Title: Good Newes from New England - A true relation of things very remarkable at the plantation of plimoth in New England
Author: Winslow, Edward
Language: English
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  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

  This book was published in 1841, and is a reprint of the original book
  by Edward Winslow published in 1624, with many footnotes added by the
  1841 editor. The editor has occasionally inserted in brackets [] a
  word missing from the 1624 text, for example [which] on page 9.

  The footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes remain
  at the end of the main text, as they were in the original (1841) book.
  They have been renumbered from 1 to 127. Some references to a ‘note’
  have therefore been renumbered accordingly, for example the reference
  to ‘note 2 on page 77’ has been changed to ‘note [35] on page 77’.

  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

  Some other minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.



  “GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND: or a true Relation of things very
  remarkable at the Plantation of _Plimoth_ in New-England.

  Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of GOD, in their
  preservation and continuance, being delivered from many apparent
  deaths and dangers.

  Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and
  Customes, as are in practise amongst the _Indians_, adjoyning to
  them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be raysed
  for the maintenance of that and other Plantations in the said
  Country.

  Written by _E. W._ who hath borne a part in the forenamed
  troubles, and there lived since their first Arrivall.

  Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible
  intelligence of the present Estate of _Virginia_.

  LONDON. Printed by _I. D._ for _William Bladen_ and _John
  Bellamie_, and are to be sold at their Shops, at the _Bible_ in
  _Paul’s_ Churchyard, and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill,
  neere the _Royall Exchange_. 1624.” pp. 66, sm. 4to.


[Illustration: Map of Plymouth from Young’s _Chronicles_]



DEDICATION

_To all well-willers and furtherers of Plantations in New England,
especially to such as ever have or desire to assist the people of
Plymouth in their just proceedings, grace and peace be multiplied._


  RIGHT HONORABLE AND WORSHIPFUL
  GENTLEMEN, OR WHATSOEVER,

Since it hath pleased God to stir you up to be instruments of
his glory in so honorable an enterprise as the enlarging of his
Majesty’s dominions by planting his loyal subjects in so healthful
and hopeful a country as New-England is, where the church of God
being seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing
the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to the true
knowledge and worship of the living God, and so consequently the
salvation of their souls by the merits of Jesus Christ, than
elsewhere, though it be much talked on and lightly or lamely
prosecuted,--I therefore think it but my duty to offer the view
of our proceedings to your worthy considerations, having to that
end composed them together thus briefly, as you see; wherein, to
your great encouragement, you may behold the good providence of
God working with you in our preservation from so many dangerous
plots and treacheries as have been intended against us, as also
in giving his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we had,
enabling us with health and ability beyond expectation in our
greatest scarcities, and possessing the hearts of the salvages
with astonishment and fear of us; whereas if God had let them
loose, they might easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a
handful in comparison of those forces they might have gathered
together against us; which now, by God’s blessing, will be more
hard and difficult, in regard our number of men is increased, our
town better fortified, and our store better victualled. Blessed
therefore be his name, that hath done so great things for us and
hath wrought so great a change amongst us.

Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon my unskilfulness,
and bear with my plainness in the things I have handled. Be not
discouraged by our former necessities, but rather encouraged with
us, hoping that God hath wrought with us in our beginning of this
worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, so he will by us
accomplish the same to his glory and our comfort, if we neglect
not the means. I confess it hath not been much less chargeable to
some of you[1] than hard and difficult to us, that have endured the
brunt of the battle, and yet small profits returned. Only, by God’s
mercy, we are safely seated, housed, and fortified, by which means
a great step is made unto gain, and a more direct course taken for
the same, than if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen upon
it.

Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as I may term it,
of plantations.

1. The vain expectation of present profit, which too commonly
taketh a principal seat in the heart and affection, though God’s
glory, &c. is preferred before it in the mouth with protestation.

2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, seeking only to
make themselves great, and slaves of all that are under them, to
maintain a transitory base honor in themselves, which God oft
punisheth with contempt.

3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies of men
unto them, not caring how they be qualified; so that ofttimes
they are rather the image of men endued with bestial, yea,
diabolical affections, than the image of God, endued with reason,
understanding, and holiness. I praise God I speak not these things
experimentally, by way of complaint of our own condition, but
having great cause on the contrary part to be thankful to God for
his mercies towards us; but rather, if there be any too desirous of
gain, to entreat them to moderate their affections, and consider
that no man expecteth fruit before the tree be grown; advising all
men, that as they tender their own welfare, so to make choice of
such to manage and govern their affairs, as are approved not to be
seekers of themselves, but the common good of all for whom they are
employed; and beseeching such as have the care of transporting men
for the supply and furnishing of plantations, to be truly careful
in sending such as may further and not hinder so good an action.
There is no godly, honest man but will be helpful in his kind,
and adorn his profession with an upright life and conversation;
which doctrine of manners[2] ought first to be preached by giving
good example to the poor savage heathens amongst whom they live.
On the contrary part, what great offence hath been given by many
profane men, who being but seeming Christians, have made Christ and
Christianity stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels, and so
laid a stumbling-block before them. But woe be to them by whom such
offences come.

These things I offer to your Christian considerations, beseeching
you to make a good construction of my simple meaning, and take in
good part this ensuing Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore
unto your service; beseeching God to crown our Christian and
faithful endeavours with his blessings temporal and eternal.

  Yours in this service,
  Ever to be commanded,
  E. W.[3]



TO THE READER.


GOOD READER,

When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it chiefly for
the satisfaction of my private friends; but since that time have
been persuaded to publish the same. And the rather, because of a
disorderly colony[4] that are dispersed, and most of them returned,
to the great prejudice and damage of him[5] that set them forth;
who, as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in respect
of their lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be
feared, will be no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous
reports, because she would not foster them in their desired idle
courses. I would not be understood to think there were no well
deserving persons amongst them; for of mine knowledge it was a
grief to some that they were so yoked; whose deserts, as they were
then suitable to their honest protestations, so I desire still may
be in respect of their just and true Relations.

Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that I deal so plainly, than
any way doubt of the truth of this my Relation; yea, it may be, tax
me therewith, as seeming rather to discourage men than any way to
further so noble an action. If any honest mind be discouraged, I
am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just cause; and am so far from
being discouraged myself, as I purpose to return forthwith.[6] And
for other light and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my
desire, accounting it better for them and us that they keep where
they are, as being unfit and unable to perform so great a task.

Some faults have escaped because I could not attend on the
press,[7] which I pray thee correct, as thou findest, and I shall
account it as a favor unto me.

  Thine,
  E. W.



_Chapter 1_

A BRIEF RELATION OF A CREDIBLE INTELLIGENCE OF THE PRESENT ESTATE
OF VIRGINIA.


At the earnest entreaty of some of my much respected friends, I
have added to the former Discourse a Relation of such things as
were credibly reported at Plymouth, in New England, in September
last past, concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because
men may doubt how we should have intelligence of their affairs,
being we are so far distant, I will therefore satisfy the doubtful
therein. Captain Francis West[8] being in New England about the
latter end of May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and
returned in August. In September the same ship and company being
discharged by him at Damarin’s Cove,[9] came to New Plymouth,
where, upon our earnest inquiry after the state of Virginia since
that bloody slaughter committed by the Indians upon our friends
and countrymen,[10] the whole ship’s company agreed in this,
viz. that upon all occasions they chased the Indians to and fro,
insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for peace, who for
the present would not admit of any; that Sir George Early, &c. was
at that present employed upon service against them; that amongst
many other, Opachancano,[11] the chief emperor, was supposed to
be slain; his son also was killed at the same time. And though,
by reason of these forenamed broils in the fore part of the year,
the English had undergone great want of food, yet, through God’s
mercy, there never was more show of plenty, having as much and as
good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither was the hopes
of their tobacco crop inferior to that of their corn; so that the
planters were never more full of encouragement; which I pray God
long to continue, and so to direct both them and us, as his glory
may be the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that for
his mercy’s sake. Amen.



_Chapter 2_

OF THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE NARRAGANSETTS, AND THEIR SECOND
VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS.


[Sidenote: 1622]

The good ship called the FORTUNE, which, in the month of November,
1621, (blessed be God,) brought us a new supply of thirty-five
persons, was not long departed our coast, ere the great people of
Nanohigganset,[12] which are reported to be many thousands strong,
began to breathe forth many threats against us, notwithstanding
their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer;
insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides
was of the preparation they made to come against us. In reason a
man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than
before our supply came. But though none of them were present, yet
understanding by others that they neither brought arms, nor other
provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occasioned them
to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did.[13] At
length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conanacus,[14] their
chief sachim or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly
Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter,
who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and
leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake’s
skin, desired to depart with all expedition. But our governors not
knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and comparing it
with that we had formerly heard, committed him to the custody of
Captain Standish, hoping now to know some certainty of that we so
often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum,
at his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity with
the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could learn any thing from
him; whose answer was sparingly to this effect, that he could not
certainly tell us, but thought they were enemies to us.

[Sidenote: _Jan. 1622_]

That night Captain Standish gave me and another[15] charge of him,
and gave us order to use him kindly, and that he should not want
any thing he desired, and to take all occasions to talk and inquire
of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withal to signify
that upon his true relation he should be sure of his own freedom.
At first, fear so possessed him that he could scarce say any thing;
but in the end became more familiar, and told us that the messenger
which his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return
persuaded him rather to war; and to the end he might provoke him
thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) detained many of
the things [which] were sent him by or Governor, scorning the
meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent,
and also of the greatness of his own person; so that he much blamed
the former messenger, saying, that upon the knowledge of this his
false carriage, it would cost him his life, but assured us that
upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he
would be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor and
his Assistant[16] and Captain Standish, who, after consultation,
considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger; and it
being as well against the law of arms amongst them as us in Europe
to lay violent hands on any such, set him at liberty; the Governor
giving him order to certify his master that he had heard of his
large and many threatenings, at which he was much offended; daring
him in those respects to the utmost, if he would not be reconciled
to live peaceably, as other his neighbours; manifesting withal
(as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolution, if he
could not so live amongst them. After which he caused meat to be
offered him; but he refused to eat, making all speed to return, and
giving many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian
again to return. The weather being violent, he used many words to
persuade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon he left him,
and said he was with his friends, and would not take a journey in
such extremity.

After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the arrows were
delivered, and the manner of the messenger’s carriage related,
he signified to the Governor that to send the rattlesnake’s skin
in that manner imported enmity, and that it was no better than a
challenge.[17] Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor
stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, returning
no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if he had shipping now
present, thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of
his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us; yet
withal showing that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked
for. This message was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such
sort, as it was no small terror to this savage king; insomuch as he
would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in
his house or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another
took it up; and having been posted from place to place a long time,
at length came whole back again.

[Sidenote: _Feb. 1622_]

In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, notwithstanding our
high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to
all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our
arms, we thought it most needful to impale our town; which with all
expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few
days, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated;
making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of
the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town; in three
whereof are gates,[18] and the fourth in time to be. This being
done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four squadrons or
companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to have command of
each; and, at a general muster of training,[19] appointed each his
place, gave each his company, giving them charge, upon every alarm,
to resort to their leaders to their appointed place, and, in his
absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according
to his order, each drew his company to his appointed place for
defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which
they brought their new commanders to their houses, where again they
graced them with their shot, and so departed.

Fearing, also, lest the enemy at any time should take any advantage
by firing our houses, Captain Standish appointed a certain company,
that whensoever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the town,
should only betake themselves to their arms, and should enclose the
house or place so endangered, and stand aloof on their guard, with
their backs towards the fire, to prevent treachery, if any were in
that kind intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this
guard, they were then freed from it; but not otherwise, without
special command.

[Sidenote: _Mar. 1622_]

Long before this time we promised the people of Massachusets, in
the beginning of March to come unto them, and trade for their
furs; which being then come, we began to make preparation for
that voyage. In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who
still lived in the town, told us that he feared the Massachusets
or Massachuseucks (for so they called the people of that place,)
were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of
Nanohigganset, and that they therefore would take this opportunity
to cut off Captain Standish and his company abroad; but, howsoever,
in the mean time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeucks
would assault the town at home; giving many reasons for his
jealousy, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who,
we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our
shallops to the Indians’ houses, for their better advantage. To
confirm this his jealousy, he told us of many secret passages that
passed between him and others, having their meetings ordinarily
abroad, in the woods; but if at home, howsoever, he was excluded
from their secrecy; saying it was the manner of the Indians, when
they meant plainly, to deal openly; but in this his practice there
was no show of honesty.

Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assistant and Captain
Standish, called together such as by them were thought most meet
for advice in so weighty a business; who, after consideration
hereof, came to this resolution; that as hitherto, upon all
occasions between them and us, we had ever manifested undaunted
courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety
to mew up ourselves in our new-enclosed town; partly because our
store was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily
food, without which we could not long subsist; but especially
for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged
to prosecute their malicious purposes with more eagerness than
ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of
God, our fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and
weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best to proceed
in our trading voyage, making this use of that we heard, to go
the better provided, and use the more carefulness both at home
and abroad, leaving the event to the disposing of the Almighty;
whose providence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so
we had now no cause (save our sins) to despair of his mercy in
our preservation and continuance, where we desired rather to be
instruments of good to the heathens about us than to give them the
least measure of just offence.

[Sidenote: _April. 1622_]

All things being now in readiness, the forenamed Captain, with ten
men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamock, set forwards for
the Massachusets. But we[20] had no sooner turned the point of the
harbour, called the Gurnet’s Nose,[21] (where, being becalmed, we
let fall our grapnel to set things to right and prepare to row,)
but there came an Indian of Tisquantum’s family running to certain
of our people that were from home with all eagerness, having his
face wounded, and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to
them to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others had
him in chase; saying that at Namaschet (a town some fifteen miles
from us,) there were many of the Nanohiggansets, Massassowat[22]
our supposed friend, and Conbatant,[23] our feared enemy, with
many others, with a resolution to take advantage on the present
opportunity to assault the town in the Captain’s absence; affirming
that he received the wound in his face for speaking in our behalf,
and by sleight escaped; looking oft backward, as if he suspected
them to be at hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor;
whereupon he gave command that three pieces of ordnance should be
made ready and discharged, to the end that if we were not out of
hearing, we might return thereat; which we no sooner heard, but
we repaired homeward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves,
and making all in readiness to fight. When we entered the harbour,
we saw the town likewise on their guard, whither we hasted with
all convenient speed. The news being made known unto us, Hobbamock
said flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowat’s
faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never have undertaken
any such act without his privity, himself being a pinse,[24] that
is, one of his chiefest champions or men of valor; it being the
manner amongst them not to undertake such enterprises without the
advice and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the Governor
answered, he should be sorry that any just and necessary occasions
of war should arise between him and any [of] the savages, but
especially Massassowat; not that he feared him more than the rest,
but because his love more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto
Hobbamock replied, there was no cause wherefore he should distrust
him, and therefore should do well to continue his affections.

But to the end things might be made more manifest, the Governor
caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all privacy to Puckanokick,
the chief place of Massassowat’s residence, (pretending other
occasions,) there to inform herself, and so us, of the right
state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things
quiet, and that no such matter was or had been intended, [she]
told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by them called
Patuxet;) which, when he understood, he was much offended at the
carriage of Tisquantum, returning many thanks to the Governor for
his good thoughts of him, and assuring him that, according to their
first Articles of Peace, he would send word and give warning when
any such business was towards.

Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were
only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means
of his nearness and favor with us; not caring who fell, so he
stood. In the general, his course was to persuade them he could
lead us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the
Indians, sending them word in a private manner we were intended
shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself,
to work their peace; insomuch as they had him in greater esteem
than many of their sachims; yea, they themselves sought to him, who
promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and protection also, so
as they would resort to him; so that whereas divers were wont to
rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to this abode, now
they began to leave him and seek after Tisquantum. Now, though he
could not make good these his large promises, especially because of
the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised
this false alarm; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of
blood, to provoke us to march into his country against him, whereby
he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched;
and hoping if that block were once removed, there were not other
between him and honor, which he loved as his life, and preferred
before his peace. For these and the like abuses the Governor
sharply reproved him; yet was he so necessary and profitable an
instrument, as at that time we could not miss him. But when we
understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our
ignorance and innocency therein; assuring them, till they begun
with us, they should have no cause to fear; and if any hereafter
should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars and
seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good
satisfaction on all sides.

[Sidenote: _May. 1622_]

After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Massachusets; where
we had good store of trade,[25] and (blessed be God) returned in
safety, though driven from before our town in great danger and
extremity of weather.

