The Historians' History of the World in Twenty-Five Volumes, Volume 10

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Title: The Historians' History of the World in Twenty-Five Volumes, Volume 10 - Spain and Portugal
Author: Various
Language: English
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WORLD IN TWENTY-FIVE VOLUMES, VOLUME 10 ***
Transcriber’s Note: As a result of editorial shortcomings in the
original, some reference letters in the text don’t have matching entries
in the reference-lists, and vice versa.

THE HISTORIANS’ HISTORY OF THE WORLD

[Illustration: PRESCOTT]

THE HISTORIANS’
HISTORY
OF THE WORLD

A comprehensive narrative of the rise and development of nations
as recorded by over two thousand of the great writers of all ages:
edited, with the assistance of a distinguished board of advisers
and contributors, by

HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, LL.D.

[Illustration]

IN TWENTY-FIVE VOLUMES

VOLUME X--SPAIN AND PORTUGAL

The Outlook Company
New York

The History Association
London

1905

_All rights reserved._

Press of J. J. Little & Co.
New York, U. S. A.

Contributors, and Editorial Revisers.

Prof. Adolf Erman, University of Berlin.
Prof. Joseph Halévy, College of France.
Prof. Thomas K. Cheyne, Oxford University.
Prof. Andrew C. McLaughlin, University of Michigan.
Prof. David H. Müller, University of Vienna.
Prof. Alfred Rambaud, University of Paris.
Capt. F. Brinkley, Tokio.

Prof. Eduard Meyer, University of Berlin.
Dr. James T. Shotwell, Columbia University.
Prof. Theodor Nöldeke, University of Strasburg.
Prof. Albert B. Hart, Harvard University.
Dr. Paul Brönnle, Royal Asiatic Society.
Dr. James Gairdner, C.B., London.

Prof. Ulrich von Wilamowitz Möllendorff, University of Berlin.
Prof. H. Marczali, University of Budapest.
Dr. G. W. Botsford, Columbia University.
Prof. Julius Wellhausen, University of Göttingen.
Prof. Franz R. von Krones, University of Graz.
Prof. Wilhelm Soltau, Zabern University.

Prof. R. W. Rogers, Drew Theological Seminary.
Prof. A. Vambéry, University of Budapest.
Prof. Otto Hirschfeld, University of Berlin.
Dr. Frederick Robertson Jones, Bryn Mawr College.
Baron Bernardo di San Severino Quaranta, London.
Dr. John P. Peters, New York.

Prof. Adolph Harnack, University of Berlin.
Dr. S. Rappoport, School of Oriental Languages, Paris.
Prof. Hermann Diels, University of Berlin.
Prof. C. W. C. Oman, Oxford University.
Prof. W. L. Fleming, University of West Virginia.
Prof. I. Goldziher, University of Vienna.
Prof. R. Koser, University of Berlin.

PART XV

THE HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL

BASED CHIEFLY UPON THE FOLLOWING AUTHORITIES

LOPEZ DE AYALA, BAKHUYZEN VAN DEN BRINK, H. BAUMGARTEN, F. DE
FONSECA BENEVIDES, G. BERGENROTH, ANDRES BERNALDEZ, ULICK
R. BURKE, E. CASTELAR, NUÑEZ DE CASTRO, PINHEIRO CHAGAS,
J. A. CONDE, W. COXE, R. DOZY, S. A. DUNHAM, FLOREZ Y
LAFUENTE, V. DE LA FUENTE, L. P. GACHARD, DAMIÃO
DE GOEZ, A. HERCULANO, A. DE HERRERA, N.
ROSSEEUW ST. HILAIRE, M. A.
S. HUME, H. C. LEA, DIOGO DE LEMOS, JUAN A. LLORENTE, R. H. MAJOR,
JUAN DE MARIANA, W. F. P. NAPIER, JOÃO P. OLIVEIRA-MARTINS,
J. ORTIZ Y SANZ, W. H. PRESCOTT, P. DE SANDOVAL, M.
SURIANO, A. DE VERTOT, GERONIMO ZURITA

WITH ADDITIONAL CITATIONS FROM

PEDRO DE ABARCA, GIULIO ALBERONI, CRÓNICA GENERAL DE ALFONSO X,
ANNALES COMPLUTENSES, ANNALES TOLEDANOS, BARONIUS, IBN BASSAM,
M. BAUDIER, A. BAUMGARTNER, E. BÉGIN, A. BUCHOT, J. DE BURGOS,
M. M. BUSK, CESARE CANTÙ, L. G. DE CARBAJAL, F. S. CASADO,
BARTOLOMÉ DE LAS CASAS, BERMUDEZ DE CASTRO, PEDRO
CEVALLOS, F. A. DE CHÂTEAUBRIAND, V. CHERBULIEZ,
N. DE LA CLÈDE, DIEGO DE CLEMENCIN,
CABRERA DE CORDOBA,
FELIX DAHN, F. DENIS, JOHN DUNLOP, EL-LAGI, ANTONIO ENNES, E.
GARIBAY, MANUEL DE GODOY, A. GOMEZ, H. GRAETZ, F. PEREZ
DE GUZMAN, GUSTAVE HUBBARD, VICTOR A. HUBER, MODESTO
LAFUENTE, P. VAN LIMBORCH, WILLIAM LITHGOW, FERNÃO
LOPES, J. M. ORTO Y LARA, LUCIO MARINEO, M.
DE MARLIANI, J. F. DE MASDEU, J. M.
MAS-LA TRIE, LUIS DE MENEZES,
CHARLES DE MOÜY, W.
MÜLLER, JAMES C. MURPHY, CHR. G. NEUDECKE, ISIDORUS PACENSIS,
AMÉDÉE PICHOT, RUY DE PINA, ANTONIO DE PIRALA, HERNANDO
DEL PULGAR, G. T. RAYNAL, H. REYNALD, W. H. RULE,
SEBASTIANUS SALMANTICENSIS, HEINRICH SCHURTZ,
MONACHUS SILENSIS, E. SILVERCRUYS, ROBERT
SOUTHEY, H. MORSE STEPHENS, W. C. SYDNEY,
JEAN B. R. DE TESSÉ, RODERICUS XIMENES
TOLETANUS, J. M. DE TORENO, OVIEDO
Y VALDES, A. VARILLAS, H. E. WATTS,
N. W. WRAXALL, WULSA,
ZANETORNATO

_All rights reserved_

CONTENTS

VOLUME X

SPAIN

PAGE

CHAPTER I

LAND AND PEOPLE; AND GOTHIC SWAY (TO 711 A.D.) 1

The Celts and Celtiberians, 3. The Phœnician invasions,
4. The Greek colonies; the Carthaginian conquest, 5. The
Romans in Spain, 7. Roman administration, 10. Introduction
of Christianity, 11. Barbarian invasions, 14. The Goths
arrive, 15. Progress of the Gothic conquest, 17. Leuvigild
and Ermenigild, 21. Recared I and Catholicism, 23. Petty
monarchs, 24. The reign of Wamba, 25. Ervigius and Ergica, 28.
Witiza, 29. The fable of Roderic and Florinda, 31. Visigothic
civilisation, 32. Hardships of the Jews, 34. Burke’s estimate
of Gothic rule, 35.

CHAPTER II

THE TIME OF MOSLEM DOMINATION (711-1214 A.D.) 36

The Asturias and Leon under Pelayo, 38. Sebastian’s account of
the battle of Covadonga, 39. Alfonso the Catholic, 40. Alfonso
the Chaste and Bernardo del Carpio, 42. Alfonso the Great,
43. Alfonso’s successors, 43. Origin of Castile, 46. Sancho
el Mayor, 47. The history of Castile, 48. Origin and earliest
history of the kingdom of Aragon, 50. Burke’s estimate of the
Cid, 52. The historical Cid, 53. Christian Spain in the twelfth
century, 58. Foundation of the Spanish orders of knighthood,
59. Overthrow of the Moslems, 62.

CHAPTER III

THE HISTORY OF CASTILE TO THE DEATH OF PEDRO THE CRUEL
(1214-1369 A.D.) 63

Ferdinand (III) el Santo, 65. Burke’s estimate of Queen
Berengaria, 65. Ferdinand’s conquests, 66. Alfonso the Learned
(el Sabio) and his successors, 68. Mariana’s account of the
Divine judgment on Ferdinand IV, 71. Alfonso XI, 72. Mariana’s
account of Pedro the Cruel, 73. Ayala’s account of the king’s
honeymoon, 76. Pedro’s false marriage, 78. Ayala’s account of
the murder of Fadrique, 80. Other royal murders, 83. The war
with Henry of Trastamara, 84. Battle of Najera or Navarrete,
87. Ayala’s account of the quarrel between Edward and Pedro,
88. A new revolt; the end of Pedro the Cruel, 89. A final
estimate of Pedro the Cruel, 91.

CHAPTER IV

ARAGON TO THE UNION WITH CASTILE (1162-1475 A.D.) 93

James the Conqueror, 94. Pedro III and his Sicilian wars, 95.
Political growth, 98. Interregnum in Aragon, 106. Aragon under
rulers of the royal house of Castile, 107. Rising in Catalonia,
111.

CHAPTER V

HENRY OF TRASTAMARA AND ISABELLA OF CASTILE (1369-1479 A.D.) 114

Juan I and the Portuguese wars, 116. John of Gaunt in Spain,
118. The Good King Henry III, 119. Guzman’s portrait of Juan
and his minister, 122. Chronicle of the constable Don Alvaro
de Luna, 124. Internal dissensions, 124. The fall of Alvaro,
126. Hume’s estimate of Juan II, 127. The disasters of Henry
IV, 128. Marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, 130. War of the
Succession, 132.

CHAPTER VI

FERDINAND AND ISABELLA (1474-1504 A.D.) 134

Resistance to papal encroachment, 139. The regulation of trade,
140. The pre-eminence of the royal authority, 141. Progress of
the war, 145. The siege of Malaga, 149. The capture of Granada,
151. End of Moslem sway in Spain, 154. Spanish explorers and
Christopher Columbus, 155. The expulsion of the Jews, 157.
Persecution and revolt of the Moors, 161. Spain in Italy;
the Great Captain, 163. Illness and death of Isabella, 166.
Prescott’s estimate of Isabella, 169. Burke’s estimate of
Isabella; Hume’s estimate, 176.

CHAPTER VII

THE REGENCIES OF FERDINAND (1504-1517 A.D.) 178

Philip enters Spain, 181, The reign of Philip I, 183. Death
of Philip; Juana’s madness, 185. The return of Ferdinand,
187. Was Queen Juana insane? 189. Ferdinand’s second regency,
192. Death and character of Ferdinand, 193. The regency of
Cardinal Ximenes, 196. Death and character of Ximenes, 198.
The two chief works of Ximenes, 200. Comparison of Ximenes and
Richelieu, 201. Review of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella,
202. Discovery and colonisation, 205. The golden age of Spain,
207.

CHAPTER VIII

THE EMPEROR CHARLES V (1517-1556 A.D.) 211

King Charles becomes emperor, 213. Charles’ struggle with the
cortes, 216. Revolt of the germaneros and the comuneros, 218.
Queen Juana released, 219. The Moors under Charles V, 223.
Charles retires from the world, 226. De Marliani’s review of
the influence of Charles V on Spain, 230.

CHAPTER IX

THE REIGN OF PHILIP II (1556-1598 A.D.) 233

Philip’s marriage with Mary Tudor, 234. Philip’s character,
235. War with the Turks, 239. Wars with France, 239. The
Netherlands, 240. English affairs and the Armada, 244.
Acquisition of Portugal, 246. Moriscos revolt, 247. Moorish
atrocities, 248. Christian atrocities, 249. The misfortunes of
Don Carlos, 251. Fate of the king’s secretary, Perez, 253. De
Castro’s estimate of Antonio Perez, 255. The death of Philip,
256. Dunham’s estimate of Philip II, 259. Watson on Philip’s
imprudences, 259.

CHAPTER X

THE LAST OF THE SPANISH HABSBURGS (1598-1700 A.D.) 261

Causes of Spain’s rapid decline, 262. Philip IV, “the Great,”
266. The Catalan insurrection, 267. The Thirty Years’ War and
the Treaty of the Pyrenees, 268. Death of Philip IV, 271. King
Charles II and the French War, 271. The fate of the young
queen, 274. Last years of Charles II, 275. The distresses of
Spain, 277.

CHAPTER XI

REVIVAL OF SPAIN UNDER THE FIRST BOURBONS (1700-1788 A.D.) 279

French influence dominates, 280. The new queen and the
princess Orsini, 282. War of the Spanish Succession, 283. The
Catalan revolt, 290. A new European war, 292. Philip abdicates
and returns, 294. The adventures of Ripperdá, 295. Spanish
account of the war with England, 298. The war of the Austrian
Succession, 300. The Good King Ferdinand VI, 301. The singer
Farinelli, 301. Charles III, 303. Expulsion of the Jesuits, 306.

CHAPTER XII

SPAIN AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1788-1808 A.D.) 310

The rise of Godoy, 311. Godoy as minister, and the war with
France, 313. Spain in alliance with France against England,
317. The autocracy of Godoy, 320. Napoleon schemes for Spain,
325. Charles IV abdicates; the Bourbons at Bayonne, 327.
Lafuente’s account of the Dos de Mayo, 329. The royal family at
Bayonne, 333.

CHAPTER XIII

THE PENINSULA WAR (1808-1814 A.D.) 336

War declared on France, 337. Joseph Bonaparte chosen king of
Spain, 337. The English appear, 340. Moore’s famous retreat,
343. Napier’s story of Moore’s retreat, 345. A Spanish opinion
of the retreat, 348. French successes, 348. Wellington resumes
control, 350. The lines of Torres Vedras, 353. Failures in
Spain, 357. Napier’s account of the assault on Badajoz, 359.
British progress, 365. Napier’s account of the retreat,
367. Affairs of 1812-1813, 367. Return of the Bourbons,
370. England’s share in the war, 372. Napier’s estimate of
Wellington, 373.

CHAPTER XIV

THE RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS (1814-1902 A.D.) 375

The reign of terror, 379. The tyrannies of Ferdinand “the
Desired,” 380. A serial revolution, 382. Châteaubriand’s
account of the chaos, 386. Civil war, 387. Intervention of the
Holy Alliance, 389. The French invasion, 390. The return of
Ferdinand, 392. Rise of Carlism, 395. War of the Christinos and
Carlists, 396. The stormy regency of Christina, 398. Espartero
regent, 399. The profligate queen Isabella II, 399. The
rebellion of 1868, 402. Pirala on the “Mild Anarchy” of 1869,
403. Estimate of Cherbuliez of General Prim, 404. The hunt for
a king, 406. Amadeo’s reign and the republic, 407. Republican
Spain under Castelar, 411. The Basques and Carlism, 412. The
dictatorship of Serrano, 414. The Bourbon Alfonso XII elected,
416. Alfonso XII and the European powers, 418. The regency of
Maria Christina, 418.

BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 422

BOOK II. THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL FROM THE EARLIEST
TIMES TO THE PRESENT

CHAPTER I

EARLY HISTORY TO JOÃO I (TO 1383 A.D.) 425

Land and people, 425. The origin of Portugal, 427. Herculano’s
estimate of the first Portuguese king, 432. Reigns of Sancho I
and Alfonso II, 434. Sancho II called Capello (“the hooded”),
437. Sancho deposed, Alfonso III succeeds, 438. Political
importance of Alfonso’s reign, 440. Don Diniz, 441. The romance
of Iñes de Castro, 444. Pedro the Severe, 446.

CHAPTER II

THE PERIOD OF GLORY AND DISCOVERY (1383-1521 A.D.) 452

The taking of Ceuta, 455. Prince Henry the Navigator, 459.
The reign of Duarte, or Edward, 461. The regency of Pedro,
465. Alfonso V and La Beltraneja, 468. Reign of João (II) the
Perfect, 470. Character of João II, 472. Progress in discovery,
474. Martius’ account of Vasco and Cabral, 475. The conquest of
India, 479. Emmanuel the Fortunate, 484. The great voyage of
Magellan, 486.

CHAPTER III

THE FALL, THE CAPTIVITY, AND THE REVOLUTION (1521-1640 A.D.) 489

The Portuguese in Africa, India, and Brazil, 490. Ennes’
account of the decadence of Portugal, 492. The regencies and
the reign of Sebastian, 495. The débâcle at Kassr-el-Kebir,
496. The cardinal-king and the Portuguese succession, 498.
Philip II of Spain becomes Philip I of Portugal, 500. The
English in Portugal, 502. The false Sebastians, 503. Chagas’
account of the loss of the colonies, 504. Domestic disaster,
506. Philip II, 508. Philip III (Philip IV of Spain), 508.
Ennes’ account of the conspiracy, 510. Chagas’ account of the
1st of December, 511.

CHAPTER IV

JOÃO IV TO JOÃO VI (1640-1822 A.D.) 514

Alfonso VI, 516. Pedro II; João V, 519. The colonies decline,
521. The reign of José I, 522. The great minister Pombal, 523.
The earthquake at Lisbon (November 1st, 1755), 525. Pombal and
the Jesuits, 527. A plot to assassinate the king, 528. The
exile of the Jesuits, 529. War with Spain, 530. Schlosser’s
estimate of Pombal, 531. The new queen and reaction, 533. The
regency and the French Revolution, 536. The invasion of the
French, 537. The Throne moves to Brazil, 538. The Peninsula
War, 539. Portugal an English province, 541. The revolt and
recall of the king, 542. The loss of Brazil, 543.

CHAPTER V

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (1822-1900 A.D.) 544

Portugal receives a new ruler and a new constitution, 546.
Dom Miguel seizes the power, 547. Maria II, 550. Cabral and
the Chartists in power, 553. The Septembrists overthrow Costa
Cabral, 554. The reign of Luiz, 557. Carlos I becomes king,
559. Portuguese literature, 560.

APPENDIX A

THE INQUISITION 562

The Cathari, 564. The Waldenses, 565. Crusade against the
Albigenses, 566. The Inquisition established, 567. Method of
procedure with a suspect, 570. John Fox on the evils of the
Inquisition, 572. How a penitent was treated, 573. The history
of torture, 574. A contemporary account of the preliminaries
to torture, 575. Limborch’s account of the fate of a Jew, 578.
The other forms of torture, 580. Tormento di Toca, 580. The
chafing-dish; the water-cure, 580. The proceedings against an
Englishwoman, 581. Inquisitorial documents, 582. How the record
was kept, 583. The proper form of torture for women, 583. Later
history of the Inquisition of Spain, 584. State of the Jews
in Spain, 585. “Conversion” of the Jews, 586. Queen Isabella
persuaded to persecution, 587. The Inquisition of 1481, 589.
The Spanish or “Modern” Inquisition established, 590. The Auto
da fé, 591. Torquemada and his successors, 592. Llorente’s
computation of the victims of the Inquisition, 595. Effects and
influences of the Inquisition, 598.

BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 599

A BRIEF RÉSUMÉ OF SPANISH HISTORY (711-1902 A.D.) 601

A BRIEF RÉSUMÉ OF PORTUGUESE HISTORY (997-1903 A.D.) 628

A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SPANISH HISTORY 637

A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PORTUGUESE HISTORY 650

BOOK I

THE HISTORY OF SPAIN FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY

CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE; AND GOTHIC SWAY

[Sidenote: [TO 711 A.D.]]

Few histories afford lessons of greater value than those of Spain and
Portugal. They teem with proofs that independence and liberty are not
less important to the wealth and political power of a country than to
its happiness; that neither natural advantages nor the character of
the inhabitants, neither increase of territory nor external peace and
domestic tranquillity can in any measure counterbalance the destructive
effects of a foreign yoke, or of a despotic government.

The Spanish peninsula, considered as a whole, combines most of the
advantages of an insular, with those of a continental, position. Almost
entirely surrounded by the sea, Spain is an island with regard to trade
and fisheries; whilst the neck of land that connects her with France
at once furnishes in the Pyrenees a mountainous barrier against that
country, and preserves her from entire dependence upon winds and waves in
her external relations.

In the climate, the genial warmth of the south of Europe is tempered
by sea-breezes, in nearly every direction, and the fertile soil yields
equally the necessaries and the luxuries of life--corn, fruit, wine, fine
merino wool, and olive oil. The mountains abound in mineral treasures,
and afforded in early times one of the principal supplies of gold and
silver. The natives of this favoured land are brave, sober, hardy, and
enterprising. Yet notwithstanding all these sources of prosperity, Spain,
which in the sixteenth century startled Europe with the first fears of
universal monarchy, was long the most enslaved, oppressed, ignorant, and
indigent, of civilised countries.[b]

In the earliest stage of its history we find Spain occupied by a
comparatively homogeneous people--the Iberians, who are related as
to language; but this is probably only the result of a long, already
complete development and does not at all represent the original state of
the country. Unfortunately, prehistoric investigation in Spain is too
far behind to offer much towards a solution of even the most pressing
problems. We may assume primarily that the Pyrenean peninsula, like
northern Africa, southern Europe, and western Asia, was originally
settled by that short-headed, dark-haired, and light-skinned race for
whom the name of Armenoids, or, from a philological standpoint, of
Alarodians, has been suggested.

But the people who afterwards were called Iberian are probably nothing
else than a mixture of this ancient population with the long-headed,
blond race of Cro-Magnon, which came from the north and appears in France
and northern Africa. For that reason alone they might be supposed to have
been in Spain, situated as it is between the two, even if certain remains
of their culture did not make this supposition almost a certainty. The
large number of blonds which, contrary to general opinion, are found in
Spain and Portugal may in the main go back to this earliest invasion
of northern hordes, which was followed by two more in the course of
history. Possibly the new race forced its language upon the original
inhabitants and perhaps the traditions of the Iberians, which tell of
the immigration of their forefathers from Gaul, refer to the invasion of
this blond population. The Sicanians and Siculians in southern Italy,
likewise inhabitants of territories neighbouring northern Africa, are
also supposed to be related to the Iberians.[c]

Whence the Iberians came has always been, and must remain, a matter
of dispute. That they, like the Celts, were a branch of the great
Indo-European family, and had spread along the south of Europe from
the slopes of the Caucasus, was long held as an article of faith
by scholars whose opinions were worthy of respect; but more recent
investigations tend somewhat to shake belief in this theory. That they
were a dolichocephalic (long-headed) race of short stature and very
dark complexion, with plentiful curly black hair, is certain, and they
probably inhabited the whole of Spain in the neolithic age, either
as successors of a still earlier race--of which it is possible that
the Basques, who still form a separate people in the north of Spain
and southwest of France, may be the survivors--or as the primitive
inhabitants dating from the prehistoric times when Africa and Europe,
and possibly also America, were joined by land. In any case, what is
known of their physique seems to negative the supposition that they were
of Indo-European or Aryan origin; and to find their counterpart at the
present time, it is only necessary to seek the Kabyle (Kabail) tribes of
the Atlas, the original inhabitants of the African coast opposite Spain,
who were driven back into the mountains by successive waves of invasion.
Not alone in physique do these tribes resemble what the early Iberian
must have been, but in the more unchanging peculiarities of character and
institutions the likeness is easily traceable to the Spaniard of to-day.
The organisation of the Iberians, like that of the Atlas peoples, was
clannish and tribal, and their chief characteristic was their indomitable
local independence.

From the earliest dawn of history the centre of Spanish life, the unit
of government, the birthplace of tradition, and the focus of patriotism
have been the town. A Spaniard’s _pueblo_ means infinitely more to him
than his town means to an Englishman or a Frenchman. No master race
has succeeded in welding the Kabyles, Tuaregs (Tuariks), and Berbers
into a state, as the Romans did with the mixed Iberians and Celts; and
in Spain, to the present day, with its numberless paper constitutions
and its feverish political experiments, the pueblo keeps its practical
independence of a centralised government, which has federated pueblos
into provinces, but has never absorbed or entirely destroyed the
primitive germ of local administration. The village granary (_posito_)
still stands in the Spanish village, as its counterpart does in the
Atlas regions; the town pasture and communal tillage land continue on
both sides of the straits to testify to the close relationship of the
early Iberians with the Afro-Semitic races, which included the Egyptian
or Copt, the Kabyle, the Tuareg, and the Berber. The language of the
Iberians has been lost, but enough of it remains on coins of the later
Celtiberian period to prove that it had a common root with the Egyptian
and the Saharan tongues, which extend from Senegal to Nubia on the
hither side of the negro zone. With all this evidence before us we may
be forgiven for doubting the correctness of the theory which ascribes a
Caucasian origin to the primitive Iberian people. Long before the dawn of
recorded history, while mankind was hardly emerging from the neolithic
stage, a vast incursion of Celts had come from the north and poured over
the western Pyrenees into Spain.[d]

THE CELTS AND CELTIBERIANS

The second invasion from the north, that of the Celts, falls in the first
period of recognised history, so that we know little of how it came about
or the conditions preceding it, and can only enumerate the results.
It cannot even be determined if the march of the Celts upon Spain was
contemporaneous with the violent incursion of Celtism into upper Italy
and southern Germany, which in its further advance carried single troops
as far as Asia Minor and Greece; at any rate it is probable.

The Celts introduced a new culture into the land south of the Pyrenees,
which lay off from the main track, since they represent the period
which as the advanced iron age followed the age of bronze. Before them
agriculture was yet in its beginning; the pure-blooded Iberians for
a long time afterwards held to the rough conditions of the preceding
era, lived from the products of their goat-herds, on the acorns from
the mountains and from the scanty grain they raised by their primitive
methods of agriculture. The Celts, indeed, like most conquering nations,
considered agriculture unworthy a free man, but compelled their
dependents to cultivate their territory regularly and to deliver up a
part of its products.

The Celtic flood inundated only a portion of the peninsula. One
tribe--later called the Celtics--settled in the region about the middle
Guadiana, the centre of which is the present Badajoz. The Artebrians
inhabited the northwestern coast without mixing much with the native
population. On the other hand a large mixed race, afterwards called the
Celtiberians, grew up in what is to-day Old Castile, and brought into
subjection the neighbouring Iberian tribes who were more cultured and
less warlike than the dwellers in the mountains. The domination of the
Celts over the whole Pyrenean peninsula is not to be thought of: not even
among the Celtic tribes themselves was there unity. The genuine mountain
peoples, such as the Lusitanians in the west, the Asturians, Cantabrians
and Vasconians in the north, preserved complete independence. Southern
Spain, where under a milder sky a certain culture had developed at an
early date, was also preserved from Celtic encroachment and saw indeed
more welcome strangers at its coasts--the Phœnicians, whose commercial
spirit found here a glorious field for its activity. Even before their
arrival the inhabitants of the country may have fashioned ornaments from
the precious metal which was so abundant in their land, without valuing
this treasure particularly, or expending much toil in procuring it; now
for the first time, when the marvels of a foreign culture were offered
them in exchange for these things, did they turn their attention to the
hidden treasures of their land. But the Phœnicians were hardly the first
to visit the western shores of the Mediterranean as traders and pirates;
the very fact that tribes of Iberian descent had pushed as far as lower
Italy points to the existence of intercourse by ships. In the same way
Etruscan commerce must have touched Spain. The _nurhags_--those curious
solid towers, which are especially frequent on the coasts of Sardinia
and which must once have served as places of refuge for the people when
in danger--are dumb but intelligible witnesses to the fact that the
Mediterranean must have been peopled with pirates even in prehistoric
times. Egypt, the only country in the world whose inhabitants at that
time already kept historical records, often saw robber hordes appear
on its coasts. But we know no further particulars of these ancient
conditions.[c]

THE PHŒNICIAN INVASIONS

[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1500-600 B.C.]]

The Phœnicians, as already observed, were among the first who, attracted
by the never-failing instinct of gain, directed their course to a country
which promised the highest advantages to their commerce. The precise
period of their entering into relations with the inhabitants is unknown.
For some time their settlements, of which Gades, now Cadiz, was the
first and most powerful, were confined to the coasts of Bætica, whence
they supplied the natives with the traffic of Asia Minor and the shores
of the Mediterranean, in exchange for the more valuable productions
of the peninsula, such as gold, silver, and iron.[1] Previously to
their arrival, the use of these metals was, it is said, unknown to the
Celts and Iberians. At first, for the convenience of their trade and
their worship the Phœnicians obtained permission to build magazines
and temples: these soon expanded into villages, and the villages into
fortified towns. Besides Cadiz, Malaga, Cordova, and other places of
minor note were monuments of their successful enterprise, and proofs
of their intention to fix their permanent abode in a country on which
nature had lavished her choicest gifts. In time they penetrated into the
interior, and arrived in the heart of the mountainous districts of the
north, probably to superintend the operations of the mines which they had
prevailed on the natives to open. Coins, medals, and ruins, attesting
their continued location, have been found in most provinces of Spain, and
even at Pamplona in Navarre. Almost everywhere have they left traces of
their existence, not only in medallic and lapidary inscriptions, but in
the religion, language, and manners of the people.

It is possible, however, that the residence of this people in Spain may
have been confounded with that of the Carthaginians. The similarity in
language, manners, and superstitions might naturally have diminished
the distinction between the two nations, and in time destroyed it. The
uncertainty which hangs over this period, and the apparent incongruity of
the few dates handed down to us, with the transactions which accompany
them, confirm the suspicion. The whole period, indeed, from the first
settlement of the Tyrians to the wars between the rival republics of
Rome and Carthage, is too conjectural to deserve the name of historical,
though some few facts are seen to glimmer through the profound darkness
which surrounds them.

THE GREEK COLONIES; THE CARTHAGINIAN CONQUEST

[Sidenote: [_ca._ 600-227 B.C.]]

The successful example of the Phœnicians stimulated the Greeks to pursue
the same advantages. The Rhodians arrived on the coast of Catalonia,
and founded a town, which they called Rhodia (Rosas) from the name of
their island. They were followed by the Phocians, who dispossessed
their countrymen of Rosas, and extended their settlements along the
shores of Catalonia and Valencia. Other expeditions departed from
the numerous ports of Greece, towards the same destination, but at
intervals considerably distant from one another, and gave names to new
establishments, some of which may be still recognised, notwithstanding
the changes that time has made. It does not appear that either the
Phœnicians or the Greeks aimed at domination; the towns which they
founded, and continued to inhabit, were but so many commercial
depots--populous indeed, but filled with peaceable citizens, whose
lucrative occupations afforded them neither time nor inclination for
hostilities. Not so with the Carthaginians, who joined all the avarice of
merchants to all the ambition of conquerors.

The African republic had long watched with jealousy the progressive
prosperity of the Tyrians, and waited for an opportunity of supplanting
them. That opportunity at length arrived (480 B.C.). The avarice
of these merchants had caused them to adopt measures which the
high-spirited natives considered as oppressive. A dispute arose: both
parties recurred to arms; and, after a short struggle, the lords of
the deep were forced to give way before their martial enemies. Several
of the Phœnician settlements fell into the hands of the victors, who
appeared bent on rescuing their soil from these all-grasping strangers.
Seeing Cadiz itself threatened, the latter implored the assistance of
the Carthaginians, who had already a settlement on the little island
of Iviza. The invitation was eagerly accepted; perhaps, as has been
asserted, the Carthaginians had fomented the misunderstanding, and urged
it to an open quarrel. However this be, they landed a considerable
force on the Bætican coast; and, after a few struggles, the details of
which we should vainly attempt to ascertain, they triumphed over both
Phœnicians and natives, and seized on the prize they had so long coveted.
Thenceforth Cadiz served as a stronghold whither they could retreat
whenever danger pressed too heavily, and as an arsenal where fetters
might be manufactured for the rest of Spain.

The progress of the Carthaginian arms, we are told, was irresistible; it
was not, however, rapid, if any reliance is to be placed on the dates of
ancient writers: the provinces of Andalusia, Granada, Murcia, Valencia,
and Catalonia did not acknowledge the supremacy of the republic until,
with some other provinces, they were overrun, rather than subdued, by
Hamilcar, father of the great Hannibal (235 B.C.), and most of the
warlike nations in the interior, especially in the mountainous districts,
never afterwards bent their necks to the yoke, though the veteran armies
of Africa were brought against them.

Eight years were spent by the Carthaginian general in extending and
consolidating his new conquests. He had need of all his valour--and few
captains had ever more--to quell the perpetual incursions of tribes
glorying in their independence, and strangers to fear. For this purpose
he built several fortresses (the important city of Barcelona is said to
have been among the number), in which he distributed a portion of his
troops to overawe the surrounding country; while, with another portion,
he moved from place to place, as occasion required his presence. Probably
his severity alienated the minds of the people from the domination he
laboured to establish. He was checked in the career of his conquests
by the Edetani and Saguntines, who openly revolted, and made vigorous
preparations for their defence. He fell upon them, but neither the number
of his forces nor his own bravery could succeed against men to whom
the hope of freedom and of revenge gave irresistible might. Two-thirds
of his army perished, and himself among the number. His son Hannibal
being too young to succeed him, the administration of the Carthaginian
provinces and the conduct of the war devolved, by a decree of the senate,
on his son-in-law Hasdrubal, who adopted towards the natives a line of
conciliation; he could be cruel when he chose; but as there is reason to
believe that he aimed at an independent sovereignty, he wished to secure
their support in the event of a struggle with Carthage. Punic loyalty,
like Punic faith, could subsist no longer than a regard to self-advantage
would permit.

[Sidenote: [227-219 B.C.]]

The city of Cartagena, which Hasdrubal founded on the modern gulf of that
name, and which he furnished with an admirable harbour, was the most
glorious monument of his administration. The success of his arms, the
nature of his designs, roused the fears both of the Greek colonies on
the coast of Catalonia and Valencia, and of several independent nations
in the interior. They resolved to call in a third power, which had long
regarded with jealousy the growing prosperity of Carthage. Rome eagerly
embraced the cause of the discontented states (227 B.C.), probably,
indeed, she had secretly fomented that discontent. She sent a deputation
to Carthage, which obtained from the senate two important concessions:
that the Carthaginians should not push their conquests beyond the Ebro;
that they should not disturb the Saguntines and other Greek colonies.
Though Hasdrubal promised to observe them, he silently collected
troops, resolved to make a final effort for the entire subjugation of
Spain before Rome could succour the confederates. In three years, his
formidable preparations being completed, he threw off the mask, and
marched against Saguntum. On his way, however, he was assassinated by the
slave of a man whose master, a native prince, he had put to death.[2] The
attachment of this slave to his master’s memory could be equalled only
by the unshaken firmness with which he supported the incredible torments
inflicted on him by the fierce Hannibal.

This famous Carthaginian was in his twenty-fifth year. He was more to
be dreaded than all his predecessors united. To military talents and
personal valour, perhaps unexampled in any age, he joined astonishing
coolness of judgment and inflexibility of purpose. While Hasdrubal was
actuated only by selfish considerations, Hannibal recognised, as the
great principle of his actions, revenge--revenge against the bitter enemy
of his country, and still more against the destroyers of his kindred.
There is a moral grandeur in this all-engrossing purpose of Hannibal,
which, notwithstanding its fell malignity, unaccountably rivets our
admiration.

The young hero lost no time in extending his conquests, and amassing
resources for the grand approaching struggle with the Romans. Having
subdued some warlike tribes of modern Castile and Leon, and brought into
full activity some rich silver mines at the foot of the Pyrenees, he
marched at the head of 150,000 men against Saguntum, which he invested in
due form. In vain did the Roman deputies whom the senate despatched for
the purpose intimate to him that an attack on the ally of the republic
would be regarded, as a declaration of war against the republic herself.
He had vowed the destruction of the city. Yet, though he pressed the
siege with the utmost vigour, such was the valour of the defenders
that neither his mighty genius for war nor his formidable forces could
reduce the place in less than nine months: it would not even then have
fallen, had not famine proved a deadlier enemy than the sword. The
citizens resolved that the last act of this fearful tragedy should be
a suitable consummation of the preceding horrors. Having amassed all
their valuable effects, and everything combustible, into one pile, and
placed their wives and children around it, they issued from the gates,
and plunged into the midst of the surprised enemy. The slaughter was
prodigious on both sides; but, in the end, numbers and strength prevailed
against weakness and desperation; the Saguntines were cut off almost to
a man. No sooner was their fate known in the city than their wives, who
were in expectation of the result, set fire to the pile, and cast both
themselves and children into the devouring element. The city in flames
soon discovered the catastrophe to the Carthaginians, who immediately
entered, and put what few stragglers they could find--chiefly the aged of
both sexes--to the sword.[3] Some, however, had previously secured their
safety by flight. Thus perished one of the most flourishing cities of
Spain, and one which will be forever memorable in the annals of mankind
(219 B.C.). Its destruction hastened, if it did not occasion, the Second
Punic War, as described in the history of Rome.

Hannibal mustered his forces for the invasion of Italy. The exploits
of the Carthaginian hero beyond the bounds of the peninsula have been
treated of in the history of Rome. While he is spreading destruction
around him, and the towers of “the eternal city” themselves are
tottering, our task must be to cast a hurried glance at the transactions
which, after the invasion of Scipio, happened in the country he had
left behind. The Carthaginian yoke is allowed on all hands to have been
intolerable. The avidity with which the local governors sought pretexts
for seizing on the substance of the natives; the rigour with which some
of the captive tribes were made to labour in the mines; the exactions of
a mercenary and haughty soldiery; the insolence of success on the one
hand, and the smart of wrongs endured on the other--prepared the way to
the commotions which shook all Spain to its centre, and ultimately ended
in the destruction of its oppressors.[g]

THE ROMANS IN SPAIN

[Sidenote: [219-206 B.C.]]

The Romans, either alarmed by the progress of Hannibal, or becoming aware
of the value of such allies as the Spaniards, now sent larger armies to
their assistance, headed by their ablest generals. Spain was the theatre
of the first exploits of Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards surnamed
Africanus from his victories over the Carthaginians in Africa. In Spain,
Scipio gained the hearts of the natives by his great and good qualities,
not the least of these being his self-command--one instance of which has
ever since been a favourite theme with painters, poets, and moralists.
The charms of a beautiful captive had touched his young heart, and the
laws of the age made her in every respect his slave. He respected her
undefended loveliness, and restored her, in unsullied purity, to her
betrothed bridegroom. In cordial co-operation with the Spaniards, Scipio
finally expelled the Carthaginians from Spain in 206 B.C.

[Sidenote: [206-45 B.C.]]

The object of the Romans, in assisting the Spaniards against Carthaginian
oppression, had not been the emancipation of their gallant allies. They
immediately proceeded to reduce the peninsula to the condition of a Roman
province, governed by their prætors. This was not easily or speedily
accomplished. The natives resisted their new, as they had done their
former invaders. Numantia, besieged by a second Scipio, emulated the
heroism of Saguntum.[b] In vain did the inhabitants send deputations to
the consul; he coolly replied that he was content to await the inevitable
effects of famine. But their impatience could not await the slow effects
of such a death; some took poison; some fell on their swords; some set
fire to their houses and perished in the devouring flames. Thus perished
all; not a living creature survived (133 B.C.).[g] The Cantabrians, who
inhabited the northwestern part of the peninsula, were not even nominally
subdued during the continuance of the Roman Republic. The other portions,
Celtiberia in the north, Bætica in the south, and Lusitania in the west,
were conquered after a long struggle, and constituted the Roman province,
but remained the scenes of constantly recurring warfare. The natives
revolted against the extortion and tyranny usually practised by the Roman
governors of subject states; and the leaders of republican factions, when
defeated everywhere else, often found in Spain abundant means of making
head against the masters of the world.

[Illustration: GALLO-ROMAN WEAPONS]

The most remarkable of the native insurrections was that organised in
Lusitania by Viriathus. This extraordinary man was bred a shepherd; he
turned robber, became the captain of a band of outlaws, and raising
a standard to which all the disaffected flocked, he defeated several
Roman armies. He was vanquished by treachery, the consul Servilius
having bribed three of his followers to assassinate him in his sleep.
After his murder, the rebellion, as the haughty conquerors termed every
insurrection for self-defence, was speedily quelled. Spain was soon
afterwards the theatre of the last struggle of the horrible civil wars
with which Marius and Sulla desolated the Roman world. When Sulla had
finally triumphed at Rome, Sertorius, a leader of the defeated party,
fled to Spain, and there long bade defiance to the dictator’s power.
He was at length vanquished by Cneius Pompeius Magnus, familiarly
called Pompey the Great, and, like Viriathus, was murdered by his own
treacherous partisans. Pompey, during his command in Spain, merited the
good-will of the nation, which subsequently espoused his cause in his
contest with Julius Cæsar. After Pompey’s death his party still held
out in Spain. But Cæsar repaired thither in person; his military skill
prevailed, and the province was shortly pacified.[b] As long as Rome
treated the provincials merely as a conquered people the provincials
remained unsubdued; but as soon as wiser and more friendly counsels
generally prevailed, the Roman Spaniard grasped the hand that was
extended to him, and became one of the proudest and most loyal citizens
of the empire. Left to themselves, the tribes were ever divided,
factious, disturbed. United under Lusitanian Viriathus or even under
Roman Sertorius, they long successfully withstood the power of the
republic. United under Julius and Augustus Cæsar, they became the most
Roman of the provincials of Rome.

[Sidenote: [229 B.C.-138 A.D.]]

[Illustration: A GALLO-ROMAN]

A great susceptibility to personal influence has ever been a striking
characteristic of the Spanish people. Under the sympathetic Hasdrubal
they accepted the dominion of Carthage; under the fiery Hannibal they
fought, the hardiest and most loyal of his soldiers, in the Punic armies
in Italy. In the early days after Saguntum, when Roman Scipio came, not
as a destroyer but as a deliverer, and displayed his greater qualities
of clemency and justice, the Spaniards would have compelled him to
be their king. But Scipio was not always clement. The successors of
Sempronius Gracchus were not always just. They were not even judicious.
“For great men,” says the Spanish proverb, “great deeds are reserved.”
And the coming of one of the greatest men the world has ever seen was the
beginning of the end of the dark days of early Spanish history. Cæsar,
indeed, marched sternly through the country at the head of his legions;
nor did he stay his hand until he had reached far off Corunna, where he
chastised and astonished the wild tribes of Brigantium or Finisterre; but
his policy in the more settled districts was ever genial and pacific.
Four times did Cæsar visit the peninsula; and the fourth time--his
legions well filled with loyal and admiring Spaniards--he fought, “not
for glory but for existence,” on the bloody field of Munda. And with the
final triumph of the great Julius begins the peace and prosperity of
Roman Spain.[j]

Disturbances, however, again broke out, and it was only under Cæsar’s
successor, Augustus, that it was finally and completely subjugated,
even the Cantabrians being then at last subdued. Once reduced to
submission, Spain appears to have slumbered for ages in the tranquillity
of servitude, under the despotic sway of the Roman emperors. It was
esteemed one of the most valuable and flourishing provinces of the
empire, containing, as we learn from Pliny,[h] not less than 360 cities.
During her subjection to a thraldom, shared with all the then known
world, Spain boasts of having given birth to the celebrated Roman poets
Lucan and Martial, to the philosopher Seneca, and to two of the very few
good Roman emperors, Trajan and Hadrian, as well as to many other men of
distinguished character, though of somewhat inferior note.[b]

ROMAN ADMINISTRATION

[Sidenote: [206 B.C.-161 A.D.]]

It must not be supposed that the authority of the Roman officers extended
at first over all the cities of the peninsula. Some cities were governed
even in the last resort by their own laws; some depended immediately on
the metropolis of the Roman world; some were free, and left to their
ancient laws and tribunals. They were colonial, municipal, Roman, allied,
tributary; and others there were which enjoyed the right of Latium.
Thus the province of Tarragona contained 179 cities, of which 12 were
colonial, 13 Roman, 18 enjoying the Latin law, 1 ally, and 135 tributary.
Bætica had 185 cities; _viz_., 9 colonial, 18 municipal, 29 of the Latin
law, 6 free, 3 allied, 120 tributary. Lusitania had 45; 5 colonial, 1
municipal, 3 Latin, 36 tributary.

The colonies were peopled by the citizens of Rome, chiefly by soldiers.
The inhabitants of these establishments forfeited not the slightest
of their privileges by their location in the provinces. The municipal
cities were those which were admitted to the honour of Roman citizenship;
which were in like manner exempted from the jurisdiction of the
provincial governors; and the inhabitants of which could aspire to the
highest dignities even in “the eternal city.” The right of Latium was
less valuable: in the cities possessing it, the magistrates only were
recognised as Roman citizens. The free cities (_immunes_) were such as
the conquerors left in the undisturbed possession of their native laws
and tribunals, and were not taxed towards the support of the rest of the
empire. This privilege was conferred with reluctance, or rather extorted
by necessity, and was always regarded with jealousy; to six Spanish
cities only was it granted. The allied cities (_confæderatæ_) were still
fewer in number, and were at first really independent, as the word
implies. The tributary cities (_stipendiariæ_) occupied the lowest grade
in the scale of civic society, and were those which chiefly supported the
cumbrous frame of Roman government.

[Illustration: A GALLO-ROMAN WOMAN]

But the distinctions between these various classes were not long
maintained. By Otho many Spaniards were admitted to the rights of
citizenship; by Vespasian, such of the cities as had not the privilege
already were presented with the right of Latium; and by Antoninus every
remaining barrier was removed, all his subjects throughout his vast
empire being declared citizens of Rome: from this moment the civil
constitution of that empire was of necessity uniform. The cities which
obeyed the constitution of Rome were governed in a manner similar to
those of Italy. Each had its municipal council or curia, the members
of which (_decuriones_) were chosen from the principal inhabitants of
the provinces. Their office, however, appears to have been unenviable,
because it was in all probability gratuitous and because they were
responsible for the payment of customs. Nothing need be said on its laws,
as they are the same as those which governed Rome under the republic and
the empire.

The military state of Spain under the Romans is a subject little
understood. That a considerable number of troops for foreign wars
was furnished by this important province is attested by numerous
inscriptions; but, except in cases of difficulty and danger, the Roman
troops in the peninsula seldom exceeded three legions--a force so
inconsiderable that either the natives must have lost all desire to
recover their ancient independence, or they must have become completely
reconciled to the domination of their proud masters. The policy, indeed,
which admitted them not only to the honour of citizenship, but to the
highest dignities, civil, military, and even religious, must have been
admirably adapted to insure not merely the obedience but the attachment
of the conquered.

So long as the empire continued prosperous, Spain, notwithstanding the
evils it was made to endure, could not but participate to a certain
extent in the general prosperity. The arts of life, the most elegant no
less than the useful, were taught to flourish: that architecture had
reached a high degree of perfection is evident from the numerous remains
of antiquity which time has spared; that agriculture was cultivated
with equal success, is no less apparent from the testimony of that most
excellent of judges, the naturalist Pliny. The riches of the soil, in
corn, in oil, and in fruits, were almost inexhaustible; and the sheep
were held even in higher estimation in those days than in the present.
The vine was cultivated with so much success that the juice of the grape
produced in the environs of Tarragona was pronounced equal to the best
wines of Italy. These productions, with those of the mines, and the
demand for native manufactures, gave rise to an extensive commerce; more
extensive, indeed, than that which had existed under the Carthaginians.
There was this important difference between the two conquering nations:
while the African, with the characteristic selfishness of a trader,
engrossed every advantage to himself, the noble-minded Roman admitted
others to a free participation in those advantages.

INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY

[Sidenote: [206 B.C.-305 A.D.]]

If tradition as an authority had not long ceased to be recognised on
this side the Pyrenees, the historian would have little difficulty in
fixing the period of the introduction of the Christian faith into Spain.
Its uninterrupted voice has named St. James the Elder as the first
herald of the Gospel to the idolatrous people of that country. That the
apostle traversed the peninsula, from Lusitania and Galicia to the heart
of Aragon; that while at Saragossa he was honoured by a visit from the
Virgin, and that by her express command he erected on the spot a church
in her honour; that after his martyrdom at Jerusalem his body was brought
by his disciples from Syria to Iria Flavia (now El Padron), in Galicia,
and thence transferred to Compostella, to be venerated by the faithful
as long as the world shall endure, no orthodox Spaniard ever doubted.
With equal assurance of faith it is believed that St. Paul, in person,
continued the work of his martyred fellow-disciple, and sowed the seeds
of the new doctrine in Catalonia, Aragon, Valencia, and, above all, in
Andalusia. Certain it is that Spain can adduce her martyrs as early as
the second century--perhaps even in the first.

It was during the reign of the fierce Diocletian that the fires of
persecution blazed with the greatest fury throughout the peninsula.
It must not, however, be concealed that the crown of martyrdom
was sometimes pursued with an eagerness that evidenced rather the
intemperance of a mistaken zeal, than the soberness of a rational
principle. The fury of persecution cooled after the death of Diocletian.
During the civil wars which ravaged the empire under Maximian and
Constantius Chlorus, the Christians began to breathe: Constantine
followed; and, after his conversion, the church had peace from without;
but within, the partisans of Athanasius and Arius clouded the horizon of
her tranquillity.

[Sidenote: [305-400 A.D.]]

Of the three national councils held during the first four centuries, the
first is that of Illiberis or Eliberis, a town once seated near modern
Granada. It may also be termed the most interesting, as it was probably
held before the conversion of Constantine, and, therefore, some years
anterior to that of Nicæa: if so, it is the most ancient council, not
merely of Spain, but of the Christian world, the acts of which have
descended to us. That of Cæsar-Augusta (Saragossa, 380 A.D.), which was
also national, consisted of only twelve bishops, and was convened for the
sole purpose of condemning the heresy of Priscillian. The third, which
was the first council of Toledo (400 A.D.), was attended by nineteen
bishops, with a corresponding number of inferior ecclesiastics. Its first
act was to admit the canons of Nicæa; especially those which relate to
the ordination of priests; but it is chiefly remarkable for its symbol of
faith, in which that great Catholic doctrine, the procession of the Holy
Ghost from the Father and the Son [_filioque_], is expressly asserted;
a doctrine, as is well known, not formally received by the universal
church before the fourth Lateran council in 1215. Its twenty canons
relate to holy orders, to the chastity of virgins devoted to God, and to
the continency of ecclesiastics and their widows. From these councils it
does not appear that the Spanish church had yet received the dignity of
primates, archbishops, or metropolitans. The bishops seem to have been
equal in power, and independent of one another, the only superiority
admitted arising from priority of consecration; neither is there any
reason for concluding that appeals were of necessity carried to Rome,
though the superior veneration attached to that see, and the superior
characters of those who filled it, rendered such appeals by no means
uncommon. The bishops and the clergy were elected by the people. Baptism
was administered by the bishop or the presbyter, or, in their absence, by
the deacon. In cases of urgent necessity, it could also be administered
by a layman, provided he had not contracted a second marriage.

Ceremonial penance was a public satisfaction given to the church where
the crime was more than usually scandalous; the penitent, in this case,
occupied a place separated from the rest during a period proportioned
to the heinousness of the offence. A penance of one year was inflicted
on the player of dice, because the heathen deities were necessarily
invoked in this ancient game; of two years on the subdeacon who married
a third time, and on the ecclesiastic who wore a crown in imitation
of the pagan priests; of three years on him who lent his apparel for
the use of pagan processions; on the deacon who confessed a mortal
sin before ordination, and on the parents who broke the betrothals of
their children; of five years on him who married his daughter-in-law or
sister-in-law, on the widow who sinned and married her accomplice; on
backbiters, in however trivial an affair, of husbands or wives guilty of
adultery, on single women guilty with different men, on deacons proved
guilty of any capital crime previous to ordination; and on housewives
who by stripes occasioned, involuntarily, the death of their slaves (if
voluntarily, the penance was seven years); of ten years on the apostate
or heretic on returning to the faith, on the Christian whom curiosity led
to the heathen sacrifices, on all prostitutes, and on all consecrated
virgins who broke their vow; of the whole life on the widow of a bishop,
presbyter, or deacon, who remarried, on those who frequently violated
their conjugal fidelity, and on the gentile priests who, after conversion
and baptism, sacrificed to idols. Besides these regulations, the bishop
had power to suspend from all intercourse with the faithful the man who
sat at the table of a Jew, him who distributed satirical or libellous
compositions, and him whose scandals deserved public censure.

There was one means by which the offenders just mentioned could
obtain their restoration to the privileges of communion, even before
the expiration of the time of penance decreed by the canons. This
was, by soliciting peace from the confessors; that is, from such as
had sustained persecutions and torments for the faith of Christ. The
confessor gave his peace to the penitent in an instrument which he called
_literæ confessoriæ_ or _pacificæ_. This the penitent presented to the
bishop, who immediately absolved him; and in token of his readmission
to the rights of communion, gave him another instrument, _literæ
communicatoriæ_, which secured him access to the sacramental table in
whatever church he appeared. This superstitious custom was founded on the
opinion that, from the abundance of their merits, the confessors could
well afford a portion to such penitents as had none of their own. What
a fruitful train of abuses indulgences occasioned at a much subsequent
period, and how repugnant they appeared to the common sense and common
justice of mankind, is well known.

[Illustration: GALLO-ROMAN SWORD AND HORN]

On the matrimony and continency of the Spanish clergy, there has been
much acrimonious disputation: one party contending that strict celibacy
was obligatory on them from the apostolic times; the other, that marriage
was permitted to them, under certain restrictions, no less than to
laymen. One of the most singular characteristics of the early councils
of Spain is the permission granted to bishops and other ecclesiastics to
follow any honourable branch of commerce, but in their own districts.

Persons consecrated to God were acknowledged and protected by the early
church; but monasteries were not introduced into Spain during the
first four centuries. The women who took, in the hands of the bishop
and before the altar, the vows of virginity; and the men who, in the
same manner, subjected themselves to the obligations of continence and
religious contemplation, passed their lives sometimes in their own
houses, but generally in communities of two or three in the abodes
of aged ecclesiastics. The former assumed the veil from their first
profession, as a public sign of their calling. But lest war should
be sworn before the strength of the enemy was known, the council of
Saragossa decreed that no woman should utter the irrevocable vow, or
assume the veil, before the age of forty years, though previous to that
period chastity was strongly recommended, and its observance consecrated.
Some of the provisions, especially of the first council, will appear
unreasonably severe. We must, however, take into consideration the
prevalence of idolatry at the beginning of the fourth century, and the
anxiety of the fathers of Illiberis to preserve their flocks from the
infection of paganism. The canons which regard the remarriage of the
widows of ecclesiastics are sufficiently absurd. The sixty-seventh, which
prohibited Christian women from keeping long-haired slaves, requires
explanation. These slaves were males, generally of Gaul or Germany, and
their ostensible business was to dress the hair of the rich ladies; their
real one--such was the depravation of manners produced by paganism--was
to gratify the licentious desires of their mistresses. But the gradual
decline of heathenism, no less than the increasing influence of
Christianity, purified the female mind.

[Sidenote: [380-395 A.D.]]

Like the other Christian provinces of the empire, Spain had its heresies.
Omitting that of Arius--which, during the reign of Constantine and his
sons, so much distracted the Christian world, and against which Osius,
the bishop of Cordova, signalised himself with a zeal only inferior
to that of Athanasius himself--the most remarkable was the heresy of
the Priscillianists. One Mark, an Egyptian heretic, having sown the
seeds of gnosticism in Gaul, passed into Spain, where the fluency of
his speech, no less than the nature of his doctrine, procured him some
disciples, among whom Priscillian was the most eminent. This Spaniard
was rich, eloquent, subtle, enterprising, and consequently well adapted
both to extend and to multiply the errors of Mark, of which he soon
became the acknowledged head. He taught that marriage was an unnatural
and tyrannical restraint; that pleasure was one of the great privileges
of our nature; that to live according to the impulses of nature was the
part no less of virtue than of wisdom. He held the Manichæan doctrine of
the two great principles; and, with Sabellius, confounded the persons
of the Trinity. To all this he joined the Chaldean superstition of
starry influences, and the metaphysical subtleties of the Egyptians
and Greeks. A multitude of women soon embraced the sensual system of
this arch-heretic; their example constrained the other sex: even the
clergy were at length infected by the pleasing errors; and, to crown
all, two bishops of Bætica openly professed themselves the followers of
Priscillian. The orthodox party beheld with alarm the progress of this
detestable heresy. Finally the vindictive fury of his enemies prevailed,
even more than the justice of their cause. Priscillian and his partisans
were beheaded (384 A.D.).

So long as Maximus lived, the numerous adherents of Priscillian were
pursued with unrelenting severity by Idatius; but soon after the death of
that emperor, this turbulent prelate, whose cruelties had long revolted
his episcopal brethren, was banished, and the heat of persecution began
to abate. Yet Priscillianism was not extirpated; notwithstanding its
renewed condemnation by the first council of Toledo, it continued to
distract the church of Spain long after the accession of the Gothic
dynasty.

BARBARIAN INVASIONS

From the accession of Honorius the Roman Empire existed only by
sufferance. The fierce hordes of northern Europe now prepared to inundate
the fertile provinces of the south, and the more powerful local governors
to secure themselves an independent sovereignty. Spain was soon agitated
by the spirit which spontaneously burst forth from Britain to Thrace.
While Constantine, who had assumed the purple, raised England and the
Gauls against the feeble successor of the Cæsars, his son Constans passed
the Pyrenees to gain over the natives of the peninsula. The youth found
or made adherents, and was for a time successful; but in the sequel he
was compelled to return to Gaul for reinforcements. The appearance of
another candidate for empire (Jovinus) distracted the attention and
weakened the efforts of the kindred adventurers; and ultimately all these
became successively the victims of imperial vengeance, chiefly by means
of the warlike tribes whom the minister of Honorius had marched from the
shores of the Baltic, to crush the new insurrections. But the policy of
that minister was, if not perfidious, at least short-sighted.

[Sidenote: [395-415 A.D.]]

The barbarians whom he had thus introduced into the heart, and to whom
he thus betrayed the weakness of the empire, from allies soon became
masters. They looked with longing eyes on the rich plains of southern
France and of Spain. At length, finding the Pyrenean barrier but
negligently guarded, the Suevi, under their king Hermeric, the Alans
under Atace, and the Vandals or Silingi, under Gunderic, burst through
it, and poured the tide of destruction over the peninsula (409 A.D.). The
ravages of these barbarians, we are told, were dreadful. Towns pillaged
and burned, the country laid waste, the inhabitants massacred without
distinction of age and sex, were but the beginning of evils. Famine and
pestilence made awful havoc; the wild beasts, finding nothing to subsist
on in their usual haunts, made war on the human species; and the latter
consumed the very corpses of the dead. Nay, mothers are said to have
killed their children to feed on their flesh.[4] The conquerors at length
ceased from their wantonness of desolation. They found that to turn the
country into a wilderness was not the best policy in men who designed
it for a permanent abode. They divided it by lot: Bætica fell to the
Vandals, Lusitania to the Alans, and Galicia, with a great portion of
Leon and Castile, to the Suevi.

_The Goths Arrive (411 A.D.)_

A fourth people, more formidable than the rest combined, came to
trouble the new settlers in their possessions. These were the Goths
under Atawulf, (Ataulphus) whom Honorius had the address to remove from
Italy, by ceding to them the fertile provinces of southern Gaul, and the
peninsula. Having established the seat of his kingdom at Narbonne, where
he married his imperial captive Placidia, he passed the Pyrenees, made
a triumphant entry into Barcelona, and from thence undertook several
expeditions against the Vandals. A conspiracy was formed against his
life; and the sword of a dwarf pierced his body, as he was conspicuously
watching the evolutions of his cavalry, in the courtyard of his palace at
Barcelona.

Sigeric succeeded, whose ruffianly conduct instantly drew on him the
detestation of the Goths. Scarcely had he put to death the six surviving
children of Atawulf, and compelled the widowed Placidia to adorn his
triumph by walking barefoot through the streets of Barcelona, than
another conspiracy deprived him of his throne and his life. The election
of the Goths now fell on Wallia, a chief every way worthy of their choice
(415). His first expedition, however, against the Roman possessions
in Africa was disastrous. A violent tempest destroyed his fleet, and
forced him to relinquish his design. The news of this disaster soon
reached Gaul, and brought Constantius, the general of Honorius, at the
head of a numerous army, towards the Pyrenees. Wallia collected the
remnant of his troops, and hastened to receive him. Fortunately for the
Gothic king, love rather than ambition occasioned the hostile approach
of Constantius. That general was more anxious to gain possession of
Placidia, whose hand had been promised him by the emperor, than to effect
the destruction of the king. No sooner did the two armies encamp in sight
of each other, than he proposed peace on conditions too advantageous to
be rejected. Wallia had only to surrender the royal widow, and promise
to march against the Suevi and the other nations who held possession of
the peninsula, to secure not merely the neutrality but the favour of the
Romans. Placidia was restored, and peace made with the Romans.

[Sidenote: [415-429 A.D.]]

Hostilities were now vigorously commenced against the kindred barbarians.
The Vandals were expelled from their habitations, and forced to seek an
asylum among the Suevi of Galicia. The Alans of Lusitania were almost
entirely cut off, with their king Atace: the remnant incorporated with
the Vandals, and their name forever disappeared from the peninsula. The
Suevi would doubtless have shared the fate of one or other of these
people, had they not hastened to acknowledge themselves tributaries
of Rome; they were left in undisputed possession of the country they
inhabited. The pride of Honorius caused him to regard these signal
successes as for his own benefit. The victor was rewarded with a portion
of Languedoc and Gascony, from Toulouse to the ocean. That city he made
the seat of his kingdom, where he died, two years after his glorious
triumphs. From this time to the reign of Euric, the Goths remained
chiefly in their new possessions, and were seldom in Spain. Though
they considered themselves the rightful lords of the country, the real
sovereignty rested with the Suevi and Vandals.

Under the reign of Theodoric I, Wallia’s successor, the Vandals made war
on the Suevi. The latter retreated to the fastnesses of the Asturias.
The Vandals forsook Galicia, and fought their way to their former
settlements in Bætica, whence Wallia had expelled them. To that province
they communicated their name--Vandalusia; which was subsequently changed
into Andalusia.[5] There they maintained themselves, in opposition to
the imperial generals. The ports of Andalusia and Granada presented them
with facilities for pushing their successes on the deep. They constructed
a fleet; infested the Balearic Isles; pillaged the coast of Valencia;
sacked the city of Cartagena; laid waste the shores of Mauretania;
and returned to Seville, where the last act of their king, Gunderic,
was to despoil the opulent church of St. Vincent.[6] A new and higher
career was now opened before them. The offer made them by Boniface, the
African prefect, of two-thirds of that country, if they would assist him
against his enemies, they joyfully accepted. Before embarking, however,
they inflicted a terrible blow on their enemies, the Suevi, whom they
overthrew near Merida--whom they precipitated, with their king, into the
waters of the Guadiana. They then tranquilly returned to the sea coast;
and, to the number of eighty thousand, passed over to Africa, in March,
429, eighteen years after their arrival in Spain.

PROGRESS OF THE GOTHIC CONQUEST

[Sidenote: [429-469 A.D.]]

The retreat of these restless barbarians did not insure tranquillity to
Spain. The Suevi, under their new king, Hermeric, issued from their dark
mountains, and bore down on the peaceable inhabitants of Galicia. But
it was reserved for his son Richilan, to whom, in 438, he resigned his
sceptre, to raise the fame of the nation to the highest pitch. He routed
the Romans on the banks of the Venil, and seized on Merida and Seville.

In the meantime, Theodoric was no less occupied in humbling the Roman
power in southern Gaul. While meditating hostilities against the
triumphant Suevi, he was summoned to encounter the renowned Attila,
king of the Huns. His well-known valour placed him at the head of the
right wing of the Franks, Romans, and Goths, who combined to arrest the
progress of the tremendous torrent. His death on the plains of Châlons
(451) where the pride of the barbaric king was humbled, endeared him
still more to his subjects, who gratefully elevated his son Torismond to
the vacant throne. But the reign of the new king was brief, and his end
tragic. In one year, by the hands of his two brothers, he was deprived
of empire and of life, in his capital of Toulouse; and Theodoric II,
the elder of the fratricides, was elected in his place.[7] The reign
of this prince was diversified by alternate success and disaster. He
first turned his arms against the Suevi, whom he vanquished, and made
their king, Richiarius, prisoner; but being recalled to France, the army
which he left in the peninsula was routed by the natives of Leon, who
were indignant at the excess it committed. The whole country was now in
the most miserable condition. Goths and Romans and Suevi traversed it
in every direction, and everywhere left melancholy vestiges of their
barbarous fury. Another fierce tribe, the Herulians, landed on the coast
of Catalonia, and zealously prosecuted the same work of desolation. Then
the Suevi split into two parties, which pursued each other with the most
vindictive feelings, but which were always ready to combine when the
natives were to be plundered, or when Goths and Romans were to be opposed.

The Spaniard was the prey of all: his labour was doomed to support the
innumerable swarms which spread from the Pyrenees to the rock of Calpe,
and which, like so many locusts, destroyed wherever they settled. The
scourge was more than galling--it was intolerable. Native bands were
at length formed in most parts of the peninsula, not merely to take
vengeance on the rapacious invaders--for in that case they would have
been a blessing to their country--but to plunder all who came in their
way. Many of these horrors would have been averted, had Theodoric been
at liberty to return in person to Spain, and finish its subjugation; but
his wars with the Romans, the Burgundians, and the Franks found him for
some years employment enough. At length he was assassinated, it is said,
by his brother Euric, in his capital of Toulouse. One of the first acts
of Euric was to despatch an army to humble the pride of the Suevi. His
arms were eminently successful. The Suevi sued for and obtained peace,
and were allowed to remain in undisturbed possession of Galicia, with a
portion of modern Leon and Portugal, and to retain their kingly form of
government. So completely were they become the vassals of the victors
that during a whole century they remained in quiet subjection. We hear
no more of them until the time of Leuvigild, who dealt the last blow to
their national existence, and, as we shall hereafter see, incorporated
them with his Gothic subjects.

[Sidenote: [469-522 A.D.]]

The Romans were less fortunate; their domination in the country was ended
forever by the fall of Tarragona. They continued, indeed, to hold a few
unimportant places on the coast; not because they had valour to defend
them, but because Euric had no naval force to assail them from the sea.
The conqueror, though master of all Spain, disdained to be confined
within limits which his ambition deemed much too narrow. Rome was now
tottering to her fall; and he resolved to pluck some of the most fertile
provinces of Gaul from her feeble grasp. Odoacer the Mercenary, king of
Italy, renounced in his favour all the Roman provinces beyond the Alps,
as far as the Rhine and the ocean: and thenceforward the Goths regarded
Gaul and Spain as their lawful inheritance. The victor established
the seat of his empire at Arles, where he passed in tranquillity the
remainder of his days. He died in that capital, (484 A.D.) after engaging
his subjects to elect for their king his son Alaric. Euric was the
founder of the Gothic kingdom of Spain. The extinction of the Roman
sway, and the subjection of the Suevi, rendered him absolute lord of the
country. The six kings, his predecessors, were rulers in Gaul, not of
Spain; however they might regard its provinces as rightfully their own,
they could obtain possession only by force of arms. Their conquests,
however, had been partial and temporary; before Euric, the peninsula was
overrun, not subdued. He was also the first legislator of his nation. The
laws which he collected and committed to writing served as the foundation
of the famous Gothic code, known by the name of the _Forum Judicum_,
or _Fuero Juzgo_. He was a great prince; but the fratricide which is
believed to have opened him the way to the crown, and the cruelty with
which he persecuted the orthodox (like his predecessors, he was an
Arian), are dreadful stains on his memory.

But Alaric was unable to tread in the steps of so great a prince as his
father. In vain did his father-in-law Theodoric, who had just founded
the kingdom of the Ostrogoths in Italy, interpose in his behalf: the
fierce Clovis marched towards Poitiers, where Alaric then lay, resolved,
as he said, to expel the heretical Arians from the soil of Gaul.[8] The
Visigoths, after a sharp conflict, were routed with great loss, and their
king was left dead on the field. Clovis pursued his successes, and soon
reduced the greater part of their possessions in the south of France, and
entered victorious into their capital of Toulouse.[9] Alaric left a son;
but as he was too young to be intrusted with the government, his bastard
brother, Gesalric (Gensaleic) had the address to procure the elective
crown. But the king of the Ostrogoths invested Gaul, overthrew the
Franks, who were pressing the siege of Carcassonne, and forced Gesalric
to seek for safety in Barcelona. The humbled Clovis was glad to sue for
peace from the formidable Theodoric, who united the two kingdoms of the
Ostrogoths and Visigoths under his own sceptre. To Theudes, one of his
ablest generals, he intrusted the administration of the country and the
guardianship of his grandson. Theodoric resigned the sceptre of Spain to
his grandson, on that prince’s arriving at a suitable age. Theudes now
retired into private life.

[Sidenote: [522-554 A.D.]]

Amalaric was the first Gothic king who established his court in Spain, in
the city of Seville. To Athalaric, the successor of Theodoric, he ceded
that portion of France which lies between the Rhone and the Alps, and
received in return his father’s treasures, which Theodoric had removed
from Carcassonne to Ravenna: in the rest of Gothic Gaul, with all Spain,
he was solemnly confirmed by Athalaric. To secure his possessions in
Gaul against the formidable Franks, Amalaric demanded and obtained the
hand of Clotilda, the sister of the royal sons of Clovis. But the union
was unfortunate. The king was a violent partisan of Arius; the queen as
obstinate a professor of orthodoxy: at first each attempted to convert
the other; but finding their efforts ineffectual, the one was filled
with rage, the other with contempt. Childebert marched against his
brother-in-law; the result was fatal to Amalaric, who fell by the swords
of the Franks, whether on the field of battle, as Procopius[o] asserts,
or afterwards as he was seeking sanctuary in a church, must forever
remain undecided. The battle in question appears to have been fought,
not in Gothic Gaul, but in Catalonia. Childebert returned to France with
his sister and the immense treasures which he had seized in the Arian
churches.

With Amalaric ended the royal line of the mighty Alaric. Theudes was
unanimously elected to the vacant throne (531). He appears to have been
engaged in hostilities for some years with the vindictive or ambitious
sons of Clovis. Gothic Gaul he was compelled to abandon to its fate, but
he vigorously defended his peninsular dominions, which were invaded and
laid waste by Childebert and Clotaire. Elated with his successes, the
victorious Theudes passed the straits of Gibraltar, and laid siege to
Ceuta, then in possession of the imperial troops. The place was invested
with vigour; and this recent conquest of Belisarius would soon have
passed to the Visigoths or the Vandals, but for the pious scruples of
the king. Though an Arian, he revered the Sabbath; on which he not only
refrained from hostile operations, but with his soldiers was occupied in
public worship. Less strict than their foe, the besieged issued from the
walls, fell on the Goths at the hour of prayer, and committed on them a
carnage so horrible that the king had some difficulty to escape. He did
not long survive this disaster. An assassin contrived to penetrate into
the recesses of his palace, and with a poniard to deprive him of life.
Before he expired, he is said to have ordered that the murderer should
not be punished, as in his death he recognised the hand of heaven, which
thus chastised him for a similar crime he had himself committed many
years before. He left behind him the character of a just, a valiant,
and an able ruler, who secured to his kingdom the blessings of internal
peace by avoiding all invidious preference of his own religious sect, and
treating the orthodox with as much favour as his Arian brethren.

Of the next two princes who successively swayed the Gothic sceptre,
very little is known. The former, Theudisela, who had been the general
of Theudes, and had acquired considerable fame in the war with the
Franks, was a monster of licentiousness. This second Sardanapalus had
scarcely reigned eighteen months before his destruction was effected by
his enraged nobles. He was supping with them one evening in his palace
at Seville, when the lights were suddenly extinguished, and a dozen
swords entered his body. He was succeeded by Agila, whose reign was one
continued series of commotions. Many cities refused to recognise his
election. He marched to chastise them, but was vanquished and ultimately
slain by his own soldiers after being defeated by Atanagild, a Gothic
noble (554).

[Illustration: TOLEDO]

[Sidenote: [554-567 A.D.]]

Scarcely had Atanagild obtained the throne, the great object of his
wishes, when he discovered how fatally his ambition had blinded him. The
troops of Justinian, his imperial ally, had no intention of leaving the
country. From their fortresses in the Carthaginian province they defied
his power to expel them. Nor were his successors more fortunate; the
unwelcome intruders remained until they were insensibly incorporated
with Gothic inhabitants. This prince is more famous from the misfortunes
of his two daughters than from his own deeds. The one he married to
Sigebert king of Metz, the other to Chilperic king of Soissons. The
latter, Galeswintha, Galsvinda, or Gosvinda, was murdered by order of her
husband--no doubt at the instigation of his mistress, Fredegund. In Spain
the memory of her sister Brunehild, is held in the highest reverence:
in France, it is branded with infamy. The persecutions which after her
husband’s death she sustained from the unprincipled Fredegund, and the
ferocious Chilperic, and her tragical end, many years afterwards, by the
command of Clotaire, are events which belong to the history of France
rather than that of Spain. Into the question of her guilt or innocence
no inquiry need be instituted here: there are authorities enough to be
consulted on both sides; and in both abundant reason may be found to
lament the influence of national prejudice, which can blind the wise and
exasperate the good.[10]

During the reign of Atanagild, the Suevi, who had abandoned paganism
for the errors of Arius, in the time of their king Rechiarius, about a
century before, were converted to the orthodox faith. Though subject to
the Goths, they had still preserved, as before observed, their kingly
form of government. Theodomir, their present monarch, and his court
solemnly abjured Arianism, were rebaptised, and admitted into the bosom
of the church. After a peaceful, just, and useful reign of near fourteen
years, and an interregnum of five months, occasioned by want of unanimity
among the electors, the party of Narbonne in Gothic Gaul succeeded in
raising Liuva [Leuva or Leova] to the throne. He contented himself with
Gothic Gaul; and, in the second year of his reign, he confided to his
brother Leuvigild (Leovigild) the sovereignty of Spain. Of Liuva no more
is known except that he died in three years from his election, leaving
his brother sole ruler of the kingdom.

LEUVIGILD AND ERMENIGILD

[Sidenote: [567-583 A.D.]]

The reign of Leuvigild is more interesting than that of his predecessors.
His arms were triumphant in every direction. The soldiers of the empire
were again compelled to take refuge in their fortresses on the coast;
and the fierce inhabitants of Biscay, Alava, and even Cantabria, to
surrender at discretion. But the most painful, if not the most formidable
of his enemies, he found in his eldest son Ermenigild. Yet few sons had
ever more reason for filial gratitude. By an affectionate father, on his
marriage with the princess Ingunda, daughter of the famous Brunehild
and of Sigebert (which was celebrated in Toledo in 582) he had been
associated in the royal dignity, and in every other respect treated
with the utmost liberality. But Ingunda was orthodox, and Gosvinda,
the second wife of Leuvigild, a professor of the Arian sect. The two
queens could not long agree: the two husbands, finding that their palace
was scandalised by disgraceful scenes, agreed to have separate courts:
while the elder remained at Toledo, the younger established his court at
Seville, which in splendour was little inferior to that of Leuvigild.

Ermenigild had not long been established in his new palace before he
abjured Arianism, and embraced the Catholic religion. His conversion
was chiefly the work of his consort, who had acquired great ascendency
over him. Leuvigild declared that the crown of the Goths should never
adorn the brow of an apostate. It is difficult to say which of the two
first drew the sword in this unnatural warfare; but there is probability
for throwing the guilt on the son. When no hope of resistance remained
the rebel betook himself to a church, whence he implored pardon from
his justly incensed father. The king promised to spare his life, if he
would leave the sanctuary. By the persuasion of his brother Recared,
who appears to have acted throughout in a manner highly creditable both
as son and brother, he came out; and, with all the outward signs of
repentance, threw himself at the feet of the king. The latter raised him,
kissed him, and wept. For some time the father struggled with the king.
At length he ordered that the rebel should be despoiled of the royal
ornaments, and exiled to Valencia, thenceforward to live as a private
individual.

Had all ended here, the justice of Leuvigild would have been approved by
posterity, and the rebel would never have been lauded for virtues which
he did not possess. But Ermenigild had scarcely arrived at his place of
exile, when he again pursued his guilty plots against his country and
king. He again connected himself with the Greeks, the most faithless and
most formidable enemies to the repose of Spain; instigated the natives
to rebellion; and, at the head of this combined force, made an irruption
into Estremadura. The indignation of Leuvigild may well be conceived.
Having collected a veteran body of troops, he opened another melancholy
campaign against the arch-rebel; he was delivered--or he fell--into their
hands, and thrown into the dungeons of a prison in Tarragona. Leuvigild
despatched several confidential messengers to the prince, promising, it
is said, not only pardon but a restoration to royal favour, if he would
return to the Arian faith. With a constancy which certainly does him
honour, Ermenigild alike disregarded promises and threats, and declared
his unalterable resolution of living and dying in the Catholic communion.
Then it was that Leuvigild, in a fit of ungovernable fury, gave orders
for the execution of the youth. The order was but too promptly obeyed:
the ministers of vengeance hastened to the dungeon, and a hatchet cleft
the head of the prince of the Goths.

[Sidenote: [583-584 A.D.]]

That the crimes of Ermenigild deserved death, no one can attempt to
deny; but nature shudders when a parent, in however just a cause,
becomes the executioner of his child: no excuse can shield Leuvigild
from the execration of posterity. But neither will historic truth permit
the victim to be called a martyr. But what are we to think of St.
Ermenigild[11]--what of the daring impiety which could invest a weak and
wicked youth with attributes little less than divine? By the breviary of
the Spanish church, and one or two ancient chroniclers, we are told that
the dungeon of the saint, on the night of his execution, was illuminated
with celestial light; that angels hovered over the corpse, and celebrated
his martyrdom with holy songs! Then as to the miracles wrought by his
intercession--omitting all mention of those which are said to have
occurred during the darkness of the Middle Ages--a darkness in Spain
“that might be felt”--what are we to say of Morales,’[u] a writer who, so
late as the close of the sixteenth century, gravely tells us that in his
behalf a signal miracle has been performed through the instrumentality of
this precious saint?[12] Even the judicious Masdeu,[r] at the close of
the eighteenth century, could not, or perhaps dared not, divest himself
of the pitiful prejudices of his country’s faith.

After the news of Ermenigild’s death, the brothers of Ingunda armed in
the cause of their widowed sister. At the same time the Suevi showed a
disposition to be restless, and prepared to descend from the mountains
of Galicia, on the plains of central Spain. Nothing could exceed the
promptitude with which Leuvigild met these threatening disasters. While
he himself marched to subdue his rebellious vassals, whose nationality
he had long resolved to destroy, he despatched his son Recared into Gaul
to oppose the Franks. Both expeditions were eminently successful. All
Galicia submitted, and a final period was put to the domination of the
Suevi, 177 years after their arrival in Spain. In the latter expedition,
Recared, after various successes, expelled the invaders from Gothic
Gaul. The great Leuvigild was now undisputed master of the peninsula,
with the exception of some maritime fortresses still held by the Greeks.
Unfortunately, however, for his fame, he stained the lustre of a splendid
reign by persecuting the orthodox or Catholic party. He is the first
of the Visigoth kings[13] represented on ancient coins, with the royal
diadem on his brow. But his riches were not wholly expended in idle pomp.
The city of Recopolis, which he founded in Celtiberia, in honour of his
son Recared, was a monument of his patriotism. Such, also, were the
improvements which he introduced into the national legislation.

[Sidenote: [586-589 A.D.]]

Leuvigild died in 586. A year before his death, he associated his son
in his royal dignity. His greatest glory, in a Spaniard’s eye, is his
suspected conversion to the Catholic faith a few days before his death.
If the alleged change were less disputable, we should hear no more of his
defects; they would be carefully covered by the veil of orthodoxy.

RECARED I AND CATHOLICISM

On the death of his father, Recared I was unanimously acknowledged sole
king of the Goths. In about a year after his accession, this prince
conceived the hardy project of reclaiming his subjects from heresy. Time
and patience, as well as a prudent dexterity, were indispensable towards
the success of his project. By inviting his Catholic and Arian prelates
to dispute in his presence, and by assuming the appearance of perfect
impartiality between them, he laid the foundation of the change he
meditated.

His next was a bolder step, though in perfect accordance with his new
policy: he restored to the Catholic churches the treasures of which they
had been deprived by his predecessors, and secured to the more indigent
ones a considerable augmentation of revenue. When he saw his preparations
sufficiently matured, he assembled his nobles and clergy at Toledo (May
8th, 587), to discuss his proposal. Having prevailed on the assembly to
pass three consecutive days in fasting and prayer, he opened the business
of the meeting in an elaborate speech. He submitted that, if unity of
religion could be restored, an end would be put to the troubles which
had so long agitated the kingdom. Lastly, he caused an instrument to be
read, containing his abjuration of Arianism, and the confession of his
belief in the co-equality of the Three Persons, and in the authority of
the Catholic and apostolic church; and entreated all who were present to
follow his example. When he and his queen had solemnly signed the act
of confession, most of the prelates and nobles in the assembly hastened
to do the same. The Catholic faith was thus declared the religion of
the state. Spaniard, Sueve, and Goth were thus joined in one communion;
and a canon was drawn up at the suggestion of St. Leander and the king,
and with the full concurrence of the several members present, that
henceforth no person should be admitted to the Lord’s Supper who should
not previously recite the symbol of belief, as sanctioned by the council
of Constantinople.

[Sidenote: [589-621 A.D.]]

Scarcely had the Gothic monarch effected the conversion of his subjects,
when he was called to defend those of southern Gaul against Gontram,
king of the Franks (589). Near Carcassonne they were utterly routed,
and their camp seized by the general of Recared, nine thousand of their
number being left dead on the field. Not less signal was his success
over the Basques, who, with their characteristic restlessness, had long
harassed the neighbouring provinces. The imperialists, too, he humbled,
and compelled them to seek refuge in their fortresses. The rest of this
monarch’s reign was a continual effort to promote the happiness of his
people: his administration was beyond example prosperous; and he enjoyed
to an unrivalled extent their confidence and affection. It has been truly
said of him that there arose no war in which he was not victorious;
no rebellion which he did not crush; no conspiracy which he did not
discover. In his last illness this king was devout enough, according to
St. Isidore,[p] the contemporary bishop of Seville, to make a public
confession of his sins, in conformity with the practice of the primitive
church. He died in 601.

PETTY MONARCHS (601-672 A.D.)

Of the eleven succeeding sovereigns little is known, and that little
is not very interesting. In general their reigns were brief, and their
actions unimportant; so that we have the less reason to regret the
scantiness of our historic materials. Liuva II, the eldest son and
successor of Recared, ere two years were passed, was assassinated by
the same Witteric whom his father’s clemency had pardoned. Witteric had
little reason to congratulate himself on his success. In his wars he was
uniformly unfortunate; and in his family he was not more to be envied. In
the seventh year of his reign he was murdered at his own table, and his
body buried without honour.

Gundemar, the next king (610), was more fortunate in his warlike
enterprises. He triumphed over the Basques and the imperialists. He had
one advantage--an advantage not always enjoyed by the Visigoth monarchs
of Spain--that of dying a natural death. Sisibut (Sisebert) was much
superior. His successes over both the Basques and the imperialists were
more signal: they were also more solid, since he reduced and retained
several fortresses belonging to the latter; those which lay near the
straits of Gibraltar were lost to them forever. But he deserves greater
praise for his humanity than for his valour or skill in war. He wept over
the wounds of his prisoners; and, with his own money, often redeemed such
as were taken by his soldiers. Whenever a town was sacked, he ordered
it to be proclaimed that the enemies who, even when the contest was
hopeless, should reach his quarters and claim his protection, should
escape with both life and liberty. Such an expedient is indicative enough
both of his own admirable clemency and of the blood-thirsty disposition
of his Goths, who were accustomed indiscriminately to massacre every
living thing that fell in their way.

Strange that this prince, who was thus indulgent to his very enemies,
should so rigorously have persecuted his Jewish subjects! He published an
edict which left them no alternative but baptism or scourges and utter
destitution. Eighty thousand of the poor wretches submitted to the rite;
a great number escaped into France; such as remained and were obstinate
in their faith were treated with great cruelty. At length, however, the
church wisely desisted from this execrable policy. It was accordingly
ordained by the fourth council of Toledo that the holy sacraments should
no longer be administered to such as were unwilling to receive them. In
other respects Sisibut was a wise and patriotic monarch. The construction
of a fleet for the purpose not only of the country’s defence, but of
making his subjects acquainted with maritime affairs, was, in a Gothic
king, a magnificent thought. He is also believed to have surrounded the
city of Evora with fortifications. He died in 621. His son, Recared II,
reigned only three months.

[Sidenote: [621-673 A.D.]]

Suintila, the next in succession, is represented as a strange compound
of great and vicious qualities; at least his life exhibited, at two
different periods, a strange contrast with itself. On the one side
he had the glory of effecting what his predecessors had attempted in
vain--he reduced all the fortresses held by the imperialists, and forever
ended their influence in the peninsula: he was thus the first Gothic
monarch of all Spain. With equal success he quelled the commotions of
the Basques. His triumphs changed him: the hours which he had formerly
devoted to the happiness of his people were now passed in sensuality.
He became cruel. What still more exasperated the Goths, so tenacious
of their original equality, and so jealous of their sovereign’s
prerogatives, was his conferring on his son Recared the title of king,
and thereby laying the foundation of hereditary monarchy. Seeing the
universal dissatisfaction inspired by this once popular ruler, one
Sisenando, a noble Goth, planned his deposition. The Goths deposed their
king, and proclaimed Sisenando the successor (631). The fourth council
of Toledo (assembled in 633), after passing some canons for the better
discipline of the church, entered fully into his views by excommunicating
Suintila, the wife, children, and brother of that monarch.

On the death of this monarch the choice of the Goths fell on Chintella
(Chintila), who, in conformity with the regulation just mentioned,
convoked the prelates at Toledo to confirm his election. These fathers
issued another decree, that in future no one should be nominated as king
who was not of noble blood and of Gothic descent; all candidates, too,
were subjected to excommunication who should endeavour to attain their
end by unlawful means. In another council (the sixth of Toledo), held
about eighteen months afterwards, the third canon obliged all future
kings to swear, not only that they would not suffer the exercise of any
other religion than the Catholic, but that they would rigorously enforce
the laws against all dissidents, especially “that accursed people,” the
Jews. Tulga, who was elected in 640, was also a model of the peaceful
virtues. The aged and inflexible Cindasuinto (Chindaswind), who ascended
the throne in 642, associated with him in the royal dignity his son
Recesuinto (Receswind), and on his death in 653 that prince remained in
secure possession of the crown. The piety of this monarch made him the
favourite of the church; the readiness with which he sanctioned a law
that the wealth acquired by future kings should be transmitted, not to
their children or heirs, but to their successors, rendered him no less
that of the nation.

THE REIGN OF WAMBA

[Sidenote: [673-677 A.D.]]

After the death of Recesuinto in 672, the eyes of the Gothic electors
were turned on Wamba, whose wisdom and virtues were well known to the
whole nation. But this excellent man, who had filled some of the most
honourable posts in the monarchy, and had found little happiness in
greatness, was little inclined to accept the proffered dignity. He
alleged his advanced age, and his consequent incapacity to undertake
duties requiring such labour and activity. Prayers and tears were vainly
employed to move him. At length, one of the dukes of the palace placed a
poniard at his breast, and bade him choose between the sepulchre and a
throne. Such a choice was no longer difficult, and Wamba reigned.

If Wamba, as there is reason to believe, had been induced to refuse
the crown chiefly from an apprehension of popular levity, his prudent
foresight was verified by the event. The Basques revolted, and their
example was instantly followed by the inhabitants of Gothic Gaul. The
evil was increased by the bigotry of the king; he issued a decree,
banishing all Jews who refused to be baptised: these exasperated
exiles flocked to Nîmes, whose count, Hilderic, had drawn many nobles
and prelates into the rebellion. The cause of the monarch appeared
hopeless, when Duke Paul, a Greek by nation, and consequently wily and
unprincipled, who had been despatched at the head of an army to suppress
the commotion beyond the Pyrenees, prevailed on his troops to join the
malcontents, and on several important fortresses to open their gates to
him. Even Barcelona and Narbonne were detached from their fidelity to the
king.

In the meantime the artful Greek had prevailed on the Goths of Gaul
to proclaim him king. The prudent Wamba, after the successful issue
of the Cantabrian war, marched towards Catalonia. On the confines of
that province, he divided his forces into three considerable bodies; of
which, while one was conveyed by sea, the other two proceeded towards
the Pyrenees by two different routes. Barcelona submitted almost without
resistance; Gerona offered none; two of his generals speedily reduced the
fortress of Clausina, on the site of the modern Clusas, and made Hilderic
and Ranosind prisoners. The victorious king now marched on Narbonne, in
the hope of ending the war by the reduction of that capital, and the
seizure of the rebel. But Paul, whose self-confidence seemed to have
greatly abated, had precipitately retired to Nîmes, leaving the defence
of Narbonne to Duke Wittimer. He surrendered, and, with his companions,
was publicly scourged as a rebel.

[Illustration: A SPANISH FLAGELLANT]

The reduction of Narbonne was followed by that of other strong places in
the neighbourhood. No time was now lost in marching against Nîmes, where
Paul was entrenched with his bravest troops. The assault was delivered
with fury, and was as furiously repelled. Eventually the walls were
surmounted: the struggle on the summit was terrible, but short; it was
renewed in the streets, but the sword of the Goths still pursued its
destructive career. Wamba now entered triumphantly into Nîmes, by the
pardoned inhabitants of which he was received with unfeigned gratitude.
By his command Paul, with the other leading rebels, was dragged, by the
hair of the head, from the vaults of the amphitheatre. The judges of the
tribunal voted for the death of the most guilty; but the merciful monarch
satisfied himself with condemning them to wear shaven crowns, and to a
religious confinement within the walls of Toledo. Having pacified the
whole of Gothic Gaul; having deposed some governors, and created others;
having repaired the towns which had been injured, and banished the Jews,
Wamba returned to his capital.

[Sidenote: [677-680 A.D.]]

After those glorious exploits, Wamba applied his undivided cares to
the interests of his subjects. By cultivating the arts of peace, by
bettering the temporal condition of the people, by encouraging the
clergy to greater diligence, by strengthening the walls of Toledo,
and by causing justice to be administered with mercy, he secured the
confidence of his kingdom. The bases of his character seem to have
been incorruptible integrity, an ardent zeal for his country’s good,
and a rare union of moderation with firmness. He was also unrivalled
for prudence; he provided for everything. Foreseeing the enterprises
to which the fanatic ambition of the Saracens would inevitably impel
them, he prepared a fleet for the defence of the coast. He had soon to
congratulate himself on his prophetic caution. About the year 677, a
fleet of 170 barques, filled with these barbarians, passed the straits
of Gibraltar, and attempted to land: they were assailed, dispersed, or
taken by the ships of the king, whose vigour long kept the Mussulmans in
awe. Though masters of nearly all northern Africa, from the Nile to the
Atlantic Ocean, they wisely respected for many years the territories of
the Goths. Had Wamba been succeeded by monarchs of equal prudence and
activity, the scourge of Saracenic domination, the greatest, perhaps,
that ever afflicted any people, would probably have been forever averted
from Spain.

But neither the virtues nor the abilities of Wamba, it is said, could
exempt him from the fate common to so many of the Visigothic kings--from
domestic treason. If that fate, however, be common in kind, it differs
widely in manner, in the present instance. On Sunday, October 14th, 680,
the king fell into a state of insensibility, and seemed to be deprived
of life. As no doubt appeared to be entertained by his servants that
he was dying, in conformity with the custom of his times, his head was
hastily shaven, and he was enveloped in a penitential habit; in other
words, he was transformed from a layman into a member of the monastic
profession. Though he recovered in about twenty-four hours, his doom was
everlastingly sealed: though his profession had been involuntary, and
even forced on him while in a lifeless state, the obligation was not the
less imperative. Disqualified thus strangely from enjoying the honours
and from participating in the duties of public life, he retired to the
monastery of Pampliega, near Burgos, where he passed the remainder of his
days.

Such are the facts of this strange occurrence. The only difficulty is
to determine whether the suspension of the vital powers in Wamba was a
natural or a previously contrived event. Two chroniclers of the ninth
century (Sebastian[v] of Salamanca, and the anonymous monk of Albelda[w])
assert that the indisposition or trance of Wamba, and his consequent
tonsure, were the work of Ervigius, a nephew of King Cindasuinto, who
had long aspired to the throne. He administered, say they, a draught to
the monarch, which he considered potent enough to destroy reason, if not
life itself; and in the lethargy which followed the monastic penitence
was imposed, whether by his contrivance, or through the piety of the
royal attendants, is doubtful. But what reliance is to be placed on
the testimony of these chroniclers, who wrote so long after the event?
Not a hint is given of this treason in the work of the contemporary
prelate St. Julian,[x] nor in the acts of the twelfth council of Toledo,
assembled after the retirement of Wamba, nor in the epitome of Isidore
of Badajoz,[z] who wrote about seventy years after the time; in short,
there is no contemporary authority whatever for fixing so deep a stain
on the character of Ervigius. On the contrary, the three instruments
which he produced on his accession were acknowledged to be authentic:
the first, which was signed by the great officers of the palace, stated
the fact of the tonsure and habit being imposed; the second, which was
signed by Wamba himself, contained his renunciation of the crown in
favour of Ervigius; and the third was an injunction addressed by that
monarch to the metropolitan of Toledo to proceed with the coronation of
his appointed successor.

On the other hand, it may be contended with some appearance of reason
that the silence of St. Julian and of the fathers of the council is
sufficiently explicable: neither would wish to draw on themselves the
vengeance of the reigning king by giving utterance to their suspicions.
And as to the three instruments so carefully adduced, does not that
very care imply an apprehension on the part of him who took it that his
proceedings would be narrowly watched, his motives, perhaps, called in
question? Would innocence, which, like charity, never judges harshly,
or suspects, have taken such pains to furnish evidence so connected
and elaborate? Undue anxiety has often shot beyond its mark. Then
the subsequent conduct of Ervigius, which, as we shall soon see, is
censurable for something worse than imprudence, must naturally confirm
the suspicions of such as incline to the opinion of his guilt. On such a
subject, however, where certainty can never be expected, the wise will
hesitate to decide, and the good to condemn.[14]

ERVIGIUS AND ERGICA

[Sidenote: [680-687 A.D.]]

Having summoned a council at Toledo, the twelfth held in that city (680),
Ervigius had little difficulty in persuading the fathers to acknowledge
the authenticity of the three instruments he produced; and, consequently,
his claim to the Visigothic crown. They even showed a blind devotion to
his will in other respects, not very honourable to their characters,
nor respectful to the memory of an excellent prince. But, with all his
wily contrivances, Ervigius had the mortification to see the bulk of the
people still attached to their late sovereign. To make that sovereign
appear tyrannical, and to attach to his interests all who now justly
suffered for their participation in the rebellion of Paul, he summoned
the thirteenth council of Toledo, and requested the assembled prelates to
reverse the salutary measures of his predecessor. Accordingly, the first
canon restored to their ranks, possessions, and rights, all who had ever
taken arms against Wamba. Even yet Ervigius was apprehensive. He sent
for Ergica, the nephew[15] of Wamba; and offered that prince the hand of
his daughter, with the succession to the throne, on the condition that
the latter would swear to protect his family when he should be no more.
The proposal was eagerly accepted; the marriage was solemnised; and, on
the death of Ervigius, the crown of the Goths fell on the brows of the
son-in-law.

Gratitude is not always the virtue of princes. Scarcely was Ergica in
possession of the envied dignity, than he showed his hostility to the
memory of his benefactor. Resolving to use the same weapons as had been
employed by that king, he convoked the fifteenth council of Toledo to
aid his views of vengeance; he represented to the fathers the oath which
he had taken to protect the family of Ervigius, and how difficult it
was to be observed amidst the general complaints of his people against
the rapacity of that family. The supple ecclesiastics, who had long
lost sight of the independence of their vocation, and were become
the mere ministers of the monarch (in fact, the bishops were, _ex
officio_, ministers of the crown, in a state which has been truly called
theocratic), immediately declared that an unjust oath was not binding;
and that the king might punish or reward any of his subjects, the
relatives of Ervigius among the rest, as justice or equity dictated. In
consequence of this decree, Ergica is said to have punished with severity
the enemies of Wamba and his house--in other words, the partisans of
Ervigius; and even to have repudiated his wife, thus dissolving the only
remaining bond which connected him with the rival family.

[Sidenote: [687-709 A.D.]]

In the sixth year of his reign Ergica was afflicted with a rebellion,
which spread into Gothic Gaul. He had also engagements with the
Franks--probably connected with the conspiracy of Sisebert; but in none
did he obtain any advantage. A more formidable conspiracy was discovered
the following year. Notwithstanding the severity of the penal laws
against their nation, many Jews, though outwardly Christians, were
retained in the peninsula by the attractions of a lucrative commerce;
but their souls groaned within them under the oppressions they were made
to endure; and they were naturally eager to engage in any undertaking
which promised them toleration and revenge. On the present occasion they
were said to have secretly conspired with their brethren of Africa;
perhaps, too, with the Saracens, on whose arms they had long prayed
for success. To avert the threatened explosion, the king convened the
seventeenth council of Toledo, which decreed severe penalties against
the guilty. The eighth canon (_de Judæorum damnatione_) not only reduced
to perpetual slavery all the baptised Jews--and Spain had long suffered
no other--who relapsed, or who conspired against the state, but ordered
that, at seven years of age, their children should be taken from them,
and educated under the direction of approved Christians.[16] In 698
this king associated with him his son Witiza, and caused that prince to
be recognised as his successor. Witiza, to whom Galicia was confided,
established his court at Tuy; and thenceforth, to the death of Ergica,
the coins of the kingdom bore two royal heads, with the motto _Concordia
Regni_. The father died at Toledo in 702, leaving behind him a doubtful
reputation.[17]

WITIZA (702-709 A.D.)

Of Witiza we know little that is certain, but much that is apocryphal.
Over his character, his actions, and even his death, there rests a
cloud of uncertainty which will probably never be removed. It is,
however, agreed that in the beginning of his reign he evinced many great
qualities; that he redressed many grievances inflicted by his father;
that he restored their possessions and liberty to many who had been
unjustly deprived of both; and that he remitted the heavy arrears of
taxes due at his accession--nay, that, to prevent the possibility of
their being collected, he caused the books in which the names of the
defaulters were contained to be publicly burned. On the other hand,
we are told that he was addicted to the greatest luxury; that he took
many concubines, with whom he lived openly, in defiance of church
remonstrances; that in the indulgence of his brutal appetite he spared
neither the high nor the low, neither wife nor maiden; and that, to
stifle complaint, he published an edict by which he allowed all his
subjects, ecclesiastics no less than laymen, as many concubines as they
could obtain.

All this, however startling and improbable, may possibly be true.
Though not a word of it is to be found in the continuator of Joannis
Biclarensis,[ff] nor in the contemporary historian Isidorus Pacensis,[z]
the brevity of those writers, who do no more than chronicle, in the most
meagre terms, a few of the more striking facts, may perhaps account
for the omission. The vices too of Witiza are mentioned by the monk of
Moissiac,[hh] who wrote about one hundred years after the destruction of
Spain, and are alluded to by Sebastian of Salamanca,[v] who finished his
chronicle towards the close of the ninth century.[g]

The history of Witiza’s reputation is a model of the gentle art of
blackening a character, especially in the interests of a religious cause,
which can command the progressive aid of generations. Paquis[gg] tells
the story briefly, noting that “the further the historians are from
the time of Witiza, the more detailed become their recitals, and the
more severe their reprobation.” A century after his death the foreign
and anonymous writer of the _Chronicle of Moissiac_[hh] says that he
was addicted to extreme luxury. Nearly a century more, and the Spanish
Sebastian of Salamanca[v] broke out more strongly: “Witiza plunged into
odious debauches, lived in a cloud of women and concubines, and finally
to escape the censures of the priests dissolved the assemblies of the
bishops and braved the canons of the church; he even ordered the bishops
and priests to marry. His impieties caused the ruin of the Goths.”

Another chronicler[w] of the same time omits mention of the orgies and
the attack on the church, but accuses Witiza of killing the father of
the great Pelayo and of pursuing the famous hero himself. Two centuries
more, and the monk of Silos[ii] adds that Witiza put out the eyes of
a prince of whom he was jealous. Yet again two centuries, and Lucas
Tudensis[jj] discovers that, in addition to previously recorded crimes,
Witiza, fearing rebellion, disarmed every subject and tore down the walls
of every city but three; and that he chased from Toledo the bishop Julian
to place there his own son Oppas, besides mutilating the son of King
Cindasuinto. In fact, there was no Bishop Julian at that time; Oppas was
not Witiza’s son; and the son of Cindasuinto, of whom Witiza was said
to be jealous, must have been over eighty years old at the time, even
imagining him to have been the son.

About this time Roderic Ximenes,[kk] finding the old chronicles praising
Witiza as virtuous and the later condemning him as vicious, combined the
two by representing Witiza’s character as undergoing sudden degeneration
from its high beginnings. This patchwork mantle was long worn by Witiza
in the later histories of Morales,[u] Mariana,[q] Ferreras,[aa] and
Aschbach.[ll] More recent authorities have, however, inclined to discard
the evil side of Witiza’s reputation as a mere fiction of later writers
who hated him because he spared the Jews and resisted the church in some
things.

As a picturesque example of how closely allied to fiction is the
development of supposed history, the story of Witiza is of value. There
is much uncertainty as to his end. There seems to have been a rebellion,
and the power seems to have been divided with Roderic, who was called the
son of King Cindasuinto, but was more probably a descendant. The story
was told that Roderic finally, with the aid of Greek allies, captured
Witiza and put out his eyes; but of this the contemporary Isidorus
Pacensis[z] says no word. We can only be sure that Roderic reigned
supreme in 709. So fabulous is the fame of this Roderic, “the last of
the Goths,” that some historians have been tempted to deny that he ever
existed at all. Dahn[mm] calls him an historical phantom; and even less
credence is given to the famous romance of the lovely Florinda, to whose
virtues he showed no mercy, and whose father in revenge called in the
Arabs from Africa to the rich conquest lying at their very feet. This
romance, though so little credible, is so closely allied with the Moslem
conquest of Spain, that it may well be briefly told, especially as there
is nothing impossible or improbable in the main incidents, once the story
is rid of its miraculous fairy-story accretions, such as the enchanted
tower of Hercules, where Roderic found inscriptions prophesying the
coming Arab storm.[a]

THE FABLE OF RODERIC AND FLORINDA (709-711 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [709-711 A.D.]]

Among the ladies of King Roderic’s court, say the later chronicles of
Spain, there was one of uncommon beauty, named Florinda or La Cava,
the daughter or wife of one Doyllar or Don Illan, or Don Julian. She
had the misfortune to please the king; but as her virtue was equal to
her loveliness, she indignantly rejected his overtures. But kings, and
least of all Gothic kings, were not to be repulsed with impunity; and
Roderic accomplished by force what he could not do by persuasion. The
lady dissimulated her deadly hatred until she had an opportunity of
communicating her dishonour to her father, then absent against the Moors.

All on fire at the indignity done his child and house, the count resolved
on a revenge with which the whole earth should ring. He entered into a
compact with the misbelievers, engaging to put them in possession of
the whole country, if they would wash away his dishonour in the blood
of the foul ravisher. He wrapped his purpose in great secrecy until
he had rescued his daughter from the clutches of the king: he himself
fetched her from the court of Toledo, and behaved to Roderic with so
much courtesy that no one could suspect he knew of his wrong, much less
that he was about so fatally to avenge it. On his return to Ceuta, the
seat of his government, he found the Moors prepared for the expedition:
he openly joined them, accompanied the infidel general to Gibraltar, and
thus commenced the famous struggle which was to end in the subjugation of
a great nation.

The whole story of Florinda is evidently a romance--probably of Arabic
invention--similar to the many thousand others which formed the amusement
of the people in the Middle Ages. It is first mentioned by the monk
of Silos,[ii] who wrote about four hundred years after the Mohammedan
invasion. No doubt, however, can be entertained that Count Julian was
among the most influential and active of the conspirators who called the
Arabs into Spain.

The chivalric _Romance of Don Roderic_[nn]--about as good an authority
as the monk of Silos on such a subject--gives us a minute account of the
amour, its progress, and termination. From the whole conversation, as
given by this anonymous novelist, Roderic might be justified in believing
that the scruples of La Cava were not insuperable[18]--that, in fact,
she was willing in heart, but coy through maiden bashfulness. Even at
last, when she might have so easily alarmed the palace, she was silent
through fear of her cries reaching the ears of the queen. Count Julian’s
daughter is made a model of virtue by Southey, and Roderic himself is
represented as scarcely inferior.

VISIGOTHIC CIVILISATION

[Sidenote: [415-711 A.D.]]

The government of the Visigoths was, in appearance, an absolute
monarchy; yet the power of the chief was so restrained in its exercise
by the controlling influence of the prelates, that it might, with equal
propriety, be termed a theocracy. In the infancy of their office, the
Gothic kings were no less controlled by their nobles; they were, in
fact, but _primi inter pares_; they had no royal descent, no hereditary
honours, nor, indeed, much transmitted wealth, with which to captivate
or influence their rude companions. Every fierce chieftain considered
himself as good as his king, and might become one himself. His titles
were high-sounding: “Your Glory” was the most usual; though the epithets
of Pious, Conquering, etc., were often added. Recared was the first of
the Visigothic kings distinguished by the name of Flavius. Whether he
assumed it after the imperial family of that name, or from its reputed
Gothic signification, is unknown; but it continued to adorn the titles of
his successors. His father was also the first who surrounded the throne
with regal state, and whose effigy bore the impress of a crowned head.
The successors of that monarch improved on his magnificence: robes of
purple, thrones of silver, sceptres and crowns of gold, distinguished
them still more from the time of Cindasuinto.

Soon after the establishment of the Visigothic monarchy at Toledo, the
power of the crown seems to have been bounded by two restrictions only:
(1) The king could not condemn without legal trial, but he had power to
soften the rigour of severe justice or entirely absolve the delinquents
brought before his tribunals; (2) the second restriction related to the
decrees of king, which were received as binding during his life; but
which had no force in perpetuity, unless sanctioned at the same time by
the signatures of the bishops and barons in council assembled. In other
respects he was unshackled. He could make war or peace at pleasure; he
could issue proclamations which had the force of law, subject to the
restriction just mentioned; he commanded in the field, and presided in
the court of justice. The jurisdiction of the king was not confined to
affairs purely temporal. He could issue general regulations relating to
the maintenance of discipline, or the interests of religion. He could
preside in tribunals of appeal, even in affairs purely ecclesiastical.
The king nominated to all vacant bishoprics, and even translated from
one see to another; but this prerogative was very gradually acquired.
The fourth and last ecclesiastical prerogative of the king was that of
convoking national councils, and of confirming them by his authority. He
was thus, in the widest sense, in a degree unknown among other Catholic
nations, the protector of the church. In consequence, the bishops became
courtiers, and generally submissive to the royal will; and even the
fathers of the Toledan councils were swayed by fear, or by the hope of
gaining favour.

In other respects the king was invested by the laws with much outward
reverence. Whoever conspired against his life was punished with death;
or if the capital penalty was remitted, the delinquent was blinded,
shaven, and doomed to perpetual confinement. He who even affronted the
king was, if rich, mulcted in half his possessions; if poor, he remained
at the monarch’s disposal. Whoever defamed the character of a dead king,
was punished with fifty stripes. Yet, with all this studied respect, no
monarchs were ever so unfortunate as those of the Visigoths--none whose
empire, liberty, or even life, was so insecure. From Atawulf to Roderic,
the greater number were assassinated or deposed.

We cannot fail to be struck with the national pride of the Goths: they
alone were styled _nobiles_, while the rest of the community were
_viliores_. Under the latter humiliating term were included not merely
_servi_ and _liberti_, or slaves or freedmen, but even the _ingenui_,
or free-born, whatever might be their wealth or consideration; and, to
preserve the privileged caste uncontaminated, marriages were rigorously
forbidden between the victors and the vanquished, until Recesuinto
abolished the prohibition. Not only was the slave who presumed to marry a
free woman put to death, but the free woman, who either married or sinned
with a slave, was burned at the stake with him. Again, the relative
importance of the three classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, was
carefully graduated by the laws. For the same crime a greater punishment
was awarded to the second than the first, and to the third than the
second. If from the civil we pass to the military state of the country,
we shall find that the Goths were one vast nation of soldiers, the words
soldier and man being considered almost as synonymous. The obligation
of service was imperative on all freemen; nor were the sons of the king
admitted to his table until they had made their essay in arms. Slaves
were also admitted to join the levies, since every owner was required
to take with him to the field one-tenth of the number he possessed. All
Goths capable of bearing arms, whether lay or clerical, were subject to
military duty; and heavy were the penalties with which he was visited who
absented or hid himself to escape the conscription.

Matrimony, the last of the sacraments mentioned in the Visigothic canons,
was considered of unrivalled importance among a people so tenacious
of their privileges, and so jealous of the purity of their blood. As
before observed, marriages between the victors and the vanquished were
rigorously prohibited, until Recesuinto repealed the obnoxious law. The
damsel could not give her hand to anyone, unless he were not merely
approved, but selected for her, by her parents; or, if an orphan, by her
natural guardians; and, if she married contrary to their wishes, she
not only forfeited all right to her share of her future prosperity, but
both she and her husband became slaves--the slaves of the man for whom
her relatives had intended her. The dowry was given by the bridegroom,
not by the guardians of the bride, and was carefully preserved by them.
The impediments to matrimony were numerous. (1) The male was always to
have the advantage of years over the female. (2) He or she who had been
betrothed to anyone could not marry another before the expiration of two
years; if this prohibition was disregarded, slavery was the doom of both.
(3) He who forced a woman could not marry her. (4) If a Christian married
a Hebrew, both were banished to different places. (5) The monastic
orders, public or devotional penitents, virgins veiled and vowed, were
naturally excluded from this sacrament; so also were kindred to the sixth
degree.

A married couple could at any time separate by mutual agreement; but
they could not return to each other, much less remarry. It was only in
case of adultery, or when the husband committed the most abominable of
sins, or when he wished his wife to commit adultery, that the _vinculum
matrimonii_ was declared forever dissolved, and she was at liberty to
marry another man. Adultery was reputed so enormous a crime among the
Visigoths, that the person who committed it became the slave of the
injured partner. If a husband caught his wife _in flagrante delicto_,
he could, with perfect impunity, destroy both her and her paramour--a
permission of which a modern Spaniard would not be slow to avail himself.
When the actual guilt was not witnessed, every means, not excepting
tortures, were used to arrive at its knowledge.

HARDSHIPS OF THE JEWS

Under the Goths, Spain was no more exempt from heresies than she had
been under the Romans. The first is that of Nestorius, respecting the
mysterious union of the divine and human natures in Christ; but it
was speedily repressed. The Manichæans and Priscillianists were not
more successful; both Arians and Catholics united in banishing them:
extirpation was reserved for later times. After the accession of Recared,
when the Catholic religion became the only one in Spain, severe penalties
were decreed against all who presumed to differ from the established
faith. In the reign of Chintella, and in a council held at Toledo (the
sixth), a decree was made that thenceforth none but Catholics should be
allowed to remain in the country; and all succeeding kings were to swear
that the Jews, the only misbelievers remaining, should not be tolerated.

By a subsequent law this odious intolerance was more clearly and fatally
defined. Under the penalty of confiscation of property and perpetual
banishment, it prohibited all men, of whatever condition, whether
natives or resident foreigners, ever to call in question, either in
public or private, the holy Catholic and apostolic faith, the evangelic
institutions, the definitions of the fathers, the decrees of the church,
whether ancient or recent, the sacraments, or anything whatever which
that church held as holy. After these decrees the poor Jews could
expect little mercy; they had never, indeed, enjoyed much security
since the Roman domination. Sisibut, Sisenando, Chintella, Cindasuinto,
Recesuinto, Wamba, and Ervigius were the most eager rivals in the race
of persecution. They decreed that the Jews should be baptised; that such
as were baptised should not be allowed to have Christian servants; that
they should observe Easter Sunday according to the Christian rite; that
they should respect the matrimonial impediments already noticed; that
they should eat whatever Christians ate, however solemnly forbidden in
their own law; that they should neither read nor receive into their
houses any book contrary to the Christian religion; that they should
not be admissible to any civil offices; that their evidence should not
be received in a court of justice, unless ample testimony were borne
to their moral habits; that when travelling they should make their
confession of faith, and exhibit an episcopal passport at every town they
entered; that they should spend every Sunday in company with Christians,
who should then witness their devotions; and that they should always be
present whenever the catechism was repeated or expounded.

But as, in spite of all these tyrannical measures, the sincerity, if
not the conduct of the forced converts, was naturally suspicious, two
successive confessions of faith, expressed in the most awful terms, were
framed for them. In these confessions they were compelled to swear, in
the most solemn and public manner, by the great Incommunicable Name and
Attributes, that they utterly abhorred, and from their souls forever
renounced, all the rites, ceremonies, customs, and solemnities they had
previously respected and observed; that they would thenceforward live
in the most holy faith of Christ, their Creator and Redeemer; that they
would observe all the rites of God’s church, and shun even the most
distant form of intercourse with Jews. This oppressed nation was, in the
sequel, righteously revenged. Who can blame the readiness with which they
received the Mohammedans, and the zeal with which they endeavoured to
overthrow the most accursed government that ever existed in Europe.[g]

BURKE’S ESTIMATE OF GOTHIC RULE

Spain, with its fertile soil, its varied climate, its noble rivers, its
extensive seaboard, its inexhaustible mines, and its hardy and frugal
population, was the richest inheritance of the Gothic race. Yet, after
three centuries of undisputed enjoyment, their rule was overthrown at
once and forever by a handful of marauders from Africa. The Goth had
neglected all his opportunities, despised all his advantages, heeded no
warnings. He had been weighed in the balance and found wanting; and his
kingdom was taken from him--for he had shown himself unfit for power.

Of all the various systems of government that have been attempted on this
earth, theocracy, or more properly hierocracy, is undoubtedly one of the
very worst. And in all circumstances and conditions where the priest and
the confessor usurp the authority that properly belongs to the magistrate
and to the man, disaster is the inevitable result. From the death of
Recared to the death of Roderic, the government of Spain was a theocracy,
tempered by revolution. At the opening of the eighth century, Spain had
no industry, no commerce, no arms. Not even letters had survived. For the
Catholic church discouraged, if it did not actually prohibit, the study
of polite literature. Virgil and Homer, Tacitus and Livy, were pagans
and atheists, and their works were unprofitable and impious. The study
of natural science or of medicine, the development of manufactures or of
industry, the cultivation of the arts--these were equally unedifying to
the devout Catholic. That sublime manifestation of “poetry in stone,” so
strangely called Gothic architecture, is not only not Visigothic, but it
was unknown in Spain for over four hundred years after the destruction
of the Goths. And although the great province is still covered with the
glorious remains of Roman constructive art, there is scarcely found trace
or fragment of the rude architecture of the Visigoths to tell of their
dominion in the peninsula.

When Atawulf first crossed the Pyrenees at the head of the Visigoths,
Latin was already the language of the Roman diocese. When Roderic
threw away his crown on the banks of the Guadalete, Latin was still
the language of the Visigothic kingdom. The Goth had been absorbed by
the Roman. But a nation without a national language is doomed; a state
without a state language is dead. Latin was the mother-tongue of the
Romish church of Spain; but the Visigothic state was speechless. The
kingdom, like Wamba, had been shorn and habited by the ecclesiastical
power, and the kingdom, like the king, disappeared at the touch of the
aggressor.[j]

FOOTNOTES

[1] Aristotle shows more credulity than philosophy when he makes the
Phœnicians acquire at Tarifa (then Tartessus) a quantity of silver so
prodigious that the ships could not carry it; and says that their anchors
and commonest implements were of the same metal. The exaggeration only
proves, perhaps, the abundance of silver in the country.

[2] Polybius[e] says that he was murdered one night in his tent by a
certain Gaul, in revenge of some private injury. The variation in the
account is exceedingly slight.

[3] For an interesting account of this siege, the reader is referred to
Livy.[f] It is improbable, however, that the destruction was so universal
as is affirmed. Polybius[g] says it was stormed and plundered; but he
makes no mention of the conflagration or the self-immolation.

[4] [“_Matres quoque necatis vel actis per se natorum suorum sint pastæ
corporibus_,” according to old Idatius,[i] but this statement always
accompanies stories of famine.]

[5] [The etymology of this name has been disputed, some claiming with
Casiri[k] and Gibbon[l] that it comes from the Arabic Hondalusia, “the
region of the West”; but Condé,[m] Hume,[d] Burke[j] and the general
majority prefer the Vandalusian theory.]

[6] Of course the death of Gunderic was the work of the offended saint.
He was struck dead on the threshold, says one account; he died after
securing the plunder, says another. Both agree that he was carried
away by the devil. Idatius[i] says: “_Gundericus Rex Vandalorum,
capta Hispali, cum impie elatus manus in ecclesiam civitatis ipsius
extendisset, mox Dei judicio dæmone correptus, interiit._”

[7] Jordanes[y] extends the reign of Torismond to more than three years;
the authority of the bishop Idatius[i], who was a contemporary, is to be
preferred. From the same prelate the death of the king appears not to
have been wholly unprovoked: he had probably meditated as much towards
his brothers, who seem to have acted from self-defence. “_Thorismo
rex Gothorum spirans hostilia in Theodorico et Frederico patribus
jugulatur_,” are the meagre words of Idiatus. Of this catastrophe
Jordanes[y] gives a different account.

[8] [This has been called a “fifth century crusade” and “the first
religious war of Europe.”]

[9] [The single combat between Alaric and Clovis, the miraculous fall of
the walls of Angoulême, and other circumstances related by Gregory of
Tours[n] render his authority in these wars of little weight in any case,
unless supported by other testimony, as that of Procopius[o] and St.
Isidore.[p] Burke[j] calls this battle “the foundation of the Frankish
Kingdom of France and the origin of the Gothic Kingdom of Spain.”]

[10] See Mariana[q] and above all, Masdeu,[r] who base their defence on
the praises bestowed on the princess by her contemporaries, as Gregory
of Tours,[n] and on the silence of contemporary writers as to the crimes
reported to have been committed by her. Both charity and chivalry would
induce us to take part with the Spanish historians in favour of a lady,
did they not attempt to conceal her real frailties (of crimes she was
probably guiltless), and raise a weak, in some respects an imprudent
woman into a saint. That she was undeserving the severe censures of
Baronius[x] is more than probable; but we must agree with Montesquieu[f]
that the queen, daughter, sister, and mother of so many kings would
never have been permitted to sustain the torments she did, had she not
forfeited, in some way or other, the favour of a whole nation.

[11] Ermenigild was not canonised until the pontificate of Sixtus V,
towards the close of the sixteenth century. One of his bones is preserved
as a holy relic in the church of Saragossa.

[12] Morales,[u] fell, he says, into the water at Port St. Martin,
enveloped in his cloak. As he could not swim, he called on God and “his
glorious saint” for his soul’s salvation, being hopeless of bodily
safety. He had sunk twice, when a sailor from an adjoining vessel
stretched out a pole on which he laid hold, and was thereby extricated
from death. On measuring the pole afterwards, he found it so short that
it could not reach the water! No doubt the saint had lengthened it, and
when its service was done, permitted it to regain its natural dimension.
He assures us that he could enumerate many mercies vouchsafed to him
“through the intercession of this holy prince.” In honour of his patron
this author has a poem in Latin hexameters, equal in extent to a book of
the _Æneid_.

[13] [Yet Burke[j] says, “If Recared is called the first of the
Catholics, Leuvigild may fairly be styled the last of the Visigoths in
Spain.”]

[14] [Among modern historians few feel any doubt of the guilt of Ervigius
or Erwig. Among those who believe he administered the sleeping draught
may be named Mariana,[q] Ferreras,[aa] Hume,[d] and Burke.[j] But the
caution expressed above by Dunham[g] and by Masdeu[r] should modify the
certainty of opinion.]

[15] [Dunham[g] says the “brother,” but he is generally called the
nephew.]

[16] [The unending torments the Jews endured in Spain are described in
detail in the work of Amador de los Ríos.[bb]]

[17] [Some writers, among whom are the respectable names of Flórez[cc]
and Cardinal Lorenzana,[dd] fix the death of Ergica in 700. Mariana[q]
and Masdeu,[r] with better reason, give 701. The difference wholly rests
on the Interpretation of the Roman numerals in the Visigothic chronicle
of Wulsa,[ee] No. 34.]

[18] [Burke[j] notes that in Arabic La Caba or La Cava would suggest a
woman of evil life.]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER II. THE TIME OF MOSLEM DOMINATION

[Sidenote: [711-1214 A.D.]]

“They come! they come! I see the groaning land
White with the turbans of each Arab horde:
Swart Zara joins her misbelieving band,
Allah and Mahomet their battle word,
The choice they yield, the _Koran_ or the sword.
See how the Christians rush to arms amain!
In yonder shout the voice of conflict roar’d;
The shadowy hosts are closing on the plain.
Now God and Saint Jago strike for the good cause of Spain!

“By heaven, the Moors prevail! the Christians yield!
Their coward leader gives for flight the sign!
Their sceptred craven mounts to quit the field--
‘Is not yon steed Orelia?’--‘Yes, ’tis mine!
But never was she turn’d from battle line.’
Lo! where the recreant spurs o’er stock and stone!--
‘Curses pursue the slave, and wrath divine!
Rivers engulf him!’--‘Hush!’ in shuddering tone
The prelate said; ‘Rash prince, yon vision’d form’s thine own.’

“Just then a torrent cross’d the flier’s course;
The dangerous ford the kingly likeness tried,
But the deep eddies whelm’d both man and horse,
Swept like benighted peasant down the tide.”

--SCOTT, _The Vision of Don Roderic_.

The young Arab power was at the door of Spain before the degenerate
Goths were half awake to their danger. They had hardly shaken off their
slumbers before they were prisoners or fugitives from the house they had
ruled for almost exactly three centuries. Roderic and his sixty thousand
men fought madly for three days at Xeres near the junction of the
Guadalete and Guadalquivir, but when the brave king himself lost courage
and fled--if indeed he fled--the whole race took panic with him. The end
of Roderic is lost in a tangle of fable and tradition. Scott has embalmed
the legend as quoted above, and Southey in his poem, _The Last of the
Goths_, has built him a splendid mausoleum; but all that history can say
is that his crown and sceptre were found on the bank of the stream and
that his kingdom was as completely disembodied as its empty emblems. And
now, as Hume[b] says, “The purely Gothic element in Spain was withered up
as if by fire.”

[Sidenote: [711-755 A.D.]]

The story of the Moslem conquest has been already told in the fifth
chapter of the history of the Arabs, in the eighth volume of this
work. To that the reader is referred for the details of the invasion.
The original Spanish people who had been regarded by the Goths as an
inferior race unworthy of marriage, though the restriction was withdrawn
shortly before the Moslems came, and the Jews, treated by the Goths
as a cursed pest whom it was a virtue to torment--both welcomed the
new-comers. They were rewarded with a gentleness of tolerance and a
growth of intellectuality and commerce that lead one to question if the
Arab domination of Europe would have been indeed the horror it is usually
imagined; and if the repulse Charles Martel gave the Saracens at Tours in
732 were really the benefit to civilisation that we are wont to imagine
it.

[Illustration: A MOHAMMEDAN CHIEF]

The chapter on Arab civilisation in the eighth volume argues that the
Arabians gave to Spain a glory and a culture of the most brilliant type,
extending from the restoration of Greek letters to the awakening of
modern science and commerce of the most splendid sort. When at length
they were cast out of Spain, the reaction against them was itself
the effort of an intolerant, tyrannous, and blood-thirsty religious
system, which even in its triumph at the time of Ferdinand and Isabella
distinguished itself by the greatest blot on human civilisation, the
Inquisition, and by cruelties that spread zealously round the world
to the enslavement and torture, often the annihilation of remote and
innocent races.

It would be so easy to adduce evidence that the Christian powers have
done more harm to civilisation than the Moslem, that perhaps it would be
wiser to omit bigoted self-gratulations on the failure of Arab ambitions
in Europe, and be content with an impartial and non-dogmatic recital of
a conflict in which Europeans and Africans fought with a common greed
of power and masked primeval instincts under the names of religion and
patriotism. The aims of both were checked as much by internal dissensions
and treacheries as by any united opposition, and in neither Christian
nor Arab politics is there much food for pride in humanity. Leaving the
reader to find in the previously mentioned history of the Arabs the
account of Moslem rule, misrule, and feud in the regions they conquered,
we may turn to the equally sordid and selfish, and at times equally lofty
and heroic story of the Christians, who found refuge in rocky fastnesses
and there grew slowly and painfully to a new life and a large hope.

They had much to complain of from Arab cruelty to those who would not
accept the alternatives of “_Koran_ or tribute,” but war was especially
brutal in the Middle Age, and the Christians did not fail to revenge
their maltreated women and children on the non-combatants of the
other side. The pity one instinctively feels at the sufferings of the
Christians is somewhat stifled on realising that the same sufferings
had been or would speedily be visited on the Mohammedans or on other
Christians at the first opportunity. The examples of clemency which
are now the commonplaces, the demands of warfare, were at that time so
rare and amazing that they might almost be said to be always due to the
eccentricity of the conqueror. But to take up the story of the Christian
_Reconquista_:

Roderic was miscalled “the last of the Goths,” for there were two Gothic
rulers to succeed him. In the southeast Theodomir made peace with the
Arabs; reigned as a vassal; and was succeeded in 743 by the Gothic
Atanagild, whose realm was absorbed by Abd ar-Rahman in 755. In the
northwest was Pelayo, who made a great name on small capital.[a]

THE ASTURIAS AND LEON UNDER PELAYO (718 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [718 A.D.]]

The more zealous or more independent Christians, who, after the triumphs
of Tarik and Musa, were dissatisfied with the submission of Theodomir,
gradually forsook their habitations in the south to seek a more secure
asylum amidst the northern mountains of their country. They knew that in
the same hills the sacred fire of liberty had been preserved, in defiance
of Carthaginian, or Roman, or Goth; and they felt that to them was now
confided the duty of reviving its expiring embers.

At first, indeed, the number which resorted to these solitudes was
few, and actuated by the mere hope of individual safety: but as the
Mohammedan excesses became more frequent and intolerable; as neither
prompt submission, nor the solemnity of treaties could guarantee the
unhappy natives from plunder,[19] persecution, and destruction; and,
consequently, as the number of refugees increased, the possibility of a
combined defence on a larger scale, and even of laying the foundation
of an infant state, was eagerly indulged. The care of the sacred
relics, which, on the reduction of Toledo, were carefully conveyed to
these mountain fastnesses, the presence not only of prelates, but of
nobles descended from the blood of the Goths, and the necessity of
self-preservation, united these refugees in an indissoluble bond. But
they could do nothing without a head: they proceeded to elect one;
and their unanimous suffrages fell on Pelayo, said by Sebastian of
Salamanca[f] to be the son of Favila, duke of Cantabria, belonging to the
royal house of Cindasuinto.[20]

At the time this unequivocal demonstration of defiance was made by the
Christians, Al-Haur, the Mohammedan governor, was in Gaul; but one of his
generals, Al-Khaman, accompanied, as we are informed, by the renegade
archbishop Oppas, and obedient to his orders, assembled a considerable
force, and hastened into the Asturias, to crush the rising insurrection.
Arriving at the foot of the Asturian mountains without obstacle, the
Arabian general did not hesitate to plunge into the defiles: passing
along the valley of Cangas de Onis he came to the foot of Mount Auseva,
near the river Sella. On the heights of Covadonga, and in the cavern of
St. Mary, the small but resolute band of Pelayo was concealed, waiting
for the attack. Loath to run the risk of one where the advantage of
position was so much in favour of the Christians, Al-Khaman is said
to have despatched Oppas to Pelayo, representing to that prince the
inutility of resistance, and the advantage of instant submission. The
refusal of the Asturian, who well knew his position, and what stout
hearts he commanded, was followed by the ascent of the Arabs up the
steep acclivity. But to their consternation huge rocks and stones came
thundering down on their dense ranks, by which they were precipitated
into the narrow valley below. The destruction did not end here: it met
those who attempted to ascend the opposite acclivity. Thousands were
crushed beneath the vast fragments; and the rest would speedily have
shared the same fate, had they not precipitately fled by the way they had
advanced. The confusion attending this retrograde movement was turned to
good account by the Christians, who now issued from their hiding-places,
and inflicted a terrific loss on the fugitives. The extent of that loss
we should vainly attempt to estimate; but that it was great may be
learned from the very admission of the vanquished.[h]

The brilliance of Pelayo’s success naturally inspired the old chroniclers
to a belief in divine interposition, and the account of this battle by
Sebastian of Salamanca is too vivid an example of history, as it was
written by the churchmen, to be omitted.[a]

SEBASTIAN’S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF COVADONGA (718 A.D.)

And when Pelayo knew the approach of the Arabs, he betook himself to a
cave, which is called the cave of Santa Maria, and immediately posted
his army around it. And Oppas, the bishop, approaching him, thus said:
“Brother, thou art not ignorant how, when all Spain was under the rule of
the Goths, and when all her armies were joined together, she was unable
to cope with the Ismailites: how much less will be thy power to defend
thyself here in such a strait? Now listen to my advice: relinquish all
thoughts of resistance; that, being in peace with the Arabs, thou mayst
enjoy much prosperity, and preserve whatever thou didst or dost possess.”
And Pelayo replied, “I will neither have the Arabs for friends, nor
will I submit to their dominion. Thou dost not perceive that the church
of God is like unto the moon; now it decreases, and now it regains its
former magnitude. And we trust in God’s mercy that from this very hill
which thou beholdest, salvation may arise for Spain, and the Gothic army
be renewed; so that in us may be fulfilled the saying of the prophet,
‘I will visit their iniquities with a rod, and their sins with stripes;
but my pity will I not withdraw from them.’ Wherefore, though we have
undergone a righteous judgment, we yet believe that there will descend
grace from on high for the restoration of our church, our nation, and
kingdom. We fear not; we utterly despise this multitude of pagans.”

Then the wicked bishop returned to the enemy, and said: “Hasten and
fight; for by the sword only shall ye have peace with this man.”
Immediately they handle their weapons, and begin the battle: the engines
are raised, the missiles fitted to the sling; the swords shine, the
spears glitter, and the arrows are sent forth. But the weapons of the
Lord were not wanting; for as the stones were shot from the slings and
engines, and reached the temple of Holy Mary, ever a virgin, they were
miraculously driven back on those who sent them, and killed a multitude
of the Chaldeans. And as the Lord doth not number the spears, but giveth
the victory to whom he pleaseth, so when the faithful left the cave to
join in the battle, the Chaldeans forthwith fled, being divided into
two bodies. And Bishop Oppas was soon taken, and Al-Khaman slain; in
the same place were also slain 124,000 of the Chaldeans. Sixty-three
thousand who remained alive ascended the top of Mount Auseva, and hastily
descended by a precipice, which is usually called Amosa, to the territory
of the Liebanians. But neither did these escape the Lord’s vengeance;
for when they reached the banks of the Deva, near a heritage called
Casegadia, that part of the hill which overhung the river suddenly gave
way,--manifestly through God’s judgment,--forced the sixty-three thousand
Chaldeans into the river, and covered them all. So that, even at this
day, when the channel is swollen by the winter torrents, and the banks
are overflown, vestiges of arms and human bones are clearly to be seen.
Do not esteem this a vain or false miracle, but remember that He who thus
covered the Arabs, the persecutors of God’s church, with such a vast
mountain heap, is the same who plunged the Egyptians into the Red Sea
while pursuing Israel.[f]

Sebastian further adds that 375,000 Moors took refuge in France from the
divine vengeance. His generosity with his numerals equals his liberality
with miracles, but is more confusing. The result of the battle, however,
was most definite. Al-Khaman and his colleague Suleiman were both
killed.[a]

[Sidenote: [718-739 A.D.]]

Oppas, too, is said to have been taken prisoner, and justly put to
death for his treachery. This was splendid success; but it was almost
equalled by the defeat of Manuza. This chief, who was then governor of a
northern city, hearing of the disastrous defeat of his countrymen, and
apprehensive that the enemy would soon be upon him, ordered his troops
to retreat; but he was overtaken, defeated, and slain by the Asturian
hero. These memorable events fixed the destiny of the infant kingdom;
they were the first of a succession of triumphs which, though sometimes
tardy, and often neutralised by accident, ended in the final expulsion
of the invaders from the peninsula. The Asturias were now left in the
undisturbed possession of the Christians, nor were the Mohammedans for
some years in any disposition to assail their formidable neighbours.

The remainder of Pelayo’s reign is unknown: it was probably passed in
peace. He died in 737, and was buried in the church of St. Eulalia, at
Cangas de Onis. Of Favila, the son and successor of Pelayo, nothing is
known beyond his brief reign and tragical death. In 739, he was killed
by a boar while hunting near the church of the Holy Cross, which he had
founded.

ALFONSO THE CATHOLIC (739-757 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [739-757 A.D.]]

Alfonso I, surnamed the Catholic, a son-in-law of Pelayo, descended,
we are told, from Leuvigild, was the next prince on whom the suffrages
of the Asturians fell: not that Favila left no children; but they were
doubtless of tender age, and therefore unfitted for bearing so heavy a
burden as the duties of monarchy in times so critical.[21] Besides, among
these rude mountaineers, hereditary right seems to have been as much
unknown as among their Gothic fathers; the crown, however, was always
confined to the same family, and the election was generally sure to fall
on the next prince in succession, provided he was not disqualified for
the dignity either by age, or impotence of body or of mind.

Though no record remains of Alfonso’s battles with the Arabs, it is
certain that he must have been victor in several; for he made ample
additions to his territories. Lugo, Orense, and Tuy, in Galicia; Braga,
Oporto, Viseu, and Chaves, in Lusitania; Leon, Astorga, Simancas, Zamora,
Salamanca, and Ledesma, in the kingdom of Leon; Avila, Sepulveda,
Segovia, Osma, Corunna del Condé, Lara, and Saldaña, in Castile--these,
and many other places of less note, were reduced by him. It appears,
however, that he acted with cruelty towards the Mohammedan inhabitants,
whom he exterminated to make room for his Christian colonists.[22]
Biscay, too, and Navarre, obeyed Alfonso; so that his kingdom extended
from the western shores of Galicia into Aragon, and from the Cantabrian
Sea to the southern boundary of the Tierra de Campos; that is, over about
one-fourth of all Spain. To account for the rapidity and extent of these
conquests--conquests, however, which for the most part were frequently
lost and regained in succeeding wars,--the reader has only to remember
the civil dissensions of Mohammedan Spain some years prior to the
accession of the caliph Abd ar-Rahman.

But Alfonso was not merely a conqueror: the colonies which he
established, the towns which he founded or restored, the churches which
he built or repaired, are justly adduced as signal monuments of his
patriotism and religious zeal. Hence the appellation of “Catholic”--an
appellation which continues at the present day. His end happened in
757.[h]

In the chronicle of Alfonso the reign of the first Alfonso is treated
with great reverence and his death thus described:

“In the nineteenth year of the reign of Alfonso the Catholic, of the era
791, of the Incarnation of our Lord 753, of the empire of Constantine 15,
and of the Alarabes since Muhammed was their king, 132, it befel that
King Alfonso, having populated such places as he saw he could maintain,
and laboured ever to serve God as far as in him lay, and to maintain
his kingdom in peace and justice, fell sick and died, and rendered his
soul to God, and at the hour of his death voices were heard in the air
singing, ‘The righteous perisheth and no man layeth it to heart, and
merciful men are taken away, none considering that the righteous is taken
away from the evil to come. He shall enter into peace.’[23] And King
Alfonso was buried with great pomp in the town of Cangas with his wife
Doña Hermesinda, in the church of Santa Maria of that town.”[k]

ALFONSO THE CHASTE AND BERNARDO DEL CARPIO

[Sidenote: [757-866 A.D.]]

Fruela I (757-768) Alfonso’s son, made Oviedo his capital. To strengthen
his position, endangered by the civil distractions of his reign, he
obtained his recognition as king of the Asturias and Oviedo from the
caliph of Cordova in exchange for an annual tribute. He was very pious,
but killed his own brother, and his difficulties were ended only by his
assassination. Four usurpers, Aurelio, Silo, Mauregato, and Bermudo I.
followed one another on his throne and continued to pay the tribute to
Cordova, coupled, the legend says, with the yearly present of one hundred
virgins. Alfonso II, called the Chaste, is credited with putting an end
to this humiliating relation to Cordova. He was the son of Fruela I and
began his reign in 791 by vigorously repulsing a Moorish invasion. He
added to the kingdom on the southern frontier, but his relations with
Charlemagne constitute the chief interest of his reign. He is said
to have offered to make the Frankish monarch his heir, in return for
the latter’s assistance against the Moors, and Louis le Débonnaire,
Charlemagne’s son, twice led an army into Spain, which conquered the
“Spanish Mark.” But Alfonso’s promise to Charlemagne was disapproved by
the nobles; whereupon (so the Spanish writers affirm), a quarrel ensued
between the Franks and the Spaniards of Oviedo. With this quarrel they
connect the great battle of Roncesvalles, where Charlemagne’s forces
under his nephew Roland were defeated and Roland was slain. But this
battle is assigned by Arab writers to 778 A.D., thirteen years before the
accession of Alfonso.[a]

Of the legendary slaughter, of the heroism of Roland, of the valour of
Bernardo del Carpio, of the hundred and one stories which have been
embroidered upon the simple happening of this mountain ambuscade, no
account can be given here; but at least one important fact comes out of
the legend, namely, that Spaniards of all sorts and races, though divided
enough to be constantly fighting among themselves, had now, for the first
time in their history, the early promptings of the nationality of soil,
as apart from that of faith or tribal connection, sufficiently strong
to permit of a coalition against a foreigner as such. This feeling was
again demonstrated a few years later (797), when Alfonso II, encouraged
by his successful raids against the Moors in the south, bethought him to
beg the aid of Charlemagne to establish himself in his new conquest, even
as tributary of the Frankish emperor. But this the Spanish-Gothic nobles
would not endure, and incontinently locked up their king in a monastery
until he promised that no foreigner should ever be allowed to interfere
in struggles on the soil of Spain.[b]

Alfonso the Chaste was succeeded in 842 by Ramiro I, son of King Bermudo.
His election was disputed but he put down this as other rebellions. He
repelled the Norse invaders, who then ravaged the Moslem coast. His
alleged victories over the Saracens are not recorded by Arab historians.
In 850 his son Ordoño I succeeded him. He won a battle at Clavijo--the
great victory at the same place credited to his father being pure legend.
He unintentionally aided the Moslems by defeating the Arab rebel Musa,
but also drove off the hungry Norse pirates and was a famous builder of
cities and castles. When he died in 866 he left the whole region from
Salamanca to the Bay of Biscay to his eldest son.

Alfonso III, who was then only eighteen and was driven from the throne
for a time, showed his native vigour by re-establishing himself against
his enemies, though his pacificatory schemes to end the rebellions of
Navarre ended in the eventual loss of that realm to Spain.[a]

ALFONSO THE GREAT

[Sidenote: [866-914 A.D.]]

But Alfonso’s victories over the Mohammedans almost atoned for his
imprudent policy with regard to Navarre--if, indeed, that policy was
not the compulsory result of circumstances. He removed the boundary
of his dominions from the Douro to the Guadiana, and the territories
thus acquired were possessed by his successors above a century, until
the time of the great Almansor. From 870 to 901, his contests with the
enemy--whether with the wickedness of the kings of Cordova or their
rebellious vassals, who aimed at independence--were one continued series
of successes. His last exploit at this period was the destruction, in the
battle of Zamora, of a formidable army, led by the rebel Kalib of Toledo,
whose ally, Abul-Kassim, fell on the field.

[Illustration: MOHAMMEDAN SWORD AND SHIELD]

But this great prince, if glorious in his contests with the natural
enemy, was unable to contend with his rebellious barons, headed by his
still more rebellious son Garcia. At the prospect of a civil war, the
king no longer wished to uphold his rights. Having convoked an assembly
at Bordes, in the Asturias, in 910, he solemnly renounced the crown in
favour of Don Garcia, who passed at once from a prison to a throne.
To his second son, Ordoño, he granted the government of Galicia; and
another, Fruela, he confirmed in that of Oviedo. These concessions were,
doubtless, extorted from him--a fact that does not speak much for the
firmness of his domestic administration; he appears, like many other
princes of his country, to have been great chiefly in the field of battle.

Alfonso did not long survive his abdication. Having paid a visit to the
shrine of Santiago in Galicia, on his return to Astorga he solicited
permission and adequate forces from his son to make a final irruption
into the Mohammedan territories. Both were granted; and in laying waste
the possessions of the enemy, he had the consolation of reflecting
that he had done great service to the church, and left another signal
remembrance of his valour before his departure. He died at Zamora, at the
close of the year 910; leaving behind him the reputation of one of the
most valiant, magnanimous, and pious sovereigns that Spain ever produced.

ALFONSO’S SUCCESSORS

[Sidenote: [914-950 A.D.]]

Of Garcia, the successor of Alfonso III, little more is known than that
he transferred the seat of sovereignty from Oviedo to Leon; made a
successful irruption into the territories of the misbelievers; and died
in 914. The nobles and bishops of the kingdom--henceforth called the
kingdom of Leon--having met, according to custom, for the purpose of
nominating a successor, placed the royal crown on the head of Ordoño,
brother of the deceased Garcia. Ordoño II, under the reigns both of his
father and brother, had distinguished himself against the Mohammedans;
and he resolved that no one should say his head was weakened by a crown.
In 917 he advanced towards the Guadiana, stormed the town of Alhange,
which is above Merida, put the garrison to the sword, made the women
and children captives, and gained abundant spoil. With the wealth thus
acquired he founded the magnificent cathedral of Leon. In a subsequent
expedition he ruined Talavera, and defeated a Mohammedan army near its
walls. Indignant at these disasters, Abd ar-Rahman III assembled a
powerful army, not only from all parts of Mohammedan Spain, but from
Africa; but this immense host was also defeated, under the walls of San
Pedro de Gormaz. In a subsequent battle, however, which appears to have
been fought the same year in Galicia, victory declared for neither party.
Nearly three years afterwards (in 921), Ordoño was entirely defeated in
the battle of Val-de-Junquera, whither he had advanced to aid the king
of Navarre. He took his revenge for this disaster by an irruption into
Andalusia, which he laid waste from the Navas de Tolosa to within a day’s
journey of Cordova. Soon after his return to Leon, the king committed a
rigorous but treacherous act of justice. Four counts of Castile, whom
he suspected of disaffection, were put to death. Ordoño died in 923,
immediately after his third marriage with a princess of Navarre.

Fruela II, brother of Ordoño, was elected in preference to the children
of the deceased king. Alfonso IV, who succeeded in 925, in preference
to the sons of Fruela II, is represented as a prince more addicted to
piety than to ambition. In the sixth year of his reign, he renounced the
vanities of the world, resigned the sceptre into the hands of his brother
Ramiro, and retired into the monastery of Sahagun. The following year,
however, he forsook his cell, and, with a considerable force, hastened
to Leon to reclaim the throne. His brother compelled him to surrender,
and again consigned him to his monastery, with three princes (the sons of
Fruela II) his counsellors. In accordance with the laws of the Visigoths,
the punishment of death was commuted to all four by the loss of their
eyes. Alfonso survived his misfortune about two years and a half.

