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Title: No title
Author: Emperor Augustus, - To be updated
Language: English
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Transcriber’s Notes:—
Italic text has been marked _thus_.
Bold text has been marked =thus=.
The original accentuation, spelling, punctuation and hyphenation has
been retained, except for apparent printer’s errors.
A list of contents has been added.
Further notes are given at the end of the book.
CONTENTS
Preface
Introduction
Latin Inscriptions
Greek Inscriptions
English Descriptions
Supplement
Chronological Table
Bibliography
Notes
Vol. V. No. 1.
Translations and Reprints
FROM THE
=Original Sources of European History=
MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM
THE DEEDS OF AUGUSTUS
EDITED BY WILLIAM FAIRLEY, PH.D.
PUBLISHED BY
The Department of History of the University of Pennsylvania.
Philadelphia, Pa., 1898.
ENGLISH AGENCY: P. S. KING & SON, 12-14 King Street, London, S. W.
Copyright, 1898,
WILLIAM FAIRLEY.
PHILADELPHIA
ANVIL PRINTING COMPANY
1898
PREFACE
The method employed in this edition of the _Monumentum Ancyranum_
is suggested by the purpose for which it is intended. That purpose
is primarily to adapt it as one of the series of _Translations and
Reprints from the Original Sources of European History_, published
by the Department of History of the University of Pennsylvania.
The English version is the core of the work. At the same time the
opportunity has been seized to present the original texts in such form
as to be of real philological service. That there is room for such
an edition of the _Monumentum Ancyranum_ there can be no doubt.
The critical edition published by Mommsen in 1883, _Res Gestæ Divi
Augusti_, must long remain for scholars the sufficient hand-book for
the study of the greatest of inscriptions. But that edition, with its
Latin notes, is not adapted for ordinary school or college use, or for
historical study by those who do not readily use Latin. And although
Roman histories constantly refer to this great source for the life and
times of Augustus, there has been no accessible English translation. It
is true that the English translation of Duruy’s _History of Rome_
contains a version of the _Monumentum_, but it is not in full
accord with the latest text as set forth by Mommsen, and is hidden away
in the ponderous volumes of that expensive work.
Aside from Mommsen’s edition of 1883, the only recent edition is a
French one of 1886 by C. Peltier. But this is simply a condensation of
Mommsen. While the present edition depends very largely on Mommsen’s
work, it is more than a condensation. Not only is the English version
given, but all the known studies of the text published since 1883,
and in criticism of Mommsen, have been collated. The emendations thus
suggested have been placed as footnotes to the Latin and Greek texts.
Moreover, the notes have been carefully revised. For the most part they
are much reduced in compass, but in many cases they are added to; and
a large number of typographical errors in Mommsen’s edition have been
corrected. Most of these errors were reproduced in the French edition
above mentioned. In a work with such a multitude of references it is
too much to hope that all errors have been avoided, and the editor will
be greatly indebted if users of the book will report them to him.
W. FAIRLEY.
_University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa._
INTRODUCTION
I. HISTORY OF THE INSCRIPTION.
Suetonius in his _Life of Augustus_ tells us that that Emperor had
placed in charge of the Vestal virgins his will and three other sealed
documents; and the four papers were produced and read in the senate
immediately after his death. One of these additional documents gave
directions as to his funeral; another gave a concise account of the
state of the empire; the third contained a list of “his achievements
which he desired should be inscribed on brazen tablets and placed
before his mausoleum.” These tablets perished in the decline of Rome.
Centuries passed; men had ceased to ask about them, and there was no
idea that they would ever be brought to light. Nor were the original
tablets ever found. But in 1555 Buysbecche, a Dutch scholar, was sent
on an embassy from the Emperor Ferdinand II. to the Sultan Soliman
at Amasia in Asia Minor; and a letter of his, published among others
at Frankfort in 1595, tells the story of the discovery of a copy of
this epitaph of Augustus. He writes: “On our nineteenth day from
Constantinople we reached Ancyra. Here we found a most beautiful
inscription, and a copy of those tablets on which Augustus had placed
the story of his achievements.” From this situation of the copy comes
the common title, _Monumentum Ancyranum_. Buysbecche made some
attempt to copy the Latin inscription, but his work was very hasty and
incomplete. What he had discovered was of extreme importance, and his
report stimulated such interest that European scholars never rested
till as complete a copy as possible was finally made in our own time.
The temple on whose walls the inscription was found was one dedicated
to Augustus and Rome, as was a common custom during the lifetime of
that Emperor. It was a hexastyle of white marble, with joints of such
exquisite workmanship that even in this century it was difficult to
trace some of them. This temple had served as a Christian church till
the fifteenth century, and from that time has been part of a Turkish
mosque, some sections of its enclosure being used as a cemetery. The
great inscription was cut on the two side walls of the pronaos, or
vestibule. It was in six pages, three on the left as one entered, and
three on the right. Each page contained from forty-two to fifty-four
lines, and each line an average of sixty letters. The pages cover six
courses of the masonry in height, about 2.70 metres, and the length of
the inscription on each wall is about 4 metres. On one of the outer
walls of the temple was a Greek translation of the Latin. This measures
1.38 metres in height by 21 metres in length. Several Turkish houses
had been built against the wall containing this Greek version, and
this made the reading of it, and still more the copying, an extremely
difficult task. The priceless value of the Greek version lies in the
fact that it supplements in many cases the breaks in the Latin. For
it is needless to say that an inscription so old and so exposed has
suffered much from time and violence. Various travelers have described
the temple and its treasure: Tournefort in his _Voyage du Levant_,
Lyons, 1717; Kinneir, _Journey Through Asia Minor_, 1818; Texier,
_Description de l’Asie mineure_, Paris, 1839; William Hamilton,
_Researches in Asia Minor_, London, 1842; and most completely,
Guillaume, Perrot and Delbet, in their _Exploration archéologique de
la Galatie, etc., in 1861_, Paris, 1872.
Numerous attempts were made at transcribing the inscription, and a
number of editions were published. Buysbecche’s fragments found several
editors in the century of their discovery. About a hundred years after
him Daniel Cosson, a merchant from Leyden, who had lived many years at
Smyrna, dying there in 1689, caused an attempt to be made to secure a
copy, and with somewhat better results. His copy was edited at Leyden
in 1695. In 1701 Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, under direction of
Louis XIV, visited Ancyra, and attempted to secure a facsimile of the
text. In 1705 Paul Lucas, also sent by Louis XIV, spent twenty days
in copying the Latin, and his work was the last of its kind till the
present century. While these early copies are far from being as perfect
as more recent ones, they have this value: that in a number of cases
they show parts of the inscription which progressive disintegration has
now rendered illegible.
The Greek text, owing to the buildings reared against it, was much
harder to transcribe. In 1745 Richard Pococke published a few
fragments, and in 1832 Hamilton copied pages 10, 11, 12 and 13 of the
nineteen into which the Greek is divided.
Within recent years all has been done that can possibly be done to
secure perfect copies of both Greek and Latin. In 1859 the Royal
Academy of Berlin commissioned a scholar named Mordtmann to secure a
_papier maché_ cast of the Latin, and to transcribe the Greek. He
failed in both attempts, and declared that the casts would ruin the
original.
Napoleon III. commissioned George Perrot and Edmund Guillaume to
explore Asia Minor. In their work above mentioned they give a facsimile
copy of the whole of the Latin, and of as much of the Greek as they
could get at. Their plates were the basis of an edition of the text by
Mommsen in 1865, and another by Bergk in 1873, and of the text given in
the _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_.
But Mommsen and the Berlin Academy were not satisfied. Carl Humann had
distinguished himself by his researches at Pergamos, and to him they
committed the task of securing casts of the whole of both texts. The
story of his achievement is extremely interesting. Difficulty after
difficulty was met and surmounted. And finally he succeeded in his
plan. With materials dug near-by he made plaster casts. The owners of
the Turkish houses he succeeded in inducing to allow their walls to be
so far torn away as to permit him to get at the entire Greek text. And
finally twenty great cases containing the whole series of casts were
sent away on pack mules to the coast and thence to Berlin. The Royal
Academy now counts these casts among its chief treasures. This was
in 1882. In 1883 Mommsen published his great critical edition of the
text, on which this edition is based. His work is almost final on the
subject, but especially in the matter of conjectural fillings of the
_lacunæ_ is subject to revision. But an inspection of the text
as given in this volume will show that we have the words of Augustus
almost in their entirety.
At Apollonia, on the borders of Phrygia and Pisidia, has been found
another ruined temple, with remnants of the Greek version of this
inscription. At Apollonia the inscription originally covered seven
pages. Of these there are still legible the upper portions of pages
two, three, four and five. The correspondence between the text at
Ancyra and that at Apollonia is almost exact, and where there is a
divergence, it has been indicated.
II. CHARACTER AND PURPOSE OF THE INSCRIPTION.
German scholars have waged a fierce warfare over the question of the
literary character of the _Res Gestæ_, as Mommsen commonly calls
it. He himself refrains from assigning it decidedly to any class of
composition. Is it epitaph, or a “statement of account,” or “political
statement”? Otto Hirschfeld contends strongly it is not an epitaph
because it contains no dates of birth or death, and is in the first
person. Wölfflin calls it a statement of account. Geppert sides with
Hirschfeld. Bormann, Schmidt and Nissen all hold it to be an epitaph.
And this appears to be the final agreement. The latest word is the
discussion by Bormann, in 1895, in which he still maintains the epitaph
view. For these discussions, cf. the bibliography at the end of this
volume.
Of course it is an epitaph of unique character. It has certain striking
peculiarities, and specially of omission. There is no mention of
domestic affairs. The wife of the Emperor is unnamed. Although in
enumerating his honors and offices it was necessary to date events by
the names of consuls, yet aside from this he mentions no person outside
the imperial household, not even such favorites as Mæcenas and Agrippa.
His foes, Brutus, Cassius and Antony, are several times alluded to,
but never named. The same is true of Lepidus and Sextus Pompeius.
Unfortunate events are not noticed. His omission of the disaster to
the Roman arms under Varus has been severely criticised as an attempt
to deceive; but if the inscription is really an epitaph one cannot
wonder at such silence. The omission of the dates of birth and death
has been variously explained. Some have thought that he meant his heirs
to fill in any such gaps after his death, and to recast the whole into
the third person. Or, it has been suggested that it was the desire of
Augustus to be counted a divinity, and that therefore he wished to pose
as one “without beginning of years, or end of days.” It certainly would
be incongruous to record the death of a god. With regard to his general
purpose Mommsen says: “No one would look for the arcana of empire in
such a document, but for such things as an _imperator_ of mind
shrewd rather than lofty, and who skillfully bore the character of a
great man while he himself was not great, wished the whole people, and
especially the rabble, to believe about him.” Two purposes are manifest
throughout the document. One is to pose as a saviour of the state from
its foes, and not at all as a seeker after personal aggrandizement;
another is to represent his whole authority as having been exercised
under constitutional forms. These two ideas appear again and again.
III. DIVISIONS OF THE TEXT.
The text may be roughly divided into three sections. Chapters one
to fourteen give the various offices held by Augustus, and the
honors bestowed upon him; chapters fifteen to twenty-four recount
his expenditures for the good of the state and the people; and the
remaining chapters, twenty-five to thirty-five, give the statement
of his various achievements in war, and his works of a more peaceful
character. This classification will not hold rigorously, but is true in
the main.
The division into chapters or paragraphs is marked in the Latin text
by making the first line of each chapter project a little to the left
of the remaining lines. Each such paragraph is relatively complete.
And the use of such a topical method marks a new manner of composition
quite different from the old annalistic style of Roman historiography.
IV. THE GREEK VERSION.
George Kaibel has made a special study of the Greek version, and is led
to the opinion that it was made by a Roman rather than by a Greek. It
is a grammar and dictionary rendering, rather than the idiomatic work
of one quite at home in the use of Greek. This conclusion is based
upon linguistic grounds. A further question remains as to where this
translation was made, whether at Rome or in the provinces. The fact of
the identity of the two copies at Apollonia and at Ancyra would seem to
indicate a common Roman source.
V. THE SUPPLEMENT.
This is poorly written both in the Latin and in the Greek; and it is
also a very imperfect summary of the document, summing up only what
was spent upon games, donations and buildings. The fact that it is in
the third person also proves that it is not the work of Augustus. The
reckoning by denarii rather than by sesterces points to a Greek origin,
and the mention of favors shown by Augustus to provincial towns (cf. c.
4 and notes) would indicate one outside of Rome.
VI. TRUSTWORTHINESS OF THE INSCRIPTION.
The corroborations of the inscription by other inscriptions, coins and
later historians, as well as by allusions in contemporary literature,
form an interesting study. And the trustworthiness of the record
becomes more manifest the more one compares its statements with those
of other writers. Only one point has been found where Augustus makes
what might be challenged as a perversion of fact. (Cf. c. 2, note 16.)
VII. MASONS’ BLUNDERS.
A number of apparent errors in the text are to be attributed in all
probability to the stone-cutters at Ancyra. Such are the superfluous
_et_ of Latin ii, 2; _aede_ for _aedem_, iv, 22;
_quinquens_ for _quinquiens_, iv, 31; _ducenti_ for
_ducentos_, iv, 45; _provicias_ for _provincias_, v, 11;
_Tigrane_ for _Tigranem_, v, 31. εὔξησα for ἠύξησα, Gr. iv,
8; Ῥωμάοις for Ῥωμαίοις, vii, 6; ὑπατον for ὑπάτων, vii, 15; ἄνδρας
μυριάδων for ἀνδρῶν μυριάδας, viii, 8; omission of τρὶς before χειλίας,
ix, 13; ἐπεσκευσα for ἐπεσκευάσα, x, 18; omission of ναὸν before
ἀγοράν, xi, 10; επεύξησα for ἐπηύξησα, xiv, 4; omission of Ἀρτάξου, xv,
3; μείσζονος for μείζονος, xv, 15; προκατηλειμένας for κατειλημένας,
xv, 17; ἐπειταδε for ἐπίταδε, xvi, 11; βασιλεες for βασιλεῖς, xvi, 22;
βασιλεις for βασιλεὺς, xvii, 4; ἐπείκειαν for ἐπιείκειαν, xviii, 5;
ἀγορᾷ Σεβαστῇ for ἀγορὰ Σεβαστή, xix, 1.
VIII. SIGNS AND ABBREVIATIONS.
The Latin and Greek texts are printed in such a way as to give the
best idea practicable of their actual condition. Roman numerals denote
the pages of the inscription, and the Arabic figures the lines. These
numerals and the chapter headings are no part of the inscription. The
projection of the first line of each chapter in the Latin is the only
method of marking the divisions in the original.
Parts of the Greek and Latin text included within brackets, [], are
conjectural restorations of the portions of the inscription which have
perished. The Greek generally is a guide to the Latin and _vice
versa_, for the instances are rare where both versions have been
lost. The textual notes show that not all scholars have reckoned the
same number of missing letters. These variations are quite allowable,
for it is impossible to say that just so many letters are missing in
any given case, owing to the various sizes of different letters, and
varying degrees of closeness of writing.
Where dots (...) occur, it signifies that Mommsen reckons as many
letters unrestored as there are dots.
The sign § indicates a mark in the original resembling a figure 7, or a
very open 3.
The same sign in brackets [§] indicates an unfilled interval in the
stone.
The apices over vowels in the Latin indicate similar marks in the
original in the case of a, e, o and u, and in the case of i a
prolongation of that letter above the line.
Where certain letters of the Latin text are italicized it indicates
that while they do not appear in the plaster casts, yet they were
traced by Alfred Domaszewski (a fellow-worker with Humann) on the stone
itself, by means of certain discolorations from paint, or gilding, or
weather, which marked the bottom of the incisions of the letters in
several cases where the surface of the stone had been worn away.
In the textual notes, B. stands for Bormann, G. for Geppert, S. for J.
Schmidt, Sk. for Seeck, W. for Wölfflin, Apoll. for the inscription at
Apollonia, and Anc. for that at Ancyra.
The abbreviations of the names of authors and their works in the
historical notes are indicated in the bibliography at the close of the
book.
MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM.
Rérum gestárum díví Augusti, quibus orbem terra[rum] imperio populi
Rom. subiécit, § et inpensarum, quas in rem publicam populumque
Ro[ma]num fecit, incísarum in duabus aheneís pílís, quae su[n]t Romae
positae, exemplar sub[i]ectum.
I. c. 1.
1 Annós undéviginti natus exercitum priváto consilio et privatá
impensá
2 comparávi, [§] per quem rem publicam [do]minatione factionis
oppressam
3 in libertátem vindicá[vi. Ob quae sen]atus decretis honor[ifi]cis
in
4 ordinem suum m[e adlegit C. Pansa A. Hirti]o consulibu[s,
c]on[sula]—
5 rem locum s[imul dans sententiae ferendae, et im]perium mihi dedit
[§].
6 Rés publica n[e quid detrimenti caperet, me] pro praetore simul cum
7 consulibus pro[videre iussit. Populus] autem eódem anno mé
8 consulem, cum [cos. uterque bello ceci]disset, et trium virum reí
publi-
9 cae constituend[ae creavit].
c. 2.
10 Qui parentem meum [interfecer]un[t, eó]s in exilium expulí
iudiciís legi-
11 timís ultus eórum [fa]cin[us, e]t posteá bellum inferentis reí
publicae
12 víci b[is a]cie.
c. 3.
13 [B]ella terra et mari c[ivilia exter]naque tóto in orbe terrarum
s[uscepi]
14 victorque omnibus [superstitib]us cívibus pepercí. § Exte[rnas]
15 gentés, quibus túto [ignosci pot]ui[t, co]nserváre quam excídere
m[alui].
16 Míllia civium Róma[norum adacta] sacrámento meo fuerunt circiter
[quingen]-
17 ta. § Ex quibus dedú[xi in coloni]ás aut remísi in municipia sua
stipen[dis emeri]-
18 tis millia aliquant[um plura qu]am trecenta et iís omnibus agrós a
[me emptos]
19 aut pecuniam pró p[raediis a] me dedí. § Naves cépi sescen[tas
praeter]
20 eás, si quae minóre[s quam trir]emes fuerunt. §
c. 4.
21 [Bis] ováns triumpha[vi, tris egi c]urulis triumphós et appellá[tus
sum viciens
22 se]mel imperátor. [Cum deinde plú]ris triumphos mihi se[natus
decrevisset,
23 eis su]persedi [§]. I[tem saepe laur]us deposuí, § in Capi[tolio
votis, quae]
24 quóque bello nuncu[paveram, solu]tís. § Ob res á [me aut per
legatos]
25 meós auspicís meis terra m[ariqu]e pr[o]spere gestás qu[inquagiens
et quin]-
26 quiens decrevit senátus supp[lica]ndum esse dís immo[rtalibus.
Dies autem
27 pe]r quós ex senátús consulto [s]upplicátum est, fuere DC[CCLXXXX.
In triumphis
28 meis] ducti sunt ante currum m[e]um regés aut r[eg]um lib[eri
novem. Consul
29 fuer]am terdeciens, c[u]m [scribeb]a[m] haec, [et agebam
se]p[timum et trigensimum annum
30 tribu]niciae potestatis.
c. 5.
31 [Dictatura]m et apsent[i et praesenti mihi datam . . . . . . . a
populo et senatu
32 M. Marce]llo e[t] L. Ar[runtio consulibus non accepi. Non recusavi
in summa
33 frumenti p]enuri[a c]uratio[ne]m an[nonae, qu]am ita
ad[ministravi, ut . . . . .
34 paucis diebu]s metu et per[i]c[lo quo erat populu]m univ[ersum
meis impen-
35 sis liberarem]. § Con[sulatum tum dat]um annuum e[t perpetuum non
36 accepi.
c. 6.
37 Consulibus M. Vinucio et Q. Lucretio et postea P.] et Cn.
L[entulis et tertium
38 Paullo Fabio Maximo et Q. Tuberone senatu populoq]u[e Romano
consen-
39 tientibus]. . . . . . . . . . .
40 . . . . . . . . . . . .
41 . . . . . . . . . . . .
42 . . . . . . . . . . . .
c. 7.
43 . . . . . . . . . . . .
44 . . . . . [Princeps senatus fui usque ad e eum
diem, quo scrips]eram [haec,
45 per annos quadraginta. Pontifex maximus, augur, quindecimviru]m
sacris [faciundis,
46 septemvirum epulonum, frater arvalis, sodalis Titius, fetiali]s
fui.
II. c. 8.
1 Patriciórum numerum auxí consul quintum iussú populi et senátús.
§ Sena-
2 tum ter légi. et In consulátú sexto cénsum populi conlegá M.
Agrippá égí. §
3 Lústrum post annum alterum et quadragensimum féc[i]. § Quó lústro
cívi-
4 um Románórum censa sunt capita quadragiens centum millia et sexa-
5 g[i]nta tria millia. [§] [Iteru]m consulari cum imperio lústrum
6 [s]ólus féci C. Censorin[o et C.] Asinio cos. § Quó lústro censa
sunt
7 cívium Romanóru[m capita] quadragiens centum millia et ducen-
8 ta triginta tria m[illia. Tertiu]m consulári cum imperio lústrum
9 conlegá Tib. Cae[sare filio feci] § Sex. Pompeio et Sex. Appuleio
cos.
10 Quó lústro ce[nsa sunt civium Ro]mánórum capitum quadragiens
11 centum mill[ia et nongenta tr]iginta et septem millia. §
12 Legibus noví[s latis complura e]xempla maiorum exolescentia
13 iam ex nost[ro usu reduxi et ipse] multárum rér[um exem]pla imi-
14 tanda pos[teris tradidi.
c. 9.
15 Vota pro valetudine mea suscipi per cons]ulés et sacerdotes
qu[into]
16 qu[oque anno senatus decrevit. Ex iis] votís s[ae]pe fecerunt vívo
17 _me_ [ludos aliquotiens sacerdotu]m quattuor amplissima collé-
18 [gia, aliquotiens consules. Privat]im etiam et múnicipatim
úniver_si_
19 [cives sacrificaverunt sempe]r apud omnia pulvínária pró vale-
20 [tudine mea.
c. 10.
21 Nomen meum senatus consulto inc]lusum est in saliáre carmen et
sacrosan-
22 [ctus ut essem ....... et ut q]uoa[d] víverem, tribúnicia potestás
mihi
23 [esset, lege sanctum est. Pontif]ex maximus ne fierem in víví
[c]onle-
24 [gae locum, populo id sace]rdotium deferente mihi, quod pater
meu[s
25 habuit, recusavi. Cepi id] sacerdotium aliquod post annós eó mor-
26 [tuo qui civilis motus o]ccasione occupaverat [§], cuncta ex
Italia
27 [ad comitia mea .... tanta mu]ltitudine, quanta Romae nun[q]uam
28 [antea fuisse fertur, coeunte] P. Sulpicio C. Valgio consulibu[s]
§.
c. 11.
29 [Aram Fortunae reduci iuxta? ae]dés Honoris et Virtutis ad portam
30 [Capenam pro reditu meo se]nátus consacravit, in qua ponti-
31 [fices et virgines Vestales anni]versárium sacrificium facere
32 [iussit die, quo consulibus Q. Luc]retio et [M. Vinuci]o in urbem
ex
33 [Syria redi, et diem Augustali]a ex [c]o[gnomine nost]ro
appellavit.
c. 12.
34 [Senatus consulto eodem tempor]e pars [praetorum et tri]bunorum
35 [plebi cum consule Q. Lucret]io et princi[pi]bus [viris ob]viam
mihi
36 mis[s]a e[st in Campan]ia[m, qui] honos [ad hoc tempus] nemini
prae-
37 ter [m]e es[t decretus. Cu]m ex H[ispa]niá Gal[liaque, rebus in
his p]rovincís prosp[e]-
38 re [gest]i[s], R[omam redi] Ti. Ne[r]one P. Qui[ntilio consulibu]s
[§], áram
39 [Pácis A]u[g]ust[ae senatus pro] redi[t]ú meó co[nsacrari censuit]
ad cam-
40 [pum Martium, in qua ma]gistratús et sac[erdotes et virgines]
V[est]á[les
41 anniversarium sacrific]ium facer[e iussit.
c. 13.
42 Ianum] Quirin[um, quem cl]aussum ess[e maiores nostri voluer]unt,
43 [cum p]er totum i[mperium po]puli Roma[ni terra marique es]set
parta vic-
44 [torii]s pax, cum pr[ius, quam] náscerer, [a condita] u[rb]e bis
omnino clausum
45 [f]uisse prodátur m[emori]ae, ter me princi[pe senat]us claudendum
esse censui[t.
c. 14.
46 Fil]ios meos, quós iuv[enes mi]hi eripuit for[tuna], Gaium et
Lucium Caesares
III.
1 honoris mei caussá senatus populusque Romanus annum quíntum et
deci-
2 mum agentís consulés designávit, ut [e]um magistrátum inírent
post quín-
3 quennium. Et ex eó die, quó deducti [s]unt in forum, ut
interessent consiliis
4 publicis decrevit sena[t]us. § Equites [a]utem Románi universi
principem
5 iuventútis utrumque eórum parm[is] et hastís argenteís donátum ap-
6 pelláverunt. §
c. 15.
7 Plebei Románae viritim HS trecenos numeravi ex testámento patris
8 meí, § et nomine meo HS quadringenos ex bellórum manibiís consul
9 quintum dedí, iterum autem in consulátú decimo ex [p]atrimonio
10 meo HS quadringenos congiári viritim pernumer[a]ví, § et consul
11 undecimum duodecim frúmentátiónes frúmento pr[i]vatim coémpto
12 emensus sum, [§] et tribuniciá potestáte duodecimum quadringenós
13 nummós tertium viritim dedí. Quae mea congiaria p[e]rvenerunt
14 ad [homi]num millia nunquam minus quinquáginta et ducenta. §
15 Tribu[nic]iae potestátis duodevicensimum consul XII trecentís et
16 vigint[i] millibus plebís urbánae sexagenós denariós viritim dedí.
§
17 In colon[i]s militum meórum consul quintum ex manibiís viritim
18 millia nummum singula dedi; acceperunt id triumphale congiárium
19 in colo[n]ís hominum circiter centum et viginti millia. § Consul
ter-
20 tium dec[i]mum sexagenós denáriós plebeí, quae tum frúmentum
publicum
21 accipieba[t] dedi; ea millia hominum paullo plúra quam ducenta
fuerunt.
c. 16.
22 Pecuniam [pro] agrís, quós in consulátú meó quárto et posteá
consulibus
23 M. Cr[asso e]t Cn. Lentulo augure adsignávi militibus, solví
múnicipís. Ea
24 [s]u[mma sest]ertium circiter sexsiens milliens fuit, quam [p]ró
Italicís
25 praed[is] numeravi, § et ci[r]citer bis mill[ie]ns et sescentiens,
quod pro agrís
26 próvin[c]ialibus solví. § Id primus et [s]olus omnium, qui
[d]edúxerunt
27 colonias militum in Italiá aut in provincís, ad memor[i]am aetátis
28 meae feci. Et postea Ti. Nerone et Cn. Pisone consulibus, [§]
item[q]ue C. Antistio
29 et D. Laelio cos., et C. Calvisio et L. Pasieno consulibus, et L.
Le[ntulo et] M. Messalla
30 consulibus, § et L. Cánínio [§] et Q. Fabricio co[s.] milit[ibus,
qu]ós eme-
31 riteis stipendís in sua municipi[a remis]i, praem[ia n]umerato
32 persolví [§] quam in rem seste[rtium] q[uater m]illien[s
li]b[ente]r
33 impendi.
c. 17.
34 Quater [pe]cuniá meá iuví aerárium, ita ut sestertium míllien[s] et
35 quing[en]t[ien]s ad eos quí praerant aerário detulerim. Et M.
Lep[i]do
36 et L. Ar[r]unt[i]o cos. i[n] aerarium militare, quod ex consilio
m[eo]
37 co[nstitut]um est, ex [q]uo praemia darentur militibus, qui vicena
38 [aut plu]ra sti[pendi]a emeruissent, [§] HS milliens et
septing[e]nti-
39 [ens ex pa]t[rim]onio [m]eo detuli. §
c. 18.
40 Inde ab eo anno, q]uo Cn. et P. Lentuli c[ons]ules fuerunt, cum
d[e]ficerent
41 [vecti]g[alia, tum] centum millibus h[omi]num tu[m pl]uribus
i[nl]ato fru-
42 [mento vel ad n]umma[rió]s t[ributus ex agro] et pat[rimonio]
m[e]o
43 [opem tuli].
IV. c. 19.
1 Cúriam et continens eí Chalcidicum, templumque Apollinis in
2 Palatio cum porticibus, aedem dívi Iulí, Lupercal, porticum ad
cir-
3 cum Fláminium, quam sum appellári passus ex nómine eíus qui pri-
4 órem eódem in solo fecerat Octaviam, pulvinar ad circum maximum,
5 aedés in Capitolio Iovis feretri et Iovis tonantis, [§] aedem
Quiriní, §
6 aedés Minervae § et Iúnonis reginae § et Iovis Libertatis in
Aventíno, §
7 aedem Larum in summá sacrá viá, § aedem deum Penátium in Velia, §
8 aedem Iuventátis, § aedem Mátris Magnae in Palátio fécí. §
c. 20.
9 Capitolium et Pompeium theatrum utrumque opus impensá grandí reféci
10 sine ullá inscriptione nominis meí. § Rívos aquarum complúribus
locís
11 vetustáte labentés refécí, [§] et aquam quae Márcia appellátur
duplicavi
12 fonte novo in rivum eius inmisso. § Forum Iúlium et basilicam,
13 quae fuit inter aedem Castoris et aedem Saturni, [§] coepta
profligata-
14 que opera á patre meó perféci § et eandem basilicam consumptam in-
15 cendio ampliáto eius solo sub titulo nominis filiórum m[eorum i]n-
16 choavi [§] et, si vivus nón perfecissem, perfici ab heredib[us
iussi].