At our return we found Massassowat at the Plantation; who made his
seeming just apology for all former matters of accusation, being
much offended and enraged against Tisquantum; whom the Governor
pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long after
his departure, he sent a messenger to the Governor, entreating him
to give way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him.
But the Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, both in
respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he desired he would spare
him; and the rather, because without him he knew not well how to
understand himself or any other the Indians. With this answer the
messenger returned, but came again not long after, accompanied with
divers others, demanding him from[26] Massassowat, their master, as
being one of his subjects, whom, by our first Articles of Peace, we
could not retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it without
the Governor’s approbation, offered him many beavers’ skins for
his consent thereto, saying that, according to their manner, their
sachim had sent his own knife, and them therewith, to cut off
his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Governor
answered, It was not the manner of the English to sell men’s lives
at a price, but when they had deserved justly to die, to give
them their reward; and therefore refused their beavers as a gift;
but sent for Tisquantum, who, though he knew their intent, yet
offered not to fly, but came and accused Hobbamock as the author
and worker of his overthrow, yielding himself to the Governor to
be sent or not according as he thought meet. But at the instant
when our Governor was ready to deliver him into the hands of his
executioners, a boat was seen at sea to cross before our town, and
fall behind a headland[27] not far off. Whereupon, having heard
many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether there were any
combination between the savages and them, the Governor told the
Indians he would first know what boat that was ere he would deliver
them into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at
delay, they departed in great heat.

Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this
Tisquantum; who, to the end he might possess his countrymen with
the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told
them we had the plague buried in our store-house; which, at our
pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people we would, and
destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being,
upon the forenamed brabbles,[28] sent for by the Governor to this
place, where Hobbamock was and some other of us, the ground being
broke in the midst of the house, whereunder certain barrels of
powder were buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what
it meant. To whom he readily answered, That was the place wherein
the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others.
After this Hobbamock asked one of our people, whether such a thing
were, and whether we had such command of it; who answered, No; but
the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his
pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.

This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622; at which
time our store of victuals was wholly spent, having lived long
before with a bare and short allowance. The reason was, that
supply of men, before mentioned,[29] which came so unprovided,
not landing so much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole
company, but contrariwise received from us for their ship’s store
homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be
blamed therein, but rather certain amongst ourselves, who were
too prodigal in their writing and reporting of that plenty we
enjoyed.[30] But that I may return.

[Sidenote; _June. 1622_]

This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a fishing
ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master Thomas Weston,
late merchant and citizen of London, which brought six or seven
passengers at his charge, that should before have been landed at
our Plantation;[31] who also brought no more provision for the
present than served the boat’s gang for their return to the ship;
which made her voyage at a place called Damarin’s Cove,[32] near
Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us northeastward; about which
place there fished about thirty sail of ships, and whither myself
was employed by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals
as the ships could spare; where I found kind entertainment and good
respect, with a willingness to supply our wants. But being not able
to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of
some amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my coming, would
not take any bills for the same, but did what they could freely,
wishing their store had been such as they might in greater measure
have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, for
which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of their
abilities; which, although it were not much amongst so many people
as were at the Plantation, yet through the provident and discreet
care of the governors, recovered and preserved strength till our
own crop on the ground was ready.

Having dispatched there, I returned home with all speed convenient,
where I found the state of the Colony much weaker than when I left
it; for till now we were never without some bread, the want whereof
much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others.
But here it may be said, if the country abound with fish and fowl
in such measure as is reported, how could men undergo such measure
of hardness, except through their own negligence? I answer, every
thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one saith,
will go into an orchard in the winter to gather cherries; so he
that looks for fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his
expectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, is from the
beginning of October to the end of March; but these extremities
befell us in May and June. I confess, that as the fowl decrease,
so fish increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a
great cause of increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks
were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and strong
seines and other netting, they for the most part brake through,
and carried all away before them. And though the sea were full of
cod, yet we had neither tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And
indeed had we not been in a place, where divers sort of shellfish
are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have perished,
unless God had raised some unknown or extraordinary means for our
preservation.

In the time of these straits, indeed before my going to Munhiggen,
the Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches,
glorying in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere
long to cut us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on us, and
neither came or sent to us as formerly. These things occasioned
further thoughts of fortification. And whereas we have a hill
called the Mount,[33] enclosed within our pale, under which our
town is seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon; from whence
a few might easily secure the town from any assault the Indians
can make, whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served.
This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation
of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continual
guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages from
having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it
took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet,
life being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead
thereof for our further preservation.



_Chapter 3_

OF THE PLANTING OF MASTER WESTON’S COLONY AT WESSAGUSSET, AND OF
SUNDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN.


[Sidenote: _July. 1622_]

In the end June or beginning of July, came into our harbour two
ships of Master Weston’s aforesaid; the one called the Charity,[34]
the other the Swan; having in them some fifty or sixty men, sent
over at his own charge to plant for him.[35] These we received into
our town, affording them whatsoever courtesy our mean condition
could afford. There the Charity, being the bigger ship, left them,
having many passengers which she was to land in Virginia. In the
mean time the body of them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, whilst
some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of
corn we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and dishonest
walking of these strangers; who, though they would sometimes seem
to help us in our labor about our corn, yet spared not day and
night to steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to
taste, though green and unprofitable; and though they received much
kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to requite the
love we showed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, &c., the
chief of them being forestalled and made against us before then
came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for their master’s sake,
who formerly had deserved well from us, we continued to do them
whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing these things
to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when
God in his providence would disburden us of them, sorrowing that
their overseers were not of more ability and fitness for their
places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and
unconscionable beginnings.

At length their coasters returned, having found in their judgment
a place fit for plantation, within the bay of the Massachusets[36]
at a place called by the Indians Wichaguscusset.[37] To which place
the body of them went with all convenient speed, leaving still
with us such as were sick and lame, by the Governor’s permission,
though on their parts undeserved; whom our surgeon,[38] by the
help of God, recovered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as
occasion served.

They had not been long from us, ere the Indians filled our ears
with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and other
abuses conceived by them. At which we grieved the more, because the
same men,[39] in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading
Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our Governor
to send some of his men to plant by them, alleging many reasons
how it might be commodious for us. Be we knew no means to redress
those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as
occasion served.

[Sidenote: _Aug. 1622_]

In the end of August, came other two ships into our harbour. The
one, as I take it, was called the Discovery, Captain Jones[40]
having the command thereof; the other was that ship of Mr.
Weston’s, called the Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of
fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for
Virginia.[41] Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of such
provisions as we most needed, and he could best spare; who, as he
used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And
had not the Almighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him
to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or
after was; for as we had now but small store of corn for the year
following, so, for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner
of trucking-stuff, not having any means left to help ourselves by
trade; but, through God’s good mercy towards us, he had wherewith,
and did supply our wants on that kind competently.[42]

[Sidenote: _Oct. 1622_]

In the end of September, or beginning of October, Mr. Weston’s
biggest ship, called the Charity, returned for England, and left
their colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit
amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with
his colony, for their further help. At which time they desired
to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn; to which our
Governor and his Assistant[43] agreed, upon such equal conditions,
as were drawn and confirmed between them and us. The chief
places aimed at were to the southward of Cape Cod; and the more,
because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with
Massassowat, undertook to discover unto us that supposed, and still
hoped, passage within the shoals.

[Sidenote: _Nov. 1622_]

Both colonies being thus agreed, and their companies fitted and
joined together, we resolved to set forward, but were oft crossed
in our purposes. As first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law
to master Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight and
government of his colony, died suddenly at our Plantation, to whom
we gave burial befitting his place, in the best manner we could.
Afterward, having further order to proceed by letter from their
other Governor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set
forth with them, but were driven in again by cross and violent
winds; himself the second time being sick of a violent fever. By
reason whereof (our own wants being like to be now greater than
formerly, partly because we were enforced to neglect our corn and
spend much time in fortification, but especially because such
havock was made of that little we had, through the unjust and
dishonest carriage of those people, before mentioned, at our first
entertainment of them,) our Governor in his own person supplied the
Captain’s place; and, in the month of November, again set forth,
having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot; who affirmed he
had twice passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both with English
and French. Nevertheless they went so far with him, as the master
of the ship saw no hope of passage; but being, as he thought, in
danger, bare up, and according to Tisquantum’s directions, made for
a harbour not far from them, at a place called Manamoycke; which
they found, and sounding it with their shallop, found the channel,
though but narrow and crooked; where at length they harboured the
ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with more
violence at some other place more southerly,[44] which they had not
seen nor could discover, by reason of the violence of the season
all the time of their abode there. Some judged the entrance thereof
might be beyond the shoals; but there is no certainty thereof as
yet known.

That night the Governor, accompanied with others, having Tisquantum
for his interpreter, went ashore. At first, the inhabitants played
least in sight, because none of our people had ever been there
before; but understanding the ends of their coming, at length came
to them, welcoming our Governor according to their savage manner;
refreshing them very well with store of venison and other victuals,
which they brought them in great abundance; promising to trade with
them, with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their joy was
mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices; for
at first they were loth their dwellings should be known; but when
they saw our Governor’s resolution to stay on the shore all night,
they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all their
stuff to a remote place, not far from the same; which one of our
men, walking forth occasionally, espied. Whereupon, on the sudden,
neither it nor they could be found; and so many times after, upon
conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But
being afterwards, by Tisquantum’s means better persuaded, they
left their jealousy, and traded with them; where they got eight
hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few. This
gave our Governor and the company good encouragement; Tisquantum
being still confident in the passage, and the inhabitants affirming
they had seen ships of good burthen pass within the shoals
aforesaid.

But here, though they had determined to make a second essay, yet
God had otherways disposed; who struck Tisquantum with sickness,
insomuch as he there died;[45] which crossed their southward
trading, and the more, because the master’s sufficiency was much
doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon
discovery, having no guide to direct them.

From thence they departed; and the wind being fair for the
Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, because the savages,
upon our motion, had planted much corn for us, which they promised
not long before that time. When they came thither, they found a
great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike the plague,
if not the same. They renewed their complaints to our Governor,
against the other plantation seated by them, for their injurious
walking. But indeed the trade both for furs and corn was overthrown
in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn as we used
to do for a beaver’s skin; so that little good could be there done.

From thence they returned into the bottom of the bay of Cape Cod,
to a place called Nauset; where the sachim[46] used the Governor
very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn
and beans; also at a place called Mattachiest,[47] where they had
like kind entertainment and corn also. During the time of their
trade in these places, there were so great and violent storms,
as the ship was much endangered, and our shallop cast away; so
that they had now no means to carry the corn aboard that they had
bought, the ship riding by their report well near two leagues
from the same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having no
carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in
her. Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round
stack, and bought mats, and cut sedge, to cover it; and gave charge
to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next
to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from it; which he
undertook, and the sachim promised to make good. In the mean time,
according to the Governor’s request, the sachim sent men to seek
the shallop; which they found buried almost in sand at a high water
mark, having many things remaining in her, but unserviceable for
the present; whereof the Governor gave the sachim special charge,
that it should not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch
both it and the corn; assuring them, if neither were diminished, he
would take it as a sign of their honest and true friendship, which
they so much made show of; but if they were, they should certainly
smart for their unjust and dishonest dealing, and further make good
whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise at Mattachiest,
and took leave of them, being resolved to leave the ship and take
his journey home by land with our own company, sending word to
the ship that they should take their first opportunity to go for
Plymouth, where he determined, by the permission of God, to meet
them. And having procured a guide, it being no less than fifty
miles to our Plantation,[48] set forward, receiving all respect
that could be from the Indians in his journey; and came safely
home, though weary and surbated;[49] whither some three days after
the ship[50] also came.

The corn being divided, which they had got, Master Weston’s company
went to their own plantation; it being further agreed, that they
should return with all convenient speed, and bring their carpenter,
that they might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop.

[Sidenote: _Jan. 1623_]

At their return, Captain Standish, being recovered and in health,
took another shallop, and went with them to the corn, which they
found in safety as they left it. Also they mended the other
shallop, and got all their corn aboard the ship. This was in
January, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy; insomuch as,
(the harbour being none of the best,) they were constrained to cut
both the shallops from the ship’s stern; and so lost them both a
second time. But the storm being over, and seeking out, they found
them both, not having received any great hurt.

Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie on the shore,
laying their shallop in a creek[51] not far from them, an Indian
came into the same, and stole certain beads, scissors, and other
trifles, out of the same; which, when the Captain missed, he took
certain of his company with him and went to the sachim, telling
him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party
that stole them, (who was known to certain of the Indians,) or
else he would revenge it on them before his departure; and so took
leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever kindness
they offered. On the morrow the sachim came to their rendezvous,
accompanied with many men, in a stately manner, who saluted[52] the
Captain in this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might see
the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand from the wrist to
the finger’s end, withal bowing the knee, striving to imitate the
English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum.
His men did the like, but in so rude and savage a manner, as our
men could scarce forbear to break out in open laughter. After
salutation, he delivered the beads and other things to the Captain,
saying he had much beaten the party for doing it; causing the women
to make bread, and bring them, according to their desire; seeming
to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they
departed and came home in safety; where the corn was equally
divided, as before.

After this the Governor went to two other inland towns, with
another company, and bought corn likewise of them. The one is
called Namasket, the other Manomet.[53] That from Namasket was
brought home partly by Indian women;[54] but a great sickness
arising amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch home the
rest. That at Manomet the Governor left in the sachim’s custody.

This town lieth from us south, well near twenty miles, and
stands upon a fresh river, which runneth into the bay of
Nanohigganset,[55] and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence.
It will bear a boat of eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the
Dutch or French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the bay
of Cape Cod, about eight miles;[56] out of which bay it floweth
into a creek some six miles, almost direct towards the town. The
heads of the river and this creek are not far distant. This river
yieldeth, thus high, oysters,[57] muscles, clams,[58] and other
shellfish; one in shape like a bean,[59] another like a clam;
both good meat, and great 1623 abundance at all times; besides it
aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons.[60]

The Governor, or sachim, of this place was called Canacum;[61] who
had formerly, as well as many others, yea all with whom as yet we
had to do, acknowledged themselves the subjects of our sovereign
lord, the King. This sachim used the Governor very kindly; and it
seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For
whilst the Governor was there, within night, in bitter weather,
came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside
their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the
fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time,
nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when
they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum; and one
of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him from
his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco and many beads, which
the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech
to him; the contents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who
then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as followeth.
It happened that two of their men fell out, as they were in game,
(for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away
all, even their skin from their backs,[62] yea their wives’ skins
also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, as
myself have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed the
other. The actor of this fact was a _powah_,[63] one of special
note amongst them, and such an one as they could not well miss; yet
another people greater than themselves threatened them with war, if
they would not put him to death. The party offending was in hold;
neither would their sachim do one way or other till their return,
resting upon him for advice and furtherance in so weighty a matter.
After this there was silence a short time. At length, men gave
their judgment what they thought best. Amongst others, he asked
Hobbamock what he thought; who answered, He was but a stranger
to them; but thought it was better that one should die than many,
since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon he
passed the sentence of death upon him.

[Sidenote: _Feb. 1623_]

Not long after, having no great quantity of corn left, Captain
Standish went again with a shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also
with the like extremity of weather, both of wind, snow, and frost;
insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour, the first night they
entered the same. Here they pretended their wonted love, and spared
them a good quantity of corn to confirm the same. Strangers also
came to this place, pretending only to see him and his company,
whom they never saw before that time, but intending to join with
the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being forced through
extremity to lodge in their houses, which they much pressed, God
possessed the heart of the Captain with just jealousy, giving
strait command, that as one part of his company slept, the rest
should wake, declaring some things to them which he understood,
whereof he could make no good construction.

Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole some beads
also from him; which he no sooner perceived, having not above six
men with him, drew them all from the boat, and set them on their
guard about the sachim’s house, where the most of the people
were; threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if
they would not forthwith restore them; signifying to the sachim
especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the
least injury, so he would not receive any at their hands, which
should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the
sachim bestirred him to find out the party; which, when he had
done, caused him to return them again to the shallop, and came to
the Captain, desiring him to search whether they were not about
the boat; who, suspecting their knavery, sent one, who found them
lying openly upon the boat’s cuddy. Yet to appease his anger, they
brought corn afresh to trade; insomuch as he laded his shallop, and
so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst
not attempt any thing against him. So that, through the good mercy
and providence of God, they returned in safety. At this place the
Indians get abundance of bass both summer and winter; for it being
now February, they abounded with them.

[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_]

In the beginning of March, having refreshed himself, he took a
shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that which the Governor
had formerly bought,[64] hoping also to get more from them; but
was deceived in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he
found elsewhere, and the Governor had there received. The reason
whereof, and of the treachery intended in the place before spoken
of, was not then known unto us, but afterwards; wherein may be
observed the abundant mercies of God, working with his providence
for our good. Captain Standish being now far from the boat, and
not above two or three of our men with him, and as many with the
shallop, was not long at Canacum, the sachim’s house, but in came
two of the Massachuset men. The chief of them was called Wituwamat,
a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands
in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own
valour, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said,
they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men.

This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten
of Master Weston’s people, and presented it to the sachim; and
after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in
such sort, as the Captain, though he be the best linguist amongst
us,[65] could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was
afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Massacheuseuks had
formerly concluded to ruinate Master Weston’s colony; and thought
themselves, being about thirty or forty men, strong enough to
execute the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such time
as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their
party good against us at Plymouth; concluding, that if we remained,
though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we
would never leave the death of our countrymen unrevenged; and
therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of both
plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachim,
as also the other, called Ianough,[66] at Mattachiest, and many
others, to assist them, and now again came to prosecute the same;
and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Captain’s
presence, they thought best to make sure [of] him and his company.

