
a practical bent and he desired to present to us a lifelike hero,
one whose exploits should be within the bounds of possibility. All
material that was given place in his work seems to be based on what
he himself directly observed or what he had read or heard related. No
wild flights of the imagination are attempted. Occasionally passages
are met with relating incredible occurrences, but these are not
of his own invention. Within this work may be found religious and
philosophical discourses; speeches and disputations among members of
the imperial councils; formal debates among members of the imperial
family; documents and papers drawn up by notaries; formal challenges
and replies to these; dramatic lamentations; long and fervent prayers;
and allusions to classical Latin authors, to biblical characters and to
figures prominent in mediaeval literature. Many of these features bear
evidence that they are not original with Martorell, but were copied,
some closely, others loosely, from models that he found here and there.
But at times he is delightfully original. On these occasions his
narrations are natural and the dialogues exceedingly sprightly, making
a striking contrast with his other heavy and stilted literary efforts.
It is to be regretted that he did not cast aside the models that he
copied or imitated, and free himself from the influence of other
authors. His book would in that case have been reduced to approximately
one-fourth of its present size, but quite probably it would now be
considered a masterpiece of narration and dialogue.

Martorell, to judge him by the work that he has produced—unfortunately
we know nothing at all concerning him from any other source—gives us
the impression that he was a monk or an ecclesiastic. The intensely
religious spirit that pervades the book, the sermons and prayers,
and the efforts to conquer or crush the enemies of the Holy Catholic
Church point strongly in that direction. His high regard for the
orders of knighthood and his great admiration for distinguished heroes
give some grounds for believing that he was a member of a military
order. However, the various documents drawn up in legal form leave
the impression that he was a notary. But he has included in his work
several features that are not in harmony with a serious and lofty
purpose. From these a fair idea of his character and disposition may be
obtained. He is jolly, jovial, frivolous, talkative, _malicieux_, and
bold even to impertinence. He is queer and eccentric. He has peculiar
ideas as to the fitness of things. He shows extremely bad taste from
the standpoint of the present time. Sometimes he permits his hero to
conduct himself in an undignified manner, or makes him the victim of
mishaps that tend to decrease our admiration for him. And then as a
climax to these occasional disparaging portrayals, he endows his hero
with a low, immoral nature.

Tirant lo Blanch is pictured to us as a noble, generous, religious,
intrepid, valiant, and invincible military leader. He is admirable in
all respects but one—he is morally a weakling. This inconsistency,
together with other incongruities, has led a scholarly critic[80] to
declare that _Tirant lo Blanch_ is a parody on the romances of chivalry
and that “the animus of the whole narrative is satire.” But the romance
taken as a whole does not warrant such a conclusion, for the general
tone of it is earnest and sincere. Several features of the work seem
to be presented in a satirical spirit, but still it is very doubtful
that the author intended to hold up certain foibles, follies or vices
to reprobation and ridicule. Is it not rather probable that these
features are due to the realistic tendencies of the author, or to his
whims and humors? Were some of these features perhaps intended as a
protest against the immorality of knights in general? Were they to
teach a moral lesson? If these questions are answered affirmatively,
difficulties will confront us, for Hypolite, the paramour of the
empress, is not punished for his sinful liaison; on the contrary he
is rewarded, for after the death of the emperor and the princess he
becomes the imperial ruler and his reign is a long and glorious one.
Nor was he to be punished in the next world, for we are told “... e
podeu creure que per lo bon regiment, e per la bona e virtuosa vida fon
[Lemperador e la Emperadriu] collocats en la gloria de paradis.”[81]
It is impossible to believe that it was Martorell’s purpose to deride
and ridicule the deeds of prowess and the noble enterprises of the
champion knight of the English court, the deliverer of the Knights of
Rhodes, the intrepid knight of the French king’s expedition against the
infidels, the missionary-conqueror of Barbary, and the liberator of the
Grecian Empire. Surely the spirit of the narration of these important
activities of Tirant is not satire.

[80] F.M. Warren, _A History of the Novel Previous to the
Seventeenth Century_, New York, 1895; pp. 173 and 175.

[81] ... and you may feel assured that on account of their
excellent rule, and their good and upright lives, they were taken
up to enjoy the glories of paradise.