17 Duo et octoginta templa deum in urbe consul sext[um ex decreto]
18 senatus reféci, nullo praetermisso quod e[o] temp[ore refici
debebat].
19 Con[s]ul septimum viam Flaminiam a[b urbe] Ari[minum feci et
pontes]
20 omnes praeter Mulvium et Minucium.
c. 21.
21 In privato solo Mártis Ultoris templum [f]orumque Augustum [ex
mani]-
22 biís fecí. § Theatrum ad aede Apollinis in solo magná ex parte á
p[r]i[v]atis
23 empto féci, quod sub nomine M. Marcell[i] generi mei esset. §
Don[a e]x
24 manibiís in Capitolio et in aede dívi Iú[l]í et in aede Apollinis
et in ae-
25 de Vestae et in templo Martis Ultoris consacrávi, § quae mihi
consti-
26 terunt HS circiter milliens. § Aurí coronárí pondo triginta et
quin-
27 que millia múnicipiís et colonís Italiae conferentibus ad
triumphó[s]
28 meós quintum consul remisi, et posteá, quotienscumque imperátor
a[ppe]l-
29 látus sum, aurum coronárium nón accepi decernentibus municipií[s]
30 et coloni[s] aequ[e] beni[g]ne adque antea decreverant.
c. 22.
31 _T_[e]_r mu_nus gladiátorium dedí meo nomine et
quinquens filiórum me[o]-
32 rum aut n[e]pótum nomine; quibus muneribus depugnaverunt homi-
33 nu[m] ci[rc]iter decem millia. [§] Bis [at]hletarum undique
accitorum
34 spec[ta]c[lum po]pulo pra[ebui meo] nómine et tertium nepo[tis]
mei no-
35 mine. § L[u]dos feci m[eo no]m[ine] quater [§], aliorum autem
m[agist]rá-
36 tu[um] vicem ter et vicie[ns] [§]. [Pr]o conlegio XV virorum
magis[ter con-
37 l]e[gi]í colleg[a] M. Ag_ri_ppa [§] lud[os s]aecl[are]s C.
Furnio C. [S]ilano cos. [feci.
38 C]on[sul XIII] ludos Mar[tia]les pr[imus feci], qu[os] p[ost i]d
tempus deincep[s]
39 ins[equen]ti[bus ann]is ......... [fecerunt co]n[su]les. [§]
[Ven]ati[o]n[es] best[ia]-
40 rum Africanárum meo nómine aut filio[ru]m meórum et nepotum in
ci[r]-
41 co aut [i]n foro aut in amphitheatris popul[o d]edi sexiens et
viciens, quibus
42 confecta sunt bestiarum circiter tria m[ill]ia et quingentae.
c. 23.
43 Navalis proelí spectaclum populo de[di tr]ans Tiberim, in quo loco
44 nunc nemus est Caesarum, cavato [solo] in longitudinem mille
45 et octingentós pedés, [§] in látitudine[m mille] e[t] ducentí. In
quo tri-
46 ginta rostrátae náves trirémes a[ut birem]és, [§] plures autem
47 minóres inter se conflixérunt. Q[uibus in] classibus pugnave-
48 runt praeter rémigés millia ho[minum tr]ia circiter. §
c. 24.
49 In templís omnium civitátium pr[ovinci]ae Asiae victor orna-
50 menta reposui, quae spoliátis tem[plis is] cum quó bellum gesseram
51 privátim possederat §. Statuae [mea]e pedestrés et equestres et in
52 quadrigeis argenteae steterunt in urbe XXC circiter, quas ipse
53 sustuli [§] exque eá pecuniá dona aurea in áede Apol[li]nis meó
nomi-
54 ne et illórum, qui mihi statuárum honórem habuerunt, posui. §
V. c. 25.
1 Mare pacávi á praedonibus. Eó belló servórum, qui fugerant á
dominis
2 suis et arma contrá rem publicam céperant, triginta fere millia
capta §
3 dominis ad supplicium sumendum tradidi. § Iuravit in mea verba
tóta
4 Italia sponte suá et me be[lli], quó víci ad Actium, ducem
depoposcit. § Iura-
5 verunt in eadem ver[ba provi]nciae Galliae Hispaniae Africa
Sicilia Sar-
6 dinia. § Qui sub [signis meis tum] militaverint, fuerunt senátórés
plúres
7 quam DCC, in ií[s qui vel antea vel pos]teá consules facti sunt ad
eum diem
8 quó scripta su[nt haec, LXXXIII, sacerdo]tés ci[rc]iter CLXX. §
c. 26.
9 Omnium próv[inciarum populi Romani], quibus finitimae fuerunt
10 gentés quae n[on parerent imperio nos]tro, fines auxi. Gallias et
Hispa-
11 niás próviciá[s et Germaniam qua inclu]dit óceanus a Gádibus ad
ósti-
12 um Albis flúm[inis pacavi. Alpes a re]gióne eá quae proxima est
Ha-
13 driánó marí, [ad Tuscum pacari fec]i nullí gentí bello per
iniúriam
14 inláto. § Cla[ssis mea per Oceanum] ab óstio Rhéni ad sólis
orientis re-
15 gionem usque ad fi[nes Cimbroru]m navigavit, [§] quó neque terra
neque
16 mari quisquam Romanus ante id tempus adít, § Cimbrique et Charydes
17 et Semnones et eiusdem tractús alií Germánórum popu[l]i per
legátós amici-
18 tiam meam et populi Románi petierunt. § Meo iussú et auspicio
ducti sunt
19 [duo] exercitús eódem fere tempore in Aethiopiam et in Ar[a]biam,
quae appel-
20 [latur] eudaemón, [maxim]aeque hos[t]ium gentís utr[iu]sque
cop[iae]
21 caesae sunt in acie et [c]om[plur]a oppida capta. In Aethiopi_a_m
usque a_d_ o_p_pi-
22 dum Nabata pervent[um] est, cuí proxima est Meroé. In Arabiam
usque
23 ín fínés Sabaeorum pro[cess]it exerc[it]us ad oppidum Mariba. §
c. 27.
24 Aegyptum imperio populi [Ro]mani adieci. § Armeniam maiorem inter-
25 fecto rége eius Artaxe § c[u]m possem facere provinciam, málui
maiórum
26 nostrórum exemplo regn[u]m id Tigrani regis Artavasdis filio,
nepoti au-
27 tem Tigránis regis, per T[i. Ne]ronem trad[er]e, qui tum mihi
priv[ig]nus erat.
28 Et eandem gentem posteá d[esc]íscentem et rebellantem d_o_mit[a]m
per Gai_u_m
29 filium meum regi Ario[barz]ani regis Medorum Artaba[zi] filio
_rege_n-
30 dam tradidi [§] et post e[ius] mortem filio eius Artavasdi. [§]
Quo [inte]rfecto [Tigra]-
31 ne, qui erat ex régió genere Armeniorum oriundus, in id re[gnum]
mísí. § Pro-
32 vincias omnís, quae trans Hadrianum mare vergun[t a]d Orien[te]m,
Cyre-
33 násque, iam ex parte magná regibus eas possidentibus, e[t] _ante_a
Siciliam
34 et Sardiniam occu_pat_ás bello servili reciperávi. §
c. 28.
35 Colonias in Áfri_ca Sicilia_ [M]acedoniá utráque Hispániá
Achai[a] As_i_a S[y]_ri_a
36 Galliá Narb_onensi Pi_[si]_dia_ militum dedúxi §. Italia
autem XXVIII [colo]ni-
37 ás, quae vívo _me celeberrimae_ et frequentissimae fuerunt,
me[is auspicis]
38 deductas h_abet_.
c. 29.
39 Signa mílitaria _complur_[a per] aliós d[u]_c_és ámi[ssa]
devicti[s hostibu]s re[cipe]ravi
40 ex His_pania et_ [Gallia et a Dalm]ateis. § Parthos trium
exercitum Roman[o]-
41 rum _spolia et signa re_[ddere] mihi supplicesque amicitiam
populí Romaní
42 petere _coegi_. § _Ea autem si_[gn]a in penetrálí, quod
e[s]t ín templo Martis Ultoris,
43 reposui.
c. 30.
44 Pannonio_rum gentes_, _qua_[s a]nte me principem populi
Romaní exercitus nun-
45 quam ad[i]_t_, _devictas per Ti._ [Ne]ronem, qui tum
erat privignus et legátus meus,
46 ímperio po_puli Roma_ni _s_[ubie]ci, protulique finés
Illyrici _ad_ r[ip]am flúminis
47 Dan[u]i. Citr[a] quod [D]ac[or]u[m tr]an[s]gressus exercitus meis
a[u]sp[icis vict]us profliga-
48 tusque [est, et postea tran]s Dan[u]vium ductus ex[ercitus me]u[s]
Da[cor]um
49 gentes im[peria populi Romani perferre coegit.]
c. 31.
50 Ad me ex In[dia regum legationes saepe missae sunt, nunquam antea
visae]
51 apud qu[em]q[uam] R[omanorum du]cem. § Nostram am[icitiam
petierunt]
52 per legat[os] B[a]starn[ae Scythae]que et Sarmatarum q[ui sunt
citra flu]men
53 Tanaim [et] ultrá reg[es, Alba]norumque réx et Hibér[orum et
Medorum.]
c. 32.
54 Ad mé supplices confug[erunt] regés Parthorum Tírida[tes et
postea] Phrát[es]
VI.
1 regis Phrati[s filius]; [§] Medorum [Artavasdes; Adiabenorum
A]rtaxa-
2 res §; Britann[o]rum Dumnobellau[nus] _et Tim_......;
[Sugambrorum]
3 Maelo; § Mar[c]omanórum Sueboru[m .....rus]. [Ad me] rex
_Part_horum
4 Phrates Orod[i]s filius filiós suós nepot[esque omnes misit] _in
Ital_iam, non
5 bello superátú[s], sed amicitiam nostram per [liberorum] suorum
pignora
6 petens. § Plúrimaeque aliae gentes exper[tae sunt p. R.]
_fide_m me prin-
7 cipe, quibus anteá cum populo Roman[o nullum extitera]t legationum
8 et amícitiae [c]ommercium. §
c. 33.
9 Á me gentés Parthórum et Médóru[m per legatos] principes eárum gen-
10 tium régés pet[i]tós accéperunt Par[thi Vononem regis Phr]átis
fílium,
11 régis Oródis nepótem; § Médí Ar[iobarzanem] regis Artavazdis fi-
12 lium, regis Ariobarzanis nep[otem].
c. 34.
13 Ín consulátú sexto et septimo, b[ella ubi civil]ia exstinxeram
14 per consénsum úniversórum [potitus rerum omn]ium, rem publicam
15 ex meá potestáte [§] in senát[us populique Romani a]rbitrium
transtulí.
16 Quó pro merito meó senatu[s consulto Aug. appe]llátus sum et
laureís
17 postés aedium meárum v[estiti publice coronaq]ue civíca super
18 iánuam meam fíxa est [§] [clupeusque aureu]s in [c]úriá Iúliá
posi-
19 tus, quem mihi senatum [populumque Romanu]m dare virtutis cle-
20 [mentia]e iustitia[e pietatis causa testatum] est pe[r e]ius
clúpei
21 [inscription]em. § Post id tem[pus praestiti omnibus dignitate
potes-
22 t]atis au[tem n]ihilo ampliu[s habui quam qui fuerunt m]ihi quo-
23 que in ma[gis]tra[t]u conlegae.
c. 35.
24 Tertium dec[i]mum consulátu[m cum gerebam, senatus et equ]ester
ordo
25 populusq[ue] Románus úniversus [appellavit me patrem p]atriae
idque
26 in vestibu[lo a]edium meárum inscriben[dum esse et in curia e]t in
foró Aug.
27 sub quadrig[i]s, quae mihi [ex] s. c. pos[itae sunt, decrevit. Cum
scri]psi haec,
28 annum agebam septuagensu[mum sextum].
c. 1.
29 Summá pecún[i]ae, quam ded[it in aerarium vel plebei Romanae vel
di]mis-
30 sis militibus: denarium se[xi]e[ns milliens].
c. 2.
31 Opera fecit nova § aedem Martis, [Iovis tonantis et feretri,
Apollinis],
32 díví Iúli, § Quirini, § Minervae, [Iunonis reginae, Iovis
Libertatis],
33 Larum, deum Penátium, [§] Iuv[entatis, Matris deum, Lupercal,
pulvina]r
34 ad circum, [§] cúriam cum ch[alcidico, forum Augustum, basilica]m
35 Iuliam, theatrum Marcelli, [§] [p]or[ticus .........., nemus trans
T]iberím
36 Caesarum. §
c. 3.
37 Refécit Capito[lium sacra]sque ae_d_es [nu]m[ero octoginta]
duas, thea[t]rum Pom-
38 peí, aqu[arum rivos, vi]am Flamin[iam].
c. 4.
39 Ímpensa p....... [in spect]acul[a scaenica et munera] gladiatorum
at-
40 [que athletas et venationes et naum]ach[iam] et donata pe[c]unia a
(?)
41 . . . . . . . . . . . . [ter]rae motu § incendioque consum-
42 pt[is] a[ut viritim] a[micis senat]oribusque, quórum census
explévit,
43 in[n]umera[bili]s. §
I, 3. ob quae, W. quas ob res; S. and B. propter quae.
I, 5. ferendae, W. dicendae; simul ..... ferendae, B. sententiae
dicendae mihi dans; after dedit B. erases [§].
I, 7. jussit, B. jubens.
I, 14. superstitibus, Sk. following Hirschfield, veniam
petentibus.
I, 18. aliquantum, B. and W. aliquanto; a me emptos, B. following
Bergk, adsignavi.
I, 19. praediis a me, B. and W. praemiis militiae (me in stone
might be iae.)
I, 22. deinde, B. autem.
I, 23. decrevisset, S. decerneret; item saepe, S. itaque modo;
item saepe laurus, B. laurumque potius.
I, 29. agebam, B. following Bergk, eram, and omits annum.
I, 31. datam......... a populo et senatu, W. nomine populi et
senatus oblatam; S. a populo et senatu ultro delatam; et
senatu, S. senatuque Romano.
I, 33, 34. ut......... paucis diebus, W. uti intra paucos dies;
B. ut paucissimis diebus.
I, 34. quo erat, W. and S. praesenti.
I, 34, 35. meis impensis, W. privata impensa; S. meis sumptibus.
II, 9. S. inserts meo after filio.
II, 12. complura, B. et multa.
II, 13. reduxi, B. sanxi; S. revocavi.
II, 15. suscipi, B. suscipere,
II, 16. iis, S. quibus.
II, 17. me ludos aliquotiens, W. mihi ludos interdum; aliquotiens,
B. votivos modo.
II, 18. aliquotiens, W. interdum; aliquotiens consules, B. modo
consules ejus anni.
II, 19. sacrificaverunt, B. sacrificia; W. supplicaverunt; semper,
B. concorditer; W. unanimiter.
II, 20. B. adds fecerunt.
II, 22. sacrosanctus ut essem ........ W. sacrosancta ut esset
persona mea, or sacrosancta potestate ut essem.
II, 25. habuit, B. habuerat; cepi id, B. quod.
II, 26. qui civilis motus, B, suscepi qui id tumultus.
II, 27. ad comitia mea ......... B. propter mea comitia, or
comitiorum caussa; Sk. inserts coeunte before ad.
II, 28. fertur, Sk. memoriae proditur; omits coeunte.
II, 29. reduci, B. reducis.
II, 32. B. inserts eo before die.
II, 33. redi, B. redieram.
II, 36. S. inserts ante after honos.
II, 42. S. inserts tum after quem.
III, 17. In, W. et.
III, 40. W. Jam before inde.
III, 41. vectigalia, Sk. publicani.
III, 41-43. inlato......... tuli, S. multo frumentarias et
nummarias tessaras ex aere et patrimonio meo dedi.
III, 42. vel......... agro, W. atque nummariis tesseris divisis;
tributus, Sk. titulos.
III, 43. opem tuli, Sk. and W. subveni.
IV, 19. W. omits feci; inserts in ea after pontes.
V, 7. qui vel antea vel, S. consulares, et qui.
V, 11. et Germaniam qua includit, W. item Germaniam qua claudit.
V, 13. pacem feci. W. pacificavi.
V, 37. meis auspiciis, W. mea auctoritate.
V, 49. imperia, W. imperium; perferre, W. accipere;
S. sustinere.
VI, 7. extiterat, S. fuerat.
VI, 13. bella ubi, S. postquam bella; ubi, G. cum.
VI, 16. Aug. S. Augustus.
VI, 17. vestiti, W. velati sunt; S. inserts sunt after vestiti.
VI, 22. quam, G. iis.
Μεθηρμηνευμέναι ὑπεγράφησαν πράξεις τε καὶ δωρεαὶ Σεβαστοῦ θεοῦ, ἃς
ἀπέλιπεν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ἐνκεχαραγμένας χαλκαῖς στήλαις δυσί.
I. c. 1.
1 Ἐτῶν δεκαε[ν]νέα ὢν τὸ στράτευμα ἐμῇ γνώμῃ καὶ
2 ἐμοῖς ἀν[αλ]ώμασιν ἡτοί[μασα], δι’ οὗ τὰ κοινὰ πρά-
3 γματα [ἐκ τῆ]ς τ[ῶ]ν συνο[μοσα]μένων δουλήας
4 [ἠλευ]θέ[ρωσα. Ἐφ’ ο]ἷς ἡ σύνκλητος ἐπαινέσασά
5 [με ψηφίσμασι] προσκατέλεξε τῇ βουλῇ Γαΐῳ Πά[νσ]α
6 [Αὔλῳ Ἱρτίῳ ὑ]π[ά]το[ι]ς, ἐν τῇ τάξει τῶν ὑπατ[ικῶ]ν
7 [ἅμα τ]ὸ σ[υμβου]λεύειν δοῦσα, ῥάβδου[ς] τ’ ἐμοὶ ἔδωκεν.
8 [Περ]ὶ τὰ δημόσια πράγματα μή τι βλαβῇ, ἐμοὶ με-
9 [τὰ τῶν ὑπά]των προνοεῖν ἐπέτρεψεν ἀντὶ στρατηγο[ῦ.]
10 [..... Ὁ δὲ] δ[ῆ]μος τῷ αὐτῷ ἐνιαυτῷ, ἀμφοτέρων
11 [τῶν ὑπάτων π]ολέμῳ πεπτω[κ]ό[τ]ων, ἐμὲ ὕπα-
12 [τον ἀπέδειξ]εν καὶ τὴν τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔχον-
13 [τα ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ] τῇ καταστάσει τῶν δ[η]μοσίων πρα-
14 [γμάτων] ε[ἵλ]ατ[ο.
c. 2.
15 Τοὺς τὸν πατέρα τὸν ἐμὸν φονεύ]σ[αν]τ[α]ς ἐξώρισα κρί-
16 [σεσιν ἐνδί]κοις τειμω[ρ]ησάμε[ν]ος αὐτῶν τὸ
17 [ἀσέβημα κ]αὶ [με]τὰ ταῦτα αὐτοὺς πόλεμον ἐ-
18 [πιφέροντας τῇ πα]τ[ρ]ίδι δὶς ἐνείκησα παρατάξει.
c. 3.
19 [Πολέμους καὶ κατὰ γῆν] καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐμφυ-
20 [λίους καὶ ἐξωτικοὺς] ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ οἰκουμένῃ πολ-
21 [λοὺς ἀνεδεξάμην, νεικ]ήσας τε πάντων ἐφεισάμην
22 [τῶν περιόντων πολειτῶν. τ]ὰ ἔθνη, οἷς ἀσφαλὲς ἦν συν-
23 [γνώμην ἔχειν, ἔσωσα μ]ᾶλ[λον] ἢ ἐξέκοψα. § Μυριάδες
II.
1 Ῥωμαίων στρατ[εύ]σ[ασ]αι ὑπ[ὸ τὸ]ν ὅρκον τὸν ἐμὸν
2 ἐγένοντ[ο] ἐνγὺς π[εντήκ]ο[ντ]α· [ἐ]ξ ὧν κατή[γ]αγον εἰς
3 τὰ[ς] ἀπο[ι]κίας ἢ ἀ[πέπεμψα εἰς τὰς] ἰδία[ς πόλεις] ἐκ-
4 [λυομένους.] . . . . . . . .
5 . . . . . . . . . . .
6 . . . . . . . . . . .
7 . . . . . . . . . . .
8 . . . . . . . . . . .
c. 4.
9 Δὶς ἐ[πὶ κέλητος ἐθριάμβευσα], τρὶς [ἐ]φ’ ἅρματος. Εἰκο-
10 σά[κις καὶ ἅπαξ προσηγορεύθην αὐτο]κράτωρ. Τῆς
11 [συνκλήτου] . . . . ψηφισσ . . .
12 . . . . . . . . ων τὴν [δάφνην]
13 . . . . . . . . . . .
14 . . . . . . . . . . .
15 . . . . . . [Διὰ τὰ πράγ]μ[ατα, ἃ]
16 [αὐτὸς ἢ διὰ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἐμῶν] κατώρθω-
17 σα, π[εντ]ηκοντάκις [καὶ] πεντά[κις ἐψ]ηφίσατο ἡ
18 σύ[νκλητ]ος θεοῖς δεῖ[ν] θύεσθαι. [Ἡμ]έραι οὖν αὗ-
19 [τα]ι ἐ[κ συ]ν[κλήτου] δ[ό]γματ[ο]ς ἐγένοντο ὀκτα[κ]όσιαι ἐνενή-
20 [κοντα]. Ἐν [τ]οῖς ἐμοῖς [θριάμ]βοις [πρὸ το]ῦ ἐμοῦ ἅρ-
21 μ[ατος βασι]λεῖς ἢ [βασιλέων παῖ]δες [παρήχθ]ησαν
22 ἐννέα. § [Ὑπάτ]ε[υ]ον τρὶς καὶ δέκ[ατο]ν, ὅτε τ[αῦ]τα ἔγραφον,
23 καὶ ἤμη[ν τρια]κ[οστὸ]ν καὶ ἕβδομ[ον δημαρχ]ικῆς
III.
1 ἐξουσίας
c. 5.
2 Αὐτεξούσιόν μοι ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀπόντι καὶ παρόντι
3 διδομένην [ὑ]πό τε τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῆς συνκλήτου
4 Μ[άρκ]ῳ [Μ]αρκέλλῳ καὶ Λευκίῳ Ἀρρουντίῳ ὑπάτοις
5 ο[ὐκ ἐδ]εξάμην. § Οὐ παρητησάμην ἐν τῇ μεγίστῃ
6 [τοῦ] σ[είτ]ου σπάνει τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τῆς ἀγορᾶς, ἣν οὕ-
7 [τως ἐπετήδευ]σα, ὥστ’ ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέρα[ις το]ῦ παρόντος
8 φόβου καὶ κι[νδ]ύνου ταῖς ἐμαῖς δαπάναις τὸν δῆμον
9 ἐλευθερῶσα[ι]. Ὑπατείαν τέ μοι τότε δι[δ]ομένην καὶ
10 ἐ[ν]ιαύσιον κα[ὶ δ]ι[ὰ] βίου οὐκ ἐδεξάμην.
c. 6.
11 Ὑπάτοις Μάρκῳ Οὐινουκίῳ καὶ Κοίντῳ Λ[ουκρ]ητ[ίῳ]
12 καὶ μετὰ τα[ῦ]τα Ποπλίῳ καὶ Ναίῳ Λέντλοις καὶ
13 τρίτον Παύλλῳ Φαβίῳ Μαξίμῳ καὶ Κοίν[τῳ] Του-
14 βέρωι § τῆς [τε σ]υνκλήτου καὶ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ
15 Ῥωμαίων ὁμολογ[ο]ύντων, ἵν[α ἐπιμε]λητὴς
16 τῶν τε νόμων καὶ τῶν τρόπων ἐ[πὶ τῇ με]γίστῃ
17 [ἐξ]ουσ[ίᾳ μ]ό[νο]ς χειροτονηθῷ §, ἀρχὴν οὐδε-
18 μ[ία]ν πα[ρὰ τὰ πά]τρ[ια] ἔ[θ]η διδομένην ἀνεδε-
19 ξάμην· § ἃ δὲ τότε δι’ ἐμοῦ ἡ σύνκλητος οἰ-
20 κονομεῖσθαι ἐβούλετο, τῆς δημαρχικῆς ἐξο[υ]-
21 σίας ὢν ἐτέλε[σα. Κ]αὶ ταύτης αὐτῆς τῆς ἀρχῆς
22 συνάρχοντα [αὐτ]ὸς ἀπὸ τῆς συνκλήτου π[εν]-
23 τάκις αἰτήσας [ἔλ]αβον.
IV. c. 7.
1 Τριῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐγενόμην δημοσίων πραγμάτων
2 κατορθωτὴς συνεχέσιν ἔτεσιν δέκα. § Πρῶτον
3 ἀξιώματος τόπον ἔσχον τῆς συνκλήτου ἄχρι
4 ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρας, ἧς ταῦτα ἔγραφον, ἐπὶ ἔτη τεσ-
5 σαράκοντα. § Ἀρχιερεύς, § αὔγουρ, § τῶν δεκαπέντε ἀν-
6 δρῶν τῶν ἱεροποιῶν, § τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀνδρῶν ἱεροποι-
7 ῶν, § ἀ[δε]λφὸς ἀρουᾶλις, § ἑταῖρος Τίτιος, § φητιᾶλις.
c. 8.
8 Τῶν [πατ]ρικίων τὸν ἀριθμὸν εὔξησα πέμπτον
9 ὕπατ[ος ἐπιτ]αγῇ τοῦ τε δήμου καὶ τῆς συνκλὴ-
10 του. § [Τὴν σύ]νκλητον τρὶς ἐπέλεξα. § Ἕκτον ὕπα-
11 τος τὴν ἀπ[ο]τείμησιν τοῦ δήμου συνάρχον-
12 [τ]α ἔχων Μᾶρκον Ἀγρίππαν ἔλαβον, ἧτις ἀπο-
13 [τείμη]σις μετὰ [δύο καὶ] τεσσαρακοστὸν ἐνιαυ-
14 τὸν [σ]υνε[κ]λείσθη. Ἐν ᾗ ἀποτειμήσει Ῥωμαίων
15 ἐτει[μήσ]α[ντο] κεφαλαὶ τετρακό[σιαι ἑ]ξήκον-
16 τα μυ[ριάδες καὶ τρισχίλιαι. Δεύτερον ὑ]πατι-
17 κῇ ἐξ[ουσίᾳ μόνος Γαΐῳ Κηνσωρίνῳ καὶ]
18 Γαίῳ [Ἀσινίῳ ὑπάτοις τὴν ἀποτείμησιν ἔλαβον·]
19 ἐν [ᾗ] ἀπ[οτειμήσει ἐτειμήσαντο Ῥωμαί]-
20 ων τετ[ρακόσιαι εἴκοσι τρεῖς μυριάδες καὶ τ]ρι[σ]-
21 χίλιοι. Κ[αὶ τρίτον ὑπατικῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τὰς ἀποτειμή]-
22 σε[ι]ς ἔλα[βο]ν, [ἔχω]ν [συνάρχοντα Τιβέριον]
23 Καίσαρα τὸν υἱόν μο[υ Σέξτῳ Πομπηίῳ καὶ]
V.
1 Σέξτῳ Ἀππουληίῳ ὑπάτοις· ἐν ᾗ ἀποτειμήσει
2 ἐτειμήσαντο Ῥωμαίων τετρακόσιαι ἐνενήκοντα
3 τρεῖς μυριάδες καὶ ἑπτακισχείλιοι. § Εἰσαγαγὼν και-
4 νοὺς νόμους πολλὰ ἤδη τῶν ἀρχαίων ἐθῶν κα-
5 ταλυόμενα διωρθωσάμην καὶ αὐτὸς πολλῶν
6 πραγμάτων μείμημα ἐμαυτὸν τοῖς μετέπει-
7 τα παρέδωκα.
c. 9.
8 Εὐχὰς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς σωτηρίας ἀναλαμβάνειν
9 διὰ τῶν ὑπάτων καὶ ἱερέων καθ’ ἑκάστην πεν-
10 τετηρίδα ἐψηφίσατο ἡ σύνκλητος. ἐκ τού-
11 των τῶν εὐχῶν πλειστάκις ἐγένοντο θέαι,
12 τοτὲ μὲν ἐκ τῆς συναρχίας τῶν τεσσάρων ἱερέ-
13 ων, τοτὲ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων. Καὶ κατ’ ἰδίαν δὲ καὶ
14 κατὰ πόλεις σύνπαντες οἱ πολεῖται ὁμοθυμα-
15 δ[ὸν] συνεχῶς ἔθυσαν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς σω[τ]ηρίας.
c. 10.
16 Τὸ ὄν[ομ]ά μου συνκλήτου δόγματι ἐνπεριελή-
17 φθη εἰ[ς τοὺ]ς σαλίων ὕμνους. καὶ ἵνα ἱερὸς ᾦ
18 διὰ [βίο]υ [τ]ε τὴν δημαρχικὴν ἔχῳ ἐξουσίαν,
19 νό[μῳ ἐκ]υρώθη. § Ἀρχιερωσύνην, ἣν ὁ πατήρ
20 [μ]ου [ἐσχ]ήκει τοῦ δήμου μοι καταφέροντος
21 εἰς τὸν τοῦ ζῶντος τόπον, οὐ προσεδεξά-
22 μ[η]ν. § [ἣ]ν ἀρχιερατείαν μετά τινας ἐνιαυτοὺς
VI.