After this his message was delivered, his entertainment much
exceeded the Captain’s; insomuch as he scorned at their behaviour,
and told them of it. After which they would have persuaded him,
because the weather was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest
of his company; but he would not, desiring, according to promise,
that the corn might be carried down, and he would content the
women[67] for their labor; which they did. At the same time there
was a lusty Indian of Paomet,[68] or Cape Cod, then present, who
had ever demeaned himself well toward us, being in his general
carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially towards
the Captain. This savage was now entered into confederacy with the
rest; yet, to avoid suspicion, made many signs of his continued
affections, and would needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven
gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof,
saying he was rich and could afford to bestow such favors on his
friends whom he loved. Also he would freely help to carry some
of the corn, affirming he had never done the like in his life
before; and the wind being bad, would needs lodge with him at
their rendezvous, having indeed undertaken to kill him before they
parted; which done, they intended to fall upon the rest.

The night proved exceeding cold; insomuch as the Captain could not
take any rest, but either walked, or turned himself to and fro at
the fire. This the other observed, and asked wherefore he did not
sleep as at other times; who answered, He knew not well, but had no
desire at all to rest. So that he then missed his opportunity.

The wind serving on the next day, they returned home, accompanied
with the other Indian; who used many arguments to persuade them
to go to Paomet, where himself had much corn, and many other, the
most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to sorrow for our
wants. Once the Captain put forth with him, and was forced back by
contrary wind; which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted
to go thither. But on a sudden it altered again.



_Chapter 4_

WINSLOW’S SECOND JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT MASSASOIT IN HIS
SICKNESS.


[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_]

During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, news came to
Plymouth that Massassowat was like to die, and that at the
same time there was a Dutch ship driven so high on the shore
by stress of weather, right before his dwelling, that till
the tides increased, she could not be got off. Now it being a
commendable manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note,
are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to them to
visit them in their extremity,[69] either in their persons, or
else to send some acceptable persons to them; therefore it was
thought meet, being a good and warrantable action, that as we had
ever professed friendship, so we should now maintain the same,
by observing this their laudable custom; and the rather, because
we desired to have some conference with the Dutch, not knowing
when we should have so fit an opportunity. To that end, myself
having formerly been there, and understanding in some measure the
Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service upon myself,
and fitted me with some cordials to administer to him; having one
Master John Hamden,[70] a gentleman of London, who then wintered
with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort, and
Hobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first
night at Namasket, where we had friendly entertainment.

The next day, about one of the clock, we came to a ferry[71] in
Conbatant’s country, where, upon discharge of my piece, divers
Indians came to us from a house not far off. There they told us
that Massassowat was dead, and that day buried; and that the
Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, having hove off
their ship already. This news struck us blank, but especially
Hobbamock, who desired we might return with all speed. I told him
I would first think of it. Considering now, that he being dead,
Conbatant[72] was the most like to succeed him, and that we were
not above three miles from Mattapuyst,[73] his dwelling-place,
although he were but a hollow-hearted friend toward us, I thought
no time so fit as this to enter into more friendly terms with
him, and the rest of the sachims thereabout; hoping, through the
blessing of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to
settle their affections towards us; and though it were somewhat
dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because myself and
Hobbamock had been employed upon a service against him, which he
might now fitly revenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving
the event to God in his mercy, I resolved to put it in practice, if
Master Hamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me; whom I found
willing to that or any other course might tend to the general good.
So we went towards Mattapuyst.

In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth
into these speeches: _Neen womasu sagimus, neen womasu sagimus_,
&c. “My loving sachim, my loving sachim! Many have I known, but
never any like thee.” And turning him to me, said, whilst I lived,
I should never see his like amongst the Indians; saying, he was no
liar, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians; in anger
and passion he was soon reclaimed; easy to be reconciled towards
such as had offended him; ruled by reason in such measure as he
would not scorn the advice of mean men; and that he governed his
men better with few strokes, than others did with many; truly
loving where he loved; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend
left among the Indians; showing, how he ofttimes restrained
their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, with such signs of
lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the hardest
heart relent.

At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the _sachimo
comaco_,[74] for so they call the sachim’s place, though they
call an ordinary house _witeo_;[75] but Conbatant, the sachim,
was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which was some five or six
miles off. The _squasachim_, for so they call the sachim’s wife,
gave us friendly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning
Massassowat; they thought him dead, but knew no certainty.
Whereupon I hired one to go with all expedition to Puckanokick,
that we might know the certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint
Conbatant with our there being. About half an hour before
sunsetting the messenger returned, and told us that he was not yet
dead, though there was no hope we should find him living. Upon this
we were much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it
was late within night ere we got thither. About two from the clock
that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed; so that in that respect our
journey was frustrate.

When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we
could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make
way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him,
making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well,
and therefore unlike to ease him that was sick.[76] About him were
six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs, and thighs, to keep
heat in him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told
him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having
understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, Who
was come? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot pronounce the
letter _l_, but ordinarily _n_ in place thereof.[77] He desired to
speak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put
forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very
inwardly, _Keen Winsnow_? which is to say, “Art thou Winslow?” I
answered, _Ahhe_, that is, Yes. Then he doubled these words; _Matta
neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow_! that is to say, “O Winslow, I shall
never see thee again.”

Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that
the Governor, hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the same; and
though, by reason of many businesses, he could not come himself,
yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely
to do him good in this his extremity;[78] and whereof if he pleased
to take, I would presently give him; which he desired; and having
a confection of many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of
my knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get through his
teeth. When it was dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice
of it, whereat those that were about him much rejoiced, saying he
had not swallowed any thing in two days before. Then I desired
to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and his tongue
swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to eat
such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. Then I washed
his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of corruption
out of the same. After which I gave him more of the confection,
which he swallowed with more readiness. Then he desiring to drink,
I dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within half
an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in the eyes of
all that beheld him. Presently after his sight began to come to
him, which gave him and us good encouragement. In the mean time
I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he
slept not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five.
Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way,
in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Governor also sent him,
saying if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send
for more of the same; also for chickens to make him broth, and for
other things, which I knew were good for him; and would stay the
return of his messenger, if he desired. This he took marvellous
kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the
clock in the morning; against which time I made ready a letter,
declaring therein our good success, the state of his body, &c.,
desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and such physic as
the surgeon durst administer to him.

He requested me, that the day following, I would take my piece,
and kill him some fowl, and make him some English pottage, such
as he had eaten at Plymouth; which I promised. After, his stomach
coming to him, I must needs make him some without fowl, before I
went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, being unaccustomed and
unacquainted in such businesses, especially having nothing to make
it comfortable, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being
we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some corn, and
take the flour from it, and set over the grit, or broken corn, in
a pipkin, for they have earthen pots of all sizes. When the day
broke, we went out, it being now March, to seek herbs, but could
not find any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a handful,
and put into the same; and because I had nothing to relish it, I
went forth again, and pulled up a sassafras root, and sliced a
piece thereof, and boiled it, till it had a good relish, and then
took it out again. The broth being boiled, I strained it through
my handkerchief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and
liked it very well. After this his sight mended more and more; also
he had three moderate stools, and took some rest; insomuch as we
with admiration blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and
ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, himself and all of
them acknowledging us the instruments of his preservation.

That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another
amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting me to wash
their mouths also, and give to each of them some of the same I
gave him, saying they were good folk. This pains I took with
willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not being
accustomed with such poisonous savours. After dinner he desired me
to get him a goose or duck, and make him some pottage therewith,
with as much speed as I could. So I took a man with me, and made
a shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and killed
one, at which he wondered. So we returned forthwith and dressed it,
making more broth therewith, which he much desired. Never did I see
a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time.
The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take
off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if
he did eat it. This he acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would
not be persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, showing the
strength thereof, and the weakness of his stomach, which could not
possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and
ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health. About an
hour after he began to be very sick, and straining very much, cast
up the broth again; and in overstraining himself, began to bleed
at the nose, and so continued the space of four hours. Then they
all wished he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which we
much feared also. They asked me what I thought of him. I answered,
his case was desperate, yet it might be it would save his life; for
if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which
was the principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood stayed,
and he slept at least six or eight hours. When he awaked, I washed
his face, and bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a linen
cloth. But on a sudden he chopped his nose in the water, and drew
up some therein, and sent it forth again with such violence, as he
began to bleed afresh. Then they thought there was no hope; but we
perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, and therefore
told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did.

The messengers were now returned; but finding his stomach come
to him, he would not have the chickens killed, but kept them for
breed. Neither durst we give him any physic, which was then sent,
because his body was so much altered since our instructions;
neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his recovery, if he
were careful. Many, whilst we were there, came to see him; some, by
their report, from a place not less than an hundred miles. To all
that came one of his chief men related the manner of his sickness,
how near he was spent, how amongst others his friends the English
came to see him, and how suddenly they recovered him to this
strength they saw, he being now able to sit upright of himself.

The day before our coming, another sachim being there, told him
that now he might see how hollow-hearted the English were, saying
if we had been such friends in deed, as we were in show, we would
have visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments to
withdraw his affections, and to persuade him to give way to some
things against us, which were motioned to him not long before. But
upon his recovery, he brake forth into these speeches: Now I see
the English are my friends and love me; and whilst I live, I will
never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we were
there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers’. Divers
other things were worthy the noting; but I fear I have been too
tedious.

At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, and privately (none
hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,[79] who are of his
council) revealed the plot of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken
of, against Master Weston’s colony, and so against us; saying that
the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,[80] Mattachiest, Manomet,
Agowaywam,[81] and the isle of Capawack,[82] were joined with them;
himself also in his sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would
neither join therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we
respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own after safety,
he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors
of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we
would not strike a stroke till they first began; if, said he, upon
this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their
countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to
defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their
lives; nay, through the multitude of adversaries, they shall with
great difficulty preserve their own; and therefore he counselled
without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would
cease. With this he charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the
way, that I might inform the Governor thereof, at my first coming
home. Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him; who
returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to ourselves for
our labor and love; the like did all that were about him. So we
departed.

That night, through the earnest request of Conbatant, who till
now remained at Sawaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at
Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so likewise
at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry
jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like are
returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in
case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massassowat had been, and
should send word thereof to Patuxet for _maskiet_,[83] that is,
physic, whether then Mr. Governor would send it; and if he would,
whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered,
Yea; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks. After that, being at
his house, he demanded further, how we durst, being but two, come
so far into the country. I answered, where was true love, there
was no fear; and my heart was so upright towards them, that for
mine own part I was fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if
your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it
to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard,
with the mouths of your pieces presented towards us? Whereupon I
answered, it was the most honorable and respective entertainment
we could give them; it being an order amongst us so to receive our
best respected friends; and as it was used on the land, so the
ships observed it also at sea, which Hobbamock knew and had seen
observed. But shaking the head, he answered, that he liked not such
salutations.

Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat before we
did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he asked us, what
was the meaning of that ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion
to tell them of God’s works of creation and preservation, of his
laws and ordinances, especially of the ten commandments; all which
they hearkened unto with great attention, and like well of; only
the seventh commandment they excepted against, thinking there
were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one
woman; about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them,
that whatsoever good things we had, we received from God, as the
author and giver thereof; and therefore craved his blessing upon
that we had, and were about to eat, that it might nourish and
strengthen our bodies; and having eaten sufficient, being satisfied
therewith, we again returned thanks to the same our God, for that
our refreshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well;
and said, they believed almost all the same things, and that
the same power that we called God, they called _Kiehtan_.[84]
Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be
too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to them, than
comfortable to us. Here we remained only that night, but never had
better entertainment amongst any of them.

The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told me of the
private conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged
him perfectly to acquaint me therewith, as I showed before; which
having done, he used many arguments himself to move us thereunto.
That night we lodged at Namasket; and the day following, about
the mid-way between it and home, we met two Indians, who told us,
that Captain Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets. But
contrary winds again drove him back; so that we found him at home;
where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate that
the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to go
with him. But their secret and villainous purposes being, through
God’s mercy, now made known, the Governor caused Captain Standish
to send him away, without any distaste or manifestation of anger,
that we might the better effect and bring to pass that which should
be thought most necessary.



_Chapter 5_

OF STANDISH’S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS OF WESSAGUSSET, AND
THE BREAKING UP OF WESTON’S COLONY AT THAT PLACE.


[Sidenote: _Feb. 1623_]

Before this journey we heard many complaints, both by the Indians,
and some others of best desert amongst Master Weston’s colony, how
exceedingly their company abased themselves by indirect means,
to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them,
fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for a meal’s meat;
whereas, in the mean time, they might with diligence have gotten
enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night
brake the earth, and robbed the Indians’ store; for which they
had been publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small
amendment. This was about the end of February; at which time they
had spent all their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed,
neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any
terms. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence; and to
that spiked up every entrance into their town, being well impaled,
save one, with a full resolution to proceed. But some more honestly
minded advised John Sanders, their overseer, first to write to
Plymouth; and if the Governor advised him thereunto, he might the
better do it. This course was well liked, and an Indian was sent
with all speed with a letter to our Governor, the contents whereof
were to this effect; that being in great want, and their people
daily falling down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a
plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships
that came thither a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind;
but knew not how the colony would be preserved till his return. He
had used all means both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew
to be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore
was resolved to take it by violence, and only waited the return
of the messenger, which he desired should be hastened, craving
his advice therein, promising also to make restitution afterward.
The Governor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger what
store of corn they had, as if he had intended to buy of them; who
answered, very little more than that they reserved for seed, having
already spared all they could.

[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_]

Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for many of us to
advise with them herein; who, after serious consideration, no
way approving of this intended course, the Governor answered
his letter, and caused many of us to set our hands thereto; the
contents whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked
their intendment, as being against the law of God and nature,
showing how it would cross the worthy ends and proceedings of the
King’s Majesty, and his honorable Council for this place, both in
respect of the peaceable enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions, and
also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and the
glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were bound to seek,
and were not to use such means as would breed a distaste in the
savages against our persons and professions, assuring them their
master would incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer
the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the same with
theirs, having but a small quantity of corn left, and were enforced
to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and such other things as
naturally the country afforded, and which did and would maintain
strength, and were easy to be gotten; all which things they had
in great abundance, yea, oysters[85] also, which we wanted; and
therefore necessity could not be said to constrain them thereunto.
Moreover, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein,
all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, and
then they must perforce seek their food abroad; which, having made
the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult for them, and
therefore much better to begin a little the sooner, and so continue
their peace; upon which course they might with good conscience
desire and expect the blessing of God; whereas on the contrary they
could not.

Also that they should consider their own weakness, being most
swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and therefore the more
unlikely to make their party good against them, and that they
should not expect help from us in that or any the like unlawful
actions. Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet
the principal agents should expect no better than the gallows,
whensoever any special officer should be sent over by his Majesty,
or his Council for New England, which we expected, and who would
undoubtedly call them to account for the same. These were the
contents of our answer, which was directed to their whole colony.
Another particular letter our Governor sent to John Sanders,
showing how dangerous it would be for him above all others, being
he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friendly manner
advised him to desist.

With these letters we dispatched the messenger; upon the receipt
whereof they altered their determination, resolving to shift as
they could, till the return of John Sanders from Munhiggen; who
first coming to Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the
Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to Munhiggen. But
not having sufficient for the ship’s store, he took a shallop,
and leaving others with instructions to oversee things till his
return, set forward about the end of February; so that he knew not
of this conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither was it
known to any of us till our return from Sawaams, or Puckanokick;
at which time also another sachim, called Wassapinewat, brother to
Obtakiest, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted
for partaking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge
himself, revealed the same thing.

The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a yearly
court day, the Governor, having a double testimony, and many
circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being[86] to
undertake war without the consent of the body of the company, made
known the same in public court, offering it to the consideration of
the company, it being high time to come to resolution, how sudden
soever it seemed to them, fearing it would be put in execution
before we could give any intelligence thereof. This business was
no less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because it is so
ordinary in these times for men to measure things by the events
thereof; but especially for that we knew no means to deliver
our countrymen and preserve ourselves, than by returning their
malicious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing
them to fall into the same pit they had digged for others; though
it much grieved us to shed the blood of those whose good we ever
intended and aimed at, as a principal in all our proceedings. But
in the end we came to this public conclusion, that because it was a
matter of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to judge,
nor fitness to know, because of many other Indians, which daily,
as occasion serveth, converse with us; therefore the Governor, his
Assistant, and the Captain, should take such to themselves as they
thought most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we came to
this conclusion, that Captain Standish should take so many men,
as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the
Indians in the Massachuset bay; and because, (as all men know that
have to do with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with
them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay
for others, therefore he should pretend trade, as at other times;
but first go to the English, and acquaint them with the plot, and
the end of his own coming; that comparing it with their carriages
towards them, he might the better judge of the certainty of it,
and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same; but should
forbear, if it were possible, till such time as he could make
sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken
of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a
warning and terror to all of that disposition.