Ramiro II, who ascended the throne in 930, is chiefly distinguished for
his wars with the misbelievers. He gained a considerable advantage over
Abd ar-Rahman III at Simancas. Like most of his predecessors, Ramiro had
also to struggle with internal discord. The dependent count of Castile,
Fernan Gonsalez, and one Diego Nuñez, a count also in the same province,
for reasons with which history (however communicative romance may be)
does not acquaint us, revolted against him. The king marched against
them, seized their persons, and confined them in two separate fortresses.
His displeasure was not of long duration: he suffered the counts to
resume their offices on their taking the usual oaths of obedience; and
he even married his eldest son, Ordoño, to Urraca, daughter of Fernan
Gonsalez. To that son, on the vigil of the Epiphany, in the year 950, he
resigned the crown: his growing illness convinced him that he had not
long to live; he therefore assumed the penitential garb, and passed his
few remaining days in religious retirement.

[Sidenote: [950-967 A.D.]]

Ordoño III had scarcely ascended the throne before he was troubled
by the ambitious projects of his younger brother, Don Sancho. That
prince, wishing to share the sweets of power, modestly requested that
the government of one or two provinces might be confided to him; and
on the refusal of the king, he persuaded Garcia of Navarre and the
count of Castile to espouse his interests. That Fernan Gonsalez, the
father-in-law of the rightful sovereign, whose forfeited life had been
spared by the generosity of that sovereign’s father, should thus conspire
against Ordoño, proves the infamy of his character; neither gratitude
nor oaths had any influence over this unprincipled governor. But on
this occasion treason and perjury met with deserved failure: Sancho and
the count, at the head of the Castilians and Navarrese, in vain invaded
the territories of Leon; they found Ordoño so well prepared to receive
them that they retreated without risking a single battle. Incensed at
this conduct of his vassal, the king repudiated his wife Urraca, and
immediately married Elvira, a lady connected with the chief families of
Leon. Fernan Gonsalez was now compelled to bow the knee before him. With
equal success he triumphed over the Galicians, who rebelled. He died in
955.

Sancho I, surnamed from his corpulency the Fat, now arrived at the summit
of his ambition. But by the retributive justice of heaven he was doomed
to bear, and in a still heavier degree, the burden of anxiety which he
had laid on his brother and predecessor. Aided by the restless count of
Castile, whose daughter, the divorced Urraca, he had married, Ordoño,
son of Alfonso IV, aspired to the throne. Despairing of success by open
arms, the two rebels artfully seduced the troops of Sancho from their
allegiance, and persuaded them to join the intruder. This unexpected
event deprived the king of the means of resistance, compelled him to flee
secretly for his life, and raised Ordoño IV to a precarious dignity. The
exiled Sancho sought the aid of his maternal uncle, the king of Navarre.
But instead of an army to regain his rightful possessions, he received
the consoling admonition that he ought to submit with patience to the
dispensations of heaven; and that if he could not regain his kingdom,
he might at least rid himself of his excessive corpulency, with which
he appears to have been seriously inconvenienced. As no Christian leech
could be found skilful enough to effect the change, and as the physicians
of Cordova were renowned over all Europe, he wrote to Abd ar-Rahman III
for permission to visit that capital. It was readily granted: Sancho
was courteously received and magnificently entertained by the caliph;
by the juice of certain herbs in a short time he was effectually rid of
his cumbrous mass of flesh, and restored to his former lightness and
agility.[24]

But this was not the only advantage which Sancho derived from his
residence in the court of the caliph. He so won the favour of Abd
ar-Rahman and the Moslem chiefs that they wished to restore him. At the
head of his new allies the king returned to Leon, and was everywhere
received with open arms. The tyranny of the intruder had rendered him
obnoxious; his cowardice made him contemptible to the people. In utter
hopelessness of aid from any of his former subjects, he retired into the
Mohammedan territories, where he ended his days in misery. The restored
king did not long survive his good fortune. In an expedition against
Gonsalo Sanchez, count of Galicia, who aspired to render that government
independent of Leon, he was poisoned under the mask of hospitality by
that perfidious rebel, after a troubled reign of twelve years.

As Ramiro III was only five years of age on the death of his father,
his education fell to the care of his aunt, Doña Elvira, abbess of the
convent of San Salvador, who also appears to have been regent of the
kingdom. His minority offers little that is interesting, if we except a
predatory irruption of the Normans, in 968. As Ramiro grew in years, the
qualities which he exhibited augured anything but good to his people.
He became so odious to the nation that the counts of Castile, Leon, and
Galicia threw off their allegiance to him, and proclaimed in Compostella
Prince Bermudo, grandson of Fruela II. Ramiro immediately assembled an
army, and marched against his rival, whom he encountered near Monterroso
in Galicia, in 982. The contest, though long and bloody, was indecisive;
so that both kings, afraid of renewing it, retired to their respective
courts--Ramiro to Leon, and Bermudo to Santiago. The calamities arising
from this civil strife were increased by the hostile inroads of Almansor,
the celebrated hajib of Hisham II, who now began a career of unrivalled
military splendour, and who was destined to prove the most formidable
enemy the Christians had experienced since the time of Tarik and Musa.
Fortunately, however, for the distracted state, Ramiro did not long
survive his return to Leon: his death again consolidated the regal power.

In the reign of this prince (in 970) died the famous Fernan Gonsalez,
count of Castile, whose fruitless efforts after independence have been
already noticed. His fame arises not so much from the real as from the
romantic exploits with which the fertility of fiction has invested him.

As mention has been frequently made of the counts of Castile, and as that
government is about to form a conspicuous portion of Spanish history, the
subject may be properly introduced here.

ORIGIN OF CASTILE

[Sidenote: [760-1010 A.D.]]

Ancient Cantabria, which the writers of the eighth century usually
termed Bardulia, and which, at this period, stretched from the Biscayan
Sea to the Douro, towards the close of the same century began to be
called Castella--doubtless from the numerous forts erected for the
defence of the country by Alfonso I. As the boundaries were gradually
removed towards the south, by the victories of the Christians, the same
denomination was applied to the new as well as to the former conquests,
and the whole continued subject to the same governor, who had subordinate
governors dependent on him. Of the first governors or counts, from the
period of its conquest by that prince in 760 to the reign of Ordoño I (a
full century), not even the names are mentioned in the old chroniclers;
the first we meet with is that of Count Rodrigo, who is known to have
possessed the dignity at least six years, _viz._, from 860 to 866.

Bermudo II, who, on the death of Ramiro, in 982, was acknowledged king
of Leon, had little reason to congratulate himself on his elevation,
since his reign was one of the most disastrous in the national
annals--distracted alike by domestic rebellion and foreign invasion. The
fierce Almansor laid waste the greater part of his kingdom, entered his
very capital, and forced him to seek refuge in the heart of the Asturias.
He died in 999.

Alfonso V was only five years of age on the death of his father; and
the government was consequently entrusted to a regent. That regency
is eventful, from the defeat of Almansor in 1001--a defeat which not
only occasioned the death of that hero, but which was the forerunner
of the fall of Cordova. In the dissensions which followed among the
candidates for the throne of Hisham, the Christian princes of Spain
embraced different sides, as their interests or inclinations dictated.
In 1010, Alfonso was imprudent enough to confer the hand of his sister
on Muhammed, king of Toledo--a prince who was subsequently raised to the
throne of Cordova, but was soon deposed and put to death by Hisham. As
the king of Leon grew in years, he endeavoured to repair the disasters
which had been occasioned by the hostile inroads of the Arabs: he rebuilt
and repeopled his capital, whither the seat of government was again
transferred from Oviedo. His good intentions, however, were not a little
thwarted by the rebellion of Count Sancho Garces of Castile. In 1021, Don
Sancho died: his son, Don Garcia, a mere child, succeeded him. With Don
Garcia ended the counts of Castile--which was thenceforth to be governed
by kings, and to remain more than two centuries dissevered from Leon.
Alfonso carried his arms into Portugal, and laid siege to Viseu, then
held by the Mohammedans. He was mortally wounded by an arrow from the
ramparts.

SANCHO EL MAYOR

[Sidenote: [1010-1037 A.D.]]

Like his father, Bermudo III, though already married to the infanta of
Castile, was at a tender age on his accession. Of this circumstance
advantage was unworthily taken by Sancho el Mayor, king of Navarre,
who, not satisfied with assuming the sovereignty of Castile in right
of his queen, Doña Muña Elvira, the elder sister of the queen of Leon,
and daughter of Don Garcia, the last count of Castile, made a hostile
irruption into the states of his brother-in-law. Having passed the
Pisuerga, the western boundary of Castile, he conquered as much of Leon
as lay between that river and the Cea. Peace was, however, made on the
condition that the king of Leon should confer the hand of his sister,
Doña Sancha, on Don Ferdinand, one of King Sancho’s sons. But this peace
appears to have been subsequently broken, doubtless through the ambition
of the enterprising Navarrese; for, according to the Complutensian[p] and
Toledan[q] annals, that king in 1034 possessed Astorga, and indeed most
of the country as far as Galicia. Yet what need of conquest? As Bermudo
continued childless, the wily monarch might safely cherish the hope that
the crown of Leon would devolve on the brows of his son in right of the
infanta, his daughter-in-law.

On the death of Sancho, in 1035, his ample states were thus divided: to
Garcia he left the kingdom of Navarre, the lordship of Biscay (which had
been hitherto annexed to Castile), and a part of Rioja; to Ferdinand he
bequeathed the new kingdom of Castile, and the conquests he had made
between the Pisuerga and the Cea; to Ramiro fell the states of Aragon,
which had hitherto continued a stateship as much dependent on Navarre
as Castile on Leon; to another son, Gonsalo, he left Ribagorza, with
some forts in Aragon. This policy could not fail to be followed by fatal
results. While Ramiro made war on his brother of Navarre, Ferdinand I
was summoned to the defence of the conquests which he held beyond the
Pisuerga, and which Bermudo resolved again to incorporate with the
kingdom of Leon. Aided by some auxiliary troops under his brother Garcia,
he encountered Bermudo on the banks of the Carrion. The battle, which was
fought in 1037, was sanguinary and long-continued; until the king of Leon
impatiently spurred his horse into the midst of the hostile squadrons,
and fell mortally wounded by the thrust of a lance.

With Bermudo III ended the male line of the house of Leon. This prince
deserved a better fate than that of falling by hostile hands at the
premature age of nineteen. The zeal with which he rebuilt churches and
monasteries; the valour which he exhibited against the Mohammedans of
Portugal, from whom he took several fortresses; the firmness with which,
even at that early age, he enforced the administration of justice; and
his affability of disposition, rendered him deservedly dear to his
people.[h]

THE HISTORY OF CASTILE (1037-1109 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1037-1064 A.D.]]

After this fateful battle on the Carrion, in which Bermudo fell,
Ferdinand, who had taken Bermudo’s sister to wife, seized upon the
whole of Leon and its dependencies and united them with the rest of his
dominions to form the kingdom of Castile.

His solemn coronation at Leon ushered in a new epoch in the history of
Christian Spain. To pacify the Leonese, who were profoundly aggrieved at
the loss of their supremacy, he caused an assembly of the estates to be
held at Coyanza, and there confirmed all the civil and ecclesiastical
privileges and liberties which had come down to them from earlier times,
and added others. At the same time he augmented the defensive armaments
of his dominions, with the twofold object of repressing rebellion and
making war upon the Saracens.

His elder brother, Garcia, cast envious glances at the flourishing
neighbour country, which rose steadily to greater heights of prosperity
and power under Ferdinand’s wise governance. He was mortified that his
hereditary kingdom of Navarre should be ousted from the dominant position
it had taken under his great father. He therefore laid snares in his
brother’s way and embarrassed his dominion by perpetual intrigues till at
length a fratricidal war broke out between them. The hatred he bore his
brother led Garcia to conclude an alliance with the emir of Saragossa and
Tudela. But the battle of Atapuerca (1054), not far from Burgos, decided
the struggle in Ferdinand’s favour; Garcia was slain by a lance-thrust,
the Navarrese were routed, and most of their Moorish auxiliaries killed
or taken prisoners. Ferdinand then added the district on the right bank
of the Ebro to his own dominions, and left the rest of the kingdom to the
late king’s son, Sancho III.

Having thus tranquillised his own kingdom and assured its safety, he
endeavoured to extend it southwards by making war upon the infidels. He
destroyed the fortresses in the northern provinces of what is now the
kingdom of Portugal, crossed the Douro, and took Lamego, Viseu, and other
fortified towns, under whose walls Christian and Moslem had so often
measured their strength in days gone by. These successes inflamed the
Castilians with martial ardour and religious enthusiasm and made them
eager for fresh ventures. Having first secured the consent of his knights
and nobles in an assembly of the estates, the king conquered a chain of
fortified towns on the eastern frontier of Castile which had long served
the enemy as a _point d’appui_, and then pressed forward into the heart
of the Moorish provinces. He laid the country waste, and spread terror
as far as Andalusia. The aged ruler of Seville purchased peace with rich
gifts, among which were the relics of St. Isidore, which Ferdinand buried
with great pomp at Leon in the church he had built and dedicated to the
saint.

[Illustration: THE ALHAMBRA]

Ferdinand crowned his glorious career by the conquest of the great
fortified city of Coimbra, which for six months had offered a stubborn
resistance. The soul of the monarch overflowed with martial ardour and
religious devotion. In time of peace he was to be seen devoutly kneeling
at the altar and joining in the chants of the priests. War was likewise
a religious act in his eyes. With the sword he desired to maintain the
honour of God among the infidels and win a heavenly crown for himself.
Returning stricken with disease from one of his campaigns, the pious
king had himself carried into the church of St. Isidore, where he laid
aside the insignia of royalty, and, wrapped in the garment of a penitent,
passed away in the arms of the priests, in 1065.

[Sidenote: [1064-1072 A.D.]]

At an assembly of the estates, held a few years before, he had made
arrangements for the succession and for the partition of his dominions.
According to these, Castile passed to Sancho II, his first-born son; Leon
and Asturias to Alfonso, his favourite; Galicia and the newly districts
as far the Douro to Garcia, the youngest. The cities of Zamora and Toro
he assigned to his two daughters, Urraca and Elvira, and conferred on
them the patronage of all abbeys in the kingdom. We know from the romance
of _The Cid_--who in the reigns of Ferdinand and his sons performed those
prodigies of valour which later generations celebrated in song--that
shortly after his father’s death Sancho made war upon his brothers with
the intention of seizing their dominions for himself.[25] After several
battles Alfonso and Garcia were stripped of their possessions and
compelled to flee to Toledo and Seville. All the country from the range
of the Pyrenees to the shores of the west Atlantic Ocean, which Ferdinand
had acquired partly by inheritance and partly by conquest, thus fell
under the sway of his son Sancho. Only the rocky stronghold of Zamora
still owned allegiance to the princess Urraca, and afforded a safe refuge
to the adherents of the fugitive king Alfonso and other malcontents.

[Illustration: KNIGHT OF THE ORDER OF ST. IAGO]

Sancho resolved to conquer this city too, for fear it should become a
centre and bulwark of rebellion; but was treacherously murdered under its
walls by the lance of a traitor knight, Vellido Dolfo by name. His army
speedily dispersed; only a band of brave Castilians loyally kept guard
over the king’s body and bore it to the abbey of San Salvador at Oña,
where it was solemnly committed to the earth. On receiving the tidings
of his brother’s murder, Alfonso fled secretly from Toledo, where he had
been hospitably entertained, and took possession of Sancho’s kingdom.
Garcia, the younger brother, also came in haste, hoping to regain
Galicia, the share his father had bequeathed him. But Alfonso, who was
no less ambitious and unjust than the murdered Sancho, had his brother
perfidiously seized on his arrival, and kept him in captivity, loaded
with fetters, for the rest of his life.

[Sidenote: [1072-1126 A.D.]]

Alfonso VI was now master of the whole of his father’s kingdom of
Castile, Leon, and Galicia; and when his royal cousin of Navarre, a few
years later, fell a victim to conspirators, he joined the king of Aragon
in the conquest and partition of the bereaved kingdom; and after its
brief hour of glory it was long before Navarre was again counted among
independent states.

Henceforward history follows the fortunes of the two kingdoms of Castile
and Aragon, which rose upon its ruins. Side by side with them Catalonia
flourished in the east, blest with culture and prosperity, but exercising
no particular influence on the course of events; and towards the end of
the century some knightly adventurers laid the foundation of the kingdom
of Portugal in the west, the northern part of which Alfonso conferred
first on his son-in-law, Raymond of Burgundy, and then on Count Henry,
the husband of his natural daughter Theresa, as a fief of the kingdom of
Castile.

All these kingdoms turned their arms against the disunited Mohammedan
world in the centre and south of the peninsula. When once he had gained
secure possession of his kingdom, Alfonso, guided by the judicious
advice of his sister Urraca, who always retained great influence over
the brother she loved so dearly, endeavoured by the excellence of his
administration and legislation to efface the stains that had defiled his
path to the throne. He took counsel with honourable and capable men on
affairs of state, he delivered the communes from the oppressions of royal
officers and judges, abolished the burdensome turnpike toll which had
been levied on all pilgrims who visited the famous shrine of Santiago de
Compostella and had given occasion for many exactions and abuses, and by
the disuse of the Gothic liturgy established in Christian Spain the Roman
and hierarchical system of church government, which had been striving to
extend its sway over all the countries of Europe ever since the time of
Gregory VI. By the zeal of the Benedictines of Sahagun and the French
clergy whom he appointed to many important preferments in the Pyrenean
peninsula, the Spanish church was soon brought at all points under the
supremacy of Rome.

He then availed himself of dissensions which had arisen amongst Moslem
rulers to carry his arms into the heart of the Moorish states. After the
conquest of Toledo he was able to cherish the proud hope of extending
Christian rule over the whole peninsula. The arrival of the Almoravids,
however, put an end to his triumphant progress. After a long reign which
succeeding generations have ever borne in mind as a period of glory,
justice, and general prosperity, Alfonso VI died in 1109 of a broken
heart at the defeat of Ucles and the loss of his only son. His daughter
Urraca, queen of Leon and Castile, who governed the country during
her son’s minority, espoused Alfonso I, king of Aragon, as her second
husband. But instead of strengthening the unity and power of Christian
Spain, this alliance led to furious civil wars which served to strengthen
and prolong Moslem dominion.

ORIGIN AND EARLIEST HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF ARAGON

[Sidenote: [714-1076 A.D.]]

On the right bank of the river Noguera, which takes rise in the Pic de la
Maladetta, the loftiest summit of the Pyrenees, and flows southward along
the frontier between the districts now known as Catalonia and Aragon,
to mingle its waters with the Segre, had lain from time immemorial the
county of Ribagorza. The owners of this land, men of strong arm and
devout faith, strove with all their might to check the warlike enterprise
of the Moslem, who possessed a sure centre and stronghold in the
governorship of Saragossa.

Their family possessions were broken up by repeated partitions, but
various members of the ancient stock were scattered over the whole
country north of the Ebro and formed fresh alliances and made fresh
acquisitions by marriage and inheritance. Thus the line of the counts of
Aragon, who ruled the town of Jaca and the province of Sobrarbe, early
entered into matrimonial alliances with the family of the counts of
Ribagorza. The royal house of Navarre was also connected by marriage with
both families, and, on the extinction of the male line in both at the
end of the tenth century and the beginning of the eleventh, King Sancho,
who was in a position to enforce the claims of kinship with the sword,
took possession of Aragon, Sobrarbe, and Ribagorza, and on his death
bequeathed the province of Aragon, as has already been stated, to his
natural son Ramiro (1035).

The latter assumed the title of “king of Aragon,” and endeavoured by
fraud and force to gain a fitting extension to the territory of his
kingdom. An attempt which he made to wrest Navarre from his elder brother
Garcia was frustrated, but, on the other hand, after Gonsalo, the other
brother, had been assassinated, he succeeded in gaining possession of
his territories of Sobrarbe and Ribagorza, whether by popular election
or otherwise cannot be certain. Ramiro also took the field against the
Saracens, but the power and personal abilities of the emirs of Saragossa
(Mundhir ben Yahya and the Banu Hud) prevented him from gaining any
brilliant successes. At the same time he continued to give proof of
his piety by founding abbeys and giving gifts to the church in the
spirit of the counts before him. The abbey of San Juan de la Peña was
the most favoured sanctuary of all, and was richly endowed with lands
and revenues, privileges and liberties by the king and the nobles of
Aragon. The donation which the king had sent to Pope Alexander II when he
introduced the Roman liturgy into Aragon was declared by Gregory VII to
be a tribute due to the apostolic see.

Ramiro fell in battle against the Saracens at the siege of Grados (1063),
and his son Sancho Ramirez, a young prince full of energy, courage, and
adventurous spirit, ascended the throne. He promptly turned his arms
against the Moors. Having first wrested from them all the possessions
they held in the mountainous districts of Aragon, Sobrarbe, and
Ribagorza, he came down upon the fertile plains watered by the Cinca,
Gallego, and other tributaries of the Ebro, and after a fierce engagement
in which his ally, Count Ermengol of Urgel, lost his life (1065), took
the important city of Barbastro which, though lost again a short time
after, finally passed into the power of the Aragonese, and provided them
with a favourably situated base for subsequent conquests. Soon afterwards
King Sancho III of Navarre, the son of Garcia, was murdered at Peñalen
by a band of conspirators headed by his ambitious brother Raymond and
his sister Ermesenda (1076). As his children were not of age and the
Navarrese refused to acknowledge the fratricide as their sovereign, the
two kings Alfonso VI of Castile and Sancho Ramirez of Aragon marched into
the neighbour kingdom, put Raymond to flight and divided the country
between them; the country as far as the Ebro being united to Aragon,
and Rioja, with Najera and Calahorra and the Basque provinces of Alava,
Guipuzcoa, and Biscay falling to the share of Alfonso VI of Castile and
Leon.

[Sidenote: [1076-1109 A.D.]]

Sancho then undertook a war of revenge against the emir Ahmed Muktadir
of Saragossa, who had given shelter to the fugitive regicide Raymond.
Having first seized some favourably situated places on the Ebro he
advanced upon the city of Huesca, which, with the surrounding district,
lay like a broad wedge driven into Aragonese territory, fortified with
many strongholds and severing the north of his dominions from the south.
In a war which lasted for several years and which was marked with every
accompaniment of horror, the brave king succeeded in subjugating a large
part of this district and making a safe road to the very walls of Huesca
by a succession of skilfully planned fortifications. But he was not
destined to witness the fall of the city; he received his death-wound
in the siege from the enemy’s arrows (1094). His valiant son Pedro
carried on with vigour and energy the work which his father had begun and
urgently enjoined on him with his dying breath.

The Moslems strained every nerve to save the bulwark of their dominion
in northern Spain. The emir Ahmed Mostain led a great confederate army,
which numbered not only Almoravids but Christian auxiliaries in its
ranks, into the field against Aragon. But Pedro’s victory at Alcoraz
decided the fate of Huesca. In the very year (1096) in which western
Christendom was making ready to drive the infidels out of Jerusalem,
Huesca and all the country north of the Ebro fell into the hands of the
Christians of Spain. Henceforward the fall of Saragossa could only be a
question of time, a question which would have been decided earlier than
it was if a civil war had not broken out between Alfonso I of Aragon
(Alfonso VII of Leon) who succeeded Pedro in 1104, and his wife Queen
Urraca of Castile.[o]

Before taking up the story of the war of Urraca and Alfonso, we may
consider the exploits of the most famous warrior in Spanish history,
the Cid, whose fame was so overgrown with romance that it became the
fashion to deny that such a man ever existed in reality. But the critical
historian who has robbed us of so many traditions has restored to us the
Cid. His deeds are so typical of the period that they may claim some
liberality of space, for in the words of H. E. Watts,[r] “The history of
mediæval Spain without the Cid would be something more barren than the
Iliad without Achilles.”[a]

BURKE’S ESTIMATE OF THE CID

[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1050-1099 A.D.]]

The three favourites of mediæval Spanish romance, says the Señor
Lafuente,[cc] Bernardo del Carpio, Fernan Gonzalez, and the Cid, have
this at least in common, that they were all at war with their lawful
sovereigns, and fought their battles independently of the crown. Hence
their popularity in Spain. The Castilians of the Middle Ages were so
devoted to their independence, so proud of their _fueros_, such admirers
of personal prowess, that they were disposed to welcome with national
admiration those heroes who sprang from the people, who defied and were
ill-treated by their kings.

The Cid is the only knight-errant that has survived the polished satire
of Cervantes. For his fame was neither literary nor aristocratic;
but like the early Spanish proverbs, in which it is said he took so
great a delight, it was embedded deep in the hearts of the people. And
although the memory of his religious indifference may not have added to
his popularity in the sixteenth century in Spain, it is a part of his
character which must be taken into account in gauging the public opinion
of earlier days. From the close of the eighth century to the close of the
fifteenth, the Spanish people, Castilians and Aragonese, were if anything
less bigoted than the rest of Europe. The influence of their neighbours
the Moors, and of their Arab toleration could not be without its effect
upon a people naturally free, independent, and self-reliant; and the
Cid, who was certainly troubled with no religious scruples in the course
of his varied career, and who, according to a popular legend affronted
and threatened the pope on his throne in St. Peter’s, on account of some
fancied slight, could never have been the hero of a nation of bigots.

To judge the Cid, even as we now know him, according to any code of
modern ethics, is supremely unreasonable. To be sure that, even now, we
know him as he was is supremely presumptuous. But that Ruy Diaz was a
great man, and a great leader of men, a knight who would have shocked
modern poets, and a free lance who would have laughed at modern heroes,
we can have no manner of doubt. That he satisfied his contemporaries and
himself; that he slew Moors and Christians as occasion required, with
equal vigour and absolute impartiality; that he bearded the king of Leon
in his Christian council, and that he cozened the king of Saragossa at
the head of his Moslem army; that he rode the best horse and brandished
the best blade in Spain; that his armies never wanted for valiant
soldiers, nor his coffers for goldpieces; that he lived “my lord the
challenger,” the terror of every foe, and that he died rich and respected
in the noble city that had fallen to his knightly spear--of all this at
least we are certain; and, if the tale is displeasing to our nineteenth
century refinement, we must be content to believe that it satisfied the
aspirations of mediæval Spain.[g]

THE HISTORICAL CID

[Sidenote: [_ca._ 1050-1065 A.D.]]

The real existence of the Cid and the most important events in his life
have been proved by a sufficient, although not by a large number of
documents, which, being amplified by Middle Age chroniclers, have formed
the basis of later tradition. It is more or less in this traditionary
form that the Cid appears, in Spanish history.

Mariana[i] related the chief events of his life as popular tradition has
collected them from history and fable, and contented himself with adding,
“Some persons hold a large part of this account to be fabulous; I also
relate many more statements than I believe, because I do not dare to pass
over in silence what others assert, nor would I like to assert as certain
that which I doubt for reasons which compel me to do so and which others
have stated.”

Prudencio de Sandoval[u] questioned many single items and declared
whole episodes to be unhistorical. He was followed by Ferreras.[v] When
finally, in 1792, the Augustine Manuel Risco,[w] supported by the _Gesta
Roderici Campidocti_ which he had discovered, tried to rescue some part
of the old traditions, the Jesuit, Juan Francisco de Masdeu, doubted not
only the genuineness of this document but the very existence of the Cid.
The English historian Dunham[h] was even more firmly sceptical. Robert
Southey,[x] who published an English translation of the _Chronicle of the
Cid_, tried hard to steer between history and story and rescue as much as
possible of the latter.

Victor Aimé Huber[y] has the credit of being the first to distinguish
between the historical and mythical elements with great critical ability.
The material used by Huber was not materially enriched until the Dutch
orientalist R. Dozy[z] discovered in the library at Gotha, in 1844, an
Arabic account of the Cid and his most celebrated deed of arms, the
conquest of Valencia. This was found in the third volume of a history of
literature (_Zakira_) written by the Moorish author Ibn Bassam,[aa] in
the year 503 of the Hegira, according to his statement (1109 A.D.), that
is, only ten years after the death of the Cid. It is thus the oldest,
the only really contemporary account of the celebrated Spanish hero that
we possess, and is of great historical value even though written by an
enemy. The Dutch scholar was not satisfied merely to publish the text
with a French translation, but also enumerated the known sources in order
to distinguish between the historical and the more or less legendary
traits of the same and to get as historically accurate a picture as
possible of the Cid. At the same time he put entirely too much confidence
in the Arabic account, placing himself in fact on the side of the Moors.
Hence in order to get a correct idea of the Cid’s character one should
not follow Dozy blindly, but should rather consider as to how far the
Arab historian deserves credence on his own account.

[Illustration: THE CID

(From an old engraving of an alleged portrait)]

The date of the Cid’s birth is not known. However, it cannot be far
from the middle of the eleventh century, certainly not more than ten to
twenty years before the battle on the Carrion river (1037), in which
Ferdinand I of Castile conquered the allied kings of Leon and Navarre,
and Bermudo III, king of Leon, met his death. With this king, who left no
descendants, the Visigothic dynasty came to an end, that dynasty which
since Pelayo for three hundred years had carried on the struggles of
Christian Spain against the superior force of the Moors, under the most
variable circumstances, but ever with increasing success. The birth, as
well as the youth and first warlike deeds of Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar, later
called the Cid,[26] fall in that brilliant period when the kingdom of
Spain first acquired a greater power by the union of Castile and Leon
and attained a certain moral supremacy over Moorish Spain. In a battle
led by the eldest son of the king Sancho, against Sancho of Navarre, the
Cid conquered a knight of Navarre in single combat and thus received the
surname Campeador, _i.e._, “Challenger.” With the death of Ferdinand I,
however (1065), the scarcely established union fell asunder. In his will
he divided his kingdom among his five children.

[Sidenote: [1065-1085 A.D.]]

Scarcely three years after his father’s death Sancho was in open fight
with his brother Alfonso at Llantado and won a temporary, though not
a decisive victory. On this occasion Rodrigo de Bivar was promoted to
be “banner-bearer,” _i.e._, “chief commander” of Sancho’s troops. The
brothers kept the peace for only three years. Eventually Sancho was
assassinated. Since there was no suitable pretendant to the throne,
the crown of Castile was finally offered to Alfonso, but only on
condition that he take a solemn oath to the effect that he was not a
party to Sancho’s death. Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar and eleven other knights
administered this oath. The king at the same time was seized with a
violent dislike towards the Campeador. Policy, however, advised him not
to indulge this for the present, but to try to attach this powerful and
influential Castilian to himself by showing him favour. He even gave him
his cousin Ximena in marriage (the 19th of July, 1074).

Alfonso sent him to the court of Mutamid, the king of Seville, to
collect the tribute due him. At the very time of his arrival Mutamid was
threatened by an attack from Abdallah, king of Granada, in whose army
were several Christian nobles, among them Count Garcia Ordoñez, a prince
of royal blood. The Campeador attacked them with his own people, and the
Sevillians defeated them and took Garcia Ordoñez and other Castilian
knights captive, although he freed them again after three days. That was
enough for his enemies, especially Garcia Ordoñez, to malign him before
Alfonso, after his return, saying that he kept a part of their presents
for himself. The earlier dislike of the king was revived, and when
Rodrigo, in 1081, on his own initiative and without permission undertook
an attack on the Moors, the king seized the occasion to banish him.
Thus the hero, with whose help the king might have been able to break
completely the power of the Moors, was banished from Christian Spain and
compelled to lead the life of a warrior chieftain or _condottiere_ and
even to seek service with the Moors themselves.

Just at this time (October, 1081) the emir Muktadir of Saragossa died,
leaving two sons, one of whom, Mutamin, received Saragossa, the other,
Mondzir, had Denia, Tortosa, and Lerida. They at once began to dispute
each other’s possessions. Mondzir allied himself with King Sancho
Ramirez of Aragon and Count Berengar of Barcelona. Mutamin won over
the Campeador to his cause and found him his surest support. Rodrigo
conducted expeditions of incredible boldness and became the terror of the
princes allied against Mutamin. The latter besieged the fortress Almenara
in overwhelming numbers and reduced it to such straits that Rodrigo
himself advised treating for peace, in order to save the garrison, but
when Mutamin insisted on holding out he repulsed the enemy in spite of
superior force and even took the count of Barcelona captive. His entry
into Saragossa was like a triumph, and the emir loaded him with honours
and presents. Nevertheless the valiant Castilian would not be bound. As
soon as an opportunity offered he tried again to approach King Alfonso.
Not until the latter, in his pride and anger, had again repulsed him, did
he continue to use his talents of generalship and his personal bravery
in the service of Mutamin. He ravaged a large part of Aragon in an
expedition lasting five days, and his attacks were executed so swiftly
that his followers were usually up and away before the alarm could even
be sounded for a repulse. He next attacked Mondzir’s possessions and
plundered large tracts of territory with the same rapidity. When Sancho
of Aragon came to assist his ally, Rodrigo defeated his troops, took
sixteen nobles and two thousand soldiers captive and returned again to
Saragossa with enormous booty. After Mutamin’s death (1085) he continued
to serve his son Mostain; but no details have been preserved of his
further warlike deeds until 1088. In that year he concluded a contract
with Mostain, the object of which was the conquest of Valencia.

[Sidenote: [1085-1094 A.D.]]

In the complicated intrigues for the ownership of the city, the Campeador
would seem, according to the account of Dozy,[z] at first to have played
a double, not to say a many-sided part. He made a secret compact with
Mostain, promising to help him get the city but reserving all booty for
himself; but when Kadir made him rich presents he excused himself to
Mostain by saying that an attack on Valencia could not be made without
declaring war on Alfonso, and Mostain himself hesitated before such
a step. At the same time he sent word to King Alfonso that he still
regarded himself as his vassal and that all his expeditions were carried
out only for the purpose of weakening the power of the Moors and of
supporting an army at their expense, which would later bring the whole
land into subjection to the king. So the latter let him keep his troops,
with which he occasionally undertook his favourite raids of conquest and
plunder. When reproached for them he declared that he did it only to
earn his living. In 1089 he went to Castile to have a personal interview
with the king. The latter received him graciously, gave him several
castles and drew up a document, deeding all the fortresses and lands he
should conquer from the Moors to him and his heirs forever. Thereupon the
Cid returned to the neighbourhood of Valencia to join his army, which
numbered seven thousand picked men.

But the Cid had another mischance with Alfonso. When the latter asked him
to take part in an expedition against the castle of Aledo, near Larca,
the Cid, through no fault of his own, arrived too late, and the king,
although he suffered no injury thereby, allowed himself to be influenced
by spiteful insinuations, deprived the brave warrior of his favour, took
away the document he had given him the year before, confiscated all
his estates, and imprisoned his wife and children. All attempts of the
offended Cid to prove his innocence were repulsed; the only concession
which the king made was to give back his wife and children. Again was
the Cid obliged to fight his own way as an independent leader, with his
own means, and to support his army by plunder. His bravery and ability
met with unusual success. Kadir of Valencia paid him annually 120,000
dinares, the lord of Alborracin 10,000, the one of Alpuente the same,
the lords of Murviedro and of Segorbe 6,000 each, of Jerica 4,000, of
Almenara 3,000. The most important deed of arms in the next period
was a brilliant victory over Berengar of Barcelona, who had attacked
him unexpectedly but was defeated and himself taken captive with five
thousand soldiers. The Cid demanded a high ransom, but set the prisoners
free before it could all be paid.

[Sidenote: [1094-1101 A.D.]]

For the sake of Alfonso he broke off the siege of Liria, which had been
progressing favourably, but an interview with the suspicious monarch
led only to new discord. The latter felt offended on account of a mere
trifle and wanted to take the Cid prisoner. When he escaped, the king,
in revenge, himself undertook an expedition against Valencia, which to a
certain extent was already in the power of the Cid. Rodrigo was deeply
offended; with the speed of lightning he hurled himself on the counties
of Najera and Calahorra, whose governor was his most implacable and
powerful enemy, Count Garcia Ordoñez, the most important man next to the
king. He committed such depredations with fire and sword in his provinces
that Alfonso was obliged to abandon the siege of Valencia to protect his
own land from Rodrigo’s plundering raids. This tragic self-destruction of
Spanish force was fortunately brought to an end again by the dissension
and strife among the Moors. While thus the inhabitants, split up into
various parties, were fighting among themselves, some expecting help
from one quarter, others from another, the Cid by a sudden attack
surrounded the city, cut off all provisions and forced it to surrender
on June 15th, 1094, because of most terrible famine. He was at first
very lenient towards the conquered, promised them a just administration,
and warned his own people to be merciful. Roderigo made Ibn Jahhaf draw
up an inventory of all his possessions and swear that he had concealed
nothing. Ibn Jahhaf took the oath and declared himself ready to die if
anyone found anything not on the list. The oath was a false one. The
deceit was soon discovered and then the Cid acted with all the severity
of the times. He caused the treacherous and perfidious royal murderer to
be burned (May or June, 1095), and with him a number of his friends and
associates; he also wanted to condemn his wife and children to death by
burning, but the Christians intervened and obtained their pardon.

Hated as Ibn Jahhaf had been before, he now became a martyr in the
eyes of the Moors. Consequently in their accounts the Cid is charged
with perfidy and cruelty. Now for the first time was the Cid fully and
completely master of this rich and powerful city, the conquest of which
was in some respects more important than that of Toledo by Alfonso.
In the eyes of the Castilians it was a deed having few parallels, the
highest and best which their much-feared warrior-hero achieved in a life
so rich in battles. Olocau and Serra, two fortified places of great
strategic importance, now fell into his hands and he thought with all
seriousness of driving the Moors out of the whole of remaining Spain.
An Arab of that time claims to have heard him say: “A Rodrigo lost this
peninsula; another Rodrigo will win it back.” The Moors themselves saw
these thoughts threateningly embodied in him, and Christian kings had to
sue for his friendship.

In 1094 he allied himself with King Pedro of Aragon in order to force
the power of the Almoravids further toward the south. At Beira, near
Candia, where a Moorish fleet could support the attack of the land army,
the Christians were hard pressed; only the heroism, personal bravery
and tact of the Cid revived their sinking confidence and led them to
victory, so that the superior force of the enemy was completely defeated
and an immeasurable booty fell into their hands. After a short rest in
Valencia he marched against Murviedro. Finally on St. John’s day, June
24th, 1098, he entered the city, celebrated the new victory with a _Te
Deum_, and commanded the laying of the foundation for a St. John’s church
in commemoration of the event. That he did not pursue selfish ends may
be gathered from the testimony of the Mohammedans themselves, who state
that his real end was to drive them out of Spain. But for the continuous
struggle he carried on for this purpose, especially for the tedious
sieges, he had to furnish his own means entirely. Even when disease and
weakness did not permit him to carry a sword himself, he did not give up
his great plan. But his followers were not so successful as he. They met
with Ibn Aisha’s army, which had just won a brilliant victory at Cuenca
over Alvar Fañez who commanded the royal army of Castile. Even the brave
warriors of the Cid, who felt the need of their old leader, succumbed to
the victorious might of the Moslems, and only a few of them returned to
Valencia.

According to the Arab accounts the Cid died in 1099 from rage and grief
at this defeat. For two years after the death of the unconquered warrior
his widow Ximena succeeded in holding the city against the repeated
attacks of the Almoravids. But in October, 1101, having decided to
abandon it, the Christians set it afire in order to spoil the Mohammedan
joy of victory. Mazdali and his army found only smoking ruins when
they entered on May 5th, 1102. The body of the Cid was brought by his
faithful wife herself and buried in the cloister of San Pedro de Cardeña
at Burgos, where she had numberless masses said for the deceased. She
outlived him only five years and was likewise buried at Burgos. His son
[?] Diego Rodriguez fell in the battle of Consuegra. Of his two daughters
one, Christina, married the infante Ramiro of Navarre, the other, Elvira,
Raymond IV (Raymond Berengar III) of Barcelona. Through her the Cid
became the ancestor of the later royal dynasty of Spain.

One hundred and thirty-six years passed before Valencia was reconquered
for Christian Spain by James I of Aragon after a difficult and tedious
siege (1238). The heroic life of the Cid, however, did not remain
unfruitful during this interval.[bb]

CHRISTIAN SPAIN IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY

[Sidenote: [1102-1118 A.D.]]

The war between Alfonso of Aragon and his wife Queen Urraca of Castile
lasted many years and was accompanied by conspiracies and partisan
warfare among the nobles, by scandals in the royal palace, by the papal
annulment of the marriage, by plunder of the treasures of the church, by
the spoliation and impoverishment of the people. Even the queen’s death
in 1126 did not immediately put an end to the war, for the two Alfonsos
(her husband, and the son of her first marriage, Alfonso Raymond) now
turned their arms against each other. Finally the clergy negotiated a
peace. The two kingdoms were separated, a compromise being effected with
regard to the disputed districts. Castile with Leon and Galicia formed
the territory of Alfonso VII (or VIII,[27] since his stepfather is also
counted amongst the Castilian kings); Aragon and Navarre were left to
king Alfonso I (1126).

The Aragonese now once more turned his arms against the Moslem; the
proud name of Batallador, “the fighter,” which his compatriots bestowed
on him, may serve as evidence of the strength and energy with which he
pushed on the struggle. [He also assumed the title of emperor.] It has
been mentioned that by the conquest of Huesca, his predecessor Pedro
had confirmed and consolidated the kingdom of Aragon. Ten years after
his death, Tudela on the Ebro was won, and formed an important base for
further conquest; but it was only when Alfonso, supported by the knights
from the southern kingdom, had conquered the Saracens in several sharp
encounters and finally, after a siege of seven months, had compelled the
surrender of the city of Saragossa, 1118, the bulwark of the Arab rule in
the northeast, that the kingdom of Aragon was able to proceed with its
political development. Saragossa, so long the seat of a Mohammedan emir,
became Alfonso’s capital. The principal mosque served henceforth for the
worship of the Saviour. The knights and nobles who had stood bravely by
the side of the king, as well as the soldiers who had gathered to his
banner from beyond the Pyrenees, were richly rewarded.

[Sidenote: [1118-1150 A.D.]]

The Moslems were deeply affected by the loss of Saragossa, the result of
their own want of unity; that they might not be entirely driven from the
territory of the Ebro they nerved themselves to a general resistance.
There was a series of sanguinary conflicts on the Segre and Ebro, and
then under their brave commander Yahya ben Gania they won by stratagem
the battle of Fraga, July, 1134, with which Alfonso ended his heroic
life. His efforts had undermined his strength, and grief at this severe
defeat did the rest. He sank on a bed of sickness from which he never
rose again.[28]

The existence of the kingdom was endangered by his death. As he was
childless he had designated the Christian orders of the knights of the
Holy Sepulchre, who had taken the most active share in the struggles
against the Saracens and who possessed lands and castles in all parts of
the peninsula, as his heirs. But this disposition was not carried into
effect.

In the “royal city” of Jaca, the Aragonese elected a brother of the dead
man for their king. This was Ramiro II (1134-1137), who had lived in a
cloister from his youth; and thus the warrior was replaced by a monk.
On the other hand the Navarrese raised to the throne Garcia IV, a scion
of their old princely house, and declared their independence of Aragon.
Indeed, the priest-king was a feeble substitute for “the fighter”;
still he secured the continued existence of Aragon. Immediately after
his accession Ramiro espoused Inez, sister of the duke of Aquitaine and
Poitou; she bore him a daughter, Petronilla, who at the age of two years
was betrothed, on the advice of the grandees, to Raymond Berengar IV [or
V] of Barcelona, or Catalonia, and when Ramiro soon after returned to the
cloister the count received the regency of Aragon till the age of the
bride should make the nuptials possible. The result of this marriage was
the lasting union of Aragon and Catalonia[29] under Alfonso II, the son
of Raymond and Petronilla.[o]

Want of space forbids us to give the details of the history of Raymond
Berengar’s dominions. The district had been conquered by the Moslems in
the eighth century, but part of it was recovered for Christianity by the
Franks and formed into a province under the name of the Spanish Mark. The
various counts soon asserted their independence, and those of Barcelona
increasing in power and importance gradually absorbed the dominions of
the rest and became masters of the whole of Catalonia.[a]

FOUNDATION OF THE SPANISH ORDERS OF KNIGHTHOOD

[Sidenote: [1082-1162 A.D.]]

Raymond sought to fulfil the testamentary dispositions of Alfonso by
founding a special order of knighthood, modelled on the pattern of the
Temple, “for the defence of the Western church and to oppose the Moors
in Spain,” and he bestowed on it large possessions with castles and
revenues. As a special Aragonese branch of the order of the Temple,
it was under the grand-master of Jerusalem. The large profits which
the brethren of the order might hope to derive from the spoils of the
Arabs in case of a victory were a powerful incentive to enterprises and
expeditions of conquest.

Before this, Raymond IV, Raymond’s father, a valiant warrior in the
service of Christ, had himself joined the order of the Temple and had
granted it extensive lands and rights. With the help of these, and
supported by the Catalan knighthood and the Pisans, he had fought against
the infidel with courage and success, and in a hotly contested struggle
had taken from them many towns and citadels. He had also extended his
territory in the north of the Pyrenees and had acquired the countship
of Carcassonne, Besalu, Cerdagne, etc. Raymond V was not only the heir
to these possessions which he united to Aragon; he continued the war
of conquest against the Saracens, now single-handed, now in alliance
with his brother-in-law, Alfonso VII (VIII) of Castile, who, like his
predecessor, assumed the title of “emperor of Spain” and claimed the
suzerainty over the other Christian kingdoms.

The Christians soon again succeeded in winning the upper hand of the
Moslems. It was not only that religious enthusiasm, the chivalrous
fighting spirit of the time and the prospect of knightly lands and spoil
continually attracted fresh combatants to the standard; but dissensions
and disorganisations amongst the disciples of Mohammed facilitated the
progress of their arms. One party of the Moors called in the aid of the
Castilian king. Alfonso VII did not hesitate to profit by the disorder
amongst the Mohammedans. While the Portuguese king conquered Lisbon with
the help of the crusaders, the Castilian “emperor,” in conjunction with
Raymond of Barcelona, Count William of Montpellier, and the Christian
chivalry of all the Spanish kingdoms, marched to the coast towns of
Almeria, the headquarters of the Mohammedan pirates, invested it on
the land side whilst the fleet of the Genoese and Pisans blockaded the
harbour, and after a long siege compelled it to surrender. The garrison
were put to the sword, and incalculable spoil was carried off. Raymond
Berengar fought with like success against the Moslems on the Ebro, where,
again supported by the Genoese and Pisans, he took the important city of
Tortosa, and then added the whole territory on the river to his kingdom
(1148).

Alfonso VII lived to see the hardly won town of Almeria again wrested
from Castile. On his return from a military expedition he died in the
pass of Muradal, a prince endowed with strength, intelligence, and the
love of justice, full of zeal for the Christian faith and generous to
churches and cloisters. With him the series of “emperors of Spain” comes
to an end (1157).

With the death of Alfonso VII of Castile, and that of Raymond of Aragon
and Catalonia, which followed five years later, the Christian kingdoms of
the Spanish peninsula again entered on evil times. Whilst the Mohammedan
world, united and strengthened under the rule of the Almohades, acquired
fresh power in the south and southeast, and won back much of its ancient
possessions, in the north the vigour of the attack and resistance was
broken by divisions and civil contentions.

Although the kingdom of Aragon and Catalonia passed undivided to the
young King Alfonso II, and his suzerainty extended over a great part of
Languedoc and the country of Provence which was governed by a relative
of the royal family, on the other hand, under the sons and successors
of Alfonso VII the Castilian kingdom was dismembered; for Leon with
Galicia and Asturias, and Navarre with the Basque provinces seceded
from it and started an independent political existence under their own
princes, without paying any further attention to the feudal superiority
of Castile. The results of these partitions were intestine disputes and
family quarrels which stood the Moslem in good stead.

[Sidenote: [1157-1197 A.D.]]

The divisions and weakness of Spanish Christendom would have gained a
still greater ascendency, had not the clergy admonished the knighthood
to the struggle against the infidels as a religious duty and kept alive
their zeal for the faith. They encouraged the formation of the Spanish
orders of knighthood to which the preservation of the Christian kingdoms
and the final overthrow of the Mohammedans was principally owing. Besides
the order of Calatrava which Raymond, abbot of the monastery of St. Mary
at Fitero, founded in 1158 on the model of the Templars and according
to the Cistercian rule, another brotherhood of the faith had come into
existence in the year 1156. This was subsequently called the order of
Alcantara, after its chief fortress. In Galicia the priesthood enrolled a
number of warlike robber knights in the order of St. James of Compostella
(1175), for the protection of the church of the tomb of St. James (St.
Iago) in that city, and laid on them as their most sacred duty the
obligation of escorting pilgrims thither.

It was principally the courage and religious enthusiasm of these armed
brotherhoods that prevented the Moslem from again bearing the banner
of Islam across the Ebro and Douro in the second half of the twelfth
century, when Castile was distracted by internal strife, due to the
enmity and jealousy of the two princely houses of Lara and Castro, when
the Christian kings of the various states turned their arms against each
other, when in Catalonia the confusion mounted to such a height that two
archbishops of Tarragona were murdered and Portugal and Leon lay under
ban and interdict on account of a marriage between near relatives, and
anarchy and the right of the strong hand ruled unchecked.

Since the days of the great Almansor no prince had warred against
Christian Spain with so much success as the Almohad, Abdul-Mumin, “the
commander of the faithful.” But when, against the advice of his officers,
he risked a battle at Santarem, he suffered a defeat in which he lost
his life. But his son Yakub Almansor, a prince whose virtues and great
qualities were not inferior to those of his contemporary Saladin, soon
avenged his father’s death. The Third Crusade increased fanaticism
even in the Pyrenean peninsula. Undisciplined hosts of pilgrims landed
in the west and south, marking their path by robbery and devastation,
and Christian and Saracen were spurred to fresh encounters. Roused
by a devastating raid of the archbishop of Toledo against Seville,
and by a written challenge of the Castilian king Alfonso “the noble,”
Yakub Almansor took the field with his whole army. The Christian host,
especially the numerous knights of the fraternities, both those of
the country and foreign Templars and knights of St. John, opposed him
at Alarcon and suffered a complete defeat (1195). The flower of the
Christian chivalry were left on the battle-field. Almost all New Castile,
as far as the fortress of Toledo, fell into the hands of the infidels;
the mountains and citadels of Guadarrama and the want of provisions alone
prevented the Moslems from again penetrating to the mountain districts
of Asturia. Moreover the Castilians were at war with the Leonese and it
was not until the marriage of Berengaria, the daughter of the Castilian
king, with the king of Leon that a reconciliation was effected (1197).
But, for this, king and kingdom were laid under an interdict, because the
marriage was against the church’s law on account of the relationship
of the parties, until Berengaria agreed to a divorce and returned to
Castile. Her children, however, were considered as legitimate. At the
same time Sancho of Navarre concluded an alliance with the Moorish
party of the Almohads, in the hope of obtaining the supremacy over the
Christian kingdoms by their assistance.

[Sidenote: [1197-1212 A.D.]]

Under these circumstances it seemed as though the Spanish Christians must
succumb. Fortunately for them, Yakub Almansor died four years after the
battle of Alarcon. It was not till the new emir Muhammed al-Nasir had
succeeded in mastering his enemies, after several bloody battles, that he
again undertook a “holy war” against the Christians. But in the meantime
the northern kingdoms had revived and the zealous efforts of pope and
clergy had succeeded in temporarily adjusting intestine feuds.

OVERTHROW OF THE MOSLEMS

Consequently when, after an interval of fourteen years, Muhammed
renewed the struggle and took the field with vast hosts from Africa and
Andalusia, he met with a powerful resistance (1211). It was not merely
that the whole Spanish chivalry, headed by the members of the orders
of every description, thronged to the standards of the kings of Aragon
and Castile; many _ultramontanes_ from the provinces of southern France
and other districts were to be found there, who, fired by itinerant
preachers, had travelled across the Pyrenees to earn a heavenly reward
and earthly possessions as soldiers of God. By an ordinance of the pope,
the assistance of heaven had been invoked throughout Christendom by fasts
and processions. The religious excitement which at that time had gained
possession of all minds, furthered the enterprise. Never before had such
great hosts of warriors encountered one another in the peninsula.

In numbers, orders, and military discipline the Moslems were superior
to the Christians; like the crusaders in the Holy Land, the Christian
warriors in Spain, especially the free companies who had flocked thither
from abroad, sullied the cause of faith by savage crimes and robbery and
persecutions of the Jews in and about Toledo; and when the Saracens,
having wasted their best strength during eight months before the mountain
fortresses of Salvatierra, saw themselves compelled to agree to deliver
up to the king of Castile the beleaguered city of Calatrava with the
treasures collected there, in return for a free passage, the majority of
the ultramontanes withdrew in anger, because the Spanish princes would
not allow the retreating enemy to be waylaid in defiance of the promise
given. Fanaticism had hardened their hearts and stifled the sentiments
of honour and humanity. But in spite of the defection of the foreign
soldiers, the Spanish Christians won a glorious victory in the battle of
Las Navas de Tolosa, in the Sierra Morena, when the rule of the Africans
in Spain received its death-blow (1212), as described in the history of
the Arabs. More than a hundred thousand corpses, amongst them that of
Muhammed’s first-born, strewed the battle-field, and for long after the
16th of July was celebrated in Toledo by a great thanksgiving festival,
called “the triumph of the cross.” The spoil was enormous, but the
brilliant victory was stained by cruelty and rapine at the capture of the
surrounding cities.[o]

FOOTNOTES

[19] [Compare what the Arab historian Al Lagi[j] said of Alfonso the
Catholic: “The terrible Alfonso, the manslayer, son of the sword, killed
tens of thousands of Moslems. He burned houses and dwellings, and no
treaty could be made with him.” Christian historians equal this. The
archbishop Rodrigo[c] draws a worse view of the desolation of Spain than
even Isidore[d]: “Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded;
their fathers fall in battle; the old men massacred, the women reserved
for greater misfortune.” He tells us that “every cathedral in Spain was
burned or destroyed”; that “the national substance, etc., was plundered,
except what the bishops could save in the Asturias”; that “the cities
which were too strong to be stormed immediately, were deluded into a
surrender”; that “oaths and treaties were uniformly broken by the Arabs,”
etc. Both he and Isidore may exaggerate, but the exaggeration only proves
the fact.]

[20] The monk of Albelda[e] calls Pelayo the son of Bermudo, and nephew
of king Roderic. His origin is wrapped in much obscurity. [Burke[g] says
“Pelayo, no doubt, was but a robber chieftain, a petty mountain prince,
and the legends of his royal descent are of later date and of obviously
spurious manufacture; but Pelayo needs no tinsel to adorn his crown. He
was the founder of the Spanish monarchy. The Arabs called him ‘Belay.’”]

[21] Mariana[i] says, that Alfonso inherited in virtue of Pelayo’s
will. This is one of the assertions so common in this writer, without
the shadow of a foundation. Equally unfounded is the assertion that he
inherited in right of his wife, Hermesinda, though that circumstance
would doubtless have some weight with the electors. His best claim was,
that “_in tempore Egicani et Witizani regum, princeps militiæ fuit_,”
according to Sebastian.[f]

[22] [“Dunham,[h] quoting Sebastian of Salamanca,[f] _omnes Arabes
occupatores civitatum interficiens_, says placidly, ‘Such an
extermination of the Mohammedan inhabitants to make room for his
Christian colonists was a just retribution on the heads of the followers
of a sanguinary faith.’ A strange nineteenth century Christian gloss!
If such things can be written in 1832, it is hardly surprising that the
retributive justice practised in the mountains should have been somewhat
one-sided in 750.”--BURKE.[g]]

[23] [Isaiah lvii, 1-2. In a note upon this Dunham[h] says, “Not a single
historian of Spain, from Bishop Sebastian[f] to Masdeu[l] and Ortiz,[m]
has ventured to express his disbelief in this miracle.”]

[24] _Ipsi Agareni herbam attulerunt, et crassitudinem ejus abstulerunt
à ventre ejus, et ad pristinam levitatis astutiam reductus_,
etc.--SAMPIRO.[n] It is a pity the Mohammedan doctors did not leave the
prescription behind them.

[25] [Previously to this he waged “the war of the Three Sanchos,” so
called from the fact that he, Sancho of Castile, attacked his cousin
Sancho of Navarre, who called in the aid of Sancho of Aragon; and
together the latter Sanchos defeated the Castilian, in 1068.]

[26] [It is a curious fact that this warrior is known to the Spaniards by
his Arab name of _Cid_ or _Saïd_, that is, lord or leader, while to the
Arabs he is known by his Spanish name of _Campeador_ or “Challenger.”]

[27] [Burke[g] explains the inconsistent enumerations of the kings of
this period as follows:

The curious confusion arising from a twofold or threefold system of
numeration of the Alfonsos of Castile and Leon in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries seems to call for some special notice. Dunham[h],
Romey[s] and other foreign historians and chronologists, among whom the
count de Mas-Latrie[t] must ever be spoken of with the greatest respect,
call Alfonso _el Batallador_, of Aragon, Alfonso VII of Leon and Castile,
as in right of his wife Urraca; and thus call Alfonso _el Imperador_
number VIII; and keep Alfonso III of Castile out of the Leonese or
_Junto_ numeration altogether. Thus and in other ways confusion has been
introduced, and by imperfect explanation still worse confounded.

The following, it is to be hoped, is plain:

Alfonso VI of Leon was the first of the name to reign in Castile; and, as
in the course of the next hundred and fifty years the two kingdoms were
sometimes under the same king, though not formally united, and sometimes
each with a king of its own, the plan has been generally adopted by
modern Spanish writers of numbering the Alfonsos of Leon and of Castile
consecutively, without regard to the kingdoms over which they reigned,
taking no account of the Alfonsos of Aragon. Thus Alfonso _el Sabio_
was Alfonso IV of Castile, and Alfonso IX of Leon, but Alfonso X of the
consecutive Alfonsos, by which title he is always known. And it is by
this numeration that the late king of Spain was Alfonso XII, and his
present majesty is Alfonso XIII.]

[28] [His ambitious assumption of the title of “emperor of Spain” was
scarcely justified by his uncertain conquests from the Almoravids and was
made ridiculous by his failure to subdue his Christian neighbours in Leon
and Castile.[g]]

[29] [Burke[g] says, “The union of Catalonia with Aragon by the marriage
of Queen Petronilla with Raymond Berengar of Barcelona in 1150, was the
foundation of the greatness of Spain.”]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER III. THE HISTORY OF CASTILE TO THE DEATH OF PEDRO THE CRUEL

[Sidenote: [1214-1369 A.D.]]

Alfonso III of Castile did not long survive the glorious triumph over
the Moslems at Navas de Tolosa. After two hostile irruptions into the
territories of the enemy, he died in 1214, and was succeeded by his only
surviving son, Henry [Enrique] I. As the new king, however, was only in
his eleventh year, the regency was entrusted to his sister Berengaria
[or Berenguela], the most excellent princess of her age. But neither her
wisdom, her virtues, nor the near relation she held to the infante could
avail her with the fierce nobles of Castile. The house of Lara, whose
unprincipled ambition had on a former occasion been productive of such
evils to the state, again became the scourge of the country. She resigned
the custody of the royal ward to Count Alvaro Nuñez de Lara, the chief of
that turbulent family.

No sooner was Don Alvaro in possession of the regency than he exhibited
the true features of his character--haughtiness, rapacity, tyranny, and
revenge. Those whom he knew to be obnoxious to his party he imprisoned or
confiscated their possessions. His exactions, which fell on all orders
of the state, were too intolerable to be long borne: remonstrances were
addressed to him by the clergy; but as they produced no effect, and as he
had laid violent hands, not only on the substance alike of rich and poor,
but on the temporalities of the church, he was solemnly excommunicated by
the dean of Toledo. Even this ordinarily terrific weapon was powerless
with one who disregarded both justice and religion.

[Sidenote: [1217-1230 A.D.]]

He continued his iniquitous career, running from place to place with the
young king, destroying the habitations and confiscating the substance of
such as dared to censure his measures. But an accident, as unexpected
as its consequences were fortunate for Spain, deranged all his views.
Towards the end of May, 1217, while Henry was playing with his young
companions in the courtyard of the episcopal palace of Palencia, a tile
from the roof of the tower fell on his head, and inflicted a wound of
which he died on the 6th of June following. Knowing how fatally this
event must affect his interests, Don Alvaro, with the intention of
concealing it as long as he could, conveyed the royal corpse as the
living prince to the fortress of Tariego; but the intelligence soon
reached the queen, who, on this critical occasion, displayed a prudence
and promptitude justly entitled to admiration. By the laws of Castile
she was now heiress to the crown; but she resolved to transfer her
rights to her son Ferdinand, heir to the crown of Leon, and thereby to
lay the foundation for the union of the two kingdoms. Knowing that the
young prince and his father, her former husband, were then at Toro, she
despatched two of her knights with an earnest request that King Alfonso
would allow her to see her son. The request was immediately granted, and
Ferdinand was conducted to Antillo, where he was met by his impatient
mother, and received with acclamation by the people. The states swore
allegiance to her as their lawful sovereign. Immediately afterwards a
stage was erected at the entrance of the city; and there, on the 31st day
of August, 1217,--near three months from the death of Henry,--the queen,
in presence of her barons, prelates, and people, solemnly resigned the
sovereignty into the hands of her son, who was immediately proclaimed
king of Castile.

[Illustration: COUNT ALVARO NUÑEZ DE LARA

(From an effigy)]

But Ferdinand III was not yet in peaceable possession of the crown: he
had to reduce the towns which held for Don Alvaro, and, what was still
worse, to withstand his father the king of Leon, who now invaded the
kingdom. Aided by the party of that restless traitor, Alfonso aspired
to the sovereignty. The Castilian nobles were not slow in combining for
the defence of their king: they hastened to Burgos in such numbers, and
were animated by such a spirit, that Alfonso, despairing of success, or
perhaps touched by the more honourable feelings of nature and justice,
desisted from his enterprise.

Tranquillity being thus restored, the kings of Leon and Castile prepared
to commence an exterminating war against the Mohammedans. The crusade
was published by the archbishop Rodrigo, the celebrated historian; and
the same indulgences were granted to those who assumed the cross in
Spain, as to those who visited the Holy Land. Though partial irruptions,
generally attended with success, were made into the territories of the
Moors from various parts,--from Aragon, Castile, Leon, and Portugal,--it
was not until 1225 that the career of conquest commenced, which ended in
the annihilation both of the African power and of all the petty kingdoms
which arose on its ruins. In that and the two following years Murcia was
invaded, Alhamha taken, and Jaen besieged, by Ferdinand; Valencia invaded
by King James of Aragon; Badajoz taken by Alfonso, and Elvas by the king
of Portugal. The king of Castile was present before Jaen, which his
armies had invested two whole years, when intelligence reached him of his
father’s death (in 1230), after a successful irruption into Estremadura.

[Sidenote: [1230-1246 A.D.]]

The inestimable advantage which this event was calculated to procure
for Christian Spain--the consolidation of two kingdoms often hostile to
each other--was near being lost. In his last will, Alfonso named his
two daughters--for the kingdom had long ceased to be elective--joint
heiresses of his states. Fortunately for Spain, the majority of the
Leonnese took a sounder view of their interests than Alfonso. Nobles,
clergy, and people were too numerous in favour of the king of Castile, to
leave those princesses the remotest chance of success. No sooner did that
prince hear how powerful a party supported his just pretensions, than he
hastened from Andalusia into Leon. As he advanced, accompanied by his
mother Berengaria,--a princess to whose wisdom he was indebted for most
of his successes,--Avila, Medina del Campo, Tordesillas, and Toro opened
their gates to him. Directing his course towards Leon, Villalon, Mayorga,
and Mansilla imitated the example of the other towns. As he approached
the capital, he was met by the bishops and clergy, the nobles, and the
people of the greater portion of the kingdom, who escorted him in triumph
to the cathedral, where he received their homage.[b]

FERDINAND (III) EL SANTO

Thus the kingdoms of Leon and Castile were forever united. The king
afterwards visited the towns of his new kingdom, administering justice
and receiving on all sides the homage of the different towns, and the
most promising demonstrations of affection from his new subjects.

Ferdinand, having recommenced his campaign in Andalusia, conquered the
town of Ubeda (1234); and in the same year the Christians took possession
of the western suburb of Cordova, defending themselves there with daring
courage. As soon as this news reached the king, who was at Benavente,
he set out and bore down upon Cordova, which the king of Seville dared
not succour, and the siege becoming every day more rigorous, this large
town, formerly chief seat of the Mussulman monarchy, was compelled to
capitulate (1236), the inhabitants being allowed to depart freely with
such of their goods as they could carry.

This conquest filled Christian Spain with joy, not only from its
importance but as being the herald of more glorious victories. The cross
was raised upon the highest pinnacle of the mosque, which was converted
into a Christian church. The pious monarch caused the bells of the
church of Compostella, which were being used as lamps, and which had
been brought thither by Almansor on the shoulders of captive Christians
more than two centuries and a half previously, to be carried back to the
church of the Apostle by captive Mussulmans.[c]

BURKE’S ESTIMATE OF QUEEN BERENGARIA

[Illustration: QUEEN BERENGARIA, SPAIN

(From an effigy)]

Ferdinand’s mother, Berengaria [who died in 1246], was one of those rare
beings who seem to have been born to do right, and to have done it. From
her earliest youth she was a leading figure, a happy and noble influence
in one of the most contemptible and detestable societies of mediæval
Christendom. Married of her own free will to a stranger and an enemy,
that she might bring peace to two kingdoms, she was ever a true and loyal
wife; unwedded by ecclesiastical tyranny in the very flower of her young
womanhood, she was ever a faithful daughter of the church; inheriting
a crown when she had proved her own capacity for royal dominion, she
bestowed it on a strange and absent son, with no thought but for the
good of her country and of Christendom; and, finally, as queen-mother
and ever-faithful counsellor, she accepted all the difficulties of
government, while the glory of royalty was reserved for the king whom
she had created. Berengaria was ever present in the right place and at
the proper time, and her name is associated only with what is good, and
worthy, and noble, in an age of violence, and wrong, and robbery--when
good faith was well-nigh unknown, when bad men were all-powerful, when
murder was but an incident in family life, and treason the chief feature
in politics.[d]

FERDINAND’S CONQUESTS

[Sidenote: [1246-1247 A.D.]]

In the following campaigns the king took possession of the kingdom of
Cordova, of all the passes of Sierra Morena on the side of Estremadura,
and finally of Jaen (1246) which was ceded after a siege of more than a
year by its lord, Muhammed al-Akhmar, who in the first place was king
of Arjona, of which he was a native, and afterwards of Granada when he
acknowledged himself the vassal of Ferdinand.

This enterprise being so successfully terminated, Ferdinand resolved to
employ the great military resources now at his disposal in the conquest
of the town and kingdom of Seville, the richest and most powerful of the
remaining Mussulman possessions, but almost entirely dependent on its own
strength. The Christians were well aware that Seville could expect but
little assistance from Africa, and therefore undertook the enterprise
with celerity. Immediately on the fall of Jaen, Ferdinand set out for
Seville with his whole army, accompanied by the king of Granada and his
troops, as vassal of Castile. He laid waste to the territory of Carmona,
and took possession of Alcalá de Guadaira, which he made into his
arsenal; he also commanded the country surrounding the capital and Xeres
to be devastated.

The following year (1247) commenced the celebrated siege of Seville, in
which a fleet, which had been constructed in Santander and Biscay, took
part commanded by the admiral Boniface, penetrating by San Lucar on the
Guadalquivir. The Moors could receive provisions and relief solely from
Nieblo and Algarve by means of a bridge of boats uniting the fortress
with Triana. This was destroyed by the admiral, who got ready two of the
strongest ships of his fleet and awaited a violent sea wind, when, with
all the sails of both ships set, he weighed anchor at the moment the
full tide was strongest, and let the ships be hurled against the bridge
of boats, which was broken by the force of the shock, thus well-nigh
destroying the only hope of the besieged. From that day a scarcity of
food was experienced in the thickly populated town, but the stores laid
in were sufficiently abundant to enable the town to hold out for another
six months.

[Sidenote: [1247-1252 A.D.]]

Eventually, driven by hunger, the besieged proposed terms, which were
rejected, King Ferdinand desiring that all the Moors should leave the
town, taking with them only such of their property as they could carry.
Three hundred thousand of them left Seville, and on the evacuation of the
town Don Ferdinand entered with his army and took up his residence in the
palace of the Moorish kings. There he devoted himself to organising his
new court, summoning settlers to the country, and granting them licenses
and privileges. After settling matters in Seville, Ferdinand marched with
his army to the maritime towns of the kingdom, taking possession of Xeres
(1250), Medina Sidonia, Cadiz, Puerto de Santa Maria, and other places.
Master of the maritime towns, and unable to make war on the Mohammedans
of Granada, his vassals, he resolved to cross to Africa and overthrow
the empire of the Almohads, leaving instructions to the admiral Boniface
to assemble a large fleet in the ports of northern Spain. Such were the
plans of this great monarch, in spite of his suffering from dropsy, which
disease was slowly sapping his vitality, and of which he finally died in
1252, his death being most exemplary.

St. Ferdinand is without doubt the greatest hero of the Spanish nation;
to his military genius, manifested in many great expeditions which he
brought to a successful termination, he united two qualities rarely
combined--a prudent policy and an acute sense of justice, which caused
him to be loved and respected by all the kings of Spain and even by his
enemies. It was through the fame of his rectitude that Murcia submitted
to him without warfare, and that from an enemy the king of Granada became
his loyal and submissive vassal. He respected the rights of the rich,
but would not suffer their violence, knowing when to punish and when to
pardon. When it was proposed in the cortes to impose taxes on the people,
he would merely say: “Take heed of what you do, for I fear the curses of
an old woman more than the united power of the Moors.” His enlightened
policy is clearly manifested in that he never acceded to the instances
of his cousin, St. Louis of France, that he would accompany him to
Palestine. “There is no lack of Moors in my own country,” was his answer.

He had a great aversion to making war upon a Christian prince, which he
was never known to do during the whole of a long reign. His qualities as
a governor were superior to the century in which he lived; he commanded
a collection to be made of the ancient laws and customs, he gave a great
impetus to national literature, commanding all public documents, formerly
published in Latin, to be published in the vulgar tongue; and finally,
during his reign, the custom of summoning the deputies of the principal
towns to the cortes was firmly established. He faithfully fulfilled
his promises to the vanquished Moors, and was careful to see that the
priests laboured to convert them. In this he showed greater zeal than in
extending his kingdom.[c]

That he was a just, a pious, an able, and a paternal ruler, as well as a
valiant soldier, is undoubted; but his justice sometimes degenerated into
revenge; and his persecution of heretics--especially at Palencia, where,
with his own royal hands, he condescended to set fire to the fagots on
which they perished--proves either that his disposition was naturally
cruel, or that the very demon of bigotry had smothered within him the
best feelings of humanity. It was probably to this latter circumstance,
more than to his prayers, his fasts, and his frequent use of the
discipline, that, in 1671, he was canonised by Clement X.[b]

ALFONSO THE LEARNED (EL SABIO) AND HIS SUCCESSORS

[Sidenote: [1252-1275 A.D.]]

When Ferdinand the Saint died, after a long and glorious reign, he was
succeeded by his eldest son, Alfonso X, surnamed the Learned,[30] a
prince who concerned himself less with the enlargement of his kingdom
than the cultivation of science, and who, in emulation of the old court
of the caliphate of Cordova, valued culture and learning more highly
than military renown. Although the contentions with the Moors did not
quite cease and Castile not only asserted her supremacy over Granada, but
also fitted out a fleet to carry out the crossing into Africa which had
been already meditated by Ferdinand, yet the mind of Alfonso preferred
to dwell on intellectual matters, on observations of the heavens, and
researches into the historical past of his native country. A prince of
various knowledge, and penetrated with the love of study, he encouraged
art and science with much generosity, shared the tasks of the learned,
and sought to accomplish works during his lifetime which might win
greater glory in the eyes of posterity than feats of war and arms.

Alfonso X enlarged the University of Salamanca by the establishment
of new professorships and by increasing its privileges, so that it
could vie with the institutions of Paris and Bologna; he established
observatories and caused a band of fifty astronomers, some of whom he
sent for from a great distance to prepare the “Alfonsine Tables,” a solid
foundation for the astronomy of a future day, even though he himself
diverted astronomical observations to astrological superstition. Under
his supervision learned historians drew up the _Universal Chronicle_,[e]
compiled from ancient sources and dealing with the period from the
most ancient times to the date of his accession. He also encouraged
the cultivation of the national language by introducing the Castilian
mother-tongue into the administration of justice and the state, instead
of the Latin which had hitherto been used, and he had the Bible
translated into the language of the people; and that he might do away
with the vast crowd of special _fueros_ (privileges), laws and judicial
usages, he drew up a scientific code of law (_Las Siete Partidas_),
grounded on the principles of Roman jurisprudence, which was to apply
to the whole kingdom, and superseded not only local laws, but also the
free Old Gothic law. Only three Castilian towns preserved their ancient
_fueros_.

But however distinguished King Alfonso might be as teacher and poet, as
historical and astronomical author, his reign was nevertheless full of
calamity and disorder. The revenues of his kingdom were not sufficient
for the vast expenditure required for the generous support of learned
men and scientific institutions, as well as for the maintenance of a
brilliant court. And when he allowed his pride and vanity to lure him,
as son of the Hohenstaufen princess Beatrice, into assuming the crown of
the Holy Roman Empire and purchasing the votes of the covetous princes
at a heavy price, he found himself in want of money. He contracted
debts at high interest, he laid new taxes on the people, and when all
this did not suffice, he debased the coinage and thus brought about a
dislocation of trade and commerce which placed the nation at the mercy of
money-lenders and Jews; and when, after having made use of the latter as
his instruments, he persecuted and had them tortured until they ransomed
themselves by new sacrifices, still no improvement was effected in the
situation. But the greatest misfortune to the kingdom came from a dispute
about the right to the succession.

[Sidenote: [1275-1295 A.D.]]

Alfonso’s eldest son, Ferdinand de la Cerda, died before his father
in a campaign against the Moors, who had attacked and defeated the
governor of Algeciras in his fortified camp and conquered and slain the
archbishop Sancho of Toledo, a brother of King Pedro III of Aragon, who
marched against them (1275). A decree solemnly promulgated by the king
in accordance with ancient Spanish law declared the second son Sancho
heir to the throne, regardless of the fact that the dead man had left
two sons, Ferdinand and Alfonso. But his widow, Blanche, daughter of St.
Louis of France, now came forward in defence of her sons’ rights and her
claims were powerfully supported both by her brother Philip III and by
her stepmother Iolanthe, a sister of Peter III of Aragon. Thereupon a
war ensued, which outlasted Alfonso’s reign and threw Castile into the
greatest disorder and party strife. The king of France, with whom his
sister sought refuge and help, took up the cause of his two nephews,
now living in Aragon, and for several years conducted a destructive war
against Alfonso on the borders of Navarre and Castile. The attempted
intervention of the pope had no effect. The situation grew still worse
when the king, having quarrelled with his son Sancho, wished to proceed
to a partition. This plan was opposed by the members of the royal
house and by a great part of the nobles. At an assembly at Valladolid
Sancho was declared heir to the throne and regent, and invested with
the government of the kingdom in his father’s stead (1282). Forsaken by
his family and the estates, Alfonso called in the aid of Abu Yusuf of
Morocco, while Sancho, disinherited and laid under a ban by his father
in his turn, entered into an alliance with the emir of Granada. Thus,
through the schism in the royal house, the power of the Moors in southern
Spain was once more strengthened. At the same time the unhappy party
wars in Castile itself led to the demoralisation of the people and the
increase of the power of the nobles.[f]

Burke gives the following picturesque, if perhaps somewhat overdrawn
estimate of Alfonso: “For nigh on five centuries all that was learned
and all that was refined in Spain was found among the Arabs of Andalus.
But on the taking of Seville by St. Ferdinand, the centre of gravity
was completely changed. In the thirteenth century, Spain was passing
through a great social and intellectual revolution, and the first man
of intellectual Spain was Alfonso of Castile. If his royal highness,
the heir apparent to the crown of England, were a senior wrangler, and
a double first-class man at the English universities; if he were called
upon to fill the post of Astronomer Royal of England, in default of any
other man in the kingdom worthy even to be compared with him in that
department of science; if he had written a more brilliant history than
Macaulay, and a finer poem than Tennyson; if he were fit to teach Wagner
music, and Cayley mathematics; and if in the intervals of his studies
he had found time to codify the entire laws of England into a digest
which might endure for six hundred years to come: then, and only then,
would the practical pre-eminence of his intellectual attainments, in
modern England, represent the practical pre-eminence of the _sabiduria_
of Alfonso X, in mediæval Spain. No Spaniard but Isidore of Seville, and
no sovereign of any age or nation, not even Alfred the Great, so much
surpassed all his contemporaries in learning as the king of Leon and
Castile; and the _Siete Partidas_ is a work which as great a scholar
as Isidore, and as great a statesman as Alfred, might well have been
proud to own. But learning, or even lawgiving is not wisdom, and many
a wiser and better king than Alfonso has performed his most elaborate
calculations on his ten fingers, and signed his name with the pommel of
his sword.”[d]

This was still more apparent when, after Alfonso’s death, Sancho IV
succeeded to the kingly power (1284). The families of Lara and Haro, with
their vast wealth and the great number of their vassals, had attained
such overwhelming power that the king was quite subordinate to them. Only
their mutual jealousies and conflicting desire for rule made it possible
for him to still preserve some power and authority over them; but if he
favoured one party he had the other for his bitterest enemy.

At an assembly of the estates (1288) Lopez de Haro, the head of this
family, whose daughter Don Juan, Sancho’s brother and enemy, had married,
became so excited that he not only flung insults at the king, but even
threatened him with his sword. Enraged at this arrogance Sancho’s
followers slew the insolent noble before his eyes. The renewal of the
civil war was the consequence, for the son and brother of the victim fled
to Aragon and joined the party of La Cerda for the overthrow of Sancho.
Don Juan in his hatred for his brother so far forgot himself as to join
Abu Yakub, and marched at the head of a Moorish army against the fortress
of Tarifa, which was defended by the brave Alfonso Perez de Guzman.
In vain, however, did he seek to compel the commander to surrender by
threatening to murder the latter’s son, whom he had taken prisoner; with
the heroic spirit of a Brutus, Guzman himself threw down a sword from the
wall, and Don Juan, furious at his contempt, was inhuman enough, as it
is said, to stab the son before his father’s eyes (1294). Sancho hurried
to the rescue and saved the beleaguered town. Not long after, the king
died (1295), and such a storm broke from all sides against the Castilian
kingdom that its dissolution or dismemberment seemed almost unavoidable.

[Sidenote: [1295-1312 A.D.]]

As Sancho’s son Ferdinand IV, whom he had appointed his successor,
was still under age, and the marriage of his mother Maria de Molina
was regarded as illegal, not only did the two infantes, Don Juan and
Alfonso’s brother Henry, hitherto kept in captivity at Naples, lay claim,
the former to the crown and the latter to the regency, but Alfonso de la
Cerda came back across the Pyrenees from his sojourn at the French court
and, supported by James II, the king of Aragon, and the powerful nobles
of the families of Lara and Haro, also appeared as a pretender. At the
same time the kings of Portugal and Granada sought to take advantage of
the discordant condition, and the pope refused to grant a recognition of
legitimacy.

But the prudence and governing talents of Maria de Molina, to whom the
king had entrusted the regency, met all these difficulties with skill and
success. She managed to divide the infantes by conceding to the elder of
them, the feeble Henry, a share in the government; by a double marriage
she attached the powerful king Diniz of Portugal to the royal house of
Castile; to the Aragonese, the protector of the prince de la Cerda, she
offered so successful and so obstinate a resistance that the union or
_hermandad_ of the estates of his kingdom compelled him to make peace
with Castile; she prevailed on the pope to declare her marriage lawful
and the king’s birth legitimate, and she won over the estates by lowering
the taxes. It is true that fresh troubles afterwards broke out when
Ferdinand IV began to reign in his own name (1305); at last, however,
by the Treaty of Campillo, the long dispute about the succession was
adjusted, and Ferdinand remained in possession of the throne while the
princes Ferdinand and Alfonso de la Cerda were indemnified with revenues
and feudal lordships. The latter indeed preferred to live as a refugee in
Germany, rather than give up the kingly title, but his son, the founder
of the ducal house of Medina Sidonia, submitted to the stipulations of
Campillo. But Castile had been too long distracted by civil strife,
and men’s minds were too much demoralised for peace and tranquillity
to return at once without further disturbance. Neither was Ferdinand IV
exactly the man to rally the different parties round his throne. His
cruelty and the violence of his disposition called forth enmity and
hatred and increased the discontent and variance. Jealousy and dissension
amongst the grandees were the chief cause why a campaign entered upon
in conjunction with the Aragonese king against the emir Mulei Nazar of
Granada had no success. On this occasion Ferdinand laid before the pope a
complaint against his uncle Don Juan, the soul of all hostile intrigues,
charging him with having an understanding with the infidels, and he
procured a judicial inquiry, the issue of which he did not, however, live
to see.[f]

The story of Ferdinand’s death may be told in the following translation
from the old Spanish historian Mariana:

_Mariana’s Account of the Divine Judgment on Ferdinand IV_

By order of King Ferdinand IV of Castile, two brothers, Pedro
and Juan Carvajales, were arrested, being accused of the murder
of a nobleman of the house of Benavides, who was killed in
Palencia when leaving the royal palace. The identity of the
murderer was not ascertained, and many were ill-treated upon
suspicion, in particular these two knights, who, after their
defence was heard, were condemned for this crime against the
king, without a proper trial, although they had not confessed
their guilt, a dangerous course to pursue in such cases.

They were condemned to be thrown down from a steep rock near
by, none being able to appease the king, who was intractable
when enraged, and knew not how to restrain his anger. The
courtiers, being well aware of this, took advantage of it to
maliciously inform against and ruin those who stood in their
way. At the moment of execution, the knights proclaimed aloud
that their death was an injustice and a great wrong, calling
upon God as witness before heaven and earth; they declared
that since the king turned a deaf ear to their defence and
protestations, they appealed to the divine tribunal, and
summoned him to appear before it within thirty days. By a
remarkable coincidence these words, at first looked upon as
vain, came to be regarded in a very different light.

Heedless of the incident, the king set out for Alcaudete,
where his army was encamped; there he fell seriously ill, and
was compelled to return to Jaen, notwithstanding that the
Moors were negotiating to deliver up the town. His condition
grew daily worse, and his suffering increased so greatly
that he was unable to treat with them personally. Rejoiced,
however, at the news brought him, that the town was taken, he
mentally planned new conquests, but on Thursday, the 7th day of
September, having retired to rest after dining, he was shortly
afterwards found dead. He died in the flower of his age,
being twenty-four years and nine months old, at a time when
his affairs were prospering. He reigned seventeen years four
months and nineteen days, and was the fourth of the name. It
was believed that his death was caused by excess in eating and
drinking; others declared that it was the judgment of God, as,
marvellous to relate, it occurred precisely thirty days after
he was summoned[31] to appear, and therefore he is known as Don
Fernando _el Emplazado_, that is, “the summoned.”[g]

ALFONSO XI (1312-1350 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1312-1337 A.D.]]

Over Ferdinand’s grave, party passion once more lifted its bloody
standard. As the heir to the throne, Alfonso XI, was only two years old
at his father’s death, Don Juan advanced claims to the government of the
kingdom, but found himself thus brought into collision with Ferdinand’s
brother, Don Pedro, and the royal ladies. The kingdom was soon again
divided into two hostile camps, which carried on a savage war with
one another. Order and discipline were at an end, the royal authority
disappeared, the possessions of the crown were alienated, commons,
corporations, and powerful nobles seized what they wanted and freed
themselves from all authority; the young king’s mother, Constanza, and
his grandmother, Maria, had entrusted his education to the archbishop of
Avila, who had to hide his pupil in his cathedral to preserve him from
being kidnapped.

To restore some measure of order recourse was at length had to a division
of the governing power. Each was to rule where he had the greatest
following, Juan in the north and west, Pedro in the south and east. At
the same time the pope interfered to effect a reconciliation (1315). The
rulers of the kingdom now undertook a campaign against Ismail, who had
snatched the lordship of Granada from his uncle, Mulei Nazar, the ally of
Castile, a Moorish commander who had been summoned from Fez to the aid of
his co-religionists, and defeated Juan and Pedro in a battle at the river
Venil, in which they lost their lives (1319).

And now whilst the Saracens were profiting by their victory to make raids
and conquests in the kingdom of Castile, four infantes laid claim to the
regency and again filled the kingdom with civil wars and party rage. In
vain did the states endeavour to bring about a settlement, in vain did
the queen-mother Maria and the pope labour to effect a reconciliation;
the strife continued for years, almost uninterruptedly; even when, at
fifteen years old, the king was declared of age and took the reins of
government into his own hand, the confusion was not ended. Alfonso XI
had grown up amidst violence and party intrigues, and exhibited a harsh
and savage temper. He enticed his cousin, Don Juan the younger, who
had followed in his father’s footsteps, to the court at Toledo, had
him murdered at a banquet, and seized from his family the patrimony of
Biscay; he repudiated his betrothed, Constanza, daughter of the infante
Juan Emmanuel (a nephew of Alfonso X), that he might marry a Portuguese
princess, which so enraged the injured father that he again set up the
standard of revolt (1328), and supported by the Castilian grandees and
the king of Aragon, conducted a long war against Alfonso.

Civilisation and morals declined, and vice and crime throve to such an
extent as to bring the Castilian people everywhere into contempt. From
the court itself all sentiment of honour and justice had disappeared.
The king neglected his Portuguese wife in the most insulting manner,
and treated his mistress, Leonora de Guzman, as queen. Garcilasso de la
Vega, Alfonso’s favourite, made himself notorious by perfidy, trickery,
and murder till he and his son were slain by the indignant nobles;
Osorio and the Jew Joseph, who, as the king’s all-powerful advisers and
high officials, had acquired for themselves great wealth, but had also
roused the hatred of the people by their covetousness and extortions,
were at last delivered to their enemies by Alfonso himself, when the one
was surreptitiously murdered and the other hunted from the country with
disgrace and ignominy; their wealth went to feed the royal coffers. Under
such circumstances the Saracens could have easily made new conquests,
had not Granada too been distracted at the same time by internal wars.
The king concluded a truce with Castile, by which Alfonso gained time for
the complete overthrow of his domestic enemies.

[Sidenote: [1337-1350 A.D.]]

After having won over the Basques to his side by confirming their rights
and liberties in an assembly of that bold mountain people under the
famous oak of Guernica, he conquered one hostile town after the other,
divided his enemies by making separate treaties with each, and aided by
the diligent mediation of Pope Benedict XII compelled them, one by one,
to make homage and submission. Alfonso de Haro and other faithless barons
made atonement with their lives. Even the king of Portugal overcame his
indignation at the insults offered to his daughter, and the machinations
of the royal quasi-wife Leonora de Guzman, and, on Alfonso’s promising
to atone for the injury and treat his wife as her position rightfully
demanded, he made his peace with him (1339). Immediately afterwards a new
Saracen army from Africa landed on the Spanish coast under Abul-Hakam,
and in conjunction with the emir of Granada began a holy war with the
siege of Tarifa (1340). But the battle of Salado struck the death-blow
of the Mohammedan power in Spain, and enriched the Christian victors
with unlimited booty. The pope too, who had forwarded the undertaking by
briefs and exhortations to a crusade, received magnificent tokens of the
victory as a reward.

This great campaign ended with the conquest of Algeciras and covered
Alfonso’s name with glory and honour, both in the estimation of his
contemporaries and of posterity; to defray its cost the estate of Burgos,
after the example of the Moors, granted the Alcabala tax, a twentieth
on all movable and real property, whenever it was sold or bartered, an
impost most injurious to trade and commerce which though first intended
to last only during the war was afterwards continued for the future. Six
years later (1350), at the siege of Gibraltar, King Alfonso was carried
off by the plague, which, coming from Asia, now spread itself like a
destroying angel over the whole of Europe.[f]

MARIANA’S ACCOUNT OF PEDRO THE CRUEL

In Castile, grave disturbances, storms, events, cruel and bloody wars,
deceit, treachery, exiles, and innumerable deaths, followed one on the
other; many great lords met with a violent end, numerous were the civil
wars, no care was taken of matters either sacred or profane; none knew
whether to attribute these disorders to the new king or to the nobles.
By common opinion they were laid to the king’s charge, so much so that
he earned from the people the nickname of “the cruel.” Some trustworthy
authors attribute the majority of these disorders to the intemperance
of the nobles, who, heedless of right, followed their inclinations and
inordinate avarice and ambition in all things good or evil, so that the
king was compelled to punish their excesses.

Upon the death of Don Alfonso, Don Pedro, his son by his lawful wife,
was there and then proclaimed king in the camp, as was just, though he
was only fifteen years and seven months old and was absent in Seville,
where he had remained with his mother. In years he was unfitted for such
grave cares, in natural disposition he showed capacity for great things.
He had a pale complexion, handsome countenance, and majestic air; his
hair was fair, and his stature commanding. He showed signs of great
courage, wisdom, and other qualities. In mind and body he was undaunted
by difficulty and fatigue. Falconry and hawking were his chief pleasures.
He was upright in the administration of justice. To these virtues he
joined vices equally great, which were already visible and increased
with age. He despised others, spoke insolently, listened haughtily, and
granted an audience with difficulty, not only to strangers but also to
members of his own household. These bad qualities were visible from his
early childhood; avarice, dissoluteness, and harshness were added to them
in the course of time.

[Illustration: LEONORA DE GUZMAN

(Thrown into prison by order of Pedro the Cruel)]

These failings, to which he was naturally addicted, increased under the
tuition of Don Juan Alfonso de Albuquerque, the tutor given him by his
father when a little child to train him in good habits. This may be
suspected from the fact that, after he was king, this man was admitted
to his intimacy, and in all things was given great authority, to the
envy and discontent of the nobles, who declared that he endeavoured to
increase his wealth at the expense of the public good--the worst possible
of all plagues.[g]

Thus the historian Mariana.[g] The figure of Pedro I stands in history
and romance for that of a monster of cruelty, though it must be borne
in mind that Pedro López de Ayala,[h] the chronicler who has left us an
account of his reign, was the friend and supporter of his rebellious
brother Henry of Trastamara. Pedro was the only son of Maria of Portugal,
queen of Alfonso XI, but Alfonso’s mistress, Leonora de Guzman, had
several sons of whom Henry (Enrique) was the eldest. His father had
settled on him the great domain and title of Trastamara, and he is
generally known as Henry of Trastamara.[a]

[Sidenote: [1350-1352 A.D.]]

On the accession of Pedro, Leonora de Guzman, dreading his resentment, or
rather that of the queen-mother, retired to the city of Medina Sidonia,
which formed her appanage. Through the perfidious persuasions, however,
of a Lara and an Albuquerque, who governed the mind of Pedro, and who
pledged their knightly faith that she had nothing to fear, she proceeded
to Seville to do homage to the new sovereign. No sooner did she reach
that city, than she was arrested and placed under a guard in the Alcazar.
The eldest of her sons, who was permitted to visit her there, would
have shared the same fate, had he not precipitately retreated from the
capital. From Seville she was soon transferred to Carmona; and if her
life was spared a few months, it was not owing to the forbearance, but to
the indisposition of the king, which was at one time so dangerous as to
render his recovery hopeless. Unfortunately for Spain, he did recover;
and one of his first objects, early in 1351, was to draw her from
Carmona, and make her accompany him to Talavera, where she was consigned
to a still closer confinement. Her doom was soon sealed: in a few days
she was put to death by the express order of the queen; no doubt, with
the concurrence of the king.

This murder was quickly followed by another. Having despatched one of his
creatures to Burgos, to levy, by his own authority alone, a tax which, to
be legal, required the sanction of the states, the people resisted, and
slew his collector. Accompanied by his unscrupulous adviser, Don Juan de
Albuquerque, he hastened to that capital, to inflict summary vengeance
on the inhabitants. They naturally took up arms; and being joined by
Garcilasso de la Vega, the _adelantado_ of Castile, sent a messenger to
the king, disclaiming all wish to oppose his authority, but beseeching
him not to allow Albuquerque, whose violent character they well knew, to
attend him. The request was disregarded; the count arrived, and the doom
of Garcilasso was sealed.

No sooner did Pedro perceive him, than the command was given;
“Ballasteros,[32] seize Garcilasso!” The adelantado begged for a
confessor; but no attention would have been paid to the request, had
not a priest accidentally appeared in sight. Both having retired for
a few minutes into a corner, Albuquerque, who bore great enmity to
the prisoner, desired the king to order what was to be done, and the
ballasteros were immediately told to kill Garcilasso. On receiving the
order, the men, who could not conceive it was seriously given, hesitated
to fulfil it: one of them, approaching the king, said, “Sir king, what
are we to do with Garcilasso?” “Kill him!” was the reply.

The man returned, and with a mace struck the adelantado on the head,
while another associate despatched him. The bleeding body was thrown into
the street; where, after lying for some time to be trodden under foot by
some bulls which were passing, it was removed outside the walls of the
city, to be there buried. The same fate would have befallen the child
Nuño de Lara, who by his father’s death was become the hereditary lord of
Biscay, had not his governess, apprised of the intention, removed to a
fortress in the heart of the Biscayan Mountains. The child, however, soon
died; and Pedro, by imprisoning the female heirs, obtained what he so
much coveted--the rich domains of that house.

Pedro proceeded to Ciudad Rodrigo, to confer on the interests of the two
kingdoms with his grandfather, the sovereign of Portugal. Well had it
been for him had he followed the advice of that monarch, who urged on him
the necessity of living on a good understanding with his illegitimate
brothers, and of forgiving the natural indignation they had shown at the
death of their mother. But both brothers soon left him and revolted.
Some of the confederates were reduced and put to death; but the princes
themselves eluded his pursuit,--Don Tello by fleeing into Aragon. While
besieging the places which had thrown off his authority, he became
enamoured of Doña Maria de Padilla, who was attached to the service
of his favourite’s lady, Doña Isabella de Albuquerque. Through the
persuasion of this unprincipled minister, the uncle of the young lady,
Don Juan de Henestrosa, did not hesitate to sacrifice the honour of his
house by consigning her to the arms of the royal gallant. The connection
thus formed, which continued unto the death of Doña Maria, brought the
greatest disasters on the country.

[Sidenote: [1352-1353 A.D.]]

Some months previous to this connection, Pedro, in compliance with the
request of the cortes of Valladolid, had agreed that an embassy should
be sent to the French king, soliciting for wife a princess of the royal
house of that nation. The choice fell on Blanche de Bourbon, a princess
of excellent qualities, who, early in 1353, arrived at Valladolid. But
the king, infatuated by his mistress, who had just been brought to bed of
a daughter, was in no disposition to conclude the marriage; and it was
not without difficulty that his minister Albuquerque, who was already
jealous of the favours accorded to the relations of Maria de Padilla,
and for that reason the more eager for its solemnisation, prevailed on
him to meet the princess at Valladolid. Leaving Padilla and his heart
at Montalvan, he reluctantly proceeded towards that city. On his way
he accepted the submissions of his brothers Henry and Tello, whom, on
an occasion like the one approaching, he could not decently punish for
their rebellion. Monday, June 3rd, 1353, the ceremony took place with due
splendour.[b] The contemporary chronicler Ayala gives so intimate a view
of the king and his household that we may quote part of the sequel in his
words.

AYALA’S ACCOUNT OF THE KING’S HONEYMOON

On the Wednesday after his marriage the king dined in his palace. And he
dined alone that day, with no companions whatever. And while the king was
at table there came to him Queen Doña Maria, his mother, and Queen Doña
Leonora, his aunt, in tears. Then the king rose from the table and spoke
with them aside, and as both he and they afterwards reported they said to
him:

“My lord, it is made known to us that you are minded to go from hence and
rejoin Doña Maria de Padilla, and we beg you in mercy to desist. For if
you do this thing you make but little of your honour in thus forsaking
your wife immediately after your marriage, when all the best and highest
in your kingdom are assembled here. And further, the king of France will
have good cause of complaint against you, who has newly allied himself to
you by this marriage, and has sent you this niece of his whose hand you
asked of him; and he sent her hither with great pomp and retinue, as was
but just. Further, my lord, it will cause grave scandal in your kingdom,
should you thus go hence, for all the highest in your kingdom have come
hither at your command, and it will not be for your good service thus to
depart without word or speech with them.”

The king made answer that he marvelled greatly that they should believe
that he would thus leave Valladolid and his wife, and bade them not
believe it. And the queens replied that they had been most certainly
informed that he was minded to seek Doña Maria de Padilla at once.
And the king assured them that he would not do so, and had no thought
of it, and bade them never believe it. Upon this the queens withdrew,
knowing full well that the king would set out at once, but powerless to
prevent it. An hour after the king called for his mules, saying that
he would visit Queen Doña Maria, his mother. And as soon as the mules
were brought he left Valladolid, and went and slept that day at a place
called Pajares. The next day he went to the village of Montalvan where
Doña Maria de Padilla was, for though he had left her in the castle of
Montalvan, he had already sent her word to come to Montalvan. But many
others who were to accompany him arrived the next day.

[Sidenote: [1353-1354 A.D.]]

Great clamour and excitement arose in the town of Valladolid, when it was
known that the king had departed thence and had rejoined Doña Maria de
Padilla. Then Don Juan Alfonso de Albuquerque and other knights visited
the queens Doña Maria the king’s mother and Queen Blanche his wife, and
Doña Leonora, queen of Aragon, the king’s aunt, and found them very sad.
And all those who remained there were anxious and dismayed thinking that
this day’s work would bring war and evil on Castile, as indeed it did.
They held their council, saying that it was ill-done of the king thus to
desert his wife, and they were sore grieved at it. And they resolved that
the master of Calatrava, Don Juan Nuñez de Prado, and Don Juan Alfonso
should follow the king, and many other gentlemen with them, and that they
should do their utmost to induce the king to return to his wife, Queen
Blanche, and to amend his ways.

When Don Pedro heard that Don Juan Alfonso de Albuquerque and the master
of Calatrava, Don Juan Nuñez, had turned back, not daring to seek him,
and that the master had gone to his own land, and Don Juan Alfonso to
the castles which he had on the frontiers of Portugal, he immediately
resolved to return to Valladolid in order to meet Queen Doña Maria his
mother, and his wife Queen Blanche, to avoid a scandal in the kingdom.
This was the counsel given him by the gentlemen who were with him. And
thus the king came to Valladolid, and remained there with his wife Queen
Blanche for two days. But he could not be prevailed upon to remain there
longer and he left Valladolid and went to Mojados a village close by. And
the next day he went to Oviende, and remained there for some days; and he
never saw his wife Queen Blanche again.

The next year he ordered Juan Ferrandez de Henestrosa his chamberlain,
and uncle of Doña Maria de Padilla, to go to Arevalo where his wife Queen
Blanche of Bourbon then was, and bring her to Toledo, and place her in
the Alcazar of the said city. And so it was published that all might be
aware of it. The knights of Toledo heard of it, and it was great grief
to many that such a lady as this should be a prisoner and that Toledo
should be chosen for her prison. And Juan Ferrandez de Henestrosa as the
king commanded, brought Queen Blanche to Toledo. And when Queen Blanche
of Bourbon entered Toledo, she said it was her will to go and pray in the
church of Sancta Maria. And she went thither, and as soon as she reached
it she refused to leave the church, fearing imprisonment or death. This
she did by the advice of the bishop and of those who had come with
her. Then Juan Ferrandez de Henestrosa, who had brought Queen Blanche
to Toledo, when he saw that she would not leave the church, begged her
graciously to accompany him to the Alcazar which belonged to the king and
her, for she would find good apartments there; but she would not do so.
And the king replied that he would come himself to Toledo and take such
measures in this matter as best befitted his service.

After Juan Ferrandez de Henestrosa left Toledo, Queen Blanche held
converse with many great ladies of that city, who dwelt there and came
every day to visit her. And she told them how she went in fear of her
life, and that she had heard that the king was minded to come to Toledo,
and have her seized and put to death; and therefore she begged and prayed
for some protection. And all this business of Queen Blanche, she being
very young, for she was not then more than eighteen, was managed by a
lady who was her governess, holding this office by the appointment of
Queen Doña Maria, the king’s mother, who had bestowed it on her. The
ladies of Toledo, when they heard these things every day from Queen
Blanche and her governess, Doña Leonora de Saldaña, were filled with
pity for the queen, and they spoke to their husbands and kinsmen,
saying that they would be the meanest men on earth if such a queen as
this, their lady and the wife of their lord the king, should die such a
death in the city where they were; but since they had power, let them
prevent it. For the queen thought and feared that Juan Ferrandez de
Henestrosa would return with the king’s order to seize and imprison her
in the Alcazar, where she was certain she would be put to death. And she
thought that this was not the true will of the king, but that he had been
persuaded to it by certain of his counsellors, kinsmen of Doña Maria de
Padilla, and that the time would come when the king her lord and husband
would hold that they who had saved her from such a death had done him
good service, and would understand that they had not done wrongfully, but
in his interest.

The knights of Toledo, by the many representations made to them, with
tears for the imprisonment and death of so noble a lady as Queen Blanche,
who was a creature without blame and of so high lineage, and because the
highest and best in the kingdom were ill contented with the kinsmen of
Doña Maria de Padilla, were for the most part moved to defend the queen
to the utmost of their power, and to hazard their lives and possessions
for her. And when the knights and squires and true men of the city heard
that Juan Ferrandez de Henestrosa was coming to Toledo, although he was
with the king, and that he was about to seize the queen and imprison
her, as they were given to understand, they took Queen Blanche from the
church of Sancta Maria where she abode, and placed her in the Alcazar
of the said city, on Thursday at the hour of tierce, on the eve of the
feast of St. Mary in August, of that year. And with her all her ladies
and damsels, and many other ladies of the city. And they gave the towers
of the Alcazar and of the city into the keeping of the knights and loyal
citizens of that city, for their defence; for all came to this work
right willingly. And on the day that this was done they seized all their
kinsmen who would not take part in it.[h]

PEDRO’S FALSE MARRIAGE

In the meanwhile Pedro wavered in his fidelity to his mistress long
enough to be infatuated with Doña Juana de Castro. Not being able to
win her to his desires, he proposed marriage; and the bishops of Avila
and Salamanca stooped first to substantiate his pretence that he had
not really married Blanche of Bourbon and then to marry him to Juana
de Castro. When he had tired of her person, the king told her that his
marriage with Blanche was a true marriage, and the other only a ruse to
overcome her scruples. A son was born of this outrageous deception.[a]

When news of this base transaction reached the brother of Juana,
Ferdinand Perez de Castro, who was one of the most powerful lords of
Galicia, he instantly joined the league of the discontented. A civil
war now commenced, which, during some months, raged with more animosity
than success to either party. On its commencement, the king, persuaded
that the fortress of Arevalo was not a secure prison for the unfortunate
Blanche, ordered her, as we have seen, to be conveyed to Toledo and
lodged in the Alcazar of that city. She was immediately rescued from
the power of her jailer, who returned to acquaint his employer with the
event. Furious at the intelligence, Pedro ordered the commanders of
Santiago, first to depose their grand-master, his brother Fadrique, then
to march on Toledo, and force the princess from her sanctuary. But she
was no longer there; the whole city had taken her part, and honourably
placed her, under a strong guard, in the palace of their kings. These
defenders of oppressed innocence were now joined by the heads of the
league, whose party daily acquired strength.

[Sidenote: [1354-1355 A.D.]]

Neither the sudden, perhaps suspicious, death of Albuquerque, nor the
deposition of Don Fadrique, depressed their zeal. To show that a redress
of grievances, and not individual ambition, was their object, they
despatched messengers to the king, with the assurance of their attachment
to his person, and proposed that, if he would dismiss his mistress with
her kinsmen, and return to his queen, they would instantly lay down their
arms. Pedro was resolved to do neither; but, as it suited his views
to protract the negotiation, he nominated commissioners to treat with
those of the league, which was now strengthened by the accession of the
queen-mother. To bring about an amicable adjustment between her son and
his barons, she invited both to Toro, where she then abode--an invitation
which both accepted. But Pedro now found that he was the prisoner of the
leaguers, who changed the officers of his household, substituted others
from their own body, and closely watched his motions at the time they
were treating him with the highest outward respect. To escape from his
situation, he had recourse to his usual arts--to bribing some heads of
the league, and, above all, to dissimulation, in both cases with success.
The king soon contrived to escape, and threw himself into the fortress of
Segovia.

After his escape (1355), Pedro assembled his states at Burgos, and, by
artfully representing himself as thwarted in all his proceedings for the
good of his people by his mother, his brothers, and the other rebels,
whose only aim was to tyrannise over the nation, he procured supplies
for carrying on the war. These supplies, however, were granted on the
condition of his living with Queen Blanche--a condition which he readily
promised to fulfil, without the slightest intention of so doing. After
an unsuccessful assault on Toro, he returned to Toledo, the peculiar
object of his hatred. Contrary to all reasonable expectation, he forced
an entrance, and expelled the troops of his brother Henry. This success
would, however, have been unattainable, had not most of the inhabitants
believed in the sincerity of his declaration to the pontifical
representative. The unfortunate Blanche was transferred--not to his
palace, to enjoy her rights as queen, but to the fortress of Siguenza;
the bishop of that see was also consigned to a prison; and some of the
most obnoxious individuals of the league were beheaded or hung.

The legate, Bertrand, no longer withheld the thunders of the church:
Pedro, Maria de Padilla, and even Juana de Castro, were excommunicated,
and the kingdom subjected to an interdict. But these thunders passed
harmless over the head of the royal delinquent, who lost no time in
marching against Toro, where his mother and many of the leaguers still
remained. His first attempt on that place was repulsed with loss; but,
after a siege of some months, he prevailed on the inhabitants, by
lavishing extraordinary promises of clemency, to open their gates to him.
How well he performed his promise appeared the very day of his entrance,
when he caused some barbarous executions to be made in his mother’s
sight.[33] The queen fainted at the spectacle; and, on recovering her
senses, requested permission to retire into Portugal, which was granted.
About the same time many Castilian barons fled into Aragon.

[Sidenote: [1355-1358 A.D.]]

During the next few years Pedro waged a desultory war against the king
of Aragon, both by sea and land; but the result was decisive to neither
of the belligerents. In this war many of the disaffected barons fought
in the ranks of the latter--a policy for the condemnation of which no
words are sufficiently strong, and which greatly detracts from the
commiseration that must be felt at the fate of some who afterwards
fell into his hands. It cannot be denied that the Castilian king had
many provocations to vengeance: his nobles rebelled for the slightest
causes--often without any cause at all; nor is he known to have put
to death any of his subjects, whom he did not conceive, at one time
or other, either openly or secretly to have aimed at subverting his
authority. But the barbarity of his executions; the duplicity with which
he planned the destruction of such as submitted under the assurance
of pardon; his perfidious disregard of promises, or even oaths, when
the openly pardoned objects of his hatred were fully in his power--not
even excepting his nearest connections--stamp him at once as a ruthless
barbarian, and a bloody tyrant.

The execution of his brother Fadrique, grand-master of Santiago, in
1358, is, perhaps, more characteristic of him than any other of his
actions. On some suspicion--whether founded or not in justice must
remain unknown--that the grand-master maintained an understanding with
the king of Aragon, Fadrique was recalled from the Valencian frontier to
Seville, where Pedro then was. He found the king apparently in the best
of humours, and his reception was very friendly.[b]

The account of the horrible and cold-blooded deed which followed may be
quoted from the contemporary Ayala.

AYALA’S ACCOUNT OF THE MURDER OF FADRIQUE

[Sidenote: [1358 A.D.]]

The king Don Pedro being in Seville in his Alcazar, on Tuesday the 29th
day of May of this year, there came thither Don Fadrique his brother,
master of Santiago, who had just recovered the town and fortress of
Jumilla which is in the kingdom of Murcia. In the truce of a year
established by the cardinal Don Guillen between Castile and Aragon, this
town was claimed for Aragon by a nobleman called Don Pero Maza, who said
it belonged thereto and not to the dominion of the king of Castile, and
that it was not included in the truce. But in this war that town was
first for Castile, and as soon as the master Don Fadrique heard of it, he
went thither and besieged and recovered it, to do the king service. For
the master Don Fadrique was eager to serve the king and do him pleasure.
And when the master had recovered the said town and castle of Jumilla,
he went to the king, from whom letters came every day requesting his
presence.

The master arrived in Seville on the said Tuesday in the morning, at the
hour of tierce, and coming immediately to pay his duty to the king, he
found him playing draughts in the Alcazar. And as soon as he came in the
master kissed his hand, and the many knights who came with him likewise.
The king received him with a show of good-will, asking him from whence
he came that day, and if he had good lodgings. The master replied that
he had set out that day from Cantillana, which is five leagues from
Seville, and for his lodgings he knew not of them yet, but was full sure
they would be good. The king bade him go and look to his lodging and then
return to him; and the king said this because many companies had come
into the Alcazar with the master.

Then the master left the king and went to see Doña Maria de Padilla and
the king’s daughters, who were in another part of the Alcazar called the
Caracol. Doña Maria de Padilla knew all that was planned against the
master and at the sight of him she assumed a countenance so mournful
that all might read it; for this lady had a very good heart, and sound
judgment, and liked not the deeds of the king, and the death decreed
against the master lay heavy on her.

After the master had visited Doña Maria and his nieces the king’s
daughters, he went down to the courtyard of the Alcazar, where he had
left his mules, intending to seek his lodgings and bestow his companies.
But when he reached the courtyard of the Alcazar he found that his beasts
were gone, for the king’s porters had given orders for everyone to leave
the courtyard, and they turned out all the beasts and closed the gates;
for so they had been commanded, that there might not be many there. When
the master could not find his mules he was at a loss whether he should
return to the king or what he should do; and one of his knights, whose
name was Suer Gutierrez de Navales, an Austrian, perceived that some
mischief was afoot, for he saw a stir in the Alcazar, and he said to the
master, “My lord, the postern of the courtyard stands open; go out and
you shall not lack mules.” This he repeated many times, for he thought
that if the master got outside the Alcazar he might perchance escape, and
there they must needs slay many of his followers ere they could take him.

In the meanwhile there came to the master two knights who were brothers,
and their names were Ferrand Sanchez de Tovar, and Juan Ferrandez de
Tovar, and they knew nothing of this business. By the king’s orders they
said to the master, “My lord, the king calls for you”; and the master
turned back to go to the king, in dread, for he now suspected evil. As he
passed the doors of the palace and of the different apartments the number
of his followers grew less and less, for those who guarded the doors had
ordered the porters not to let them pass.

When the master came to the place where the king was, none was allowed
to enter save only the master Don Fadrique, and the master of Calatrava,
Don Diego Garcia (who that day accompanied Don Fadrique, the master of
Santiago, and knew nothing of all this), and two other knights. The king
was in a hall called “del Fierro” with the door closed. And when the
masters of Santiago and Calatrava came to the door of the hall where the
king was, it was not opened to them, and they stood at the door. And
Pedro Lopez de Padilla, the king’s ballestero mayor, was outside with the
masters, and thereupon a wicket opened in the hall where the king was,
and the king said to Pedro Lopez de Padilla:

“Pedro Lopez, seize the master;” and he replied, “Which of them?” and the
king said, “The master of Santiago.” Then Pedro Lopez de Padilla laid
hold of the master Don Fadrique, and said, “I arrest you,” and the master
stood silent full of dread, and the king said to some ballesteros who
stood by, “Ballesteros, kill the master of Santiago.”

But even so the ballesteros durst not do it. Then one of the king’s
bedchamber, a man named Rui Gonzalez de Atienza who was in the secret,
cried aloud to the ballesteros:

“Traitors! what are you about? Did you not hear the king command you to
kill the master?”

Then the ballesteros, seeing that it was indeed the king’s order, raised
their maces to strike the master Don Fadrique. When the master of
Santiago saw this, he disengaged himself from the grasp of Pedro Lopez
de Padilla, and jumped into the courtyard. He seized his sword but could
not draw it, for it was slung round his neck under the tabard which he
wore, and when he would have drawn it the hilt caught in the strap and
he could not get it free. The ballesteros pursued him to wound him with
their maces but they could not succeed, for he eluded them and fled from
side to side, in the courtyard.

Then Nuño Ferrandez de Roa, who pursued him more closely than the rest,
came up with him and dealt him a blow on the head with his mace, so that
he fell to the ground, and thereupon all the other macemen came up and
wounded him. As soon as the king saw the master lying on the ground, he
went through the Alcazar thinking to find some of his followers and put
them to death, and he found none; for some had not entered the palace
when the master returned in answer to the king’s summons, because the
doors were well guarded, and some had fled and concealed themselves. But
the king found a squire named Sancho Ruiz de Villegas, who was surnamed
Sancho Portin, and he was the master’s chief equerry. The king found him
in the part of the palace called the Caracol, where Doña Maria de Padilla
dwelt with the king’s daughters, where he had taken refuge when he heard
the noise of the master’s murder. The king entered the room, and Sancho
Ruiz had taken Doña Beatrice, the king’s daughter, in his arms, thinking
to escape death through her. But when the king saw it, he caused his
daughter Doña Beatrice to be torn from his arms, and stabbed him with the
dagger which he wore in his belt.

The king returned to where the master lay, and found that he was not yet
dead, and the king took a dagger from his belt and gave it to a groom of
the chambers, to kill him with. When it was done the king sat down to
eat in the place where the master lay dead, a hall called the Azulejos,
which is in the Alcazar. Then the king sent for his cousin, the infante
Don Juan, (of Aragon) and told him in secret that he was going from
thence to Biscay at once, and that he should come with him, for it was
his intention to put Don Tello to death and give Biscay to Don Juan. For
the infante Don Juan was married to Doña Isabella, sister of the wife of
Don Tello, and both were daughters of Don Juan Nuñez de Lara, lord of
Biscay, and of Doña Maria his wife. And the infante kissed the king’s
hands, thinking that he would act according to his word. That day, after
the death of the master Don Fadrique, the king took the adelantadoship of
the frontier from his cousin the infante Don Juan, saying that he would
make him lord of Biscay, and bestowed it upon Enriquez, who was alguacil
mayor of Seville; and he gave that office to Garci Gutierrez Tello, an
honourable gentleman dwelling in Seville.

That same day on which the master of Santiago died the king sent orders
to Cordova for Pero Cabrera, a gentleman who dwelt there, to be put to
death, as well as a _zurat_ whose name was Ferrando Alfonso de Gabete.
And he sent to kill Don Lope Sanchez de Bendaña, chief commander of
Castile, and they killed him in Villarejo, a place belonging to the
order of Santiago, the property of the commander. In Salamanca they
killed Alfonso Jufre Tenorio; and Alfonso Perez Fermosino in Toro. In the
castle of Mora they slew Gonzalo Melendez de Toledo, who had been held a
prisoner there. And the king ordered all these to be put to death, saying
that they were concerned in the rebellion when some in the kingdom took
up the causes of Queen Blanche, as has already been related. And although
he had indeed pardoned them it appeared that his wrath against them was
not dead.[h]

OTHER ROYAL MURDERS

[Sidenote: [1358-1361 A.D.]]

The king and the prince of Aragon departed for Biscay; but, on reaching
Aguilar, they found that Don Tello had been apprised of his intended
doom, and had fled. Pedro followed him to Bermeo, where he learned that
the fugitive had just embarked for Bayonne. In his blind fury he embarked
in the first vessel he found in the harbour, and ordered a pursuit; but
the sea began to rise so high that he soon abandoned it, and returned
to the port. The infante Juan now requested the fulfilment of the royal
promise; but he who had made it had now changed his mind. With his usual
duplicity, however, he amused his cousin, saying that he could do nothing
without the states of the province; that he would speedily convoke them,
and procure the recognition of the new feudatory. He did convoke them;
but it was to persuade them to confer their sovereignty on himself alone.

The disappointed claimant now left Pedro in disgust; but was speedily
recalled to Bilbao, where the king repaired, by the promise that his
ambition should be gratified. The infante hastened to that town, and
proceeded to the house occupied by the court. As he approached the royal
apartments, some of the tyrant’s creatures, as if in jest, deprived him
of his poniard--the only weapon which he had about him, and, at the
same moment he was struck on the head by a mace; another blow brought
him lifeless to the ground. His corpse was thrown from the window of
the apartment occupied by the king into the street; but was afterwards
conveyed to Burgos, and cast into the river.

To revenge the murder of these victims, the two brothers, Henry and
Tello, who had returned to Aragon, made frequent irruptions into Castile.
In a battle fought in 1359, they triumphed over Henestrosa, whom they
left dead on the field; and, in subsequent invasions, they obtained no
small portion of plunder.[34] But none of these things moved the king,
who persevered in his course of barbarities as if his throne rested on a
rock of adamant. It is impossible to specify all his individual acts of
murder; such only can be represented here as are either more than usually
characteristic of him, or as exercised some influence on following
events: in revenge for the aid afforded to his revolted subjects by the
infante of Aragon, he put to death Leonora, the dowager queen of that
country, who had long resided in Castile, and who was also his own aunt.
But his famous, or rather infamous compact with the Portuguese king,
Pedro, is most indicative of the man. Knowing how much that sovereign
longed to extirpate all who had been concerned in the murder of Iñes
de Castro,[35] and of whom a few had sought refuge in Castile; and no
less eager on his own part to take vengeance on three or four of his own
obnoxious subjects, who had implored the protection of the Portuguese,
he proposed to surrender the Portuguese in exchange for the Castilian
refugees. The kindred soul of the Lusitanian felt a savage joy at the
proposal; in 1360, the men were exchanged and put to death.

That he cared as little for the king of France as for the pope--both
were distant enemies--Spain had a melancholy proof, in 1361, in the
tragical death of that unhappy queen, Blanche de Bourbon. His orders
for her removal by poison were first given to the governor of Xeres, to
whom the custody of her person had for some time been intrusted; but
that governor, whose name (Iñigo Ortiz de Zuñiga) ought to be revered by
posterity, refused to become the executioner of his queen. It is somewhat
surprising that his life was not the penalty of his disobedience--a doom
which he doubtless expected. A less scrupulous agent for this bloody
business was found in one of the king’s ballasteros, Juan Perez de
Robledo, who hastened to the fortress, superseded the noble Iñigo Ortiz
in the command, and perpetrated the deed--whether by poison or by steel
is unknown. The same violence befell Isabella de Lara, widow of the
infante Don Juan, whom the tyrant had murdered at Bilbao.

[Sidenote: [1361-1366 A.D.]]

The death of Blanche was followed by the natural one of the king’s
mistress, Maria de Padilla. Whether through the example of the Portuguese
sovereign, who had shortly before proclaimed his secret marriage with
Iñes de Castro, or whether because the Castilian had in like manner
actually married Maria, certain it is, that, in 1362--immediately after
the murder of the king of Granada by his own hand--Pedro convoked the
cortes at Seville, and declared that Maria de Padilla had been his
lawful wife, and that for this reason alone he had refused to live with
Blanche de Bourbon: he therefore required that his son Alfonso should
be declared his legitimate successor. Three of the king’s creatures
were brought forward, who swore on the holy Gospels that they had been
present at the nuptials; and the cortes, though far from convinced of
the fact, affected to receive it as such, declared Maria the queen and
Alfonso the heir of the kingdom; and, after him, the daughters of their
monarch by that favourite. If such a marriage were really contracted,
Blanche was deceived as well as Juana de Castro; but, from want of
sufficient evidence, history can place the French princess only in the
rank of Castilian queens. The man who had imposed on the credulity of
Doña Juana, who had broken his faith whenever it suited his views, whose
character was as much distinguished for duplicity as for violence--must
produce some better voucher than his word, or his oath, or those of his
creatures, before he will obtain credit with posterity.

THE WAR WITH HENRY OF TRASTAMARA

It was to defend himself against the probable vengeance of France,
and the present hostility of Aragon, that, in 1363, Pedro sought the
alliance of Edward III of England and the heroic Black Prince. The
danger was the more to be apprehended, when the king of Navarre joined
his brother of Aragon. For some time, the advantage lay on the side of
the Castilian; who, early in 1364, reduced several towns in Valencia,
and invested the capital of that province; the siege of which, however,
he was soon compelled to raise. But these temporary successes were more
than counterbalanced by the activity of Henry; who, in 1365, prevailed on
Bertrand du Guesclin, the count de la Marche, and other French chiefs, to
aid him in his projected dethronement of the Castilian tyrant.

The French king, Charles V, anxious to avenge the cruel insult done to
his royal house, espoused the cause of Henry, and commanded his disbanded
soldiers to serve in the expedition destined against Castile. To meet
it, Pedro, in 1366, assembled his troops at Burgos. He had not long to
wait: under some noted leaders, the French soon entered Catalonia; they
were favourably received by their ally the king of Aragon, and reached
Calahorra unmolested, the gates of which were speedily opened to them.
There Henry was solemnly proclaimed king of Castile.

The inactivity of Pedro on the invasion of his kingdom was such as to
leave it a doubtful point with posterity whether he was a coward, or
whether he knew too well the disaffection of his people to hazard a
battle with the enemy. In opposition to the urgent remonstrances of the
inhabitants, he precipitately left Burgos for Seville, without venturing
his sword with his aspiring brother. Henry hastened to the abandoned
city, where he was joyfully received by many deputies of the towns, and
crowned in the monastery of Huelgas. With the money he found in the
Alcazar, and the presents made him by the Jewish inhabitants, he was able
to gratify his followers; their chiefs he rewarded more nobly: thus,
to Du Guesclin he gave the lordship of Molina and Trastamara; and to
the Englishman Hugh de Calverley, who, with the former, had the chief
command of the auxiliaries, the city and lordship of Carrion; on his
brother Tello he conferred the sovereignty of Biscay; on Sancho, another
brother, that of Albuquerque and Ledesma. He now lost no time in pursuing
the fugitive Pedro. Presenting himself before Toledo, he summoned that
important place to surrender; which, after some deliberation, obeyed the
summons. There he was joined by deputies from Avila, Segovia, Madrid,
Cuenza, Ciudad Real, with the submission of those towns. He was now
master of the whole of New Castile.

[Illustration: A SPANISH KING OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

The rapidity of these successes convinced the guilty Pedro that his
own subjects alone would form but a poor rampart against the assaults
of his brother. To procure the aid of Portugal, he sent his daughter
Beatrice, now the heiress of his states (his son Alfonso was no more),
into that country, with a great treasure as her marriage portion, for
the infante Don Ferdinand, to whom she had been promised. He was himself
soon obliged to follow her: an insurrection of the Sevillians, who openly
declared for Henry, inspiring the detested tyrant with a just dread of
his life, he fled into the territories of his uncle and ally. But here
new mortifications awaited him: the Portuguese returned both his daughter
and his treasures, on the pretext that, the states of Castile having
acknowledged Henry, the latter had no wish to plunge the two kingdoms
into war; all that he could obtain was permission to pass through the
Portuguese territory--he durst not venture into Estremadura--into
Galicia. No sooner was he arrived at Monterey, than the archbishop of
Santiago, Ferdinand de Castro, and other Galician lords, joined him, and
advised him to try the fortune of arms; especially as Zamora, Soria,
Logroño, and other cities still held for him: but, though they offered
to aid him with two thousand foot and five hundred horse, either through
cowardice or distrust he rejected the proposal, and set out for Santiago,
with the resolution of proceeding thence to Corunna, and embarking for
Bayonne, to join his ally the prince of Wales.

[Sidenote: [1366-1367 A.D.]]

Pedro reached the city of Santiago about the middle of June. While there,
he resolved on the murder of Don Suero the archbishop--a resolution
almost too extraordinary to be explained, yet sufficiently characteristic
of the man; who, whenever blood was to be shed, or plunder to be
procured, little troubled himself about reasons for his conduct. But his
most powerful motive for this atrocious deed was his desire to obtain the
towns and fortresses of Don Suero. The fortresses of the murdered prelate
were immediately occupied. The assassin, leaving them, as well as the
support of his interests, to the care of Ferdinand de Castro, proceeded
with his daughter to Corunna, where, with a fleet of twenty-two sail,
he embarked for Bayonne. Thus, in three short months, without a single
battle on either side, was this cowardly tyrant deprived of a powerful
kingdom. It may, however, be doubted whether the majority of the people
cared much for either prince; on them the fantastic cruelties of Pedro
fell harmless: indeed, there is room for believing that, whatever were
his cruelties towards his obnoxious and usually rebellious barons, he
caused justice to be impartially administered, and wished no unnecessary
imposts to be laid on the great towns.

The exiled king was well received by the English hero, who undertook to
restore him to his throne. The treaty into which the two princes had
entered rendered the aid of Edward almost imperative: besides, it was
his interest to oppose the close ally of France; and his own personal
ambition was not a little gratified by the offer of the lordship of
Biscay, with 56,000 florins of gold for his own use, and 550,000 for the
support of his army. To insure the punctual performance of the other
conditions, Pedro delivered his daughters as hostages into the hands of
the Black Prince. The enterprise was sanctioned by the English monarch,
and the necessary preparations were immediately commenced.

In the meantime Henry had been joyfully received at Seville, and
acknowledged by the whole of Andalusia. Seeing himself thus master of the
kingdom, except Galicia, he marched to reduce it. He closely invested
Ferdinand de Castro in the city of Lugo. From Lugo the king proceeded
to Burgoo, where he convened his states and obtained the necessary
supplies for the defence of the kingdom. He renewed his alliance with
the king of Aragon; and, in an interview with the sovereign of Navarre,
on the confines of the two monarchies, he prevailed on the latter,
for a gift of 60,000 pistoles, and by the promise of two fortresses,
to refuse a passage to the prince of Wales. No sooner, however, was
the king of Navarre returned to Pamplona, than he received messengers
from the dethroned Pedro, who offered to put him in possession of
Alava and Guipuzcoa, with the two important places of Logroño and
Vittoria, if he would suffer the English prince to march through his
territories unmolested. Charles had no difficulty in accepting the latter
proposition, as he had accepted the former.

The preparations of the English prince being completed early in the
spring of 1367, he passed the Pyrenees at Roncesvalles, and descended
into the plains of Navarre. In his combined army of English, Normans,
and Gascons, were some of the flower of English chivalry. Instead of
opposing his passage, Charles secretly desired Oliver de Manny, one of
Edward’s generals, to seize him (the king of Navarre) while hunting in
a certain place, and make him prisoner: by this contrivance he hoped to
excuse his inactivity to Henry. Oliver did as directed, and the English
prince pursued his march towards the Castilian frontiers. He was joined
by Sir Hugh de Calverley, who preferred the loss of the new lordship of
Carrion to violating a vassal’s faith by bearing arms against his natural
chief. Henry also advanced; but so well was he acquainted with the
valour of his renowned antagonist, that he was undetermined whether he
should do more than hover round the flanks of the invaders, cut off their
supplies, and force them, by famine, to return. In a council of war,
however, which he assembled to hear the opinion of his officers as to the
plan of the campaign, his Castilian chiefs so justly convinced him that,
if he refused the battle, several towns would immediately declare for
Pedro, that he resolved to risk all. No wonder that he should; for if, as
Froissart[i] informs us, his army was near seventy thousand strong, he
might well have little fear as to the result. One of his detachments had
the advantage over a foraging party of the allies. On the 2nd of April,
the two hostile armies met, west of Logroño, a few miles south of the
Ebro.

BATTLE OF NAJERA OR NAVARRETE (1367 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1367 A.D.]]

The Castilians immediately occupied the vicinity of Najera: the allies
encamped at Navarrete. To spare the effusion of Christian blood, Edward
sent a letter, by a herald, to the camp of Henry, explaining the
causes which had armed the English monarch in defence of an ally and a
relation; but offering, at the same time, to mediate between the two
parties. His letter, which was addressed, “To the noble and powerful
Prince Henry, count of Trastamara,” not to the king of Castile, was
courteously received by Henry. In his reply, he dwelt on the cruelties
and oppressions of Pedro’s government, whose expulsion he represented as
the act of an indignant nation, and expressed his resolution to maintain
both that nation’s rights and his own by the sword.

The battle which decided the fate of the two kings commenced the
following morning, April 3rd, 1367. The war-cry of “Guienne and St.
George!” on the one side, and of “Castile and Santiago!” on the other,
were soon drowned by the clash of arms, the shouts of the victors, and
the groans of the dying. The struggle was for a short time desperate:
but who could contend with the victor of Crécy and Poitiers? A fierce
charge on the left wing of Henry, by the prince in person, so terrified
Don Tello, who commanded a body of cavalry, that he fled from the field;
perhaps he was as treacherous as he was cowardly. Henry fought nobly;
so also did his antagonist, who, like his celebrated counterpart,
Richard III of England, was as brave as he was cruel. But after the
flight of Don Tello, the infantry of Castile began to give way; and,
after some desperate efforts by Henry to support the contest, resistance
was abandoned. The number of slain, on the part of the vanquished, was
eight thousand. Many thousands were made prisoners--all but a handful,
who accompanied the defeated count into Aragon, whence he escaped into
France. Success so splendid is seldom to be found in the annals of
history: it at once restored Pedro to the Castilian throne. But the
heroic victor met with little gratitude from his faithless ally: as on a
former occasion, the states of Biscay were secretly advised not to accept
him for their ruler; and it was not without difficulty that he could
obtain from Pedro an oath that the money due to his troops should be
paid at two instalments--the first in four, the second in twelve months.
But what most disgusted the humane conqueror was the eagerness which the
restored king showed to shed the blood of the prisoners.[b]

The Spanish historian Ayala has drawn a picture of the Englishman’s
protest against Spanish ruthlessness.

AYALA’S ACCOUNT OF THE QUARREL BETWEEN EDWARD AND PEDRO

You must know that so soon as the battle was won, from that day onwards
there was little harmony between Don Pedro and the prince, and the
reason thereof was as follows. In the first place, upon the day of the
battle, a gentleman named Iñigo Lopez de Orozco was taken prisoner by a
gentleman of Gascony, whereupon Don Pedro rode upon horseback, and slew
the said Iñigo Lopez; and the gentleman whose prisoner he was complained
to the prince that, this man being his prisoner, Don Pedro came up and
killed him; and he complained not only for the loss of his prisoner, but
also because he held himself greatly dishonoured by the death of this
gentleman who had surrendered to him, and was in his power.

The prince said to Don Pedro that it was not well done of him, for he
knew full well that one of the chief articles of those agreed, sworn,
and signed between them, was that the king should not put to death any
gentleman of Castile, nor any person of note, while the prince was there,
until he had been justly judged, save those whom he had previously
sentenced, among whom this Iñigo Lopez was not included. And that it
appeared from this that the king did not intend to fulfil his engagements
towards him, and he presumed that his fidelity on all points would be the
same as in this matter. The king excused himself as best he might, but
neither he nor the prince was well pleased that day. The day after the
battle Don Pedro asked the prince that all the knights and squires of
note, natives of Castile, who were taken prisoners in the battle, should
be delivered to him, and that a reasonable price should be set upon them,
and he would pay it to those who held them prisoners. And that the prince
should be security for such payments to the knights and men-at-arms who
held them prisoners; and the king, Don Pedro, would pledge himself to
the prince for the sum to which they amounted. And the king said that,
if these knights were delivered to him, he would deal and speak with
them in such a way that they should remain on his side; but if their
ransom should be procured by other means, or they should escape from the
imprisonment in which their captors held them, they would always remain
his enemies and be active in his dis-service. Don Pedro insisted strongly
on this point, on Sunday, the day after the battle, which was fought
on the Saturday before Lazarus Sunday, the 3rd of April. The prince of
Wales said to Don Pedro that, saving his royal majesty, his request was
beyond reason, for these lords, knights, and men-at-arms, who were there
in the king’s service and his own, had laboured for honour, and if they
had taken any prisoners they were theirs. And the knights who held them
were of such sort that for all the wealth of the world, though it were
a thousand times the worth of their prisoners, they would never deliver
them to him, for they would think his purpose was to kill them. And he
bade the king urge the point no more, for it was a thing to which he
never could agree; however, if there were any among the captive knights
against whom he had passed sentence before the battle, he would order
them to be delivered to him.

The king said to the prince that if things were to fall out thus, his
kingdom was now more surely lost than ever, for these prisoners were
those by whose fault he had lost his kingdom, and if they were to escape
thus, and not be delivered to him, that he might come to terms with them
and win them to his cause, he held that the prince’s help was of small
account, and that he had expended his treasure in vain. Then the prince
was angry at the words the king, Don Pedro, had spoken to him, and thus
made answer:

“Sir kinsman, methinks you are now more like to recover your kingdom than
when it was yours indeed, and you governed it so ill that you were fain
to lose it. And I would counsel you to cease these executions and seek
some means whereby you may recover the good will of the lords, knights,
and noblemen, and the towns and cities of your kingdom; but if, on the
contrary, you govern yourself as you did formerly, you are in sore peril
of losing your kingdom and life, and of being brought to such a pass that
neither the king of England, my lord and father, nor myself, will avail
to help you, though we were so minded.”

Such was the discourse held between Don Pedro and the prince that day,
Sunday, after the battle, when they lay in that camp[h]

A NEW REVOLT; THE END OF PEDRO THE CRUEL

[Sidenote: [1367-1368 A.D.]]

Pedro’s cruelty soon raised new discontent of which Henry was ready to
take advantage, while the English prince was too disgusted[36] to support
further with his bravery the odious tyranny of the Spanish Nero.[a]

Towards the close of the year (1367), Henry entered Spain by Roussillon,
at the head of a very small force, not exceeding four hundred lances.
At first the king of Aragon attempted to arrest his progress through
that kingdom, but with little zeal; the soldiers sent to oppose him
connived at his passage into Navarre. Having passed the Ebro at Azagra,
and set foot on the Castilian territory, he drew a cross on the sand,
and by it swore that he would not desist from his undertaking while life
remained. The neighbouring inhabitants of Calahorra readily received
him within their walls. He was joined by many of the Castilian barons
with considerable reinforcements, and by the archbishop of Toledo. Leon
was besieged and taken; the Asturias submitted; Illescas, Buytrago, and
Madrid opened their gates after a short struggle; and Toledo, which
promised a more obstinate resistance, was invested. It is useful to
observe that the resistance of these places was the work of the citizens
who were generally attached to Pedro; while the barons and hidalgos
were generally for Henry. This circumstance gives great weight to the
suspicion that, while Pedro ruled the privileged orders with an iron
sceptre, he favoured the independence of the people.

[Sidenote: [1368-1369 A.D.]]

The success of the invader roused Pedro to something like activity in
defence of his tottering crown. His ally, the king of Granada, was
persuaded to arm in his behalf; and to join him with six thousand horse
and thirty thousand foot. His own troops did not much exceed seven
thousand, but the united force was formidable. Cordova was immediately
assailed by the two kings; but the defence was so vigorous, and the loss
on the part of the besiegers so severe, that the enterprise was soon
abandoned. The troops of Muhammed V returned to Granada; and though they
afterwards took the field, they did so, not so much to aid their ally, as
to derive some advantage for themselves from the confusion of the times.
The operations of the war were now very desultory, though destructive
to the kingdom. In the north, Vittoria, Salvatierra, Logroño, and some
other places which held for Pedro, submitted to the king of Navarre in
preference to Henry--so great was their repugnance to that champion of
feudal tyranny. Toledo manfully resisted his assaults. To relieve that
important city, which had now been invested nearly twelve months, Pedro
left Seville in March, 1369, and passed by Calatrava towards Montiel,
with the intention of waiting for some reinforcements advancing from
Murcia, before he ventured an action with his rival.

At this time, Bertrand du Guesclin arrived from France with an aid
of six hundred lances. Henry now put his little army in motion; was
joined by the grand-master of Santiago; and, arriving at Montiel with
incredible despatch, he fell on the outposts of his rival, and forced
them precipitately into the fortress. With a very inadequate force, Pedro
was now besieged in this place, and cut off from all supplies, which
yet reached Henry every hour. What added to his difficulties was the
want of provisions and of water; so that his men began to desert one by
one to the enemy, or retire to their respective homes. In this critical
situation he meditated the means of escape.[b]

After the combat Don Henry took steps to prevent his enemy from escaping
from the castle of Montiel, causing the exits to be strictly guarded,
and surrounded by a wall of uncemented stones, presumably to prevent any
inmate from escaping on horseback.

[Illustration: PEDRO THE CRUEL

(From an old print)]

Mendo Rodriguez of Sanabria, who was with the king, on the strength of
having at one time been Du Guesclin’s prisoner, attempted to negotiate
with him for the king’s escape. The conference began from the ramparts
and was secretly continued at night in the besieger’s camp. Rodriguez
offered the French warrior, on the part of his lord, 200,000 doubloons
of gold and dominion over towns as important as Almazan, Atienza,
Monteagudo, Deza and Seron, if he would assist in the king’s flight
and join his party. The prayer was most natural and just from one so
distressingly situated; the answer was noble and befitting a knight. Du
Guesclin replied that he served in this expedition by order of his lord
the king of France, and in the service of the count of Trastamara, and
therefore, without dishonour, he could not accede to this prayer; upon
which Rodriguez returned to the fortress, suspicion being afterwards held
by some as to his sincerity and loyalty in this attempt.

Bertrand related what had occurred to Don Henry, and the bastard with his
natural generosity rewarded him by paying him what Rodriguez had offered,
though in acting thus Bertrand had but been faithful to his duty and to
the dictates of honour. He then induced the Frenchman to continue the
negotiations and promise safety to Don Pedro, so that upon the latter’s
coming to his tent he might summon thither Don Henry. The Frenchman had
some suspicion as to the proceeding being unworthy of a knight, but
eventually he conquered his scruples, and acceding to Don Henry’s request
entered into the ignoble plot.

The result was that the king, trusting in the safe escort promised by Du
Guesclin, left the castle of Montiel, where resistance was hopeless, and
where it was impossible to remain as there was even a scarcity of water,
and one by one the defenders were deserting. Armed and on horseback he
came to Bertrand’s tent, and dismounting entered and said to him: “Mount,
for it is time to be away.” Obtaining no reply, the unhappy monarch was
alarmed and attempted to remount, but a traitor’s hand detained him, and
he was made prisoner with his faithful followers Ferdinand de Castro,
Mendo Rodriguez of Sanabria, Garcia Fernandez de Villodre, and others.

The news was speedily carried to Don Henry, if indeed he was not awaiting
it near by, and well armed he hurried to the spot where the king was. As
this scene took place at night in presence of numerous witnesses, and
it was long since they had met, they did not immediately recognise one
another. Don Henry being informed of his brother’s presence, the latter
confirmed the news with noble arrogance, saying: “’Tis I! ’Tis I!”

Then occurred one of the most terrible scenes related in history for
the horror of mankind. Don Henry wounded the king in the face with his
dagger, and both grappling they fell to the ground. Don Henry succeeded,
either by his own strength or with the assistance of a bystander, in
falling on the top and wounding the unhappy king mortally, finally
cutting off his head with furious wrath. Thus on March 23rd, 1369, was
consummated a great crime against the legitimate king, and a repellent
fratricide which, if Don Henry had refrained from presenting himself at
that place, would have been avoided. It may be that he had no intention
of killing the king with his own hand, and that infuriated by his hateful
presence he flung himself upon him precipitately; but he should have
foreseen the result, knowing that Pedro was about to become his prisoner
through Du Guesclin’s treachery. It may be that the latter was merely
actuated by a desire to bring this long war to an end, and secure the
throne to Don Henry whom he served, and who had almost succeeded in
winning it; but his intervention in this business, which terminated in
a most horrible fratricide, was disloyal and unworthy of one whom the
French esteem their greatest knight, nor was treachery called for, as Don
Pedro must speedily have surrendered.

To conclude, this tragedy was shameful for the principal actors in
it, the victim alone being free from taint, and to a certain extent
his memory was purified by the shedding of his blood; for had not his
tempestuous life come to so untimely an end, we may feel certain that
passionate defenders would never have arisen to obliterate the title of
“cruel” by which he is and ever will be known in history.[j]

A FINAL ESTIMATE OF PEDRO THE CRUEL

In recent times, attempts have been made by Mondejar,[k] and other
historical critics, to vindicate the memory of this king, on the ground
that his chronicler and contemporary, Pedro López de Ayala,[h] was a
blind partisan of his rival’s, and has injuriously treated his memory.
They tell us of a chronicle of this king, written by Don Juan de Castro,
bishop of Jaen, in which Pedro is represented as one of the best
sovereigns of the age--as one who, while he protected the oppressed, was
severe only against his turbulent and lawless barons. There may be some
truth in this latter assertion: Pedro, like Richard III of England, whom
he partially resembles, was probably no enemy to the humbler orders, but
eager only to break the formidable power of the nobles. Even admitting,
what is very probable, that his character has been somewhat unfairly
treated by Ayala, if one-half the deeds narrated by that author were
actually perpetrated by him,--and the careful minuteness with which they
are recorded gives them the appearance of authenticity,--he has had but
one equal in ferocity, and that one was the czar Ivan IV of Russia. Until
Castro’s pretended chronicle is actually produced--and it has been sought
for in vain these three hundred years--and compared with Ayala, criticism
is compelled to receive the testimony of the latter, confirmed, as it
incidentally is, by Froissart[i] and other contemporary writers. That he
was a man of lust, as well as of cruelty, is apparent from the number of
his mistresses, to say nothing of his two pretended wives.[b]

Prosper Mérimée[m] is one of the modern defenders of Pedro, but while
his tone is apologetic, his facts leave the resulting opinion only the
stronger. Hume[n] admits the black heart of Pedro, but denies that he was
exceptionally heartless for that time, and insists that his struggles
against the nobles were for the good of the people and his failure to
restrain their feudal power a calamity. It is hard, however, to believe
that a monstrosity whom even his contemporaries found worthy of the fame
of the most cruel of the cruel, could have been moved by any altruistic
care for his people, or any motive except ferocious hatred of any
resistance to his unutterable selfishness.

It is difficult to find in history a monarch whose reign had not some
effort for good, since perfection in vice is as impossible as perfection
in virtue. But surely no other king ever deserved less sympathy than
Pedro for his failure to check the noblemen in their greed. Surely
the feudal lords rarely used their power with better excuse than in
protecting for a time the unhappy girl-wife Blanche de Bourbon whom Pedro
sought to murder, and finally put to death. And the revolt of Trastamara
can only be blamed by those to whom legitimacy of descent is a sacred
claim on loyalty, even though the legitimate monarch wield his dagger
right and left and have his kinsmen beaten to death with clubs till
the floor of his own palace was ankle-deep in blood, as the chronicler
asserts of Pedro.

It is unjust to deny the monarch the one distinction he earned by
consistency and perseverance in the cause of evil. “Cruel” was his
epithet in his own day; let “cruel” be his epitaph in ours.[a]

FOOTNOTES

[30] [Usually, but improperly termed, “the Wise” and also “the
Astronomer.”[b]]

[31] [The reader may remember that the Templar Jacques de Molay, when
burned alive, similarly summoned Philip the Fair of France and the pope
to meet him before the Judgment Seat, and that they died soon after.]

[32] A sort of men-at-arms, whose usual weapon was a short club, or mace.

[33] [It is said that she stood to her ankles in the blood of the
slaughtered noblemen.]