1 ἀποθανόντος τοῦ προκατειληφότος αὐ-
2 τὴν ἐν πολειτικαῖς ταραχαῖς, ἀνείληφα, εἰς
3 τὰ ἐμὰ ἀρχαιρέσια ἐξ ὅλης τῆς Ἰταλίας τοσού-
4 του πλήθους συνεληλυθότος, ὅσον οὐδεὶς
5 ἔνπροσθεν ἱστόρησεν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης γεγονέναι Πο-
6 πλίῳ Σουλπικίῳ καὶ Γαίῳ Οὐαλγίῳ ὑπάτοις.
c. 11.
7 Βωμὸν Τύχης σωτηρίου ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς ἐπανόδου
8 πρὸς τῇ Καπήνῃ πύλῃ ἡ σύνκλητος ἀφιέρωσεν·
9 πρὸς ᾧ τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τὰς ἱερείας, ἐνιαύσιον θυ-
10 σίαν ποιεῖν ἐκέλευσεν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ,
11 ἐν ᾗ ὑπάτοις Κοίντῳ Λουκρητίῳ καὶ Μάρκῳ
12 Οὐινουκίῳ ἐκ Συρίας εἰς Ῥώμην ἐπανεληλύ-
13 θει[ν], τήν τε ἡμέραν ἐκ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐπωνυ-
14 μίας προσηγόρευσεν Αὐγουστάλια.
c. 12.
15 Δόγματι σ[υ]νκλήτου οἱ τὰς μεγίστας ἀρχὰς ἄρ-
16 ξαντε[ς σ]ὺν μέρει στρατηγῶν καὶ δημάρχων
17 μετὰ ὑπ[ά]του Κοίντου Λουκρητίου ἐπέμφθη-
18 σάν μοι ὑπαντήσοντες μέχρι Καμπανίας, ἥτις
19 τειμὴ μέχρι τούτου οὐδὲ ἑνὶ εἰ μὴ ἐμοὶ ἐψηφίσ-
20 θη. § Ὅτε ἐξ Ἱσπανίας καὶ Γαλατίας, τῶν ἐν ταύ-
21 ταις ταῖς ἐπαρχείαις πραγμάτων κατὰ τὰς εὐ-
22 χὰς τελεσθέντων, εἰς Ῥώμην ἐπανῆλθον §
23 Τιβερίῳ [Νέ]ρωνι καὶ Ποπλίῳ Κοιντιλίῳ ὑπάτοις,
VII.
1 βωμὸν Ε[ἰρ]ήνης Σεβαστῆς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς ἐπανό-
2 δου ἀφιερωθῆναι ἐψηφίσατο ἡ σύνκλητος ἐν πε-
3 δίῳ Ἄρεως, πρὸς ᾧ τούς τε ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς καὶ τοὺς
4 ἱερεῖς τάς τε ἱερείας ἐνιαυσίους θυσίας ἐκέλευσε ποιεῖν.
c. 13.
5 Πύλην Ἐνυάλιον, ἣν κεκλῖσθαι οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἠθέ-
6 λησαν εἰρηνευομένης τῆς ὑπὸ Ῥωμάοις πάσης γῆς τε
7 καὶ θαλάσσης, πρὸ μὲν ἐμοῦ, ἐξ οὗ ἡ πόλις ἐκτίσθη,
8 τῷ παντὶ αἰῶνι δὶς μόνον κεκλεῖσθαι ὁμολογεῖ-
9 ται, ἐπὶ δὲ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνος τρὶς ἡ σύνκλητος ἐψη-
10 φίσατο κλεισθῆναι.
c. 14.
11 Ὑιούς μου Γάιον καὶ Λεύκιον Καίσ[α]ρας, οὓς νεανίας ἀ-
12 νήρπασεν ἡ τύχη, εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν τειμ[ὴ]ν ἥ τ[ε] σύνκλη-
13 τος καὶ ὁ δῆμος τῶν Ῥωμαίων πεντεκαιδεκαέτεις
14 ὄντας ὑπάτους ἀπέδειξεν, ἵνα μετὰ πέντε ἔτη
15 εἰς τὴν ὑπάτον ἀρχὴν εἰσέλθωσιν· καὶ ἀφ’ ἧς ἂν
16 ἡμέ[ρα]ς [εἰς τὴν ἀ]γορὰν [κατ]αχθ[ῶ]σιν, ἵνα [με]τέχω-
17 σιν, τῆς συ[ν]κλήτου ἐψηφίσατο. § ἱππεῖς δὲ Ῥω-
18 μαίων σύν[π]αντες ἡγεμόνα νεότητος ἑκάτε-
19 ρον αὐτῶν [πρ]οσηγόρευσαν, ἀσπίσιν ἀργυρέαις
20 καὶ δόρασιν [ἐτ]είμησαν.
c. 15.
21 Δήμῳ Ῥωμα[ίω]ν κατ’ ἄνδρα ἑβδομήκοντα π[έντ]ε
22 δηνάρια ἑκάστῳ ἠρίθμησα κατὰ δια-
23 θήκην τοῦ πατρός μου, καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ ὀνόματι
24 ἐκ λαφύρων [π]ο[λέ]μου ἀνὰ ἑκατὸν δηνάρια
VIII.
1 πέμπτον ὕπατος ἔδωκα, § πάλιν τε δέ[κατο]ν
2 ὑπατεύων ἐκ τ[ῆ]ς ἐμῆς ὑπάρξεως ἀνὰ δηνά-
3 ρια ἑκατὸν ἠρίθ[μ]ησα, [§] καὶ ἑνδέκατον ὕπατος
4 δώδεκα σειτομετρήσεις ἐκ τοῦ ἐμοῦ βίου ἀπε-
5 μέτρησα, [§] καὶ δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας τὸ δωδέ-
6 κατον ἑκατὸν δηνάρια κατ’ ἄνδρα ἔδωκα· αἵτ[ι]-
7 νες ἐμαὶ ἐπιδόσεις οὐδέποτε ἧσσον ἦλθ[ο]ν ε[ἰ]ς
8 ἄνδρας μυριάδων εἴκοσι πέντε. δημα[ρ]χικῆς ἐ-
9 ξουσίας ὀκτωκαιδέκατον, ὕπατ[ος] δ[ωδέκατον]
10 τριάκοντα τρισ[ὶ] μυριάσιν ὄχλου πολειτικ[οῦ ἑ]ξή-
11 [κοντα δηνάρια κατ’ ἄνδρα ἔδωκα, κα]ὶ ἀποίκοις στρα-
12 τιωτῶν ἐμῶν πέμπτον ὕπατος ἐ[κ] λαφύρων κατὰ
13 ἄνδρα ἀνὰ διακόσια πεντήκοντα δηνάρια ἔδ[ωκα·]
14 ἔλαβον ταύτην τὴν δωρεὰν ἐν ταῖς ἀποικίαις ἀν-
15 θρώπων μυριάδες πλ[εῖ]ον δώδε[κα. ὕ]πατος τ[ρι]σ-
16 καιδέκατον ἀνὰ ἑξήκοντα δηνάρια τῷ σειτομετ[ρου]-
17 μένῳ δήμῳ ἔδω[κα· οὗτο]ς ἀρ[ι]θμ[ὸς πλείων εἴκο-
18 σ]ι [μυ]ριάδων ὑπῆρχ[ε]ν.
c. 16.
19 Χρήματα ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τετάρτῃ ἐμῇ κα[ὶ] μετὰ ταῦτα ὑ-
20 πάτοις Μάρκῳ Κράσσῳ καὶ Ναίῳ Λέντλῳ αὔγου-
21 ρι ταῖς πόλεσιν ἠρίθμησα ὑπὲρ ἀργῶν, οὓς ἐμέρισα
22 τοῖς στρατ[ιώ]ταις. Κεφαλαίου ἐγένοντο ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ
23 μὲν μύριαι π[εντακι]σ[χ]ε[ίλιαι μυ]ριάδες, [τῶ]ν [δὲ ἐ]παρ-
24 χειτικῶν ἀγρῶν [μ]υ[ριάδες ἑξακισχίλ]ιαι πεν[τακό]σ[ιαι].
IX.
1 Τοῦτο πρῶτος καὶ μόνος ἁπάντων ἐπόησα τῶν
2 [κατα]γαγόντων ἀποικίας στρατιωτῶν ἐν Ἰτα-
3 λίᾳ ἢ ἐν ἐπαρχείαις μέχρι τῆς ἐμῆς ἡλικίας. § καὶ
4 μετέπειτα Τιβερίῳ Νέρωνι καὶ Ναίῳ Πείσωνι ὑπά-
5 τοις καὶ πάλιν Γαίῳ Ἀνθεστίῳ καὶ Δέκμῳ Λαι-
6 λίῳ ὑπάτοις καὶ Γαίῳ Καλουισίῳ καὶ Λευκίῳ
7 Πασσιήνῳ [ὑ]πάτο[ι]ς [καὶ Λ]ευκίῳ Λέντλῳ καὶ Μάρ-
8 κῳ Μεσσάλ[ᾳ] ὑπάτοις κ[α]ὶ [Λ]ευκίῳ Κανιν[ί]ῳ καὶ
9 [Κ]οίντῳ Φα[β]ρικίῳ ὑπάτοις στρατιώταις ἀπολυ-
10 ομένοις, οὓς κατήγαγον εἰς τὰς ἰδίας πόλ[εις], φιλαν-
11 θρώπου ὀνόματι ἔδωκα μ[υρ]ιάδας ἐγγὺς [μυρία]ς.
c. 17.
12 Τετρά[κ]ις χρήμ[α]σιν ἐμοῖς [ἀν]έλαβον τὸ αἰράριον, [εἰς] ὃ
13 [κ]ατήνενκα [χ]ειλίας [ἑπτ]ακοσίας πεντήκοντα
14 μυριάδας. κ[αὶ] Μ[ά]ρκῳ [Λεπίδῳ] καὶ Λευκίῳ Ἀρρουν-
15 τίῳ ὑ[πάτοις ε]ἰς τ[ὸ] στ[ρ]α[τιωτ]ικὸν αἰράριον, ὃ τῇ
16 [ἐμῇ] γ[ν]ώ[μῃ] κατέστη, ἵνα [ἐ]ξ αὐτοῦ αἱ δωρ[ε]αὶ εἰσ-
17 [έπειτα τοῖς ἐ]μοῖς σ[τρατι]ώταις δίδωνται, ο[ἳ εἴκο-
18 σι]ν ἐνιαυτο[ὺ]ς ἢ πλείονας ἐστρατεύσαντο, μ[υ]ρι-
19 άδα[ς] τετρά[κ]ις χειλίας διακοσίας πεντήκοντα
20 [ἐκ τῆς ἐ]μ[ῆς] ὑπάρξεως κατήνενκα.
c. 18.
21 [Ἀπ’ ἐκ]είνου τ[ο]ῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, ἐ[φ’] οὗ Ναῖος καὶ Πόπλιος
22 [Λ]έντλοι ὕπατοι ἐγένοντο, ὅτε ὑπέλειπον αἱ δη-
23 [μό]σιαι πρόσοδοι, ἄλλοτε μὲν δέκα μυριάσιν, ἄλ-
24 [λοτε] δὲ πλείοσιν σειτικὰς καὶ ἀργυρικὰς συντάξεις
X.
1 ἐκ τῆς ἐμῆς ὑπάρξεως ἔδωκα.
c. 19.
2 Βουλευτήρ[ιο]ν καὶ τὸ πλησίον αὐτῷ χαλκιδικόν,
3 ναόν τε Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Παλατίῳ σὺν στοαῖς,
4 ναὸν θεοῦ [Ἰ]ουλίου, Πανὸς ἱερόν, στοὰν πρὸς ἱπ-
5 ποδρόμῳ τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ Φλαμινίῳ, ἣν
6 εἴασα προσαγορεύεσθαι ἐξ ὀνόματος ἐκείνου Ὀκτα-
7 ουίαν, ὃ[ς] πρῶτος αὐτὴν ἀνέστησεν, ναὸν πρὸς τῷ
8 μεγάλῳ ἱπποδρόμῳ, [§] ναοὺς ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ
9 Διὸς τροπαιοφόρου καὶ Διὸς βροντησίου, ναὸν
10 Κυρείν[ο]υ, [§] ναοὺς Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ Ἥρας βασιλίδος καὶ
11 Διὸς Ἐλευθερίου ἐν Ἀουεντίνῳ, ἡρώων πρὸς τῇ
12 ἱερᾷ ὁδῷ, θεῶν κατοικιδίων ἐν Οὐελίᾳ, ναὸν Νεό-
13 τητο[ς, να]ὸν μητρὸς θεῶν ἐν Παλατίῳ ἐπόησα.
c. 20.
14 Καπιτώλ[ιο]ν καὶ τὸ Πομπηίου θέατρον ἑκάτερον
15 τὸ ἔργον ἀναλώμασιν μεγίστοις ἐπεσκεύασα ἄ-
16 νευ ἐπιγραφῆς τοῦ ἐμοῦ ὀνόματος. § Ἀγωγοὺς ὑ-
17 δάτω[ν ἐν πλεί]στοις τόποις τῇ παλαιότητι ὀλισ-
18 θάνον[τας ἐπ]εσκευσα καὶ ὕδωρ τὸ καλούμενον
19 Μάρ[κιον ἐδί]πλωσα πηγὴν νέαν εἰς τὸ ῥεῖθρον
20 [αὐτοῦ ἐποχετεύσ]ας. [§] Ἀγορὰν Ἰουλίαν καὶ βασι-
21 [λικὴν τὴν μεταξὺ τ]οῦ τε ναοῦ τῶν Διοσκό-
22 [ρων καὶ Κρόνου κατα]βεβλημένα ἔργα ὑπὸ τοῦ
23 [πατρὸς ἐτελείωσα κα]ὶ τὴν αὐτὴν βασιλικὴν
24 [καυθεῖσαν ἐπὶ αὐξηθέντι] ἐδάφει αὐτῆς ἐξ ἐπι-
XI.
1 γραφῆς ὀνόματος τῶν ἐμῶν υἱῶν ὑπ[ηρξάμη]ν
2 καὶ εἰ μὴ αὐτὸς τετελειώκ[ο]ι[μι, τ]ελε[ι]ω[θῆναι ὑπὸ]
3 τῶν ἐμῶν κληρονόμων ἐπέταξα. § Δ[ύ]ο [καὶ ὀγδο-]
4 ήκοντα ναοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλ[ει ἕκτ]ον ὕπ[ατος δόγμα]-
5 τι συνκ[λ]ήτου ἐπεσκεύασ[α] ο[ὐ]δένα π[ε]ριλ[ιπών, ὃς]
6 ἐκείνῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ἐπισκευῆς ἐδεῖτο. § [Ὕ]πα[τος ἕ]-
7 βδ[ο]μον ὁδὸν Φ[λαμινίαν ἀπὸ] Ῥώμης [Ἀρίμινον]
8 γ[εφ]ύρας τε τὰς ἐν αὐτῇ πάσας ἔξω δυεῖν τῶν μὴ
9 ἐπ[ι]δεομένων ἐ[π]ισκευῆς ἐπόησα.
c. 21.
10 Ἐν ἰδιωτικῷ ἐδάφει Ἄρεως Ἀμύντορος ἀγοράν τε Σε-
11 βαστὴν ἐκ λαφύρων ἐπόησα. [§] Θέατρον πρὸς τῷ
12 Ἀπόλλωνος ναῷ ἐπὶ ἐδάφους ἐκ πλείστου μέρους ἀγο-
13 ρασθέντος ἀνήγειρα [§] ἐπὶ ὀνόματος Μαρκέλλου
14 τοῦ γαμβροῦ μου. Ἀναθέματα ἐκ λαφύρων ἐν Καπι-
15 τωλίῳ καὶ ναῷ Ἰουλίῳ καὶ ναῷ Ἀπόλλωνος
16 καὶ Ἑστίας καὶ Ἄ[ρεω]ς ἀφιέρωσα, ἃ ἐμοὶ κατέστη
17 ἐνγὺς μυριάδω[ν δι]σχε[ι]λίων πεντακ[οσίων.]
18 Εἰς χρυσοῦν στέφανον λειτρῶν τρισ[μυρίων]
19 πεντακισχειλίων καταφερούσαις τα[ῖς ἐν Ἰ]ταλί-
20 ᾳ πολειτείαις καὶ ἀποικίαις συνεχώρη[σ]α τὸ [πέμ]-
21 πτον ὑπατεύων, καὶ ὕστερον ὁσάκις [αὐτ]οκράτωρ
22 προσηγορεύθην, τὰς εἰς τὸν στέφανο[ν ἐ]παγγε-
23 λίας οὐκ ἔλαβον ψηφιζομένων τῶν π[ολειτει]ῶν
24 καὶ ἀποικιῶν μετὰ τῆς αὐτῆς προθ[υμίας, κα]θ-
XII.
1 ά[περ ἐψηφίσαντο π]ρό[τερον].
c. 22.
2 [Τρὶς μονο]μαχ[ίαν ἔδω]κα τῷ ἐμῷ ὀνόματι καὶ
3 [πεντάκις τῶν υἱῶν μου ἢ υἱ]ωνῶν. ἐν αἷς μονο-
4 [μαχίαις ἐμαχέσαντο ἐ]ν[γὺς μύ]ρι[ο]ι. Δὶς ἀθλητῶ[ν] παν-
5 τ[αχόθεν] με[ταπεμφθέντων γυμνικο]ῦ ἀγῶνος θέαν
6 [τῷ δήμῳ π]αρέσχον τ[ῷ ἐ]μῷ ὀνόματι καὶ τρίτ[ον]
7 τ[οῦ υἱωνοῦ μου. Θέας ἐπόη]σα δι’ ἐμοῦ τετράκ[ις,]
8 διὰ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀρχῶν ἐν μέρει τρὶς καὶ εἰκοσάκις. §
9 Ὑπὲρ τῶν δεκαπέντε [ἀνδρ]ῶν, ἔχων συνάρχοντα
10 Μᾶρκον Ἀγρίππ[αν, τὰς θ]έας [δ]ιὰ ἑκατὸν ἐτῶν γεινο-
11 μένας ὀν[ομαζομένα]ς σ[αι]κλάρεις ἐπόησα Γαίῳ
12 Φουρνίῳ κ[αὶ] Γαίῳ Σε[ι]λανῷ ὑπάτοις. [§] Ὕπατος τρισ-
13 καιδέκατον [θέας Ἄρεως πρ]ῶτος ἐπόησα, ἃς μετ’ ἐ-
14 κεῖνο[ν χ]ρόνον ἑξῆς [τοῖς μ]ετέπειτα ἐνιαυτοῖς
15 δ . . μοι ἐπόησαν οἱ ὕπα- . . . .
16 [τοι] . . ν . . . . ης θηρίων ε
17 . . . . . . . . . . .
18 . . . . . . . . . . .
19 . . . . . . . . . . .
20 . . . . . . . . . . .
c. 23.
21 Ν[αυμαχίας θέαν τῷ δήμῳ ἔδω]κα πέ[ρ]αν τοῦ Τι-
22 [βέριδος, ἐν ᾧ τόπῳ ἐστὶ νῦ]ν ἄλσος Καισά[ρω]ν,
23 ἐκκεχω[κὼς τὸ ἔδαφος] ε[ἰ]ς μῆκ[ο]ς χειλίων ὀκτακο-
24 σίων ποδ[ῶν, εἰς π]λάτ[ο]ς χιλίων διακο[σ]ίων. ἐν ᾗ
XIII.
1 τριάκο[ν]τα ναῦς ἔμβολα ἔχουσαι τριήρεις ἢ δί-
2 κροτ[οι, αἱ] δὲ ἥσσονες πλείους ἐναυμάχησαν. §
3 Ἐν τ[ούτῳ] τῷ στόλῳ ἠγωνίσαντο ἔξω τῶν ἐρετῶν
4 πρόσπ[ο]υ ἄνδρες τρ[ι]σχ[ε]ί[λ]ιοι.
c. 24.
5 [Ἐν ναοῖ]ς π[ασ]ῶν πόλεω[ν] τῆς [Ἀ]σί[α]ς νεικήσας τὰ ἀναθέ-
6 [ματα ἀπ]οκατέστησα, [ἃ εἶχεν] ἰ[δίᾳ] ἱεροσυλήσας ὁ
7 ὑπ’ [ἐμοῦ] δ[ι]αγωνισθεὶς πολέ[μιος]. Ἀνδρίαντες πε-
8 ζοὶ καὶ ἔφιπποί μου καὶ ἐφ’ ἅρμασιν ἀργυροῖ εἱστήκει-
9 σαν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐνγὺς ὀγδοήκοντα, οὓς αὐτὸς ἦρα,
10 ἐκ τούτου τε τοῦ χρήματος ἀναθέματα χρυσᾶ ἐν
11 τῷ ναῷ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τῷ τε ἐμῷ ὀνόματι καὶ
12 ἐκεῖνων, οἵτινές με [τ]ούτοις τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσιν ἐτείμη-
13 σαν, ἀνέθηκα.
c. 25.
14 Θάλασσα[ν] πειρατευομένην ὑπὸ ἀποστατῶν δού-
15 λων [εἰρήν]ευσα. ἐξ ὧν τρεῖς που μυριάδας τοῖς
16 δε[σπόται]ς εἰς κόλασιν παρέδωκα. § Ὤμοσεν
17 [εἰς τοὺς ἐμοὺ]ς λόγους ἅπασα ἡ Ἰταλία ἑκοῦσα κἀ-
18 [μὲ πολέμου,] ᾧ ἐπ’ Ἀκτίῳ ἐνε[ί]κησα, ἡγεμόνα ἐξη-
19 [τήσατο, ὤ]μοσαν εἰς τοὺς [αὐτοὺ]ς λόγους ἐπα[ρ]-
20 χε[ῖαι Γαλα]τία Ἱσπανία Λιβύη Σι[κελία Σαρ]δώ. Οἱ ὑπ’ ἐ-
21 μ[αῖς σημέαις τό]τε στρατευ[σάμενοι ἦσαν συνκλητι-]
22 [κοὶ πλείους ἑπτ]α[κοσί]ων· [ἐ]ν [αὐτοῖς οἳ ἢ πρότερον ἢ]
23 [μετέπειτα] ἐγ[ένον]το [ὕπ]α[τοι εἰς ἐκ]ε[ί]ν[ην τὴν ἡ]μέ-
24 [ραν, ἐν ᾗ ταῦτα γέγραπτα]ι, ὀ[γδοήκο]ντα τρε[ῖ]ς, ἱερ[εῖ]ς
XIV.
1 πρόσπου ἑκατὸν ἑβδομή[κ]οντα.
c. 26.
2 Πασῶν ἐπαρχειῶν δήμο[υ Ῥω]μαίων, αἷς ὅμορα
3 ἦν ἔθνη τὰ μὴ ὑποτασσ[όμ]ενα τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἡ-
4 γεμονία, τοὺς ὅρους ἐπεύξ[ησ]α. [§] Γαλατίας καὶ Ἱσ-
5 πανίας, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Γερμανίαν καθὼς Ὠκεα-
6 νὸς περικλείει ἀπ[ὸ] Γαδε[ίρ]ων μέχρι στόματος
7 Ἄλβιος ποταμο[ῦ ἐν] εἰρήνη κατέστησα. Ἄλπης ἀπὸ
8 κλίματος τοῦ πλησίον Εἰονίου κόλπου μέχρι Τυρ-
9 ρηνικῆς θαλάσσης εἰρηνεύεσθαι πεπόηκα, [§] οὐδενὶ
10 ἔθνει ἀδίκως ἐπενεχθέντος πολέμου. [§] Στόλος
11 ἐμὸς διὰ Ὠκεανοῦ ἀπὸ στόματος Ῥήνου ὡς πρὸς
12 ἀνατολὰς μέχρι ἔθνους Κίμβρων διέπλευσεν, οὗ οὔ-
13 τε κατὰ γῆν οὔτε κατὰ θάλασσαν Ῥωμαίων τις πρὸ
14 τούτου τοῦ χρόνου προσῆλθεν· καὶ Κίμβροι καὶ Χάλυ-
15 βες καὶ Σέμνονες ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἔθνη Γερμανῶν
16 διὰ πρεσβειῶν τὴν ἐμὴν φιλίαν καὶ τὴν δήμου Ῥω-
17 μαίων ἠτήσαντο. Ἐμῇ ἐπιταγῇ καὶ οἰωνοῖς αἰσί-
18 οις δύο στρατεύματα, ἐπέβη Αἰθιοπίᾳ καὶ Ἀραβίᾳ
19 τῇ εὐδαίμονι καλωυμένῃ μεγάλας τε τῶν πο-
20 λεμίων δυνάμεις κατέκοψεν ἐν παρατάξει καὶ
21 πλείστας πόλεις δοριαλώτους ἔλαβεν καὶ προ-
22 έβη ἐν Αἰθιοπίᾳ μέχρι πόλεως Ναβάτης, ἥτις
23 ἐστὶν ἔνγιστα Μερόη, ἐν Ἀραβίᾳ δὲ μέχρι πόλε-
24 ως Μαρίβας.
XV. c. 27.
1 Αἴγυπτον δήμου Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίᾳ προσέθηκα.
2 Ἀρμενίαν τὴν μ[εί]ζονα ἀναιρεθέντος τοῦ βασιλέ-
3 ως δυνάμενος ἐπαρχείαν ποῆσαι μᾶλλον ἐβου-
4 λήθην κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἡμῶν ἔθη βασιλείαν Τιγρά-
5 νῃ Ἀρταουάσδου υἱῷ, υἱωνῷ δὲ Τιγράνου βασι-
6 λέως δ[ο]ῦν[α]ι διὰ Τιβερίου Νέρωνος, ὃς τότ’ ἐμοῦ
7 πρόγονος ἦν· καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ ἔθνος ἀφιστάμενον καὶ
8 ἀναπολεμοῦν δαμασθὲν ὑπὸ Γαΐου τοῦ υἱοῦ
9 μου βασιλεῖ Ἀριοβαρζάνει, βασιλέως Μήδων Ἀρτα-
10 βάζου υἱῷ παρέδωκα καὶ μετὰ τὸν ἐκείνου θάνα-
11 τον τῷ υἱῷ αὐτοῦ Ἀρταουάσδη· οὗ ἀναιρεθέντος
12 Τιγράνην, ὃς ἦν ἐκ γένους Ἀρμενίου βασιλικοῦ, εἰς
13 τὴν βασιλείαν ἔπεμψα. § Ἐπαρχείας ἁπάσας, ὅσαι
14 πέραν τοῦ Εἰονίου κόλπου διατείνουσι πρὸς ἀνα-
15 τολὰς, καὶ Κυρήνην ἐκ μείσζονος μέρους ὑπὸ βασι-
16 λέων κατεσχημένας καὶ ἔμπροσθεν Σικελίαν καὶ Σαρ-
17 δῲ προκατειλημένας πολέμῳ δουλικῷ ἀνέλαβον.
c. 28.
18 Ἀποικίας ἐν Λιβύῃ Σικελίᾳ Μακεδονίᾳ ἐν ἑκατέ-
19 ρα τε Ἱσπανίᾳ Ἀχαίᾳ Ἀσίᾳ Συρίᾳ Γαλατίᾳ τῇ πε-
20 ρὶ Νάρβωνα Πισιδίᾳ στρατιωτῶν κατήγαγον. § Ἰτα-
21 λία δὲ εἴκοσι ὀκτὼ ἀποικίας ἔχει ὑπ’ ἐμοῦ καταχθεί-
22 σας, αἳ ἐμοῦ περιόντος πληθύουσαι ἐτύνχανον.
c. 29.
23 Σημέας στρατιωτικὰς [πλείους ὑ]πὸ ἄλλων ἡγεμό-
24 νων ἀποβεβλημένας [νικῶν τοὺ]ς πολεμίους
XVI.
1 ἀπέλαβον § ἐξ Ἱσπανίας καὶ Γαλατίας καὶ παρὰ
2 Δαλματῶν· Πάρθους τριῶν στρατευμάτων Ῥωμαί-
3 ων σκῦλα καὶ σημέας ἀποδοῦναι ἐμοὶ ἱκέτας τε φι-
4 λίαν δήμου Ῥωμαίων ἀξιῶσαι ἠνάγκασα. [§] ταύτας
5 δὲ τὰς σημέας ἐν τῷ Ἄρεως τοῦ Ἀμύντορος ναοῦ ἀ-
6 δύτῳ ἀπεθέμην.
c. 30.
7 Παννονίων ἔθνη, οἷς πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνος στράτευ-
8 μα Ῥωμαίων οὐκ ἤνγισεν, ἡσσηθέντα ὑπὸ Τιβερίου
9 Νέρωνος, ὃς τότ’ ἐμοῦ ἦν πρόγονος καὶ πρεσβευτής,
10 ἡγεμονίᾳ δῆμου Ῥωμαίων ὑπέταξα [§] τά τε Ἰλλυρι-
11 κοῦ ὅρια μέχρι Ἴστρου ποταμοῦ προήγαγον· οὗ ἐπει-
12 ταδε Δάκων διαβᾶσα πολλὴ δύναμις ἐμοῖς αἰσίοις οἰω-
13 νοῖς κατεκόπη. Καὶ ὕστερον μεταχθὲν τὸ ἐμὸν στρά-
14 τευμα πέραν Ἴστρου τὰ Δάκων ἔθνη προστάλματα
15 δήμου Ῥωμαίων ὑπομένειν ἠνάγκασεν.
c. 31.
16 Πρὸς ἐμὲ ἐξ Ἰνδίας βασιλέων πρεσβεῖαι πολλάκις ἀπε-
17 στάλησαν, οὐδέποτε πρὸ τούτου χρόνου ὀφθεῖσαι παρὰ
18 Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμόνι. § Τὴν ἡμετέραν φιλίαν ἠξίωσαν
19 διὰ πρέσβεων § Βαστάρναι καὶ Σκύθαι καὶ Σαρμα-
20 τῶν οἱ ἐπιτάδε ὄντες τοῦ Τανάιδος ποταμοῦ καὶ
21 οἱ πέραν δὲ βασιλεῖς, καὶ Ἀλβανῶν δὲ καὶ Ἰβήρων
22 καὶ Μήδων βασιλεες.
c. 32.