This Catalan romance of chivalry may have been conceived in accordance
with the taste of Martorell’s times, but conditions have changed. The
standards by which we measure the actions of men now are not the same
as they were then. If an author wishes us to become enthusiastic in
our admiration for his hero, the latter must conform to our standards.
We insist that the protagonist be, above all, heroic from a moral
standpoint. If he lacks that attribute we cannot give him a full
measure of appreciation. An immoral hero is a paradox, an impossibility
with us of the present day; consequently we shall never be able to
regard Tirant lo Blanch as a great hero. But from the foregoing study
it may perhaps appear that the “cura’s” estimate, composed both of
enthusiasm and reprobation (as set forth in the passage quoted in the
opening paragraph), is not unworthy of the good sense and critical
acumen of the great Cervantes.

FINIS.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, JOSÉ, _Historia critica de la literatura
española_, Madrid, 1861-1865.

ASHMOLE, ELIAS, _The Institution, Laws and Ceremonies of the
most Noble Order of the Garter_, London, 1672.

BONSOMS Y SICART, ISIDRO, and RUBIÓ Y LLUCH,
ANTONIO, _Discursos leídos en la Real Academia de Buenas Letras
de Barcelona en la recepción publica de D. Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart el
día 9 de Mayo de 1907_, Barcelona, 1907.

CALDERON, JUAN, _Cervantes vindicado en ciento y quince
pasajes del texto del ingenioso hidalgo_, Madrid, 1854.

CERVANTES, _El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha_,
edited and annotated by Francisco Rodríguez Marín, Madrid, 1911.

CERVANTES DE SAAVEDRA, MIGUEL DE, _El ingenioso hidalgo Don
Quijote de la Mancha_, with commentaries by Diego Clemencín, annotated
by Miguel de Toro Gómez, Paris, 1910.

CLÈDE, M. DE LA, _Histoire générale de Portugal_, Paris, 1735.

CUST, ELIZABETH, _The Stuarts of Aubigny_, London, 1891.

DENK, OTTO, _Einführung in die Geschichte der
altcatalanischen Litteratur_, Munich, 1893.

_Documents inédits sur l’histoire de France, première série_, Paris,
1862.

DUNLOP, JOHN COLIN, _History of Prose Fiction_, edited by
Henry Wilson, London, 1896.

GIVANEL MAS, JUAN, _Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_,
Madrid, 1912.

GUTIÉRREZ DEL CAÑO, MARCELINO, _Ensayo bibliográfico de
“Tirant lo Blanch.” Revista de Archives, Bibliotecas y Museos_.
September-December number of the year 1917, Madrid, 1917.

_Guy of Warwick_, Fourteenth-century versions, edited from the
Auchinleck MS. in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh, and from MS. 107
in Caius College, Cambridge, by Julius Zupitza, Early English Text
Society, London, 1883, 1887, and 1891.

JOINVILLE, JEHAN SIRE DE, _Histoire de Saint Loys, Collection
Complète des mémoires par M. Petitot_, Paris, 1819.

_La Soberana Orden Militar de San Juan de Jerusalem ó de Malta, por un
Caballero de la Orden_, Madrid, 1889.

LULL, RAYMOND, _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_, Barcelona,
1879.

MENÉNDEZ Y PELAYO, M., _Orígenes de la Novela_, Madrid, 1905.

METGE, EN BERNAT, _Lo Somni d’En Bernat Metge_, edited by R.
Miquel y Planas, Barcelona, 1907.

MONCADA, FRANCISCO DE, _Expedición de los catalanes y
aragoneses contra turcos y griegos_, Madrid, 1777.

MUNTANER RAMON, _Chronica, o Descripcio dels fets, e hazanyes
del Inclyt Rey Don Iaume Primer Rey Darago, de Mallorques, e de
Valencia: Compte de Barcelona, e de Muntpesller: e de molts de sos
descendens_, edited by Karl Lans, Stuttgart, 1844. _Bibliothek des
literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart._

NICOLAU Y D’OLWER, LUIS, _Sobre les fonts catalanes del
Tirant lo Blanch_. _Revista de Bibliografía catalana_, Barcelona, 1907.

NUÑES DE LEAÕ, DUARTE, _Cronicas del rey Don Joaõ de gloriosa
memoria, o I. deste nome, e dos reys de Portugal o X., e as dos reys
D. Duarte, e D. Affonso o V._, Lisbon, 1780.

PORTER, WHITWORTH, _A History of the Knights of Malta_,
London, 1883.