[Sidenote: _24 Mar. 1623_]

Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight men, and would not
take more, because he would prevent jealousy, knowing their guilty
consciences would soon be provoked thereunto. But on the next day,
before he could go, came one[87] of Mr. Weston’s company by land
unto us, with his pack at his back, who made a pitiful narration of
their lamentable and weak estate, and of the Indians’ carriages,
whose boldness increased abundantly; insomuch as the victuals they
got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before their
faces; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, they were ready to
hold a knife at their breasts; that to give them content, since
John Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged[88] one of them
that stole their corn, and yet they regarded it not; that another
of their company was turned salvage; that their people had most
forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous where they got their
victuals, because they would not take pains to bring it home; that
they had sold their clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both
with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get
victuals by reason of their nakedness; and that they were dispersed
into three companies, scarce having any powder and shot left. What
would be the event of these things he said he much feared; and
therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, though he knew
not the way, yet adventured to come to us; partly to make known
their weak and dangerous estate, as he conceived, and partly to
desire he might there remain till things were better settled at
the other plantation. As this relation was grievous to us, so it
gave us good encouragement to proceed in our intendments, for which
Captain Standish was now fitted; and the wind coming fair, the next
day set forth for the Massachusets.

[Sidenote: _25 Mar. 1623_]

The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man; and suspecting
his coming to us, as we conceive, sent one after him, and gave out
there that he would never come to Patuxet, but that some wolves
or bears would eat him. But we know, both by our own experience,
and the reports of others, that though they find a man sleeping,
yet so soon as there is life discerned, they fear and shun him.
This Indian missed him but very little; and missing him, passed
by the town and went to Manomet; whom we hoped to take at his
return, as afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for service,
and some ordnance mounted; and though it may seem long work, it
being ten months since it begun, yet we must note, that where so
great a work is begun with such small means, a little time cannot
bring [it] to perfection. Beside, those works which tend to the
preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, what in him
lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, and causing reasonable men
to reason against their own safety; as amongst us divers seeing
the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding,
flattering themselves with peace and security, and accounting it
rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity.
But God, whose providence hath waked, and, as I may say, watched
for us whilst we slept, having determined to preserve us from these
intended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a special means
to advantage us and discourage our adversaries, and therefore
so stirred up the hearts of the governors and other forward
instruments, as the work was just made serviceable against this
needful and dangerous time, though we ignorant of the same.

[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_]

But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, in his return
from Manomet, came through the town, pretending still friendship
and in love to see us; but as formerly others, so his end was to
see whether we continued still in health and strength, or fell into
weakness, like their neighbours; which they hoped and looked for,
(though God in mercy provided better for us,) and he knew would be
glad tidings to his countrymen. But here the Governor stayed him;
and sending for him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of him
as their prisoner; where he told him he must be contented to remain
till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets. So he
was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and there
kept. Thus was our fort hanselled,[89] this being the first day, as
I take it, that ever any watch was there kept.

The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the
ship; but found neither man, or so much as a dog therein. Upon the
discharge of a musket, the master and some others of the plantation
showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts,
and getting other food. After salutation, Captain Standish asked
them how they durst so leave the ship, and live in such security;
who answered, like men senseless of their own misery, they feared
not the Indians, but lived and suffered them to lodge with them,
not having sword or gun, or needing the same. To which the Captain
answered, if there were no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon
further inquiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders
had reposed most special confidence, and left in his stead to
govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither he went; and, to
be brief, made known the Indians’ purpose, and the end of his own
coming, as also, (which formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they
durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and
people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they could be better
provided; but if they conceived of any other course, that might
be more likely for their good, that himself should further them
therein to the uttermost of his power. These men, comparing other
circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect
no better; and it was God’s mercy that they were not killed before
his coming; desiring therefore that he would neglect no opportunity
to proceed. Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to send
special command to one third of their company, that were farthest
off, to come home, and there enjoin them on pain of death to keep
the town, himself allowing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for
a day, though that store he had was spared out of our seed. The
weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the longer before he
could do any thing.

In the mean time an Indian came to him, and brought some furs,
but rather to gather what he could from the Captain, than coming
then for trade; and though the Captain carried things as smoothly
as possibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by
his eyes that he was angry in his heart; and therefore began to
suspect themselves discovered. This caused one Pecksuot, who
was a _pniese_,[90] being a man of a notable spirit, to come to
Hobbamock, who was then with them, and told him, he understood that
the Captain was come to kill himself and the rest of the salvages
there. “Tell him,” said he, “we know it, but fear him not, neither
will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall not take
us at unawares.” Many times after, divers of them severally, or few
together, came to the plantation to him; where they would whet and
sharpen the points of their knives before his face, and use many
other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest Wituwamat
bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle
there was pictured a woman’s face; “but,” said he, “I have another
at home, wherewith I have killed both French and English, and that
hath a man’s face on it; and by and by these two must marry.”
Further he said of that knife he there had, _Hinnaim namen, hinnaim
michen, matta cuts_; that is to say, By and by it should see, and
by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also Pecksuot, being a man
of greater stature than the Captain,[91] told him, though he were a
great captain, yet he was but a little man; and, said he, though I
be no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These
things the Captain observed, yet bare with patience for the present.

On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at
once, and this Pecksuot and Wituwamat both together, with another
man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother
to Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily putting
many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many
of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men,
and the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and
snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much struggling,
killed him therewith, the point whereof he had made as sharp as
a needle, and ground the back also to an edge. Wituwamat and the
other man the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain
caused to be hanged. But it is incredible how many wounds these
two pineses received before they died, not making any fearful
noise, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last.
Hobbamock stood by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not,
observing how our men demeaned themselves in this action. All
being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these speeches to
the Captain: “Yesterday Pecksuot, bragging of his own strength and
stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but
a little man; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on
the ground.” But to proceed; there being some women at the same
time, Captain Standish left them in the custody of Mr. Weston’s
people at the town, and sent word to another company, that had
intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that were amongst
them. These killed two more. Himself also with some of his own
men went to another place, where they killed another; and through
the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered and
crossed their proceedings.[92]

Not long before this execution, three of Mr. Weston’s men, which
more regarded their bellies than any command or commander, having
formerly fared well with the Indians for making them canoes, went
again to the sachim to offer their service, and had entertainment.
The first night they came thither, within night, late came a
messenger with all speed, and delivered a sad and short message.
Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their boots and
breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their bows and arrows and
went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their
return they should have venison enough. Being now gone, one being
more ancient and wise than the rest, calling former things to mind,
especially the Captain’s presence, and the strait charge that on
pain of death none should go a musket shot from the plantation,
and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began
to dislike and wish himself at home again, which was further off
than divers other dwelt. Hereupon he moved his fellows to return,
but could not persuade them. So there being none but women left,
and the other that was turned salvage, about midnight came away,
forsaking the paths, lest he should be pursued; and by this means
saved his life.

Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and one or two
of Mr. Weston’s, and Hobbamock, still seeking to make spoil of
them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians, which
made towards them amain; and there being a small advantage in the
ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies strove for
it. Captain Standish got it; whereupon they retreated, and took
each man his tree, letting fly their arrows amain, especially at
himself and Hobbamock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off his coat, and
being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased them so
fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him; insomuch
as our men could have but one certain mark, and then but the arm
and half face of a notable villain, as he drew[93] at Captain
Standish; who together with another both discharged at once at him,
and brake his arm; whereupon they fled into a swamp. When they
were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to small purpose, getting
nothing but foul language. So our Captain dared the sachim to come
out and fight like a man, showing how base and woman-like he was
in tonguing it as he did; but he refused, and fled. So the Captain
returned to the plantation; where he released the women, and
would not take their beaver coats from them, nor suffer the least
discourtesy to be offered them.

Now were Mr. Weston’s people resolved to leave their plantation,
and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and return[94] with
the fishing ships. The Captain told them, that for his own part he
durst there live with fewer men than they were; yet since they
were otherways minded, according to his order from the governors
and people of Plymouth, he would help them with corn competent for
their provision by the way; which he did, scarce leaving himself
more than brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of
the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to go with
him to Plymouth, he took them into the shallop; and seeing them
set sail, and clear of the Massachuset bay,[95] he took leave and
returned to Plymouth; whither he came in safety, blessed be God!
and brought the head of Wituwamat with him.

Among the rest, there was an Indian youth, that was ever of a
courteous and loving disposition towards us. He, notwithstanding
the death of his countrymen, came to the Captain without fear,
saying, his good conscience and love towards us imboldened him so
to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians intended to kill Mr.
Weston’s people, and not to delay any longer than till they had two
more canoes or boats, which Mr. Weston’s men would have finished
by this time, having made them three already, had not the Captain
prevented them; and the end of stay for those boats was to take
their ship therewith.

Now was the Captain returned and received with joy, the head being
brought to the fort, and there set up.[96] The governors and
captains with divers others went up the same further, to examine
the prisoner, who looked piteously on the head. Being asked whether
he knew it, he answered, Yea. Then he confessed the plot, and that
all the people provoked Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being
drawn to it by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that
prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest. The two principal
were killed, being Pecksuot and Wituwamat, whose head was there;
the other three were powahs, being yet living, and known unto us,
though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, he would
not acknowledge that he had any hand therein, begging earnestly for
his life, saying he was not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger
lived with them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, and
besought for him; but was bribed so to do. Nevertheless, that we
might show mercy as well as extremity, the Governor released him,
and the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to
Obtakiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from his legs, but
he would have been gone; but the Governor bid him stay, and fear
not, for he should receive no hurt; and by Hobbamock commanded
him to deliver this message to his master: That for our parts it
never entered into our hearts to take such a course with them, till
their own treachery enforced us thereunto, and therefore they might
thank themselves for their own overthrow; yet since he had begun,
if again by any the like courses he did provoke him, his country
should not hold him; for he would never suffer him or his to rest
in peace, till he had utterly consumed them; and therefore should
take this as a warning; further, that he should send to Patuxet the
three Englishmen he had, and not kill them; also that he should
not spoil the pale and houses at Wichaguscusset; and that this
messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both;
promising his safe return.

This message was delivered, and the party would have returned with
[an] answer, but was at first dissuaded by them, whom afterwards
they would, but could not persuade to come to us. At length, though
long, a woman came and told us that Obtakiest was sorry that the
English were killed, before he heard from the Governor; otherwise
he would have sent them. Also she said, he would fain make his
peace again with us, but none of his men durst come to treat about
it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to
place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him.

Concerning those other people, that intended to join the
Massacheuseuks against us, though we never went against any of
them; yet this sudden and unexpected execution, together with
the just judgment of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so
terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsook their
houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living in swamps
and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst
themselves, whereof very many are dead; as Canacum, the sachim
of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and Ianough, sachim
of Mattachiest. This sachim in his life, in the midst of these
distractions, said the God of the English was offended with them,
and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is strange
to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them.
Neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease; because
through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of
life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and
strength. From one of these places a boat was sent with presents
to the Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace; but the boat
was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not far from
our Plantation. Only one escaped, who durst not come to us, but
returned; so as none of them dare come amongst us.

I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other things.
Yet when I considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth
and grounds of this action especially should be made known, and
the several dispositions of that dissolved colony, whose reports
undoubtedly will be as various, I could not but enlarge myself
where I thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief,
lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, and praise,
which belongeth to him for preserving us from falling when we were
at the pit’s brim, and yet feared nor knew not that we were in
danger.



_Chapter 6_

OF THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LANDS, AND THE DISTRESSED STATE OF THE
COLONY.


[Sidenote: _April. 1623_]

The month of April being now come, on all hands we began to prepare
for corn. And because there was no corn left before this time,
save that was preserved for seed, being also hopeless of relief by
supply, we thought best to leave off all other works, and prosecute
that as most necessary. And because there was no[97] small hope of
doing good, in that common course of labor that formerly we were
in; for that the governors, that followed men to their labors, had
nothing to give men for their necessities, and therefore could not
so well exercise that command over them therein, as formerly they
had done; especially considering that self-love wherewith every
man, in a measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own good
before his neighbour’s, and also the base disposition of some
drones, that, as at other times, so now especially would be most
burdenous to the rest; it was therefore thought best that every man
should use the best diligence he could for his own preservation,
both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own corn
for the year following; and bring in a competent portion for the
maintenance of public officers, fishermen, &c., which could not
be freed from their calling without greater inconveniences. This
course was to continue till harvest, and then the governors to
gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of themselves
and such others as necessity constrained to exempt from this
condition. Only if occasion served, upon any special service they
might employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same,
during this appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be
employed by them in such service as they thought most necessary
for the general good. And because there is great difference in the
ground, that therefore a set quantity should be set down for a
person, and each man to have his fall by lot,[98] as being most
just and equal, and against which no man could except.

At a general meeting of the company, many courses were propounded,
but this approved and followed, as being the most likely for the
present and future good of the company; and therefore before this
month began to prepare our ground against seed-time.

[Sidenote: _July. 1623_]

In the midst of April we began to set, the weather being then
seasonable, which much encouraged us, giving us good hopes of
after plenty. The setting season is good till the latter end of
May. But it pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a
great drought, insomuch as in six weeks after the latter setting
there scarce fell any rain; so that the stalk of that was first
set began to send forth the ear, before it came to half growth,
and that which was later not like to yield any at all, both blade
and stalk hanging the head, and changing the color in such manner,
as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also ran not up according
to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched
away, as though they had been scorched before the fire. Now were
our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy being turned into
mourning.[99]

To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we were, we heard
of a supply that was sent unto us many months since, which having
two repulses before, was a third time in company of another ship
three hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time heard no
further of her; only the signs of a wreck were seen on the coast,
which could not be judged to be any other than the same.[100] So
that at once God seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most
courageous were now discouraged, because God, which hitherto had
been our only shield and supporter, now seemed in his anger to arm
himself against us. And who can withstand the fierceness of his
wrath?

These and the like considerations moved not only every good man
privately to enter into examination with his own estate between
God and his conscience, and so to humiliation before him, but
also more solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord
by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appointed by public
authority, and set apart from all other employments; hoping that
the same God, which had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved
hereby in mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of
our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any way stand
with his glory and our good. But Oh the mercy of our God! who
was as ready to hear, as we to ask; for though in the morning,
when we assembled together, the heavens were as clear, and the
drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our exercise
continuing some eight or nine hours,) before our departure, the
weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all sides,
and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate
showers of rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such
seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered
corn or drooping affections were most quickened or revived; such
was the bounty and goodness of our God. Of this the Indians, by
means of Hobbamock,[101] took notice; who being then in the town,
and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, It was but
three days since Sunday; and therefore demanded of a boy, what
was the reason thereof. Which when he knew, and saw what effects
followed thereupon, he and all of them admired the goodness of
our God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short a
time; showing the difference between their conjuration, and our
invocation on the name of God for rain; theirs being mixed with
such storms and tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good,
it layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice; but ours
in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they never observed the
like.

At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly employed by
the Governor to buy provisions for the refreshing of the Colony,
returned with the same, accompanied with one Mr. David Tomson,[102]
a Scotchman, who also that spring began a plantation twenty-five
leagues northeast from us, near Smith’s isles,[103] at a place
called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now also heard we of
the third repulse that our supply had,[104] of their safe, though
dangerous, return into England, and of their preparation to come to
us. So that having these many signs of God’s favor and acceptation,
we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should
smother up the same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving
for that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And
therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed for
that end; wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all
thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so graciously with us;
whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his church,
and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praised, now and evermore.
Amen.

In the latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came two
ships with supply unto us; who brought all their passengers,[105]
except one, in health, who recovered in short time; who, also,
notwithstanding all our wants and hardship, blessed be God! found
not any one sick person amongst us at the Plantation. The bigger
ship, called the Anne,[106] was hired, and there again freighted
back;[107] from whence we set sail the 10th of September. The
lesser, called the LITTLE JAMES,[108] was built for the company at
their charge.[109] She was now also fitted for trade and discovery
to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to set sail; whom I
pray God to bless in her good and lawful proceedings.



_Chapter 7_

OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND CEREMONIES OF THE
INDIANS.


[Sidenote: _1623_]

Thus have I made a true and full narration of the state of our
Plantation, and such things as were most remarkable therein since
December, 1621. If I have omitted any thing, it is either through
weakness of memory, or because I judged it not material. I confess
my style rude, and unskilfulness in the task I undertook; being
urged thereunto by opportunity, which I knew to be wanting in
others, and but for which I would not have undertaken the same.
Yet as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to
be understood; wherein others may see that which we are bound to
acknowledge, viz. that if ever any people in these later ages were
upheld by the providence of God after a more special manner than
others, then we; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the
memory of His goodness with everlasting thankfulness. For in these
forenamed straits, such was our state, as in the morning we had
often our food to seek for the day, and yet performed the duties
of our callings, I mean other daily labors, to provide for after
time; and though at some times in some seasons at noon I have seen
men stagger by reason of faintness for want of food, yet ere night,
by the good providence and blessing of God, we have enjoyed such
plenty as though the windows of heaven had been opened unto us.
How few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, and there
settling, and in the midst of barbarous enemies! Yet God wrought
our peace for us. How often have we been at the pit’s brim, and in
danger to be swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that
we were in peril! And yet God preserved us; yea, and from how
many that we yet know not of, He that knoweth all things can best
tell. So that when I seriously consider of things, I cannot but
think that God hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance
to our nation, and great pity it were that it should long lie in
so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well with the
constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate
for heat and cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish
New England from Old.