23 Πρὸς ἐμὲ ἱκέται κατέφυγον βασιλεῖς Πάρθων μὲν
24 Τειριδάτης καὶ μετέπειτα Φραάτης βασιλέως §
XVII.
1 Φράτου [υἱός, Μ]ήδ[ων] δὲ Ἀρταο[υάσδ]ης, Ἀδιαβ[η]-
2 νῶν [Ἀ]ρτα[ξάρης, Βριτα]ννῶν Δομνοελλαῦνος
3 καὶ Τ[ιμ........, Σο]υ[γ]άμβρων [Μ]αίλων, Μαρκο-
4 μάνων [Σουήβων] ........ρος. § [Πρὸ]ς ἐμὲ βασιλεις
5 Πάρθων Φρα[άτης Ὠρώδο]υ υἱὸ[ς ὑ]ιοὺς [αὐτοῦ] υἱω-
6 νούς τε πάντας ἔπεμψεν εἰς Ἰταλίαν, οὐ πολέμῳ
7 λειφθείς, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἡμ[ε]τέραν φιλίαν ἀξιῶν ἐπὶ τέ-
8 κνων ἐνεχύροις, πλεῖστά τε ἄλλα ἔθνη πεῖραν ἔλ[α]-
9 βεν δήμου Ῥωμαίων πίστεως ἐπ’ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνος,
10 οἷς τὸ πρὶν οὐδεμία ἦν πρὸς δῆμον Ῥωμαίων π[ρε]σ-
11 βειῶν καὶ φιλίας κοινωνία.
c. 33.
12 Παρ’ ἐμοῦ ἔθνη Πάρθων καὶ Μήδων διὰ πρέσβεων τῶν
13 παρ’ αὐτοῖς πρώτων βασιλεῖς αἰτησάμενοι ἔλαβ[ον]
14 Πάρθοι Οὐονώνην βασιλέως Φράτου ὑ[ι]όν, βασιλ[έω]ς
15 Ὠρώδου υἱωνόν· Μῆδοι Ἀριοβαρζάνην βα[σ]ιλέως
16 Ἀρταβάζου υἱόν, βασιλέως Ἀριοβαρζάν[ου υἱω]νόν.
c. 34.
17 Ἐν ὑπατείᾳ ἕκτῃ καὶ ἑβδόμῃ μετὰ τὸ τοὺς ἐνφυ-
18 λίους ζβέσαι με πολέμους [κ]ατὰ τὰς εὐχὰς τῶν ἐ-
19 μῶν πολε[ι]τῶν ἐνκρατὴς γενόμενος πάντων τῶν
20 πραγμάτων, ἐκ τῆς ἐμῆς ἐξουσίας εἰς τὴν τῆς συν-
21 κλήτου καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ῥωμαίων μετήνεγκα
22 κυριήαν. ἐξ ἧς αἰτίας δόγματι συνκλήτου Σεβαστὸς
23 προσ[ηγορε]ύθην καὶ δάφναις δημοσίᾳ τὰ πρόπυ-
24 λ[ά μου ἐστέφθ]η, ὅ τε δρύινος στέφανος ὁ διδόμενος
XVIII.
1 ἐπὶ σωτηρία τῶν πολειτῶν ὑπερά[ν]ω τοῦ πυλῶ-
2 νος τῆς ἐμῆς οἰκίας ἀνετέθη, § ὅπ[λ]ον τε χρυ-
3 σοῦν ἐν τῷ βο[υ]λευτηρίῳ ἀνατεθ[ὲ]ν ὑπό τε τῆς
4 συνκλήτου καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ῥω[μα]ίων
5 διὰ τῆς ἐπιγραφῆς ἀρετὴν καὶ ἐπείκειαν κα[ὶ δ]ικαιοσύνην
6 καὶ εὐσέβειαν ἐμοὶ μαρτυρεῖ. § Ἀξιώμ[α]τι [§] πάντων
7 διήνεγκα, [§] ἐξουσίας δὲ οὐδέν τι πλεῖον ἔσχον
8 τῶν συναρξάντων μοι.
c. 35.
9 Τρισκαιδεκάτην ὑπατείαν ἄγοντός μου ἥ τε σύν-
10 κλητος καὶ τὸ ἱππικὸν τάγμα ὅ τε σύνπας δῆμος τῶν
11 Ῥωμαίων προσηγόρευσέ με πατέρα πατρίδος καὶ τοῦτο
12 ἐπὶ τοῦ προπύλου τῆς οἰκίας μου καὶ ἐν τῷ βουλευτη-
13 ρίῳ καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ τῇ Σεβαστῇ ὑπὸ τῷ ἅρματι, ὅ μοι
14 δόγματι συνκλήτου ἀνετέθη, ἐπιγραφῆναι ἐψηφίσα-
15 το. [§] Ὅτε ἔγραφον ταῦτα, ἤγον ἔτος ἑβδομηκοστὸν
16 ἕκτον. §
* * * * *
17 Συνκεφαλαίωσις [§] ἠριθμημένου χρήματος εἰς τὸ αἰρά-
18 ριον ἢ εἰς τὸν δῆμον τὸν Ῥω[μαί]ων ἢ εἰς τοὺς ἀπολε-
19 λυμένους στρατιώτας [§]: ἓξ μυριάδες μυριάδων. §
20 Ἔργα καινὰ ἐγένετο ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ναοὶ μὲν Ἄρεως, Διὸς
21 βροντησίου καὶ τροπαιοφόρου, Πανός, Ἀπόλλω-
22 νος, [§] θεοῦ Ἰουλίου, Κυρείνου, [§] Ἀ[θη]νᾶς, [§] Ἥρας βασιλί-
23 δος, [§] Διὸς Ἐλευθερίου, [§] ἡρώ[ων, θεῶν π]ατρίων, [§], Νε-
24 ότητος, [§] Μητρὸς θεῶν, [§] β[ουλευτήριον] σὺν χαλκι-
XIX.
1 δικῷ, [§] ἀγορᾷ Σεβαστῇ [§], θέατρον Μαρκέλλου, [§] β[α]σι-
2 λικὴ Ἰουλία, [§] ἄλσος Καισάρων, [§] στοαὶ ἐ[ν] Παλατ[ί]ῳ,
3 στοὰ ἐν ἱπποδρόμῳ Φλαμινίῳ. § Ἐπεσκευάσθ[η τὸ Κα]-
4 πιτώλιον, [§] ναοὶ ὀγδοήκοντα δύο, [§] θέ[ατ]ρον Π[ομ]-
5 πηίου, [§] ὁδὸς Φλαμινία, [§] ἀγωγοὶ ὑδάτων. [Δαπ]άναι δὲ
6 εἰς θέας καὶ μονομάχους καὶ ἀθλητὰς καὶ ναυμα-
7 χίαν καὶ θηρομαχίαν δωρεαί [τε] ἀποικίαις πόλεσιν
8 ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ, πόλεσιν ἐν ἐπαρχείαις [§] σεισμῷ κα[ὶ] ἐνπυ-
9 ρισμοῖς πεπονηκυίαις ἢ κατ’ ἄνδρα φίλοις καὶ συν-
10 κλητικοῖς, ὧν τὰς τειμήσεις προσεξεπλήρωσεν: ἄ-
11 πειρον πλῆθος.
l, 7. ἅμα B. μοι or ἐμοὶ.
II, 16. Before ἐμῶν W. inserts τῶν.
III, 14. Last word Apoll., τοῦ, Auc. τῶν.
VIII, 17. οὗτος, W. σύνπας; ἀριθμὸς, S. ἀριθμῷ or ἀριθμὸν.
X, 22. S. inserts τοῦ before Κρόνου.
X, 23. S. inserts μου after πατρὸς.
X, 24. καυθεῖσαν ἐπὶ, S. καταφλεχθεῖσαν ἐν.
XII, 1. ἐψηφίσαντο, S. καὶ ἐψήφιστο.
XIII, 22. οἳ ἢ πρότερον ἢ, S. ὑπατικοὶ καὶ οἳ.
Below is a copy of the deeds of the divine Augustus, by which he
subjected the whole world to the dominion of the Roman people, and
of the amounts which he expended upon the commonwealth and the Roman
people, as engraved upon two brazen columns which are set up at Rome.[1]
c. 1.
In my twentieth year,[2] acting upon my own judgment[3] and at my
own expense,[4] I raised an army[5] by means of which I restored to
liberty the commonwealth which had been oppressed by the tyranny of
a faction.[6] On account of this the senate by laudatory decrees
admitted me to its order,[7] in the consulship of Gaius Pansa and Aulus
Hirtius, and at the same time gave me consular rank in the expression
of opinion,[8] and gave me the _imperium_.[9] It also voted that
I as propraetor,[10] together with the consuls, should see to it that
the commonwealth suffered no harm.[11] In the same year, moreover, when
both consuls had perished in war, the people made me consul,[12] and
triumvir for organizing the commonwealth.[13]
c. 2.
Those who killed my father[14] I drove into exile by lawful
judgments,[15] avenging their crime, and afterwards, when they waged
war against the commonwealth, I twice defeated them in battle.[16]
c. 3.
I undertook civil and foreign wars by land and sea throughout the whole
world, and as victor I showed mercy to all surviving citizens.[17]
Foreign peoples, who could be pardoned with safety, I preferred to
preserve rather than to destroy. About five hundred thousand Roman
citizens took the military oath of allegiance to me.[18] Of these I
have settled in colonies or sent back to their _municipia_,[19]
upon the expiration of their terms of service,[20] somewhat over three
hundred thousand, and to all these I have given lands purchased by
me, or money for farms,[21] out of my own means. I have captured six
hundred ships, besides those which were smaller than triremes.[22]
c. 4.
Twice I have triumphed in the ovation,[23] and three times in the
curule triumph,[24] and I have been twenty-one times saluted as
imperator.[25]
After that, when the senate decreed me many triumphs,[26] I declined
them. Likewise I often deposited the laurels in the Capitol[27] in
fulfilment of vows which I had also made in battle. On account of
enterprises brought to a successful issue on land and sea by me, or
by my lieutenants under my auspices, the senate fifty-five times
decreed that there should be a thanksgiving to the immortal gods.[28]
The number of days, moreover, on which thanksgiving was rendered
in accordance with the decree of the senate was eight hundred and
ninety.[29] In my triumphs there have been led before my chariot nine
kings, or children of kings.[30] When I wrote these words I had been
thirteen times consul, and was in the thirty-seventh year of the
tribunitial power.[31]
c. 5.
The dictatorship which was offered to me by the people and the senate,
both when I was absent and when I was present, in the consulship of
Marcus Marcellus and Lucius Arruntius, I did not accept.[32] At a time
of the greatest dearth of grain I did not refuse the charge of the food
supply, which I so administered that in a few days, at my own expense,
I freed the whole people from the anxiety and danger in which they then
were.[33] The annual and perpetual consulship offered to me at that
time I did not accept.[34]
c. 6.
During the consulship of Marcus Vinucius and Quintus Lucretius, and
afterwards in that of Publius and Cnaeus Lentulus, and a third time in
that of Paullus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Tubero, by the consent of
the senate and the Roman people I was voted the sole charge of the laws
and of morals, with the fullest power;[35] but I accepted the proffer
of no office which was contrary to the customs of the country.[36] The
measures of which the senate at that time wished me to take charge, I
accomplished in virtue of my possession of the tribunitial power.[37]
In this office I five times associated with myself a colleague, with
the consent of the senate.[38]
c. 7.
For ten years in succession I was one of the triumvirs for organizing
the commonwealth.[39] Up to that day on which I write these words
I have been _princeps_ of the senate through forty years.[40]
I have been _pontifex maximus_,[41] augur,[42] a member of the
quindecemviral college of the sacred rites,[43] of the septemviral
college of the banquets,[44] an Arval Brother,[45] a member of the
Titian sodality,[46] and a fetial.[47]
c. 8.
In my fifth consulship, by order of the people and the senate, I
increased the number of the patricians.[48] Three times I have revised
the list of the senate.[49] In my sixth consulship, with Marcus Agrippa
as colleague, I made a census of the people. I performed the lustration
after forty-one years. In this lustration the number of Roman citizens
was four million and sixty-three thousand.[50] Again assuming the
consular power in the consulship of Gaius Censorinus and Gaius Asinius,
I alone performed the lustration. At this census the number of Roman
citizens was four million, two hundred and thirty thousand.[51] A third
time, assuming the consular power in the consulship of Sextus Pompeius
and Sextus Appuleius, with Tiberius Cæsar as colleague, I performed the
lustration. At this lustration the number of Roman citizens was four
million, nine hundred and thirty-seven thousand.[52] By new legislation
I have restored many customs of our ancestors which had now begun to
fall into disuse, and I have myself also committed to posterity many
examples worthy of imitation.[53]
c. 9.
The senate decreed that every fifth year vows for my good health should
be performed by the consuls and the priests. In accordance with these
vows games have been often celebrated during my lifetime, sometimes
by the four chief colleges, sometimes by the consuls.[54] In private,
also, and as municipalities, the whole body of citizens have constantly
sacrificed at every shrine for my good health.[55]
c. 10.
By a decree of the senate my name has been included in the Salian
hymn,[56] and it has been enacted by law that I should be sacrosanct,
and that as long as I live I should be invested with the tribunitial
power.[57] I refused to be made _pontifex maximus_ in the place of
a colleague still living, when the people tendered me that priesthood
which my father held. I accepted that office after several years, when
he was dead who had seized it during a time of civil disturbance;
and at the comitia for my election, during the consulship of Publius
Sulpicius and Gaius Valgius, so great a multitude assembled as, it is
said, had never before been in Rome.[58]
c. 11.
Close to the temples of Honor and Virtue, near the Capena gate, the
senate consecrated in honor of my return an altar to Fortune the
Restorer, and upon this altar it ordered that the _pontifices_ and
the Vestal virgins should offer sacrifice yearly on the anniversary of
the day on which I returned into the city from Syria, in the consulship
of Quintus Lucretius and Marcus Vinucius, and it called the day the
Augustalia, from our cognomen.[59]
c. 12.
By a decree of the senate at the same time a part of the prætors and
tribunes of the people with the consul Quintus Lucretius and leading
citizens were sent into Campania to meet me, an honor which up to this
time has been decreed to no one but me.[60] When I returned from Spain
and Gaul after successfully arranging the affairs of those provinces,
in the consulship of Tiberius Nero and Publius Quintilius, the senate
voted that in honor of my return an altar of the Augustan Peace should
be consecrated in the Campus Martius, and upon this altar it ordered
the magistrates and priests and vestal virgins to offer sacrifices on
each anniversary.[61]
c. 13.
Janus Quirinus, which it was the purpose of our fathers to close when
there was peace won by victory[62] throughout the whole empire of
the Roman people on land and sea, and which, before I was born, from
the foundation of the city, was reported to have been closed twice
in all,[63] the senate three times ordered to be closed while I was
_princeps_.[64]
c. 14.
My sons, the Cæsars Gaius and Lucius, whom fortune snatched from me in
their youth,[65] the senate and Roman people, in order to dome honor,
designated as consuls in the fifteenth year of each, with the intention
that they should enter upon that magistracy after five years.[66] And
the senate decreed that from the day in which they were introduced into
the forum they should share in the public counsels.[67] Moreover the
whole body of the Roman knights gave them the title, _principes_
of the youth, and gave to each a silver buckler and spear.[68]
c. 15.
To each man of the Roman _plebs_ I paid three hundred sesterces
in accordance with the last will of my father;[69] and in my own name,
when consul for the fifth time, I gave four hundred sesterces from
the spoils of the wars;[70] again, moreover, in my tenth consulship I
gave from my own estate four hundred sesterces to each man by way of
_congiarium_;[71] and in my eleventh consulship I twelve times
made distributions of food, buying grain at my own expense;[72] and
in the twelfth year of my tribunitial power I three times gave four
hundred sesterces to each man.[73] These my donations have never
been made to less than two hundred and fifty thousand men.[74] In my
twelfth consulship and the eighteenth year of my tribunitial power I
gave to three hundred and twenty thousand of the city _plebs_
sixty _denarii_ apiece.[75] In the colonies of my soldiers, when
consul for the fifth time, I gave to each man a thousand sesterces from
the spoils; about a hundred and twenty thousand men in the colonies
received that triumphal donation.[76] When consul for the thirteenth
time I gave sixty _denarii_ to the _plebs_ who were at that
time receiving public grain; these men were a little more than two
hundred thousand in number.[77][78]
c. 16.
For the lands which in my fourth consulship, and afterwards in the
consulship of Marcus Crassus and Cnæus Lentulus, the augur, I assigned
to soldiers, I paid money to the _municipia_. The sum which I paid
for Italian farms was about six hundred million sesterces, and that for
lands in the provinces was about two hundred and sixty millions.[79]
Of all those who have established colonies of soldiers in Italy or
in the provinces I am the first and only one within the memory of my
age, to do this. And afterward in the consulship of Tiberius Nero and
Cnæus Piso, and also in that of Gaius Antistius and Decimus Lælius,
and in that of Gaius Calvisius and Lucius Pasienus, and in that of
Lucius Lentulus and Marcus Messala, and in that of Lucius Caninius and
Quintus Fabricius, I gave gratuities in money to the soldiers whom I
sent back to their _municipia_ at the expiration of their terms
of service, and for this purpose I freely spent four hundred million
sesterces.[80]
c. 17.
Four times I have aided the public treasury from my own means, to such
extent that I have furnished to those in charge of the treasury one
hundred and fifty million sesterces.[81] And in the consulship of
Marcus Lepidus and Lucius Arruntius I paid into the military treasury
which was established by my advice that from it gratuities might be
given to soldiers who had served a term of twenty or more years, one
hundred and seventy million sesterces from my own estate.[82]
c. 18.
Beginning with that year in which Cnæus and Publius Lentulus were
consuls, when the imposts failed, I furnished aid sometimes to a
hundred thousand men, and sometimes to more, by supplying grain or
money for the tribute from my own land and property.[83]
c. 19.
I constructed[84] the Curia,[85] and the Chalcidicum adjacent
thereto,[86] the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, with its
porticoes,[87] the temple of the divine Julius,[88] the Lupercal,[89]
the portico to the Circus of Flaminius, which I allowed to bear the
name, Portico Octavia, from his name who constructed the earlier one
in the same place;[90] the Pulvinar at the Circus Maximus,[91] the
temples of Jupiter the Vanquisher[92] and Jupiter the Thunderer, on the
Capitol,[93] the temple of Quirinus,[94] the temples of Minerva and
Juno Regina and of Jupiter Libertas, on the Aventine,[95] the temple of
the Lares on the highest point of the Via Sacra,[96] the temple of the
divine Penates on the Velian hill,[97] the temple of Youth,[98] and the
temple of the Great Mother on the Palatine.[99]
c. 20.
The Capitol and the Pompeian theatre have been restored by me at
enormous expense for each work, without any inscription of my name.[100]
Aqueducts which were crumbling in many places by reason of age I have
restored, and I have doubled the water which bears the name Marcian
by turning a new spring into its course.[101] The Forum Julium and
the basilica which was between the temple of Castor and the temple
of Saturn, works begun and almost completed by my father, I have
finished; and when that same basilica was consumed by fire, I began
its reconstruction on an enlarged site, inscribing it with the names
of my sons; and if I do not live to complete it, I have given orders
that it be completed by my heirs.[102] In accordance with a decree of
the senate, while consul for the sixth time, I have restored eighty-two
temples of the gods, passing over none which was at that time in need
of repair.[103] In my seventh consulship I constructed the Flaminian
way from the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian
and Minucian.[104]
c. 21.
Upon private ground I have built with the spoils of war the temple
of Mars the Avenger, and the Augustan Forum.[105] Beside the temple
of Apollo, I built upon ground, bought for the most part at my own
expense, a theatre, to bear the name of Marcellus, my son-in-law.[106]
From the spoils of war I have consecrated gifts in the Capitol, and
in the temple of the divine Julius, and in the temple of Apollo, and
in the temple of Vesta, and in the temple of Mars the Avenger; these
gifts have cost me about a hundred million sesterces.[107] In my fifth
consulship I remitted to the _municipia_ and Italian colonies the
thirty-five thousand pounds given me as coronary gold on the occasion
of my triumphs, and thereafter, as often as I was proclaimed imperator,
I did not accept the coronary gold which the _municipia_ and
colonies voted to me as kindly as before.[108]
c. 22.
Three times in my own name, and five times in that of my sons or
grandsons, I have given gladiatorial exhibitions; in these exhibitions
about ten thousand men have fought.[109] Twice in my own name,
and three times in that of my grandson, I have offered the people
the spectacle of athletes gathered from all quarters.[110] I have
celebrated games four times in my own name, and twenty-three times
in the turns of other magistrates.[111] In behalf of the college of
quindecemvirs, I, as master of the college, with my colleague Agrippa,
celebrated the Secular Games in the consulship of Gaius Furnius and
Gaius Silanus.[112] When consul for the thirteenth time, I first
celebrated the Martial games, which since that time the consuls have
given in successive years.[113] Twenty-six times in my own name,
or in that of my sons and grandsons, I have given hunts of African
wild beasts in the circus, the forum, the amphitheatres, and about
thirty-five hundred beasts have been killed.[114]
c. 23.
I gave the people the spectacle of a naval battle beyond the Tiber,
where now is the grove of the Cæsars.[115] For this purpose an
excavation was made eighteen hundred feet long and twelve hundred
wide. In this contest thirty beaked ships, triremes or biremes, were
engaged, besides more of smaller size. About three thousand men fought
in these vessels in addition to the rowers.
c. 24.
In the temples of all the cities of the province of Asia, I, as victor,
replaced the ornaments of which he with whom I was at war had taken
private possession when he despoiled the temples.[116] Silver statues
of me, on foot, on horseback and in quadrigas, which stood in the city
to the number of about eighty, I removed, and out of their money value,
I placed golden gifts in the temple of Apollo in my own name, and in
the names of those who had offered me the honor of the statues.[117]
c. 25.
I have freed the sea from pirates. In that war with the slaves I
delivered to their masters for punishment about thirty thousand
slaves who had fled from their masters and taken up arms against the
state.[118] The whole of Italy voluntarily took the oath of allegiance
to me, and demanded me as leader in that war in which I conquered at
Actium. The provinces of Gaul, Spain, Africa, Sicily and Sardinia swore
the same allegiance to me.[119] There were more than seven hundred
senators who at that time fought under my standards, and among these,
up to the day on which these words are written, eighty-three have
either before or since been made consuls, and about one hundred and
seventy have been made priests.[120]
c. 26.
I have extended the boundaries of all the provinces of the Roman people
which were bordered by nations not yet subjected to our sway.[121] I
have reduced to a state of peace the Gallic and Spanish provinces, and
Germany, the lands enclosed by the ocean from Gades to the mouth of
the Elbe.[122] The Alps from the region nearest the Adriatic as far as
the Tuscan Sea I have brought into a state of peace, without waging an
unjust war upon any people.[123] My fleet has navigated the ocean from
the mouth of the Rhine as far as the boundaries of the Cimbri, where
before that time no Roman had ever penetrated by land or sea;[124] and
the Cimbri and Charydes and Semnones and other German peoples of that
section, by means of legates, sought my friendship and that of the
Roman people.[125] By my command and under my auspices two armies at
almost the same time have been led into Ethiopia and into Arabia, which
is called “the Happy,” and very many of the enemy of both peoples have
fallen in battle, and many towns have been captured. Into Ethiopia the
advance was as far as Nabata, which is next to Meroe.[126] In Arabia
the army penetrated as far as the confines of the Sabaei, to the town
Mariba.[127]
c. 27.
I have added Egypt to the empire of the Roman people.[128] Of greater
Armenia, when its king Artaxes was killed I could have made a
province, but I preferred, after the example of our fathers, to deliver
that kingdom to Tigranes, the son of king Artavasdes, and grandson of
king Tigranes; and this I did through Tiberius Nero, who was then my
son-in-law.[129] And afterwards, when the same people became turbulent
and rebellious, they were subdued by Gaius, my son, and I gave the
sovereignty over them to king Ariobarzanes, the son of Artabazes, king
of the Medes, and after his death to his son Artavasdes. When he was
killed I sent into that kingdom Tigranes, who was sprung from the royal
house of the Armenians.[130] I recovered all the provinces across the
Adriatic Sea, which extend toward the east, and Cyrenaica, at that time
for the most part in the possession of kings, together with Sicily and
Sardinia, which had been engaged in a servile war.[131]
c. 28.
I have established colonies of soldiers[132] in Africa, Sicily,
Macedonia, the two Spains, Achaia, Asia, Syria, Gallia Narbonensis and
Pisidia.[133] Italy also has twenty-eight colonies established under
my auspices, which within my lifetime have become very famous and
populous.[134]
c. 29.
I have recovered from Spain and Gaul, and from the Dalmatians, after
conquering the enemy, many military standards which had been lost by
other leaders.[135] I have compelled the Parthians to give up to me
the spoils and standards of three Roman armies, and as suppliants to
seek the friendship of the Roman people. Those standards, moreover,
I have deposited in the sanctuary which is in the temple of Mars the
Avenger.[136]
c. 30.
The Pannonian peoples, whom before I became _princeps_, no army
of the Roman people had ever attacked, were defeated by Tiberius Nero,
at that time my son-in-law and legate; and I brought them under
subjection to the empire of the Roman people,[137] and extended the
boundaries of Illyricum to the bank of the river Danube.[138] When an
army of the Dacians crossed this river, it was defeated and destroyed,
and afterwards my army, led across the Danube, compelled the Dacian
people to submit to the sway of the Roman people.[139]
c. 31.
Embassies have been many times sent to me from the kings of India, a
thing never before seen in the case of any ruler of the Romans.[140]
Our friendship has been sought by means of ambassadors by the Bastarnae
and the Scythians, and by the kings of the Sarmatae, who are on either
side of the Tanais, and by the kings of the Albani, the Hiberi, and the
Medes.[141]
c. 32.
To me have betaken themselves as suppliants the kings of the
Parthians, Tiridates, and later, Phraates, the son of king
Phraates;[142] of the Medes, Artavasdes;[143] of the Adiabeni,
Artaxares;[144] of the Britons, Dumnobellaunus and Tim_____;[145]
of the Sicambri, Maelo;[146] and of the Marcomanian Suevi,
__________rus.[147] Phraates, king of the Parthians, son of Orodes,
sent all his children and grandchildren into Italy to me, not because
he had been conquered in war, but rather seeking our friendship
by means of his children as pledges.[148] Since I have been
_princeps_ very many other races have made proof of the good
faith of the Roman people, who never before had had any interchange of
embassies and friendship with the Roman people.
c. 33.
From me the peoples of the Parthians and of the Medes have received
the kings they asked for through ambassadors, the chief men of those
peoples: the Parthians, Vonones, the son of king Phraates, and
grandson of king Orodes;[149] the Medes, Ariobarzanes, the son of king
Artavasdes, and grandson of king Ariobarzanes.[150]
c. 34.
In my sixth and seventh consulships, when I had put an end to the
civil wars, after having obtained complete control of affairs by
universal consent, I transferred the commonwealth from my own dominion
to the authority of the senate and Roman people.[151] In return for
this favor on my part I received by decree of the senate the title
Augustus,[152] the door-posts of my house were publicly decked with
laurels, a civic crown was fixed above my door,[153] and in the Julian
Curia was placed a golden shield, which, by its inscription, bore
witness that it was given to me by the senate and Roman people on
account of my valor, clemency, justice and piety.[154] After that time
I excelled all others in dignity, but of power I held no more than
those also held who were my colleagues in any magistracy.[155]
c. 35.
While I was consul for the thirteenth time the senate and the
equestrian order and the entire Roman people gave me the title of
father of the fatherland, and decreed that it should be inscribed upon
the vestibule of my house and in the Curia, and in the Augustan Forum
beneath the quadriga which had been, by decree of the senate, set up
in my honor.[156] When I wrote these words I was in my seventy-sixth
year.[157]
SUPPLEMENT.
c. 1.
The sum of the money which he gave in to the treasury or to the Roman
people, or to discharged soldiers, was six hundred million denarii.[158]
c. 2.
He constructed new works as follows: the temples of Mars, of Jupiter
the Thunderer and the Vanquisher, of Apollo, of the divine Julius,
of Quirinus, of Minerva, of Juno Regina, of Jupiter Libertas, of the
Lares, of the divine Penates, of Youth, and of the Mother of the
gods, the Lupercal, the Pulvinar in the Circus, the Curia with the
Chalcidicum, the Augustan Forum, the Basilica Julia, the Theatre of
Marcellus, the Portico on the Palatine, the Portico in the Flaminian
Circus, the grove of the Cæsars beyond the Tiber.[159]
c. 3.
He restored the Capitol, and sacred structures to the number of
eighty-two, the Theatre of Pompey, the aqueducts, the Flaminian
Way.[160]
c. 4.
His expenses for theatrical representations, for gladiatorial and
athletic exhibitions, for chases and the naval combat,[161] also for
gifts in money to the colonies and cities of Italy,[162] to provincial
cities suffering from earthquake or conflagrations,[163] and to
individual friends and to senators, whose property he raised to the
standard,[164] were innumerable.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
(_Roman numerals refer to chapters._)
A. U. C.
706. Made _pontifex_, VI.
710. Raises army at his own cost, I; gives to each citizen 300
sesterces, according to will of Julius Cæsar, XV.
711. Enters senate, receives consular rank, and the _imperium_,
becomes _propraetor_, _imperator_, consul, I; triumvir, I
and VII; exiles murderers of Julius Cæsar, II.