[34] While Pedro was at Najera, for the purpose of protecting his
frontiers against these irruptions, a priest of San Domingo de la Calzada
is said to have waited on him, and foretold, that, unless he kept on his
guard, he would be assassinated by his brother Henry. “Who has advised
you to tell me this?” asked the king. “No one,” replied the priest,
“except San Domingo.” Pedro regarded this as some “weak invention of the
enemy,” and caused the priest to be burned alive. This anecdote, true
or false, is extracted from the chronicle of the contemporary López de
Ayala.[h]

[35] The fate of this lady, which has so frequently occupied the tragic
muse of the peninsula, must be looked for in the history of Portugal.

[36] [He did not escape without being the victim of an attempt at
poisoning which ruined his health. He returned, as Burke[d] says, “with
the loss of his soldiers, of his money, and of his health, befooled and
cheated in one of the worst causes in which English blood and English
treasure had been squandered on the continent of Europe.” Burke, who
also calls Pedro “one of the greatest blackguards that ever sat upon a
throne,” notes that to the last it was two Englishmen who defended him.]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER IV. ARAGON TO THE UNION WITH CASTILE

[Sidenote: [1162-1475 A.D.]]

Owing to the alternate separations and unions of the Spanish kingdoms
and their picturesque activities within their own realms as well as with
each other and with foreign countries, the arrangement of the earlier
chronicle has always puzzled historians. To carry one realm too far
forward before going back to bring forward the other is destructive of a
sense of synchronology, while the attempt to carry them simultaneously is
as bewildering as it is difficult.

To carry Castile forward to that well-known time when Isabella wed
Ferdinand of Aragon is to be compelled to retrace our steps for three
centuries. It seems most convenient to do as follows: Leaving Castile
at the moment of the death of that easily remembered monarch Pedro the
Cruel, to take up Aragon and bring its history to the same point. But
once reaching there it leaves but little more to be said to bring Aragon
definitely to the marriage of its prince Ferdinand with the Castilian
princess Isabella. This, then, we shall do, returning thence to take up
the story of Castile after the death of Pedro the Cruel, after which time
the chronicle lies straight and single.[a]

[Sidenote: [1196-1276 A.D.]]

That gallant monarch Alfonso II, the liberal art-loving patron of the
troubadours, who was endowed with such brilliant princely qualities, had
either by right of inheritance or success in arms extended his sway over
a great part of southern France and curbed the might of the Saracens.
In 1196 he was succeeded in Aragon, Catalonia, and Roussillon by his
first-born son Pedro II, while the county of Provence and the rest of
his possessions in France fell to Alfonso the younger brother. Pedro
had himself crowned by Pope Innocent III, perhaps with the object of
investing the authority of the crown with greater prestige in the eyes
of the nobles. At his coronation he swore fealty to the pope and pledged
himself to pay an annual tribute to the apostolic see. In order to defray
this expense he introduced a new property-tax, the _monedaje_, to be
levied upon the nobles, who had hitherto been exempt from taxation. The
nobles and cities, incensed at the new impost and the abasement of the
crown, formed a “union” in consequence of which the king was compelled at
least to reduce the tax.

Pedro took part in the wars against the Albigenses as an ally of his
brother-in-law, Raymond of Toulouse, and in 1213 he met his death in
battle before the walls of the fortress of Muret, where he proved himself
worthy of the reputation for heroic strength which he had won two years
before in the famous victory of Ubeda in the plain of Tolosa. Pedro was a
true son of his age; a brave warrior of mighty arm and gigantic stature,
he was distinguished for chivalrous valour as well as for liberality and
sumptuous tastes; a gallant knight, who honoured women in poetry and song
and won repute among the troubadours of his day, though he was harsh and
unloving to his virtuous consort, Maria de Montpellier, granddaughter of
the Byzantine emperor Manuel. His knightly and royal qualities were often
overcast by debauchery, superstition, and religious fanaticism.

JAMES THE CONQUEROR (1213-1276 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1213-1276 A.D.]]

James,[37] the son of Pedro and Maria, had to win by arms the throne
which his uncles contested with him, before he could resume the war of
conquest against the Saracens at the head of the chivalry of Aragon and
Catalonia. He then prosecuted it with such success as to gain for himself
the surname of “the conqueror.” He began by a campaign of four years’
duration, in which he subjugated Majorca and the rest of the Balearic
Islands, so long the headquarters of a ruthless system of piracy and the
terror of all Christian seaboard states of the Mediterranean.

The Catalans, whose important trade suffered great loss at the hands
of hostile pirates, took a particularly active part in the conquest,
and many Catalan knights and nobles were therefore endowed with fiefs
in the islands. A matter of even greater consequence to the future of
the kingdom of Aragon was James’ expedition against Valencia, which
the Spaniards regarded as a sacred inheritance from the great Cid
Campeador, the first Spanish conqueror. James invaded the territory of
Valencia with a great army of Catalan and Aragonese knights, which was
joined by many volunteers from southern France and even from England.
The emir Jomail ben Ziyan was forced to capitulate, and the capital
was vigorously besieged and reduced to submission (1238). The Saracen
population migrated elsewhere, either voluntarily or under compulsion,
their property was assigned to Christian settlers, Catalans occupied the
cities, and the land was given in fee among the victorious barons and
knights. Within the next few days the other towns fell into the hands
of the Aragonese conquerors, the chief of them being the strongholds of
Jativa, situate upon a hill in the midst of a fertile and lovely country,
and the town of Denia; and Moslem dominion was soon confined to the
kingdom of Granada and its strong, rock-built capitals, for the kings of
Castile and Portugal were likewise pushing their frontiers forward on the
Guadiana and the Guadalquivir.

James was one of the greatest monarchs of his century, and not only
because in the course of a reign of sixty-three years he extended the
kingdom he had inherited in every direction, nor because he conquered
Majorca and Valencia, nor even because in the closing years of his life
he fought with youthful ardour against the infidels in Murcia, who had
revolted afresh against their Christian conquerors with the help of
the Merinids from Africa, nor that he fought, as is reported, thirty
battles against the Moors; but because with the might of a conqueror he
combined the endowments of a wise and humane ruler. He was clement and
merciful to the Moslem who sued him for mercy, and greatly as he had the
propagation of Christianity at heart (he is said to have founded nearly
two hundred churches in the countries he conquered) he showed tolerance
and consideration for their faith and their religious and civil laws, and
defended the independence of his crown against the pretensions of the
papal see.

[Sidenote: [1266-1282 A.D.]]

But he was pre-eminent, above all things, as a lawgiver; it was he who
made the first compilation of the laws of Aragon; he founded the maritime
laws of Catalonia,[38] he promoted navigation and trade, laid the basis
of the free constitution of Barcelona, and was the author of a new
political organisation in Valencia. The Catalonian language, intellectual
culture, and the art of poetry likewise enjoyed his patronage; Jordi of
Valencia, to whom Petrarch owes many beautiful passages,[39] and other
minstrels lived at his court, which was not lacking in brilliance and
splendour. But his unfortunate idea of dividing the dominions he had
inherited and conquered among his sons caused him many pangs and wrought
great confusion in the kingdom of Aragon. Several treaties of partition
were agreed upon during his reign, and invariably brought rebellion and
civil war in their train. The great dismemberment he contemplated was
only prevented by the fact that the eldest infante, Alfonso, the son of
his marriage with Leonora of Castile, whom he afterwards divorced, died
before his father, and the third of the sons whom Violante [or Yolande]
of Hungary bore him sank into an early grave. Thus the great provinces of
Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia passed on united into the hands of Pedro
III, and only the Balearic Islands, with Montpellier, Roussillon, and
some of his other possessions fell to the younger brother, James, as a
separate kingdom. Fernan Sanchez, a natural son of the king, was drowned
in the river Chica by order of his brother the infante Pedro, after a
futile attempt at rebellion, and his property was sequestrated. James not
only sanctioned the deed but testified his satisfaction at it, so greatly
had the unnatural strife hardened his usually noble heart.[b] He died in
1276 and was succeeded by his son.

PEDRO III AND HIS SICILIAN WARS

Pedro III lost no time in restoring tranquillity in Valencia; but
scarcely was this object effected, when many of his rebellious barons,
whose constant end was the curtailment of the royal prerogative and the
oppression of the poor, broke out into an open insurrection. He reduced
them to obedience. In two years they again rebelled, but with no better
success: they were invested in the fortress of Balaguer, which was at
length compelled to surrender, and were for some time detained prisoners.

[Sidenote: [1282-1285 A.D.]]

But the most important transactions of Pedro were with Sicily. On the
death of Manfred, who had perished at Benevento in battle with Charles
of Anjou, whom the pope had invested with the fief, the French prince
took undisturbed possession of the Two Sicilies. When Conradin had
attained his sixteenth year, knowing the hatred borne to the French rule
by the Sicilies, and that the Ghibelline faction was at his command, he
resolved to vindicate his rightful claims. Despising the papal thunders,
which had consigned him while living to every ill that life can suffer,
and when dead to the goodly fellowship of Dathan, Abiram, and the devil,
he invaded Italy, passed, in contempt of the church, through the city of
Rome, where he was hailed with enthusiasm, and proceeded towards Naples.
He was defeated by his formidable adversary; was taken prisoner in the
retreat; was tried, condemned, and executed at Naples. The Ghibellines,
and all who revered the rights of blood, now turned their eyes towards
Constanza, daughter of Manfred and queen of Aragon, while the Guelfs and
all who recognised the papal supremacy over the kingdom continued the
zealous asserters of the rights of Charles, the pope’s feudatory. But the
tyrannical government of Charles, his rapacity and injustice, soon made
him hateful to the whole body of his subjects. The oppressed inhabitants
of Sicily despatched messengers with renewed complaints to Nicholas
III, to Michael Palæologus, emperor of Constantinople, and, above all,
to Pedro of Aragon, whom they regarded in right of Constanza as lawful
ruler, and whom they urged to expel the tyrant without delay.

Pedro was overjoyed at this opportunity of extending his dominions;
but to fight against the pope, the king of France, brother to Charles
of Sicily, and the whole party of the Guelfs, was too momentous an
undertaking to be lightly commenced. He first secured a considerable sum
from the Greek emperor, to whom the Sicilian usurper was obnoxious; he
next collected a fleet, assembled his barons, gave liberty to his rebel
subjects, whom he had placed in confinement; but took care to conceal his
purpose. It seems, however, to have been divined both by the pope and the
French king, who, alarmed at the extent of his preparations, demanded
for what object they were intended. By pretending that his expedition
was to be directed against Barbary, and by even sending an ambassador to
the pope (Martin IV), soliciting an indulgence for all who joined him in
warring against the infidels, he hoped to lull the suspicions of Europe.
But Martin, who was not to be deceived, contumeliously dismissed the
ambassador. This circumstance did not discourage Pedro, whose armament
was prosecuted with an alacrity inspired by the hope of success. An
accident which, operating like a spark on the inflammable temper of the
Sicilians, forced them into open insurrection, hastened his departure.
The citizens of Palermo rose as one man, and destroyed every Frenchman on
whom they could lay hands. Their example was followed by other towns--by
none more heartily than Messina; so that scarcely a Frenchman was left
alive from one extremity of the island to another. Such is the famous
massacre which posterity has called the Sicilian Vespers. [Burke[g]
estimates the number of slain at 28,000.]

When Pedro learned that the Messenians were courageously repelling
the assaults of Charles of Anjou, who had passed over from Naples to
reduce them, and when a deputation from Palermo arrived, beseeching him
to accept the crown, he laid aside his extreme caution, and proceeded
towards the western coast of the island. In August he landed at Trapani,
where his reception was enthusiastic; he hastened to Palermo, where he
was joyfully proclaimed king of Sicily. The inhabitants of Messina, still
invested by Charles, besought the new monarch to relieve them, and to
receive their homage. Pedro hastened to their aid. Charles now raised
the siege, and conducted his powerful armament towards the ports of
Calabria; it was pursued by that of Aragon, headed by Don James, a son
of Pedro, who took twenty vessels, with four thousand prisoners. But
the young prince, listening only to his ardour, instead of returning to
Messina, pursued Charles to a fort in Calabria, which he attempted to
take; where, being repulsed with some loss, he re-embarked his troops.
His father, indignant at his failure, deprived him of the naval command,
which was intrusted to a more experienced chief, Roger de Lauria.

No sooner did Pope Martin hear of Pedro’s proclamation at Palermo and
Messina, of the enthusiasm shown towards the monarch by the Sicilians,
and of the flight of Charles, than he excommunicated the Aragonese. A
defiance next followed between the two rivals; who agreed to decide their
quarrel by combat, one hundred knights on each side, in the city of
Bordeaux, in June the following year. Until the appointed day arrived,
Pedro employed himself in causing his queen, who had arrived from Aragon,
to be acknowledged by the Sicilians, and in reducing some of the forts on
the Neapolitan coast. Leaving Constanza and his son, Don James, in the
government of the island, he returned into his states, for the purpose,
as was believed, of preparing for the combat. But that combat never
happened, nor, amidst the conflicting statements of historians, can we
easily decide to which of the royal rivals the disgrace of its failure
must be imputed. It is certain that Pedro caused one hundred knights to
be selected for the occasion, and that he appeared secretly at Bordeaux,
attended by three horsemen only, and returned to his dominions before the
lists were opened. For this extraordinary proceeding he appears to have
had sufficient reason. He found that a considerable number of troops were
silently moving towards the south of France, with the view, as he feared,
of seizing his person. If the Aragonese writers are to be credited,
the seneschal of Bordeaux, whom he consulted on the subject, informed
him that the field was not a safe one, and advised him not to risk his
person. This account is the more probable, from the fact that Pope
Martin had previously condemned the combat, and had required the English
king, Edward I, to whom Bordeaux belonged, and who was to be present on
the occasion, not to guarantee a fair field, nor to be present, either
in person or by his seneschals. What confirms the suspicion that some
treachery was meditated is that, though the English monarch was thus
enjoined not to visit the field, in other words, was given to understand
that the battle would not take place, no such intimation was made to the
king of Aragon.

[Illustration: A ROYAL ATTENDANT, SPAIN]

While Pedro remained in Aragon, his admiral, Roger de Lauria, reduced
the greater part of Malta (1284). He afterwards defeated a French
fleet within sight of Naples, taking the prince of Salerno, the son of
Charles, prisoner. The vindictive pope now proclaimed a crusade against
the excommunicated king of Aragon: his legate zealously preached it in
France, declaring Pedro deprived of the crown, which he conferred on
Charles de Valois, who was thus to possess both it and that of the Two
Sicilies. Fortunately for Pedro both Sicily and Aragon required other
weapons than a furious churchman could wield before they could be drawn
from his sway.

Though the same indulgences as were awarded to all who warred for the
Holy Sepulchre were promised to such as engaged in this Spanish crusade;
though vast numbers, among whom was James, king of Majorca, brother and
vassal of the Aragonese king, flocked to the standard of Philip; though
that monarch lost no time in penetrating, by way of Roussillon, into
Catalonia, at the head of one hundred thousand men, these formidable
preparations ended in nothing. If Gerona, after a long and bloody siege,
capitulated, the French fleet was almost annihilated near Rosas by the
famous Roger de Lauria. The ranks of the invaders were so thinned by
pestilence and the sword, that Philip, leaving a garrison in Gerona,
immediately returned to Perpignan, where he died. The rear of his army in
this retreat was dreadfully harassed by Don Pedro, who recovered Gerona
with facility.

Pedro had just despatched his eldest son Alfonso with a small armament to
dethrone his brother Don James, as a punishment for the aid which that
prince had lent to the invaders, when death surprised him at Villafranca
del Panades (1285). In his will he left Aragon and Catalonia to Alfonso,
and Sicily to his second son, Don James.

Though Alfonso III heard of his father’s death immediately after his
disembarkation, he refused to return until he had dethroned his uncle.
As James was not much beloved by the inhabitants of these islands, whom
he had offended by his exactions, the enterprise was successful. The
dethroned king had still Montpellier, Conflans, and other possessions in
France: to these he retired, but they appear the same year to have been
laid waste by Roger de Lauria, the able and intrepid admiral of Aragon.

POLITICAL GROWTH

[Sidenote: [1283-1336 A.D.]]

During Alfonso’s absence, the nobles of Aragon had assembled in
Saragossa, to provide for the due administration of justice. Some of
them were not a little scandalised that he should have assumed in the
Balearic Isles the title of king, since, by ancient custom, it could be
assumed only after he had sworn before the assembly of the states to
observe the customs, privileges, immunities, and laws of the realm. No
sooner did they hear of his return to Valencia, than they despatched
several of their body to wait upon him, and to express their surprise at
his thus arrogating to himself the supreme power without their formal
sanction. He justified himself by replying that the crown was his by
right of succession, and that there would be time enough to guarantee
the constitutions of the realms at the ceremony of his coronation.
Accordingly, when that ceremony took place in the cathedral of Saragossa,
he fulfilled the conditions of the compact.[c]

Under Pedro III, the knightly monarch,--“girded,” as Dante says, “with
the cord of every virtue,”--the Aragonese, exasperated by the burdensome
taxes which the king was compelled to levy for his costly enterprises,
had extorted such great privileges and liberties in the General Privilege
of Saragossa (1283) that after Pedro’s successor, Alfonso III, a man of
milder temper, had amplified the _Privilegium_,[40] by fresh concessions
to the union of the nobles, the kingdom of Aragon was less like a
hereditary monarchy than a republican commonwealth with a responsible
chief. The king was not only bound to secure the consent of the estates
of the kingdom (_cortes_) in all important public affairs, especially
for the declaration of war, the conclusion of peace, the enactment of
laws, the imposition of taxes, and the selection and appointment of
the advisers of the crown (the ministers), but it was further decreed
that “without previous sentence of the justiciary and the cortes of
Saragossa, the king might not proceed against any member of the union
by way of capital punishment, imprisonment, or other injury, and that
should he nevertheless do so, the union had power to exclude him and his
descendants from succession to the throne, without thereby incurring the
guilt of wrong-doing or disloyalty.”

On Alfonso’s death without issue (1291) he was succeeded by his brother
James II, up to that time king of Sicily, a well-meaning, kindly, and
(as the surname he bears in history testifies) “just” sovereign, who
thought more of perfecting the laws and constitution and maintaining
peace and prosperity amongst his people than of enlarging the borders of
his kingdom. He handed Sicily over to his brother Frederick as a separate
kingdom; but on the other hand, after protracted wars with the Genoese,
he won the island of Sardinia which the pope had bestowed upon him in
fee. A war against the Moors, which he undertook in conjunction with
Ferdinand, king of Castile, led to no important results. In an attempt to
break down the overweening power of the aristocratic families, James had
the assistance of the great jurist Martínez de Salanova; the power of the
justiciary was strengthened.

But the greatest benefits which James conferred upon the Aragonese nation
was a law enacted in the assembly of Tarragona, by virtue of which
the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia, the county of Barcelona, and the
suzerainty of Majorca were united in perpetuity and incapable of division
by will or gift, though each was to remain a kingdom possessed of its
separate constitution and cortes. The king, however, reserved the right
of assigning to his sons and other members of his family the possession
of particular cities and castles, a right of which his successors
frequently availed themselves to excess, and which often provoked
internecine quarrels and feuds.[b]

King James died in 1327, and was succeeded by his second son, Alfonso,
his first son having voluntarily renounced his claims that he might,
tradition says, give himself up more completely to his vices.[a]

Alfonso IV was doomed to much annoyance from the recent conquest of
Sardinia. In 1330 the Genoese, incensed that the Catalans, their
rivals in commerce, should have obtained a settlement in seas which
they considered as exclusively their right, not only fomented a spirit
of disaffection among the islanders, but sent a fleet to invest the
capital. A bloody war ensued, the details of which would afford little
interest. To stay these hostilities the pope frequently interfered, but
without effect; the Genoese insisted on an ample indemnification for the
expenses of their armaments; the Aragonese would consent to none. Thus
the warfare raged during the whole of this prince’s reign. Alfonso, like
his predecessors, was not averse to encourage the rebellions which at
this period almost continually afflicted Castile; but without deriving
any ultimate advantage from his ungenerous policy. If the internal
state of his own kingdom was tranquil, it was not so in his own house.
His eldest son and destined successor, Don Pedro, offended that he had
bestowed on Alfonso--another son, by a second wife--some domains of
the crown, complained loudly of his prodigality. The queen, Leonora of
Castile, at whose instigation the alienation had been made, cherished a
deep resentment against her stepson. Pedro despised her anger; and, to
incense her the more, seized on Jativa, which had been assigned to her
on her marriage with his father, and loudly proclaimed his intention of
revoking every grant made by the king, whenever he should succeed to the
sovereignty. It was not in Alfonso’s power to stifle these dissensions,
which not only imbittered his peace but aggravated the hydropsical
disease under which he had long suffered. He died at Barcelona, in 1336.

[Sidenote: [1336-1347 A.D.]]

No sooner had Pedro IV ascended the throne, than Queen Leonora,
apprehensive of the consequences of her late quarrel with him, fled to
Fraga, whence she implored the protection of her brother Alfonso, king
of Castile. Alfonso naturally espoused his sister’s cause. The pope
despatched a legate to exhort the two kings to settle their dispute by
negotiations, and to insist on justice being done to Queen Leonora.
Their deliberations ended in nothing, beyond a suspension of actual
hostilities. Some years having elapsed, in 1345 the king, so far from
wishing to do his stepmother justice, endeavoured to seize the domains
belonging to his two brothers, Ferdinand and Juan, on the pretext that
the revenues of the crown were materially injured by the prodigality of
their common father. On the representations of the Castilian king, he
again suspended, though he was far from abandoning, his purpose. The
troubles which agitated his kingdom will account for this temporary
forbearance.

He offended his barons, in 1347, by purposing to set aside the order
of succession, as established by Don Jayme el Conquistador (James the
Conqueror), which, on the failure of direct heirs male, called in the
collateral male branches--or, in other words, which enforced the Salic
law. As Pedro, by his queen Maria of Navarre, had only a daughter--the
infanta Constanza--his brother Don James was the presumptive heir to the
crown. To secure the succession to his daughter, he assembled twenty-two
theologians and civil jurists, nineteen of whom readily sanctioned her
right. They knew that Doña Petronilla had not been excluded by the
accident of sex; that in Navarre and Castile women were called to the
succession; and they could not approve the arbitrary regulation of James
I, nor recognise it as binding on his successors. But however weighty
these reasons, they had no effect on the prince whom they tended to
exclude, and who resolved to vindicate his supposed claims by force. Amid
the elements of discontent which lay scattered on every side, he had no
difficulty in collecting means of resistance.

From the causes just detailed, and from the restless ambition of his
barons, who constantly aimed at diminishing the royal authority, a
formidable confederacy was soon formed against the king. It consisted
of prelates, barons, magistrates, and a majority of the great towns.
They formed themselves into a political union, and bound themselves by
oath never to cease their opposition to the king until their privileges
rested on some surer guarantee than the royal engagement, and until the
Salic law became fundamental in the state. At the head of this league
was Don James. A similar one was soon formed in Valencia, under the
guidance of the infante Ferdinand. Both diligently raised troops to take
the field against the king. Conscious of their united strength, they
now loudly demanded the convocation of the states, which accordingly
met at Saragossa, and which were, as usual, opened by the monarch.
Among the demands made by the union, not the least obnoxious was the
nomination of the public officers by themselves--a concession which, as
before related, James II had been constrained to grant, and which they
insisted should thenceforward be held as a fundamental law of the realm.
Pedro showed great reluctance to sanction it; but on being told that,
if he refused to do so, the states would immediately proceed to a new
election, he no longer withstood the torrent. From that moment, however,
he resolved to effect the destruction of the union, if not by force, by
corruption. So well did he labour, so efficaciously were his gold and
promises distributed that in a few days he gained over a few of the most
influential members.

[Sidenote: [1347-1356 A.D.]]

The king soon closed the states, without yielding any further to the
demands of the union, and hastened into Catalonia, with the avowed
purpose of collecting troops, to reduce the whole body to obedience. That
the leaguers did not prevent his departure was owing to the suspicions
irresistibly forced on their minds that there was treachery in their
camp, and that he had more secret adherents than they had expected. He
was followed to Barcelona by the infante Don James, who sickened and died
in that city, not without suspicions of poison. The union of Valencia,
nowise discouraged by the ill success of that of Aragon, immediately
invested the fortresses which held for the king, whose troops they
defeated before Jativa. The infante Ferdinand, who was now proclaimed
lieutenant-general of that province and head of the confederacy, with a
force estimated at thirty thousand obtained a second victory over the
royalists. Pedro now hastened from Barcelona, to crush in person this
formidable rebellion.

He had soon an army on foot with which two of his generals attacked,
defeated, and took Ferdinand.[41] The infante, however, from fear of the
king’s vengeance, was conducted into Castile. Pedro himself advanced
against Saragossa, the very stronghold of faction. One instance of ill
fortune had damped, as much as success had encouraged, the rebels: they
received him with great humility, renounced the privileges of the union,
and threw themselves wholly on his mercy. Thirteen of the most obnoxious
ringleaders were put to death; the rest he pardoned. In an assembly
of the states, which he was no longer afraid of convoking, the _ricos
homes_ [or _hombres_] and deputies solemnly renewed the renunciation of
the privileges claimed by the union; in presence of them all, the king
tore in pieces the registered act of that body, but at the same time he
confirmed his subjects in the possession of all their ancient rights.
Aragon was now pacified; its union was no more: but Valencia remained in
rebellion. Having assembled a formidable army, James marched into that
province, and, in a general battle near the capital, triumphed over the
leaguers. Valencia immediately surrendered at discretion.

[Sidenote: [1356-1365 A.D.]]

On the termination of these troubled scenes, Leonora and one of her sons
took refuge in Castile. But misfortunes assailed them there, superior,
perhaps, to any which would have befallen them in Aragon. How the infante
Juan was murdered at Bilbao, and Leonora herself in the castle of Castro
Xeres, by order of Pedro the Cruel, has been related in the reign of
that monarch. Ferdinand, indeed, escaped the vengeance of the tyrant;
but, as we shall soon see, a fate no less tragical awaited him. The
misunderstanding between the two Pedros commenced in 1356, on the refusal
of the Castilian to restore a prize made at sea by one of his Biscayan
pirates. The second offence was committed by an admiral of Catalonia,
who, under the eyes of the Castilian, captured two Pisan vessels--a
power with which the Aragonese were at war--in the port of Santa Maria.
With some justice, the Castilian remonstrated against the violation of
a neutral port; and on the refusal of his brother sovereign to make
satisfaction for it, he levied a heavy contribution on the Catalan
inhabitants of Seville, and declared war against Aragon. Hostilities now
commenced, with various success and many suspensions.

[Illustration: CORDOVA]

In general, the success of the war rested with the Castilian. In 1363,
through the interference of the papal legate, the first peace was made,
the secret conditions of which were of an atrocious character. Pedro
of Aragon engaged not only to remove by death the obnoxious brothers
of the Castilian, but his own, the infante Ferdinand. A servant of
Count Henry of Castile dealt the victim a fatal blow. Henry himself was
spared--doubtless because Pedro foresaw that his new ally of Castile
would not fulfil his engagements; perhaps, also, because he himself had
no disposition to do so. His anticipations were right: war was renewed by
the Castilian. His operations were as indecisive as those of the former.

Seeing that the war did not and could not lead to any result, in 1365
Pedro concerted with the count of Trastamara the invasion of Castile,
and the dethronement of the Castilian king. The aid which Henry obtained
from France, the fate of his first and second invasions, we have already
related. But the Aragonese king--so true it is that no honour can long
subsist among the wicked--was never on good terms with the new king of
Castile. He insisted on Murcia, which Henry, while count of Trastamara,
had agreed to resign, in the event of his obtaining the Castilian throne;
and on the refusal of that prince to dismember so important a province
from the crown, not only coolness, but actual hostilities, between the
two kingdoms were preparing. But those hostilities were soon averted by
the papal legates; and the truce was, from time to time, prolonged, until
1374, when peace was finally arranged between the two monarchs.

[Sidenote: [1338-1386 A.D.]]

The foreign transactions of Pedro were of some importance. In 1338 began
his misintelligence with Don James, king of Majorca, whose dethronement
he appears to have meditated from the commencement of his reign. Though,
in 1339, James did homage for his kingdom, his destruction was no less
resolved; his unpopular rule afforded Pedro well-founded hopes of success.

In 1343, Don Pedro sailed with a very formidable armament, landed in
Majorca, and was immediately joined by the islanders. Thus universally
deserted, James fled, leaving the three islands in the power of his
brother-in-law. In opposition to the remonstrances of the pope, who
compassionated the misfortunes of the fugitive king, his possessions
in France were threatened, and several places in Roussillon speedily
reduced. This war beyond the Pyrenees appears to have been as
disagreeable to the Catalans and to the Aragonese as it was to the pope;
and only by force could the king obtain supplies for conducting it. The
following year (1344) he declared by a solemn decree that the Balearic
Isles should forever form an integral portion of the Aragonese crown; and
again penetrated into Roussillon, the whole of which, except the capital,
Perpignan, he speedily reduced. The unfortunate James was later killed in
a skirmish.

To Pedro, as to his two predecessors, Sardinia proved a sharp thorn in
the crown. His obstinacy in retaining possession of an island which
experience had shown would never willingly own his sway, which cost him
so many successive campaigns, drew on him the frequent remonstrances of
his states, and the refusal of supplies. As if one ruinous war for an
unattainable object were not sufficient, on the death of Frederick, king
of Sicily, in 1377, who had married his daughter Constanza, he claimed
that crown, and showed a disposition to arm in defence of his claim.
But for the obstinacy of his eldest son and heir, Don Juan, who, in
1384, became a widower, whom he wished to marry with the young princess
Maria, daughter of the late king Frederick, and now settled on the throne
of Sicily, but who secretly formed the indissoluble connection with a
French princess, the effect of his policy would have been an immediate
union of the two crowns. It may, however, be doubted whether such a
union was desirable; since from the distance of the two kingdoms, and
the contiguity of the island to Naples, it could not long have been
perpetuated.

[Sidenote: [1386-1387 A.D.]]

The ambition of Pedro was insatiable; but it was also senseless, as
it grasped at impossibilities. Hearing that some people of Athens
and Patras, who were of Aragonese extraction--the descendants of the
crusaders, who had conquered this duchy--had risen to establish his
domination, he sent an armament to their aid, and was ultimately
acknowledged. It need, however, be scarcely observed that possessions so
far removed from the seat of power would yield but a nominal allegiance,
and would soon be lost. But there was no advantage, however small in
magnitude or transient in duration, which he was not at all times ready
to grasp--generally without much regard to the rights or feelings of
others. The avidity with which, in 1386, he seized on the city of
Tarragona, the government and sovereignty of which had long rested with
the archbishops of that see, is affirmed by some historians to have been
the cause of his death.[42] He died early in the month of January, 1387,
after an agitated reign of fifty-one years.

The duplicity of this monarch was only equalled by his violence; of
sincerity and justice he was wholly destitute; and in savage barbarity he
was scarcely exceeded by his namesake of Castile.

With many of the vices and none of the virtues of humanity, he was
neither loved nor respected; but, in return, he was feared. It is
impossible not to admire his constancy in reverses: he deviated not from
his purposes, nor suffered his mind to be depressed, in the most critical
periods of his reign--and few princes were ever placed in circumstances
more critical--yet he almost uniformly gained his end. Justice must also
allow that, whatever were his personal vices, he was no enemy to the
lowest class of his people. During the reign of this prince, the era of
Cæsar was abolished, and the Christian adopted for the two chief kingdoms
of Spain; in 1350 at Saragossa, and in 1383 at Segovia.[c]

Pedro IV enlarged the powers of the justiciary, enabling him to oppose
his veto to usurpations on the part of the crown in the same way as to
the encroachments of the feudal aristocracy; he provided for the swift
and careful administration of justice; promoted the study of law, and
showed favour to the legal and juridical profession. Whenever occasion
offered and he was not prevented by the inhibitory intercession or legal
warrant of the justiciary, he curbed the usurpations and arbitrary action
of the great nobles and increased the privileges and power of the knights
and burghers.[b]

[Sidenote: [1387-1408 A.D.]]

In 1387, Juan I was peaceably acknowledged. His accession was regarded
with great apprehension by his stepmother, Sybilla (the late king led
four ladies to the altar), who, since 1384, had been his open enemy. The
reason of this animosity was here, as in former cases, the eagerness
of the king to alienate the crown domains in favour of his new queen
and her family, and the indignant opposition of the heir apparent. At
one time, so vindictive was the queen that she had expelled the infante
from the palace, and had probably instigated her uxorious husband to
try him, and exclude him from the succession; but the protection of
the grand justiciary of Aragon had screened him from her malice: now,
it was her turn to dread his displeasure. Just before the death of
Pedro, she fled from Barcelona, accompanied by her brother: they were
pursued by the Catalonians; were brought back, and imprisoned until
the pleasure of the new monarch, who then lay ill at Gerona, could be
learned. On his recovery, he hastened to that city; caused the queen to
be tried as a witch, who had enchanted the late king, and several of her
kindred and servants as accomplices. Some of the latter were executed;
and she herself would probably have shared the same fate, but for the
interference of the papal legate, and more still for the facility with
which she restored the fortresses conferred on her by her royal husband.
These possessions were immediately transferred to the new queen.

The eagerness which the new king showed to gratify his queen Violante,
surprised and offended the Aragonese. As her disposition was gay, she
insisted on converting the palace into a theatre: balls, concerts,
theatrical representations, and the exhibitions of the _gaya ciencia_,
succeeded each other without intermission. As the Aragonese themselves
were too sober or too dull to excel in such diversions, professors were
brought from France, and even schools established for instruction in the
idle art. It became not merely the relaxation, but the business of life;
the duties of government were neglected or despised, until remonstrances
both frequent and loud fell on the royal ear. Apparently, however,
they produced little effect, beyond the convocation of the states at
Monzon, to deliberate on this pernicious novelty. There the prelates,
nobles, and deputies insisted that the king should expel from his palace
his singers and dancers, his buffoons and his poets--above all, Doña
Carraza Villaragut, one of the queen’s ladies, and the chief promoter of
such fooleries. At first he resisted this interference with his royal
recreations; but when he perceived that his barons were in earnest, that
they were even preparing to arm for his moral reformation, he yielded:
the fiddlers were dismissed, and with them the obnoxious lady.

The short reign of this prince was not without its troubles. An
insurrection broke out among those most restless and faithless of
subjects, the Sardinians. As usual, the efforts of his generals to
repress it were but partially successful. The affairs of Sicily were
not more promising. None of these commotions appears to have occasioned
King Juan the least anxiety: he resumed his diversions, that of hunting
especially, with as much eagerness as before, leaving the cares of
government to his queen. One day, while occupied in this favourite
occupation in the forest of Foja, he fell from his horse, and was killed
on the spot.

On receiving intelligence of this catastrophe Aragon, Catalonia, and
Valencia proclaimed Don Martin, brother of the late king, who was then in
Sicily supporting the rights of his son and daughter-in-law, sovereigns
of that island. This choice gave great umbrage to Matthieu count de
Foix, who had married the eldest daughter of Juan, and who contended
that the crown belonged to him in her right. He collected troops and
penetrated into Catalonia; but he found the inhabitants averse to his
pretensions, and indignant at his proceedings. As the states were sitting
at Saragossa, he now adopted the wiser mode of deputing ambassadors to
that assembly, with instructions to espouse his rights, which, according
to the laws of legitimate succession, were well founded. But Aragon had
seen only one female sovereign, Doña Petronilla, and had for some time
been inclined to consider the Salic law as tacitly in force. The count
met with a repulse both there and at Barcelona; but he hoped that arms
would be more effectual than arguments; and, with a second and more
numerous army, he invaded Aragon. There he and his countess solemnly
assumed the royal title and arms, and reduced several towns; but he was
soon compelled to retire into Navarre.

[Sidenote: [1408-1412 A.D.]]

Having pacified Sicily, in appearance at least, and caused his son and
daughter-in-law to be acknowledged by the rebels, Martin, who seems to
have been in no anxiety about the security of his kingdom, proceeded
to Sardinia and Corsica, with the view of restoring tranquillity also
in those islands. The following year he convoked his prelates, barons,
and deputies at Saragossa, and caused his son, the Sicilian king, to be
acknowledged his successor; it was also decreed that Sicily and Aragon
should forever be united under the same sceptre. No sooner had Martin
arrived in Spain, than Sardinia again became the theatre of civil war.
The Aragonese had acknowledged the rival pontiff, Benedict, and Boniface
had conferred the fiefs of Sardinia and Sicily on the count de Molineto.
In 1408, the Sicilian king marched against the rebels, who, with eighteen
thousand infantry, did not refuse the battle. It ended in a complete
triumph for the king, and was followed by the surrender of an important
fortress. As the heat of the weather began to be intensely felt, the
victor returned to Cagliari. That heat and the festivities consequent on
his success threw him into a fever, which, though not in itself fatal, he
is said to have rendered so by incontinence. He died on the 24th of July,
1409. On the death of this prince Martin and the Aragonese were anxious
to name a successor to the crown.[c]

Civil war was imminent when King Martin departed this life (1410),
leaving the succession of the kingdom by his last will and testament
to him to whom it was lawfully due. By his death the male line of the
counts of Barcelona became extinct--a dynasty which had vigorously and
gloriously filled the throne of Aragon for nearly three centuries.

INTERREGNUM IN ARAGON (1410-1412 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1410-1414 A.D.]]

No nation whose political sagacity was less highly developed by a free
constitutional and political system could have emerged from the two years
of revolution upon which Aragon now entered without detriment to its
liberty and legal institutions. For during the interregnum the kingdom
fluctuated between two perils; it might either have broken up into its
three constituent parts or succumbed to a military despotism.

Count James of Urgel, an ambitious and unscrupulous nobleman, counted the
majority of the great nobles of Aragon, more particularly the partisans
of the powerful family of Luna, among his adherents, the cortes of
Catalonia was on his side, and what his title might lack he was prepared
to make good by the sword, for the lower classes everywhere were in
his service. The murder of the archbishop of Saragossa by his brutal
associate Antonio de Luna, an act of violence in which he himself was not
unconcerned, was intended to cow all resistance. The _ricos hombres_[43]
saw in anticipation the return of the time when the right of the mailed
fist should override the law, when the aristocracy, allied with the town
rabble, should triumph over the middle classes, and the anarchy of the
unions settle down upon the country once more. The danger was realised
by the wise justiciary Cerdaño, his friends and those likeminded with
him, chief among whom were Gil Ruiz de Lihori, governor of Aragon, and
Berengar de Bardaxi, a man distinguished alike for genius and learning,
and to their judicious and patriotic exertions the preservation of the
ancient constitution is mainly due. Allying themselves with the freemen
of the communes and the minor nobility, they endeavoured to force the
decision into the hands of the cortes. Fortunately for them the great
nobles were split up by faction, for the Urrea family sided with the
constitutional party out of hatred to the Lunas, and their ranks were
soon further reinforced by the accession of the Heredia family, to which
the murdered archbishop belonged. The latter contrived that the infante
Ferdinand should garrison the frontier with Castilian troops to prevent
violent measures on the part of the count of Urgel.

Nevertheless the situation was full of peril, owing to the mutual
jealousies of the three divisions of the kingdom; the cortes of each held
separate consultations and each was anxious to give the casting vote. It
was then that the patriotic energy of the men above mentioned intervened
to save the kingdom from impending ruin. They proposed that a general
parliament should be called together, and that the legal decision should
be left to it, as King Martin had wished; representing at the same time
to the separate assemblies that if the question of the succession were
decided by the sword, the victor would dictate new laws at the sword’s
point, as though to a conquered nation. According to their proposal
the cortes of the three kingdoms were to elect committees for joint
deliberation. By this time, however, they were all too deeply imbued
with party spirit, and the cortes of Valencia refused to co-operate with
the rest. Those two astute politicians Cerdaño and Bardaxi then ventured
upon a bold stroke. They induced the cortes of Aragon and Catalonia to
authorise them to nominate a committee of nine members at their own
discretion from the three divisions of the country. This committee was to
sit at Caspe on the Ebro, and after conscientiously examining the claims
of all pretenders was to give its decision according to law. The Urgel
party at Valencia tried to interfere, but the victory of the barons at
Murviedro put an end to their resistance, and the patriotic caution and
justice displayed by Cerdaño and Bardaxi in the selection of the nine
secured general recognition and public confidence.

While the whole country was a prey to tumultuous passions, factions at
strife one with another, civil war raging with all its accompaniments of
crime, rape, and ignominy, these nine men--who were held in the highest
esteem by all men, not only for learning and experience but also for
strictness of morals and blameless life, and who, like Bardaxi, Ferrer,
and Aranda Valseca, were among the first jurists of their day--undertook
a laborious examination of the claims submitted to them by the agents of
the various pretenders. The count of Urgel had the largest following,
and if his Aragonese origin and his descent through the male line were
taken into account he would necessarily have had the prior claim; but his
despotic temper, always apt to choose methods of violence rather than of
law, made them apprehensive of a tyrannic government if he were chosen,
and the majority of the electoral college therefore decided in favour of
Ferdinand, infante of Castile, whose mother Leonora had been the daughter
of Pedro IV, and the wife of Henry II.

ARAGON UNDER RULERS OF THE ROYAL HOUSE OF CASTILE

No better choice could have been made, and accordingly the new king was
acknowledged by the estates of the three united kingdoms as soon as he
had confirmed the rights and liberties of the realm (1412). Ferdinand,
who combined justice and clemency with vigour, restored tranquillity and
order, and used his power to overawe the malcontents both in Aragon and
in the islands. But the count of Urgel could not brook defeat. Ferdinand
treated him with the utmost distinction, but in spite of all, impelled by
his own ambition and incited by his imperious wife, he presently raised
the standard of rebellion. He invaded and ravaged Catalonia with an army
of mercenaries which the duke of Clarence had handed over to him in
Guienne, but was defeated by Ferdinand (1413), and paid the penalty of
his unlawful deeds by loss of fortune and perpetual imprisonment.

[Sidenote: [1414-1454 A.D.]]

In the following year Ferdinand added splendour to his accession to the
throne by a gorgeous coronation at Saragossa. Thus the crowns of Castile
and Aragon were worn by scions of the same reigning house, a prelude
to the future union of the two kingdoms under Ferdinand’s grandson and
namesake.

Through the prudence and patriotic zeal of one statesman and friend
of the people, Aragon had passed through a dangerous crisis without
injury to her government or liberties. Ferdinand of the ruling house
of Castile, after he had taken the oath of fealty to the constitution,
which he did according to custom, kneeling bareheaded before the
justiciary, was recognised as king of the united realm and received the
homage of the cortes. This upright and well-disposed monarch, Ferdinand,
conscientiously observed the laws and even respected and acknowledged
the excessive liberties and privileges of the rich commercial town of
Barcelona on an occasion when it was extremely inconvenient to himself to
do so; but he died after four years’ reign (1416).

His son, Alfonso V, busied himself during the greater part of his reign
with the affairs of Naples. That newly acquired kingdom in the beautiful
country of the Apennines, where a docile people bowed in obedience and
submission to the will of the master, and where the senses were courted
with a rich, luxurious life, elevated through social culture and adorned
with art and science, was more congenial to Alfonso’s inclinations than
his hereditary domain of Aragon with its rigorous legal forms and its
earnest population; therefore he preferred a residence in Naples, whilst
his native kingdom was governed by a regency. At its head was the king’s
brother Juan, afterwards Juan II, a prince well-versed in statecraft
and sharing, in regard to politics and public morality, the faithless
principles of his time. Already as governor and regent he gave signs of
that inclination to despotism and tyranny which later on, when he had
succeeded his brother on the throne, he openly displayed, so that the
estates took care to secure their constitution against invasion while
there was yet time.

[Illustration: SPANISH NOBLEMAN, FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

We have seen what importance and consideration were attached to the
position of chief justice or justiciary of Aragon, the guardian and
protector of the laws. To secure the office against violation and
despotism of any kind, it was decreed that the holder should retain
office for life, and could only be removed by the king with consent of
the estates and on sufficient grounds (1442). There was no danger that a
legal institution of this nature, standing as it did between the throne
and the people, would be diverted against the laws of the country, since
the justiciary was subject to a regular and close inquiry into the
administration of his office from a committee of the states. Besides
this, a navigation law which forbade foreign vessels to ship cargoes in
any of the domains under the crown of Aragon was passed in the reign of
Alfonso V (1454), an important enactment, which gave a new impulse to the
maritime trade of Barcelona, the Catalan capital, at whose instigation
the regulation was made. Thus, both in constitutional progress and in
commercial policy, Aragon was the forerunner of the island kingdom of
Britain.

[Sidenote: [1442-1458 A.D.]]

The reign of Juan, both as regent and afterwards as king, turns to a
great extent on the acquisition of the kingdom of Navarre and the family
quarrels which it kindled. In 1442 the mountain country on either side
of the Pyrenees passed to the princely house of Aragon by the death of
Blanche, wife of Juan, and previously the widow of King Martin. She
had inherited Navarre from her father Charles III and by her will her
patrimonial domains were to fall as an independent lordship to her eldest
son Charles, prince of Viana. More as a matter of courtesy than a legal
restriction the condition was added that, before assuming the government
of the country, he should obtain the consent and approbation of his
father. Juan seems at first to have made no difficulty to his son’s
taking possession, so that Charles, while his father continued to bear
the rank and title of king of Navarre, conducted the administration for
several years as governor and ruler of his mother’s inheritance.

But when the prince of Aragon contracted a second marriage with Juana
Henriquez, daughter of a Castilian admiral of the blood royal, rivalries
were awakened which soon assumed a malevolent character. According to the
disposition of her husband, the new consort, an imperious, ambitious,
and enterprising young lady, was to conduct the government of Navarre
in conjunction with the prince of Viana. But the divided rule did not
satisfy her proud spirit; as queen of Navarre she desired to be the only
person to issue orders, and exhibited an arrogant demeanour towards
her stepson. The disagreement soon passed into open hostility when the
two conflicting parties of the Beaumonts and the Agramonts took the
opportunity to fight out their ancient quarrels in sanguinary encounters,
and the Castilians, exasperated at the interference of Aragon in their
internal politics, fanned the flame. At the instigation of the Beaumonts,
Charles laid claim to the chief power, and at the head of his adherents
led an army into the field against the queen and the Agramonts. Juan of
Aragon, dominated by his wife’s superior intelligence, took part against
his son. A battle was fought at Aybar, when the prince of Viana was
defeated and made prisoner (1452). Some months before, in the little
town of Sos in Aragon, the queen had given birth to a son who, as
Ferdinand the Catholic, was afterwards to attain to such great historical
importance.

After some time Charles of Viana was released from captivity; but the
opposite party had in the meantime so successfully gained the upper hand
in Navarre, that he could not maintain himself in the government. He
betook himself to Naples to the court of his royal uncle Alfonso V, to
beg for his intervention. The chivalrous, open bearing of the prince won
him many friends and he was able to flatter himself with the prospect
of being speedily reinstated in his mother’s inheritance by the aid
of a powerful protector; but his uncle’s death rendered the hope vain
(1458). By the dispositions of the late king’s will, his brother Juan was
to succeed to his possessions in Spain, Sardinia, and Sicily, and his
illegitimate son Ferdinand to the kingdom of Naples.

[Sidenote: [1458-1461 A.D.]]

The Neapolitans, who mistrusted the gloomy, equivocal character of the
new prince, Ferdinand, tried in vain to persuade the chivalrous prince
of Viana to come forward as a candidate for Naples, holding out to him
the prospect of the people’s support. The magnanimous prince resisted the
temptation; even in Sicily, to which he now turned, similar allurements
awaited him; for there also the memory of his mother Blanche, who as
the consort of King Martin had formerly won much affection in the
island, procured him a good reception and many friends. But here again
he withstood all seductive temptations; he contented himself with the
generous assistance offered him by the gratitude of the islanders, and
passed a long time in the quiet of a Benedictine cloister at Messina,
occupied with scientific studies. He did not give up the thought of a
reconciliation with his father and a restoration of his rights. After all
he, as eldest son, was the rightful heir to the crown of Aragon, and the
cortes of the three provinces were on his side. In this expectation he
obeyed an invitation from his father to a personal interview at Iguala
(1460). By a submissive and penitent demeanour towards the royal couple
he endeavoured to put an end to the ancient enmity and win his father’s
heart, but the queen, who wished to secure the succession to her own son
Ferdinand, contrived to keep the distrust of her stepson still alive and
by hostile insinuations to throw suspicion on everything he did. Whilst
he was deceived by a delusive friendliness, he was surrounded by a web
of intrigues. Above all there was exhibited a zealous eagerness to keep
him from receiving any sort of homage or recognition of his rights on the
part of the cortes.

Still the prince did not allow himself to be betrayed into taking an
illegal step; only he became a suitor for the hand of the infanta
Isabella of Castile, with the idea of thus procuring himself a lasting
support for his claims to the throne. But it was just this alliance that
was a thorn in the eye of the queen of Aragon; her policy had already
singled out the princess for her own son, and she was to be the bond
of a union between the two kingdoms. The prince of Viana’s project was
endangering this plan in a formidable manner; it was therefore necessary
to make an energetic decision. Charles was invited by his father to a
meeting of the cortes at Lerida. The prince complied with the request in
the hope of being recognised by the estates of the realm as heir to the
throne. But immediately on his arrival he was arrested and taken to the
inaccessible mountain fastness of Morella on the borders of Valencia;
when the cortes showed signs of interposing with a protest, the assembly
was dismissed. On the committee of estates demanding the cause of this
remarkable proceeding, Juan darkly hinted at a plot, the inquiry into and
punishment of which he must reserve for himself.

At the news of these occurrences the excitable Catalans took up the
sword. Armed mobs advanced on Lerida and forced their way into the
palace, while the king fled under cover of the night with a few
companions to Fraga. The assailants were soon at the gates of Fraga,
but the royal couple had already fled to the fortress of Saragossa. The
flame of insurrection rapidly spread; in Navarre the Beaumonts, secretly
supported and urged on from Castile, declared for the prince; in Aragon,
in Valencia, in Sicily, the agitation was of a threatening character.

[Sidenote: [1461-1484 A.D.]]

King Juan could not resist these active manifestations of the popular
desires. He set his son at liberty, recognised him as his rightful
successor, and entrusted him with the office of governor-general of
Catalonia. It was at this moment that the prince sickened, and soon the
melancholy tidings of his death in his forty-first year were spread
through the kingdom (September, 1461). There was a very natural suspicion
that he had succumbed to a poison which had been brought to him in his
captivity. Thus in the prime of life this noble and chivalrous prince,
whose one crime was his lawful claim to the throne of Aragon, fell a
victim to treacherous statecraft. Imbued as he was with devotion to the
higher cultivation of the mind, had he succeeded to the throne he would
have been a worthy rival of his Florentine contemporaries. The fruit
of his profound studies was to be seen in a translation of Aristotle’s
_Ethics_ and a history of Navarre.

[Illustration: BLANCHE OF CASTILE]

The tragedy did not end with Charles’ death; instead, a second one
resulted from it. At his demise he had appointed as heiress of Navarre
his elder sister Blanche, who had formerly been married to Henry IV
of Castile and afterwards repudiated by him because she was childless.
But Blanche had always sided with her brother and had long shared his
exile; for this reason she was now to be overtaken by a similar fate. In
conjunction with the faithless King Louis XI of France, the sovereigns
of Aragon surrounded the unfortunate princess with a net of cabals and
deceits in which she could not fail to meet destruction. For it was
firmly resolved that the inheritance of Aragon should be obtained for
her younger sister Eleanor, countess of Foix, so that on the latter’s
death it might pass to her son Gaston de Foix, the husband of a sister
of Louis. With this view, and in accordance with a treaty concluded
between Aragon and France, Blanche was forcibly removed from Olit, where
she had hitherto resided, and conducted across the mountains to be
placed under the supervision of her sister. It was to no purpose that
she appealed in a touching letter to her former husband, King Henry of
Castile, and pledged him her maternal inheritance of Navarre as the
price of her rescue; there was to be no refuge for her from the hands
of a cruel father and an unloving sister. In 1462 she was taken to the
strong fortress of Orthez in Béarn, where, after two years of painful
captivity she succumbed to a poison, given her by the guilty hand of a
traitor By this means Navarre was united to Foix and Béarn and the ground
thus cleared for the subsequent partition of the ancient kingdom between
France and Spain.

Eleanor lived ten years longer than her son Gaston de Foix, prince of
Viana, who met his death through a wound from a lance at a tournament in
Lisbon in the year 1469. When she died, her grandson Francis Phœbus, a
handsome princely boy with shining golden hair, inherited the throne of
Navarre, with his mother Magdalena, sister of Louis XI, as his guardian.
But only four years later Francis Phœbus died suddenly, as it was
believed of poison, and his sister Catherine, then thirteen years old,
entered on the inheritance. In 1484 she married Jean d’Albret, whose
extensive possessions in the southwest of France were thus united to the
kingdom of Navarre. Magdalena, the queen’s mother, had arranged this
marriage, which was very displeasing to the Spanish rulers.

RISING IN CATALONIA

[Sidenote: [1461-1469 A.D.]]

The king of Aragon had entered into such close relations with France
chiefly because he needed her help against his own people. Far from the
rebellious movements subsiding on the death of the prince of Viana, the
indignation against the king and queen mounted still higher amongst the
excitable Catalans. The imagination of the people painted the tragic
fate of the king’s unfortunate son in the liveliest colours. Charles’
ghost was seen to glide by night through the streets of Barcelona; he was
heard lamenting in piteous tones over his untimely end and calling for
vengeance on his unnatural murderer. At last he came to be honoured as a
saint. When Queen Juana took her ten-year-old son Ferdinand to Barcelona,
that he might receive the homage of the Catalan estates, she soon saw
herself threatened with a rising, so that she sought refuge in Gerona.
The Catalan troops followed her, made themselves masters of the town
and besieged the fortifications where Juana and the prince were bravely
defended by a small garrison. Thereupon the king of Aragon concluded a
treaty with Louis XI (1462), in consequence of which that monarch sent
seven hundred lances with archers and fieldpieces to the aid of the
beleaguered queen.

In return for this Juan promised him 200,000 gold crowns and gave him the
counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne in pledge. The Catalans could not
withstand such a force. They retreated to Barcelona for the purpose of
organising more crushing resistance in that excitable town. They sought
to represent in a memorial that the liberties of their commonwealth had
been betrayed, and that therefore, since the good of the state must be
the highest law, they were justified in repudiating their allegiance.
They summoned the young men to take arms, and turned to Castile and then
to Portugal to win their support in the secession from Aragon (1463).
Don Pedro, constable of Portugal, did actually enter the country with
a small force, to lay claim to the government of Catalonia, to which,
as a scion of the house of Barcelona, he asserted an ancient hereditary
right. But the enterprise did not prosper; little by little, partly with
the sword, partly by means of gold, King Juan gained possession of the
most important towns in the country, such as Lerida, Cervera, Amposta,
and Tortosa. Still he could not succeed in breaking Barcelona’s bold
spirit of resistance; even when the Portuguese infante died suddenly, the
town would not hear of conciliation, and two distinguished burghers were
beheaded in the market-place for their sympathy with Aragon (1466).

The Catalans now turned to the famous “king” René of Anjou, that he
might add Barcelona to the other kingdoms whose royal title he bore
without possessing a handful of their soil. René sent his son John, the
chivalrous, adventurous duke of Calabria and Lorraine, with some thousand
mercenaries, across the Pyrenees. Louis XI, always seeing his own
advantage in disturbances in a neighbouring state, secretly favoured his
compatriot’s enterprise, but without dissolving his alliance with Aragon
on that account.

[Sidenote: [1469-1475 A.D.]]

This brave robber captain soon possessed himself of the northern district
of Ampurdan and under the walls of Gerona he fought a battle with the
queen, who in this time of trial showed heroic courage, and who since
her husband’s blindness, the result of the hardships of war during
the winter before Amposta, had directed the defence of the country in
unison with her son. John’s chivalrous bearing towards the townspeople
of Barcelona won for him such open sympathy that his public appearance
always resembled a triumph. The embarrassment of King Juan of Aragon
reached its highest point when his consort, who had been the very soul of
the government and the guiding spirit of the war, succumbed to a long and
painful illness at a time when the state coffers were completely drained,
when the chief province of the kingdom was in revolt and partly in the
possession of a bold leader of mercenaries, and new warlike complications
were threatening with Navarre and Castile. But here too the proverb held
good, “The darkest hour is that before the dawn.” In the same year,
1469, the king, now a very old man, had his sight restored by a skilful
Jewish doctor, and Duke John of Calabria and Lorraine was called to
his account, an event that filled the inhabitants of Barcelona with the
deepest grief, which they exhibited by giving him an imposing funeral. He
was laid to rest in the vault of the ancient rulers of Barcelona. It was
only natural that here too the suspicion of poisoning should be raised,
though it was without foundation.

The duke’s death could not break the defiant spirit of the Catalans; they
steadfastly rejected every summons to yield. After a two years’ struggle,
when the greater part of the country had fallen into the hands of the
energetic old king, when the town bands were reduced by heavy losses to
a very small number, and Barcelona was besieged by sea and land, then
only did the stern Catalan spirit stoop to peace. King Juan sweetened
their bitter cup of submission and homage. He confirmed their privileges
and judicial government, granted universal amnesty and conceded to the
foreign mercenaries, and any who might choose to join them, freedom to
depart. After the conclusion of peace King Juan, mounted on a white
charger, made a solemn entry into Barcelona (December, 1472). Thus the
succession to the whole kingdom of Aragon of Ferdinand the Catholic,
the husband of the infanta Isabella of Castile, was secured. The result
had been arrived at with much difficulty, perhaps crime. A few months
later the provinces of Roussillon and Cerdagne, which had been pledged
to France, made great efforts to become reunited to Aragon. King Juan
lent them his aid and, supported by his son, he defended the town of
Perpignan with great heroism against the French. But Louis XI did not let
his prize escape him. For the space of two years he made war on the town
and the whole country with such overwhelming force that at last they were
completely broken and submitted to the foreign yoke. The inhabitants of
Perpignan, worn out by suffering and hunger, were expelled, in 1475, by
the malice and cruelty of the French ruler.[b]

A few years previous to this, in 1469, the heir of King Juan II,
Ferdinand of Aragon, had married Isabella of Castile, uniting thus the
two countries into one Spain, as we have previously shown. Having thus
brought Aragon’s history down to where it merges into that of Castile, we
may return to Castile, which we left at the death of Pedro the Cruel.[a]

FOOTNOTES

[37] [Though this king is usually called “Jayme,” he spelled his own name
“Jacme” in the Catalan form.]

[38] [Burke,[g] however, credits this entirely to Barcelona.]

[39] [This statement of Petrarch’s indebtedness is, however, open to
discussion. There was another Jordi who lived in the fifteenth century
and may have been the author of the poems in which resemblances to
Petrarch are detected. This would make Petrarch the original. But the
Spaniards generally attribute the poems to the contemporary of James
the Conqueror, who has left an account of a storm which overtook that
monarch’s fleet near the island of Majorca.]

[40] [This document has been well called Aragon’s Magna Charta, and it
was secured in much the same manner. The Privilege was confirmed by the
cortes of Saragossa in 1325, and torture of witnesses in criminal trials
was abolished. In five years followed the Privilege of Union in which the
king of Aragon was forced to authorise unions of his subjects to make
war upon the sovereign in case of a denial of justice, or any attempt to
act independently of the justiciar. We have to look to Poland for a like
constitutional defiance of royalty.]

[41] [“The loss of the principal nobles of the union at Epila was a
death-blow to the feudal cause in Aragon.”[d]]

[42] St. Thecla, patroness of the church of Tarragona, appeared to him,
upbraided him with impiety, and gave him so good a box on the ear, or
smack in the face, that he never recovered from it. “_Está muy recibido
que fue contigado de la mano de Dios, y se le aparecio en vision Santa
Tecla, la qual le hirio de una palmada en el rostro, y que este fue la
ocasion de su dolencia._”--_Zurita._[e] Who would expect Ferreras,[f] a
writer of the eighteenth century, to believe such a relation?

[43] [This does not mean “rich men,” as would seem at first sight; but
_rico_ here is related to the German word _Reich_, _i.e._, kingdom.]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER V. HENRY OF TRASTAMARA AND ISABELLA OF CASTILE

[Sidenote: [1369-1479 A.D.]]

All Castile breathed more freely at the news of the death of Pedro the
Cruel, and acknowledging Henry of Trastamara as king, did him homage.
By a rule as judicious and just as it was vigorous he endeavoured to
obliterate the dark blots which stained his accession.

Don Pedro’s race vanished from Castilian soil. On the death of his
mistress Maria de Padilla shortly after the murder of the unhappy
Blanche, Pedro had tried every means to secure the succession for her
children. He brought sworn witnesses to testify that he had been joined
with Padilla in lawful wedlock, and induced the estates to confer the
first title to the throne upon her son Alfonso, and, in case of his
death without issue, upon her three daughters, Beatrice, Isabella,
and Constanza, in order of seniority. Alfonso, however, died the same
year, and Beatrice followed soon after the frustration of her projected
marriage with the heir of Aragon; while the two youngest, whom their
father had taken with him when he fled to Guiennes, were detained as
hostages by the Black Prince, who sent them to England, where they were
married to two sons of Edward III (Constanza to John of Lancaster and
Isabella to Edmund of York), and thus transmitted to the English dynasty
their claims to the heritage of Castile.

[Sidenote: [1369-1373 A.D.]]

Henry assumed the government of Castile under difficulties. As the
illegitimate son of King Alfonso XI, he met with strong opposition.
Moreover his right to the throne was contested by others besides a
large body of the Castilian nobility. King Ferdinand of Portugal, who
had renewed the alliance which his father had concluded with Don Pedro,
tried to win the crown of Castile for himself after the murder of the
latter, on the ground that he, being the grandson of Beatrice, princess
of Castile, was the only male descendant born in lawful wedlock. To
support his claim he allied himself with Muhammed, the Moorish prince
of Granada. Like Pedro IV of Aragon, he received with all honour the
malcontent and fugitive Castilian nobles. He paid no heed to the murmurs
of the Portuguese at their king’s liberality to foreigners, but marched
into Galicia with an army, while the Moors took Algeciras; and the king
of Aragon endeavoured to unite Molina, Almazan, Soria, and other frontier
districts with his own dominions. At the same time the duke of Lancaster,
uncle of Richard II, assumed the title of king of Castile in right of his
wife, the eldest daughter of Don Pedro, and was acknowledged as such by
the English court.

But Henry extricated himself from the difficulties that encompassed him
in his own country with prudence and skill, and turned the disadvantages
of his opponents to his own profit; and thus he succeeded in putting down
all resistance and seated himself firmly on the throne of Castile, though
he was still regarded by enemies as a usurper. The Moorish conquests were
confined to Algeciras; the king of Portugal, who also styled himself
“king of Castile,” carried on the war with so little success that the
Spanish historian López de Ayala[b] says that it would have been more
to his honour to have discontinued the campaign; the English had their
hands full in their own country, and the Aragonese, besides having their
attention diverted by a war in Sardinia, found themselves, by Henry’s
shrewd contrivance, confronted with another adversary in the person of
James III of Majorca, the pretender to the throne of the Balearic kingdom.

This adventurous infante, though married to Queen Juana of Naples,
had entered the service of Pedro the Cruel and been taken prisoner at
Montiel. Henry set him at liberty on payment of a heavy ransom by the
wealthy queen of Naples, and thus fulfilled the double object of filling
his own coffers and setting up a rival to his enemy. He had already
taken possession of the abundant treasure which the fallen tyrant had
amassed in the strong vaults of the castles of Seville and Carmona, and
had obtained large subsidies besides from the estates of the kingdom at
Medina del Campo; and was therefore able to pay off and discharge the
mercenary troops which had carried him to victory and to surround himself
with a well disciplined army. Bertrand du Guesclin and the leaders of
other companies received gifts of towns and territory over and above
their pay, and promptly sold them again.

[Illustration: HENRY OF CASTILE]

The history of Castile for the next few years is like a diplomatic game
of chess in which the French, the English, and the pope all played their
parts as well as the sovereigns of the peninsula. And all did their best
to win. While the faithless and fickle king of Portugal, who had given
great offence to his own subjects by his marriage, made common cause
with the duke of Lancaster and acknowledged him king of Castile in order
to secure the assistance of England; and while the Roman see, alarmed
at the alliance between Christian courts and the Mohammedans of Granada
and Morocco exhausted itself in attempts at mediation, Henry concluded a
treaty with France and invaded Portugal with an army. Viseu was occupied,
Lisbon blockaded by land and sea and sorely damaged and wasted by fire,
Coimbra was besieged, and only spared by the Castilians out of chivalrous
gallantry, because Ferdinand’s consort Leonora was there waiting the
birth of her child. Many Portuguese nobles with the king’s brother at
their head abetted the Castilians out of disgust at Ferdinand’s marriage.
At length the papal legate brought about a reconciliation, which was
accelerated and rendered easier by Henry’s magnanimity and moderation
(1373). The Portuguese king relinquished his alliance with the duke
of Lancaster and England, banished from his dominions the malcontent
Castilians who still refused to acknowledge Henry king, in spite of
his chivalrous nature and high sovereign qualities, and joined the
Franco-Castilian alliance. The war with Aragon was brought to an equally
successful issue. Don Pedro concluded peace and alliance and restored the
districts on the Castilian frontier which he had occupied in the course
of the campaign.

[Sidenote: [1373-1380 A.D.]]

Biscay was also united to the kingdom of Castile on the death without
issue of the infante Don Tello on whom the king had bestowed it in
fee, but the province remained in possession of its ancient rights and
liberties. When the daughter of Ferdinand de la Cerda, who had married
the duke of Alençon, laid claim to Biscay and the whole of the Lara
heritage in her own name and that of her children, Henry stipulated
that her sons should reside in Spain. They refused, however, to resign
the position they held in France, and he therefore declared the
principalities fiefs that had lapsed to the crown. When Henry had further
prevailed upon the king of Navarre to make peace with him by reimbursing
the expenses he had incurred in the fortification of Logroño and Vitoria,
Castile was once more complete within her ancient borders and his own
sovereignty was firmly established and fully recognised. But by the
reckless munificence with which he gave away the immediate property of
the crown, in order to satisfy the nobles and attach them to the new
dynasty, he laid up many troubles in store for his successors.[c]

In the schism which afflicted the church, from the rival pretensions of
Urban VI and the anti-pope Clement, Henry declared for neither--doubtless
to gratify his avarice by withholding the customary contributions to
the papal see. He died in 1379. In character he was as cruel as Pedro;
as loose in morals, and scarcely inferior as a tyrant. On the whole,
however, he was a fortunate ruler. Either by bribes or force, he reduced
Galicia to obedience, recovered several places from the king of Navarre,
whose capital he at one time invested, and overawed his neighbours of
Portugal and Aragon.

JUAN I AND THE PORTUGUESE WARS

Juan I followed his father’s advice, by cultivating the friendship of the
French king, whom he frequently assisted in the interminable wars between
that monarch and the English. Like his father, he had also to dread the
pretensions of John of Gaunt the duke of Lancaster; and it was equally
his aim to occupy the ambitious Plantagenet with other affairs than
disputing his succession.

To preserve Portugal as an ally, Juan, in the second year of his reign,
consented or proposed to marry his infant son Henry with Beatrice,
presumptive heiress of the Portuguese crown. This princess, who was in
her tenth year, had been promised to Frederick, brother of the Castilian
king; but the superior pretensions of Henry induced the Portuguese
monarch to prefer the latter for a son-in-law. One condition of the
projected marriage was that, in case either of the young betrothed died
without issue, the other should inherit the states of the deceased. So
fair a prospect of uniting the two crowns could not fail to be agreeable
to the two sovereigns. Notwithstanding this solemn treaty, Ferdinand of
Portugal secretly resolved to make war on Castile; and, with the view
of strengthening himself by the alliance of the duke of Lancaster, he
despatched a trusty messenger to obtain the co-operation of that prince,
who readily promised it.

[Sidenote: [1380-1385 A.D.]]

Juan, who was soon acquainted with the league, resolved to anticipate
his enemy: off Cape St. Vincent his fleet triumphed, in 1381, over that
of Ferdinand; and Almeida was forced to submit to him. The arrival from
England of the earl of Cambridge, brother of the duke, with five hundred
men-at-arms, and as many archers, roused the courage of the Portuguese,
but did them little service. As the allies could obtain no money from
Ferdinand, they did not scruple to lay their hands on whatever they
pleased: hence the distrust and dislike which arose between them and
the natives, and which neutralised the little success obtained by their
combined arms.[44] Wearied alike with his allies and the war, Ferdinand,
in 1382, solicited and obtained peace, and the English returned home. The
death of the queen of Castile leaving Henry a widower, Ferdinand offered
him the princess Beatrice, who had been successively promised to his
brother, to his two sons, and even to the son of the earl of Cambridge;
on condition, however, that the issue of the marriage, whether male or
female, should be the sovereign of Portugal, and that he himself should
have no share in the administration so long as Leonora, the Portuguese
queen, should survive Ferdinand. This condition, so characteristic of
Portuguese dislike of Castilian sway, did not prevent Juan from marrying
the princess. Ferdinand died the very year of this marriage; and his
death opened the door to new hostilities.

Though Juan and his new queen were, in fact, excluded by the treaty
accompanying their union, he no less eagerly claimed the crown in her
own right; and several of the Portuguese nobles admitted the justice of
that claim. Even the widowed queen, Leonora, caused her daughter to be
proclaimed in the capital; but the bulk of the towns and prelates refused
to acknowledge her, and declared Don João bastard brother of Ferdinand,
regent of Portugal. The latter prepared to vindicate his right; when
Urban VI, whom he had refused to recognise, raised up against him his
old enemy, the duke of Lancaster, who was persuaded by that pope again
to invade Castile. The usurper Juan was no less anxious to secure the
co-operation of the Plantagenet, whose departure to claim the crown of
Castile he began to urge with success. To frustrate the double object of
this alliance, the Castilian, in 1384, entered the kingdom, received the
homage of his adherents, and proceeded to invest the capital: but his
troops were ignobly defeated by those of his rival; even the queen-mother
scorned to favour his pretensions; and he was constrained to abandon the
siege, and return into his dominions. In 1385, the states of Coimbra
proclaimed his rival king; who began vigorously to invest the places
which held for him.

[Sidenote: [1385-1387 A.D.]]

Fortune attended the arms of the Portuguese, who successively obtained
possession of the chief fortified places, and, in several partial
engagements, was hailed as victor. A greater and a decisive action was
now at hand. Though he had but ten thousand men, he marched against
the Castilian king, who met him with an army of at least thirty-four
thousand; in which were two thousand French knights. The two armies met
near Aljubarrota, a village in Portuguese Estremadura; where, by the
advice of the English knights who served in his army, the Portuguese
intrenched his followers in a position of some strength. As the troops
of the Castilian were wearied by their march, some of his officers,
especially the chronicler Pedro López de Ayala,[b] in a council of
war assembled to decide on the subject, endeavoured to dissuade him
from the battle; but the greater number, among whom were the French
knights, confiding in their overwhelming numerical superiority and in
their own ardour, inclined him to risk it. The action commenced towards
sunset, on a fine summer evening (August 14th), and was, for a short
time, maintained with great spirit on both sides. In the end, the
Portuguese obtained a splendid victory, most of the Castilian chivalry
and ten thousand of the infantry being left dead on the field: the king
himself with difficulty effected his escape. The loss was so heavy that
he ordered his subjects to mourn for a whole year; while the victors
annually commemorated their triumph. The French allies, who bore the
brunt of the battle, suffered severely on this occasion.

JOHN OF GAUNT IN SPAIN

To profit by this victory, the Portuguese monarch commanded his barons to
make an irruption into Castile, while he himself despatched to the duke
of Lancaster a circumstantial account of this signal success. The latter
now burned to assert his rights by other means than threats, or by the
mere report of his preparations; he actually left England, with a small
but choice armament (about fifteen hundred knights, and as many archers),
accompanied by his wife, the lady Constanza, and his three daughters. In
July, 1386, he appeared off the coast of Galicia, and ultimately landed
at El Padron; thence he proceeded to Santiago, where he was solemnly
proclaimed king of Castile and Leon. In an interview with the king of
Portugal, on the confines of the two states, both entered into a treaty
offensive and defensive; and, to cement it the more strongly, agreed that
the king should marry Philippa, daughter of the duke.

In the meantime, the Castilian was not idle: he had obtained succours
from his constant ally the French king and encouragement from Clement
VII, the rival of Urban. In the spring of 1387, the duke and the
Portuguese king arrived at Benavente; but their progress was stayed
by the plague, which daily made great ravages in their ranks. After
the conquest of a few towns and fortresses, the allied army retired
into Portugal. The duke himself was seriously indisposed in body, and
consequently dispirited. Their retreat was hastened by intelligence of
the troubles which raged in England, and which ended in the imprisonment,
and eventually the death of the unfortunate Richard II. The Castilian
king dreaded the resumption of hostilities at a more favourable period.
He proposed to the Plantagenet the marriage of his eldest son, Henry,
with Catherine, daughter of the duke, by the princess Constanza, and,
consequently, granddaughter of Pedro the Cruel. To this overture the duke
lent a favourable ear; towards the close of the year the conditions were
definitively arranged at Bayonne. The principal were that, if Henry died
before the consummation of the marriage, the princess should be given
to the next son, Don Ferdinand; that Constanza, mother of the princess,
should receive in fief five or six towns in Castile, besides a revenue
of 40,000 francs per annum; that the duke should receive 600,000 in
gold, by instalments, as an indemnification for the expenses of the war;
that both Constanza and her husband should renounce all claim to the
Castilian crown; and that hostages should be given him as a security for
the due performance of the first three. Thus, if the personal ambition
of the Plantagenet remained without gratification, he had at least the
satisfaction of seeing one of his daughters queen of Portugal, and the
other destined to the throne of Castile. Early in the following year,
Catherine, who was in her fourteenth year, was betrothed to Henry, who
was only in his ninth, and who on this occasion assumed the title of
prince of the Asturias.

[Sidenote: [1387-1390 A.D.]]

The king of Castile did not long survive this reconciliation with the
Plantagenet. On the 9th day of October, 1390, he was killed by falling
under his horse. The reign of Juan I was one of continued troubles,
which, though his abilities were moderate, his firmness prevented from
ruining the state, or endangering his own power. Once, indeed, during
the disputed succession to the Portuguese crown, he seriously intended
to resign in favour of his own son Henry, who, as the son of Beatrice,
daughter of Ferdinand, was the true heir to the Portuguese no less than
the Castilian throne. His object was to secure the execution of the
treaty made with that prince, and forever to unite the two crowns. But
his nobles, who were evidently no less averse to such a union than their
western neighbours, not merely advised but compelled him to preserve his
dignity.[g]

But the greatest glory of King Juan’s reign was his successful expedition
against the coasts of England, to punish the presumption of the duke
of Lancaster. Once more the maintenance of the Lancastrian claims was
the signal for the destruction of a British fleet. Not content with
threatening the ports, the Castilians, emboldened by former successes,
sailed up the Thames, in 1380, and took or burned the shipping in the
river almost within sight of London.[h]

THE GOOD KING HENRY III (1390-1406 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1390-1396 A.D.]]

The crown descended to Henry, Juan’s first-born son, who since his
betrothal in 1387 had taken from the ancestral seat of his family, now
elevated into a principality, the title of “prince of Asturias,” which
has been borne by the heir-apparent of Castile ever since.

Henry, surnamed the Infirm, was a weakly prince of eleven years of age,
and a regency had to be appointed during his minority, whence much evil
accrued to the realm of Castile. By the last testament of the late king
the affairs of state were to be managed by a council of regency composed
of the three estates of the kingdom. This arrangement was contested
as showing too little regard for the rights of the heads of the great
families, and a fresh regency was set up by the help of the estates, in
which the lords temporal and spiritual--the duke of Benavente, a natural
son of Henry II, Count Pedro of Trastamara, the marquis of Villena, the
archbishops of Toledo and Santiago de Compostella, the grand-masters of
the orders, and others--divided the royal authority between them.

No notice was taken of the assessors of the middle class who ought to
have been admitted to their deliberations. But the nobles at the head of
affairs, each one of whom was eager to take advantage of these propitious
circumstances to enrich himself and increase his own power, were soon
at variance and strife among themselves, the kingdom was split up into
factions, the crown property alienated, disorder prevailed throughout the
country.

Not until the king, having passed his fourteenth year, proclaimed
himself of age with the consent of the estates and assumed the reins of
government in person (1393) did a change for the better set in. For in
spite of his youth and feeble frame, Henry III was possessed of sagacity
and a real aptitude for political and public affairs. Trusting to the
temper of the nation, which yearned for a strong government and for
deliverance from the oppressive rule of the nobles and the anarchy of
the knights, he promptly proceeded to energetic measures. Not content
with sharing the royal authority among themselves, the lords in power had
seized upon many of the estates of the crown, already much reduced by
the lavishness of former kings, and consequently the necessary funds to
meet public expenditure were lacking. Henry’s first step therefore was
to come to an agreement with the cortes, to which he promised in return
for the grant of the _alcabalas_ that no fresh tax should be introduced
without their consent, and then took vigorous action against the nobles.
All gifts and pensions which had been made at the expense of the crown
demesnes during his minority were cancelled and the revenues of the lords
temporal and spiritual reduced to the level at which they had stood at
Don Juan’s death, and at the same time all engagements which the barons
had entered into with one another and confirmed by oath were annulled.

This bold stroke on the part of the young king greatly incensed the
feudal lords; the duke of Benavente, the marquis of Villena, and the two
infantes Alfonso count of Gijon and Don Pedro of Trastamara, endeavoured
to form a coalition of nobles to avert by force the impending reduction
of their revenues; but it was nipped in the bud by the energetic action
of King Henry, who offered pardon and favour to the obedient and
tractable and menaced the stubborn and recalcitrant with the forces
which quickly gathered round his standard. The leaders of the coalition,
unsupported by the nation and without help from abroad, could not carry
their purpose into effect; they were overthrown or captured one by one,
and compelled to submit to the king’s orders and purchase his favour by
taking the oath of fealty and allegiance.

Henry displayed the same energy and discretion in all other acts of
his reign. His marriage with Catherine of Lancaster, a sister of Queen
Philippa of Portugal, hastened the conclusion of peace with that country,
and Castile then had leisure to restore her lost prestige abroad among
Christians and Mohammedans alike. Although the king relied upon skilful
diplomacy rather than upon arms and armies, his forces by land and
sea were in such a state of efficiency as not merely to enable him to
repel all attacks with vigour but to secure for him the authority of an
arbitrator in quarrels between others. Thus he preserved the peace of his
own dominions, set bounds to the license of Moorish piracy, and enhanced
his consequence abroad.

[Sidenote: [1396-1417 A.D.]]

War was on the point of breaking out with the emir Yusuf of Granada,
kindled by the fanaticism of the grand-master of the order of Alcantara,
who was eager to make converts of the infidels at the sword’s point,
when it was averted by Henry’s presence of mind. He declared that he had
nothing in common with the assailants, most of whom paid for their folly
with their lives in a disastrous battle, and persuaded the offended emir
to restore peace (1394). Yusuf died shortly after, of poison administered
to him by the prince of Fez; and Muhammed, his ambitious second son,
usurped the throne of Granada and threw his elder brother into prison.
The king availed himself of the general apprehension that under the new
emir the friendly relations between Castile and Granada would not last,
to incite the estates to a more liberal expenditure on preparations for
war. The amount of money, ships, and armed men, both horse and foot,
which the cortes was said to have raised in conjunction with the king’s
exchequer, bears witness to the height of prosperity and power to which
Castile had risen through the wise and peaceful policy of Henry III.
His contemporaries adduce the exchange of embassies between the king of
Castile and the great Mongol sovereign Timur [or Tamerlane] as a proof
of how far the fame of the former had extended. The Turkish sultan
responded to the embassy from the Christian king by sending a return
embassy with costly presents, among which were two Christian captives
of high rank and great beauty. But Henry’s life was hastening to its
close. He had been prevented by sickness from opening in person the diet
at Toledo, where the demands were presented of which mention has been
made, and was obliged to delegate his share in the proceedings to his
brother Ferdinand, the infante who ascended the throne of Aragon a few
years later. On Christmas Day in the same year (1406) King Henry III died
at the age of twenty-seven, leaving a child one year old as heir to the
throne. Great was the mourning in Castile for the high-souled prince who
had combined vigour with gentleness, maintained peace and justice, and
never violated the constitution or the existing framework of law by the
abuse of the principle he himself had laid down--that the welfare of the
nation is the supreme law against which no usurper or chartered rights
could appeal. His country had all the more reason to lament him, as a war
with the Moors was imminent and a fresh regency in prospect.

Ferdinand, the brother of Henry III, had so fully won the esteem of
the nation that the Castilian nobles tendered him the crown. This
the high-minded prince[45] indignantly refused; but lest the kingdom
should be left to the weak hands of a child and a woman, he undertook
the government in conjunction with Catherine, the widowed queen, and
displayed such admirable qualifications for rule that Castile was for
many years spared the evils usually inseparable from a minority. He
gained the confidence of the estates, kept the nobles under control, and
won the fortress of Antequera and the surrounding country in a successful
war against the Moors (1411). When the cortes of Aragon elected him king
(1412), he continued to govern his nephew’s dominions in conjunction
with the queen-mother, and the power which was thereby concentrated in
his hands enabled him not merely to subdue the rebellious nobles of
Aragon and secure himself and his house in possession of the crown, but
to frustrate every revolt in Sardinia and the Balearic Islands, and to
assume the tone of a ruler and arbitrator, even in Sicily. Unfortunately
he died after a reign of four years, in 1416, and Queen Catherine
passed away not long after, too early for the young king, Juan II, who
had hitherto shown but small intellectual vigour, and who now, in the
fourteenth year of his age, took the sceptre in his own hands without
either capacity, experience, or strength of character to wield it. A
troublous time then began for Castile, during which revolts and civil
wars dealt grievous blows at the prosperity and power of the nation.[c]

The old historian Guzman[j] has traced a faithful portrait of the young
sloth who now filled the throne.

GUZMAN’S PORTRAIT OF JUAN AND HIS MINISTER

[Sidenote: [1406-1454 A.D.]]

Juan was of tall stature and largely built, but was neither well made
nor possessed of great strength; he had a pleasing countenance, fair
complexion, and high shoulders; his face was broad, his speech slightly
rapid. He was calm and gentle, his conversation measured and simple.
As his disposition was most extraordinary, it is necessary to dilate
thereon: he was a man who in speech was wise and prudent, possessed great
knowledge of other men, and understood those whose conversation was best,
most discreet, and most witty.

It pleased him to listen to well-informed men, and he took good note of
what they said. He both spoke and understood Latin. He read well; books
and histories delighted him; he loved to hear witty rhymes, and could
point out their defects; he enjoyed gay and intelligent conversation, in
which he could bear his part. He spent much time in the chase and hunting
of fierce animals, and was well skilled in the art of it. He had studied
music, and could both sing and play well; he was skilful in jousting, and
well versed in the exercise of tilting with reeds.

But enjoying a tolerable proficiency in these graceful accomplishments,
he was lamentably deficient in real virtues, necessary to all men and
more so to kings; for after good faith the chief virtue of a king should
be a diligent application to the government and administration of his
kingdom. In this Solomon proved himself the wisest of all, who, when
God bade him ask for what he most desired, merely begged for wisdom to
govern his people, which request was so agreeable to the Lord, that he
granted this virtue and other singular attributes pertaining to it. This
king was so deficient in this respect that, possessed of the aforesaid
accomplishments, he refused to give one hour to the government of his
kingdom. Although during this time there were more rebellious seditions
and evils than were experienced during the reigns of past kings for more
than two hundred years, which were productive of considerable harm to
his fame and kingdom, yet such were his negligence and remissness in the
government of his kingdom that he would never devote any time to it, but
preferred to spend it in other occupations more peaceful and pleasing
than useful or honourable.

And yet in the histories which he read he learned the evils which
had befallen kings and their kingdoms through such negligence and
remissness, and, moreover, was warned by many priests and knights that
his kingdom was in great peril through his neglect, and that his fame
greatly suffered thereby; and what was more serious, that he must render
to God strict account for the evils fallen upon his subjects through
his negligence, since God had given him brain and judgment to govern.
In spite of these warnings and notwithstanding that he saw the scanty
obedience he could command, the little reverence paid him, the contempt
of his letters and commands, yet he would not reform nor give his mind to
the government of his kingdom.

Don Juan II of Castile left the government of his kingdom entirely in
the hands of Alvaro de Luna, in whom he placed such singular confidence
that, to those who did not witness it, it appeared hardly credible,
and to those who did it was a matter of extreme wonder. Not only all
orders relating to his rents and treasures, offices of his household and
administration of justice were given by the constable, but nothing was
done without the latter’s consent. It is true that orders and letters,
licenses, favours, and donations were made in the king’s name and under
his signature, yet the secretaries waited the constable’s pleasure to
write, the king to sign, and the chancellor to seal; without it no letter
carried weight or was put into execution.

So great was the singular confidence which the king placed in the
constable, and so excessive the latter’s power, that it would be
difficult to find a king or prince, however feared and obeyed, more
powerful in his kingdom than was the constable in Castile, or who
enjoyed greater freedom in the government and administration. Not only
the offices, positions, and grants, of which the king had the disposal,
were in his hands, but also the ecclesiastical dignities and benefices;
no man in the kingdom was bold enough to petition the pope or recognise
his orders save with the constable’s consent. Thus both spiritual and
temporal power were in his hands; the king’s sole responsibility was to
affix his signature to letters; for the form and execution the constable
was responsible. So extended was his power, and so fully had he taken
on himself the king’s prerogative, that few thought of petitioning
the latter were it for the highest office in the land or the meanest
favour, or returned him thanks for the same; but to the constable they
were applied for, and to him acknowledged. But, what is yet more to be
marvelled at, even in natural acts the king allowed himself to be ruled
by the constable; so that being young and healthy, and knowing his queen
to be young and beautiful, he would not seek her apartment at night, did
the constable forbid him, nor yet solace himself with other women, though
his inclinations in this respect were naturally strong.

[Illustration: DON JUAN II

(From an effigy)]

Finally we have two points to consider and marvel at: the first a king
in many ways accomplished, yet totally negligent and remiss in the
government of his kingdom, being neither moved nor stimulated thereto
by discretion, nor by experience of the difficulties encountered in
the disputes and uprisings occurring in his kingdom, nor yet by the
admonitions and warnings tendered him by powerful nobles and priests.
Further, that a natural attraction should be so strong and vigorous as
to make him in all things, without exception, submit to the constable’s
command or counsel with an obedience unequalled by the most humble of
sons to a father, or the most obedient of monks to his abbot or prior.
Some persons, upon noting this marked love and excessive confidence, held
it to be the work of witchcraft, but this was never proved, although
steps were taken in the matter. The second point is that a man without
connections and of such poor origin, in a kingdom of vast dimensions,
containing so many powerful nobles, during the reign of a king so little
feared or obeyed, should enjoy such singular power. Because if we suppose
this power was due to the king’s authority, how could he give to another
what he himself never possessed, or how is it that the lieutenant was
obeyed where he whose place he took could not command obedience? Truly
I fear that no distinct reason can be given for this, save by him who
was responsible for the king’s extraordinary disposition, nor yet an
explanation of the constable’s power, for I know not which is most to be
marvelled at, the king’s character, or the constable’s power.[j]

We need not feel the amazement felt by Guzman at Alvaro’s power over
the king if we can trust the following portrait of him from an old and
anonymous biography of Alvaro.[a]

CHRONICLE OF THE CONSTABLE DON ALVARO DE LUNA

[Sidenote: [1417-1420 A.D.]]

The outward shape and seeming of Don Alvaro de Luna, master of the order
and knighthood of Santiago, and constable of the kingdoms of Castile and
Leon, were in the following wise:

He was short of stature and very upright; fair complexioned, and of
a very graceful figure all his years, slight and well-built with a
well-turned leg and length of limb in proportion to his height. His
neck was long, straight, and well-shaped, his eyes joyous and always
bright. He had a calm presence, and where he gazed, his eyes dwelt longer
than those of other men. He carried his head ever erect with a joyous
countenance; his nose was well shaped with wide nostrils, his forehead
broad, and he was early bald. He laughed readily and sought food for
mirth, and stammered a little in his speech. He was full of life; he
never put on flesh or varied in figure in the least, so that he seemed
made of bone and muscle.

He was temperate and restrained in his habits from his youth; he ever
loved and honoured the whole race of women. He loved much, and ever
observed great secrecy concerning his loves. He made discreet and lively
ballads of his loves, in which he often touched upon the mysteries of
other great deeds. He was always well-dressed, and whatever he wore sat
well upon him, so that whether dressed for the chase, for war, or for
state occasions, he was approved of all. He had a ready wit and was
much given to inventing tales and presenting interludes at the feasts,
the jousts, or in the fight, and in these compositions he very subtly
signified what he wished. He was a famous horseman in both saddles,
and a great soldier. He was very careful to have good fleet horses. He
took great delight in getting his arms repaired, and in examining them
and keeping them bright and clean and point-device. In war, he was too
courageous and daring, so that he often placed himself in great peril, as
may be seen from his history and in many other places. He was often in
arms and ever eager for the fray. He addressed his king at all times with
great reverence and ceremony [?]. He was a great huntsman and laboured
much therein, and followed the chase so often, when other business gave
him leisure, that he was better skilled in it than other men. He took
great pleasure in discoursing of archery, and in that sport it was a
marvel to find any who could beat him at the crossbow. He loved wise
and prudent men, and endeavoured to win them to himself and reposed
great trust in them; but for those who were libertines and chatterers,
he laughed with them and showed them good countenance, and held them of
small account.[k]

INTERNAL DISSENSIONS

[Sidenote: [1420-1445 A.D.]]

It was not to be supposed that the power of De Luna would fail to arouse
the jealousy and indignation of both nobles and people. But the first
disturbances of Juan’s reign were caused by the refusal of his sister,
Catalina, to marry Henry, infante of Aragon. The latter proceeded to use
force, succeeded in capturing not only the princess but Juan himself, and
retained them as his prisoners at Avila. The marriage took place, and
though Juan soon afterwards contrived to escape, Henry and his brother,
the king of Navarre, both continued to give him serious trouble in the
succeeding years of his reign by their invasions of Castile, and the
encouragement they gave to his revolted subjects. The king’s wasteful
bounty towards his favourites was a constant excuse for rebellion. It
was against his constable, Alvaro de Luna, that the enmity of nobles and
people alike was chiefly directed.[a]

In 1439 a league (not the first) was formed against him, and was headed
as usual by Henry of Aragon and the king of Navarre. Its members
loudly demanded the removal of the obnoxious favourite. To dispel the
approaching storm, Don Alvaro retired for a time from the court; but
the confederates refused to lay down their arms until he should be
forever driven from the royal presence. Though the complaints which
they elaborately brought against him were for the most part invented or
exaggerated, it is evident enough that he had abused his influence over
the royal mind, and exhibited as much eagerness to enrich, no matter by
what means, his creatures and instruments, as vindictiveness against all
who ventured to thwart his will. To appease his barons, the king convoked
his cortes at Valladolid; such a step was become necessary, for the
leaguers had seized on some of his chief cities, and were preparing to
proceed still further.

The first act of the assembly was to recommend that all parties should
disarm--the king as well as the infante, the constable as well as the
king of Navarre. But this recommendation led to no result; both parties
continued exasperated as before. That of the king was weakened by the
desertion of his only son, Prince Henry, who espoused the cause of the
confederates. The queen followed the example of her son: in short, the
aspect of affairs was so menacing that Don Alvaro began to turn his eyes
towards Portugal in search of an asylum. Through the persuasion of the
king, however, who assured him that everything should be arranged to his
wish, he consented to await the result.

The horrors of internal strife were now felt in all their force; city
after city was invested and taken by the confederate rebels, who showed
little mercy to the partisans of the king and constable. In vain did
Juan whisper peace; in vain did he appear to abide by the decision of
his states, which he might summon for the purpose: as he did not at
once and forever banish Don Alvaro from his presence, his entreaties
and remonstrances were equally disregarded. In 1443 the rebels obtained
possession of the king’s person and held him as a kind of prisoner in his
own palace. Though their subsequent efforts were somewhat paralysed by
the defection of Prince Henry, who even called on all good men to aid him
in rescuing his father from a slavish dependence on them, they persevered
not the less in their design. They took the field against both the prince
and the father, who now contrived to escape and reach the camp of the
former. But on this occasion the confederates were routed and dispersed
in several successive actions, and their strong places recovered by the
royal forces. Their estates were seized by the king, and they themselves
forced to seek refuge in Aragon or Navarre. Subsequently, both the king
of Navarre and his brother, the reckless Henry, collected troops, and
invaded, the one Castile, the other Murcia; but without any other result
than that of harassing the innocent peasantry, or wreaking vengeance on
their personal enemies. Finally the victory of Olmedo, gained by Juan in
person over the two brothers, the acquisition of a considerable number
of prisoners, and the death of Henry (of Aragon) through a wound received
in that battle, appeared to consolidate both the power of the king and
the influence of the favourite.

THE FALL OF ALVARO

[Sidenote: [1445-1453 A.D.]]

But royal attachments are seldom permanent, because they are seldom
founded on merit; and because the minds of men, especially those of
kings, are generally incapable of any lasting impression. Though the
favour of Juan II had been protracted far beyond the limits of ordinary
duration, it was not to prove an exception to the usual course of
human experience. Soon after the battle of Olmedo, the partiality of
the monarch began to be weakened. Years elapsed before Juan could put
into execution his long-meditated design of destroying his constable.
His attention, indeed, was long distracted by the irruptions into his
territories of the Aragonese and Navarrese, in conjunction with the
Castilian exiles; and by the partial revolts which from time to time
agitated his kingdom (that of Toledo for instance, occasioned by an
exaction, under the name of a loan, of a million maravedis, was not
suppressed without much difficulty). It was not until the year 1453, that
he seriously resolved to rid himself of this formidable minister.

To rashness, and an insolent contempt of the royal power and authority,
Don Alvaro soon added the crime of murder. Knowing that Alfonso de
Vivero, one of his creatures, was become his secret enemy, he planned
the destruction of that false confidant. One day he held in his own
house a council, to which Alfonso was summoned. On the appearance of the
latter, he was shown the correspondence which he had held with the king
relative to the constable’s arrest, and which Alvaro had intercepted. The
confusion of the traitor would have been evidence enough of his guilt,
without the incontestable documents then produced. On a signal from the
constable, he was dragged to the top of the tower, precipitated headlong,
and dashed to pieces on the ground below. The creatures of Alvaro
suddenly raised a note of lamentation, as if the fall had been purely
accidental; but the king was soon acquainted with the truth, and the more
confirmed in his purpose of vengeance.

[Sidenote: [1453-1454 A.D.]]

Don Alvaro was at Burgos, when the order for his arrest was given by the
king to the son of the count of Plasencia, to take him dead or alive.
During the night, troops were secretly placed in various parts of the
city and at the entrance of the fortress, into which some men-at-arms
were silently introduced. The royal order was to invest the house in
which the constable resided, and thereby compel him to surrender.
Accordingly the young Zuñiga, with two hundred men-at-arms and twenty
horsemen, surrounded the house, exclaiming, “_Castilla! Castilla!
libertad para el Rey!_” The constable showed his head from a window; but
an arrow being shot at him, he withdrew it, and his men began to fire on
the royal troops. The assault was repelled; but he himself was at length
persuaded to surrender, on receiving an assurance in writing, under the
king’s own hand, that his life, liberty, and even possessions should be
spared. No sooner, however, was he secured, than his gold and jewels
were seized by the faithless monarch, and orders given to try--in other
words, to condemn him. Twelve lawyers and several barons, being assembled
for this purpose, unanimously passed on him the last sentence and the
confiscation of all his possessions. From Burgos he was conducted to
Valladolid, where the execution was appointed to take place.

He prepared for death with firmness, and with apparent contrition for
his past misdeeds. During the night preceding the execution, the king’s
mind was far from tranquil. He remembered the real services of the
constable through so many years, the affection he had once borne him,
and the promise he had made of sparing his life. The remembrance was
so troublesome that he once or twice delivered a sealed paper to the
chamberlain on duty, which he wished to be taken to Zuñiga--doubtless, to
stay the execution. Hearing of his agitation, the queen, whose conduct
throughout was exceedingly vindictive, hastened to him, and succeeded
in suspending rather than removing his scruples. As the fatal hour
approached, Don Alvaro, mounted on a mule, and attended by two monks,
left his house for the scaffold. On the way, the public herald, according
to custom, vociferated his crimes and punishment. “I deserve all this,”
said he, “and more, for my sins!” When near the scaffold, he called a
page of the prince, and said to him, “Page, tell my lord the prince to
reward his servants better than the king, my sovereign, now rewards
me!” He ascended with a firm step, knelt for a few moments before a
crucifix, bared his neck with his own hands, and quietly laid his head
on the block, when the executioner plunged the knife into his throat,
and afterwards separated the head from the body, amidst the tears of the
surrounding multitude.

Thus fell the great constable of Castile, the victim, chiefly, of his own
immeasurable ambition, and in no mean degree of courtier jealousy and of
royal faithlessness. If his crimes were many, they were characteristic
rather of the age than of the man: he was certainly no more criminal
than the great body of the Castilian barons, who despised alike justice
and reason when violence could secure their ends. To him the queen was
indebted for her crown; yet she persecuted him with unrelenting hatred.
The numbers whom he had enriched forsook him as his favour declined;
three only of his army of dependents remained faithful to the last.
And as to his trial, the most eminent legal authorities of Spain have
satisfactorily proved that in his case both the spirit and forms of
justice were disregarded.

Juan II did not long survive the constable: he died in 1454. He was one
of the weakest and most despicable princes that ever swayed the scepter
of any country. Besides two sons, he left issue the infanta Isabella,[46]
so famous in the annals of Spain.[g]

HUME’S ESTIMATE OF JUAN II

[Sidenote: [1406-1458 A.D.]]

Juan II was unfortunate in living when he did. Peace-loving and amiable,
one of the greatest patrons of letters who ever ruled in Spain, he was
not without considerable gifts of mind, but utterly unfitted to hold the
reins of government in a state during the crucial period of struggle
between the aristocratic and democratic principles. Alvaro de Luna,
though greedy and intolerant, ruled on the whole not unwisely, with a
view to the increase of the power of the crown, and with a strong king to
support him the latter might have become supreme over both elements, as
his great-grandson did.

But though his long reign was politically a failure, it marks a period of
social splendour at court and almost universal luxury such as had never
been seen in Spain before; while Castilian letters, under the patronage
of the king, reached one of those culminating points of development which
appear in Spain at intervals of about two centuries. With the advance
of culture and the arts of peace the old rough epics of an earlier time
and the didactic verse that followed had become unfashionable; and in
the early fifteenth century, both in the courts of Castile and Aragon,
lyric poetry and chronicles of romantic incident became the rage. From
King Juan II and Alvaro de Luna downward, almost every noble and knight
wrote verses of some sort; and of the 136 poets who wrote the songs
in the _Cancionero General_ (Valencia, 1511), probably more than half
belonged to the court of Juan II, while in the _Cancionero de Baena_ the
proportion must be still larger. Music, dances, theatrical interludes,
and poetic competitions were the favourite diversions which kept the king
amused, while Alvaro de Luna governed according to his will.[i]

THE DISASTERS OF HENRY IV

The reign of Henry IV, surnamed the Impotent, was even more disastrous
than that of his father. That this surname was not undeserved, we have
the testimony of his own wife, Blanche of Navarre, whom he led to the
altar in 1440, and who, after a union of thirteen years, could complain
that the _debitum conjugale_ remained unpaid. On this ground, in 1453,
the marriage was annulled. After his accession, however, he obtained the
hand of a Portuguese infanta.

From his rebellious conduct towards his own father, it could scarcely be
expected that he would be allowed to sway the sceptre in peace. Besides
the disputes which he had with the crowns of Navarre and Aragon, he was
perpetually subjected to the insults no less than the defiance of his
turbulent nobles, and to the partial revolts of the people whom the
exactions of his revenue officers never failed to exasperate. In 1457
a league was formed against him, just as it had been against the late
king, and composed of the most influential barons and ecclesiastics:
among these was Henry’s favourite Pacheco, for whom he had obtained the
marquisate of Villena, and whom he had laden with honours and wealth.
Their complaints were that the business of administration was neglected;
that the king kept aloof from the hereditary advisers of his crown, and
associated with individuals of low birth [these included numerous Moors],
on whom he lavished his resources to the great detriment of the state.
Whatever might be his other faults, he was naturally mild, and disposed
to cherish his people; to their remonstrance he replied that he would
convoke his cortes, and do whatever they advised him. They accordingly
disbanded. But he soon abandoned himself to new favourites.

[Sidenote: [1458-1465 A.D.]]

In the meantime, the confederates again proceeded to strengthen their
league: made a second petition, drawn up in more decided terms than
the preceding; and, besides, insisted that the king should pay more
regard to the education of the infantes, Alfonso and Isabella, and cause
the former to be recognised as his heir by the states of the kingdom.
As his answer was evasive, they again placed the king of Aragon and
Navarre[47] at their head, and laboured by every means to obstruct the
course of his government. Hostilities between him and that monarch were
the consequence; but they led to nothing, especially as from time to
time he found means to gain over several of the discontented lords. His
satisfaction was increased by the pregnancy of his queen; who, early in
1462, was delivered of a daughter, the infanta Juana or Joanna. Though
popular report did not hesitate to assign the child to the familiarity
of the mother with Don Beltran de la Cueva, count of Ledesma, one of
Henry’s favourites, and even applied to that issue the significant
epithet of _Beltraneja_, the latter was not the less eager in securing
the recognition of the princess as heiress to his dominions.

[Illustration: HENRY IV]

At length the marquis of Villena, the very soul of the league, being
disappointed in his expectation of the grand-mastership of Santiago,
which was conferred on the count of Ledesma, formed no less a project
than that of arresting both king and queen, of proclaiming Alfonso,
and, in concert with his confederates, of reigning under the name and
authority of that young prince. Being seasonably warned by four faithful
servants, the king avoided the snare. Nevertheless in a subsequent
interview he agreed that his brother Alfonso should be declared his
heir; that Don Beltran should resign the grand-mastership of Santiago
in favour of that infante, who should be consigned to the guardianship
of the marquis of Villena. Early in the following year (1465), these
conditions were punctually performed: Beltran resigned the dignity, with
which Alfonso was immediately invested; and that infante, on engaging
to marry the Beltraneja, was, at the same time, proclaimed prince of
the Asturias, and successor to the throne. But Henry’s unexampled
concessions were insufficient. Henry summoned them to lay down their
arms, and to surrender his brother, and went to invest Arevalo, one of
their fortresses: that siege, however, he soon raised on hearing that
Valladolid had declared for Alfonso, whom the rebels were conducting to
Avila, to be there proclaimed king of Leon and Castile.

The scene which now disgraced Avila was one of unparalleled effrontery.
In the midst of the plain, near the walls of the city, a vast theatre
was constructed; in the centre rose a throne, on which was placed an
effigy of Henry with a crown on the head, a sceptre in the hand, and
other ensigns of royal dignity. A herald ascended the platform and read,
in a loud voice, the various charges that had long been urged against
the administration of the king--his neglect of justice, his incapacity,
the outrages which he had committed against his kingdom and nobles;
hence, that, in conformity with reason and justice, no less than the
fundamental laws of the realm, the said Henry had been pronounced by the
most eminent civilians to be unfit any longer to wear the crown, and that
his deposition was imperiously demanded by the interests of the nation.
This decision was justified by an allusion to other kingdoms, which, in
various periods of history, had been compelled to depose their rulers.

No sooner was this strange homily finished than the archbishop of Toledo,
with the marquis of Villena, the count of Plasencia, the grand-master
of Alcantara, and other barons, ascended the platform, and approached
the statue. The first took off the royal crown; the second snatched away
the sceptre; the third, the sword; a fourth stripped off the kingly
robe; a fifth and sixth, the other emblems of royalty: all six then
simultaneously kicked the statue from the chair, and precipitated it
to the ground, loading it with curses and the most insulting terms of
reproach. Alfonso was next brought on the stage, and was elevated on the
shoulders of the nobles, who exclaimed, “_Castilla! Castilla! para el rey
Don Alfonso!_” The flourish of trumpets, the beating of drums, and the
homage solemnly rendered to the new king, completed the scene.

[Sidenote: [1465-1469 A.D.]]

Henry was naturally anxious to punish the rebels, but their attitude was
too formidable for him. They continued under arms, besieging fortress
after fortress, and wreaking vengeance alike on their personal and
political enemies. During these troubles there was a total relaxation
of the laws; numerous bands of robbers paraded the highways, and not
infrequently pillaged the towns of the kingdom; until the inhabitants
formed themselves into voluntary confederations for the protection of
their persons and properties. Thus continued the face of affairs until
1467, when Henry resolved to risk a battle with the rebels. He met them
near Olmedo, where, after a fierce but indecisive struggle, both armies
left the field, each boasting of the victory. While each was collecting
reinforcements to try the event of another action, arrived a papal
legate, who endeavoured to reduce the rebels to reason, and who was so
imprudent as to threaten them with the thunders of the church unless
they laid down their arms and submitted their complaints to arbitration.
Three hundred tongues hooted him from the camp of the confederates: to
avoid something worse, he hastily mounted his mule, and fled. This event,
however, did not prevent the king from meeting the leaders at Segovia,
where a suspension of arms was agreed on. The following year his rival,
the infante Alfonso, died--an event highly favourable to the king.

The rebels, indeed, proposed to raise the infanta Isabella, his sister,
to the throne, and thereby perpetuate their own impunity; but that
princess, who had principles and an understanding far above her years,
refused to become the tool of a few factious rebels. Finally, peace was
made: Isabella and Henry met with every appearance of good will; and that
princess was recognised, both by him and the great body of the barons and
deputies as the undoubted heiress of the two crowns. The queen, indeed,
protested against this arrangement in favour of her daughter; but her
complaints passed unheeded.

MARRIAGE OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA

[Sidenote: [1469-1474 A.D.]]

In the same year was laid the foundations of a union which was to prove
of such unbounded value to Spain; Juan II of Aragon solicited the hand of
Isabella of Castile for his son and heir Don Ferdinand, king of Sicily.
The overture was formally received by the princess; but obstacles of so
formidable a nature intervened that, for some time, there was little hope
of a successful issue to the negotiations. Neither the king nor the queen
wished to see the cause of Isabella supported by so powerful a neighbour
as the future monarch of Aragon would necessarily be. Besides, several
barons, who had followed the fortunes of Henry, and procured great
estates at the expense of the infanta’s adherents, naturally dreaded her
accession in any case, especially if there should be a junction of her
power with that of Aragon.

[Illustration: QUEEN ISABELLA]

Such, however, was the eagerness of Juan to conclude the match; such
the sums he distributed among the Castilian nobles; and so powerful the
interference of the archbishop of Toledo in the cause, that her adherents
decided on bringing the affair as soon as possible to a conclusion. The
whole negotiation was secretly conducted; the rather as the princess was
sought both by the duke of Berri, brother to the French king, and by the
monarch of Portugal, whose agents were sure to oppose every obstacle
in their power to the union with Aragon. For a time she was a prisoner
in Madrigal, where it was evidently intended to detain her until she
gave her consent to either the Portuguese or the Frenchman. The former
was considered too old to have issue, the latter was too far removed to
be dreaded. She contrived to acquaint her friends with her unexpected
position. The primate immediately collected three hundred lances, and
marched to her relief; the admiral of Castile and the bishop of Curia
did the same; she was released, and triumphantly escorted to Valladolid.
Ferdinand was invited to hasten from Aragon with all possible expedition,
while Henry was absent in Andalusia, and receive his bride. As he was
likely to be intercepted on his reaching the Castilian territory, he
assumed a suitable disguise, and, with three attendants only, eluded
the design of his enemies. On the 25th of October, 1469, the royal pair
received the nuptial benediction in the cathedral of Valladolid.

No sooner was Henry acquainted with this precipitate marriage, than
he resolved to leave no measure untried for securing the crown to
Beltraneja. To the deputations of his sister and brother-in-law, who
entreated him to forgive a step rendered necessary by circumstances, he
returned answers studiously evasive. The profusion with which he lavished
lands, lordships, and other honours on the more powerful barons, proved
how anxious he was to effect his object. But his attention was long
distracted, and his efforts rendered abortive, by the troubles which
lacerated his kingdom. There was no longer a government: one baron made
war on another, and one class of the community on another, with perfect
impunity and with perfect contempt of their sovereign’s authority. In
some towns the streets were deluged with blood by their contentions. But
the king was too mutable in character to persevere long in any given line
of conduct. In 1474 he again sought for an opportunity of entrapping and
imprisoning the infanta and her husband; but his purpose was divined and
eluded.

This weak monarch--weak even to helplessness--died near the close of
1474; by his last will he declared the young Juana his successor, and
charged four of his most considerable barons with its execution. The
desire of wiping away the stain on his manhood did not forsake him even
on the verge of the grave.

On the death of Juan, Ferdinand was at Saragossa; but his consort,
being at Segovia, summoned that city to acknowledge her, and was
instantly obeyed: by the nobles and prelates present, both were solemnly
proclaimed joint sovereigns of Castile and Leon. On his return from
Aragon, there was much dispute as to the power he was to exercise in the
administration. While one party contended that the undivided executive
ought to depend on the queen, as _domina et hæres_ of the monarchy,
another maintained that he alone should govern; since, in default of
male issue by the deceased king, the crown devolved of right to him
as the next heir. But the Salic law had never been in force in this
kingdom, however it might be recognised in some neighbouring states.
After frequent and acrimonious consultations, it was agreed that the
king and queen should reign conjointly, and that, in all public acts,
his name should precede hers; but, to save her rights, or rather to
satisfy Castilian jealousy, it was no less stipulated that without her
express sanction he should not have power to alienate any portion of the
royal revenues or domains, nor to nominate the governors of towns or
fortresses. These restrictions were far from pleasing to Ferdinand, who
was immoderately fond of power, and who, at first, even threatened to
return into his hereditary kingdom. His indignation was disarmed by the
prudence of the queen, who, by promising submission to his will, averted
so fatal a misfortune.

WAR OF THE SUCCESSION (1474-1479 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1474-1479 A.D.]]

But if the majority of the people were in favour of the new reign, there
were yet many barons, and those of considerable influence, who espoused
the interests of Juana. The marquis of Villena, with other barons of
the same party, resolved to marry the young princess to Alfonso V of
Portugal, assisted by whose arms they hoped to make head against the
reigning pair. Alfonso readily embraced the proposals of the disaffected:
he collected troops, and at the same time, as uncle of Juana, applied to
the pope for a dispensation to celebrate the marriage.

However important the stake for which the two parties now began to
contend, the details of that contention are too obscure in themselves,
and were too indecisive, to merit minute attention. Though the Portuguese
obtained some partial successes, among others the strong fortress of
Zamora, the war was decidedly in favour of the Castilian sovereigns: in
the very first campaign the marquis of Villena had the mortification to
see his hereditary domains in possession of the royal forces; while many
of the towns and forts, which had at first declared for Juana, returned
to their duty. In 1476 the Portuguese king was compelled to retreat from
Zamora, which was invested by Ferdinand; near Toro he was overtaken by
his active enemy, and a battle ensued, in which victory declared for the
latter;[48] it was immediately followed by the surrender of the fortress.
About the same time, Madrid, which had held for Juana, capitulated to the
duke del Infantado: Ucles followed the example. Both the marquis and the
primate were now tired of their ally and their cause. Negotiations were
opened; and, in September, 1479, satisfactorily concluded at Alcacebas.

The principal conditions were that Alfonso should renounce the title of
king of Castile; that he should neither marry, nor in any way favour the
pretensions of Doña Juana; that “this pretended daughter of the late
king, Don Henry,” should be allowed six months to decide whether she
would wait until the infante Juan (only son of Ferdinand and Isabella,
then but a year old) arrived at a marriageable age, or take the veil;
that the Portuguese should restore the few places they still held in
Estremadura. It was added that if, on arriving at a proper age, the
infante should be averse to the match, he had only to pay 100,000
pistoles to be at liberty to marry whom he pleased. The unfortunate
lady, seeing that she was sacrificed to the interests of the two kings,
professed in the convent of St. Clair at Coimbra.[49]

The very year in which peace was thus happily restored between Castile
and Portugal, Ferdinand, by the death of his father, Juan II, was called
to the throne of Aragon. Having received the homage and confirmed the
privileges of his Aragonese subjects at Saragossa, of the Catalonians
at Barcelona, and of the Valencians in the capital of that province, he
returned into Castile.[g]

There was now a Spain, though the government of the two kingdoms was
separately administered under separate constitutions long after the
time of Ferdinand and Isabella; yet the double throne was after all one
throne, and Spain was at last a nation, fronting the world united, as far
as the Spaniards of that time could be united, and the first reign of the
new realm was the most glorious of all.[a]

FOOTNOTES

[44] Let us hope that the atrocities of the English allies--so gently
noticed by Froissart[d]--are exaggerated; yet certain it is that the
old Portuguese chroniclers dwelt largely on them: “_Nao se cançaõ os
nossos chronistas de encarecer as atrocidades que estas tropas auxiliares
cometteraõ em todos os terrenos de Portugal por onde andaraõ_,” says
Lemos.[e] “King Ferdinand,” says the _Chronicon Conimbricense_[f] “had to
seize the church plate to satisfy his allies: _Mandou o ditto senhor rey
tomar os thesouros das igrejas, convem a saber, frontaes, e calices et
magestades, para pagar o soldo aos dittos Ingrezos._”

[45] [Hume[i] calls him “one of the noblest personages of Spanish
history.”]

[46] [While there are discrepant statements as to the date and place
of Isabella’s birth, Prescott accepts April 22nd, 1451, as the date,
and Madrigal as the place.[l] Burke[h] emphasises the fact that in her
veins flowed the blood both of Guzmans and of Plantagenets; both her
great-grandmother and her grandmother were English.]

[47] Juan, king of Navarre, who in 1458 had succeeded his brother Alfonso
as king of Aragon.

[48] In this battle it was somewhat singular to see two eminent
ecclesiastical dignitaries, the cardinal De Mendoza and the archbishop
of Toledo, fighting on opposite sides. There was something not exactly
apostolic in the former’s hastening along the Castilian ranks, with a
crucifix borne before him, shouting, “Knaves, fight away! have ye not a
cardinal with you?”

[In honour of this victory Isabella walked barefoot in a religious
procession through the streets.]

[49] Alfonso later abdicated and went into a monastery.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER VI. FERDINAND AND ISABELLA

[Sidenote: [1474-1504 A.D.]]

It was fortunate for Spain that her sceptre, at this crisis, was swayed
by a sovereign possessed of sufficient wisdom to devise, and energy to
execute the most salutary schemes of reform, and thus to infuse a new
principle of vitality into a government fast sinking into premature
decrepitude.

The whole plan of reform introduced into the government by Ferdinand
and Isabella, or more properly by the latter, to whom the internal
administration of Castile was principally referred, was not fully
unfolded until the completion of her reign. But the most important
modifications were adopted previously to the war of Granada in 1482.
These may be embraced under the following heads: (1) the efficient
administration of justice; (2) the codification of the laws; (3) the
depression of the nobles; (4) the vindication of ecclesiastical rights
belonging to the crown, from the usurpation of the papal see; (5) the
regulation of trade; (6) the pre-eminence of the royal authority.

In the dismal anarchy which prevailed in Henry IV’s reign, the authority
of the monarch and of the royal judges had fallen into such contempt
that the law was entirely without force. The cities afforded no better
protection than the open country. Every man’s hand seemed to be lifted
against his neighbour. Property was plundered; persons were violated; the
most holy sanctuaries profaned; and the numerous fortresses scattered
throughout the country, instead of sheltering the weak, converted into
dens of robbers. Isabella saw no better way of checking this unbounded
license than to direct against it that popular engine, the _Santa
Hermandad_, or Holy Brotherhood, which had more than once shaken the
Castilian monarchs on their throne. By the activity of this new military
police, the country was, in the course of a few years, cleared of its
swarms of banditti, as well as of the robber chieftains, whose strength
had enabled them to defy the law. The ministers of justice found a
sure protection in the independent discharge of their duties; and the
blessings of personal security and social order, so long estranged from
the nation, were again restored to it. At length, in 1498, the objects
for which it was established having been completely obtained, it was
deemed advisable to relieve the nation from the heavy charges which
its maintenance imposed; and the magnificent apparatus of the _Santa
Hermandad_, stripped of all but the terrors of its name, dwindled into an
ordinary police.

[Sidenote: [1474-1476 A.D.]]

Isabella was so intent on the prosecution of her schemes of reform, that
even in the minuter details she frequently superintended the execution of
them herself. For this she was admirably fitted by her personal address,
and presence of mind in danger, and by the influence which a conviction
of her integrity gave her over the minds of the people. A remarkable
exemplification of this occurred, the year but one after her coronation,
at Segovia. The inhabitants, secretly instigated by the bishop of that
place and some of the principal citizens, rose against Cabrera, marquis
of Moya, to whom the government of the city had been entrusted, and who
had made himself generally unpopular by his strict discipline.

The queen, on receiving tidings of the event at Tordesillas, mounted her
horse and proceeded with all possible despatch towards Segovia, attended
by Cardinal Mendoza, the count of Benavente, and a few others of her
court. At some distance from the city she was met by a deputation of the
inhabitants, requesting her to leave behind the count of Benavente and
the marchioness of Moya (the former of whom as the intimate friend, and
the latter as the wife, of the alcalde, were peculiarly obnoxious to
the citizens), or they could not answer for the consequences. Isabella
haughtily replied that she was queen of Castile; that the city was hers,
moreover, by right of inheritance; and that she was not used to receive
conditions from rebellious subjects. Then passing forward with her little
retinue through one of the gates, which remained in the hands of her
friends, she effected her entrance into the citadel.

The populace, in the meanwhile, assembling in greater numbers than
before, continued to show the most hostile dispositions, calling out
“Death to the alcalde! Attack the castle!” She herself descended into
the courtyard, where she ordered the portals to be thrown open for the
admission of the people. She stationed herself at the further extremity
of the area, and as the populace poured in, calmly demanded the cause of
the insurrection. “Tell me,” said she, “what are your grievances, and I
will do all in my power to redress them; for I am sure that what is for
your interest must be also for mine, and for that of the whole city.”
The insurgents, abashed by the unexpected presence of their sovereign,
as well as by her cool and dignified demeanour, replied that all they
desired was the removal of Cabrera from the government of the city. “He
is deposed already,” answered the queen, “and you have my authority to
turn out such of his officers as are still in the castle, which I shall
entrust to one of my own servants, on whom I can rely.” The people,
pacified by these assurances, shouted, “Long live the queen!” and eagerly
hastened to obey her mandates. The mob dispersed, and the queen, after
a candid examination, having ascertained the groundlessness or gross
exaggeration of the charges against Cabrera, and traced the source of the
conspiracy to the jealousy of the bishop of Segovia and his associates,
reinstated the deposed alcalde in the full possession of his dignities,
which his enemies, either convinced of the altered dispositions of the
people, or believing that the favourable moment for resistance had
escaped, made no further attempts to disturb. Thus by a happy presence
of mind, an affair which threatened disastrous consequences was settled
without bloodshed, or compromise of the royal dignity.[50]

[Sidenote: [1476-1479 A.D.]]

In the summer of the following year, 1477, Isabella resolved to pay a
visit to Estremadura and Andalusia, for the purpose of composing the
dissensions and introducing a more efficient police in these unhappy
provinces; which, from their proximity to the stormy frontier of
Portugal, as well as from the feuds between the great houses of Guzman
and Ponce de Leon, were plunged into the most frightful anarchy. Cardinal
Mendoza and her other ministers remonstrated against this imprudent
exposure of her person, where it was so little likely to be respected.
But she replied that it was true there were dangers and inconveniences
to be encountered; but her fate was in God’s hands, and she felt a
confidence that he would guide to a prosperous issue such designs as were
righteous in themselves and resolutely conducted.

Isabella experienced the most loyal and magnificent reception from the
inhabitants of Seville, where she established her headquarters. The
first days of her residence there were consumed in _fêtes_, tourneys,
tilts of reeds, and other exercises of the Castilian chivalry. After
this she devoted her whole time to the great purpose of her visit,
the reformation of abuses. She held her court in the saloon of the
Alcazar, or royal castle, where she revived the ancient practice of the
Castilian sovereigns of presiding in person over the administration of
justice. Every Friday she took her seat in her chair of state, on an
elevated platform covered with cloth of gold, and surrounded by her
council, together with the subordinate functionaries and the insignia
of a court of justice. The members of her privy council and of the high
court of criminal law sat in their official capacity every day in the
week, and the queen herself received such suits as were referred to her
adjudication, saving the parties the usual expense and procrastination of
justice. By the extraordinary despatch of the queen and her ministers,
during the two months that she resided in the city, a vast number of
civil and criminal causes were disposed of, a large amount of plundered
property was restored to its lawful owners, and so many offenders were
brought to condign punishment, that no less than four thousand suspected
persons, it is computed, terrified by the prospect of speedy retribution
for their crimes, escaped into the neighbouring kingdoms of Portugal and
Granada.

The royal audience, or chancery, the supreme and final court of appeal in
civil causes, was entirely remodelled. The place of its sittings, before
indeterminate, and consequently occasioning much trouble and cost to
the litigants, was fixed at Valladolid. Laws were passed to protect the
tribunal from the interference of the crown, and the queen was careful to
fill the bench with magistrates whose wisdom and integrity would afford
the best guarantee for a faithful interpretation of the law. An attorney
was provided at the public expense, under the title of “advocate for the
poor,” whose duty it was to defend the suits of such as were unable to
maintain them at their own cost. The sovereigns testified their respect
for the law by reviving the ancient but obsolete practice of presiding
personally in the tribunals at least once a week. “I well remember,” says
Oviedo,[b] one of their court, “to have seen the queen, together with the
Catholic king her husband, sitting in judgment in the Alcazar of Madrid,
every Friday, dispensing justice to all such, great and small, as came
to demand it. This was indeed the golden age of justice,” continues the
enthusiastic writer, “and since our sainted mistress has been taken from
us, it has been more difficult, and far more costly, to transact business
with a stripling of a secretary, than it was with the queen and all her
ministers.” By the modifications then introduced, the basis was laid of
the judiciary system, such as it has been perpetuated to the present age.
The law acquired an authority which, in the language of a Spanish writer,
“caused a decree, signed by two or three judges, to be more respected
since that time than an army before.”[51]

[Sidenote: [1479-1480 A.D.]]

Whatever reforms might have been introduced into the Castilian
judicatures, they would have been of little avail without a corresponding
improvement in the system of jurisprudence by which their decisions were
to be regulated. This was made up of the Visigothic code as the basis,
the _fueros_ of the Castilian princes, as far back as the eleventh
century, and the _Siete Partidas_, the famous compilation of Alfonso
X, digested chiefly from maxims of the civil law. The deficiencies of
these ancient codes had been gradually supplied by such an accumulation
of statutes and ordinances as rendered the legislation of Castile in
the highest degree complex, and often contradictory. The embarrassment
resulting from this may be imagined.

In 1480, Dr. Alfonso Diaz de Montalvo was charged with the commission of
revising the laws of Castile, and of compiling a code which should be of
general application throughout the kingdom. Although the many innovations
which were introduced in that age of reform required the addition of two
subsidiary codes in the latter years of Isabella, the _Ordenanças_ of
Montalvo continued to be the guide of the tribunals down to the time of
Philip II, and may be said to have suggested the idea, as indeed it was
the basis, of the comprehensive compilation, _Nueva Recopilacion_, which
has since formed the law of the Spanish monarchy.

Under the profuse reigns of Juan II and Henry IV, the nobles had
introduced themselves into every great post of profit or authority. They
had ravished from the crown the estates on which it depended for its
maintenance as well as dignity. They coined money in their own mints,
like sovereign princes; and they covered the country with their fortified
castles, whence they defied the law, and desolated the unhappy land with
interminable feuds. It was obviously necessary for the new sovereigns to
proceed with the greatest caution against this powerful and jealous body,
and, above all, to attempt no measure of importance in which they would
not be supported by the hearty co-operation of the nation.

The first measure which may be said to have clearly developed their
policy was the organisation of the hermandad, which, although ostensibly
directed against offenders of a more humble description, was made to
bear indirectly upon the nobility, whom it kept in awe by the number
and discipline of its forces, and the promptness with which it could
assemble them on the most remote points of the kingdom; while its rights
of jurisdiction tended materially to abridge those of the seigniorial
tribunals. It was accordingly resisted with the greatest pertinacity
by the aristocracy; although, as we have seen, the resolution of the
queen, supported by the constancy of the commons, enabled her to triumph
over all opposition, until the great objects of the institution were
accomplished.

Another measure, which insensibly operated to the depression of the
nobility, was making official preferment depend less exclusively on rank,
and much more on personal merit, than before. The sovereigns, instead
of confining themselves to the grandees, frequently advanced persons
of humble origin, and especially those learned in the law, to the most
responsible stations, consulting them, and paying great deference to
their opinions, on all matters of importance. The nobles, finding that
rank was no longer the sole, or indeed the necessary avenue to promotion,
sought to secure it by attention to more liberal studies, in which they
were greatly encouraged by Isabella, who admitted their children into her
palace, where they were reared under her own eye.

[Illustration: A SPANISH NOBLEWOMAN OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

But the boldest assaults on the power of the aristocracy were made in
the famous cortes of Toledo, in 1480, which Carbajal[e] enthusiastically
styles “_cosa divina para reformacion y remedio de las desordenes
pasadas_.” The first object of its attention was the condition of the
exchequer, which Henry IV had so exhausted by his reckless prodigality
that the clear annual revenue amounted to no more than 30,000 ducats,
a sum much inferior to that enjoyed by many private individuals; so
that, stripped of his patrimony, it at last came to be said he was “king
only of the highways.” Such had been the royal necessities that blank
certificates of annuities assigned on the public rents were hawked about
the market, and sold at such a depreciated rate that the price of an
annuity did not exceed the amount of one year’s income. The commons saw
with alarm the weight of the burdens which must devolve on them for the
maintenance of the crown thus impoverished in its resources; and they
resolved to meet the difficulty by advising at once a resumption of the
grants unconstitutionally made during the latter half of Henry IV’s reign
and the commencement of the present. This measure, however violent and
repugnant to good faith it may appear at the present time, seems then to
have admitted of justification, as far as the nation was concerned; since
such alienation of the public revenue was in itself illegal, and contrary
to the coronation oath of the sovereign; and those who accepted his
obligations held them subject to the liability of their revocation, which
had frequently occurred under the preceding reigns.

The plan suggested by Cardinal Mendoza seems to have been partially
adopted. It was decided that all whose pensions had been conferred
without any corresponding services on their part should forfeit them
entirely; that those who had purchased annuities should return their
certificates on a reimbursement of the price paid for them; and that the
remaining creditors, who composed the largest class, should retain such
a proportion only of their pensions as might be judged commensurate with
their services to the state. Admiral Enriquez, for instance, resigned
240,000 maravedis of his annual income; the duke of Alva, 575,000; the
duke of Medina Sidonia, 180,000. The loyal family of the Mendozas were
also great losers, but none forfeited so much as the overgrown favourite
of Henry IV, Beltran de la Cueva, duke of Albuquerque, who had uniformly
supported the royal cause, and whose retrenchment amounted to 1,400,000
maravedis of yearly rent.[52]

By this important reduction, the final adjustment and execution of which
were intrusted to Ferdinand de Talavera, the queen’s confessor, a man
of austere probity, the gross amount of 30,000,000 maravedis, a sum
equal to three-fourths of the whole revenue on Isabella’s accession, was
annually saved to the crown. The retrenchment was conducted with such
strict impartiality that the most confidential servants of the queen,
and the relatives of her husband, were among those who suffered the most
severely. It is worthy of remark that no diminution whatever was made of
the stipends settled on literary and charitable establishments. It may be
also added that Isabella appropriated the first-fruits of this measure,
by distributing the sum of 20,000,000 maravedis among the widows and
orphans of those loyalists who had fallen in the war of the Succession.
This resumption of grants may be considered as the basis of those
economical reforms which, without oppression to the subject, augmented
the public revenue more than twelvefold during this auspicious reign.

Several other acts were passed by the same cortes, which had a more
exclusive bearing on the nobility. They were prohibited from quartering
the royal arms on their escutcheons, from being attended by a mace-bearer
and a bodyguard, from imitating the regal style of address in their
written correspondence, and other insignia of royalty which they had
arrogantly assumed. They were forbidden to erect new fortresses, and they
were expressly restrained from duels.

_Resistance to Papal Encroachment_

In the earlier stages of the Castilian monarchy, the sovereigns appear
to have held a supremacy in spiritual, very similar to that exercised
by them in temporal matters. It was comparatively late that the nation
submitted its neck to the papal yoke, so closely riveted at a subsequent
period; and even the Romish ritual was not admitted into its churches
till long after it had been adopted in the rest of Europe. But when
the code of the Partidas was promulgated in the thirteenth century,
the maxims of the canon law came to be permanently established. The
ecclesiastical encroached on the lay tribunals. Appeals were perpetually
carried up to the Roman court; and the popes, pretending to regulate
the minutest details of church economy, not only disposed of inferior
benefices, but gradually converted the right of confirming elections
to the episcopal and higher ecclesiastical dignities into that of
appointment.

These usurpations of the church had been repeatedly the subject of
grave remonstrance in cortes. The sovereigns, highly dissatisfied,
ordered their subjects, ecclesiastical as well as lay, to quit the papal
dominions; an injunction which the former, fearful of the sequestration
of their temporalities in Castile, obeyed with as much promptness as
the latter. At the same time Ferdinand and Isabella proclaimed their
intention of inviting the princes of Christendom to unite with them
in convoking a general council for the reformation of the manifold
abuses which dishonoured the church. No sound could have grated more
unpleasantly on the pontifical ear than the menace of a general council,
particularly at this period, when ecclesiastical corruptions had reached
a height which could but ill endure its scrutiny. The pope became
convinced that he had ventured too far, and that Henry IV was no longer
monarch of Castile. He accordingly despatched a legate to Spain, fully
empowered to arrange the matter on an amicable basis; but the legate
received orders instantly to quit the kingdom, without attempting so much
as to disclose the nature of his instructions, since they could not but
be derogatory to the dignity of the crown.

Far from resenting this ungracious reception, the legate affected the
deepest humility. Cardinal Mendoza, whose influence in the cabinet had
gained him the title of “third king of Spain,” at length so far mitigated
the resentment of the sovereigns that they consented to open negotiations
with the court of Rome. The result was the publication of a bull by
Sixtus IV, in which his holiness engaged to provide such natives to the
higher dignities of the church in Castile as should be nominated by the
monarchs of that kingdom.

_The Regulation of Trade_

[Sidenote: [1480-1481 A.D.]]

It will be readily conceived that trade, agriculture, and every branch of
industry must have languished under the misrule of preceding reigns. In
addition to pestilences a fatal shock was given to commercial credit by
the adulteration of the coin. Under Henry IV it is computed that there
were no less than 150 mints openly licensed by the crown, in addition to
many others erected by individuals without any legal authority; and the
little trade which remained in Castile was carried on by barter, as in
the primitive stages of society.

The magnitude of the evil was such as to claim the earliest attention
of the cortes under the new monarchs. Acts were passed, fixing the
standard and legal value of the different denominations of coin. A new
coinage was subsequently made. Five royal mints were alone authorised,
afterwards augmented to seven, and severe penalties denounced against
the fabrication of money elsewhere. The reform of the currency gradually
infused new life into commerce, as the return of the circulations, which
have been interrupted for a while, quickens the animal body. This was
furthered by salutary laws for the encouragement of domestic industry.
Internal communication was facilitated by the construction of roads and
bridges. Absurd restrictions on change of residence, as well as the
onerous duties which had been imposed on commercial intercourse between
Castile and Aragon, were repealed. Public credit was re-established by
the punctuality with which the government redeemed the debt contracted
during the Portuguese war; and notwithstanding the repeal of various
arbitrary imposts which enriched the exchequer under Henry IV, such was
the advance of the country, under the wise economy of the present reign,
that the revenue was augmented nearly sixfold between the years 1477 and
1482.

Thus released from the heavy burdens imposed on it, the spring of
enterprise recovered its former elasticity. The productive capital of
the country was made to flow through the various channels of domestic
industry. The hills and the valleys again rejoiced in the labour of
the husbandman; and the cities were embellished with stately edifices,
both public and private, which attracted the gaze and commendation of
foreigners. The writers of that day are unbounded in their plaudits of
Isabella, to whom they principally ascribe this auspicious revolution in
the condition of the country and its inhabitants, which seems almost as
magical as one of those transformations in romance wrought by the hands
of some benevolent fairy.

_The Pre-eminence of the Royal Authority_

This, which, we have seen, appears to have been the natural result of
the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella, was derived quite as much from the
influence of their private characters as from their public measures.
Under such a sovereign, the court, which had been little better than
a brothel under the preceding reign, became the nursery of virtue and
generous ambition.

Isabella watched assiduously over the nurture of the high-born damsels
of her court, whom she received into the royal palace, causing them to
be educated under her own eye, and endowing them with liberal portions
on their marriage. By these and similar acts of affectionate solicitude
she endeared herself to the higher classes of her subjects, while the
patriotic tendency of her public conduct established her in the hearts
of the people. She possessed, in combination with the feminine qualities
which beget love, a masculine energy of character which struck terror
into the guilty. She enforced the execution of her own plans, oftentimes
even at great personal hazard, with a resolution surpassing that of her
husband. Both were singularly temperate, indeed frugal, in their dress,
equipage, and general style of living; seeking to affect others less by
external pomp than by the silent though more potent influence of personal
qualities. On all such occasions as demanded it, however, they displayed
a princely magnificence, which dazzled the multitude, and is blazoned
with great solemnity in the garrulous chronicles of the day.

Thus laudable objects were gradually achieved by a course of measures
equally laudable; and the various orders of the monarchy, brought into
harmonious action with each other, were enabled to turn the forces which
had before been wasted in civil conflict to the glorious career of
discovery and conquest which it was destined to run during the remainder
of the century.

No sooner had Ferdinand and Isabella restored internal tranquillity to
their dominions, and made the strength effective which had been acquired
by their union under one government, than they turned their eyes to those
fair regions of the peninsula over which the Moslem crescent had reigned
triumphant for nearly eight centuries. Fortunately, an act of aggression
on the part of the Moors furnished a pretext for entering on their plan
of conquest at the moment when it was ripe for execution.

Mulei Abul-Hassan, who succeeded his father in 1466, was of a very
different temperament. His fiery character prompted him, when very young,
to violate the truce by an unprovoked inroad into Andalusia. When, in
1476, the Spanish sovereigns required, as the condition of a renewal of
the truce which he solicited, the payment of the annual tribute imposed
on his predecessors, he proudly replied that the mints of Granada coined
no longer gold, but steel. His subsequent conduct did not belie the
spirit of this Spartan answer.

[Sidenote: [1481-1482 A.D.]]

At length, towards the close of the year 1481, the storm which had been
so long gathering burst upon Zahara, a small fortified town on the
frontier of Andalusia, crowning a lofty eminence, washed at its base by
the river Guadalete, which from its position seemed almost inaccessible.
The garrison, trusting to these natural defences, suffered itself to
be surprised, on the night of the 26th of December, by the Moorish
monarch, who, scaling the walls under favour of a furious tempest, which
prevented his approach from being readily heard, put to the sword such of
the guard as offered resistance, and swept away the whole population of
the place, men, women, and children, into slavery in Granada.

It was not long before the desired opportunity for retaliation presented
itself to the Spaniards. One Juan de Ortega, a captain of _escaladores_,
or scalers, so denominated from the peculiar service in which they were
employed in besieging cities, reported that the fortress of Alhama,
situated in the heart of the Moorish territories, was so negligently
guarded that it might be easily carried by an enemy who had skill enough
to approach it. Its strength of position lulled its defenders into a
security like that which had proved so fatal to Zahara. A sentinel,
who was found sleeping on his post, was despatched, and the whole of
the little garrison put to the sword after the short and ineffectual
resistance that could be opposed by men suddenly roused from slumber. The
city in the meantime was alarmed, but it was too late; the citadel was
taken. Nearly a quarter of the population is said to have perished in the
various conflicts of the day, and the remainder, according to the usage
of the time, became the prize of the victors.

The report of this disaster fell like the knell of their own doom on the
ears of the inhabitants of Granada. Isabella had been employed in making
vigorous preparation for carrying on the war, by enforcing the requisite
supplies, and summoning the crown vassals, and the principal nobility of
the north, to hold themselves in readiness to join the royal standard
in Andalusia. After this, she proceeded by rapid stages to Cordova,
notwithstanding the state of pregnancy in which she was then far advanced.

Here the sovereigns received the unwelcome information that the king
of Granada, on the retreat of the Spaniards, had again sat down before
Alhama; having brought with him artillery, from the want of which he had
suffered so much in the preceding siege. It was settled that the king
should march to the relief of the besieged, taking with him the most
ample supplies of forage and provisions, at the head of a force strong
enough to compel the retreat of the Moorish monarch. This was effected
without delay; and Abul-Hassan once more breaking up his camp on the
rumour of Ferdinand’s approach, the latter took possession of the city,
without opposition, on the 14th of May, 1482.

Ferdinand, having strengthened the garrison with new recruits, under the
command of Portocarrero, lord of Palma, and victualled it with three
months’ provisions, prepared for a foray into the vega of Granada. This
he executed in the true spirit of that merciless warfare so repugnant to
the more civilised usage of later times, not only by sweeping away the
green, unripened crops, but by cutting down the trees and eradicating
the vines, and then, without so much as having broken a lance in the
expedition, returned in triumph to Cordova.

Isabella in the meanwhile was engaged in active measures for prosecuting
the war. She issued orders to the various cities of Castile and
Leon, as far as the borders of Biscay and Guipuzcoa, prescribing the
_repartimiento_, or subsidy of provisions, and the quota of troops, to be
furnished by each district respectively, together with an adequate supply
of ammunition and artillery. The whole were to be in readiness before
Loja by the 1st of July, when Ferdinand was to take the field in person
at the head of his chivalry, and besiege that strong post. As advices
were received that the Moors of Granada were making efforts to obtain
the co-operation of their African brethren in support of the Mohammedan
empire in Spain, the queen caused a fleet to be manned under the command
of her best two admirals, with instructions to sweep the Mediterranean
as far as the straits of Gibraltar, and thus effectually cut off all
communication with the Barbary coast.

Ferdinand, crossing the Jenil at Ecija, arrived again on its banks before
Loja on the 1st of July. The army encamped among the hills, whose deep
ravines obstructed communication between its different quarters; while
the level plains below were intersected by numerous canals, equally
unfavourable to the manœuvres of the men at arms. Ali Atar made a sortie
from the town, for the purpose of dislodging his enemies. The latter
poured out from their works to encounter him; but the Moslem general,
scarcely waiting to receive the shock, wheeled his squadrons round, and
began a precipitate retreat. The Spaniards eagerly pursued; but when they
had been drawn to a sufficient distance from the redoubt, a party of
Moorish _ginetes_, or light cavalry, who had crossed the river unobserved
during the night and lain in ambush, after the wily fashion of Arabian
tactics, darted from their place of concealment, and, galloping into the
deserted camp, plundered it of its contents, including the _lombards_, or
small pieces of artillery, with which it was garnished. The Castilians,
too late perceiving their error, halted from the pursuit, and returned
with as much speed as possible to the defence of their camp. Ali Atar,
turning also, hung close on their rear, so that when the Christians
arrived at the summit of the hill they found themselves hemmed in between
the two divisions of the Moorish army.

Ferdinand resolved to fall back as far as Rio Frio, and await there
patiently the arrival of such fresh reinforcements as might put him in
condition to enforce a more rigorous blockade. An alarm spread through
the whole camp. Instead of standing to the defence, each one thought
only of saving himself by as speedy a flight as possible. In vain did
Ferdinand, riding along their broken files, endeavour to reanimate their
spirits and restore order. Ali Atar’s practised eye speedily discerned
the confusion which prevailed through the Christian camp. Without delay,
he rushed forth impetuously at the head of his whole array from the gates
of Loja.

[Illustration: A SPANISH NOBLEMAN OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

At this perilous moment nothing but Ferdinand’s coolness could have saved
the army from total destruction; he was repeatedly exposed to imminent
peril, and narrowly escaped with his own life, his horse being shot under
him at the very moment when he had lost his lance in the body of a Moor.
Never did the Spanish chivalry shed its blood more freely.

The Moors, finding it so difficult to make an impression on this iron
band of warriors, began at length to slacken their efforts, and finally
allowed Ferdinand to draw off the remnant of his forces without further
opposition. The king continued his retreat, without halting, as far as
the romantic site of the Peña de los Enamorados, about seven leagues
distant from Loja, and, abandoning all thoughts of offensive operations
for the present, soon after returned to Cordova. Mulei Abul-Hassan
arrived the following day with a powerful reinforcement from Granada,
and swept the country as far as Rio Frio. Had he come but a few hours
sooner, there would have been few Spaniards left to tell the tale of the
rout of Loja.

[Sidenote: [1482-1483 A.D.]]

The loss of the Christians must have been very considerable, including
the greater part of the baggage and the artillery. It occasioned deep
mortification to the queen; but, though a severe, it proved a salutary
lesson. It showed the importance of more extensive preparations for a war
which must of necessity be a war of posts; and it taught the nation to
entertain greater respect for an enemy who, whatever might be his natural
strength, must become formidable when armed with the energy of despair.

Information being soon after received that Louis XI was taking measures
to make himself master of the strong places in Navarre, Isabella
transferred her residence to the frontier town of Logroño, prepared to
resist by arms, if necessary, the occupation of that country by her
insidious and powerful neighbour.

There is probably no period in which the princes of Europe felt so
sensibly their own penury as at the close of the fifteenth century;
when, the demesnes of the crown having been very generally wasted by the
lavishness or imbecility of their proprietors, no substitute had as yet
been found in that searching and well-arranged system of taxation which
prevails at the present day. The Spanish sovereigns, notwithstanding the
economy which they had introduced into the finances, felt the pressure of
these embarrassments peculiarly at the present juncture. The maintenance
of the royal guard and of the vast national police of the hermandad, the
incessant military operations of the late campaign, together with the
equipment of a navy, not merely for war, but for maritime discovery, were
so many copious drains on the exchequer. Under these circumstances, they
obtained from the pope a grant of 100,000 ducats, to be raised out of the
ecclesiastical revenues in Castile and Aragon. A bull of crusade was also
published by his holiness, containing numerous indulgences for such as
should bear arms against the infidel, as well as those who should prefer
to commute their military service for the payment of a sum of money. In
addition to these resources, the government was enabled on its own credit
to negotiate considerable loans.

With these funds the sovereigns entered into extensive arrangements for
the ensuing campaign; causing cannon, after the rude construction of that
age, to be fabricated at Huesca, and a large quantity of stone balls,
then principally used, to be manufactured in the Sierra de Constantina;
while the magazines were carefully provided with ammunition and military
stores.