A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have observed
amongst the Indians, both touching their religion and sundry
other customs amongst them. And first, whereas myself and others,
in former letters, (which came to the press against my will and
knowledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without
any religion, or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though
we could then gather no better; for as they conceive of many
divine powers, so of one, whom they call _Kiehtan_,[110] to be
the principal and maker of all the rest, and to be made by none.
He, they say, created the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures
contained therein; also that he made one man and one woman, of whom
they and we and all mankind came;[111] but how they became so far
dispersed, that know they not. At first, they say, there was no
sachim or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the heavens,
whither all good men go when they die, to see their friends, and
have their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth far
westward in the heavens, they say; thither the bad men go also, and
knock at his door, but he bids them _quatchet_, that is to say,
walk abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in
restless want and penury.[112] Never man saw this Kiehtan; only old
men tell of him, and bid them tell their children, yea to charge
them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge
upon them. This power they acknowledge to be good; and when they
would obtain any great matter, meet together and cry unto him;
and so likewise for plenty, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give
thanks, and hang up garlands and other things in memory of the same.

Another power they worship, whom they call _Hobbamock_, and to
the northward of us, _Hobbamoqui_;[113] this, as far as we can
conceive, is the devil. Him they call upon to cure their wounds and
diseases. When they are curable, he persuades them he sends the
same for some conceived anger against them; but upon their calling
upon him, can and doth help them; but when they are mortal and
not curable in nature, then he persuades them Kiehtan is angry,
and sends them, whom none can cure; insomuch as in that respect
only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and therefore
in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbamock appears in sundry
forms unto them, as in the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an
eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a snake. He appears not to all, but
the chiefest and most judicious amongst them; though all of them
strive to attain to that hellish height of honor. He appeareth most
ordinary and is most conversant with three sorts of people. One, I
confess I neither know by name nor office directly; of these they
have few, but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon can
kill them; another they call by the name of _powah_; and the third
_pniese_.

The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised principally in
calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded.
The common people join with him in the exercise of invocation,
but do but only assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he
saith; yet sometime break out into a short musical note with him.
The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and
joineth many antic and laborious gestures with the same, over the
party diseased.[114] If the party be wounded, he will also seem to
suck the wound; but if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth
it not, but _askooke_, that is, the snake, or _wobsacuck_, that is,
the eagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and licks the same. This none
see but the powah, who tells them he doth it himself. If the party
be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape
he but come into the house, taking it for an undoubted sign of
recovery.

And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and Diana
at Ephesus, so have I heard them call upon some as if they had
their residence in some certain places, or because they appeared
in those forms in the same. In the powah’s speech, he promiseth
to sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads,
knives, and other the best things they have to the fiend, if he
will come to help the party diseased; but whether they perform it,
I know not. The other practices I have seen, being necessarily
called sometimes to be with their sick, and have used the best
arguments I could to make them understand against the same. They
have told me I should see the devil at those times come to the
party; but I assured myself and them of the contrary, which so
proved; yea, themselves have confessed they never saw him when any
of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travail in
child-birth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary
means, they send for this powah; though ordinarily their travail is
not so extreme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more
hardy nature; for on the third day after child-birth, I have seen
the mother with the infant, upon a small occasion, in cold weather,
in a boat upon the sea.

Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill children.
It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a
little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to
Kiehtan; saying, in their memory he was much more called upon. The
Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a great
spacious house, wherein only some few (that are, as we may term
them, priests) come. Thither, at certain known times, resort all
their people, and offer almost all the riches they have to their
gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which
are cast by the priests into a great fire that they make in the
midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering
every man bringeth freely; and the more he is known to bring, hath
the better esteem of all men. This the other Indians about us
approve of as good, and wish their sachims would appoint the like;
and because the plague hath not reigned at Nanohigganset as at
other places about them, they attribute to this custom there used.

The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to those also
the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as we
conceive, maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death
by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both
themselves and especially the people think themselves to be freed
from the same. And though, against their battles, all of them by
painting disfigure themselves, yet they are known by their courage
and boldness, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an
hundred men; for they account it death for whomsoever stand in
their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and
are of the sachim’s council, without whom they will not war, or
undertake any weighty business.[115] In war their sachims, for
their more safety, go in the midst of them. They are commonly men
of the greatest stature and strength, and such as will endure most
hardness, and yet are more discreet, courteous and humane in their
carriages than any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the
like base dealings, and stand as much upon their reputation as any
men. And to the end they may have store of these, they train up the
most forward and likeliest boys, from their childhood, in great
hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, observing divers
orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age, the devil
may appear to them; causing to drink the juice of sentry[116] and
other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into
the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through
extraordinary oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood;
and this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so
continue till by reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on
their legs, and then must go forth into the cold. Also they beat
their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes,
stumps and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the
devil, that in time he may appear unto them.

Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only some few of
them, to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage
unto them;[117] neither may they war without their knowledge
and approbation; yet to be commanded by the greater, as occasion
serveth. Of this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and Conanacus,
of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim taketh care for
the widow and fatherless, also for such as are aged and any way
maimed, if their friends be dead, or not able to provide for them.
A sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equal to
him in birth; otherwise, they say, their seed would in time become
ignoble; and though they have many other wives, yet are they no
other than concubines or servants, and yield a kind of obedience
to the principal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The like
their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during their
lives; but put away the other at their pleasure. This government is
successive, and not by choice. If the father die before the son or
daughter be of age, then the child is committed to the protection
and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till
he be of age; but when that is, I know not.

Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own
country extendeth; and that is his own proper inheritance. Out of
that, if any of his men desire land to set their corn, he giveth
them as much as they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this
circuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring him
his fee; which is the fore parts of the same, if it be killed on
the land, but if in the water, then the skin thereof. The great
sachims or kings know their own bounds or limits of land, as well
as the rest. All travellers or strangers for the most part lodge
at the sachim’s. When they come, they tell them how long they will
stay, and to what place they go; during which time they receive
entertainment, according to their persons, but want not. Once a
year the pnieses use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on
the sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and place,
near the sachim’s dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of
corn, and make a great stack thereof. There the pnieses stand ready
to give thanks to the people, on the sachim’s behalf; and after
acquaint the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no
less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them.

When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto
them for their comfort, and continue with them ofttimes till
their death or recovery.[118] If they die, they stay a certain
time to mourn for them. Night and morning they perform this duty,
many days after the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as
though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they take one
from another and all together, yet it will draw tears from their
eyes, and almost from ours also.[119] But if they recover, then
because their sickness was chargeable, they send corn and other
gifts unto them, at a certain appointed time, whereat they feast
and dance, which they call _commoco_. When they bury the dead,
they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the earth. If
the party be a sachim, they cover him with many curious mats, and
bury all his riches with him, and enclose the grave with a pale.
If it be a child, the father will also put his own most special
jewels and ornaments in the earth with it; also will cut his hair,
and disfigure himself very much, in token of sorrow. If it be the
man or woman of the house, they will pull down the mats, and leave
the frame standing, and bury them in or near the same, and either
remove their dwelling or give over housekeeping.

The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises of
the bow, except at some times they take some pains in fishing. The
women live a most slavish life; they carry all their burdens,[120]
set and dress their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of their
food, beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all household
care lying upon them.

The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices,
whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys
and girls may not wear their hair like men and women, but are
distinguished thereby.

A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show
forth such courage and resolution as becometh his place. The men
take much tobacco; but for boys so to do, they account it odious.

All their names are significant and variable; for when they come
to the state of men and women, they alter them according to their
deeds or dispositions.

When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and
after weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out.
Their women are diversely disposed; some as modest, as they will
scarce talk one with another in the company of men, being very
chaste also; yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If a
woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war
or opposition between that and any other people, she will run away
from him to the contrary party, and there live; where they never
come unwelcome, for where are most women, there is greatest plenty.

When a woman hath her monthly terms, she separateth herself from
all other company, and liveth certain days in a house alone; after
which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or used,
and is again received to her husband’s bed or family. For adultery,
the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please.
Some common strumpets there are, as well as in other places; but
they are such as either never married, or widows, or put away for
adultery; for no man will keep such an one to wife.

In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sachim examineth
and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence,
he is disgracefully rebuked; for the second, beaten by the sachim
with a cudgel on the naked back; for the third, he is beaten with
many strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby all
men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must
likewise die for the same. The sachim not only passes the sentence
upon malefactors,[121] but executeth the same with his own hands,
if the party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife, in
case of death, in the hands of others to perform the same.[122] But
if the offender be to receive other punishment, he will not receive
the same but from the sachim himself; before whom, being naked, he
kneeleth, and will not offer to run away, though he beat him never
so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during
the time of his correction, than is his offence and punishment.

As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stockings in one, like
some Irish, which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of the
same leather. They wear also a deer’s skin loose about them, like
a cloak, which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit
they travel; but when they are at home, or come to their journey’s
end, presently they pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes,
wring out the water, if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe
the same. Though these be off, yet have they another small garment
that covereth their secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad
in cold weather, an otter or fox skin on their right arm, but only
their bracer on the left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings
about their legs, which the men never do.

The people are very ingenious and observative; they keep account of
time by the moon, and winters or summers; they know divers of the
stars by name; in particular they know the north star, and call it
_maske_, which is to say, the bear;[123] also they have many names
for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather
beforehand, by observations in the heavens. They report also, that
some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they list--can
raise storms and tempests,[124] which they usually do when they
intend the death or destruction of other people, that by reason
of the unseasonable weather, they may take advantage of their
enemies in their houses. At such times they perform their greatest
exploits, and in such seasons, when they are at enmity with any,
they keep more careful watch than at other times.

As for the language, it is very copious, large, and difficult.
As yet we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; but can
understand them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, by
the help of those that daily converse with us. And though there be
difference in a hundred miles’ distance of place, both in language
and manners, yet not so much but that they very well understand
each other.[125] And thus much of their lives and manners.

Instead of records and chronicles, they take this course. Where any
remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by
some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground,
about a foot deep, and as much over; which when others passing by
behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which
being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion
serveth, therewith; and lest such holes should be filled or grown
up by any accident, as men pass by, they will oft renew the same;
by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in memory.
So that as a man travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his
journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many historical
discourses [which] will be related unto him.



_Chapter 8_

OF THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, SOIL, AND PRODUCTIONS OF NEW ENGLAND.


[Sidenote: _1623_]

In all this, it may be said, I have neither praised nor dispraised
the country; and since I lived so long therein, my judgment thereof
will give no less satisfaction to them that know me, than the
relation of our proceedings. To which I answer, that as in one, so
of the other, I will speak as sparingly as I can, yet will make
known what I conceive thereof.

And first for that continent, on which we are, called New England,
although it hath ever been conceived by the English to be a part
of the main land adjoining the Virginia, yet by relation of
the Indians it should appear to be otherwise; for they affirm
confidently that it is an island, and that either the Dutch or
French pass through from sea to sea between us and Virginia,
and drive a great trade in the same. The name of the inlet of
the sea they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which we
call Hudson’s river, up which Master Hudson went many leagues,
and for want of means (as I hear) left it undiscovered.[126] For
confirmation of this their opinion, is thus much; though Virginia
be not above a hundred and fifty leagues from us, yet they never
heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his
country, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went in an English
ship thither; and therefore it is the more probable, because the
water is not passable for them, who are very adventurous in their
boats.

Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years’
experience I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England,
in respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some
object, because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of 42°, it
must needs be much hotter. I confess I cannot give the reason of
the contrary; only experience teacheth us, that if it do exceed
England, it is so little as must require better judgments to
discern it. And for the winter, I rather think (if there be
difference) it is both sharper and longer in New England than
Old; and yet the want of those comforts in the one, which I have
enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgment also. But in my
best observation, comparing our own condition with the Relations
of other parts of America, I cannot conceive of any to agree
better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed
with extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold; by which
means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwithstanding those
difficulties we have undergone, in such a measure as would have
been admired if we had lived in England with the like means. The
day is two hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, and
as much shorter there, when it is at the longest.

The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, others,
a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest grain is the Indian mays, or Guinea
wheat. The seed time beginneth in [the] midst of April, and
continueth good till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with
September. This corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferior
in quantity to the same in Virginia; the reason I conceive is
because Virginia is far hotter than it is with us, it requiring
great heat to ripen. But whereas it is objected against New
England, that corn will not grow there except the ground be manured
with fish, I answer, that where men set with fish, (as with us,) it
is more easy so to do than to clear ground, and set without some
five or six years, and so begin anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere.
Not but that in some places, where they cannot be taken with ease
in such abundance, the Indians set four years together without, and
have as good corn or better than we have that set with them; though
indeed I think if we had cattle to till the ground, it would be
more profitable and better agreeable to the soil to sow wheat, rye,
barley, pease and oats, than to set mays, which our Indians call
_ewachim_; for we have had experience that they like and thrive
well; and the other will not be procured without good labor and
diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also be watched
by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, till it be rotten,
which will be in fourteen days. Yet men agreeing together, and
taking their turns, it is not much.

Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall
here plant, by trade with the Indians for furs, if men take a right
course for obtaining the same; for I dare presume, upon that small
experience I have had, to affirm that the English, Dutch and French
return yearly many thousand pounds profit by trade only from that
island on which we are seated.

Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in some
other places; neither were it profitable there to follow it, though
the increase were equal, because fish is a better and richer
commodity, and more necessary, which may be and are there had in
as great abundance as in any other part of the world; witness the
west-country merchants of England, which return incredible gains
yearly from thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their
salt at a great charge, and transport more company to make their
voyage than will sail their ships, what may the planters expect
when once they are seated, and make the most of their salt there,
and employ themselves at least eight months in fishing; whereas the
other fish but four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour
all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to plantations may
take freight of passengers or cattle thither, and have their lading
provided against they come? I confess we have come so far short
of the means to raise such returns, as with great difficulty we
have preserved our lives; insomuch as when I look back upon our
condition, and weak means to preserve the same, I rather admire
at God’s mercy and providence in our preservation, than that no
greater things have been effected by us. But though our beginning
have been thus raw, small and difficult, as thou hast seen, yet
the same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, I hope
will raise means to accomplish the latter. Not that we altogether,
or principally, propound profit to be the main end of that we
have undertaken, but the glory of God, and the honor of our
country, in the enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions. Yet wanting
outward means to set things in that forwardness we desire, and to
further the latter by the former, I thought meet to offer both to
consideration, hoping that where religion and profit jump together
(which is rare) in so honorable an action, it will encourage every
honest man, either in person or purse, to set forward the same, or
at leastwise to commend the welfare thereof in his daily prayers to
the blessing of the blessed God.

I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, store of venison,
and variety of fish, in their seasons, which might encourage many
to go in their persons. Only I advise all such beforehand to
consider, that as they hear of countries that abound with the good
creatures of God, so means must be used for the taking of every
one in his kind, and therefore not only to content themselves
that there is sufficient, but to foresee how they shall be able
to obtain the same. Otherwise, as he that walketh London streets,
though he be in the midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not
the better, but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of
that he wanteth, and cannot enjoy it, so also there, if thou want
art and other necessaries thereunto belonging, thou mayest see
that thou wantest and thy heart desireth, and yet be never the
better for the same. Therefore, if thou see thine own insufficiency
of thyself, then join to some others, where thou mayest in some
measure enjoy the same; otherwise, assure thyself thou art better
where thou art. Some there be that thinking altogether of their
present wants they enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there,
through indiscretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of misery.
As for example, it may be here, rent and firing are so chargeable,
as without great difficulty a man cannot accomplish the same; never
considering, that as he shall have no rent to pay, so he must build
his house before he have it, and peradventure may with more ease
pay for his fuel here, than cut and fetch it home, if he have not
cattle to draw it there; though there is no scarcity, but rather
too great plenty.

I write not these things to dissuade any that shall seriously, upon
due examination, set themselves to further the glory of God, and
the honor of our country, in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to
discourage such as with too great lightness undertake such courses;
who peradventure strain themselves and their friends for their
passage thither, and are no sooner there, than seeing their foolish
imagination made void, are at their wits’ end, and would give ten
times so much for their return, if they could procure it; and out
of such discontented passions and humors, spare not to lay that
imputation upon the country, and others, which themselves deserve.

As, for example, I have heard some complain of others for their
large reports of New England, and yet because they must drink water
and want many delicates they here enjoyed, could presently return
with their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so simple as
to conceive that the fountains should stream forth wine or beer,
or the woods and rivers be like butchers’ shops, or fishmongers’
stalls, where they might have things taken to their hands? If thou
canst not live without such things, and hast no means to procure
the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, nor hast ability
to employ others for thee, rest where thou art; for as a proud
heart, a dainty tooth, a beggar’s purse, and an idle hand, be here
intolerable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is
much more abominable. If therefore God hath given thee a heart
to undertake such courses, upon such grounds as bear thee out in
all difficulties, viz. his glory as a principal, and all other
outward good things but as accessaries, which peradventure thou
shalt enjoy, and it may be not, then thou wilt with true comfort
and thankfulness receive the least of his mercies; whereas on the
contrary, men deprive themselves of much happiness, being senseless
of greater blessings, and through prejudice smother up the love and
bounty of God; whose name be ever glorified in us, and by us, now
and evermore. Amen.