712. War of Philippi, II; builds the curia, XIX, app. II.
714. _Imperator_ second and third times; ovation, IV.
716. Recovers Sardinia, XXVII.
718. The Sicilian war, III and XIX; fourth time _imperator_, IV;
punishes revolted slaves, XXV; recovers Sicily, XXVII; ovation, IV;
receives tribunitial power, X, cf. VI; builds temple of Apollo on the
Palatine, XIX, app. II.
721. Fifth time _imperator_? IV; recovers standards from
Dalmatians, XXIX.
722. Becomes leader against Antony, XXV.
723. Victory of Actium; clemency as victor, III; sixth time
_imperator_, IV.
724. Fourth consulship; veterans colonized, XVI; provinces east of
the Adriatic, and Cyrenae recovered; Egypt annexed, XXVII; Artavasdes
the Mede and Tiridates the Parthian flee to Augustus, XXXII;
ornaments replaced in temples of Asia, XXIV.
725. Fifth consulship, VIII, XV, XXI; seventh time _imperator_;
triple triumph, IV; declines coronary gold, XXI; gives to 120,000
colonized soldiers 1,000 sesterces apiece; gives the people 400
sesterces each, XV; gives gladiatorial show, XXII; consecrates gifts
in various temples, XXI; closes temple of Janus, XIII; name placed in
Salian hymn, X; increases number of patricians, VIII.
726. Sixth consulship, VIII, XX, XXXIV. Takes census; revises list
of senators, VIII; made _princeps senatus_, VII; restores city
temples, XX, app. III; gives money to the treasury, XVII; gives
gladiatorial and athletic shows, XXII; games vowed and celebrated for
health of Augustus, IX; restores the commonwealth to the senate and
people, XXXIV.
727. Seventh consulship, XX, XXXIV. Continuation of transfer of
power to senate and people; is called Augustus; door-posts decked
with laurel; civic crown and golden shield accorded, XXXIV; repairs
Flaminian Way, XX, app. III; melts down silver statues for offerings,
XXIV.
729. Eighth time _imperator_; refuses triumph, IV; closes temple
of Janus the second time, XIII; Arabian expedition, XXVI.
730. Tenth consulship; gives the people 400 sesterces each.
731. Eleventh consulship; twelve times supplies food for citizens,
XV, cf. V; Ethiopian expedition, XXVI.
732. Consulship of Marcus Marcellus and Lucius Arruntius; refuses
annual and perpetual consulship; also the dictatorship; accepts
the administration of grain supply, V; dedicates temple of Jupiter
Tonans, XIX.
733. Refuses consulship? V.
734. Receives embassy from India, XXXI; ninth time _imperator_?
refuses a triumph, IV; recovers standards from Parthia, XXIX; gives
Armenia Major to Tigranes, XXVII.
735. Quintus Lucretius and Marcus Vinucius consuls; altar of Fortuna
Redux consecrated; Augustalia established, XI; deputation of leading
men meet Augustus in Campania, XII; declines the custody of laws and
morals, VI.
736. Cnaeus and Publius Lentulus consuls, VI, XVIII; remits tribute,
XVIII; again declines custody of laws and morals; associates Agrippa
in tribunitial power, VI.
737. Gaius Furnius and Gaius Silanus consuls; secular games, XXII.
738. Augustus supplies money to the treasury, XVII; gives
gladiatorial show, XXII; dedicates temple of Quirinus, XIX, app. II.
739. Tenth time _imperator_, IV.
740. Marcus Crassus and Cnaeus Lentulus consuls; pays provincials for
lands taken for veterans.
741. Tiberius Nero and Publius Quintilius consuls, XII; deposits
laurel in the Capitol, IV; altar of the Augustan Peace dedicated,
XII; again associates Agrippa in tribunitial power, VI.
742. Gaius Sulpicius and Gaius Valgius consuls, X; twelfth year of
tribunitial power, XV; eleventh time _imperator_, IV; made
_pontifex maximus_, X; gives gladiatorial show, XXII; gives the
people 400 sesterces each, XV.
743. Paullus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Tubero consuls, VI; twelfth
time _imperator_, IV; for the third time refuses the custody of
laws and morals, VI; dedicates theater of Marcellus, XXI, app. II.
745. Thirteenth time _imperator_; deposits the laurel in temple
of Jupiter Feretrius, IV; Tiberius Nero subdues the Pannonians, XXX.
746. Gaius Censorinus and Gaius Asinius consuls; second census taken;
list of senate revised, VIII; children of Phraates sent to Rome;
Maelo, King of the Sicambri, surrenders himself, XXXII; fourteenth
time _imperator_; refuses a triumph, IV.
747. Tiberius Nero and Cnaeus Piso consuls; veterans discharged, with
gratuities, XVI; Alpine peoples added to the empire, XXVI; gives
gladiatorial show, XXII.
748. Gaius Antistius and Decimus Laelius consuls; veterans
discharged, with gratuities, XVI; associates Tiberius in tribunitial
power, VI.
749. Eighteenth year of tribunitial power; twelfth consulship; gives
sixty denarii each to 320,000 citizens; Gaius Cæsar consul designate,
made prince of the youth, received into senate, XIV; aqueducts
repaired, XX, app. III.
750. Gaius Calvisius and Lucius Passienus consuls; veterans
discharged, with gratuities, XVI.
751. Lucius Lentulus and Marcus Messala consuls; veterans discharged,
with gratuities, XVI.
752. Thirteenth consulship, XV, XXII, XXXV; Lucius Caninius and
Quintus Fabricius consuls; veterans discharged, with gratuities,
XVI; gives the citizens sixty denarii each, XV; Lucius Cæsar
consul designate, prince of the youth, and admitted to senate,
XIV; dedicates temple of Mars Ultor, XXI, app. II; martial games
instituted, XXII; naval contest exhibited, XXIII; title _pater
patriae_ conferred, XXXV.
755. Lucius Cæsar dies, XIV, cf. XX; fifteenth time _imperator_,
IV; Armenia subdued by Gaius Cæsar and given to Ariobarzanes, XXVII.
757. Gaius Cæsar dies, XIV, cf. XX; again associates Tiberius in
tribunitial power, VI.
758. Fleet penetrates to limits of the Cimbri; the Cimbri, Charudes
and Semnones send ambassadors, XXVI; King Vonones given to the
Parthians, XXXIII.
759. Marcus Lepidus and Lucius Arruntius consuls, XVII; seventeenth
time _imperator_, IV; Dacians subdued, XXX; gives gladiatorial
show, XXII; military treasury established, XVII.
762. Nineteenth time _imperator_, IV.
766. Associates Tiberius the third time in tribunitial power, VI.
767. Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius consuls, VIII;
thirty-seventh year of tribunitial power, IV; seventy-sixth year of
Augustus, XXXV; third census taken; list of senate revised, VIII.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Abbreviations as used in the Notes are put in parentheses.
I. EDITIONS.
=Mommsen, Theodor: Res Gestæ Divi Augusti ex Monumentis Ancyrano et
Apolloniensi.= pp. LXXXXVII, 223. With eleven photogravure plates.
Berlin, 1883. (_R. G._)
This work is so exhaustive and so full that it puts all preceding
editions and discussions out of date. Hence this bibliography
enumerates only such editions and discussions as have appeared since
1883.
=C. Peltier and R. Cagnat: Res Gestæ Divi Augusti, d’après la
dernière recension de Th. Mommsen.= Paris, 1886.
II. DISCUSSIONS OF THE MONUMENTUM.
=Bormann, Ernest: Bemerkungen zum Schriftliche Nachlasse des
Kaisers Augustus.= Marburg, 1884. Universitäts Einladung. pp. 1-46.
=Bormann, Ernest: Verhandlungen der dreiundvierzigsten Versammlung
Deutschen Philologen in Köln=, 1895. pp. 180-191. Leipzig, 1896.
=Geppert, Paul: Zum Monumentum Ancyranum. Gymnasiums Programm.=
pp. 1-18. Berlin, 1887.
=Hirschfeld, Otto: Wiener Studien=, 1885. pp. 170-174.
=Mommsen, Theodor: Historische Zeitschrift, Neue Folge=, XXI.
pp. 385-397
=Nissen, H.: Rheinisches Museum=, XLI. 1886. pp. 481-499.
=Plew, J.: Quellenuntersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers
Hadrian, nebst einem Anhang über das Monumentum Ancyranum.=
Strassburg, 1890. pp. 98-121.
=Schiller, H.: Bursians Jahresbericht=, XLIV, 85-86.
=Schmidt, Johannes: Philologus=, XLIV, 1885. pp. 442-470; XLV,
1886. pp. 393-410; XLVI, 1887. pp. 70-86.
=Seeck, Otto: Wochenschrift für Klassische Philologie=, 19 Nov.,
1884. Col. 1473-1481.
=v. Wilamowitz, Ulrich: Hermes=, XXI, 1886. pp. 623-627.
=Wölfflin, E.: Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen
und historischen Klasse der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
München=, 1886. pp. 253-282.
III. WORKS OF REFERENCE MOST FREQUENTLY CITED.
=Gardthausen, V.: Augustus und seine Zeit.= 1er Th., 1er Bd.,
pp. VIII, 484; 2er Th., 1er Hlb., pp. 276. Leipzig, 1891. 1er Th.,
2er Bd., pp. 485-1032; 2er Th., 2er Hlb., pp. 277-649. 1896.
Not yet completed; the standard work on the subject. Second part
contains the references. (_Aug._)
=Marquardt, Joachim: Römische Staatsverwaltung.=
=Mommsen, Theodor: Römische Geschichte.= (_Röm. Gesch._)
=Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.= (=C. I. L.=)
IV. CLASSICAL AUTHORS CITED.
=Ammianus Marcellinus (Amm.)=: _Rerum Gestarum Libri_.
=Appianus (Appian)=: _Bella Civilia (B. C.)_; _Illyrica
(Illyr.)_.
=Cæsar, Gaius Julius (Cæs.)=: _De Bello Gallico (B. G.)_;
_De Bello Civili (B. C.)_.
=Cassiodorus (Cass.)=: _Chronicon (Chron.)_.
=Cicero, Marcus Tullius (Cic.)=: _Epistolae, ad Atticum (ad
Att.)_; _pro Sextio (pro Sext.)_; _Philippica ( Phil.)_.
=Dio Cassius Cocceianus (Dio)=: _Historia Romana_.
=Dionysius=: _Archæologia Romana_.
=Eusebius=: _Chronicon (Chron.)_.
=Eutropius=: _Breviarium Historiæ Romanæ_.
=Festus, Sextus Pompeius=: _De Verborum Significatione_.
=Florus, Lucius Annæus (Flor.)=: _Epitome Rerum Romanarum_.
=Frontinus, Sextus Julius (Front.)=: _De Aquæductibus Urbis
Romæ Libri II (De Aq.)_.
=Gellius, Aulus (Gell.)=: _Commentarii Noctium Atticarum_.
=Horatius Flaccus, Quintus (Hor.)=: _Carmina (Carm.)_;
_Satiræ (Sat.)_; _Carmen Sæculare (Carm. Sæc.)_;
_Epistolæ (Ep.)_; _Epodon (Epod.)_.
=Hyginus, Gromaticus=: _De Limitum Constructione (De Lim.)_.
=Jordanes=: _De Getarum Origine et Rebus Gestis_.
=Josephus Flavius (Jos.)=: _Jewish Wars (Wars)_; _Jewish
Antiquities (Ant.)_.
=Justinus (Justin)=: _Historiarum Philippicarum Libri XLIV_.
=Juvenal, Decimus Junius (Juv.)=: _Satiræ (Sat.)_.
=Livius, Titus (Livy)=: _Annales_; _Epitomæ (Ep.)_.
=Macrobius, Ambrosius Aurelius Theodosius (Mac.)=:
_Saturnaliorum Conviviorum Libri VII (Sat.)_.
=Nepos, Cornelius (Nep.)=: _De Viris Illustribus_.
=Orosius, Paulus (Oros.)=: _Historiarum adversus Paganos (adv.
Pag.)_.
=Ovidius Naso, Publius (Ovid)=: _Metamorphoses (Met.)_;
_Fasti_; _Tristia (Tr.)_; _Ars Amatoria (Ars Am.)_.
=Plinius Secundus, Gaius (Pliny)=: _Historia Naturalis (Hist.
Nat.)_
=Plutarchus (Plut.)=: _Vita Antonii (Ant.)_; _Vita Bruti
(Brut.)_; _Moralia. De Fortuna Romanorum (De Fort. Rom.)_.
=Propertius, Sextus Aurelius (Prop.)=: _Elegiæ_.
=Ptolemæus, Claudius (Ptol.)=: _Geographia_.
=Seneca, Lucius Annæus (Sen.)=: _De Clementia ad Neronem
Cæsarem Libri II (De Clem.)_.
=Strabo=: _Geographia_.
=Suetonius, Tranquillus Gaius (Suet.)=: _Vita Duodecim
Cæsarum_; _Julii (Jul.)_; _Augusti (Aug.)_; _Tiberii
(Tib.)_; _Claudii (Claud.)_.
=Tacitus, Gaius Cornelius (Tac.)=: _Historiæ (Hist.)_;
_Annales (Ann.)_; _Germania (Ger.)_; _Agricola (Agr.)_.
=Valerius Maximus (Val.)=: _De Factis Dictisque Memorabilibus
Libri IX_.
=Varro, Marcus Terentius=: _De Lingua Latina_.
=Velleius Paterculus, Gaius (Vell.)=: _Historiæ Romanæ Libri
II_.
=Vergilius Maro, Publius (Ver.)=: _Æneid (Æn.)_;
_Georgica, (Georg.)_.
=Victor, Sextus Aurelius (Vict.)=: _Historia Romana_.
=Zonaras, Joannes=: _Annales_.
NOTES:
[1] This title at Ancyra extends over the first three pages of the
Latin, that is over so much of the inscription as is on the left wall
of the pronaos; the Greek title extends over seventeen of the nineteen
pages of the Greek version.
In its present form, the title cannot be the same as that over the
original at Rome. All from “as engraved” is certainly an addition,
probably made by the Galatian legate who ordered the magistrates of
Ancyra to have the inscription placed on the temple of Augustus.
The last two words in the Latin (placed first in the English), were
probably inserted only by a blunder at Ancyra. “A copy subjoined,”
doubtless stood in the legate’s letter, just as we might write “see
enclosure.” But what of the remainder of the inscription, “Of the deeds
... Roman people”? It is hardly conceivable that this was the title
of the inscription at Rome, because it embraces only two of the three
parts into which the subject-matter falls. It covers the achievements
and the expenditures of Augustus; in reverse order, however, from that
of the document itself; and it omits any allusion to the subject-matter
of the first fourteen chapters, which have to do with the offices and
honors conferred upon Augustus.
It is impossible to say what was the superscription at Rome. Possibly
there was none. The name of Augustus, most likely, was conspicuous
somewhere in connection with the front of the mausoleum, and this
inscription may very well have been devoid of title.
[2] Augustus was nineteen years old on Sept. 23, 710.
[3] Cicero (_Ad Att._ XVI, 8, 1,) on Nov. 1, 710, writes: “I have
letters from Octavian; great things are doing; he has led over to his
views the veterans of Casilinum and Calatia.” Cf. Vell. II, 61. Dio
XLVI, 29.
[4] Cf. Cic. (_Phil._ III, 2, 3), “The young Cæsar, without our
(the senate’s) advice or consent, raised an army and poured forth his
patrimony.”
[5] Gardthausen, _Aug._ 1er Th. 2er Bd. p. 524, thinks that this
beginning the Res Gestae with the raising of an army, is an admission
of the military foundation of the principate.
[6] Such a statement is part of Augustus’ scheme to pose as a restorer
of the old order. He makes Brutus, Cassius, Pompey and Antony public
enemies.
[7] Cicero says (_Phil._ V, 17, 46), that on Jan. 1, 711, “the
senate voted that Gaius Cæsar, son of Gaius, pontiff, should be a
senator, and hold praetorian rank in speaking.” Dio (XLVI, 29), says
that on Jan. 2 or 3, “Cæsar was made senator as a quaestor.”
[8] Livy (_Ep._ CXVIII), “he received the consular ornaments.”
App. (_B. C._ III, 51) adds that he was given consular rank in
speaking. Cf. Mommsen, _Röm. St._, I, pp. 442, 443.
[9] Cf. Cic. (_Phil._ ii, 8, 20), “The senate gave Gaius Cæsar the
fasces.” Cf. Tac. _Ann._ I, 10; Livy, _Ep._ CXVIII.
[10] App. _B. C._ III, 51. Vell. II, 61.
[11] The formula by which in emergencies, extraordinary powers were
given to the ordinary magistrates. This measure had since 216 B. C.,
entirely superseded the old custom of appointing a dictator. (Cf. note
[32]) Chap. V. The present formula, however, had been employed long
before the disuse of the dictatorship. Cf. Livy III, 4; VI, 19. This
extraordinary commission was not restricted to the consuls. Cf. Cæs.
_B. C._ I, 5.
[12] Hirtius was killed April 16, 711, and Pansa died of wounds
received on the 15th, in the fighting against Antonius. Cæsar
Octavianus and Q. Pedius were elected consuls Aug. 19, 711. Dio
LVI, 30; C. I. L. I, p. 400 = x, 8375; Tac. _Ann._ I, 9; Suet.
_Aug._ 100. Vell. (II, 65), says the election was on Sept. 22. But
Macrobius, (_Sat._ I, 35, 25), assigns the fact that he was made
consul in the month Sextilis, as one of the reasons why the name of
that month was changed to August.
[13] C. I. L. I, p. 466 and App. _B. C._ IV, 7, fix the formal
ratification of the triumvirate by the people, as having been proposed
by the tribune Publius Titius and carried in a public assembly on Nov.
27, 711.
[14] An instance of Augustus’ avoiding the names of his enemies; here,
particularly, Brutus and Cassius.
[15] The _Lex Pedia_, Sept., 711, named from Augustus’ colleague
in the consulship, constituted an extraordinary tribunal for this class
of offenders: the penalty was interdiction from fire and water,
_i. e._, outlawry. Livy, _Ep._ CXX; Vell. II, 69; App. III, 95;
Suet. _Aug._ 10; Dio XLVI, 49.
[16] The only instance in the Res Gestae of a palpable distortion of
fact. The battles at Philippi, in November, 712, are referred to. For
the date see Gardthausen, _Aug._ 2er Th. 1er Halbband, p. 80. In
the first fight, Suetonius says (_Aug._ 13), that Cæsar hardly
escaped, ill and naked, from his camp to the wing of Antony’s army.
He was ill, and had to be carried in a litter, according to Plutarch,
_Brut._ p. 41. In _Antony_, 22, Plutarch says: “In the first
battle, Cæsar was completely routed by Brutus, his camp taken, he
himself very narrowly escaping by flight.” The decisive defeat of the
Republicans was twenty days later.
[17] The text here is conjectural. Mommsen is almost alone in
holding to “surviving,” Zumpt, in his edition of 1869, had read
“suppliant” (_supplicibus_), Bergk, in 1873, “asking pardon”
(_deprecantibus_). Hirschfeld, the same sense, (_veniam
petentibus_). Seeck insists on the latter reading, in spite of
Mommsen’s arguments for his own choice. Augustus did not spare all
surviving citizens either after Philippi or Actium, cf. Dio LI, 2:
After Actium “of the senators and knights, and other leading men, who
in any way had helped Antony, he fined some, many he killed, some he
spared.” For his conduct after Philippi, cf. Suet. _Aug._ 13. But
a coin of 727 (Eckhel VI, 88, Cohen I, p. 66, No. 30), has CÆSAR COS
VII CIVIBUS SERVATEIS, “Cæsar for the seventh time consul, the citizens
having been preserved.” It commemorates the civic crown given to
Augustus, cf. c. XXXIV. There are other coins with OB CIVES SERVATOS,
“On account of the preservation of the citizens.”
[18] This fact is one of the few which the latest text, based on
Humann’s work, alone establishes. Merivale’s comment on the relation
of Augustus to the army is noteworthy: “Their hero (Julius Cæsar)
discarded the defence of the legions, and a few months witnessed his
assassination. Augustus learned circumspection from the failure of his
predecessor’s enterprise. He organized a military establishment of
which he made himself the permanent head; to him every legionary swore
personal fidelity; every officer depended upon his direct appointment.”
(C. XXXII.)
[19] C. 15 states the number colonized at 120,000. The 200,000 over
and above the 300,000 here named, are accounted for in the twenty-five
legions, 150,000 men in service at his death, leaving only 50,000 as
the number who died in service or were dishonorably discharged during
the long rule of Augustus. For a study of the strength and disposition
of the Roman army at the death of Augustus, cf. Mommsen’s R. G., pp.
67-76.
[20] The term of service in 741, was twelve years for praetorian
soldiers and sixteen for legionaries, raised in 758 to sixteen and
twenty years respectively. Cf. c. 17, N. 2.
[21] The reading of Wölfflin and others (see textual note) would give
instead of “lands purchased by me,” “I have assigned lands,” and
instead of “money for farms, out of my own means” “money for reward
of service.” Bormann, _Schr. Nachl._ p. 18-20, does not think
that Augustus meant to state that he paid these charges from private
sources, but believes that such a statement would be irrelevant in this
section, if true, and an anticipation of cc. 15 and 16.
[22] Sextus Pompeius lost thirty ships at Mylae, and at Naulochus, out
of three hundred which he had, eighteen were sunk and the rest, with
the exception of seventeen, burned or captured. Cf. App. _B. C._
V, 108, 118, 121. Plut. _Ant._ 68, says that Augustus took 300
ships at Actium. These captures give, in round numbers, 600 vessels.
[23] The ovation was the lesser triumph. The general entered the city
clad as an ordinary magistrate, and on foot, or as here, (see the
Greek), on horseback, decked with myrtle. Suet. _Aug._ 22, says,
these ovations were after Philippi, and the Sicilian war; the former in
714, the latter, Nov. 13, 718. Cf. Dio XLVIII, 31, XLIX, 15; C. I. L.
1, p. 461.
[24] In the curule triumph, for important victories, the general was
vested in purple, and rode in a four-horse chariot, preceded by the
fasces. These three triumphs were celebrated on the 13th, 14th and 15th
of August, 725, for the Dalmatian successes, the victory of Actium and
the capture of Alexandria. Cf. C. I. L. I, p. 328 and 478. Prop. II,
1, 31, ff, gives an eye-witness’ account of the second day. Cf. Livy,
_Ep._ CXXXIII; Suet. _Aug._ 22; Verg. _Aen._ VIII; 714,
Dio LI, 21.
[25] The acclamation as _imperator_, on account of success in
war, must be carefully distinguished from the title used as a prefix
to the name and as a mark of perpetual authority. The title imperator
was regularly and permanently assumed at the beginning of each reign,
after that of Augustus. To him it was formally assigned by the senate,
in Jan., 725. C. I. L., V, 1873: _Senatus populusque Romanus imp.
Cæsari, divi. Juli. f. cos. quinct. cos. design. sext. imp. sept.
republica conservata._ The term thus had a double usage and meaning
in such cases.
It soon came about that only the _princeps_ could assume the
special designation for military successes, no matter whether won by
him in person or not. Tacitus says, _Ann._ III, 74: “Tiberius
allowed Blaesus to be saluted as imperator by the legions. Augustus
conceded the title to some, but Tiberius’ allowing it to Blaesus was
the last instance.” For a discussion of _Imperator_ as permanent
title, see Gardthausen, p. 527, and Merivale, _History of the
Romans_, c. XXXI.
Most of the acclamations of Augustus as imperator can be traced. No
Greek inscription records them. A list follows. In the later instances
Tiberius was associated.
I. April 15 (?) 711. After battles about Mutina. C. I. L. X, 8375 and
Dio XLVI, 38.
II. Not traced.
III. Before 717. Cohen, _Vipsan._ 3, gives a coin with the words
_imp. divi Juli f. ter. III Vir v. p. c. M. Agrippa cos. desig._
Agrippa entered his consulship Jan. 1, 717.
IV. Probably connected with the Sicilian victory and ovation of 718.
V. 720 or 721. Probably connected with Dalmatian victories of one of
those years. Cf. C. I. L. V, 526.
VI. From Sept. 2, 723, to 725. On account of Actium. Cf. Oros. VI, 19,
14. C. I. L. X, 3826. _Imp. Cæsari divi f. imp. vi, cos. iii_
(723). C. I. L. X, 4830, _imp. Cæsari divi f. cos. v_ (725)
_imp. vi_.
VII. From 725 to 729. C. I. L. VI, 873: _senatus populusque Romanus
imp. Cæsari divi Juli f. cos. quinct._ (725) _cos. desig. sex.
imp. sept. republica conservata_. On account of Thracian and Dacian
victory of M. Licinius Crassus. Dio LI, 25, says: “Sacrifices and
festivals were decreed to Cæsar and to Crassus. He did not, however, as
some say, take the name imperator. Cæsar alone assumed that.”
VIII. From 729 to 734. Two inscriptions at Nismes (Donat. 96, 6) read:
_imp. Cæsari divi f. Augusto cos. nonum_ (729) _designato
decimum, imp. octavum_. Dio LIII, 26, says it was for a Celtic
victory of Marcus Vinicius.
IX. From 734 to 739 (?) Coins have the inscription _Augustus Cæsar
div. f. Armen. capt. imp. viii_. These commemorate the Armenian
expedition of Tiberius in 734. Possibly Augustus took the title on
account of the return of the captured standards from Parthia, which he
accounted a greater triumph than many a victory in open warfare.
X. 739 (?) to 742. C. I. L. V, 8088 and others: _Augustus imp. x,
tribunicia potestate xi_. The latter falls in the years 742, 743.
Probably referable to successes in Rhætian war of 739.
XI. 742. Coins (Cohen, n. 147-150) give: _imp. xi_. The causes
were the successes of Tiberius in Pannonia in 742. Dio LIV, 31.
XII. 743 to 744. C. I. L., III, 3117: _imp. xii tr. pot. xiii_ and
VI, 701, 702: _pontifex maximus, imp. xii cos. xi trib. pot. xiv_.
Referable to Germanic victory of Drusus. Dio LIV, 33.
XIII. Tiberius Imp. 745. Suet., _Tib._ 9, says that Tiberius
received the oration for Pannonian and Dalmatian victories. Cf. Val. 5,
5, 3. Dio LV, 2.
XIV. Tiberius Imp. II. 746-755. Dio LV, 6, refers this acclamation
to the Germanic victories of 746. Many coins, milestones and other
inscriptions of the period indicated mention this fourteenth
acclamation. Cf. C. I. L., II, 3827; 4931; V, 7243; 7817; VI, 1244.
XV. 755. For the Armenian victory of C. Cæsar. Dio Cass. LV, 11. C. I.
L. X, 3827; _pont. max., cos. iii (xiii) imp. xv, tr. p. xxv, p. p._
XVI. Untraced.
XVII. Tiberius Imp. III. 759. Dio LV, 28, referring to the German
expedition of Tiberius in 759, says, “Nothing great was accomplished.
Yet both Augustus and Tiberius received the acclamation as imperators.”
Cf. C. I. L. V. 6416.
XVIII. Tiberius Imp. IV. Probably for successes in Illyricum.
XIX. Tiberius Imp. V, 762. Dio LVI, 17, refers to the Dalmatian war. A
coin of 763-4 (Cohen n. 27) gives: _Ti. Cæsar August. f. imperat. v.
pontifex, tribun. potestate xii_.
XX. Tiberius Imp. VI. 765. The cause is not clear, probably for slight
successes of Tiberius and Germanicus against the Germans in 763, 764.
Dio LVI, 25. A Spanish milestone, C. I. L. II, 4868, gives the data.
XXI. Tiberius Imp. VII. Tac. _Ann._ I, 9, says Augustus was
twenty-one times Imperator. A coin of Lyons (Cohen n. 35-38) has:
_Ti. Cæsar Augusti f. imperator VII_. This dates from the lifetime
of Augustus. Tiberius did not receive a further acclamation.
[26] ᵃ After his own victory over the Cantabri, that of Varro over the
Salassi and that of M. Vinicius over the Germans, in 729. Cf. Florus,
IV, 12, 53.
ᵇ After the restoration of the standards by the Parthians in 734. Cf.
Borghesi II, 100 ff.
ᶜ After the victories of Tiberius in Germany in 746. Dio LV, 6.
ᵈ After the victories of Tiberius in Pannonia? Dio LVI, 17.
[27] A part of the ordinary ceremonial of the triumph. Cf. Mommsen,
_Röm. St._ I, p. 61, 95, Marquardt, _Staatsverwaltung_, II,
p. 582.
[28] For a thanksgiving after the expedition of Tiberius into Armenia
cf. Dio LIV, 9. Cf. also Cic. _Phil._ XIV, 11, 29. For two other
instances, cf. Mommsen, _R. G._, appendix, pp. 161-178.
[29] Not an incredible number. Thanksgivings were offered in Julius
Cæsar’s time of fifteen, twenty, forty and fifty days. Cf. Drumann III,
609, No. 84. Fifty days were decreed for the victories of Hirtius,
Pansa and Octavian in 711.
[30] The only names traceable are those of Alexander and Cleopatra, the
children of Cleopatra and Alexander brother of Jamblichus, King of the
Emesenes. Cf. Dio LI, 2, 21. Prop. 2, 1, 33, tells of “Kings with their
necks surrounded with golden chains,” in the triumph of Aug. 14, 725.
[31] The emperors assumed the consulship only irregularly and for
short periods. Their taking of the “tribunitial power” was not through
a regular election to the tribuneship, as was the case with the
consulship, for Augustus as a patrician was ineligible; but it was the
assumption of a power equal to that of the tribunes. This made the
emperors sacrosanct, gave them the initiative and the veto, and well
subserved the fiction of their being the representatives and champions
of the people. For discussions of this power cf. Merivale, _Hist. of
Rom._ C. XXXI; Mommsen, _Röm. St._ II, p. 759, 771-777, 833-845.