An event not unworthy of notice is recorded by Pulgar as happening about
this time. A common soldier, named Juan de Corral, contrived, under false
pretences, to obtain from the king of Granada a number of Christian
captives, together with a large sum of money, with which he escaped into
Andalusia. The man was apprehended by the warden of the frontier of Jaen;
and the transaction being reported to the sovereigns, they compelled an
entire restitution of the money, and consented to such a ransom for the
liberated Christians as the king of Granada should demand. This act of
justice, it should be remembered, occurred in an age when the church
itself stood ready to sanction any breach of faith, however glaring,
towards heretics and infidels.

While the court was detained in the north, tidings were received of a
reverse sustained by the Spanish arms, which plunged the nation in sorrow
far deeper than that occasioned by the rout at Loja.[g]

[Sidenote: [1483-1487 A.D.]]

A plundering expedition had been organised against Malaga and it included
the flower of Spanish chivalry. After some conflicts the force turned
back, laden with plunder. In the mountainous passes of the Axarquia it
met such treatment as Pelayo had once meted out to the Moslem invaders.
From every height the Moors poured down volleys of arrows, shot, and
stones. At night great fires were built to reveal their hiding places.
Panic, fatigue, and famine made chaos of resistance and in two days over
eight hundred were killed and sixteen hundred made prisoners. But of
these a large proportion were the choice youth of Spain, and the grief at
court was excessive.

In the meanwhile there had occurred a feud among the Moors that served
the Christians a better turn than many victories. The old king of
Granada, Mulei Abul-Hassan, had for Queen Ayesha; in his harem he had
a Greek concubine and also a Christian woman of Andalusia, Isabella de
Solis, daughter of the governor of Martos. She was called Zoraya by the
Moors and she bore the king a son named Abu Abdallah, more famously
called Boabdil. Mother and son, eager for power, planned intrigues which
were punished with imprisonment. But they escaped and stirred up a
revolution so successfully that the old king was dethroned and driven to
Malaga, where he defeated the Christian foray just described.

So great was the enthusiasm among the Moors that Abu Abdallah saw it
would be necessary to make some military success to counteract the
prestige of his old father. He secured the aid of Ali Atar and with a
force of some ten thousand raided the Christian territory and besieged
Lucena about April 21st, 1483. The count of Cabra coming to relieve
Lucena, Abdallah was caught between two armies. When Ali Atar fell,
the Moors fled; but Abdallah’s horse giving out, he was captured--the
first royal Moorish prisoner in Christian hands. His mother immediately
sought to ransom him, and finally secured his release at the cost of an
annual tribute, and a subservience to Spain. Thus the Christians not only
divided the Moors among themselves, but gained a large faction as ally.[a]

PROGRESS OF THE WAR

Notwithstanding the importance of the results in the war of Granada,
a detail of the successive steps by which they were achieved would be
most tedious and trifling. No siege or single military achievement of
great moment occurred until nearly four years from this period, in 1487;
although in the intervening time a large number of fortresses and petty
towns, together with a very extensive tract of territory, were recovered
from the enemy. Without pursuing the chronological order of events, it
is probable that the end of history will be best attained by presenting
a concise view of the general policy pursued by the sovereigns in the
conduct of the war.

The Moorish wars under preceding monarchs had consisted of little else
than _cavalgadas_, or inroads into the enemy’s territory, which, pouring
like a torrent over the land, swept away whatever was upon the surface,
but left it in its essential resources wholly unimpaired. The bounty of
nature soon repaired the ravages of man, and the ensuing harvest seemed
to shoot up more abundantly from the soil enriched by the blood of the
husbandman. A more vigorous system of spoliation was now introduced.
Instead of one campaign, the army took the field in spring and autumn,
intermitting its efforts only during the intolerable heats of summer, so
that the green crop had no time to ripen, ere it was trodden down under
the iron heel of war.

The apparatus for devastation was also on a much greater scale than
had ever before been witnessed. From the second year of the war,
thirty thousand foragers were reserved for this service, which they
effected by demolishing farm-houses, granaries, and mills (which last
were exceedingly numerous in a land watered by many small streams), by
eradicating the vines and laying waste the olive gardens and plantations
of oranges, almonds, mulberries, and all the rich varieties that grew
luxuriant in this highly favoured region. This merciless devastation
extended for more than two leagues on either side of the line of march.
At the same time, the Mediterranean fleet cut off all supplies from the
Barbary coast, so that the whole kingdom might be said to be in a state
of perpetual blockade. Such and so general was the scarcity occasioned
by this system, that the Moors were glad to exchange their Christian
captives for provisions, until such ransom was interdicted by the
sovereigns as tending to defeat their own measures.

Ferdinand, who appeared at the head of his armies throughout the whole
of this war, pursued a sagacious policy in reference to the beleaguered
cities. He was ever ready to meet the first overtures to surrender in the
most liberal spirit; granting protection of person, and such property as
the besieged could transport with them, and assigning them a residence,
if they preferred it, in his own dominions. Many, in consequence of
this, migrated to Seville and other cities of Andalusia, where they were
settled on estates which had been confiscated by the inquisitors, who
looked forward, no doubt with satisfaction, to the time when they should
be permitted to thrust their sickle into the new crop of heresy whose
seeds were thus sown amid the ashes of the old one. Those who preferred
to remain in the conquered Moorish territory, as Castilian subjects, were
permitted the free enjoyment of personal rights and property, as well
as of their religion; and such was the fidelity with which Ferdinand
redeemed his engagements during the war, by the punishment of the least
infraction of them by his own people, that many, particularly of the
Moorish peasantry, preferred abiding in their early homes to removing to
Granada or other places of the Moslem dominion.

Isabella, solicitous for everything that concerned the welfare of her
people, sometimes visited the camp in person, encouraging the soldiers to
endure the hardships of war, and relieving their necessities by liberal
donations of clothes and money. She caused also a number of large tents,
known as “the queen’s hospitals,” to be always reserved for the sick and
wounded, and furnished them with the requisite attendants and medicines
at her own charge. This is considered the earliest attempt at the
formation of a regular camp hospital on record.

Isabella may be regarded as the soul of this war. She engaged in it with
the most exalted views, less to acquire territory than to re-establish
the empire of the cross over the ancient domain of Christendom. On this
point she concentrated all the energies of her powerful mind, never
suffering herself to be diverted by any subordinate interest from this
one great and glorious object. When the king, in 1484, would have paused
a while from the Granadine war, in order to prosecute his claims to
Roussillon against the French after the death of Louis XI, Isabella
strongly objected to it; but, finding her remonstrance ineffectual, she
left her husband in Aragon, and repaired to Cordova, where she placed
the cardinal of Spain at the head of the army, and prepared to open
the campaign in the usual vigorous manner. Here, however, she was soon
joined by Ferdinand, who, on a cooler revision of the subject, deemed it
prudent to postpone his projected enterprise.

Ever since the victory of Lucena, the sovereigns had made it a capital
point of their policy to foment the dissensions of their enemies. The
young king Abdallah, after his humiliating treaty with Ferdinand, lost
whatever consideration he had previously possessed. Although the sultana
Zoraya, by her personal address and the lavish distribution of the royal
treasures, contrived to maintain a faction for her son, the better
classes of his countrymen despised him as a renegade and a vassal of
the Christian king. As their old monarch had become incompetent, from
increasing age and blindness, to the duties of his station in these
perilous times, they turned their eyes on his brother Abdallah, surnamed
El Zagal, or “the valiant,” who had borne so conspicuous a part in the
rout of the Axarquia. The Castilians depict this chief in the darkest
colours of ambition and cruelty; but the Moslem writers afford no such
intimation, and his advancement to the throne at that crisis seems to be
in some measure justified by his eminent talents as a military leader.

On his way to Granada he encountered and cut to pieces a body of
Calatrava knights from Alhama, and signalised his entrance into his new
capital by bearing along the bloody trophies of heads dangling from his
saddle-bow, after the barbarous fashion long practised in these wars.
It was observed that the old king Abul-Hassan did not long survive his
brother’s accession. The young king Abdallah sought the protection of the
Castilian sovereigns in Seville, who, true to their policy, sent him back
into his own dominions with the means of making headway against his rival.

Notwithstanding these auxiliary circumstances, the progress of the
Christians was comparatively slow. Every cliff seemed to be crowned
with a fortress; and every fortress was defended with the desperation
of men willing to bury themselves under its ruins. The old men, women,
and children, on occasion of a siege, were frequently despatched to
Granada. Such was the resolution, or rather ferocity, of the Moors, that
Malaga closed its gates against the fugitives from Alora, after its
surrender, and even massacred some of them in cold blood. The eagle eye
of El Zagal seemed to take in at a glance the whole extent of his little
territory, and to detect every vulnerable point in his antagonist, whom
he encountered where he least expected it, cutting off his convoys,
surprising his foraging parties, and retaliating by a devastating inroad
on the borders.

No effectual and permanent resistance, however, could be opposed to the
tremendous enginery of the Christians. Tower and town fell before it.
Besides the principal towns of Cartama, Coin, Setenil, Ronda, Marbella,
Illora, termed by the Moors, “the right eye,” Moclin, “the shield” of
Granada, and Loja, after a second and desperate siege in the spring of
1486, Bernáldez[h] enumerates more than seventy subordinate places in the
Val de Cartama, and thirteen others after the fall of Marbella. Thus the
Spaniards advanced their line of conquest more than twenty leagues beyond
the western frontier of Granada. This extensive tract they strongly
fortified, and peopled partly with Christian subjects and partly with
Moorish, the original occupants of the soil, who were secured in the
possession of their ancient lands, under their own law.

Thus the strong posts which might be regarded as the exterior defences
of the city of Granada were successively carried. A few positions alone
remained of sufficient strength to keep the enemy at bay. The most
considerable of these was Malaga. Before commencing operations against
Malaga, it was thought expedient by the Spanish council of war to obtain
possession of Velez Malaga, situated about five leagues distant from the
former.

The sensation excited in Granada by the tidings of its danger was so
strong, that the old chief, El Zagal, found it necessary to make an
effort to relieve the beleaguered city, notwithstanding the critical
posture in which his absence would leave his affairs in the capital. But
having been foiled in a well-concerted attempt to surprise the Christian
quarters by night, he was driven across the mountains by the marquis of
Cadiz, and compelled to retreat on his capital, completely baffled in
his enterprise. There the tidings of his disaster had preceded him. The
fickle populace, with whom misfortune passes for misconduct, unmindful of
his former successes, now hastened to transfer their allegiance to his
rival, Abdallah, and closed the gates against him; and the unfortunate
chief withdrew to Guadix, which, with Almeria, Baza, and some less
considerable places, still remained faithful.

[Illustration: MALAGA

(From the Alameda)]

Ferdinand conducted the siege all the while with his usual vigour, and
spared no exposure of his person to peril or fatigue. On one occasion,
seeing a party of Christians retreating in disorder before a squadron of
the enemy, who had surprised them while fortifying an eminence near the
city, the king, who was at dinner in his tent, rushed out with no other
defensive armour than his cuirass, and, leaping on his horse, charged
briskly into the midst of the enemy, and succeeded in rallying his own
men. In the midst of the rencounter, however, when he had discharged
his lance, he found himself unable to extricate his sword from the
scabbard which hung from the saddle-bow. At this moment he was assaulted
by several Moors, and must have been either slain or taken but for the
timely rescue of the marquis of Cadiz, and a brave cavalier, Garcilasso
de la Vega, who, galloping up to the spot with their attendants,
succeeded, after a sharp skirmish, in beating off the enemy. Ferdinand’s
nobles remonstrated with him on this wanton exposure of his person,
representing that he could serve them more effectually with his head than
his hand. But he answered that he could not stop to calculate chances
when his subjects were perilling their lives for his sake--a reply,
says Pulgar,[c] which endeared him to the whole army. At length the
inhabitants of Velez consented to capitulate. The capitulation of this
place (April 27th, 1487) was followed by that of more than twenty places
of inferior note lying between it and Malaga, so that the approaches to
this latter city were now left open to the victorious Spaniards.

THE SIEGE OF MALAGA

[Sidenote: [1487 A.D.]]

The old chronicler Bernáldez[h] warms at the aspect of the fair city of
Malaga, encompassed by Christian legions, whose deep lines, stretching
far over hill and valley, reached quite round from one arm of the sea
to the other. In the midst of this brilliant encampment was seen the
royal pavilion, proudly displaying the united banners of Castile and
Aragon, and forming so conspicuous a mark for the enemy’s artillery that
Ferdinand, after imminent hazard, was at length compelled to shift his
quarters.

The Moors were not unmindful of the importance of Malaga, or the
gallantry with which it was defended. They made several attempts to
relieve it, the failure of which was owing less to the Christians than
to treachery and their own miserable feuds. A body of cavalry, which
El Zagal despatched from Guadix to throw succours into the beleaguered
city, was encountered and cut to pieces by a superior force of the young
king Abdallah, who consummated his baseness by sending an embassy to the
Christian camp, charged with a present of Arabian horses sumptuously
caparisoned to Ferdinand, and of costly silks and oriental perfumes
to the queen; at the same time complimenting them on their successes,
and soliciting the continuance of their friendly dispositions towards
himself. Ferdinand and Isabella requited this act of humiliation by
securing to Abdallah’s subjects the right of cultivating their fields
in quiet, and of trafficking with the Spaniards in every commodity save
military stores. At this paltry price did the dastard prince consent to
stay his arm at the only moment when it could be used effectually for his
country.

More serious consequences were like to have resulted from an attempt made
by another party of Moors from Guadix to penetrate the Christian lines.
Part of them succeeded, and threw themselves into the besieged city.
The remainder were cut in pieces. There was one, however, who, making
no show of resistance, was taken prisoner without harm to his person.
Being brought before the marquis of Cadiz, he informed that nobleman
that he could make some important disclosures to the sovereigns. He was
accordingly conducted to the royal tent; but, as Ferdinand was taking
his siesta, in the sultry hour of the day, the queen, moved by divine
inspiration, according to the Castilian historian, deferred the audience
till her husband should awake, and commanded the prisoner to be detained
in the adjoining tent. This was occupied by Doña Beatrice de Bobadilla,
marchioness of Moya, Isabella’s early friend, who happened to be at that
time engaged in discourse with a Portuguese nobleman, Don Alvaro, son of
the duke of Braganza.

The Moor did not understand the Castilian language, and, deceived by
the rich attire and courtly bearing of these personages, he mistook
them for the king and queen. He suddenly drew a dagger, and darting
on the Portuguese prince, gave him a deep wound on the head, and then,
turning like lightning on the marchioness, aimed a stroke at her, which
fortunately glanced without injury, the point of the weapon being turned
by the heavy embroidery of her robes. Before he could repeat his blow,
the Moorish Scævola, with a fate very different from that of his Roman
prototype, was pierced with a hundred wounds by the attendants, who
rushed to the spot, alarmed by the cries of the marchioness, and his
mangled remains were soon after discharged from a catapult into the city;
a foolish bravado, which the besieged requited by slaying a Galician
gentleman and sending his corpse astride upon a mule through the gates of
the town into the Christian camp.

The Castilian army, swelled by daily augmentations, varied in its amount,
according to different estimates, from sixty to ninety thousand men.
Throughout this immense host the most perfect discipline was maintained.
Gaming was restrained by ordinances interdicting the use of dice and
cards, of which the lower orders were passionately fond. Blasphemy was
severely punished. Prostitutes, the common pest of a camp, were excluded;
and so entire was the subordination, that not a knife was drawn, and
scarcely a brawl occurred, says the historian, among the motley multitude.

The battle raged with fire and sword, above and under ground, along the
ramparts, the ocean, and the land, at the same time. But no virtue or
valour could avail the unfortunate Malagans against the overwhelming
force of their enemies, who, driving them back from every point,
compelled them to shelter themselves within the defences of the town.
The Christians followed up their success. A mine was sprung near a tower
connected by a bridge of four arches with the main works of the place.
The Moors, scattered and intimidated by the explosion, retreated across
the bridge; and the Spaniards, carrying the tower, whose guns completely
enfiladed it, obtained possession of this important pass into the
beleaguered city. The citizens of Malaga, dismayed at beholding the enemy
established in their defences, and fainting under exhaustion from a siege
which had already lasted more than three months, now began to murmur at
the obstinacy of the garrison, and to demand a capitulation.

A deputation was despatched to the Christian quarters, with the offer of
the city to capitulate, on the same liberal conditions which had been
uniformly granted by the Spaniards. The king refused to admit the embassy
into his presence, and haughtily answered, through the commander of
Leon, that these terms had been twice offered to the people of Malaga,
and rejected; that it was too late for them to stipulate conditions, and
nothing now remained but to abide by those which he, as their conqueror,
should vouchsafe to them. After a tumultuous debate, the deputies were
despatched a second time to the Christian camp, charged with propositions
in which concession was mingled with menace. They were willing to resign
to him their fortifications, their city, on his assurance of their
personal security and freedom: if he refused this, they would take
their Christian captives, amounting to five or six hundred, from the
dungeons in which they lay, and hang them like dogs over the battlements;
and then, placing their old men, women, and children in the fortress,
they would set fire to the town, and cut a way for themselves through
their enemies, or fall in the attempt. Ferdinand, unmoved by these
menaces, coolly replied that he saw no occasion to change his former
determination, but they might rest assured, if they harmed a single hair
of a Christian, he would put every soul in the place, man, woman, and
child, to the sword.

[Sidenote: [1487-1489 A.D.]]

On the eighteenth day of August, being somewhat more than three months
from the date of opening trenches, Ferdinand and Isabella made their
entrance into the conquered city, attended by the court, the clergy, and
the whole of their military array. The procession moved in solemn state
up the principal streets, now deserted and hushed in ominous silence,
to the new cathedral of St. Mary, where mass was performed. At length,
the whole population of the city, comprehending every age and sex, was
commanded to repair to the great courtyard of the Alcazaba. The dreadful
doom of slavery was denounced on the assembled multitude.[53] One-third
was to be transported into Africa in exchange for an equal number of
Christian captives detained there; and all who had relatives or friends
in this predicament were required to furnish a specification of them.
Another third was appropriated to reimburse the state for the expenses
of the war. The remainder were to be distributed as presents at home and
abroad. Thus, one hundred of the flower of the African warriors were sent
to the pope, who incorporated them into his guard, and converted them all
in the course of the year, says the curate of Los Palacios, into very
good Christians. Fifty of the most beautiful Moorish girls were presented
by Isabella to the queen of Naples, thirty to the queen of Portugal,
others to the ladies of her court; and the residue of both sexes were
apportioned among the nobles, cavaliers, and inferior members of the
army, according to their respective rank and services.

Malaga was computed to contain from eleven to fifteen thousand
inhabitants, exclusive of several thousand foreign auxiliaries, within
its gates at the time of surrender. One cannot, at this day, read
the melancholy details of its story without feelings of horror and
indignation. It is impossible to vindicate the dreadful sentence passed
on this unfortunate people for a display of heroism which should have
excited admiration in every generous bosom. It was obviously most
repugnant to Isabella’s natural disposition, and must be admitted to
leave a stain on her memory which no colouring of history can conceal.
The fate of Malaga may be said to have decided that of Granada.[g]

THE CAPTURE OF GRANADA

The western fortresses of the kingdom being in the power of the
Christians, Ferdinand had now two plans before him for attaining his
great object: he could either at once fall on the capital, or begin with
the reduction of the eastern strongholds. He chose the latter; he knew
that, if he triumphed over Abdallah el Zagal, who possessed Guadix, Baza,
Almeria, Vera, etc., he should have little difficulty in dethroning the
fallen Abu Abdallah. Velez el Rubio, Vera, Mujacar, etc., opened their
gates on the first summons. But the Christians failed before Huescar,
Baza, and Tabernas; and had the worst in more than one skirmish.

Ferdinand again hastened to the field at the head of fifty thousand foot
and twelve thousand horse, resolved with this formidable force to deprive
the Moors of all hopes of a successful resistance. Under the pretence
that his arms were to be directed against only the enemy of his ally, he
hoped to divide still further the Moorish power. He succeeded in his
purpose: the people of Granada looked on, not indeed with indifference,
but certainly without much anxiety for themselves, while their ally
marched against the places which still held for El Zagal. Abu Abdallah,
however, was aware of the result: he even purchased a temporary security,
by consenting not only to abandon his uncle, but to receive into Granada
itself a Christian garrison; in other words, to deliver that capital,
after the destruction of El Zagal, into the hands of Ferdinand. In
return, he was to receive ample domain, under the title of vassalage,
from his feudal superior. Though the conditions of the alliance were
secret, El Zagal, convinced that he should now have to encounter the
whole power of the Castilians, prepared for a vigorous defence. His
kinsman, the cid Yahya, with ten thousand men, he sent to Baza, which
he rightly judged would be one of the first places to be invested by
Ferdinand.

[Sidenote: [1489-1491 A.D.]]

Having reduced Xucar, the Christian monarch, as had been foreseen, laid
siege to Baza. This place made a brave resistance during several months:
but in the end, seeing that the provisions were exhausted, and many of
the soldiers cut off in the frequent sorties; that the Christians had
entrenched their camp, and were even encouraged to persevere by the
arrival of queen Isabella--Yahya wrote to El Zagal to say that the place
must inevitably be surrendered unless speedily succoured. The latter,
who was busily occupied in the defence of Guadix, could not spare a
single soldier for the relief of Baza; it was therefore constrained
to capitulate; but conditions highly advantageous to the people were
obtained from the two sovereigns. Yahya, who had several interviews
with these sovereigns in their own camp, received signal proofs of
their favour. He vowed not only never again to take up arms against his
liege superior, but to prevail on his kinsman El Zagal to discontinue a
fruitless resistance, and submit as he had done.

Like a true Mussulman, El Zagal coincided in his kinsman’s doctrine of
predestination; he acknowledged that Allah in his eternal decrees had
resolved the destruction of Granada; and he consented to throw himself
on the generosity of Ferdinand. He too hastened to the Christian camp;
and if personal kindness, or even regal liberality, could have atoned
for the loss of a throne, he might have been satisfied. Like Yahya, he
received ample domains, to be forever possessed by his descendants---the
jurisdiction of Andaraz; the valley of Alhaman, containing two thousand
vassals (between Malaga and Marbella); and half the produce of some
salt mines: the annual return was four millions of maravedis--on his
consenting to receive Christian garrisons into Almeria and Guadix, the
inhabitants of which were guaranteed in all their privileges as subjects.
The following year Abdallah el Zagal, tired, perhaps, of living privately
where he had ruled as a king, sold most of these possessions, and retired
to Africa. Purchena, Tabernas, Almuñecar, Salobrena, and some other towns
of the Alpujarras were eager to follow the example of Baza; so that the
once proud kingdom of the Moors was almost literally confined to the
walls of the capital.

Nothing now remained but to complete the overthrow of the Moorish power
by the conquest of Granada. In virtue of the preceding convention,
Ferdinand summoned Abu Abdallah to receive a Castilian garrison. The poor
shadow of a king in vain appealed to the magnanimity of his ally, whom he
besought to remain satisfied with the rich spoils already acquired. The
bare mention of such a proposal would have cost him his head in the then
excited state of feeling. The disastrous position of Mohammedan affairs,
which they imputed, not without some justice, to his ambition and his
subsequent inactivity, roused their wrath so much, that they rose against
him, and would doubtless have been satisfied with nothing less than
his blood, had he not fled precipitately into the Alhambra. Erelong,
however, the violence of the commotion ceased, as everyone perceived
the necessity of combining to save the capital. Its fate was for a time
suspended by the arrival of numerous volunteers from the neighbouring
towns, especially from the villages of the Alpujarras, which had not yet
acknowledged the Christian sway; and from several other places, which
now openly revolted. Abu Abdallah endeavoured to regain the good will of
his people by vigorously preparing for their defence, and even by making
incursions on the new possessions of the Christians. But neither the
revolt nor his own efforts were of much avail. The inhabitants of Adra
were signally punished for their want of faith; the king was compelled to
seek shelter within his walls, from the summit of which he soon perceived
the advancing cross of his enemies.

[Illustration: A SPANISH MERCHANT, FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

[Sidenote: [1491-1492 A.D.]]

In the spring of 1491 Ferdinand invested this great city with fifty
thousand foot and ten thousand horse. That the siege would be long and
bloody was to be expected from the strength of the fortifications and the
fanaticism of the people. Some time, indeed, elapsed before the place
could be effectually invested; convoys of provisions were frequently
received, in spite of Ferdinand’s vigilance; and in the sorties which
from time to time took place, the advantage was not always on the side
of the assailants. These partial actions so thinned the Christian
host, that the king at length forbade them; and to protect his camp
against the daring irruptions of the Moors, he surrounded it with thick
walls and deep ditches. The enemy now saw that he was resolute in the
reduction of the place, however tardy that reduction might prove. His
own soldiers, whether in the camp or in the newly erected city of Santa
Fé,[54] which he built and fortified both as a security against the
possible despair of the Moors, and for the greater comfort of his army
and court, were abundantly supplied with every necessary. The privations
to which they were now subject, caused the besieged inhabitants first
to murmur, and next to threaten their imbecile ruler with destruction.
In this emergency, Abu Abdallah hastily summoned a council, to hear the
sentiments of his chief subjects on the deplorable posture of affairs.
All agreed that the camp, the city, and policy of Ferdinand were but
too indicative of his unalterable determination, and of the fate which
ultimately, nay soon, awaited them; that the people were worn out by
abstinence and fatigue; and that, as the necessity was imperative, an
attempt should be made to procure favourable terms of capitulation from
the Castilian.

It was on the fourth day of the moon Rabia I [January 2nd, 1492], at the
dawn of day, that Abu Abdallah sent his family and treasures into the
Alpujarras, while he himself, accompanied by fifty horsemen, rode out to
meet Ferdinand, whom he saluted as his liege lord. The keys of the city
were delivered to the latter by Abul-Kassim: the Christians entered, and
their standards were speedily hoisted on the towers of the Alhambra, and
all the fortresses in the place. The fourth day following, Ferdinand and
his royal consort made a solemn entry into the city, which they made the
seat of an archbishopric, and in which they abode several months. As
for the feeble Abu Abdallah, he had not courage to re-enter it. As he
disconsolately took the road to the Alpujarras, and from time to time
cast back his weeping eyes on the magnificent towers behind him, his
mother, the sultana Zoraya, is said to have observed, “Thy womanly tears
for the loss of thy kingdom become one who had not courage to defend it
like a man!”[j] “Alas!” exclaimed the unhappy exile, “when were woes
ever equal to mine!” The scene of this event is still pointed out to the
traveller by the people of the district; and the rocky height from which
the Moorish chief took his sad farewell of the princely abodes of his
youth is commemorated by the poetical title of _El ultimo Sospiro del
Moro_--“the last sigh of the Moor.”

The sequel of Abdallah’s history is soon told. Like his uncle, El Zagal,
he pined away in his barren domain of the Alpujarras, under the shadow,
as it were, of his ancient palaces. In the following year he passed over
to Fez with his family, having commuted his petty sovereignty for a
considerable sum of money paid him by Ferdinand and Isabella, and soon
after fell in battle in the service of an African prince, his kinsman.
“Wretched man,” exclaims a caustic chronicler of his nation, “who could
lose his life in another’s cause, though he did not dare to die in his
own!”

END OF MOSLEM SWAY IN SPAIN

The fall of Granada excited a general sensation throughout Christendom,
where it was received as counterbalancing, in a manner, the loss of
Constantinople nearly half a century before. The war of Granada is often
compared by the Castilian chroniclers to that of Troy in its duration,
and certainly fully equalled the latter in variety of picturesque and
romantic incidents, and in circumstances of poetical interest. With the
surrender of its capital terminated the Arabian empire in the peninsula,
after an existence of seven hundred and forty-one years from the date
of the original conquest. The consequences of this closing war were
of the highest moment to Spain. The most obvious was the recovery of
an extensive territory, hitherto held by a people whose difference of
religion, language, and general habits made them not only incapable of
assimilating with their Christian neighbours, but almost their natural
enemies; while their local position was a matter of just concern, as
interposed between the great divisions of the Spanish monarchy, and
opening an obvious avenue to invasion from Africa.

By the new conquest, moreover, the Spaniards gained a large extent
of country, possessing the highest capacities for production, in its
natural fruitfulness of soil, the temperature of climate, and the state
of cultivation to which it had been brought by its ancient occupants;
while its shores were lined with commodious havens that afforded every
facility for commerce. The scattered fragments of the ancient Visigothic
empire were now again, with the exception of the little state of Navarre,
combined into one great monarchy, as originally destined by nature; and
Christian Spain gradually rose, by means of her new acquisitions, from a
subordinate situation to the level of a first-rate European power.

[Illustration: THE SURRENDER OF GRANADA]

The moral influence of the Moorish war, its influence on the Spanish
character, was highly important. The inhabitants of the great divisions
of the country, as in most countries during the feudal ages, had been
brought too frequently into collision with each other to allow the
existence of a pervading national feeling. The war of Granada subjected
all the various sections of the country to one common action, under the
influence of common motives of the most exciting interest; while it
brought them in conflict with a race the extreme repugnance of whose
institutions and character to their own served greatly to nourish the
nationality of sentiment. In this way the spark of patriotism was
kindled throughout the whole nation, and the most distant provinces of
the peninsula were knit together by a bond of union which has remained
indissoluble.

The consequences of these wars in a military aspect are also worthy of
notice. Up to this period, war had been carried on by irregular levies,
extremely limited in numerical amount and in period of service, under
little subordination, except to their own immediate chiefs, and wholly
unprovided with the apparatus required for extended operations. The
Spaniards were even lower than most of the European nations in military
science, as is apparent from the infinite pains of Isabella to avail
herself of all foreign resources for their improvement. In the war
of Granada, masses of men were brought together far greater than had
hitherto been known in modern warfare. They were kept in the field not
only through long campaigns, but far into the winter; a thing altogether
unprecedented. They were made to act in concert, and the numerous petty
chiefs brought into complete subjection to one common head, whose
personal character enforced the authority of station. Lastly, they were
supplied with all the requisite munitions through the providence of
Isabella, who introduced into the service the most skilful engineers
from other countries, and kept in pay bodies of mercenaries--as the
Swiss, for example, reputed the best disciplined troops of that day.
In this admirable school the Spanish soldier was gradually trained to
patient endurance, fortitude, and thorough subordination; and those
celebrated captains were formed, with that invincible infantry, which in
the beginning of the sixteenth century spread the military fame of their
country over all Christendom.

But, with all our sympathy for the conquerors, it is impossible without
a deep feeling of regret to contemplate the decay and final extinction
of a race who had made such high advances in civilisation as the Spanish
Arabs; to see them driven from the stately palaces reared by their own
hands, wandering as exiles over the lands which still blossomed with the
fruits of their industry, and wasting away under persecution, until their
very name as a nation was blotted out from the map of history.

SPANISH EXPLORERS, AND CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS

[Sidenote: [1492 A.D.]]

While Ferdinand and Isabella were at Santa Fé, the capitulation was
signed that opened the way to an extent of empire compared with which
their recent conquests, and indeed all their present dominions, were
insignificant. The extraordinary intellectual activity of the Europeans
in the fifteenth century, after the torpor of ages, carried them forward
to high advancement in almost every department of science, but especially
nautical, whose surprising results have acquired for the age the glory of
being designated as peculiarly that of maritime discovery.

The Portuguese were the first to enter on the brilliant path of nautical
discovery, which they pursued under the infante Dom Henry with such
activity that before the middle of the fifteenth century they had
penetrated as far as Cape Verd, doubling many a fearful headland which
had shut in the timid navigator of former days; until at length, in 1486,
they descried the lofty promontory which terminates Africa on the south,
and which received the cheering appellation of the Cape of Good Hope.

The Spaniards, in the meanwhile, did not languish in the career of
maritime enterprise. Certain adventurers from the northern provinces of
Biscay and Guipuzcoa, in 1393, had made themselves masters of one of
the smallest of the group of islands since known as the Canaries. Other
private adventurers from Seville extended their conquests over these
islands in the beginning of the following century. These were completed
in behalf of the crown under Ferdinand and Isabella, who equipped
several fleets for their reduction, which at length terminated in 1495
with that of Teneriffe. From the commencement of their reign, Ferdinand
and Isabella had shown an earnest solicitude for the encouragement
of commerce and nautical science. Under them, and indeed under their
predecessors as far back as Henry III, a considerable traffic had been
carried on with the western coast of Africa, from which gold-dust and
slaves were imported into the city of Seville. The annalist of that
city notices the repeated interference of Isabella in behalf of these
unfortunate beings, by ordinances tending to secure them a more equal
protection of the laws, or opening such social indulgences as might
mitigate the hardships of their condition.

A misunderstanding gradually arose between the subjects of Castile
and Portugal, in relation to their respective rights of discovery and
commerce on the African coast, which promised a fruitful source of
collision between the two crowns, but which was happily adjusted by an
article in the treaty of 1479, that terminated the war of the Succession.
By this it was settled that the right of traffic and of discovery on the
western coast of Africa should be exclusively reserved to the Portuguese,
who in their turn should resign all claims on the Canaries to the crown
of Castile. The Spaniards, thus excluded from further progress to the
south, seemed to have no other opening left for naval adventure than the
hitherto untravelled regions of the great western ocean. Fortunately,
at this juncture an individual appeared among them, in the person of
Christopher Columbus, endowed with capacity for stimulating them to this
heroic enterprise and conducting it to a glorious issue.[g]

The great story of the discovery of America and the new crusade it began
against ignorance and also, unfortunately, against innocent savages, has
a vital bearing, it is true, upon the fortunes, the glory, and the wars
of Spain. But since almost every country in Europe was soon involved
in the same cry of “Westward, ho!” and since the general outlines are
familiar to everybody, it will be permissible to defer the account until
the volume on America, where the details can be given with fullness,
consecution, and a proper sense of proportionate value.

None the less, the reader must not forget that the period of discovery
and the encouragement given it by Isabella and her consort form one of
the most important as one of the most beautiful major features of their
reign.

Leaving it to the reader’s imagination to give this better element
its due brilliance and its right significance as a partial atonement
to history, we must turn to the evil side of the reign, an evil so
tremendous and loathsome that it seems incredible when associated
with the noble deeds of the sovereigns. This is the persecution of
the non-orthodox in the name of religion and without a shadow of that
gentleness and mercy which one associates with that name, little as
history may have to substantiate that association.

The Inquisition we shall leave to a separate chapter in the appendix in
which its origin in other countries will be taken up and its history
traced in entirety until its end in the last century. A few words of
allusion will not, however, be amiss in this place.[a]

THE EXPULSION OF THE JEWS

While the Spanish sovereigns were detained before Granada, they published
their memorable and most disastrous edict against the Jews; inscribing
it, as it were, with the same pen which drew up the glorious capitulation
of Granada and the treaty with Columbus. The envy raised by their
prosperity, combined with the high religious excitement kindled in the
long war with the infidel, directed the terrible arm of the Inquisition
against this unfortunate people; but the result showed the failure of the
experiment, since comparatively few conversions, and those frequently
of a suspicious character, were effected, while the great mass still
maintained a pertinacious attachment to ancient errors. The inquisitors
asserted that the only mode left for the extirpation of the Jewish heresy
was to eradicate the seed; and they boldly demanded the immediate and
total banishment of every unbaptised Israelite from the land.

The Jews tendered a donative of 30,000 ducats towards the expense of
the Moorish war. The negotiations, however, were interrupted by the
inquisitor-general who held up a crucifix, exclaiming: “Judas Iscariot
sold his Master for thirty pieces of silver. Your highnesses would sell
him anew for thirty thousand. Here he is; take him and barter him away!”
So saying, the frantic priest threw the crucifix on the table, and left
the apartment. The sovereigns, instead of chastising this presumption, or
despising it as a mere freak of insanity, were overawed by it.

The edict for the expulsion of the Jews was signed by the Spanish
sovereigns at Granada, March 30th, 1492. It decreed that all the
unbaptised Jews, of whatever age, sex, or condition, should depart
from the realm by the end of July next ensuing; prohibiting them from
revisiting it, on any pretext whatever, under penalty of death and
confiscation of property. It was, moreover, interdicted to every subject
to harbour, succour, or minister to the necessities of any Jew, after
the expiration of the term limited for his departure. The persons and
property of the Jews, in the meantime, were taken under the royal
protection. They were allowed to dispose of their effects of every kind
on their own account, and to carry the proceeds along with them, in bills
of exchange, or merchandise not prohibited, but neither in gold nor
silver.

The doom of exile fell like a thunderbolt on the heads of the Israelites.
A large proportion of them had hitherto succeeded in shielding themselves
from the searching eye of the Inquisition, by an affectation of reverence
for the forms of Catholic worship, and a discreet forbearance of whatever
might offend the prejudices of their Christian brethren. They had even
hoped that their steady loyalty and a quiet and orderly discharge of
their social duties would in time secure them higher immunities. Many
had risen to a degree of opulence by means of the thrift and dexterity
peculiar to the race, which gave them a still deeper interest in the
land of their residence. Their families were reared in all the elegant
refinements of life; and their wealth and education often disposed
them to turn their attention to liberal pursuits, which ennobled the
character, indeed, but rendered them personally more sensible to physical
annoyance and less fitted to encounter the perils and privations of their
dreary pilgrimage. They were to go forth as exiles from the land of their
birth--the land where all whom they ever loved had lived or died; the
land not so much of their adoption as of their inheritance; which had
been the home of their ancestors for centuries, and with whose prosperity
and glory they were of course as intimately associated as was any ancient
Spaniard. They were to be cast out helpless and defenceless, with a brand
of infamy set on them, among nations who had always held them in derision
and hatred.

[Illustration: SPANISH CAVALIER OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

Those provisions of the edict which affected a show of kindness to
the Jews were contrived so artfully as to be nearly nugatory. As they
were excluded from the use of gold and silver, the only medium for
representing their property was bills of exchange. But commerce was too
limited and imperfect to allow of these being promptly obtained to any
very considerable, much less to the enormous amount required in the
present instance. It was impossible, moreover, to negotiate a sale of
their effects under existing circumstances, since the market was soon
glutted with commodities; and few would be found willing to give anything
like an equivalent for what, if not disposed of within the prescribed
term, the proprietors must relinquish at any rate. So deplorable, indeed,
was the sacrifice of property that a chronicler of the day mentions that
he had seen a house exchanged for an ass, and a vineyard for a suit of
clothes! Yet there were found but very few, when the day of departure
arrived, who were not prepared to abandon their country rather than their
religion. This extraordinary act of self-devotion by a whole people for
conscience’ sake may be thought to merit other epithets than those of
“perfidy, incredulity, and stiff-necked obstinacy,” with which the worthy
curate of Los Palacios,[h] in the charitable feeling of that day, has
seen fit to stigmatise it.

When the period of departure arrived, all the principal routes through
the country might be seen swarming with emigrants, old and young, the
sick and the helpless, men, women, and children, mingled promiscuously
together, some mounted on horses or mules, but far the greater part
undertaking their painful pilgrimage on foot. The sight of so much misery
touched even the Spaniards with pity, though none might succour them; for
the grand inquisitor, Torquemada, enforced the ordinance to that effect
by denouncing heavy ecclesiastical censures on all who should presume
to violate it. Much the largest division, amounting according to some
estimates to eighty thousand souls, passed into Portugal; whose monarch,
João [John] II, dispensed with his scruples of conscience so far as to
give them a free passage through his dominions on their way to Africa, in
consideration of a tax of a _cruzado_ a head. He is even said to have
silenced his scruples so far as to allow certain ingenious artisans to
establish themselves permanently in the kingdom.

A considerable number found their way to the ports of Santa Maria and
Cadiz, where, after lingering some time in the vain hope of seeing the
waters open for their egress, according to the promises of the rabbis,
they embarked on board a Spanish fleet for the Barbary coast. Having
crossed over to Ercilla, a Christian settlement in Africa, whence they
proceeded by land towards Fez, where a considerable body of their
countrymen resided, they were assaulted on their route by the roving
tribes of the desert, in quest of plunder. Notwithstanding the interdict,
the Jews had contrived to secrete small sums of money, sewed up in their
garments or the linings of their saddles. These did not escape the
avaricious eyes of their spoilers, who are even said to have ripped open
the bodies of their victims in search of gold which they were supposed
to have swallowed. The lawless barbarians, mingling lust with avarice,
abandoned themselves to still more frightful excesses, violating the
wives and daughters of the unresisting Jews, or massacring in cold blood
such as offered resistance.

But, without pursuing these loathsome details further, it need only be
added that the miserable exiles endured such extremity of famine that
they were glad to force a nourishment from the grass which grew scantily
among the sands of the desert; until at length great numbers of them,
wasted by disease and broken in spirit, retraced their steps to Ercilla,
and consented to be baptised, in the hope of being permitted to revisit
their native land. The number, indeed, was so considerable that the
priest who officiated was obliged to make use of the mop, or hyssop, with
which the Roman Catholic missionaries were wont to scatter the holy drops
whose mystic virtue could cleanse the soul in a moment from the foulest
stains of infidelity. “Thus,” says the Castilian historian, Ferreras,[k]
“the calamities of these poor blind creatures proved in the end an
excellent remedy, that God made use of to unseal their eyes, which they
now opened to the vain promises of the rabbis; so that, renouncing their
ancient heresies, they became faithful followers of the cross!”

Many of the emigrants took the direction of Italy. Those who landed at
Naples brought with them an infectious disorder, contracted by long
confinement in small, crowded, and ill-provided vessels. The disorder
was so malignant, and spread with such frightful celerity, as to sweep
off more than twenty thousand inhabitants of the city in the course of
the year, whence it extended its devastation over the whole Italian
peninsula. Many of the exiles passed into Turkey, and to different parts
of the Levant, where their descendants continued to speak the Castilian
language far into the following century. Others found their way to
France, and even England. Part of their religious services is recited to
this day in Spanish, in one or more of the London synagogues.

The whole number of Jews expelled from Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella
is variously computed at from 160,000 to 800,000 souls; a discrepancy
sufficiently indicating the paucity of authentic data. Most modern
writers, with the usual predilection for startling results, have assumed
the latter estimate; and Llorente[l] has made it the basis of some
important calculations in his _History of the Inquisition_. A view of
all the circumstances will lead us without much hesitation to adopt the
most moderate computation. This, moreover, is placed beyond reasonable
doubt by the direct testimony of Bernáldez.[h] He reports that a Jewish
rabbi, one of the exiles, subsequently returned to Spain, where he was
baptised by him. This person estimated the whole number of his unbaptised
countrymen, at the publication of the edict, at thirty-six thousand
families. Another Jewish authority, quoted by the curate, reckoned them
at thirty-five thousand. This, assuming an average of four and a half to
a family, gives the sum total of about 160,000 individuals.[55]

The detriment incurred by the state, however, is not founded so much
on any numerical estimate as on the subtraction of the mechanical
skill, intelligence, and general resources of an orderly, industrious
population. In this view, the mischief was incalculably greater than that
inferred by the mere number of the exiled; and although even this might
have been gradually repaired in a country allowed the free and healthful
development of its energies, yet in Spain this was so effectually
counteracted by the Inquisition, and other causes in the following
century, that the loss may be deemed irretrievable.

The expulsion of so numerous a class of subjects by an independent
act of the sovereign might well be regarded as an enormous stretch
of prerogative, altogether incompatible with anything like a free
government. But, to judge the matter rightly, we must take into view the
actual position of the Jews at that time. Far from forming an integral
part of the commonwealth, they were regarded as alien to it, as a mere
excrescence, which, so far from contributing to the healthful action of
the body politic, was nourished by its vicious humours, and might be
lopped off at any time when the health of the system demanded it. Far
from being protected by the laws, the only aim of the laws in reference
to them was to define more precisely their civil incapacities, and to
draw the line of division more broadly between them and the Christians.
Even this humiliation by no means satisfied the national prejudices,
as is evinced by the great number of tumults and massacres of which
they were the victims. In these circumstances, it seemed to be no great
assumption of authority to pronounce sentence of exile against those whom
public opinion had so long proscribed as enemies to the state.

It has been common with modern historians to detect a principal motive in
the avarice of the government. It is, however, incredible that persons
possessing the political sagacity of Ferdinand and Isabella could
indulge a temporary cupidity at the sacrifice of the most important and
permanent interests, converting by a measure so manifestly unsound, their
wealthiest districts into a wilderness and dispeopling them of a class
of citizens who contributed beyond all others not only to the general
resources but to the direct revenues of the crown.

We need look no further for the principle of action, in this case, than
the spirit of religious bigotry which led to a similar expulsion of
the Jews from England, France, and other parts of Europe, as well as
from Portugal, under circumstances of peculiar atrocity, a few years
later.[56] Indeed, the spirit of persecution did not expire with the
fifteenth century, but extends even into our own more luminous days. How
far the banishment of the Jews was conformable to the opinions of the
most enlightened contemporaries, may be gathered from the encomiums
lavished on its authors from more than one quarter. Spanish writers,
without exception, celebrate it as a sublime sacrifice of all temporal
interests to religious principle.[g]

PERSECUTION AND REVOLT OF THE MOORS (1499-1502 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1492-1499 A.D.]]

The establishment of the Inquisition led to the banishment of the Jews;
the latter, in its turn, to the persecution of the Mohammedans. These
soon found that their religious toleration, so solemnly guaranteed by
the articles of capitulation, would be little respected by a prince who
did not always hesitate to break his royal word--nor even his oath--when
his interests or his bigotry was concerned. It is certain that, from the
very year in which Granada submitted, the resolution was taken to convert
or expel the Moors; but their number, the assistance they might receive
from Africa, and the unsettled state of the new conquests, delayed its
execution.

In 1499, however, Ferdinand, being at Granada, seriously entered on
what he doubtless considered a path of stern but necessary duty. Having
assembled some of his counsellors and prelates to deliberate on the
proper means of attaining an object so momentous, it was agreed that
both end and means should be left to two eminent prelates--to Francisco
Ximenes [or Jimenes] de Cisneros, archbishop of Toledo, and to Ferdinand
de Talavera, metropolitan of Granada. In selecting two such opposite
instruments, it was doubtless intended that the gentleness of Don
Ferdinand should be fortified by the decision of his colleague: through
his influence it doubtless was that the first steps in the great work
were of a mild and rational nature. The alfaquis were assiduously
courted; were persuaded to dispute on the merits of their respective
faiths; and were severally dismissed with presents.

Whether through conviction or fear, through persuasion or interest,
these men forsook their old religion, and consented not only to be
baptised, but to become the instruments of converting their countrymen.
Their example had great effect: thousands applied for admission into the
church; and thousands more would have joined them at the same time, but
for the fiery zeal of Cardinal Ximenes,[57] which occasioned a serious
disturbance. Seeing that some of their body, who protested against the
prelate’s violence, were by his order conducted to prison, they arose,
murdered an obnoxious _alguazil_, and hastened to Ximenes’ hotel, which
they assailed. He fought with great spirit. The commotion continued
for several days: the whole Albaycin was in arms; and the insurrection
would have spread further, but for the metropolitan of Granada. Though
a messenger of peace had been stoned to death the preceding day by
the Moors of that quarter, he resolved to go among them, and finally
persuaded them to lay down their arms.

But the mischief was not yet ended. Those especially who abode in the
mountains of the Alpujarras were filled with fury at the forcible
attempts made to seduce their brethren from the faith of the prophet;
and they flew to arms. The king himself marched to reduce them; pursued
them into the heart of their hills; forced or persuaded them to submit,
and to surrender both their fortified places and their arms. His success
emboldened him to more decisive measures: missionaries were despatched,
wherever there was a Mohammedan village, to preach the necessity of
immediate conversion; and the efficacy of their labours was not a little
owing to the armed bodies of soldiers who accompanied them. Terrified by
the recent fate of the Jews, whole towns submitted to baptism--the more
willingly, perhaps, as no previous instruction was forced upon them;
there was no time for catechism or preaching: hundreds were sprinkled
with holy water at the same time; the same prayers were repeated over
them, and then they stood cleansed in the laver of regeneration! That
such conversions could not be very durable need not surprise us.

[Sidenote: [1499-1502 A.D.]]

The following year, the independent mountaineers again revolted, and
massacred all the Christians on whom they could lay hands. They were
again reduced: ten thousand submitted to the necessary rite; while a
greater number fled to their African brethren. A third time, in the
space of a very few months, were the embers of discontent fanned into a
flame--partly by the injudicious zeal of the Christian priests, partly
by the strong breath of indignation. This insurrection was the most
difficult to quell: one or two partial successes were obtained over the
royal troops; but, on the appearance of Ferdinand in person, with a
formidable power, the revolted fortresses submitted. Again did thousands
obtain his permission to settle on the opposite coast, and bade a final
adieu to the peninsula. By their departure, those who remained were
still less able to make head against the victor, who no longer hesitated
to issue his irrevocable decree of expulsion against every obstinate
follower of the Arabian prophet.[j]

[Illustration: A MAN OF GRANADA]

The sovereigns came to the extraordinary resolution of offering the
alternative of baptism or exile. They issued a _pragmática_ from Seville,
February 12th, 1502, that all the unbaptised Moors in the kingdoms of
Castile and Leon above fourteen years of age if males, and twelve if
females, must leave the country by the end of April following; that
they might sell their property in the meantime, and take the proceeds
in anything save gold and silver and merchandise regularly prohibited;
and, finally, that they might emigrate to any foreign country, except the
dominions of the Grand Turk, and such parts of Africa as Spain was then
at war with. Obedience to these severe provisions was enforced by the
penalties of death and confiscation of property.

This stern edict, so closely modelled on that against the Jews, must have
been even more grievous in its application. For the Jews may be said to
have been denizens almost equally of every country; while the Moors,
excluded from a retreat among their countrymen on the African shore,
were sent into the lands of enemies or strangers. The former, moreover,
were far better qualified by their natural shrewdness and commercial
habits for disposing of their property advantageously, than the simple,
inexperienced Moors, skilled in little else than husbandry or rude
mechanic arts. We have nowhere met with any estimate of the number who
migrated on this occasion.

Castile might now boast, for the first time in eight centuries, that
every outward stain, at least, of infidelity, was purified from her
bosom. But how had this been accomplished? By the most detestable
expedients which sophistry could devise and oppression execute; and that,
too, under an enlightened government, proposing to be guided solely by a
conscientious regard for duty.

It is a singular paradox, that Christianity, whose doctrines inculcate
unbounded charity, should have been made so often an engine of
persecution; while Mohammedanism, whose principles are those of avowed
intolerance, should have exhibited, at least till later times, a truly
philosophical spirit of toleration.[58] Even the first victorious
disciples of the prophet, glowing with all the fiery zeal of proselytism,
were content with the exaction of tribute from the vanquished.[g]

We may now take up in condensed form certain foreign relations that
had busied the Spanish monarchs simultaneously with their religious
activities.[a]

SPAIN IN ITALY; THE GREAT CAPTAIN

[Sidenote: [1479-1502 A.D.]]

Soon after his accession, Ferdinand was naturally anxious to procure the
restitution of Roussillon and Cerdagne. But to his pressing embassies
on this subject, Louis XI returned evasive answers. But when Ferdinand,
indignant at the evasions of his successor, Charles VIII, began to arm
for the recovery of this frontier, the latter, who meditated the conquest
of Naples, and who wished to have no enemies to harass France during his
absence, commanded Perpignan and the fortresses of the province to be
evacuated by the French troops; they were immediately occupied by those
of Aragon.

The severity of Ferdinand king of Naples had long been borne with
dissatisfaction by the people. Their discontent appeared to the French
king an excellent opportunity for vindicating the claims of his family on
that country, and for gratifying an ambition which was seldom restrained
by considerations of justice. He was the more confirmed in his purpose,
when several Neapolitan nobles, through disgust with their ruler, sought
his protection, and offered to aid him in gaining possession of so fair
a kingdom. The death of the Neapolitan king, and the accession of his
son Alfonso, in 1494, produced no change, either on the intentions of
Charles, or the disaffection of the people; Alfonso was as unpopular as
Ferdinand.

In alarm at the preparations of the Frenchmen, and the suspected
hostility of the pope, the new king implored the aid of his Spanish
brother and received the assurance he solicited. In the meantime Charles
invaded Italy by way of Grenoble, and passed through Pavia and Florence
direct on Rome. Having forced the pope into his interests, he continued
his march towards Naples. Alfonso, terrified at the approaching danger,
and convinced how much his subjects wished for his overthrow, abdicated
in favour of his son Ferdinand, who, he hoped, would be able to rally
them round the national standard; and retired to a monastery in Sicily.
The hope was vain; the Neapolitans fled--perhaps as much through
cowardice as disaffection--the moment they came in contact with the
French; and the capital, with the fortified places, submitted to the
invader.

But Ferdinand of Spain was not idle; by his ambassadors at Venice he
formed a league with the pope, the republic, the duke of Milan, and the
fugitive king of Naples for the expulsion of the French from Italy.
Fortunately for the common cause, the rapacity and insolence of the
invaders had turned the eyes of the Neapolitans towards their dethroned
king, whom they invited to resume his dignity, and at whose approach
they opened the gates not only of the capital, but of several important
fortresses.

[Sidenote: [1495-1501 A.D.]]

At this time, Don Gonsalvo de Cordova, the captain of Ferdinand, who had
acquired distinction in the wars of Granada, commenced his brilliant
career. The rapidity with which he reduced many of the fortified places,
and triumphed over the French generals on the field, drew the attention
of Europe towards this part of Italy. His exploits at the very first
campaign procured him the appellation of the Great Captain. The Calabrias
were soon entirely forced from the invaders, who were glad to take refuge
in the states of the church, until the arrival of the expected succours
from France. The restored king did not long survive his success; the
fatigues of the campaign consigned him, in 1496, to the grave. He was
succeeded by his uncle, Frederick, son of the first Aragonese king of
Naples.

To the new monarch Gonsalvo continued the same eminent services; and not
unfrequently the pope made use of his valour in humbling the temporal
enemies of the church. The king of France in vain attempted, by way of
diversion, to withdraw the attention of Ferdinand from the affairs of
Italy, by the powerful armaments which he frequently moved on Roussillon;
he found the Spanish king, as usual, prepared both to defend the
frontiers, and to secure the crown on the head of Frederick.

But in that relative’s behalf Ferdinand soon ceased to be interested.
For his progressive coolness towards that prince, various reasons have
been assigned; the chief one has been omitted--the king’s all-grasping
ambition, which sometimes took no counsel from justice. On hearing
that Louis XII, the successor of Charles, was preparing to arm for
the recovery of Naples, he besought that monarch to desist from the
undertaking; and when he found that solicitations were useless, he was
unprincipled enough to propose a division of the whole kingdom. Louis
eagerly seized the proposal, and the royal robbers immediately entered
into negotiations for adjusting their respective share of the spoils.
At first the city and kingdom of Naples were adjudged to Louis; the
two Calabrias and the Abruzzi to Ferdinand; the revenue arising from
the pasturage of Apulia was to be divided between them. But a dispute
arising, a new division was effected; the latter assigned the two
Calabrias and Apulia to the Spanish king; Naples and the Abruzzo to the
Frenchman. To preserve harmony in other quarters, Louis agreed at the
same time to relinquish his claims over Roussillon and Cerdagne, and
Ferdinand over Montpellier. Both sovereigns sent powerful armaments to
execute this iniquitous compact. No sooner did it reach the ears of the
unfortunate Frederick than he complained to the Spanish monarch of the
monstrous injustice. Ferdinand replied--no doubt with truth--that he had
done his utmost to prevent the French king from the enterprise; that when
entreaties failed, he had even offered a considerable sum to the same
effect; and that it was only when he found Louis bent on the undertaking,
and leagued with the Italian powers to insure its success, that he
had consented to the division; he added, that, as such a division was
inevitable, it was better that France should have a part than the whole.
In private life such reasoning would be characterised as it ought; but
kings have too often pleaded their sovereign exception from obligations
which they have been ready enough to enforce on the rest of mankind.

[Sidenote: [1501-1510 A.D.]]

While the French troops on one side, and the great captain on the other,
were seizing his provinces, it was impossible for Frederick, with a
people so disaffected as the Neapolitans, to make head against them. As
Louis promised to allow him a pension suitable to his rank, he sought an
asylum in France. Scarcely were the armies in possession of the country,
when their leaders began to quarrel about the precise extent of their
respective territories. A bloody war followed, the details of which may
be found in the Italian history of the period. It exhibits little beyond
a continued succession of victories for the great captain, who triumphed
over the veteran general and armies of France; it ended, in 1504, in the
entire subjugation of the kingdom by the Spaniards.

The brilliant success of the Spanish general now roused the envy of a
few brother officers, who represented him to the sovereign as meditating
designs inconsistent with the preservation of the new conquest to the
Castilian crown. In the frequent orders he received, he but too plainly
saw the distrust of Ferdinand, whom, however, he continued to serve with
the same ability and with unshaken fidelity.[59] In 1506, Ferdinand
arrived at Naples, and his distrust was greatly diminished by his
frequent intercourse with the general. But, as his own heart taught him
that human virtue is often weak, he brought Gonsalvo with him to Spain,
leaving the viceregal authority in the hands of Don Raymond de Cardona.

Into the interminable affairs of Italy, from this time to the death of
Ferdinand, the ever varying alliances between the pope, the emperor,
the Venetians, and the kings of France and Spain, and their results, as
they had not any influence over Spain--scarcely, indeed, any connection
with it--we forbear to enter. We need only observe that Spain retained
uninterrupted possession of her conquest; the investiture of which, in
1510, was conferred by the pope, as a fief of the church, on Ferdinand.

The happiness of the Catholic sovereigns was not commensurate with the
splendour which surrounded them. To whom must their magnificent empire
devolve? In 1497, the infante Juan, their only son, whom they had just
married to the archduchess Margaret of Austria, died, and his widow
was soon afterwards brought to bed of a still-born child. Hence their
daughters only remained through whom they could hope to transmit their
sceptre to posterity; but even in this expectation they were doomed to
much disappointment.

Doña Isabella, the eldest of the princesses, who was married to the heir
of the Portuguese monarchy, was left a widow as soon as the archduchess
Margaret; and though she was next given to her brother-in-law, Dom
Emmanuel, now become king of Portugal, and the following year was
delivered of a son, she died at the time; nor did the young prince,
the acknowledged heir of the whole peninsula, Navarre excepted, long
survive her. Still, to be prepared against every possible contingency,
they married another daughter, the princess Maria, to the Lusitanian
widower; and their youngest, Catherine, destined to be so famous from her
connection with the English reformation, first to Arthur prince of Wales,
and next to Henry, his brother, afterwards Henry VIII.

Their hopes of an heir, however, rested in their second daughter, the
wife of Philip archduke of Austria, Juana, who, in 1500, was delivered of
a prince, afterwards the celebrated Charles V.

Thus, the crown of Spain was to devolve on a foreign brow--the first
example of the kind which had occurred from the foundation of the
monarchy by Pelayo. Their disappointments, too, were embittered by the
unhappiness of their children. The princess Isabella, who had always
shown more affection for the cloister than for the throne, had been
forced into the marriage, and died a premature and painful death. Juana,
though extravagantly fond of her husband, was treated by him with the
most marked neglect; and the fate of Catherine is but too well known. The
misfortunes of her children sank deeply into the heart of the queen, and
brought on a melancholy which ended in her death.[j]

ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA

[Sidenote: [1503-1504 A.D.]]

In the beginning of 1503 she had declined so visibly that the cortes of
Castile, much alarmed, petitioned her to provide for the government of
the kingdom after her decease, in case of the absence or incapacity of
Juana. She seems to have rallied in some measure after this; but it was
only to relapse into a state of greater debility, as her spirits sank
under the conviction, which now forced itself on her, of her daughter’s
settled insanity.

Early in the spring of the following year (1504) that unfortunate lady
embarked for Flanders, where, soon after her arrival, the inconstancy of
her husband and her own ungovernable sensibilities occasioned the most
scandalous scenes. Philip became openly enamoured of one of the ladies of
her suite; and his injured wife, in a paroxysm of jealousy, personally
assaulted her fair rival in the palace, and caused the beautiful locks
which had excited the admiration of her fickle husband to be shorn from
her head. This outrage so affected Philip that he vented his indignation
against Juana in the coarsest and most unmanly terms, and finally refused
to have any further intercourse with her. The account of this disgraceful
scene reached Castile in the month of June. It occasioned the deepest
chagrin and mortification to the unhappy parents. Ferdinand soon after
fell ill of a fever, and the queen was seized with the same disorder,
accompanied by more alarming symptoms. Her illness was exasperated by
anxiety[60] for her husband, and she refused to credit the favourable
reports of the physicians while he was detained from her presence.
His vigorous constitution, however, threw off the malady, while hers
gradually failed under it. Her tender heart was more keenly sensible than
his to the unhappy condition of their child, and to the gloomy prospects
which awaited her beloved Castile.

Her faithful follower, Martyr,[p] was with the court at this time in
Medina del Campo. In a letter to the count of Tendilla, dated October
7th, he states that the most serious apprehensions were entertained
by the physicians for the queen’s fate. “Her whole system,” he says,
“is pervaded by a consuming fever. She loathes food of every kind, and
is tormented with incessant thirst, while the disorder has all the
appearance of terminating in a dropsy.”

On the 12th of October she executed that celebrated testament which
reflects so clearly the peculiar qualities of her mind and character.
She begins with prescribing the arrangements for her burial. She orders
her remains to be transported to Granada, to the Franciscan monastery of
Santa Isabella in the Alhambra, and there deposited in a low and humble
sepulchre, without other memorial than a plain inscription on it. “But,”
she continues, “should the king my lord prefer a sepulchre in some other
place, then my will is that my body be there transported, and laid by
his side; that the union we have enjoyed in this world, and, through the
mercy of God, may hope again for our souls in heaven, may be represented
by our bodies in the earth.” Then, desirous of correcting by her example,
in this last act of her life, the wasteful pomp of funeral obsequies to
which the Castilians were addicted, she commands that her own should be
performed in the plainest and most unostentatious manner, and that the
sum saved by this economy should be distributed in alms among the poor.

[Illustration: ISABELLA

(From an old print)]

She next provides for several charities, assigning, among others,
marriage portions for poor maidens, and a considerable sum for the
redemption of Christian captives in Barbary. She enjoins the punctual
discharge of all her personal debts within a year; she retrenches
superfluous offices in the royal household, and revokes all such grants,
whether in the forms of lands or annuities, as she conceives to have
been made without sufficient warrant. She inculcates on her successors
the importance of maintaining the integrity of the royal domains, and,
above all, of never divesting themselves of their title to the important
fortress of Gibraltar.

After this she comes to the succession of the crown, which she settles
on the infanta Juana as “queen proprietor,” and the archduke Philip as
her husband. She gives them much good counsel respecting their future
administration; enjoining them, as they would secure the love and
obedience of their subjects, to conform in all respects to the laws and
usages of the realm. She recommends to them the same conjugal harmony
which had ever subsisted between her and her husband; she beseeches
them to show the latter all the deference and filial affection “due to
him beyond every other parent, for his eminent virtues”; and finally
inculcates on them the most tender regard for the liberties and welfare
of their subjects.

She next comes to the great question proposed by the cortes of 1503,
respecting the government of the realm in the absence or incapacity of
Juana. She declares that, after mature deliberation, and with the advice
of many of the prelates and nobles of the kingdom, she appoints King
Ferdinand her husband to be the sole regent of Castile, in that exigency,
until the majority of her grandson Charles; being led to this, she adds,
“by the consideration of the magnanimity and illustrious qualities of the
king my lord, as well as his large experience, and the great profit which
will redound to the state from his wise and beneficent rule.”

She then makes a specific provision for her husband’s personal
maintenance, which, “although less than she could wish, and far less
than he deserves, considering the eminent services he has rendered the
state,” she settles at one-half of all the net proceeds and profits
accruing from the newly discovered countries in the West; together with
ten millions of maravedis annually, assigned on the _alcabalas_ of the
grand-masterships of the military orders. And lastly, concluding in the
same beautiful strain of conjugal tenderness in which she began, she
says, “I beseech the king my lord that he will accept all my jewels, or
such as he shall select, so that, seeing them, he may be reminded of the
singular love I always bore him while living, and that I am now waiting
for him in a better world; by which remembrance he may be encouraged to
live the more justly and holily in this.”

After performing this duty she daily grew weaker, the powers of her
mind seeming to brighten as those of her body declined. The concerns
of her government still occupied her thoughts; and several public
measures, which she had postponed through urgency of other business or
growing infirmities, pressed so heavily on her heart that she made them
the subject of a codicil to her former will. It was executed November
23rd, 1504, only three days before her death. Three of the provisions
contained in it are too remarkable to pass unnoticed. The first concerns
the codification of the laws. For this purpose the queen appoints a
commission to make a new digest of the statutes and _pragmáticas_, the
contradictory tenor of which still occasioned much embarrassment in
Castilian jurisprudence. This was a subject she always had much at heart;
but no nearer approach had been made to it than the valuable though
insufficient work of Montalvo[61] in the early part of her reign; and,
notwithstanding her precautions, none more effectual was destined to take
place till the reign of Philip II.

The second item had reference to the natives of the New World.
Gross abuses had arisen there since the partial revival of the
_repartimientos_, although, Las Casas[q] says, “intelligence of this
was carefully kept from the ears of the queen.” Some vague apprehension
of the truth, however, appears to have forced itself on her: and she
enjoins her successors, in the most earnest manner, to quicken the good
work of converting and civilising the poor Indians, to treat them with
the greatest gentleness, and redress any wrongs they may have suffered
in their persons or property. Lastly, she expresses her doubts as to the
legality of the revenue drawn from the _alcabalas_,[62] constituting
the principal income of the crown. She directs that the legislature
be summoned to devise proper measures for supplying the wants of the
crown--“measures depending for their validity on the good pleasure of the
subjects of the realm.”

Such were the dying words of this admirable woman, displaying the
same respect for the rights and liberties of the nation which she had
shown through life, and striving to secure the blessings of her benign
administration to the most distant and barbarous regions under her sway.
These two documents were a precious legacy bequeathed to her people, to
guide them when the light of her personal example should be withdrawn
forever.

On receiving the extreme unction, she refused to have her feet exposed,
as was usual on that occasion: a circumstance which, occurring at a
time when there can be no suspicion of affectation, is often noticed
by Spanish writers as a proof of that sensitive delicacy and decorum
which distinguished her through life. At length, having received the
sacraments, and performed all the offices of a sincere and devout
Christian, she gently expired, a little before noon, on Wednesday,
November 26th, 1504, in the fifty-fourth year of her age, and thirtieth
of her reign.

No time was lost in making preparations for transporting the queen’s
body unembalmed to Granada, in strict conformity to her orders. It was
escorted by a numerous _cortège_ of cavaliers and ecclesiastics, among
whom was the faithful Martyr. The procession began its mournful march the
day following her death, taking the route through Arevalo, Toledo, and
Jaen. Scarcely had it left Medina del Campo when a tremendous tempest set
in, which continued with little interruption during the whole journey.
The roads were rendered nearly impassable; the bridges were swept away,
the small streams swollen to the size of the Tagus, and the level country
was buried under a deluge of water. Neither sun nor stars were seen
during their whole progress. The horses and mules were borne down by the
torrents, and the riders in several instances perished with them. At
length, on the 18th of December, the melancholy and way-worn cavalcade
reached the place of its destination; and, amidst the wild strife of
the elements, the peaceful remains of Isabella were laid, with simple
solemnities, in the Franciscan monastery of the Alhambra. Here, under the
shadow of those venerable Moslem towers, and in the heart of the capital
which her noble constancy had recovered for her country, they continued
to repose till after the death of Ferdinand, when they were removed to
be laid by his side in the stately mausoleum of the cathedral church of
Granada.

PRESCOTT’S ESTIMATE OF ISABELLA

Her person was of the middle height, and well-proportioned. She had a
clear, fresh complexion, with light-blue eyes and auburn hair--a style
of beauty exceedingly rare in Spain. Her features were regular, and
universally allowed to be uncommonly handsome. The portraits that remain
of her combine a faultless symmetry of features with singular sweetness
and intelligence of expression.

Her manners were most gracious and pleasing. They were marked by natural
dignity and modest reserve, tempered by an affability which flowed
from the kindliness of her disposition. She was the last person to be
approached with undue familiarity; yet the respect which she imposed
was mingled with the strongest feelings of devotion and love. She
showed great tact in accommodating herself to the peculiar situation
and character of those around her. She appeared in arms at the head of
her troops, and shrank from none of the hardships of war. During the
reforms introduced into the religious houses, she visited the nunneries
in person, taking her needlework with her, and passing the day in the
society of the inmates. When travelling in Galicia, she attired herself
in the costume of the country, borrowing for that purpose the jewels and
other ornaments of the ladies there, and returning them with liberal
additions. By this condescending and captivating deportment, as well as
by her higher qualities, she gained an ascendency over her turbulent
subjects which no king of Spain could ever boast.

She spoke the Castilian with much elegance and correctness. She had
an easy fluency of discourse, which, though generally of a serious
complexion, was occasionally seasoned with agreeable sallies, some of
which have passed into proverbs. She was temperate even to abstemiousness
in her diet, seldom or never tasting wine; and so frugal in her table,
that the daily expenses for herself and family did not exceed the
moderate sum of 40 ducats. She was equally simple and economical in
her apparel. On all public occasions, indeed, she displayed a royal
magnificence; but she had no relish for it in private, and she freely
gave away her clothes and jewels as presents to her friends.

Among her moral qualities, the most conspicuous, perhaps, was her
magnanimity. She betrayed nothing little or selfish, in thought or
action. Her schemes were vast, and executed in the same noble spirit
in which they were conceived. She never employed doubtful agents or
sinister measures, but the most direct and open policy. She scorned to
avail herself of advantages offered by the perfidy of others. Where she
had once given her confidence, she gave her hearty and steady support;
and she was scrupulous to redeem any pledge she had made to those who
ventured in her cause, however unpopular. She sustained Ximenes in
all his obnoxious but salutary reforms. She seconded Columbus in the
prosecution of his arduous enterprise, and shielded him from the calumny
of his enemies. She did the same good service to her favourite, Gonsalvo
de Cordova; and the day of her death was felt, and, as it proved, truly
felt, by both, as the last of their good fortune. Artifice and duplicity
were so abhorrent to her character, and so averse from her domestic
policy, that when they appear in the foreign relations of Spain it is
certainly not imputable to her. She was incapable of harbouring any petty
distrust or latent malice; and, although stern in the execution and
exaction of public justice, she made the most generous allowance, and
even sometimes advances, to those who had personally injured her.

[Illustration: ARMOUR OF ISABELLA]

But the principle which gave a peculiar colouring to every feature of
Isabella’s mind was piety. Such was the decorum of her manners, that,
though encompassed by false friends and open enemies, not the slightest
reproach was breathed on her fair name in this corrupt and calumnious
court. She gave a liberal portion of her time to private devotions, as
well as to the public exercises of religion. She expended large sums in
useful charities, especially in the erection of hospitals and churches,
and the more doubtful endowments of monasteries. Her piety was strikingly
exhibited in that unfeigned humility which is so rarely found; and most
rarely in those whose great powers and exalted stations seem to raise
them above the level of ordinary mortals. A remarkable illustration of
this is afforded in the queen’s correspondence with Talavera, in which
her meek and docile spirit is strikingly contrasted with the Puritanical
intolerance of her confessor. Unfortunately, the royal conscience was at
times committed to very different keeping; and that humility which made
her defer so reverentially to her ghostly advisers led, under the fanatic
Torquemada, the confessor of her early youth, to the establishment of the
Inquisition and the exile of the Jews.

But though blemishes of the deepest dye on her administration, they are
certainly not to be regarded as such on her moral character. It will be
difficult to condemn her, indeed, without condemning the age; for these
very acts are not only excused, but extolled by her contemporaries, as
constituting her strongest claims to renown and to the gratitude of her
country. They proceeded from the principle, openly avowed by the court of
Rome, that zeal for the purity of the faith could atone for every crime.
This immoral maxim, flowing from the head of the church, was echoed
in a thousand different forms by the subordinate clergy, and greedily
received by a superstitious people. It was not to be expected that a
solitary woman, filled with natural diffidence of her own capacity on
such subjects, should array herself against those venerated counsellors
whom she had been taught from her cradle to look to as the guides and
guardians of her conscience.

However mischievous the operations of the Inquisition may have been in
Spain, its establishment, in point of principle, was not worse than many
other measures which have passed with far less censure, though in a much
more advanced and civilised age. Where, indeed, during the sixteenth
and the greater part of the seventeenth century, was the principle
of persecution abandoned by the dominant party, whether Catholic or
Protestant? And where that of toleration asserted, except by the weaker?
It is true, to borrow Isabella’s own expression in her letter to
Talavera, the prevalence of a bad custom cannot constitute its apology.
But it should serve much to mitigate our condemnation of the queen, that
she fell into no greater error, in the imperfect light in which she
lived, than was common to the greatest minds in a later and far riper
period.[63]

Isabella’s actions, indeed, were habitually based on principle. Whatever
errors of judgment be imputed to her, she most anxiously sought in
all situations to discern and discharge her duty. Faithful in the
dispensation of justice, no bribe was large enough to ward off the
execution of the law. No motive, not even conjugal affection, could
induce her to make an unsuitable appointment to public office. No
reverence for the ministers of religion could lead her to wink at their
misconduct; nor could the deference she entertained for the head of the
church allow her to tolerate his encroachments on the rights of her
crown. Isabella’s measures were characterised by that practical good
sense without which the most brilliant parts may work more to the woe
than to the weal of mankind. Though engaged all her life in reforms, she
had none of the failings so common in reformers. Her plans, though vast,
were never visionary. The best proof of this is that she lived to see
most of them realised.

She was quick to discern objects of real utility. She saw the importance
of the new discovery of printing, and liberally patronised it, from
the first moment it appeared. She had none of the exclusive, local
prejudices too common with her countrymen. She drew talent from the most
remote quarters to her dominions by munificent rewards. She imported
foreign artisans for her manufactures, foreign engineers and officers
for the discipline of her army, and foreign scholars to imbue her
martial subjects with more cultivated tastes. She consulted the useful
in all her subordinate regulations; in her sumptuary laws, for instance,
directed against the fashionable extravagances of dress, and the ruinous
ostentation so much affected by the Castilians in their weddings and
funerals. Lastly, she showed the same perspicacity in the selection of
her agents, well knowing that the best measures become bad in incompetent
hands.

But although the skilful selection of her agents was an obvious cause
of Isabella’s success, yet another, even more important, is to be found
in her own vigilance and untiring exertions. During the first busy
and bustling years of her reign, these exertions were of incredible
magnitude. She was almost always in the saddle, for she made all her
journeys on horseback; and she travelled with a rapidity which made her
always present on the spot where her presence was needed. She was never
intimidated by the weather, or the state of her own health; and this
reckless exposure undoubtedly contributed much to impair her excellent
constitution.

She was equally indefatigable in her mental application. After assiduous
attention to business through the day, she was often known to sit up
all night dictating despatches to her secretaries. In the midst of
these overwhelming cares she found time to supply the defects of early
education by learning Latin, so as to understand it without difficulty,
whether written or spoken, and indeed, in the opinion of a competent
judge, to attain a critical accuracy in it. As she had little turn for
light amusements, she sought relief from graver cares by some useful
occupation appropriate to her sex; and she left ample evidence of her
skill in this way, in the rich specimens of embroidery, wrought with her
own fair hands, with which she decorated the churches.

With all her high qualifications, Isabella would have been still unequal
to the achievement of her grand designs, without possessing a degree of
fortitude rare in either sex; not the courage which implies contempt of
personal danger--though of this she had a larger share than falls to
most men; nor that which supports its possessor under the extremities of
bodily pain--though of this she gave ample evidence, since she endured
the greatest suffering her sex is called to bear without a groan;
but that moral courage which sustains the spirit in the dark hour of
adversity, and, gathering light from within to dispel the darkness,
imparts its own cheering influence to all around. It was her voice
that decided never to abandon Alhama. Her remonstrances compelled the
king and nobles to return to the field, when they had quitted it after
an ineffectual campaign. As dangers and difficulties multiplied, she
multiplied resources to meet them; and when her soldiers lay drooping
under the evils of some protracted siege, she appeared in the midst,
mounted on her warhorse, with her delicate limbs cased in knightly mail,
and, riding through their ranks, breathed new courage into their hearts
by her own intrepid bearing. To her personal efforts, indeed, as well as
counsels, the success of this glorious war may be mainly imputed.

Happily, these masculine qualities in Isabella did not extinguish the
softer ones which constitute the charm of her sex. Her heart overflowed
with affectionate sensibility to her family and friends. She watched
over the declining days of her aged mother, and ministered to her sad
infirmities with all the delicacy of filial tenderness. We have seen
abundant proofs how fondly and faithfully she loved her husband to the
last, though this love was not always as faithfully requited.[64] For her
children she lived more than for herself; and for them too she died, for
it was their loss and their afflictions which froze the current of her
blood before age had time to chill it. Her exalted state did not remove
her above the sympathies of friendship. With her friends she forgot the
usual distinctions of rank, sharing in their joys, visiting and consoling
them in sorrow and sickness, and condescending in more than one instance
to assume the office of executrix on their decease. Her heart, indeed,
was filled with benevolence to all mankind. In the most fiery heat of war
she was engaged in devising means for mitigating its horrors. She is said
to have been the first to introduce the benevolent institution of camp
hospitals; and we have seen, more than once, her lively solicitude to
spare the effusion of blood even of her enemies.

It is in these more amiable qualities of her sex that Isabella’s
superiority becomes most apparent over her illustrious namesake,
Elizabeth of England, whose history presents some features parallel
to her own. Both were disciplined in early life by the teachings of
that stern nurse of wisdom, Adversity. Both were made to experience
the deepest humiliation at the hands of their nearest relative, who
should have cherished and protected them. Both succeeded in establishing
themselves on the throne after the most precarious vicissitudes. Each
conducted her kingdom, through a long and triumphant reign, to a height
of glory which it had never before reached. Both lived to see the vanity
of all earthly grandeur, and to fall the victims of an inconsolable
melancholy; and both left behind an illustrious name, unrivalled in the
subsequent annals of their country.

But with these few circumstances of their history the resemblance
ceases. Their characters afford scarcely a point of contact. Elizabeth,
inheriting a large share of the bold and bluff King Harry’s temperament,
was haughty, arrogant, coarse, and irascible; while with these fiercer
qualities she mingled deep dissimulation and strange irresolution.
Isabella, on the other hand, tempered the dignity of royal station
with the most bland and courteous manners. Once resolved, she was
constant in her purposes, and her conduct in public and private life
was characterised by candour and integrity. Both may be said to have
shown that magnanimity which is implied by the accomplishment of great
objects in the face of great obstacles. But Elizabeth was desperately
selfish; she was incapable of forgiving, not merely a real injury, but
the slightest affront to her vanity; and she was merciless in exacting
retribution. Isabella, on the other hand, lived only for others--was
ready at all times to sacrifice self to considerations of public duty,
and, far from personal resentments, showed the greatest condescension and
kindness to those who had most sensibly injured her; while her benevolent
heart sought every means to mitigate the authorised severities of the
law, even towards the guilty.[65]

Both possessed rare fortitude. Isabella, indeed, was placed in situations
which demanded more frequent and higher displays of it than her rival;
but no one will doubt a full measure of this quality in the daughter of
Henry VIII. Elizabeth was better educated, and every way more highly
accomplished, than Isabella. But the latter knew enough to maintain
her station with dignity; and she encouraged learning by a munificent
patronage. The masculine powers and passions of Elizabeth seemed to
divorce her in a great measure from the peculiar attributes of her sex;
at least from those which constitute its peculiar charm, for she had
abundance of its foibles--a coquetry and love of admiration which age
could not chill; a levity most careless, if not criminal; and a fondness
for dress and tawdry magnificence of ornament which was ridiculous, or
disgusting, according to the different periods of life in which it was
indulged. Isabella, on the other hand, distinguished through life for
decorum of manners and purity beyond the breath of calumny, was content
with the legitimate affection which she could inspire within the range
of her domestic circle. Far from a frivolous affectation of ornament of
dress, she was most simple in her own attire, and seemed to set no value
on her jewels but as they could serve the necessities of the state; when
they could be no longer useful in this way, she gave them away to her
friends.

[Illustration: ISABELLA’S CROWN

(From an old print)]

Both were uncommonly sagacious in the selection of their ministers;
though Elizabeth was drawn into some errors in this particular by her
levity, as was Isabella by religious feeling. It was this, combined
with her excessive humility, which led to the only grave errors in the
administration of the latter. Her rival fell into no such errors; and she
was a stranger to the amiable qualities which led to them. Her conduct
was certainly not controlled by religious principle; and though the
bulwark of the Protestant faith, it might be difficult to say whether
she were at heart most a Protestant or a Catholic. She viewed religion
in its connection with the state--in other words, with herself; and she
took measures for enforcing conformity to her own views, not a whit less
despotic, and scarcely less sanguinary, than those countenanced for
conscience’s sake by her more bigoted rival.

This feature of bigotry, which has thrown a shade over Isabella’s
otherwise beautiful character, might lead to a disparagement of her
intellectual power compared with that of the English queen. To estimate
this aright, we must contemplate the results of their respective reigns.
Elizabeth found all the materials of prosperity at hand, and availed
herself of them most ably to build up a solid fabric of national
grandeur. Isabella created these materials. She saw the faculties of her
people locked up in a death-like lethargy, and she breathed into them the
breath of life for those great and heroic enterprises which terminated in
such glorious consequences to the monarchy. It is when viewed from the
depressed position of her early days that the achievements of her reign
seem scarcely less than miraculous. The masculine genius of the English
queen stands out relieved beyond its natural dimensions by its separation
from the softer qualities of her sex; while her rival’s, like some vast
but symmetrical edifice, loses in appearance somewhat of its actual
grandeur from the perfect harmony of its proportions.

The circumstances of their deaths, which were somewhat similar, displayed
the great dissimilarity of their characters. Both pined amidst their
royal state, a prey to incurable despondency, rather than any marked
bodily distemper. In Elizabeth it sprang from wounded vanity, a sullen
conviction that she had outlived the admiration on which she had so
long fed--and even the solace of friendship and the attachment of her
subjects. Nor did she seek consolation where alone it was to be found,
in that sad hour. Isabella, on the other hand, sank under a too acute
sensibility to the sufferings of others. But, amidst the gloom which
gathered around her, she looked with the eye of faith to the brighter
prospects which unfolded of the future; and when she resigned her last
breath, it was amidst the tears and universal lamentations of her people.

It is in this undying, unabated attachment of the nation, indeed, that
we see the most unequivocal testimony to the virtues of Isabella. In
the downward progress of things in Spain, some of the most ill-advised
measures of her administration have found favour and been perpetuated,
while the more salutary have been forgotten. This may lead to a
misconception of her real merits. In order to estimate these, we must
listen to the voice of her contemporaries, the eye-witnesses of the
condition in which she found the state, and in which she left it.

We shall then see but one judgment formed of her, whether by foreigners
or natives. The French and Italian writers equally join in celebrating
the triumphant glories of her reign, and her magnanimity, wisdom, and
purity of character. Her own subjects extol her as “the most brilliant
exemplar of every virtue,” and mourn over the day of her death as “the
last of the prosperity and happiness of their country”; while those
who had nearer access to her person are unbounded in their admiration
of those amiable qualities whose full power is revealed only in the
unrestrained intimacies of domestic life. The judgment of posterity has
ratified the sentence of her own age.[g]

This portrait of Isabella as drawn by Prescott is glowing with an
enthusiasm that is not self-ashamed. It admits frankly many evils, but
in the sweep of eulogy they practically lose their effect and make no
impression on the mind. Yet Prescott’s opinion was based on a thorough
search of the authorities and upon the impartiality of a foreigner
enamoured of a character purely by the good deeds he had learned to
credit to her. It must therefore be received with respect, though it
has, like all such summings-up, provoked severe disagreements. Even a
writer in possession of no new facts could use the same data for violent
denunciation.

The most material attack on Prescott’s opinion is found in the very
positive claim that Isabella’s daughter Juana was not mad, and that her
mother’s treatment of her, founded on religious bigotry with which Juana
did not sympathise, is therefore as cruel in kind as her mercilessness
to the Jews. In the second place the genuineness of Isabella’s last will
was questioned even by contemporaries, but it has never been disproved
conclusively; admitting its authenticity, critics have said that in
withdrawing from the nobility and others the various grants she had made
them in payment of obligations, she committed an outrageous dishonesty or
“posthumous royal plunder.”

Even her simplicity of attire has been denied, and it is said that she
outdid all history in her display when she saw fit to affect splendour.
But this much even Prescott admitted.

As to Juana, Bergenroth[s] is the strongest advocate of her sanity,
though he has not convinced many. He declared that she was simply a
heretic in religion. But even granting her insane, her parents treated
her with “most odious duplicity,” according to Burke,[f] who can still
see why Isabella should not want the hysterical daughter to take the
throne of Castile, and reduce the great Ferdinand to the limits of
Aragon. The proofs of Juana’s insanity we shall consider in the next
chapter.

BURKE’S ESTIMATE OF ISABELLA; HUME’S ESTIMATE

Burke thinks that Isabella has suffered from too much praise of virtues
she did not possess and too much neglect of her truer gifts. He places
the blame for this largely on the fact that she and her husband were
succeeded by foreign rulers, Habsburgs and Bourbons. He ridicules the
tendency to blame Torquemada and others for the blots of cruelty on her
reign, and blames them on the orthodoxy of the time. He makes of her a
creature far different from the gentle Isabella of Prescott’s idea, and
exclaims eloquently:[a]

The real Isabella is one of the most remarkable characters in history.
Not only was she the most masterful, and, from her own point of view, by
far the most successful ruler that ever sat upon the throne of Spain, or
of any of the kingdoms of the peninsula; she stands in the front rank
of the great sovereigns of Europe, and challenges comparison with the
greatest women who have ever held sway in the world.

In one particular she stands alone among the great ruling women, the
conquerors and empresses of history. She is the only royal lady, save,
perhaps, Maria Theresa of Hungary, who maintained through life the
incongruous relations of a masterful sovereign and a devoted wife,
and shared not only her bed but her throne with her husband whom she
respected--a fellow-sovereign whom she neither feared nor disregarded.
To command the obedience of a proud and warlike people is given to few
of the great men of history. To do the bidding of another with vigour
and with discretion is a task that has been but rarely accomplished by
a heaven-born minister. But to conceive and carry out great designs,
with one hand in the grasp of even the most loyal of companions, is a
triumphant combination of energy with discretion, of the finest tact with
the most indomitable resolution that stamps Isabella of Spain as a being
more vigorous than the greatest men, more discreet than the greatest
women of history. Semiramis, Zenobia, Boadicea, Elizabeth of England,
Catherine of Russia--not one of them was embarrassed by a partner on
the throne. The partner of Isabella was not only a husband but a king,
jealous, restless, and untrustworthy. It is in this respect, and in the
immense scope of her political action, that the great queen of Castile is
comparable with the bold empress-king of Hungary, rather than with any
other of the great queens and royal ladies of history.

Isabella revolutionised the institutions of her country, religious,
political, military, financial; she consolidated her dominions,
humiliated her nobles, cajoled her commons, defied the pope, reformed
the clergy; she burned some ten thousand of her subjects, she deported a
million more, and of the remnant she made a great nation; she brooked no
man’s opposition, in a reign of thirty years, and she died in the arms of
the king, her husband! It is open to any man to call her a saint and a
heroine. It is open to any man to call her a bigot and a tyrant. But no
man at least may deny that she was a great queen.[f]

The contradiction between such an opinion and the opinion of Prescott
is not after all a contradiction in facts but in point of view. Both
regard different phases or facets of one great busy soul striding through
a great life on a line which, whether it led through tenderness or
mercilessness, was as nearly straight as any line ever trod by a human
monarch. It is the mockery of history, however, that while great souls
bear great fruits, those fruits are not always of lasting quality, and
time may turn them to poison.

The epitaph that Martin Hume would place above the beautiful memory of
Isabella is sad enough, yet only too just:[a]

“That her objects were high and noble may be conceded, and that she
succeeded in consolidating Spain as no other monarch had done, is true.
But at what a cost! She had, in conjunction with Ferdinand, encouraged
forces of bigotry and religious hate which flooded her realm with blood
and tears, and threw it back in the race of nations for centuries.
Her patronage of Columbus is more than blotted out by her patronage
of Torquemada; her exalted piety is drowned in the recollection of
her treatment of the Jews and the Moriscos. She was a fair embodiment
of the prevailing feeling of her countrymen: that to them all things
are permitted; they can do no wrong, because they are working for and
with the cause of God. We shall see the bitter fruit this feeling bore
later. By the irony, or perhaps the eternal justice of fate, all the
chicanery of Ferdinand, all the wisdom, the labours, and the fervour of
Isabella brought disaster, ruin, and death to Spain. A thousand times
happier would it have been for Castile to have remained isolated in its
corner of Europe, untroubled with the complications of vast European
connections, rather than to have been dragged by Aragon into a position
of responsibility and world-wide ambition for which neither its native
resources nor the extent nor character of its population befitted it. Its
transient grandeur, dearly paid for by long and painful decline, brought
to the Spanish people, even while it lasted, neither peace, happiness,
nor enduring prosperity; and the king and queen who made Spain great were
the worst enemies she ever had.”[t]

FOOTNOTES

[50] Gonzalo de Oviedo[b] lavishes many encomiums on Cabrera, for
his “generous qualities, his singular prudence in government, and
his solicitude for his vassals, whom he inspired with the deepest
attachment.” The best panegyric on his character is the unshaken
confidence which his royal mistress reposed in him to the day of her
death.

[51] See the strong language, also, of Peter Martyr,[d] another
contemporary witness of the beneficial changes in the government.

[52] [It is difficult to reduce these sums to modern values, for the
maravedi has been coined in gold, silver, and the copper alloy or vellon,
and its value has fluctuated bewilderingly from a farthing or quarter of
a cent upwards. Assuming that at this time it was equal to about ½_d_ or
1 cent, Enriquez lost £480 or $2,400; Alva £1,150 or $5,750; Albuquerque
£2,800 or $14,000 annually. It is customary to multiply such sums by 7 to
get the modern purchasing equivalent.]

[53] As a counterpart to the above scene, twelve Christian renegades,
found in the city, were transfixed with canes, _acañavereados_, a
barbarous punishment derived from the Moors, which was inflicted by
horsemen at full gallop, who discharged pointed reeds at the criminal
until he expired under repeated wounds. A number of relapsed Jews were at
the same time condemned to the flames. “These,” says Father Abarca,[i]
“were the _fêtes_ and illuminations most grateful to the Catholic piety
of our sovereigns!”

[54] About two leagues west of Granada.

[55] [Mariana[m] placed the number at nearly 800,000; Graetz[n] at
300,000; Burke[f] at 200,000; Prescott[g] as above at 160,000. The
smallest of the estimates is sufficiently great to overwhelm the powers
of imagination.]

[56] The Portuguese government caused all children of fourteen years
of age, or under, to be taken from their parents and retained in the
country, as fit subjects for a Christian education. The distress
occasioned by this cruel provision may be well imagined. Many of the
unhappy parents murdered their children to defeat the ordinance; and many
laid violent hands on themselves.

[57] He consumed by fire all the Arabic controversial books he could
find, which amounted to five thousand volumes, according to the lowest
estimate; Condé[o] puts it at eighty thousand, which is commonly accepted.

[58] Prescott adds: “The spirit of toleration exhibited by the Moors,
indeed, was made a principal argument against them in the archbishop of
Valencia’s memorial to Philip III. The Mohammedans would seem the better
Christians of the two.”

[59] [There are, however, not wanting documents to show that at times
the great captain was goaded by Ferdinand’s jealous mistreatment into a
serious consideration of deserting to the enemy, or declaring himself
king in Italy.]

[60] [In 1492 Ferdinand had been almost killed by an insane assassin.
Isabella had nursed him with the utmost devotion.]

[61] [Dr. Alfonso Diaz de Montalvo. “He first gave to light the principal
Spanish codes, and introduced a spirit of criticism into the national
jurisprudence.”--PRESCOTT.[g]]

[62] [The _alcavala_ or _alcabala_ was a tax of one-tenth on all sales.
Thus bread was thrice taxed, as wheat, then as flour, and finally as
bread.]

[63] Even Milton, in his essay on _The Liberty of Unlicensed Printing_,
the most splendid argument, perhaps, the world had then witnessed in
behalf of intellectual liberty, would exclude popery from the benefits of
toleration, as a religion which the public good required at all events
to be extirpated. Such were the crude views of the rights of conscience
entertained, in the latter half of the seventeenth century, by one of
those gifted minds whose extraordinary elevation enabled it to catch and
reflect back the coming light of knowledge, long before it had fallen on
the rest of mankind.

[64] [Burke[f] says, “Ferdinand had at least four illegitimate children
by different ladies. Juana, who was offered with a double marriage
portion, in 1489, to the king of Scots. Juan, archbishop of Saragossa,
and two other daughters, both princesses. Raymond de Cardona (the
unworthy successor of Gonsalvo de Cordova in Italy) was also commonly
supposed to be a son of Ferdinand. But the king’s faults were certainly
not those of a voluptuary.” Prescott[g] quotes Marineo[r] on “the queen’s
discreet and most amiable conduct in these delicate matters.”]

[65] She gave evidence of this in the commutation of the sentence she
obtained for the wretch who stabbed her husband, and whom her ferocious
nobles would have put to death without the opportunity of confession and
absolution, that “his soul might perish with his body!” (See her letter
to Talavera.) She showed this merciful temper, so rare in that rough
age, by dispensing altogether with the preliminary barbarities sometimes
prescribed by the law in capital executions.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER VII. THE REGENCIES OF FERDINAND

[Sidenote: [1604-1517 A.D.]]

The death of Isabella gives a new complexion to our history. We have
been made conscious of her presence and parental supervision, by the
maintenance of order and the general prosperity of the nation. Her death
will make us more sensible of this influence, since it was the signal for
disorders which even the genius and authority of Ferdinand were unable to
suppress.

[Sidenote: [1504-1505 A.D.]]

While the queen’s remains were yet scarcely cold, King Ferdinand took
the usual measures for announcing the succession. He resigned the crown
of Castile, which he had worn with so much glory for thirty years. From
a platform raised in the great square of Toledo, the heralds proclaimed,
with sound of trumpet, the accession of Philip and Juana to the Castilian
throne, and the royal standard was unfurled by the duke of Alva in honour
of the illustrious pair. The king of Aragon then publicly assumed the
title of administrator or governor of Castile, as provided by the queen’s
testament, and received the obeisance of such of the nobles as were
present, in his new capacity. These proceedings took place on the evening
of the same day on which the queen expired.

A circular letter was next addressed to the principal cities, requiring
them, after the customary celebration of the obsequies of their late
sovereign, to raise the royal banners in the name of Juana; and writs
were immediately issued in her name, without mention of Philip’s, for the
convocation of a cortes to ratify these proceedings. The assembly met
at Toro, January 11th, 1505. The queen’s will, or rather that portion
of it which related to the succession, was read aloud, and received the
entire approbation of the commons, who, together with the grandees and
prelates present, took the oaths of allegiance to Juana as queen and lady
proprietor, and to Philip as her husband. They then determined that the
exigency contemplated in the testament, of Juana’s incapacity, actually
existed, and proceeded to tender their homage to King Ferdinand, as the
lawful governor of the realm in her name. The latter in turn made the
customary oath to respect the laws and liberties of the kingdom, and
the whole was terminated by an embassy from the cortes, with a written
account of its proceedings, to their new sovereigns in Flanders.

All seemed now done that was demanded for giving a constitutional
sanction to Ferdinand’s authority as regent. By the written law of the
land, the sovereign was empowered to nominate a regency in case of the
minority or incapacity of the heir-apparent. This had been done in the
present instance by Isabella, at the earnest solicitation of the cortes,
made two years previous to her death. It had received the cordial
approbation of that body, which had undeniable authority to control
such testamentary provisions. Thus, from the first to the last stage of
the proceeding, the whole had gone on with a scrupulous attention to
constitutional forms. Yet the authority of the new regent was far from
being firmly seated; and it was the conviction of this which had led him
to accelerate measures.[b]

[Illustration: FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC]

Before Isabella breathed her last, the dissensions commenced. That,
by the Castilian laws, Juana was now both queen and proprietor of the
kingdom, and that Philip, in right of his marriage, might claim not only
the regal title, but a considerable share in the administration, were
admitted by many. On the other hand, the last will of Isabella, who
had constituted her husband regent until the majority of Charles, the
experience of that prince, the success of his past government, the solid
benefits which he had conferred on the state, and the unpopular character
of Philip, as well as his ignorance of the language, laws, and manners of
Castile--induced all the sober-judging and patriotic part of the nation
to wish for a continuance of the present rule. Unfortunately, however,
the momentous question was agitated with more prejudice than reason. The
efforts of Ferdinand to curb the violence of the aristocracy, his prudent
economy, his firm sway, and the aversion of many Castilians to the sole
domination of an Aragonese, had created many enemies. More hoped that,
under a weak and lenient prince like Philip, their love of power and
their avarice would be equally gratified. Hence, it is no wonder that an
opposition, at once systematic and violent, was formed to the pretensions
of Ferdinand--an opposition too loud to permit the soft whisper of policy
or gratitude to be heard.

Ferdinand was fond of power, and his first steps showed that he
would strive to maintain it. Not a few of the discontented, because
disappointed, nobles retired from Toro in disgust, assembled others
of the same faction at Valladolid, and wrote letters to Philip, then
governor of Flanders, pressing him to come and assume the administration
of the kingdom. The archduke, eager to seize his consort’s inheritance,
had the insolence to order his father-in-law to retire into Aragon,
against whose every act of government, since the death of Isabella, he
equally protested.

Ferdinand replied that the affair must be settled by negotiation; that
in no case would he resign the regency until his daughter and son-in-law
arrived in Castile. At the same time, he solicited from the queen, then
with her husband in Flanders, the confirmation of his powers as regent.
She caused the instrument to be prepared; but the treachery of a servant
exposed the intrigue to Philip, who placed her in close confinement, and
lost even the semblance of respect towards her. The latter also entered
into an alliance with Louis XII of France, the enemy of Ferdinand, by
whose aid he hoped to make head against the regent. In the meantime,
the factious nobles, who, though constituting a minority in point of
numbers, were all-powerful from their stations and alliances, continually
urged Philip to appear among them and throw every obstacle in the path
of the regent. Seeing the ungrateful return of a people for whom he had
done so much, whose glory and happiness he had so successfully laboured
to promote, and still more offended, perhaps, with the insults of his
profligate son-in-law, the king of Aragon seriously planned a suitable
revenge: it was to remarry, and leave to the issue arising from it the
kingdom of Naples, which he had united with Aragon, or, perhaps, even
Aragon itself.[d]

[Sidenote: [1505-1506 A.D.]]

Robertson[c] explains his plan as follows: “Exasperated at this universal
defection, and mortified, perhaps, at seeing all his schemes defeated
by a younger politician, Ferdinand resolved, in defiance of the law of
nations and of decency, to deprive his daughter and her posterity of the
crown of Castile, rather than renounce the regency of that kingdom. His
plan for accomplishing this was no less bold than the intention itself
was wicked. He demanded in marriage Juana, the supposed daughter of Henry
IV.” But this Dunham[d] indignantly denies: “Surely this historian must
have known that this pretended negotiation with the Portuguese king was
but a calumny, invented by the enemies of Ferdinand, to discredit him
with the people. By no contemporary writer is it mentioned otherwise
than a rumour, and by all it is treated with the contempt it deserves.
The age of the princess, which was full forty-four years, sufficiently
exposes the malignity.” Other historians, however, accept the scheme as
quite within Ferdinand’s capabilities. Martin Hume[e] shares this opinion
with Carbajal,[f] Zurita,[g] Mariana,[h] Sandoval,[i] and Clemencin,[j]
while Burke[k] says epigrammatically: “The rights of Juana, surnamed La
Beltraneja, born in wedlock and recognised by her father, King Henry
IV, as his successor on his throne, had only been subordinated to those
of her aunt Isabella by force of arms. And Ferdinand, who had entered
Castile in 1469 by marrying her rival and denying her legitimacy, now
proposed to remain in Castile in 1505 by asserting her legitimacy and
marrying her himself! But the lady refused to entertain his proposals,
and the legitimate queen of Spain remained unwedded in her Portuguese
convent.”[a]

He solicited the hand of Germaine de Foix, niece of Louis XII, who
eagerly granted it. This intelligence was a thunderbolt to Philip, who
now consented to negotiate; and it was accordingly agreed, by the agents
of the two princes, at Salamanca, that the kingdom should be governed
by Juana, Ferdinand, and Philip, each possessing equal authority; and
that all public instruments should bear the three names. The Austrian,
however, had no intention of observing the treaty: early in 1506, he
embarked for Spain with his consort; but contrary winds forced him to
England, where he was detained, during three months, by the ungenerous
policy of Henry VII. The king of France had refused him a passage through
that kingdom until he had come to a better understanding with the
regent--in fact, Charles could not, as a close ally of Ferdinand, permit
an expedition through his states, evidently hostile to that ally. When
Ferdinand heard of the archduke’s embarkation, he caused prayers to be
offered up for a prosperous voyage, and ordered a fleet to be equipped to
convoy the new sovereigns into the peninsula. He had just celebrated his
marriage with the princess Germaine, when his daughter and the archduke
landed at Corunna.[d]

PHILIP ENTERS SPAIN

[Sidenote: [1506 A.D.]]

Ferdinand, who had expected them at some nearer northern port, prepared
without loss of time to go forward and receive them. But Philip had no
intention of such an interview at present. He had purposely landed in a
remote corner of the country, in order to gain time for his partisans to
come forward and declare themselves. Missives had been despatched to the
principal nobles and cavaliers, and they were answered by great numbers
of all ranks, who pressed forward to welcome and pay court to the young
monarch. He soon mustered an additional force of six thousand native
Spaniards, which, with the chivalry who thronged to meet him, placed
him in a condition to dictate terms to his father-in-law; and he now
openly proclaimed that he had no intention of abiding by the concord of
Salamanca, and that he would never consent to an arrangement prejudicing
in any degree his and his wife’s exclusive possession of the crown of
Castile.

Ferdinand, at length, finding that Philip, who had now left Corunna, was
advancing by a circuitous route into the interior on purpose to avoid
him, and that all access to his daughter was absolutely refused, was
doomed to experience still more mortifying indignities. By the orders
of the marquis of Astorga and the count of Benavente, he was actually
refused admittance into those cities; while proclamation was made by
the same arrogant lords prohibiting any of their vassals from aiding or
harbouring his Aragonese followers. “A sad spectacle, indeed,” exclaims
the loyal Martyr,[l] “to behold a monarch, yesterday almost omnipotent,
thus wandering a vagabond in his own kingdom, refused even the sight
of his own child!” Even his son-in-law, the constable of Castile, had
deserted him.

An end was at length put to this scandalous exhibition by an interview.
The place selected was an open plain near Puebla de Senabria, on the
borders of Leon and Galicia (June 23rd). But even then the precautions
taken were of a kind truly ludicrous, considering the forlorn condition
of King Ferdinand. The whole military apparatus of the archduke was put
in motion, as if he expected to win the crown by battle. Ferdinand,
on the other hand, came into the field attended by about two hundred
nobles and gentlemen, chiefly Aragonese and Italians, riding on mules,
and simply attired in the short black cloak and bonnet of the country,
with no other weapon than the sword usually worn. The king trusted, says
Zurita,[g] to the majesty of his presence, and the reputation he had
acquired by his long and able administration.

The Castilian nobles, brought into contact with Ferdinand, could not
well avoid paying their obeisance to him. He received them in his usual
gracious and affable manner, making remarks the good-humour of which
was occasionally seasoned with something of a more pungent character.
Among others was Garcilasso de la Vega, Ferdinand’s minister formerly at
Rome. Like many of the Castilian lords, he wore armour under his dress,
the better to guard against surprise. The king, embracing him, felt the
mail beneath, and, tapping him familiarly on the shoulder, said, “I
congratulate you, Garcilasso; you have grown wonderfully lusty since
we last met.” The desertion, however, of one who had received so many
favours from him touched him more nearly than that of all the rest.

After exchanging salutations, the two monarchs alighted, and entered a
small hermitage in the neighbourhood. The conference led to no result.
Philip was well schooled in his part, and remained, says Martyr,[l]
immovable as a rock. There was so little mutual confidence between the
parties that the name of Juana, whom Ferdinand desired so much to see,
was not even mentioned during the interview.[66]

[Illustration: A CAVALIER IN THE TIME OF FERDINAND]

But, however reluctant Ferdinand might be to admit it, he was no longer
in a condition to stand upon terms; and, in addition to the entire loss
of influence in Castile, he received such alarming accounts from Naples
as made him determine on an immediate visit in person to that kingdom.
He resolved, therefore, to bow his head to the present storm, in hopes
that a brighter day was in reserve for him. On the 27th of June he signed
and solemnly swore to an agreement by which he surrendered the entire
sovereignty of Castile to Philip and Juana, reserving to himself only the
grand-masterships of the military orders, and the revenues secured by
Isabella’s testament.

On the following day he executed another instrument of most singular
import, in which, after avowing in unequivocal terms his daughter’s
incapacity, he engages to assist Philip in preventing any interference
in her behalf, and to maintain him, as far as in his power, in the sole,
exclusive authority.

Before signing these papers, he privately made a protest, in the presence
of several witnesses, that what he was about to do was not of his own
free will, but from necessity, to extricate himself from his perilous
situation and shield the country from the impending evils of a civil
war. He concluded with asserting that, far from relinquishing his claims
to the regency, it was his design to enforce them, as well as to rescue
his daughter from her captivity, as soon as he was in a condition to do
so. Finally, he completed this chain of inconsistencies by addressing a
circular letter, dated July 1st, to the different parts of the kingdom,
announcing his resignation of the government into the hands of Philip and
Juana, and declaring the act one which, notwithstanding his own right and
power to the contrary, he had previously determined on executing so soon
as his children should set foot in Spain.

It is not easy to reconcile this monstrous tissue of incongruity and
dissimulation with any motives of necessity or expediency. Why should he,
so soon after preparing to raise the kingdom in his daughter’s cause,
thus publicly avow her imbecility, and deposit the whole authority in
the hands of Philip? Was it to bring odium on the head of the latter, by
encouraging him to a measure which he knew must disgust the Castilians?
But Ferdinand by this very act shared the responsibility with him. Was
it in the expectation that uncontrolled and undivided power, in the
hands of one so rash and improvident, would the more speedily work his
ruin? As to his clandestine protest, its design was obviously to afford
a plausible pretext at some future time for reasserting his claims
to the government, on the ground that his concessions had been the
result of force. But, then, why neutralise the operation of this by the
declaration, spontaneously made in his manifesto to the people, that
his abdication was not only a free but most deliberate and premeditated
act? He was led to this last avowal, probably, by the desire of covering
over the mortification of his defeat; a thin varnish, which could impose
on nobody. The whole of the proceedings are of so ambiguous a character
as to suggest the inevitable inference that they flowed from habits of
dissimulation too strong to be controlled even when there was no occasion
for its exercise. We occasionally meet with examples of a similar
fondness for superfluous manœuvring in the humbler concerns of life.

THE REIGN OF PHILIP I (1506 A.D.)

King Ferdinand had no sooner concluded the arrangement with Philip,
and withdrawn into his hereditary dominions, than the archduke and his
wife proceeded towards Valladolid, to receive the homage of the estates
convened in that city. Juana, oppressed with an habitual melancholy, and
clad in the sable habiliments better suited to a season of mourning than
rejoicing, refused the splendid ceremonial and festivities with which the
city was prepared to welcome her. Her dissipated husband, who had long
since ceased to treat her not merely with affection, but even decency,
would fain have persuaded the cortes to authorise the confinement of his
wife, as disordered in intellect, and to devolve on him the whole charge
of the government. But the commons could not brook such an indignity to
their own “natural sovereign”; and the usual oaths of allegiance were
tendered to Juana as queen and lady proprietor of the kingdom, and to
Philip as her husband, and finally to their eldest son, Prince Charles,
as heir-apparent and lawful successor on the demise of his mother.

By the tenor of these acts the royal authority would seem to have been
virtually vested in Juana. From this moment, however, Philip assumed
the government into his own hands. The effects were soon visible in the
thorough revolution introduced into every department. Old incumbents in
office were ejected without ceremony, to make way for new favourites. The
Flemings, in particular, were placed in every considerable post, and the
principal fortresses of the kingdom intrusted to their keeping.

The style of living at the court was on the most thoughtless scale of
wasteful expenditure. The public revenues, notwithstanding liberal
appropriations by the late cortes, were wholly unequal to it. To supply
the deficit, offices were sold to the highest bidder. The income drawn
from the silk manufactures of Granada, which had been appropriated to
defray King Ferdinand’s pension, was assigned by Philip to one of the
royal treasurers. Fortunately, Ximenes obtained possession of the order
and had the boldness to tear it in pieces. He then waited on the young
monarch, and remonstrated with him on the recklessness of measures which
must infallibly ruin his credit with the people. Philip yielded in this
instance.

All this could not fail to excite disgust and disquietude throughout
the nation. The most alarming symptoms of insubordination began to
appear in different parts of the kingdom. In Andalusia, in particular, a
confederation of the nobles was organised, with the avowed purpose of
rescuing the queen from the duress in which it was said she was held by
her husband. At the same time the most tumultuous scenes were exhibited
in Cordova, in consequence of the high hand with which the Inquisition
was carrying matters there. Members of many of the principal families,
including persons of both sexes, had been arrested on the charge of
heresy. This sweeping proscription provoked an insurrection, countenanced
by the marquis of Priego, in which the prisons were broken open, and
Lucero, an inquisitor who had made himself deservedly odious by his
cruelties, narrowly escaped falling into the hands of the infuriated
populace. The grand inquisitor, Deza, archbishop of Seville, the steady
friend of Columbus, though his name is unhappily registered on some of
the darkest pages of the tribunal, was so intimidated as to resign his
office. The whole affair was referred to the royal council by Philip,
whose Flemish education had not predisposed him to any reverence for
the institution; a circumstance which operated quite as much to his
prejudice, with the more bigoted part of the nation, as his really
exceptional acts.

The minds of the wise and the good were filled with sadness, as they
listened to the low murmurs of popular discontent, which seemed to be
gradually swelling into strength for some terrible convulsion; and they
looked back with fond regret to the halcyon days which they had enjoyed
under the temperate rule of Ferdinand and Isabella.

The Catholic king, in the meantime, was pursuing his voyage to Naples.
Soon after the conquest he had been earnestly pressed by the Neapolitans
to visit his new dominions. He now went, less, however, in compliance
with that request than to relieve his own mind by assuring himself of
the fidelity of his viceroy, Gonsalvo de Cordova. That illustrious man
had not escaped the usual lot of humanity; his brilliant successes
had brought on him a full measure of the envy which seems to wait on
merit like its shadow. His courteous manners, bountiful largesses, and
magnificent style of living, were represented as politic arts to seduce
the affections of the soldiery and the people. His services were in the
market for the highest bidder. He had received the most splendid offers
from the king of France and the pope. He had carried on a correspondence
with Maximilian and Philip, who would purchase his adhesion, if possible,
to the latter, at any price; and if he had not hitherto committed himself
by any overt act, it seemed probable he was only waiting to be determined
in his future course by the result of King Ferdinand’s struggle with his
son-in-law.

These suggestions, in which some truth, as usual, was mingled with a
large infusion of error, gradually excited more and more uneasiness in
the breast of the cautious and naturally distrustful Ferdinand. He at
first endeavoured to abridge the powers of the great captain by recalling
half the troops in his service, notwithstanding the unsettled state of
the kingdom. He then took the decisive step of ordering his return to
Castile, on pretence of employing him in affairs of great importance at
home. Finding that Gonsalvo still procrastinated his return on various
pretexts, the king’s uneasiness increased to such a degree that he
determined to press his own departure for Naples, and bring back, if not
too late, his too powerful vassal.

[Illustration: QUEEN JUANA WITH THE BODY OF HER HUSBAND]

After a boisterous and tedious passage, he reached Genoa. Here, to his
astonishment, he was joined by the great captain, who, advised of the
king’s movements, had come from Naples with a small fleet to meet him.
This frank conduct of his general, if it did not disarm Ferdinand of his
suspicions, showed him the policy of concealing them; and he treated
Gonsalvo with all the consideration and show of confidence which might
impose, not merely on the public, but on the immediate subject of them.

DEATH OF PHILIP; JUANA’S MADNESS

After quitting Genoa, the royal squadron was driven by contrary winds
into the neighbouring harbour of Portofino, where Ferdinand received
intelligence which promised to change his destination altogether. This
was the death of his son-in-law, the young king of Castile.

This event, so unexpected and awfully sudden, was occasioned by a fever,
brought on by too violent exercise at a game of ball, at an entertainment
made for Philip by his favourite, Manuel, in Burgos, where the court was
then held. Through the unskilfulness of his physicians, as it was said,
who neglected to bleed him, the disorder rapidly gained ground, and on
the sixth day after his attack, being the 25th of September, 1506, he
breathed his last.[67] He was but twenty-eight years old, of which brief
period he had enjoyed, or endured, the “golden cares” of sovereignty but
little more than two months, dating from his recognition by the cortes.
His body, after being embalmed, lay in state for two days, decorated with
the insignia--the mockery of royalty, as it had proved to him--and was
then deposited in the convent of Miraflores, near Burgos, to await its
final removal to Granada, agreeably to his last request.

Philip was so distinguished for comeliness both of person and
countenance that he is designated on the roll of Spanish sovereigns
as Felipe el Hermoso, or the Handsome. His mental endowments were not
so extraordinary. The father of Charles V possessed scarcely a single
quality in common with his remarkable son. As he was naturally indolent
and fond of pleasure, he willingly reposed the burden of government
on others, who, as usual, thought more of their own interests than
those of the public. His early education exempted him from the bigotry
characteristic of the Spaniards; and had he lived he might have done
much to mitigate the grievous abuses of the Inquisition. As it was, his
premature death deprived him of the opportunity of compensating, by this
single good act, the manifold mischiefs of his administration.

Juana’s condition had become truly deplorable. During her husband’s
illness she had never left his bedside, but neither then, nor since his
death, had she been seen to shed a tear. She remained in a state of
stupid insensibility, sitting in a darkened apartment, her head resting
on her hand, and her lips closed, as mute and immovable as a statue. When
applied to for issuing the necessary summons for the cortes, or to make
appointments to office, or for any other pressing business which required
her signature, she replied, “My father will attend to all this when he
returns; he is much more conversant with business than I am; I have no
other duties now but to pray for the soul of my departed husband.” The
only orders she was known to sign were for paying the salaries of her
Flemish musicians; for in her abject state she found some consolation in
music, of which she had been passionately fond from childhood. The few
remarks which she uttered were discreet and sensible, forming a singular
contrast with the general extravagance of her actions.

Finding it impossible to obtain the queen’s co-operation, the council at
length resolved to issue the writs of summons in their own name, as a
measure justified by necessity. The place of meeting was fixed at Burgos
in the ensuing month of November; and great pains were taken that the
different cities should instruct their representatives in their views
respecting the ultimate disposition of the government. Long before this,
indeed immediately after Philip’s death, letters had been despatched
by Ximenes and his friends to the Catholic king, acquainting him with
the state of affairs, and urging his immediate return to Castile. He
determined, however, to continue his voyage to Naples. The wary monarch
perhaps thought that the Castilians, whose attachment to his own person
he might with some reason distrust, would not be the less inclined to his
rule after having tasted the bitterness of anarchy.

[Illustration: JUANA]

While Ferdinand was thus occupied in Naples, the representatives of most
of the cities, summoned by the provisional government, had assembled in
Burgos (November, 1506). Before entering on business they were desirous
to obtain the queen’s sanction to their proceedings. A committee waited
on her for that purpose, but she obstinately refused to give them
audience.

She still continued plunged in moody melancholy, exhibiting, however,
occasionally the wildest freaks of insanity. Towards the latter end of
December, she determined to leave Burgos and remove her husband’s remains
to their final resting-place in Granada. She insisted on seeing them
herself before her departure. The remonstrances of her counsellors, and
of the holy men of the monastery of Miraflores, proved equally fruitless.
Opposition only roused her passions into frenzy, and they were obliged
to comply with her mad humours. The corpse was removed from the vault;
the two coffins of lead and wood were opened, and such as chose gazed on
the mouldering relics, which, notwithstanding their having been embalmed,
exhibited scarcely a trace of humanity. The queen was not satisfied till
she touched them with her own hand, which she did without shedding a tear
or testifying the least emotion. The unfortunate lady, indeed, was said
never to have been seen to weep since she detected her husband’s intrigue
with the Flemish courtesan.

The body was then placed on a magnificent car, or hearse, drawn by four
horses. It was accompanied by a long train of ecclesiastics and nobles,
who, together with the queen, left the city on the night of the 20th
of December. She made her journeys by night, saying that a widow, who
had lost the sun of her own soul, should never expose herself to the
light of day. When she halted, the body was deposited in some church or
monastery, where the funeral services were performed as if her husband
had just died; and a corps of armed men kept constant guard, chiefly, as
it would seem, with the view of preventing any female from profaning the
place by her presence. For Juana still retained the same jealousy of her
sex which she had unhappily had so much cause to feel during Philip’s
lifetime.

In a subsequent journey, when at a short distance from Torquemada,
she ordered the corpse to be carried into the courtyard of a convent,
occupied, as she supposed, by monks. She was filled with horror, however,
on finding it a nunnery, and immediately commanded the body to be removed
into the open fields. Here she encamped with her whole party at dead of
night; not, however, until she had caused the coffins to be unsealed,
that she might satisfy herself of the safety of her husband’s relics;
although it was very difficult to keep the torches, during the time, from
being extinguished by the violence of the wind, and leaving the company
in total darkness.[68]

These mad pranks, savouring of absolute idiocy, were occasionally
checkered by other acts of more intelligence, but not less startling.
She had early shown a disgust to her father’s old counsellors, and
especially to Ximenes, who, she thought, interfered too authoritatively
in her domestic concerns. Before leaving Burgos, however, she electrified
her husband’s adherents by revoking all grants made by the crown since
Isabella’s death. This, almost the only act she was ever known to sign,
was a severe blow to the courtly tribe of sycophants on whom the golden
favours of the late reign had been so prodigally showered. At the same
time she reformed her privy council by dismissing the present members.

These partial gleams of intelligence, directed in this peculiar way, led
many to discern the secret influence of her father. She still, however,
pertinaciously refused to sanction any measures of cortes for his recall;
and when pressed by that body on this and other matters, at an audience
which she granted before leaving Burgos, she plainly told them “to return
to their quarters, and not to meddle further in the public business
without her express commands.” Not long after this, the legislature was
prorogued by the royal council for four months.

THE RETURN OF FERDINAND

[Sidenote: [1506-1507 A.D.]]

The term assigned for the provisional government expired in December,
and was not renewed. No other regency was appointed by the nobles; and
the kingdom, without even the shadow of protection afforded by its
cortes, and with no other guide but its crazy sovereign, was left to
drift at random amidst the winds and waves of faction. This was not slow
in brewing in every quarter, with the aid especially of the overgrown
nobles, whose license, on such occasions as this, proved too plainly that
public tranquillity was not founded so much on the stability of law as on
the personal character of the reigning sovereign.

The king’s enemies, in the meantime, were pressing their correspondence
with the emperor Maximilian, and urging his immediate presence in Spain.
Others devised schemes for marrying the poor queen to the young duke of
Calabria, or some other prince, whose years or incapacity might enable
them to act over again the farce of King Philip. To add to the troubles
occasioned by this mesh of intrigue and faction, the country, which of
late years had suffered from scarcity, was visited by a pestilence that
fell most heavily on the south.

But although the storm was thus darkening from every quarter, there was
no general explosion, to shake the state to its foundations, as in the
time of Henry IV. Orderly habits, if not principles, had been gradually
formed under the long reign of Isabella. The great mass of the people
had learned to respect the operation and appreciate the benefits of law;
and notwithstanding the menacing attitude, the bustle, and transitory
ebullitions of the rival factions, there seemed a manifest reluctance to
break up the established order of things, and by deeds of violence and
bloodshed to renew the days of ancient anarchy.

Much of this good result was undoubtedly to be attributed to the vigorous
counsels and conduct of Ximenes, who, together with the grand constable
and the duke of Alva, had received full powers from Ferdinand to act
in his name. Much is also to be ascribed to the politic conduct of the
king. Far from an intemperate zeal to resume the sceptre of Castile,
he had shown throughout a discreet forbearance. The great mass of the
common people, too, notwithstanding the temporary alienation of their
feelings from the Catholic king by his recent marriage, were driven by
the evils they actually suffered, and the vague apprehension of greater,
to participate in the same sentiments; so that, in less than eight months
from Philip’s death, the whole nation may be said to have returned to its
allegiance to its ancient sovereign. The only considerable exceptions
were Don Juan Manuel and the duke of Najara. The former had gone too far
to recede, and the latter possessed too chivalrous or too stubborn a
temper to do so.

At length, the Catholic monarch, having completed his arrangements at
Naples, and waited until the affairs of Castile were fully ripe for his
return, set sail from his Italian capital, June 4th, 1507. He proposed
to touch at the Genoese port of Savona, where an interview had been
arranged between him and Louis XII. On the 28th of June the royal fleet
of Aragon entered the little port of Savona, where the king of France
had already been waiting for it several days. During their interview the
monarchs held repeated conferences. The subject of discussion can only be
conjectured by the subsequent proceedings, which make it probable that it
related to Italy; and that it was in this season of idle dalliance and
festivity that the two princes who held the destinies of that country
in their hands matured the famous League of Cambray, so disastrous to
Venice, and reflecting little credit on its projectors, either on the
score of good faith or sound policy.

At length, after enjoying for four days the splendid hospitality of their
royal entertainer, the king and queen of Aragon re-embarked, and reached
their own port of Valencia, after various detentions, on the 20th of
July, 1507. Ferdinand pressed forward to Castile. How different from the
forlorn and outcast condition in which he had quitted the country a short
year before! He intimated the change in his own circumstances by the
greater state and show of authority which he now assumed.

At Tortoles he was met by the queen, his daughter, accompanied by
Archbishop Ximenes. The interview between them had more of pain than
pleasure in it. The king was greatly shocked by Juana’s appearance; for
her wild and haggard features, emaciated figure, and the mean, squalid
attire in which she was dressed, made it difficult to recognise any trace
of the daughter from whom he had been so long separated. She discovered
more sensibility on seeing him than she had shown since her husband’s
death, and henceforth resigned herself to her father’s will with little
opposition. She was soon after induced by him to change her unsuitable
residence for more commodious quarters at Tordesillas. Her husband’s
remains were laid in the monastery of Santa Clara, adjoining the palace,
from whose windows she could behold his sepulchre. From this period,
although she survived forty-seven years, she never quitted the walls of
her habitation; and although her name appeared jointly with that of her
son, Charles V, in all public acts, she never afterwards could be induced
to sign a paper, or take part in any transactions of a public nature.
She lingered out a half century of dreary existence, as completely dead
to the world as the remains which slept in the monastery of Santa Clara
beside her.[b]

WAS QUEEN JUANA INSANE?

[Sidenote: [1507-1554 A.D.]]

The pendulum of historical criticism to which we have had such frequent
occasion to refer has swung back to the original tradition in another
instance. Juana was generally accounted mad by her contemporaries though
she had admittedly intervals of lucid thought. In the latter half of the
nineteenth century papers were turned up which emphasised her aspects of
sanity and the theory was raised that she was the victim of slander and
cruelty.

It was claimed that her only abnormality was her freedom from the bigotry
that bloodied the reign of her father and mother; and that it was her
stay in Flanders that liberalised her creed. This theory fascinated the
iconoclasts who always hunt the evil side of a glorious period, and her
mother and father were openly accused of a hideous disregard of the
first instincts of humanity, of blackening her fame and robbing her
of her royal heritage. The motive of this unnatural crime imputed to
Ferdinand and Isabella was given as a mixture of religious intolerance
and of selfishness, though it might as well have been said that they
called her insane to keep her from undergoing the torture and fire of the
Inquisition which ransacked the kingdom for the most minute heterodoxy.
Burke[k] especially is unsparing in his denunciations of a cruelty which
could not be exceeded if true. He claims that Ferdinand’s letters show
that he knew Juana to be sane, but simply “unmanageable as she had ever
been.”

But in this instance as in so many others, the histories of a few years
ago are put out of date and the histories of long ago brought again
into timeliness. The story of Juana’s rise and fall in history is as
follows:[a]

For a long time writers who spoke of Juana the Mad stuck to tradition
without going back to the original documents. It was only in 1858 that
important documents were discovered in the archives at Simancas. Most of
them confirmed tradition, but some of them left doubts in the mind of
a German scholar, Bergenroth,[u] who collected and published them with
an interesting dissertation in the “state papers.” Interpreting these
documents, which were incomplete and often ambiguous, in a way contrary
to general opinion, he tried to prove that Juana was not insane, but that
she was rather the victim of the ambition and fanaticism of her father
and of her son.

We are to-day better informed, having contemporary texts, some from
Simancas, others from the archives of the historical academy at Madrid,
others from private collections. An eminent Spanish writer, Rodriguez
Villa,[v] has collected, and commented upon them in a work which one
may safely affirm says the last word on this subject and completely
contradicts Bergenroth’s opinions. The new historian on the one hand
introduces elements hitherto unknown into the question, on the other
explains differently those which were known. His circumstantial
account, well supported by facts, upholds tradition for the most part
and exculpates Ferdinand the Catholic as well as Charles V of the
accusation brought against them. In the meantime Gachard[w] had shown
like tendencies in a monograph on the subject, and De la Fuente[x] in
a substantial pamphlet had peremptorily denied the heretical opinions
attributed to the queen of Castile.

[Sidenote: [1479-1503 A.D.]]

The facts are doubly interesting, first because of their romance and
peculiar nature, secondly because of their intimate relations with
political events which, at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the
sixteenth century, changed the internal form and diplomatic policy of the
Spanish monarchy.

As to the real causes of her mental state, they cannot of course be
determined with actual certainty, being hidden in the depths of the
human organism. Villa[v] considers that Juana became “mad through love,”
exasperated first by the infidelities of her husband.

Juana’s early life had passed in peaceful obscurity. She received a
careful and kind training. Did she at that time show any distressing
symptoms? Nothing precisely indicates such a thing. If, to judge from
certain anxieties afterwards manifested by Isabella, it would seem
possible that such symptoms might have appeared, one may suppose that
they were considered at that time as passing incidents and of no
importance. It is difficult to portray her physically or mentally at the
time of her marriage. There is a portrait of her made a few years later
when cares had already begun to mark her face.

It is a picture in the somewhat stiff style of the first Flemish school.
The features are fairly regular, a forehead high and a little prominent,
long eyes with no brilliancy, nose and mouth without character. There
are no striking defects, nor is there beauty of line or of colour. A
sad physiognomy, the eyes reveal only a kind of intellectual lassitude,
a vague and dolorous obstinacy. Force and vitality seem to have been
pressed inward and the soul appears drowned in a morbid dream; the
whole face, half archaic, remains a puzzle. The features are without
doubt those of Juana, but immobile and cold. The portrait shows only a
melancholy woman, without charm, sickly, and lacking in thought.[y]

Isabella and Ferdinand wanted their son-in-law, Philip, to become
acquainted with the country over which he would some time rule. But the
measure of family misfortune which balanced the weighty political success
of the Catholic kings was not yet full. The first months of the stay of
Juana and Philip in Spain brought indeed only rejoicing and splendour.
In Toledo the Castilian cortes proclaimed allegiance, in Barcelona the
Aragonese. But the archduke Philip soon tired of Spanish life, he longed
to get back to Flanders. Juana could not follow him on account of the
state of her health. In vain she pleaded, in vain her parents urged the
flighty gentleman not to leave her so pitilessly.

[Sidenote: [1503-1506 A.D.]]

Juana had already shown the beginnings of melancholia, accompanied by
outbreaks of jealousy over her inconstant husband to whom she offered
few attractions. What would happen if he separated himself from her
might have been foreseen; but nothing could keep him. Then a deep
melancholy settled upon the poor soul. “She does not raise her eyes from
the ground,” writes Peter Martyr[l] in the first days of 1503. “Wealth,
power, dominion, even her parents are of no account to her. With clouded
brow she thinks only of her husband, he only is her care and passion.”

In the spring of 1504 it became necessary to let her have her way and
go to the Netherlands. Here Philip’s heartlessness deepened the cloud
of darkness which obscured the brain of the poor unfortunate, which
had never been very strong. This sad news gave the last blow to Queen
Isabella, who had long been failing; on November 26th, 1504, this woman
who had created Spanish power died.

Juana was now queen of Castile. The cortes took the oath of allegiance to
her and her husband, but at the same time in accordance with Isabella’s
will, since Juana was not able to govern, recognised her father Ferdinand
as regent. Juana declared herself perfectly willing to have her father
govern for her. But Philip was deeply offended, placed his poor wife
under strict surveillance, and made up his mind to get the rule over
Castile into his own hands, pretending that he, as Juana’s husband, had
better right to it than her father. In April, 1506, he appeared with her
in Spain. But on September 25th, 1506, the last hour sounded for the
young king, and his widow sank into the depth of insanity.[aa]

Had Juana’s insanity been accidental it would not have affected her
descendants. Heredity here is incontestable. Most of the symptoms we have
seen in the queen appeared in different degrees and in different forms
in her posterity. Was it not she, was it not her shade which lived again
in the old Charles V, who was tormented with peculiar attacks during his
reign, and then condemned himself to a cloister out of a morose caprice,
disgusted with everything, not from philosophy but from the continuity of
his lugubrious dreams?

Do we not find her again in the fierce Philip II, like her seeking
solitude and darkness in the depths of the Escurial where he combined his
sinister policy with a sickly obstinacy? Is it not again Juana’s diseased
mind which comes to life in the young Don Carlos, like her a prey to a
derangement sometimes furious, sometimes melancholy? He also was confined
and kept from sight; but was more fortunate than his grandmother, having
been more promptly delivered by death. Consider also the cerebral anæmia
which manifested itself in Philip III and Philip IV, both of them weak
physically and mentally, in fever and melancholy; and in the pale spectre
of Charles II, in the exhaustion of his vitality and intermittent
hallucinations. These are not coincidences, they are the results of
the transmission, historically attested, of an organic vice, which is
reproduced from generation to generation by analogous phenomena.

It was the awful fate of Juana, endowed at her birth with all the gifts
of fortune, to endure for fifty years the most lugubrious and degraded
fate imaginable. Other persons may have had more dramatic reverses, but
they at least moved in the current of events of their age; they lived
and acted in the human mêlée. The daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella
passed long years of suffering and neglect in ignorance of contemporary
events, sufficiently intelligent to comprehend her mental feebleness but
powerless to act against it; buried alive, so to speak, at once feverish
and inert, condemned by her own weakness, and bowed down by the weight of
fatality, struggling in vain against the clouds of her intellect and the
torments of her life.

But we, while recognising that these events had a fateful effect on the
brain of the princess, cannot accept this explanation in full. We must
not forget that her grandmother on her mother’s side had been confined on
account of insanity at the castle of Arevalos; also before marriage she
caused disquietude to her family, which was kept secret. Ferdinand and
Isabella had certainly noticed strange predispositions in her mind; they
did not emphasise them, hoping that time, marriage, and distraction might
attenuate them, but it is an incontestable fact that they never showed
any surprise when their agents informed them of later events--they spoke
of them as natural results of a diseased state they had long suspected.[y]

FERDINAND’S SECOND REGENCY (1507-1516 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1507-1512 A.D.]]

Ferdinand’s second administration was signalised by the same splendid
effects as the first. In 1509, at the suggestion of Cardinal Ximenes, he
proposed an expedition against Oran on the African coast. The cardinal
not only defrayed the expenses, but accompanied it. It was completely
successful: Oran was stormed, and forced to receive a Christian garrison.
The following year, Bugia, a city on the same coast, was reduced;
Algiers, Tunis, Tremecen, and other places, consented that their native
governors should be the vassals of Ferdinand. Another expedition reduced
Tripoli.

In 1511, he himself was preparing to embark with a formidable armament,
to pursue his conquests in that country,--conquests, however, which his
own experience proved to be fleeting,--when he was pressed by Pope Julius
to aid the church against the schismatics under the protection of the
king of France and the emperor. As he was even more proud of his title
of Catholic king than desirous of glory, he despatched an armed force
to aid the chief of the church. Into the interminable affairs of Italy,
however,--the critical wars which Ferdinand carried on in that country in
defence of his Sicilian and Neapolitan possessions,--we cannot enter in
this place; they will be found in the Italian volume. It is sufficient
here to observe that the war was for some time in favour of the French
(the emperor had withdrawn from them), and that the papal allies were
defeated.

But this war led to one memorable result, and one not very glorious to
Ferdinand. Wishing to carry hostilities into France, he demanded from
Jean d’Albret, king of Navarre, permission to march his troops through
that country. The Navarrese refused, but at the same time professed
his determination in no way to aid the French monarch, and to remain
perfectly neutral. Scarcely, however, had he given this answer, than he
entered into an alliance, offensive and defensive, with the French king.
Resolving to attain his end by force and to punish the duplicity of the
Navarrese, Ferdinand assembled his forces at Vittoria, invaded Navarre,
and in a short time obtained possession of the whole kingdom, the royal
family taking refuge in France. This new conquest he annexed to his
kingdom of Aragon, and successfully defended it against the invasion of
the French. From the blood-stained house of Foix the sceptre had forever
departed; nor could all the armies of France, during the reigns of the
emperor Charles and his son Philip, restore it to the descendants of Jean.

The conquest of Navarre, however necessary to the tranquillity of Spain,
can be characterised in no other terms than as an act of unblushing
rapacity; yet attempts have been made to justify it, and by writers
who would not willingly be considered the advocates of a criminal
abuse of power. According to Peter Martyr,[l] the king of Navarre had
been excommunicated by the pope as a schismatic,--as one of the league
formed by the emperor and France against the papal pretentions to the
duchy of Ferrara,--and bulls, absolving the Navarrese from their oath
of allegiance, deposing Jean, and conferring the kingdom on the first
that took possession of it, were sent to Ferdinand; in other words, the
enterprise was sanctioned by the head of the church in gratitude for the
aid which, in conjunction with the Venetians, he afforded the successor
of St. Peter. As such a title, however, will not be admitted at this day
even beyond the Pyrenees, the conquest must be designated as one of the
most flagitious transactions of a lawless age.

[Sidenote: [1512-1516 A.D.]]

Towards the close of his life, Ferdinand still indulged the hope of
seeing an heir who should inherit Aragon, Navarre, Naples, and Sicily.
This wish arose both from his dislike to the emperor, the grandfather
of the archduke Charles, and the whole house of Austria, and from the
aversion shown by his hereditary subjects to a union of the crowns. In
1509 his young queen had been delivered of a son, who died in a few
days. In 1513 he took a potion which he was persuaded would restore his
masculine vigour, but which destroyed his constitution, and produced a
lingering illness, that ended in death. In his last will he declared
his daughter Juana heiress to all his dominions in Spain and Italy,
and after her his grandson Charles. The regency of Castile, until his
grandson should arrive in Spain, he confided to Cardinal Ximenes; and
that of Aragon, with the states dependent on it, to his natural son, the
archbishop of Saragossa.[d]

DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND

[Sidenote: [1516 A.D.]]

On the evening of the 22nd of January, 1516, he executed the instrument;
and a few hours later, between one and two of the morning of the 23rd,
Ferdinand breathed his last. The scene of this event was a small house
belonging to the friars of Guadalupe. “In so wretched a tenement,”
exclaims Martyr[l] in his usual moralising vein, “did this lord of so
many lands close his eyes upon the world.”

Ferdinand was nearly sixty-four years old, of which forty-one had elapsed
since he first swayed the sceptre of Castile, and thirty-seven since he
held that of Aragon. A long reign; long enough, indeed, to see most of
those whom he had honoured and trusted of his subjects gathered to the
dust, and a succession of contemporary monarchs come and disappear like
shadows. Since Ferdinand had ascended the throne, he had seen no less
than four kings of England, as many of France, and also of Naples, three
of Portugal, two German emperors, and half-a-dozen popes. As to his own
subjects, scarcely one of all those familiar to the reader in the course
of Spanish history now survived, except, indeed, the Nestor of his time,
the octogenarian Cardinal Ximenes.

He died deeply lamented by his native subjects, who entertained a
partiality natural towards their own hereditary sovereign. The event
was regarded with very different feelings by the Castilian nobles, who
calculated their gains on the transfer of the reins from such old and
steady hands into those of a young and inexperienced master. The commons,
however, who had felt the good effect of this curb on the nobility in
their own personal security, held his memory in reverence as that of a
national benefactor.

By his dying injunctions all unnecessary ostentation was interdicted at
his funeral. His body was laid by the side of Isabella’s in the monastery
of the Alhambra; and the year following, when the royal chapel of the
metropolitan church was completed, they were both transported thither.
A magnificent mausoleum of white marble was erected over them by their
grandson, Charles V.

Of King Ferdinand’s personal appearance Marineo,[m] a contemporary who
knew him well, says: “He was of the middle size. His complexion was
fresh; his eyes bright and animated; his nose and mouth small and finely
formed, and his teeth white; his forehead lofty and serene; with flowing
hair of a bright chestnut colour. His manners were courteous, and his
countenance was seldom clouded by anything like spleen or melancholy. He
was grave in speech and action, and had a marvellous dignity of presence.
His whole demeanour, in fine, was truly that of a great king.” He was
esteemed one of the most perfect horsemen of his court.

He was naturally of an equable temper, and inclined to moderation in
all things. The only amusement for which he cared much was hunting,
especially falconry. He was indefatigable in application to business.
He had no relish for the pleasures of the table, and, like Isabella,
was temperate even to abstemiousness in his diet. He was frugal in his
domestic and personal expenditure; partly, no doubt, from a willingness
to rebuke the opposite spirit of wastefulness and ostentation in his
nobles. He lost no good opportunity of doing this. No one has accused
him of attempting to enrich his exchequer by the venal sale of offices,
like Louis XII; or by griping extortion, like another royal contemporary,
Henry VII. He amassed no treasure, and, indeed, died so poor that he left
scarcely enough in his coffers to defray the charges of his funeral.

Ferdinand was devout; at least he was scrupulous in regard to the
exterior of religion. He was punctual in attendance on mass, careful to
observe all the ordinances and ceremonies of his church, and left many
tokens of his piety, after the fashion of the time, in sumptuous edifices
and endowments for religious purposes. Although not a superstitious man
for the age, he is certainly obnoxious to the reproach of bigotry; for he
spared no effort to fasten the odious yoke of the Inquisition on Aragon;
and subsequently, though happily with less success, on Naples.

Ferdinand has incurred the more serious charge of hypocrisy. His Catholic
zeal was observed to be marvellously efficacious in furthering his
temporal interests. His most objectionable enterprises even were covered
with a veil of religion. In this, however, he did not materially differ
from the practice of the age. Some of the most scandalous wars of that
period were ostensibly at the bidding of the church, or in defence of
Christendom against the infidel. This ostentation of a religious motive
was indeed very usual with the Spanish and Portuguese.

It will not be so easy to acquit Ferdinand of the reproach of perfidy
which foreign writers have so deeply branded on his name, and which those
of his own nation have sought rather to palliate than to deny. It is but
fair to him, however, even here, to take a glance at the age. He came
forward when government was in a state of transition from the feudal
forms to those which it has assumed in modern times; when the superior
strength of the great vassals was circumvented by the superior policy of
the reigning princes. It was the dawn of the triumph of intellect over
the brute force which had hitherto controlled the movements of nations,
as of individuals. The same policy which these monarchs had pursued in
their own domestic relations they introduced into those with foreign
states, when, at the close of the fifteenth century, the barriers that
had so long kept them asunder were broken down. Italy was the first field
on which the great powers were brought into anything like a general
collision. It was the country, too, in which this crafty policy had been
first studied and reduced to a regular system.

Such was the school in which Ferdinand was to make trial of his skill
with his brother monarchs.[69] He played the game with more adroitness
than his opponents, and he won it. Success, as usual, brought on him the
reproaches of the losers.

Ferdinand, unfortunately for his popularity, had nothing of the frank
and cordial temper, the genial expansion of the soul which begets love.
He carried the same cautious and impenetrable frigidity into private
life that he showed in public. “No one,” says Giovio,[n] a writer of the
time, “could read his thoughts by any change of his countenance.” Calm
and calculating, even in trifles, it was too obvious that everything
had exclusive reference to self. He seemed to estimate his friends only
by the amount of services they could render him. He was not always
mindful of these services. Witness his ungenerous treatment of Columbus,
the great captain, Navarro, Ximenes--the men who shed the brightest
lustre and the most substantial benefits on his reign. Witness also his
insensibility to the virtues and long attachment of Isabella, whose
memory he could so soon dishonour by a union with one every way unworthy
to be her successor.

Ferdinand’s connection with Isabella, while it reflected infinite glory
on his reign, suggests a contrast most unfavourable to his character.
Hers was all magnanimity, disinterestedness, and deep devotion to the
interests of her people. His was the spirit of egotism. The circle of
his views might be more or less expanded, but self was the steady,
unchangeable centre. Her heart beat with the generous sympathies of
friendship, and the purest constancy to the first, the only object of her
love. We have seen the measure of his sensibilities in other relations.
They were not more refined in this; and he proved himself unworthy of
the admirable woman with whom his destinies were united, by indulging in
those vicious gallantries too generally sanctioned by the age. Ferdinand,
in fine, a shrewd and politic prince, “surpassing,” as a French writer,
Varillas,[o] not his friend, has remarked, “all the statesmen of his time
in the science of the cabinet,” may be taken as the representative of
the peculiar genius of the age; while Isabella, discarding all the petty
artifices of state policy, and pursuing the noblest ends by the noblest
means, stands far above her age.

In his illustrious consort Ferdinand may be said to have lost his good
genius. From that time his fortunes were under a cloud. Not that victory
sat less constantly on his banner; but his ill-advised marriage disgusted
his Castilian subjects. The beauty of his young queen opened new sources
of jealousy; while the disparity of their ages, and her fondness for
frivolous pleasure, as little qualified her to be his partner in
prosperity as his solace in declining years. His tenacity of power drew
him into vulgar squabbles with those most nearly allied to him by blood,
which settled into a mortal aversion. Finally, bodily infirmity broke
the energies of his mind, sour suspicions corroded his heart, and he had
the misfortune to live long after he had lost all that could make life
desirable.

Let us turn from this gloomy picture to the brighter season of the
morning and meridian of his life; when he sat with Isabella on the united
thrones of Castile and Aragon, strong in the love of his own subjects,
and in the fear and respect of his enemies. We shall then find much in
his character to admire--his impartial justice in the administration of
the laws, his watchful solicitude to shield the weak from the oppression
of the strong; his wise economy, which achieved great results without
burdening his people with oppressive taxes; his sobriety and moderation;
the decorum, and respect for religion, which he maintained among his
subjects; the industry he promoted by wholesome laws and his own example;
his consummate sagacity, which crowned all his enterprises with brilliant
success, and made him the oracle of the princes of the age.