A POSTSCRIPT.


If any man desire a more ample relation of the state of this
country, before such time as this present Relation taketh place, I
refer them to the two former printed books; the one published by
the President and Council for New England, and the other gathered
by the inhabitants of this present Plantation at Plymouth in New
England.[127]



FOOTNOTES


_Dedication_ (_pp. 3-5_)

[1] The merchant adventurers.

[2] This sentiment shows how little obnoxious the first settlers of
New England were to the charge of fanaticism, which has often been
alleged against them by persons alike ignorant of their spirit and
their history.

[3] EDWARD WINSLOW was, according to Hutchinson, “of a very
reputable family and of a very active genius”--“a gentleman of the
best family of any of the Plymouth planters, his father, Edward
Winslow, Esq., being a person of some figure at Droitwich, in
Worcestershire,” a town seven miles from Worcester, celebrated
for its salt springs. Edward was the eldest of eight children,
and was born at Droitwich Oct. 19, 1595, as appears from the
following extract from the records of St. Peter’s church in that
place: “1595, Oct. 20, baptized Edward, son of Edward Winslow, born
the previous Friday,” which was the 19th. His mother’s name was
Magdalen; her surname is unknown; she was married Nov. 3, 1594. He
was not one of the original band of Pilgrims who escaped to Holland
in 1608, but being on his travels, fell in with them at Leyden,
in 1617, as we learn from his Brief Narration, where he speaks of
“living three years under Mr. Robinson’s ministry before we began
the work of plantation in New England.” His name stands the third
among the signers of the Compact on board the Mayflower; and his
family consisted at that time of his wife, Elizabeth, George Soule,
and two others, perhaps his children, Edward and John, who died
young. As has already been seen, and will hereafter appear, he was
one of the most energetic and trusted men in the Colony. He went
to England in 1623, 1624, 1635 and 1646, as agent of the Plymouth
or Massachusetts colonies; and in 1633 he was chosen governor, to
which office he was reëlected in 1636 and 1644. He did not return
to New England after 1646. In 1655 he was sent by Cromwell as one
of three commissioners to superintend the expedition against the
Spanish possessions in the West Indies, and died at sea, near
Hispaniola, on the 8th of May of that year, in his 60th year. An
interesting letter, written by him at Barbadoes, March 16, and
addressed to Secretary Thurloe, is preserved in Thurloe’s State
Papers, iii. 250. Three letters of his to Gov. Winthrop, one to the
Commissioners of the United Colonies, and another to Thurloe from
Barbadoes, March 30, are contained in Hutchinson’s Collection of
Papers, pp. 60, 110, 153, 228, 268.

In 1637 he obtained a grant of a valuable tract of land at Green’s
harbour, now Marshfield, to which he gave the name of Careswell.
This estate continued in the family till a few years since, when it
came into possession of Daniel Webster, the late Secretary of State.

Edward Winslow’s son, (2) Josiah, born at Plymouth in 1628, was
governor of the Colony, from 1673 to his death in 1680, and
commanded the New-England forces in Philip’s war. (3) Isaac,
his only surviving son, sustained the chief civil and military
offices in the county of Plymouth after its incorporation with
Massachusetts, and was President of the Provincial Council. He
died in 1738, aged 68. (4) John, his son, was a captain in the
expedition against Cuba in 1740, a colonel at Louisburgh in 1744,
and afterwards a major-general in the British service. He died in
1774, aged 71. His son, (5) Isaac, was a physician in Marshfield,
and died in 1819, aged 80. His only son, (6) John, was an attorney,
and died in 1822, aged 48. His only surviving son, (7) Isaac, and
the last surviving male descendant of Gov. Edward, of the name of
Winslow, born in 1813, resides in Boston, and possesses original
portraits of these his illustrious ancestors. See Mass. Hist. Coll.
xxvii. 286.

Edward Winslow had four brothers, all of whom came over to New
England. Their names were, John, born in April, 1597; Kenelm, born,
April 29, 1599; Gilbert, born in Oct. 1600; and Josiah, born in
Feb. 1605.--John came in the Fortune in 1621, married Mary Chilton,
who came in the Mayflower, and removed to Boston, in 1655, where
he died in 1674, aged 77. He left a numerous posterity, one of
whom is Isaac Winslow, Esq., of Roxbury, formerly a merchant in
Boston.--Gilbert came in the Mayflower, and soon left the Colony,
and it is thought went to Portsmouth, N. H. and died before
1660.--Kenelm and Josiah arrived at Plymouth before 1632, and
both settled at Marshfield. The former died whilst on a visit at
Salem in 1672, aged 73, and the latter in 1674, aged 69.--Edward
Winslow’s sisters were Eleanor, born in April, 1598, Elizabeth,
born in March, 1601, and Magdalen, born Dec. 26, 1604. Elizabeth
died in Jan. 1604, and neither of the other two ever came to New
England.

For the copy of the record of St. Peter’s Church, Droitwich,
containing the births and baptisms of Edward Winslow and his
sisters and brothers, excepting Josiah, I am indebted to Isaac
Winslow, Esq., of Roxbury, whose son, Isaac, of New York, visited
that place for this purpose in Aug. 1839. I am also indebted to
Mr. Isaac Winslow, of Boston, for the loan of the family bible of
the Winslows, containing on one of its covers an ancient register,
corresponding nearly with the Droitwich records, with the addition
of the birth and baptism of Josiah, the youngest child. See
Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 187, ii. 457-460; Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii.
281-309; Mitchell’s Bridgewater, p. 387-390; Deane’s Scituate,
p. 388-390; Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 90-103; 139-144; Morton’s
Memorial, pp. 178, 235, 259-261, 382, 415; Hazard’s Hist. Coll. i.
326.


_To the Reader_ (_p. 6_)

[4] At Wessagusset, or Weymouth, of which an ample account will be
found in the ensuing Narrative.

[5] Thomas Weston.

[6] Winslow returned in the ship Charity, in March, 1624. He had
been absent six months, having sailed from Plymouth in the Anne, on
the 10th of Sept. previous. See Bradford, in Prince, p. 221, 225.

[7] This serves to confirm the statement of numerous typographical
errors in the previous Narrative.


_Chapter 1_ (_p. 7_)

[8] West had a commission as admiral of New England, to restrain
such ships as came to fish and trade without license from the
New England Council; but finding the fishermen stubborn fellows,
and too strong for him, he sails for Virginia; and their owners
complaining to Parliament, procured an order that fishing should be
free. Bradford, in Prince, p. 218, and in Morton, p. 97.

[9] The Damariscove islands, five or six in number, lying west
by north from Monhegan, were early resorted to and occupied as
fishing-stages. See Williamson’s Maine, i. 56.

[10] On the 22d of March, 1622, at mid-day, the Indians, by a
preconcerted plan, fell upon the English settlements in Virginia,
and massacred 347 persons. A war of extermination immediately
ensued. See Smith’s Virginia, ii. 64-79, and Stith, p. 208-213.

[11] Opechancanough, as the name is commonly spelt.


_Chapter 2_ (_pp. 8-18_)

[12] The Narragansetts were a numerous and powerful tribe that
occupied nearly the whole of the present territory of the State of
Rhode Island, including the islands in Narragansett Bay. They had
escaped the pestilence which had depopulated other parts of New
England, and their population at this time was estimated at thirty
thousand, of whom five thousand were warriors. Roger Williams says
they were so populous that a traveller would meet with a dozen
Indian towns in twenty miles. They were a martial and formidable
race, and were frequently at war with the Pokanokets on the east,
the Pequots on the west, and the Massachusetts on the north. See
Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 147; Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll.
iv. 123; Potter’s Early History of Narragansett, ibid. iii. 1, and
Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 457.

[13] “Since the death of so many Indians, they thought to lord
it over the rest, conceive we are a bar in their way, and see
Massasoit already take shelter under our wings.” Bradford’s Hist.
quoted by Prince, p. 200.

[14] Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts, though
hostile to the Plymouth colonists, probably on account of their
league with his enemy, Massasoit, showed himself friendly to the
first settlers of Rhode Island, who planted themselves within
his territory. Roger Williams says that “when the hearts of
my countrymen and friends failed me, the Most High stirred up
the barbarous heart of Connonicus to love me as his son to the
last gasp. Were it not for the favor that God gave me with him,
none of these parts, no, not Rhode Island had been purchased or
obtained; for I never gat any thing of Connonicus but by gift.” In
1636 the Massachusetts Colony sent to him “a solemn embassage,”
who “observed in the sachem much state, great command over his
men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers.” Edward Johnson,
who probably accompanied the ambassadors, has given in his
“Wonderworking Providence,” b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account
of their reception and entertainment. He says that “Canonicus was
very discreet in his answers.” He died June 4th, 1647, according
to Winthrop, “a very old man.” See his Life in Thatcher’s Indian
Biography, i. 177-209, and in Drake’s Book of the Indians, b. ii.
54-57.

[15] Probably Stephen Hopkins.

[16] Isaac Allerton.

[17] “There is a remarkable coincidence in the form of this
challenge with that of the challenge given by the Scythian prince
to Darius. Five arrows made a part of the present sent by his
herald to the Persian king. The manner of declaring war by the
Aracaunian Indians of South America, was by sending from town to
town an arrow clenched in a dead man’s hand.” Holmes, Annals, i.
177. See Rollin, Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4; and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv.
69.

[18] Bradford adds, “Which are locked every night; a watch and ward
kept in the day.” Prince, p. 200.

[19] This was the first general muster in New England, and the
embryo of our present militia system.

[20] This indicates that the writer himself, Winslow, was one of
the party.

[21] So early was the name of Gurnet given to this remarkable
feature of Plymouth harbour. It is a peninsula or promontory,
connected with Marshfield by a beach about six miles long, called
Salthouse beach. It contains about twenty-seven acres of excellent
soil. On its southern extremity, or nose, are two light-houses.
It probably received its name from some headland known to the
Pilgrims in the mother country. The late Samuel Davis, of Plymouth,
the accurate topographer, and faithful chronicler of the Old
Colony, says, “Gurnet is the name of several places on the coast
of England; in the Channel we believe there are at least two.”
Connected with the Gurnet by a narrow neck, and contiguous to
Clark’s island, is another headland, called Saquish, containing ten
or fourteen acres. See note 2 on page 164, Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii.
182, 204, and Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 330.

[22] The sachem of the Wampanoags.

[23] The same as Coubatant or Corbitant.

[24] What is now called a _brave_.

[25] We should like to have known more about this second voyage to
Boston harbour.

[26] On the part of.

[27] This headland is Hither Manomet Point, forming the southern
boundary of Plymouth bay. Manomet is the most prominent landmark
in Barnstable bay, being visible from all points of its circling
shore, from Sandwich to Provincetown.

[28] Brabbles, clamors.

[29] The passengers in the Fortune.

[30] Winslow himself had sent home too flattering an account of
their condition.

[31] “She brings a letter to Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan.
17. By his letter we find he has quite deserted us, and is going
to settle a plantation of his own. The boat brings us a kind
letter from Mr. John Huddleston, a captain of a ship fishing at
the eastward, whose name we never heard before, to inform us of
a massacre of 400 English by the Indians in Virginia, whence he
came. By this boat the Governor returns a grateful answer, and
with them sends Mr. Winslow in a boat of ours to get provisions of
the fishing ships; whom Captain Huddleston receives kindly, and
not only spares what he can, but writes to others to do the like;
by which means he gets as much bread as amounts to a quarter of a
pound a person per day till harvest; the Governor causing their
portion to be daily given them, or some had starved. And by this
voyage we not only got a present supply, but also learn the way to
those parts for our future benefit.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 202.
Huddleston’s letter, (or Hudston’s, as Morton calls him,) may be
found in New England’s Memorial, p. 80. See note [10] on page 7.

[32] See note [9] on page 7.

[33] The burying-hill. The intelligence of the massacre in Virginia
reached Plymouth in May, and was the immediate incitement to the
erection of this fort. See page 7.

“Some traces of the fort are still visible on the eminence called
the burying-hill, directly above the meeting-house of the first
church in Plymouth. After the fort was used as a place of worship,
it is probable they began to bury their dead around it. Before that
time the burial-place was on the bank, above the rock on which the
landing was made.” Judge Davis’s note in Morton’s Memorial, p. 82.


_Chapter 3_ (_pp. 19-30_)

[34] “By Mr. Weston’s ship comes a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in
whose name the Plymouth patent is taken, signifying that whom the
governor admits into the association, he will approve.” Bradford,
in Prince, p. 204.

[35] They came upon no religious design, as did the planters of
Plymouth; so they were far from being Puritans. Mr. Weston in a
letter owns that many of them are rude and profane fellows. Mr.
Cushman in another writes, “They are no men for us, and I fear they
will hardly deal so well with the savages as they should. I pray
you therefore signify to Squanto that they are a distinct body
from us, and we have nothing to do with them, nor must be blamed
for their faults, much less can warrant their fidelity.” And Mr.
John Pierce in another writes, “As for Mr. Weston’s company they
are so base in condition for the most part, as in all appearance
not fit for an honest man’s company. I wish they prove otherwise.”
Bradford, in Prince, p. 203.

[36] Boston harbour.

[37] Or Wessagusset, now called Weymouth.

[38] Dr. Fuller.

[39] That is, the same Indians.

[40] This is supposed to be the same Jones who was captain of the
Mayflower.

[41] Prince says, p. 205, that “Mr. Winslow seems to mistake in
thinking Captain Jones was now bound for Virginia;” and Bradford
states that “she was on her way from Virginia homeward, being sent
out by some merchants to discover the shoals about Cape Cod, and
harbours between this and Virginia.”

[42] “Of her we buy knives and beads, which is now good trade,
though at cent. per cent. or more, and yet pay away coat beaver at
3s. a pound, (which a few years after yields 20s.); by which means
we are fitted to trade both for corn and beaver.” Bradford, in
Prince, p. 205, and in Morton’s Memorial, p. 83.

[43] Isaac Allerton.

[44] Chatham.

[45] His disorder was a fever, accompanied with “a bleeding at the
nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom.” Before his death
“he desired the Governor (Bradford) to pray that he might go to the
Englishman’s God in heaven, bequeathing divers of his things to
sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love; of whom
we had great loss.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 206, and in Morton, p.
85. Judge Davis adds in his note, that “Governor Bradford’s pen was
worthily employed in the tender notice taken of the death of this
child of nature. With some aberrations, his conduct was generally
irreproachable, and his useful services to the infant settlement
entitle him to grateful remembrance.”

[46] Aspinet.

[47] The country between Barnstable and Yarmouth harbours.

[48] The distance from Eastham to Plymouth by land is about fifty
miles.

[49] With galled feet.

[50] The Swan. See page 20.

[51] Nauset, or Eastham, abounds with creeks. See Mass. Hist. Coll.
viii. 155, 188.

[52] In the original, _saluting_; probably a typographical error.

[53] The part of Sandwich, which lies on Manomet river.

[54] “It is almost incredible”, says Roger Williams, “what burthens
the poor women carry of corn, of fish, of beans, of mats, and a
child besides.” Gookin says, “In their removals from place to
place, for their fishing and hunting, the women carry the greatest
burthen.” And Wood says, “In the summer they trudge home two or
three miles with a hundred weight of lobsters at their backs; in
winter they are their husbands’ porters to lug home their venison.”
See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, iii. 212, and Wood’s New England’s
Prospect, part ii. ch. 20.

[55] This is called Manomet or Buzzard’s bay, though Winslow seems
to mistake it for Narragansett bay, which is near twenty leagues to
the westward. Prince, p. 208.

[56] “This creek runs out easterly into Cape Cod bay at Scussett
harbour; and this river runs out westerly into Manomet bay. The
distance overland from bay to bay is but six miles. The creek and
river nearly meet in a low ground; and this is the place, through
which there has been a talk of making a canal, this forty years;
which would be a vast advantage to all these countries, by saving
the long and dangerous navigation round the Cape, and through the
shoals adjoining.” Prince, p. 208, (A.D. 1736.) Mass. Hist. Coll.
viii. 122.

[57] Oysters are still found in great excellence and plenty in
Sandwich, on the shores of Buzzard’s bay. See Mass. Hist. Coll.
viii. 122.

[58] The common clam, (_mya arenaria_,) or perhaps the quahaug,
(_venus mercenaria_). The English call the former the sand-gaper,
the word _clam_ not being in use among them, and not to be found
in their dictionaries. And yet it is mentioned by Captain Smith,
in his Description of New England, printed in 1616. Johnson,
whose Wonderworking Providence was published in 1654, speaks of
“_clambanks_, a fish as big as horse-muscles.” Morton too, in his
New English Canaan, (1637) mentions them, and Josselyn, (1672)
in his Rarities, p. 96, speaks of “clam, or clamp, a kind of
shell-fish, a white muscle.” Wood says, ch. ix. “clams or clamps
is a shellfish not much unlike a cockle; it lieth under the sand.
These fishes be in great plenty. In some places of the country
there be clams as big as a penny white-loaf.” See Mass. Hist. Col.
iii. 224, viii. 193, xiii. 125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould’s Report
on the Mollusca of Mass. pp. 40-42, and 85,86.