THE COUNTESS OF WARWICK, _Warwick Castle and its Earls_, New
York and London, 1903.

VERTOT, ABBÉ DE, _Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S.
Jean de Jérusalem_, Paris, 1726.

WARREN, F.M., _A History of the Novel previous to the
Seventeenth Century_, New York, 1895.

INDEX

Adrianople, 64, 115.

Aethelstan, 99, 134.

Agnes, daughter of the Duke of Berry, 19.

Aguiló y Fuster, D. Mariano, 4.

Ahones, En Ferran de, 113, 119.

Aiguesmortes, 150.

Alcoyl, 155.

Alet, En Corberan de, 114.

Alexandria, 8, 29, 123.

Alfonso V, 75, 144.

Alimburch, 9, 10, 13, 74.

Amador de los Ríos, José, 97, 129.

Amoraunt, 123.

Amurates, 147.

Anatolia, 113, 114, 115.

Ania, 114.

Antioch, 123.

Arena, 118.

Argus, 122.

Armini, 40.

Artaqui, 114.

Ashmole, Elias, 142, 145.

Aubigny, 137.

Barbary, 27, 32, 53, 54, 56, 57, 60, 111, 122, 132, 152, 154, 156,
161.

Barcelona, 3, 4.

Beauchamp, Richard de, 135-137, 158.

Beaufort, Sir Thomas, 138.

Beauvais, 136.

Beirut, 26, 29.

Bellpuig, 46, 47.

Biblioteca Provincial in Valencia, 3.

Blancha, 16.

Boccaccio, 128.

Bonsoms y Sicart, D. Isidro, 3, 5, 74.

British Museum, 3.

Brittany, 15, 25, 26, 29, 76, 132.

Brunanburh, 134.

Bugia, 154.

Bugron, 155.

Caen, 136.

Caesar, Julius, 144.

Caesar of the Empire, 63, 64, 66, 71, 115.

Calais, 136.

Cale ben Cale, 152.

Cape Saint Vincent, 27.

Caramen, 59.

Carmesina, 34, 36, 40, 47, 49, 50, 53, 62, 63, 64, 65, 94, 106, 125,
126, 127.

Catania, 121.

Cataquefaras, 27.

Cervantes, 1, 2, 162.

Charles of Anjou, 112, 156.

Colbrond, 99.

Comte de Caylus, 5.

Comte de Flandes, 143.

Comte d’la Joyosa Guards, 143.

Comte de les marches Negres, 143.

Comte de Salasberi, 143.

Comte de Stafort, 143.

Comte de Vila Mur, 143.

Condam, Pere Miquel, 4.

Conde de Barcellos, 75.

Connétable du Royaume, 76.

Constance, Council of, 136.

Constantine, 60, 154, 155.

Constable of the Empire, 42, 46.

Constantinople, 33, 35, 38, 39, 47, 48, 53, 60, 61, 65, 106, 109,
113, 132, 147, 152.

Cornwall, 14.

Corsica, 31.

Countess of Belestar, 16.

Countess of Warwick, wife of William, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 15.

Countess of Warwick, Authoress, 135.

Cyprus, 29, 32, 150.

Damietta, 150.

Danish Northumbria, 133.

Dantona (d’Antona), 8, 13.

Denk, Otto, 97, 129.

Dentença, En Berenguer, 115, 117.

Diaphebus, 18, 24, 29, 31, 33, 34, 37, 40, 42, 46, 47, 51, 52, 64,
119, 128, 140.

Diocletian, 145.

Don Quijote de la Mancha, 1, 2, 5.

Duc de Viseo, 76.

Duch d’Anjou, 143.

Duch de Berri, 143.

Duch de Tenes, 118.

Duke of Aygues Vives, 17.

Duke of Bavaria, 21.

Duke of Bedford, 11, 14, 134, 143.

Duke of Berry, 19.

Duke of Burgundy, 21.

Duke of Burgundy, brother of, 17.

Duke of Brittany, 26.

Duke of Clarence, 137.

Duke of Cleves, 17.

Duke of Exeter, 11, 16, 134, 137, 138, 143.

Duke of Gloucester, 11, 14, 134, 143, 144.

Duke of Lancaster, 11, 134, 143.

Duke of Macedonia, father of Stephania, 35.

Duke of Macedonia, commander, 35, 36, 38, 39, 42, 44, 45, 46, 110,
117.

Duke of Messina, 44, 117.