Macchiavelli,[p] indeed, the most deeply read of his time in human
character, imputes Ferdinand’s successes, in one of his letters, to
“cunning and good-luck rather than superior wisdom”; but has recorded a
riper and more deliberate judgment in the treatise which he intended as a
mirror for the rulers of the time. “Nothing,” says he, “gains estimation
for a prince like great enterprises. Our own age has furnished a splendid
example of this in Ferdinand of Aragon. We may call him a new king, since
from a feeble one he has made himself the most renowned and glorious
monarch of Christendom; and, if we ponder well his manifold achievements,
we must acknowledge all of them very great, and some truly extraordinary.”

THE REGENCY OF CARDINAL XIMENES

The personal history of Ferdinand the Catholic terminates, of course,
here. In order to bring the history of his reign, however, to a suitable
close, it is necessary to continue the narrative through the brief
regency of Ximenes, to the period when the government was delivered into
the hands of Ferdinand’s grandson and successor, Charles V.

By the testament of the deceased monarch, as we have seen, Cardinal
Ximenes de Cisneros was appointed sole regent of Castile. He met with
opposition, however, from Adrian, the dean of Louvain, who produced
powers of similar purport from Prince Charles. The misunderstanding which
ensued was finally settled by an agreement to share the authority till
further instructions should be received from Charles. It was not long
before they arrived (February 14th, 1516). They confirmed the cardinal’s
authority in the fullest manner, while they spoke of Adrian only as an
ambassador.

The first requisition of Prince Charles was one that taxed severely
the power and popularity of the new regent. This was to have himself
proclaimed king; a measure extremely distasteful to the Castilians,
who regarded it not only as contrary to established usage, during the
lifetime of his mother, but as an indignity to her. It was in vain that
Ximenes and the council remonstrated on the impropriety and impolicy
of the measure. Charles, fortified by his Flemish advisers, sturdily
persisted in his purpose. Ximenes peremptorily declared: “I will have him
proclaimed in Madrid to-morrow, and I doubt not every other city in the
kingdom will follow the example.” He was as good as his word; and the
conduct of the capital was imitated with little opposition, by all the
other cities in Castile.

[Sidenote: [1516-1517 A.D.]]

One of the regent’s first acts was the famous ordinance encouraging the
burgesses, by liberal rewards, to enrol themselves into companies, and
submit to regular military training at stated seasons; and a national
corps was organised, competent, under proper guidance, to protect the
liberties of the people, but destined, unfortunately, to be ultimately
turned against them. Armed with this strong physical force, the cardinal
now projected the boldest schemes of reform, especially in the finances,
which had fallen into some disorder in the latter days of Ferdinand.
Unfortunately, the state was not materially benefited by these
economical arrangements, since the greater part of what was thus saved
was drawn off to supply the waste and cupidity of the Flemish court, who
dealt with Spain with all the merciless rapacity that could be shown to
a conquered province. The foreign administration of the regent displayed
the same courage and vigour. Arsenals were established in the southern
maritime towns, and a numerous fleet was equipped in the Mediterranean
against the Barbary corsairs. A large force was sent into Navarre, which
defeated an invading army of French (March 25th, 1516); and the cardinal
followed up the blow by demolishing the principal fortresses of the
kingdom; a precautionary measure, to which, in all probability, Spain
owes the permanent preservation of her conquest.

It is with less satisfaction that we must contemplate his policy in
regard to the Inquisition. As head of that tribunal, he enforced its
authority and pretensions to the utmost. He extended a branch of it to
Oran, and also to the Canaries and the New World. In 1512, the “new
Christians” had offered Ferdinand a large sum of money to carry on the
Navarrese war, if he would cause the trials before that tribunal to
be conducted in the same manner as in other courts, where the accuser
and the evidence were confronted openly with the defendant. To this
reasonable petition Ximenes objected, on the wretched plea that, in that
event, none would be found willing to undertake the odious business of
reformer. He backed his remonstrance with such a liberal donative from
his own funds as supplied the king’s immediate exigency and effectually
closed his heart against the petitioners.

[Illustration: CARDINAL XIMENES]

The cardinal not only assumed the sole responsibility of the most
important public acts, but, in the execution of them, seldom condescended
to calculate the obstacles or the odds arrayed against him. He was thus
brought into collision, at the same time, with three of the most powerful
grandees of Castile--the dukes of Alva and Infantado, and the count of
Ureña. They took refuge in the little town of Villafrata, which they
fortified and prepared for a defence. The cardinal without hesitation
mustered several thousand of the national militia, and, investing the
place, set it on fire and deliberately razed it to the ground. The
refractory nobles, struck with consternation, submitted.

But neither the talents nor authority of Ximenes, it was evident, could
much longer maintain subordination among the people, exasperated by the
shameless extortions of the Flemings, and the little interest shown for
them by their new sovereign. The most considerable offices in church and
state were put up to sale; and the kingdom was drained of its funds by
the large remittances continually made, on one pretext or another, to
Flanders. On the 17th of September, 1517, Charles landed at Villaviciosa,
in the Asturias. Ximenes at this time lay ill at the Franciscan monastery
of Aguilera, near Aranda on the Douro. The good tidings of the royal
landing operated like a cordial on his spirits, and he instantly
despatched letters to the young monarch, filled with wholesome counsel as
to the conduct he should pursue in order to conciliate the affections of
the people.

Charles showed a facility to be directed by those around him in early
years, which gave little augury of the greatness to which he afterwards
rose. By the persuasions of his evil counsellors, he addressed that
memorable letter to Ximenes, which is unmatched, even in court annals,
for cool and base ingratitude. He thanked the regent for all his past
services, named a place for a personal interview with him, where he might
obtain the benefit of his counsels for his own conduct and the government
of the kingdom; after which he would be allowed to retire to his diocese
and seek from heaven that reward which heaven alone could adequately
bestow!

Such was the tenor of this cold-blooded epistle, which, in the language
of more than one writer, killed the cardinal. This, however, is stating
the matter too strongly. The spirit of Ximenes was of too stern a stuff
to be so easily extinguished by the breath of royal displeasure. He was,
indeed, deeply moved by the desertion of the sovereign whom he had served
so faithfully, and the excitement which it occasioned brought on a return
of his fever, according to Carbajal,[f] in full force. But anxiety and
disease had already done their work upon his once hardy constitution.[70]

DEATH AND CHARACTER OF XIMENES

[Sidenote: [1517 A.D.]]

Death may be supposed to have but little terrors for the statesman who in
his last moments could aver that he had never intentionally wronged any
man, but had rendered to everyone his due, without being swayed, so far
as he was conscious, by fear or affection. Yet Cardinal Richelieu on his
death-bed declared the same.

As a last attempt he began a letter to the king. His fingers refused,
however, to perform their office, and after tracing a few lines he
gave it up. The purport of these seems to have been to recommend his
university at Alcalá to the royal protection. He now became wholly
occupied with his devotions, and manifested such contrition for his
errors, and such humble confidence in the divine mercy, as deeply
affected all present. In this tranquil frame of mind, and in the perfect
possession of his powers, he breathed his last, November 8th, 1517,
in the eighty-first year of his age and the twenty-second since his
elevation to the primacy.

Such was the end of this remarkable man; the most remarkable, in many
respects, of his time. His character was of that stern and lofty cast
which seems to rise above the ordinary wants and weaknesses of humanity;
his genius, of the severest order, like Dante’s or Michelangelo’s in the
regions of fancy, impresses us with ideas of power that excite admiration
akin to terror. His enterprises were of the boldest character; his
execution of them equally bold. He disdained to woo fortune by any of
those soft and pliant arts which are often the most effectual. He pursued
his ends by the most direct means. In this way he frequently multiplied
difficulties; but difficulties seemed to have a charm for him, by the
opportunities they afforded of displaying the energies of his soul.

With these qualities he combined a versatility of talent usually found
only in softer and more flexible characters. Though bred in the cloister,
he distinguished himself both in the cabinet and the camp. For the
latter, indeed, so repugnant to his regular profession, he had a natural
genius, according to the testimony of his biographer Gómez;[q] and he
evinced his relish for it by declaring that “the smell of gunpowder was
more grateful to him than the sweetest perfume of Arabia!” He had a full
measure of the religious bigotry which belonged to the age; and he had
melancholy scope for displaying it, as chief of that dread tribunal over
which he presided during the last ten years of his life.

He carried the arbitrary ideas of his profession into political life. His
regency was conducted on the principles of a military despotism. It was
his maxim that “a prince must rely mainly on his army for securing the
respect and obedience of his subjects.” It is true he had to deal with a
martial and factious nobility, and the end which he proposed was to curb
their licentiousness and enforce the equitable administration of justice;
but, in accomplishing this, he showed little regard to the constitution,
or to private rights.

His first act, the proclaiming of Charles king, was in open contempt
of the usages and rights of the nation. He evaded the urgent demands
of the Castilians for a convocation of cortes; for it was his opinion
that freedom of speech, especially in regard to their own grievances,
made the people insolent and irreverent to their rulers. The people, of
course, had no voice in the measures which involved their most important
interests. His whole policy, indeed, was to exalt the royal prerogative
at the expense of the inferior orders of the state; and his regency,
short as it was, and highly beneficial to the country in many respects,
must be considered as opening the way to that career of despotism which
the Austrian family followed up with such hard-hearted constancy.

His administration provoked numerous lampoons and libels. He despised
them, as the miserable solace of spleen and discontent, and never
persecuted their authors. In this he formed an honourable contrast to
Cardinal Richelieu, whose character and condition suggest many points of
resemblance with his own.

An anecdote is told in relation to his dress. Over his coarse woollen
frock he wore the costly apparel suited to his rank. An impertinent
Franciscan preacher took occasion one day before him to launch out
against the luxuries of the time, especially in dress, obviously alluding
to the cardinal, who was attired in a superb suit of ermine, which had
been presented to him. He heard the sermon patiently to the end, and,
after the services were concluded, took the preacher into the sacristy,
and, having commended the general tenor of his discourse, showed under
his furs and fine linen the coarse frock of his order next his skin. Some
accounts add that the friar, on the other hand, wore fine linen under his
monkish frock. After the cardinal’s death, a little box was found in his
apartment, containing the implements with which he used to mend the rents
of his threadbare garment with his own hands.

He seldom slept more than four hours, or at most four and a half. He was
shaved in the night, hearing at the same time some edifying reading. He
followed the same practice at his meals, or varied it with listening to
the arguments of some of his theological brethren, generally on some
subtile question of school divinity. This was his only recreation. He had
as little taste as time for lighter and more elegant amusements.

THE TWO CHIEF WORKS OF XIMENES

[Sidenote: [1497-1517 A.D.]]

As far back as 1497, Ximenes had conceived the idea of establishing
a university in the ancient town of Alcalá, where the salubrity of
the air, and the sober, tranquil complexion of the scenery, on the
beautiful borders of the Henares, seemed well suited to academic study
and meditation. Other engagements, however, postponed the commencement
of the work till 1500, when the cardinal himself laid the corner-stone
of the principal college, with a solemn ceremonial. From that hour,
amidst all the engrossing cares of church and state, he never lost sight
of this great object.[71] The city of Alcalá underwent many important
and expensive alterations, in order to render it more worthy of being
the seat of a great and flourishing university. The stagnant water was
carried off by drains, the streets were paved, old buildings removed, and
new and spacious avenues thrown open.

At the expiration of eight years, the cardinal had the satisfaction of
seeing the whole of this vast design completed, and every apartment of
the spacious pile carefully furnished with all that was requisite for
the comfort and accommodation of the student. It was, indeed, a noble
enterprise, more particularly when viewed as the work of a private
individual. As such it raised the deepest admiration in Francis I, when
he visited the spot, a few years after the cardinal’s death. “Your
Ximenes,” he said, “has executed more than I should have dared to
conceive; he has done, with his single hand, what in France it has taken
a line of kings to accomplish.”

Two provisions may be noticed as characteristic of the man: one, that the
salary of a professor should be regulated by the number of his disciples;
another, that every professor should be re-eligible at the expiration of
every four years. It was impossible that any servant of Ximenes should
sleep on his post. Liberal foundations were made for indigent students,
especially in divinity. Indeed, theological studies, or rather such a
general course of study as should properly enter into the education
of a Christian minister, was the avowed object of the institution;
for the Spanish clergy up to this period, as before noticed, were too
often deficient in the most common elements of learning. But in this
preparatory discipline the comprehensive mind of Ximenes embraced nearly
the whole circle of sciences taught in other universities.

In July, 1508, the cardinal received the welcome intelligence that his
academy was open for the admission of pupils; and in the following
month the first lecture, being on Aristotle’s _Ethics_, was publicly
delivered. Students soon flocked to the new university, attracted by the
reputation of its professors, its ample apparatus, its thorough system
of instruction, and, above all, its splendid patronage, and the high
character of its founder. We have no information of their number in
Ximenes’ lifetime; but it must have been very considerable, since no less
than seven thousand came out to receive Francis I, on his visit to the
university, within twenty years after it was opened.

In the midst of his pressing duties, Ximenes found time for the
execution of another work, which would alone have been sufficient to
render his name immortal in the republic of letters. This was his famous
Bible, or Complutensian Polyglot, as usually termed, from the place where
it was printed.[72] It was on the plan, first conceived by Origen, of
exhibiting in one view the Scriptures in their various ancient languages.
It was a work of surpassing difficulty, demanding an extensive and
critical acquaintance with the most ancient, and consequently the rarest
manuscripts. The character and station of the cardinal afforded him, it
is true, uncommon facilities. The precious collection of the Vatican was
liberally thrown open to him, especially under Leo X, whose munificent
spirit delighted in the undertaking. He obtained copies, in like manner,
of whatever was of value in the other libraries of Italy, and, indeed,
of Europe generally; and Spain supplied him with editions of the Old
Testament of great antiquity, which had been treasured up by the banished
Israelites. Some idea may be formed of the lavish expenditure in this
way, from the fact that four thousand gold crowns were paid for seven
foreign manuscripts, which, however, came too late to be of use in the
compilation. The difficulties of the undertaking were sensibly increased
by those of the printing. The art was then in its infancy, and there
were no types in Spain, if indeed in any part of Europe, in the oriental
character. Ximenes, however, careful to have the whole executed under his
own eye, imported artists from Germany, and had types cast in the various
languages required, in his foundries at Alcalá.

The work when completed occupied six volumes folio; the first four
devoted to the Old Testament, the fifth to the New; the last containing
a Hebrew and Chaldaic vocabulary, with other elementary treaties of
singular labour and learning.[73] It was not brought to an end till 1517,
fifteen years after its commencement, and a few months only before the
death of its illustrious projector.

COMPARISON OF XIMENES AND RICHELIEU

[Sidenote: [1502-1507 A.D.]]

The resemblance which Ximenes bore to the great French minister, Cardinal
Richelieu, was, after all, more in the circumstances of situation than
in their characters, though the most prominent traits of these were not
dissimilar. Both, though bred ecclesiastics, reached the highest honours
of the state, and, indeed, may be said to have directed the destinies of
their countries. Richelieu’s authority, however, was more absolute than
that of Ximenes, for he was screened by the shadow of royalty; while the
latter was exposed, by his insulated and unsheltered position, to the
full blaze of envy, and, of course, opposition. Both were ambitious of
military glory, and showed capacity for attaining it. Both achieved their
great results by that rare union of high mental endowments and great
efficiency in action which is always irresistible.

The moral basis of their characters was entirely different. The French
cardinal’s was selfishness, pure and unmitigated. His religion, politics,
his principles in short, in every sense, were subservient to this.
Offences against the state he could forgive; those against himself he
pursued with implacable rancour. His authority was literally cemented
with blood. His immense powers and patronage were perverted to the
aggrandisement of his family. Though bold to temerity in his plans, he
betrayed more than once a want of true courage in their execution. Though
violent and impetuous, he could stoop to be a dissembler. Though arrogant
in the extreme, he courted the soft incense of flattery. In his manners
he had the advantage over the Spanish prelate. He could be a courtier in
courts, and had a more refined and cultivated taste. In one respect he
had the advantage over Ximenes in morals; he was not, like him, a bigot.
He had not the religious basis in his composition which is the foundation
of bigotry. Their deaths were typical of their characters. Richelieu
died, as he had lived, so deeply execrated that the enraged populace
would scarcely allow his remains to be laid quietly in the grave.
Ximenes, on the contrary, was buried amid the tears and lamentations of
the people; his memory was honoured even by his enemies, and his name is
reverenced by his countrymen to this day as that of a saint.

REVIEW OF THE REIGN OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA

[Sidenote: [1474-1516 A.D.]]

We have now traversed that important period of history comprehending the
latter part of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century;
a period when the convulsions which shook to the ground the ancient
political fabrics of Europe roused the minds of its inhabitants from
the lethargy in which they had been buried for ages. Spain, as we have
seen, felt the general impulse. Under the glorious rule of Ferdinand and
Isabella we have beheld her emerging from chaos into a new existence,
unfolding, under the influence of institutions adapted to her genius,
energies of which she was before unconscious; enlarging her resources
from all the springs of domestic industry and commercial enterprise; and
insensibly losing the ferocious habits of a feudal age in the refinements
of an intellectual and moral culture.

In the fullness of time, when her divided powers had been concentrated
under one head, and the system of internal economy completed, we have
seen her descend into the arena with the other nations of Europe, and in
a very few years achieve the most important acquisitions of territory,
both in that quarter and in Africa; and finally crowning the whole by
the discovery and occupation of a boundless empire beyond the waters. In
the progress of the action we may have been too much occupied with its
details to attend sufficiently to the principles which regulated them.
But now that we have reached the close, we may be permitted to cast a
parting glance over the field that we have traversed, and briefly survey
the principal steps by which the Spanish sovereigns led their nation up
to such a height of prosperity and glory.

Ferdinand and Isabella, on their accession, saw at once that the chief
source of the distractions of the country lay in the overgrown powers and
factious spirit of the nobility. Their first efforts, therefore, were
directed to abate these as far as possible. A similar movement was going
forward in the other European monarchies; but in none was it crowned with
so speedy and complete success as in Castile.

Another practice steadily pursued by the sovereigns was to raise men of
humble station to offices of the highest trust; not, however, like their
contemporary, Louis XI, because their station was humble, in order to
mortify the higher orders, but because they courted merit wherever it
was to be found--a policy much and deservedly commended by the sagacious
observers of the time. The history of Spain does not probably afford
another example of a person of the lowly condition of Ximenes attaining,
not merely the highest offices in the kingdom, but eventually its
uncontrolled supremacy.

The queen’s government was equally vigilant in resisting ecclesiastical
encroachment. It may appear otherwise to one who casts a superficial
glance at her reign, and beholds her surrounded always by a troop of
ghostly advisers, and avowing religion as the great end of her principal
operations at home and abroad. It is certain, however, that, while in all
her acts she confessed the influence of religion, she took more effectual
means than any of her predecessors to circumscribe the temporal powers of
the clergy. The volume of her _pragmáticas_ is filled with laws designed
to limit their jurisdiction and restrain their encroachments on the
secular authorities.

[Illustration: CONVENT OF THE MARTYRS, GRANADA]

By vigilant measures she succeeded in restoring the ancient discipline
of the church, and weeding out the sensuality and indolence which had so
long defiled it.[74] Few of the Castilian monarchs have been brought more
frequently into collision, or pursued a bolder policy, with the court of
Rome. Still fewer extorted from it such important graces and concessions.

The condition of the commons under this reign was probably, on the whole,
more prosperous than in any other period of Spanish history. New avenues
to wealth and honours were opened to them; and persons and property were
alike protected under the fearless and impartial administration of the
law. “Such was the justice dispensed to everyone under this auspicious
reign,” exclaims Marineo, “that nobles and cavaliers, citizens and
labourers, rich and poor, masters and servants, all equally partook of
it.” We find no complaints of arbitrary imprisonment, and no attempts,
so frequent both in earlier and later times, at illegal taxation. In this
particular, indeed, Isabella manifested the greatest tenderness for her
people. By her commutation of the capricious tax of the _alcabala_ for a
determinate one, and still more by transferring its collection from the
revenue officers to the citizens themselves, she greatly relieved her
subjects.

Finally, notwithstanding the perpetual call for troops for the military
operations in which the government was constantly engaged, and
notwithstanding the example of neighbouring countries, there was no
attempt to establish that iron bulwark of despotism, a standing army; at
least, none nearer than that of the voluntary levies of the hermandad,
raised and paid by the people. The queen never admitted the arbitrary
maxims of Ximenes in regard to the foundation of government. Hers was
essentially one of opinion, not force.

There is no country which has been guilty of such wild experiments, or
has shown, on the whole, such profound ignorance of the true principles
of economical science, as Spain under the sceptre of the family of
Austria. And as it is not always easy to discriminate between their
acts and those of Ferdinand and Isabella, under whom the germs of much
of the subsequent legislation may be said to have been planted, this
circumstance has brought undeserved discredit on the government of the
latter. Undeserved, because laws mischievous in their eventual operation
were not always so at the time for which they were originally devised;
not to add that what was intrinsically bad has been aggravated tenfold
under the blind legislation of their successors. It is also true that
many of the most exceptionable laws sanctioned by their names are to be
charged on their predecessors, who had engrafted their principles into
the system long before; and many others are to be vindicated by the
general practice of other nations, which authorised retaliation on the
score of self-defence.

It would be unfair to direct our view to the restrictive measures of
Ferdinand and Isabella without noticing also the liberal tenor of their
legislation in regard to a great variety of objects. Such, for example,
are the laws encouraging foreigners to settle in the country; those for
facilitating communication by internal improvements, roads, bridges,
canals, on a scale of unprecedented magnitude; for a similar attention to
the wants of navigation, by constructing moles, quays, lighthouses, along
the coast, and deepening and extending the harbours, “to accommodate,”
as the acts set forth, “the great increase of trade”; for embellishing
and adding in various ways to the accommodations of the cities; for
relieving the subject from onerous tolls and oppressive monopolies; for
establishing a uniform currency and standard of weights and measures
throughout the kingdom, objects of unwearied solicitude through this
whole reign; for maintaining a police which, from the most disorderly and
dangerous, raised Spain, in the language of Martyr,[l] to be the safest
country in Christendom; for such equal justice as secured to every man
the fruits of his own industry, inducing him to embark his capital in
useful enterprises; and, finally, for enforcing fidelity to contracts,
of which the sovereigns gave such a glorious example in their own
administration as effectually restored that public credit which is the
true basis of public prosperity.

The most important of the foreign acquisitions were those nearest home,
Granada and Navarre, at least they were the only ones capable, from their
position, of being brought under control and permanently and thoroughly
identified with the Spanish monarchy.

DISCOVERY AND COLONISATION

[Sidenote: [1492-1517 A.D.]]

But far the most important of the distant acquisitions of Spain were
those secured by the genius of Columbus and the enlightened patronage
of Isabella. Imagination had ample range in the boundless perspective
of these unknown regions; but the results actually realised from the
discoveries, during the queen’s life, were comparatively insignificant.
In a mere financial view, they had been a considerable charge on the
crown. This was, indeed, partly owing to the humanity of Isabella, who
interfered, as we have seen, to prevent the compulsory exaction of
Indian labour. This was subsequently, and immediately after her death
indeed, carried to such an extent that nearly half a million of ounces
of gold were yearly drawn from the mines of Hispaniola alone. The
pearl-fisheries, and the culture of the sugar-cane, introduced from the
Canaries, yielded large returns under the same inhuman system.

Ferdinand, who enjoyed, by the queen’s testament, half the amount of the
Indian revenues, was now fully awakened to their importance. It would
be unjust, however, to suppose his views limited to immediate pecuniary
profits; for the measures he pursued were, in many respects, well
contrived to promote the nobler ends of discovery and colonisation. He
invited the persons most eminent for nautical science and enterprise, as
Pinzon, Solis, Vespucci, to his court, where they constituted a sort of
board of navigation, constructing charts and tracing out new routes for
projected voyages. The conduct of this department was entrusted to the
last-mentioned navigator, who had the glory, the greatest which accident
and caprice ever granted to man, of giving his name to the new hemisphere.

In this universal excitement, the progress of discovery was pushed
forward with a success, inferior, indeed, to what might have been
effected in the present state of nautical skill and science, but
extraordinary for the times. The winding depths of the gulf of Mexico
were penetrated, as well as the borders of the rich but rugged isthmus
which connects the American continents. In 1513 Florida was discovered
by a romantic old knight, Ponce de Leon, who, instead of the magical
fountain of health, found his grave there. Solis, another navigator, who
had charge of an expedition, projected by Ferdinand, to reach the South
Sea by the circumnavigation of the continent, ran down the coast as far
as the great Rio de la Plata, where he also was cut off by the savages.
In 1513, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa penetrated, with a handful of men, across
the narrow part of the isthmus of Darien, and from the summit of the
Cordilleras, the first of Europeans, was greeted with the long-promised
vision of the southern ocean.

Our admiration of the dauntless heroism displayed by the early Spanish
navigators, in their extraordinary career, is much qualified by a
consideration of the cruelties by which it was tarnished; too great to
be either palliated or passed over in silence by the historian. As long
as Isabella lived, the Indians found an efficient friend and protector;
but “her death,” says the venerable Las Casas, “was the signal for their
destruction.” Immediately on that event, the system of _repartimientos_,
originally authorised by Columbus, who seems to have had no doubt, from
the first, of the crown’s absolute right of property over the natives,
was carried to its full extent in the colonies. Every Spaniard, however
humble, had his proportion of slaves; and men, many of them not only
incapable of estimating the awful responsibility of the situation, but
without the least touch of humanity in their natures, were individually
entrusted with the unlimited disposal of the lives and destinies of
their fellow-creatures. They abused this trust in the grossest manner;
tasking the unfortunate Indian far beyond his strength, inflicting
the most refined punishments on the indolent, and hunting down those
who resisted or escaped, like so many beasts of chase, with ferocious
bloodhounds.

Every step of the white man’s progress in the New World may be said to
have been on the corpse of a native. Faith is staggered by the recital of
the number of victims immolated in these fair regions within a very few
years after the discovery; and the heart sickens at the loathsome details
of barbarities recorded by one [Las Casas[r]] who, if his sympathies
have led him sometimes to overcolour, can never be suspected of wilfully
misstating facts of which he was an eye-witness. A selfish indifference
to the rights of the original occupants of the soil is a sin which lies
at the door of most of the primitive European settlers, whether papist
or puritan, of the New World. But it is light in comparison with the
fearful amount of crimes to be charged on the early Spanish colonists;
crimes that have, perhaps, in this world, brought down the retribution of
heaven, which has seen fit to turn this fountain of inexhaustible wealth
and prosperity to the nation into the waters of bitterness.

[Illustration: A WAR VESSEL OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

Ferdinand openly assumed for himself and his ministers the responsibility
of maintaining this vicious institution, and subsequently issued an
ordinance to that effect, accompanied, however, by a variety of humane
and equitable regulations for restraining its abuse. The license was
embraced in its full extent; the regulations were openly disregarded.
Several years after, in 1515, Las Casas,[r] moved by the spectacle of
human suffering, returned to Spain, and pleaded the cause of the injured
natives, in tones which made the dying monarch tremble on his throne.
It was too late, however, for the king to execute the remedial measures
he contemplated. The efficient interference of Ximenes, who sent a
commission for the purpose to Hispaniola, was attended with no permanent
results. And the indefatigable “protector of the Indians” was left to sue
for redress at the court of Charles, and to furnish a splendid if not
a solitary example there of a bosom penetrated with the true spirit of
Christian philanthropy.

The supply of precious metals yielded by the colonies proved eventually
far greater than had ever entered into the conception of the most
sanguine of the early discoverers. Their prolific soil and genial
climate, moreover, afforded an infinite variety of vegetable products,
which might have furnished an unlimited commerce with the mother-country.
Under a judicious protection, their population and productions, steadily
increasing, would have enlarged to an incalculable extent the general
resources of the empire. Such, indeed, might have been the result of a
wise system of legislation.

But the true principles of colonial policy were sadly misunderstood in
the sixteenth century. The discovery of a world was estimated, like that
of a rich mine, by the value of its returns in gold and silver. Much of
Isabella’s legislation, it is true, is of that comprehensive character
which shows that she looked to higher and far nobler objects. But with
much that is good there was mingled, as in most of her institutions, one
germ of evil, of little moment at the time, indeed, but which, under the
vicious culture of her successors, shot up to a height that overshadowed
and blighted all the rest. This was the spirit of restriction and
monopoly, aggravated by the subsequent laws of Ferdinand, and carried to
an extent under the Austrian dynasty that paralysed colonial trade.

Under their most ingeniously perverse system of laws, the interests of
both the parent country and the colonies were sacrificed. The latter,
condemned to look for supplies to an incompetent source, were miserably
dwarfed in their growth; while the former contrived to convert the
nutriment which she extorted from the colonies into a fatal poison. The
streams of wealth which flowed in from the silver quarries of Zacatecas
and Potosí were jealously locked up within the limits of the peninsula.
Agriculture, commerce, manufactures, every branch of national industry
and improvement, languished and fell to decay; and the nation, like
the Phrygian monarch, who turned all that he touched to gold, cursed
by the very consummation of its wishes, was poor in the midst of its
treasures.[75]

THE GOLDEN AGE OF SPAIN

[Sidenote: [1474-1516 A.D.]]

From this sad picture let us turn to that presented by the period of our
history when, the clouds and darkness having passed away, a new morn
seemed to break upon the nation. Under the firm but temperate sway of
Ferdinand and Isabella, the great changes we have noticed were effected
without convulsion in the state. On the contrary, the elements of the
social system, which before jarred so discordantly, were brought into
harmonious action. The restless spirit of the nobles was turned from
civil faction to the honourable career of public service, whether in
arms or letters. The people at large, assured of the security of private
rights, were occupied with the different branches of productive labour.
Trade, as is abundantly shown by the legislation of the period, had not
yet fallen into the discredit which attached to it in later times. The
precious metals, instead of flowing in so abundantly as to palsy the arm
of industry, served only to stimulate it.

The foreign intercourse of the country was every day more widely
extended. Her agents and consuls were to be found in all the principal
ports of the Mediterranean and the Baltic. The Spanish mariner, instead
of creeping along the beaten track of inland navigation, now struck
boldly across the great western ocean. The new discoveries had converted
the land-trade with India into a sea-trade; and the nations of the
peninsula, who had hitherto lain remote from the great highways of
commerce, now became the factors and carriers of Europe.

The flourishing condition of the nation was seen in the wealth and
population of its cities, the revenues of which, augmented in all to a
surprising extent, had in some increased forty and even fifty fold beyond
what they were at the commencement of the reign: the ancient and lordly
Toledo; Burgos, with its bustling, industrious traders; Valladolid,
sending forth its thirty thousand warriors from its gates, where the
whole population now scarcely reaches two-thirds of that number; Cordova,
in the south, and the magnificent Granada, naturalising in Europe the
arts and luxuries of the East; Saragossa, “the abundant,” as she was
called from her fruitful territory; Valencia, “the beautiful”; Barcelona,
rivalling in independence and maritime enterprise the proudest of the
Italian republics; Medina del Campo, whose fairs were already the
great mart for the commercial exchanges of the peninsula; and Seville,
the golden gate of the Indies, whose quays began to be thronged with
merchants from the most distant countries of Europe.

The resources of the inhabitants were displayed in the palaces and public
edifices, fountains, aqueducts, gardens, and other works of utility and
ornament. This lavish expenditure was directed by an improved taste.
Architecture was studied on purer principles than before, and, with the
sister arts of design, showed the influence of the new connection with
Italy in the first gleams of that excellence which shed such lustre over
the Spanish school at the close of the century. A still more decided
impulse was given to letters. Ancient seminaries were remodeled; new
ones were created. Barcelona, Salamanca, and Alcalá, whose cloistered
solitudes are now the grave rather than the nursery of science, then
swarmed with thousands of disciples, who under the generous patronage
of the government found letters the surest path to preferment. Even
the lighter branches of literature felt the revolutionary spirit of
the times, and, after yielding the last fruits of the ancient system,
displayed new and more beautiful varieties under the influence of Italian
culture.

With this moral development of the nation, the public revenues, the
sure index, when unforced of public prosperity, went on augmenting with
astonishing rapidity. In 1474, the year of Isabella’s accession, the
ordinary rents of the Castilian crown amounted to 885,000 reals;[76] in
1477, to 2,390,078; in 1482, after the resumption of the royal grants, to
12,711,591; and finally, in 1504, when the acquisition of Granada and the
domestic tranquillity of the kingdom had encouraged the free expansion
of all its resources, to 26,283,334; or thirty times the amount received
at her accession. All this, it will be remembered, was derived from the
customary established taxes, without the imposition of a single new one.
Indeed, the improvements in the mode of collection tended materially to
lighten the burdens on the people.

The territorial limits of the monarchy, in the meantime, went on
expanding beyond example--Castile and Leon, brought under the same
sceptre with Aragon and its foreign dependencies, Sicily and Sardinia;
with the kingdoms of Granada, Navarre, and Naples; with the Canaries,
Oran, and the other settlements in Africa; and with the islands and vast
continents of America. To these broad domains the comprehensive schemes
of the sovereigns would have added Portugal; and their arrangements for
this, although defeated for the present, opened the way to its eventual
completion under Philip II. The names of Castilian and Aragonese were
merged in the comprehensive one of Spaniard; and Spain, with an empire
which stretched over three-quarters of the globe, and which almost
realised the proud boast that the sun never set within her borders, now
rose, not to the first class only, but to the first place, in the scale
of European powers.

The extraordinary circumstances of the country tended naturally to
nourish the lofty, romantic qualities and the somewhat exaggerated tone
of sentiment which always pervaded the national character. The age of
chivalry had not faded away in Spain, as in most other lands. It was
fostered, in time of peace, by the tourneys, jousts, and other warlike
pageants which graced the court of Isabella. It gleamed out, as we have
seen, in the Italian campaigns under Gonsalvo de Cordova, and shone forth
in all its splendours in the war of Granada.

The Spaniard was a knight-errant, in its literal sense, roving over seas
on which no barque had ever ventured, among islands and continents where
no civilised man had ever trodden, and which fancy peopled with all the
marvels and drear enchantments of romance; courting danger in every form,
combating everywhere, and everywhere victorious. The very odds presented
by the defenceless natives among whom he was cast, “a thousand of whom,”
to quote the words of Columbus, “were not equal to three Spaniards,”
was in itself typical of his profession; and the brilliant destinies to
which the meanest adventurer was often called, now carving out with his
good sword some Eldorado more splendid than fancy had dreamed of, and
now overturning some old barbaric dynasty, were full as extraordinary as
the wildest chimeras which Ariosto ever sang or Cervantes satirised. His
countrymen who remained at home, feeding greedily on the reports of his
adventures, lived almost equally in an atmosphere of romance. A spirit of
chivalrous enthusiasm penetrated the very depths of the nation, swelling
the humblest individual with lofty aspirations and a proud consciousness
of the dignity of his nature.

In noticing the circumstances that conspired to form the national
character, it would be unpardonable to omit the establishment of the
Inquisition, which contributed so largely to counterbalance the benefits
resulting from Isabella’s government; an institution which has done
more than any other to stay the proud march of human reason; which, by
imposing uniformity of creed, has proved the fruitful parent of hypocrisy
and superstition; which has soured the sweet charities of human life,
and, settling like a foul mist on the goodly promise of the land, closed
up the fair buds of science and civilisation ere they were fully opened.
Alas, that such a blight should have fallen on so gallant and generous
a people! That it should have been brought on it, too, by one of such
unblemished patriotism and purity of motive as Isabella!

[Sidenote: [1492-1524 A.D.]]

The immediate injury inflicted on the nation by the spirit of bigotry in
the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, although greatly exaggerated, was
doubtless serious enough. Under the otherwise beneficent operation of
their government, however, the healthful and expansive energies of the
state were sufficient to heal up these and deeper wounds, and still carry
it onward in the career of prosperity. With this impulse, indeed, the
nation continued to advance higher and higher, in spite of the system of
almost unmingled evil pursued in the following reigns. The glories of
this later period, of the age of Charles V, as it is called, must find
their true source in the measures of his illustrious predecessors. It was
in their court that Boscan, Garcilasso, Mendoza, and the other master
spirits were trained, who moulded Castilian literature into the new and
more classical forms of later times. It was under Gonsalvo de Cordova
that Leyva, Pescara, and those great captains with their invincible
legions were formed, who enabled Charles V to dictate laws to Europe
for half a century. And it was Columbus who not only led the way, but
animated the Spanish navigator with the spirit of discovery. Scarcely was
Ferdinand’s reign brought to a close, before Magellan completed (1520),
what that monarch had projected, the circumnavigation of the southern
continent; the victorious banners of Cortes had already (1518) penetrated
into the golden realms of Montezuma; and Pizarro, a very few years later
(1524), following up the lead of Balboa, embarked on the enterprise which
ended in the downfall of the splendid dynasty of the Incas.

Thus it is that the seed sown under a good system continues to yield
fruit under a bad one. The season of the most brilliant results, however,
is not always that of the greatest national prosperity. The splendours of
foreign conquest in the boasted reign of Charles V were dearly purchased
by the decline of industry at home, and the loss of liberty. The patriot
will see little to cheer him in this “golden age” of the national
history, whose outward show of glory will seem to his penetrating eye
only the hectic brilliancy of decay. He will turn to an earlier period,
when the nation, emerging from the sloth and license of a barbarous age,
seemed to renew its ancient energies, and to prepare like a giant to run
its course; and glancing over the long interval since elapsed, during the
first half of which the nation wasted itself on schemes of mad ambition,
and in the latter has sunk into a state of paralytic torpor, he will fix
his eye on the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella as the most glorious epoch
in the annals of his country.[b]

FOOTNOTES

[66] [Burke[k] gives Baudier[a] as authority for claiming that Ferdinand
did not care to see his daughter, and says, “it must be admitted that if
Ferdinand was a detestable father, Philip was a very sorry husband.”]

[67] [According to Bergenroth,[u] however, “the general opinion was that
he had been poisoned,” and he insinuates that Louis Ferrer, Ferdinand’s
envoy to Philip, was the person who rendered his master this service. But
the suspicion is unsupported by a particle of evidence, and seems to be
sufficiently refuted by a description of the symptoms and course of the
disease, to be found in a letter addressed to Ferdinand by a Dr. Parra,
one of the consulting physicians.]

[68] A foolish Carthusian monk, “_levi sicco folio levior_,” to borrow
Martyr’s[l] words, though more knave than fool probably, filled Juana
with absurd hopes of her husband’s returning to life, which, he assured
her, had happened, as he had read, to a certain prince, after he had been
dead fourteen years. As Philip was disembowelled, he was hardly in a
condition for such an auspicious event. The queen, however, seems to have
been caught with the idea. Martyr loses all patience at the inventions of
this “_blactero cucullatus_,” as he calls him, in his abominable Latin,
as well as at the mad pranks of the queen, and the ridiculous figure
which he and the other grave personages of the court were compelled to
make on the occasion. It is impossible to read his jeremiads on the
subject without a smile.

[69] [Martin Hume[t] credits Ferdinand with being the founder of the
school of diplomacy ordinarily called Italian. He blames him also for
commencing the long wars between the Spanish and the French.]

[70] [Oviedo[s] notices a rumour of his having been poisoned by one of
his secretaries but vouches for the innocence of the individual accused,
whom he personally knew.]

[71] [“Neither to the buildings nor the endowment did queen or king
contribute a single maravedi.”[k]]

[72] Alcalá de Henares was called Complutum by the Romans. This name has
been variously derived.

[73] [The original manuscripts were, it seems, sold as waste paper
to a manufacturer of skyrockets, and were destroyed wantonly though
brilliantly.]

[74] [To accomplish this she and the austere Ximenes must needs defy
even the pope Alexander VI. The result was as Hume[e] observes: “It
is unquestionable that the worst abuses in the church of which the
early reformers complained, had been purged from the Spanish church by
Isabella, and that, at a time when the rest of the clergy of Europe were
grossly licentious, the Spanish priests were generally virtuous and
devout.”]

[75] [Martin Hume[e] says: “Spanish gold and silver coin, in a few years,
was plentiful in every country but in Spain itself.”]

[76] The sums in the text express the _real de vellom_; to which they
have been reduced by Señor Clemencin,[j] from the original amount in
maravedis, which varied very materially in value in different years.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER VIII. THE EMPEROR CHARLES V

[Sidenote: [1517-1556 A.D.]]

Soon after the death of Ximenes, Charles [who as the emperor is known
as Charles V but as King Charles I of Spain] made his public entry,
with great pomp, into Valladolid, whither he had summoned the cortes of
Castile. Though he assumed on all occasions the name of king, that title
had never been acknowledged in the cortes. The Spaniards, considering
Juana as possessed of the sole right to the crown, and no example of a
son’s having enjoyed the title of king during the life of his parents
occurring in their history, the cortes discovered all that scrupulous
respect for ancient forms and that aversion to innovation which are
conspicuous in popular assemblies.

The presence, however, of their prince, the address, the artifices, and
the threats of his ministers, prevailed on them at last to proclaim him
king, in conjunction with his mother, whose name they appointed to be
placed before that of her son in all public acts. But when they made this
concession, they declared that if, at any future period, Juana should
recover the exercise of reason, the whole authority should return into
her hands. At the same time, they voted a free gift of 600,000 ducats[77]
to be paid in three years, a sum more considerable than had ever been
granted to any former monarch.

[Sidenote: [1517-1518 A.D.]]

Notwithstanding this obsequiousness of the cortes to the will of the
king, the most violent symptoms of dissatisfaction with his government
began to break out in the kingdom. Chièvres had acquired over the
mind of the young monarch the ascendant not only of a tutor, but of
a parent. Charles seemed to have no sentiments but those which his
minister inspired, and scarcely uttered a word but what he put into his
mouth. He was constantly surrounded by Flemings; no person got access
to him without their permission; nor was any admitted to audience but
in their presence. As he spoke the Spanish language very imperfectly,
his answers were always extremely short, and often delivered with
hesitation. Unfortunately for Charles, his favourites were unworthy
of his confidence. To amass wealth seems to have been their only aim;
and as they had reason to fear that either their master’s good sense
or the indignation of the Spaniards might soon abridge their power,
they hastened to improve the present opportunity, and their avarice
was the more rapacious because they expected their authority to be of
no longer duration. All honours, offices, and benefices were either
engrossed by the Flemings or publicly sold by them. Chièvres, his wife,
and Sauvage, whom Charles, on the death of Ximenes, had imprudently
raised to be chancellor of Castile, vied with each other in all the
refinements of extortion and venality. Not only the Spanish historians,
who, from resentment, may be suspected of exaggeration, but Peter Martyr
Angleria[b] [or de Anghierra], an Italian, who resided at that time in
the court of Spain, and was under no temptation to deceive the persons
to whom his letters are addressed, gives a description which is almost
incredible, of the insatiable and shameless covetousness of the Flemings.

According to Angleria’s calculation, which he asserts to be extremely
moderate, they remitted into the Low Countries, in the space of ten
months, no less a sum than 1,100,000 ducats. The nomination of William
de Croy, Chièvres’ nephew, a young man not of canonical age, to the
archbishopric of Toledo, exasperated the Spaniards more than all these
exactions.

Charles, leaving Castile thus disgusted with his administration, set
out for Saragossa, the capital of Aragon, that he might be present
in the cortes of that kingdom. On his way thither, he took leave of
his brother Ferdinand, whom he sent into Germany on the pretence of
visiting their grandfather, Maximilian, in his old age. To this prudent
precaution Charles owed the preservation of his Spanish dominions. During
the violent commotions which arose there soon after this period, the
Spaniards would infallibly have offered the crown to a prince who was
the darling of the whole nation; nor did Ferdinand want ambition nor
councillors that might have prompted him to accept of the offer.

The Aragonese had not hitherto acknowledged Charles as king, nor would
they allow the cortes to be assembled in his name, but in that of the
justicia, to whom, during an interregnum, this privilege belonged.
After long delays, however, and with much difficulty, he persuaded the
members to confer on him the title of king, in conjunction with his
mother. At the same time, he bound himself by that solemn oath, which the
Aragonese exacted of their kings, never to violate any of their rights
or liberties. When a donative was demanded, the members were still more
intractable; many months elapsed before they would agree to grant Charles
200,000 ducats, and that sum they appropriated so strictly for paying
debts of the crown, which had long been forgotten, that a very small part
of it came into the king’s hands. What had happened in Castile taught
them caution, and determined them rather to satisfy the claims of their
fellow-citizens, how obsolete soever, than to furnish strangers the means
of enriching themselves with the spoils of their country.

From Aragon, Charles proceeded to Catalonia, where he wasted much time,
encountered more difficulties, and gained less money. The Flemings
were now become so odious to every province in Spain by their exactions
that the desire of mortifying them, and of disappointing their avarice,
augmented the jealousy with which a free people usually conduct their
deliberations. Segovia, Toledo, Seville, and several other cities of the
first rank entered into a confederacy for the defence of their rights and
privileges; and, notwithstanding the silence of the nobility, who, on
this occasion, discovered neither the public spirit nor the resolution
which became their order, the confederates laid before the king a full
view of the state of the kingdom, and of the maladministration of his
favourites. The preferment of strangers, the exportation of the current
coin, the increase of taxes, were the grievances of which they chiefly
complained; and of these they demanded redress with that boldness which
is natural to a free people. These remonstrances, presented at first
at Saragossa, and renewed afterwards at Barcelona, Charles treated
with great neglect. The confederacy, however, of these cities, at this
juncture, was the beginning of that famous union among the commons
[_comuneros_] of Castile, which not long after threw the kingdom into
such violent convulsions as shook the throne, and almost overturned the
constitution.

KING CHARLES BECOMES EMPEROR

[Sidenote: [1518-1519 A.D.]]

Soon after Charles’ arrival at Barcelona, he received the account of an
event which interested him much more than the murmurs of the Castilians
or the scruples of the cortes of Catalonia. This was the death of the
emperor Maximilian--an occurrence of small importance in itself, for he
was a prince conspicuous neither for his virtues, nor his power, nor his
abilities; but rendered by its consequences more memorable than any that
had happened during several ages. It broke that profound and universal
peace which then reigned in the Christian world; it excited a rivalship
between two princes, which threw all Europe into agitation, and kindled
wars more general, and of longer duration, than had hitherto been known
in modern times.

The revolution occasioned by the expedition of the French king Charles
VIII, into Italy, had inspired the European princes with new ideas
concerning the importance of the imperial dignity. The claims of the
empire upon some of the Italian states were numerous; its jurisdiction
over others was extensive; and though the former had been almost
abandoned, and the latter seldom exercised, under princes of slender
abilities and of little influence, it was obvious that, in the hands
of an emperor possessed of power or of genius, they might be employed
as engines for stretching his dominion over the greater part of that
country. Even Maximilian, feeble and unsteady as his conduct always was,
had availed himself of the infinite pretensions of the empire, and had
reaped advantage from every war and every negotiation in Italy during
his reign. These considerations, added to the dignity of the station,
confessedly the first among Christian princes, and to the rights inherent
in the office, which, if exerted with vigour, were far from being
inconsiderable, rendered the imperial crown more than ever an object of
ambition.

Not long before his death, Maximilian had discovered great solicitude
to preserve this dignity in the Austrian family, and to procure the
king of Spain to be chosen his successor. But he himself, having never
been crowned by the pope, a ceremony deemed essential in that age, was
considered only as emperor “elect.” Though historians have not attended
to that distinction, neither the Italian nor the German chancery
bestowed any other title upon him than that of king of the Romans;
and no example occurring in history of any person’s being chosen a
successor to a king of the Romans, the Germans, always tenacious of their
forms, and unwilling to confer upon Charles an office for which their
constitution knew no name, obstinately refused to gratify Maximilian
in that point. By his death, this difficulty was at once removed, and
Charles openly aspired to that dignity which his grandfather attempted,
without success, to secure for him. At the same time Francis I, a
powerful rival, entered the lists against him; and the attention of all
Europe was fixed upon this competition, no less illustrious from the
high rank of the candidates than from the importance of the prize for
which they contended. Each of them urged his pretensions with sanguine
expectations, and with no unpromising prospect of success. Charles
considered the imperial crown as belonging to him of right, from its
long continuance in the Austrian line; he knew that none of the German
princes possessed power or influence enough to appear as his antagonist;
he flattered himself that no consideration would induce the natives of
Germany to exalt any foreign prince to a dignity which during so many
ages had been deemed peculiar to their own nation; and, least of all,
that they would confer this honour upon Francis I, the sovereign of a
people whose genius, and laws, and manners differed so widely from those
of the Germans that it was hardly possible to establish any cordial union
between them. He did not, however, trust the success of his cause to this
alone. Great sums of money were remitted from Spain; all the refinements
and artifices of negotiation were employed; and a considerable body of
troops, kept on foot at that time by the states of the circle of Swabia,
was secretly taken into his pay. The venal were gained by presents; the
objections of the more scrupulous were answered or eluded; some feeble
princes were threatened or overawed.

[Illustration: A SPANISH GENTLEMAN, EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY]

On the 28th of June, five months and ten days after the death of
Maximilian, this important contest, which had held all Europe in
suspense, was decided. Six of the electors had already declared for the
king of Spain; and the archbishop of Treves, the only firm adherent to
the French interest, having at last joined his brethren, Charles was,
by the unanimous voice of the electoral college, raised to the imperial
throne. The important intelligence of his election was conveyed in nine
days from Frankfort to Barcelona, where Charles was still detained by the
obstinacy of the Catalan cortes, which had not hitherto brought to an
issue any of the affairs which came before it. He received the account
with the joy natural to a young and aspiring mind, on an accession of
power and dignity which raised him so far above the other princes of
Europe. Then it was that those vast prospects, which allured him during
his whole administration, began to open; and from this era we may date
the formation, and are able to trace the gradual progress, of a grand
system of enterprising ambition, which renders the history of his reign
so worthy of attention.

[Sidenote: [1519-1520 A.D.]]

A trivial circumstance first discovered the effects of this great
elevation upon the mind of Charles. In all the public writs which he
now issued as king of Spain, he assumed the title of “majesty,” and
required it from his subjects as a mark of their respect. Before that
time, all the monarchs of Europe were satisfied with the appellation of
“highness,” or “grace”; but the vanity of other courts soon led them to
imitate the example of the Spanish. The epithet of majesty is no longer
a mark of pre-eminence. The most inconsiderable monarchs in Europe enjoy
it, and the arrogance of the greater potentates has invented no higher
denomination.

The Spaniards were far from viewing the promotion of their king to the
imperial throne with the same satisfaction which he himself felt. To be
deprived of the presence of their sovereign, and to be subjected to the
government of a viceroy and his council, a species of administration
often oppressive and always disagreeable, were the immediate and
necessary consequences of this new dignity. To see the blood of their
countrymen shed in quarrels wherein the nation had no concern; to behold
its treasures wasted in supporting the splendour of a foreign title;
to be plunged in the chaos of Italian and German politics were effects
of this event almost as unavoidable. From all these considerations
they concluded that nothing could have happened more pernicious to the
Spanish nation; and the fortitude and public spirit of their ancestors,
who, in the cortes of Castile, prohibited Alfonso the Wise [the Learned]
from leaving the kingdom, in order to receive the imperial crown, were
often mentioned with the highest praise, and pronounced to be extremely
worthy of imitation at this juncture. But Charles, without regarding the
sentiments or murmurs of his Spanish subjects, accepted of the imperial
dignity which the count palatine, at the head of a solemn embassy,
offered him in the name of the electors; and declared his intention of
setting out soon for Germany, in order to take possession of it. This
was the more necessary, because, according to the forms of the German
constitution, he could not, before the ceremony of a public coronation,
exercise any act of jurisdiction or authority.

Their certain knowledge of this resolution augmented so much the disgust
of the Spaniards that a sullen and refractory spirit prevailed among
persons of all ranks. The pope having granted the king the tenths of
all ecclesiastical benefices in Castile, to assist him in carrying on
war with greater vigour against the Turks, a convocation of the clergy
unanimously refused to levy that sum, upon pretence that it ought never
to be exacted but at those times when Christendom was actually invaded
by the infidels; and though Leo, in order to support his authority, laid
the kingdom under an interdict, so little regard was paid to a censure
which was universally deemed unjust, that Charles himself applied to have
it taken off. Thus the Spanish clergy, besides their merit in opposing
the usurpations of the pope, and disregarding the influence of the crown,
gained the exemption which they had claimed.

The commotions which arose in the kingdom of Valencia, annexed to the
crown of Aragon, were more formidable, and produced more dangerous and
lasting effects. A seditious monk, having by his sermons excited the
citizens of Valencia, the capital city, to take arms, and to punish
certain criminals in a tumultuary manner, the people, pleased with this
exercise of power and with such a discovery of their own importance, not
only refused to lay down their arms, but formed themselves into troops
and companies, that they might be regularly trained to martial exercises.
To obtain some security against the oppression of the grandees was the
motive of this association, and proved a powerful bond of union; for as
the aristocratical privileges and independence were more complete in
Valencia than in any other of the Spanish kingdoms, the nobles, being
scarcely accountable for their conduct to any superior, treated the
people not only as vassals but as slaves. They were alarmed, however, at
the progress of this unexpected insurrection, as it might encourage the
people to attempt shaking off the yoke altogether; but as they could not
repress them without taking arms, it became necessary to have recourse to
the emperor, and to desire his permission to attack them (1520).

At the same time the people made choice of deputies to represent their
grievances, and to implore the protection of their sovereign. Happily
for the latter, they arrived at court when Charles was exasperated to a
high degree against the nobility. As he was eager to visit Germany, where
his presence became every day more necessary, and his Flemish courtiers
were still more impatient to return into their native country, that they
might carry thither the spoils which they had amassed in Castile, it
was impossible for him to hold the cortes of Valencia in person. He had
for that reason empowered the cardinal Adrian to represent him in that
assembly, and in his name to receive their oath of allegiance, to confirm
their privileges with the usual solemnities, and to demand of them a free
gift.

But the Valencian nobles, who considered this measure as an indignity to
their country, which was no less entitled than his other kingdoms to the
honour of their sovereign’s presence, declared that, by the fundamental
laws of the constitution, they could neither acknowledge as king a person
who was absent, nor grant him any subsidy; and to this declaration they
adhered with a haughty and inflexible obstinacy. Charles, piqued by
their behaviour, decided in favour of the people, and rashly authorised
them to continue in arms. Their deputies returned in triumph, and were
received by their fellow-citizens as the deliverers of their country. The
insolence of the multitude increasing with their success, they expelled
all the nobles out of the city, committed the government to magistrates
of their own election, and entered into an association, distinguished by
the name of _germandada_ or “brotherhood,” which proved the source not
only of the wildest disorders but of the most fatal calamities in that
kingdom.[c]

CHARLES’ STRUGGLE WITH THE CORTES

[Sidenote: [1520 A.D.]]

At this period it was Charles’ misfortune to make enemies on every
side. As the constitution of Valencia required that he should be
present, to fulfil the compact with his people, he should, doubtless,
have hastened thither, and, by yielding prompt obedience to the laws,
have removed all pretext for rebellion. The same imprudence, the same
disregard of established custom, made him summon the cortes of Castile
and Leon to meet him at Santiago; a thing never before attempted by the
most arbitrary of his predecessors. To the murmurs produced by this
innovation, the ministers paid no attention: on the contrary, they did
all they could to fan the flame of discontent, by interfering in the
return of the deputies, and by bribing such as they could not nominate to
submit in everything to the royal will.

Toledo displaced the deputies whom it had chosen, and nominated others
more submissive to the popular voice. It next prevailed on some other
towns to join in insisting on the following concessions: that the king
should not leave Spain; that he should require no subsidy; that, instead
of conferring dignities on foreigners, he should deprive the possessors
of those which they actually held; that no money, under any pretext
whatever, should leave the kingdom; that offices should cease to be
venal; and that the cortes should be assembled, according to ancient
custom, in some town of Leon or Castile, not in an angle of Galicia.
Most of these demands were reasonable enough; but the first two were
insulting, and all were sure to be highly unpalatable to the court. The
deputies who bore them waited on Charles, now at Valladolid, on his
way to Galicia, and with some difficulty obtained an audience. He told
them, however, that he was in too much haste to take the subject into
consideration; but that, if they would meet him near Tordesillas, he
would commune with them. To Tordesillas they accordingly repaired; but
a report being maliciously spread in Valladolid that he was not only
about to leave the kingdom, but to take away his mother, the populace
were excited to the highest pitch. A Portuguese lace-maker mischievously
ascended the tower of a church, the bell of which was never sounded
except on extraordinary occasions, and rang with such good-will that six
thousand men were speedily under arms.

It was immediately resolved that all the Flemings should be put to
death; but the intended victims had timely intimation of their danger,
and with the king fled at midnight, the rain descending in torrents,
to Tordesillas, where they arrived at daybreak. The authorities of
Valladolid showed great activity in the apprehension of the ringleaders
in the riot, and a few were punished; but the king, who was naturally
clement, ordered the remainder to be liberated. He now hastened towards
Galicia, the Toledan deputies closely following him, and at every town
requesting an audience; but he refused to see them until they reached
Santiago.

On the first day of April, 1520, the states were opened in the convent of
San Francisco. The speech from the throne laid stress on the necessity
of the king’s immediate voyage to Germany; on the expenses with which
it would be attended, as well as on that which had been incurred in
preparations for war with the infidels; and ended by demanding a
gratuity. For a moment the deputies were silent; but those of Salamanca
rose, and protested that they could not take the accustomed oath of
allegiance unless the king would comply with the demands which had been
presented to him. They were immediately supported by a deputy of Toledo,
who asserted that, rather than consent to anything prejudicial, either
to the city he represented or to the kingdom, he would sacrifice his
life. Emboldened by the example, the delegates of Seville, Cordova,
Zamora, Toro, and Avila joined with the three, and the business of the
assembly was for some days interrupted. Nothing can better show the
degraded state in which the cortes were held, and the power which the
crown had been accustomed to exercise over the proceedings--debates were
unknown among them--than the next step of the king: it was no less than
to order the Toledan deputies, the most violent of the party, to leave
the court. In vain did they petition: they were compelled to obey. When
the news reached Toledo, the population was in an uproar; and their anger
still further inflamed by the arrest of two of their magistrates, Juan
de Padilla, and Ferdinand Davalos. Whether a royal order was sent for
the arrest, or a citation for the appearance of both, is doubtful: the
mob opposed its execution; and would have murdered the corregidor, the
alcalde, and alguacil mayor, had not all three contrived to escape. The
fortress and gates, with the government of the city, were now seized by
the mob, and the royal officers expelled. The example was imitated by
the whole kingdom of Murcia. When intelligence of these events reached
Santiago, the king proposed to march on Toledo, and inflict a summary
vengeance on that city; but his ministers--fearing that if he remained
any longer in Spain he would risk the imperial crown, some members of the
diet having already threatened to proceed to a second election--dissuaded
him from his purpose. The states were now transferred to Corunna, where,
with some reluctance,--so effectually had the royal influence been
exercised in the interim,--a considerable subsidy was granted to the
monarch. The great cities, however, refused to sanction it; and even
the few deputies who voted it accompanied it by requests exceedingly
obnoxious to the court. Anxious to take possession of the brilliant
dignity which awaited him, and perhaps to escape from so troubled a
kingdom, Charles closed the cortes, and prepared to embark. He left the
regency of Castile to Cardinal Adrian; of Aragon, to Don Juan de Lanuza;
of Valencia, to the count de Melito; and he intrusted the command of
the troops to approved officers. The choice of Adrian, a foreigner, was
peculiarly offensive to the nobles and deputies at court: they solicited
another; but Charles, who generally adhered to his plans with uncommon
tenacity, refused to change. In May he embarked, and proceeded to
England, to concert with Henry VIII the means of humbling the power of
the French king.

REVOLT OF THE GERMANEROS AND THE COMUNEROS[78]

The departure of the king was not likely to assuage the turbulence of the
times. If the opposition, so long as it was constitutionally exercised,
was just, and even laudable, it had now degenerated into rebellion, and
patriotism been succeeded by schemes of personal ambition. In Toledo,
Padilla, by pretending to follow the popular current, guided it at his
will: his wife, Doña Maria Pacheco, who had greater talents and even
greater ambition than himself, headed the popular processions, and by her
presence authorised some revolting scenes. From Murcia the governor, the
marquis de los Velez, had been expelled, and a royal officer, who had
been sent to institute proceedings against the guilty, compelled to flee
for his life, followed by eight thousand of the combined rebels.

The example of these great places was too attractive to remain
inoperative. Segovia immediately rose, and hung two of the magistrates.
The mob were, above all, anxious to murder their deputies, of whom
both had agreed to the subsidy at Corunna; but one of them, wisely
distrustful of their intention, had not returned: the other, who returned
at midnight, was dragged along the streets to the place of execution.
The monks of San Francisco issued from their cloisters, with the holy
sacrament: the interference was unavailing; nor was it without difficulty
that permission could be obtained for a confessor to attend him. A monk
approached, and though the office was speedily performed, loud murmurs
were raised, by the murderous herd, at the time so unnecessarily lost.
They again seized the rope, dragged the deputy along, and, though he was
dead before they reached the gallows, hung him on the same tree that had
proved fatal to two preceding victims.

Though Valladolid was honoured with the abode of Adrian and the council
of regency, the rabble rose to put the deputies to death; and when these,
too, had the good fortune to escape, even the cardinal was arrested,
but, as it appears, soon released, through the interposition of the
nobles and clergy. Burgos was still more criminal. Unable to find the
bishop or his brethren, individuals peculiarly obnoxious, the rioters,
headed by a cutler, burned a house in which many valuable archives were
consumed. They next proceeded in search of a royal favourite, whose house
shared the same fate. He was overtaken, dragged from the church where
he had sought sanctuary, brought to Burgos, and committed to prison,
where he immediately died from the effect of the blows he had received.
Not satisfied with taking his life, they dragged his corpse through the
city, and suspended it, the head downwards, from the public gallows. The
arrival at Madrid of a royal magistrate, said to be proceeding to Toledo
to try the rebels, raised the rioters, who swore to take his life; and,
as he was fortunate enough to escape, they deposed the magistrates,
elected others, seized all the arms they could find, and summoned the
governor of the Alcazar to remit that fortress into their hands; but he
had fidelity enough to set them at defiance. The siege was prosecuted:
a mine was sprung, the gallant handful of defenders was destroyed, and
the place capitulated. Finally, at Avila, Guadalajara, and Siguenza,
the legitimate authority was overthrown; brute force, murder, rape, and
plunder reigned in its stead.

The rebellious communities agreed to act in concert for the common
cause, and to send their representatives to Avila, to hold a sort of
national cortes. Accordingly, Toledo, Madrid, Guadalajara, Soria, Murcia,
Cuenca, Segovia, Avila, Salamanca, Toro, Zamora, Leon, Valladolid,
Burgos, and Ciudad Rodrigo, successively and within short intervals,
joined their respective deputies, while from several of these places
troops daily arrived. For some time, however, nothing important was
attempted: the royalist general, Fonseca, was too busily occupied in
raising troops to assail Segovia; and Ronquillo was too weak to take the
field. The weakness of the regent, who in fear of violence expressed his
disapprobation of the hostilities commenced by Fonseca, redoubled their
audacity. Anarchy was now at its height.

QUEEN JUANA RELEASED

The next proceeding of the rebels was distinguished for more boldness,
and for something like originality. At the head of the troops furnished
by Toledo, Medina del Campo, and other places, and accompanied by two
other chiefs, Padilla proceeded to Tordesillas to gain possession of the
imbecile Juana. He demanded and obtained an audience, expatiated on the
evils which had befallen the kingdom since the death of the Catholic
sovereigns, her parents, and said that her son had abandoned the kingdom
to its fate; he ended by informing her that he placed the troops of
Toledo, Madrid, and Segovia at her disposal. For a moment the queen
seemed to have regained the use of her faculties; she replied that she
had never before heard of her father’s death; that if she had, she would
not have permitted the disorders which prevailed; that she desired the
weal of the kingdom, and that on Padilla, in quality of captain-general,
she devolved the duty of restoring the public tranquillity. Her rational
manner of discourse made the deputies hope that she had been restored
to sanity; they did homage to her as their sovereign queen; and in her
name the representatives of the confederation were brought from Avila to
Tordesillas. By issuing all decrees in her name and by her authority,
they hoped to give legitimacy to their own.

But she almost instantly relapsed into her former lethargy, a
circumstance, however, which they carefully concealed from the world.
Emboldened by the success of their enterprise, and by the number of
armed men who daily joined them, they now resolved to subvert the power
of regent and council, and even to arrest the members. Padilla arrived
with twelve hundred men. The cardinal now prepared to flee; the gates
were shut on him; and he was detained as a sort of hostage for the safety
of the rebel chiefs. In a few days, however, he assumed a disguise and
silently escaped. His first step was to acquaint his master with the
events which had happened. On their side, the confederates, with an
impudence unparalleled in all history, attempted in the same manner to
justify what they had done.

[Illustration: A SPANISH GENTLEWOMAN OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY]

Charles V was in a difficult position: the hostility of the Lutherans,
the rivalry of Francis I, the disturbances which threatened to afflict
Italy, and the preparations of the Grand Turk, rendered it impossible for
him to revisit Spain, even though his absence endangered the security of
that crown. In this emergency he associated Velasco the constable and
Henry the admiral of Castile in the regency with Adrian, and wrote to all
the revolted communities calling on them to obey the laws and to restore
tranquillity, promising to return the moment his pressing affairs would
allow him. To dispose them in his favour he renounced the subsidy which
had been voted him at Corunna, and promised that no benefices should be
conferred on foreigners. His letters, however, had for some time little
effect on the majority of the confederates, who declared that they were
dictated by insincerity.

In this critical position of the royal cause, it was fortunate
that Aragon, Catalonia, and most of Andalusia stood aloof from the
confederation. Aragon, indeed, was subsequently troubled for a moment,
through an organised opposition to the viceroyalty of Lanuza; but
tranquillity was restored without much difficulty. Seville, Cordova,
Xeres, and Granada either returned, without condescending to open, the
proposals of that body, or reproached it for its excesses. The rebellious
towns no less persevered in their career of violence. It was evident that
nothing less than civil war could decide the problem, whether the king
or the mob should exercise the government. The constable began to act
with vigour, to collect his own vassals, and to summon all who held for
the sovereign and the laws to join him; and he borrowed money from Dom
Emmanuel, of Portugal, to support his levies. The cardinal too seemed
to awake from his imbecile inactivity; and the admiral went from place
to place to rouse the sparks of slumbering loyalty. The result showed
what might have been accomplished earlier by an active combination of
the royalist party; about eight thousand well-armed men soon repaired to
Rio Seco. The extent of the preparations and the expostulations of the
constables prevailed on Burgos to withdraw from the confederacy. On their
side the assembly at Tordesillas vigorously prepared for the struggle,
and placed Don Pedro Giron at the head of the rebel forces, among the
ranks of which was the bishop of Zamora, with nine hundred men, of whom
four hundred were ecclesiastics.

[Sidenote: [1520-1521 A.D.]]

With eleven thousand men Don Pedro advanced towards Rio Seco, took
and pillaged Tordehumos, without any molestation from the royalists,
who were waiting for a reinforcement under the count de Haro. On the
junction of that nobleman, who was raised to the command, the numbers
were about equal; but for some time the royalists were unwilling to begin
the attack. Don Pedro fell back to Villapando, and by this imprudent
step exposed Tordesillas, which, with the queen, Juana, was invested
and stormed by the count. He was already disgusted with the cause he
advocated, and he soon abandoned it for that of the king: his place was
supplied by Don Juan de Padilla.

While a desultory warfare followed, generally favourable to the
royalists, Valencia [the headquarters of the Germania] was the undivided
prey of anarchy; deeds were committed which threw into the shade the
horrors of Castile and Leon. The thirteen syndics first endeavoured to
oppose the entrance of the viceroy: and when this was found impossible,
they artfully misrepresented his actions, organised a determined
opposition to his authority, overawed the administration of justice,
rescued the most notorious criminals from execution, openly attacked his
house, and at length expelled him from the city. The consequences, not in
the capital only, but in the towns, might have been easily anticipated.
All who were hostile to the present order of things were pursued with
vindictive rage: they were even sacrificed at the altar, their wives
violated, their children put to death before their eyes, the priests
themselves dragged from their sanctuary, and the holy sacraments trodden
under foot. In short, there was no species of crime left uncommitted.

But, fortunately for humanity, evil has its climax as well as good, and
the descent in the former case is even more rapid than in the latter.
Some of the rebel leaders returned to their duty; and the count de Haro
advanced against Padilla, who was intrenched in Torre Lobaton, but who
fled on the approach of the royalists. The count pursued, overtook, and
in a short time entirely defeated the rebels near Villalar, April, 1521;
Padilla himself, with two other generals, being among the prisoners.
All three were speedily condemned and executed. Terrified by this blow,
Valladolid sued for and obtained its pardon. Medina del Campo, Segovia,
Avila, Salamanca, Zamora, and other places of less note, followed the
example. The prior of St. John, who had been sent to chastise the
inhabitants of Toledo, defeated the bishop of Zamora, who had ventured to
oppose him, and was precipitately driven into the city. For the bishop’s
devotion to the popular cause, the people escorted him in triumph to
the cathedral, and placed him under the archiepiscopal canopy; but
intelligence arriving of Padilla’s defeat, he soon afterwards fled from
the city.

Doña Maria Pacheco, the widow of Padilla, a woman of commanding talents,
of desperate courage, and of little principle, succeeded to the unbounded
authority of her husband. Her character will be best understood by an
anecdote: Two Biscayan brothers, suspected of ill will towards her
husband, were summoned to appear before her in the Alcazar; scarcely
had they crossed the threshold of the fortress when they fell under the
daggers of her creatures: the corpses were first thrown into the river,
and then dragged through the streets by children. In the meantime the
prior of St. John invested the city, from which sorties were frequently
made, with various success. She confined the canons of Toledo, who
refused to rob the church at her requisition, during two days and nights
to the chapter-house, allowing them neither food nor bed; and there they
must doubtless have remained until starvation had released them from
her persecution, had they not submitted. But her despotic reign was
approaching its end. The loss of thirteen hundred men in a desperate
sortie so humbled the inhabitants that all submitted except a determined
number, who retired with her into the Alcazar. Soon afterwards it was
compelled to submit, but the heroic Doña Maria effected her escape into
Portugal, where she passed her remaining days in great poverty.

The success of the royalists in Leon and Castile had little effect on
the desperate rebels of Valencia. That city, like other towns of the
kingdom, continued in the hands of a furious mob, who loudly proclaimed
that no clergy should be maintained, no taxes hereafter paid, no civil
government supported, since all were violations of natural liberty.
Hearing that one of their leaders was defeated at Oropesa by the duke of
Segorbe, and that the viceroy had convoked the ban and arrière-ban of the
nobles, the fanatics left the capital to exterminate all their enemies.
Four thousand of them furiously assailed several towns which continued
faithful to the king; one-half of them were annihilated near Murviedro by
the same duke; but, to counterbalance this check, another army of rebels
defeated the viceroy in person near Jativa. The ferocity of the victors
knew no bounds: they had bigotry enough to force the Moors whom they had
conquered to receive baptism, but after the ceremony they massacred six
hundred; saying that possibly the converts might relapse, and that it was
better at once to send them to heaven, while in a regenerated state.

The viceroy now solicited aid from the regents of Castile; it was
immediately sent; the royalists took the field in greater numbers, and
with greater confidence of success. Fortress after fortress was reduced.
The rapidity of these successes so frightened even the rebels of the
capital that they sued for pardon; it was granted by the viceroy on
the consideration that they would surrender their arms, and in future
conform to the laws. In an incredibly short period all the fortified
places submitted. The confederation was forever destroyed in Valencia;
and, though it lingered for a while in the Balearic Isles, where it raged
almost as furiously as on the continent, it was at length extirpated
through the valour of the royalists.

[Sidenote: [1519-1524 A.D.]]

These troubled scenes were not the only evil experienced by the Spaniards
at this season: they were afflicted by that of foreign invasion. Knowing
that the forces of the kingdom were occupied in extinguishing the flames
of rebellion, the French king thought this a favourable opportunity of
vindicating the claim of Henry d’Albret to the throne of Navarre. A
formidable army advanced under André de Foix, seized on St. Jean Pied de
Pont, passed by Roncesvalles, invested and took Pamplona,[79] and the
country, as it had no fortresses to defend it, became the easy prey of
the enemy. Had the French been satisfied with this success, and erected
fortresses to defend their conquest, the throne of Navarre might have
been restored; but the general, in accordance, as is believed, with an
understanding with the rebels of the confederation, invaded Castile and
invested Logroño. The place made a gallant defence so as to allow the
duke of Najera to advance with reinforcements. On his approach, the
French were signally defeated--six thousand of their number remaining on
the field, their artillery lost, and many officers captured, among whom
was the general-in-chief, André de Foix; probably a still greater number
perished in the pursuit. The kingdom was regained with greater facility
than it had been lost. No sooner did Francis hear of this signal failure
than, anxious to vindicate the honour of his arms, he despatched a second
army, under the grand admiral Bonnivet. The invaders took Fuenterrabia;
but on the approach of Don Bertram de la Cueva, they were driven back
with serious loss. In 1524 Fuenterrabia was recovered by the emperor.

In July, 1522, the emperor, whose presence had been so often requested
by the royalists, arrived in Spain. Early in the same year the cardinal
Adrian had been invested with the pontifical crown. Having visited
his mother at Tordesillas, Charles hastened to Valladolid, where his
presence was naturally dreaded. It was expected by all that summary
justice would be inflicted on those who had taken a prominent part in
the recent disturbances; but clemency was the basis of his character,
and on this occasion he exercised it to an extent, perhaps, unparalleled
in history. He caused proclamation to be made that, with the exception
of about eighty, all individuals concerned in the recent rebellion were
freely pardoned, that all proceedings should cease, that all preceding
condemnations should be revoked, and all who had suffered from the
judgments of the tribunals should be restored to their possessions and
honours. And of the eighty thus excepted, very few suffered.[80]

This conduct was truly imperial: it necessarily made a deep impression
on the hearts of the people; and, as he had gained policy by experience,
the deference which he now paid to native customs, the preference which
he gave to native habits, the care with which he identified his interests
and views with those of the Spaniards did the rest, and enabled him to
exercise an ascendency over his subjects which few of his predecessors
had ever possessed.[d]

THE MOORS UNDER CHARLES V

[Sidenote: [1521-1527 A.D.]]

From the coming of Charles V to the imperial throne, the history of Spain
became that of Europe. Events assumed such enormous proportions that the
details of interior administration, police, and government lost much of
their importance. The fate of the peninsula was no longer to be decided
within the peninsula itself. Spain by its position could not be the
centre of the vast empire of Charles V; it could only be an annex. Since
the suicide of the Castilian communes at Villalar, all life had passed to
the outside. Charles became a stranger to his hereditary states; he did
not visit them for twenty years except to demand money from them.

Incessant war, which was stifled at one place only to break out in
another, weighed heavily on all Spain, which paid the cost without
reaping the fruits. Treasure from the New World traversed without
stopping in her, and fabulous duties were imposed on all handiwork and
provisions. American gold, peninsular revenues, the commerce of the Low
Countries, all were swallowed up in this bottomless gulf. Half Europe
ruined and exhausted itself to help Charles V to subdue the other half,
and after twenty years’ struggle this dream of European dictatorship was
no nearer being realised than at the beginning.

[Illustration: GRENADA, FROM THE FOUNTAIN OF HAZELNUTS]

The Moors, expelled from Granada, or forced by a hypocritical conversion
to buy the right of remaining, had ceased to give the government serious
anxiety. Religious unity reigned, in appearance at least, in Andalusia,
now impoverished by the exile of her most industrious inhabitants. But
it was not the same in the kingdom of Valencia. We have seen the sad
dénouement of that insurrection, sister to that of the _comuneros_
of Castile. There, also, revolt had been quenched in blood; but deep
bitterness rankled in men’s hearts. The people, oppressed by the nobles,
leagued against them with the royal power, and impatiently awaited the
hour of vengeance. Their hatred fell on the Moors, numerous in this
country, who, finding no shelter save on the nobles’ land, had, in the
struggle, espoused the cause of their suzerains. Popular irritation left
them, to save their lives, no refuge but baptism. The new converts,
lip- but not heart-Christians, bought from their overlords the right to
renounce this semblance of Christianity, to return to the rites of Islam,
which in reality they had never abjured. But the Inquisition watched them
keenly. The relapsed were summoned to re-enter the pale of the church
within thirty days under penalty of death and confiscation. The Moors,
instead of obeying, had recourse to arms and took refuge in the Sierra de
Bernia. There they maintained their position for some months, but hunger,
threats, and, above all, promises, decided them to submit.

And yet heroic attachment to the faith of their fathers drove this
unhappy people again to disobey, at the peril of their lives.

Then the last blow fell. An imperial decree ordered all Moors of both
sexes, who had not embraced Christianity, to quit Valencia before the
end of December, and Spain before the end of January. The only port
designated to them was that of Corunna. This port, the most distant of
all, offered a double advantage--that of keeping them far from Africa,
and making them spend all their money on the journey.

[Sidenote: [1527-1530 A.D.]]

Conquered, like their Andalusian brothers, by the iron necessity which
bound them, the Valencian Moors resigned themselves to baptism. The
neophytes were so numerous that it was found necessary to sprinkle
them collectively with the cleansing water. Spain enthusiastically
applauded this mockery of baptism. “But,” adds Sandoval,[f] in one of
those avowals, good to hear, which he in his candour makes, “there were
then at Valencia twenty-two thousand houses inhabited by Christians and
twenty-six thousand by Moors, and of these latter, there were not six
who received baptism willingly.” The Moors in the country, less broken
to the yoke than those of the towns, fortified themselves in the Sierra
de Espadan, near Segorbe. There, they defended themselves with success
against the troops which attacked them.

But one day, at Chilches, they pillaged the church and carried off with
them the holy sacrament. At the rumours of this sacrilege the entire
country rose. A crusade was preached by the legate, and indulgences
were granted as in the time of the holy wars. Volunteers flocked from
all parts eager to gain heaven and plunder. Selim, chief of the Moors,
displayed in this little-noted struggle talents worthy of a more vast
theatre. The war dragged on, until the emperor brought with him from
the Low Countries a corps of 4,000 Germans. The Moors, attacked on four
sides at once and driven from every position, were conquered, leaving
two thousand men on the field. The rest ended by yielding at discretion.
The conquerors had sustained considerable loss, but all was forgotten
in the joys of victory. The leaders of the insurrection suffered death;
the rest, disarmed, were put under strict surveillance, saw the mosques
closed, the holy books burned, and, after a useless and last resistance,
their only safety in baptism.

A fresh revolt of the Andalusian Moors in 1530 attested how precarious
was the liberty of worship granted them. We see them this time extending
a hand to their African brothers, more disposed than ever to succour
them. Barbarossa, happy in finding this gate of entry into the peninsula,
sent thirty-six vessels from Algiers with land troops. The Africans,
reunited with the Andalusian Moors, intrenched themselves in the Sierra
de Perdona, and repulsed the Spaniards who came to attack them. But soon,
convinced that the revolt offered nothing for the future, they offered
their Andalusian brothers to transport them, with all their goods, to the
African coast, and more than seventy thousand went to seek in Algeria the
liberty refused them in Spain.[e]

Into the interminable wars of this sovereign--in other words, into his
transactions as emperor of Germany--this chapter cannot enter. Those
in Italy, Germany, and France, must be sought in the histories of
those countries. We may mention that of two expeditions to the African
coast, to humble, if not to extirpate, the Mohammedan pirates, one was
successful, the other disastrous--the latter a casualty occasioned by
a tempest; that he compelled the Grand Turk, who penetrated into the
centre of Europe, to retreat; and that at the battle of Pavia he made
his great rival, Francis I, prisoner. His behaviour to that monarch was
neither dignified nor liberal: anxious to derive the utmost advantage
from circumstances, he exacted, as the price of liberation, conditions
which, after long hesitation, Francis signed, but with a protest that
they should not be binding. Accordingly, the French monarch was no sooner
in his own dominions than he openly evaded them, and again tried the
fortunes of war; but he could never--not even by his alliance with the
Lutherans and the Turks--obtain any advantage over his great rival.

[Sidenote: [1525-1556 A.D.]]

In 1525 Charles married the princess Isabella, sister of João III king
of Portugal. The issue of this union was, besides two daughters, the
infante Philip, born 1527, destined to be no less famous than himself.
For this son he endeavoured to procure the imperial crown of Germany, but
his brother Ferdinand, who had been elected king of the Romans, would
not forego the dignity, nor would the electors themselves favour the
pretensions of the young prince. In 1554, however, he procured for Philip
the hand of the English princess Mary; and that the marriage ceremony
might be performed with more splendour, he invested him with the regal
title by abdicating in his favour his Italian possessions--the kingdom of
Naples and the duchy of Milan. This was not enough: he was preparing to
abdicate the whole of his immense dominions, and to retire forever from
the world.

CHARLES RETIRES FROM THE WORLD

From the very prime of life the emperor appears to have meditated his
retreat from the world. In 1554, the death of his mother, queen Juana,
made him decide on the immediate fulfilment of his long-cherished
project. For this step, indeed, other reasons might be given. Though
only fifty-six, his frame was greatly enfeebled--the result alike of
constitutional weakness, and of incessant activity; and he was subject to
grievous attacks of the gout, no less than to other acute pains. In such
a state, where the least exertion naturally augmented his infirmities, we
may easily conceive that empire could afford him little gratification,
and that life itself must be a burden. That, in the hope of some
alleviation, he should wish to resign his load of “sceptred care,”
has nothing to create surprise. Having concluded a truce with Henry,
the successor of Francis--a truce, however, which the perfidy of the
Frenchman and the ambition of the pope rendered of short duration--and
recalled Philip from England, the emperor assembled at Brussels the
states of the Netherlands (October, 1555). There, amidst the most
imposing solemnity ever witnessed since the days of the Roman cæsars, he
resigned the sovereignty of the Low Countries, which he had inherited
from his father, the archduke Philip, into the hands of his son. In a
few weeks after this august ceremony, Charles, in one no less imposing,
resigned the crown of Spain and the dominions dependent on it both in
the Old and New worlds. The imperial crown he still retained, with the
view of once more negotiating with his brother Ferdinand in behalf of
his son; but in a few months afterwards he despatched the instrument
of resignation from the place which he had chosen for his retreat, the
monastery of San Yuste, or St. Justus, one of the most secluded and
delightful situations in Estremadura.[d]

It was necessary to ascend to the times of Diocletian, to find an example
of a similar abdication of empire, on so deliberate and extensive a
scale, and the great English historian of the Roman Empire has compared
the two acts with each other. But there seems a vast difference between
the cases. Both emperors were distinguished soldiers; both were merciless
persecutors of defenceless Christians; both exchanged unbounded empire
for absolute seclusion. But Diocletian was born in the lowest abyss of
human degradation--a slave and the son of a slave. For such a man, after
having reached the highest pinnacle of human greatness, voluntarily to
descend from power, seems an act of far greater magnanimity than the
retreat of Charles.

[Sidenote: [1556 A.D.]]

Born in the purple, having exercised unlimited authority from his
boyhood, and having worn from his cradle so many crowns and coronets,
the German emperor might well be supposed to have learned to estimate
them at their proper value. Contemporary minds were busy, however, to
discover the hidden motives which could have influenced him, and the
world, even yet, has hardly ceased to wonder. Yet it would have been more
wonderful, considering the emperor’s character, had he remained. The end
had not crowned the work; it not unreasonably discrowned the workman.
The earlier, and indeed the greater part of his career, had been one
unbroken procession of triumphs. The cherished dream of his grandfather,
and of his own youth, to add the pope’s triple crown to the rest of
the hereditary possessions of his family, he had indeed been obliged
to resign. He had too much practical Flemish sense to indulge long in
chimeras, but he had achieved the empire over formidable rivals, and he
had successively not only conquered, but captured almost every potentate
who had arrayed himself in arms against him. Clement and Francis, the
dukes and landgrafs of Cleves, Hesse, Saxony, and Brunswick, he had bound
to his chariot wheels; forcing many to eat the bread of humiliation and
captivity, during long and weary years. But the concluding portion of his
reign had reversed all its previous glories. His whole career had been
a failure. He had been defeated, after all, in most of his projects. He
had humbled Francis, but Henry had most signally avenged his father. He
had trampled upon Philip of Hesse and Frederick of Saxony; but it had
been reserved for one of that German race, which he characterised as
“dreamy, drunken, and incapable of intrigue,” to outwit the man who had
outwitted all the world, and to drive before him, in ignominious flight,
the conqueror of the nations.

While he was preparing to crush, forever, the Protestant church, with the
arms which a bench of bishops were forging, lo! the rapid and desperate
Maurice, with long red beard streaming like a meteor in the wind, dashing
through the mountain passes, at the head of his Lancers--arguments more
convincing than all the dogmas of Granvella! Disguised as an old woman,
the emperor had attempted on the 6th of April, 1552, to escape in a
peasant’s wagon, from Innsbruck into Flanders. Saved for the time by the
mediation of Ferdinand, he had, a few weeks later, after his troops had
been defeated by Maurice at Füssen, again fled at midnight of the 22nd of
May, almost unattended, sick in body and soul, in the midst of thunder,
lightning, and rain, along the difficult Alpine passes from Innsbruck
into Carinthia. His pupil had permitted his escape, only because, in his
own language, “for such a bird he had no convenient cage.” The imprisoned
princes now owed their liberation, not to the emperor’s clemency, but
to his panic. The Peace of Passau, in the following August, crushed
the whole fabric of the emperor’s toil, and laid the foundation of the
Protestant church.

On the other hand, the man who had dealt with Rome as if the pope, not
he, had been the vassal, was compelled to witness, before he departed,
the insolence of a pontiff who took a special pride in insulting and
humbling his house, and trampling upon the pride of Charles, Philip,
and Ferdinand. In France, too, the disastrous siege of Metz had taught
him that in the imperial zodiac the fatal sign of Cancer had been
reached. The figure of a crab, with the words “_plus citra_,” instead of
his proud motto of “_plus ultra_,” scrawled on the walls where he had
resided during that dismal epoch, avenged more deeply, perhaps, than the
jester thought, the previous misfortunes of France. The Grand Turk, too,
Suleiman the Magnificent, possessed most of Hungary, and held at that
moment a fleet ready to sail against Naples, in co-operation with the
pope and France. Thus the infidel, the Protestant, and the holy church
were all combined together to crush him. Towards all the great powers
of the earth he stood, not in the attitude of a conqueror, but of a
disappointed, baffled, defeated potentate. Moreover, he had been foiled
long before in his earnest attempts to secure the imperial throne for
Philip.

[Illustration: A SPANISH CAVALIER OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY]

[Sidenote: [1556-1558 A.D.]]

Had the emperor continued to live and reign, he would have found
himself likewise engaged in mortal combat with that great religious
movement in the Netherlands, which he would not have been able many
years longer to suppress, and which he left as a legacy of blood and
fire to his successor. Born in the same year with his century, Charles
was a decrepit, exhausted man at fifty-five, while that glorious age,
in which humanity was to burst forever the cerements in which it had
so long been buried, was but awakening to a consciousness of its
strength. Disappointed in his schemes, broken in his fortunes with income
anticipated, estates mortgaged, all his affairs in confusion; failing
in mental powers, and with a constitution hopelessly shattered--it was
time for him to retire. He showed his keenness in recognising the fact
that neither his power nor his glory would be increased, should he lag
superfluous on the stage when mortification instead of applause was
likely to be his portion. His frame was indeed but a wreck. Forty years
of unexampled gluttony had done their work. He was a victim to gout,
asthma, dyspepsia, gravel. He was crippled in the neck, arms, knees, and
hands. He was troubled with chronic cutaneous eruptions. His appetite
remained, while his stomach, unable longer to perform the task still
imposed upon it, occasioned him constant suffering. Physiologists, who
know how important a part this organ plays in the affairs of life, will
perhaps see in this physical condition of the emperor a sufficient
explanation, if explanation were required, of his descent from the
throne. The resolution to abdicate before his death had been long a
settled scheme with him. It had been formally agreed between himself and
the empress that they should separate at the approach of old age, and
pass the remainder of their lives in a convent and a monastery. He wished
to put a little space of religious contemplation between the active
portion of his life and the grave.

The romantic picture of his philosophical retirement at Yuste,
painted originally by Sandoval[f] and Siguenza,[g] reproduced by the
fascinating pencil of Strada,[o] and imitated in frequent succession
by authors of every age and country, is unfortunately but a sketch
of fancy. The investigations of modern writers have entirely thrown
down the scaffolding on which the airy fabric, so delightful to poets
and moralists, reposed. The departing emperor stands no longer in a
transparency robed in shining garments. His transfiguration is at an
end. Every action, almost every moment of his retirement, accurately
chronicled by those who shared his solitude, have been placed before our
eyes, in the most felicitous manner, by able and brilliant writers.[81]
The emperor, shorn of the philosophical robe in which he had been
conventionally arrayed for three centuries, shivers now in the cold air
of reality.

So far from his having immersed himself in profound and pious
contemplation, below the current of the world’s events, his thoughts,
on the contrary, never were for a moment diverted from the political
surface of the times. He read nothing but despatches; he wrote or
dictated interminable ones in reply, as dull and prolix as any which
ever came from his pen. He manifested a succession of emotions at the
course of contemporary affairs, as intense and as varied as if the
world still rested in his palm. He was, in truth, essentially a man of
action. He had neither the taste nor talents which make a man great
in retirement. Not a lofty thought, not a generous sentiment, not a
profound or acute suggestion in his retreat has been recorded from his
lips. The epigrams which had been invented for him by fabulists have
been all taken away, and nothing has been substituted, save a few dull
jests exchanged with stupid friars. So far from having entertained and
even expressed that sentiment of religious toleration for which he was
said to have been condemned as a heretic by the Inquisition, and for
which Philip was ridiculously reported to have ordered his father’s
body to be burned, and his ashes scattered to the winds, he became in
retreat the bigot effectually, which during his reign he had only been
conventionally. Bitter regrets that he should have kept his word to
Luther, as if he had not broken faith enough to reflect upon in his
retirement; stern self-reproach for omitting to put to death, while he
had him in his power, the man who had caused all the mischief of the age;
fierce instructions thundered from his retreat to the inquisitors to
hasten the execution of all heretics--including particularly his ancient
friends, preachers and almoners, Cazalla and Constantine de Fuente;
furious exhortations to Philip--as if Philip needed a prompter in such
a work--that he should set himself to “cutting out the root of heresy
with rigour and rude chastisement”--such explosions of savage bigotry as
these, alternating with exhibitions of revolting gluttony, with surfeits
of sardine omelettes, Estremadura sausages, eel pies, pickled partridges,
fat capons, quince syrups, iced beer, and flagons of Rhenish, relieved
by copious draughts of senna and rhubarb, to which his horror-stricken
doctor doomed him as he ate--compose a spectacle less attractive to
the imagination than the ancient portrait of the cloistered Charles.
Unfortunately it was the one which was painted from life.[m]

Charles died September 20th, 1558, not long after a rehearsal of his
own obsequies which it was his whim to experience. He was buried in the
monastery, but twelve years later his son Philip II removed the remains
to the family tombs in the Escorial. Before leaving the reign of Charles
V, the major part of which is left to the volume of German history, we
may quote an estimate of his administration as it affected Spain.[a]

DE MARIANI’S REVIEW OF THE INFLUENCE OF CHARLES V ON SPAIN

[Sidenote: [1517-1556 A.D.]]

Charles had been brought up by Adrian of Utrecht, later on
inquisitor-general and afterwards pope. His first minister was Cardinal
Ximenes de Cisneros, also inquisitor-general, the same who condemned
52,552 Spaniards, of whom 3,554 were burned. Thus Charles, by his
upbringing and the counsels he received as soon as he became king, was
imbued wholly with religious fanaticism and political tyranny. He was not
long in showing himself an apt pupil of the two inquisitors.

In spite of the inquisitorial hecatombs which spread terror through
Europe, there still existed men who defended public liberty. The last
accents of a perishing liberty echoed in the words addressed by the
cortes to Charles: “Remember, seigneur,” said they to the haughty prince,
“that a king is servant to his subjects.”

Charles hearkened to this and vowed silently never to forget it, but he
refrained from throwing it back into the face of this proud plebiscite,
and contented himself with sowing corruption as much as terror. He
succeeded in enervating popular energy, and gradually drew away into
Flanders the vital part of the nation, there to destroy by force
municipal liberties, while he confided the task of annihilating those of
Spain to the grand inquisitor-general Adrian and the regent.

What astonishing activity, what wonderful audacity were the Spaniards now
possessed with! Rest seemed impossible to these impetuous organisations;
and not being able to fight at home, they hastened after Columbus. In
1510 the Castilian banner was hoisted at Darien by Vasco Nuñez Balboa, in
1519 it was planted in Mexico by Ferdinand Cortes, and in 1524 in Peru
by Pizarro. Intrepid warriors, their audacity, their religious yet cruel
fanaticism strike us with astonishment, and even their crimes cannot
wholly suppress our admiration. In those far-off lands whose limits
were yet unknown, the first conquerors lacked space. They seemed to be
condemned by heaven to cut one another’s throats in expiation of their
crimes.

The forced humility which Charles V had shown before the cortes of
Valladolid weighed on his despotic heart. In haste to give the lie to
those words, “The king is the servant of his people,” he threw aside his
mask as soon as he felt strong enough to aim a blow at liberty. However,
the Spaniards were not yet accustomed to his attempted tyranny. They rose
in protest against this audacious violation of the oath. The perjured
deputies were the first victims to popular justice.

A civil war seemed inevitable, the future of Spanish public liberty to
hang on the fate of arms. Padilla put himself at the head of the members
of the communes, but the isolation of the provinces, the want of a bond
of communication between the various parties in the nation made this
sublime attempt ineffectual. The privileged classes, save the bishop
of Zamora, followed the orders of the Inquisition. Padilla, martyr to
liberty, lost his head on the scaffold, and with him perished Castilian
liberty.

In that very hour when Charles V was stifling resistance to despotism in
the blood of the last representative of popular power, a new adversary
was springing up in Germany. Luther lifted up his already powerful voice
in the Diet of Worms, braved both pope and emperor, shook the Catholic
faith, and developed that principle of reform which would, later on,
separate the empire from the Roman church. In that same year then
(1521) liberty, perishing in Spain, was reborn in Germany. So these two
great figures in history, fighting sternly in Germany, appeared at the
appointed day in the world’s theatre--one to destroy, the other to found
liberty. One, emperor and king, a great warrior, an eminent politician,
exercising most incontestable preponderance, conqueror at Pavia, master
of Italy, feared by the Turks whom he had crushed, gave himself up
to every despotic inspiration. He fulfilled the execrable mission of
overthrowing liberty wherever his arm could reach. After thirty years
of warfare, in which cunning, hypocrisy, and courage were alternately
employed, Charles fell under the burden of sterile glory. His star had
paled before Maurice of Saxony at Innsbruck, and before Henry II in the
bishoprics. Reduced in 1552 to treat with his enemies at Passau, he whom
the Diet of Frankfort had elected leader of Christianity militant ruined
Spain, ravished her liberty and ended by hiding his discouragement and
ennui in the depths of a cloister. He abdicated the Spanish throne in
favour of his son, the imperial sceptre was committed to his brother, and
Charles left nothing to posterity but the germ of all the evils developed
by his successors.

Charles V filled the world with his glory, his name, and colossal power,
yet never thought of creating a Spanish administration. If he wished to
concentrate supreme power in his own hands, it was certainly not with any
thought of improving the lot of his people, but only to wield a stronger
instrument of tyranny. Surrounded by strangers, he never knew the needs
of Spain nor cared to. All was sterile under his iron hand; slow to act,
Charles never revoked a decision. Neither force nor danger could draw
from him any concession. “I am naturally inclined to persist obstinately
in my good ideas,” he said one day to Contarini. “Sire,” answered the
other, “to persist in good ideas is not obstinacy, but firmness.” The
emperor interrupted him, “But I also persist in bad ones.” In 1520, the
taxes were so exorbitant that the towns declared they would have to
increase the crown revenues without fixing new contributions, and without
burdening, as they put it, the king’s conscience. This result, added
the towns, would easily be attained if the prince would regulate his
expenses by his revenue. The Catholic king spent 12,000 maravedis each
day. Charles spent 150,000. Ordinary contributions did not suffice, but
the cortes were opposed to new exactions. They would only vote subsidies
after the redress of wrongs. In the cortes of Corunna of 1520, Charles
found an obstinate resistance to voting for taxes. He triumphed, however,
and soon rid himself of this embarrassing obstacle, and in 1528 forced
the cortes to vote for subsidies before answering their demands. He
dismissed the cortes of 1529 which opposed the fixing of new taxes; and
again at Toledo, in 1538, he encountered opposition to his inroads.

Charles obtained an order from the pope to raise taxes on church goods.
Among other concessions made to him by Rome was the Cruzada bull
(authorising consumption of bacon and eggs on fast days). Commerce and
industry were terribly crippled. In 1526, Charles had recourse to his
wife’s portion to defray war expenses; in 1527, his army not having
received its pay, set out to ask the pope for that which the emperor
did not give. In 1529, Charles, not being able to go to Italy for want
of funds, ceded to Portugal for a large sum the Castilian rights in the
Moluccas. He sold the fortresses of Florence and Leghorn for 150,000
ducats to Cosmo de’ Medici. In a little more he would have sold the pope
the states of Milan and Siena. When all these resources were exhausted
he had recourse to foreign loans. The uncertainty of public credit, the
urgency of present needs obliged him to pay interest of ten, twenty, and
fifty per cent. Is not this like the Spain of to-day--swallowing up the
state revenues in advance?

By 1550, Charles had mortgaged the whole of his revenues--those of
Castile for 800,000 ducats on the 920,000 they yielded; those of Naples
and Sicily for 700,000 on the 800,000 which formed the revenue. Those
of Milan, amounting to 400,000 ducats, were entirely mortgaged, also a
large part of the Flemish revenues. All this without counting the sums
coming from America, the amount of which has been so disputed that it is
difficult to fix the value, but which must have been very considerable.

These usurious transactions ruined the country; their insufficiency
compelled the emperor to make fresh demands for money, but no one would
take his bond. Then foreigners, the only ones who would do so, acquired
privileges which killed native commerce and industry. Thus the lenders
had permission to export articles that Spaniards were forbidden to send
abroad. They held also a monopoly for importations. Nearly all the home
and Indian commerce came by these means into the hands of foreigners.
All appeals were useless, the growing necessities of the prince made him
deaf to the just complaints of his people. Thus there was no interior
organisation, no real government under the military despotism of the
first prince of the house of Habsburg. Charles V destroyed public
liberty, corrupted the nobility, tyrannised, oppressed the people,
destroyed industry and commerce, and lived only by expedients and
usurious contracts. A strong, intelligent administration would have
augmented the state revenue, by promoting general prosperity. Charles V
abandoned Spain to all the vice, all the excess of avaricious despotism
which dried up the sources of national prosperity.[n]

FOOTNOTES

[77] [The ducat may be taken as valuing approximately at 9_s._ 6_d._
or $2.30; it being remembered that gold purchased then much more
than now--the usual theory being that it had seven times its present
purchasing power.]

[78] [The name _germaneros_ was given to the rebels of Valencia who were
organised into a “brotherhood” or _germania_, a word closely allied in
sound and meaning to the Castilian _hermandad_ or “brotherhood.” The name
_comuneros_ is simply the Castilian for “commoners.”]

[79] In the defence of Pamplona the celebrated Ignatius de Loyola
received a wound in his leg. During his illness he resolved, if his life
were spared, to found the order of Jesuits, both for the destruction
of Lutheranism, and for the propagation of the Catholic religion among
distant nations. See in an earlier volume the chapter on Monasticism.

[80] The warlike bishop of Zamora was confined to the prison of Simancas;
there he committed a murder, and was hanged for it--a fit ending for so
stormy and unprincipled a life.

[81] See Stirling,[h] Bakhuyzen van den Brink,[i] the works of Mignet[j]
and Pichot,[k] and particularly the publication of M. Gachard,[l] in
which last work the subject may be considered to have been fairly
exhausted, and in which the text of Siguenza[g] and of the anonymous
manuscript discovered by M. Bakhuyzen, in the _greffe_ of the court of
appeals at Brussels, are placed in full before the reader, so far as they
bear on the vexed question as to the celebration by the emperor of his
own obsequies.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER IX. THE REIGN OF PHILIP II

[Sidenote: [1556-1598 A.D.]]

Philip II had received the investiture of Milan and the crown of Naples,
previously to his marriage with Mary Tudor. The imperial crown he had
been obliged, much against his will, to forego. The archduchy of Austria,
with the hereditary German dependencies of his father’s family, had been
transferred by the emperor to his brother Ferdinand, on the occasion
of the marriage of that prince with Anna, only sister of King Louis of
Hungary. Ten years afterwards Ferdinand was elected king of the Romans,
and steadily refused all the entreaties afterwards made to him in behalf
of Philip to resign his crown, and his succession to the empire, in
favour of his nephew. With these diminutions, Philip had now received
all the dominions of his father. He was king of all the Spanish kingdoms
and of both the Sicilies. He was titular king of England, France, and
Jerusalem. He was “absolute dominator” in Asia, Africa, and America; he
was duke of Milan and of both Burgundies, and hereditary sovereign of the
seventeen Netherlands.

Thus the provinces had received a new master. A man of foreign birth and
breeding, not speaking a word of their language, nor of any language
which the mass of the inhabitants understood, was now placed in supreme
authority over them, because he represented, through the females, the
“good” Philip of Burgundy, who a century before had possessed himself,
by inheritance, purchase, force, or fraud, of the sovereignty in most
of those provinces. It is necessary to say an introductory word or two
concerning the previous history of the man to whose hands the destiny of
so many millions was now entrusted.

He was born in May, 1527, and was now, therefore, twenty-eight years
of age. At the age of sixteen he had been united to his cousin Maria
of Portugal, daughter of João III and of the emperor’s sister, Doña
Catalina. Within two years (1545) he became father of the celebrated and
ill-starred Don Carlos, and a widower. In 1548, he had made his first
appearance in the Netherlands. He came thither to receive homage in the
various provinces as their future sovereign, and to exchange oaths of
mutual fidelity with them all. Andrea Doria, with a fleet of fifty ships,
had brought him to Genoa, whence he had passed to Milan, where he was
received with great rejoicing. At Trent he was met by Duke Maurice of
Saxony, who warmly begged his intercession with the emperor in behalf
of the imprisoned landgraf of Hesse. This boon Philip was graciously
pleased to promise, and to keep the pledge as sacredly as most of the
vows plighted by him during this memorable year. The duke of Aerschot met
him in Germany with a regiment of cavalry and escorted him to Brussels.
A summer was spent in great festivities, the cities of the Netherlands
vying with each other in magnificent celebrations of the ceremonies, by
which Philip successively swore allegiance to the various constitutions
and charters of the provinces, and received their oaths of future fealty
in return.

His oath to support all the constitutions and privileges was without
reservation, while his father and grandfather had only sworn to maintain
the charters granted or confirmed by Philip and Charles of Burgundy.
Suspicion was disarmed by these indiscriminate concessions, which had
been resolved upon by the unscrupulous Charles to conciliate the good
will of the people. The light-hearted Flemings, Brabantines, and Walloons
received him with open arms. Yet icy was the deportment with which Philip
received these demonstrations of affection, and haughty the glance with
which he looked down upon these exhibitions of civic hilarity, as from
the height of a grim and inaccessible tower. The impression made upon the
Netherlanders was anything but favourable, and when he had fully learned
the futility of the projects on the empire which it was so difficult both
for his father and himself to resign, he returned to the more congenial
soil of Spain.

PHILIP’S MARRIAGE WITH MARY TUDOR

[Sidenote: [1544-1554 A.D.]]

In 1554 he had again issued from the peninsula to marry the queen of
England, a privilege which his father had graciously resigned to him.
He was united to Mary Tudor at Winchester, on the 25th of July of that
year, and if congeniality of tastes could have made a marriage happy,
that union should have been thrice blessed. To maintain the supremacy
of the church seemed to both the main object of existence, to execute
unbelievers the most sacred duty imposed by the Deity upon anointed
princes, to convert their kingdoms into a hell the surest means of
winning heaven for themselves. It was not strange that the conjunction
of two such wonders of superstition in one sphere should seem portentous
in the eyes of the English nation. Philip’s mock efforts in favour of
certain condemned reformers, and his pretended intercessions in favour of
the princess Elizabeth, failed entirely of their object. The parliament
refused to confer upon him more than a nominal authority in England. His
children, should they be born, might be sovereigns; he was but husband
of the queen--of a woman who could not atone by her abject but peevish
fondness for himself, and by her congenial blood-thirstiness towards her
subjects, for her eleven years’ seniority, her deficiency in attractions,
and her incapacity to make him the father of a line of English monarchs.

It almost excites compassion even for Mary Tudor, when her passionate
efforts to inspire him with affection are contrasted with his
impassiveness. Tyrant, bigot, murderess though she was, she was still
woman, and she lavished upon her husband all that was not ferocious in
her nature. Forbidding prayers to be said for the soul of her father,
hating her sister and her people, burning bishops, bathing herself in
the blood of heretics, to Philip she was all submissiveness and feminine
devotion. It was a most singular contrast--Mary the queen of England, and
Mary the wife of Philip. Small, lean, and sickly, painfully near-sighted,
yet with an eye of fierceness and fire; her face wrinkled by care and
evil passions still more than by time, with a big man’s voice, whose
harshness made those in the next room tremble; yet feminine in her
tastes, skilful with her needle, fond of embroidery work, striking the
lute with a touch remarkable for its science and feeling, speaking many
languages, including Latin, with fluency and grace; most feminine, too,
in her constitutional sufferings, hysterical of habit, shedding floods of
tears daily at Philip’s coldness, undisguised infidelity, and frequent
absences from England--she almost awakens compassion and causes a
momentary oblivion of her identity.

Her subjects, already half maddened by religious persecution, were
exasperated still further by the pecuniary burdens which she imposed upon
them to supply the king’s exigencies, and she unhesitatingly confronted
their frenzy, in the hope of winning a smile from him. When at last her
chronic maladies had assumed the memorable form which caused Philip
and Mary to unite in a letter to Cardinal Pole, announcing not the
expected but the actual birth of a prince, but judiciously leaving the
date in blank, the momentary satisfaction and delusion of the queen was
unbounded. The false intelligence was transmitted everywhere. When the
futility of the royal hopes could no longer be concealed, Philip left
the country, never to return till his war with France made him require
troops, subsidies, and a declaration of hostilities from England.

Upon his first journey out of Spain, in 1548, into his various dominions,
he had made a most painful impression everywhere. “He was disagreeable,”
says Envoy Suriano[b] “to the Italians, detestable to the Flemings,
odious to the Germans.” He was thought deficient in manly energy. He was
an infirm valetudinarian, and was considered as sluggish in character,
as deficient in martial enterprise, as timid of temperament as he
was fragile and sickly of frame. It is true that, on account of the
disappointment which he occasioned by his contrast to his warlike father,
he mingled in some tournaments in Brussels, where he was matched against
Count Mansfeld, one of the most distinguished chieftains of the age, and
where, says his professed panegyrist, Cabrera,[c] “he broke his lances
very much to the satisfaction of his father and aunts.”

PHILIP’S CHARACTER

[Sidenote: [1556-1598 A.D.]]

Those who were most disposed to think favourably of him remembered that
there was a time when even Charles V was thought weak and indolent, and
were willing to ascribe Philip’s pacific disposition to his habitual
cholic and side-ache, and to his father’s inordinate care for him in
youth. They even looked forward to the time when he should blaze forth
to the world as a conqueror and a hero. These, however, were views
entertained by but few; the general and the correct opinion, as it
proved, being that Philip hated war, would never certainly acquire any
personal distinction in the field, and when engaged in hostilities would
be apt to gather his laurels at the hands of his generals, rather than
with his own sword. He was believed to be the reverse of the emperor.
Charles sought great enterprises; Philip would avoid them. The emperor
never recoiled before threats; the son was reserved, cautious, suspicious
of all men, and capable of sacrificing a realm from hesitation and
timidity. The father had a genius for action, the son a predilection for
repose. Charles took “all men’s opinions, but reserved his judgment,” and
acted on it, when matured, with irresistible energy; Philip was led by
others, was vacillating in forming decisions, and irresolute in executing
them when formed.

His talents were, in truth, very much below mediocrity. His mind was
incredibly small. A petty passion for contemptible details characterised
him from his youth, and, as long as he lived, he could neither learn to
generalise, nor understand that one man, however diligent, could not be
minutely acquainted with all the public and private affairs of fifty
millions of other men. He was a glutton of work. He was born to write
despatches, and to scrawl comments[82] upon those which he received. He
gave audiences to ambassadors and deputies very willingly, listening
attentively to all that was said of him, and answering in monosyllables.
He spoke no tongue but Spanish, and was sufficiently sparing of that,
but he was indefatigable with his pen. He hated to converse, but he
could write a letter eighteen pages long, when his correspondent was in
the next room, and when the subject was, perhaps, one which a man of
talent could have settled with six words of his tongue. The world, in his
opinion, was to move upon protocols and apostilles. Events had no right
to be born throughout his dominions, without a preparatory course of his
obstetrical pedantry. He could never learn that the earth would not rest
on its axis, while he wrote a programme of the way it was to turn. He
was prolix with his pen, not from affluence, but from paucity of ideas.
He took refuge in a cloud of words, sometimes to conceal his meaning,
oftener to conceal the absence of any meaning, thus mystifying not only
others but himself.

He appeared on the whole the embodiment of Spanish chivalry and Spanish
religious enthusiasm, in its late and corrupted form. He was entirely a
Spaniard. The Burgundian and Austrian elements of his blood seemed to
have evaporated, and his veins were filled alone with the ancient ardour,
which in heroic centuries had animated the Gothic champions of Spain.
The fierce enthusiasm for the cross, which in the long internal warfare
against the crescent had been the romantic and distinguishing feature
of the national character, had degenerated into bigotry. That which had
been a nation’s glory now made the monarch’s shame. The Christian heretic
was to be regarded with a more intense hatred than even Moor or Jew had
excited in the most Christian ages, and Philip was to be the latest
and most perfect incarnation of all this traditional enthusiasm, this
perpetual hate. Thus he was likely to be single-hearted in his life. It
was believed that his ambition would be less to extend his dominions than
to vindicate his title of “the most Catholic king.”

His education had been but meagre. In an age when most kings and noblemen
possessed many languages, he spoke not a word of any tongue but Spanish,
although he had a slender knowledge of French and Italian, which he
afterwards learned to read with comparative facility. He had studied a
little history and geography, and he had a taste for sculpture, painting,
and architecture. Certainly if he had not possessed a feeling for art, he
would have been a monster. To have been born in the earlier part of the
sixteenth century, to have been a king, to have had Spain, Italy, and the
Netherlands as a birthright, and not to have been inspired with a spark
of that fire which glowed so intensely in those favoured lands and in
that golden age, had indeed been difficult.

The king’s personal habits were regular. He was most strict in religious
observances, as regular at mass, sermons, and vespers as a monk; much
more it was thought by many good Catholics, than was becoming to his
rank and age. Besides several friars who preached regularly for his
instruction, he had daily discussions with others on abstruse theological
points. He consulted his confessor most minutely as to all the actions
of life, inquiring anxiously whether this proceeding or that were likely
to burden his conscience. He was grossly licentious. It was his chief
amusement to issue forth at night disguised, that he might indulge
himself in the common haunts of vice. This was his solace at Brussels in
the midst of the gravest affairs of state.[83] He was not illiberal; but,
on the contrary, it was thought that he would have been even generous
had he not been straitened for money at the outset of his career. During
a cold winter, he distributed alms to the poor of Brussels with an open
hand. He was fond of jests in private, and would laugh immoderately,
when with a few intimate associates, at buffooneries which he checked in
public by the icy gravity of his deportment.

The court was organised during his residence at Brussels on the
Burgundian, not the Spanish model, but of the 150 persons who composed
it, nine-tenths of the whole were Spaniards; the other fifteen or sixteen
being of various nations, Flemings, Burgundians, Italians, English,
and Germans. Thus it is obvious how soon he disregarded his father’s
precept and practice in this respect, and began to lay the foundation of
that renewed hatred to Spaniards which was soon to become so intense,
exuberant, and fatal throughout every class of Netherlanders. He esteemed
no nation but the Spanish; with Spaniards he consorted, with Spaniards he
counselled, through Spaniards he governed.

His council consisted of five or six Spanish grandees, the famous Ruy
Gomez, then count of Melito, afterwards prince of Eboli; the duke of
Alva, the count de Feria, the duke of Franca Villa, Don Antonio Toledo,
and Don Juan Manrique de Lara. The “two columns,” said Suriano,[b]
“which sustain this great machine are Ruy Gomez and Alva, and from their
councils depends the government of half the world.” The two were ever
bitterly opposed to each other. Alva represented the war party, Ruy Gomez
the pacific policy more congenial to the heart of Philip. The bishop
of Arras, who in the opinion of the envoys was worth them all for his
capacity and his experience, was then entirely in the background, rarely
entering the council except when summoned to give advice in affairs of
extraordinary delicacy or gravity. He was, however, to reappear most
signally in course of the events already preparing. The duke of Alva,
also to play so tremendous a part in the yet unborn history of the
Netherlands, was not beloved by Philip. He was eclipsed at this period
by the superior influence of the favourite, and his sword, moreover,
became necessary in the Italian campaign which was impending. It is
remarkable that it was a common opinion even at that day that the duke
was naturally hesitating and timid. One would have thought that his
previous victories might have earned for him the reputation for courage
and skill which he most unquestionably deserved. The future was to
develop those other characteristics which were to make his name the
terror and wonder of the world.[f]

[Illustration: A SPANISH PENITENT OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY]

[Sidenote: [1555-1557 A.D.]]

To acquire a clear understanding of the interminable and complex
events of this remarkable reign, it will be necessary to class them
under general heads, without much regard to the chronological order.
Unlike the reign of the preceding monarch, some brief space must be
devoted to foreign transactions; but such only will be noticed as have
an inseparable connection with Spain, and are absolutely necessary to
explain its condition.

Immediately after the resignation by the emperor of Naples and Sicily in
favour of Philip, the duke of Alva was sent to protect that kingdom and
the honour of Spain, against the secret enmity of the pope and the open
hostility of the French. Paul IV, who was bound with the tiara in 1555,
was as favourable to France as he was hostile to her rival. The papal
displeasure was signalised by the arrest of the Spanish ambassador, and
by the citation of Philip, whom, as king of Naples, Rome considered as
its vassal.

[Sidenote: [1557-1574 A.D.]]

Confiding in the promises of France, Paul in full consistory declared
Philip deprived of the Neapolitan throne. The latter, having consulted
the most celebrated theologians, whether, as a dutiful son of the church,
he could arm against its chief; and having, as was to be expected,
received an answer in the affirmative, prepared to defend his rights. The
duke of Alva entered the papal states, and seized on several fortresses.
The eternal city began to tremble for its security, and was forcing Paul
to negotiate with the victor, when, notwithstanding the truce concluded
by the emperor, a French army under the duke of Guise advanced, and
hostilities were continued. On another part of the frontier, the truce
was broken at the same time by the admiral Coligny, governor of Picardy,
who made an unsuccessful attempt on Douay. Philip himself inflicted
so severe a blow on the French at St. Quentin that Henry in great
consternation recalled the duke. The pope was accordingly left at the
mercy of the duke of Alva,[84] who advanced on Rome, and forced him to
purchase peace by withdrawing from the French alliance. As Turkey was
banded with the unscrupulous French, that alliance was little honourable
to the head of the church. At this very time the Ottoman fleet was
ravaging the coast of Calabria, whence it retired with great booty and
many captives. The duke of Alva, whose presence was required in Flanders,
was for a season replaced in the viceroyalty of Naples by the marquis of
Santa Cruz. In 1559, peace was made with France.

WAR WITH THE TURKS (1560-1574 A.D.)

But if this peace freed Naples from the hostilities of the French, it
could not arrest the frequent depredations of the Turks. In general,
however, these depredations led to no result, the Mohammedans retiring
before the Spanish forces. But, in 1565, the sultan Suleiman equipped
a powerful armament, both for the conquest of Malta, which the emperor
Charles had conferred on the knights of St. John, and for the invasion
of the Spanish possessions on the continent. It is not easy to account
for the apathy apparently shown by Philip towards their cause, especially
after ordering the viceroy of Sicily to defend them. In vain did Don John
of Austria, his natural brother, to whom, very honourably for himself, he
had granted a splendid household, flee from the court with the intention
of embarking at Barcelona, in aid of the knights; the prince was
constrained to return. After one of the most gallant defences on record,
when nearly two-thirds of the assailants, and most of the defenders, were
cut off, about ten thousand Spaniards were landed on the island, and the
siege was raised.

In 1570, the war between the Venetian Republic and the porte again
brought the Spaniards into collision with the latter power; Rome, Venice,
and Spain having confederated for the common defence of Christendom.
The combined fleet assembled at Messina, and resolved to assail the
formidable armament of the sultan. In the celebrated battle which
followed [that of Lepanto in 1571], the papal galleys being headed by
Marco Antonio Colonna, the Venetians by Doria, and the Spaniards by Don
John of Austria, a splendid victory declared for the Christians [see
the history of Italy]. But this advantage was not improved, and the
vanquished were soon able to resume. The isle of Jerba, Peñon de Velez
a strong fortress on the African coast, and subsequently Tunis were
reduced; and in various isolated engagements the advantage rested with
the Christians. Such conquests, however, were more easily made than
retained. Jerba and Tunis were retaken by storm; the fortress of Oran was
abandoned, after most of its defenders had perished either by the climate
or the harassing warfare.

WARS WITH FRANCE (1557-1597 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1557-1585 A.D.]]

The jealousy which had actuated the emperor and Francis was transmitted
to their heirs. Philip, however, had no intention to break the truce
which it had been one of his father’s latest acts to procure; but, as
before observed, the hatred of the pope, and the faithlessness of Henry,
forced him into the war. Assisted by the troops of his consort, Mary
of England, Philip invaded France; and his generals laid siege to St.
Quentin, while the duke of Alva, as before related, vigorously defended
Italy against a French army under the duke of Guise. The constable,
accompanied by the martial chivalry of the country, hastened to
relieve St. Quentin; but under the walls of that fortress he sustained
a disastrous defeat, which was followed by the surrender of the place.
Mary had little reason to congratulate herself on her impolitic quarrel
with Henry; she lost Calais, and two smaller forts,--all that remained of
the English possessions in the country,--and died before the conclusion
of the war. So far was Philip from indemnifying his ally for the loss
sustained, that, four months after her decease, he made peace with
France, and confirmed it by a new marriage with Elizabeth [Isabella in
Spanish] daughter of the king of France.

For many years after this event (1559-1585), the two monarchs remained
outwardly in peace, but inwardly agitated by jealousy or ill will:
France had reason to dread the ambitious views of the Castilian; and the
latter was far from satisfied with the secret encouragement afforded by
the French Protestants, with the full connivance of the court, to their
brethren of the Low Countries, who were striving to shake off the Spanish
yoke. The troubles which distracted the Gallic kingdom during the wars
of the league afforded Philip an opportunity, which he had long coveted,
of interfering in the affairs of that kingdom, ostensibly in support of
the Roman Catholic faith, but quite as much for his own advantage. As the
protector of the league, he at first furnished the rebels with money,
and subsequently ordered the governor of the Netherlands, the prince of
Parma, to invade the country, and to effect a junction with them. But the
abilities of Henry IV, and the valour of his Protestant adherents, the
assistance of Elizabeth, queen of England, and, above all, his conversion
to the established faith, rendered the combined efforts of Spaniards and
leaguers of no ultimate avail. His subsequent absolution by the pope
destroyed the unnatural coalition which had been formed against him, and
enabled him, with the pontiff’s mediation, to obtain an honourable peace.
Into the interminable transactions of this period--transactions which
are more intimately connected with the history of France than that of
Spain--we cannot enter here.

THE NETHERLANDS

The most important of the wars of Philip were with his revolted subjects
of the Low Countries. Soon after his accession, he learned that the
Reformation had made alarming progress in these provinces, and he
resolved to extirpate it. His bigotry to the ancient religion, his stern,
cruel character, caused him to prefer violent to persuasive measures. A
little reflection might have convinced him that he could never succeed in
his object, and that by the bare attempt he would risk the security of
his government. His repulsive manners, his arbitrary measures, and the
manifest preference which he gave to his Spanish subjects, soon estranged
both Flemings and Dutch from his person. To his father, whose demeanour
was marked by unwonted condescension, and who really loved them, they had
been devotedly attached.

Though the emperor was no less a bigot than the son,--though from 1521 to
1555 no fewer than fifty thousand Protestants are said to have perished
by fire or sword,--the Roman Catholics were by far the more numerous
party, and ready to support him in his bloody proscriptions. But now the
new opinions had seized on all classes of men, and their professors were
approaching to a numerical level with the rest. This fact, however, was
unknown to the government: many of the converts were so only in secret;
and the few who in despite of the penal decrees attended the public
profession of the reformed doctrines were regarded, not indeed as all,
but as the chief portion of Protestants. In his resolution of extirpating
them, the king commenced by giving new vigour to those decrees; and, to
insure their execution, he created a new tribunal, with powers similar to
those of the ancient Spanish Inquisition, to take cognisance of heresy.
These measures were obnoxious to the people, not merely to the secret
Protestants, but to the Catholics, who were subjected to new impositions
to defray the expense. The latter, too, joined with the former in
exclaiming against the presence of the Spanish troops, which they justly
characterised as an infraction of a fundamental law, that prohibited
the sojourn in these provinces of armed foreigners. Philip, who had
extravagant notions of the royal power, paid no regard to murmurs which
he was resolved to stifle by force. As Spain demanded his presence, he
intrusted the regency to his natural sister, Margaret duchess of Parma, a
princess devoted to his will.

[Sidenote: [1556-1567 A.D.]]

After the king’s departure, the regent put the obnoxious edicts into
execution, and the blood of martyrs moistened the soil of the Low
Countries. Her natural disposition was doubtless averse to cruelty;
but she was governed by Cardinal Granvella, a furious zealot, to whose
suggestions, as they were strictly in conformity with the instructions
of Philip, she was almost compelled to defer. The native nobles, who
formed the council of regency, were not a little chagrined to find
their voices powerless--that measures were framed not only without
their consent, but without their knowledge; and they resolved to remove
the odious churchman. Among these were two of more than ordinary
consideration--William prince of Orange, and Count Egmont; the former
governor of Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht, the latter of Artois and
Flanders. They were soon joined by Count Horn, a nobleman of equal
ambition, and equally jealous of Granvella’s ascendency. The cardinal,
perceiving the execration in which he was held, applied for a release
from his unenviable post. It was reluctantly granted by the king, who
never forgave the men that had occasioned it. But it produced no relief
for the dissenters.

The decrees of the Council of Trent--decrees written in blood--were
ordered to be executed with even increased severity by some bigoted
counsellors. A confederacy was now formed, professed to prevent the
dreaded introduction of the Inquisition, but in reality to procure
uncontrolled liberty of conscience, or to throw off the Spanish yoke. It
was headed by Philip de Marnix, lord of St. Aldegonde; but though the
three nobles before mentioned were not members, they were the soul of its
proceedings. Emboldened by their numbers, the lower class of Protestants
rose in several of the towns to inflict on the Roman Catholics what they
themselves had suffered; perhaps more still were incited by the hope of
plunder. This was but the beginning of horrors: a furious organised band,
amplified as it went along, hastened to the neighbouring towns; and, if
the relations of Catholic writers are to be believed, soon laid waste
four hundred sacred edifices.

When Philip received intelligence of these events,[85] he called a
council, which, after some deliberation, resolved that an army should
be sent to extirpate heresy by open force. Its command was intrusted
to the duke of Alva, whose relentless disposition seemed well adapted
for the task. His powers were much more ample than those of a
general-in-chief: they went so far as to control the authority of the
regent. His arrival spread great consternation in the provinces; the more
so, when counts Egmont and Horn were arrested (Prince William, too wise
to await him, had fled into Germany); and the regent, finding that she
was in fact superseded, resigned her authority, and returned to Italy.
Many thousands, in dread of the approaching persecution, fled into the
Protestant states of Europe; to no country more readily than to England.

[Illustration: A SPANISH CAPTAIN OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY]

[Sidenote: [1567-1573 A.D.]]

A new tribunal, called the Council of Tumults, was formed: its name
implied that it was to take cognisance of the late disorders; but,
in reality, it was to be an inquisition. Its fatal activity was soon
manifest: confiscations, imprisonment, executions were of hourly
occurrence. The number of victims is impossible to be estimated: the
Protestants say it amounted to thousands; the Catholics, that the
ringleaders only suffered the last penalty. It was, however, severe
enough to fill all the Protestant states of Europe with concern, and
even to draw forth expostulation from several Catholic. How little such
remonstrance availed with either the king or his viceroy, appeared from
the execution of the counts Egmont and Horn. Their death made a deep
impression on the people, who began to turn their eyes towards the prince
of Orange, whom they requested to arm in behalf of his suffering country.
William was sufficiently inclined, both by love of liberty and personal
ambition, to make the attempt. He and his brothers had for some time been
making preparations--raising money and troops in the Protestant states
of Germany, and collecting the exiles who had fled from the scaffold.
To enter into the details of the interminable wars which followed, from
1568 to 1598, would little accord either with the limits or the design of
this chapter. They will be found in the history of the Netherlands. In an
assembly of the Dutch states, held at Dordrecht, they openly recognised
William as their governor, and voted him supplies to carry on the war.
By their invitation he arrived among them, and the reformed religion was
declared that of the state. Alva and his son took the field, to recover
the places which had rebelled; and wherever their arms were successful,
the cruelties inflicted by them on the inhabitants were certainly
horrible. It may, however, be doubted whether they were not fully
equalled by the atrocities of the count de la Marek, and other Protestant
leaders--atrocities which William, with laudable humanity, endeavoured to
end. Philip was at length convinced that a wrong policy had been adopted;
and Alva was either recalled, or permitted to retire. He was succeeded
by Requesens, a nobleman of equal talents and moderation. The fortune of
his administration was varied. He soon lost Middelburg; but he defeated
and slew Count Louis of Nassau. He failed before Leyden, the inhabitants
of which defended themselves with a heroism and a constancy never
surpassed; but, on the other hand, he gained some fortresses in North
Zealand. On the whole, however, he was so dissatisfied with his success
that anxiety brought him to his grave.

[Sidenote: [1573-1592 A.D.]]

Under the council of state which next governed the Netherlands, Spanish
affairs wore a much worse aspect. Sometimes the troops mutinied for their
arrears of pay, which Philip’s coffers could not often satisfy. They
seized Alost, and plundered Antwerp, which had shown more attachment to
the prince’s cause. To restore the fortune of the war, in 1576, Don John
of Austria, the king’s brother, was appointed to the regency. After some
warlike operations, in which assistance was furnished by Elizabeth, and
which were to the advantage of the confederates, the duke of Anjou, who
could muster an army, was invited by the Catholics to take possession of
the government. Before the negotiations with this prince were concluded,
Don John died; and Farnese, the prince of Parma, by far the ablest
officer in the Spanish service, arrived, took command of the king’s
forces, and by his valour no less than his policy changed the position
of affairs. He gained possession of Flanders, Artois, and Hainault; but
William of Orange had address enough to maintain all Holland, Gelderland,
and Friesland, with a proportion of Brabant, in his interests.

These states he formed into a confederacy, called the Union of Utrecht,
from the place where it was held. The apparent object was to secure the
common weal; the real one, to subvert the Spanish sway. This confederacy
was the foundation of the Seven United Provinces. The election of the
duke of Anjou threatened forever to destroy the expiring domination of
Spain, which the same states (in 1581) declared to be at an end. But
Anjou was weak and faithless, and was soon expelled by his new subjects.
Subsequently, indeed, they showed a disposition to be reconciled with
him; but his death intervened, and again left the prince of Parma a
theatre for the exercise of his talents. It was immediately followed
by that of the prince of Orange, who was assassinated by the fanatic
Balthasar Gerard, at the instigation of the Spanish general, if not of a
higher personage. The death of this justly celebrated man did not produce
any advantage for Spain: though his eldest son, the count of Buren, was a
hostage in the hands of Philip, the second, Prince Maurice, soon showed
that he was able to tread in his steps. The southern provinces, indeed,
as far as the Schelde, were persuaded or compelled by Farnese to swear
anew allegiance to the Spaniard: from community of religious feeling
and from hereditary attachment his path here was smoothed; but in the
northern, where the principles of the Reformation had struck so deeply
into the soil, the house of Orange had laid the sure foundation of its
future sway. The latter, after the loss of Antwerp, which was reduced by
Farnese in 1585, were strengthened by the accession of Protestants from
the Spanish provinces, and by the arrival of exiles from Germany and
Britain.

[Sidenote: [1587-1598 A.D.]]

The impolitic war of Philip with France drew the prince of Parma from the
Low Countries. The confederates had not only time to consolidate their
powers north of the Schelde, but to make even destructive irruptions
into Brabant and Flanders. The extraordinary military talents of Prince
Maurice rendered him no mean antagonist for even the able Farnese. In
1592, the latter died, and with him ended the hope of subduing the
northern provinces. The administration of Count Mansfeld, of Ernest
archduke of Austria, of the count de Fuentes, led to little advantage,
though the last was an able man. In 1596, the archduke Albert was
appointed to the government, but it was disastrous; under it Maurice
reduced not a few of the northern fortresses. Philip now opened his eyes
to the impossibility of maintaining the Netherlands in obedience: he
found that, even in the Catholic states, the name of Spaniard was odious;
and, as he was approaching the end of his days, he was naturally anxious
to settle the affairs of the country. These considerations, added to the
affection which he bore for his daughter, the infanta Isabella, and the
esteem which he entertained for Albert, made him resolve to marry the
two, and resign the government to them and their heirs. This was one of
his most prudent measures: if it could not recall Holland and the other
Protestant provinces to obedience, it seemed likely at least to preserve
those which were still left. The deed of abdication was executed in May,
1598, about four months before the monarch’s death.

ENGLISH AFFAIRS AND THE ARMADA

The succours which Elizabeth had from time to time afforded the
insurgents of the Netherlands was not the only cause of Philip’s
resentment and of his desire for revenge. She had fomented the
disturbances in Portugal, consequent on the death of Cardinal Henry;
and her captains, among whom Sir Francis Drake was the most active,
had for many years committed unjustifiable depredations on the Spanish
possessions of South America, and more than once on the coasts of the
peninsula itself. By the Spanish historians these hostilities are
represented as unprovoked in their origin, and as barbarous in their
execution; and candour must allow that there is but too much justice in
the complaint. When Philip’s patience was exhausted, and his affairs in
the Netherlands allowed him a few months’ respite to avenge the insults
he had so long sustained, he diligently began to prepare a mighty
armament, which, though its destination was secret, was suspected by all
to be intended against England.

In 1587, Elizabeth despatched Sir Francis to reconnoitre the coasts of
the peninsula, and if possible to annihilate the preparations which were
proceeding with so much rapidity. In April, that admiral, accompanied
by twenty-five vessels, appeared before Cadiz, and, by hoisting French
and Flemish colours, entered the bay. But he found the troops aware at
length of his country, and drawn up to receive him: he therefore made
no attempt to land; but having set fire to many merchant vessels, he
returned. This aggression was not likely to cool the animosity of Philip:
the preparations were hastened; all the seaports of Spain, the viceroys
of Naples and Sicily, the governor of Milan and the Netherlands furnished
vessels, troops, or money. The general rendezvous was Lisbon, and the
command of the fleet confided to the duke of Medina Sidonia, while the
prince of Parma was to conduct the land-forces. After some fruitless
attempts at negotiation, in which neither party was sincere, and in which
both merely sought to gain time,--how would such conduct be deprecated in
private life?--a fleet of 131 ships, some the largest that ever ploughed
the deep, carrying, exclusive of seven thousand sailors, no less than
seventeen thousand of the bravest troops in the Spanish armies, and the
flower of the Spanish chivalry, in May, 1588, left the harbour of Lisbon.

[Sidenote: [1588 A.D.]]

The pompous epithet of “the invincible,” which self-confidence had
applied to this mighty armament, the approbation of the pope, and the
great reinforcement which the prince of Parma had prepared in Flanders,
might well inspire the enemy with hope of success.[i]

The fate of the Armada is too well known to need discussion here,
especially as it finds full treatment in the history of England. It is
well, however, to emphasise the opposition of the Spanish officers to the
rash project, and to remember the large part played in the result by the
remarkable series of storms against which the Spanish hulks were from
their shape peculiarly helpless.

[Illustration: A SHIP OF THE ARMADA]

The Spanish historian Mariana,[p] who dedicated his monumental work to
Philip II, wrote thus calmly of the failure of the Armada:

“King Philip had in readiness a mighty fleet at Lisbon to revenge the
death of the innocent queen of Scots, and the many wrongs done to
himself. The marquis of Santa Cruz was appointed admiral; but he dying
in the midst of these preparations, the duke of Medina Sidonia was
substituted in his place. He set sail in June with fair weather; and
having turned Cape Finisterre, off Corunna, a violent storm so scattered
and disabled the fleet that they could not put to sea again till
September.[86] At length it came to the coast of Flanders, the English
fleet always hovering upon their skirts, whose cannon and the many
sand-banks much endangered our fleet. Some ships were taken by the enemy,
and many sore battered by their shot. For which reason, endeavouring to
return home round the north of Scotland, many ships perished in that
stormy season and long voyage. Besides, the extremity of the cold and
want of provisions consumed most of the men, so that very few ships, and
a small number of mariners and soldiers, returned to several ports of
Spain. Thus human designs are disappointed by a superior power. Doubtless
the flower of all the Spanish soldiers was lost in this expedition, and
God by this disaster punished the many sins of this nation.”

The same pious resignation was shown by Philip himself.[a]

Had the English admiral been well supplied with stores, instead of being
compelled to return in search of them, not a vessel would ever have
revisited Spain. How many actually perished has been disputed; but the
Spaniards fix the number at thirty-two. They must, however, have been the
largest, since half the soldiers returned no more, and most of the noble
families had to mourn a lost member.

On this trying occasion Philip acted with great moderation: he ordered
extraordinary care to be taken of the survivors; received the duke of
Medina Sidonia with kindness; observed that no human prudence or valour
could avail against the elements, and caused thanksgiving to be made
that any of his subjects had returned. The following year an English
fleet landed, first in Galicia, where, according to the Spanish accounts,
the loss of the invaders was one thousand,[87] and next in Portugal, to
support the pretensions of the prior of Crato; but with as little effect.
This expedition was injudiciously planned: at this time the authority of
Philip in Portugal was too firm to be shaken. The satisfaction which he
felt was subsequently alloyed by the hostilities of his enemy in South
America, and at Cadiz. In the former, indeed, his fleet triumphed; but
in 1596, that flourishing seaport was taken and pillaged. The excesses
committed on this occasion by the English troops under the earl of Essex
are strongly reprobated by the Spanish historians, while their existence
is denied by the English; here we prefer the evidence of the natives.
Both admit that the plunder was immense. The insult so enraged the king
that he resolved to equip an expedition for the invasion of Ireland,
where he would certainly have been joined by the disaffected Romanists.
This new fleet, however, was even more disastrous than the famous one of
1588; it was assailed by so furious a tempest that forty of the vessels
were lost, and the rest disabled. The severity of this second blow
deterred Philip from any future attempts on the most hated of his enemies.

ACQUISITION OF PORTUGAL

[Sidenote: [1580-1588 A.D.]]

The transactions of Philip with Portugal will be best related in the
chapters devoted to the modern history of that kingdom. It is here
sufficient to observe that, on the death of Cardinal Henry without issue
(1580), the crown was claimed by the Castilian monarch in right of
his mother; that though there were other competitors, of whom one was
supported by England, and though the Portuguese themselves, from hatred
to their neighbours, armed to oppose him, his forces placed him on the
throne of that country; and that he continued to fill it unto his death.
This acquisition, added to the other extensive dominions of Philip,
rendered him by far the most powerful monarch in Europe.

So far with respect to the foreign transactions of Spain under the
eventful reign of this monarch; its domestic history must now be noticed.

MORISCOS REVOLT

[Sidenote: [1567-1580 A.D.]]

The revolt of the Moriscos occupies a remarkable place in the native
annals of the sixteenth century. These christianised Moors still remained
Mohammedans at heart; and though they attended at mass, they made amends
in secret for this compulsory apostasy, by celebrating the rites of their
own religion. Early in 1567 a decree was published, that the children of
the Moriscos should frequent the Christian church; that the Arabic should
cease to be used in writing; that both men and women should wear the
Spanish costume; that they should discontinue their ablutions; that they
should no longer receive Mohammedan names; and that they should neither
marry, nor remove from one place to another, without permission from the
proper authorities.

The tenacity with which men adhere to ancient forms, even where there is
not the slightest compromise of principle, appears from the opposition
raised to the edict. The Moriscos contended, with great reason, that
no particular mode of dress involved religious considerations, since,
in every country, even where the same religion prevailed, it was found
to vary; that if their women continued to use the veil, modesty only
was the cause; that their musical instruments were equally harmless;
that the use of the Arabic language could not surely be a sin, since
it was the mother-tongue of many oriental Christians; and that their
baths were used, not from religion, but from cleanliness. The marquis of
Mondejar, captain-general of Granada, who had strongly disapproved the
royal ordinance, was persuaded to lay these representations before the
king. They had no effect--a result which so irritated this people that
a general revolt was planned. Its chief authors were Ferag ben Ferag,
descended from the royal house of Granada, and Diego Lopez ben Abu. The
evening of Christmas Day was fixed for the general rising. With the
romantic view of restoring their ancient kingdom, they secretly elected
in Granada a sovereign, Ferdinand de Valor, whom they named Muhammed ben
Humeya, and whose family was of royal extraction.

This bold step was followed by other measures equally secret and
vigilant. Officers were nominated; the mountaineers and inhabitants of
the plain armed, and ordered to rise on the night appointed--when alarm
guns should be fired by the Christians from the fortress of the Alhambra.
When the day arrived, eight thousand men lay in the mountains which
overlook the towers of Granada, and two thousand more in a different
direction, waiting for the signal. They had agreed to assail three of
the gates, while another party should scale the walls: the Mohammedans
who had been committed to the prisons of the Inquisition, or to those
of the state, were immediately to be released, and every Christian in
the place to be massacred. Fortunately for the city, several accidents
conspired to avert the catastrophe. The night was dark; a heavy snow fell
in the mountains; it was followed by a still heavier rain, which rendered
them impassable, and compelled the eight thousand in ambush to retire.
Ignorant of this disaster, in accordance with a preconcerted plan, Ibn
Ferag, accompanied by 180 resolute Moriscos, advanced to the walls of the
Albaycin, which they soon scaled, and with loud voices called on their
brethren of that quarter to join them. The call, which, as it was issued
by trumpets, amidst the silence of night, was heard by all, was applied
to deaf ears; none obeyed it.

MOORISH ATROCITIES

[Sidenote: [1568 A.D.]]

But if no impression was made on the capital, the case was far different
with respect to the towns and villages in the province, the Moorish
inhabitants of which rose simultaneously with this attempt. From Granada
Ibn Ferag led his followers into the Alpujarras, where being joined by
the _monfis_, or banditti of these mountains, he passed from place to
place to sustain the insurrection.

At the same time orders were given by Ibn Humeya to massacre all
Christians above the age of ten years. The vengeance of these ferocious
apostates fell chiefly upon the priests who had forced them to mass,
on the altars and images which they had been compelled to venerate, on
collectors of the taxes, and on the officers of justice.

At Ragol, in the district of Marchena, the priest was dragged from the
altar where he was celebrating mass, and was hung from a pillar: when
dead, he was flayed, and his skin nailed to the wall. At Pitres, after
the church and private houses had been plundered, the prisoners were
brought out to suffer; but for the priest, who, with his aged mother,
exhorted them not to flinch in the trial before them, a more lingering
death was reserved. He was first drawn up by a pulley to the top of the
steeple, and suffered to fall; but though his legs and arms were broken,
he was not dead: he was then heavily cudgelled; still he breathed: a cord
was thrown over his neck, and the end first given to some Morisco women,
who dragged him through the mire, plunging needles, scissors, and knives
into his body, until he perished. These demons of women next destroyed
the venerable matron in the same manner. In some places the executions
were conducted with whimsical caprice. In one, the rebels first shaved
both the head and beard of the curate, but not so dexterously as to avoid
inflicting some severe wounds; they next put him to death. In another,
the priest and several of his flock having taken refuge in the church,
and knelt, to prepare for their inevitable fate, before the high altar,
they were seized by the Moorish alguazil; who, in delivering them into
the hands of the bloodhounds outside, observed, “Kill these dogs! Let the
priest have the first blow, in reward for the anxiety he showed about our
souls; let the sacristan have the second, in return for the chastisement
he inflicted on us when we either failed to attend mass or arrived too
late!”

[Illustration: A DELEGATION FROM HOLLAND TO PHILIP II]

They seized an image of the Virgin, which, after buffeting and kicking
and dragging through the mud, they rolled down a steep eminence, calling
on the idol, with ludicrous jeers, to save itself if it had any virtue in
it. In another, as a Moorish wag was dragging a large crucifix through a
sewer, he perceived a Christian physician, to whom he cried out, “Dog,
here is thy Creator! canst thou not cure him?” The horrified Christian
immediately knelt, kissed the log, which he declared was indeed his
Creator, and was immediately transfixed by the contemptuous bystanders. A
magistrate of Santa Cruz was stripped before his three daughters and one
of his grandsons; his nose was cut off and nailed to his forehead; and in
this state all were led out. On the way to the place of execution, with
hands tied behind them, he forgot his own sufferings to strengthen their
constancy by his exhortations: and his discourse so incensed the Moriscos
that one cut off his ears, and crammed them into his mouth; another,
improving on the barbarity, cut open his belly, and thrust into the
cavity, ears, nose, tongue, hands, and feet; and in this state the poor
sufferer was thrown into the flames. The daughters were spared--probably
to satiate the brutal lust of the misbelievers. The priest of Andarax
was roasted over a brazier; and while sustaining the agony with devout
constancy, his mouth was gagged, that he might not invoke the divine
mercy; the women, tired of waiting for his death, at length despatched
him with their knives and needles. At one place, with the view of
ridiculing the sacrifice of the mass, the rebels killed a pig on the
high altar. At another, where, under the assurance of safety, about one
hundred prisoners who had sought refuge in the fortress surrendered and
were immediately butchered, two priests rendered themselves peculiarly
obnoxious by their zealous exhortations to the martyrs. One of them was
suspended with the head downwards, and with a noose round his neck; at
the other end of the cord a second noose was made, and thrown over the
neck of the other priest, who was similarly suspended: in their agony
they strangled each other, amidst the shouts of the spectators. At Oanez,
twenty-five Christian maidens of surpassing beauty were reserved as a
present to the African princes whose aid had been solicited. As usual,
endeavours were made to convert them, but without effect. Policy yielding
to religious fury, they were stripped naked, conducted into the fields,
tied to trees, pricked from head to foot with briers and thorns, and a
rope being passed round them as they stood in a circle, was drawn so
tight as to produce excruciating agony: in the end they were shot. Such
are a few of the horrors perpetrated by the Moriscos on this occasion.
The number of victims cannot be estimated; it probably amounted to
thousands.