[59] The razor-shell, (_solen_,) which very much resembles a bean
pod, or the haft of a razor, both in size and shape. See Mass.
Hist. Coll. viii. 192. Josselyn calls them “_sheath fish_, which
are very plentiful, a delicate fish, as good as a prawn, covered
with a thin shell like the sheath of a knife, and of the color of a
muscle.” And Morton says, “_razor fishes_ there are.”

“The animal is cylindrical, and is often used as an article of food
under the name of long-clam, razor-fish, knife-handle, &c.” See Dr.
Gould’s Report on the Mollusca of Massachusetts, p. 29.

[60] In Manomet river, as well as in Buzzard’s and Buttermilk bays,
are found fish of various kinds, such as bass, sheep’s head,
tautaug, scuppaug, &c. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122.

[61] He was the same as Cawnacome.

[62] “In their gamings,” says Roger Williams, “they will sometimes
stake and lose their money, clothes, house, corn, and themselves,
if single persons.” Gookin says, “They are addicted to gaming,
and will, in that vein, play away all they have.” And Wood adds,
“They are so bewitched with these two games, that they will lose
sometimes all they have, beaver, moose skins, kettles, wampompeage,
mowhackies, hatchets, knives, all is confiscate by these two
games.” See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, and Wood’s New
England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. 14.

[63] Powow, a priest and medicine man.

[64] It seems as if the Captain went into Scussett harbour, which
goes up westward towards Manomet. Prince, p. 210.

[65] In the Indian dialects.

[66] Or Iyanough.

[67] See note [54] on page 78.

[68] Or Pamet, now called Truro.


_Chapter 4_ (_pp. 31-39_)

[69] “All their refreshing in their sickness is the visit of
friends and neighbours, a poor empty visit and presence; and yet
indeed this is very solemn, unless it be in infectious diseases,
and then all forsake them and fly.” Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist.
Coll. iii. 236.

[70] It was conjectured by Belknap, Am. Biog. ii. 229, and has
since been repeatedly asserted as a fact by other writers,
that this person was the celebrated English patriot of the same
name. But this is highly improbable. Hampden, who was born in
1594, and married in 1619, was a member of the parliament which
assembled in January, 1621, and was dissolved by James in 1622,
under circumstances and in a juncture of affairs which rendered it
certain that a new parliament must soon be called. It is not at all
likely that a person in Hampden’s circumstances, a man of family,
wealth and consideration, would, merely for the sake of gratifying
his curiosity, have left England at this critical period, on a
long voyage to another hemisphere, and run the risk of not being
at home at the issuing of the writs for a new parliament. For the
passage to America was at that time precarious; the vessels were
few, and the voyage a long one; so that a person who undertook
it could not reasonably calculate upon getting back in much less
than a year. Winslow’s companion, whoever he was, must have come
in the Charity, which brought Weston’s colony, unless we adopt the
improbable supposition that this “gentleman of London” embarked in
one of the fishing vessels that visited the Grand Bank, and took
his chance of getting to Plymouth as he could. Now the Charity left
London the last of April, 1622, and arrived at Plymouth the last of
June. The visit to Massasoit took place in March, 1623, and after
this no vessel sailed for England till the Anne, September 10, in
which Winslow went home. Of course this “gentleman of London,” must
have been absent at least eighteen months, which it is altogether
improbable that Hampden would have done, running the risk of
not being at home to stand for the next parliament, to which he
undoubtedly expected to be returned, as we know he actually was.

Besides, had this companion of Winslow been the great English
patriot, the silence of the early Plymouth writers on the point
is unaccountable. On publishing his “Good News from New England”
immediately on his arrival in London, in 1624, one object of which
was to recommend the new colony, how gladly would Winslow have
appealed for the correctness of his statements to this member of
parliament who had passed more than a year in their Plantation.
How natural too would it have been for him to have mentioned the
fact in his “Brief Narration,” published in 1646, only three years
after the death of the illustrious patriot. Bradford, also, whose
sympathies were all with the popular party in England, in writing
an elaborate history of the Colony, would not have failed to record
the long residence among them of one who, at the time he wrote, had
become so distinguished as the leader of that party in the House
of Commons. That his lost history contained no such passage we may
be certain; for had it been there, it must have been quoted either
by Prince or Morton, who make so free use of it, both of whom too
mention this visit to Massasoit, and who would not have omitted a
circumstance so honorable to the Colony.

Again, Winslow’s companion was “a gentleman of _London_.”
Now although John Hampden happened to be born in London,
when his father was in parliament in 1594, he was properly of
Buckinghamshire. Winslow, who was himself of Worcestershire, if he
knew who Hampden was, would not have called him “a gentleman of
_London_;” and we cannot suppose that this English gentleman would
have spent so many months in the Colony without making himself
known to its two leading men, Winslow and Bradford.

Equally unfounded is the statement that has gained so wide a
currency and become incorporated with the history of those times,
and is repeated in Lord Nugent’s Life of Hampden, that John
Hampden, in company with Cromwell, Pym, and Hazelrig, had actually
embarked for America on board a fleet in the Thames, in 1638, but
were detained by an order from the Privy Council. Miss Aikin, in
her Memoirs of Charles I., ch. xiii., was the first to detect and
expose this error of the historians.--For some of the views in this
note I am indebted to the MS. suggestions of the learned editor of
Governor Winthrop’s History of New England.

[71] Probably the same which is now called Slade’s Ferry, in
Swanzey. Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 292.

[72] Conbatant or Corbitant, was the sachem of Pocasset, and was
subject to Massasoit. See Baylies’ Plymouth, ii. 232.

[73] A neck of land in the township of Swanzey, commonly pronounced
Mattapoiset, now Gardner’s neck, situated between the Shawomet
and Toweset necks. See Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 292, and Baylies’
Plymouth, ii. 232, 234.

[74] “_Sachimmaacommock_, a prince’s house, which, according to
their condition, is far different from the other house, both in
capacity or receipt, and also the fineness and quality of their
mats.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. xxii.

[75] _Wetu_, or _wigwam_. See Gallatin’s Indian Vocabularies, in
Am. Antiq. Soc. Coll. ii. 322.

[76] “There are among them certain men and women, whom they call
_powows_. These are partly wizards and witches, holding familiarity
with Satan, that evil one; and partly are physicians, and make
use, at least in show, of herbs and roots for curing the sick and
diseased. These are sent for by the sick and wounded; and by their
diabolical spells, mutterings, exorcisms, they seem to do wonders.
They use extraordinary strange motions of their bodies, insomuch
that they will sweat until they foam; and thus continue for some
hours together, stroking and hovering over the sick.” Gookin, in
Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154.

“_Powaws_, priests. These do begin and order their service and
invocation of their gods, and all the people follow, and join
interchangeably in a laborious bodily service, unto sweating,
especially of the priest, who spends himself in strange antic
gestures and actions, even unto fainting. In sickness the priest
comes close to the sick person, and performs many strange actions
about him, and threatens and conjures out the sickness. The poor
people commonly die under their hands; for, alas, they administer
nothing, but howl and roar and hollow over them, and begin the
song to the rest of the people, who all join like a choir in prayer
to their gods for them.” Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii.
227, 237.

“The manner of their action in their conjuration is thus. The
parties that are sick are brought before them; the powow sitting
down, the rest of the Indians give attentive audience to his
imprecations and invocations, and after the violent expression of
many a hideous bellowing and groaning, he makes a stop, and then
all the auditors with one voice utter a short canto. Which done,
the powow still proceeds in his invocations, sometimes roaring
like a bear, other times groaning like a dying horse, foaming at
the mouth like a chafed boar, smiting on his naked breast and
thighs with such violence as if he were mad. Thus will he continue
sometimes half a day.” Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii. ch.
12. See also Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 474.

[77] Wood says, ch. 18, “They pronounce _l_ and _r_ in our English
tongue, with much difficulty, calling a lobster a nobstan.” Yet
Roger Williams states, that “although some pronounce not _l_ or
_r_, yet it is the most proper dialect of other places, contrary
to many reports;” and Eliot, in his Indian Grammar, says, “These
consonants, _l_, _n_, _r_, have such a natural coincidence, that
it is an eminent variation of their dialects. We Massachusetts
pronounce the _n_; the Nipmuk Indians pronounce _l_; and the
Northern Indians pronounce _r_. As instance:

  We say      _Anum_}
  Nipmuck,    _Alum_} A Dog.”
  Northern,   _Arum_}

See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xix. 248.

[78] “When they are sick, their misery appears, that they have not,
but what sometimes they get from the English, a raisin or currant,
or any physic, fruit, or spice, or any comfort more than their
corn and water, &c. In which bleeding case, wanting all means of
recovery or present refreshing, I have been constrained, to and
beyond my power, to refresh them, and to save many of them from
death, who I am confident perish many millions of them, in that
mighty continent, for want of means.” Roger Williams, in Mass.
Hist. Coll. iii. 236.

[79] The same as _pinse_. See page 13.

[80] Sokones, or Succonusset, now called Falmouth.

[81] Or Agawam, part of Wareham.

[82] Martha’s Vineyard.

[83] “_Maskit_, give me some physic.” Roger Williams’s Key, in R.
I. Hist. Coll. i. 159.

[84] “_Ketan_ is their good God, to whom they sacrifice after their
garners be full with a good crop. Upon this God likewise they
invocate for fair weather, for rain in time of drought, and for the
recovery of their sick.” Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii.
ch. 12.


_Chapter 5_ (_pp. 40-52_)

[85] Morton says, in his New English Canaan, ch. vii. “There are
great store of oysters in the entrance of all rivers. They are not
round, as those of England, but excellent fat and all good. I have
seen an oyster bank a mile in length. Muscles there are infinite
store. I have often gone to Wessaguseus, where were excellent
muscles to eat, (for variety,) the fish is so fat and large.”

[86] The word _inclined_ or _disposed_ seems to have been
accidentally omitted.

[87] Morton says, “this man’s name was Phinehas Prat, who has
penned the particulars of his perilous journey, and some other
things relating to this tragedy.” Hubbard states that he was
living in 1677, at the time he was writing his History of New
England. In 1662 the General Court of Massachusetts, in answer
to a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, which was
accompanied “with a narrative of the straits and hardships that
the first planters of this Colony underwent in their endeavours
to plant themselves at Plymouth, and since, whereof he was one,
the Court judgeth it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where
it is to be had, not hindering a plantation.” At the Court held
May 3, 1665, it was ordered that land be laid out for Prat, “in
the wilderness on the east of the Merrimack river, near the upper
end of Nacook [Pennacook?] brook, on the southeast of it.” Prat
married in 1630, at Plymouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson.
His heirs had grants of land in Abington subsequent to 1672. Drake
says that after long search he has not been able to discover Prat’s
narrative. It was probably never printed. See Morton’s Memorial, p.
90; Drake’s Book of the Indians, b. ii. 35; Mass. Hist. Coll. xv.
78, xvii. 122.

[88] The notorious Thomas Morton, of Merry Mount, in his New
English Canaan, b. iii. ch. 4, which was published in 1637, is the
first writer who mentions a ludicrous fable connected with this
execution, which has been made the occasion of some reproach on
the first planters of New England. After relating the settlement
of Weston’s colony at Weymouth, he mentions that one of them stole
the corn of an Indian, and upon his complaint was brought before
“a parliament of all the people” to consult what punishment should
be inflicted on him. It was decided that this offence, which might
have been settled by the gift of a knife or a string of beads, “was
felony, and by the laws of England, punished with death; and this
must be put in execution, for an example, and likewise to appease
the salvage. When straightways one arose, moved as it were with
some compassion, and said he could not well gainsay the former
sentence, yet he had conceived within the compass of his brain
an embryon, that was of special consequence to be delivered and
cherished. He said that it would most aptly serve to pacify the
salvage’s complaint, and save the life of one that might, if need
should be, stand them in good stead, being young and strong, fit
for resistance against an enemy, which might come unexpected, for
any thing they knew. The oration made was like of every one, and he
entreated to proceed to show the means how this may be performed.
Says he, ‘You all agree that one must die; and one shall die. This
young man’s clothes we will take off, and put upon one that is
old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death; such
is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young
man’s clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the
other’s stead.’ ‘Amen,’ says one, and so say many more. And this
had liked to have proved their final sentence; but that one, with
a ravenous voice, begun to croak and bellow for revenge, and put
by that conclusive motion, alleging such deceits might be a means
hereafter to exasperate the minds of the complaining salvages, and
that by his death the salvages should see their zeal to justice;
and therefore he should die. This was concluded;” and they “hanged
him up hard by.”

This story of the unscrupulous Morton furnished Butler with the
materials out of which he constructed the following fable in his
Hudibras, part. ii. canto ii. line 409.

      “Our brethren of New England use
      Choice malefactors to excuse,
      And hang the guiltless in their stead,
      Of whom the churches have less need;
      As lately happened. In a town,
      There lived a cobbler and but one,
      That out of doctrine could cut use,
      And mend men’s lives as well as shoes.
      This precious brother having slain,
      In times of peace, an Indian,
      (Not out of malice, but mere zeal,
      Because he was an infidel,)
      The mighty Tottipotymoy
      Sent to our elders an envoy,
      Complaining sorely of the breach
      Of league, held forth, by brother Patch,
      Against the articles in force
      Between both churches, his and ours;
      For which he craved the saints to render
      Into his hands, or hang the offender.
      But they, maturely having weighed,
      They had no more but him of the trade,
      A man that served them in a double
      Capacity, to teach and cobble,
      Resolved to spare him; yet to do
      The Indian Hoghgan Moghgan, too,
      Impartial justice, in his stead did
      Hang an old weaver, that was bed-rid.”

It will be observed that Morton mentions this substitution merely
as the suggestion of an individual, which was rejected by the
company. Even had it been adopted by them, and carried into
execution, it would not have implicated the Plymouth people at all,
nor cast the least slur on their characters or principles. For
Weston’s colony was entirely distinct from theirs, and composed
of a very different set of men. Their character, as portrayed
by Weston himself, and by Cushman and Pierce, before they came
over, may be seen in note [35] on page 77, to which the reader
is particularly requested to refer. Morton himself calls “many
of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavour to take the
benefit of the country.” As Belknap says, “they were a set of
needy adventurers, intent only on gaining a subsistence.” They did
not come over from any religious scruples, or with any religious
purpose. There is no evidence that they had any church at all;
they certainly were not Puritans. Neal says, in his Hist. of New
England, i. 102, that Weston obtained a patent under pretence of
propagating the discipline of the Church of England in America.

Grahame, i. 198, falls into an error in attributing this execution
to Gorges’s colony, which settled at the same place in the autumn
of the same year; and Drake, b. ii. 34, errs in saying that
Morton was one of Weston’s company. Morton did not come over till
March, 1625, in company with Wollaston, and settled with him
not at Weymouth, but in Quincy. See Prince, pp. 221, 231. The
accurate Hutchinson, i. 6, should not have made a fact out of the
careless Hubbard’s supposition, which the latter mentions as barely
“possible.” See Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 77.

[89] Hansel, to use for the first time.

[90] The same as _pinse_, on page 13.

[91] Standish is said to have been a man of short stature. See
Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 111, and xviii, 121.

[92] When the news of the first Indians being killed by Standish
at Weymouth reached Mr. Robinson, their pastor, at Leyden, he
wrote to the church at Plymouth, December 19, 1623, “to consider
the disposition of their Captain, who was of a warm temper. He
hoped the Lord had sent him among them for good, if they used him
right; but he doubted where there was not wanting that tenderness
of the life of man, made after God’s image, which was meet;” and
he concludes with saying, “O how happy a thing had it been that
you had converted some before you killed any!” Prince adds, “It
is to be hoped that Squanto was converted.” It seems Standish
was not of their church at first, and Hubbard says he had more
of his education in the school of Mars than in the school of
Christ. Judge Davis remarks, “These sentiments are honorable to
Mr. Robinson; they indicate a generous philanthropy, which must
always gain our affection, and should ever be cherished. Still
the transactions of which the strictures relate, are defensible.
As to Standish, Belknap places his defence on the rules of duty
imposed by his character, as the military servant of the Colony.
The government, it is presumed, will be considered as acting under
severe necessity, and will require no apology if the reality of the
conspiracy be admitted, of which there can be little doubt. It is
certain that they were fully persuaded of its existence, and with
the terrible example of the Virginia massacre in fresh remembrance,
they had solemn duties to discharge. The existence of the whole
settlement was at hazard.” See Prince, p. 226; Hutchinson’s Mass.
ii. 461; Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 330; Morton’s Memorial, p. 91.

[93] His bow.

[94] To England.

[95] “Thus this plantation is broken up in a year; and this is the
end of those who being all able men, had boasted of their strength
and what they would bring to pass, in comparison of the people
at Plymouth, who had many women, children, and weak ones with
them; and said at their first arrival, when they saw the wants at
Plymouth, that they would take another course, and not fall into
such a condition as this simple people were come to.” Bradford, in
Prince, p. 214, and in Morton, p. 92.