Duke of Pera, 52.

Earl Jonas of Darras, 123.

Earl of Northumberland, 15, 137, 143.

Earl of Salisbury, 14, 137, 143.

Earl of Sent Angel, 46, 47.

Earl of Stafford, 14, 143.

Earl Rohold, 99, 105.

Edward, King of Portugal, 75, 144.

Edward the Third of England, 142, 143.

Elena, 118.

Emir Costdram, 107.

Emir Persan, 122.

Emperor of Constantinople, 33, 42, 44, 46, 48, 50, 62, 63, 65, 112,
132, 158.

Emperor of Germany, 104, 106.

Empress of Constantinople, 1, 33, 52, 66, 94, 125, 128, 161.

England, 7, 104, 145.

English Channel, 104.

Esclandar, 107, 110.

Evreux, 137.

Fabour, 123.

Famagosta, 29, 32.

Felice, 99, 101, 105, 109, 125, 127.

Ferdinand I, 75.

Ferdinand of Portugal, Prince, 69, 70, 75, 77, 79, 144, 152.

Ferrer, John, 60.

Fez, 59.

Filadelfia, 114.

Flor, Roger de, 5, 97, 104, 112-116, 120, 129, 149, 158.

Frederick I of Aragon, 112.

Fontsequa, 38.

Galba, Marti Johan de, 71, 78, 91.

Gallipoli, 115.

Genoa, 60.

Gircon, 116.

Givanel Mas, Juan, 3, 73, 95, 97, 129.

Grand Caramany, 48, 49, 50.

Grand Constable of England, 14, 18, 24, 143.

Grand Maître de Christ et de Saint Jacques en Portugal, 76.

Grand Master de Lastic, 148.

Grand Master de Naillac, 149.

Grand Master of the Knights of Saint John, 26, 28, 41, 146, 147.

Grand Turk, 38, 61.

Gulf of Venice, 28, 119.

Gumiel, Diego de, 4.

Guy of Warwick, _see_ Warwick, Guy of.

Harfleur, 136.

Henry V, 135.

Henry VI, 134.

Heraud, 106, 108, 122, 157.

Hercules, Columns of, 126.

Hermitage of Our Lady, 8.

Hippolyte, 1, 41, 47, 50, 52, 64, 66, 94, 128, 161.

Hispanic Society of New York, 3, 4.

Huntington, Archer M., 3.

Infanta Carmesina, 33.

Infanta de França, 140.

Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 3.

Jaffa, 29.

Jaime, King of Aragon, 158.

Jerusalem, 8, 27, 29, 99, 123, 135.

Joane, Countess of Salisbury, 142.

John I, 144.

Joinville, 150.

Justinian, 63.

King of Africa, 45.

King of Aragon, 31, 154.

King of Canary, 8, 10.

King of Cappadocia, 45.

King of Castile, 31.

King of Egypt, 43, 45, 110.

King of England, 9, 10, 15, 20, 24, 140, 141.

King of Fez and Bugia, 59, 62.

King of France, 26, 30, 31, 32, 50, 132, 148, 150, 158.

King of Friesland, 21, 22.

King of Morocco, 154.

King of Naples, 112.

King of Navarre, 31.

King of Poland, 21, 23.

King of Portugal, 27, 31.

King of Sicily, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 44, 62, 150.

King of Tremicen, 54, 55, 56, 111, 154.

King of Tunis, 54, 154.

King of Upper India, 48, 49, 50.

Knights of Saint John, 26, 28, 132.

Knights of Rhodes, 26.

La Clède, M. de, 76.

Leonor de Aragón, 75.

Lérida, 60.

Lisbon, 27, 76.

London, 5, 9, 15, 17, 132, 140.

Loriç, Isabel de, 71.

Louis IX, 150, 158.

Lord of the March of Tirania, 16.

Lull, Raymond, 72, 79, 92, 102, 131.

Lusignan, Jacques de, 147.

Madresilva, 141.

Magnesia, 114.

Mahomet the Second, 147.

Mal Vehi, Knight, 41.

Manfredi, Lelio, 5.

Maragdina, 55, 56.

Marques de Bellpuig, 143.

Marques de Sanct Jordi, 143.

Marques de Sofolch, 143.

Marquis of Saint George, 46.

Marseilles, 32.

Martorell, Johanot, 69, 70, 76, 77, 78, 92, 101, 103, 117, 128, 138,
145, 147, 152, 157, 158-162.