CHRISTIAN ATROCITIES

[Illustration: A SPANISH CAPTAIN, TIME OF PHILIP II]

[Sidenote: [1568-1570 A.D.]]

When intelligence of these events reached the marquis of Mondejar, after
providing for the defence of Granada, he took the field. Ibn Humeya,
confiding in the defiles of the Alpujarras, prepared to receive him;
while another band of the rebels placed themselves in opposition to
the marquis de los Velez, on the southern frontier of this mountainous
district. In some isolated actions, the Moriscos had the advantage; but
this was only when the Christians went in scattered detachments, and were
consequently subject to surprise. The former were too weak, even with the
succours they derived from Africa, to risk a general engagement. Fortress
after fortress fell into the power of the royal generals, who vigorously
pursued the enemy.

The marquis de Mondejar continued the desultory warfare with more or less
success. That success would have been much more decisive, but for the
opposition between him and the marquis de los Velez: the former was for
tempering mercy with justice; the latter for extermination. Horrors now
were as much the work of the Christians as of the Moriscos. An event,
which happened in the fortress of Jubiles made a deep impression on the
rebels, and contributed more than any other cause to feed the flame of
civil strife. That fortress being invested by the marquis, three aged
Moriscos issued from it with the banner of peace, and agreed to its
surrender, on the condition that the lives of the garrison, consisting
of three hundred men and fifteen hundred women, should be respected. It
was accordingly entered by the royal troops, to whom the plunder was
abandoned. The men were lodged with the inhabitants of the town; the
women were ordered to be accommodated in the church. As that edifice,
however, would contain no more than five hundred, the remaining thousand
were compelled to pass the night in the square before it. Guards were
posted to protect them.

About the middle of the night, one of the soldiers, being enamoured with
a young Morisca, wished to detach her from her companions. She resisted;
he pulled her away by force; when one of the persons by her side--her
husband or brother, in the disguise of a woman--took her part, engaged,
and disarmed the soldier. The confusion produced by this struggle led
to a tumult; the soldiers rushed from their camp; it was proclaimed
that many armed Moriscos were disguised among the prisoners; and, in
the fury of the moment, the whole number were pitilessly massacred. In
vain did the marquis endeavour to stay the carnage: the authority of the
officers was disregarded. At break of day their fury cooled, and gave way
to remorse on perceiving the bloody corpses of one thousand helpless,
unarmed women. This bloody crime will never be blotted from the minds of
men.[88]

The tyranny of Ibn Humeya somewhat counterbalanced the effect which this
terrific tragedy was so well calculated to produce. He assassinated
his father-in-law, repudiated his wife, put to death several of her
relatives, and threatened the same fate for her brother, Diego de Rojas,
one of his ablest adherents. By this hasty vengeance he naturally
estranged many of his followers. As the Christian army advanced into the
mountains, he was compelled to flee from one position to another; but not
without loss to his pursuers.

Mondejar considered that the war was at an end, and that the fugitive
would infallibly be captured. He did not know that, notwithstanding the
heavy losses sustained by the enemy, they were still six thousand in
number; many of them determined to resist to the last extremity. In a few
days, however, on the heights of the Sierra Nevada, one thousand were
exterminated by the marquis de los Velez.

But such were the excesses of the Christian soldiers, the want of
faith which characterised some of their leaders, and the rapacity of
all, that no reverses could make the rebels lay down their arms; and
on several occasions they were enabled to inflict a suitable revenge.
The Moriscos had learned, to their cost, that even when conditions of
capitulation had been proposed and accepted, in violation of their terms
the prisoners were plundered or massacred. It was asserted that no faith
could be placed in a Christian’s word or bond; and the report naturally
strengthened the bands of Ibn Humeya. Philip saw that the two marquises
would never cordially co-operate so long as each led an independent
power; and he subjected both to the authority of his bastard brother, Don
John of Austria.

Several districts which had submitted rebelled anew, and Ibn Humeya was
at the head of a far more numerous force than had ever yet taken the
field.

At Valor, whither the marquis de los Velez penetrated, Ibn Humeya made a
vigorous stand; but notwithstanding his valour, which was never perhaps
surpassed, and his abilities, which were of a high order, he was signally
defeated and compelled to flee almost alone. This disaster was partially
repaired by a reinforcement from Africa, and by the spirit of desertion
which prevailed in the camp of the marquis. His own conduct, however,
continually increased the number of his enemies. One night he was
strangled, and Ibn Abu was proclaimed under the name of Mulei Abdallah.

The war now raged with various success; to each party the loss of one day
was counterbalanced by the gain of the next, until Don John of Austria,
who had assembled troops on every side, again took the field in person.
He proceeded to reduce the mountain fortresses. One after another fell
into his hands. To prevent another insurrection after submission, the
inhabitants of the newly subdued towns were transplanted to other parts,
generally to the towns of Andalusia; a few into New Castile. This measure
contributed more than any other to weaken the rebels, and to hasten the
conclusion of the war. In almost every partial action--the enemy could no
longer dream of a general one--the advantage lay with the Christians; nor
was the success less rapid than decided.

As the whole range of mountains was now almost depopulated, the Moriscos
being uniformly transferred to other parts, and as but a handful of
desperate adventurers, most of whom had been professed banditti,
remained, the chiefs who still adhered to Mulei now advised him to
submit. He refused and was killed. With Mulei was extinguished the last
spark of the rebellion.

THE MISFORTUNES OF DON CARLOS

[Sidenote: [1562-1570 A.D.]]

The next important feature in the domestic administration of Philip is
the fate of his first-born son, Don Carlos. This prince, who was born
in 1545, was by nature of fiery temperament and of irregular manners.
In his seventeenth year he sustained an accident, which was, doubtless,
the chief cause of all his misfortunes. One day, while at the university
of Alcalá, he fell headlong down the staircase, and was for some time
stunned by the blow. As no external injury was visible, his medical
attendants hoped that he would soon be restored; but in a few days he was
seized with an alarming fever, and they were painfully convinced that a
serious internal one had been sustained. The fever increased, delirium
approached, the king was sent for, and all hope of cure abandoned (1562).

In this extremity, when human aid was evidently unavailing, recourse
was had to the merits of San Diego of Alcalá, who had always been the
peculiar object of the prince’s veneration. The holy corpse was exhumed
and brought into the bedchamber of Carlos, whose hands were devoutly
placed on it, and whose lips implored the intercession of the saint; at
the same time a part of the shroud was laid on his burning face. While a
procession of monks removed the corpse to the tomb, the prince, we are
gravely informed, fell into a sweet sleep, in which San Diego appeared
to him, and assured him of a speedy recovery. The prediction, we need
scarcely add, was immediately verified! Unfortunately, however, the
saint could only restore the body; from this moment must be dated the
periodical insanity of the patient, and that invariable eccentricity of
manner which is inconsistent with soundness of intellect.[89] As he grew
in years he exhibited his wayward humour; sometimes the most extravagant
freaks. Nothing can more clearly show his unfortunate state of mind
than his behaviour to the duke of Alva, when that nobleman, on being
appointed to the government of the Netherlands, called to take leave of
him. He told the duke that to him alone belonged the dignity, and that
he would take the life of anyone who usurped it from him. Alva, with
great mildness, endeavoured to pacify him, but in vain: in his fury he
drew forth a dagger, and would assuredly have buried it in the governor’s
heart, had not the latter seized his hands and held him until some
gentlemen of the household hastened to the scene. One of his favourite
diversions was to walk the streets by night, sometimes indecently
exposing his person. On one occasion a pair of new boots were brought,
which the prince, finding too tight, immediately cut into pieces, and
made the poor workman swallow several. One day his chamberlain, Don
Alfonso de Cordova, brother of the marquis de las Navas, being summoned
by the bell, was unable to arrive in time for his impatience: he took the
chamberlain in his arms, swore he would throw him out at the window, and
advanced to one for the purpose, when the cries of Don Alfonso brought
the domestics to his aid. Being one day in a forest with his governor,
Don Garcia de Toledo, whom he hated for attempting to restrain his
desperate excesses, he proceeded to stab that nobleman; but the intended
victim escaped and reported him to the king. In short, his conduct to all
his servants was intolerable, alike for its cruelty and caprice: several
he beat, a few he maimed; nor could the exhortations of his father or
his confessor make any impression on him. To the former he bore a bitter
hatred: the cause was that Philip, who knew his fatal infirmity, would
not allow him to interfere with public affairs.

At length, being discovered in an attempt to flee into the Netherlands,
to place himself at the head of the insurgents, the king felt that he
should be compelled to place a guard over his frenzied son. On the night
of January 19th, 1568, accompanied by four of his nobles and some armed
guards, he proceeded to the prince’s apartment, took away his papers, his
sword, knives, and everything that could be hurtful to him; assuring him
at the same time that he had no end in view beyond his good.

He confided the care of the prince to six gentlemen of the noblest
families of Spain, two of whom were always to be with him night and
day; and he placed over all the duke of Feria and the prince of Eboli.
This measure, however well intended, did no good: Carlos grew sullen
and obstinate; his freaks more frequent and capricious. To walk in a
state of nudity through his apartments; to refrain from food two days
together, and then to eat voraciously; to drink immoderate quantities
of the coldest water; to steal ice and convey it into his bed;[90] to
devour the sourest fruits, were his constant occupation. The infallible
consequences soon appeared: his stomach refused to retain the most
wholesome food, much more the medicines that were administered to him; a
malignant fever assailed him; and he was told to prepare for death. At
this period his better feelings returned; he asked for his father, whose
pardon he humbly demanded, and whose blessing he received; he received
the last sacraments, commended his soul to God, and died at midnight,
July 24th, 1568.

The fate of this maniac prince has called forth much affected
commiseration, inasmuch as it has enabled malignity to assail the memory
of the father. It has been stated that Philip was the rival of his son
in the affections of a French princess [Elizabeth (Isabella), daughter
of King Henry II]; that after she became queen of Spain, she loved the
latter, and detested the former; that jealousy forced the king to the
most tyrannical treatment of the youth; that Carlos was persecuted by
the Inquisition, and at length poisoned, by order of the father.[91] The
truth is that Philip behaved with much moderation to a son who was fit
only for a receptacle for lunatics.

FATE OF THE KING’S SECRETARY, PEREZ

[Sidenote: [1568-1579 A.D.]]

But if impartial justice acquit Philip of guilt, or even of undue
severity in regard to his son, the same favourable verdict cannot be
given in regard to two other affairs, which have been studiously wrapped
in great darkness: they were the assassination of Juan de Escovedo,
secretary to Don John of Austria, and the subsequent persecution of
Antonio Perez, Philip’s secretary of state. The former, who had been sent
to Spain on business of his master, was murdered at Madrid, in March,
1578. The assassins were not unknown; but they were suffered to escape
into Italy, and were afterwards employed in the service of the Neapolitan
viceroy. That they were hired by Antonio Perez is undoubted, from his
own confession; but what interest had he, what revenge to gratify,
in such a crime? The same confession--published many years after the
tragedy--throws the entire blame on the king; nor is there any reason to
doubt its truth.[92]

The most probable hypothesis is that Escovedo was the prime intriguer in
the ambitious schemes which Don John is known to have formed: that he
had persuaded his master to aspire to the hand of Elizabeth, queen of
England, was seriously affirmed by letters from the Low Countries; and
that he had passed two months in England in trying to open negotiations
for that end was said to rest on the authority of the Spanish ambassador
at Rome.[i]

The sons of the murdered Escovedo had, soon after their father’s death,
instituted a prosecution against the secretary, Antonio Perez, as the
author of the foul deed. Through the king’s intervention, and under
his sanction, a compromise was effected between the parties. Perez
paid a large sum of money to Escovedo’s family, whereupon he was set
at liberty, and, though forbidden to appear at court, continued to
conduct the business of his office. But either the alleged intimacy
with the princess of Eboli still rankled in Philip’s mind, or he
dreaded the disgraced secretary’s revealing his own share in Escovedo’s
assassination. In 1591 Perez was accused of boasting of the murder, of
betraying state secrets to the princess of Eboli, of falsifying the
letters he deciphered, and of taking bribes. Upon these charges he was
thrown into prison, where, whilst he was offered his liberty as the
price of giving up the king’s letters touching Escovedo’s death, he was
treated with extraordinary severity. Perez accepted the terms, and was
released: but he managed to keep back one note, which Philip, it seems,
had forgotten.

[Sidenote: [1579-1591 A.D.]]

The liberty thus purchased. Perez was not, however, long permitted to
enjoy. The prosecution for the murder was revived; the accused was again
thrown into prison, where he was tortured to extort a confession, which
he had no desire to withhold. He is said to have revealed all, giving the
reserved royal letter as evidence of his truth; and thus Philip, whose
only object in this strange tissue of artifice appears to have been the
clearing himself by a judicial sentence from any participation in the
murder, was caught in his own toils. But the situation and prospects of
the prisoner were not improved by the exposure of his royal accomplice;
and he saw that in flight lay his only chance of life. His escape was
happily managed by the address of his wife. Perez fled to his native
Aragon; and there, though he was again seized by the king’s orders, his
condition was far different. He appealed to the yet inviolate laws and
privileges of Aragon. The _justiciero mayor_, Juan de Lanuza, evoked the
cause before his own tribunal at Saragossa, where the proceedings were
public; and he lodged the accused in the prison called the Manifestacion,
under his own sole and especial jurisdiction.

[Illustration: PEREZ IN PRISON]

This was not the tribunal before which it suited Philip that Perez
should be tried. The Inquisition, therefore, accused the ex-secretary
of heretical opinions; and as the justiciero mayor would not surrender
his prisoner, the inquisitors, with the assistance of the marquis of
Almenara, a minister of the king, broke open the prison, and removed him
to their own dungeons. Such an infraction of the Aragonese constitution
roused the spirit of the people, and a regular contest ensued between
them and the king’s officers, in the course of which the marquis of
Almenara was so ill-used as to occasion his death. Perez was recovered
from the inquisitors and replaced in the justiciero’s custody; again
seized by the inquisitors, and again torn from them by the populace, who,
upon this second occasion, favoured his flight, when Perez, by the aid
of his friends, escaped into France, where he was kindly received and
protected by Henry IV.

Philip sent an army into Aragon, to quell and chastise these disorders.
Prudence and submission upon negotiation might still, perhaps, have
effected a compromise: but the justiciero had died during the tumults,
and his son, who had succeeded to his office, rashly attempted to
resist by force this second act of unconstitutional violence; for no
foreign troops might enter Aragon without the consent of the cortes
or the justiciero; and each of the several kingdoms united under the
name of Spain still considered the natives of the others as foreigners.
The attempt was unsuccessful, and again the fatal consequences of
unsuccessful rebellion followed. The justiciero, together with the duke
of Villa Hermosa, and some other leaders of the insurgents, were put to
death; and the liberties of Aragon were very greatly diminished, though
not so completely crushed as those of Castile had long been.[n]

DE CASTRO’S ESTIMATE OF ANTONIO PEREZ

[Sidenote: [1591-1611 A.D.]]

Hated by the people while his influence with Philip II lasted, Antonio
Perez became eminently popular as soon as his sufferings began. The
secretary of state had commenced his brilliant career with a careful
education, a vast knowledge, and an experience superior to his years.
His handsome appearance won him the attention and favour of high-born
women; his easy and agreeable manner gave him the highest place at the
splendid court; his great ability, intelligence, and skill in business,
his courtier-like cleverness had promptly won him his king’s affection.

The highest offices were heaped upon him, country-seats, palaces,
carriages, horses, banquets, magnificent furniture, gold, and precious
stones, all that his century could bestow, the delights of luxury, the
pleasures of riches, the adulation of a high position--all was within
his reach, and he abused all without limit or restraint. What could he
not promise himself? What could he not hope for? Nevertheless the scene
completely changed for the dazzled favourite; the hour of misfortune
roused him from the soft sleep of his sybaritic delights, of his
ambitious hopes, and imprisonment, tortures, the most violent and painful
sufferings put his rich nature to the proof, exhausted the resources of
his character, humbled his pride, and effacing the grievous errors of his
prosperity, repeatedly poured into his ardent and pleasure-loving soul
the balsam of resignation and the consolations of melancholy.

Having taken refuge in Paris by the side of Henry IV, he employed the
rest of his life in defending the acts of his administration, and in
vindicating his name from the grave accusations weighing on him. It
was then he wrote his voluminous work entitled _Memoirs and Letters of
Antonio Perez_, a book now well-nigh forgotten, but which in its time won
the highest fame for its author. And this fame was just. All his writings
in France, all his labours in England, had but the one exclusive aim--his
defence; while he excited the interest of powerful foreigners won by the
attraction of his cultured conversation, his graceful manners, and his
flowery and witty letters. By this means his life and defence gained
the highest popularity, his book made the greatest sensation in Paris,
and numerous editions, translations, and extracts followed in quick
succession to satisfy the public eagerness. The attentions of interest,
the praise of admiration everywhere followed Perez, and while people
believed his word and compassionated his dramatic misfortunes, they
anathematised with horror the memory of his persecutor, the son of the
victorious emperor, the eternal enemy of French influence.

An extraordinary coincidence kept the memory of his misfortunes ripe in
Spain. His last persecution is intimately connected with the abolition
of Aragonese _fueros_, when, a fugitive from prison, Antonio Perez
presented himself in Saragossa, imploring the aid of the country’s laws,
and appealed to the magistrates of the town, and his personal friends
watched that no harm should come to his person. Provocations on one side,
excesses and disorders on the other, brought about a revolution; and when
the king’s troops presented themselves before the gates of Saragossa, the
people neither knew how to calm down nor to resist them, and Aragonese
liberty came to perish on the scaffold of Lanuza. The remembrance of
their lost privileges, the memory of their sufferings, lasted many years
in Aragon, and the natives of the country loved and defended the person
of the luckless being who was the occasion rather than the motive of
their rising. The name of Antonio Perez has become therefore strangely
involved with the fueros of his native land, and both causes have been
handed down to posterity united in a common misfortune and a common love.

But it is unworthy of the learning of the age to judge the first of
Spanish kings by the light of the deceptive rays reflecting from
his political and religious enemies, from the point of view of the
philosophical prejudices of the eighteenth century. By the blunders of
his administration, the violence of his passions, the exaggeration of his
character the son of Charles V has given sufficient food for censure,
without heaping on his head false crimes and imaginary faults. When,
trusting to appearances or to partisan reports, one judges Philip II in
his dealings with Antonio Perez, one’s natural feeling is to absolve
the favourite and condemn the king, but if one has the curiosity to
examine contemporary documents, if one investigates the private or public
interests which suddenly changed the condescending friendship of the king
into hatred and persecution, one certainly deplores the misfortune of
the fallen minister and the inexorable anger of his sovereign, but the
extravagant admiration for the victim will slightly decrease, and the
abhorrence for the man who abandoned him to the implacable hatred of his
enemies will be less intense.

His life is a lasting example to proud courtiers that the favour of
princes is inconstant as the calmness of the sea; speedily the tempest
comes and lashes the waves. As the famous duke of Alva said to the prince
of Eboli: “Kings are wont to prove men like children with personal
favours, and bait them like fishes.”

The life of Antonio Perez is an example of the inconstancy of fortune
and the vanity of worldly desires; and there is a warning in the fate
of the magnate who, having drained all the pleasures of riches and
seductions of vanity, dazzled by the height of his position fell into
such affliction and misery that his contemporaries considered him worthy
of the title--“fortune’s freak.”[m]

THE DEATH OF PHILIP

[Sidenote: [1597-1598 A.D.]]

Philip now felt his latter end approaching; and, from a natural desire
to leave his wide-spreading dominions in a tranquil state to his son, he
gladly accepted Pope Clement VIII’s proposal to mediate a peace between
France and Spain. The negotiation was procrastinated by the archduke’s
surprise and capture of Amiens, which Henry thought it indispensable to
recover, before he would even listen to terms. The Spanish garrison in
that town capitulated in the autumn of 1597; and in the following summer,
notwithstanding the opposition of Queen Elizabeth and Prince Maurice, the
Peace of Vervins was concluded upon equitable conditions--all conquests
being mutually restored, and all pretensions to any part of each other’s
dominions mutually relinquished.

This peace and the investing of the infanta with the sovereignty of the
Netherlands were the last acts of Philip. He did not live to see the
celebration of her marriage, or of his son’s with Margaret, daughter of
the archduke Charles of Austria, which he had concluded. He had for years
been, like his father, a martyr to the gout, but had never permitted
his sufferings to interfere with his regal duties. During the severest
paroxysms, he regulated everything, and frequently, when urged to spare
himself, said that the pains in his joints did not lame his brain. His
last illness was dreadful, his limbs being covered with ulcers that
generated swarms of the most loathsome vermin. In that condition he lay
for fifty days, and is said to have exhibited during the whole time a
wonderful example of Christian patience and resignation. He died on the
13th of September, 1598. Of his numerous children, two only survived
him--his son Philip, and the infanta Isabella. A second daughter,
Catherine, had married the duke of Savoy, but died before her father,
leaving a large family.

In America the limits of the Spanish empire were extended during this
reign, but not so as sensibly to affect the power or the greatness of
the mother-country. One fact, however, deserves notice. Whilst all
surrounding Indians bowed beneath the yoke, and were rapidly swept
away by the unaccustomed toils their new masters required, one bold
and warlike tribe in the province of Chile, named the Araucans, after
submitting like the rest, rose against their oppressors, and for years
defied all the troops the Chilian and the Peruvian Spaniards could send
against them. The war was ended only by a treaty recognising their
independence. In the East Indian seas the Philippines were named and
colonised.

[Sidenote: [1556-1598 A.D.]]

Philip II had received Spain from his father in a state of brilliant
prosperity. Her agriculture and manufactures were flourishing, and were
competent to supply her large exports to her American colonies. That from
this happy condition Spain began, during his long reign, to decline, is
admitted by those Spanish writers who most warmly eulogise Philip; nor is
the great pecuniary distress denied to which the lord of America and her
mines was latterly reduced. The two facts form a curious comment upon the
extraordinary prudence considered by them as his peculiar characteristic.

For this decline various causes have been assigned by philosophical
historians, as, the numerous colonies that drained the population of the
mother-country; the disgust which men, who saw immense fortunes easily
and rapidly accumulated, in the plunder or the mines of the New World,
conceived for the toils and the slow profits of trade and husbandry;
the enormous waste of men and money occasioned by the various and
simultaneous wars into which Philip was hurried, by either an extravagant
ambition or an uncalculating bigotry. Experience and a maturer philosophy
teach us that whatever ills may be thus occasioned, they are in their
nature temporary, requiring only time to correct themselves; and direct
us to seek the true cause of the gradual downfall of Spain in her loss of
liberty.

The union of Spain into one monarchy, under Ferdinand and Isabella, had
lessened the long-existing intimate connection between king and people,
and the dependence of the former upon the latter: the natural consequence
was a diminished respect on the part of the crown for popular rights.
The splendour of Charles’ reign, his clemency, conciliating manners, and
good government, perhaps, blinded the nation to his gradual invasion of
their privileges, and neglect of the forms of a free constitution. Under
the sterner sway of Philip, a complete despotism was established, and it
seemed to give him a boundless power, alarming Europe, at the moment his
authority began to decline. Since the cortes had fallen into contempt,
the cities had lost their importance, and an arbitrary system of taxation
had shaken the security of property.

Under such circumstances, commerce languished, and had no energy to
resist the blow when the English and Dutch fleets intercepted the
vessels bearing Spanish merchandise to America, or bringing back an
ample return. Agriculture, like manufactures, must always suffer from
the impoverishment of any portion of the community; but in Spain it now
laboured under peculiar additional evils. When the nobles were lured from
their rural homes to court, for the purpose of weakening their feudal
power, the peasantry, divided from their natural protectors, robbed of
the encouragement and support of almost princely establishments in every
part of the country, sank into a degraded class; whilst the mighty lords
themselves became mere intriguing courtiers, rapacious for money, in
order to rival each other in splendour, and tyrants of those dependent
peasants to whom their ancestors were as fathers. In this state, the
vital spirit that should have reacted against every disaster was no more;
and calamities, in their nature temporary, became permanent.

Philip II adorned Spain with many useful and some ornamental works.
He erected the Escorial, which has ever since been a favourite royal
residence. The Escorial is an immense pile of building, uniting a
monastery, a cemetery, and a palace, dedicated to St. Lawrence in
gratitude for the great victory of St. Quentin, gained upon the day on
which his festival is celebrated; and to stamp it yet more manifestly
his, is built in the form of a gridiron, the instrument of that saint’s
martyrdom. The expense of the Escorial is reckoned as one cause of the
exhaustion of Philip’s exchequer.

Philip was, or in emulation of his father and of his great-grandmother
Isabella desired to be, esteemed a patron of literature, and of learning
in general: in token of which he sent his eldest son Don Carlos, his
brother Don John, and his nephew, the prince of Parma, to be educated at
the University of Alcalá; and during his reign flourished most of the
great Spanish authors. But the privilege of proscribing whatever books
they should judge dangerous to Catholicism, which he committed to the
Inquisition, more than counterbalanced his patronising exertions.[n]

“When he succeeded to his father,” says Hume,[k] “Spain was already
well-nigh ruined by the drain of the emperor’s wars, imposed upon him by
the inheritance of Flanders and the empire. It would be unfair to blame
the monarch for the folly of his financial measures, as the science
of political economy was yet unknown; but their persistent perversity
seems almost systematic. When no further supplies could be wrung from
the cortes, funds were raised by the seizure of the money which came to
merchants from the Indies in payment for goods, by forced loans from
nobles, prelates, or wealthy burgesses, by the sale of seigniorial rights
over villages and towns, and of the royal patrimony, by repudiating
debts, reducing interest, and hampering commerce and industry.

“The maladministration arising from the evil system of pledging and
farming future resources was never reformed, the squalid lavishness
of the court expenditure was never reduced, a conciliatory policy in
order to avoid the cost of war was never adopted: the only steps which
appear to have occurred to the financial advisers of Philip were those
which undermined public confidence and security, which blighted the
national industries, and which killed future resources for the sake of
present advantage. The continued aggregation of land in the hands of
the church and tied up in perpetual entail, and the expulsion of the
Moriscos from Andalusia had well-nigh ruined agriculture. To prevent
whole provinces from starving in the finest grain country in the world,
immense quantities of wheat had to be introduced from abroad, and the
alcabala suspended on bread-stuffs imported into Seville. Constant wars
and emigration, the association of the Moriscos with industry, and the
immense number of church holidays, moreover, made the ordinary Spaniard
contemptuous of work, and scanty in his aggregate production. And so
the vicious circle went on, and the curse of far-reaching dominions in
the possession of an imperfectly unified and organised country had in
seventy years reduced Spain to the last depth of misery and penury. To
some extent this may, of course, be attributed to Philip’s qualities and
limitations; but it was mainly owing to a system and to circumstances
which were originated before his birth and which neither his training nor
his character enabled him to vary.”

DUNHAM’S ESTIMATE OF PHILIP II

His character must be sufficiently clear from his actions: that it was
gloomy, stern, and cruel; that he allowed neither civil freedom, nor
religious toleration, but was on all occasions the consistent enemy
of both; that he was suspicious, dark, and vindictive, are truths too
evident to be denied. On his return to Spain, immediately after his
father’s resignation, a characteristic scene occurred in Valladolid, at
an auto-da-fé, which he attended with much devotion. When the condemned
arrived at the place where the fire and fagot awaited them, one of them,
an officer of distinction, asked the king how he could have the heart to
behold the exquisite torments of his people. “Were my own son,” replied
the bigoted tyrant, “such a wretch as thou, he should suffer the same
fate!”

And when the archbishop of Toledo, Don Bartolomeo de Carranza, was
arrested on suspicion of heresy by the office blasphemously called
holy, the king wrote to the inquisitors commanding them to show no
respect for persons, however exalted, but to proceed even against his
own son, should the latter ever dare to doubt the infallibility of the
church. All this is bad enough; yet, by the French writers as well as
by our own historians, he has been treated with injustice. His ambition
was certainly subservient to his zeal for religion; his talents were
considerable; for prudence he was almost unrivalled; his attention
to public affairs and to the best interests of his country has been
surpassed by few monarchs; his habits were regular, his temperance
proverbial; his fortitude of mind, a virtue which he had often occasion
to exercise, was admirable; and, in general, he was swayed by the
strictest sense of justice. Even his religious bigotry, odious as it was,
was founded on conscientious principles, and his arbitrary acts on high
notions of the regal authority. By many of his subjects he was esteemed,
by many feared, by some hated, by none loved.[i]

WATSON ON PHILIP’S IMPRUDENCES

Some historians have distinguished this prince by the title of Philip
the Prudent, and have represented him as the wisest as well as the
most religious prince that ever filled the Spanish throne. But it is
questionable whether he be entitled to praise on account of his prudence,
any more than on account of his religion. In the beginning of his reign
he discovered great caution in his military enterprises; and, on some
occasions, made even greater preparations than were necessary to insure
success. But his ambition, his resentment, and his abhorrence of the
Protestants were too violent to suffer him to act conformably to the
dictates of sound policy and prudence.

He might have prevented the revolt of his Dutch and Flemish subjects if,
after the reformation in the Netherlands was suppressed by the duchess
of Parma, he had left the reins of government in the hands of that wise
princess, and had not sent so odious a tyrant as the duke of Alva to
enslave them. He might, after the defeat of the prince of Orange, have
riveted the chains of slavery about their necks, and gradually accustomed
them to the yoke, if, by engaging in too many expensive enterprises, he
had not exhausted his exchequer, and made it in some measure necessary
for Alva to impose the taxes of the tenth and twentieth pennies, for the
maintenance of his troops. He might, through the great abilities of the
duke of Parma, have again reduced the revolted provinces to obedience, if
he had not conceived the wild ambition of subduing England and acquiring
the sovereignty of France. His armies, in the latter part of his reign,
were never sufficiently numerous to execute the various enterprises
which he undertook; yet they were much more numerous than he was able to
support. Few years passed in which they did not mutiny for want of pay.
And Philip suffered greater prejudice from the disorders and devastation
which his own troops committed, than he received from the arms of
his enemies. Against his attempts on England and France, the wisest
counsellors remonstrated in the strongest terms. And prudence certainly
required that, previously to any attack upon the dominions of others,
he should have secured possession of his own. Yet so great was his
illusion that, rather than delay the execution of those schemes which his
resentment and ambition had suggested, he chose to run the risk of losing
the fruits of all the victories which the duke of Parma had obtained;
and, having left defenceless the provinces which had submitted to his
authority, he thereby afforded an opportunity to the revolted provinces
of establishing their power on so firm a foundation that it could not be
shaken by the whole strength of the Spanish monarchy exerted against it
for more than fifty years.[h]

FOOTNOTES

[82] The character of these _apostilles_, always confused, wordy, and
awkward, was sometimes very ludicrous; nor did it improve after his
thirty or forty years’ daily practice in making them. Thus, when he
received a letter from France in 1589, narrating the assassination of
Henry III, and stating that “the manner in which he had been killed was
that a Jacobin monk had given him a pistol-shot in the head” (_la façon
que l’on dit qu’il a etté tué, sa etté par un Jacobin qui luy a donné
d’un cou de pistolle dans la tayte_), he scrawled the following luminous
comment upon the margin. Underlining the word _pistolle_, he observed,
“this is perhaps some kind of knife; and as for ‘_tayte_,’ it can be
nothing else but head, which is not _tayte_, but _tête_, or _teyte_,
as you very well know.”--GACHARD.[d] It is obvious that a person who
made such wonderful commentaries as this, and was hard at work eight or
nine hours a day for forty years, would leave a prodigious quantity of
unpublished matter at his death.

[83] “_Nelle piaceri delle donne è incontinente, prendendo dilettatione
d’andare in maschera la notte et nei tempi de negotii gravi_,”
etc.--BADOVARO.[e]

[84] [“Alva on his knees asked pardon for bearing arms against the
church.”[g]]

[85] [Watson,[h] like some other Protestant historians, very gently
alludes to these scenes. This is highly disingenuous. Nor are the
Catholics less to blame; they exaggerate as much as their rivals conceal.
The truth is to be gained from neither: it may with difficulty be
extracted from both.]

[86] [The dates generally accepted differ by some months from Mariana’s:
May 19th, 1588, the Armada sails from Lisbon; soon after dispersed by a
storm. July 19th, 1588, enters channel off Cornwall.]

[87] [English historians pass very gently over the failure of this
expedition. Some do not even condescend to notice it. According to
Hume,[k] the English lost more than six thousand of their eighteen
thousand men, a loss of over 30 per cent.]

[88] [Army after army of Christians were hurled upon them with the openly
avowed object of massacre--not war. Women and children, as well as men,
were slaughtered in cold blood. How many thousands fell in the attacks
and inevitable reprisals it is impossible now to say. Six thousand
helpless women and children fugitives were sacrificed in one day by the
marquis de los Velez, but still the churchmen were not satisfied. In
the council chamber and the cathedral they cried for blood, and ever
more blood--just as the same men did for the blood of Flemish heretics
at the hands of their chief Alva. In vain the civil governors, and even
soldiers, advocated some moderation, some mercy. Deza the inquisitor and
Espinosa the cardinal in their purple robes knew no mercy for those who
denied their sacred right to impose a doctrine upon other men.[j]]

[89] [He was unskilfully treated by the doctors, ghastly superstitions
were resorted to instead of proper surgical treatment, and he lay
unconscious, blind, and partially paralysed, until an Italian surgeon
trepanned him, and he then apparently recovered.[k]]

[90] [But as Prescott[o] points out, Carlos was confined in a stifling
prison, suffering from high fever. The ice-water treatment was favoured
then by certain physicians as it is now universally.]

[91] [The accusation was made by the arch-liar Antonio Perez, and Prince
William of Orange[l] declared that there was proof at Paris that Philip
murdered both his son and his wife; but the accusation is now generally
counted as pure malice.]

[92] [It seems now that Philip gave Perez written authority to kill
Escovedo, but that he neglected to do so till some months later when
the king’s hostility had passed and the motive was simply the personal
jealousy of Perez himself.]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER X. THE LAST OF THE SPANISH HABSBURGS

[Sidenote: [1598-1700 A.D.]]

The two preceding reigns, being by far the most important in the modern
history of Spain, have commanded a corresponding share of our attention.
But as with Philip II ends the greatness of the kingdom, which from that
period declined with fearful rapidity,--as in the present chapter little
remains to be recorded beyond the reign of worthless favourites, the
profligacy of courts, and the deplorable weakness of government,--the
journey before us will be speedily performed.

The first courtier to whom the destinies of the peninsula were confided,
was the duke of Lerma; but as he had no talents either for peace or war,
the burden of administration devolved on a needy adventurer, Rodrigo
Calderon, one of his pages. In his domestic policy--if profligate
imbecility deserve the name--the most signal circumstance is the
expulsion of the Moriscos from Valencia, Andalusia, New Castile, and
Granada. During and after their late rebellion, those baptised infidels
were transported from the last-named kingdom, and dispersed among the
Christian inhabitants of the countries adjoining. Tranquillity could
scarcely be hoped from so arbitrary a measure; the Moriscos felt that
they had been treated with equal perfidy and cruelty, and they thirsted
for revenge. They accordingly renewed their correspondence with the
African princes and the grand seignior, whom they continually urged to
invade the peninsula, and in whose favour they promised to rise on the
first signal. Though they were compelled to attend mass, they sought in
secret ample amends for the violation of conscience, by observing the
rites of their own religion, and by heaping insult on that which they had
been constrained to honour with their lips.

The new king, Philip III, observed that he would rather be without
subjects than rule over infidels: the foolish saying was applauded by
the courtiers; and orders, dated September, 1609, were despatched to the
captains-general to force the Moriscos on board the galleys prepared for
them, and land them on the African coast. Those of Valencia, 150,000 in
number, were first expelled; they were followed, though not without great
opposition, nor in some places without open resistance, by their brethren
of the other provinces. In the whole, no fewer than 600,000 were thus
forcibly driven from their ancient habitations, omitting the mention of
such as, by assuming the disguise of Christians, spread over Catalonia
and southern France, and of the still greater number of children, who,
being born from Moriscos and hereditary Christians, were suffered to
remain. Those who disembarked in Africa were treated with characteristic
inhumanity.

In 1618, the duke of Lerma was disgraced, and the real minister, Don
Rodrigo Calderon, who had been adorned with numerous titles, was
imprisoned. Subsequently he was tortured, tried, and sentenced to death;
but, before the sentence could be put into execution, the king died.
Philip IV, however, ordered him to the block. The removal of the duke
only made way for another as imbecile and worthless as himself. So that
the king was not troubled with state business, but allowed to have his
women and his diversions, to provide for mistresses and parasites, he
cared not who held the post of minister.

The foreign transactions of this reign are too unimportant to be
detailed. In revenge for the maritime hostilities of the English, an
expedition was sent to Ireland to raise the inhabitants against the
government; but it was annihilated at Kinsale. In the Low Countries
the war continued with little glory to the archduke Albert until 1609,
when the independence of the Seven United Provinces was acknowledged
by treaty. With France there was continued peace, which, in 1612, was
strengthened by the double marriage of the prince of the Asturias with
Isabella de Bourbon, and of Louis XIII with the infanta Anne [Anne of
Austria], eldest daughter of the Spanish monarch. With the Venetians,
Turks, and Moors of Africa there were some engagements, but nothing
decisive was the result. Spain still retained the duchy of Milan, the
kingdom of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, and the fortresses on the
African coast.

Philip died March 31st, 1621. Besides his heir, and Anne, queen of
France, he left children--Maria, queen of Hungary, Don Carlos and Don
Ferdinand, who entered the church, and attained the dignity of cardinal.
His character needs no description: it was chiefly distinguished for
helpless imbecility, for dissipation, and idleness.[c]

CAUSES OF SPAIN’S RAPID DECLINE

[Sidenote: [1598-1621 A.D.]]

The rapid conquest of the Palatinate by the Spanish army, under the
marquis Spinola, and the decisive battle of Prague, which the emperor
gained by means of the treasures of Spain, brightened the last
days of Philip III with a transient lustre. But the constitutional
melancholy inherent in the Castilian line--the taint of the blood
of Juana--predominated over all the excitement of victory and its
exhilarating consequences. The gloom which had overcast the mind of the
king could not be dispelled by the most brilliant successes; and those
triumphs which, towards the close of his reign, diffused universal joy
throughout Spain, conveyed no gladness to the breast of its desponding
monarch.

At the accession of Philip IV, the Spanish monarchy had much declined
from that supremacy which it had so long held among the nations. Its
territory indeed was but little diminished, and if power could be
measured by extent of dominion, Spain was still the most potent kingdom
in Europe. But its energy was in a great measure spent, and its resources
were nearly drained.

In every country there is an epoch of exhaustion as well as of
excitement; and in the political constitution, not less than in the
bodily frame, the period of depression quickly follows on that of
excitation. The growth of the Spanish monarchy had been rapid and
gigantic--more so, perhaps, than that of any sovereignty, except the
Grecian Empire of Alexander. But its sudden increase of power had been
somewhat forced and premature. It was produced by the matrimonial
alliances of its sovereigns, by accidental discoveries which opened as if
by miracle the gates of dominion, and by the pre-eminent talents of a few
individuals, who, within a short compass of time, rose in constellation
on Spain--Ferdinand the Catholic, with his illustrious queen Isabella,
Gonsalvo de Cordova, Cardinal Ximenes, and the emperor Charles. Its
progress in power was not accompanied by a corresponding expansion of
intellect, or advancement in knowledge. The time of its supremacy was
consequently brief, and the decay which it suffered during the short
reign of Philip III was more swift than any recorded in the history of
the decline or fall of empires.

But though Spain had thus sunk in the space of a few years, the causes
of its depression may be traced through a much longer period, and may
even be found in the era of its augmentation and prosperity. Spain had
not enjoyed but abused her strength; and if the maxim be just, that an
immeasurable ambition is the ruin of nations, never was country better
entitled to destruction. As early as the reign of Charles V, the kingdom
had been emptied both of men and treasure to support foreign wars.

The discovery of America and its mines ought naturally to have given
fresh vigour to industry and commerce; and it undoubtedly promoted them
for a time. But, borne away by political events, energy was diverted from
domestic industry, the truest source of national wealth and greatness,
to foreign colonisation and adventure. The discovery of treasures which
they believed to be inexhaustible, and the example of immense and
rapid fortunes acquired in America and the Indies, produced a contempt
of tillage, and even for the manufactures, the profits of which were
comparatively inconsiderable and distant. Persons, too, of a certain rank
and birth, however poor they might be, were precluded by the prevailing
notions from procuring a subsistence by the exercise of the mechanic
arts. But in the New World they could, without shame, devote themselves
to pursuits which in their own country might not be prosecuted without
degradation. Nor did the produce of the mines afford any compensation
for the injury they thus occasioned. Expended in chimerical projects of
foreign ambition, and schemes to destroy the peace of other nations, the
tide of wealth which flowed from the western world into Spain rushed
through the land like a torrent, without fertilising it.

The extent, too, of the Spanish empire, and the distance of its various
dependencies, was another cause of its decline. In all ages, the ruins of
empires have bespoken the evils of overgrown dominion. The improvement
of remote possessions is never sufficiently attended to, while on their
account the interests of the parent state are frequently neglected.
Voiture[e] likens the Spanish monarchy to an enormous and unwieldy
vessel, of which the prow was in the Atlantic, and the stern in the
Indian Ocean. All the vice-royalties suffered by the inevitable abuses
of delegated authority, and were seldom vivified by the presence of
their princes. The whole life, indeed, of Charles V had been a continued
journey; but the Escorial was the fit habitation of his son, and Philip
enjoined to his successors a constant residence in Spain. All the
proceedings at Madrid were dilatory, and no provision was ever made for
any event which seemed to be at a tolerable distance. Others followed the
example of the court, and delay became the sole policy of the prince,
the ministry, and the governors of provinces. Whatever institutions were
favourable to liberty had been suppressed or undermined in the reign of
Charles V, and freedom was at length utterly destroyed by his despotic
and bigoted son.

Nothing, however, impresses us more strongly with a conviction of the
indolence and torpor of the Spanish race, than that the expulsion of
the Moors should have been attended by the fatal consequences which it
unquestionably produced. Elsewhere it would have occasioned no loss
or disadvantage, or would have been followed only by such temporary
inconvenience as ensued in France on the revocation of the Edict
of Nantes. But even from the time of the ancient Celtiberians, the
inhabitants of this peninsula had been disinclined to labour, and
indisposed to every species of exertion, except in war. “The peasants,”
says Madame d’Aulnoy[d] (who travelled in Spain in the middle of the
seventeenth century), “will more willingly endure hunger and all
severities of life, than work, as they tell you, like mercenaries and
slaves. Thus pride, seconded by sloth, prevents them from tilling and
sowing their land, which remains uncultivated, unless some more laborious
and worldly-minded strangers undertake the task, and thus carry off the
gains, while the sorry peasant sits in his chair, thrumming an ill-tuned
guitar, or reading some mouldy romance.”

Voiture,[e] who resided for some time at Madrid, shortly after the
accession of Philip IV, and travelled to the south of Spain with letters
of recommendation from Olivares, exhibits an amusing and graphic picture
of the indolence prevailing among the lower classes of the inhabitants.
“If it rains, the villagers who bring the bread to Madrid do not come,
though they could get a better price. When wheat is dear in Andalusia,
and they have it in Castile, nobody takes the trouble to send it or to
get it. It must be brought from France or elsewhere.”

Among all ranks celibacy prevailed in an unusual degree. Besides
seclusion in convents and nunneries, many obstacles arose to matrimony
from family pride and the disagreements of parents. Marriages were
thus contracted from interest, without choice, affection, or desire.
From these causes, and from early debauchery, the population was more
disproportioned to the means of subsistence than in any other country
of Europe; and hence the means for defence and for the acquisition of
wealth were diminished. The education of the children, such as they were,
of these enforced marriages, was shamefully neglected among the highest
classes, and indeed even in the royal family.

The riches of the church were totally disproportioned to those of the
rest of the nation, and much wealth was thus locked up in silver images
or golden lamps, which, if judiciously brought into commerce, might have
rendered many thousands of the population opulent and happy. Equally
large were the encroachments which superstition made on the time of the
inhabitants, great part of which was withdrawn from useful labour by
religious festivals, masses, processions, and purchase of pardons.

It was thus that Spain, which, of all the countries of Europe, possessed
the greatest advantages in climate, fertility, and geographical position,
became, in spite of these means of national prosperity, the poorest land
in Christendom. The gifts of nature were all in profusion still, but
human institutions had corrupted its benefits, or perverted them into
sources of weakness and decay. When the Spanish government perceived the
diminution of coin resulting from these causes, it attempted to supply
the deficiency, by imposing higher taxes on manufacturers and artificers.
But the burden became intolerable to the few remaining workmen. They fled
to Italy and Flanders, or, if they stayed at home, they relinquished
their trades, and no longer manufactured the fine wools of Andalusia
or the silks of Valencia. The ministry, having no more manufactures to
tax, next oppressed the farmers, and the imposts laid on agriculture
were as injudicious as they were numerous and excessive. “When once a
nation,” says Raynal,[f] “has begun to decline, it seldom stops. The
loss of population, of manufactures, of trade, and of agriculture, was
attended with the greatest evils. While Europe was daily improving in
knowledge, and all nations were animated with a spirit of industry, Spain
was falling into inaction and barbarism. The duties on commodities, in
their transport from one province to another, were so high that they
amounted almost to a prohibition, so that the communication was totally
interrupted. Even the transmission of money from one district to another
was forbidden. In a short time not a vestige of a road was to be seen.
Travellers were stopped at the crossing of rivers, where there were
neither boats nor bridges. There was not a single canal, and scarcely a
navigable river.”.

[Illustration: A SPANISH GENTLEMAN, TIME OF PHILIP II]

The pride of the nation had survived its greatness; its animosities had
outlived its power of oppression; but though much of animating health
and vigour was gone, the outward form was still nearly the same. The
strength of Spain was estimated by numbering its provinces and computing
the treasures of the Indies; and to the undiscerning eye of the vulgar,
Philip VI may have appeared as great a monarch as his grandsire. It
was thus that terror, as Schiller[g] expresses it, still brooded over
the lion’s forsaken den; and hence, while the provinces of Spain were
depopulated and impoverished, many powerful confederations were formed
against her, and the humiliation of the house of Austria was the subject
of the vows of politicians in all the states of Christendom. And in
fact with every disadvantage under which she laboured, and in spite of
the rapid depression she had suffered, Spain might still have regained
the lofty station she once held in the rank of kingdoms, if, at the
succession of Philip IV, a wise and energetic monarch had ascended the
throne, or if the reins of government had been intrusted to a prudent and
enlightened minister.

The supremacy of Spain over Italy, her own western mines, and the
oriental treasures supplied by the Indian empire of Portugal--all these,
which had hitherto proved but elements of decay, might, under able
administration, have afforded immense resources. The extensive frontiers
of the monarchy were still guarded by ancient renown and disciplined
valour. That celebrated infantry which was originally formed on the Swiss
model, and had been for more than a century the admiration and terror
of Europe, was still unbroken. It was encouraged by the remembrance of
a thousand triumphs, without one recollection of shame, for no signal
defeat had yet withered the laurels of St. Quentin and Pavia. The
soldiery still retained that intrepid and enterprising, though somewhat
ferocious and mutinous spirit, by which they were marked in the wars
of the Low Countries. Their renowned captain, the noble Spinola, still
survived, and many officers must yet have served in the veteran army
which had combated against Henry the Great, under the prince of Parma.

But Philip IV, though superior to his father in refinement of taste,
and in some specious exterior accomplishments, was equally deficient
in vigour of mind or solid acquirements, and was far inferior to his
predecessor in purity of life. The minister, on whom for more than twenty
years he relied with implicit confidence and devolved the uncontrolled
management of affairs, was a man of irregular genius and of vast designs,
which were but ill suited to the present condition of his country; and to
this policy, which was alternately obstinate and capricious, many have
attributed the overwhelming misfortunes of Spain.[k]

PHILIP IV “THE GREAT” (1621-1665 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1621-1622 A.D.]]

When the new king ascended the throne he was only in his seventeenth
year, and he began, like his father, by surrendering the reins of
government to a worthless favourite. This was the count de Olivares,
who had been a gentleman of the bedchamber to the prince of Asturias.
This haughty minion commenced his career by removing from the ministry
his benefactor, the duke of Uceda, and by recalling the valiant Don
Pedro Giron, duke of Osuna, from the viceroyalty of Naples. Whoever had
ability, or popular fame or favour with the king, was sure to experience
his envy, often his deadly persecution. Every servant of the late
government was dismissed or imprisoned, to make way for creatures, if
possible, more worthless.

It is, however, certain that by revoking many of the profuse grants
made by the two preceding sovereigns by dismissing two-thirds of the
locusts in office, by enforcing the residence of many señores, by
sumptuary regulations, and other measures, he increased the revenues of
the crown. But these reforms were but temporary; the minister was too
corrupt to persevere in any line of public advantage; his object was
his own emolument, and that of his creatures. How little Spain could
flourish under such princes and such administrations may be readily
conjectured. In its internal affairs, there was the same gradual decline
of agriculture, of commerce, of the mechanical arts, and, consequently,
of the national resources; yet, while the mass of the people were thus
sinking into hopeless poverty, the court exhibited more splendour than
ever. Thus, the reception of Charles, prince of Wales, and of his tutor,
the duke of Buckingham,--who, with the view of obtaining the hand of the
infanta Maria, sister of the king, had been romantic enough to visit
Madrid in disguise,--is a favourite subject of historic description. The
English reader need not be told that this prodigal expenditure was thrown
away, and that Charles, ultimately, obtained a French princess. Still
more expensive were the festivities consequent on the election of the
king of Hungary--who had married the infanta Maria, sister of Philip--to
be king of the Romans, and, consequently, heir to the imperial crown. If
to these fooleries we add the money sent out of the kingdom to assist the
German emperor in the wars with Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, we shall
not be surprised that the whole nation beheld the conduct of Philip and
his minister with discontent. While tens of thousands were famishing,
from the stagnation of the usual branches of industry--while plays,
pantomimes, entertainments, and other frivolities of the most costly
description were succeeding each other in the capital, in contempt of so
much misery--it required no ordinary stock of patience to witness the
disgraceful contrast. Murmurs and complaints were treated with contempt,
until the Catalans openly opposed the flagitious minister and the royal
puppet.

THE CATALAN INSURRECTION

[Sidenote: [1621-1641 A.D.]]

The profligate extravagances of the court were not the only cause which
led to the Catalan insurrection. At the close of a war with France--a war
of which mention will hereafter be made--the Castilian troops, in the
fear that hostilities would be recommenced by the enemy, were stationed
on the northern frontier, at the expense of the inhabitants, on whom they
were billeted. This regulation was as unjust as it was arbitrary, and
even odious. The people remonstrated. When the soldiers resisted, lives
were lost on both sides. The ringleaders were imprisoned or fined; to
release them formidable bands of countrymen hastened to Barcelona, the
residence of the viceroy, with the crucifix borne before them, burst open
the prisons, committed many excesses throughout the city, ill-treated
the royal officers, and ultimately killed the viceroy himself as he
was endeavouring to escape by sea.[93] From these scenes, and from the
universal hostility of the Catalans to his violent regulations, Olivares
might have learned something useful; but he was incapable of profiting
by the lessons of experience. The marquis de los Velez was sent with an
army to reduce the rebels to obedience. They implored the aid of the
French king. That aid was readily promised, but as it did not immediately
arrive, the whole principality, except the city of Tortosa, armed.

This was not all: contending that the king, by violating their ancient
privileges, had broken his compact with them, and consequently forfeited
all claim to their obedience, they proclaimed a republic. But as the
marquis had quickly reduced several important fortresses, and was
advancing, breathing revenge on the capital, the new republic was soon
destroyed by its authors, and Louis XIII proclaimed count of Barcelona.
The French monarch had accepted the dignity, even on conditions--such
was the jealous spirit of Catalan freedom--which left him the bare
protection of the province, which excluded him from the slightest
influence in it, and which in fact transformed it into a republic
under the name of a sovereign. Not that he intended to observe those
conditions, for it is admitted even by the national writers that with
his characteristic duplicity--duplicity to which he was urged by his
ambassador Argenton--he had resolved to annul them the first favourable
opportunity. After this treaty five thousand French soldiers passed the
Pyrenees; Tarragona, which now held for the king, and in which all the
royal forces were concentrated, was invested, but after a time relieved;
Castilian reinforcements arrived to make head against the enemy; near
twelve thousand French came to assist their countrymen, and Louis himself
advanced to the frontiers of Roussillon to direct their operations.
At this moment, Philip intended to conduct the war in person, and he
actually left Madrid for the purpose at the head of a considerable force;
but at Aranjuez he halted, under the pretext of waiting the arrival of
Olivares, who was in no hurry to join him. In fact, neither king nor
minister had courage enough to meet the enemy. Meantime the French armies
were actively gaining several important advantages: to counterbalance
them, Olivares formed a conspiracy in the very heart of France to
assassinate the minister Cardinal Richelieu, and even to dethrone Louis;
but it was detected, and its prime instrument was beheaded.

[Sidenote: [1641-1659 A.D.]]

Though a natural death soon called away the cardinal, his successor,
Mazarin, who succeeded also to his Macchiavelian principles, continued
the war. It lingered for years, with various success, or rather with no
decided success, to either part, until the inhabitants themselves grew
tired of the French yoke, and joined with their Castilian brethren.
Whether this change in the public feeling was owing to the haughtiness
of their allies, which is said to have been intolerable, or to the
inconsistency of the popular mind, or still more, probably, to both
united, fortune at length began to favour the arms of Philip. Still the
war with the Netherlands and with the Portuguese, to which allusion
will shortly be made, rendered the Spanish court desirous of peace. The
wish was shared by Mazarin, whose resources were nearly exhausted by
hostilities of so many years’ continuance, and in so many countries.
In 1659, the plenipotentiaries of both powers met at St. Jean-de-Luz,
and the conditions of peace, after three months’ deliberation, were
sanctioned by the respective monarchs.[c]

It may be well here to give a brief review of the larger politics of
Spain in Europe during and after the Thirty Years’ War, though fuller
details must be looked for in the histories of France and the other
countries concerned.[a]

THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR AND THE TREATY OF THE PYRENEES

[Sidenote: [1619-1659 A.D.]]

The incessant efforts of the Austrian princes to cement the union of
their families, and secure the reciprocal succession to their respective
dominions, had been no less sedulously opposed by France, than their
projects of conquest and aggrandisement. In the pursuit of this object,
the address and good fortune of the French repeatedly triumphed over the
inveterate hostility of the rival house; and by dexterously availing
themselves of times and circumstances, they succeeded in forming
frequent marriages between the two families of France and Spain. Philip
II espoused Isabella, a princess of France; a double match was also
concluded between the infanta Anne, daughter of Philip III, and Louis
XIII, and between Isabella, sister of the French monarch, and the prince
of Asturias, afterwards Philip IV. To obviate, however, the mischiefs
likely to ensue from these occasional aberrations of policy, the Austrian
sovereigns endeavoured to guard and fortify their respective pretensions
to the family inheritance, by renunciations, compacts, and treaties.

These marriages and arrangements formed only temporary suspensions
of hostility. In 1619, the long and eventful contest of the Thirty
Years’ War commenced. The Spanish monarchy, already weakened by past
disasters, was shaken to its foundations. Exactions rendered necessary
by the diminished resources of the government, joined with the abuses
inseparable from delegated power, excited civil troubles: the progress
of its decline was marked by a rebellion in Catalonia; by the temporary
insurrection which rendered Masaniello, a simple fisherman, master
of Naples; and by the revolution which placed the family of Braganza
on the throne of Portugal. The event of this direct conflict was the
degradation of the Austrian house in both its branches, and the partial
accomplishment of those extensive designs which France had long meditated
against the remnant of the Burgundian inheritance, and even against Spain
itself. The Peace of Westphalia, in 1648, opened passages into Germany
and Italy, reduced the empire to an aristocracy, and destroyed the union
of the Germanic body, by the establishment of a religious and political
schism.

But even after the emperor Ferdinand III had been forced to withdraw from
the contest, and to submit to the reduction of his power and influence,
Philip IV was induced to continue the war, from the consciousness of past
greatness, the hope of drawing advantage from the civil discords which
arose in France during the minority of Louis XIV, and above all from
an unwillingness to give his eldest daughter in marriage to the French
monarch, which was exacted as the price of peace. During this interval,
he not only resolved to affiance his daughter to the archduke Leopold;
but having become a widower, he cemented his connection with the German
branch by espousing Maria Anna, daughter of Frederick III. At length, his
increasing embarrassments; the loss of Jamaica and Dunkirk, wrested from
him by the successful hostility of Cromwell; the birth of a son, Philip
Prospero; and another pregnancy of his queen, induced him to accept the
proposals of France. Accordingly, preliminaries were signed at Paris,
November 7th, 1659, and a treaty of peace was arranged by the two prime
ministers of France, Cardinal Mazarin and Don Luis de Haro, in the Isle
of Pheasants, a small islet in the river Bidassoa, which divides the two
kingdoms.

[Illustration: COSTUME OF A YOUNG SPANISH WOMAN, EARLY SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY]

[Sidenote: [1659-1664 A.D.]]

This celebrated act, which has been termed the Treaty of the Pyrenees,
sowed the germ of future wars, and produced to France no less important
advantages on the side of the peninsula and Flanders, than the Peace of
Westphalia had produced to Austria on that of the empire. To France,
Spain ceded Roussillon with part of Conflans and Cerdagne, of Flanders
and Hainault, and all Artois, except the towns and districts of St. Omer
and Aire. The pretensions of France to Navarre were reserved; Dunkirk
and Jamaica were yielded to England: and the duke of Lorraine, the last
remaining ally of Spain, was reduced to dependence, by dismantling the
fortifications of Nancy, and by the compulsory cession of Moyenvic and
Bar. Finally, the king of Spain consented to give in marriage his
eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, to Louis XIV; but under the express
condition that she should, for herself and issue, renounce all right to
her paternal inheritance. In return, the king of France restored all
his conquests in the Netherlands, Italy, and Catalonia, and agreed not
to assist the Portuguese. Accordingly, the signature of the treaty was
followed by the celebration of the marriage, June 2nd, 1660, before which
the infanta renounced for herself and her posterity all right and title
to every part of the Spanish dominions in the strongest terms which
ingenuity could devise. Her renunciation was afterwards ratified with
equal solemnity by Louis XIV, for himself and his heirs, and confirmed
by the cortes then assembled at Madrid. The French court, however, made
a mockery of such engagements; and the well-known observation of Mazarin
to the plenipotentiaries employed in negotiating the treaty shows at once
the most shameless perfidy and the ultimate object of this connection:
“Let the match be concluded, and no renunciation can prevent the king
from pretending to the succession of Spain.”

As little did the French monarch respect his engagements not to interfere
in the affairs of Portugal, the hope of which had been one of the
principal inducements with Philip to conclude this disadvantageous
treaty. On the contrary, the most glaring prevarication was employed to
justify the active support afforded to the Portuguese: their resistance
was successfully employed to exhaust the remaining strength of the
Spanish monarchy, and to prepare the way for that system of aggression
and usurpation which was shortly to be exhibited, to the terror and
indignation of Europe.[h]

[Illustration: THE BATTLE OF VILLAVICIOSA]

[Sidenote: [1659-1664 A.D.]]

Commensurate with the origin of the Catalan insurrection was that of
Portugal. As this is not the proper place to enter into an examination
of the causes which produced, or the circumstances which attended that
natural burst of freedom, we defer both to the history of Portugal. Here
it is sufficient to observe that the discontented Portuguese, despising
the royal puppet at Madrid, and burning with an intolerable thirst for
the restoration of their independence, proclaimed the duke of Braganza
under the name of João IV; and that in several campaigns they nobly
vindicated the step. Assisted by their allies the English, Dutch, and
French, they continued the war with indomitable valour, and with general
success until 1664, when, in the battle of Villaviciosa, they inflicted
so severe a blow on the arms of Philip that he precipitately abandoned
hostilities. This was one of the causes which led to the disgrace
of Olivares. Nothing can better show the uncontrolled power of this
minister, and the criminal negligence of every public duty by the king,
than the fact that the latter remained long ignorant of the momentous
events in Portugal. At length, fearing to conceal them any longer, the
count one day observed, with an air of studied carelessness, “The duke of
Braganza has run stark mad; he has proclaimed himself king of Portugal!
This folly will bring your majesty twelve millions in confiscations!”
The only reply was, “We must put an end to the mischief”; but the
remonstrances of his queen, and the rebellion of the minister’s nephew,
the duke of Medina Sidonia, for whom the minister wrung a reluctant
pardon, determined Philip to exile Olivares from the court. This was
actually done; but the kingdom experienced no benefit by a change of
favourites.[c] “The unmeasured blame usually lavished upon Olivares,”
says Hume,[j] “appears hardly just, notwithstanding the disastrous
results of his rule. His great sin was that he tried to insist upon all
Spaniards making equal sacrifices to pay for the barren pride which all
Spaniards shared.”

DEATH OF PHILIP IV (1665 A.D.)

The character of Philip, who died in 1665, needs no description.
Though from a few early successes he was called “the great” and “the
planet king,” his reign, next to that of Roderic the Goth, was the
most disastrous in the annals of Spain. Omitting the distress which it
brought on the people, and the horrors of the Catalan insurrection,
the loss of Roussillon, Conflans, a part of Cerdagne, Jamaica, much of
the Low Countries, and above all Portugal, and his recognition of the
independence of the Seven United Provinces, are melancholy monuments
of his imbecility. A still worse effect was produced by the frequent
reverses of his arms in Italy and the Low Countries,[94] reverses which
encouraged the smallest states to set his power at defiance; thus,
both in the East Indies, and on the coast of America, his settlements
were plundered or seized by Holland. In private life, his conduct was
as little entitled to respect: by his mistresses he had six or seven
children,[95] of whom the most famous was Don John, surnamed of Austria,
believed to be the son of an actress of Madrid, and born in 1629.

On this son the choicest favours of the crown were conferred; he was
made prior of St. John, and was several times at the head of the Spanish
armies. In Italy, the Netherlands, Catalonia, and Portugal, he showed
that he was not unworthy to bear the name of his great predecessor, the
son of the emperor Charles; in the last-named country his success would
have been more decided, had not the queen, who hated his popularity and
envied his fame, diverted the supplies which were intended for him, and
left him no other alternative than that of retiring from the service.
Hence the foundation of the dissensions which, as we shall perceive in
the ensuing reign, distracted the state. Of Philip’s numerous offspring
by his two queens, Isabella, daughter of Henry IV of France, and Maria
Anna, daughter of the emperor Ferdinand III, three only survived him.
Maria Theresa queen of France, Margaret queen of Hungary, and his
successor Don Charles.

KING CHARLES II AND THE FRENCH WAR

[Sidenote: [1665-1669 A.D.]]

If the affairs of this kingdom had been so unfortunate during the reigns
of the two Philips, they were not likely to improve under a child who,
at his accession, had not attained his fourth year, especially as
Don John, the favourite of the nation, was at open hostility with the
queen-regent and her confessor the father Nithard [or Nitard], a German
Jesuit. This churchman is represented as haughty to the nobles, supple to
the queen, and in his general conduct corrupt; but as the representation
comes from men always jealous of foreigners, it must be received with
caution. An unbiassed mind will easily perceive that his chief fault was
the unbounded power he exercised through the queen. The disasters which
befell her administration added to the popular discontent.

Though the perfidious Louis XIV had disclaimed, both for himself and his
successors, all title to the Spanish possessions, one of his first acts,
after his marriage, was to assert, in right of his queen, a monstrous
pretension to the Low Countries. In an obscure district of a remote
province there was an ancient custom, called devolution, now virtually
abrogated by time, that even a daughter of the first wife should inherit
in preference to a son by the second: hence, as Maria Theresa, the
consort of Louis, was sprung from the first, and Don Charles from the
second marriage of Philip, the French monarch poured his legions over the
frontier, and with great rapidity reduced most of the fortresses from
the Channel to the Schelde. At his instigation the Portuguese made an
irruption into Estremadura. The union of Sweden, Holland, and England,
to oppose the ambition of the Frenchman, saved the whole Netherlands
from subjugation; but, by the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, May 2nd, 1668,
he retained the most valuable of his conquests; and by that very union,
which thus saved a portion of her northern possessions, Spain was
compelled to acknowledge the independence of Portugal.

Of these disastrous circumstances advantage was taken by Don John of
Austria, who had been exiled from the court, to load both the queen
and her confessor, now a counsellor of state, with increased obloquy.
During the flagitious career of the French, the voice of the Spaniards
proclaimed him as the only man fit to support the sinking fortunes of
the monarchy: to remove him from their attachment, and from his own
intrigues, he had been nominated governor of the Low Countries. He
refused the dignity. Being retired to Consuegra, a conspiracy was formed
or pretended against the life of Nithard, and revealed by one of the
accomplices, who asserted that its hidden spring was John.

Whether this conspiracy was, as most men suspected, a stratagem of the
queen and her party, or a really meditated deed of blood, it enabled
the regent to act with more vigour: she despatched a strong party of
cavalry to arrest John, and consign him to the Alcazar of Toledo. He
fled into Aragon; and from his refuge assumed a higher tone, insisting
that satisfaction should be made him for a suspicion so injurious to his
honour, and that the Jesuit should be banished from the kingdom. With
seven hundred resolute followers, he advanced towards Madrid. He was
met by the papal nuncio, who had been charged with the honourable duty
of mediation. To the request that he would remain four days at Torrejon
until his demands were satisfied, he replied that Nithard must leave
the kingdom without delay. The insolence of this mandate--for such it
was--exasperated the queen; but she was constrained to comply with it,
and the Jesuit was dismissed.

Father Nithard was certainly a disinterested, he appears to have been
a well-meaning man. He would accept no money (a moderate sum excepted,
necessary to defray the expense of his journey to Rome), asserting with
an honest pride that he entered Spain a poor priest, and a poor priest
would leave it: however, he was subsequently raised to the dignity of
cardinal.

[Sidenote: [1669-1677 A.D.]]

Don John renewed his intrigues, artfully uniting the cause of the people
with his own, and at length compelling the court to invest him with
the government of Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, the Balearic Isles, and
Sardinia. The following years he passed in sovereign state at Saragossa,
silently watching the course of events which, as he had anticipated, were
of the same adverse character to the nation. France, true to her career
of spoliation in all ages, in 1672 invaded Holland, now the ally of
Spain, with one hundred thousand men: to such a host resistance was vain,
and most of the country was seized by the invaders.

Spain, like England, Germany, and other states who confederated to arrest
the daring progress of Louis, flew to the assistance of her prostrate
ally, and immediately afterwards declared war against France. As usual,
the advantage turned in favour of the stronger party. In Burgundy,
Franche-Comté, which Spain had inherited in right of the ancient dukes of
that province, was conquered, and some destructive inroads were made into
Catalonia; the few fortresses remaining to the Spanish monarch in the Low
Countries were threatened, one or two actually reduced; and Messina in
Sicily was instigated by the enemy to rebel. In three years the rebellion
subsided of itself, the inhabitants of Messina being glad to escape from
the yoke of Louis by returning to their obedience. In 1675 Don John was
ordered to pass over to that island; but as the royal majority was at
hand when the regent’s term of authority would expire, he hoped that he
should be called to the ministry; a result for which his friends were
actively disposing the king. But through the arts of the queen, Maria
Anna, he was suddenly ordered to leave Madrid. There can be no doubt,
however, that his own presumption hastened this disgrace, for he had
insisted on being acknowledged as infante of Castile, and consequently as
collateral heir to the monarchy. The queen triumphed the more as her son
was as imbecile in mind as he was sickly in body, and as with her alone
would continue the affairs of administration.

A new, and, if scandal is to be believed, a less innocent favourite
than Father Nithard, was found in Ferdinand de Valenzuela, who had
been page of the duke del Infantado, and who to specious manners and
some knowledge added an agreeable person. But the queen’s triumph was
transient: the creatures of Don John became more numerous and clamorous.
The leading grandees, who detested the new favourite for his vanity, and
still more for his meanness of birth, joined in the cry. The torrent
became too strong to be stemmed even by her. She resolved to derive
merit from necessity; for knowing that Don John was preparing to leave
Saragossa for Madrid, she not only suffered her son to command his
immediate presence, but she herself wrote in the same strain. At his
approach Charles II retired to another palace, ordering his mother not
to leave the one she inhabited; and despatched the archbishop of Toledo
to Hita to welcome his brother. The power of John was now unbounded,
while Maria Anna, notwithstanding her efforts to recover the royal
favour, was circumscribed to her own household. John was affectionately
received by the king, and was declared prime minister. The first decree
which he signed was for the arrest of Valenzuela, now degraded from the
class of nobles to which the favour of Maria Anna had unworthily raised
him. He was conveyed to the castle of Consuegra, forced to disgorge his
ill-gotten wealth, and banished to the Philippine Islands. He died in
Mexico.

[Sidenote: [1677-1679 A.D.]]

The administration of Don John was no less deplorable than that of the
regent whom he had so criminally supplanted. Occupied in the cares of
vengeance, or in providing for his creatures, he feebly opposed the
victorious progress of Louis. Valenciennes, Cambray, St. Omer, and other
places were speedily reduced: Ypres and Ghent were assailed with equal
success; and Puycerda, on the Catalan frontier, yielded about the same
time to another French army. Most of these places, however, were restored
at the Peace of Nimeguen, September, 1678, of which the most unpopular
condition was that Charles should receive the hand of the princess Marie
Louise, niece of the French king. That nation had always been regarded
with jealousy, it was now hated by the Spaniards. John did not live
to witness the solemnisation of the nuptials. The ill success of his
government, his haughty behaviour towards the grandees, his persecution
of such as belonged rather to their country than to his party, and his
tyranny even over the king, rendered him not merely unpopular, but
odious. In this state mental anxiety put an end to his life (September
17th, 1679) at the moment his enemies were preparing to hasten his
downfall.[96] The queen-dowager returned to court, not indeed to resume
her ancient influence, but to assist in the multiplication of intrigues,
and, consequently, the perplexities of her imbecile son.[c]

THE FATE OF THE YOUNG QUEEN

[Sidenote: [1679-1691 A.D.]]

Marriage had come to be one of the political resources of Louis XIV.
Another matrimonial alliance, still more important, had been concluded
a few months previously. It has been said that Don John of Austria,
the uncle and minister of the king of Spain, hoped to find in France
a support against his rival, the king’s mother, who was upheld by the
court at Vienna. Don John had caused the negotiations undertaken by
the queen-mother for uniting the Catholic king with a daughter of the
emperor to be broken off, and had solicited for Charles II the hand of
Marie Louise of Orléans, a niece of Louis XIV and daughter of the duke of
Orléans by his first wife Henrietta of England. It can be imagined with
what eagerness this proposition was received, since it was supposed that
it would establish the diplomatic preponderance of France at Madrid.

[Illustration: A SPANIARD OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY]

The contract was signed on the 30th of August, 1679, to the great joy of
Louis XIV, but to the still greater sorrow of the bride. It was only with
despair that the poor young girl left the paradise of Versailles to bury
herself in the tomb of the Escorial, at the side of that strange husband
who was only the shadow of a king, only the shadow of a man. For a whole
month she saddened the court and wounded the national susceptibilities
of the Spanish ambassadors by the violence of her grief. She seemed to
have a presentiment of her sad fate. She had not yet started when the
protector she was to meet on the other side of the mountains expired
and her natural enemy the queen-mother seized again from the dying
hands of Don John the power she had lost. Marie Louise found on foreign
soil only long hours of weariness, and implacable persecutions which
were terminated by a prolonged agony and perhaps by a crime. She was
one of the most pathetic victims of the cruel policy of dynasties. The
sacrifice, however, was useless; the young queen acquired no influence at
Madrid and, the anti-French policy having gotten the upper hand together
with the queen-mother, by the intervention of the prince of Orange, a
_rapprochement_ was brought about between Spain and England, the effects
of which Louis XIV fought with greater success at Windsor than at the
Escorial.[l]

Dunlop[k] gives many details of the journey of the young bride to
her imbecile husband. To the natural homesickness so peculiarly
characteristic of the French, she added a complete ignorance of the
Spanish language and a nature rebellious to the unusual formality of
Spanish court etiquette. The royal bridegroom into whose arms she was
driven was, as a result of the Austrian marriages, not only weak-minded
but also repulsive physically; his chin was so huge that he could not
masticate and his tongue so large that his speech could hardly be
understood. He was treated as a baby till he was ten and was almost
illiterate; his amusements were those of a lascivious boy and he died in
the decay of old age when he was not yet forty.

An incident of Charles II’s reign was the renewal of the inquisitional
fury, and one of the _fêtes_ of the young queen was the privilege of
watching fifty wretches led out to torture and execution; one beautiful
Jewess appealed to the queen who was helpless to save her.

The queen was very charitable and yet was left on a stinted allowance
irregularly paid. Her reputation suffered slander--as what queen’s has
not?--and Hume[j] calls her a pagan; but Dunlop says that her character
was untainted. She found congenial friends naturally among the people
of her own country, but these were eventually forbidden her presence.
Sunny as her nature was, it is small wonder that she pined and did not
make headway against the thick plots against her. She died in February,
1689--of cholera morbus it was claimed, though poison was of course
alleged.

Dunlop[k] well says, “Of all political queens, the fate of Louise
d’Orléans is perhaps the most to be pitied.” Her life had been vain;
she had not satisfied her uncle Louis XIV by fastening French influence
on the court; she had not satisfied Spanish hopes by bearing an heir to
the monstrosity she had been forced to wed; and she had not even been
happy.[a]

LAST YEARS OF CHARLES II

[Sidenote: [1691-1700 A.D.]]

Omitting the detail of obscure wars--obscure at least to the
Spaniards--which almost uniformly turned to their prejudice, on the death
of Marie Louise, in 1689, the French monarch again poured the storm of
war over the frontier of Catalonia. What most heightened his resentment
was the immediate marriage of the widowed Charles with a princess of the
house of Austria; to that house he had always been a mortal enemy, and
he feared lest the king, who was hitherto childless, should at length
have an heir. For some time, indeed, the efforts of the invaders, owing
to their insignificant numbers, were often repulsed, or neutralised
by subsequent reverses; but, in 1691, Urgel was taken by the duke of
Noailles; Barcelona and Alicante were severely bombarded by sea. Two
years afterwards Palemos and Rosas capitulated; the following year the
Spaniards were defeated in a considerable battle; the victors took
Gerona; Hostalric, and other places, followed the example, and Barcelona
itself was threatened. Destitute of money and of troops, the efforts of
the cabinet to raise both were but partially successful, and the time
which should have been spent in vigorous hostilities was thus wasted in
almost useless preparation. After a short suspension of hostilities,
Barcelona fell into the power of Vendôme.

Spain trembled to her most distant extremities; and she could scarcely
believe in the reality of her good fortune when, at the Peace of Ryswick,
in 1697, Louis restored all his conquests. She was too much confounded
by this display of magnanimity to divine the cause; yet that cause was
not insufficient. From his niece, Marie Louise, the French monarch had
learned to suspect the impotency of Charles; the sterility of the recent
marriage confirmed the suspicion; and as he aspired in consequence to
place a prince of his family on the throne of Castile, he did not wish to
diminish the value of the inheritance by its dismemberment.

In 1698 the health of Charles, which had always been indifferent, began
so visibly to decline that all hope of issue was abandoned. On his
demise three chief claimants could aspire to his throne: first, the
dauphin of France, as the eldest son of Maria Theresa, eldest daughter
of Philip IV; secondly, the emperor Leopold, who not only descended from
Ferdinand, brother of Charles V, but whose mother was the daughter of
Philip III; thirdly, the electoral prince of Bavaria, whose mother was
the only daughter of the infanta Margarita, a young daughter of Philip
IV. Of these claims, that of the dauphin was evidently the strongest,
since his mother was the eldest sister of Charles. It is true that she
had renounced for her issue all claim to the crown of Spain; but this
renunciation had been demanded by the Spaniards, from a fear lest the
two crowns should fall on the same brow. To such a union Europe would
never have consented; and the objection was almost equally strong to
the union of Spain with Germany. Hence the hostility to the pretensions
both of the dauphin, as heir of the French monarchy, and of the emperor
Leopold. Hence, too, the celebrated, and infamous as celebrated, treaty
of partition, which, in October, 1698, was signed at the Hague by the
plenipotentiaries of England, Holland, and France. By it Naples and
Sicily, with Guipuzcoa, San Sebastian, and Fuenterrabia were ceded to
the dauphin; Spain and the Indies to the Prince of Bavaria; while, for
the third party, Charles, second son of Leopold, and the representative
of his rights, Milan only was reserved. The death of the Bavarian prince
destroyed this beautiful scheme of spoliation; but its authors did
not long delay in framing another, which gave Spain, the Indies, and
Netherlands to Charles, and which amplified the original portion of the
dauphin.

But Louis XIV had no intention to renounce the splendid inheritance; if
he could not procure it for the dauphin, or, which would ultimately be
the same, for the eldest son of the dauphin, there was a second son,
Philip, duke of Anjou, who would be less the object of jealousy to the
European powers. With the same view, Leopold was willing that his own
rights, and those of his eldest son, should devolve on the archduke
Charles the youngest. Both princes sent their emissaries to the court
of Charles II, to besiege his sick-bed, and to procure a testamentary
declaration in favour of their respective pretensions. The intrigues
which continued for so many months to distract the court and kingdom, to
embitter rival animosity, and to disturb the last hours of the king, are
too endless to be detailed.

The duke of Anjou’s ablest support was Cardinal Portocarrero, archbishop
of Toledo. The cardinal terrified Charles’ conscience by a representation
of the civil wars which must inevitably follow the uncertainty of
succession, and, above all, by frightening him with the responsibility
of the consequent bloodshed. On a mind so religious as the king’s, these
representations made a deep effect; he observed that, however near the
ties of blood, his salvation was still nearer; and after a long, a bitter
struggle, he signed the testament which called the duke d’Anjou to the
undivided sovereignty of the Spanish dominions. As he subscribed the
momentous instrument, his heart still clung to his family, the tears ran
from his eyes, while, with a faltering voice, he sorrowfully exclaimed,
“God is the disposer of kingdoms!”

Before the signature of this important act, the health and strength
of the king had visibly declined; in fact he exhibited in himself
a mere shadow of existence. His deplorable, and as it appeared,
extraordinary state, one alike of pain, of mental vacuity, and even of
half consciousness, gave rise to a report that he was bewitched. He
prepared for his end; appointed a council of regency, headed by Cardinal
Portocarrero, until the duke of d’Anjou should arrive in Spain; and on
the morning of November 1st, 1700, bade adieu to his worldly sorrows,
after one of the most disastrous reigns on record.[c]

THE DISTRESSES OF SPAIN

[Sidenote: [1665-1700 A.D.]]

Thus, at length, terminated the long but inglorious sway of Charles
II, in the thirty-ninth year of his age, and the thirty-sixth of his
unfortunate reign. His character is written in the events of his
clouded life. He was mild and conscientious; suspicious and distrustful
from diffidence in his own powers and talents; timid, inconstant, and
irresolute, from the influence of hypochondriac affections; chaste from
temperament; ignorant from total want of instruction; superstitious from
habit and education; he was utterly destitute of discernment, energy,
or skill; he was but a ghost even of his grandsire Philip III, and in
his premature decay formed no unfit emblem of the declining kingdom over
which he reigned.

Charles, indeed, was not wholly responsible for the state of degradation
to which Spain was reduced when he closed his fatal career. The
administrations of Lerma and Olivares had prepared the way for a long
train of losses, humiliations, and disasters; but the wavering and
fluctuating counsels of Charles completed the ruin of his country.
Spain, which contained twenty millions of inhabitants in the reign of
Ferdinand and Isabella, had only eight millions at the close of the reign
of Charles II. Moncada, an author of the beginning of the seventeenth
century, estimated the population of its capital at 400,000; and Uztariz,
who wrote immediately after the accession of the Bourbons, calculated
it at only 180,000, so that it may be rated that it had diminished by
one-half during the reigns of Philip IV and his son. Except, indeed, from
courtesy and custom, and the extreme interest excited by the question of
the succession, Spain, at the end of the reign of Charles, would scarcely
have been reckoned among the powers of Europe.

Her finances were in a state of most frightful disorder. The revenues
of the crown were absorbed by those agents or farmers, on whom the
urgent necessities of government reduced it to depend for supplies;
and, at the same time, the people, both in the capital and provinces,
were loaded with every species of extortion and monopoly. The ample
treasures of the New World were still worse administered; the viceroys,
after defrauding the crown and oppressing the subject, were suffered to
return from their governments and to enjoy, with impunity, the produce
of peculation. The harbours of Spain contained but ten or twelve rotten
frigates; the arsenals for the navy were neglected, and even the art of
shipbuilding had fallen into oblivion. Her army amounted to not more than
twenty thousand men, without discipline, pay, or clothing. Her forts and
citadels had crumbled into ruins. Even the breaches made into the walls
of Barcelona during the Catalan insurrection continued open, and at the
other chief fortresses there were neither guns mounted nor garrisons
maintained. Such was the want of vigour in the laws, and remissness in
the officers of justice, that reins had been given to every species of
licentiousness. The slightest rise in the price of provisions excited
tumult and alarm. Madrid had become the rendezvous of robbers and the
asylum of assassins, who haunted even the palaces of the grandees or the
churches, unmolested and unpunished. Its squares and streets were filled
with discarded domestics and famishing artisans, without occupation or
the means of subsistence. Those establishments destined to maintain the
respect due to royalty had sunk into empty form, and were insufficient
to protect the king from mortifying insults, both to his authority and
person. The responsible ministry were without intelligence or skill in
the science of government: the real influence was in the officers of
the household--the king’s confessor, the prelates, and the inquisitors
of the realm. The private and bitter jealousies of the grandees, the
enmity of the provinces towards each other, and the rigid adherence to
ancient forms and usages, however inapplicable to modern circumstances,
all conspired to prevent a cordial co-operation in any useful or national
object, and completed, in the last year of the seventeenth century and at
the end of the Austrian dynasty, the picture of Spain.

Yet the sway, no doubt, of the imbecile Charles may have appeared more
feeble from the contrast it presented to the energy and skill of the
other governments of Europe, which, at the close of this century, were
ruled by the ablest monarchs who had ever appeared, at one era, since
the first rise of its states on the wreck of the Western Empire. The
energies both of Holland and England were wielded by William III; Louis
XIV reigned in France, the prudent Pedro in Portugal, John Sobieski
in Poland, Charles XII in Sweden, and in Muscovy Peter the Great--the
immortal czar.[k]

FOOTNOTES

[93] [Catalan writers, witnesses of these scenes, describe with
enthusiasm the patriotic ardour shown by all classes in the town, the
courage, daring, and diligence displayed even by women and children
in bringing provisions, ropes, ammunition, medicine, and all kinds
of assistance to the defenders on the walls, those who had nothing
themselves going to the houses and through the streets asking for help.
Even the nuns in their convents sent biscuits and preserves, while others
prayed to God for the triumph of the Catalan cause; some women dressed as
soldiers and went about with swords and daggers.[b]]

[94] The troubles in Naples included the famous insurrection led by the
fisherman Masaniello.

[95] According to the Venetian ambassador Zanetornato[i] he had
thirty-two illegitimate children.

[96] [Hume[j] says he died of fever and ague, though poison was of course
hinted and Maria Anna blamed.]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XI. REVIVAL OF SPAIN UNDER THE FIRST BOURBONS

[Sidenote: [1700-1788 A.D.]]

_Du sein de Paris, Madrid reçoit un Roi._

--VOLTAIRE, _La Henriade_.

On the 1st of November, 1700, died Charles II, the last male of the
Austrian dynasty, which had governed Spain from the death of Ferdinand
and Isabella.

[Sidenote: [1700-1701 A.D.]]

The king had scarcely expired, before the ministers and officers of state
assembled, according to ancient custom, to examine and publish the royal
testament. As this was a new era in the history of Spain, and as general
anxiety prevailed to know the new sovereign, the palace was crowded
with people of all ranks, and the antechamber filled with the foreign
ministers and principal courtiers, all eager to receive the earliest
intelligence. At length, the folding doors being thrown open, the duke of
Abrantes appeared, and a general silence ensued to hear the nomination.
Near the door stood the two ministers of France and Austria, Blécourt
and Harrach. Blécourt advanced with the confidence of a man who expected
a declaration in his favour; but the Spaniard, casting on him a look of
indifference, advanced to Harrach and embraced him with a fervour which
announced the most joyful tidings. Maliciously prolonging his compliment,
and repeating his embrace, he said, “Sir, it is with the greatest
pleasure--sir, it is with the greatest satisfaction--for my whole
life, I take my leave of the most illustrious house of Austria.” The
ambassador, who during this strange address had already begun to express
his own satisfaction and promise the future favour of his sovereign, was
thunderstruck with the malicious, unexpected insult; and it required all
his firmness to remain and hear the contents of the will, which overthrew
the hopes and baffled the plans of his imperial master.

Philip arrived at Madrid on the 18th of February. On the 21st of April
he made a triumphal entry, with a magnificence calculated to flatter a
chivalrous and high-spirited nation, and to display all the splendour of
a crown esteemed by its subjects the most powerful in the whole Christian
world. The eyes of Spain and of Europe were turned to the young king, who
was to form the commencement of a new dynasty, and whose accession was a
new era in the political history of modern times. Philip had just entered
the seventeenth year of his age. Bred up in a bigoted and monotonous
court, where everything bore the stamp of submission and bent before the
nod of the great monarch, Philip had learned to regard the person and
will of his grandfather, Louis XIV, with a respect almost bordering on
adoration. He had imbibed also a deep and awful sense of religion, and in
his whole conduct and deportment displayed a moral purity and scrupulous
decorum which are rarely found in courts.

FRENCH INFLUENCE DOMINATES

As the primary object of Louis XIV was a desire to exclude a hostile
family, and employ the power, resources, and territories of Spain for
the aggrandisement of his own kingdom, the means and persons who were to
direct the movements and fashion the character of Philip were all adapted
to the attainments of this end. The first instructions given by the
monarch to his pupil and grandson, amidst much trifling and commonplace
advice, contain the outlines of that system which time and events were to
mature and complete.

Philip literally obeyed these instructions. He placed his full confidence
in Portocarrero; he suffered him to assume the power of forming the
new ministry, of gratifying his personal or political antipathies, and
filling at his pleasure all offices and appointments of state; and
from the commencement of his reign Philip was the king of a party and
the vassal of France, to whom he principally owed his crown. As Louis
foresaw, therefore, that the possession of the Spanish crown must
ultimately depend on the decision of arms, he had spared no pains to
commence a contest with advantage, even before the death of Charles;
and he hoped by a prompt and vigorous effort to bring it to a speedy
and successful issue. He had gradually collected a powerful army on the
Spanish frontier. By threats and promises he prevailed on the king of
Portugal to acknowledge the new sovereign, and conclude an alliance with
the house of Bourbon. At the same time he secured an entrance into Italy
by negotiating a marriage between Philip and a princess of Savoy. He
likewise obtained permission to introduce a French garrison into Mantua,
the key of the principal military passage from Germany into Italy.

The unexpected tenor of the Spanish testament, and the foresight and
promptitude of Louis, struck a temporary panic into the principal courts
of Europe. In Holland the dread of impending ruin excited a unanimous
sentiment of indignation against France. Preparations were made for
hostilities; but Louis surprised all the frontier fortresses, and
captured fifteen thousand Dutch troops by whom they were garrisoned.
The fear of an immediate invasion, extorted from the Dutch government
an acknowledgment of Philip as sovereign of the whole Spanish monarchy.
The parliament and nation of England constrained William to follow this
example. The court of Vienna made vigorous preparations to bring the
dispute to the test of arms.

On the other hand, the sanguine expectations which the Spanish nation
had formed of the wisdom, perfection, and energy of the new government,
were too extravagant to be realised; and it was the just remark of the
shrewd Louville, that even should an angel descend from heaven to take
the reins, the public hopes must be disappointed in the existing state of
Spain, gangrened as it was from one extremity to the other. The crown was
not only robbed of its splendour, but reduced to inconceivable penury.
The same difficulties occurred in raising ten pistoles as ten thousand;
the salaries of the royal household were unpaid; the pay of the troops
was in constant arrears, and the royal guards were often reduced to share
with mendicants the charitable donations of convents and hospitals.
The whole army did not exceed twenty thousand men. Thus, totally
ruined within and unprovided for war without, it was evident that the
preservation of the crown must solely depend on the exertions of Louis
XIV.

The change of sovereigns led to other mischiefs, which all the vigilance
of the French court was in vain exerted to prevent. On the accession
of a French prince, Madrid was crowded with swarms of Frenchmen, of
the most despicable and abandoned characters, who were eager to gather
the fruits of the promised land. Whole tribes of harlots, swindlers,
gamesters, pickpockets, and projectors, allured thither by the lucre of
gain, vilified by their infamous conduct their native country, and gave
new force to that odium which had hitherto operated as an insuperable
barrier between the two nations. The seeds of rebellion were diffused,
and the public grievances aggravated by the fanaticism of the clergy.
The priests abused the sacred office of confession to excite discontent;
the French were stigmatised as heretics; those who were connected with
them were accused of irreligion, and even the authority of the pope was
falsely employed to give new strength to the pretensions of an Austrian
prince. All these causes contributed to excite discontent in a nation
wedded to ancient establishments and proud of former magnificence. But
the general odium was still further aggravated by the appointment of a
Frenchman to the management of the finances. As Portocarrero was himself
unequal to the task of remodelling the revenue, Louis, at the instigation
of the council, sent Jean Orry [or Orri], a man of obscure birth who in
a subordinate branch of the finances in France had acquired a superior
knowledge of political economy.

The new minister proposed extensive reforms both in the nature and
perception of the revenue, and endeavoured to model it on that of France,
with a precipitancy and want of address or discretion ill calculated to
conciliate the unbending firmness of the Spanish character. This abrupt
attempt to lay the axe at once to the root of all abuses gave great
offence to every class of the nation; and the clamour was heightened by
his plans for resuming the fiefs extorted by the nobles from the crown
in times of trouble and confusion. The nobles imperiously demanded the
convocation of the cortes of Castile, the only legitimate assembly which
could authorise the innovations, and as an additional argument they urged
the necessity of exchanging the customary pledges between the monarch and
the people, by the confirmation of the material privilege on one side,
and the oath of allegiance on the other. A proposal to convene a body
which had essentially curbed the royal authority, embarrassed the king
and his personal friends and adherents. It was referred to Louis, but
he prudently declined interfering, and Philip, after long deliberation,
endeavoured to evade it by declaring that the journey which he was about
to make to Catalonia to receive his bride rendered it necessary to defer
the convocation till after his return.[c]

THE NEW QUEEN AND THE PRINCESS ORSINI

[Sidenote: [1701-1702 A.D.]]

The choice of a wife had been an object of anxiety: it fell on Maria
Louisa, a princess of Savoy, a lady of mild habits, and no more than
fourteen years of age--one who seemed to be excellently fitted for
passive obedience. To prevent her correspondence with the court of
Turin, she was deprived of all her native domestics; nor was any one of
her suite suffered to attend her, except the princess d’Orsini [or des
Ursins, or Orsinos], as her _camarera mayor_, or superintendent of her
household. As this lady would probably exercise much influence over the
queen, and through the queen over the king and government, she had been
selected with great caution. By birth she was French, of the illustrious
family of La Trémouille. Her first husband was the prince of Chalais,
with whom she had passed some years in Spain: her second, whom she had
married in Italy, was Flavio d’Orsini, duke of Bracciano, and grandee of
Spain. Her intimacy with Madame de Maintenon proved of singular service
to her ambition, after her husband’s death.

A French woman herself, indebted to France for her present fortune and
her hopes of greater; acquainted with the Spanish language, society, and
manners; possessing an extensive knowledge of the world, a fascinating
manner, an intellect at once penetrating and supple; eloquent in her
speech, always cheerful and even tempered, with art sufficient to hide
her own views and to profit by those of others, she appeared admirably
adapted for the purpose of Louis. Hence, after receiving minute
instructions for her conduct, she was placed with the young queen,
to whom she soon became necessary, and over whom her influence was
unbounded.[97]

While Philip remained with his new queen at Barcelona, he opened the
cortes of Catalonia. His reason for convoking that assembly was the
hope of a considerable donative, perhaps of a supply sufficient to meet
the war which his rival the archduke Charles was preparing to wage
on his Italian possessions. Before any money was voted, demands were
very properly made, and, with some modifications, granted; but the
donative was so trifling in amount as to be scarcely worth acceptance.
By the states homage was sworn to the king--no doubt with sincerity,
notwithstanding the bitter injustice of the marquis of San Felipe,[b] who
broadly asserts that they had no intention of observing the oath, and
who calls the Catalans naturally perfidious. From Catalonia Philip was
expected to return to Madrid; but in the belief that the wavering loyalty
of the Neapolitans and Milanese--in the former a conspiracy had broken
out for Charles, but soon suppressed--would be confirmed by his presence,
he resolved to pass over into Italy. During his absence he left the queen
regent of the kingdom, directing her on her return to the capital to hold
the cortes of Aragon.

Philip could not command the cordial respect of the Neapolitans. The
pope refused to grant him the investiture of the kingdom. From Naples he
hastened to Milan, to oppose the imperial general, Prince Eugene, who,
notwithstanding the opposition, had established himself in Lombardy.
After some unimportant operations, he was present at the bloody but
indecisive battle of Luzzara, where he showed great bravery. Soon
afterwards he left the camp on his return to Spain, where he was now
summoned.

WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION

Though William of England had acknowledged Philip, he had done so with
duplicity: he knew that both his parliaments were at that time averse
to war, and he could only wait for some act of hostility on the part of
Louis, which, by incensing the English, should enable him to draw the
sword. The measures which Louis aimed at the English and Dutch commerce
soon furnished him with the opportunity he sought. The two governments
now entered into an alliance with Austria, which had hitherto been
fighting her own battles in Germany and Italy. The chief objects of this
alliance were to obtain satisfaction for the Austrian claims on Spain; to
rescue the Netherlands from France; to prevent the union of the French
and Spanish crowns; and to exclude subjects of the former from the
Spanish possessions in the West Indies. In revenge for this impolitic
conduct of William, Louis, with equal impolicy, acknowledged the son
of the exiled James Stuart as king of England. This insult roused the
Protestant party; supplies were voted for the war; and though the king
died in the midst of the preparations, Anne succeeded to the same policy.

[Illustration: A SPANISH CAPTAIN]

Here commences the celebrated War of the Succession, which for so many
years agitated all Europe, covered the Netherlands with blood, desolated
the fairest provinces of Spain, and ended in the loss of her Italian
possessions. The limits of the present chapter will allow us to do no
more than briefly advert to its more striking incidents. The reader
desirous of fuller information may refer to the histories of France,
England, and Austria.

[Sidenote: [1702-1704 A.D.]]

Omitting all mention of the interminable operations in the Low Countries,
Germany, and Italy, in 1702 an expedition consisting of thirty English
and twenty Dutch vessels of the line, exclusive of numerous transports,
and carrying eleven thousand men, was sent against Cadiz. It was headed
by the duke of Ormond, who was totally unqualified for the post; nor were
the subordinate generals much more happily chosen.

To the solicitations made by the allied generals, that the local
governors would change their sovereign, either insulting replies
were returned, or a contemptuous silence was observed. The reply of
Villadarias, who said that Spaniards never changed either their religion
or their king, was the sentiment of all except one. The disembarkation
being at length effected, with some loss, the governor of Rota admitted
the invaders, and for his treason was created a marquis, by the agent
of the archduke. But the inhabitants had little reason to congratulate
themselves; they were plundered, insulted, beaten, and even murdered by
the licentious soldiery. At the town of Santa Maria, the inhabitants
of which fled at the approach of the invaders, greater excesses were
committed.[98] Equally unsuccessful was the attempt of the English
ships to force their way into the harbour. Cowardice was now added to
murder and rapine; the invaders precipitately retreated to their ships;
six hundred of the rearguard were cut to pieces by half the number of
pursuers; more still were drowned in their precipitate efforts to regain
the ships--all who straggled behind were massacred by the incensed
peasantry. The armament returned, and in Vigo Bay it destroyed the
greater part of a Spanish and French fleet, rich by the productions of
the Indies.

The fate of the governor of Rota, who on the retreat of the English had
been hanged by order of Villadarias, did not deter a nobleman of the
highest rank, of great power, and still greater riches, from the same
treason. Cabrera, the admiral of Castile, who in the preceding reign
had dispensed the patronage of the crown, from disappointed ambition,
at seeing the cardinal Portocarrero in possession of a post to which he
considered himself entitled, opened a treasonable correspondence with the
court of Vienna. His intrigues, in a few short months, did more for the
allied cause than would have been effected by the English cabinet in as
many years: he drew the Portuguese king, Pedro II, into the confederacy,
and persuaded Leopold to allow the archduke to visit the peninsula. The
treaty which was signed at Lisbon in May, 1703, was as infamous to the
character of its partisans as any other transaction of this war.

On the return of Philip, he found the government embarrassed, and the
nation indignant, at the recent loss of his wealthy galleons in Vigo
Bay. He found, too, the divisions in his cabinet more bitter than even
at the period of his departure. To the princess Orsini was owing the
declining power of Cardinal Portocarrero, and the ascendency of the
count de Montellano, who showed more deference to the queen’s favourite.
D’Estrées, a man of considerable talent, of great family, and highly in
favour with Louis, disdained to win the princess: the same influence
procured his recall, his own nephew, the abbé D’Estrées, being made an
instrument of his disgrace. At the same time the Spanish cardinal retired
in disgust. The abbé succeeded to his uncle’s post; he, too, quarrelled
with the princess; and by conduct at once rash and double, brought on
himself the indignation of the king and queen. In his recall, however, he
had the gratification to perceive that his charges against the favourite
princess d’Orsini had their effect, and that she was ordered to leave the
Spanish court at the same time.

Indignant at the loss of her favourite, the queen exhibited her revenge
by thwarting the measures of the new French ambassador, the duke of
Grammont, and by opposing the execution of every order sent from Paris.
Louis soon found that, if he wished to retain his ascendency, her
resentment must be appeased. This could be effected only by the return
of the princess. That celebrated woman accordingly resumed her former
empire; and Grammont was replaced by a successor.

While this feeble cabinet was thus a prey to the basest passions, the
storm of war again lowered on the frontier. In pursuance of the treaty
with Portugal, twelve thousand English and Dutch troops, who were soon
joined by the archduke Charles in person, were landed in that country.
But the duke of Schomberg, the general of the English forces, was a man
of factitious reputation; he was far inferior in either activity or
ability to a son of the English James II, the duke of Berwick, whom Louis
placed at the head of the combined French and Spanish army.

With a force considerably superior to that of the enemy, divided into
three bodies, and accompanied by Philip in person, he advanced into
Portugal. First, Salvatierra was invested and reduced; other fortresses
shared the same fate.

Fagel, the Dutch general, was surprised in the wild recesses of the
Sierra Estrella; and though he himself effected his escape, his whole
division was captured. The marquis de las Minas, the only good officer in
the Portuguese service, took the field, defeated Ronquillo, one of the
Spanish generals, and in a few days rescued several of the fortresses
which had been reduced. Under the walls of Monscato a still more decisive
advantage was gained over Ronquillo. The skill of De las Minas was equal
to his valour; he baffled every attempt of Berwick to dislodge him, and
even forced that general to return across the frontier.

As for Schomberg, he did nothing during the whole campaign, says
Berwick,[e] but move from place to place with his army: he was
consequently removed, and succeeded by Lord Galway, a man more imbecile
than himself. Berwick could easily have triumphed over his stupid or
cowardly enemies; but as he was no favourite at court, obstacles were
thrown in his way, and towards the close of the campaign he was recalled.

[Sidenote: [1704-1705 A.D.]]

While these indecisive events were passing in Portugal, an expedition,
under the prince of Hesse-Darmstadt and Sir George Rooke, the English
admiral, proceeded to Barcelona in 1704. The prince had boasted that
no sooner should the standard of Charles be erected, than it would be
joined by thousands of the disaffected Catalans. But though sufficiently
inclined to throw off their allegiance to Philip, none joined the
English, who, after an ineffectual attempt on Barcelona, re-embarked,
and returned towards Portugal. On their passage, however, they took
Gibraltar; and Sir George had the satisfaction to inflict some loss on
the French fleet off the coast of Malaga. But the transactions of the
year were little honourable to the allies of Austria.

The following year was destined to prove more memorable, and more
successful to the allies. Gibraltar, the blockade of which had been
commenced the preceding October by the marquis of Villadarias, and which
was now pressed by Tessé, the successor of Berwick, made so gallant a
defence that in May its siege was raised. Though disappointed at the
ill success of its imbecile generals in Spain, the English cabinet was
emboldened, by the victories of Marlborough, to make new and mightier
efforts against the Bourbon prince in the south. In June, fifteen
thousand men, under Lord Peterborough, were despatched to Spain. This
extraordinary man, whose eccentricities even surpassed his genius, on
arriving at Lisbon was joined by the archduke Charles, who was justly
disgusted with the ill success of his affairs in Portugal. The prince
of Hesse-Darmstadt persuaded the archduke to advance against Barcelona.
He well knew that the indignation of the people against the crown and
the Castilians, joined to their desire for the recovery of their lost
independence,--a desire which had subsisted with unimpaired force since
the time of Ferdinand the Catholic,--had multiplied the disaffected.

[Sidenote: [1705-1706 A.D.]]

On arriving before Barcelona, Peterborough saw that the fortifications
were in the best state, and well defended; and he knew that an army
four times as numerous as the one he commanded would be necessary to
form the first line of circumvallation. In this emergency he resolved
to attempt the surprise of the fortress of Monjuich, which overlooks
the city, and the possession of which would, if not decide, at least
prepare the surrender of Barcelona. But that fortress, being built on
the summit of an abrupt hill, and protected by formidable works, was
considered impregnable; and impregnable it would have proved to an open
attack. Secrecy being the soul of his enterprise, which he did not
communicate even to the archduke, with the view of lulling the garrison
into security, he re-embarked his great guns, and announced his intention
of sailing for Italy. But, the very night appointed for his departure,
he silently moved fourteen hundred men towards the works, acquainted the
gallant Hesse-Darmstadt with his intention; and both heroes, on reaching
the foot of the ramparts, waited until day should dawn.

The assault was then vigorously made by about three hundred men. It
succeeded though the prince was killed. From this elevation the artillery
of the English played with tremendous effect on the ramparts of the city;
a breach was made, and a day appointed for the assault. The governor,
Velasco, though among the bravest of the brave, to avoid the horrors
attending a storming, offered to capitulate. On the 23rd of October, the
archduke solemnly entered, and was proclaimed king of Spain. The example
of the capital was followed by the rest of the principality; it spread
into Valencia, next into Aragon and Murcia, which ultimately ranged
themselves on the same side. For the rapidity of such success it is
difficult to account.

The English historians gently slide over the atrocities of this war.
Though all profess to follow San Felipe[b] they do not mention the rapes,
murders, acts of sacrilege, and robberies committed by the English and
their allies, the Catalan _miquelets_, who were, in fact, a species of
banditti. Wives ravished before the eyes of their fettered husbands,
daughters before their fathers; even churches turned into brothels,
and the altars used as the most convenient places for the consummation
of such iniquities, are said to have been common scenes. The Catalans
themselves are implicated in them.

Lord Mahon[f] will not allow Tessé[g] to have possessed merit of any
description. Both his memoirs and his letters show that he was a
sagacious observer; and his military talents were unquestionably not mean.

The reduction of Barcelona and the insurrection of Valencia could not
fail to make a profound impression at Madrid. By this time Philip seems
to have attained a salutary conviction that, unless he assumed an
activity corresponding to his circumstances, his reign would soon be
at an end; he accordingly resolved to take the field in person. Having
petitioned Louis for a powerful reinforcement, and withdrawn most of the
troops engaged on the frontiers of Portugal,--leaving a handful only
under Berwick, who had been again ordered to assume the conduct of the
western war,--he proceeded to invest Barcelona, the recovery of which
would naturally constrain the submission of Catalonia, and perhaps put an
end to the war by the capture of his rival.

In the passage through Aragon little care was taken by the royal army to
cultivate the good will of the people; because a lieutenant was murdered
in his bed at Guerrea, the incensed soldiers were permitted, not only
to plunder the inhabitants, but to massacre the neighbouring peasantry.
Philip proceeded towards the capital, under the walls of which he was
joined by the duke of Noailles; and he had the gratification of seeing
the entrance to the harbour blockaded by a fleet of thirty sail. Yet
twenty-three days elapsed before the fall of Monjuich, and several more
before a breach was made in the walls of the city wide enough to admit
the assailants. In a few hours Philip was assured that the enemy would be
in his power. At this critical moment, when the sun of Charles seemed to
be set forever, a British squadron appeared in sight; the French fleet
retired towards Toulon.

[Illustration: VALENCIA]

Philip, forsaking his guns, his baggage, and even his wounded, made a
precipitate though reluctant retreat. At this time his affairs seemed
hopeless. The duke of Marlborough had just triumphed at Ramillies; a
French army in Italy had been almost annihilated; and the war in his
own western provinces was no less disastrous than in the eastern. Great
as were the abilities of Berwick, his small band could not face the
forty thousand enemies before him: he therefore retreated, and had the
mortification to witness the capture of Alcantara, Ciudad Rodrigo, and
Salamanca, and the approach of the confederates towards Madrid. By his
advice the court was removed to Burgos, the ancient capital of Castile.
It was high time; for scarcely had Philip left it, when the light troops
of Galway and De las Minas appeared in sight, and on the 28th day of
June, those chiefs, at the head of thirty thousand men, made a triumphant
entry into Madrid.

To ordinary and even to many acute observers the Bourbon power seemed
forever fallen in the peninsula. Without forces, without money, a
fugitive from his capital, which was occupied by a formidable enemy,
his fairest provinces in the power of his rival, Philip was expected
to retreat into France. But adversity called forth powers which had
hitherto slumbered within him, and the existence of which had not been
suspected, perhaps, even by himself. With a fortitude which would have
done honour to a stoic, he bore his sudden, almost overwhelming reverses:
with pathetic simplicity he harangued his handful of troops, whom he
assured of his unalterable resolution of dying with them in defence of
their common country; and, as to the future, he looked forward with a
hope which showed that he knew the Spanish character much better than his
timid counsellors.

[Sidenote: [1706-1707 A.D.]]

When the allied troops had entered into Madrid, no shout had been raised
in favour of Charles: a mournful silence reigned on every side. Madrid
was not Spain, and the Spaniards were not Flemings--facts of which the
allied generals had soon a melancholy experience. In Castile, almost
every individual became a soldier. Estremadura furnished and equipped
twelve thousand; in Salamanca, no sooner had the allies left it on the
march to the capital than the inhabitants arose, again proclaimed Philip,
and levied a body of troops to cut off all communication between them and
Portugal. Those whom sickness or age prevented from drawing the sword,
contributed their money to the same end. “The day before yesterday,”
wrote the princess Orsini, “a priest brought 120 pistoles to the queen,
from a village which contained only the same number of houses. He said,
‘My flock are ashamed of sending so small a sum; but they wish me to say
that there are also 120 hearts faithful even to death.’ The good man
wept as he spoke, and truly we wept with him!” The rising spirit of the
people was not the only cause of this change: the allied generals grew
suddenly inactive; the troops in Madrid abandoned themselves to many
excesses, which they found more attractive than the fatigues and dangers
of a campaign. Had even the inhabitants been attached to Charles, the
presence of the Portuguese--such were nearly all the troops under De las
Minas--would have changed their loyalty into disgust. Another expedient
of a most loathsome kind did more mischief; the common women were
instructed to visit the tents of the invaders, of whom six thousand were
soon taken to the hospitals.

Charles himself wasted so much time in Barcelona and Aragon, that when he
joined his generals at Guadalajara he perceived the active Berwick at the
head of a greater force than his own. By that able man his communication
with Aragon was intercepted--it had been already cut off with Portugal;
Andalusia was in arms, so that his only way of escape was into Valencia.

Philip joined in the pursuit as far as the confines of Murcia, witnessed
the reduction of Orihuela, Cuenca, and Cartagena, and returned in triumph
to Madrid, which received him with enthusiastic demonstrations of joy.

[Sidenote: [1707-1710 A.D.]]

The tide of success had now set in too strongly to be stemmed by any
barrier opposed by the allies. On the plain of Almanza, De las Minas
and Galway were signally defeated by the able Berwick. This victory
established the throne of Philip: it inspired his adherents with
confidence; in the same degree it dispirited his enemies, and it was
followed by advantages of still greater moment. While the duke d’Orléans,
who arrived with reinforcements from France, led an army into Aragon,
Berwick proceeded to reduce the fortresses of Valencia. The capitals
of both kingdoms submitted without striking a blow: in the former, the
example was imitated by the remaining strong places; in the latter
Denia, Jativa, and Alicante resisted, but were ultimately reduced. In
punishment of their desperate valour the inhabitants of Jativa were
barbarously butchered, the walls were razed to the ground, and when it
was subsequently rebuilt, it was not allowed to retain its former name,
but received that of San Felipe. But the heaviest of all penalties was
the abolition of the ancient fueros, both of Aragon and Valencia, by a
royal decree of June 29th, 1707. This abolition was effected in virtue of
the royal authority, and of the right of conquest; the privileges, says
the decree, had been granted at the mere pleasure of the crown, and the
same pleasure now revoked them. The pretension was not more iniquitous
than it was false. But these considerations had no influence on the
Castilians, who looked only at the rebellion, and who, envious of the
distinction hitherto possessed by the other kingdoms, were now resolved
to reduce them to the same level. The same fate had been decreed against
the privileges of Catalonia, the recovery of which now occupied the cares
of the French general. But, before this object could be gained, new
and almost unparalleled difficulties had to be encountered. Naples was
conquered by the Austrians; and Milan was already in their power. Tortosa
made a long and brilliant defence; some reinforcements were received
from England; Galway was displaced by Stanhope, an officer of courage
and experience; Count Starhemberg, the imperial general, arrived with
auxiliaries, and the Balearic Isles were reduced by the allies.

Yet though in addition to these misfortunes the duke of Orléans was
recalled through the intrigues of the princess Orsini; though, from the
reverses of his arms in the Low Countries, Louis XIV intimated that he
should be compelled to make whatever terms he could with the allies, if
even they insisted on the sacrifice of his grandson; though the finances
were in a distressed state; though, in the memorable campaign of 1710,
Philip failed against Balaguer, was defeated by Starhemberg at Almenara,
still more signally near Saragossa; though he was forced to retreat
to his capital, and immediately afterwards to transfer his court from
Madrid, which he was again destined to see in the power of his enemies,
to Valladolid--still he had the consolation to find that his reverses
endeared him to his people, and that Spanish loyalty and honour were not
to be shaken. Volunteers again flocked in from all quarters; again were
contributions of money and corn sent as free gifts. Add to this that the
victory of La Godiña, obtained over the luckless Galway, the recovery
of Ciudad Rodrigo, and the reduction of some Portuguese fortresses on
the Estremadura frontier had naturally encouraged many to remain firm
in their loyalty; and so great was the attachment borne to him that,
when his rival Charles entered the capital (in October), scarcely a
“_viva!_” was raised even by the lowest of the mob. The English general
candidly confessed that the allies could command no more of the country
than where they were actually encamped, and that the nation was against
them. Charles was soon disgusted with Madrid; he left it the following
month, and was scarcely beyond the gates when he had the mortification
to hear the bells merrily ringing for his departure. During their stay,
his English allies exasperated the people beyond forgiveness by their
continued insults to the established faith, and by lawless rapine.

Again was Philip recalled by the inhabitants of Madrid, who greeted him
with their warmest acclamations. Accompanied by the duke of Vendôme,
who had arrived from France, he hastened in pursuit of the allies. At
Brihuega they overtook Stanhope, at the head of fifty-five hundred men,
chiefly English. In suffering himself to be surprised by a force so much
superior, in a town of which the fortifications were few, and these
few ruinous, was a fatal error; but he nobly resolved to prolong the
defence to the last extremity. But in the end, when longer resistance
was impossible, these brave men capitulated, and were dispersed through
Castile.

The following morning Starhemberg, who had been requested by Stanhope to
advance to the relief of his allies, arrived within sight of the place,
and Vendôme prepared to receive him. In the battle which ensued, fortune
declared for Vendôme.

[Sidenote: [1710-1713 A.D.]]

These disasters, at a time when the allied cause was expected to be
resistless, the amazing sacrifices of men and money, which England had
so long and so unwisely made, and, above all, the change of Queen Anne’s
ministry, strongly indisposed her people to the continuation of the war.
Besides, by the death of the emperor Joseph, in April, 1711, Charles,
the last male of his house, succeeded to immense possessions, and was
invested with the imperial dignity--an expectation indeed soon verified
by the event; and the union of so many states with the crown of Spain
threatened to become no less fatal to the pretended balance of power than
even the union of France and Spain.

At length Louis, having consented to swear that the two crowns of
France and Spain should never be united on the same head; and Philip
having renounced, both for himself and his successors, all claim to the
former--engagements which neither considered binding--a general peace
was signed, April 11th, 1713, by the ambassadors of all the sovereigns
except the emperor. Its provisions, as far as Spain is concerned, were
few but momentous. Philip was acknowledged king of Spain and the Indies;
but Sicily, with the regal title, was ceded to the duke of Savoy, and
Milan, Naples, Sardinia, and the Netherlands to the emperor; Gibraltar,
and Minorca, with the commercial advantages before mentioned, to the
English; a general amnesty was guaranteed to the Catalans, but without
any stipulations for the preservation of their ancient fueros. In case
Philip died without issue, the succession was to devolve, not on a prince
of the house of France but on the duke of Savoy.

By this celebrated peace Spain was stripped of half her possessions in
Europe. The War of the Succession was now virtually at an end: Charles,
disabled by the defection of his allies, opened negotiations for
withdrawing his troops from Catalonia; and though the inhabitants of the
capital were resolved to continue the struggle unaided, it could not be
of long continuance. Neither this war, nor the peace which followed it,
was honourable to the allies. It was signalised by many atrocities, and
by incessant insults to the religion of the country, and the morals of
the people.

Of all the parties in this war, England is by far the most censurable.
Hurried into it by hereditary, and in this case absurd, jealousy of
France, she conducted it without glory, and ended it with discredit. She
forced the Catalans into rebellion, yet she now abandoned them to a cruel
and vindictive persecution.

THE CATALAN REVOLT (1713-1714 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1713-1714 A.D.]]

When the Catalans knew that the king had resolved to abolish their
fueros, that neither honour nor justice was to be expected from England,
and that the emperor himself was compelled to forsake them, instead
of bewailing their situation, they manfully resolved to continue
in arms against the whole force of the Bourbons. They rejected the
proffered amnesty of Philip, unless their privileges were to be declared
inviolable. Had the king complied with this condition, he would,
doubtless, have attached to his throne, by the strongest of all ties,
this brave and independent people; but he appears to have regarded every
form of freedom with abhorrence, and to have considered the frequent
insurrections as a consequence of their superior rights. A slight
acquaintance with the national history would have taught him that they
were occasioned by the repeated and unconstitutional usurpations of the
crown.

The Catalans did not fall without one of the noblest struggles on record.
An overwhelming army reduced all their fortresses, except Cardeña and
the capital; the latter was invested, held for months in a state of
blockade, while a formidable artillery played, with few intermissions,
on the walls. In the spring of 1714, twenty thousand Frenchmen, under
Berwick, arrived to reinforce the besiegers; nay, an English squadron was
despatched for the same purpose. Nothing could daunt the inhabitants;
all who were strong enough flew to arms; even the women and the
ecclesiastics. Unfortunately they disgraced their cause by many excesses:
never was tyranny more complete than that which reigned within the walls
of Barcelona. All who did not prefer the rashest to the most moderate
measures, were massacred by a ferocious mob. Even priests were forced
from the altar or the pulpit to the scaffold or the gallows. In the
meantime Berwick found that his most vigorous attacks were repulsed with
loss. The desperate defenders had rallied round a black banner, on which
was the representation of a death’s head,--an intimation that they would
neither give nor receive quarter,--in a series of wild, almost superhuman
efforts.

[Illustration: PULPIT, BURGOS CATHEDRAL]

Nothing now remained but to make the last awful attempt. Fifty companies
of grenadiers advanced. Of the desperate valour of the besieged some
idea may be formed, when it is known that in the course of this eventful
day the bastion of San Pedro was won and lost eleven times: women and
priests advanced to the charge with amazing impetuosity; and such was
the havoc which they and their comrades inflicted on the enemy, that
in one regiment, long before the close of the struggle, every superior
officer had fallen, and an ensign remained with the command. But numbers
prevailed: after twelve hours of incessant fighting, the small remnant
of Catalans began to give way; a white flag was hoisted, the carnage was
suspended, negotiations were opened; but as the deputies still insisted
on the inviolability of their ancient rights, they were hastily broken
off. During the night, a fire of musketry was maintained from the houses;
but in the morning of September 12th, when Berwick was proceeding to put
all to the sword, and burn the city to the ground, the leaders consented
to capitulate.[99]

[Sidenote: [1712-1716 A.D.]]

In return for his renunciation of all future claim to the crown of
Fiance, in 1712, Philip forced, rather than persuaded, his council to
alter the order of succession in Spain--to introduce a sort of Salic
law, by which the most distant male of the family would be called to
the inheritance in preference to the nearest female. The cabals of the
princess Orsini, who aspired to a small independent sovereignty in the
Low Countries, and who in her disappointment opposed everything which had
not served her personal ambition, added to the national dissatisfaction.
Even after the death of the queen of Spain, in February, 1714, who
left two sons, the infantes Luis and Ferdinand, her influence remained
paramount. Perceiving that Philip would not long remain without a
queen, it was her aim to provide him with one who would be as flexible
to her purposes as the last. To preserve her present reign, she caused
the direction of affairs to be intrusted to M. Orry, whose attempts
to shake the power of the Inquisition, to curtail the immunities of
the church, rendered both him and her the objects of orthodox hatred.
But her ascendency was fast hastening to its close; and, with all her
penetration, it was hastened by one of far humbler rank, but of superior
cunning to herself.

At this period the celebrated Italian abate Alberoni appears on the
stage of Spanish history: he had entered the country as the agent of
the duke of Parma, and had been protected by Vendôme. He had access to
the court, where he soon insinuated himself into the good graces of the
princess. Seeing her embarrassment in choosing a wife for the king, he
one day proposed Elizabeth [or Isabella] Farnese, daughter of the late,
and niece of the present duke of Parma, whom he artfully represented as
simple, devout, immured from the world, and exactly fitted to become her
instrument.

Negotiations were secretly opened for the marriage; the papal
dispensation--for the future was nearly related to the deceased
queen--was procured; and the favourite exulted in the prospect of
continued rule, when she discovered the real character of her future
mistress. Scarcely was she introduced to Elizabeth, when, by order of
the latter, she was arrested and hurried towards the frontier, without
a moment’s time to collect her wardrobe. She passed to Rome, where she
ended her days in the household of the unfortunate Stuart. Her fate
excited no sympathy; it was rather beheld with satisfaction: but yet it
will be regarded by future generations with much interest, as a peculiar
illustration of the instability of courts.

A NEW EUROPEAN WAR (1715-1719 A.D.)

The disgrace of the princess Orsini was followed by the removal of Orry
and her other creatures from the administration. Like her predecessor
Maria Louisa, Elizabeth succeeded to the most unbounded power over the
royal mind, especially after the death of Louis XIV, whom Philip had been
accustomed to regard with mingled reverence and fear. That event changed
his policy. Next to Louis XV, now a child, he was the heir to the French
crown--his renunciation to procure the Peace of Utrecht had been esteemed
both by himself and his grandfather a farce--and, as such, he might
aspire to the regency. It was dexterously seized by the duke d’Orléans, a
circumstance which alienated him from the French court.

[Sidenote: [1716-1718 A.D.]]

The queen, whose talents were of a higher order than her predecessor’s,
whose power of dissimulation would have been honoured even in Italy,
aspired to place a son of her own (in 1716 she was delivered of the
infante Don Charles) on the throne of France. To the attainment of this
object, and the continuation of the Spanish influence in Italy, her
whole soul was bent. Having, by his dexterous intrigues no less than the
queen’s favour, annihilated the power of the prime minister, the cardinal
Del Giudice, and obtained the direction of affairs, Alberoni began to
exhibit his designs on Italy, which were so injurious to the Austrian
domination in that peninsula. They could not be wholly hidden from the
imperial court; hence distrust, next ill will between Madrid and Vienna.

The impolitic and arbitrary arrest of the Spanish ambassador in Italy, by
the emperor’s order, so irritated Philip, that he resolved on war, even
though he knew that a triple alliance had been formed between France,
England, and Holland, to preserve the integrity of the Treaty of Utrecht.
As Spain was sure to stand alone in the conflict, and might probably be
opposed to all Europe, Alberoni strongly disapproved the war, until he
saw that, by persisting in his fruitless opposition, he should only seal
his own disgrace. From that moment he showed great alacrity in preparing
for it. With the view of conferring greater lustre on his character and
administration, he compelled the pope to bestow on him the dignity of
cardinal.

In August an armament, consisting of twelve ships and nine thousand men,
left Barcelona and steered for Sardinia. In about two months the island
was subdued. So unjustifiable an aggression, without previous declaration
of war, deeply mortified the emperor and alarmed Europe. In June, 1718,
a Spanish fleet, consisting of twenty-three ships and thirty thousand
men, again left Barcelona, cast anchor about four leagues from Palermo,
and landed the forces. Europe beheld with some alarm this vigorous and
unexpected effort of a power which, since the reign of Philip II, had
sunk into insignificance. In the apprehension of another war not less
fatal than that which had been ended by the Peace of Utrecht, France now
joined with England, Austria, and the Dutch in the treaty afterwards
known by the name of the Quadruple Alliance. But the cardinal disregarded
the approaching storm, and refused to recall the forces in Sicily.
Palermo and Messina (except the citadel) were speedily occupied; the
whole island was preparing to receive the Spanish yoke, when the British
fleet, under Admiral Byng, arrived off the Sicilian coast. In the action
which followed, the Spanish fleet was almost wholly taken or destroyed.
In revenge, Alberoni entered into an alliance with Charles XII of Sweden
and the czar Peter to assist the Stuart in an invasion of Great Britain;
but the death of the Swedish hero frustrated his hopes.

His next step was to organise a conspiracy, the object of which was to
arrest the French regent, the duke of Orléans, and to proclaim Philip as
the guardian of the infante Luis. It was discovered, and war declared
against Spain. At the head of thirty thousand men, the celebrated Berwick
passed the Pyrenees into Biscay, traversed Béarn, invaded Catalonia,
took Urgel, and, after an ineffectual attempt on Rosas, retired into
Roussillon. Undaunted by these reverses, the cardinal fitted out at
Cadiz a formidable expedition, which he professed to be directed against
Sicily, but which he despatched under the duke of Ormonde; towards
Scotland, to assist in placing James Stuart on the throne of Britain. But
a fatality seems to have attended all Spanish armaments against England.
Off Cape Finisterre, the present one was dispersed by a violent storm;
two frigates only reached their destination, and the handful of troops
they poured on the Scottish coast was soon compelled to surrender. In
revenge a British squadron committed great devastations on the coast of
Galicia.

[Sidenote: [1718-1724 A.D.]]

In Sicily, affairs began to assume an appearance equally unfavourable for
this enterprising minister. Austrian troops were poured into the island,
and the Spaniards were driven from their plains into the fortified
places. Spain now stood alone against armed Europe. These misfortunes
made a deep impression on the mind of Philip, who began to regard his
minister with an unfriendly eye. The cardinal, in the height of his power
and totally unsuspicious of his situation, received a sudden order to
leave Madrid in a week, and the Spanish dominions in three.

His memory was bitterly persecuted in Spain: attempts were made to
procure his degradation from the purple; but he vindicated himself in
an elaborate apology,[i] which he contrived to publish, and which did
little honour to Philip and the queen. In twelve months, on the death
of Clement XI, he emerged from his secret retirement, and attended the
conclave for the election of a new pope. He was subsequently a great
favourite with the Roman see. While in power he had introduced many and
most salutary improvements into the internal administration; he restored
to a considerable extent the national prosperity; and he was beyond all
comparison the greatest minister the country had possessed since the
famous cardinal Ximenes Cisneros.

After the removal of the cardinal, Philip acceded to the Quadruple
Alliance, renounced all claim to the dismembered provinces of the
monarchy, consented to see Sicily transferred to the emperor, and
Sardinia to the duke of Savoy: in return, he was acknowledged by his
old rival as king of Spain and the Indies; and the reversion of the
two Italian principalities was entailed on the issue of his present
marriage--on the condition, however, that they should never be united
with the Spanish crown. But these were poor advantages in comparison with
the extent of his preparations for the war. Having humbled the Moors
of Africa, who had long aimed at the reduction of Ceuta, he demanded
Gibraltar, which, in fact, had been verbally promised to him by the duke
of Orléans, as the condition of his acceding to the Quadruple Alliance.
That the duke had acted by the authority of the English government, is
indisputable; but the ministry, seeing the opposition of the English
people to the restitution of so important a place, were not ashamed to
sacrifice the honour of the country, and to evade the fulfilment of the
pledge. This was a subject of endless dispute between the two governments
during the remainder of Philip’s reign.

PHILIP ABDICATES AND RETURNS (1724 A.D.)

In revenge, and because he really found that his best dependence was in
his own family, in 1721, he contracted a matrimonial alliance with the
hereditary enemy of England: his eldest son Luis was contracted with
Louisa Isabella [or Elizabeth], daughter of the duke of Orléans. Soon
after, he formed a resolution which filled all Europe with astonishment,
that of abdicating the crown in favour of his son and of retiring to
the splendid palace of San Ildefonso, which he had himself founded. The
motives for this step may be found in his melancholy temperament, in his
religious feeling--a feeling little tempered by sober reason--and in an
anxiety to escape from sceptred cares, which had weighed more heavily on
him than on any other prince of the age. Nor was he without the ambition
of equalling, in this respect, the glory of his predecessor the emperor
Charles. The decree of abdication was dated January 10th, 1724; and
Philip, having solemnly vowed never to resume the crown, retired in a
few days to his chosen retreat. The court of the youthful Luis was filled
with Philip’s own creatures, who paid more deference to him than to their
new monarch; nor was anything of moment undertaken without his previous
sanction. The irregularities of the court afforded him sufficient
pretext for interference. Louisa Isabella, the new queen, was wayward,
capricious, and depraved; regardless of Spanish customs, and attached to
the follies if not the licentiousness of the French court. To correct
her, she was arrested, and confined to the Buen Retiro, but released
before the end of the week, on her promise of amendment. The death of
Luis (who by will declared him successor), by the smallpox, in August,
1724, after a seven months’ reign, again induced Philip to claim the
sovereignty. But that sovereignty he had solemnly abdicated; the act had
been registered by the council of Castile, and sanctioned by his own vow.
Through the artifices of the queen, however, who prevailed on the papal
legate to absolve him from his vow, he dismissed his unwelcome scruples,
and resumed the regal functions in all their extent.

THE ADVENTURES OF RIPPERDÁ

[Sidenote: [1724-1726 A.D.]]

The restoration of Philip was naturally that of his queen’s policy--the
establishment, by treaty or force, of his son Don Charles [afterwards
Charles III] in the Italian principalities. Indignant at the evident
lukewarmness of England, France, and Holland, in a matter which they
themselves had proposed to advocate, he suddenly swerved from his past
policy, and despatched an ambassador to Vienna to obtain from the
emperor, hitherto his bitter rival, advantages which were not to be
expected from the interested delays of the mediators.

The person employed in this mission was one of the most extraordinary
characters in political life--the baron de Ripperdá, a Catholic gentleman
of Spanish descent, but a native of the Netherlands, of good education
but of no principle. Perceiving that his religion was a barrier to his
ambition in his native country, he embraced the Protestant, and was
returned a deputy to the states-general. His general talents and his
knowledge of commerce were such that he was chosen envoy to Madrid, to
settle the commercial differences of the two nations. Perceiving that
both fortune and honours were to be more easily obtained in the service
of Spain than in any other, he resigned his ministry, procured letters of
naturalisation, and reverted to his original religion.

The fall of Alberoni, which was partly owing to his intrigues, and the
bold plans he proposed for invigorating the industry and improving the
revenues of the kingdom, rendered him a favourite with Philip; with the
queen, his bold suggestion to negotiate immediately with the emperor
established his credit. Being selected for the difficult mission, in
November, 1725, he repaired secretly to Vienna. Early in the following
year treaties were signed. For his services on this occasion, and still
more for the magnificent, though impracticable proposals which he had
made for the renovation of the Spanish monarchy, the ambassador was
created duke de Ripperdá, a grandee of Spain, and on his return, prime
minister.

[Sidenote: [1726-1729 A.D.]]

But his elevation turned his head; his inability to realise any of
the magnificent promises which he had made showed him in his true
colours--as an unprincipled adventurer. Not six months had elapsed
since his accession when, by a royal decree, he was dismissed from his
employments and transferred to the fortress of Segovia. There he would,
doubtless, have ended his days without trial, had he not contrived to
effect his escape by the aid of a maid-servant whom he had seduced, and
who afterwards accompanied him in all his extraordinary adventures. He
arrived safely in Portugal, embarked at Oporto, remained a short time in
England, and proceeded into his native country; but the imminency of his
danger increasing, he fled to Morocco, where a renegade had secured him
a favourable reception. Whether, as is asserted, during his short stay
in Holland he again embraced the Protestant faith, is perhaps doubtful,
but that at the court of Mulei Abdallah he submitted to circumcision
is probable, even though the relation rests on no other authority than
that of his enemies. It is certain that for some years he directed the
councils and commanded the armies of the Moorish emperor, after whose
dethronement he retired to Istria, where he ended his days in 1737,
professing, in his last moments, that he died in the Roman Catholic faith.

[Illustration: SPANISH NOBLEWOMAN]

[Sidenote: [1729-1738 A.D.]]

The chief remaining transactions of this eventful reign must be related
with greater brevity. For some time after the disgrace of Ripperdá,
Spain adhered to the German alliance; and was alternately friendly or
adverse to England, according as the policy of the two courts harmonised
or varied. Gibraltar was more than once besieged, but without effect.
British armaments frequently appeared off the Spanish coast, but without
inflicting much injury. As the emperor was naturally averse again to
admit the Spaniards into Italy, and sought for delays, even for evasions,
in fulfilling his compact, in 1729 the Treaty of Seville, between Spain,
England, and France, broke the connection between the courts of Vienna
and Madrid. Philip, by threatening to revoke the commercial advantages
secured by the Treaty of Seville, forced the English king to interfere in
behalf of Don Charles. In virtue of his efforts, and the assistance of
France, the infante was soon invested with the actual possession of Parma
and Piacenza, and declared successor to Tuscany.[100] As England evinced
a disposition to remain on good terms with the emperor, the Bourbons
adhered the more closely to each other; the kings of Spain, France, and
Sardinia entered into an alliance against Austria.

It was now that doubtful measures and useless treaties were succeeded by
active and extended hostilities. While one French army crossed the Rhine,
and another passed the Alps, a Spanish army under Charles invaded Naples,
and conquered it almost without an effort. Sicily was next reduced; and
the infante, by order of Philip, was solemnly crowned king of the Two
Sicilies. By the Treaty of Vienna, in 1735, the emperor, whose arms had
been almost uniformly unfortunate, consented to acknowledge Charles, and
in return he received Parma and Tuscany.

Omitting the petty intrigues in the cabinet of Madrid--the rise of one
worthless favourite, or the ruin of another--the foreign transactions
of the country continued to be sufficiently important. England was soon
brought into hostile collision with this monarchy. One reason was the
jealousy entertained of the Bourbon family by the recent acquisition;
another was the opposition thrown in the way of English commerce by the
ministers of Philip; a still greater was the contraband traffic which
England resolved to maintain with the American colonies--a traffic not
very honourable to England and deeply injurious to Spain. On the other
hand, the royal officers in the West Indies, under the pretext of the
right of search, made many illegal seizures; and, on all occasions,
exhibited indirect hostility to the British trade. Her right of search
arose from her sovereignty, and had been confirmed by successive
treaties; but it was suddenly assailed by the English opposition.[l]

[Illustration: THE LAST OF THE ARMADA]

There is no doubt that though the English were most frequently to blame
in these transactions, several cases of injustice and violence might be
imputed to the Spaniards. These cases were carefully culled out, and
highly coloured by the British merchants: these were held out to the
British public as fair samples of the rest, while a veil was thrown over
the general practice of illicit traffic in America. The usual slowness
of forms at Madrid and the difficulty of obtaining redress, even in the
clearest cases, added to the national indignation in England: it was also
inflamed by a denial of the right to cut logwood in the bay of Campeche,
and disputes on the limits of the new settlement which the English had
lately formed in North America, and which, in honour to the king, had
received the name of Georgia.

These grievances of the British merchants, embodied in angry yet artful
petitions, were urged by the opposition in repeated attacks and with
combined exertions. First came a motion for papers, next the examination
of witnesses, next a string of resolutions, then a bill for securing and
encouraging trade to America. The tried ability of Pulteney led the van
on these occasions, and under him were marshalled the practical knowledge
of Barnard, the stately eloquence of Wyndham, and the rising genius of
Pitt. William Murray, the future earl of Mansfield, also appeared at the
bar as counsel for the petitioners, and thus commenced his brilliant
public career. Every resource of oratory was applied to exaggerate the
insults and cruelties of the Spaniards, and to brand as cowardice the
minister’s wise and honourable love of peace. It was asserted that
the prisoners taken from English merchant vessels had been not merely
plundered of their property, but tortured in their persons, immured in
dungeons, or compelled to work in the Spanish dockyards, with scanty
and loathsome food, their legs cramped with irons, and their bodies
overrun with vermin. Some captives and seamen who were brought to the
bar gave testimony to these outrages, and were then implicitly believed.
Yet calmer judgment may remember that they were not examined upon oath,
and had every temptation to exaggerate which interest, party zeal, or
resentment can afford; that to inveigh against the Spaniards was then
considered a sure test of public spirit; and that they were told to
expect, upon the fall of Walpole, a large and lucrative indemnity for
their pretended wrongs.

[Sidenote: [1738-1739 A.D.]]

But the tale that produced the most effect upon the house, and found the
loudest echo in the country, was what Burke has since ventured to call
“the fable of Jenkins’ ears.” This Jenkins had been master of a trading
sloop from Jamaica, which was boarded and searched by a Spanish _guarda
costa_, and though no proofs of smuggling were discovered, yet, according
to his own statement, he underwent the most barbarous usage. The Spanish
captain, he said, had torn off one of his ears, bidding him carry it to
his king, and tell his majesty that were he present he should be treated
in the same manner.

This story, which had lain dormant for seven years, was now seasonably
revived at the bar of the house of commons. It is certain that Jenkins
had lost an ear, or part of an ear, which he always carried about with
him wrapped in cotton, to display to his audience; but I find it alleged
by no mean authority that he had lost it on another occasion, and
perhaps, as seems to be insinuated, in the pillory. His tale, however,
as always happens in moments of great excitement, was readily admitted
without proof; and a spirited answer which he gave enhanced the popular
effect. Being asked by a member what were his feelings when he found
himself in the hands of such barbarians, “I recommended,” said he, “my
soul to God, and my cause to my country.” These words rapidly flew from
mouth to mouth, adding fuel to the general flame, and it is almost
incredible how strong an impulse was imparted both to parliament and to
the public. “We have no need of allies to enable us to command justice,”
cried Pulteney; “the story of Jenkins will raise volunteers.”

On his part, Walpole did not deny that great outrages and injuries had
been wrought by the Spaniards, but he expressed his hope that they might
still admit of full and friendly compensation; he promised his strenuous
exertions with the court of Madrid, and he besought the house not to
close the avenue to peace by any intemperate proceedings, and especially
by denouncing altogether the right of search,[101] which the Spaniards
had so long exercised, and would hardly be persuaded to relinquish.[j]

SPANISH ACCOUNT OF THE WAR WITH ENGLAND (1739-1741 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1739-1741 A.D.]]

At length Walpole could no longer resist public outcry; King George
gave orders for a numerous squadron to be fitted out and appointed
Vernon admiral of the fleet destined against the Spanish Antilles. A
formal declaration of war was published on October 23rd, 1739. London
received it with enthusiasm, the bells of the churches were pealed, a
huge multitude accompanied the heralds, and everywhere it was heard
with frenzied acclamation. It would seem that Great Britain’s salvation
depended on this war, and speculators rejoiced at the prospect of the
treasures to be brought from the mines of Peru and Potosí. It was also
many years since the Spaniards had entered on a war with such unanimous
good will. Monarch, ministers, and people looked upon it as a national
struggle, in which justice and the interests and honour of king and state
were at stake.

Fortunately also, the fleet arrived opportunely from America, with great
profits, having evaded the vigilance of the English who attempted to give
chase. By this means, while England was compelled to keep a considerable
fleet to watch the movements of the French who threatened her coasts,
numerous Spanish privateers set sail from all the ports of Spain, and
cruising about with daring courage captured a number of English merchant
ships in a very short time. We are assured that within three months of
the issue of the letters of reprisal, eighteen English prizes had been
brought into San Sebastian, and that before the year was over a list
remitted from Madrid was published in Holland, which put the value of the
prizes made at more than 23,000,000 reales [£234,000 or $1,170,000]. This
only increased the anger and desire for vengeance of the English. Their
efforts were principally directed against the Spanish possessions in the
New World. Vernon’s squadron attacked and took Porto Bello, November
22nd, 1739. The news was received in England with universal jubilation,
though it hardly called for such general rejoicing, the prize certainly
not corresponding to the expenses of so large a fleet, all that Vernon
seized at this place being three small ships and $3,000 in Spanish money.

The English now despatched a formidable fleet of twenty-one ships of the
line and as many frigates with nine thousand men, to invade the West
Indies, the chief object of their ambition.

This squadron was to join Vernon’s; and almost at the same time Commodore
Anson set sail with another small squadron to cruise about the coast of
Peru and Chile. Much time had passed since so large and well-equipped a
fleet had set sail from Great Britain; the kingdom held the brightest
hopes of it, the English thinking to cut off communication between Spain
and the New World, and by depriving the former of the treasures of
America to bring it to more humble and peaceable terms. But this nation,
so apt to criticise the Spanish slowness, delayed their preparations for
so long that the season passed, and the Spaniards had time to fortify
their towns and prepare for defence. But the English attacked Cartagena,
and succeeded in taking possession of several advanced forts at some
distance from the town.

These trifling successes made Admiral Vernon so confident of victory,
that he despatched letters to England announcing that he would shortly be
master of the town. The news was received in London with extraordinary
rejoicing; the English believed that they were near to overthrowing the
Spanish empire in America, and in their enthusiasm they caused a medal to
be struck, representing on one side Cartagena, and on the other a bust
of Vernon, with an allegorical inscription to the illustrious avenger of
national honour. These bright hopes speedily vanished; Vernon attempted
an assault on the fort of San Lazaro, for which twelve hundred men were
appointed, but nearly all fell victims to their ill-advised courage; the
few who remained were cut down by a party of Spaniards who sallied out
of the castle. This reverse increased the discord between Vernon and
Wentworth, commander of the troops; the continual rains had caused an
outbreak of a fatal disease which soon reduced the troops to half their
number. They were compelled to abandon the enterprise, and withdrew to
Jamaica, having destroyed all the forts they had taken.

Commodore Anson visited the coast of Chile, took possession of Payta,
and spent three days in sacking and firing the town. He then directed
his course to Panama in search of the rich vessels which carried the
treasures of the Indies to Spain. He finally succeeded in giving chase to
the Spanish galleon, _Nuestra Señora de Covadonga_, which he attacked and
captured with all her treasures, valued at £313,000 [$1,565,000], the
richest prize, says an English writer, ever brought into British ports,
but also the only loss of any importance suffered by Spain in this war.

The English made other attempts on the coasts of the New World, but
without success, either because of the intemperance of the climate and
the discord among the generals, or because of the precautions and wise
measures taken by the Spanish government. Admiral Vernon decided to
attempt the conquest of Cuba; but after several fruitless attempts he
soon saw that his forces were inadequate for the purpose. He was forced
to withdraw, having lost eighteen hundred men. Thus we may count as
destroyed the army and fleet which had left England, and raised the
confident hopes of the English people of depriving Spain of her dominion
in America. A few ships and a few weakened troops were all that remained
on Vernon’s return to England. Such was the result of the naval war
between England and Spain. An English contemporary writer calculates
that at least twenty thousand men were sacrificed in this unfortunate
expedition, and a foreign writer estimates the prizes taken by the
Spaniards during the war at 407 English ships.[k]

With this temperate Spanish account English historians generally agree,
Wm. Connor Sydney[m] calling the war “one of the greatest blots in the
chronicles of the realm.” Spain’s new naval power had been largely due to
the zeal of the minister José Patiño, who had, however, died in 1736, too
soon to see the glory of the victory over England.[a]

THE WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION (1740-1746 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1740-1746 A.D.]]

The death of the emperor Charles VI, the famous competitor of Philip,
without male issue, stimulated this monarch, as it did other sovereigns,
to acts of spoliation. While Bavaria, Saxony, Prussia, and France each
pursued its advantage, without regard to the succession which each had
guaranteed with the deceased emperor, he looked toward Italy in search
of an establishment for the infante Philip [or Felipe], his second son
by the present queen. Hence all Europe was engaged in war. In 1741 an
army was sent to Italy, a junction effected with the Neapolitans, and the
combined forces marched into Lombardy. But several circumstances impeded
the success of the Spanish arms. The king of Sardinia joined England and
Austria; a superior force expelled Montemar, the Spanish general, from
his position; a British squadron compelled the king of Naples to observe
neutrality; and the troops of that power were consequently recalled.
During the following years the war sometimes raged, but often languished,
with various success. Don Philip headed the army in person; but was more
than once compelled to retreat into the French territory; while at sea
the superiority generally lay with the British over the combined fleets
of France and Spain. At length the Neapolitan king broke his neutrality,
and rejoined the Spaniards: this junction enabled Don Philip to resume
the offensive. But after some desperate struggles,[102] the Spanish
and French troops were expelled. In the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in
1748, Spain was disposed to lay down her arms, by the cession of Parma,
Guastalla, and Piacenza, to Don Philip.

Before the conclusion of this peace, in July, 1746, an attack of apoplexy
hurried Philip V to the grave. His character is apparent enough from his
actions: indeed, it requires no other illustration. Whatever might be
his general weakness, his unconquerable indolence, his subjection to his
queens, he had a sincere desire for the good of Spain; and in part that
desire was fulfilled. Under his rule the country enjoyed more prosperity
than it had experienced since the days of Philip II. Nor was he deficient
in a taste for literature. He founded the royal library of Madrid, the
royal Spanish academy, the academy of history, and the academy of San
Fernando, for the encouragement of the fine arts. In private life he
was a model for princes: he was almost spotless. His only fault, let us
rather say his only misfortune, was his want of capacity for the station
he occupied: he would have been an admirable private gentleman, or an
exemplary ecclesiastic.