Succeeding emperors, down to 268 A. D., dated their accession from
the day of assuming the tribunitial power. The wording is peculiar in
this sentence. May it not have been that Augustus expected his heir
or executors to fill in the exact dates at the time of his death, as
suggested in the introduction?
[32] Dio, LIV, 1, writes: “In the following year (732) the Tiber
again overflowed; statues in the Pantheon were struck by lightning,
so that the spear was knocked out of the hand of Augustus. Pestilence
was so violent in all Italy that year that there was no one to till
the fields; and I think the same was the case in foreign lands. The
Romans thought that this plague and famine had come upon them, because
they had not made Augustus consul that year; they wished to name him
dictator, and with great show of violence compelled the senate, shut
up in the curia, to decree this; threatening to burn them unless they
did it. So the senate approached Augustus with the twenty-four fasces
(insignia of dictatorship, the consul having only twelve), and begged
him to accept the dictatorship and the administration of the food
supply. He did indeed undertake the latter charge, and ordered that
duumvirs, who had held the praetorship five years before, should be
yearly appointed to have charge of the distribution of grain, but would
by no means accept the dictatorship. When neither by words nor prayers
he could move the people, he tore his garments. For he justly wished to
avoid the jealousy and hatred of that name, since moreover, he already
held a dignity and power superior to that of the dictatorship.” Vell.
II, 89, 5, says: “The dictatorship which the people persistently thrust
upon him, he as constantly repelled.”
The dictatorship had fallen into disuse after 552, and was revived,
irregularly, by Sulla in 672. Cæsar made it the basis of his power,
being made perpetual dictator shortly before his death. After that
event, on motion of Antony, the office was abolished.
[33] In Chap. 15, Augustus states that in 731 he twelve times
distributed grain at his own expense. This assumption of the grain
administration in 732 was not strictly a charity. The extract from
Dio under Note 69, gives some of the details. It is probable that from
this time the tribute in kind was turned into the _fiscus_, or
imperial treasury, instead of into the _ærarium_, or treasury of
the senate, as heretofore. This new task of the imperial government
involved not merely the gratuitous distribution of grain to the
ordinary Roman citizens (after 752 even to senators and knights), but
also the providing of a sufficient supply of grain for all purchasers
at a minimum price, often below the market value. It appears that grain
tickets “tessaræ frumentariæ” were distributed to the citizens entitled
to free grain, and then, to assist the vast multitude of strangers,
freedmen, and _attachés_ of the great houses, money tickets,
“tessaræ nummariæ” were given out. Cf. Mommsen, _Röm. St._, II,
992.
[34] Vell. II, 89; Suet. _Aug._ 26; Dio, LIV, 10. Dio’s statement
that Augustus in 735 accepted the consular power (differing from the
consulship as the tribunitial power from the tribuneship. Cf. Note
31, Chap. 4.) for life, cannot be correct in face of the other two
authorities cited, who corroborate Augustus here. Chapter 8 tells of
two special assumptions of the consular power for the taking of the
second and third census.
[35] Before the restoration of the text of this inscription, in this
case depending entirely upon the remains at Apollonia, it used to be
taught that Augustus accepted the formal superintendence of laws and
morals. And there seemed to be good ground for such belief. Horace,
c., 740 in _Carm. IV_, 5, v. 22, says, “Morality and law have
subdued foul wrong;” and in _Ep._, II, 1, v. 1, “Since thou hast
protected Italy with arms, adorned her with morality, and improved her
with laws.” Ovid wrote, _Tristia_, II, 233: “The city wearies
thee with the care of laws and morals, which thou desirest should be
like thy own.” Suet. _Aug._ 27, says: “He accepted the control of
laws and morals for life, as he had the tribunitial power; and in the
exercise of this control, altho’ without the honor of the censorship,
he yet thrice took the census of the people, the first and third times
with a colleague, the second time alone.” Dio, LIV, 10, 30, says that
in 735 and 742 Augustus accepted this office for periods of five years.
But the inscription shows that Suetonius and Dio were wrong, and that a
natural but incorrect inference had been drawn from the poets.
This power was offered to Augustus three times; in 735, 736 and 743,
and as often refused. Why was it offered, and why refused? Cf. Dio,
LIV, 10; Vell. II, 91, 92; Suet. _Aug._ 19. While Augustus was in
Asia in 735 M. Egnatius Rufus, who is painted as a sort of Catiline,
tried to obtain the consulship, and even to supplant Augustus, and
stirred up sedition in the attempt. This so alarmed the senate and
people that they offered Augustus the plenary power of legislation and
coercion. The repetition of the offer in 736 was from a similar cause.
The reason for that of 743 is unknown. The power thus offered was
analogous to the decemvirate, or the Sullan dictatorship. Cf. Mommsen,
_Röm._, St., II, 686.
[36] This sentence answers the second question asked in the above Note.
It was part of Augustus’ policy to seem to keep wholly within the lines
of the constitution. Hence his refusal to accept any extraordinary
office. Yet his tribunitial power was new and extraordinary. Tacitus’
comment is caustic, _Ann._, III, 56: “That specious title (the
tribunitial power) importing nothing less than sovereign power, was
invented by Augustus at a time when the name of king or dictator
was not only unconstitutional but universally detested. And yet a
new name was wanted to overtop the magistrates and the forms of the
constitution.”
[37] Dio, LIV, 16, names three laws promulgated by Augustus in 736: one
took cognizance of bribery by candidates for office; a second dealt
with extravagance; and a third was for the encouragement of matrimony.
[38] ᵃ in 736 Agrippa was associated with Augustus for five years. Cf.
Dio, LIV, 12; Vell. II, 90; Tac. _Ann._ III, 56.
ᵇ in 741 Agrippa again for five years. Cf. Dio, LIV, 12, 28.
ᶜ in 748 Tiberius for five years. Cf. Dio, LV, 9; Vell. II, 99; Suet.
_Tib._ 9, 10, 11.
ᵈ in 757 Tiberius for ten years. Cf. Dio, LV, 13; Vell. II, 103; Tac.
_Ann._, I, 3, 10.
ᵉ in 766 Tiberius for an indefinite time. Cf.
Dio, LVI, 28.
[39] Suet. _Aug._ 27: “He administered the triumvirate for
organizing the commonwealth through ten years.” Cf. C. I. L. I, p. 461
and p. 466. The first triumvirate lasted from Nov. 27, 711, to Dec. 31,
716; the second from Jan. 1, 717, to Dec. 31, 721. But cf. c. 34, N. 1.
[40] Cf. Dio, LIII, 1. This title had been conferred upon the senior
senator who had served as censor. Its only privilege was the right
of speaking first in debate. The honor had fallen into abeyance with
the death of Catulus in 694. It is readily seen how the revival of
such a title and of the right to express his views before any other
senator, gave Augustus a quasi-constitutional initiative in the senate.
Gradually the title dropped its second part, and “prince” began to have
something of its modern significance. Cf. Tacitus, _Ann._ III, 53,
for Tiberius’ view of its meaning.
Augustus’ notation of time here, “through forty years,” is similar to
the “thirty-seventh year of the tribunitial power” in Chap. IV, or “the
seventy-sixth year” of Chap. 36.
[41] He was made _pontifex_ in 706 by Julius Cæsar. Cf. Cic.
_Phil._ V, 17, 46; Vell. II, 59. For his taking the office of
_pontifex maximus_ cf. c. 10, N. 3.
[42] The date of Augustus’ assumption of the augurate is discussed by
Drumann, IV, 250. Coins are the chief witnesses, and their testimony is
confused. The date probably was 713 or 714.
[43] A coin of Augustus (Cohen, _Jul._ 60; _Aug._ 88) has
_imp. Cæsar divi f. III vir iter. r. p. c. cos. iter. et tert
desig._, which fixes the time as between 717 and 720; it has also
the tripod, the symbol of the quindecemvirate.
[44] We can say only that Augustus received this dignity before
738; for there is a coin of that year showing the _simpulum_,
the _lituus_ and the tripod, the symbols respectively of the
three foregoing offices, and the _patera_, or bowl, that of the
septemviral office. The four colleges thus associated are the chief
ones. Cf. Chap. 9.
[45] The name of Augustus is twice found in the _Acta Fratrum
Arvalium_, once in May, 767, in recording a vote, and in Dec., 767,
in the record of the nomination of his successor.
[46] Tacitus says the Titian Sodality was instituted by Titus Tatius
for keeping up the Sabine ritual. Cf. _Ann._ I, 54. The record
here is all that is known of Augustus’ connection with it.
[47] The fetials had charge of the formalities in declaring war and
peace. Dio L, 4, says that Augustus went through the old-fashioned
ceremonies in declaring war against Cleopatra.
These three colleges had fallen into abeyance in the time of Cicero.
Augustus undoubtedly revived them. Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 31. Such
restoration, and religious conservatism in general, as even in the case
of Domitian, marks the policy of the emperors for two hundred years,
and was one of their favorite methods of posing simply as restorers of
the good old times.
[48] In 725. The Saenian law, passed by the people in 724, authorized
this proceeding, and the senate’s decree followed. Hence the order,
“people and senate.” Cf. Tac. _Ann._ XI, 25; Dio, LII, 42. An
earlier creation of patricians is assigned by Dio to the year 721.
But he is probably mistaken, as Tacitus, in the passage just noted,
says that Claudius was obliged to create more patricians, “because the
number had declined even after being recruited by the dictator Cæsar
under the Cassian law, and by Augustus the _princeps_ under the
Saenian law.” Such a creation was not a right of the principate. Cæsar
and Augustus did it by special authorization of people and senate.
Claudius did it in virtue of his censorship, and this status continued
till Domitian absorbed the censorship in the principate, and assumed
the right as a permanent one.
[49] During most of the republican history the senate numbered,
ideally, three hundred. In Cicero’s time it had over four hundred
members. Julius Cæsar raised it to about nine hundred. Suet.
_Aug._, 35, says: “By two separate scrutinies he (Augustus)
reduced to their former number and splendor the senate, which had been
swamped by a disorderly crowd; for they were now more than a thousand,
and some of them very mean persons, who, after Cæsar’s death, had been
chosen by dint of interest and bribery, so that they had the name of
Orcini among the people.” They were also called Charonites, because
they owed their elevation to the last will of Cæsar, who had gone into
Orcus to Charon. Dio, XL, 48, 63, tells of freedmen in the senate and,
XLIII, 22, of a private soldier; Gell., XV, 4, of a muleteer, cf.
Juvenal, _Sat._ VII, 199.
Dio, LII, 42, cf. LIII, 1, tells of the first scrutiny, in 725-6. A
hint from Augustus was enough to cause the withdrawal first of sixty,
then of one hundred and forty senators. He also tells, LIV, 13, 14,
of a further revision in 736, by which the number was brought down to
six hundred. He assigns a third sifting to 743 (LIV, 35), and a fourth
to 757 (LV, 13). Mommsen, however, is inclined to connect the three
revisions of Augustus with the censuses of 726, 746 and 767, and to
regard those of 736 and 757 as extraordinary, and therefore not named
by Augustus, in his desire to appear entirely within constitutional
lines. Cf. Mommsen, _R. G._, p. 35.
[50] Suetonius evidently depends on this inscription when he says,
_Aug._ 27: “Three times he took the census of the Roman people,
the first and third times with a colleague, the second time alone.”
This first census was in 725-6. Cf. Dio, LII, 42; LIII, 1; C. I. L.
IX, 422, _imp. Cæsar VI, M. Agrippa II cos.; idem censoria potestate
lustrum fecerunt_.
The lustrum was strictly the expiatory offering made at the close
of the census. The census had not been taken for forty-one years.
The number of Roman citizens of military age in 684 had been given
as but 450,000. This census of 726 reported 4,063,000. Probably the
vast apparent increase rose from the fact of the earlier enumeration
counting only such as presented themselves before the censors in the
city, while at the later time the citizens throughout the empire were
counted. Clinton, _Fasti Hellenici_, III, 461, estimates a total
free citizenship of more than 17,000,000. The total population of the
empire at this time, including citizens, allies, slaves and freedmen,
has been estimated at 85,000,000. Cf. Merivale, _Rom._ cc. XXX,
XXXIX.
The Greek of the inscription here reads erroneously 4,603,000.
[51] In 746. The result, 4,233,000, shows a gain of 170,000.
[52] In 767. Just before the death of Augustus. Result, 4,937,000; gain
since 746, 704,000.
[53] Suetonius, _Aug._ 34, relates his endeavors to compel
matrimony. In Chap. 89, Suetonius writes: “In reading Greek or Latin
authors he paid particular attention to precepts and examples which
might be useful in public or private life. These he used to extract
verbatim, and give to his domestics, or send to the commanders of the
armies, the governors of the provinces, or the magistrates of the city,
when any of them seemed to stand in need of admonition. He likewise
read whole books to the senate, and frequently made them known to the
people by his edicts; such as the orations of Quintus Metellus ‘For
the Encouragement of Marriage,’ and those of Rutilius ‘On the Style
of Building;’ to show the people that he was not the first who had
promoted those objects, but that the ancients likewise had thought them
worthy of their attention.” Cf. Livy, _Ep._ LIX; Gell., I, 6.
[54] These games were first held in 726, and every fourth year
thereafter. The expression “every fifth year” counts the year of the
games as the fifth of the old series and also the first of the new.
The consuls, or rather the consul Agrippa, Augustus not holding games
in his own honor, celebrated the games of 726, the pontifices those of
730, the augurs those of 734, the quindecemvirs those of 738, and the
septemvirs those of 742. Cf. c. 7, N. 6. These games are mentioned by
Dio, LIII, 1, 2; LIV, 19; Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ VII, 48, 158; Suet.
_Aug._ 44. They came to a close with the life of Augustus. We do
not hear of them in connection with any subsequent emperor. Vows for
his good health had a special fitness, for according to Suetonius,
_Aug._ LXXXI, he was almost an invalid. “During his whole course
of life he suffered at times dangerous fits of sickness. He was subject
to fits of sickness at stated times every year, for about his birthday
he was commonly indisposed. In the beginning of spring he was attacked
with an inflammation of the midriff; and when the wind was southerly,
with a cold in his head. By all these complaints his constitution was
so shattered that he could not readily bear heat or cold.”
[55] Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 59 and 98; Hor. _Carm._ IV, 5, 33; Dio,
LI, 19.
[56] Dio writes of the year 725, LI, 20: “When letters were brought
about Parthian affairs it was decreed that he should be named in the
hymns exactly as were the gods.” Tiridates, a Parthian pretender,
sought the aid of Augustus. Cf. Chap. 32, and Dio, LI, 18. Augustus
balanced Tiridates against Phraates, the legitimate monarch, who sent
an embassy, and gave his son to Rome as a hostage.
[57] In 718, when Lepidus had been overthrown, the tribunitial
power had been given to Octavian, as formerly to Julius, for life.
Inviolability of person was one of the privileges of the tribunate.
Cf. Oros. VI, 18, 34; Dio, XLIX, 15; LI, 18; LIII, 32. These two later
statements relating to the years 724 and 731, Mommsen thinks have to
do, the former with the extension of the tribunitial power beyond the
city, and the latter to the making it annual, as well as perpetual, so
that the years of the principate could be reckoned by it. Cf. Chap.
4, note 31. Cf. also App. _B. C._ V, 132, and for a discussion of
the tribunitial power as an expression of the principate, cf. Mommsen,
_Röm. St._ II, 833, ff.
Wölfflin, cf. textual note, suggests, to fill the gap confessedly left
by Mommsen’s emendation, a reading which would be translated “that my
person should be sacrosanct.”
[58] Augustus here characteristically avoids the name of Lepidus.
The latter “in the confusion and tumult had seized the supreme
pontificate,” cf. Livy, _Ep._ CXVII, “by craft,” cf. Velleius II,
63; “Antony transferred the election of the pontifex maximus from
the people to the priests again, and through them initiated Lepidus,
almost entirely neglecting the customs of the fathers.” Cf. Dio, XLIV,
53. Lepidus dying in 741, cf. Dio, LIV, 27, Augustus entered upon the
office Mar. 6, 742. Cf. C. I. L., I. p. 387. It was unlawful to deprive
a living man of this office, cf. App., _B. C._, V, 131.
[59] October 12, 735. In C. I. L. I. p. 404, is found an inscription
of that date: _Feriae ex senatus consulto, quod eo die imp. Cæsar
Augustus ex transmarinis provincis urbem intravit araq(ue) Fortunae
reduci constituta._ There are also gold and silver coins (Eckhel VI,
100; Cohen, _Aug._ nos. 102-108) with the inscription, _Fortunae
reduci, Cæsari Augusto senatus populusque Romanus_, Dio, LIV, 10,
tells that Augustus after having arranged matters in Sicily, Greece,
Asia and Syria, returned to Rome, and that many honors were decreed
to him, but that he would accept none of them, “but that an altar
should be consecrated to Fortune the Restorer, that the day should be
accounted a feast day, and that it should be called the Augustalia.”
The location near the Porta Capena was chosen, because it was through
that gate Augustus would enter the city, coming by the Appian Way from
Brundisium. The altar was dedicated on Dec. 15, C. I. L. X, 8375. Cf.
Dio, LI, 19; App. _B. C._ II, 106.
[60] Dio, LIV, 10, relates that in this year there were great tumults
in connection with the consular comitia, and no election was possible.
In consequence of this the senate sent messengers to Augustus urging
him to deal with the trouble. Q. Lucretius, one of the delegates, was
named consul by Augustus on the spot where they met. It is Mommsen’s
idea (_R. G._, p. 48) that the story of Dio, and the statement of
Augustus relate to the same event, and that Augustus was not willing
to admit that so late in his reign, such disturbances could be, and
that he therefore conveys the impression that what was really an appeal
for aid was rather an embassy of honor. This Mommsen thinks quite in
keeping with the general character and method of Augustus. Bormann, on
the other hand (_Schr. Nach._, p. 29), sees no conflict in the two
accounts. He believes that Dio narrates truthfully enough an earlier
deputation sent to Augustus, possibly at Athens, some time before
his return, and that Lucretius was named consul there by Augustus.
Then, some time later, the deputation of honor, as recorded in the
inscription, was sent into Campania.
[61] That this annual sacrifice was instituted July 4, 741, appears
from C. I. L., I, 395. _Feriae ex. s. c. quod eo die ara Pacis Augustae
in campo Martio constituta est Nerone et Varo cos._ Cf. Fasti of
Præneste, Jan. 30, C. I. L., I, 313, for day of the actual dedication;
also Ovid, _Fasti_ I, 709; Dio, LIV, 25.
This altar was probably on the Flaminian Way by which Augustus returned
from Gaul.
[62] The exact conditions necessary for the closing of the temple,
viz., “peace won by victories” were first made known in 1882 by this
perfected text of the _Res Gestæ_.
[63] Cf. Livy, I, 19; Varro, V, 165. The temple of Janus (or as the
Romans called it, Janus, without the word temple,) (cf. Latin text and
Livy, l. c., and Horace, Carm, IV, 15, 9,) had been closed first under
Numa and again after the first Punic War.
[64] Augustus first closed it in 725, after Actium. Cf. Livy, l. c.;
Dio, LI, 20; Vell., II, 38; Victor, _De Viris Ill._, LXXIX, 6;
Plut. _De Fort. Rom._, 9; Oros., VI, 20, 8. C. I. L. I, p. 384,
supplies the day, January 11. In 728 it was opened again, on account of
the war with the Cantabri. Cf. Dio, LIII, 26, Plutarch, l. c. A second
time it was closed in 729, cf. Dio, l. c.; Oros., VI, 21, 1. The time
of its next opening cannot be determined; but in all probability it was
reopened that very year, on account of the Arabian campaign. Dio, LIV,
36, records that in 744 the Senate decreed that it should be closed,
but that a Dacian rebellion interfered. But Dio must be mistaken, for
Drusus was then in the midst of his German campaign. But after the
campaigns of Drusus and Tiberius in Germany, closed in 746, up to 753,
when Gaius Cæsar started for Armenia, the temple might well have been
closed. Parts of Dio are lost here, which may have mentioned such
closing. The birth of Jesus Christ, 749, falls in this period of peace.
Cf. Milton’s _Nativity Hymn_. When it was opened for the third
time cannot be said. Tacitus says it was opened when Augustus was an
old man. But it can hardly have remained shut after the opening of the
Armenian war in 753. Augustus was then sixty-two years old. That age
may possibly suit the expression of Tacitus. Horace _Ep._, II, 1,
255, and _Carm._, IV, 15, 9, mentions the closing of the temple.
Suetonius, _Aug._ 22, says: “Janus Quirinus, which had been shut
twice only, from the era of the building of the city to his own time,
he closed thrice in a much shorter period, having established universal
peace both by sea and land.” This is almost a literal transcript of the
_Res Gestæ_.
[65] Gaius and Lucius, the sons of Agrippa and Julia, the daughter of
Augustus, were born, the one in 734 (Dio, LIV, 8), the other in 737
(Dio, LIV, 18) and were adopted by their grandfather immediately after
the birth of the latter. Dio, LIV, 18, says: “Lucius and his brother
Gaius, Augustus at once adopted and made heirs of the empire, without
waiting till they grew to manhood, in order that he might be the more
secure against conspiracies.” The will of Augustus (Suet. _Tib._
23), speaks much as this chapter does of the death of the two Cæsars:
“Since harsh fortune has snatched from me my sons, Gaius and Lucius,
let Tiberius Cæsar be heir to two-thirds of my estate.” Suetonius,
_Aug._ 26, says that Augustus took his twelfth and thirteenth
consulships, for the purpose of introducing these two boys into the
forum.
[66] Dio, LV, 9, under the year 748 writes that these lads were wild
and insolent and that the younger, then eleven years old, actually
proposed to the people to make Gaius consul. Augustus appeared very
angry at this, saying it would be a public calamity for the consulship
to be borne by one of less age than that at which he himself had
assumed it, viz., twenty. Gaius was, however, designated consul in 749,
and Lucius in 752. Cf. Tac. _Ann._ I, 3; a coin of Rome has on
one side: _Cæsar Augustus, divi. f., pater patriæ_; on the other:
_C. L. Cæsares, Augusti f., cos. desig., princ. juvent._ (Eckhel
VI, 171). This must have been struck between Feb. 5, 752, when Augustus
received the title _pater patriæ_, and January 1, 754, when Gaius
entered upon his actual consulship. Cf. C. I. L. III, n. 323, and VI,
900.
Lucius died, Aug. 20, 755, and so did not reach the consulship to which
he had been elected. Gaius died in 757. Cf. Dio, LV, II; C. I. L. I. p.
472.
[67] Cf. Dio, LV, 9; C. I. L. I, p. 286 and 565.
[68] Dio, LV, 12, says: “The bodies of Lucius and Gaius were carried
to Rome by military tribunes, and the chief men of each city; and the
golden (sic) shields and spears, which they had received from the
knights when they assumed the _toga virilis_, were suspended in
the curia.”
The title of _princeps juventutis_ is somewhat difficult to
explain. The fact is attested by Zonaras, X, 35, and by an inscription
found near Viterbo (cf. Mommsen _R. G._, p. 53), which reads:
_C. Cæsari Aug. f.d.n. pontif. cos. design. principi juventut_,
“To Caius Cæsar, son of Augustus, nephew of the divine (Julius)
pontifex, consul designate, prince of the youth.” Mommsen sums up his
investigation of this (Cf. _R. G._ p. 54, ff.): the knights were
divided into _turmæ_, or troops, each officered by _seviri_,
three _decurions_ and three _optios_ or adjutants. Gaius
and Lucius were _decurions_ of the first _turma_, and their
title, “princes of the youth,” was a special one, and always thereafter
reserved for members of the imperial family. The title does not appear
to have been official, or formally bestowed, but was given by common
consent of the knights.
[69] Cf. Suet. _Cæs._ LXXXIII: “He (Cæsar) bequeathed to the Roman
people his gardens near the Tiber, and three hundred sesterces to each
man.” Dio, XLIV, 35, is peculiar, saying: “Cæsar left to the people his
gardens on the Tiber, and to each man one hundred and twenty sesterces,
as Augustus himself says, or as others say, three hundred sesterces
apiece.” May it be that Dio has reversed the facts here, and that it
was “others” who reported the smaller sum and Augustus the larger?
Augustus is substantiated, or followed, by Plut.; _Ant._, XVI,
_Brut._, XX; App. _B. C._, II, 143.
Three hundred sesterces equals about fifteen dollars. The date of
this disbursement is 710: its amount, supposing the minimum number of
receivers, 250,000, comes to $3,750,000.
[70] The second (and the seventh, cf. Note 76) donations belong to the
year 725 and were connected with the triple triumph. Dio mentions the
two together, LI, 21. Four hundred sesterces is about twenty dollars.
[71] The third donation was in 730, on the return of Augustus after
subduing the Cantabri. Dio, LIII, 28, says: “Augustus gave the people
a hundred denarii (four hundred sesterces) apiece, but forbade the
distribution until his act should receive the sanction of the senate.”
It would seem to have been unlawful to give money to the people without
the consent of the senate. Probably this was a measure of precaution
against demagogues.
The term _congiarium_, which is transferred rather than translated,
means a gift, primarily of food or drink, and is derived from
_congius_, a measure holding about three quarts, which was perhaps
originally brought to be filled with grain or oil, or the like.
[72] Cf. c. 5 and Note 33. The date was 731.
[73] The fifth distribution was in 742. We learn from Dio, LIV, 29,
that in that year Agrippa died, leaving to the Roman people his gardens
and bath, and that Augustus, as his executor, not only turned over
these properties, but made a donation besides, as if it had been so
willed by Agrippa. Cf. C. I. L., I. p. 472.
[74] As c. 8 furnishes a basis for estimating the total population of
the empire, so here we have a guide to the number of people in the
city. Merivale, _History of the Romans_, c. XL, gives 700,000 as
the limit; Bunsen, 1,300,000; Gibbon, c. XXXI, 1,200,000.
[75] Sixty denarii is about twelve dollars. This donation of 749, and
the last one mentioned in this chapter, of 752, have been connected
with the introduction in those years of Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, into
the forum. Cf. c. 14. The amounts are the same in the two cases, and
they vary from the sum given at other times.
[76] Up to this point the donations have been enumerated in order of
time. But here, between the largesses to citizens in 749 and 752 is
introduced one given to veterans in 725. Why this break in the order?
Mommsen, _R. G._ p. 2 and 59, thinks that a first draft of this
inscription was prepared about 750. In this draft Augustus first
mentioned all his gifts to the city people; and at the end placed the
one gift to the soldiers. Then, when in 767, the document was brought
down to date, this later gift to the people was placed last, instead
of being interpolated after the civil donation of 749 and before the
military one of 725. But his reasoning has not convinced other scholars.
[77] Cf. Dio, LV, 10.
[78] Augustus omits any mention of his bounty to discharged soldiers.
Cf. Dio, XLVI, 46; XLIX, 14; LV, 6; Appian, V, 129. The total of the
donations in this list is 619,800,000 sesterces = about $30,990,000.
[79] Cf. c. 3; Dio, LI, 3, 4; Suet. _Aug._ 17. The last writer
says that there was a mutiny at Brundisium in a detachment sent there
immediately after Actium, and that they demanded reward and discharge.
Augustus was forced to come from Samos to settle the trouble. This was
in 724. There were 120,000 veterans to be provided for. Cf. c. 15.
600,000,000 sesterces was the compensation for the lands given to these
men, an average of 5000 sesterces ($250) for each holding. But not
all Italian proprietors were reimbursed. The Italians who had favored
Antony were simply dispossessed. To some other Italians were given
lands at Dyracchium and Philippi. His expenditure for land in Italy was
$30,000,000. As to colonies outside of Italy, Dio, LIV, 23, tells of
many settlements in Gallia (Narbonensis) and Iberia in 739. Eusebius
notes colonies at Berytus in Syria, and Patræ in Achaia, as founded in
739. Cf. _Chron._ ad. a. Abr. 2001; C. I. L. III, p. 95.
[80] The dates are 747, 748, 750, 751 and 752. The amount is
$20,000,000. It was in 741 (Dio, LIV, 25) that Augustus determined upon
a gift in money as a substitute for the assignments of land customary
up to that time. Why such payments began only in 747 is a matter of
conjecture; also why they ceased after 752. Probably because the years
742-746 were occupied with the German and Pannonian wars of Tiberius
and Drusus, and either there were no discharges, or else no money to
spare from the expenses of war. Again in 753 troubles began in the East.
[81] Only two of these occasions can be traced. Dio, LIII, 2, mentions
one. He says that in 726, when it was determined to exhibit games in
honor of Actium, Augustus replenished the empty treasury for that
purpose. And there is a coin of c. 738 with the inscription: _Senatus
populusque Romanus imperatori Cæsari quod viæ munitæ sunt ex ea pecunia
quam is ad ærarium detulit._ Eckhel VI, 105.
Up to 726 the treasury was in charge of the quæstors. Thence to 731 two
exprætors, after that year two prætors presided over it, up to the time
of Claudius. Cf. Tac. _Ann._ XIII, 29; Dio, LIII, 2 and 32; Suet.
_Aug._ 36. The sum mentioned here is $7,500,000. In the Greek τρίς
has evidently been omitted before χειλίας.
[82] This was in 759. In 741 (Dio, LIV, 25) Augustus had fixed the
term of service at twelve years for the prætorians and sixteen for
the legionaries. The gift to the former upon discharge was also
larger. In 758 the terms of service were lengthened to sixteen and
twenty years. Cf. Dio, LV, 23. In LV, 25, Dio writes of this year 759:
“Augustus contributed, in his own name and in that of Tiberius, money
for that treasury which is called the military.” The sum so given was
$8,500,000. Tributary states and kings also assisted. But income could
not keep pace with expenses. The old tax of a twentieth on bequests,
except when the heir was a very near relative, or very poor, was
revived, much to the discontent of the Roman people. Cf. Dio, LV, 25. Other
taxes were devised, such as that of one _per cent_ on sales. Cf.