Menéndez y Pelayo, 2, 73, 98, 129.

Messina, 120, 121, 149, 158.

Metge, En Bernat, 88.

Miçer de Riuçech, 143.

Miraboaps, 154.

Mirabosecri, 155.

Mirabusach, 154.

Montagata, 57.

Morgadour, 108, 109, 110, 128.

Muntalba, Kirielayson de, 1, 22.

Muntalba, Thomas de, 1, 22, 23.

Muntalt, Caualler de, 19.

Muntaner, Raymond, 77, 97, 98, 104, 117, 121, 129, 131, 154.

Muntanyanegre, Knight, 16.

Nantes, 26, 66.

Nif, 114.

Normandy, 136.

Northumberland, 99.

Nunes de Leaõ, Duarte, 76.

Oisel, 126.

Order of the Garter, 24, 72, 140.

Orleans, 137.

Palermo, 27.

Paris, 118.

Pelidas, 38, 39.

Pera, 60, 113.

Peter the Second of Aragon and Catalonia, 154, 155, 158.

Philip, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 44, 61, 150.

Plaer de mi Vida, 1, 44, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 58, 59, 62.

Pope, 26, 31, 156.

Porta del Ferre, 114.

Prince of Wales, 20, 137, 143.

Prior of Saint John, 41, 117.

Portugal, 76, 145, 152.

Queen Jane, 135.

Queen of Scotland, 24.

Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona, 3.

Reinbrun, 122.

Rex Enricus, 134.

Rhodes, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 119, 146, 148, 158, 161.

Ricart lo Ventures, 31, 32, 33, 34, 46.

Ricomana, 27, 30, 44.

Robert, Duke of Catania, 120.

Rocafort, En Berenguer de, 114, 117.

Roger de Flor, _see_ Flor.

Romania, 115, 118.

Rome, 21, 60, 135, 156.

Rouen, 136.

Rous, John, 133.

Rubió y Lluch, D. Antonio, 74.

Saint George, Church of, 18, 24.

Saint Peter, Castle of, 28, 119, 149.

Saint Simplicius, 145.

Saint Sofia, Church of, 40, 65.

Saint Thomas of Canterbury, 9.

Sale ben Sale, 152.

Scariano, 54, 55, 56, 111.

Sciacca, 120.

Scotland, 22, 23.

Senyor Dagramunt, 57, 59.

Senyor de Escala Rompuda, 18, 143.

Senyor de les Viles Ermes, 19.

Senyor de Pantalea, 44.

Senyor de Puig Vert, 143.

Senyor de Terra Nova, 143.

Sicily, 27, 30, 32, 33, 61, 76, 112, 156.

Spires, 106.

Stephania, 35, 36, 37, 40, 44, 47, 50, 51, 106, 119, 128.

Strait of Faro, 120.

Strait of Gibraltar, 27, 32.

Stuart, Sir John, 16, 137, 143.

Sultan, 28, 38, 61, 106.

Sultan of Cairo, 26.

Sultan of Egypt, 148.

Syracuse, 120.

Temple, 130.

Templars, 105.

Tenedos, 118.

Tira, 114, 128.

Tirri, 126.

Trebizond, 63.

Tremicen, 54, 55, 56.

Triamour, 123.

Tripoli in Syria, 31, 150.

Tunis, 27, 32, 56, 150.

Valencia, 3, 71, 145, 154.

Valladolid, 5.

Varoych, Johan de, _see_ Warwick, John of.

Varoych, Guillem de, _see_ Warwick, William of.

Venice, 5, 8, 60, 135.

Verona, 135.

Vertot, Abbé de, 147, 148, 151.

Villa Fermosa, Knight, 22, 23.

Virgil, Polydore, 142.

Viscount of Branches, 50, 117.

Viuda Reposada, 1, 36, 44, 48, 51, 53, 128.

Wales, 14.

Warren, F.M., 150.

Warwick, City of, 8, 9, 10, 101.

Warwick, Guy of, 73, 98, 101, 104, 105, 106, 110, 130, 131, 133, 158.

Warwick, John of, 8, 12, 14, 24, 74, 143.

Warwick, William of, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16, 19, 73, 74, 91, 98, 101,
134.

Winchester, 99, 100.

Windsor Castle, 24, 142.

Xor Miqueli, 113, 115, 117.

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