THE GOOD KING FERDINAND VI (1746-1759 A.D.)

Ferdinand VI, second son of the deceased monarch, by Maria Louisa of
Savoy (the fate of the eldest, Luis, has been already related), was,
on his succession, in his thirty-fourth year. Though he did not want
natural affection for his step-brothers, he was not to be controlled
by the queen-dowager, whose influence was forever at an end; nor would
he sacrifice the best interests of his kingdom to provide Italian
sovereignties for the infantes [his half-brothers]. Hence, he consented
to procure peace for his dominions by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, as
related. His disposition was averse to war, which, as he clearly saw, had
obstructed the career of the national improvement; nor was he so blind as
to be ignorant that the blood and treasures of his people had been wasted
for French or Austrian rather than Spanish objects. He respected the king
of France as the head of his house, but he asserted his resolution not
to become the viceroy of that monarch. If to this we add that he was a
prince of honour, of integrity, of strict veracity, we shall have said
all that truth will permit in his praise.

He had the melancholy temperament, the incapacity, the indolence of his
father; nor was he less uxorious. His queen, Maria Theresa Magdalena
Barbara, daughter of João V, king of Portugal, to whom he had been united
in 1729, was a woman of engaging manners and of mild disposition, but
avaricious. The same blemish attached to one of the most influential
ministers, the marquis of Ensenada,[103] a man of low origin, but of
ready parts and of profuse expenditure.

But the strangest influence over the destiny of the kingdom was that
exercised by a singer, the famous Farinelli, who by his profession had
made a fortune in England, and had been attracted to the court of Madrid
in the hope that his music would have some effect over the hypochondriac
Philip.[l]

_The Singer Farinelli_

Carlo Broschi, surnamed Farinelli, was a Neapolitan, whose voice and
skill had obtained him great musical renown, and enabled him to amass
a handsome fortune upon the boards of the London opera-house. During
one of Philip’s worst fits of hypochondria, Elizabeth Farnese invited
Farinelli to Madrid, in order to try the effect of exquisite music upon
her husband’s obstinate melancholy. The result answered to her utmost
hopes. She arranged a concert in a room adjoining that where Philip had
for months lain in bed, pertinaciously resisting every entreaty to
attend either to the business of his kingdom or the cleanliness of his
person. Farinelli’s vocal powers aroused him. He sent for the performer,
and amidst a profusion of encomiums, promised to grant him whatever
reward he should ask. Whereupon Farinelli, by the queen’s instructions,
requested the king to rise from his bed, undergo the usual operations of
shaving and dressing, and attend the council of state. Faithful to his
word, Philip complied, and returned for a while to his ordinary habits of
life. From that moment Farinelli was retained, with a handsome pension,
at Philip’s court, and daily soothed the half insane monarch with his
melodious warblings.

[Sidenote: [1737-1759 A.D.]]

Upon Ferdinand’s accession this favour rose to unexampled height.
Farinelli, besides being appointed director of the opera, and, in fact,
superintendent of all the royal pleasures, was honoured with the cross of
Calatrava.

Farinelli seems never to have forgotten himself in this singular
exaltation. He rejected all bribes, laughed at the adulation of his
superiors, and long answered to those who besought his interference, “I
am a musician, not a politician.” In spite of his modesty, however, he at
length became a political agent, having discovered that his intervention
was, upon many occasions, agreeable and convenient to Barbara. The
influence he was thence forward led to exert acted in two opposite
directions from the honest feelings of his heart, as did Barbara’s from
the dictates of her policy: his warm attachment to the empress-queen,
whose subject he was born, and to England, where he had acquired his
wealth, rendering him a zealous advocate of their interests, whilst
friendship for Ensenada induced him, if not to assist in forwarding all
that minister’s plans, yet to make the utmost exertions to support him in
his place.[n] By what strange instruments are mankind governed![104]

The reign of Ferdinand exhibits little more than a contest between the
British and French agents, in support of the respective policy of their
nations: Carvajal took part with the former, Ensenada with the latter.
In 1754, Carvajal’s death dejected the English as much as it elated the
hopes of the French. Soon afterwards, Ensenada himself was disgraced.
Ferdinand continued to observe a wise and dignified neutrality in the
European war, occasioned by the rivalry of France and England. Not even
the offer of Minorca, which the French conquered from the English, nor
that of assisting in the reduction of Gibraltar, could incline the
court in favour of the Gallic policy. Equally fruitless was the offer
of Gibraltar by the English themselves, as the condition of joining the
confederacy against France. But so mild, and just, and virtuous a prince
was not long spared to Spain and to Europe. After the death of his queen,
in 1758, he would never attend to either affairs of state or the ordinary
enjoyments of life: in twelve months he followed her to the tomb. As he
died without issue, he left the crown to his next brother, Don Charles,
king of the Two Sicilies.

Indolent as were the habits of Ferdinand, he was a blessing to Spain,
not merely from his pacific reign, but from his encouragement of
agriculture, commerce, and the arts.[105] But the greatest benefit he
procured for his country was the abolition of the grievous abuse of
papal patronage. By it the chair of St. Peter had nominated to all
benefices which fell vacant during eight months out of the twelve--thence
called apostolical--and in any month, provided the possessor died in
Rome. This monstrous usurpation was independent of expectations, indults,
annats, fifteenths, and the other endless sources of papal rapacity. In
1753, the king procured from the pope a concordat, by which the right
of nomination, during every month, was reserved to the crown; and the
tributes contracted to be paid by the holder of the benefice to the see
of Rome, in return for his nomination to it, were suppressed.

CHARLES III (1759-1788 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1759-1762 A.D.]]

By the Treaty of Vienna the two crowns of Naples and Spain were never
to be placed on the same head: hence Charles III, on his accession to
the latter, was compelled to resign the other in favour of a son. As the
eldest, Philip, was a constant prey to mental imbecility, the second,
Charles, succeeded to the rights of primogeniture, and was declared heir
to the Spanish monarchy; while the third, Ferdinand, was hailed as king
of the Two Sicilies. Having appointed a council of regency during the
minority of Ferdinand, Charles bade adieu to his former subjects, whom
his administration had strongly attached to his person, and proceeded to
Madrid. In the ministry he made few changes. He retained General Wall,
but suffered Ensenada to return to court; he dismissed the minister of
finance, whom he replaced by the marquis Squillaci [called Esquilache by
the Spaniards], an Italian nobleman of considerable experience in that
department; and he advised Farinelli to quit the kingdom.

When Charles ascended the throne, he found France and Great Britain
involved in a war which, under the vigorous administration of Pitt,
was highly disastrous to the arms of Louis. The success of the English
displeased him; he feared lest the victors should turn their arms against
his richest settlements in the New World. France was eager to make common
cause with him. The result was an intimate alliance, known by the name
of the Family Compact, by which the enemy of either was to be considered
the enemy of both, and neither was to make peace without the consent of
the other. However secret the articles, they were suspected by Pitt,
who would have anticipated Spain by an immediate declaration of war,
and by breaking off the hollow negotiations which, to gain time, France
had commenced, had he not been replaced at this juncture by a court
favourite, the earl of Bute. The new ministry were made the dupes of
the Bourbon courts; the negotiations were artfully prolonged until the
arrival of the Spanish treasures from the Indies, and until preparations
were made by both countries to carry on the war with vigour.

[Sidenote: [1762-1781 A.D.]]

The mask was then dropped, and hostilities were invited. However
unstable the English ministry, under a sovereign more feeble even than
his predecessors, a vigour had been given by Pitt to every branch of
the public service, which in the present war secured the triumph of
English arms. In the West Indies, the Havana, in the east, Manila, were
taken (1762); nor were the allied French and Spanish arms successful
in Portugal, which, in punishment of its connection with England, was
invaded by twenty-two thousand men, under the marquis of Soria. They
could only take Almeida before they were compelled to retire within the
Spanish territory. Worse than all other disasters was the state of the
finances, which were, in fact, exhausted; while the interruption to
trade, occasioned by the present hostilities, rendered it impossible
for any minister to rely on new contributions. In this emergency, the
two courts turned their eyes towards peace, which was concluded at
Paris, February 10th, 1763. Omitting the concessions made by France,
Spain purchased the restoration of the conquests which had been made,
by the cession of Florida, by the permission to cut logwood in the bay
of Honduras, and by a renunciation of all claim to the Newfoundland
fisheries.

These unfavourable conditions were not likely to remove, however it
might be prudent to smother, the irritation of the Spaniards. But such,
at length, were the improvements effected in the collection of the
revenues, and in the national forces by sea and land; such the results
of a wise economy and a better discipline, under the superintendence of
the count of Aranda, a man of enterprising genius, that these forces were
considerably augmented, and taught to confide in their own strength. The
British ambassadors at Madrid were no longer treated with even outward
respect. That Spain was inclined to war is evident from the whole conduct
of its ministers; but the desire was counteracted by the internal
embarrassments of France. Thus affairs continued, until the count of
Aranda being succeeded by the marquis of Grimaldi, and the latter, in
his turn, by the count of Florida-Blanca, England received another blow
through her ally Portugal. Portugal, the queen-dowager of which was the
sister of Charles, joined the Family Compact.

The progress of the misunderstanding between England and her American
colonies (1776-1783) afforded an opening for humbling her power. By
entering into an alliance with the rebels, and by an open war with
Britain, France at once indulged her hereditary enmity, and secured a
friend in the rising states. With a policy as blind as it was vindictive,
Florida-Blanca persuaded Charles to concur with France in behalf of
the revolted colonies. Charles declared war, procured the co-operation
of a French fleet, and caused Gibraltar to be closely invested. The
situation of England, at this time, was exceedingly critical. By all
Europe her ruin was considered at hand. Without an ally; opposed not
only to her colonies, but to France and Spain, which were favoured by
the secret wishes of Portugal, Morocco, Holland, Russia, and Austria;
a prey to intestine commotions; cursed by an imbecile and extravagant
court, and by a ministry no less despicable, her prospects were indeed
hopeless. But the native vigour of her defenders, though it could not
avert disasters unexampled in her history, and was in most instances
lamentably misdirected, at least averted impending ruin. Gibraltar,
though garrisoned with no more than a handful of men, exhibited a defence
which astonished all Europe; and, though the coasts of England were
frequently insulted by the appearance of a hostile flag, no descent
followed. These fleets were not long suffered to exhibit even these
ineffectual bravadoes. Having retired to the peninsular ports, one of
them was defeated by Admiral Rodney, who about the same time had the
good fortune to capture a convoy of fifteen sail. But the capture of a
British merchant fleet by the enemy; the loss of some settlements in
the West Indies and on the banks of the Mississippi, and the conquest
of West Florida by Galvez, an enterprising Spanish officer, more than
counterbalanced this advantage.

These disasters would have been much greater, had not the English cabinet
contrived to spread division between the two allied powers. The offer
of Gibraltar--an offer made with anything but sincerity--more than once
arrested the hostile march of Spain, and led to secret negotiations.
Florida-Blanca had, however, the good fortune to propose the famous
armed neutrality, by which the maritime power of Europe endeavoured to
annihilate the naval superiority of Britain; and he had the still greater
glory of recovering Minorca [February, 1782, after seventy-four years
of English possession]. Elated by this success the Bourbon ministers
despatched a formidable fleet to expel the English from the West
Indies, whilst their allies the Dutch, in concert with Hyder (Haidar)
Ali, strove to drive the same enemy from the Carnatic. But the French
admiral De Grasse sustained so signal a defeat that the enterprise, as
far as regarded the West Indies, was abandoned. To England, however,
the war was fatal: the American colonies obtained their independence.
Humbled and discouraged, the ministry now made propositions for peace;
and negotiations for the purpose were opened at Paris. It was at length
concluded (1783) on terms sufficiently humiliating to the British
nation. She surrendered the two Floridas, Minorca, Tobago, and Gorée on
the African coast, consented to be excluded from the greater part of
the Gulf of Mexico, and to admit the French to a participation of the
Newfoundland fisheries: while, in return for such concessions, she could
not obtain the slightest advantage for regulating her trade either with
the peninsula or the American colonies.

Advantageous as were the conditions of peace, Charles, when his
resentment towards England was cooled, could not fail to perceive the
impolicy of the recent war. He had assisted to establish a republic on
the confines of his Mexican empire, and he knew that his own colonies
had caught the same fire of independence. In fact, he had soon the
mortification to see extensive districts in South America in open
insurrection.

The remaining foreign transactions of Charles may be shortly dismissed.
His treaty with the sultan of Constantinople and with the Barbary states
freed his subjects from piratical depredations, and procured them
commercial advantages in the Mediterranean superior to those enjoyed
by any other European power. In Portugal, where his influence was
confirmed by the marriage of his daughter Carlotta with the infante João,
afterwards João IV, he procured from the French a share in the commercial
advantages which had been hitherto exclusively enjoyed by the English.
In an equal degree was the English influence impaired in Holland by the
ascendency of the Bourbon courts. He wrested from the ministry most of
the commercial privileges which during two centuries had been possessed
by the British in the West Indies. But as he grew in years he became less
favourably disposed towards France, and more willing to cultivate a good
understanding with England.

[Sidenote: [1759-1783 A.D.]]

The internal administration of Charles was not less signal than his
foreign policy. It exhibits many novelties; of which some were highly
beneficial, while others were odious to the people. So long as the
efforts of his ministers were confined to the improvement of commerce and
agriculture, to cleansing and lighting the streets, to the construction
and repairs of the roads, to the reorganisation of the police, and to the
amplification of the public revenues, they were cheered by the popular
approbation; but when flapped hats and long cloaks--those screeners of
assassination--were prohibited, a loud outcry was raised against the
introduction of foreign customs. A monopoly for the supply of oil and
bread to the people of Madrid bore on the lower orders much more sensibly
than a change of costume, and called forth loud imprecations against
the marquis Squillaci, the author of this impolitic innovation. On the
evening of Palm Sunday (1766) the mob arose. They spread throughout the
city, breaking the lamps, assassinating the soldiers, and forcing every
man they saw to lower the brim of his hat. The following morning the king
communicated with them; promised that the obnoxious minister should be
replaced by a Spaniard; that the decree against flapped hats and cloaks
should be repealed; that the price of oil, bread, soap, and bacon should
be reduced, the monopoly destroyed, and the insurgents pardoned.

The following morning, however, hearing that the royal family and the
ministers had fled to Aranjuez, they assembled in greater numbers than
before. During forty-eight hours the city was a prey to this lawless
mob. Charles wrote to the Council of Castile that the obnoxious minister
was already exiled, and that, if the people would quietly disperse, his
other promises should be executed with equal fidelity. The message, being
proclaimed throughout the city, was received with shouts of applause; the
rioters instantly surrendered their arms and drums, shook hands with the
soldiers, and departed to their homes.

That this commotion was a political intrigue was no less the conviction
of the king than of his ministers; and his suspicions fell on the
Jesuits.[l]

EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS

[Sidenote: [1759-1767 A.D.]]

It is unnecessary to trace here the rise and progress of this celebrated
order whose position in history has been such a peculiar one. It will be
sufficient to observe that their spirit of intrigue, dangerous maxims,
bond of union, and persevering ambition had long rendered them an object
of fear and jealousy to many of the European governments; and there
was scarcely a political intrigue, or public commotion, in which they
were not actually implicated, or supposed to be engaged. Such, however,
was their extensive influence, from the number and talents of their
members, and the authority which they exercised over the public mind,
by monopolising, in a great degree, the duties of education; such also
was their influence in the cabinets of Catholic princes, as directors of
their consciences, and such the wealth and power they had appropriated,
that till the middle of the eighteenth century no statesman had been
found bold enough to smite this spiritual colossus. The first blow was
struck in the petty kingdom of Portugal, by the marquis of Pombal, the
minister of a weak and superstitious monarch, whose court and household
were filled by their members and adherents.

From a suspicion, well or ill founded, that they were implicated in
the memorable attempt to assassinate the king, they were in a single
day involved in one common disgrace, their property confiscated, their
members transported as prisoners to the coast of Italy and set ashore in
the states of the church. Their expulsion from Portugal (1759) dissipated
the terror inspired by their name and power, and prepared the way for
their expulsion from France, which took place in 1764, with circumstances
of more humanity and moderation than in Portugal.

It now became the leading principle of the French minister to complete
their downfall in other countries, and particularly to obtain their
expulsion from Spain. For this purpose, Choiseul employed all the
resources of intrigue to excite alarm at their character and principles,
and implicate them in every offence which was likely to throw disgrace on
their body. He did not scruple even to circulate forged letters, in the
name of their general and chiefs, and to propagate reports of the most
odious and criminal nature against the members themselves individually.
These artifices and this anxiety will not appear superfluous, when
it is considered that Spain was the country which gave rise to the
institution, and fostered it with peculiar affection; that the king, a
devout prince, had shown himself its friend and protector. The final
cause which led to their expulsion was the success of the means employed
to persuade the king that their intrigues had caused the recent tumult
at Madrid, and that they were still forming new machinations against his
own person and the royal family. Influenced by this opinion, Charles,
from their zealous protector, became at once their implacable enemy, and
hastened to follow the example of the French government (1767).

[Sidenote: [1767-1783 A.D.]]

He confided the execution to Count de Aranda, who had so ably suppressed
the commotions at Madrid. The king himself wrote, and directed with his
own hand, circular letters to the governors of each province, which they
were to open at a particular hour and in a particular place. When the
period arrived, the six colleges of the Jesuits at Madrid were surrounded
at midnight with troops, headed by officers of the police, and admission
being obtained, the bells were secured, and a sentinel placed at the door
of each cell. The rector was commanded to assemble the community; and
the different members being collected in the refectory, the royal decree
of expulsion was formally read. Each member was then permitted to take
his breviary, linen, chocolate, snuff, a few other conveniences, and
his money, on specifying the amount in writing. They were distributed
in different vehicles, each carriage under the escort of two dragoons,
to prevent any communication, and were thus conveyed to the coast.
So complete were the precautions, and so prompt and regular was the
execution, that the inhabitants of the capital were ignorant of the event
till the following morning, when the cavalcade was already on its journey.

In the same manner each college, in the different parts of Spain, was
invested. The transports, under the convoy of several frigates, steered
for the ecclesiastical state, and appeared off Cività Vecchia, where the
different officers had orders to land their unfortunate charge. But the
pope forbade their admission, under the pretext that, if the Catholic
sovereigns of Europe should abolish the religious societies, the papal
dominions would be too small, and the treasure too poor to maintain them.
During these delays, the Jesuits were crowded like convicts on board the
transports, in the most sultry season of a sultry climate; and of the
old and infirm, or those who had suffered from their sedentary life,
numbers perished within sight of land. At length, after beating about the
Mediterranean, exposed to storms and tempests for three months, they were
received on the isle of Corsica; those who had the misfortune to survive
preceding hardships were deposited in warehouses like bales of goods,
without beds, and almost without the common necessaries of life. They
remained in this deplorable situation, till their destiny was fixed by a
compromise with the pope, when they were permitted to repair to Italy,
and receive the scanty pittance allotted for their maintenance by the
king of Spain. In the distant and extensive colonies of South America,
similar precautions were adopted.

On considering this transaction with impartiality, it is impossible
to deny that, however necessary the expulsion of the Jesuits might be
deemed, yet the execution itself was one of the most arbitrary and cruel
measures ever held out to the indignation of mankind. No other reason
was alleged for these rigorous measures than the absolute good pleasure
of the king. In this state of proscription they were not only prohibited
from justifying their conduct, but it was ordained that if one single
Jesuit should send forth the slightest apology in their favour, the
pensions of all should instantly cease, and that all subjects of Spain
who should presume to publish any writing, either for or against them,
should be punished as if guilty of high treason: circumstances which
can scarcely be credited in a free nation, if the truth were not still
attested by the edict for their expulsion. The only apology which can be
advanced in favour of such a cruel measure is that, the whole body being
closely linked together in absolute obedience to their general, no one
member could presume to publish anything without the approbation of his
superior; and such was their mighty influence over the consciences of
persons of all ranks and descriptions that, if any had been permitted to
continue in Spain, or to return thither while the ferment subsisted, they
might have excited dangerous tumults among the people.

Charles notified this important measure to the head of the church in
firm but respectful terms. It was not to be expected that the pope would
acquiesce in so sudden and unqualified an expulsion of the most zealous
partisans of the holy see, and still less so bold and irritable a pontiff
as Clement XIII. The reply of the king announced respect and affection
for the head of the church, but unshaken firmness in his resolution.
The example of Spain was speedily followed by the king of Naples. The
Jesuits were expelled with the same precautions as in Spain, and conveyed
without ceremony across the frontier into the ecclesiastical state. When
a petty sovereign like the duke of Parma ventured to expel the Jesuits
from his states, and establish various regulations to restrain the
papal authority, Clement deemed it a proper opportunity to exercise his
spiritual power, without the danger of a repulse. He therefore issued a
brief against the duke, threatening his territories with interdict, and
his person with excommunication, unless he revoked his ordinances against
the privileges and rights of the church.

The princes of the house of Bourbon, watchful for an opportunity to
abridge the pretensions of the Roman see, accordingly opposed this
exertion of papal authority with the most vigorous measures. France
occupied Avignon and the Venaissin, and Naples seized Benevento; and all
the Catholic powers united in a common censure of the papal brief as
illegal and vindictive. But while the dispute was yet in suspense, the
decease of the aged pontiff opened a field for the struggle of the civil
against the ecclesiastical power. No intrigue was spared by the Catholic
powers to baffle the influence of the Jesuits, and obtain the election of
a person who would enter into their views; and they at length procured
the choice of Ganganelli, a monk of the order of Minor Conventuals. He
ultimately yielded to the incessant and pressing solicitations of all
the Catholic powers; and on the 21st of July, 1773, abolished the order
of Jesus by a bull, in which he ascribes his consent to respect for the
representations of the king of Spain, who insisted on this measure as
necessary for the tranquillity of Christendom and the peace of his own
dominions.

Charles, satisfied with having annihilated the power of the Jesuits,
secured the tranquillity of his dominions, and eradicated their influence
as a body, reverted to his natural mildness, and by a royal rescript
permitted the members who yet survived to return to Spain, and obtain
possession of lands which had fallen to them by inheritance (1783).[c]

[Sidenote: [1783-1788 A.D.]]

It is almost needless to add that, in the present, as in the case of the
Templars, and at a later period in that of the suppressed monasteries in
England, a very small portion of the possessions so unjustly confiscated
was applied to any useful purpose; in Spain, as in England, it found its
way into the pockets of a needy sovereign, of courtly minions, or of
unprincipled adventurers.

In most respects, the internal administration of Charles was one of
unmixed good. The increase of the standing army, a force absolutely
necessary, not merely for the national defence, but for the preservation
of domestic tranquillity; its improved discipline; a judicious
organisation of the police; the restriction of ecclesiastical immunities
in such cases as were incompatible with the well-being of the people;
the circumscription of the powers of the Inquisition; an attempt to
colonise the Sierra Morena; the establishment of schools to supply the
void left by the expulsion of the Jesuits, signalised the administration
of the count of Aranda. The same reforms were extended or improved by the
count of Florida-Blanca, who added others of even superior importance.
The encouragement of agriculture, commerce, and the useful arts of
life; a radical change in the intercourse of Spain with her colonies; a
considerable augmentation in the returns of the mines, in the customs, in
every branch of the revenue; the introduction of new manufactures, and
the encouragement of such as were already established; the facilitation
of intercourse, by means of new roads and canals, between the great
marts of Spain; and numerous reforms in the forms of judicial process,
and in the responsibility of the judges, were a few of the many benefits
conferred by this great minister on his country.

Charles III died, December 14th, 1788, at the age of seventy-three. From
the vigour of his constitution he would, doubtless, have lived longer,
had not his heart been affected by the precarious state of his relations
in France, by the loss of his son Don Gabriel, of his daughter-in-law
Doña Maria of Portugal, and of their infant. He was a prince of
considerable talents, of excellent intentions, and of blameless morals.
In his public character, his best praise is to be found in the fact that,
through his ministers, he introduced a degree of prosperity to which his
people had been strangers since the days of Philip II. In private life
he was unlike most kings. During a long widowhood, his example afforded
no encouragement to licentiousness: as he was severe towards himself, he
was naturally so toward others. His chief defects were obstinacy, too
great reserve, even with his ministers, and an immoderate addiction to
the exercise of hunting. By his queen Amelia, a princess of Saxony, he
left issue (1) Philip Pascal, excluded through natural imbecility; (2)
Charles his successor, imprisoned and forced to abdicate by Bonaparte;
(3) Ferdinand, king of the Two Sicilies. Four other sons preceded him to
the tomb.[l]

Hume[h] calls Charles III “the only good, great, and patriotic king that
providence had vouchsafed to Spain in modern times.” Coxe[c] tells of his
placid temper, and his lovableness; “those who attended on his infancy
grew gray, or died in his service.” The anecdote is told of him that on
his death-bed his confessor asked if he could pardon his enemies, and he
answered; “Why should I have waited till this extremity? They were all
forgiven the moment after the offence”--a spirit rare indeed in Spanish
history.[a]

FOOTNOTES

[97] [“Henceforward for years, during the most troublous crisis of
Spain’s fall, she did more for the country and for the young king and
queen than all the ministers together. Manners and morals were reformed,
light and brightness penetrated where gloom and ignorance alone had
existed before. A Frenchwoman sent specially to serve French interests,
she stood firm in defence of Philip and his wife, and of Spanish
traditions, when everything depended on her prudence.”--HUME.[d]]

[98] [“Here they committed the most enormous sacrileges, adding the rage
of enemies to that of heretics,” says San Felipe.[b]]

[99] [“After thirteen years of struggle, the most obstinate and deadly
in the modern history of Europe, Catalonia was brought back to the
fold, shorn of all her privileges and assimilated to the contemned
Castile.”--HUME.[h]]

[100] [“And so at last, after years of constant plotting and secret
treaties innumerable, Elizabeth Farnese had triumphed in the great
object of her life: all Europe accepted the sovereignty of her son
over the Italian dominions of her forefathers. She had kept Europe in
effervescence for years, but she had her way; and the persistence of one
woman had re-established Spanish influence in Italy and raised Spain once
more to a leading place in the councils of the world.”--HUME.[h]]

[101] [The importance of this “right of search” will recur in connection
with the War of 1812 between England and the United States. The war
hereafter described is sometimes called “The War of Jenkins’ Ear.”]

[102] [“At Piacenza the Franco-Spanish army was literally cut to bits by
Lichtenstein (July 16th, 1746), and the ambitious dreams of Elizabeth
Farnese seemed to melt into thin air.”--HUME.[h] Fuller details of this
war will be found in the French, Austrian, and English histories.]

[103] [_En se nada_, that is, “in himself nothing,” referring to his
humble origin.]

[104] [Was it not time, after the disastrous influences of cardinals,
monks, warriors, merchants, and noblemen had been tormenting Spain
for centuries, that a musician should be tried? Are not the eminently
beneficial results of the singer’s influence over the benevolent king his
justification?]

[105] [Martin Hume[d] calls Ferdinand VI “the most truly beneficent
sovereign that Spain had known for centuries. The encouragement
extended to learning and intellectual progress was even more marked
than that given by his father. Academies and learned societies sprang
up everywhere;” and again,[h] “Ferdinand had found Spain struggling
painfully to the light, still ruined, bankrupt, and miserable. He left it
enjoying comparative prosperity, with a fleet of fifty ships of war and
£3,000,000 ($15,000,000) in the treasury.”]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XII. SPAIN AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

[Sidenote: [1788-1808 A.D.]]

Charles IV ascended the throne at the mature age of forty. The nation
entertained great expectations from their new king. His first measures
confirmed the hopes of those who confined their views to a continuation
and increase of the benefits conferred during Charles III’s reign, if
not the expectations of those who desired bolder innovations or of
those who regretted the days of inquisitorial omnipotence. He confirmed
Florida-Blanca in his post, and, at his suggestion, remitted considerable
arrears of taxes incurred by indigence, suspended the _alcabala_ upon
wheat, and adopted economical reforms for the purpose of saving out of
the annual expenditure of the country the means of liquidating the still
unpaid debts of the crown.

Charles further showed his good sense by amicably settling a dispute that
had arisen with England, at the price of partially abandoning a useless
extension of the monopoly claimed by Spain along the western coasts of
America. But from this period the history of Spain, as of every other
country in Europe, becomes involved with the extraordinary events taking
place in France on account of the French Revolution.[b] For a full
account of these events one must look in the history of France, only
those being recounted here which have a close bearing on Spain.[a]

[Sidenote: [1789-1792 A.D.]]

The relations of these neighbouring and long-allied countries, France and
Spain, were now of the strangest character. Hereditary affection attached
the two royal families to each other, and they were furthermore united
by ties of blood and community of interests. The king and especially the
Spanish ministers poured their fear-mingled hatred upon the national
assembly and the principles of the Revolution on every occasion.

France and the assembly which personified it had no more deadly enemy
than Florida-Blanca. He allied himself in turn with the emperor Leopold
in order to dictate to the French people the measure of reform they
required, and with the northern cabinets to force the assembly to destroy
its work with its own hands, and re-establish the absolute monarchy as it
existed before the Revolution. Finally he tried to reconcile the Grand
Turk with the empress Catherine to permit of Russia’s joining the other
continental monarchies in building a dike to resist the rush of the
revolutionary torrent.

But, during the interval, events had progressed; for after the French
king’s flight and his arrest at Varennes, the situation had become most
serious. Royalty was dead, but the king still lived, and an imprudent
step might compromise the threatened life. Florida-Blanca realised this
and refused to associate Spain with a counter-revolutionary plot which
was being organised in the south of France. But at the same time he sent
the national assembly a letter and pleaded the cause of the fugitive
king, prisoner in his own palace, in a tone which sounded more like a
threat than a prayer. The assembly, its dignity hurt, replied with a
scornful order of the day; and the breach between the two governments,
whose principles were so opposed, widened more than ever.

Not daring to declare war upon France, the imprudent minister declared
it at least upon the French in his own country; a decree ordered all
foreigners resident in Spain to take an oath of allegiance to the
Catholic faith, to the monarch and laws of the country, and to renounce
their nationality and call themselves Spaniards. This tyrannical measure,
apparently directed at all foreigners, was in fact aimed at the French
alone, who were established in the peninsula to the number of thirteen
thousand. The assembly was not deceived, and realised that, from that
time on, it had an avowed enemy in the Spanish minister.

The Pyrenees were frequently crossed by French emissaries charged
with the spreading of revolutionary doctrines to the peninsula.
Florida-Blanca, hard pressed, finally established a quarantine on the
frontier with the object of protecting Spain against the incendiary
propaganda. Under this pretext he was able to keep a sufficiently large
body of troops on the whole line of the Pyrenees to gain France’s
respect, lend a hand to anti-revolutionary plots in the south, and, in
case of invasion by northern powers, keep up a useful diversion in the
south and complete the blockade of France.[c]

THE RISE OF GODOY

[Sidenote: [1788-1792 A.D.]]

It becomes now necessary to disclose a scene of licentious turpitude,
such as we have long been spared in the annals of the court of Madrid.
Maria Louisa the queen of Charles IV had, from the very moment of her
marriage, betrayed a total disregard for the laws of conjugal fidelity,
and her notorious gallantries could scarcely be checked even by the
austerity of Charles III. That king, however, uniformly banished his
daughter-in-law’s lovers, as soon as the rumour of a new intrigue was
brought to him, whilst the prince of Asturias remained so blind to his
wife’s guilt that he frequently, though always in vain, supplicated
his father to recall persons whose society was peculiarly agreeable to
the princess. One of the paramours thus exiled was Luis de Godoy, the
eldest son of a noble but decayed family of Estremadura, who was serving
with his brothers in the ranks of the horse guards; and this young man,
anxious not to lose in absence the affections of the princess, employed
his brother, Don Manuel, to deliver secretly letters expressing his
constant passion and his lamentations over his banishment.

Don Manuel availed himself of the opportunity his office as
letter-carrier afforded him, to supplant his absent brother, and
thenceforward he held the exclusive possession of Maria Louisa’s heart.
She introduced her new favourite to the prince of Asturias, who soon
appeared to share his wife’s attachment for him; and when the death of
Charles III removed the only restraint upon her conduct, the queen hoped
to place Godoy at the head of the government. Charles IV would not,
however, violate the respect he owed to the memory of his father, by
displacing his minister. Florida-Blanca, as has been stated, retained the
supreme authority, and, for a while, Godoy was obliged to rest content
with inferior honours, unbounded influence over the queen, and the wealth
lavished upon him by both herself and her royal consort.

This state of affairs lasted till 1792, and during those three years
Florida-Blanca’s caution combined with Charles’ fears for Louis
XVI’s safety, to preserve peace between France and Spain. But the
restrictions imposed upon the intercourse between the two countries,
by inconveniencing trade, had created great dissatisfaction amongst
the Spaniards; and the queen and Godoy took care that not only their
murmurs, but various accusations, true or false, of malversation and
oppression, laid to the minister’s charge, should reach the king’s ear.
In February, 1792, Florida-Blanca, upon these imputations, was deprived
of his high office, and thrown into prison. As soon as it was thought no
danger existed of his recovering the king’s favour, he was released from
confinement.

[Illustration: CHARLES IV]

The fall of Florida-Blanca did not at once make way for Godoy’s
exaltation to his post. The count De Aranda, in his seventy-fourth year,
succeeded to the vacant premiership, May, 1792, and as a disciple, or at
least an admirer of French philosophy, urged his royal master to pursue
a more liberal course, to cultivate more zealously than heretofore the
friendship of then constitutional France. De Aranda repaid the queen’s
patronage by his concurrence in that showering of court favours upon
Godoy,[106] which his predecessor had offended her by opposing.[b]

But in the meantime events were developing so rapidly that diplomacy
followed them with difficulty. The two fatal days of June 20th and
August 10th caused that phantom of royal will still present in France
to disappear. Prussia and Austria, which had no interests to guard,
declared war on France immediately. The latter replied by doing away with
royalty, by beginning the trial of the king, a prisoner in the temple,
and thus broke, in the face of the whole world, with all the monarchies
in declaring herself their mortal enemy.

Charles IV, devoted like his father to the French royal family, was
broken-hearted over the insults and disgrace heaped upon the unfortunate
Louis XVI. De Aranda, whose connection with the French encyclopædists
wounded the double cult of the Spanish people for religion and monarchy,
found himself daily more estranged from his former friends. The French
ambassador, who had ceased all relations with the Madrid cabinet,
summoned Spain to choose between war and peace, and to make her choice
known.

The state council took up the questions and was not long in deciding in
favour of war. But France was acting while Spain was preparing to act,
and the blood-stained pages of this terrible history were unfolding one
after another. The massacre of prisoners in September was the Jacobins’
reply to the attacks of the allied monarchs, as well as the high-handed
challenge thrown to whosoever dared try to stop the progress of the
revolution. While waiting to be attacked from the south its arms were
triumphing in the north; the duke of Brunswick, in spite of his warnings
and proclamations, had been driven to shameful flight. In the face of
such a situation De Aranda drew back. Certainly it was neither courage
nor determination which failed him, but for him there was one matter
which overruled everything else, and that was the danger threatening
the life of the unhappy monarch. The minister of foreign affairs, Le
Brun, showed himself disposed to treat with Spain, but the convention
exacted before anything else that the Madrid cabinet should recognise the
republic.

For Charles IV to acknowledge the republic was to sanction the fall
of the Bourbons and the ruin of one of the princes of that family; it
would betray his affections and his dearest interests. Hard pressed by
disguised threats, the Spanish minister, in spite of his white hairs,
went so far as to declare that, if the sacred soil of his country was
invaded, he, the oldest officer in the army, would ask of his king a
drum and go from town to town sounding the call to arms. In the meantime
Charles IV had thought the matter over, and the desire to save Louis
XVI’s life overruled every other consideration. He decided to keep a
strict neutrality towards France. Moreover he was not ready for war,
and an army is not created in an instant, especially in Spain where
everything is done slowly and at great cost.[c] But at any rate the time
now seemed ripe to dismiss De Aranda from his post and call Godoy to his
place, De Aranda being permitted to keep the presidency of the council.
It was late in 1792 that the queen’s favourite became the king’s chief
agent.[a]

GODOY AS MINISTER, AND THE WAR WITH FRANCE

[Sidenote: [1792-1793 A.D.]]

The new minister’s task was far from easy. The ability of the most
experienced statesman would scarcely have been able to cope with the
events taking place in France with too rapid strides. The trial of the
unfortunate Louis XVI had begun and his life hung by a thread. The
great, the sole question for Charles IV was to save him. Godoy proposed
to offer France the mediation of the Madrid cabinet between herself and
the northern powers in place of De Aranda’s neutral policy; the basis
of negotiations to be the abdication of Louis XVI and the delivering
of hostages as a sign of good faith. An unlimited credit was opened
for Spain’s representative at Paris in order to buy up judges. But all
was useless. A letter from the Spanish minister to the convention was
returned by order of the day.

“France,” said a member, “can only treat with powers that have recognised
the republic.” Danton thundered against the audacity of the Spanish
government, and not even the reading of the letter was allowed. The
members who had held out their hands for Spanish gold were the first to
vote the death of the king. Finally, at the last moment, the Castilian
chargé d’affaires having again tried to intercede in favour of the royal
victim, Danton in anger proposed for this alone to declare war on Spain,
to punish her for daring to interfere in the affairs of the republic.

The king’s death on January 21st, 1793, of course cut short all
negotiations. The whole of Spain rose in horror and indignation at the
news. Godoy, not very scrupulous himself in matters of national honour,
exclaimed on learning the fatal news, “To-day a treaty of peace with
France would be an infamy; it would make us accomplices of a crime that
thrills Spain as it does the whole world.” De Aranda alone remained
faithful to his system of neutrality and to that utilitarian morale of
which England presents the most finished type. He addressed the king a
long memoir on the danger of a war for which Spain was not prepared. But
neutrality was but a dream in the present condition of minds and things
in Spain as well as in France.

The day after the king’s execution the French minister of foreign affairs
ordered his agents to declare war on every country which refused to
recognise the republic or treat with her. Thus did the Revolution throw
its challenge to Europe, and attacked so as not to be itself attacked. It
was no longer with kings but with peoples that it wished to deal. As for
Spain, neutrality and disarmament on both sides--that was the ultimatum
which Bourgoing offered Godoy, reserving to France the right to maintain
garrisons in the strongholds on the frontier.

The convention was the first in its declaration of war, drawn up by
Barère in the style of the period. “The intrigues of the court of
St. James,” it said, “have triumphed at Madrid. The papal nuncio has
sharpened the dagger of fanaticism in the states of the Catholic king.
The Bourbons must vanish from the throne they usurped, thanks to the
blood and gold of our ancestors.”

Spain responded by a firm but altogether moderate declaration of war. A
royal decree banished from the peninsula within three days all the French
who were not resident there. Moreover, this war, which De Aranda himself
was powerless to prevent, had become popular in Spain before it had been
declared; the gazettes were full of offers and contributions; there was
an outbreak of enthusiasm quite on a par with that of France.[c]

Toulon proclaimed the dauphin, as Louis XVII, according to the
constitution of 1791, and invited the united English and Spanish fleets
under Lord Hood and Don Juan de Langara, to take possession of their
town, port, and fortifications in his name. Charles likewise prepared to
invade France by land. A powerful Spanish army commanded by Ricardos,
governor of Catalonia, and reinforced with the Portuguese auxiliaries,
crossed the Pyrenees, and entered Roussillon. On the 22nd of June,
1793, they took Bellegarde, one of the strongest frontier fortresses,
afterwards occupying several places of less note, leaving them to winter
in force on the French territories. The Portuguese troops displayed great
gallantry in all these actions.

[Sidenote: [1793-1794 A.D.]]

But it was only in this southwestern portion of France that the ill
fortune of the republicans continued to the end of the year. In the
course of the autumn they everywhere else recovered their losses. Toulon
likewise was retaken.

In the year 1794, whilst France seemed most completely disorganised
and enfrenzied by Jacobinical fury and terror, her armies, rendered
well-nigh innumerable by the masses of population poured into her camps,
and led by generals, often of names till then unknown, who started up
either from the ranks or from professions and trades the least akin to
arms, were almost uniformly victorious. The prodigious reinforcements
sent, in the very beginning of the year, to the southwestern provinces
turned the fortune of war against the Spaniards and Portuguese. Early
in February they suffered two severe defeats near St. Jean-de-Luz. In
April the Spaniards were similarly vanquished in Roussillon, but still
occupied their principal conquests. Towards the latter end of that month,
however, the brave veteran, General Dugommier, was sent to supersede the
incompetent French commanders in Roussillon. The consequences were fatal
to the peninsular armies. In the beginning of May, Dugommier gained two
victories over them--one near Céret, and the other near Coullioure--in
which the baggage, equipage, and artillery of the defeated armies, with
about nine thousand prisoners, fell into the hands of the victors. The
remaining Spanish conquests in Roussillon surrendered.

Ricardos, whose military talents and experience had been one main cause
of Spanish success, was now no more. He was succeeded by the count de la
Union, a young grandee. He made a daring and vigorous effort to relieve
Bellegarde, but in the end was defeated, with the loss of twenty-five
hundred men, and compelled to retreat. Bellegarde capitulated on the 20th
of September, after a five months’ siege. General Dugommier immediately
entered Catalonia, and in the beginning of October again engaged La
Union, whom he again defeated, but purchased the victory with his own
life. His army followed the retreating enemy, and in the course of
a few days avenged their general’s death by that of the count de la
Union, and three more Spanish generals, who fell in another battle,
fought on the 20th of the same month, when the Spaniards were once more
beaten, and completely routed. The Spanish army sought shelter behind
the lines, which had, during the last six months, been diligently
prepared for the protection of Catalonia against an invading foe. These,
though defended by forty thousand men, and fortified with eighty-three
redoubts, the French, now commanded by General Pérignon, next attacked
with irresistible impetuosity, and carried in the space of three hours,
when, without further obstacle, they advanced upon Figueras. The works
of Figueras were deemed pretty nearly impregnable; it was abundantly
provided, and well garrisoned. But the panic that seems to have ensued
upon the count de la Union’s death, and that had facilitated the forcing
of the lines, had extended hither, and Figueras, to the astonishment even
of the besiegers, surrendered almost without resistance. Several places
in the north of Catalonia followed its example. At the western extremity
of the Pyrenees the French arms were equally successful.

Charles and his new minister, Godoy, were undismayed by these disasters.
They endeavoured to excite the population to rise in a mass against
the invaders. Their attempts were unavailing; and whilst the French
complained of the stupid and superstitious insensibility of the people,
whom their promises of liberty could not allure to join (fraternise, as
they called it) with them, the court of Madrid complained equally of
popular disaffection, as a main cause of the failure of their efforts to
defend the country. The nation seems, in fact, to have taken no interest
in the war. The nobles, however, and the clergy, including the orders of
knighthood and the monastic orders, were zealous in the cause, and freely
offered ample contributions from their salaries, ecclesiastical revenues,
commanderies, and private fortunes, to meet the exigency of the moment.

[Illustration: GODOY

(From an old print)]

[Sidenote: [1794-1795 A.D.]]

The misfortunes of the coalition on the eastern frontier of France were
not calculated to encourage the Spanish court in its determination to
resist. But the brilliant successes of the French by land were but
little compensated by their naval and colonial losses. The prince of
Orange and his family fled to England; and although Holland was not,
like the Netherlands, made nominally a French province, she was so in
effect, since, under the name of the Batavian Republic, she became
wholly dependent upon France, at whose disposal all Dutch resources, in
wealth, fleets, and colonies were placed. The fate of Spain was somewhat
different. The strong town of Rosas, in Catalonia, fell on the 5th of
January, 1795; after which four months passed in seeming inactivity, the
French preparing for their advance upon Madrid, and the Spanish court
vainly endeavouring to rouse the nation to resistance. Upon the 5th of
May the Spanish army was completely routed by the French near Sistella,
and with it the last hopes of Charles and Godoy fell.

Peace was now the only chance of escaping entire subjugation. The
disposition of the persons in power at Paris was accordingly sounded
through the American ambassador, and they were found willing to diminish
the number of their enemies. On the 22nd of July a treaty was signed, by
which France agreed to evacuate her conquests in Catalonia and Biscay;
and Spain, in return, ceded to France the portion of the island of
Santo Domingo that still belonged to her. Spain further promised to use
her utmost efforts to detach Portugal likewise from the coalition. The
conditions of this treaty were so much more favourable than Charles had
expected, that in his joy he rewarded the duke of Alcudia with the title
of Prince of the Peace [Principe de la Paz], by which he has ever since
been known--an honour the more remarkable, because, contrary to the usual
practice of the continent, in Spain as in England, the title of prince
had, till then, been practically confined to the royal family.[107] From
this period the whole system of Spanish policy was changed, and rendered
so entirely subservient to the views of France that Godoy has been
accused by his countrymen of corruption; there is certainly nothing in
his character or principles that renders it likely he should have scorned
a bribe. It is needless, nevertheless, to recur to such a suspicion
for the explanation of his conduct. Spain made peace because she could
not resist France; and the same weakness would induce her to submit to
the dictation of her powerful ally. Charles seems to have followed,
unresistingly, the impulses of his queen and favourite.

The Peace of Bâle was followed by the conclusion of a treaty with the
United States of North America, by which the Prince of the Peace agreed
to open the navigation of the Mississippi to the American Republic, and,
as far as the United States were concerned, to render New Orleans a free
port; measures equally beneficial to both parties.

SPAIN IN ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE AGAINST ENGLAND

[Sidenote: [1795-1797 A.D.]]

The Prince of the Peace strove to encourage arts and industry, and
especially sought to recover the breed of fine horses for which Andalusia
had formerly been renowned, and which, having been long neglected in the
prevalent passion for mules, had degenerated. He even attempted to oppose
the immense power and ever-accumulating wealth of the Spanish clergy.

But the arts of French diplomacy overbore Godoy’s steadiness in
preferring the real interests of Spain to hopes of sharing in the
military fame and the territorial aggrandisement of France. On the 19th
of August, 1796, a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, was
signed between France and Spain, by which it was stipulated that either
power, if engaged in a separate war, should be entitled to claim from
the other fifteen ships of the line, and twenty-four thousand soldiers;
and that if the two countries should be jointly engaged in war, all the
forces of both should act in common. It was further distinctly stated
in the treaty that these stipulations referred especially to England,
inasmuch as Spain had no cause of quarrel with any other enemy of France.

Two months after the signature of a treaty so incompatible with any views
of real neutrality, the Spanish court declared war against England, with
the usual accusations of contraband trade, and infringement upon colonial
rights. But Spain failed in her endeavours to detach Portugal from the
coalition, and to exclude English goods.

[Sidenote: [1797-1801 A.D.]]

By the Treaty of Campo-Formio (1797) Austria ceded the Netherlands to
France, and the Milanese to the new Cisalpine Republic, formed of all the
conquered or revolutionised Italian states. But all this prosperity was
for France, not for her allies. Since the commencement of hostilities the
Spanish fleets had, like the French, been blockaded in port by British
squadrons. Early in February, 1797, however, the Spanish admiral, Don
José de Cordova, at the head of twenty-seven sail of the line, made his
way out of Cartagena harbour, and passed the straits of Gibraltar in
search of the British fleet, which, relying upon his great superiority of
force, he hoped to annihilate. On the morning of the 14th Cordova came
in sight of the enemy he sought. Sir John Jervis, the English admiral,
had only fifteen sail of the line, but resolved, nevertheless, to give
battle, and endeavoured to compensate his great disparity of numbers by
a manœuvre somewhat analogous to those by which Bonaparte gained his
victories on land. He bore down with his whole force upon the Spaniards
before their line was formed, cut off one large division of their fleet,
and thus engaging upon less unequal terms, defeated Cordova, took four
large ships, and drove the rest into the port of Cadiz. He was ably
assisted in this bold attack by Commodore Nelson.

In Cadiz, Jervis (created Lord St. Vincent, in honour of his victory)
blockaded the Spanish fleet, still far more numerous than his own, and,
whilst he lay off the harbour, greatly harassed the coasting trade of
Spain. He likewise bombarded the town, but, though he thus did a good
deal of damage, produced no material result. Lord St. Vincent thought
to follow up his advantage in another direction, by sending Nelson with
a squadron to seize, if possible, both the town of Santa Cruz, in the
island of Teneriffe, and a valuable register ship then lying in the port
of that island. The attack was made with the daring intrepidity that
characterised all Nelson’s actions; but the admiral had been led to form
the scheme by false information as to the strength of the place. The
attempt failed, and cost as many lives as the preceding battle. Nelson
lost his arm. The Spaniards defended the fort with great gallantry, and
when the English abandoned their enterprise, displayed towards them all
kindness and courtesy. In the West Indies an expedition under Admiral
Harvey and General Sir Ralph Abercromby sailed from Martinique to attack
the island of Trinidad. Four sail of the line were voluntarily burned to
prevent their falling into the hands of the English, and the governor
capitulated the 18th of February. Encouraged by their success, Abercromby
and Harvey next attempted the stronger island of Porto Rico, but failed,
with considerable loss.

In the month of November General Stuart attacked Minorca, and after a
short resistance, the governor, Quesada, surrendered the island, upon
condition of being sent with his garrison to the nearest Spanish port.
This was pretty much the whole Spanish share in the war this year, beyond
the usual contribution of troops to the French armies. With the military
transactions of 1798-1799 Spain had no concern. Her merchant ships were
everywhere captured by British cruisers, as were the few armed vessels
necessarily sent to sea singly or in small detachments.

During the year 1800, Spain and Portugal had little to do but to observe
the change in the fortunes of France and her enemies, resulting from the
return of Bonaparte and his exaltation to the head of the government.
Bonaparte crossed the Alps, traversing the Great St. Bernard by ways
till then deemed hardly passable for single foot travellers, but over
which he actually transported his whole army, even artillery, and, by
the splendid victory of Marengo, recovering at once all losses in Italy,
re-established his Cisalpine Republic.

The first consul had already, in a secret treaty, extorted from his ally
Charles IV the cession of Louisiana; and he now required from Charles’
kinsman, the duke of Parma, the reversion of his duchy at his death to
the French Republic. In return, he bestowed Tuscany, under title of “the
kingdom of Etruria,” upon the duke’s eldest son, Luis, prince of Parma,
who had married a Spanish infanta. In April, 1801, the king and queen of
Etruria left Madrid, where they had resided since their marriage, to take
possession of their newly assigned dominions. They were directed by Godoy
to pass through Paris; and thus two Bourbon princes were the first of the
many sovereigns who, during Bonaparte’s reign, were required to present
their personal homage at the Tuileries.

[Sidenote: [1801-1802 A.D.]]

But Tuscany seems to have been judged more than compensation for Parma
and Louisiana; and Charles was expected to pay a yet higher price for
the kingdom bestowed upon one daughter and son-in-law, by assisting to
despoil another daughter and son-in-law of their patrimony. Affection
for the princess of Brazil and her children had urged the king of Spain
to make unusual exertions for the sake of warding off from Portugal the
effects of French enmity; and his troops, his fleets, and his American
gold had been found so useful that he had enjoyed sufficient influence
to render his mediation effectual with the Directory. But the peace
of Lunéville rendered the friendship of Spain less important; and
Bonaparte’s hatred of England was far more implacable than that of his
directorial predecessors. The first consul could not forgive Portugal’s
fidelity to her old ally; and now insisted upon Charles’ declaring war
against his son-in-law. The obstinate refusal of the court of Lisbon to
comply with the solicitations of the court of Madrid, detach itself from
England, and accept the alliance of France, was the ground of hostility
alleged in the Spanish manifesto.

This declaration was answered by a counter declaration from João, the
prince of Brazil; but for a while both parties seemed to rest content
with this paper war; and there can be no doubt that during their
constrained hostilities a perfectly good understanding existed between
the unwilling belligerents. The first consul was not to be thus deceived,
and he informed his ally that if Spain were not prepared to invade
Portugal, French troops should be sent to her assistance. To avoid
receiving such aid, if possible, the Prince of the Peace took the field
at the head of between thirty and forty thousand men, and entered the
Portuguese province of Alemtejo. The prince of Brazil thereupon summoned
the whole population of Portugal to arm in defence of the country, and
in person led an army against the invaders, but offered scarcely any
opposition to their progress. In little more than a fortnight the Spanish
reduced several fortified towns, and drove the Portuguese beyond the
Tagus. England afforded her faithful ally little succour, therefore,
beyond a subsidy of £300,000, and her permission and advice to make peace
upon the best terms obtainable. The plan of operations laid down by the
first consul had been that Spain should invade the southern and France
the northern provinces of Portugal; and a French army was now advancing
to execute its allotted task.

On the 28th of June, General Leclerc, having traversed Spain, crossed
the frontiers at the head of thirty thousand men, and laid siege to
Almeida; St. Cyr followed him with another corps. This was an invasion
of a different character from the last, and the Portuguese regent made
more vigorous efforts for defence. He now earnestly solicited the help
of England, and her troops took possession of the island of Madeira
to hold for him. But his best resource was another treaty of peace,
negotiated at Madrid between France and Portugal by the French and
Portuguese ambassadors to Spain, the consul’s brother, Lucien Bonaparte,
and Cipriano Ribeiro Freire. By this treaty, Dom João submitted to pay
£1,000,000 to France, and to surrender a considerable district in the
north of Brazil, the province called Portuguese Guiana, as far as the
mouth of the Amazon, in order to give extent and compactness to French
Guiana or Cayenne. No mention was made of the fortresses which had been
the pretext for this last French invasion.

By the treaties of Amiens (1802) and Lunéville (1801), the king of
Spain recovered Minorca, and saw the Parma branch of his family raised
from the ducal to the royal rank; the future heritage of his eldest
daughter’s children, Portugal, was redeemed from impending subjugation
at the price of some little spoliation, in which he himself shared. But
the greatest advantage the restoration of peace afforded him was the
cessation of the enormous drain upon his resources, naval, military, and
above all financial, which had lately reduced his dominions to a state of
lamentable exhaustion. The expenditure during the war had amounted to
four times the revenue; and only a long period of peace, together with
the most judicious system of economy and fiscal regulation, could have
reinstated Spain in anything like prosperity. Of this there could be no
hope, under the sway of Charles IV, or rather of his favourite Godoy.

THE AUTOCRACY OF GODOY

[Sidenote: [1797-1803 A.D.]]

The king’s attachment to his wife’s paramour bore almost as much the
character of passion as the queen’s. Godoy’s influence over the former
was not to be shaken by representations of his incapacity, or by court
cabal;[108] and over the queen it remained undiminished either by
jealousy or infidelity on either side, to the end of her life. To her
jealousy he owed an alliance with the royal family. He had formed a
criminal connection with a young lady of noble birth; and the queen, to
prevent his marrying her rival, persuaded the king to give him a princess
for his wife. For this purpose an illegal marriage, contracted by the
king’s uncle, Don Luis, a cardinal and archbishop of Toledo, with a lady
of the name of Vallabriga, was sanctioned, and its issue, a son and two
daughters, were recognised as infantes of Spain. The son succeeded his
father as archbishop of Toledo, and was made a cardinal; and the eldest
daughter was bestowed, as an infanta, upon the Prince of the Peace.

[Illustration: QUEEN MARIA LOUISA, WIFE OF CHARLES IV]

So splendid a marriage had no more effect than his intrigue with the
queen in restraining Godoy’s libertinism. It equalled his rapacity;
and the latter vice being almost glutted by the profusion of the royal
pair, his favour was most surely propitiated by those who had a handsome
sister, wife, or daughter to sacrifice to his appetite. The queen,
finding it impossible to rid herself of these innumerable rivals, sought
consolation in emulating his inconstancy. But it never required more
than a word from Godoy to have his rivals overthrown, and his political
opponents entangled in their own snares.

Such scenes of licentiousness could not be daily exhibited at court,
without producing the most noxious effect upon all who came within the
poisonous sphere of their influence. The higher orders were well-nigh
demoralised, and a shameless system of corruption pervaded every branch
of the administration, from the highest to the lowest throughout Spain;
evils compared with which the good really done by the Prince of the Peace
was but as dust in the balance.

When his connection by marriage with the royal family raised him above
any ministerial office, leaving him merely a sort of viceroy over the
whole Spanish monarchy, Godoy introduced some able men in his stead, such
as Saavedra and Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, though the kingdom was not
long permitted to reap the benefit of their talents. Illness afforded
Saavedra a fair pretext for resigning an office which his difference in
opinion from Godoy would scarcely have suffered him to retain, and would
certainly have prevented his exercising according to his judgment and
conscience. Jovellanos incurred the hatred of the queen, by opposing
her constant interference in public affairs; that of Godoy, by joining
in a plot for the abridgment, if not overthrow of his power; he was in
consequence not only dismissed, but rigorously immured in a Carthusian
monastery in Majorca.[109]

The Prince of the Peace affected, in compliance with the fashion of the
day, to be a patron of the arts, of learning, and of modern improvements.
He commanded Pestalozzi’s new system of education to be adopted in Spain;
he recommended the general practice of vaccination, and despatched
vessels to all the colonies for the purpose of introducing that
preventive; and he encouraged to the utmost of his power the patriotic
or economical societies established under the name of Friends of the
Country, in order to promote agriculture, by diffusing the knowledge
of improved methods of tillage amongst the farmers, and assisting with
small loans such as were cramped in their operations by indigence. These
merits were, however, as has been said, nothing to counterbalance the
evils under which Spain laboured, and most of which were ascribed to the
profligate corruption of the court. The yellow fever, which in the years
1800 and 1801 ravaged and partially desolated the south of Spain by the
misery it occasioned, increased the prevailing dissatisfaction; and the
detestation of Godoy was excessive and universal.

By no one was the extent of his power more bitterly felt or his person
more abhorred than by Ferdinand, prince of Asturias. The education of
this prince had been purposely intrusted by the favourite to incapable
persons; the queen hated and persecuted a son upon whom she, perhaps,
looked as a future rival for power. As he advanced to manhood, the
adversaries of Godoy gathered around him, and Don Juan Escoiquiz, canon
of Toledo, the only man of any ability who had been placed about him,
became the head of a sort of party in favour of the prince of Asturias.
In 1802 all these persons, and indeed the country at large, looked
impatiently to Ferdinand’s marriage with Maria Antonia, daughter of the
king of Naples, as the era of some effective change in the court. But the
virtues and talents of Maria Antonia were altogether unavailing against
the arts of her mother-in-law and the influence of Godoy.

[Sidenote: [1803-1805 A.D.]]

Meanwhile the peace that had momentarily tranquillised Europe was
evidently upon the point of ceasing. A burst of passion on the first
consul’s part against Lord Whitworth, the English ambassador, on the
13th of March, 1803, astonished the diplomacy of Europe. On the 12th
of May, 1803, Lord Whitworth left Paris, and on the 18th the king of
England declared war against France. Spain and Portugal were permitted to
remain neutral, but were compelled to purchase that permission by heavy
sacrifices of both wealth and dignity. The pecuniary contributions drawn
by Bonaparte from Spain and Portugal, or wrung from the Hanse towns,
together with the produce of the sale of Louisiana to the United States
of North America, were applied to building and equipping the gunboats
with which he proposed to invade England.

The following year put an end to the neutrality of Spain. At first it
appeared as though she would once more take part against France, for
the court of Madrid vehemently objected to the sale of Louisiana to the
United States, as contrary to the secret conditions upon which that
province had been ceded to France. But the Prince of the Peace was
overawed or bribed by Bonaparte. He contented himself with objecting, and
immediately returned to his former subserviency.

The English envoy Frere was informed by the British admirals cruising off
the Spanish coast that an armament was fitting out at Ferrol, and that
indications of activity appeared in other ports, whilst French soldiers
and sailors were permitted to pass through Spain to recruit a French
fleet lying in a Spanish harbour.

The result of these suspicions was that the British ministry determined
upon the very extraordinary step of ordering, without any previous
declaration of war, the seizure of four Spanish frigates, then bringing
home freights of the precious metals and other valuable merchandise.
These ships were not, it is averred, to be captured as prizes, but in
order to be held as security for the future more impartial neutrality
of Spain. This measure, more in accordance with Bonaparte’s treatment
of neutrals than with the principles of international law, which
England professed to defend, was executed as feebly as it was, perhaps,
unwarrantably conceived. On the 5th of October an engagement ensued, that
ended by the blowing up of one of the Spanish vessels--on board of which
were several passengers of high rank--and the surrender of the others.
This attack and capture during the nominal continuance of peace enraged
the Spanish nation beyond all further show of neutrality, and afforded
too fair a colour to French declamation against England’s naval tyranny.

On the 12th of December, 1804, the court of Madrid declared war against
England in a virulent manifesto; and the Prince of the Peace, now created
generalissimo of his Catholic majesty’s forces (a title devised to give
him the supreme command), published an address, calling upon every
individual Spaniard to assist in avenging the insults of the tyrants
of the sea. The war produced no event this year beyond the capture of
Dutch Guiana (Surinam) by an English expedition. In France Bonaparte
accomplished the transmutation of his office of consul of a republic
into the dignity of emperor. The year 1805 was rich in memorable battles
by sea and land. On the 21st of October, off Trafalgar, Villeneuve and
Gravina the Spanish admiral, with thirty-three sail of the line and
seven frigates, encountered Nelson, who had lured them out of Cadiz, by
persuading them that his force amounted only to twenty-one sail of the
line. They found him with twenty-seven and three frigates. It was too
late to retreat, and they engaged. The battle was one of the hardest
contested and most decisive ever fought at sea. Lord Nelson fell, but
survived long enough to know that the victory was gained. This splendid
victory seems to have nearly annihilated the fleets of France and Spain,
and to have completely repressed Napoleon’s schemes for obtaining any
naval superiority over, or equality with Great Britain. From that time
he appears to have really abandoned the idea of invading England, how
much soever he still threatened. But the maritime triumphs of the latter
country were fearfully balanced by the reverses of her continental
allies. A negotiation was at this time set on foot for detaching Spain
from France; and the court of Madrid showed itself well disposed to
concur in the requisite arrangements. Napoleon’s yoke pressed too heavily
to be ever voluntarily borne; and although Charles IV had, in the first
instance, joyfully hailed the accession to power of an individual able
to control and terminate the revolution, all such kindly disposition
had been forcibly crushed by the barbarous and illegal execution of a
prince of his own Bourbon blood, the duke d’Enghien. To this feeling
of resentment was added fear, nearly equal to that inspired by the
Revolution itself, when the conqueror of Europe began to dethrone
sovereigns and to distribute crowns amongst his own kindred.

[Sidenote: [1805-1806 A.D.]]

Charles, notwithstanding his fears of Napoleon, had still delayed to
acknowledge the usurper of half his brother Ferdinand’s kingdom; and
when he understood that, in his negotiation with England, the emperor
insisted upon Sicily likewise for Joseph, and proposed to dismember
Spain of Minorca, Majorca, and Iviza, by way of compensation to the
despoiled king of Naples, Charles’ indignation burst forth, and Godoy’s
imperfectly appeased fears revived. A plan of future operations was
concerted between the Prince of the Peace in person, and the Russian and
Portuguese ambassadors, the secret of which was carefully kept even from
the Spanish ministers. It was arranged that Spain and Portugal should arm
under colour of hostilities against each other; and that, at the moment
when Russia should take the field, their united armies, supported by the
fleets of England, should invade the south of France.

Spain bitterly felt the consequences of war with England in the loss of
her fleets, and the consequent interruption to her intercourse with her
colonies. On June 27th, 1806, the English officer Popham seized Buenos
Ayres. The enterprise was in every way rash and ill-advised. He had not
troops sufficient to maintain his conquest, and it was recovered by the
Spaniards. But the English, if driven out of Buenos Ayres, were not
expelled from the country, and this alarmed the Spanish government for
its transatlantic empire. Sympathising in the anger and terror awakened
in Charles’ mind by the words Napoleon had uttered while stepping into
his carriage to set off for the Prussian frontiers (“If Charles IV will
not acknowledge my brother as king of the Two Sicilies, his successor
shall”), and elated with the tidings of the new German war, Godoy lost
sight of the secrecy and caution in which his hostile designs had
hitherto been wrapped. Without waiting for the proposed co-operation of
either England or Russia, he flung aside the mask. He did not, indeed,
announce that France was the enemy with whom he contemplated a war, but
he published a proclamation (October 5th, 1806) in which he summoned the
nation to arms.

On the 14th of the same month Napoleon, in the terrible battle of Jena,
completely routed, dispersed, and destroyed the Prussian army. In the
palace at Berlin, Napoleon read the imprudent manifesto of the Prince
of the Peace; and if the destiny of the Bourbon kings of Spain had been
previously doubtful, it was thenceforward sealed. The news of Jena struck
the Prince of the Peace and his infatuated sovereigns with affright
proportionate to their recent presumption; and they strove to obviate
the effects of their imprudence by various means, which, contradicting
each other, proved the bad faith against the French emperor which they
endeavoured to deny. The French and Spanish newspapers were filled with
paragraphs, in some of which the manifesto was alleged to be a forgery
by the enemies of the Prince of the Peace; whilst in others it was
avowed as directed against either England or the emperor of Morocco.
The decree for levying troops was immediately revoked, and a second
circular ordered the governors to disregard the former. Godoy did not,
however, rely upon the effects of these artifices. He is believed to have
lavished his ill-gotten treasures upon the agents of French diplomacy,
whilst he sent a private envoy of his own, distinct from the king’s, Don
Eugenio Izquierdo, to Berlin, humbly to confess and implore forgiveness.
Napoleon felt that this was not the season for engaging in a new war,
and he suffered the hostile demonstration of the court of Madrid to
pass unnoticed. But he sought yet further to weaken Spain by requiring
that sixteen thousand of her best troops, under her best general, the
marquis de la Romana, should be sent into Prussia as reinforcements of
the northern army. It was at this period that the famous Berlin decree
was published, declaring the British Islands in a state of blockade; and
Spain was of course required fully to concur in the execution of this
fantastic measure.

[Sidenote: [1806-1807 A.D.]]

Charles IV, overjoyed at his seeming escape from certain destruction,
strove to express his gratitude to Godoy, to whose address he ascribed
his supposed safety, by new honours and rewards. The favourite was
appointed high admiral, when scarce a ship remained; he received the
title of “most serene highness,” never before borne in Spain but by the
two Don Johns, the illegitimate sons of Charles V and of Philip IV;
and he was named protector of commerce and the colonies. Adorned with
these new dignities, Godoy made a sort of triumphal entry into Madrid
that offended the people, and both alarmed and irritated the prince of
Asturias. Orders were given for the burning of all English manufactures,
conformably to the injunctions of the Berlin decree; Joseph Bonaparte
was acknowledged as king of the Two Sicilies, and Ferdinand IV’s name
inserted in the court almanac merely as a prince of the blood, the eldest
of the king’s brothers; and king, queen, and favourite remained satisfied
that they had fully appeased and satisfied the master of the continent.

On the 7th of July, 1807, the treaty was signed at Tilsit, by which the
czar Alexander ratified all Napoleon’s changes of European sovereigns.
The French emperor, convinced that the czar was inalienably his friend,
returned to Paris towards the end of July, and devoted his meditations to
the punishment of Charles IV, and the subjugation of Spain and Portugal.
One of the first steps in execution of his designs upon the peninsula
was, in the month of August, to order the French and Spanish ambassadors
conjointly to declare to the prince-regent of Portugal that he must
concur in the Continental System--_viz._, shut his ports against English
commerce, confiscate all English property, and imprison all English
subjects to be found within his dominions, or they were instructed
immediately to leave Lisbon.

Portugal’s hesitation at once to obey the imperious mandate afforded
a sort of pretence for hostility which Napoleon eagerly seized, and
submission came too late. Neither could Spain’s mediation be hoped. The
fears or the ambition of Godoy had prevailed over the parental feelings
of the now nearly imbecile Charles IV, and Spain was endeavouring to
share in the spoil, not to protect the victim. A treaty, the shameless
iniquity of which can be paralleled only by the treaties between Austria,
Russia, and Prussia for the partition of Poland, had been signed at
Fontainebleau, on the 27th of October. By this treaty Charles surrendered
to Napoleon his infant grandson’s kingdom of Etruria (King Louis I
had been dead some years), over which he had no right whatever, and
bargained to receive for him in its stead the small northern provinces
of Portugal, Entre-Minho-e-Douro and Tras-os-Montes, under the name of
the kingdom of Northern Lusitania, which kingdom the young monarch was
to hold in vassalage of the crown of Spain. The much larger southern
provinces, Alemtejo and Algarve, were to constitute the principality of
the Algarves, for Godoy, under a similar tenure. And the middle provinces
were to be occupied by Napoleon until a general peace, when, in exchange
for Gibraltar, Trinidad, and any other Spanish possession conquered by
England, they might be restored to the family of Braganza, upon like
terms of dependence. The Portuguese colonies were to be equally divided
between France and Spain.

Neither Napoleon nor Godoy had waited for the actual signature of this
treaty to commence their operations for carrying it into effect, so
impatient were both to secure their prey. On the 18th of October, Junot,
in obedience to his master’s orders, crossed the Pyrenees, and, being
kindly received by the Spaniards, began his march towards the Portuguese
frontiers, whilst the Spanish troops were equally put in motion towards
their respective destinations.

As will be more fully described in the Portuguese history, the invaders
met practically no resistance, and the royal family fled across the ocean
to Brazil.

The first steps towards the execution of the Treaty of Fontainebleau
being thus taken, the Prince of the Peace became impatient for its
publication, and his own installation in his allotted dominions. But it
is very doubtful whether Napoleon ever meant that treaty for more than
a means of facilitating his ulterior designs; if he did, his purpose
was now changed, and he no longer intended to admit of any partnership
in his new acquisition. But even whilst he was negotiating the treaty
with Godoy, his ambassador, Beauharnais, was artfully fomenting the
dissensions existing in the Spanish royal family.[b]

NAPOLEON SCHEMES FOR SPAIN

Napoleon was tempted to take Spain, and yet knew not how to seize such
a rich prey. In the meantime one of those scandals broke out at the
Escorial which showed up in full light the miseries of dynasties, which
must suffer, in common with the poorest, ills common to mankind yet
cannot like them hide their woes from the world. Charles IV, given up
to pleasure, passed from the hunt to the studio, from the studio to the
stable. The queen, occupied only in preserving what beauty time had left
her, sacrificed her duties as a wife and a sovereign to the sole desire
of keeping the love of Godoy. The Prince of the Peace, without being
quite indifferent to the country’s interests, put his own fortune first.
Master of the queen, to whom, moreover, he allowed unworthy rivals, he
flattered Napoleon, from whom he hoped a crown. In the same palace lived
Ferdinand, prince of Asturias, heir to the throne, a man who was grossly
artificial and wicked, yet one whom Spain was disposed to obey if only
to show hatred to the Prince of the Peace. Ferdinand’s chief counsellors
were the duke de Infantado, strongly attached to all the prejudices
of an ancient régime, ambitious, but with all the inflexibility of an
honest man, and his tutor Escoiquiz, of a supple and dreamy disposition,
ambitious to play the rôle of Ximenes or at least of Cardinal Fleury. It
was with such personages that Napoleon was to dispute the possession of
Spain.

[Sidenote: [1807-1808 A.D.]]

Napoleon had known for a long time of the quarrels which divided the
court of Madrid, for Ferdinand also had asked his help; and, to replace
the princess of Asturias, who had just died, had asked through the
intervention of M. de Beauharnais the hand of a princess of the Bonaparte
family. Napoleon had received these overtures with a certain surprise,
neither absolutely accepting nor rejecting. Ferdinand, as he wrote to M.
de Beauharnais, was “surrounded even in his private rooms by observant
spies.” His writing for some time past had given these spies cause for
anxiety, and on the 27th of October the queen persuaded her weak-minded
husband to order the prince’s apartments to be ransacked for papers.
It was a terrible blow. In Ferdinand’s rooms was discovered a secret
alphabet destined for a mysterious correspondence, an order, with the
date left blank, which named the duke de Infantado governor of New
Castile, and a memorial destined by Ferdinand for his father, in which
he denounced the crimes of the Prince of the Peace and the complicity
of his mother. The queen was furious; she saw in these papers the proof
of a conspiracy, and demanded the immediate arrest of the prince and
his accomplices. Ferdinand was confined to his own rooms, and Charles
IV addressed a proclamation to the Spanish people in which he accused
his son of trying to assassinate him. At the same time this unhappy king
wrote to Napoleon to denounce the crime, expressing a readiness to alter
the succession to the throne.

The chance, so long expected, had at length arrived. Napoleon, who had as
yet taken no definite steps, wrote to Beauharnais to be very observant
but to do nothing, and hastened the march of his troops towards the
Pyrenees. To the army commanded by General Dupont he joined another
which he called “the observation corps for the coast line,” and gave
the command to Marshal Moncey, who had already fought in Spain. Hardly
was Ferdinand arrested, when he gave signs of contemptible weakness.
He denounced his confidants, humiliated himself before the Prince of
the Peace, implored pardon of his father and mother in dishonourable
letters, and left his friends to appear before the judges--judges who,
fortunately, had the courage to acquit them. The Prince of the Peace
was not without anxiety. His hopes were ruined if Ferdinand married a
princess of the imperial family. On the other hand, his principality in
Portugal now seemed a little risky since Junot governed as master, and
ceded no place to Spaniards. At the same time he also saw Charles IV much
flattered by an alliance with the imperial family and resolved to solicit
it.

It was only in the month of January, 1808, that the emperor thought of
taking definite action. Three projects suggested themselves: to marry
Ferdinand to a French princess and so make him a vassal of the empire;
to cede Spain a portion of Portugal and take all the provinces beyond
the Ebro; or else dethrone the Bourbons and replace them by a Bonaparte.
He stopped at this last resolution, and prepared his designs with a rare
duplicity. On the 20th of February he sent Murat into Spain with orders
to occupy Pamplona, Barcelona, and San Sebastian, and to get on as far as
Madrid.

Napoleon really hoped so to reduce the Spanish sovereign by terror
that he, imitating the house of Braganza in Portugal, would flee, or
attempt to flee, into America. Then he would take possession of the
vacant throne. This plan should have succeeded. The queen and the Prince
of the Peace were terrified and thought seriously of setting out, and
brought the old king to their way of thinking. Everything failed owing
to the resistance of the prince of Asturias. Ferdinand reckoned on the
friendship of Napoleon. A part of the nation had the same illusion about
the French, regarding them as rescuers come to free them and drive away
the Prince of the Peace. So preparations for the king’s flight met with
lively opposition. The king was obliged to address a proclamation to the
people saying he would not go, and to show himself at the palace windows
to receive the evidence of an affection mingled with suspicion and
threats. On the 17th of March, troops arriving to escort the king only
served to augment the agitation. That very evening there was a rising.
The crowd ran to the palace, obliged the king to show himself, then went
to the house of the Prince of the Peace. Furious at not finding him, they
revenged themselves by pillaging the house. These disorders troubled the
king and queen for two reasons: they were anxious for their favourite,
for whose safety they were most concerned, and they saw in these scenes
the image of the French Revolution; and so feared for themselves the fate
of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette.

[Illustration: JOSEPH BONAPARTE]

On the 18th of March, to save the Prince of the Peace, the king stripped
him of all his offices and exiled him. But this only produced a temporary
lull. On the 19th, the prince, who for two days had been living hidden in
a barn in a bundle of osiers, decided to come out of his hiding-place.
Discovered immediately, he had great trouble, though protected by some
bodyguards, to escape the violence of the crowd. He was taken to a
barracks which served him both as prison and refuge. A furious crowd
followed and threatened to force the doors. Troubled by the cries which
they heard from afar, the king and queen had recourse to Ferdinand,
begging him to save his friend. The prince agreed with triumphant joy,
presented himself at the barracks, dispersed the crowd by telling them
justice should be done, and appearing before Godoy promised him pardon.
“Are you already king, that you grant pardon?” cried the prisoner. “No,”
answered Ferdinand, “but I shall be, soon.”

CHARLES IV ABDICATES; THE BOURBONS AT BAYONNE

He was indeed to be king that very day, for a little while only, it is
true; but how could he guess the fate which awaited him? The king and
queen were utterly terrified, and on learning that the crowd had just
wrecked the carriage destined to take away the Prince of the Peace,
their fright redoubled. To save their lives and that of their friend
they did not hesitate to lay down the royal power. Charles IV signed his
abdication and Ferdinand was proclaimed amid outbursts of frantic joy.[f]

Ferdinand VII, notwithstanding the neglect of his solicitations for
Napoleon’s protection, seems to have felt no mistrust of the emperor’s
good-will towards himself. He retained several of his father’s ministers,
especially Cevallos, although allied by marriage to Godoy; but he
likewise raised the chief of those who had been imprisoned, as his
accomplices in the conspiracy of the preceding October, to high posts.
He released Jovellanos from prison; confiscated the property of the
Prince of the Peace, without awaiting his trial; and repealed some
vexatious taxes. The nation was delighted with their new monarch; but
their exultation and Ferdinand’s joy in his accession, and trust in the
supposed favour of Napoleon, were alike short-lived.

Napoleon himself seems to have been momentarily perplexed by the tumults
at Aranjuez and the old king’s abdication. He had hoped probably to find
the kingdom deserted by its rulers, and open to the first occupant. He
paused upon his journey to await what should next occur; whilst Murat,
under pretence of besieging Gibraltar, pressed forward with such celerity
that, on the 23rd of March, he entered the town, and established himself
in the magnificent palace of the Prince of the Peace. Upon Ferdinand’s
arrival, Murat paid him neither military nor personal honours, alleging
the necessity of learning Napoleon’s decision upon the late transactions,
ere the prince of Asturias could be acknowledged as king of Spain.

With a French army in Madrid, Ferdinand saw that the stability of his
throne depended upon his recognition by the emperor of France. He
therefore addressed a justificatory account of the recent events to
Napoleon, and renewed his solicitations for the hand of an imperial
princess. Evidently Napoleon never meant to acknowledge Ferdinand as
king; but it was essential to his schemes, since he could not frighten
the whole Spanish royal family away, to get them all into his own hands;
and Charles’ vacillating conduct afforded him the means of so doing.
Charles wrote to the French emperor, protesting against his abdication
as forced. The old queen, and her daughter the queen of Etruria, wrote
to Murat, begging him to save the life of his and their friend, Godoy,
and declared that they wished only some safe asylum where they and he
might spend the remainder of their lives together. Murat promised his
support.[b]

Napoleon sent Savary to Madrid, commissioned not to recognise the prince
of Asturias but to flatter his hopes and make him decide to come to
Bayonne, where the emperor himself was going. In fact the whole business
resolved itself into getting hold of Ferdinand, and was nothing more than
a trap. Murat, Savary, Beauharnais--all were in the conspiracy; the first
hoping for a crown, the last with the good faith of misguided honesty.
Savary alone knew Napoleon’s designs and served them without scruple.
Ferdinand and his counsellors had entire faith in the emperor. Ferdinand
hoped to avoid other concessions by giving up some colonies to France.
Only, to obtain this, an interview with the emperor would be necessary.
Another motive urged Ferdinand to take this imprudent journey. Murat only
showed deference to the old sovereigns, and affected to render them all
the homage due to royalty. It was necessary that Ferdinand should see
Napoleon and be recognised by him as king of Spain.

As soon as they learned of their son’s projected journey, the old
sovereigns, left at Aranjuez, also wanted to go to him whom they called
their protector and friend. Soon, therefore, the emperor had under his
hand the whole Spanish dynasty. These journeys, however, were not
accomplished without difficulty. The people of Madrid threatened at first
to oppose Ferdinand’s departure, and the prince himself became seriously
uneasy when he learned at Burgos that the emperor was still at Bordeaux.
He went on however as far as Vitoria, but once in this town he refused
to go farther. General Savary tried persuasion, then threats, but all to
no purpose. He therefore went to the emperor, who had just arrived at
Bayonne, and obtained for Ferdinand a letter full of promises calculated
to make him decide to continue his journey. In case he should resist,
Savary brought to Murat and Bessières an order to arrest Ferdinand and
proclaim Charles IV.

Without knowing of the threatened danger, Ferdinand still hesitated.
If many of his counsellors were urging him on, defiance was bursting
out all around, and Izquierdo, coming expressly from Vitoria, predicted
exactly all the evils that would break over Ferdinand and the empire. The
emperor’s letter silenced all scruples, and, reassured by fresh promises
from Savary, Ferdinand set out surrounded by an escort which would not
have allowed him to change his mind. When the Bidassoa was crossed,
Ferdinand there only found Berthier and Duroc, who saluted him as prince
of Asturias. At Bayonne, the emperor received him cordially, embraced him
and kept him to dinner, but always as prince of Asturias. Finally, that
very evening, the emperor, who had now no need for dissimulation, told
Escoiquiz that he had need of Spain; that he had resolved to dethrone the
Bourbons, and offered to make Ferdinand king of Etruria. Simultaneously
Savary made the same communication to the prince. It was a terrible
blow![f]

LAFUENTE’S ACCOUNT OF THE _DOS DE MAYO_

We draw near to one of those critical, supreme, and solemn moments in the
history of nations when the excess of an evil brings inspiration, and
counsels a remedy; when indignation at the treachery of some, sorrow at
the humiliation and degradation of others, produce in a people an eager
and salutary reaction respecting their outraged dignity; which causes
them to recover themselves, gives rise to grand ideas, and endows them
with the courage of anger and desperation, resulting in an impetuous and
heroic outburst, in which, finally, they rehabilitate their tarnished
honour, and regain their lost courage. Popular instinct, being by this
time more prudent and far-seeing than governors and councillors, and as
suspicious and distrustful of the French as it had been previously simple
and candid, saw with sorrow the tortuous turn taken by public affairs.
The people of Madrid were specially mortified by the journey and absence
of their beloved Ferdinand, brought about by deceptions and stratagems;
by the liberty given to the hated Godoy, through the influence of the
emperor and his agents; and by Murat’s efforts to cause Charles IV to be
re-acknowledged king.

Outside Madrid, in Toledo and Burgos, riots and risings took place, in
which some excesses were committed, which although provoked by French
impudence and audacity served Murat as an excuse for presenting imperious
and haughty complaints to the supreme junta, exaggerating injuries and
making them the motive of harassing it with exactions and petitions.
Seeing the junta inefficient and weak, Murat haughty and daring daily
reviewing his force, the capital occupied by the brilliant imperial guard
of infantry and cavalry and by the infantry commanded by Musnier, the
Retiro fortified with artillery, Marshal Moncey’s force surrounding the
environs of Madrid, and a second line farther back composed of Dupont’s
divisions, in the Escorial, Aranjuez, and Toledo, forming in all an army
of twenty-five thousand men, while the Spanish garrison barely numbered
three thousand--the oppressed people became secretly agitated; the very
French detected a certain hatred in the looks of the residents, and noted
a gloom on their faces, a sign of the concentrated rage hidden in their
breasts, which fear alone restrained, and which needed but a light breath
to cause it to break out in an impetuous explosion. To this was added the
rumour spread abroad, and the idea which the people had formed of the
heroic resistance which it was said Ferdinand was opposing in Bayonne
against renouncing the crown, which Napoleon, wishing to wrest it from
him, was urging him to do, Ferdinand being in their eyes the defenceless
victim of the imperial violence. The junta continued to step from
concession to concession, from weakness to weakness. They speedily found
themselves involved in a new dispute.

On the 30th of April the grand duke of Berg (Murat) presented himself
before the junta, bearing a letter from Charles IV to the president, the
infante, summoning to Bayonne his two children, the queen of Etruria, and
the infante Don Francisco.

Eventually the 2nd of May [_dos de Mayo_] dawned, a day that was to be
ever remembered. From the early morning the signs which generally herald
a popular rising were noticeable. Numerous groups of men and women, among
which were many peasants from the suburbs who had remained over night,
filled the Plaza de Palacio, from whence the infantes were to leave
Madrid. At nine o’clock the carriage bearing the queen of Etruria and her
children left without opposition and without sign of feeling from the
people, partly because they looked on her as almost a foreign princess,
and partly because she was of those who opposed Ferdinand. The servants
of the palace spread the report that the infante Don Francisco, still a
child, was crying, because he did not wish to leave Madrid; this excited
the pity of the women and the anger of the men. At this moment Murat’s
aide-de-camp Lagrange came upon the scene, and the people thinking he was
come to hasten the departure of the prince, a general murmur was heard.

One spark is sufficient to ignite well prepared fuel. At the cry of
an old woman--“God help me! They are taking all the royal family to
France!”--the multitude rushed upon the grand duke’s aide-de-camp,
who would have fallen a victim to the fury of the populace had not an
officer of the Walloon guard shielded him with his body. Murat, who
lived close by and heard of what was passing in the vicinity of the
palace, despatched a battalion with two pieces of artillery. This troop
fired a volley on the defenceless multitude, without previous warning.
Instantly the residents of Madrid rushed into the streets, armed with
guns, carbines, swords, pikes, and as many other arms as each one could
carry; and with daring courage fell impetuously upon all the Frenchmen
they encountered, although those who begged for mercy were shut up in
a safe place, and, with a few exceptions, those who remained in their
houses were respected. Murat, who was accustomed to fighting, both on the
field and in the streets and squares of large towns, now set his forces
in movement, in such a manner that, coming from the different extremes of
the capital and converging by the principal streets to the centre of the
town, they came up scattering the multitude; while the imperial guard,
commanded by Daumesnil, struck at the groups, stabbing the people. And
the Polish lancers and the mamelukes, who distinguished themselves by
their cruelty, forced the houses from whence the people were firing on
them, or where they supposed they were firing, and entering sacked them
and killed the residents.

[Illustration: THE FRENCH IN SPAIN]

In spite of the disparity of the forces, and the superiority due to
equipment, instruction, and military discipline, the people fought with
extraordinary valour; many sold their lives dearly; sometimes the mob
forced masses of cavalry to retreat; others fired from a corner with
dexterous skill, while from the balconies, windows, and roofs men and
women threw down all kinds of implements on the imperial troops. But it
was impossible for a people without leaders and undisciplined to sustain
the struggle.

The rumour that the French had attacked one of the other barracks moved
the already hesitating artillery corps to take part with the people,
and the valiant officers Don Pedro Velarde and Don Luis Daoiz, taking
the lead, commanded three cannon to be brought out and supported by the
peasants and by a picket of infantry commanded by an officer called Ruiz;
they proposed to repulse the enemy, and shortly succeeded in compelling
a detachment of one hundred French to surrender. But presently Lefranc’s
column came down upon them, and a desperate struggle ensued, deadly
volleys were discharged, the losses on either side were numerous; in the
beginning of the conflict Ruiz fell to the ground mortally wounded; the
intrepid Velarde died gloriously, pierced by a ball; but ammunition ran
short and the French charged with their bayonets. Such was the defence
of the artillery, which cost the French dear, and such the example of
patriotism given by the valiant Daoiz and Velarde to the glory and honour
of Spain, who have been ever since, and will ever be, the eternal objects
of the veneration and worship of their country.[110]

The members of the junta of government wished to give proof of humanity
if they had not shown energy, and commissioned two of their number to
carry word to Murat that if he would give orders for the firing to
cease, they would re-establish quiet in the town. Murat acceded; and
the commissioners went through the streets waving white handkerchiefs
crying “Peace! Peace!” The multitude quieted down upon the promise of
reconciliation and pardon for the past. Many unfortunates owed their
lives to this step; the entrances to the streets were guarded by the
French; at certain places cannon were mounted with lighted match in
readiness to complete the terror of the people, a fatal sign that the
reconciliation and pardon were soon to be converted into desolation and
vengeance.

Meanwhile the horrible edict, or order, given below had been published,
though scarcely anyone was aware of its publication:

SOLDIERS:

The ill-advised populace of Madrid has risen in arms and
committed murders. I am well aware that Spaniards worthy of
the name have lamented that such excesses should have been
committed, and I am far from confounding them with a few
miserable wretches who live only for plunder and crime. But the
French blood which has been spilt cries out for vengeance. For
this reason I have issued the following order: Article I, This
night General Grouchy shall assemble the military commission.
Article II, All those who were taken in the rebellion carrying
arms shall be shot. Article III, The junta or government is
about to command the inhabitants of Madrid to be disarmed.
All the residents of the town when the time required for the
execution of this resolution has elapsed, who shall continue
to carry arms, or keep such in their houses without special
license, shall be shot. Article IV, Any band of more than eight
persons shall be looked upon as a meeting of rebels, and fired
on till they disperse. Article V, Every town or village where
a Frenchman is murdered shall be burned. Article VI, Masters
shall answer for their servants, owners of factories for their
employees, fathers for their sons, and superiors of convents
for their religious. Article VII, Authors of written or printed
seditious pamphlets, and those who distribute or sell them,
shall be looked upon as agents of the English and as such shall
be shot.

(Signed), JOACHIM.

Given in our headquarters of Madrid, on the 2nd of May, 1808.
By order of his royal highness, the chief of the staff,

BELLIARD.

In accordance with this Draconian edict the French searched everyone,
and seized all persons bearing arms, even though it were a penknife or
scissors; some they shot upon the spot, and imprisoned others in the
barracks or in the Casa de Correo, where the military commission had been
established. Night came on, and its appalling silence was unbroken save
for the roar of the cannon discharged at intervals, or the report of the
guns, as the unfortunate residents, in bands or bound in twos, were shot,
without their defence being heard, close to the hall of the Prado at the
spot where now stands a sad but glorious monument, recording and handing
down to posterity the patriotism of those who were here sacrificed; which
monument is a pillar of shame for this inhuman sacrifice.

Such was the end of the popular movement of the 2nd of May, a day
eternally remembered in Spanish annals.[111] The country honours her
sons who offered themselves as a holocaust for her, and every year a
solemn civic religious ceremony takes place which keeps that day of
mourning and weeping, and of glory to the country fresh in the memory of
every Spaniard. Nor was this a _coup d’état_ coldly prepared and planned
by Murat, as some have imagined, nor a plot arranged by Spaniards in
patriotic unions, as others say; it was a spontaneous and unpremeditated
outburst, an explosion of pent-up anger on the part of a people invaded
by deceptions and perfidy, deprived by treachery of the objects of
their affection and of their devotion, of their kings and princes, and
dominated by the haughty and hypocritical foreigner. And Murat seized the
opportunity offered him and which he had watched coming, to humiliate
Castilian pride, and smooth the road to seat a French prince on the
Spanish throne, a throne which his imagination represented to him as
being within his own reach.

On the following day houses and shops were closed, the streets were
deserted and silent, the silence being unbroken save by the imposing
echo of the measured tread of the French patrols, making their rounds.
The edict of the preceding day was affixed in the public places.[112]
Murat further published a proclamation beginning, “Valiant Spaniards: the
2nd of May will be for me, as it will be for you, a day of mourning.”
He blamed the common enemy of France and Spain for this rebellion; he
declared that he had received a previous warning of it which he had not
credited, until the rebellion had burst upon him, and he was compelled to
chastise the offenders; he assured them that the emperor was anxious to
preserve the integrity of the Spanish monarchy without separating from it
a single village or exacting any war tax; he exhorted the ministers of
the church, the magistrates, gentlemen, landholders, and merchants to use
their influence to keep down sedition.[d]

Meanwhile by Napoleon’s orders Charles IV, Maria Louisa, and Godoy had
been sent to Bayonne where Ferdinand awaited Napoleon’s nod.[a]

THE ROYAL FAMILY AT BAYONNE

Immediately after the arrival of the royal parents, with Napoleon’s
approval, Godoy being their principal and well-nigh only councillor,
Ferdinand was summoned, and in the presence of the foreign sovereign
Charles commanded him to restore the crown on the morning of the
following day by means of a pure and simple abdication, threatening him
that, in event of his refusal, he, his brothers, and all his suite should
from that moment be treated as exiles.

Napoleon supported him with energy, and when Ferdinand was about to
reply, his august father sprang from his seat, and attempted to strike
him, accusing him of wishing to deprive him of life as well as of his
crown. The queen, silent up to then, became enraged, outraging her son
with insulting affronts, being carried away to such a point by her
ungovernable anger that, according to Napoleon, she herself begged him
to bring Ferdinand to the scaffold, which demand, if true, coming from
a mother, strikes one with horror. Her son remained mute, and sent in
his abdication, dated May 1st, on these conditions: that the king his
father should return to Madrid, whither Ferdinand should accompany him,
to be treated as his most dutiful son; that in presence of an assembly of
the cortes Ferdinand should formally renounce the crown, explaining his
motives for so doing; that King Charles should not take back with him to
Spain any persons who had justly incurred the nation’s hatred.

Charles IV, as might be supposed, did not accede to his son’s conditions,
and on the 2nd sent him a written reply, in which, in the midst of
various severe though just reflections, Napoleon’s hand is discerned,
and even his expressions--such as: “Everything must be done for the
people, and nothing for himself; I cannot consent to any convocation of
an assembly; a new suggestion of your inexperienced followers.” Such was
Bonaparte’s invariable aversion to popular assemblies, although without
them he might have remained in the obscurity in which fate had placed him.

On the 5th of May, the report reached Bayonne of what had occurred in
Madrid on the _Dos de Mayo_. It was five in the afternoon; all were
seated save the prince. Charles repeated his former accusations, insulted
Ferdinand with asperity, blamed him for the rising and for the consequent
deaths; and, calling him a perfidious traitor, again warned him that
unless he resigned the crown he should be declared a usurper without
delay, and he and all his household looked upon as conspirators against
the life of their sovereign. On the 6th Ferdinand, being intimidated,
made a pure and simple abdication in favour of his father in the terms
set down by the latter. Charles had not waited for his son’s abdication
to conclude a treaty with Napoleon by which he ceded to him the crown
without any other restriction than that of preserving the integrity
of the kingdom and the Catholic religion to the exclusion of all
others. Small and petty even to the last, Don Manuel Godoy only haggled
obstinately over an article relating to pensions. For the rest, the
manner in which Charles gave up the crown covered with shame the father,
who with one blow indirectly deprived all his sons of their succession
to the throne. Arranged in a foreign land, in the eyes of the world this
abdication lacked the indispensable circumstance of having been executed
freely and willingly, above all being in favour of the sovereign within
whose territory this important article had been inserted in the treaty.

So ended the reign of Charles IV; and no one better than himself gives
us an exact and true idea of his life than, when dining with Napoleon in
Bayonne, he expressed himself as follows: “Every day, winter and summer,
I went hunting until twelve o’clock; then I dined, and immediately
returned to my hunting until twilight. Manuel [Godoy] gave me the news,
and I went to bed, to begin the same life on the following day, unless
some important ceremony prevented me.” Such was the manner in which
the king had governed for the space of twenty years. According to the
sketch which he draws of himself, he merits the same title [_fainéant_]
as that applied to various kings of France of the Merovingian dynasty.
Nevertheless, Charles possessed qualities which might have made him
shine as a king, and fulfil all the duties of his high calling, but for
his idleness and the weakness which caused him to blindly give way to
the queen’s will and irregular caprices. With another wife than Maria
Louisa, his reign would not have compared unfavourably with that of
his august predecessor, and although the situation of Europe was very
different, as a result of the French Revolution, yet, well governed and
without interior discord, Spain might perhaps have peacefully continued
her industries and advancement without upheavals and confusion. The
abdication of Ferdinand in favour of Charles IV, and of the latter in
favour of Napoleon being formally drawn up, there yet lacked Ferdinand’s
renouncement of his rights as prince of Asturias, because although he
had restored the crown to his father on the 6th of May, he had not by
this act renounced his rights as immediate heir. It appears according
to Don Pedro Cevallos[g] that upon Ferdinand refusing to accede to this
last concession Napoleon said, “There is no medium, prince, between
renouncement and death.” Others deny this threat, and indeed it would
seem strange that such rigorous measures should have been resorted to
with a person who had so clearly shown his weakness.

The queen of Etruria, in spite of the flattering attention she had
bestowed on Murat and the French, was no happier in her negotiations
than the rest of her family. The Treaty of Fontainebleau could not be
kept with her son because Napoleon had promised the deputies of Portugal
to maintain the integrity of that kingdom; nor could indemnification be
granted her in Italy, as to allow any branch of the Bourbons to reign
in that country was contrary to Napoleon’s great views; the queen was
compelled to be satisfied with this reply, accept the pension allotted
her, and submit to the same fate as her parents.

During the stay of the prince of Asturias and the infantes in Bayonne
various plots were set on foot for their escape. A resident of Cevera de
Alhama received money from the supreme junta of Madrid for that purpose.
The duke of Mahon had sent the offer of a large sum from San Sebastian
for the same object. Ferdinand’s counsellors received the money in his
name and by his orders, but the flight never took place, although
several plans were proposed. They would have required less vigilance on
the part of the French government and more courage on the part of the
Spanish princes to bring them to a successful ending.

The renouncements being formally executed, Napoleon lost no time in
despatching the members of the royal family of Spain to the interior of
France. Charles IV and his wife, the queen of Etruria and her children,
the infante Don Francisco, and the Prince of the Peace, left for
Fontainebleau on the 10th of May, and thence proceeded to Compiègne. On
the 11th Ferdinand VII, his brother and uncle, the infantes Don Carlos
and Don Antonio, left Bayonne; the palace of Valençay, the property of
Prince Talleyrand, being assigned as their residence.[h]

FOOTNOTES

[106] [“The rapidity with which she loaded Don Manuel Godoy with
advancement, favours, lands, and distinctions for which he had no
particular merit, gave ground for evil reports. In a few years he was
made successively knight commander of the order of Santiago, captain of
his company, officer of the Spanish lifeguards, captain-general of the
corps, brigadier of the royal forces, field-marshal, gentleman of his
majesty’s chamber with office, sergeant-major of the royal bodyguard,
knight of the Grand Cross of the royal and distinguished order of Charles
III, grandee of Spain with the title of duke of Alcudia, councillor of
state (from 1784-1791), and superintendent-general of posts and roads,
etc.”--LAFUENTE.[d]]

[107] [An earlier exception to the rule is to be found in the case of
Luis de Haro, who received the same title of Prince of the Peace after
the conclusion of the Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659.]

[108] [Godoy[e] in his memoirs uses the fact of the king’s unchanging
devotion as a proof that his relations with the queen were honest and
that he held his post purely by his devoted fidelity to both king and
queen.]

[109] [The count de Toreño[h] says of him: “No sooner did he hold out
protection to wise and esteemed men than he humbled them. At the same
time that he was encouraging a special science, establishing a new
professorship, or supporting some measure of improvement, he allowed
the marquis Caballero, a declared enemy to advancement and learning,
to trace out a scheme of general public instruction to be adopted in
all the universities, which was incoherent and unworthy of the century,
permitting him also to make serious omissions and alterations in the
codes of law. Although he banished from the court and exiled all those
whom he believed to be opposed to him, or who displeased him, as a
general rule he did not carry his persecutions any farther, nor was he by
nature cruel; he showed himself cruel and hard only with respect to the
illustrious Jovellanos; sordid in his avarice, he sold, as if in public
auction, offices, magistratures, dignities, sees, sometimes for himself,
sometimes for his mistresses, sometimes to satisfy the caprices of the
queen.”]

[110] [Napier[i] says these officers were “in a state of great excitement
from drink.”]

[111] [The feeling the Spaniards cherish for this futile riot may be
compared to the American regard for the similar occasion known as the
Boston “Massacre” of 1770.]

[112] [Of the _Dos de Mayo_ Napier[i] says: “This celebrated tumult,
in which the wild cry of Spanish warfare was first heard, has been
represented by authors who adopt all the reports of the day, sometimes as
a wanton massacre, sometimes as a barbarous political stroke to impress a
dread of French power. It was neither. The fiery temper of the Spaniards,
excited by strange events and the recent tumults against Godoy, rendered
an explosion inevitable, and so it happened. If the French had stimulated
this disposition to violence, with a view to an example, they would have
prepared some check on the Spanish garrison; they would not have left
their hospital unguarded, or have so arranged that their own loss should
surpass that of the Spaniards; finally, they would have profited from
their policy after having suffered the injury. Moncey and Harispe were,
however, most active in restoring order, and, including the peasants
killed outside the gates and the executions afterwards, the whole number
of the Spanish slain did not exceed one hundred and twenty, while more
than five hundred French were killed. Amongst the wounded were seventy of
the imperial guards, which would alone disprove any premeditation: for
if Murat were base enough to sacrifice his men with such a detestable
policy, he would have given the conscripts to slaughter rather than the
select soldiers of the emperor.”]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XIII. THE PENINSULAR WAR

[Sidenote: [1808-1814 A.D.]]

The Spaniards have boldly asserted the deliverance of the peninsula to be
the work of their hands. This claim is unjust to the fame of Wellington,
injurious to the glory of the British arms. The imbecility of Charles
IV, the vileness of Ferdinand, the corruption imputed to Godoy, were
undoubtedly the proximate causes of the calamities which overwhelmed
Spain; but the primary, the historical cause, was the despotism springing
from the union of a superstitious court and a sanguinary priesthood, a
despotism which suppressed knowledge, contracted the public mind, sapped
the foundation of military and civil virtue, and prepared the way for
invasion. No foreign potentate would have attempted to steal into the
fortresses of a great kingdom, if the prying eyes and clamorous tongues
of a free press had been ready to expose his projects, and a disciplined
army present to avenge the insult: Spain, destitute of both, was first
circumvented by the wiles, and then ravaged by the arms of Napoleon. She
was deceived and fettered because the public voice was stifled; she was
scourged and torn because her military institutions were decayed.

When an English force took the field, the Spaniards ceased to act as
principals in a contest carried on in the heart of their country and
involving their existence as an independent nation. After the first burst
of indignation the cause of independence created little enthusiasm.
Horrible barbarities were exercised on French soldiers thrown by sickness
or the fortune of war into the power of the invaded, and this dreadful
spirit of personal hatred was kept alive by the exactions and severe
retaliations of the invader; but no great general exertion to drive
the latter from the soil was made, at least none was sustained with
steadfast courage in the field; manifestoes, decrees, lofty boasts, like
a cloud of canvas covering a rotten hull, made a gallant appearance, but
real strength and firmness could nowhere be found.

Strange indeed was the spectacle presented--patriotism supporting a vile
system of government, a popular assembly working to restore a despotic
monarch, the higher classes seeking a foreign master, the lower armed in
the cause of bigotry and misrule. The upstart leaders, secretly abhorring
freedom though governing in her name, trembled at the democratic
activity they excited; and while calling forth all the bad passions of
the multitude repressed the patriotism that would regenerate as well as
save. The country suffered the evils without enjoying the benefits of
a revolution; tumults and assassinations terrified and disgusted the
sensible part of the community; a corrupt administration of the resources
extinguished patriotism; neglect ruined the armies. The peasant-soldier,
usually flying at the first onset, threw away his arms and went home;
or, attracted by the license of the _partidas_, joined the banners of
men, the most part originally robbers, who were as oppressive to the
people as the enemy; and these guerilla chiefs would in their turn have
been quickly exterminated, had not the French, pressed by the British
battalions, been compelled to keep in large masses: this was the secret
of Spanish constancy. Copious supplies from England and the valour of the
Anglo-Portuguese troops supported the war, and it was the gigantic vigour
with which the duke of Wellington resisted the fierceness of France and
sustained the weakness of three inefficient cabinets that delivered the
peninsula.[b]

WAR DECLARED ON FRANCE

The slaughter of the 2nd of May at Madrid, and the treatment of
Ferdinand at Bayonne were as the spark of fire to the mine, and the
explosion, beginning in the original cradle of Spanish liberty, the
Asturias, spread in the course of the month over all Spain. _Juntas_,
or councils, composed of the most influential and generally of the most
enlightened persons of their respective neighbourhoods, were formed in
every province, and most large towns. Many excesses and crimes were
committed; many persons fell sacrifices to the suspicions, justly or
unjustly excited by their own conduct, of being agents and partisans of
the French. When Seville, as next in importance to Madrid and Barcelona,
and therefore first of the unsubdued cities of Spain, claimed for her
junta the title of supreme, and a degree of authority over the others,
the other juntas frankly acknowledged her pretensions. In the name of
Ferdinand VII, the supreme junta of Seville, on the 6th of June, declared
war against Napoleon and France. Orders were issued for enrolling the
whole male population of Spain, combined with judicious instructions
to the Spanish leaders to avoid risking their raw soldiers in pitched
battles against the disciplined veterans of France; and fast-sailing
vessels were sent to the colonies, to warn them against the designs of
France and claim obedience to the supreme junta, as lawfully exercising
the authority of Ferdinand.

JOSEPH BONAPARTE CHOSEN KING OF SPAIN

The crown of Spain Napoleon is said to have originally destined for
Lucien Bonaparte, the ablest of his brothers. But Lucien was a republican
upon principle; he had besides accumulated in the public service a large
fortune, which he was enjoying at Rome in the pleasures of taste and
literature; and, in addition to the sacrifice of his principles and his
tastes, Napoleon required from him that of his affections. He would not
comply with Napoleon’s desire that he should repudiate the mother of
his children in order to wed a princess. He is believed to have refused
the crown of Spain; and Napoleon assigned it to Joseph, already king of
Naples.

A sort of Spanish assembly, meant as a substitute for the cortes, and
called by the French name of the “notables,” was summoned to Bayonne, to
meet and acknowledge Joseph, and to accept the new constitution to be
conferred upon them with their new king. Many obeyed the call, some from
believing resistance to the power of Napoleon impossible; some preferring
reforms imposed by the hand of a foreign conqueror to the vices of their
late government; and more from motives of personal interest.

Joseph then selected his ministers, the great officers of his household,
etc. Urquijo, who had succeeded to Saavedra under Charles IV, and been
like him displaced by Godoy’s jealousy, was appointed secretary of state;
Cevallos minister for foreign affairs; Jovellanos for the interior;
Cabarrus of finance; Pinuela of justice; Azanza of the Indies; Mazarredo
of the marine; O’Farrel of the war department. Jovellanos alone firmly
and perseveringly refused to hold office under the intrusive king. But of
those present some appear to have accepted the places offered them merely
because they saw no other means of getting back to their own side of the
Pyrenees.

The new king of Spain entered his allotted kingdom on the 9th of July,
1808, and issued proclamations inviting his subjects to submission by the
fairest promises of good government. But he found it requisite to pause
at Vitoria, until his imperial brother’s generals should make way for
his progress to his capital. This did not seem likely to be an affair of
any great difficulty, for the insurgents were as yet unsupported from
abroad. The war between England and Spain was declared to be at an end.
But the strength of England was then frittered away in various remote
expeditions; and the only immediately disposable force consisted of about
nine thousand men, who had been assembled at Cork for an attack upon
South America. All hostile measures against the Spanish colonies were now
out of the question; and Sir Arthur Wellesley [afterwards made duke of
Wellington], to whom the command of this small body of men was given, was
directed to proceed with it to the assistance of Spain and Portugal.

On the first symptoms of resistance, Murat had fortified the palace of
Buen Retiro, nearly adjoining Madrid, made dispositions for defending the
capital (which his successor, Savary, followed up), and sent generals of
merited reputation, with considerable divisions of the army, in several
directions, to suppress the rebellion, as it was termed, and control the
country. The success of the adverse parties in these different situations
had been various. At Cadiz, a French squadron had been compelled to
surrender, and that nominally without the aid of the British fleet,
which, however, lying off the mouth of the harbour, prevented Admiral
Rosilly from escaping to sea. Moncey had been repulsed with considerable
loss from before Valencia.[113]

But the greatest battle that had yet occurred in this war was now to
be fought for the purpose of opening Joseph’s road to Madrid, whither
Napoleon had enjoined him to repair with all speed. Cuesta, with the
army of Castile, and Blake with that of Galicia, had united at Rio Seco,
where their combined forces amounted to thirty thousand men. Bessières
attacked them on the 14th of July with little more than fifteen thousand.
The superior skill and discipline of the French very soon prevailed over
their courage and numbers. They lost five or six thousand men, killed
and wounded, and twelve hundred prisoners. The two generals threw the
blame on each other, and separated in mutual disgust. This victory cost
Bessières less than four hundred men. Joseph pursued his journey; and on
the 20th made his triumphant entry into Madrid. Orders had been given
that the streets through which the procession was to pass should be
decorated, according to Spanish custom, by hanging tapestry, etc., from
the windows, and that the church bells should be rung. The inhabitants
obeyed; but the tapestry they hung out was old, dirty, and ragged, and
the bells tolled as for a funeral. The meanest of the populace scorned
to pick up the money scattered amongst them as the king passed, leaving
it to the French soldiers; and the theatres, which were opened gratis in
honour of the day, were filled only by Frenchmen. The council of Castile,
which had previously seemed disposed to submit, refused to take the oath
required of them to the new sovereign and constitution, alleging that
both must first receive the sanction of the nation through the cortes;
and the Spanish soldiers, who did duty jointly with the French, deserted
by whole guards at a time, leaving not a single sentinel at his post.
The first tidings received by Joseph at Madrid were in harmony with the
character of his reception.

Dupont had advanced prosperously, defeating all who opposed him, as
far as Cordova, which he took by storm, but almost without resistance.
However, Castaños, an old soldier, attacked Dupont with about double his
numbers, and gained a victory so complete that at Baylen, whither four
days of engagement had drawn the French main body, and upon the very day
of Joseph’s entrance into Madrid, Dupont, with nearly twenty thousand
men, surrendered upon condition of being sent with his whole corps to
France. The terms of the capitulation were afterwards broken by the
vindictive rage of the peasantry, whom their generals could not control.
Numbers were put to death, and the rest, instead of being sent to France,
were confined in the hulks in the bay of Cadiz, where they suffered every
kind of misery, and the greater part perished.[c] In its moral effects
the battle of Baylen was one of those events which, insignificant in
themselves, cause great changes in the affairs of nations. The defeat of
Rio Seco, the preparations of Moncey for a second attack on Valencia,
the miserable plight of Saragossa, the despondency of the ablest men of
Spain, and the disgust and terror generally excited by the excesses of
the populace, weighed heavy on the Spanish cause: one victory more, and
the moral as well as the physical force of Spain would have been crushed.
The victory of Baylen opened as it were a new crater for Spanish pride,
vanity, and arrogance; the glory of past ages seemed to be renewed,
every man thought himself a Cid, and, in the surrender of Dupont, saw,
not the deliverance of Spain, but the immediate conquest of France. “We
are obliged to our friends the English,” was a common phrase among them
when conversing with the officers of Sir John Moore’s army; “we thank
them for their good-will, we shall escort them through France to Calais,
the journey will be pleasanter than a long voyage: they shall not have
the trouble of fighting the French, and we shall be pleased to have them
spectators of our victories.” This absurd confidence might have led to
great things, but it was a voice--nothing more.[b]

Madrid, upon which the victorious Andalusian army could now advance
unopposed, was no longer deemed a residence for Joseph; and on the 31st
of July, after a residence of ten days, having summoned Bessières from
the pursuit of Blake and Cuesta to protect his retreat, the king and his
party evacuated the capital, and withdrew to Vitoria. Another triumph
obtained soon afterwards by the Spaniards was the successful defence of
Saragossa.[c]

On the morning of the 4th of August, after feigning an attack upon the
Aljaferia and gate of Portillo, the formidable battery of San Engracia
was suddenly set to work, twenty-six pieces simultaneously vomited
fire upon the convent of this name, and nearly all the defenders of it
perished in the ruins. At five o’clock all the batteries of Saragossa
were levelled; the French, crossing the Huerva, precipitated themselves
into the town by two wide breaches. Then followed fierce hand-to-hand
fights, sustained with desperate valour among the dead bodies and ruins.
At the fiercest moment of the fight, General Verdier caused the following
brief message to be brought to Palafox: “Peace and capitulation?”
“War and steel!” answered without hesitation the leader of the men of
Saragossa. The bloody contest was continued; trampling on the dead the
French advanced triumphantly. But the news of Baylen caused them to raise
the siege.[e]

THE ENGLISH APPEAR

At this period of the war a new actor appeared upon the stage, upon
whom thenceforward, the fortune of the peninsula mainly depended. On
the 12th of July, 1808, the British expedition sailed from Cork; and
its commander, Sir Arthur Wellesley, as soon as the whole was fairly
under way, preceded it in a frigate, in order to gather the information
requisite for regulating its destination. Landing was made in Mondego
Bay. It was the 5th of August before all the troops were on shore.
Spencer having arrived during the landing, his junction raised the
numbers of the little army to thirteen thousand; and with them Sir Arthur
began his march towards Lisbon.

Upon receiving intelligence of Sir Arthur’s landing, Junot sent
Laborde, one of the ablest of the French generals, from Lisbon, with
three thousand foot and five hundred horse to check the progress
of the British; and calling in his various detachments, he ordered
them severally to effect their junction with Laborde. Under these
circumstances, the English commander’s object was to prevent the junction
of the several detachments--an object which the skill and celerity of
his movements enabled him, in the most important instance, to effect.
Wellesley was thus enabled to attack Laborde at Roliza on the 17th of
August, with great numerical superiority. He drove him from his position
with comparative facility; but Laborde fell back about a mile to much
stronger ground, where he again awaited the English, and here the battle
was sanguinary. Laborde, after displaying both skill and intrepidity,
abandoned the contest, retreating in good order.

After the victory was gained, Sir Arthur, now reinforced to about
sixteen thousand men, proposed turning the left flank of the position
occupied by Junot and his united forces--about fourteen thousand men--and
endeavouring to cut him off from Lisbon. But, unfortunately, Sir Arthur
Wellesley was no longer commander-in-chief. The English ministry had not
known how to appreciate the man whose extraordinary talents had as yet
only been tried in India; and three senior officers had been appointed
to supersede him, and, as it proved, each other. The nomination of one
of these could not be blamed, for Sir John Moore then certainly ranked
higher in public estimation as a general than Sir Arthur Wellesley; but
Sir Harry Burrard and Sir Hew Dalrymple had never been in situations to
display military capacity. Sir Harry Burrard arrived on the very day that
the reinforcements joined Sir Arthur; and with all the caution of old
age refused to sanction the advance of an army deficient in cavalry and
artillery horses, especially as ten thousand men were daily expected with
Sir John Moore.

On the morning of the 21st, Junot fell upon the British army, with the
impetuosity characterising his countrymen and Napoleon’s warriors. They
were, however, repulsed in every attack; the defects of the position,
and the almost total want of cavalry, were immediately remedied by the
ability of the general, and the loss was far greater on the side of the
French, and less on that of the British, than at Roliza. The battle was
over by noon; a considerable portion of the army had not been engaged,
and Sir Arthur proposed to follow up his victory, pursue the retreating
enemy, cut him off from Lisbon, and thus deliver the capital from the
French yoke. Again Burrard’s caution prevailed to forbid the pursuit, and
still the army remained at Vimeiro.

Sir Harry Burrard’s authority expired almost as soon as he had thus
unfortunately used it; and on the 22nd Sir Hew Dalrymple landed to take
the supreme command. On the evening of the same day, before he could well
make himself master of the state of affairs, General Kellermann was sent
by Junot to the British camp to propose an armistice, and the evacuation
of Portugal by the French troops upon conditions. Such as it was, the
so-called Convention of Cintra was signed, and Portugal delivered
from her conquerors, on the 30th of August, within a month of General
Wellesley’s landing.

The authority of Queen Maria and the prince-regent was now restored
throughout Portugal. Sir Hew Dalrymple reinstated the council of regency
appointed by the prince at his departure, and began his preparations for
entering Spain. He was, however, recalled to stand a sort of trial for
concluding the Convention of Cintra which provoked wild rage in England;
Sir Harry Burrard and Sir Arthur Wellesley returned home to give evidence
upon the subject, and the command devolved upon Sir John Moore.

About sixty thousand French troops were now left in Spain. But the
British army with all its reinforcements did not exceed twenty-five
thousand men. Sir John Moore was of a temperament rather desponding than
sanguine: although a brave and able officer, he had not the self-reliance
characteristic of a master-mind, and the conduct of the Spaniards
abundantly justified his mistrust of the allies, in co-operation with
whom he was required to risk an army too valuable to be rashly hazarded,
but too small singly to engage the French forces now concentrated upon
the Ebro. But now that Spanish energy had driven the intrusive king and
his foreign troops almost to the foot of the Pyrenees, Spanish pride
deemed all accomplished, and the restraints that had compelled union
were no more. Provincial ambition, local, and even individual interests,
jealousy, and intrigue tainted the patriotism of the juntas.

Meanwhile discussions were going on as to the mode of government to
be adopted. Florida-Blanca, the president of the Murcian junta, and
the Council of Castile (which, on the evacuation of Madrid, had there
assumed the reins of government) strongly pointed out the necessity of
some central executive power, and the evils resulting from the existing
anarchy of independent juntas. The convocation of the cortes, or the
choice of a Sicilian prince as regent, were proposed, amongst other
expedients. At length it was agreed that each junta should send two
deputies from its own body to form a central and sovereign junta, each
separate junta, however, still governing its own province. The central
junta was installed at Aranjuez on the 26th of September. Florida-Blanca,
one of the Murcian deputies, was chosen president (Jovellanos was the
only other member of much reputation), and its first measure was a solemn
proclamation of Ferdinand VII.

France was now pouring one hundred thousand additional men into Spain,
Ney, duke of Elchingen, temporarily holding the command until the emperor
should arrive from Erfurt to rule the war in person. The French army was,
however, still waiting Napoleon’s arrival to make a forward movement,
when the Spaniards, to the number of 130,000 men, formed in a crescent
around them.

One of Sir Arthur Wellesley’s reasons for approving the Convention of
Cintra had been that it immediately set the English army at liberty to
enter Spain. But this advantage was either neglected or lost in the care
of investigating the circumstances of that convention. It was not till
the beginning of October that Sir John Moore received orders to enter
Spain, and co-operate with the armies assembled around the French. Sir
David Baird was, at the same time, sent to Corunna with ten thousand men,
to act under Moore, who appointed Salamanca for their junction. Neither
food nor means of transport had been provided; Baird was unfurnished with
pecuniary resources, whilst the Galician and Austrian juntas, though so
abundantly supplied by the profuse munificence of the English ministry,
refused the troops of their benefactors every kind of succour. Indeed,
most of the juntas appear to have misapplied the money sent by England
to their own purposes, and often to have made no use whatever of the
arms and stores. Moore could not cross the frontiers till the 11th of
November; and the absurd precipitation of the central junta, and of those
inexperienced generals who were equal in authority to Castaños, had
already brought the Spanish forces into collision with the French. After
many days’ skirmishing and manœuvring, Blake had been defeated, October
30th, by Lefebvre, but had retreated, rallied his men, and being joined
by some of La Romana’s troops, again made head.

Napoleon himself entered Spain on the 8th of November, and the influence
of his genius was immediately apparent. On the 10th, Soult, duke of
Dalmatia, attacked, defeated, and utterly routed Belvedere. He then
turned upon the line of retreat of Blake, whom Victor, duke of Belluno,
defeated at Espinosa on the 11th, and Soult finally annihilated at
Reynosa on the 13th. The greater part of the veterans brought back from
the Baltic were destroyed in Blake’s successive defeats. Blake fled to
the Asturian mountains, where he reunited the relics of his army, and
met La Romana, who, though disappointed in all his schemes, assumed
the command of these routed troops, and exerted himself strenuously to
reorganise and reinforce them. The emperor now turned his forces against
Castaños and Palafox, whilst his cavalry swept the plains of Leon and
Castile. On the 23rd, Lannes attacked Castaños and Palafox at Tudela, and
completely routed them.

[Illustration: NAPOLEON IN THE PYRENEES]

Napoleon now advanced upon Madrid, and on the 30th reached and attacked
the Somosierra. The pass was defended by General San Juan; his troops
fled after firing one volley, and afterwards sought to excuse their panic
by accusing their unfortunate commander of treachery, and murdering him.
The French crossed the mountains almost unopposed, and appeared before
Madrid. In the moment of danger the inefficiency of the central junta
became apparent. On the approach of the French armies the whole body fled
towards Badajoz.

[Illustration: GUENCA]

Napoleon appeared before Madrid on the 2nd of December, and summoned the
city to surrender, with fearful threats in case of resistance. On the
morning of the 5th Morla surrendered Madrid. The emperor took possession
of the palace of the kings of Spain; and in his proclamations threatened
the Spaniards that, unless by their conduct they earned Joseph’s pardon,
he would find another kingdom for his brother, and make Spain a French
province. Such threats were not adapted to conciliate the haughty
Spaniards; and the really beneficial decrees he promulgated, diminishing
the exorbitant power of the clergy and the number of monks and nuns,
by exasperating the whole ecclesiastical body, confirmed the nation in
its enmity to him and his dynasty. Regardless of this enmity, however,
Napoleon prepared to overrun and subjugate Portugal and the south of
Spain with his grand army, whilst a division of thirty-five thousand
men again besieged Saragossa. The central junta continued its fight to
Seville, and the troops, which the different generals had rallied in
considerable numbers, prepared to defend the Sierra Morena and the Tagus.

MOORE’S FAMOUS RETREAT

Moore’s situation was unquestionably one of great difficulty. The
French are stated to have had two hundred thousand men in Spain; he
could not bring into the field above twenty-five thousand; Madrid had
fallen; and of the Spanish armies nothing remained within his reach
but the few thousands, half clothed and half armed, that La Romana was
endeavouring to organise. Moore had lost all confidence in Spanish
professions, and was convinced that Frere, who vehemently urged him to
attempt something, was deceived by his zeal in the Spanish cause and
his ignorance of the Spanish character. Nevertheless Moore resolved to
make such a diversion as should recall Napoleon from the south and from
Portugal, and, if possible, to destroy Soult, who was within his reach
with inferior numbers, before he could be reinforced. But he undertook
this bold and generous enterprise with a heavy heart, and, as appears
from his own letters, as sacrificing his own judgment to what he knew
were the expectations of the British public. Moore began his movement on
the 11th, effected his junction with Baird, and reached Sahagun on the
21st of December. There he halted two days for his supplies, meaning to
attack Soult on the 24th. But on the 23rd he received information that
Napoleon, upon hearing of his advance, had suspended all his operations
in the south and west, and was marching in full force against the
English. The projected diversion was thus accomplished; and he began his
retreat towards Galicia, where he proposed embarking, and carrying his
army southwards to join the Spanish forces collecting in Andalusia. The
retreat was most disastrous. Officers and men disliked it; the bonds
of discipline were early relaxed, and the bulk of the army was a mere
drunken mob, never resuming any semblance of order or propriety except
when there appeared a prospect of a battle. Then all were again found
British soldiers.[c]

[Illustration: LISBON IN 1800

(From an old Spanish print)]

Before discussing this famous disaster we may quote the words of H. M.
Stephens,[d] who, after calling Moore “the only English general who has
gained lasting fame by the conduct of a retreat,” and referring to his
death as showing “how a modern Bayard should die in battle--every thought
for others, none for himself,” thus sums up his position in history:

“It may be possible, in the face of his heroic death, to exaggerate
Moore’s actual military services, but his influence on the British army
cannot be overrated. The true military spirit of discipline and of
valour, both in officers and men, had become nearly extinct during the
American war. Abercromby, who looked back to the traditions of Minden,
was the first to attempt to revive it, and his work was carried on
by Moore. The formation of the light regiments at Shorncliffe was the
answer to the new French tactics, and it was left to Wellington to show
the success of the experiment. Moore’s powers as a statesman are shown
in his despatches written at Salamanca, and he had the truest gift of a
great man--that of judging men. It may be noticed that, while Wellington
perpetually grumbled at the bad qualities of his officers and formed no
school, Moore’s name is associated with the career of all who made their
mark. Among generals, Hope, Graham, Sir E. Paget, Hill, and Craufurd, all
felt and submitted to his ascendency, and of younger officers it was ever
the proud boast of the Napiers, Colborne, the Beckwiths, and Barnard that
they were the pupils of Moore, not of Wellington. Nay more, he inspired
an historian. The description of Moore’s retreat in Napier[i] is perhaps
the finest piece of military history in the English language, not only
because the author was present, but because his heart was with the leader
of that retreat; and, if Napier felt towards Wellington as the soldiers
of the Tenth legion felt towards Cæsar,[114] he felt towards Moore the
personal love and devotion of a cavalier towards Montrose.”

We can do no better than quote at some length Napier’s famous account
from his work, which has been favourably compared with those of
Thucydides, Xenophon, and Cæsar.[a]

_Napier’s Story of Moore’s Retreat_

[Sidenote: [1808-1809 A.D.]]

That Moore succoured Spain in her extremity, and, in her hour of
weakness, intercepted the blow descending to crush her, no man of candour
can deny. For what troops, what preparations, what courage, what capacity
was there in the south to have resisted even for an instant the progress
of a man like Napoleon, who, in ten days and in the depth of winter,
crossing the snowy ridge of the Carpentinos, had traversed two hundred
miles of hostile country, and transported fifty thousand men from Madrid
to Astorga in a shorter time than a Spanish courier would have taken to
travel the same distance? This stupendous march was rendered fruitless
by the quickness of Moore; but Napoleon, though he failed to destroy
the English army, resolved, nevertheless, to cast it forth from the
peninsula. Being himself recalled to France by tidings that the Austrian
storm was ready to burst, he fixed upon Soult to continue the pursuit.
Including Laborde, Heudelet, and Loison’s division, nearly sixty thousand
men and ninety-one guns were put on the track of the English army.

Soult, nowise inferior to any of his nation, if the emperor be excepted,
followed Moore with vigour. Nineteen thousand British troops posted in
strong ground might have offered battle to very superior numbers; yet
where was the use of merely fighting an enemy who had three hundred
thousand men in Spain? Nothing could be gained, but Moore might by
a quick retreat reach his ships unmolested, and carry his army from
that narrow corner to the southern provinces and renew the war under
more favourable circumstances. But in the immense wine-vaults of
Bembibre hundreds of men remained inebriated, the followers of the
army crowded the houses, and many of Romana’s disbanded men were mixed
with this heterogeneous mass of marauders, drunkards, muleteers,
women, and children. Moore, leaving a small guard with them, proceeded
to Calcabellos. At Calcabellos the reserve took up a position, Baird
marched to Herrerias, and Moore went on to Villa Franca; but in that
town also great excesses had been committed by the preceding divisions;
the magazines were plundered, the bakers driven from the ovens, the
wine-stores forced, the commissaries prevented making the regular
distributions; the doors of the houses were broken, and a scandalous
insubordination then showed a discreditable relaxation of discipline by
the officers. Moore arrested this disorder, and caused one man taken in
the act of plundering a magazine to be hanged in the market-place.

Under the most favourable circumstances, the tail of a retreating force
exhibits terrible scenes of distress, and on the road near Nogales the
followers of the army were dying fast from cold and hunger. The soldiers,
barefooted, harassed, and weakened by their excesses at Bembibre and
Villa Franca, were dropping to the rear by hundreds, while broken carts,
dead animals, and the piteous spectacle of women and children, struggling
or falling exhausted in the snow, completed a picture of war, which like
Janus has a double face.

The British army was not provided to fight above one battle; there were
no draught cattle, no means of transporting reserve ammunition, no
magazines, no hospitals, no second line, no provisions: a defeat would
have been ruin, a victory useless. A battle is always a serious affair;
two battles in such circumstances, though both should be victories,
would have been destruction. A terrible storm of wind and rain, mixed
with sleet, commenced as the army broke up from the position at Lugo;
the marks were destroyed, the guides lost the true direction, only one
of the divisions gained the main road, the other two were bewildered,
and when daylight broke the rear columns were still near to Lugo. The
fatigue, the depression of mind occasioned by this misfortune, and the
want of shoes broke the order of the march, stragglers became numerous,
and unfortunately Baird, thinking to relieve the men during a halt which
took place in the night, desired the leading division to take refuge
from the weather in some houses a little way off the road. Complete
disorganisation followed this imprudent act. The commander-in-chief, who
covered this march with the reserve and cavalry, ordered several bridges
to be destroyed, but the engineers failed of success in every attempt.

As the troops approached Corunna, on January 12th, 1809, the general’s
looks were directed towards the harbour, but an expanse of water
painfully convinced him that to fortune at least he was in no way
beholden; contrary winds still detained the fleet at Vigo, and the last
consuming exertion made by the army was rendered fruitless. The men were
put into quarters, and their leader awaited the progress of events.
The reserve was posted between the village of El Burgo and the road of
Santiago de Compostella. For twelve days these hardy soldiers had covered
the retreat, during which time they traversed eighty miles of road in two
marches, passed several nights under arms in the snow of the mountains,
were seven times engaged, and now took the outposts having fewer men
missing from the ranks, including those who had fallen in battle, than
any other division in the army: an admirable instance of the value of
good discipline, and a manifest proof of the malignant injustice with
which Moore has been accused of precipitating his retreat beyond the
measure of human strength.

Now a painful measure was adopted; the ground in front of Corunna is
impracticable for cavalry, the horses were generally foundered, it was
impossible to embark them all in the face of an enemy, and a great
number were reluctantly ordered to be shot; worn down and foot-broken,
they would otherwise have been distributed among the French cavalry, or
used as draught cattle until death relieved them from procrastinated
suffering. But the very fact of their being so foundered was one of the
results of inexperience; the cavalry had come out to Corunna without
proper equipments, the horses were ruined, not for want of shoes but
want of hammers and nails to put them on. Soon the French gathered on
the Mero, and Moore sought a position of battle. On the evening of the
14th the transports from Vigo hove in sight; the dismounted cavalry,
the sick, the best horses, and fifty pieces of artillery were embarked,
six British and three Spanish guns being kept on shore for action. When
Laborde’s division arrived, on the 15th, the French force was not less
than twenty thousand men, and Soult made no idle evolutions of display.
Distributing his lighter guns along the front of his position, he opened
a fire from the heavy battery on his left, and instantly descended the
mountain with three columns covered by clouds of skirmishers. The ground
about that village was intersected by stone walls and hollow roads; a
severe scrambling fight ensued, the French were forced back with great
loss, but, being reinforced, renewed the fight beyond the village.
Major Napier,[115] commanding the 50th, was wounded and taken prisoner,
and Elvina then became the scene of another contest. The line of the
skirmishers being supported vigorously, checked the advance of the
enemy’s troops in the valley; at the same time the centre and left of the
army also became engaged, and a furious action ensued along the line, in
the valley, and on the hills. Sir John Moore, while earnestly watching
the result of the fight about the village of Elvina, was struck on the
left breast by a cannon-shot.

Notwithstanding this great disaster the troops gained ground, and when
the night set in, their line was considerably advanced beyond the
original position of the morning, while the French were falling back in
confusion. Their disorder facilitated the original plan of embarking
during the night. Hope, upon whom the command had devolved, resolved
therefore to ship the army, and so complete were the arrangements that no
confusion or difficulty occurred; the pickets kindled fires to cover the
retreat, and were themselves withdrawn at daybreak to embark under the
protection of Hill’s brigade, which was in position under the ramparts of
Corunna.

When the morning of the sixteenth dawned, the French, seeing the British
position abandoned, pushed some battalions to the heights of San Lucia,
and about midday opened a battery on the shipping in the harbour. This
caused great confusion amongst the transports, several masters cut their
cables, and four vessels went on shore, but the troops were rescued by
the men-of-war’s boats, the stranded vessels burned, and the fleet got
out of harbour. Hill then embarked at the citadel, which was maintained
by a rearguard under Beresford until the 18th, when, the wounded being
all on board, the troops likewise embarked; the inhabitants faithfully
maintained the town meanwhile, and the fleet sailed for England. The
loss of the British, never officially published, was estimated at eight
hundred; of the French at three thousand. The latter is probably an
exaggeration, yet it must have been great.

From the spot where he fell, the general was carried to the town by his
soldiers; his blood flowed fast and the torture of the wound was great;
yet the unshaken firmness of his mind made those about him, seeing the
resolution of his countenance, express a hope of his recovery: he looked
steadfastly at the injury for a moment, and said: “No, I feel that to
be impossible.” Several times he caused his attendants to stop and turn
round, that he might behold the field of battle; and when the firing
indicated the advance of the British, he discovered his satisfaction and
permitted the bearers to proceed. When life was almost extinct, with
an unsubdued spirit, as if anticipating the baseness of his posthumous
calumniators, he exclaimed: “I hope the people of England will be
satisfied. I hope my country will do me justice.” In a few minutes
afterwards he died, and his corpse, wrapped in a military cloak, was
interred by the officers of his staff in the citadel of Corunna. The guns
of the enemy paid his funeral honours, and Soult with a noble feeling of
respect for his valour raised a monument to his memory on the field.[b]

_A Spanish Opinion of the Retreat_

English historians, especially Napier,[b] are so severe in their
aspersions on the Spanish that it is only fair to give the words of a
Spanish historian and contemporary, the count de Toreño, who says:

“The residents of Corunna with disinterested zeal not only assisted
the English, but also kept faith with them, and did not immediately
surrender the fortress, a noble example rarely given by towns when they
see themselves abandoned by those from whom they expected protection and
aid. So ended General Moore’s retreat, censured by some among his own
compatriots, upheld and even praised by others. Leaving the investigation
and criticism of this campaign to military men, we are of opinion that
the chance of being compelled to fight before his troops embarked, and
also his having ended his days honourably on the field of battle, have
lent lustre to the glory and good name of General Moore. For the rest,
if a veteran well-disciplined army such as the English, provided with
abundant supplies, began a retreat before combating, in the progress of
which retreat there were witnessed such disorders, such damage, such
scandals, who can wonder that there were disorders and confusion in the
Spanish retreats, executed after fighting, with an army of raw recruits,
lacking all resources, and in their own country? We do not say this to
detract from British glory, but in defence of our own, so reviled by
certain English writers--by those indeed who took part in this disastrous
campaign.”[f]

FRENCH SUCCESSES

[Sidenote: [1809 A.D.]]

In Catalonia an attempt by the Spaniards to recover Barcelona was
defeated by St. Cyr, who likewise took Rosas. In Galicia La Romana
sheltered himself and his little band amidst the mountains, whilst Soult
overran the province; Corunna surrendered to him as soon as the English
troops were safe on board, and Ferrol followed its example, delivering up
the squadron in its port.

On the 22nd of January, 1809, Joseph returned to Madrid. His second
entrance does not appear to have called forth the same demonstrations of
national feeling as the first. The municipality and the several councils
received him with loud professions of loyalty, and all the population
took the oath of allegiance.

Saragossa had been invested by Marshal Moncey the 20th of December,
1808, and summoned to surrender; Palafox gave the answer that might
be expected from his conduct in the former siege, and with his brave
townsmen prepared to stand a second, yet more destructive. For a while
the siege languished, and dissension existed amongst the besieging
generals. But, on the 22nd of January, 1809, Lannes assumed the command;
and on the 1st of February the besiegers forced their entrance into the
town, and for three weeks the struggle, street by street and house by
house, was maintained, with all the circumstances of affecting heroism
recorded on the former occasion. But the numbers that had thronged to
defend Saragossa were her bane: pestilence was engendered in the crowded
cellars, and proved a yet more deadly foe than the French. The posts
were manned by hospital patients, sitting, because they could not stand;
Palafox was in his bed delirious; and on the 22nd of February the junta
capitulated. Lannes violated the capitulation in many points, and sent
Palafox, whose liberty had been stipulated, prisoner to France. The
central junta loaded the city and all its inhabitants and defenders with
praises, honour, and rewards.[116]

The reconquest of Portugal was now the object of the French. Soult was
appointed governor of that kingdom, and ordered to invade it from the
north, whilst Victor and Lapisse were to co-operate with him, the former
in the south, and the latter from Ciudad Rodrigo.

Soult took Oporto by storm on the 29th of March, fixed his headquarters
there, and seems to have meditated becoming king of northern Lusitania,
if not of Portugal. But Oporto was the limit of his conquest. Behind him
La Romana, who had rallied his constantly increasing army, found Ney
full employment, and Silveira was again master of Tras-os-Montes. In
the south Victor could not invade Alemtejo till he should have defeated
Cuesta and the Estremaduran army; and Lapisse could not make himself
master of Ciudad Rodrigo, which was defended chiefly by Sir Robert Wilson
with his Lusitanian legion. This legion was the first attempt, in the
course of the war, to improve the Portuguese soldiers, by placing them
under British officers. The prince of Brazil was induced to send General
Beresford a commission as field-marshal and general-in-chief of the
Portuguese army. With this commission, Beresford landed early in March,
and immediately proceeded to train the troops and to place over them as
many effective English officers as he thought national jealousy would
bear (always, however, nominally commanded by a native colonel).

Bonaparte is calculated to have had at this time about 270,000 men in
the peninsula. These he deemed amply sufficient for its subjugation, and
at the moment could not well reinforce them. His alarms touching Austria
had proved just. If Napoleon was successful as ever in Germany, his
generals were not equally prosperous in the peninsula. And what was of
yet more consequence, on the 22nd of April, Sir Arthur Wellesley arrived
in the Tagus, bearing the character of general-in-chief of the English
and Portuguese troops.

WELLINGTON RESUMES CONTROL

There was no hesitation in Sir Arthur’s measures. He resolved first to
clear Portugal of invaders, then to assist Spain. On the 6th of May,
leaving a body of British and Portuguese on the Tagus to watch Victor, he
began his march from Coimbra with about thirteen thousand British troops,
three thousand Germans, and nine thousand of Beresford’s new levies, to
effect the first of these objects. The French troops, who had ventured
to take post south of the Douro, were everywhere outmanœuvred and driven
back. Soult, having broken the bridges and secured the boats upon the
Douro, a broad and rapid stream, believed the English could only cross by
their ship-boats at the mouth of the river. But on the 12th, Sir Arthur
contrived to procure four barges at a point where a wood concealed the
river, and a hill his army, from the town, whilst his guns could play on
the point at which the men were to land; and before the French suspected
so daring an attempt, some companies were passed over who made good their
footing.

Soult, after a short contest, evacuated Oporto, and precipitately
retreated. The pursuit was continued for five days, till the French
marshal, sacrificing his artillery, stores, baggage, and even his
sick and wounded, escaped with the remnant of his troops, by mountain
paths through which no regularly equipped and appointed army could
attempt to follow. Sir Arthur then abandoned the chase, appointed Trant
military governor of Oporto (the bishop had fled to Lisbon, where he
was thenceforward a leading member of the regency), and leaving the
protection of the northern provinces to Silveira and his Portuguese,
returned southwards, to assist Cuesta against Victor. The utter
impracticability of this brave, zealous, and upright, but narrow-minded,
prejudiced, and obstinate old man,[117] thwarted every scheme proposed,
and thus wasted much valuable time. The British commander found it
impossible to obtain from his Spanish coadjutor either provisions or
means of transport for his artillery and stores.

The French now returned with superior numbers, under the command of the
king, aided by his major-general, Marshal Jourdan. Upon the 27th and
28th of July they attacked the allies at Talavera. The battle, long,
obstinately contested, and sanguinary, ended in the complete defeat of
the assailants; but the destitute and exhausted condition of the English
troops, who were without provisions for man or horse, prevented their
pursuing the discomfited enemy, who was consequently enabled to retreat
in good order. The good that should have resulted from the victory was
further counteracted by an alarm from the north, and Cuesta’s perverse
temper.

La Romana had rallied and increased his little army, and had so harassed
Soult and Ney, that they, considering likewise the greater importance of
the transactions then taking place in the south, resolved to evacuate the
province. They did so, and Galicia remained thenceforward unmolested by
invaders. In their progress southwards the two marshals were joined by
Mortier, and Soult received from Napoleon the command of the combined
corps with orders to march upon the English and Cuesta. The Spaniards
stationed to secure the mountain passes fled; and Sir Arthur led the
British army against this new foe, intrusting to Cuesta the maintenance
of the post of Talavera. An apprehension of Victor’s advancing anew
induced Cuesta to evacuate Talavera, and he hastened after Wellesley,
leaving fifteen hundred British wounded to the enemy, whilst it is said
many of his own carts were removed empty. This step, and Soult’s advance
in unexpected strength, exposed Sir Arthur to be cut off from Portugal.
His troops were starving; and as the protection of Portugal was the point
chiefly insisted upon in his instructions, he retreated to a frontier
position on the Guadiana. Venegas was defeated at Almonacid. Blake’s army
of Aragon and Valencia had been beaten and dispersed; and the fall of
Spain appeared to be inevitable. Venegas’ repeated defeats had now made
him so unpopular that the command of his army was taken from him.

Meanwhile the central junta exerted themselves to reinforce Cuesta’s
army, which had been surprised and half destroyed by the enemy since
its separation from the English; and they thought of removing the
unmanageable general. A paralytic stroke saved them that trouble, by
compelling him to resign. The command of the principal army of fifty
thousand men was given to Areizaga who was ordered to free Madrid,
before the reinforcements, set at liberty by the end of the Austrian
war, could reach Spain. The same peculiarity of the Spanish character,
namely, assuming as done whatever is promised, or even wished, seems to
have convinced the inexperienced statesmen of the central junta that the
general they had sent to conquer could not be beaten, and that a decree,
ordering the English army to be well supplied, must answer every purpose,
though they took no measures for procuring the provisions or the cattle
required. Lord Wellington remained in his cantonments; and on the 17th of
November, Areizaga was totally defeated at Ocaña. The French now menaced
Portugal: the British general was prepared for its protection.

The French were masters of nearly all Spain north of the Sierra Morena,
with the exception of Galicia, Valencia, and Catalonia; and in this last
province, although it resisted most stoutly, the French army, under St.
Cyr, held the field, and Gerona, one of the most important fortresses not
in their hands, fell in December, after emulating the glory of Saragossa
during a seven months’ siege.[118] But their garrisons were distressed,
and their communications were harassed both by the British cruisers
on the coast, and by the Catalans themselves, who were almost all in
arms, as _miquelets_ or _guerrillas_, displaying the same indomitable
spirit they had shown in former wars. In the course of the year 1809,
as the regular armies were defeated and dispersed, the example of the
Catalans was followed throughout Spain; and bands of guerillas consisting
of peasants, deserters, outlaws--of individuals, in short, of all
classes--were everywhere established, the command of which was assumed
by men of talent and resolution, likewise of all classes--officers,
monks, physicians, yeomen, or smugglers. This was a mode of warfare
to which the climate was favourable, the vindictive Spanish character
peculiarly adapted, and habits of discipline unnecessary. They appeared
in force wherever a blow was to be struck; when pursued, they dispersed
and vanished. A few of the guerilla leaders, as Juan Martin Diaz, better
known as the Empecinado, Julian Sanchez, Juan Diaz Porlier, Don Mariano
de Renovalos Longa, and last, and far the greatest, the two Minas, uncle
and nephew, acquired a celebrity that renders the record of their names
indispensable in Spanish history.

[Sidenote: [1809-1810 A.D.]]

The central junta, opposed by the local junta, and alarmed at their own
unpopularity, were now prevailed upon to transfer their authority to a
regency of five persons. The regency, instead of devoting their time and
thoughts to calling forth the resources and energies of the country, or
even to the defence of Cadiz, began their administration by a vehement
attack upon the measures of the central junta, accused that body of
usurpation and peculation, threw some of the members into prison, and
banished even the excellent Jovellanos to his native province, where
his conduct was ordered to be watched. Alburquerque was deprived of
the government of Cadiz and sent as ambassador to England, where he
soon died, of mortification, it is said, at his ill usage. Whilst the
regency were persecuting their predecessors, or occupied with commercial
interests, Andalusia and Granada submitted at once to the conqueror, who
met resistance only from Cadiz.