Tac. _Ann._ I, 78. On sales of slaves two _per cent_ was
exacted. Cf. Dio, LV, 31.
A glance at the military establishment of Augustus may help to some
idea of its vast expense. Mommsen discusses the matter in detail (_R.
G._ pp. 68-76). Augustus seems to have left at his death a standing
army of twenty-five legions. Each legion approximated seven thousand
men, giving a total of 175,000 soldiers. His legions were numbered from
one to twenty-two. The number twenty-five is accounted for as follows:
the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth had been exterminated
under the leadership of Varus. But there were three legions, one in
Africa, one in Syria and one in Cyrenaica, bearing the title third,
and the fourth, fifth, sixth and tenth were each double. After Actium,
Augustus disbanded the legions numbered above twelve (cf. his colonies
of veterans at this time, numbering 120,000 men, c. XV). But by reason
of the repetitions above alluded to, the legions bearing the numbers
up to twelve, really amounted to eighteen. These duplications may have
risen from the absorption into Augustus' army of legions bearing the
same numbers from the forces of Lepidus and later from those of Antony.
In 759, eight new legions, the thirteenth to the twentieth, seem to
have been enrolled, in view of the German and Pannonian wars. This made
twenty six. Three were lost with Varus, and their numbers, seventeen,
eighteen and nineteen, seem never to have been restored to the list.
To offset this loss in a measure, two new legions, the twenty-first
and twenty-second were levied. Thus the twenty-five remaining at the
death of Augustus are accounted for. Such an establishment was
enormously and increasingly expensive. Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, VII,
45.
[83] This form of benefaction began in 736. It is a little remarkable
that Augustus should not mention the exact years of its continuance,
its amount, or the beneficiaries, while he does name the minimum number
of men who received aid from time to time. Perhaps he did not go into
details because these gifts concerned the provincials and would be of
slight interest to the city people for whose reading the inscription
was intended. In 742, “when Asia was in need of aid on account of
earthquakes, he paid the year’s tribute of the province out of his own
means.” Dio, LIV, 30.
His supplying grain as well as money rose from the fact that taxes
were imposed both in kind and in money. Cf. Tac. _Ann._ IV, 6;
_Agr._ XIX and XXXI; C. I. Gr. 4957, 47. These passages all speak
of taxes both in money and in produce. As to the method of levy,
Hyginus is interesting (_De Lim._ p. 205). “The tax on agriculture
is arranged in many ways. In some provinces the harvest is chargeable
with a certain proportion, here a fifth, there a seventh, elsewhere a
cash payment, and for this purpose certain values are determined for
the fields by an estimation of the soil; as in Pannonia there is arable
of the first class, of the second, meadows, mast-bearing woods, common
woods, pastures: upon all these the tax is laid by the single acre,
according to the fertility of the soil.” This was in the time of Trajan.
[84] The structures detailed here and in cc. 20 and 21, fall into three
classes. First, those of c. 19, being either new buildings in place of
ruined ones, or else entirely new ones, both classes on soil already
consecrated; second, those of c. 20, being repairs of public works;
third, public works upon soil given by himself, as noted in the first
part of c. 21.
Augustus does not mention structures which he erected in the name of
others, as the portico of Octavia, (different from the one below, Note
90), the portico of Livia, cf. Dio, XLIX, 43 and LIV, 23. He also omits
the temple of Concord dedicated by Tiberius in 763 (C. I. L. I. p.
384), though he paid for it.
The order of the works is chronological for the most part.
[85] This was the Curia Julia, begun in 712. Cf. Dio XLVII, 19; XLIV,
5; XLV, 17. It was dedicated in 725 after Actium. Cf. Dio LI, 22. Here
the senate met. Its location was near the forum.
[86] A shrine of Minerva Chalcidica.
[87] Begun after the Sicilian victories in 718. Cf. Dio XLIX, 15; Vell.
II, 81, dedicated Oct. 9, 726. Cf. Dio, LIII, 1; C. I. L. I, p. 403.
Suet. _Aug._ 29, says: “He reared a temple of Apollo in that part
of his estate on the Palatine which the haruspices declared was desired
by the god because it had been struck by lightning; he attached to it a
portico and a Greek and Latin library.”
[88] An altar was placed at once on the spot in the forum where the
body of Julius Cæsar was cremated. In 712 the senate decreed that a
temple should be built there.
[89] Dionysius (I, 32), observes that the ancient condition of this
place (originally a grotto near the Palatine, sacred to Pan) had
been so changed as to be hardly recognizable. This was by reason of
the changes made in his time, which nearly coincided with that of
Augustus. Cf. C. I. L. VI, 912, 6, 9, and 841. Its precise location is
undetermined.
[90] Festus, _De Verb. Sig._ L. 13, writes: “There were two
Octavian porticoes, the one built near the theatre of Marcellus by
Octavia, the sister of Augustus, the other close to the theatre of
Pompey, built by Cn. Octavius, son of Cnæus, who was curule aedile,
prætor, consul (589) decemvir for the sacred rites, and celebrated
a naval triumph for a victory over King Perseus. It was the latter
which, after its destruction by fire, Cæsar Augustus rebuilt.” Its
reconstruction was in 721. Cf. Dio, XLIX, 43, who, however, confounds
this Octavian portico with the other built some years after in the name
of Augustus’ sister, Octavia.
[91] The Pulvinar was the place of honor from which the imperial family
witnessed the games. Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 45; _Claud._ 4. This
restoration followed the burning of the Circus Maximus in 723. Cf. Dio,
L, 10.
[92] A temple attributed to Romulus, in ruins in the time of Augustus,
till restored by him on the suggestion of Atticus. Cf. Nepos,
_Atticus_, 20; Livy, IV, 20. The temple was probably restored in
723.
[93] Suetonius, _Aug._ 29, writes: “He dedicated the temple to
Jupiter the Thunderer, in acknowledgment of his escape from a great
danger in his Cantabrian expedition; when, as he was traveling by
night, his litter was struck by lightning, which killed the slave who
carried the torch before him.” This expedition was in 728-729, and the
temple was dedicated Sept. 1, 732. Cf. Dio, LIV, 4; C. I. L. I, 400.
[94] This was dedicated in 738, on the Quirinal. Cf. Dio, LIV, 19.
[95] These three temples have more than an accidental collocation.
Just as the Tarpeian mount and the Quirinal hill had their triple
divinities, so had the Aventine. Cf. Varro (_De Lin._) V, 158. The
temple of Juno is ascribed to the time of Camillus, and is said to have
been built for the Veientines. The date of the other two is unknown, as
is that of this restoration by Augustus.
[96] Also of unknown origin, location and restoration, other than as
mentioned here.
[97] Dionysius, I, 68, describes the old temple, not the restoration by
Augustus of which we have only this statement.
[98] The original temple was dedicated in 563, in the Circus Maximus.
Cf. Livy, XXXVI, 36. Burned in 738. Cf. Dio, LIV, 19.
[99] The original temple was burned in 756. Cf. Val. Max. I, 8, 11;
Dio, LV, 12; Suet. _Aug._ 57.
[100] The Capitol means the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.
[101] Frontinus, _De Aq._ c. 125, speaks of a decree of the Senate
in the year 743 “concerning the putting in order of the streams,
conduits and arches of the Julian, Marcian, Appian, Tepulan and Aniene
waters, which Augustus has promised the Senate that he will repair at
his own expense.” Aqueducts were repaired in 749-750. Cf. C. I. L.
VI, 1244. C. I. L. VI, 1249, gives _Iul. Tep. Mar.; imp. Cæsar divi
f. Augustus ex s. c.; XXV; ped. CCXL_. C. I. L. VI, 1243, records
the repairs of the Marcian aqueduct. Frontinus, _op. cit._, 12,
gives some details of the doubled supply of this source, and says the
new spring had to be conducted eight hundred feet to join the older
fountain.
[102] Julius Cæsar dedicated this forum Sept. 24 or 25, 708. Cf. Dio,
XLIII, 22; App. _B. C._, III, 28; C. I. L. I, p. 402 and 397.
Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, XXXV, 12, 156, mentions its completion by
Augustus.
Augustus uses the word _profligata_ here for “unfinished,” a use
which was common enough but not elegant, and is severely criticised by
Gellius, XV, 5. The word really means wretched rather than unfinished.
That Augustus was not a purist this inscription testifies, and
Suetonius also tells us, _Aug._, 87 and 88, how peculiar he was in
diction and orthography.
The basilica which was unfinished at the death of Augustus he refrains
from naming while it was not yet dedicated. But we know from Suetonius,
_Aug._ 29, and Dio, LVI, 27, that it was built in honor of his
grandchildren, Gaius and Lucius.
[103] There is abundant testimony to this architectural activity. Cf.
Suet. _Aug._ 29 and 30; Dio, LIII, 2; LVI, 40; Livy IV, 20; Ovid,
_Fasti_, II, 59; Hor. _Carm._, III, 6. Nor was this the zeal
of a mere archæologist and architect. The emperor was anxious for a
revival of religious observance, as a conservative force in his new
organization of the state.
[104] It is remarkable that Augustus should say he “_constructed_”
the Flaminian Way, etc., for it was made nearly two hundred years
before this date, 727. Moreover, the whole chapter is given up to
an account of reconstructions, and of course it is meant that he
_repaired_ the road and the bridges in question. The Latin
verb is wanting and is restored from the Greek, ἐπόησα, which is
unmistakable,—“I made.” Mommsen does not comment on the incorrectness
of this statement, but Wölfflin regards the Greek verb as a blunder
of the stone-cutter at Ancyra, and thinks there was no verb at all at
the end of this chapter, but that the mason by mistake took the last
word of the preceding chapter which is ἐπόησα. A substitution of ἐπόησα
for the proper verb seems more likely, as it seems improbable that the
sentence would end without a verb.
These repairs are attested by an inscription on an arch at Ariminum,
thus restored by Bormann: Cf. C. I. L. XI, 365.
SENATUS POPULUS_Q ue romanus_
_imp. cæsari divi f. augusto imp. sept._
COS. SEPT. DESIGNAT. OCTAVOM _Via flamin_ IA _et reliquei_S
CELEBERRIMEIS ITALIÆ VIEIS CONSILIO _et sumptib_ US _eius mu_NITEIS.
Cf. also Suet. _Aug._ 30; Dio, LIII, 22. Other roads of Italy were
repaired by those who obtained triumphs; of which more were celebrated
from 726 to 728 than at any other epoch.
[105] Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 29. Its construction was vowed in 712 and
it was dedicated in 752. Cf. C. I. L. I, p. 393, May 12. In c. 35,
Augustus mentions the quadriga dedicated to him in this forum.
[106] This theatre was begun by Julius Cæsar. Augustus completed it
in honor of Marcellus, who died in 731. It was dedicated May 4, 743.
Cf. Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, VIII, 17, 65. Dio, LIV, 36, assigns its
dedication to 741.
[107] Suetonius, _Aug._, 30, says that on one occasion Augustus
deposited in the _cella_ of Jupiter Capitolinus sixteen thousand
pounds of gold (= $3,200,000) and gems and pearls of the value of fifty
million sesterces (= $2,500,000). But such statements are fabulous, in
view of Augustus’ own statement that the total of his gifts of this
kind was only one hundred million sesterces (= $5,000,000).
[108] In earlier times it had been customary for cities affected by a
victory to give crowns of gold to the triumphing _imperator_. This
grew into an abuse and was forbidden by law, unless the gift preceded
the decree for the triumph. Later, the value of the crown was commuted
for cash, and it came to be a frequent means of extortion on the part
of provincial governors. To L. Antonius crowns of gold were given by
each of the thirty-five Roman tribes in 713. Cf. Dio, XLVIII, 4. The
amount named here, thirty-five thousand pounds of gold, would appear to
have been from the thirty-five tribes. On the general subject, _aurum
coronarium_, cf. Marquardt, _Staatsverwaltung_, II, p. 285.
[109] The sons of Augustus were Gaius, adopted in 737, died in 757;
Lucius, adopted at the same time, died in 755; Agrippa Postumus,
adopted in 757, exiled in 760. These were the sons of Agrippa and
Julia. On the death of Gaius in 757, Augustus adopted Tiberius. With
him Germanicus, nephew and adopted son of Tiberius, and Drusus,
Tiberius’ own son, became the legal grandchildren of Augustus. None of
these could celebrate games in his own name after adoption, as they had
no property rights, but were absolutely dependent on the head of their
house, according to the _patria potestas_ of the Roman law. See
this very plainly set forth in Suetonius, _Tib._ 15: “After his
(Tiberius’) adoption he never again acted as master of a family, nor
exercised in the smallest degree the rights which he had lost by it.
For he neither disposed of anything in the way of gift, nor manumitted
a slave; nor so much as received an estate left him by will, or any
legacy, without reckoning it as a part of his _peculium_, or
property held under his father.” Tiberius was forty-six years old when
he was adopted.
Seven of these exhibitions can be traced. 1. In 725, on the dedication
of the temple of the Divine Julius. Dio, LI, 22. 2. In 726, in honor
of the victory of Actium. Dio, LIII, 1. 3. In 738, in accordance with
a decree of the senate. This was in the name of Tiberius and Drusus.
Dio, LIV, 19. 4. In 742, at the Quinquatria held March 19-23, in honor
of Minerva. This was in the name of Gaius and Lucius. Dio, LIV, 28, 29.
5. In 747; funeral games in honor of Agrippa. Dio, LV, 8. 6. In 752,
at the dedication of the temple of Mars. Vell. II, 100. 7. In 759, in
honor of Drusus, in the name of his sons Germanicus and Claudius. Dio,
LV, 27; Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, II, 26, 96; VIII, 2, 4. Possibly the
eighth occasion may be found in Suetonius, _Aug._, 43.
[110] Cf. Dio, LIII, 1; Suet. _Aug._, 43. Wooden seats were
erected in the Campus Martius for gymnastic contests in 726. Whether
Germanicus or Drusus is the grandson mentioned here is unknown.
[111] These were the lesser games of the circus and theatres, given
ordinarily by magistrates holding the lower offices, which Augustus
never filled. He took upon himself the care and expense where the
proper magistrates were absent or too poor. Cf. Dio, XLV, 6; C. I. L.,
I, p. 397.
[112] The charge of the Secular Games, celebrated supposedly once in
a century, though in reality oftener, fell to the quindecemvirs. Cf.
Eckhel, VI. 102, for a coin with _imp. Cæsar Augustus lud. saec. XV
S. F._ This was in 737. Cf. also C. I. L., I, p. 442. The college
evidently gave the presidency to Augustus and Agrippa, since it was
very convenient that these two members of the sacred body also held the
tribunitial power, and so the games came into the charge of the two
greatest men of the state in a perfectly natural way. Cf. C. I. L., IX,
p. 29, No. 262, for confirmation of Agrippa’s membership in the college
of quindecemvirs.
[113] These games were celebrated on August 1. Dio, LX, 5, and LVI, 46,
tells of their being annual, and in charge of the consuls after the
death of Augustus. They began in 752. This passage is one of the few
where both the Latin and Greek are incapable of restoration.
[114] Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 43. Some of these occasions were: in 743 in
connection with the dedication of the theatre of Marcellus. Cf. Dio,
LIV, 26. Here six hundred beasts were killed, and the tiger was shown
for the first time. Cf. Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, VIII, 17, 65. In 752,
two hundred and sixty lions and thirty-six crocodiles were killed. Cf.
Dio, LV, 10. In 765, in the games given by Germanicus, two hundred
lions were killed. Cf. Dio, LVI, 27.
Augustus says “amphitheatres,” though there was but one such structure.
He may have regarded it as being two theatres joined at their straight
side and facing each other.
[115] Velleius II, 100, writes: “The divine Augustus in the year when
he was consul with Gallus Caninius (752) sated the minds and the eyes
of the Roman people at the dedication of the temple of Mars with the
most magnificent gladiatorial shows and naval battles.” Dio, LV, 10,
says that traces of the excavation could be seen in his time (c. 200 A.
D.), and that the fight represented a battle of Athenians and Persians,
in which the former were victorious. Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 43; Ovid,
_Ars Am._ I, 171.
Claudius gave a similar exhibition on the Fucine Lake, but with a
hundred triremes and quadriremes, and a force of nineteen thousand
men, “as once Augustus did in a pond by the Tiber, but with lighter
vessels and a smaller force.” Cf. Tac. _Ann._ XII, 56; Suet.
_Claud._, 21; Dio, LX, 33.
[116] Another instance of avoidance of the name of an enemy while
distinctly referring to him. Antony had stripped various temples at
Samos, Ephesus, Pergamos, and Rhœteum, all in the province of Asia,
and had given the spoils to Cleopatra. Dio, LI, 17, says that great
numbers of such things were found in her palace when Alexandria was
captured. Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, XXXIV, 8, 58, says: “He (Myro) made
an Apollo, which was taken away by the triumvir Antony, but restored
to the Ephesians by the divine Augustus.” Strabo, XIII, 1, 30, writes
of Rhœteum: “Cæsar Augustus gave back to the Rhœtians the shrine and
statue of Ajax which Antony had taken away and given to Egypt. He did
the like for other cities. For Antony took away the finest votive
offerings from the most famous shrines for the gratification of the
Egyptian woman, but Augustus restored them.” Ib. XIV, 1, 14, writes of
the temple of Hera, at Samos: “Antony took away three colossal sitting
statues on one base, but Augustus Cæsar restored two of them, Athene
and Heracles, to the same base; the Zeus, however, he placed upon the
Capitol.”
[117] Suetonius, _Aug._, 52, says these gifts took the form of
tripods. Cf. Dio, LIII, 22; LII, 35; LIV, 35.
[118] The allusion is to Sextus Pompeius, whose fleets, manned largely
by slaves, cut off the grain ships on their way to Rome. Again Augustus
avoids the name of an opponent. Cf. Vell., II, 73, who thinks it
remarkable that a son of the great Pompey, who had freed the sea from
pirates, should himself defile it with piratical crimes. Florus, IV, 8,
reflects the same sentiment. App. _B. C._, V, 77, 80, says that
captured pirates under torture confessed that Sextus Pompeius was the
instigator of their crimes. When the peace of Misenum was made, Sextus
Pompeius stipulated for the freedom of the slaves who had fought under
him. It was after the overthrow of Pompey, in 718, that the slaves were
returned. Dio, XLIX, 12, adds that slaves whose masters did not claim
them were returned to their several cities, there to be crucified. Cf.
App. _B. C._, V, 131; Oros. VI, 18.
[119] This was in 722, just before the breaking out of hostilities
between Antony and Octavian. Cf. Dio, L, 6; Suet., _Aug._ 17.
[120] Cf. c. 8, Note 49. There were a thousand senators at this time.
Augustus, in his statement, probably means that seven hundred of the
thousand then in the senate were on his side, not merely seven hundred
who then or later were senators.
The number of consulars, eighty-three, is quite consistent with the
facts, as is shown in a careful analysis of the _Fasti Consulares_
for the period by Mommsen. _R. G._, p. 100.
The priests referred to were probably members of the four great
colleges and the Arval brotherhood. Cf. c. 7, notes 40-45.
[121] This statement is borne out by what we otherwise know. Taking
the provinces in order we find: First, the German frontier is pushed
forward from the Rhine to the Elbe. Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 21. Second,
in Illyricum and Macedonia he had erected the new provinces of Pannonia
and Moesia. Third, in Asia Minor he did not extend the older limits of
Bithynia, but out of the kingdom of Amyntas, he made the new province
of Galatia and later added Paphlagonia to it. Fourth, in Africa,
Augustus rather narrowed than extended the empire by his partition with
Juba in 729. But a number of Roman proconsuls won laurels there.
[122] Here the record is of commotions quelled within the recognized
limits of the empire. In Spain there was the Cantabrian war from 727 to
735. In Gaul, G. Carrinas had subdued the Morini, and triumphed, July
14, 726; and M. Messala had suppressed the Aquitani, triumphing Sept.
25, 727. Cf. Suet. _Aug._, 20, 21.
The German campaigns extending at intervals over the years from 742
to the very end of Augustus’ reign it is needless to detail. This
reference to the pacification of Germany has been the subject of
much dispute. Mommsen in two places (_R. G._, p. VI, and 48),
uses the word “crafty” (_callidus_) of Augustus, referring to
his alleged glozing over of unsatisfactory events. Hirschfeld goes
further, and in connection with the present passage accuses Augustus
(_Wiener Studien_, V, 117) of a “masterly concealment and
whitewashing (übertünchung) of all that could hurt his reputation.”
This charge is made because Augustus omits all mention of the disaster
under Varus. Against this charge Johannes Schmidt defends Augustus,
(_Philologus_, XLV, p. 394, ff.). The contest between Schmidt and
Hirschfeld is based really upon opposing views of the purpose of the
_Res Gestae_. Schmidt believed it to be an epitaph. In this there
would be no place for anything save the fortunate events of a life.
If _nil de mortuis nisi bonum_ be wise, Augustus might well have
adapted the adage to his own case and said, _nil de me morituro nisi
bonum_. But Hirschfeld insists that the _Res Gestae_ constitute
not an epitaph, but “an account of his administration,” and therefore
contends that the omission of the German disaster was not in good
faith. To this, Schmidt answers that Augustus had nothing to gain by
such concealment—indeed that concealment of so notorious a disaster
would be absurd. And in the text itself he finds a recognition of the
real state of affairs, inasmuch as Augustus expressly distinguishes
Germany from the provinces, Gallic and Spanish, and while claiming
it for Rome, does not assert that it belongs to her as do organized
provinces. Schmidt also says that _pacavi_, “I pacified” does
not necessarily imply that Germany continued in a state of peace. It
may well enough cover the fact that there was temporary success. But
this is hair-splitting. The character of the _Res Gestae_ must
be always had in mind. Cf. Introduction. Its deliverances were _ad
populum_ and they constituted an epitaph.
[123] Suetonius, _Aug._ 21, says: “He waged war upon no people without
just and necessary causes.” The present Torbia near Monaco, derives its
name from a _Tropæa Augusti_, “Trophy of Augustus,” some fragments of
which still exist.
The inscription has been preserved by Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, III, 20,
136: _imp. Cæsari divi f. Augusto pontifice maxumo imp. XIIII tribunic.
potestate XVII s. p. q. R. quod ejus ductu auspiciisque gentes Alpinæ
omnes quæ a mari supero ad inferum pertinebant sub imperium p. R.
sunt redactæ_—“the Roman senate and people to Cæsar ... Augustus ...
because under his leadership and auspices all the Alpine nations, from
the upper to the lower sea have been brought into subjection to the
Roman empire.” Then follows an enumeration of forty-six peoples. Pliny
adds, “the Cottian states were not annexed because they had not been
hostile;” and an arch at Segusio was placed in honor of Augustus, and
on it are the names of fourteen states, six being repetitions from the
Torbia monument. Cf. C. I. L. V, 7817 and 7231.
The campaigns here referred to are: First, of Varro Murena against the
Salassi in 729. Cf. Strabo, IV, 6, 7, p. 205; Dio, LIII, 25; Livy,
_Epit._, CXXXV; Cass. _ad. ann._ 729; Suet. _Aug._
21. Second, of Publius Silius against the Vennones and Camunni in
738. Cf. Dio, LIV, 20. Third, of Tiberius and Drusus against the Ræti
and Vindelici in 739. Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 21. Fourth, against the
Ligurians of the Maritime Alps in 740. Cf. Dio, LIV, 24. Finally these
regions were formed into the province of Rætia in 747-748.
[124] This naval expedition was connected with the German campaign of
Tiberius in 758. Cf. Vell. II, 106; Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, II, 67,
167.
[125] Strabo, VII, 2, 1, describes an embassy of the Cimbri asking for
“peace and amnesty.” They dwelt in the end of Jutland. Cf. Ptolemy,
II, 10. Below them were the Charudes, whom the mason at Ancyra makes
Charydes, and the Greek translator, thinking of the fable, transforms
into Chalybes, living just south of the Cimbri. Cf. Ptolemy, ii, 11,
12. The Semnones were between the Elbe and the Oder.
[126] When the Egyptian garrisons were weakened on account of the
Arabian expedition, Queen Candace took advantage of it and captured
a number of towns in Upper Egypt. These the præfect, C. Petronius,
re-took, and inflicted severe punishment upon the Æthiopians. This took
place 730-732. Cf. Strabo, XVII, I, 54; Dio, LIV, 5; Pliny, _Hist.
Nat._, VI, 29, 181, 182.
In 1896 Capt. Lyons, R. E., found, at Philæ, an inscription in Latin,
Greek and hieroglyphics, of which Prof. Mahaffy gives this translation:
“Gaius Cornelius, son of Cnaeus Gallus, a Roman knight, appointed
first prefect, after the kings were conquered by Cæsar, son of Divus,
of Alexandria and Egypt—who conquered the revolt of the Thebaid in
fifteen days, having won two pitched battles, together with the capture
of the leaders of his opponents, having taken five cities, some by
assault, some by siege, viz., Boresis, Coptos, Ceramice, Diospolis
the Great, Ombos (?); having slain the leaders of these revolts, and
having brought his army beyond the cataract of the Nile to a point
whither neither the Roman people nor the Kings of Egypt had yet carried
their standards, a military district impassable before his day; having
subdued, to the common terror of all the kings, all the Thebaid, which
was not subject to the kings, and having received the ambassadors of
the Ethiopians at Philæ, and guest-friendship from their king (and
received their king under his protection) and having appointed him
tyrant of the 30-_schoeni_ district of Lower Ethiopia—makes this
thank-offering to the Dii Patrii, and to the Nile, who aided him in his
deeds.” _London Athenæum_, March 14, 1896, and _Sitzungsberichte
d. kgl. Pr. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1896, I, pp. 469-480.
[127] The Arabian campaign, under C. Aelius Gallus was probably in
729-730. Cf. Dio, LIII, 29; Hor. _Carm._ I, 29, 35; Strabo, XVI,
4, 22, 24. Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, VI, 28, 159, 160,
[128] Egypt was made an integral part of the empire after Actium
and the death of Cleopatra, in 724. Its connection with the empire
was peculiar. W. T. Arnold, _Roman Provincial Administration_,
p. 113, says: “The government of Egypt was in many points wholly
exceptional. Julius Cæsar had deliberately abstained from making
it a province of the country (cf. Suet., _Jul._ 35); and when
Augustus added it to the empire he subjected it to an altogether
exceptional treatment. The country was his private property, or rather
the Emperor’s private property; it passed as a matter of course, that
is, from emperor to emperor. Augustus appointed a præfect to represent
him in the province, just as in earlier times the urban prætors had
sent prefects to represent them in the municipalities of Italy. This
præfect was of equestrian, and not of the highest equestrian rank (Tac.
_Ann._, XII, 60; II, 59; _Hist._ I. 11); no senators were
admitted into the province; and the greatest jealousy was shown of the
smallest interference with it. The reasons for the special jealousy
of Egypt shown by Augustus and his successors were partly the great
defensibility of the country (in case of insurrection—ED.), partly
its immense importance as the granary of Rome. 'It was an accepted
principle with our fathers,’ says Pliny, 'that our city could not
possibly be fed and maintained without the resources of Egypt.’” For
a fuller treatment cf. Marquardt, _Röm. Staatsverwaltung_, I,
282-298.
[129] Armenia Major had been raised to greatness by Tigranes I
(658-699) who had been a formidable ally of Mithridates. Pompey finally
subdued him, 688. Henceforth Armenia was in a subject condition.
Tigranes was succeeded by his son Artavasdes. In 718, when Antony
attacked the Parthians, this king sided with him against Phraates of
Parthia, and another Artavasdes, king of Media. Cf. Dio, XLIX, 25.
But presently the two Artavasdes changed relations, the king of Armenia
passing to the Parthian side and he of Media joining Antony. Cf. Plut.,
_Ant._, 52; Dio, XLIX, 33, 44. Antony captured Artavasdes of Armenia
and gave him over to Cleopatra, who killed him in 721. His kingdom
was assigned to Antony’s son Alexander to whom was betrothed Jotape
daughter of Artavasdes of Media. The Armenians made Artaxes, son of
the late Artavasdes, their king. When Octavian overcame Antony he did
not befriend all the Oriental enemies of the latter, but for purposes
of his own set up a rival to Phraates of Parthia in Tiridates. Cf. c.
32. And, angered at the Armenians, who had dealt harshly with certain
Romans in that kingdom, he held as hostages the brothers of king
Artaxes, and set Artavasdes of Media over Armenia Minor as a check upon
Artaxes. Cf. Dio, LI, 16; LIV, 9. In 734 Augustus went to the East to
arrange affairs there. A campaign against Artaxes was planned, but he
was assassinated. Cf. Dio, LIV, 9; Tac., _Ann._, II, 3; Vell., II, 94,
122; Suet. _Aug._, 21; Jos., _Ant._, XV, 4, 3; Eckhel, VI, 98. At this
point the action of Augustus, recorded here in the _Res Gestæ_, takes
place. Augustus follows the example of Pompey, who, in dealing with
Armenia in 688 had contented himself with making the Armenian king
accept his royalty as a gift from Rome. Cf. Cic. _pro Sext._ 27. The
affair was conducted by Tiberius, not yet adopted. Cf. Suet. _Tib._,
9; Vell., II, 122. Henceforth Armenia was regarded as part of the
empire, though its native sovereigns were continued. Cf. Vell., II, 94,
122: “Armenia restored to the control of the Roman people;” “Armenia
retaken.” “The Medes likewise were subjected.” Cf. c. 33.
[130] The reign of Tigranes was brief. The Parthians winning some
success against Rome, stirred up Armenia. Cf. Tac. _Ann._, II,
3; Vell., II, 100. They favored the children of Tigranes, Tigranes
III and Erato. A Roman faction set up his younger brother Artavasdes.