“Shortly after Mr. Weston’s people went to the eastward, he comes
there himself with some of the fishermen, under another name
and disguise of a blacksmith; where he hears the ruin of his
plantation; and getting a shallop with a man or two comes on to
see how things are; but in a storm is cast away in the bottom of
the bay between Pascataquak and Merrimak river, and hardly escapes
with his life. Afterwards he falls into the hands of the Indians,
who pillage him of all he saved from the sea, and strip him of all
his clothes to his shirt. At length he gets to Pascataquak, borrows
a suit of clothes, finds means to come to Plymouth, and desires
to borrow some beaver of us. Notwithstanding our straits, yet in
consideration of his necessity, we let him have one hundred and
seventy odd pounds of beaver, with which he goes to the eastward,
stays his small ship and some of his men, buys provisions and fits
himself, which is the foundation of his future courses; and yet
never repaid us any thing save reproaches, and becomes our enemy on
all occasions.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 216.

[96] “This may excite in some minds an objection to the humanity of
our forefathers. The reason assigned for it was that it might prove
a terror to others. In matters of war and public justice, they
observed the customs and laws of the English nation. As late as the
year 1747, the heads of the lords who were concerned in the Scots
rebellion were set up over Temple Bar, the most frequented passage
between London and Westminster.” Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 326.


_Chapter 6_ (_pp. 53-56_)

[97] The word _no_ appears to be an error of the press.

[98] This allotment was only for one year. In the spring of the
next year, 1624, “the people requesting the Governor to have some
land for continuance, and not by yearly lot, as before, he gives
every person an acre of land.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 215 and
226. See this latter allotment in Hazard, i. 100, and in Morton, p.
376.

[99] “But by the time our corn is planted, our victuals are spent,
not knowing at night where to have a bit in the morning, and have
neither bread nor corn for three or four months together, yet bear
our wants with cheerfulness and rest on Providence. Having but one
boat left, we divide the men into several companies, six or seven
in each; who take their turns to go out with a net and fish, and
return not till they get some, though they be five or six days
out; knowing there is nothing at home, and to return empty would
be a great discouragement. When they stay long or get but little,
the rest go a digging shellfish; and thus we live the summer; only
sending one or two to range the woods for deer, they now and then
get one, which we divide among the company; and in the winter are
helped with fowl and ground-nuts.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 216.

[100] “At length we receive letters from the adventurers in England
of December 22 and April 9 last, wherein they say, ‘It rejoiceth
us much to hear those good reports that divers have brought home
of you;’ and give an account, that last fall, a ship, the Paragon,
sailed from London with passengers, for New Plymouth; being fitted
out by Mr. John Pierce, in whose name our first patent was taken,
his name being only used in trust; but when he saw we were here
hopefully seated, and by the success God gave us, had obtained
favor with the Council for New England, he gets another patent of
a larger extent, meaning to keep it to himself, allow us only what
he pleased, hold us as his tenants and sue to his courts as chief
lord. But meeting with tempestuous storms in the Downs, the ship is
so bruised and leaky that in fourteen days she returned to London,
was forced to be put into the dock, £100 laid out to mend her, and
lay six or seven weeks to December 22, before she sailed a second
time; but being half way over, met with extreme tempestuous weather
about the middle of February which held fourteen days, beat off the
round house with all her upper works, obliged them to cut her mast
and return to Portsmouth, having 109 souls aboard, with Mr. Pierce
himself. Upon which great and repeated loss and disappointment, he
is prevailed upon for £500 to resign his patent to the Company,
which cost him but £50; and the goods with charge of passengers in
this ship cost the Company £640, for which they were forced to hire
another ship, namely, the Anne, of 140 tons, to transport them,
namely 60 passengers with 60 tons of goods, hoping to sail by the
end of April.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 217, 218.

[101] This is the last time that Hobbamock’s name occurs in the
history of the Colony. His services to the infant settlement had
been very important, and in the allotment of the land in 1624,
mention is made of “Hobbamock’s ground.” In New England’s First
Fruits, published in London in 1643, he is described as follows:
“As he increased in knowledge, so in affection, and also in his
practice, reforming and conforming himself accordingly; and though
he was much tempted by enticements, scoffs, and scorns from the
Indians, yet could he never be gotten from the English, nor from
seeking after their God, but died amongst them, leaving some good
hopes in their hearts that his soul went to rest.”

[102] David Thomson was sent over by Gorges and Mason in the spring
of 1623, and commenced a settlement at a place called Little
Harbour, on the west side of Piscataqua river, near its mouth.
Christopher Levett says he stayed a month at Thomsons plantation
in 1623. Afterwards, in 1626, or later, out of dislike of the
place or his employers, Thomson removed to Boston harbour, and
took possession of “a fruitful island and very desirable neck of
land,” which were afterwards confirmed to him or his heirs by the
government of Massachusetts. This neck of land was Squantum, in
Quincy, and the island which is very near it, has ever since been
called by his name. It is now the seat of the Farm School. Compare
Savage’s Winthrop, i. 44, with Hubbard, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv.
105; and see Adams’s Annals of Portsmouth, p. 10, and Levett’s
voyage into New-England, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 164.

[103] So called after himself, by Captain John Smith, who
discovered them in 1614. He thus describes them: “Smyth’s Isles
are a heap together, none near them, against Accominticus.” They
are eight in number, and are now called the Isles of Shoals. See
a description and historical account of them in Mass. Hist. Coll.
vii. 242-262; xxvi. 120.

[104] “Governor Bradford gives no hint of this third repulse.”
Prince, p. 219.

[105] The following is an alphabetical list of those who came over
in the Anne and Little James.

  Anthony Annable,
  Edward Bangs,
  Robert Bartlett,
  Fear Brewster,
  Patience Brewster,
  Mary Bucket,
  Edward Butcher,
  Thomas Clark,
  Christopher Conant,
  Cuthbert Cuthbertson,
  Anthony Dix,
  John Faunce,
  Manasseh Faunce,
  Goodwife Flavell,
  Edmund Flood,
  Bridget Fuller,
  Timothy Hatherly,
  William Heard,
  Margaret Hickes, and her children,
  William Hilton’s wife and two children,
  Edward Holman,
  John Jenny,
  Robert Long,
  Experience Mitchell,
  George Morton,
  Thomas Morton, jr.
  Ellen Newton,
  John Oldham,
  Frances Palmer,
  Christian Penn,
  Mr. Perce’s two servants,
  Joshua Pratt,
  James Rand,
  Robert Rattliffe,
  Nicholas Snow,
  Alice Southworth,
  Francis Sprague,
  Barbara Standish,
  Thomas Tilden,
  Stephen Tracy,
  Ralph Wallen.

This list, as well as that of the passengers in the Fortune, is
obtained from the record of the allotment of lands, in 1624, which
may be found in Hazard’s State Papers, i. 101-103, and in the
Appendix to Morton’s Memorial, pp. 377-380. In that list, however,
Francis Cooke’s and Richard Warren’s names are repeated, although
they came in the Mayflower; probably because their wives and
children came in the Anne, and therefore an additional grant of
land was made to them. Many others brought their families in this
ship; and Bradford says that “some were the wives and children of
such who came before.”

Fear and Patience Brewster were daughters of Elder Brewster. John
Faunce married Patience, daughter of George Morton, and was father
of the venerable Elder Faunce. Thomas Clark’s gravestone is one of
the oldest on the Burial hill in Plymouth. Francis Cooke’s wife,
Hester, was a Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthbertson was a Dutchman, as
we learn from Winslow’s Brief Narration. Anthony Dix is mentioned
in Winthrop, i. 287. Goodwife Flavell was probably the wife of
Thomas, who came in the Fortune, and Bridget Fuller was the wife
of Samuel, the physician. Timothy Hatherly went to England the
next winter, and did not return till 1632; he settled in Scituate.
Margaret Hicks, was the wife of Robert, who came in the Fortune.
William Hilton had sent for his wife and children. George Morton
brought his son, Nathaniel, the secretary, and four other children.
Thomas Morton, jr. was probably the son of Thomas, who came in the
Fortune. John Oldham afterwards became notorious in the history of
the Colony. Frances Palmer was the wife of William, who came in
the Fortune. Phinehas Pratt had a lot of land assigned him among
those who came in the Anne; but he was undoubtedly one of Weston’s
colony, as appears from page 44. Barbara Standish was the Captain’s
second wife, whom he married after the arrival of the Anne. Her
maiden name is unknown.

Annable afterwards settled in Scituate, Mitchell in Duxbury and
Bridgewater, Bangs and Snow in Eastham, and Sprague in Duxbury.
John Jenny was a brewer, and in 1636 had “liberty to erect a mill
for grinding and beating of corn upon the brook of Plymouth.”

Those who came in the first three ships, the Mayflower, the
Fortune, and the Anne, are distinctively called the _old comers_,
or the _forefathers_. For further particulars concerning them, see
Farmer’s Genealogical Register, Mitchell’s Bridgewater, and Deane’s
Scituate.

[106] “Of 140 tons, Mr. William Pierce, master.” Bradford, in
Prince, pp. 218 and 220.

[107] “Being laden with clapboards, and all the beaver and other
furs we have; with whom we send Mr. Winslow, to inform how things
are and procure what we want.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 221.

[108] “A fine new vessel of 44 tons Mr. Bridges, master.” Bradford,
in Prince, p. 220.

[109] “They bring about 60 persons, some being very useful and
become good members of the body; of whom the principal are Mr.
Timothy Hatherly and Mr. George Morton, who came in the Anne, and
Mr. John Jenny, who came in the James. Some were the wives and
children of such who came before; and some others are so bad we are
forced to be at the charge to send them home next year.

“By this ship R. C. [i.e. doubtless Mr. Cushman, their agent,]
writes, ‘Some few of your old friends are come; they come dropping
to you, and by degrees I hope ere long you shall enjoy them all,
&c.’

“From the general, [that is, the joint concern, the company]
subscribed by thirteen, we have also a letter wherein they say,
‘Let it not be grievous to you, that you have been instruments to
break the ice for others who come after with less difficulty; the
honor shall be yours to the world’s end. We bear you always in our
breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are the
hearts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtless
pray your safety as their own.’

“When these passengers see our poor and low condition ashore,
they are much dismayed and full of sadness; only our old friends
rejoice to see us, and that it is no worse, and now hope we shall
enjoy better days together. The best dish we could present them
with, is a lobster, or piece of fish, without bread, or any thing
else but a cup of fair spring water; and the long continuance
of this diet, with our labors abroad, has somewhat abated the
freshness of our complexion; but God gives us health, &c.

“August 11. The fourth marriage is of Governor Bradford to Mrs.
Alice Southworth, widow.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 220, 221. Her
maiden name was Carpenter, as appears from the following entry in
the records of the Plymouth Church: “1667. Mary Carpenter, (sister
of Mrs. Alice Bradford, the wife of Governor Bradford,) a member of
the church at Duxbury, died in Plymouth, March 19-20, being newly
entered into the 91st year of her age. She was a godly old maid,
never married.”


_Chapter 7_ (_pp. 57-66_)

[110] The meaning of the word Kiehtan, I think, hath reference to
antiquity; for _Chise_ is an old man, and _Kichchise_ a man that
exceedeth in age.--_Winslow’s Note._

[111] “They relate how they have it from their fathers, that
Kautantowwit made one man and woman of a stone, which disliking he
broke them in pieces, and made another man and woman of a tree,
which were the fountains of all mankind.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch.
xxi.

[112] “_Kautantowwit_, the great southwest God, to whose house all
souls go, and from whom came their corn and beans, as they say.
They believe that the souls of men and women go to the southwest;
their great and good men and women to Kautantowwit’s house, where
they have hopes, as the Turks have, of carnal joys; murtherers,
thieves and liars, their souls, say they, wander restless abroad.”
Williams’s Key, ch. xxi.

[113] Wood, in his New England’s Prospect, ch. xix. spells this
word _Abamacho_.

[114] See page 33, note [76].

[115] See pages 13 and 37.

[116] Or centaury--probably the _sabbatia chloroides_, a plant
conspicuous for its beauty, which is found in great abundance on
the margin of the ponds in Plymouth. It belongs to the natural
order of Gentians, one characteristic of which is an intense
bitterness, residing both in the stems and roots. The _gentiana
crinita_, or fringed gentian, also grows in this region. See
Bigelows Plants of Boston, pp. 79 and 111.

“The greater centaury is that famous herb wherewith Chiron the
_centaur_ (as the report goeth) was cured at what time as having
entertained Hercules in his cabin, he would needs be handling and
tampering with the weapons of his said guest so long until one
of the arrows light upon his foot and wounded him dangerously.”
Hollands Pliny, b. xxv. ch. 6.

[117] “Their government is generally monarchical, their chief
sagamore or sachem’s will being their law; but yet the sachem hath
some chief men that he consults with as his special counsellors.
Among some of the Indians their government is mixed, partly
monarchical and partly aristocratical; their sagamore doing not
any weighty matter without the consent of his great men or petty
sagamores. Their sachems have not their men in such subjection but
that very frequently their men will leave them upon distaste or
harsh dealing, and go and live under other sachems that can protect
them; so that their princes endeavour to carry it obligingly and
lovingly unto their people, lest they should desert them, and
thereby their strength, power and tribute would be diminished.”
Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154.

[118] See page 31.

[119] “Upon the death of the sick, the father, or husband, and
all his neighbours wear black faces, and lay on soot very thick,
which I have often seen clotted with their tears. This blacking
and lamenting they observe in most doleful manner divers weeks
and months, yea a year, if the person be great and public.--When
they come to the grave, they lay the dead by the grave’s mouth,
and then all sit down, and lament, that I have seen tears run down
the cheeks of stoutest captains in abundance; and after the dead
is laid in the grave, they have then a second lamentation.” Roger
Williams’s Key, ch. xxxii.

[120] See note [54] on page 25.

[121] See page 26.

[122] “The most usual custom amongst them in executing punishments,
is for the sachim either to beat or whip or put to death with
his own hand, to which the common sort most quietly submit;
though sometimes the sachim sends a secret executioner, one
of his chiefest warriors, to fetch off a head by some sudden,
unexpected blow of a hatchet, when they have feared mutiny by
public execution.” Roger Williamss Key, ch. xxii. See also page 15
previous.

[123] “_Mosk_ or _paukunawaw_, the Great Bear, or Charles’s Wain;
which words mosk or paukunawaw signifies a bear; which is so
much the more observable, because in most languages that sign or
constellation is called the Bear.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. xii.

[124] “Their powows, by their exorcisms, and necromantic charms,
bring to pass strange things, if we may believe the Indians; who
report of one Passaconaway, a great sagamore upon Merrimack river,
and the most celebrated powow in the country, that he can make
the water burn, the rocks move, the trees dance, and metamorphize
himself into a flaming man. In winter, when there are no green
leaves to be got, he will burn an old one to ashes, and putting
these into the water, produce a new green leaf, which you shall not
only see, but substantially handle and carry away; and make a dead
snake’s skin a living snake, both to be seen, felt, and heard.”
Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. 12; Hutchinson’s Mass.
i. 474; Morton’s New English Canaan, book i. ch. 9.

[125] “There is a mixture of this language north and south, from
the place of my abode, about 600 miles; yet within the 200 miles
aforementioned, their dialects do exceedingly differ; yet not so
but, within that compass, a man may converse with thousands of
natives all over the country.” Roger Williams’s Key, Pref.

“The Indians of the parts of New England, especially upon the
sea-coasts, use the same sort of speech and language, only with
some difference in the expressions, as they differ in several
counties in England, yet so as they can well understand one
another.” Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149.


_Chapter 8_ (_pp. 67-71_)

[126] In September 1609, Hudson ascended the “great river of the
mountains,” now called by his name, in a small vessel called the
Half-Moon, above the city of Hudson, and sent up a boat beyond
Albany. Josselyn says, that Hudson “discovered _Mohegan_ river, in
New England.” See Robert Juet’s Journal of Hudson’s third voyage,
in Purchas, iii. 593, and in N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 139, 140, and
2d series, i. 317-332; Moulton’s Hist. of New York, 213, 244-249;
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 372; Belknap’s Am. Biog. i. 400.


_Postscript_ (_p. 72_)

[127] The former of the works here referred to is reprinted in
the Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 1-25; the latter has been reprinted by
Applewood Books as _Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at
Plymouth_.



  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

  The term ‘salvage’ is used many times, almost as often as ‘savage’;
  this archaic spelling has been left unchanged.

  Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
  corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
  the text and consultation of external sources.

  Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
  and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

  Frontmatter: ‘Iohn Bellamie’ replaced by ‘John Bellamie’.
  Pg 8: ‘not kowing what’ replaced by ‘not knowing what’.
  Pg 13: ‘no to undertake’ replaced by ‘not to undertake’.
  Pg 65: ‘for a many to cry’ replaced by ‘for a man to cry’.

  Footnotes
  Pg 76 Fn [21]: ‘Thacher’s Plymouth’ replaced by ‘Thatcher’s Plymouth’.
  Pg 80 Fn [70]: ‘visit to Massassoit’ replaced by ‘visit to Massasoit’.
  Pg 86 Fn [99]: ‘three our four’ replaced by ‘three or four’.



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