Cf. Tacitus l. c. The suppression of the disorder was enjoined upon
Tiberius. But at this juncture, 748, he went into retirement at Rhodes.
Cf. Dio, LV, 9. Artavasdes died and the young Tigranes courted the
aid of Rome, but was soon killed, probably by Parthian means, and his
sister Erato abdicated. Cf. fragments of Dio, cited by Mommsen, _R.
G._, p. 113, and Dio, LV, 10. Tacitus confirms the delivery of
Armenia to Ariobarzanes by Gaius. Cf. _Ann._, II, 3; and Dio, LV,
10. The Parthian faction did not accept him, and it was in a contest
over him that Gaius received a wound, of which he died, Feb. 21, 757.
Cf. C. I. L. I, p. 472. For the succession of Artavasdes, cf. Dio,
LV, 10. The Tigranes IV, next mentioned “of the royal house of the
Armenians” was a grandson of Herod the Great, of Judea, on the one
side, and of Archelaus, King of Cappadocia, and probably an Armenian
princess on the other. Cf. Tac. _Ann._ VI, 40; XIV, 26; Jos.,
_Ant._ XVIII, 5, 4; _Wars_, I, 28, 1.
[131] For Sicily and Sardinia, cf. c. 25 and notes.
By the treaty of Brundisium, Antony had received Macedonia, Achaia,
Asia, Pontus, Bithynia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Syria, Crete, Cyrenaica. The
five last named he had given over to foreign kings. As to Asia and
Bithynia, Dio, XLIX, 41 and Plut. _Ant._ 54, are in conflict.
But the _Res Gestæ_ tends to confirm the latter. Lycaonia and
Pamphylia were taken from the province of Cilicia and given to
Amyntas, King of Galatia. Cf. Dio, XLIX, 32. He extended Egypt again
by restoring to it Cyprus. Cf. Dio, XLIX, 32, 41; Plut. l. c.; Strabo,
XIV, 6, 6: he granted to Cleopatra and Cæsarion, her son by Julius
Cæsar, the coast land of Syria, Tyre and Sidon excepted, cf. Jos.
_Ant._ XV, 4, 1; _Wars_, I, 18, 5; also Coele-Syria, cf. Jos.
_Ant._ XV, 3, 8; Plut. l. c.; Ituraea, Judaea and Arabia Nabataea,
cf. Dio, XLIX, 32; Jos. _Ant._ XV, 4, 1; 5, 3; _Wars_, I, 18,
5; 20, 3; parts of Cilicia, cf. Strabo, XIV, 5, 3; 5, 6: and perhaps
Crete also, cf. Dio, XLIX, 32: and Cyrenaica, cf. Plut. l. c. To his
younger son Ptolemy Philadelphus he gave Syria, and part of Cilicia,
cf. Dio, XLIX, 41; Plut. l. c.: for the elder, Alexander he planned a
kingdom made up of Armenia, Media and Parthia, cf. Livy, _Epit._
CXXXI; Plutarch, l. c. These alienations of Roman territory were made
the occasion of Octavian’s attack upon Antony. Cf. Dio, L, 1; Plut. l.
c.
[132] Mommsen believes that Augustus founded only military colonies.
Zumpt thinks otherwise. Cf. _Comment Epig._, I, 362.
[133] Known colonies of Augustus are: In Africa, Carthage, cf. C. I. L.
VIII, p. 133; Dio, LII, 43; App. _Pun._ CXXXVI. In Sicily, Panhormus,
Thermes, Tyndaris, cf. Dio, LIV, 7; Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, III, 8, 88;
89; 90. Marquardt, _Röm. Staatsverwaltung_ I, 246, names seven colonies
of Augustus in Sicily. In Macedonia, Dyrrachium, Philippi, cf. Dio,
LI, 4. Cassandrea, cf. Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, IV, 10. In Hither Spain,
Cæsaraugusta, cf. coin in Eckhel I, 37, which also gives the numbers
of the legions whose veterans were colonized here: _leg. IV_, _leg.
VI_, _leg. X_. Marquardt _op. cit._, I, 256, names six colonies of
Augustus here. In Farther Spain, Emerita, cf. Eckhel I, 12, and 19,
_leg. V_, _X_; Marquardt, _op. cit._, I, 257. In Achaia, Patrae, cf.
C. I. L. III, p. 95, _leg. X_, _XII_. In Asia, Alexandrea of the
Troad, cf. Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, V, 30. In Syria, Berytus, cf. Eckhel
III, 356, _leg. V_, _VIII_; Heliopolis, cf. Eckhel, III, 334. In
Gallia Narbonensis, Reii and Aquae Sextiae, cf. Herzog, _Gall. Narb.
inscr._ n. 113, 356. In Pisidia, Antioch, cf. Eckhel III, 18; Cremna,
cf. Eckhel III, 20; Olbasa, cf. Eckhel, III, 20; Parlais, cf. Ramsay,
_Bull. de Corr. Hell._, VII, p. 318.
No colonies are assigned to Sardinia, the three Gauls and two
Germanies, Raetia, Noricum, Bithynia, Pontus, Galatia, Galatian Pontus,
Paphlagonia, part of Phrygia, Lycaonia, Isauria, Cilicia, Cyprus,
Crete, Egypt, Cyrenaica. As for parts of the empire under subject
kings, such as Thrace, Cappadocia, Mauretania, no account is taken of
them, though there were certainly colonies in Mauretania, at Cartenna
and Tupusuctu. Cf. Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, V, 2, 20; C. I. L., VIII,
8857.
[134] Cf. an article by Mommsen, _Hermes_, XVIII, 161 ff. on the
“Colonies of Italy from Sulla to Vespasian.”
When Augustus wrote, Italy was separated from Illyricum by the river
Arsia. Yet Illyricum was not counted by him as a province. It had
colonies at Emona, Iader, Salona, and possibly at Epidaurus and Narona.
Cf. C. I. L., III, pp. 489, 374, 304, 287, 291. Mommsen thinks this
omission was intended by Augustus; that he had been able to satisfy
some of his veterans, to whom Italian farms had been promised, with
lands over the Italian border in Illyricum, and because he could not
call it a province, nor yet a part of Italy, he eludes the difficulty
by omitting the Illyrian colonies.
The names of the twenty-eight Italian colonies are somewhat difficult
to establish. Several perplexing questions rise in the attempt. What
of the colonies founded by Antony and Octavian as triumvirs? Were they
Antoniæ Juliæ, or some Juliæ and others Antoniæ? If the former were
true and they dropped the name Antoniæ, the result would be far more
than twenty-eight Julian and Augustan colonies. The second probability
is more likely, and that the colonies Antoniæ simply dropped their name
after Actium.
A third difficulty rises in the case of the enlargement of old
colonies and their resettlement, as, _e. g._, of Minturnæ.
Cf. Hyginus, _De Lim._, p. 177. Mommsen gives a list which
nearly meets the statement of Augustus. 1. Ariminum, _Augusta_;
2. Ateste; 3. _Augusta_ Prætoria; 4. _Julia Augusta_
Taurinorum; 5. Beneventum, _Julia Augusta_; 6. Bononia; 7.
Brixia, _Augusta_; 8. Capua, _Julia Augusta_; 9. Castrum
novum Etruriæ, _Julia_; 10. Concordia, _Julia_; 11. Cumæ
(?) _Julia_; 12. Dertona, _Julia_; 13. Fanum Fortunæ,
_Julia_; 14. Falerio; 15. Hispellum, _Julia_; 16. Lucus
Feroniæ, _Julia_; 17. Minturnæ; 18. Nola, _Augusta_; 19.
Parentium, _Julia_; 20. Parma, _Julia Augusta_; 21. Pisae,
_Julia_; 22. Pisaurum, _Julia_; 23. Pola, _Julia_;
24. Sæna (?), _Julia_; 25. Sora, _Julia_; 26. Suessa,
_Julia_; 27. Sutrium, _Julia_; 28. Tuder, _Julia_;
29, Venafrum, _Julia Augusta_. Cf. Marquardt, _Röm.
Staatsverwaltung_, I, 118-132.
[135] Of standards recovered in Spain and Gaul we have no further
knowledge. It may be that in the Cantabrian war of 728, 729, some such
thing took place.
Appian, _Illyr._ XII, XXV, XXVIII, narrates the capture of
standards by the Dalmatians from Gabinius in 706, and their restoration
to Augustus in 721. These were then placed in the Octavian portico; and
probably later transferred to the temple of Mars.
[136] The standards had been lost by Crassus and Antony. Cf. Justin,
XLII, 5, 11; Livy, _Epit._, CXLI; Suetonius, _Aug._ 21;
Vell., II, 91; Vergil, _Æn._ VII, 606; Horace, _Carm._, I,
12, 56; III, 5, 4; Dio, LIII, 33; LIV, 8; Cass. _Chron._ ad. 734;
Oros., VI, 21; Florus IV, 12; Eutropius, VII, 9. One detachment of
Antonius’ army, under L. Decidius Saxa, was exterminated in 714, and
another in 718 under Oppius Statianus. Cf. Livy, _Ep._ CXXI; Dio,
XLVIII, 24.
Tiberius received the standards from the Parthians in 734. Cf. Dio,
LIV, 8, etc.; Suet. _Tib._ 9. Eckhel, VI, 95, shows a coin with
a Parthian on bended knee presenting a standard to Augustus. Cf. also
Horace, _Epis._, I, 12, 27; Oros., VI, 21, 29; and c. 32 of the
inscription.
There were two temples of Mars Ultor, a smaller one on the Capitoline,
and a larger in the forum, dedicated in 752. The standards were removed
to the larger temple. Cf. Dio, LV, 10; Horace, _Carm._, IV, 5, 16;
_Epis._, I, 18, 56; Propertius, III, 10, 3; Ovid, _Trist._
II, 295; _Fasti_, V, 549; VI, 459.
[137] Augustus himself had fought the Pannonians in 719, 720. Cf. Dio,
XLIX, 36-38. The campaigns of Tiberius were from 742 to 745. Cf. Vell.
II, 96; Dio, LIV, 31, 34; LV, 2; Suet. _Tib._, 9.
[138] This statement varies somewhat from Dio, L, 24, who says Augustus
reached the Danube in 720, and from Suetonius, _Tib._ 16, who
assigns the complete subjection of the district to 759.
[139] The Dacians had become organized and strong in the latter years
of the Roman republic. Cf. Justin. XXXII, 3; Jordanis, _Get._, XI,
67; Strabo, XVI, 2, 39; VII, 3, 5; 11; Suet. _Aug._, 44. Julius Cæsar
was about to proceed against them when he died. Cf. Suet. _Jul._, 44;
_Aug._, 8; App. _B. C._, II, 110; III, 25, 37; _Illyr._, 13; Vell., II.
59; Livy, _Epit._, CXVII. In 719 Augustus began his Illyrican campaign
by occupying Segesta on the Save, whence he threatened the Dacians
and Bastarnæ. Cf. App. _Illyr._, 22, 23. Antony is responsible for
the statement that Augustus sought to secure the goodwill of Cotiso,
king of the Getæ (Dacians), by giving him his daughter and by himself
marrying a daughter of Cotiso. Cf. Suetonius, _Aug._, 63. Cotiso
refused the alliance and joined the party of Antony. Cf. Dio, L, 6; LI,
22. Antony’s story as to the proposed marriages is hardly credible,
and may have been invented by him to offset his own alliance with
Cleopatra. During the struggle between Antony and Octavian, an invasion
of the Dacians was the constant dread of Italy. Cf. Vergil, _Georg._,
II, 497; Hor. _Sat._, II, 6, 53; _Carm._, III, 6, 13. When Antony was
overthrown M. Crassus undertook the suppression of the Dacians, and
triumphed, July 4, 727. Cf. Dio, LI, 23; Tab. Triumph. But Dacian
incursions were still frequent. Dio records one in 738, cf. LIV, 20;
and one in 744, cf. LIV, 36. Probably it was in this latter incursion
that the defeat here alluded to was met by them. Finally an army was
sent against them under Lentulus, in 759. Cf. Dio, LV, 30; Strabo, VII,
12 and 13; Suet. _Aug._, 21; Florus, IV, 12, 19, 20; Tac. _Ann._, IV,
44.
[140] Cf. Suet. _Aug._, 21; Flor. IV, 12, 62; _Oros._, VI,
21, 19, says that deputies of Indians and Scythians came to Augustus
at Tarracona in 728 or 729; Dio, LIV, 9, that deputies from India came
to him at Samos in 734. Strabo gives the name of the Indian king as
Porus. Cf. XV., 1, 4 and 73. Cf. also Ver. _Georg._, II, 170;
_Aen._, VI, 794; VIII, 705; Hor. _Carm._, I, 12, 56; _Carm.
Saec._, 55, 56; _Carm._, IV, 14, 41.
[141] For a general statement, cf. Suetonius, _Aug._ 21. For the
Scythians, cf. Note 140 , above. For the Bastarnæ, cf. Livy, _Ep._
CXXXIV; Dio, LI, 23, 24. For the Sarmatæ, cf. Flor. l. c.; Strabo,
II, 5, 30; Tac. _Ann._, VI, 33; Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, II,
108, 246; VI, 7, 19; VI, 5, 16; VI, 13, 40. Vergil refers to them as
Gelones. Cf. _Aen._, VIII, 725. Cf. also Hor. _Carm._, II, 9;
III, 8, 23. For the Albani and Iberi, cf. Dio, XLIX, 24. For the Medes,
cf. c. 27 and notes.
[142] For Phraates and Tiridates, cf. Justin, XLII, 5; Dio, LI, 18.
Tiridates had supplanted Phraates and in turn was driven out by him. He
then, in 724, came to Augustus for aid. But the latter was anxious to
regain the lost standards from Parthia, and simply played off Tiridates
against Phraates by setting him over Syria. Dio, in the passage cited,
makes mention of a son of Phraates who was captured by Tiridates and
given up to Augustus. This was possibly the Phraates here mentioned,
though there are difficulties in the way of this explanation. For
Augustus implies the voluntary coming of a reigning king, not the
delivery of an abducted prince. We know that in 731 Tiridates was in
Rome asking that Parthia be assigned to him, and that at the same time
Phraates sent an embassy begging the restitution of his son. Cf. Dio,
LIII, 33. Augustus laid the matter before the senate, and by their
advice restored the prince in exchange for the standards, but did not
yield to the plea of Tiridates.
[143] Cf. c. 27.
[144] A people east of the Tigris, and west of Media Atropatane.
Nothing is known of Artaxares. For the Adiabeni and their kingdom, cf.
Strabo, XVI, 1, 19; Tac. _Ann._, XII, 13; Josephus, _Ant._,
XX, 2, 1.
[145] Augustus several times was on the point of invading Britain. Cf.
Dio, XLIX, 38, for 720; LIII, 22, 25, for 727, 728. The poets have many
prophecies of victories in Britain. Cf. Ver. _Georg._, I, 30,
written in 724; III, 25; Hor. _Epode_, VII, 7; _Carm._, I.
35, 29, of the year 727, 728; _Carm._, III, 5; I, 21, 15; III, 4,
33; IV, 14, 48. But nothing came of these plans. Cf. Strabo, IV, 5, 3,
for embassies from Britain. Coins of Dumnobellaunus have been found.
Cf. J. Evans, _Coins of the Ancient Britons_ (London, 1864), p.
198, and the following plate 4, Nos. 6-12.
[146] The great defeat of Lollius in 738 was by the Sicambri, joined
with the Usipites and Tencteri. Cf. Dio, LIV, 20; Vell., II, 97; Suet.,
_Aug._, 23. There was a temporary peace. Cf. Horace, _Carm._,
IV, 2. 36; 14, 51. They rebelled in 742, and were put down, first by
Drusus and later by Tiberius. Cf. Dio, LIV, 32, 33, 36. In 746 they
were completely subjugated and removed into Gaul. Cf. Dio, LV, 6; Vell.
II, 97; Suet., _Aug._, 21; _Tib._, 9; Tac. _Ann._, II,
26; XII, 39; Strabo, VII, 1, 3. Probably the coming of Maelo was during
this surrender of 746.
[147] The Marcomani were a branch of the Suevi. Cf. Tac., _Germ._,
XXXVIII; _Ann._, II, 44, 62.
[148] The four sons were Seraspedes, Rhodaspedes, Vonones and
Phraates, with the wives of two of them and four children. Cf. Strabo,
XVI, 1, 28; VI, 4, 2; Justin, XLII, 5, 11; Vell., II, 94; Tac.,
_Ann._, II, 1; Oros., VI, 21, 29; Suet., _Aug._ 21, 43; Jos.,
_Antiq._, XVIII, 2, 4. They were sent to be out of harm’s way
during troubles in Parthia, according to all but Josephus, who says
they were removed so as not to hinder the succession of Phraataces, an
illegitimate son. When Phraates died, Phraataces in vain asked Augustus
for the return of the princes. This was c. 750. Cf. Dio, fragments,
Ursin. 39. The two elder princes died in Rome. Cf. C. I. L., VI, 7799.
Vonones was sent back by Augustus. Cf. c. 33, Note 149; Phraates was
returned by Tiberius in 788. Cf. Tac., _Ann._, VI, 31; Dio, LVIII,
16. Probably the princes were sent to Augustus in 744. Cf. Mommsen,
_R. G._, p. 141.
[149] The comment of Mommsen here seems too severe. He says: “The
writer magnifies his splendors beyond what is exact: for the Parthians
and Medes asked Augustus, not so much to appoint kings for them, as
to restore to them those to whom the kingdom had fallen by hereditary
right.” Such a criticism seems to overlook the force of the word
_petitos_, as applied to _reges_: they got the kings they “asked for.”
Phraataces was reigning in 754. Cf. Dio, LV, 10; Vell. II, 101. He was
succeeded by Orodes for a short time. Then came the choice of Vonones.
Cf. Jos. _Ant._ XVIII, 2, 4; Tac. _Ann._ II, 1. Josephus
gives no date. Tacitus implies 770. Augustus, however, returned
Vonones, and the date must be much earlier, probably c. 760. A Parthian
embassy was in Rome between 757 and 759. Cf. Suet. _Tib._, 16.
Coins also show the name of Vonones in 761. Cf. Gardner, _Parthian
Coinage_, p. 46. His reign was very brief. Cf. Tacitus and Josephus,
ll. cc.
[150] Cf. c. 27.
[151] This chapter is possibly the most weighty in the whole
inscription, inasmuch as it sets forth the view of his policy which
Augustus wished the world to hold. How far his statements in the
opening and closing sentences represent his own actual notions of his
relations to the sovereign power in Rome is a matter of debate. For a
full discussion Mommsen, _Röm. St._ II, p. 723, ff., may be read,
and Gardthausen, _Aug._ Iᵉʳ Th. IIᵉʳ Bd., pp. 485-540 and IIᵉʳ
Th., pp. 277-299.
The question is: Did Augustus in any real sense restore the republic,
or did he conceive of himself as monarch, but find it politic to
suppress all outward marks of royalty? Was his chief concern to
maintain the peace and prosperity of the Roman people, with as little
alteration as possible of the old constitutional forms, or was his
object the building up of power for his own sake? This is confessedly
one of the riddles of history. The best that can be done is to study
his actions, estimating their worth and tendency, and leaving the
motives of the great statesman where he hid them,—locked in his own
bosom.
Undoubtedly, all through the _Res Gestæ_, as is pointed out in
the introduction, and as has been noticed from time to time in these
notes, one of his great aims is to represent himself as a conservative,
moving within constitutional limits. Coins of the period emphasize the
view set forth in the opening sentence of this chapter with regard to
the restoration of the republic. Cf. Eckhel, VI, 83: _imp. Cæsar
divi f. cos. VI, libertatis p. R. vindex_; “The imperator, Cæsar,
son of the divine (Cæsar) consul for the sixth time, (726) restorer of
the freedom of the Roman people.” Cf. C. I. L. VI, 1527: “the whole
world pacified, the republic restored.” Also, C. I. L. I, p. 384; the
date referred to is Jan. 13, 727: “The senate decreed that an oaken
crown should be fixed above the door of the imperator, Cæsar Augustus,
because he restored the Roman republic.” Contemporary Roman writers
simply echo the views of Augustus. Cf. Ovid, _Fasti_, I, 589,
for Jan. 13, 727, Velleius, II, 89, says: “When the civil wars were
finished in the twentieth year, (724) and the foreign wars brought to
a close, peace was brought back, power restored to the laws, authority
to the tribunals, majesty to the senate, the _imperium_ of the
magistrates reduced to its old time form, the original and ancient
form of the state restored.” Cf. Livy, _Epit._, CXXXIV. The
Greek Strabo, also a contemporary, writes, XVII, 3, 25: “The country
committed to him the headship of her sovereignty, and made him lord of
peace and war for life.” Later writers, even the Romans, are equally
free in their judgments. Dio, LII, I, says: “From this time (725) the
affairs of Rome began to be in the control of one man (μοναρχεῖσθαι).”
Cf. Suet. _Aug._, 28; Tac. _Ann._, III, 28. Dio’s account of
the conference in which Agrippa advises a real abdication by Augustus,
and Mæcenas urges a bold assumption of supreme power (LII, 1-40) is
regarded as fictitious.
The facts in the case are these: In 711 the Titian law gave the
triumvirs a five years’ lease of power. In 716 this was renewed not
by formal legislation, but “by universal consent.” Cf. App., _B. C._ V, 95. This triumviral power Augustus wielded till his sixth
consulship, 726, though there was a pretence of its cessation in 721.
Cf. c. 7, N, 1, and Mommsen, _Röm. St._, II, 698. In this and the
following years he divested himself gradually of one extraordinary
power after another. He could not at once fall back to the position
of an ordinary magistrate. The armies, the laws, the provinces, the
revenues had all been in his control. These he must gradually restore
Cf. Dio, LII, 13; LIII, 4, 9, 10. In 726 he began his return to older
customs by alternating with Agrippa, his colleague, in the consulship,
in having the fasces borne before him by the lictors for a month. Cf.
Dio, LIII, 1. The restoration of the censorship was part of the same
programme. Dio, LIII, 2, says that by an edict he declared all the
revolutionary and extraordinary acts of the triumviral period should
cease to be effective with the expiration of his sixth consulship
(726). The inscription of Jan. 13, 727, above alluded to, C. I. L. I,
p. 384, marks that date as that on which the business of restoring the
provinces was finally given over to the senate.
From this time on the senate divided the control of the provinces
with him. Augustus took the troublesome provinces and the frontier
ones, leaving to the senate the older and more peaceable. Over these
provinces he received a proconsular imperium for ten years, which was
renewed at the expiration of that term. In c. 7 he says that he found
the tribunitial power a sufficient basis for all the measures which
he wished to put through. Now the proconsulship and tribuneship were
both ordinary and constitutional offices. Augustus’ occupancy of each
affords an illustration of the way in which he held ordinary offices in
an extraordinary way. For by the old customs a proconsul must exercise
his _imperium_ in his province, and never at Rome. Augustus could
not be in ten provinces at once, and must be at Rome most of the time.
Hence a violation of the constitution was necessary. The tribuneship,
instituted for the protection of plebeians could be held only by a
plebeian. But Augustus was a patrician. For this reason he did not
take the tribuneship in the ordinary way, nor by the ordinary title,
but designated himself as _tribunicia potestate_, “of tribunitial
authority.”
The title _princeps_, “prince” is never used by Augustus as an
official designation in laws and inscriptions, but indicates simply his
primacy of rank and is so used throughout the _Res Gestæ_. Cf. cc.
13, 30, 32.
[152] Cf. C. I. L. 1, p. 384; X. 8375; Livy, _Ep._, 134; Cass. ad.
an. 727; Oros. VI, 20, 8; Vell. II, 91; Suet. _Aug._ 7; Dio, LIII,
16.
[153] Cf. coins in Eckhel, VI, 88; Cohen, _Aug._ nos. 43-48, 50,
207-212, 301, 341, 356, 385, 426, 476-8, 482. All these show either
the crown or the laurels and many of them have both. With the crown is
generally _ob civis servatos_, “for preserving the citizens.” The
civic crown being the reward of any soldier who saved a citizen’s life,
Augustus was pre-eminently deemed worthy of it, because he had saved so
many by putting an end to the civil wars, and by his clemency. Cf. Dio,
LIII, 16; Suet. _Claud._ 17; Sen. _De Clem._ I, 26, 5; Ovid,
_Tr._ III, 1, 39, 41, 47; _Fasti_ IV, 953; III, 137; Val.
Max. II, 8, 7; Juv. VI, 52, 79; X, 65; XII, 91; Tac. _Ann._ XV, 71.
[154] No ancient writer mentions this shield, but a number of coins and
inscriptions portray it. Cf. C. I. L. IX, 5811, wherein two Victories
carry a shield inscribed: “The senate and Roman people have given
to Augustus a shield on account of his valor, clemency, justice and
piety;” the very words of the _Res Gestæ_. For coins, cf. Eckhel,
VI, 95, 103, 121; Cohen, _Aug._ nos. 50-53, 213-216, 253, 264-267,
283, 286-297, 332. The Victory, which is frequently associated with the
shield, probably indicates that the latter was placed by Augustus near
the altar of Victory erected by him in the Curia Julia.
[155] Cf. Note 151.
[156] This title was given Feb. 5, 752. Cf. C. I. L. I, p. 386; II,
No. 2107. As in the case of the title, prince of the youth, conferred
upon Gaius and Lucius, and of the continuance of his supreme power by
universal consent (cf. cc. 14 and 34), the appellation, father of the
fatherland, was given by general acclamation, leaving to the senate
only the formal ratification of the popular will. Suet. _Aug._ 58,
expressly states this. Cf. also Ovid, _Fasti_, II, 128.
The Augustan Forum was dedicated this same year, 752. Cf. c. 21, Note.
In all probability the quadriga had been in existence some time before
this, inasmuch as it appears on a coin of uncertain date with the
inscription: “the senate and Roman people to Cæsar Augustus, parent and
presever.” If the quadriga had been made at the time this inscription
was ordered, the coin would surely have borne the formal title, “father
of the fatherland,” not the designation, “parent.” Cf. Eckhel, VI, 113.
[157] The seventy-sixth year of Augustus began Sept. 23, 766. Chapter
8 mentions his third census, which was completed one hundred days
before his death, hence May 11, 767. The _Res Gestæ_ must have
been written, then, in the interval between this date and his start for
Campania, on his last journey, as we know he left this document in the
hands of the Vestal Virgins. Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 97.
SUPPLEMENT.
For a discussion of this supplement, see the Introduction.
[158] Equivalent to 2,400,000,000 sesterces, about $120,000,000. This
does not exactly correspond with the sum of the items mentioned in the
_Res Gestæ_. These sum up 2,199,800,000 sesterces.
[159] A mere summary of c. 19, with a bit from c. 20, the only
principle of arrangement being to put temples first, and the rest
haphazard. The difference in the Greek and Latin is curious. No attempt
is made to reproduce _pulvinar_ in Greek, although in c. 19 it had
been rendered ναόν.
[160] A summary of c. 20.
[161] A summary of cc. 22, 23.
[162] For aid given to Naples, cf. Dio, LV, 10; to Venafrum, in
Campania, C. I. L. X, 4842.
[163] For aid to Paphos, cf. Dio, LIV, 23; to a number of towns in
Asia, Dio, LIV, 30; to Laodicea and Tralles, Strabo, XII, 8, 18; to
Thyatira and Chios, Suet. _Tib._ 8.
[164] Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 41. The estate necessary to qualify a
senator he raised from 800,000 sesterces to 1,200,000, and where
senators were worthy, though poor, he made up their fortunes to that
sum. Cf. Dio, LI, 17; LII, 19; LIII, 2; LIV, 17; LV, 13; LVI, 41.
Transcriber’s Notes:—
The printer is thought to be Anvil Printing Company
(see front matter).
In Footnote 58, Cf. Dio, XLIT is taken as a typo for
Cf. Dio, XLIV.
On Page 28 the number of Roman citizens is given as four million,
two hundred and thirty thousand. In the associated footnote this
is given as 4,233,000.
Typographical errors in the Greek (All corrected).
Page 10 πρυκατηλειμένας changed to read προκατηλειμένας
Page 13 ψηψίσμασι changed to read ψηφίσμασι
Page 23 τόν changed to read τὸν
Page 25 οίας changed to read σίας
Page 33 ῷ changed to read ᾦ
Page 37 θαλὰσσης changed to read θαλάσσης
Page 43 ἑξὴκοντα changed to read ἑξήκοντα
Page 45 οὕς changed to read οὓς
Page 51 ἐπιγαφῆς changed to read ἐπιγραφῆς
Page 53 Ἂ[ρεω]ς changed to read Ἄ[ρεω]ς
Page 55 ᾷ changed to read ᾳ
Page 57 Ὑρὲρ changed to read Ὑπὲρ
Page 57 Γαίῷ changed to read Γαίῳ
Page 57 Ιαύῳ changed to read Γαίῳ
Page 57 Σε[ι]λανῳ changed to read Σε[ι]λανῷ
Page 59 τρ[ί]σχ[ε]ί[λ]ιοι changed to read τρ[ι]σχ[ε]ί[λ]ιοι
Page 61 ῷ changed to read ᾧ
Page 61 Αιβύη changed to read Λιβύη
Page 61 τοῦς changed to read τοὺς
Page 61 οὅ changed to read οἳ
Page 67 μείοζονος changed to read μείσζονος
Page 69 ρᾴ changed to read ρα
Page 69 αἵ changed to read αἳ
Page 69 ἔμοῦ changed to read ἐμοῦ
Page 73 ποτομοῦ changed to read ποταμοῦ
Page 77 ἐθνη changed to read ἔθνη
Page 85 εν changed to read ἐν
Typographical errors in the Latin (All corrected).
Page 39 turmœ changed to read turmæ and optious changed to read optios
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