The war with Austria was now over, and it was generally expected that
the dreaded Napoleon would return to the peninsula, to bear down all
resistance by the energy of his own mighty genius. But he sent his
favourite general, Masséna, whom he had surnamed the Spoiled Child of
Victory, to conquer Portugal, drive the English into the sea, and, it was
supposed, receive the crown of Portugal as his reward.

The Spaniards had now no army on foot deserving the name, and central
Spain, from the Pyrenees to the lines before Cadiz, was nominally in
the possession of King Joseph, Galicia and Estremadura, on the western,
and Murcia, Valencia, and Catalonia on the eastern side, with a few
fortresses, being all that yet remained unconquered; and, in Catalonia,
Suchet was slowly making formidable progress. But the temper of the
people never was less subdued, and the war had assumed a character of
extraordinary ferocity.

Napoleon deemed that professional soldiers only had a right to fight;
and instead of respecting the patriotic feeling that roused the whole
nation to struggle for independence, he considered the armed peasantry
as mere licentious rebels against their lawful king. Hence whilst the
ordinary courtesies of war were observed towards the British, nearly all
the Spaniards and the irregular Portuguese troops were treated with
wanton cruelty, and their women exposed to the grossest outrage from the
French soldiery, until almost every individual in the Spanish guerilla
bands, and the Portuguese irregulars, had a private injury to revenge;
and even sympathy in their resentments can barely palliate the sanguinary
temper in which that revenge was sought. And to these personal motives of
exasperation was added a deep sense of religious horror, since the French
emperor had seized upon the estates of the church, upon Rome itself, and
carried Pope Pius VII, who refused to sanction his spoliation, a prisoner
to France. From the influence of so many various feelings, the whole of
Spain was now overrun by fierce guerillas, and Joseph, in fact, was only
master of the places actually occupied by French soldiers.

As soon as the French movements threatened Portugal, Lord Wellington
could not hope, with 27,000 British, and 30,000 nearly untried Portuguese
troops, to defend Portugal against 80,000 French veterans, led by an able
general, and supported by bodies of 30,000 or 40,000 men, acting as a
rearguard.

THE LINES OF TORRES VEDRAS

The British commander was even then directing the construction of those
military works, known as the lines of Torres Vedras, by which the
naturally strong ground covering Lisbon was rendered nearly impregnable;
and his main object upon the frontier appears to have been retarding the
enemy’s advance, until those lines should be perfected and the harvest
gathered in. He intended that the inhabitants should then evacuate the
intermediate district, with all their provisions and movable property;
and that he himself, retreating to his lines, should draw Masséna into a
desert country, where the French marshal could not subsist his troops,
and would find himself confronted by a strong army, in an impregnable
position, whilst his rear and communications were harassed by militia and
_ordenanzas_, the proper name of the Portuguese armed peasantry.

Masséna, recently created by his imperial master, the prince of Essling,
dedicated the spring to assembling his army, and making preparations;
nor was it until he began the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo that the line by
which he proposed to invade Portugal was ascertained. That town was
gallantly defended by its governor, Herrasti, assisted by the guerilla
chief, Sanchez, from the 4th of June till the 10th of July, 1810. When
the place was no longer tenable, Sanchez and his band, breaking through
the besiegers, escaped, and Herrasti capitulated. Lord Wellington’s plan
required that he should hazard no attempt to relieve the besieged,[119]
but his menacing position had long kept Masséna’s usually enterprising
temper in check, and continued to do so; for upwards of a month was
suffered to elapse after the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo ere the French
general proceeded to lay siege to the neighbouring Portuguese fortress,
Almeida.

[Illustration: SALAMANCA]

[Sidenote: [1810 A.D.]]

The allied army, falling back as he advanced, offered no interruption.
But an English officer commanded the Portuguese garrison in Almeida, and
a defence yet longer than Ciudad Rodrigo’s was confidently expected. An
accident caused the explosion of the principal powder magazine on the
26th of August, when, through the panic of some and the treachery of
others, the garrison flung down their arms, and forced the mortified
governor to capitulate. Masséna concentrated his forces about the middle
of September and prepared, as he hoped, to drive the British to their
ships. Lord Wellington arranged his army upon the ridge of Busaco,
and awaited the enemy. The French troops scaled the steep ascent with
daring alacrity, but were driven down again with heavy loss. The French
killed and wounded in this battle are estimated at from five to six
thousand, those of the allies at twelve hundred: but perhaps not the
least important event of the day was that the Portuguese troops displayed
a steadiness of courage which had scarcely been as yet expected from
their training. On the following day Masséna, learning that there was
a mountain road by which he could turn the left of his adversary’s
position, filed off his troops in that direction, vainly hoping to
reach Coimbra the first. On the 29th Lord Wellington prevented him, by
retreating upon that city along the direct road.

It was not till they actually saw the allied army retreating before
the invaders that the inhabitants prepared to obey Lord Wellington’s
proclamation, and forsake their homes. And now it was too late to
attain the end for which the order had been given. The provisions were
left behind, the mills were scarcely damaged; whilst the helpless and
desolate crowds that, flying from the enemy, accompanied the troops,
encumbered their march, and gave birth to the usual disorders of a
retreat. Such disorders were, however, repressed by the vigour with
which Lord Wellington punished, and the precautions he took to prevent
them; whilst Masséna’s negligence indulged his troops in a license that
rendered the disorder of the pursuing far greater than even now was
that of the retreating army. At Coimbra alone the French troops, during
the three days they spent there, wasted and destroyed stores that might
have supplied two months’ subsistence. But at Coimbra Masséna was still
ignorant of the existence of the lines of Torres Vedras; and still
believing that he was merely chasing the British to their ships, he
probably saw no need of restraining his troops or of providing against
famine.

On the 10th of October the allied army took up its position within
those extraordinary lines, of which one end rested upon the sea, and
the other upon the Tagus, extending in length twenty-nine miles, at
about thirty-five miles average distance from Lisbon. The utmost skill
of the engineer had been exerted to improve the natural strength of
this mountain line, and to supply its deficiencies. A second line of
fortifications had been prepared some ten miles nearer Lisbon, in
case the first should be lost, or prove too extensive for the numbers
occupying it; and a third to protect a possible forced embarkation. But
this danger was happily gone by. Reinforcements arrived from England,
additional Portuguese corps were assembled, and La Romana, at Lord
Wellington’s request, brought in two Spanish divisions. Before the end of
the month seventy thousand regular troops were within the lines, ready to
be moved, along convenient roads, to whatever points might be threatened,
whilst sixty thousand Portuguese militia manned the different forts and
redoubts that commanded the approaches.

Masséna halted in disagreeable surprise before the stupendous fortress.
He was obliged to send foraging detachments to great distances; these
were cruelly harassed, and sometimes cut off by the Portuguese militia
and ordenanzas. Towards the middle of November, Masséna withdrew from
before the lines, and took up a strong position at Santarem, upon the
Tagus. Wellington, to observe him, stationed himself in advance of his
lines, upon which he could fall back at a moment’s warning.

Throughout the greater part of Spain meanwhile a desultory warfare had
been carried on, in which the French were generally successful. Victor
was conducting the siege of Cadiz, an operation that proceeded languidly
on both sides, from want of numbers on Victor’s, and the usual causes on
that of the Spaniards.

The assembling of the cortes was looked to as the period and as the
means of the regeneration of Spain. These hopes were confirmed, and the
peculiar character of the Spanish resolution was, at the same time,
curiously illustrated by the mode in which the elections were carried
on, even in the provinces most thoroughly occupied by the French.
Considerable bodies of armed peasants, or of guerillas, sometimes
temporarily drove the French from the town where an election was
appointed to take place, sometimes merely held them at bay, whilst
the suffrages were collected. And thus, almost everywhere, deputies
were elected who, sooner or later, found their way to Cadiz. On the
24th of September, 1810, the cortes were solemnly opened. The assembly
immediately decreed a new levy of 150,000 men, together with provision
for the support and equipment of all the Spanish armies. But then, as
if this decree had sufficed for expelling the enemy, who held the whole
country in subjection, they dedicated their whole attention to framing
a constitution, and to establishing sweeping theories, resembling those
adopted by the French National Assembly, and equally democratic in their
tenor. The disputes that ensued between the cortes and the regency ended
in the dissolution of the latter body, for whom was substituted an
executive council of three. The cortes offended the clergy by attacking
the Inquisition, and attempting other ecclesiastical reforms for which
the country was unripe, exasperated the whole church, and sowed the
seeds of the fatal subsequent reaction that robbed Spain of all the
internal benefits she ought to have derived from the restoration of her
representative legislature.

[Sidenote: [1810-1811 A.D.]]

Although they had allowed the colonies to send deputies to the cortes,
they were not willing to treat the colonists as brethren. The colonies
had unanimously professed their loyalty to Ferdinand, and their adhesion
to the national cause. The emissaries employed by Napoleon and Joseph to
seduce them had been everywhere derided and punished; and the American
revenues, regularly conveyed to the mother-country by English vessels,
ought, if fairly applied, to have done much towards supporting the war.

On the intelligence of the surrender of Seville, the subjugation of
Andalusia, and the flight and dispersion of the central junta, the
province of Caracas assumed that Spain was conquered; and, declaring
that it never would submit to Joseph, cast off the authority of the
mother-country whilst proclaiming inviolable fidelity to Ferdinand.
This example was followed by the other provinces of Terra Firma, as the
north coast of the South American continent was called; and on the 19th
of April, 1810, the Venezuela confederation proclaimed its independent
existence under Ferdinand VII. They refused to acknowledge the Cadiz
regency and cortes, with whom they carried on a paper war; and those
bodies, vehemently resenting this daring assertion of independence,
divided the forces that should have been dedicated to the expulsion of
the enemy from Spain, in order to compel colonial submission.

From the injudicious appointment to the chief command of the worst of all
the Spanish generals, Lapeña, Cadiz must have fallen, if Soult had not
been ordered by Napoleon to co-operate with Masséna against Portugal.
Lapeña, to whom Graham, as a measure of conciliation, gave up the supreme
command, stood inactive in a safe and distant post, with eleven thousand
Spaniards, whilst at Barrosa, Graham, with little more than four thousand
English and Portuguese, fought and defeated nearly nine thousand French.
By the Spanish general’s refusal even to pursue the beaten enemy, the
benefit of this hardly won success was lost. The council and cortes
approved of Lapeña’s conduct: he claimed the merit of the victory, and
Graham, in disgust, resigning his command to General Cooke, joined
Lord Wellington. La Romana died on the 24th of January, 1811. Olivenza
had capitulated on the 22nd, and the French laid siege to Badajoz. La
Romana’s successor, Mendizabal, was defeated by Soult; but Don Raphael
Menacho, the governor of Badajoz, defended the place stoutly, and Soult
remained before it. In Portugal the winter had passed with little
alteration. Wellington and Masséna had spent it in watching each other.

[Sidenote: [1811 A.D.]]

By the end of February, 1811, the provisions, which the obstinacy of the
regents had left to the French, were exhausted. Masséna learned from his
partisans in Lisbon that English reinforcements had landed on the 2nd of
March, and on the 6th he had evacuated Santarem and begun his retreat. He
conducted it with great skill, stained, however, with as great and wanton
cruelty. In fact, this retreat, though highly honourable to the general’s
abilities, remains one of the foulest blots upon the moral character of
the French army.[120] But the pursuit was conducted by Lord Wellington
with yet greater ability, every strong position taken by the French army
being immediately turned by the British; and on the 5th of April Masséna
was finally driven across the frontiers of Portugal. This retreat cost
the French about six thousand men, and the allies a tenth of that number.
Masséna’s previous losses are estimated at twenty-five or thirty thousand.

FAILURES IN SPAIN

Lord Wellington, having now again delivered Portugal, asked for such
reinforcements as might enable him to undertake the deliverance of Spain,
without being, as before, dependent upon the obstinate generals and
feeble counsels of that country. But to the feasibility of his future
schemes, and even to the maintenance of Portugal and of Cadiz, the
recovery of Almeida, Ciudad Rodrigo, and Badajoz was indispensable. The
first of these fortresses Wellington immediately blockaded, and directed
Marshal Beresford to lay siege to the last.

Masséna, having refreshed, re-equipped, and reorganised his army in
Spain, marched to relieve Almeida. His advance produced the battle of
Fuentes de Onoro, fought on the 5th of May, in which, after an obstinate
and sanguinary contest, they were repulsed, and again retreated.
Brennier, the governor of Almeida, then despairing of relief, blew up the
fortifications of the place, made his way, with little loss, through the
British lines, and rejoined Masséna. Ciudad Rodrigo was next blockaded,
but the French easily introduced convoys, and the blockade was abandoned.
Little progress was made in the south. Some smaller places Marshal
Beresford recovered; but he had scarcely invested Badajoz when the
approach of Soult, with a powerful army, obliged him to raise the siege.
He fought a battle at Albuera on the 16th of May. But the victory was
purchased by the loss of forty-five hundred British, killed and wounded,
out of six thousand, and twenty-six hundred Germans, Spaniards, and
Portuguese. Lord Wellington arrived in Beresford’s camp soon after the
battle, and Badajoz was besieged a second time under his own direction.

On the night of the 5th of June an attempt was made to storm. It failed;
was repeated two nights later, and again failed, both times with heavy
loss. Upon this second repulse, as the combined French armies, to the
amount of seventy thousand men, were approaching, Lord Wellington,
who had but fifty-six thousand, and was particularly inferior to his
adversaries in cavalry, raised the siege, and withdrew the troops to
a strong position, limiting himself, for the present, to the defence
of Portugal. No other war raged now to distract the attention of the
French emperor; but he did not again take the command of the peninsular
armies, and it is difficult to assign a valid reason for his conduct.
He contented himself with sending reinforcements to the extent of fifty
thousand men, naming Marmont, duke of Ragusa, to supersede Masséna, whose
conduct of the invasion of Portugal he of course blamed; and placing
Catalonia, like Aragon, under Suchet’s command, and also Valencia when he
should have conquered that province.

[Sidenote: [1811-1812 A.D.]]

Suchet had deserved this confidence: he had done more than any other
French general both to conquer Spain and to bend her to the yoke. Aragon
was tolerably submissive; Tarragona, the last fortress of Catalonia, fell
in June. Considering his work done in Catalonia, although guerilla bands
still occupied the mountain fastnesses, and the bold and able Sarsfield
watched every opportunity of directing them upon the French, Suchet next
invaded Valencia. He defeated several detachments of the Spanish army,
and on the 16th of October laid siege to Murviedro. Blake gave battle
on the 25th of October, and was defeated. Upon this disaster, Murviedro
capitulated, and Blake took another strong position to protect the
capital, Valencia, where Suchet, on the 26th of December, again defeated
him, driving him into Valencia. There Suchet besieged him, and compelled
him to capitulate on the 8th of January, 1812. This campaign, the most
successful the French had made in Spain since the first, Napoleon
rewarded by creating Suchet duke of Albuféra, and granting him the royal
domain of that name in Valencia, as an inalienable fief of the French
empire.

The dissensions with the colonies likewise diverted both the attention
and the resources of the Spanish government from the vigorous prosecution
of the war. In every American province insurrection now raged. In Mexico,
after a severe struggle, the Spaniards regained the ascendency. In South
America the insurgents everywhere prevailed, as will be described later
in the histories of Spanish America.

The year 1812 opened with an exploit, the brilliant rapidity of which
seems equally to have confounded the French and enraptured the Spaniards.
Lord Wellington had long been silently forwarding every preparation for
the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo. On the 8th of January, 1812, he suddenly
appeared before the place, invested it, and on the 19th the town was
stormed.[c] But throwing off the restraints of discipline, the British
troops committed frightful excesses; the town was fired in three or four
places, the soldiers menaced their officers and shot each other; many
were killed in the market-place, intoxication soon increased the tumult,
and at last, the fury rising to absolute madness, a fire was wilfully
lighted in the middle of the great magazine, by which the town would have
been blown to atoms but for the energetic courage of some officers and a
few soldiers who still preserved their senses.

To recompense an exploit so boldly undertaken and so gloriously finished,
Lord Wellington was created duke of Ciudad Rodrigo by the Spaniards,
earl of Wellington by the English, marquis of Torres Vedras by the
Portuguese.[b]

By disguising his designs, Lord Wellington hoped to master Badajoz like
Ciudad Rodrigo, before Soult and Marmont should have time to hear of
the siege, and unite their forces to raise it. On the 16th of March,
1812, Badajoz was invested. The works were hurried on with the diligence
already practised, and on the 24th an important fort was carried by
assault. On the 30th information was received that Soult was advancing
with his whole disposable force to raise the siege; that Graham and
Hill were retreating before him towards Albuera; that Marmont, taking
advantage of the allied army’s removal, had crossed the frontier,
blockaded Ciudad Rodrigo, masked Almeida, and marched southwards,
plundering and ravaging the country, as far as Castello Branco; and that
the cavalry and militia, left to observe him, had fallen back, the latter
upon the mountains, the former towards the Tagus. In consequence of this
threatening intelligence, the siege was pressed with increased ardour; on
the 6th of April three sufficient breaches were made; and on the night of
that day they were stormed.[c]

The account of this desperate attack is perhaps the most dramatic, and
is certainly the most famous, portion of Napier’s _History of the War
in the Peninsula_, which, as we have already stated, is regarded as the
most eminent military history in the English language. We quote herewith
the greater part of what is a masterwork of literature describing a
masterwork of heroism.[a]

NAPIER’S ACCOUNT OF THE ASSAULT ON BADAJOZ

[Sidenote: [1812 A.D.]]

Dry but clouded was the night, the air thick with watery exhalations
from the rivers, the ramparts and the trenches unusually still; yet a
low murmur pervaded the latter, and in the former lights were seen to
flit here and there, while the deep voices of the sentinels at times
proclaimed that all was well at Badajoz. The French, confiding in
Phillipon’s direful skill, watched from their lofty station the approach
of enemies whom they had twice before baffled, and now hoped to drive a
third time blasted and ruined from the walls. The British, standing in
deep columns, were as eager to meet that fiery destruction as the others
were to pour it down, and both were alike terrible for their strength,
their discipline, and the passions awakened in their resolute hearts.
Former failures there were to avenge, and on both sides leaders who
furnished no excuse for weakness in the hour of trial. The possession of
Badajoz had become a point of personal honour with the soldiers of each
nation, but the desire for glory with the British was dashed by a hatred
of the citizens on an old grudge; and recent toil and hardship with much
spilling of blood had made many incredibly savage; for these things
render the noble-minded indeed averse to cruelty but harden the vulgar
spirit: numbers also, like Cæsar’s centurion, who could not forget the
plunder of Avaricum, were heated with the recollection of Ciudad Rodrigo
and thirsted for spoil. Thus every spirit found a cause of excitement,
the wondrous power of discipline bound the whole together as with a band
of iron, and in the pride of arms none doubted their might to bear down
every obstacle that man could oppose to their fury.

At 10 o’clock, the castle, the San Roque, the breaches, the Pardaleras,
the distant bastion of San Vincente, and the bridge-head on the other
side of the Guadiana were to have been simultaneously assailed, and it
was hoped the strength of the enemy would shrivel within that fiery
girdle. But many are the disappointments of war. An unforeseen accident
delayed the attack of the 5th division, and a lighted carcass thrown from
the castle, falling close to the 3rd division, discovered their array and
compelled them to anticipate the signal by half an hour. Then, everything
being suddenly disturbed, the double columns of the 4th and light
divisions also moved silently and swiftly against the breaches, and the
guard of the trenches rushing forward with a shout encompassed the San
Roque with fire and broke in so violently that scarcely any resistance
was made. But a sudden blaze of light and the rattling of musketry
indicated the commencement of a more vehement combat at the castle.
There General Kempt--for Picton hurt by a fall in the camp, and expecting
no change in the hour, was not present--there Kempt, I say, led the 3rd
division. Having passed the Rivillas in single files by a narrow bridge
under a terrible musketry, he had reformed, and running up a rugged hill,
reached the foot of the castle, where he fell severely wounded, and as he
was carried back to the trenches met Picton, who was hastening to take
the command.

[Illustration: VIMEIRO]

Meanwhile the troops, spreading along the front, had reared their heavy
ladders, some against the lofty castle, some against the adjoining front
on the left, and with incredible courage ascended amidst showers of heavy
stones, logs of wood, and bursting shells rolled off the parapet, while
from the flanks the enemy plied his musketry with fearful rapidity, and
in front with pikes and bayonets stabbed the leading assailants or pushed
the ladders from the walls; and all this was attended with deafening
shouts and the crash of breaking ladders, and the shrieks of crushed
soldiers answering to the sullen stroke of the falling weights. Still
swarming round the remaining ladders those undaunted veterans strove
who should first climb, until all being overturned, the French shouted
victory, and the British, baffled but untamed, fell back a few paces
and took shelter under the rugged edge of the hill. There the broken
ranks were somewhat reformed, and the heroic Ridge, springing forward,
seized a ladder, and calling with stentorian voice on his men to follow,
once more raised it against the castle, yet to the right of the former
attack, where the wall was lower and an embrasure offered some facility.
A second ladder was soon placed alongside of the first by the grenadier
officer Canch, and the next instant he and Ridge were on the rampart, the
shouting troops pressed after them, the garrison, amazed and in a manner
surprised, were driven fighting through the double gate into the town,
and the castle was won. A reinforcement from the French reserve then came
up, a sharp action followed, both sides fired through the gate, and
the enemy retired; but Ridge fell, and no man died that night with more
glory--yet many died, and there was much glory.

All this time the tumult at the breaches was such as if the very
earth had been rent asunder and its central fires bursting upwards
uncontrolled. The two divisions had reached the glacis just as the firing
at the castle commenced, and the flash of a single musket discharged from
the covered way as a signal showed them that the French were ready; yet
no stir was heard and darkness covered the breaches. Some hay-packs were
thrown, some ladders placed, and the forlorn hopes and storming parties
of the light division, five hundred in all, descended into the ditch
without opposition; but then a bright flame shooting upwards, displayed
all the terrors of the scene. The ramparts, crowded with dark figures and
glistering arms, were on one side, on the other the red columns of the
British, deep and broad, were coming on like streams of burning lava; it
was the touch of the magician’s wand, for a crash of thunder followed,
and with incredible violence the storming parties were dashed to pieces
by the explosion of hundreds of shells and powder-barrels.

For an instant the light division stood on the brink of the ditch amazed
at the terrific sight, but then with a shout that matched even the sound
of the explosion the men flew down the ladders, or disdaining their aid
leaped reckless of the depth into the gulf below; and at the same moment,
amidst a blaze of musketry that dazzled the eyes, the 4th division came
running in and descended with a like fury. There were only five ladders
for the two columns which were close together, and a deep cut made in
the bottom of the ditch was filled with water from the inundation;
into that watery snare the head of the 4th division fell, and it is
said above a hundred of the fusiliers, the men of Albuera, were there
smothered. Those who followed checked not, but, as if such a disaster
had been expected, turned to the left and thus came upon the face of
the unfinished ravelin, which being rough and broken was mistaken for
the breach and instantly covered with men; yet a wide and deep chasm
was still between them and the ramparts, from whence came a deadly fire
wasting their ranks. Thus baffled they also commenced a rapid discharge
of musketry and disorder ensued. Now a multitude bounded up the great
breach as if driven by a whirlwind, but across the top glittered a range
of sword-blades, sharp-pointed, keen-edged on both sides, and firmly
fixed in ponderous beams chained together and set deep in the ruins; and
for ten feet in front the ascent was covered with loose planks studded
with sharp iron points, on which feet being set the planks moved and
the unhappy soldiers falling forward on the spikes rolled down upon
the ranks behind. Then the Frenchmen, shouting at the success of their
stratagem and leaping forward, plied their shot with terrible rapidity,
for every man had several muskets, and each musket in addition to its
ordinary charge contained a small cylinder of wood stuck full of wooden
slugs, which scattered like hail when they were discharged. Once and
again the assailants rushed up the breaches, but always the sword-blades,
immovable and impassable, stopped their charge, and the hissing shells
and thundering powder-barrels exploded unceasingly. Hundreds of men had
fallen, hundreds more were dropping, still the heroic officers called
aloud for new trials, and so furious were the men themselves that in one
of these charges the rear sometimes followed by many, sometimes by a few,
ascended the ruins; strove to push the foremost on to the sword-blades,
willing even to make a bridge of their writhing bodies, but the others
frustrated the attempt by dropping down; and men fell so far from the
shot, it was hard to know who went down voluntarily, who were stricken;
and many stooped unhurt that never rose again. Vain also would it have
been to break through the sword-blades, for the trench and parapet
behind the breach were finished, and the assailants, crowded into even a
narrower space than the ditch was, would still have been separated from
their enemies and the slaughter would have continued.

Order was impossible! Officers of all ranks, followed more or less
numerously by the men, were seen to start out as if struck by sudden
madness and rush into the breach. Colonel Macleod of the 43rd, a young
man whose feeble body would have been quite unfit for war if it had not
been sustained by an unconquerable spirit, when one behind him in falling
plunged a bayonet into his back, complained not but continuing his course
was shot dead within a yard of the sword-blades. Yet there was no want
of gallant leaders or desperate followers, until two hours passed in
these vain efforts had convinced the troops the breach of the Trinidad
was impregnable. Gathering in dark groups and leaning on their muskets,
they looked up with sullen desperation at the Trinidad; while the enemy,
stepping out on the ramparts and aiming their shots by the light of the
fire-balls which they threw over, asked as their victims fell, “Why did
they not come into Badajoz?” In this dreadful situation, while the dead
were lying in heaps and others continually falling, the wounded crawling
about to get some shelter from the merciless shower above, and withal a
sickening stench from the burned flesh of the slain, Captain Nicholas
was observed making incredible efforts to force his way with a few men
into the Santa Maria bastion; but when they had gained two-thirds of the
ascent a concentrated fire of musketry and grape dashed nearly the whole
dead to the earth: Nicholas was mortally wounded and the intrepid Shaw
stood alone. With inexpressible coolness he looked at his watch, and
saying it was too late to carry the breaches rejoined the masses at the
other attack. After this no further effort was made at any point, and the
troops remained passive but unflinching beneath the enemy’s shot which
streamed without intermission.

About midnight, when two thousand brave men had fallen, Wellington,
who was on a height close to the quarries, ordered the remainder to
retire and reform for a second assault; he had heard the castle was
taken, but, thinking the enemy would still resist in the town, was
resolved to assail the breaches again. This retreat from the ditch was
not effected without further carnage and confusion. All this time the
town was girdled with fire. Walker’s brigade, having passed on during
the feint on the Pardaleras, was escalading the distant bastion of San
Vincente. His troops had advanced along the banks of the river and
reached the French guard-house at the barrier-gate undiscovered, the
ripple of the waters smothering the sound of their footsteps; but just
then the explosion at the breaches took place, the moon shone out, the
French sentinels discovering the columns fired, and the British soldiers
springing forward under a sharp musketry began to hew down the wooden
barrier at the covered way. The Portuguese, panic-stricken, threw down
the scaling-ladders, the others snatched them up again and forcing the
barrier jumped into the ditch; but the guiding engineer officer was
killed, there was a _cunette_ which embarrassed the column, and the
ladders proved too short, for the walls were generally above thirty feet
high. The fire of the enemy was deadly, a small mine was sprung beneath
the soldiers’ feet, beams of wood and live shells were rolled over on
their heads, showers of grape from the flank swept the ditch, and man
after man dropped dead from the ladders.

Fortunately some of the defenders had been called away to aid in
recovering the castle, the ramparts were not entirely manned; and the
assailants, discovering a corner of the bastion where the scarp was only
twenty feet high, placed three ladders there under an embrasure which
had no gun and was only stopped with a gabion. Some men got up with
difficulty, for the ladders were still too short, and the first man who
gained the top was pushed up by his comrades and drew others after him
until many had won the summit; and though the French shot heavily against
them from both flanks and from a house in front, their numbers augmented
rapidly and half the 4th regiment entered the town itself to dislodge the
French from the houses, while the others pushed along the rampart towards
the breach and by dint of hard fighting successively won three bastions.

In the last of these combats Walker, leaping forward sword in hand at
the moment when one of the enemy’s cannoneers was discharging a gun,
was covered with so many wounds it was wonderful that he could survive,
and some of the soldiers immediately after, perceiving a lighted match
on the ground, cried out: “A mine!” At that word, such is the power
of imagination, those troops who had not been stopped by the strong
barrier, the deep ditch, the high walls and the deadly fire of the enemy,
staggered back appalled by a chimera of their own raising; and in this
disorder a French reserve under General Veillande drove on them with a
firm and rapid charge, pitching some men over the walls, killing others
outright, and cleansing the ramparts even to the San Vincente. There
however Leith had placed Colonel Nugent with a battalion of the 38th as
a reserve, and when the French came up, shouting and slaying all before
them, this battalion, two hundred strong, arose and with one close volley
destroyed them; then the panic ceased, the soldiers rallied, and in
compact order once more charged along the walls towards the breaches; but
the French, although turned on both flanks and abandoned by fortune, did
not yet yield.

Meanwhile the portion of the 4th regiment which had entered the town
was strangely situated. For the streets were empty and brilliantly
illuminated and no person was seen, yet a low buzz and whispers were
heard around, lattices were now and then gently opened, and from time
to time shots were fired from underneath the doors of the houses by the
Spaniards, while the troops with bugles sounding advanced towards the
great square of the town. In their progress they captured several mules
going with ammunition to the breaches; yet the square itself was as
empty and silent as the streets, and the houses as bright with lamps:
a terrible enchantment seemed to be in operation--they saw only an
illumination and heard only low whispering around them, while the tumult
at the breaches was like the crashing thunder. Plainly, however, the
fight was there raging, and hence, quitting the square, they attempted
to take the garrison in reverse by attacking the ramparts from the
town side; but they were received with a rolling musketry, driven back
with loss, and resumed their movement through the streets. At last the
breaches were abandoned by the French, other parties entered, desultory
combats took place, Veillande, and Phillipon who was wounded, seeing all
ruined, passed the bridge with a few hundred soldiers, and entered San
Christoval.

Now commenced that wild and desperate wickedness which tarnished the
lustre of the soldiers’ heroism. All indeed were not alike, hundreds
risked and many lost their lives in striving to stop the violence; but
madness generally prevailed, and as the worst men were leaders here, all
the dreadful passions of human nature were displayed. Shameless rapacity,
brutal intemperance, savage lust, cruelty and murder, shrieks and
piteous lamentations, groans, shouts, imprecations, the hissing of fires
bursting from the houses, the crashing of doors and windows, and the
reports of muskets used in violence, resounded for two days and nights
in the streets of Badajoz! On the third, when the city was sacked, when
the soldiers were exhausted by their own excesses, the tumult rather
subsided than was quelled: the wounded men were then looked to, the dead
disposed of. Five thousand men and officers fell in this siege, and of
these, including 700 Portuguese, 3,500 had been stricken in the assault,
60 officers and more than 700 men being slain on the spot. The five
generals, Kempt, Harvey, Bowes, Colville, and Picton were wounded, the
first four severely; 600 men and officers fell in the escalade of San
Vincente, as many at the castle, and more than 2,000 at the breaches,
each division there losing 1,200. And how deadly the breach strife was
may be gathered from this: the 43rd and 52nd regiments of the light
division lost more men than the seven regiments of the 3rd division
engaged at the castle.[121]

Let it be considered that this frightful carnage took place in a space of
less than a hundred yards square; that the slain died not all suddenly
nor by one manner of death--that some perished by steel, some by shot,
some by water, that some were crushed and mangled by heavy weights, some
trampled upon, some dashed to atoms by the fiery explosions; that for
hours this destruction was endured without shrinking, and the town was
won at last. Let these things be considered, and it must be admitted
a British army bears with it an awful power. And false would it be to
say the French were feeble men; the garrison stood and fought manfully
and with good discipline, behaving worthily: shame there was none
on any side. Yet who shall do justice to the bravery of the British
soldiers--the noble emulation of the officers? Who shall measure out
the glory of Ridge, of Macleod, of Nicholas, of O’Hare of the 95th,
who perished on the breach at the head of the stormers, and with him
nearly all the volunteers for that desperate service? Who shall describe
the springing valour of that Portuguese grenadier who was killed, the
foremost man at the Santa Maria; or the martial fury of that desperate
rifleman, who, in his resolution to win, thrust himself beneath the
chained sword-blades, and there suffered the enemy to dash his head to
pieces with the ends of their muskets? Who can sufficiently honour the
intrepidity of Walker, of Shaw, of Canch, or the hardiness of Ferguson
of the 43rd, who having in former assaults received two deep wounds was
here, his former hurts still open, leading the stormers of his regiment,
the third time a volunteer, the third time wounded? Nor would I be
understood to select these as pre-eminent; many and signal were the
other examples of unbounded devotion, some known, some that will never
be known; for in such a tumult much passes unobserved, and often the
observers fell themselves ere they could bear testimony to what they saw:
but no age, no nation ever sent forth braver troops to battle than those
who stormed Badajoz. When the extent of the night’s havoc was made known
to Lord Wellington, the firmness of his nature gave way for a moment, and
the pride of conquest yielded to a passionate burst of grief for the loss
of his gallant soldiers.[b]

BRITISH PROGRESS

One result of this triumph was the immediate and final retreat of the
French from Estremadura and Portugal. Marmont raised the blockade of
Ciudad Rodrigo, and fell back to Salamanca.

In Spain, the native leaders meanwhile continued their desultory warfare;
Lacy, Sarsfield, Rovira, Mina, and Porlier in the north, the Empecinado
and Sanchez in the Castiles, and Ballasteros in the south, gained
trifling advantages over the enemy in divers engagements; but for want
of concert no material result was obtained from their successes, whilst
Suchet made himself master of the whole kingdom of Valencia, with the
single exception of Alicante. In Tarifa, a town defended only by an old
wall, eighteen hundred English and Spanish troops, commanded by Colonel
Skerrett, repulsed ten thousand French led by the duke of Belluno in
person.[122]

Meanwhile General Hill had driven the French from Almaraz upon the Tagus,
and thus obtained possession of the only place through which the enemy’s
armies of Portugal and of the south could conveniently keep up their
communication across the river. The earl of Wellington then advanced
towards Salamanca on the 13th of June, 1812. He there, despite the
efforts of Marmont, reduced several very strong forts. Marmont retreated
to the Douro. A series of masterly manœuvres ensued, in which, during
six days, the contending generals displayed all the resources of their
art. The advantage in this pure trial of skill remained with the Briton,
who, on the 22nd of July, seizing upon a rash movement of Marmont’s,
instantly attacked him, and gained the splendid victory of Salamanca, in
which the French lost seven thousand prisoners, at least as many killed
and wounded, including three generals killed and four wounded, amongst
whom was Marmont himself, eleven pieces of artillery, and two eagles. The
loss of the allies amounted to fifty-two hundred killed and wounded, the
former including one general, the latter five.

Clausel, who upon Marmont’s being disabled, succeeded to the command,
rallied the routed army, and retreated to Burgos. Wellington pursued
him as far as Valladolid, and then turning southwards, marched upon
Madrid. Joseph had not above twenty thousand men for the defence of his
capital; he abandoned it at the approach of the allies; but weakened
himself by leaving a garrison of two thousand men in a fortress adjoining
the palace of Buen Retiro. They capitulated on the approach of the
British. Lord Wellington entered Madrid on the 12th of August, and was
received with every demonstration as the deliverer of Spain. The new
constitution was proclaimed in the capital, and sworn to with eager
zeal. And now the exploits and services of the British general had at
length so far conquered Spanish jealousy that the cortes named the duke
commander-in-chief of the Spanish forces.

Soult raised the blockade of Cadiz on the 25th, and united with Suchet.
He left, however, a garrison in Seville, which fell into the hands of
the English and Spanish troops on the 27th. Joseph, on the advance of
Hill, retreated in the same direction, and Andalusia was again freed
from the presence of the invaders. But the position of Lord Wellington
at Madrid, which had already produced most of the expected advantages,
was becoming dangerous. He was disappointed of the diversions upon
which he had relied. Maitland’s army proved too weak, amounting only to
six thousand men, to attempt a landing in Catalonia. It was therefore
directed to Alicant, where the Anglo-Sicilian army necessarily remained
in garrison. Wellington quitted Madrid on the 1st of September, to march
against Burgos, leaving half his army under Hill to observe Soult, and if
possible defend Madrid. The English troops that had garrisoned Cadiz now
joined the army.

[Illustration: SEGOVIA]

The French retreated as the allies advanced. On the 19th, Lord Wellington
occupied Burgos, and laid siege to the castle. Here the deficiency of
means proved more detrimental than ever, rendering it impossible to
conquer the science and courage displayed in the defence, or to prevent
the approach of Souham with all the disposable French force in the north
of Spain. Lord Wellington, on the 22nd of October, judged it expedient
to raise the siege, and take up his winter quarters on the Portuguese
frontier. About the same time, Joseph and Soult advancing upon Madrid,
Hill in obedience to his instructions, retreated to Salamanca, where, on
the 3rd of November, he joined Lord Wellington. On the 24th, the troops
went into cantonments along the frontier line, headquarters being fixed
at Freynada. It is mortifying to be compelled to add that, leisurely as
was this retreat, and untroubled by aught save very wet weather, the
troops, dispirited by their failure before Burgos, discovered much of the
disorder and insubordination that had marked Sir John Moore’s retreat to
Corunna.[c]

NAPIER’S ACCOUNT OF THE RETREAT

Drunkenness and insubordination were exhibited at Torquemada, where the
great wine-vaults were invaded, and twelve thousand men were at one time
in a state of helpless inebriety. The negligence of many medical and
escorting officers conducting the convoys of the sick, and the consequent
bad conduct of the soldiers (for where the officers are careless the
soldiers will be licentious) produced the worst effects. Outrages were
perpetrated on the inhabitants along the whole line of march, terror was
everywhere predominant, the ill-used drivers and muleteers deserted,
some with, some without their cattle. The commissariat lost nearly all
the animals and carriages employed, the villages were abandoned, and the
under-commissaries were bewildered or paralysed by the terrible disorder
thus spread along the line.

The rest of the retreat being unmolested was made with more regularity,
but the excesses still committed furnished glaring evidence that the
moral conduct of a general cannot be fairly judged by following in the
wake of a retreating army. There was no want of provisions, no hardships
to exasperate the men, and yet the author of this history counted on the
first day’s march from Madrid seventeen bodies of murdered peasants; by
whom killed, or for what, whether by English or Germans, by Spaniards,
or Portuguese, in dispute, in robbery, or in wanton villany was unknown;
but their bodies were in the ditches, and a shallow observer might thence
have drawn foul and false conclusions against the English general and
nation. The Spaniards, civil and military, evinced hatred of the British.
Daily did they attempt or perpetrate murder. The civil authorities, not
less savage, were more insolent than the military, treating every British
person with an intolerable arrogance. The whole loss of the double
retreat cannot be set down at less than nine thousand, including the loss
in the siege.

When the campaign terminated, Wellington, exasperated by the conduct
of the army and the many crossings he had experienced during the
campaign, gave vent to his indignation in a circular letter addressed
to the superior officers. In substance it declared that discipline had
deteriorated during the campaign in a greater degree than he had ever
witnessed or ever read of in any army, and this without any disaster, any
unusual privation or hardship save that of inclement weather; that the
officers had lost all command over their men, and excesses, outrages of
all kinds and inexcusable losses had occurred; that no army had ever made
shorter marches in retreat or had longer rests--no army had ever been so
little pressed by a pursuing enemy; and this unhappy state of affairs
was to be traced to the habitual neglect of duty by the regimental
officers.[b]

AFFAIRS OF 1812-1813

[Sidenote: [1812-1813 A.D.]]

The year 1812 saw everywhere the beginning of the reverses which
overthrew the colossal empire of Bonaparte. There was nothing to
counterbalance the exultation excited in Spain by these frightful
reverses of her unrelenting foe, except the continuance of the
dissensions with the colonies. The prince of Brazil, who had previously
created Lord Wellington count of Vimeiro and marquis of Torres Vedras,
now conferred upon him the title of duke of Victoria, in commemoration of
his many victories; and it might also have seemed in anticipation of the
most decisive of his peninsular battles. The allied armies were now, for
the first time, about to take the field under favourable circumstances;
and he, whose genius had hitherto been severely tried in contending with
and surmounting every species of obstacle, might hope to pursue that
more dazzling career of glory which silences the cavils of envy and
of ignorance. The resources of the peninsula, such as they were, were
placed at his disposal. What was of more consequence, the French emperor,
instead of constantly pouring reinforcements into Spain in numbers that
almost seemed to render Lord Wellington’s victories barren triumphs, was
compelled to withdraw thence many troops. Soult, with thirty thousand
veterans, was recalled from Spain.

The complicated arrangements requisite to bring so variously composed an
army into activity, delayed Lord Wellington’s opening the campaign until
the middle of May; when he took the field at the head of nearly seventy
thousand men, English and Portuguese, independently of the Spanish army
of Galicia under Castaños on his left, and another on his right under Don
Carlos de España. The French had still 160,000 men in Spain; and as many
of these as were not engaged in the eastern provinces under Suchet, or
employed in garrison duty, were stationed around Madrid and between the
capital and the Douro.

Lord Wellington ordered General Murray to remove his troops by sea
to Catalonia, in order both to relieve Valencia by drawing Suchet
northwards, and to be nearer the scene of the principal operations, and
sent Sir Thomas Graham, with the left wing of the army, to cross the
Douro within the limits of Portugal, and thus turn a perhaps impregnable
position, whilst he himself with the centre, and Sir Rowland Hill
with the right, advanced towards it in front, driving before them all
detachments from the army of Portugal, as it was still termed, that were
stationed south of the Douro. The manœuvre seems to have confounded the
enemy. The army of Portugal retreated. Joseph and Jourdan collected the
army of the centre, and evacuating Madrid, hastened to join the army
of Portugal near Burgos. Joseph fell back to Vitoria, the principal
depot of the French in the northern provinces; there he halted, drew up
his army in battle array, and prepared to make a last struggle for his
crown. It is said that the French occupied the very ground on which, in
the fourteenth century, the Black Prince had defeated Du Guesclin and
recovered the Castilian crown for Don Pedro.

Lord Wellington on the 21st of June, 1813, attacked. The Spaniards
fought with a courage that proved their former panics and failures to
have been mainly attributable to want of confidence in their commanders
and their comrades. The French wings were first assailed and driven
back. Then, when their formidably posted centre had been weakened to
support the wings, and was, besides, threatened on the flanks, that too
was assailed and carried. The French had never before been so utterly
routed. The whole army dispersed and fled; Joseph narrowly escaped being
taken prisoner; artillery, baggage, everything upon which the existence
of an army depends fell into the hands of the victors, as well as the
wives of many of the French superior officers, and the marshal’s staff
of Jourdan. The victory was actively followed up; most of the French
garrisons were taken, or surrendered upon being summoned; the remaining
French detachments, by a series of nearly bloodless manœuvres, were
driven across the Pyrenees; and by the 7th of July no part of Joseph’s
army remained in Spain except the garrisons of Pamplona and San Sebastian.

Suchet’s was now the only French army in Spain, and his force remained
unbroken in the eastern provinces, opposed to Sir John Murray. That
general was conveyed with his troops by a British fleet from Alicante
to the Catalan coast, and landing, on the 3rd of June, near Tarragona,
immediately invested that town. He had made little progress with
the siege when Suchet’s advance from Valencia was announced. Murray
re-embarked his troops with such precipitation, although Suchet was some
marches distant, that he left his artillery and stores behind. But the
news of the battle of Vitoria and its consequences determined Suchet to
abandon that province and concentrate his troops in Catalonia. Aragon was
freed, and Mina had the gratification of recovering the heroic Saragossa
from her conquerors.

When Napoleon received the tidings of the battle of Vitoria and its
disastrous results to his brother’s hopes, he sent back Soult to resume
the command from which he had taken him; to collect reinforcements,
reorganise the fugitive army, raise the sieges of Pamplona and San
Sebastian, and, in conjunction with Suchet, drive the British out of
Spain. To enable him to effect these objects, he named him imperial
lieutenant in Spain, giving him authority far beyond what had ever before
been intrusted to any marshal. Soult took the field at the head of nearly
one hundred thousand men, endeavouring to break through the extremity
of the British line, in order to relieve Pamplona. The French marshal’s
first measures seemed to promise him success. On the 25th of July, 1813,
with about fifty thousand men, he attacked two separate posts held by
divisions of the right wing under Sir Rowland Hill. The allies fought
obstinately, but were obliged to give way. On the 26th Lord Wellington
arrived on the scene of action, immediately resolving to give battle for
the protection of the blockade of Pamplona. The French were defeated
in two successive engagements on the 30th and 31st, after which Soult
retreated into France. On the 1st of August the allied troops resumed
their former positions amidst the Pyrenees.

The two sieges proceeded; but the provisions in Pamplona still held
out: the fortifications of San Sebastian were admirable, the approaches
difficult, and the garrison defended itself pertinaciously. When the town
was taken (August 31), the siege, and especially the assault, had cost
great numbers of lives--nearly four thousand; and the troops, infuriated
by the loss of their comrades and their own danger, could not be
restrained by the few surviving officers of the storming party, or even
taught to discriminate between friends and foes, Spaniards and French.
Greater outrages are said to have been committed upon the inhabitants
of San Sebastian than in any other town taken by the allies; and it was
longer ere the generals could restore order.[123]

The surrender of Pamplona set the allied forces at liberty, and Lord
Wellington immediately determined to advance into France, leaving Suchet
and his corps to the care of the Catalans, assisted by the Anglo-Sicilian
army. In beginning his operations upon the enemy’s territory, one of
the first cares of the British commander was to repress the ferociously
vindictive temper of his Spanish and Portuguese troops, who longed to
retaliate upon the French nation the injuries and outrages they had
suffered from the French soldiery. At first it was found impossible
altogether to control this disposition, in which the native officers but
too much sympathised with their men. But the firmness and severity with
which such offences were punished soon introduced a better temper.

On the 10th of November, 1813, Soult’s line of defence was attacked,
and notwithstanding the great pains bestowed upon strengthening it, was
forced; fifteen hundred prisoners and fifty guns fell into the victor’s
hands, besides quantities of stores. On the 9th of December hostilities
were renewed. The allied armies drove the French back into the intrenched
camp they had prepared close to Bayonne, and Soult, by attacking, after
five days of almost incessant fighting, in which the loss was necessarily
great (five thousand of the allies, and far more of the French were
killed or wounded), retreated into his intrenched camp. The weather
was still very severe, and Lord Wellington therefore again cantoned
his troops, but upon a more advanced line, and both armies passed the
remainder of the month in repose.

Whilst Lord Wellington, with those forces, for whom, as for their leader,
Napoleon had professed such superlative disdain, was thus penetrating
into France, the situation of the French emperor had undergone many
changes. It was at Leipsic, October 16th, 1813, that the battle, fatal
to his hopes of maintaining his sovereignty over Germany, was fought.
Every German state, including the whole Confederation of the Rhine, had
now thrown off allegiance to Napoleon. The allied sovereigns advanced to
the banks of the Rhine. There they halted for the remainder of the year,
satisfied with their achievements, and willing to give Napoleon, whom
they still feared, an opportunity for negotiation. Wellington and his
army alone, of the hostile forces, wintered in France.

RETURN OF THE BOURBONS

Napoleon saw that to recover all he had lost, or even to keep all he
yet retained, was, for the moment at least, impossible; and he resolved
to relax his grasp in that quarter, where renunciation of his now vain
pretensions need not induce the abandonment of real power. He opened
a negotiation with the prince to whom, as he believed, he could still
dictate the terms of the treaty to be concluded--namely, the captive of
Valençay, Ferdinand VII.

Since the seizure of the Spanish royal family at Bayonne, they had pretty
much vanished from public view. The old king and queen, with their
favourite, Godoy, had been transferred to Rome, where they vegetated
contentedly upon the ample pension assigned them. The queen of Etruria,
whose feelings appear to have been somewhat livelier than those of
her kindred, had incurred Napoleon’s anger by an abortive attempt at
escaping to England, and was strictly immured in a convent at Rome, with
her daughter; her son, the dethroned king, being taken from her, and
committed to the care of her parents. Ferdinand remained at Valençay.
He had written a letter of congratulation to Joseph Bonaparte upon his
accession to the Spanish throne. He repeatedly addressed to Napoleon
congratulations on his victories. When a scheme for his liberation was
devised by the British cabinet--partly through compassion but chiefly
under an idea that the presence of an acknowledged king would put an end
to the factions and jealousies that distracted the Spanish councils,
thwarted Lord Wellington’s designs, and impeded his progress--Ferdinand
not only refused to escape, but denounced the attempt to Napoleon, and
took the opportunity to renew his often rejected request that he might be
adopted into the imperial family, by receiving the hand of a Bonaparte
princess. He was further said to employ his time in embroidering a robe
for some image of the Virgin. But the stories were regarded as calumnious
inventions, propagated for the purpose of lowering Ferdinand’s character
in general estimation; and the imprisoned king remained as before an
object of loyal veneration, of esteem, and pity.

[Sidenote: [1813-1814 A.D.]]

Immediately on reaching Paris, after his calamitous retreat from Leipsic,
Napoleon addressed a letter to Ferdinand, telling him that England was
endeavouring to overthrow the monarchy and nobility of Spain, in order
to establish a republic in that country, and offering him his liberty,
together with the alliance of France, that he might return to Spain,
and put an end to the disorders now convulsing the kingdom and further
menacing it. After a little delay and negotiation Ferdinand yielded. On
the 11th of December, 1813, a treaty was signed at Valençay, by which
he was recognised as king of Spain and the Indies, all old treaties
and alliances between France and Spain were revived and confirmed,
and Ferdinand undertook for the immediate evacuation of Spain and her
dependencies by the English. Even this treaty, however, Ferdinand
referred to the approbation and sanction of the regency and the cortes;
and San Carlos was despatched with a copy of it to Madrid, whither the
seat of government was now transferred from Cadiz.

On the 8th of January, 1814, the regency through its president, the
cardinal de Bourbon, addressed a respectful answer to the king, in
which they assured him of their joy at the prospect of his majesty’s
approaching liberation, but returned the treaty unratified, and
transmitted copies of the law, and of the treaty with England, which
prevented its ratification.

Towards the middle of February, 1814, the weather improved, and Lord
Wellington drew his troops from their cantonments. By a series of
able manœuvres, and of engagements ending with the well-contested and
brilliant victory of Orthez, gained on the 27th of February, he drove
Soult successively from post to post, through a country of peculiar
difficulty, and abounding in strong defensive positions, of which the
French marshal skilfully endeavoured to avail himself, but was uniformly
foiled by the superior skill of his British competitor. Sir John Hope
lay before Bayonne with the left wing. By the help of an English
squadron, under Admiral Penrose, the close investment of Bayonne laid
open the direct road to Bordeaux, and on the 8th of March Wellington sent
Beresford with fifteen thousand men to make himself master of that town.
Beresford was accompanied by the duke of Angoulême, as a royalist party
with the mayor at their head were well known to be anxiously expecting
the prince. The French garrison evacuated the town as the allied troops
approached, and the inhabitants, assuming the white cockade, and
receiving the prince with enthusiastic loyalty, proclaimed Louis XVIII.
Lord Wellington, recalling Beresford, recommenced his operations against
Soult. On the 18th they began their movement up the Adour, the French
retiring before them. On the 19th, Soult was driven from Vic-en-Bigorre,
and on the 20th from Tarbes, when he retreated upon Toulouse.

Whilst Ferdinand’s allies and subjects were thus progressively triumphing
over his oppressor, the captive prince had regained his liberty.
Napoleon, finding that no treaty concluded with the king of Spain, whilst
his prisoner, would be acknowledged by the nation as valid, on the 14th
of March released him unconditionally, as the only remaining chance of
detaching Spain from England, and recovering his former influence over
that country. Ferdinand was conducted to Perpignan, and there, on the
19th of March, delivered over to the care of Suchet, who was to make
arrangements, under the royal guarantee, for the safe return of the
different French garrisons, spread over the eastern coast of Spain, to
his army, upon their surrendering to the king the fortresses they still
held. Ferdinand, on the 24th, was received by Copons and throngs of his
native subjects, who had flocked from every place within reach, to greet
the return of their beloved sovereign. Ferdinand’s signature having,
however, by the then law of the land, no authority until he should have
taken the oath prescribed by the constitution, Suchet’s object was
unattained. The surrender of the fortresses, and the safe passage of the
garrisons still remained to be negotiated betwixt him and Copons; and
before they had brought it to a conclusion, the progress of events in
France rendered all arrangements of the kind unnecessary.

Lord Wellington had not allowed Soult time to receive the accession
of strength he expected from the result of Suchet’s negotiations. He
followed him to Toulouse, forced the passage of the Garonne, and on the
10th of April, 1814, under the walls of the city, gained the last victory
of this war, in the battle of Toulouse. Soult retired into the town,
which, upon Wellington’s preparing to invest it, he evacuated on the
night of the 12th, the allied army permitting him to withdraw unmolested.
The next day they took possession of the city, where they were received
with every demonstration of joy, and the inhabitants proclaimed Louis
XVIII. It was the last occasion upon which the act could have the grace
of a spontaneous impulse of the people.

The allied armies appeared before the French capital. Maria Louisa,
with her son, and the ministry, had fled to Blois. Joseph followed the
empress, and Paris capitulated. On the 31st of March Alexander and
Frederick William had entered the city at the head of their troops.
Napoleon gave way; and abdicated unconditionally. The title and rank
of emperor were, in return, confirmed to him, although his empire was
limited to the tiny island of Elba. The Bourbons were now restored to
their long lost throne; and peace was re-established throughout Europe.
Lord Wellington, like the rest of the allies, now of course evacuated the
French territory, and dissolved his mixed army, the British, Spanish, and
Portuguese.[c]

ENGLAND’S SHARE IN THE WAR

Napoleon’s enormous armies had been so wonderfully organised that they
existed and fought in Spain for six years, and without cessation; for
to them winters and summers were alike; they endured incredible toils
and privations, yet were not starved out, nor were their small armies
beaten by the Spaniards. And for their daring and resource a single fact
recorded by Wellington will suffice. They captured more than one strong
place in Spain without any provision of bullets save those fired at them
by their enemies, having trusted to that chance when they formed the
siege! Before the British troops they fell; but how horrible was the
struggle, how many defeats they recovered from, how many brave men they
slew; what changes and interpositions of fortune occurred before they
could be rolled back upon their own frontiers! And this is the glory of
England, that her soldiers and hers only were capable of overthrowing
them in equal battle. What battle except Baylen did the peninsulars
win? What fortress did they take by siege? What place defend? Sir
Arthur Wellesley twice delivered Portugal. Sir John Moore’s march to
Sahagun saved Andalusia and Lisbon from invasion at a critical moment.
Sir Arthur’s march to Talavera delivered Galicia. Graham saved Cadiz.
Smith saved Tarifa. Wellington recaptured Ciudad and Badajoz, rescued
Andalusia from Soult and Valencia from Suchet; the Anglo-Sicilian army
preserved Alicante, and finally recovered Tarragona and Barcelona under
the influence of the northern operations, which at the same time reduced
Pamplona and San Sebastian. England indeed could not alone have triumphed
in the struggle, but for her share let this brief summary speak:

She expended more than £100,000,000 [$500,000,000] on her own operations,
she subsidised both Spain and Portugal, and with her supplies of
clothing, arms, and ammunition maintained the armies of each, even to
the guerillas. From thirty up to seventy thousand British troops were
employed by her; and while her naval squadrons harassed the French with
descents upon the coasts, and supplied the Spaniards with arms and stores
and money after every defeat, her land-forces fought and won nineteen
pitched battles and innumerable combats, made or sustained ten sieges,
took four great fortresses, twice expelled the French from Portugal,
preserved Alicante, Cartagena, Tarifa, Cadiz, Lisbon; they killed,
wounded, and took two hundred thousand enemies. And the bones of forty
thousand British soldiers lie scattered on the plains and mountains of
the peninsula. For Portugal she reorganised a native army and supplied
officers who led it to victory; and to the whole peninsula she gave a
general whose like has seldom gone forth to conquer. And all this and
more was necessary to redeem that land from France!

NAPIER’S ESTIMATE OF WELLINGTON

Wellington met the peculiar difficulties which attend generals controlled
by politicians. An English commander dare not risk much, when one
disaster will be his ruin at home; his measures must be subordinate to
his primary consideration. Wellington’s caution, springing from that
source, had led friends and foes alike into wrong conclusions as to his
system of war: the French call it want of enterprise, timidity; the
English have denominated it the Fabian system. These are mere phrases.
His system was the same as that of all great generals. He held his army
in hand, keeping it with unmitigated labour always in a fit state to
march or to fight, and acted indifferently as occasion offered on the
offensive or defensive, displaying in both a complete mastery of his art.
That he was less vast in his designs, less daring in execution, neither
so rapid nor so original a commander as Napoleon, must be admitted; and
being later in the field of glory it is presumed he learned something
of the art from the greatest of all masters. Yet something besides the
difference of genius must be allowed for the difference of situation;
Napoleon was never, even in his first campaign of Italy, so harassed by
the French as Wellington was by the English, Spanish, and Portuguese
governments; their systems of war were however alike in principle, their
operations being only modified by their different political positions.
Great bodily exertion, unceasing watchfulness, exact combinations
to protect their flanks and communications without scattering their
forces--these were common to both; in defence firm, cool, enduring, in
attack fierce and obstinate; daring when daring was politic, yet always
operating by the flanks in preference to the front; in these things they
were alike: in following up a victory the English general fell short
of the French emperor. The battle of Wellington was the stroke of a
battering-ram--down went the wall in ruins; the battle of Napoleon was
the swell and dash of a mighty wave before which the barrier yielded and
the roaring flood poured onwards covering all.

But there was nothing of timidity or natural want of enterprise to be
discerned in the English general’s campaigns. Neither was he of the
Fabian school. He recommended that commander’s system to the Spaniards,
he did not follow it himself; his military policy more resembled that of
Scipio Africanus. Wellington was never loath to fight when there was any
equality of numbers. Slight therefore is the resemblance to the Fabian
warfare. And for the Englishman’s hardiness and enterprise, bear witness
the passage of the Douro at Oporto, the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, the
storming of Badajoz, the surprise of the forts at Mirabete, the march to
Vitoria, the passage of the Bidassoa, the victory of the Nivelle, the
passage of the Adour below Bayonne, the fight of Orthez, the crowning
battle of Toulouse! To say that he committed faults is only to say that
he made war; to deny him the qualities of a great commander is to rail
against the clear midday sun for want of light. Iron hardihood of body,
a quick and sure vision, a grasping mind, untiring power of thought, and
the habit of laborious minute investigation and arrangement--all these
qualities he possessed, and with them that most rare faculty of coming to
prompt and sure conclusions on sudden emergencies. This is the certain
mark of a master-spirit in war.[b]

FOOTNOTES

[113] [“Though of short duration the resistance of Valencia is nothing
less than marvellous,” says the count de Toreño.[f] “She had no soldiers
for the defence, her ordinary garrison having been ordered to different
places, no experienced leaders, none but subalterns to lead the
courageous peasants. The French lost two thousand men, amongst whom were
Cazal, general of engineers, and other officers of high rank. Sheltered
by their walls and batteries the Spaniards had but few comrades to mourn,
and no person of importance.”]

[114] [These are Napier’s words in dedicating his great work to
Wellington.]

[115] The author’s eldest brother; he was said to be slain. When the
French renewed the attack on Elvina, he was somewhat in advance of that
village, and alone, for the troops were scattered by the nature of
the ground. Being hurt in the leg, he endeavoured to retire, but was
overtaken, and thrown to the ground with five wounds; a French drummer
rescued him, and when a soldier with whom he had been struggling made a
second attempt to kill him, the drummer once more interfered. The morning
after the battle Marshal Soult sent his own surgeon to Major Napier,
and, with a kindness and consideration very uncommon, wrote to Napoleon,
desiring that his prisoner might not be sent to France, which from the
system of refusing exchanges would have ruined his professional prospect;
the drummer also received the cross of the Legion of Honour. When the
2nd corps quitted Corunna, Marshal Soult recommended his prisoner to
the attention of Marshal Ney. The latter, treating him rather with the
kindness of a friend than the civility of an enemy, lodged him with the
French consul, supplied him with money, gave him a general invitation
to his house, and not only refrained from sending him to France, but
when by a flag of truce he knew that Major Napier’s mother was mourning
for him as dead, he permitted him, and with him the few soldiers taken
in the action, to go at once to England, merely exacting a promise that
none should serve until exchanged. I would have not touched at all upon
these private adventures, were it not that gratitude demands a public
acknowledgment of such generosity, and that demand is rendered more
imperative by the after misfortunes of Marshal Ney. That brave and
noble-minded man’s fate is but too well known. He who had fought five
hundred battles for France, not one against her, was shot as a traitor!
Could the bitterest enemy of the Bourbons have more strongly marked the
difference between their interests and those of the nation?

[116] [As Napier[b] points out, however, though the Spanish glorify
this siege and called Saragossa “Spain,” for her bravery: “Deprive the
transaction of its dazzling colours, and it shows thus: Thirty-five
thousand French, in the midst of insurrections, and despite of
circumstances peculiarly favourable to the defence, reduced fifty
thousand of the bravest and most energetic men in Spain. The latter
suffered nobly, but was their example imitated? Gerona indeed, although
less celebrated, rivalled, perhaps more than rivalled, the glory of
Saragossa; elsewhere her fate spoke, not trumpet-tongued to arouse, but
with a wailing voice that carried dismay to the heart of the nation.”]

[117] [Napier[b] thus pungently sums up Cuesta: “Cuesta’s knowledge of
both friend’s and enemy’s strength and positions was always inaccurate
and his judgment false; he never gained a decisive action, and lost every
army he commanded.”]

[118] [Lafuente[e] gives the following incidents of the siege of Gerona:
“The holy patron of the town, St. Narcissus, was named generalissimo,
it being to his protection and intercession that the devout residents
attributed their safety in the attacks and dangers of the wars of past
times. Of the 900 men who garrisoned the fortress of Monjuich 511
soldiers and 18 officers had perished, and nearly all the rest were
wounded before it was abandoned. It cost the French 3,000 men to conquer
the ruins. Whenever the limited number of the garrison permitted, Alvarez
ordered sallies to be made by small bodies of men. It is related how,
on the occasion of one of these sallies, the officer who was to direct
it was asked where he would take refuge in case of necessity. ‘In the
cemetery,’ he replied.

“When November had set in the town was ravaged by pestilence, while it
suffered from the horrors of famine. Even the most unclean animals were
bought at an exorbitant price and devoured. Emaciated, and no less hungry
than the men, the very animals fell upon and ate one another. Pools of
stagnant water full of refuse were seen in the streets; scattered here
and there lay the unburied corpses; for the living there was neither
shelter nor rest; the air was pestilential and disease was abroad; the
overfull hospitals lacked remedies for the sick. During the month of
November, 1,378 soldiers alone died. The spirits of the strongest and
most valiant began to fail, and yet the dauntless governor Alvarez
seized or harshly turned away the emissaries despatched by the French
general to advise him to surrender. And upon hearing someone in the
fortress pronounce the word ‘capitulation,’ he turned upon him: ‘How!’
he exclaimed in imposing accents, ‘are you alone a coward here! When
provisions are at end we will eat you, and such as you.’ At length
capitulation was necessary and so ended the famous and memorable siege of
Gerona, which lasted seven long months, during which time the enemy’s 40
batteries discharged against the town more than 60,000 balls and 20,000
bombs and grenades.”]

[119] [The Spanish historian, the count de Toreño,[f] says of this siege:

“All the residents, without distinction of class, age, or sex, rushed
to the assistance of the troops. Lorenza, a woman of the people,
distinguished herself among the women, being twice wounded; and even
two blind men, one led by a faithful dog, employed themselves in useful
works, ever smiling and jovial, visiting the posts of greatest danger,
crying out above the hissing of the balls, ‘Courage, boys; long live
Ferdinand VII! _Viva Ciudad Rodrigo!_’

“The Spaniards were angered with the English for not assisting the town.
Lord Wellington had come thither from the Guadiana disposed, and even
as it were in honour bound to compel the French to raise the siege. In
this case he could not put forward the usual excuse that the Spaniards
did not defend themselves, or that by their want of concert they caused
the failure of the well-matured plans of their allies. The marquis de la
Romana came from Badajoz to Wellington’s headquarters, and joined his
prayers to those of the residents and authorities of Ciudad Rodrigo,
to those of the Spanish government, and even to those of some of the
English. In vain! Wellington, determined not to take any step in the
matter, remained obstinate.

“Were we to imitate the example of certain English historians, a wide
field is here open to us to fittingly reply to the unjust recriminations
which such historians have largely and wrathfully poured out, with
respect to the Spanish military operations. But with more impartiality
than they have shown and following no other guide but truth, setting
aside public opinion, we declare, on the contrary, that Lord Wellington
acted as a prudent general if, to compel the enemy to raise the siege,
it was necessary to risk a battle. His forces were not superior to the
French, his soldiers lacked the necessary quickness to manœuvre in the
open and without set positions, nor did the Portuguese troops possess
that discipline and experience of fighting which gives self-confidence.
A battle gained would have saved Ciudad Rodrigo, but it would not have
ended the war; and had they lost it, the English army would have been
destroyed, the enemy enabled to advance to Lisbon, and a terrible if not
mortal blow have been dealt to the Spanish cause. The voice of public
opinion deafened the ears of the government with complaints, qualifying
the conduct of the English as at least tepid and indifferent.”]

[120] [Napier,[b] while admitting the harshness of Masséna’s deeds,
blames the Portuguese peasantry for many atrocities, and says that at
least one of the worst outrages blamed upon Masséna’s men--the pulling
to pieces of João I’s body--was actually done by the British themselves.
Many of the charges against the French he declares not only slanderous
but impossible.]

[121] [On this triumph the count de Toreño[f] says: “During this siege
the French displayed consummate courage and skill; the first was
also displayed by the English, but not the latter. This was proved
by their losses in the assault of the breaches, and their valour and
triumph in the escalade. This was usually the case with them in the
besieging of towns. The English treated their foes well, but maltreated
the inhabitants of Badajoz. The latter awaited their liberators with
impatience, and prepared presents and refreshments for them, not to
escape their fury, as certain British historians have asserted, as from
allies and friends such conduct was not to be expected, but rather to
welcome and gratify them. More than six hundred inhabitants of both sexes
were killed by the English. The work of pillage and destruction lasted
the whole of the night of the 6th and the following day. The exhortations
of their leaders were disregarded, and Lord Wellington himself was
threatened by the bayonets of his soldiers, who impeded his entrance
into the fortress to check the disorder. Order was re-established the
following day with troops purposely brought from without. Nevertheless
the cortes presented thanks to the English general, not wishing that the
excesses of the soldiers should in any way detract from the advantages
resulting from the reconquest of Badajoz. The regency conferred upon
Wellington the grand cross of San Fernando.”]

[122] [Though Skerrett was covered with honours for this victory,
Napier[b] shows that he was forced by certain officers to defend the
place against his will, and that his mistakes even then were only
overcome by Captains Smith and Mitchell. He sets the numbers of the
garrison at twenty-five hundred; the number of French was variously rated
between five and ten thousand.]

[123] [Napier[b] says: “San Sebastian, a third-rate fortress and in bad
condition when invested, resisted a besieging army possessing an enormous
battering train, for sixty-three days. The place was, in fact, won by
accident--the ignition of the French powder-barrels and shells, which
alone opened the way into the town.” Of the sad atrocities committed by
the British troops, Napier goes on to say:

“A thunderstorm, coming down from the mountains with unbounded fury
immediately after the place was carried, added to the confusion of the
fight. This storm seemed to be a signal from hell for the perpetration
of villany which would have shamed the most ferocious barbarians of
antiquity. At Rodrigo intoxication and plunder had been the principal
object; at Badajoz lust and murder were joined to rapine and drunkenness;
but at San Sebastian, the direst, the most revolting cruelty was added to
the catalogue of crimes. One atrocity of which a girl of seventeen was
the victim staggers the mind by its enormous, incredible, indescribable
barbarity. The resolution of the troops to throw off discipline was
quickly made manifest. A British staff officer was pursued with a
volley of small arms and escaped with difficulty from men who mistook
him for the provost-marshal of the 5th division; a Portuguese adjutant
who endeavoured to prevent some wickedness was put to death in the
market-place, not with sudden violence from a single ruffian, but
deliberately by a number of English soldiers; and though many officers
exerted themselves to preserve order and many men were well conducted,
the rapine and violence commenced by villains spread; the camp-follower
soon crowded into the place, and the disorder continued until the flames,
following the steps of the plunderer, put an end to his ferocity by
destroying the whole town.”]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XIV. THE RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS

[Sidenote: [1814-1902 A.D.]]

On the 7th of March, 1814, Ferdinand VII definitely received his
passports from the French. Master of himself once more, he began to think
of means of returning to the capital and recovering his former power.
But, at the same time, he resolved to avoid doing anything that would
seem to sanction modifications accomplished by the cortes, regarding such
as an attack on his sovereign power. To enter Spain without making any
promise at all was the essential point. The king’s counsellors proposed
he should send a king’s messenger to Madrid bearing a letter carefully
flattering the hopes of the Liberal party without undertaking to fulfil
the slightest engagement with regard to it. Ferdinand acted on this
advice, and charged General Zayas to bear to Madrid the news of his
immediate return, and to give the regency a letter wherein were these
ambiguous words:

“As to the re-establishment of the cortes and all they have
been able to do of use for the kingdom during my absence, my
approbation will be given in so far as it all conforms to my
royal intentions.”

The general set out for Madrid with this letter and hastened to arrive
thither, where his coming produced the liveliest enthusiasm. The cortes
affected to see in the message a pledge for the political future of
their sovereign, and abstained thenceforth from those energetic measures
alone able to save them. While they thus lulled themselves in fancied
security, Ferdinand had hastened to gain the Spanish frontier by Toulouse
and Perpignan. On the 24th of March he crossed the Fluvia, limit chosen
by Marshal Suchet as the theatre which was to see the solemn restoration
of the royal captive to the Spanish troops. The ceremony was carried out
amid general enthusiasm, and all the people eagerly ran to assist at such
a novel spectacle.

From this moment, Ferdinand, reinstated in his kingly prerogatives, found
himself under a double influence, one drawing him to the representative
system, the other towards that absolute monarchy which best suited his
desires and tastes. In all the towns he went through, and particularly in
Gerona where he had stayed some days, a people mad with joy, drunk with
enthusiasm, had cast themselves at his feet, had dragged his carriage,
and given most striking testimony of obedience and submission.[124]

Sure now of the destiny awaiting him, he decided to abandon the route
fixed by the decree of the 2nd of February.

During this triumphal journey (24th of March to the 6th of April), the
gravest events had taken place in France, and one may conceive that
Ferdinand, before attempting his _coup d’état_, did not want to get too
far away from the frontier, at any rate while the issues were doubtful.
Certain events were very favourable: the entry of the allies into Paris;
the creation of a provisionary government; Napoleon’s abdication, and
departure for Elba; and lastly the proclamation of Louis XVIII, which
should lead to the suppression of hostilities and the end of the war.

The Aragonese were just as unbridled as the Catalans in expressing
monarchial fanaticism. So while the authorities remained faithful to the
regency, the people showed such enthusiasm for the king that he could no
longer doubt for an instant that he could now venture all. Old courtiers,
interested in seeing the ancient court restored, constantly urged him to
retake absolute authority.

Yet, while the storm was slowly gathering that would sweep them away,
the cortes, always dominated by a perfectly unjustified feeling of
confidence, never ceased publishing decrees which served to feed the
general enthusiasm in the king’s favour. The weak royalist minority
which still existed in their midst had ceased to make common cause with
them. Its leader, Mozo de Rosales, had gone to Valencia carrying a
representation in which the events of the past six years were considered
as a passing saturnalia, similar to those which the Persians used
to celebrate during an interregnum, and which put forth that order
would only reign in Spain from that day when kingly authority should
be reinstated in its integrity. Whilst the cortes waited with lively
impatience to know their fate, they celebrated the fête of the 2nd of
May with great pomp; ascribed several civic rewards to soldiers who
had bravely fought in the war of Independence; transferred the seat of
their meetings from the theatre of Los Canos del Peral to the convent
of Doña Maria of Aragon; and decreed a death sentence against anyone
demanding constitutional reform before eight years. Such were the acts of
the cortes. The cardinal De Bourbon, president of the regency council,
accompanied by the minister of state, Don José Luyando, was to present
himself before the monarch, and a commission, presided over by the Bishop
of Urgel, was to go on in front of him as far as La Mancha plains.

Ferdinand arrived the 16th of April on the borders of Turia. There he
found everything had been prepared by the care of his uncle Don Antonio,
De Macanaz, and Escoiquiz, to whom were united Villamil and Lardizabal,
whose reverses at Cadiz had filled them with bitterness and spite against
the representative system. The highest aristocrats came to Ferdinand
offering him riches enough to enable him to act without the concourse
of the cortes. General Elio, betraying his first duty and oblivious of
obedience owing to the regency, promised the strongest assistance from
all his army corps. A special paper, entitled _Lucindo_, boldly advocated
a return to the old régime. The time had come to act in a decisive
manner. Ferdinand applied himself to the work. In receiving the cardinal
De Bourbon he affected to give him his hand to make him kiss it in sign
of homage, as if to show that the regency was nothing but an emanation
from his own authority. In the same fashion he received the commander’s
bâton which the latter presented before the troops, as if by this to
teach the soldiers that obedience was due to himself alone. He received
representatives from the Persians with cordiality.[125] He made a cavalry
corps precede him commanded by Don Santiago Wittingham, to Madrid, and
then received a solemn oath from all the officers to “support him in all
his rights.”

[Illustration: FERDINAND VII]

Such symptoms were decisive, and, once made public, he had only to
exercise the direct absolute authority which he had just seized. This
is exactly what happened. The king signed on the 4th of May at Valencia
the famous manifesto now so mournfully celebrated. In this he stated
that not only did he refuse to swear to the constitution or to recognise
any decree extraordinary or ordinary, but he declared that constitution
annulled, of no value either to-day or forever, as its acts had never
been nor could be effaced by time. Then, without making known his
absolutist programme, he marched straight on Madrid with General Elio,
having given orders to the cardinal De Bourbon and Luyando to retire, the
one on Toledo, the other on Cartagena.

It seemed impossible that the arrival of General Wittingham almost under
the walls of Madrid should not open the deputies’ eyes as to Ferdinand’s
intentions; nevertheless, they took no measures for their personal
security. The execution of the Valencia decree had been confided to
General Eguia, nominated captain in general of New Castile, and known
under the name of Coletilla because of his attachment to old costumes
and his habit of wearing his hair in a plait at the back of his head
as in Charles III’s time. Eguia, who was commander-in-chief of Elio’s
first division of troops, and who only preceded the king by some days,
was supported by Wittingham’s cavalry and the underhand movements of
the count of Montijo, who had raised the slums of Madrid against those
favourable to the representative system. Under these circumstances he
had not any difficulty in executing the _coup d’état_ with which he
had been intrusted. Thus, while Ferdinand pursued his triumphal march
from Valencia to Madrid in the midst of a joy and enthusiasm officially
worked up, midst subversive cries around him for the suppression of the
constitution and re-establishment of absolutism, while he refused to see
the cortes’ deputation who came before him at La Mancha, all vestiges
of the preceding system were being carefully destroyed in the city. A
terrible persecution fell on all the men who had helped in establishing
the constitutional system.

In the one night of the 10th of May, 1814,--a day so celebrated in
the annals of the Spanish liberals,--Eguia took from their houses and
imprisoned all regency members, all state councillors, all deputies who
were known as partisans to the constitution whether in the actual cortes
or the preceding one. Of this number were the two regents Don Pedro
Agar and Don Gabriel Ciscar, the ministers Don Juan Alvarez Guerra and
Don Manuel Garcia Herreros, the constituents Muñoz Torrero, Arguelles,
Oliveros, Villanueva, the deputies Martínez de la Rosa, Canga-Arguelles,
and Cepero. Some had the good luck to escape, among these Toreño and
Isturiz. As to the others, they were surprised in their homes. So
unexpected was such a ruse in the then circumstances of the country, that
no one had dreamed of taking the slightest precautions. The day after
their arrestation they were constantly exposed to the insults of the
multitude who reproduced in Spain all the excesses of that blind reaction
in the south of France. The Madrid populace, after having torn away the
corner-stone of the constitution, went in tumultuous procession to the
quiet street where the prisoners were shut up, and there shouting “Death
to the liberals!” they begged with frightful cries permission to drag the
corpses in the mud as they had dragged the stone of the constitution.

This tumult was the work of the count of Montijo and several monks
who, seeing the star of their ascendency reappear in the horizon--an
ascendency lost for six years--had, at the same time as the Valencia
decree was proclaimed in all the squares, circulated a scandalous leaflet
having for the object an organised proscription and the raising of the
masses against all partisans of the liberal system. Thus the 13th of
May, 1814, saw Ferdinand’s triumphal entry into his capital. He had
already given his reign the distinctive character that marks it out in
history: an obstinate return to old ideas; a cruel proscription against
all the men devoted to culture and intelligence and gifted with liberal
aspiration; a stirring up of the masses by a recrudescence of religious
fanaticism; an exaltation of monarchical principle pushed as far as
absolutism, and a near re-establishing of the Inquisition, convents,
favouritism, and all their fatal consequences.[b]

The great mass of the people, who were not enlightened enough to feel
the want, or appreciate the blessings, of political liberty, had not
sufficient experience of the benefits which the new institutions were
calculated to confer to have conceived any value for them; and the
troops, who, from their intercourse with the English army, might have
learned some respect for liberty and equal laws, were hostile to the
cortes on account of the neglect and injustice with which they had
frequently been treated.

Ferdinand proceeded to acts for which no palliation can be found, namely,
inflicting punishments upon those who had defended his cause when he
himself had abandoned it, but had, in his opinion, forfeited all claim
to his gratitude, by seeking to limit the power they preserved for him.
Fortunately, however, Sir Henry Wellesley extorted from the king a solemn
promise that no blood should be shed for political opinions. No lives
therefore were taken. But the cardinal De Bourbon was banished to Rome.
The only symptom of gratitude shown by Ferdinand to those who had so
zealously served him, was his confirming to Lord Wellington the honours
and rewards conferred upon him by the cortes.

In America the long-pending dispute with the United States respecting the
boundaries of Louisiana and West Florida was finally settled by the sale
of both the Floridas to that power. The war with the colonies continued,
but altered in character. Ferdinand there took part with the cortes he
had condemned, pertinaciously refused to acknowledge the equality, the
sort of federal connection with the mother-country that the colonies
claimed, and wasted the resources of Spain by sending his best troops
across the Atlantic to assert the old Spanish monopoly. The colonies,
exasperated by this return for their loyalty, now disowned the authority
of Ferdinand, and proclaimed their entire and absolute independence.
Ferdinand resisted these pretensions yet more vehemently than the former,
but it was evident from the beginning that Spain had finally lost her
transatlantic empire. Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines were her only
remaining colonies.

As the short convulsion, which followed Napoleon’s return from Elba in
the following spring and was terminated by the dreadful and glorious
battle of Waterloo as finally sealing Bonaparte’s fall, produced no other
effect in the peninsula than an order to arm, a detail of these affairs
would be out of place here.[q]

THE REIGN OF TERROR

[Sidenote: [1814-1824 A.D.]]

A famous society, that of the Exterminating Angel, had extended its roots
over the whole country under the direction of a former regent, the bishop
of Osma, and was moving all the apostolics of the peninsula as by a
single mind. It had relations with the principal bishops to whom several
owed their offices; its ramifications crept into all the monasteries, and
much more violent than its French chapter it preached the extermination
of all the liberals.

The military commissions set to work with a new activity aided by a
mass of regulations whose laconism and hypocrisy were only equalled by
their vigour and violence. They had the power of condemning to death
all who were guilty of lèse-majesté, that is to say all who declared
themselves opposed to the rights of the king or in favour of the
constitution. With the help of this ambiguous phrase, any writer who
put into print any words in which the rights of Ferdinand were doubted,
anyone who in any manner whatever had co-operated in the revolution of
1820-1823; anyone who kept in his house a copy of the constitution, a
portrait of Riego, any souvenir whatsoever of the illustrious exiles
living in a foreign country, anyone who by a shout or word, spoken
even in drunkenness, showed hatred of tyranny--any of these could be
found guilty of lèse-majesté. A decree bearing the date of October
9th, 1824, which through some expiring sentiment of modesty was not
inserted in the official gazette, but nevertheless was applied with
care, suppressed all of the laws and delivered the lives of all citizens
over to these tribunals. A premium was put upon information and a secret
police penetrated into every household in order to divine the secret of
consciences and to purge Spain of all the liberal element. Not age, sex,
virtue, or poverty were protection against these terrible commissions;
wealth alone sometimes saved from death. He who had some fortune bought
his life with the greatest part of his property.

The commission of Madrid, presided over by a fierce brute named Chaperon,
who acquired the melancholy honour of giving his name to the whole
epoch, surpassed all its rivals in the number of condemnations and
severity of sentences. It sent to the scaffold all those in whose homes
portraits of Riego were discovered, and to the galleys the women and
children who committed the crime of not denouncing their husbands or
fathers. More than one well-born woman thrown into infamous prisons with
the most odious criminals died of despair in the midst of the unjust
abjection to which she saw herself reduced. Chaperon, like all the judges
who consented to make themselves the devoted instruments of social
hatred, rejoiced in the midst of the terror which his name inspired, and
under the general torpor that it created. He assisted at executions in
full uniform; they were fête days for him, and on one occasion, anxious
to hasten the execution of one of his condemned (it was a national
militiaman who had taken part in the defence of Madrid, the 7th of July,
against the revolted guards), he pulled, himself, the legs of the poor
victim already hanging from the fatal gibbet, and this exploit finished,
retired, proud to have exercised the functions of executioner and
judge.[b]

THE TYRANNIES OF FERDINAND “THE DESIRED”

[Sidenote: [1814 A.D.]]

The places left in the power of the French were evacuated one by one,
and finally, on the 20th of July, Spain gave its assent to the treaty of
peace and friendship which the allies had concluded with France on the
30th of the preceding May. In the beginning of May the king had found
a ministry which he modified before the end of the month, but at the
head of it each time he placed the duke of San Carlos. The system of
persecution continued and everything which seemed to favour innovations
was vigorously opposed. Ferdinand regained his power, the cortes had
disappeared, the constitution of Cadiz existed only in people’s memories.
The Spain of 1814 became again the Spain of 1807; as before, she was
subject to the joint domination of prince and clergy. The legislative
bodies which constituted the government and the chief judicial magistracy
of 1808 were abolished in 1814.

Among the reforms introduced by Joseph’s government and by that of the
cortes after him, there were some which were unjust, extortionate,
contrary to the re-established order; but there were others which should
have been retained or modified with reservations. The king had no thought
of making a choice. He considered, not the nature of the acts, but their
origin; the good and the bad, salutary reform and disastrous measure, all
were included in a general proscription. The state, impoverished by a
long war, had at hand timely assistance in the estates of the religious
communities, without being obliged to impose heavy burdens on the
people; never had there been such a favourable opportunity for limiting
and regulating these exaggerated possessions which had fallen into
_mortmain_. A measure calling for investigation and reform which had been
authorised by a papal bull under Charles IV might now have been carried
into effect. But no attention was paid to anything of the kind. All their
goods of which the cortes had disposed were returned to the convents,
and at the same time a royal order re-established the holy office of
the Inquisition on the ground that the government of usurpation and the
pretended cortes had regarded the suppression of this tribunal as a very
efficacious method of furthering their perverse schemes. The Jesuits were
recalled, receiving again the goods which had belonged to them in the
preceding century.

The administration of the realm was with great pains thrown again into
the secular confusion out of which so many ministers had laboured to
disentangle it. Instead of the happy division of territory decreed
by the cortes, there reappeared the spectacle of provinces governed
by captains-general, who added to their plenitude of military and
administrative authority certain judicial attributes. Lastly the councils
of Castile, of the Indies, of the orders, of finance, marine and war,
authorities independent of the ministry, whose traditions made them
hostile to any reform undertaken in the interests of the reigning power
or of the people, began again to operate.

Around Ferdinand was formed that too famous _camarilla_[126] controlled
by the Russian minister, which, wholly lacking in a broad outlook, seemed
to have no object but destruction and vengeance. At the same time that
it overturned all which the revolution had done for the unity of Spain,
it struck at all those men who had incurred its hatred. Ten thousand
Spaniards had had the misfortune to attach themselves to the French
cause; they were banished and their goods confiscated. The members of the
regency, those of the cortes, all the ministers, all the individuals who
had taken part in framing the constitution or had been zealous partisans
of it, were brought before commissioners to be tried with no legal
formality. The number of the condemned was considerable: _presides_,
imprisonment in the citadels, exile--such were the penalties inflicted;
the king made no use of his right of pardon and these acts continued with
cold perseverance. Two years after the king had regained his full power,
the prisons were still full, and long proscription lists still appeared
at intervals.

Such a government could not fail to have a dire influence on the interior
prosperity of the country; but it is difficult to imagine the extent of
the disorder into which everything had been thrown. It was necessary to
resort to arbitrary taxes which caused discontent without affording much
relief to the treasury and to exorbitant custom duties which completed
the destruction of commerce by breaking off all relations with foreign
countries. The old régime, to remain in possession of Spain, would have
needed the treasures of the New World to hold the country in subjection,
and to defray the expenses of an administration useless at its best. But
then it would have had to get the better of the insurrections already
victorious or soon to be so in Venezuela, Chile, Peru, Buenos Ayres,
and Mexico, and to combat all the points of that immense continent at
once. In order to quell their revolution, which was termed a revolt,
an army needed first to be procured. To embark this army a fleet was
necessary for the equipment of which both time and means were lacking;
the government was reduced to bargaining for ships with Russia. In order
to obtain immediate assistance it had to resort to a system of credit and
give some assurance of a good administration together with securities for
the public debt. This necessity was so pressing that in the ministerial
council Don Martin Garay, surnamed the Necker of Spain, and several
others of the same school were placed at the side of men like Eguia and
Lozano de Torres, those defenders of ancient customs.

Garay had to promise services for which he had no resources and at the
same time establish credit for an enormous public debt, the securities
for which had just been taken away. Garay had counted on resources
which were daily becoming more illusory through the complete cessation
of commerce and the disastrous state of agriculture. Events in America
demanded an expenditure of forces which Spain could not have mustered
even in her palmiest days. When Garay wished to resort to more radical
measures, he was sent into exile. Nothing seemed able to uplift the
credit of the industrial situation of Spain, blockaded from Cadiz to
Corunna by the corsairs of the insurgent colonies, compromised with the
United States for Florida, and obliged to purchase the seeming neutrality
of England in the struggle with the colonies.

A SERIAL REVOLUTION (1814-1822 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1814-1818 A.D.]]

By reason of so much capricious violence the upper classes had become
discontented and the people indifferent, the government was reduced to
relying on armed force. But the army itself, ill equipped and ill paid,
was become a hotbed of insurrection. Secret societies were organised
everywhere and complaints led to plots. The well-known guerilla Mina
responded by an armed revolt to a refusal to give him the title of
captain-general in Navarre, but he was abandoned by his companions and
escaped death only by flight to France in 1814. In 1815, General Diaz
Porlier incited the garrisons of Corunna and Ferrol to revolt for a brief
space, and proclaimed the constitution of Cadiz. He was also abandoned
and ended his life on the gallows. Even in Madrid a conspiracy was formed
headed by War Commissioner Richard, who perished on the scaffold in
1816. The next year General Lacy undertook in Catalonia what Porlier had
attempted in Galicia. The plot was discovered and Lacy shot. In Valencia
in 1818 also revolts took place; the captain-general Elio[127] seized
the insurgent chief Vidal, who was immediately hung with twelve of his
accomplices.

[Illustration: GENERAL FRANCISCO MINA]

So many unsuccessful attempts served only to irritate the malcontents who
still hoped to find better support among their companions at arms. Such
was the disposition of a number of officers at Cadiz, where an army was
slowly and with difficulty being got together for a definitive expedition
against the rebellious colonies, upon which all the hopes of the Spanish
government were concentrated. The soldiers were frightened by tales of
old mutilated warriors who had returned from Colombia. They were made to
see the possibility of escaping the misfortune which awaited them without
being exposed to the reproach or suspicion of a lack of courage. They
were told stories of the last war, of the liberty conquered and then
lost, of honour compromised.

[Sidenote: [1818-1820 A.D.]]

The conspirators had more hope of success because they had the chief of
the expedition himself, O’Donnell, the count of Abisbal, on their side;
but this general turned traitor, denounced the conspirators, and even
arrested some of them. But he too was later suspected, and was recalled
with all the signs of disgrace. Persecutions recommenced. Everything
pointed to a redoubling of rigour which in turn produced a redoubling of
irritation and also of hope. The conspirators again took up their plans
which had been interrupted for an instant, but this time they did not
look to generals for help. A less distinguished leader gave the impulse
to revolt in one of the cantonments.

The 1st of January, 1820, Rafael del Riego assembled a battalion encamped
in a village, presented it with the constitution of 1812 as the law
of the country, to which he made it swear allegiance, marched upon
Arcos, surprised and captured O’Donnell’s successor Calderon with his
staff, and continued his march upon San Fernando where he was joined by
Colonel Quiroga. But the gates of Cadiz remained closed to them, the
garrison and the fleet took on a hostile attitude toward the rebels.
At the same time an army of thirteen thousand men under General Freire
arrived with forced marches to quell the insurrection. Thereupon Riego
advanced towards the centre of Andalusia preaching insurrection and
proclaiming the constitution of Cadiz. But the general indifference of
the country was enough to thwart the enterprise of the insurgents. There
was discouragement in the camp at the isle of Leon and, the governmental
forces accumulating in Andalusia, it seemed that the rebellion was about
to expire.

But the emissaries charged with arousing the provinces worked without
relaxation. The 21st of February they succeeded in proclaiming the
constitution in the capital of Galicia. Ferrol followed this example
the 23rd. The same thing took place at Vigo. The government tried to
compromise with the revolution and offered to assemble the cortes, but no
confidence was placed in these promises because it was remembered that
the decree of May 4th, 1814, by which the constitution was abolished,
had promised to convoke the cortes but had not been carried into effect.
The revolutionaries of the capital incited by the feebleness of the
government worked openly towards their object. General Ballesteros,
who came to Madrid to declare to the monarch that he must accept the
constitution, was hailed as a deliverer by the king; the 9th of March
Ferdinand took the oath for this act which he detested, at the moment
when Riego’s column, reduced to a few men, was forced to disband, and the
garrison at Cadiz was energetically opposing the insurrection.

When the king had sworn to observe the constitution of 1812, the people
and the troops which still remained faithful gave up without resistance.
Everyone had been affected by the disastrous effects of the régime to
which the country had been subjected for several years and all were
glad to be freed from it without a civil war. The prisons were opened.
The reins of government were in the hands of ministers whose ideas were
wholly popular. Several provinces were governed by juntas, one was
established even in the capital, which was known as the provisional
junta. The government consulted it on all important matters. The country
awaited with impatience the arrival of the deputies who were to give it a
better order of things than that from which it had just been delivered,
instead of giving thought to the necessary improvements. Thoughtful
minds perceived that it was necessary substantially to modify the civil
legislation; to render remunerative large masses of untaxed property;
to negotiate with Rome a reform which would alter the position of the
clergy; to re-establish the financial situation; to place the provinces
under a common law, combining extensive local liberty with unity of
administration; above all not to imitate the preceding government in its
deeds of violence.

The first acts of the cortes showed that it understood its task. An
important law concerning entailed estates was passed in a spirit of
wisdom; they were placed in the category of free property and their
owners could dispose of them with certain reservations and just
conditions. But the assembly was largely composed of members of the
special cortes of Cadiz who considered the work of the constitution
perfect and would suffer no change in it. Thus, before proceeding to
anything else, it was necessary to deal with those who had opposed their
constitution in 1814--the sixty-nine deputies known as the Persians, who
had presented the king at Valencia with an address in favour of absolute
power. On the other hand the enthusiasts wanted to advance much more
quickly in the path of improvement. There soon came to be a distinction
between the liberals of 1812 and those of 1820. The radical party soon
kept no bounds; its papers, its clubs attacked the ministers, the cortes,
the king. It was supported by the army of the isle of Leon, and the
government wished to disperse the bodies composing the latter among the
different garrisons. The men of the isle of Leon thereupon took occasion
to send to Madrid Riego, who was commander-in-chief during the absence of
Quiroga, deputy to the cortes. Here applause and ovations were lavished
upon the leader of the men of 1820, who, carried away by popular favour,
braved the cortes and the ministers. But the garrison and the national
militia decided for the established order. Riego was exiled to Oviedo,
the army of the isle was disbanded.

[Illustration: GENERAL RAFAEL DEL RIEGO]

Nevertheless the presence of Riego at Madrid gave an impulse to the
radicals which remained after his departure. Fresh conspiracies were
brought to light against the new régime. The discussion of the law
regarding religious orders was affected by their attitude of mind. They
tried to accomplish at once, what should have been the work of years. In
immediately suppressing the greater part of the religious congregations
and putting their goods up for sale, difficulties of more than one kind
were created. In Catalonia and Valencia troops had to guard the gates of
the monasteries day and night to prevent pillage and massacre. The king
had hesitated to sanction the decree, and, after the session closed on
the 9th of November, he made an unsuccessful trial of absolute power by
nominating General Carvajal captain-general of New Castile, without the
signature of the minister of war. The fermentation then became terrible
and the minister augmented it in order to frighten the king. The latter
threatened and insulted on all sides was forced to return to Madrid
from his retreat in the Escorial. When one day his bodyguard was moved
to pity by the dangers he ran, their quarter was besieged and the corps
disorganised. The _ayuntamiento_ of Madrid imposed their measure on the
government.

[Sidenote: [1820-1821 A.D.]]

After having swallowed so many affronts Ferdinand wished to make an
attempt to shake off the yoke. He hoped with his new resolution to
impose on his adversaries, who were troubled by the attitude of the
great European powers, since England alone had frankly recognised the
constitutional government. Russia had not concealed her displeasure at
the triumph of the insurrection. Prussia and Austria held themselves in
a reserve which boded no good, and France had tried to bring about a
change in the position of the king of Spain. Ferdinand chose the opening
of the second session of the cortes, on March 1st, 1821, to deliver his
attack. After finishing the customary address prepared by his ministers
he read a supplement added by himself complaining of the ministers who
had permitted his person to be subjected to such outrages. The next day
he dismissed them and chose a new cabinet from the moderate party of
the chamber. Events in Piedmont and Naples gave cause for conflicting
sentiments. Attempts of the absolutists gave rise to disturbances in
Valencia, Corunna, Seville, and Barcelona. The king in order to ward off
the anger of the demagogues sent a message to the cortes expressing his
grief over events in Italy and his sympathy with the Italian patriots.
The ministry, also desiring to forestall public defiance, on April 17th
proposed two laws, one of which pronounced a sentence of death on all who
should try to overturn the religion of the constitution, and a decree of
banishment against any person who used any expression tending to such an
overthrow. The second law provided that those accused of conspiracy and
arrested by armed force, whatever their social position, be placed before
a military tribunal chosen from the corps which had made the arrest.
Judgment was to be pronounced within six days, and executed within
forty-eight hours after being confirmed by the chief military authority.
There was to be no appeal or exercise of pardon by the king. The populace
would have liked to apply this law to all political offenders.

[Sidenote: [1821-1822 A.D.]]

Confusion increased from day to day. Republican uprisals took place in
Malaga and Barcelona. In the environs of Manresa were armed bands in
the name of “the faith.” There was conspiracy at Murcia and absolutist
agitation at Malaga. Bands were arming themselves on the frontier of
France, and no one knew where to turn for money to organise the sadly
needed troops. The cortes was moreover beginning to give way before the
weight of events which attacked it on all sides. The question of the
independence of America terrified it, and it did not care to renounce
the pretensions of despotic Spain over men who had made use of the right
of insurrection. But negotiations proved useless. Out of so many vast
possessions Spain retained only a few fortified places occupied by the
remnants of its armies.

Riots became more and more frequent at Madrid, but they were put down by
the courage and _sangfroid_ of Morillo. The cortes separated February
22nd, 1822, at a moment when Seville and Valencia were given up to
rebellion, the Basque provinces and Navarre were infested with bands
armed in the name of the altar and of the throne, others in Aragon,
Alcañiz, Calatayud, Alagon, and Caspe proclaimed the authority of the
Virgin and of religion.

The new cortes opened the 1st of March, 1822, with Riego as president,
who very soon fell into discord with the new ministry presided over by
Martínez de la Rosa. The quarrels between the branches of power incited
absolutist riots and revolutionary insurrection throughout the country.
The cortes finally decided to send a message to the king informing him of
the necessity of putting a stop to the critical situation of the realm.
After stating its complaints it demanded more resolute men at the head
of affairs, and also the expulsion of prelates and priests who preached
fanaticism and rebellion. The king relying on popular manifestation
in his favour did not reply to the deputation. In Catalonia was a
considerable body called Army of the Faith under the command of Miralles,
Romagosa, and Marañon, called the Trappist, who succeeded in capturing
Urgel by assault.[d]

CHÂTEAUBRIAND’S ACCOUNT OF THE CHAOS

The eminent writer Châteaubriand, who was a representative of France at
the Congress of Verona, and who was one of the principal advocates of the
French invasion of Spain, has brilliantly pictured the chaos of affairs,
in 1822, which led him to think French intervention necessary. We may
quote briefly his description:

The press, secret societies, clubs, had disorganised everything.
Barcelona, Valencia, Pamplona had risen. One side cried “_Vive Dieu!_”
the other “_Vive Riego!_” Killing was carried on in the name of Him who
murders not and of him who murders. At Madrid, regiments fought against
the royal grenadiers; young men walked about the streets crying for
absolute monarchy. God and the king! It was all one in Spain; _las ambas
magestades_. In the very house of cortes, deputies were saying that a
refusal to listen to the popular complaint authorised dagger justice.
Riego, the president, was powerless. He was always ready to sing the
_Trágala_.[128] A couplet of it might at any moment mean a crown; but,
if it was not good, the crown would vanish, and one would remain on the
highway with the throne changed into a mere stage.

The _serviles_, who paraded their name as proudly as though it were
a royal designation, profited by one hour’s respite and reaction
against secret societies to re-seize power. Royalist risings replaced
revolutionary insurrections. The Descamisados, matadors in _servile_
pay, were beaten in their turn. They revived the human sacrifices of
their Carthaginian ancestors. Monarchical sections appeared under the old
guise. Govostidi, Misas, Merino, fabulous heroes of the presbytery, rose
in Biscay, Catalonia, and Castile. Insurrection spread. Quesada, Juanito,
Santo-Ladron, Truxillo, Schafaudino, and Hierro were all alive with it.
Finally Baron Eroles showed himself in Catalonia. Near him was Antonio
Marañon. Antonio, called the Trappist, was first a soldier, then fled
into cloistered life under the influence of passion. He carried cross
and sword with equal enthusiasm. His military dress was a Franciscan
gown, on which hung a crucifix. At his waist hung a sword, pistols, and a
rosary. He used to gallop along carrying a whip. Peace and war, religion
and license, life and death, were united in one man, who alternately
blessed and exterminated. Crusades and civil massacres, psalms and war
hymns, _Stabat Mater_ and _Trágala_, genuflection and _jota Aragonese_,
triumphs as martyr or soldier, souls mounting heavenwards to strains of
the _Veni Creator_, rebels shot to military music--such was existence in
this corner of the world.

Ferdinand, on the banks of the Tagar, _rio qui cria oro e piedras
preciosas_, had sworn to the constitution only to betray it. Sincere
friends invited him to modify instructions, working with the cortes.
Shortsighted friends urged him to overthrow them; royalist successes
secretly flattered the king; the hope of an uncontrolled sovereignty
gratified him. Want of power to wield power made him love it the more.

The king’s birthday fell on the 30th of May. It was celebrated by the
peasants of La Mancha, reunited at Aranjuez. In vain the soldiers
repeated the patriotic cry of the peasants, even as the bodyguard
at Versailles sang “_O Richard! O mon Roi!_” If France had not soon
interfered, Ferdinand would have followed where Richard led Louis XVI.
The militia marched on the people, and a townsman lifted his sword
against Don Carlos--that last of the kings and one who waited so heavy a
crown. At Valencia, a detachment of artillery wanted to deliver General
Elio, shut up in the citadel. The Catalonian insurgents, now organised,
had taken the name of the Army of the Faith.[f]

CIVIL WAR

On the 21st of June, 1822, the Army of the Faith learned the isolated
condition of the feeble garrison in Seo de Urgel. Romanillo, Romagosa,
and Miralles, with the Trappist, arranged to meet under its walls. Helped
by the citizens, they immediately surrounded the citadel. An assault was
decided on, and the Trappist, setting an example to the soldiers, was the
first to scale the tower, a crucifix in one hand, in the other a long
whip, emblem of power. He braved the balls directed against him, and the
soldiers, persuaded of his invulnerability, followed after. The tower was
taken, the other forts were surrendered, and next day the citadel, with
sixty artillery pieces and sixteen hundred guns, was in the hands of the
apostolics. This first success was most important, for the French aides
had, in promising help, made a formal condition that the Army of the
Faith should possess at least one stronghold.

In proportion to the consternation excited among the leaders by the
taking of Seo de Urgel, so was Ferdinand strongly roused and the courage
of those about him stirred. It was now a question with them all of
quickly striking a decisive blow. The instrument for this was soon found
in the royal guard, wherein most lively discontent reigned because the
cortes had shown intention of reorganising it, and who, seeing themselves
in danger of losing all their privileges, had decided to fight against
the national militia, whose principles were particularly odious to them.

This guard at Madrid alone numbered six entire battalions; that is, a
more considerable force than the rest of the garrison, and there was,
moreover, a brigade of carbineers, then in garrison at Castro del Rio,
near Cordova. A young officer, already celebrated at Cadiz for his
royalist devotion, Don Luis Fernandez of Cordova, received from the king
or had a self-imposed mission to concentrate all this military force and
lead it against the established system. The projected reforms of the
cortes made this easy, and, on the 25th of June, the carbineers of Castro
del Rio raised the standard of revolt in Andalusia. At Aranjuez and
Madrid the royal guards began a series of struggles with the people and
the militia--struggles which every day became more animated. On the 27th
the court returned from Aranjuez to the capital, and this was the signal
for fresh outbreaks. The royal ceremony of closing the first session
of the cortes took place on the 30th. This important act was carefully
observed, because Ferdinand did not think himself really in a position
to act until he had freed himself from these importunate adversaries.
But on returning from the ceremony, when the king had just regained his
palace, a lively quarrel burst out. Some shouted “Long live our absolute
king!” and some “Long live the constitution!” The guards were simply
furious. Stationed at the Plaza de Oriente, they suddenly returned to the
crowd, drove them back, and chased away some national militia picketed on
the square. Then they organised themselves in military style as though
in an enemy’s city. Some among their officers belonged to the cortes,
one of them, Mamerto Landáburu, wanted to recall his men to discipline.
They insulted him, whereupon he drew his sword to punish the offenders
himself, but, far from being listened to, he became their first victim.
Three grenadiers struck him behind and he fell bathed in his own blood at
the very gates of the palace.

The Madrid populace had for two years been too accustomed to scenes of
tumult, to rise at the news of an isolated act. But the national militia
took arms incontinently, and seized two plazas.

It was a critical moment for Ferdinand. Supported by a military force
which would only take orders from himself, he could find a serious
concourse in the ministry against all his enemies, if he only consented
to the drawing up of a charter and granting the representative
institutions for which he had shown so much anxiety before M. de Villèle.
But the king thought himself now in a position to acquire absolute power.
He knew that a regiment of militia had joined with the carbineers at
Castro del Rio; and he had seen insurgent troops of Andalusia coming
to help his guards at the very doors of his palace. However, he had
to reckon with the militia and the garrison of Madrid, and these two
elements were preparing to fight with a calmness and courage that argued
success. These formed under the name of the Holy Battalion, and under
Don Evaristo San Miguel there was a special corps composed of ardent
patriots. The most distinguished generals, Ballesteros, Alava, and
Palarea, showed inclination to make the laws respected. For several days
the two parties remained face to face. The two battalions stationed at
the palace were vilely seduced by the king and his courtiers. Money was
freely scattered among the guards, and they were excited to fight by
promises of all kinds.

By the 6th the necessity of taking a definite step was felt. But
favourable news arriving of the insurrection of Castro del Rio, the
aspect of affairs suddenly changed. Orders were given that neither the
ministers, the state councillors, nor the political leader were to leave
the palace, as grave events might happen during the night.

And just so it happened. The four Pardo battalions marched on the capital
in the hope of surprising it and disarming the national militia. Arrived
at one of the chief gates, they divided into three columns, one making
for the artillery park, a second to the Puerta del Sol, and a third to
the Constitution square. As fate so willed, the first column met a
patrol of the Holy Battalion, and this circumstance decided the issue
of the struggle. A few stray shots awoke the people. In an instant
every patriot was afoot; each ran to his post, and the guards were
driven from the artillery park and the Plaza Mayor. They retired in
sufficiently good order on the Puerta del Sol column, which had tried
to take the Casa de Correos, but had been stopped by means of a strong
barricade put up behind the door. A governmental committee exacted that
the four rebellious battalions should lay down their arms, and allowed
the other two to go out armed to settle in the villages of Vicalvaro and
Leganes, with the one condition that they should give up the murderers of
Landáburu.

This capitulation ought to have ended the struggle, but did nothing of
the sort. The four battalions to be disarmed refused obedience, going out
of the palace by a gate which led to the Campo del Moro and fleeing in
the direction of Alcorcon, after discharging their arms at the militia.
After this, no conciliatory efforts were made. Three columns, commanded
by Ballesteros, Copons, and Palarea pursued and smote them hip and thigh,
killing a great number and taking many prisoners. If some stories can
be believed, Ferdinand crowned his infamy in these memorable days by
personally urging on the conquerors. “After them! After them!” cried he
to Morillo from his balcony, so ordering the extermination of those who
had given themselves to his cause.[b]

[Sidenote: [1822-1823 A.D.]]

The new administration began by banishing from the capital all those
who were suspected of having counselled this last attempt of the court,
and by appointing new officers; Quiroga received the command in Galicia
and Mina in Catalonia. At Valencia General Elio was condemned for an
imaginary crime by a council of war in obedience to the cries of the
populace, and was strangled on September 11th. But while the conquerors
of July 7th were pursuing their triumph, civil war was spreading its
ravages, and events of a new order gave it a more political character.
At Urgel a government was established with the title “supreme regency
of Spain during the captivity of the king.” This was recognised by a
majority of the officers in the so-called royal army, by General Eguia,
O’Donnell, the general inquisitor, the bishop of Pamplona and various
juntas of the provinces. The troops obtained some successes and were
aided by the French government. Its agents were favourably received by
the congress at Verona. Nevertheless it was compelled to evacuate Urgel,
and install itself at Puycerda, whence it was forced to retreat to France
and terminate its existence at Toulouse on December 7th. Mina pursued the
royalist bands relentlessly.

The next extra session of the cortes opened the 7th of October at a
moment when war was raging on the northern frontier. The famous brigand
Jayme Alfonso had raised the standard of the faith in Murcia; the priest
Merino had also re-entered the field. Civil war raged in Castile,
Andalusia, and in the province of Toledo.[d]

INTERVENTION OF THE HOLY ALLIANCE (1823 A.D.)

But Spain was not allowed to work out its own salvation. Europe was
dominated at this time by the Holy Alliance, which disguised a resolution
to repress popular liberties and to maintain despotism under a pretended
zeal for piety, justice, and brotherly love. At the Congress of Verona
(October, 1822), France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia agreed upon armed
intervention in Spain, in spite of the protest of Canning on the part
of England. Spain was to be called upon to alter her constitution and to
grant greater liberty to the king, and if an unsatisfactory answer was
received France was authorised to take active measures.[a]

In the first days of January, 1823, France, Austria, Russia, and
Prussia presented notes at Madrid demanding a change in the political
constitution and the liberty of the king. On the 11th of the month the
cortes declared that it would make no concessions to the threatening
powers. The ambassadors of Russia, Austria, and Prussia demanded their
passports at once and left Madrid; the French minister followed soon
after.

A cruel blow to the strength of the constitutionals followed in the
success of various royalist armies. On February 19th, 1823, after the
closing of the extraordinary sessions of the cortes, the news of the
deposition of the ministry caused violent disorder. The palace was
besieged and the king forced to revoke the decree. The popular societies
of the free masons and the _comuneros_ fought strenuously with each
other: at the same time they agreed in rejecting all proposals to modify
the constitution, in spite of the vice of the duke of Wellington and the
ambassador of England. The new cortes which had opened the 1st of March
was engaged in transferring the government to Seville. The king was
notified that he must prepare himself for such a move, and in spite of
vague and uncertain plots the departure took place on the 20th.[d]

THE FRENCH INVASION

[Sidenote: [1823 A.D.]]

It does not lie within our province to give in detail all the various
incidents which signalled the union of the French army on the borders
of the Pyrenees, and finally the decision to brave events and to pass
the Bidassoa on the 7th of April before the liberals could develop their
plans to seduce the troops.

The French army was divided into five large corps and presented an
effective of ninety-five thousand light infantry and twenty-one thousand
horse. In addition to this very respectable number of troops, the
intervention counted equally on apostolic insurgents in the various
provinces. The baron d’Eroles could bring nearly nine thousand Catalans
in the pay of the Urgel regency. Eguia, at Bayonne, who for two years had
spent a sum of nearly two millions in fomenting civil wars in Navarre
and the Basque provinces, put at the duke of Angoulême’s disposition
all divisions and bands which, under the orders of Carlos, O’Donnell,
Quesada, Guergué, and Longa, had carried on a guerilla warfare against
governmental generals. Finally in the interior of the country relations
were established with all such leaders as Bessières, Sampère, Merino.
One might estimate at least thirty-five thousand men against the
constitutional system.

The French army expected to meet a vigorous resistance in the Basque
provinces, especially as the lay of the land lent itself so admirably
to intelligent strategy. But General Ballesteros, to whom had been
given the task of defending these provinces, surprised perhaps by the
rapidity of an invasion, ordered his troops to retire before the enemy’s
advance-guard. San Sebastian received the French with cannon-shot and
refused to open its gates, but Fuenterrabia and the Passage were occupied
immediately. The duke of Angoulême ordered Bourke to follow up the siege
of San Sebastian, and himself went straight on with the bulk of the army
for Vitoria. The French troops found without the slightest difficulty all
provisions and stores needed, thanks to the business-like ways of the
commissariat Ouvrard, who knew how to raise the speculative spirit in
the Basques, and faithfully paid for all goods brought him. This brought
into a country ravaged by poverty an unexpected good instead of ruin and
desolation. There was no danger encountered in scaling the Pyrenees.
The duke of Angoulême, conqueror without fighting, could establish his
headquarters at Vitoria and patiently wait the concentration of all his
columns before marching directly on the capital.

After the government departed, military authority was concentrated
at Madrid in the hands of General O’Donnell, the count of Abisbal. A
vigorous defence was expected in the Guadarrama defiles, but the count
was not straightforward in his dealing. He had arrived at the highest
honours by flattering each party successively. Instead of arming the
population and occupying the most important points, he entered into
secret negotiations with the staff of the duke of Angoulême, which had
received most detailed instructions to spare bloodshed by using means of
corruption, with which it had been generously provided. Gained over to
the cause against which he had pronounced in 1820, Abisbal openly pointed
out to his officers the impossibility of resisting the invasion. The army
officers, indignant, went in a body to his house and intimated that it
was time for him to resign. Abisbal realised the danger he ran, and fled
to France.

An army thus abandoned by its leader at the last moment, found itself
unfit to arrest the victorious march of the duke of Angoulême. Of the two
generals who had succeeded Abisbal, one of them, Castel dos Ruis, decided
to go on into Estremadura heading the bulk of his troops. The other,
Zayas, was left with a feeble corps of from twelve to fifteen hundred to
obtain a capitulation which would at least assure life and property to
the inhabitants of Madrid. This last measure was full of foresight, for
while the near coming of the French army was spoken of, Bessières, the
same leader of the band who a little before had threatened Madrid, had
made a bold move and pretended to occupy the city, while his followers
hoped to give it over to pillage. But Zayas, with the help of the
garrison and national militia, fearlessly barred his passage, forced him
to retreat, and kept him outside the city walls until the arrival of the
first French troops--this, in spite of his repeated threats and the rage
of all the bad subjects greedily anticipating an easily won booty.

The multitude in all large cities are always ready for a spectacle,
fête, or anything emotional. Moreover, Madrid had within her a crowd
of partisans of absolutist principles--all those who belonged to the
palace or the clergy, all those whom a liberal administration had
deprived of employment, and the relations of refugees. These warmly
welcomed him who was conqueror over a constitutional system. But the
duke of Angoulême, although received with open arms, with acclamation,
song, and dance, could hardly mistake the general feeling. For while
the absolutists thronged the streets, the middle class, who alone
desired and upheld liberty, hid their humiliation by their firesides.
The duke had to put an end to the excesses of a mad populace who would
overthrow the constitution and pillage the houses of all the well-known
constitutionists. For three days the _manolas_ overran the town singing
the _Pitita_; they went into the churches and solemnly put Ferdinand’s
portrait on the altar in place of the saints. In the hope of getting out
of this anarchistic situation, the duke hastened to give a definite form
to the new government, which would definitely take matters in hand, in a
proclamation dated from Alcobendas (23rd of May, 1823), announcing his
intention of leaving the Spaniards to govern themselves and inviting the
former counsellors of Castile and the Indies to choose a regency to take
the helm of the state until Ferdinand had recovered his full liberty. The
duke of Angoulême made the terrible mistake of sanctioning nominations
that were fatal and soon to be regretted. Then having seen the regency
commence work with the duke of Infantado as president, and the new
ministry formed wherein Canon Victor Saez was minister of foreign affairs
and Don J. B. Erro minister of finance, he thought he could rest with
perfect security and have nothing but his military operations to occupy
him until Ferdinand was seized from the cortes.

The unlucky prince did not realise that, in confiding the government of
Spain to personages picked out by former counsellors, he was practically
condemning the unhappy country to ten years of a horrible system of
persecution and religious fanaticism; that he was making the French flag
responsible for the organisation of the most odious government which
the human mind could conceive, and soiling the white flag he wished to
hold high by making it the symbol of ignorance, fanaticism, and shameful
arbitration.[b]

Meanwhile the cortes held Ferdinand practically a prisoner in Seville.
On the approach of the French the king, protesting violently, was haled
to Cadiz, after the appointment of a regency of three. In his diary
Ferdinand describes vividly the humiliation of his position, and it is
evident that he was treasuring up a wealth of grudges to repay with all
his liberality in spite. Late in June Cadiz was besieged by land and sea.
After a heavy bombardment, during which Ferdinand kept signalling to the
duke of Angoulême, Cadiz fell on the 23rd of September, 1823, and on
October 1st Ferdinand was delivered free to the French at Puerto de Santa
Maria.

THE RETURN OF FERDINAND (1823 A.D.)

The 1st of October Ferdinand crossed from Cadiz to Santa Maria. He was
scarcely in possession of his authority before he annulled every act
which had been passed since March 7th, 1820, and announced that he
considered himself released from all obligations towards his rebellious
subjects and that he was going to punish their assaults. The extreme
party which carried him with it no longer restrained its vengeance. The
duke of Angoulême returned to Madrid and left immediately for Paris.
The king proceeded to the capital where the absolutist party welcomed
him in triumph. But there he saw that he must submit to a new yoke, for
when certain officers of the voluntary royalists were presented to him,
remembering the national militia he remarked that they were “the same
dogs with different collars.”

The conquerors gave themselves up to the intoxication of vengeance. One
of the victims most passionately demanded was Riego, who paid the penalty
for his deeds on the 7th of November in the public square of Madrid.[129]
The generals Ballesteros and Morillo went into exile. The prisons were
full to overflowing. The populace hurled its rage against the liberals,
who were proscribed under the name of Negros; during the ministry of
Victor Saez, the king’s confessor, the hangman seemed to be the most
active instrument of power.

[Sidenote: [1823-1826 A.D.]]

Ferdinand felt himself too strongly ruled by the absolutist faction[130]
and he feared moreover the projects the latter seemed to be forming
in connection with his brother, the infante Don Carlos, for whom they
hoped for a more complete devotion. His old partisan Bessières, now at
the mercy of the faction, having called together his troops without the
government’s order, paid for it on the scaffold. Ferdinand was forced
to retard the evacuation of Barcelona by the French for fear of the
hostility from the partisans of pure despotism; he was obliged to go to
Catalonia to scatter the assemblies of troops clamouring too loudly for
an absolute king, and he returned to Madrid full of fear and suspicion.
His reign after the fall of the Saez ministry is easy to characterise.
No new principle was proclaimed, no abuse was solemnly repudiated. Not
one word of authority gave reason to suppose that at some time any
thought would be given to reforming ancient customs, to modifying the
absolute right of the throne which is inseparable from that of religion.
In 1826, when the Brazilian charter was established in Portugal, a
governmental proclamation still comprised all the duties of a Spaniard in
the following precepts: “Love the king, obey the king, and die for his
absolute power.”

[Illustration: CALOMARDE

(Minister of Ferdinand VII)]

[Sidenote: [1826-1833 A.D.]]

In spite of these formulas another spirit directed affairs. The council
of state had to be purged of its most influential personages. Old
adherents of the constitution and even of King Joseph surrounded the
throne at times, because the king had no other sentiment than that of
personal safety; he did not wish to give himself up completely to the
party which was already proclaiming another name than his own. He had
always had a horror of the constitution, but he did not ignore the fact
that the exclamation of _Vive l’inquisition!_ had been accompanied by
another cry. Thus he saw himself compelled to crush both parties, to
sacrifice without pity the authors of audacious attempts, no matter on
which side they might be. Moreover he had good cause to treat with the
new spirit because he had need of money for his administration and army,
and to get it he had to revert to foreigners. It was declared by the
government which succeeded him that from 1823 to the end of his reign the
public debt increased 665,000,000 francs.

Ferdinand did not wish to constitute a party, to proclaim his
principles, to cause his interests to dominate. He merely chose men
reputed to be skilful and opposed them in his council to men who were
necessary but dangerous. Spain lent itself to this oblique course because
her passions had died out: the voluntary royalists who opposed the Negros
had been punished. The majority of the episcopal body turned a deaf ear
to cries for the re-establishment of the Inquisition. In 1827 the old
hands “of the faith,” who had arisen in Catalonia against Ferdinand and
his ministers, had been crushed with no hope of return. The same causes
brought about the extinction of the liberal effervescence. Mina himself
was obliged to escape by flight from the persecutions of populations
which had once celebrated his exploits.

Ferdinand appeared equally indifferent or undecided in regard to the
members of his family. On March 29th, 1830, when his young wife Maria
Christina of Naples was pregnant, he issued a “pragmatic sanction”
proclaiming as a law of the state a resolution of King Charles IV, made
in accord with a demand of the cortes of 1789, abolishing the Salic
law instituted in 1713 by Philip V, and thus re-established the right
of women to inherit the throne of Spain; but he afterwards showed no
predilection for the young princess Maria Isabella Louisa, who was born
in July of the same year.

[Illustration: DON CARLOS I]

Again he assembled the most devoted partisans of his brother Don Carlos
about his throne, and when an attack of the gout brought him to the
edge of the tomb in September, 1832, he signed a decree revoking the
new law of succession. Then, returned to life again, he placed the
infante Don Carlos at a distance, drove away the ministers who had wrung
the fatal signature from his feeble hand and denounced their odious
manœuvres; and as though to protect himself against new obsessions he
placed the government in the hands of the queen, his wife, until his
health should be restored. He let her publish decrees of amnesty for
political criminals, take measures to destroy the existence of the
voluntary royalists, reduce the privileges of the council of Castile;
then, for fear of seeing her advance too rapidly in the way of reforms,
he had her announce in a manifesto of December that he did not intend
to introduce the slightest innovation into the constitutional laws of
the monarchy, nor to change anything that was established. On January
4th, 1833, he announced that, as his health was sufficiently recovered,
he had reassumed the reins of government. The day before, so that they
might receive full authenticity, the queen placed in the archives the act
of the cortes of 1789 and the revolution of Charles IV in regard to the
abolition of the Salic law. In spite of his antipathy towards innovators
Ferdinand felt that it was necessary to constitute a political force
around the cradle of his daughter. Men for whom the name of Don Carlos
was a menace came together to defend the young princess. A decree of
April 7th, 1833, convened the cortes at Madrid. The 3rd of June, the
nobles, prelates, and delegates of the cities took an oath of allegiance
to the princess of the Asturias, as heiress of the crown of Spain and
the Indes. The 29th of September, 1833, Ferdinand died, leaving a heavy
sceptre in the hands of his daughter.[d]

RISE OF CARLISM

[Sidenote: [1833-1834 A.D.]]

Though Ferdinand while alive had been accumulating legal acts in favour
of direct descent, he had attached more and more importance to obtaining
the acquiescence of his brother Don Carlos in his sovereign will. He had
sent a royal order asking when he thought of recognising the already
proclaimed heiress. Don Carlos, not to be behindhand, profited by this
to take up a definite position as claimant in the eyes of the public. He
wrote his brother a letter which he hastened to make public, in which
these words were found:

You ask whether or not I intend recognising your daughter as
princess of the Asturias? My conscience and honour will not
permit this. My rights to the crown, if I survive you, or
you leave no male posterity, are so legitimate that I need
not enumerate them. These rights were given by God when he
willed my birth, and he alone can take them away by granting
you a son, an event that I desire perhaps even more than you.
Moreover, I am defending the rights of all those who come
after me. Thus I find myself obliged to send you the enclosed
declaration, of which I send a formal copy to you and other
sovereigns, to whom I hope you will communicate it.

Adieu, very dear brother of my heart. I am always yours, always
yours lovingly, and you are ever present in the prayers of your
most affectionate brother,

CARLOS.

The declaration was thus worded:

SIRE:

I, Carlos-Maria-Isidoro de Bourbon, infante of Spain, am
thoroughly convinced of my legitimate rights to the Spanish
throne in case of my surviving you, or your not leaving male
issue. I say that my conscience and my honour will not permit
me to swear to or recognise any other rights, and this I
declare.

Your affectionate and faithful servant,

DON CARLOS, Infante.

RAMALHAO, April 29th, 1833.

In answer to this declaration Ferdinand wrote to his brother saying
that, without dreaming of violating his conscience, he nevertheless must
forbid his returning to Spain, “for very serious political reasons and
in consideration of the country’s laws.” He could not, he continued,
make the declarations to foreign kings, basing his refusal on the
principle that foreign governments ought not to interfere in interior
state affairs. The salutations used were always full of an affectionate
tenderness that formed a curious contrast to the real purport of the
letters.

Don Carlos submitted to the banishment imposed, but had no idea of
leaving Portugal, so as soon as an order came to go to Italy, he busied
himself with reasons for not doing anything of the kind, not openly
refusing that obedience which he had always affected to owe his brother,
but inventing a crowd of pretexts for not rendering it. The now published
correspondence between the two brothers on this occasion shows, on the
infante’s part, a series of successive inventions to excuse his stay in
Portugal, and from the king a refutation of the vain pretexts advanced,
and a constant endeavour to remove obstacles to departure. Ferdinand, at
length, left off using a tone of fraternal love and spoke as an annoyed
king, desiring his brother to say whether he intended to obey or not. The
answer was proud and disdainful. Don Carlos said if he left Portugal,
he would have the air of a fugitive who had committed some crime: that
he declined to put himself in such a shameful position, and, if really
guilty, demanded a trial according to the laws of the realm (July, 1833).

From this date Don Carlos led a party quite in opposition to his
sovereign, although keeping up an appearance of not stirring up civil war
before his brother’s death. He began to gather round him in his little
court at Ramalhao, then at Mafra and Coimbra, all those who had refused
their oath to Princess Isabella. Inflammatory pamphlets went thence in
every direction to spread doubt in men’s minds as to the legality of
Ferdinand’s testamentary arrangements. A few active men were already
engaged in raising army corps. Baron Los Valles was sent into France and
England to convince those two governments of the justness of the claim
put forth by the Spanish infante.[b]

WAR OF THE CHRISTINOS AND CARLISTS (1833-1839 A.D.)

Scarcely had King Ferdinand VII closed his eyes, when the apostolic
party in northern Spain, especially in Navarre and the Basque provinces,
proclaimed Don Carlos, brother of the king, as King Charles V. In order
successfully to oppose the Carlists, who fought for absolutism and
priesthood, there was nothing for the regent, Maria Christina, to do
but to throw herself into the arms of the liberal party. Thus the seven
years’ war between Carlists and Christinos grew out of a fight for the
throne into a civil war and a battle for principles. The Carlists had
the upper hand to start with, owing to the ability of their general,
Zumalacarregui, against whom the Christinos could place no equally
matched leader. From Portugal, where Don Carlos was residing with his
beloved nephew, Don Miguel, this general threatened the frontiers of
Spain.

[Illustration: QUEEN MARIA CHRISTINA]

[Sidenote: [1834-1855 A.D.]]

Hence Christina turned to England and France, and the Quadruple Alliance
of April 22nd, 1834, was concluded between these states and Spain and
Portugal, the object of which was to maintain the constitutional throne
of Isabella and of Maria da Gloria and to drive out the two pretendants,
Carlos and Miguel. Still, in that same year, these two men, who enjoyed
the favour of the eastern powers and of the pope to a high degree, were
obliged to leave Portugal. Carlos went to England in June, on an English
ship, but he escaped again in July, and, after an adventurous journey
through France, appeared suddenly in Navarre to reanimate the courage of
his followers by his royal presence. The war was carried on with passion
and cruelty on both sides. After the death of Zumalacarregui, who lost
his life on June 14th, 1835, at the siege of Bilbao, the Christinos,
who exceeded in numbers, seemed to have the advantage. But they could
accomplish little against the restless Cabrera, who had just received
his first ecclesiastical orders, and had gone over into the camp of the
pretender. He was a most able guerilla leader. The turning-point came
first when the command of the Christino army was intrusted to Espartero.
He conquered the Carlists in 1836 in a bloody battle at Luchana, hastened
to the relief of the capital when the Carlists advanced to the vicinity
of Madrid in 1837, and compelled Carlos to retreat.

[Illustration: THOMASO ZUMALCARREGUI]

To these losses was added discord in the camp itself. The pretender,
wholly lacking in competence and independence, was the tool of his
_camarilla_,[131] who in the choice of a general paid more attention to
a knowledge of the catechism than of the arts of war and displaced the
most able leaders to put up their own creatures in their stead. The new
general, Guergué, was beaten several times by Espartero in 1838, which
gradually cooled the enthusiasm of the northern provinces. He was deposed
and the chief command given to the crafty Maroto, who, as an enemy of the
_camarilla_ could have maintained himself against their continual attacks
only by gaining great victories. Since he could not win these against the
superior force of Espartero, he concluded the Treaty of Vergara with him
on August 31st, 1839, according to which he went over to the Christinos
with his army and obtained in return an amnesty and the confirmation of
the freedom of Basque and Navarre. With this, the cause of Don Carlos was
hopelessly lost. The latter went to France in September with many of his
followers, and had to pass six years under police supervision in the city
of Bourges. Not until 1845, after he had transferred all his pretensions
to his eldest son, the count of Montemolin, did he receive permission
to depart, whereupon he betook himself to Italy. He died at Trieste on
March 10th, 1855. His followers continued to fight for some time longer
in Catalonia under Cabrera. But they also were overpowered by Espartero,
and in July, 1840, with a force of about eight thousand men, were obliged
to flee to France, where they were kept under supervision. The civil
war was now at an end, but the strife continued. Espartero, entitled
duke of victory (Vittoria) was the most influential and the most popular
personage in Spain, with whom everyone, even the queen-regent, had to
reckon.

THE STORMY REGENCY OF CHRISTINA (1833-1841 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1833-1841 A.D.]]

In the meanwhile the latter neither by her private life nor by her
political conduct had been able to win the love and respect of the
Spaniards. Her liberal attacks did not go very deep and as soon as
the immediate necessity was past they gave place to the most opposite
tendencies. At the spread of the Carlist rebellion in 1834, she had
placed the once persecuted Martínez de la Rosa, known as a poet and
writer, at the head of the ministry and had given the country a
constitution [the _estatuto real_] which satisfied no one. The cortes
convened again after a long interval and soon became divided into the
two hostile factions of the moderates (_moderados_) and the progressists
(_progresistas_). The ministries changed rapidly. The progressists
demanded abolition of the monks’ orders and confiscation of their
property, which was in part carried out. In single cities it came to
bloody excesses; cloisters were destroyed, monks and nuns murdered,
priests and Jesuits driven over the border. The continual wavering,
the frequent dissolution of the cortes increased the discontent; the
progressists in 1836 feared a reaction and wanted to make concessions.
Revolts were organised in the larger cities, the constitution of 1812 was
placed on the programme. The government responded by placing Madrid in a
state of siege, by disbanding the national guard. Revolt broke out in the
summer residence, La Granja, whither Christina had retreated. Soldiers of
the guard forced their way into the palace and compelled her to adopt the
constitution of 1812.

A constitutional assembly discussed a revision of the same, and thus the
new constitution of 1837 came into being. Christina took oath to keep it,
but hoped by watching over the election to bring the _moderados_ into
the cortes and the ministry. When she succeeded in accomplishing this in
1840, she issued a municipal law in accordance with which the election
of municipal authorities was placed in the hands of the government.
This caused a revolt in Madrid and other cities, and when Christina
commissioned Espartero, who had just returned victoriously, to quell
the uprisal in Madrid he refused to be made the tool of an unpopular
policy. And yet he was the only man who could check the revolution which
was threatening on all sides. Hence Christina was obliged to appoint
Espartero as ministerial president on September 16th, 1840. He chose all
progressist members for his cabinet, made a triumphal entry into Madrid
on September 29th, and placed his programme before the queen-regent in
Valencia on October 5th. In this he demanded repeal of the municipal law,
dissolution of the cortes, and dismissal of the _camarilla_.

The regency had little attraction more for Christina under such
conditions. Other influences were also at work. Shortly after the death
of her husband, she had taken a handsome life-guardsman, called Muñoz,
into her favour, had made him chamberlain, and had secretly married him.
The union was soon proclaimed by a large number of children, but not
until 1844 was there a public marriage, whereupon Muñoz was made duke
of Rianzares and grandee of Spain. By this act she had thrown away her
womanly respect and laid herself open to all sorts of attacks, so that
she preferred to leave the country. On October 12th, she resigned her
position as regent and travelled to France.

ESPARTERO REGENT (1841-1843 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1841-1843 A.D.]]

The newly elected cortes, on May 8th, 1841, named Espartero regent of
Spain and guardian of the queen Isabella and her sister the infanta
Luisa Fernanda. Nor did he prove unworthy of this high position, seeking
to establish order in all branches of the state administration and to
preserve his respect before the clergy and the pope. Since he knew
how energetically Christina, supported by Louis Philippe, was working
against him with her influence and her money, he attached himself more
to England, whereupon those who were envious of him, and his rivals,
accused him of selling Spain’s commercial interests to England. The fact
that he quelled a rebellion in Barcelona in 1842 by a bombardment, was
charged against him as tyranny. New revolts broke out in the south in
1843; Colonel Prim hastened to Catalonia and placed himself at the head
of the soldiers who had been won over through large expenditures of money
by Christina’s agents. Espartero’s bitterest enemy, General Narvaez,
landed in Valencia and entered Madrid with his troops. Espartero, against
whom moderados and progressists had conspired together, found himself
abandoned and set sail for England from Cadiz on July 26th, 1843. Not
until 1848 was it safe for him to return.

[Illustration: ESPERTERO, REGENT]

THE PROFLIGATE QUEEN ISABELLA II (1843-1868 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1843-1851 A.D.]]

In November, 1843, the thirteen-year-old Isabella was declared of age.
She took over the reins of government, appointed Narvaez, who had been
raised to be duke of Valencia, president of the ministry, and called back
her mother. This opened the doors and gates to French influence, to the
game of intrigue and reaction. The constitution of 1837 was changed in
1845 in favour of absolutism, the freedom of the press was limited, the
national guard abolished, and the cortes even more than in France reduced
to a nominal existence. In order to insure for his house a lasting
influence in Spain and to obtain for it a reversion of the Spanish
throne, Louis Philippe, acting with Christina, brought about a marriage
on October 16th, 1846, between Isabella and her cousin Francis de Asis,
and between the infanta Luisa and the duke of Montpensier, the youngest
of his sons. (Louis Philippe had planned at first to marry Isabella also
to one of his sons, the duke of Aumale, but he gave this up on account
of the decided protest of Palmerston’s cabinet and chose instead for
Isabella in Francis de Asis that person who, on account of his mental and
bodily weakness, would stand least in the way of his son, Montpensier).
This marriage which was conducted wholly in secret cost Louis Philippe
the friendship of the English cabinet. The pleasure-loving Isabella,
following in the footsteps of her mother, soon grew heartily tired of
her Francis and enjoyed herself in July, 1847, at La Granja, with the
handsome and agreeable progressist General Serrano and other officers,
while Francis found himself condemned to a hermit’s life at the hunting
castle of Pardo. The marriage was a very unfortunate one, and Christina,
the evil genius of Spain, fled one day and came back the next.

[Illustration: QUEEN ISABELLA II]

Isabella kept more and more to the path of her father Ferdinand, and
pursued an administrative policy which joined military despotism to
clerical absolutism and in which confessors and soldiers played a rôle,
and even guided the rudder of state. While such conduct repelled the
liberal elements from her side the frivolity of her private life made her
lose all claims to respect.[132] She even went so far that the legitimacy
of all her children was doubted. No wonder that from time to time revolts
broke out, which, as is customary in Spain, were incited and led by
officers. The government saved itself by executions and deportations.
The ministerial president Marshal Narvaez, who bore the title duke of
Valencia, was always ready for such drastic measures. His successor was
Gonzalez Bravo [or Brabo] Murillo, who soon had the whole army against
him.[e] His cabinet was very significant and important, not only because
of the question of economies, but also because of Bravo Murillo’s project
to abolish or diminish the military preponderance which was not very
beneficial to the country. The germs of discord remained, to be united
with those displayed in other acts, such as the ostentatious reception of
Narvaez in Paris by the Spanish representative, the duke de Sotomayor,
who was replaced by the marquis de Valdegamas, and the ridiculous
prohibition of the farce called the _entierro de la sardina_ (the burial
of the sardine) and the piñata ball. The burial of the sardine is part of
the carnival festivities on Ash Wednesday. The piñata ball is a masked
ball at the theatre--the piñata being a large earthenware jar full of
sweets; the dancers are blindfolded, turned round, and have to try and
break the jar with poles, after which there is a general scramble for
the sweets. These sports were prohibited by the minister of government
without consulting his colleagues, whom he thus compromised, occasioning
resignations and annoyances, while the prestige of the new cabinet in the
palace suffered somewhat from the ill-judged and useless measure of one
of its members. In an unfriendly spirit towards the ministry, Napoleon
showed marked honour to Narvaez and Sotomayor. General O’Donnell [who had
won distinction in the Morocco wars of 1860 and become duke of Tetuan]
showed himself somewhat disrespectful towards the minister of war because
he had made several military appointments out of the order of seniority,
the young officer of infantry wishing to put an end to this injustice.[j]

[Illustration: MARSHAL NARVAEZ]

[Sidenote: [1851-1868 A.D.]]

Spain was, on the surface, a monarchy akin to that of France, Belgium,
and England. Below the surface, as soon as the dynastic peril had
subsided and the throne of the queen was somewhat consolidated, the old
reactionary undercurrent set to work. A novel and powerful instrument
of reaction--militarism--appeared on the scene and made Spain sadly
famous. Its interference in politics and its _pronunciamientos_ were
fatal to discipline and, what was far worse, to the sense of respect
for parliamentary legality which is the corner-stone of modern
institutions. It must be said that Castilian militarism somewhat atoned
for its interference in politics by using its extraordinary influence
quite as often in the cause of liberty and of progress as in defence
of reactionary cabinets and palace favourites. It will suffice to say
that Marshal Espartero acted thus from 1836 to 1843 to crush the first
Carlist risings, and to check the caprices of the regent Doña Christina,
and then, in 1854-1856, again stepped in to check another reaction.
Marshal O’Donnell was the champion of moderate liberalism from 1856 to
1866, which might have preserved the crown of Queen Isabella had she
not always harboured preferences for retrograde statesmen and generals.
Marshals Prim and Serrano, too, were in the van of the progressists and
advanced liberals who would fain have served their queen, but went over
to revolution and conspiracies at last in sheer disgust. Such names can
well be set against those of the military champions of political reaction
and religious intolerance--marshals Narvaez [who died in 1868], Cheste,
Novaliches, and Calonje.[k]

[Sidenote: [1868-1869 A.D.]]

In July, 1868, a great military revolt was to break out. The minister
caused the most important generals, among them Serrano and Dulce, to be
deported to the Canary Isles, and even banished from Spain the queen’s
brother-in-law, the duke of Montpensier, whose name seemed to serve as a
watchword for the revolution. Excitement increased in the land. Isabella
thought herself compelled to enter into closer relations than hitherto
with her friend and ally, as she called Napoleon III, and arranged an
interview with him for the 18th and 19th of September in the two frontier
posts Biarritz and San Sebastian. Napoleon was accredited with the plan
of recalling his troops from Rome and filling their places with Spanish
soldiers in the event of his beginning his long-threatened war with
Germany. Isabella, who had just been honoured by receiving the Golden
Rose of the Faith and Virtue from the pope, was very much in favour of
such a project.

THE REBELLION OF 1868 A.D.

[Illustration: GENERAL LEOPOLD O’DONNELL]

But at the very moment when the Franco-Spanish alliance was to have been
concluded and their majesties were at their appointed posts, rebellion
broke out in Cadiz. It was the 18th of September. The banished generals
Serrano and Prim returned, the rear-admiral Topete joined them with
the whole fleet, the few faithful troops were conquered by Serrano
on September 28th, near Alcolea. All the larger cities, even Madrid,
took sides with the revolution with the cry, “Down with the Bourbons!
down with the Jesuits!” on the 29th; and so there was nothing left for
Isabella but to leave San Sebastian the next day and to take refuge on
French soil. She at once took up her residence at Pau whence she uttered
a passionate but unavailing protest against her exile. When she realised
that all hope of restoration, for the present, was gone, she went to
Paris, where she died in 1902.

The direction of the state was intrusted to the leaders of the
revolution. Marshal Serrano took the position of president of the
ministry, Prim became minister of war, Topete of marine. The order of
Jesuits and a number of cloisters were abolished, freedom of faith was
proclaimed; in Barcelona and Madrid even Protestant services were held.
The newly elected cortes, convened on February 18th, 1869, deliberated
over a new constitution, declared in favour of a constitutional monarchy,
and appointed Serrano regent, until a suitable candidate could be found.
The political outlook, however, was not favourable for Spain. There
existed a strong republican party, which threatened to oppose with arms
the establishment of a new throne; the island of Cuba, that “pearl of the
Antilles,” was in full revolt, ready to break loose from Spain and found
an independent republic; and Carlism again raised its head.[e]

PIRALA ON THE “MILD ANARCHY” OF 1869 A.D.

[Sidenote: [1869-1870 A.D.]]

At the end of the year 1869, the state of the nation clearly showed
that when parties pursue private rather than public aims the result
can be no other than what then existed--that is, a monarchy without a
monarch, a powerless regency, a constitution disregarded and infringed,
an ill-directed and expiring _camara_, a dictatorship without a dictator,
and an empty treasury and a retrograding revolution.

We do not lay the fault of this upon any of the men concerned in our
revolution, and we do not think that history does so either, but we
cannot cease to lament the lack of one of those men of genius who take
the lead without imposing themselves. The situation had not improved at
the beginning of the year 1870.

The cortes again resumed its labours. With praiseworthy frankness,
Prim, as president of the council, said that they had reached a pitch
of confusion in which, surrounded by thick clouds, they might come near
to realising the fable of the two wolves who met on a dark night and
devoured each other so that nothing was left but their tails.

Union facilitates the work of construction which is gradually perfected
in every detail, but dissension entails the fate of the builders of the
tower of Babel. A nation can show no sadder or more futile spectacle; and
yet it is the history of all. Is mankind condemned ever to turn in this
vicious circle and never to get free from it? It is impossible to think
so, for in the midst of this continual conflict of interests and bastard
ambitions the nineteenth century has achieved imperishable victories.

Nations conquer their sovereignty and of their own right make their
laws, and struggle unceasingly to overcome ancient traditions, uproot
absurd vices and tyrannical tendencies. Thus even as science pierces
the mountains, explores the depths of the sea, discovers and explains
the spots on the sun, and almost realises the aforetime foolish and
chimerical ambition of the Titans; so politics, that science of modern
societies and of free and civilised nations, will find the solution of
the social problem bringing the rights of all men, the interests of
all nations, and the good of all humanity into combined and harmonious
action. A vast idea like a great discovery suffices to bring the whole
world into close relationship. And like the electric current which
flashes words and ideas from pole to pole, a grand political inspiration,
social, human, fraternal, moral, just, and worthy, needs but to be
hinted to triumph. Printing had but to be invented to extend over the
whole world; steam came into immediate use, and Franklin needed but a
lightning-conductor for Turgot to exclaim:

“_Eripuet cœlo fulmen_
_Sceptrumque tyrannis._”

And the lightning-conductor alone produced the cable which brings
both worlds into constant communication, the thread which annihilates
distances and transmits thoughts and events. Politics is indeed a
science, and if nothing is impossible to science, shall anything be
impossible to politics?

This work of social reconstruction advances slowly, all collecting
materials and contributing their ideas to its perfectionment; the work
will be completed; it is but a question of time, and what appears long in
the life of the individual is very short in the life of nations. Liberty
and civilisation being inseparably welded, where civilisation is least,
liberty finds most obstacles, and the task must be more difficult and
laborious.

In the meanwhile Spain was going through a troubled period, and it was
said in the press and in the cortes that a heavy responsibility lay upon
those who had taken part in a political movement the issue of which was
so unfortunate, and cut off the country from the civilising progress of
the century and the social importance to which it had so many claims;
that the triumphant liberal spirit was suffocating for want of guidance,
and could not succeed in laying definitive institutions upon a solid
basis; that the perils surrounding the revolution were increasing; that
all was unstable and that “a mild anarchy” reigned everywhere, as was
said by the minister of government himself, who was yet so dilatory in
framing fundamental laws.

There followed the famous session of March 19th, 1870, when the forced
harmony exploded between unionists, progressists, and democrats, placing
regency, government, and country in a terrible position. Thus it was
published by a deputy of recognised ability, who had good reason to
be well acquainted with the internal workings of the camara, that “it
would be difficult to conceive worse confusion than that to which it
was a prey. Without true unity in the ministry, without true unity
in the majority, without unity even in the midst of the oppositions,
every individual, whether minister or deputy, radical or conservative,
republican or traditionalist, in the questions natural or incident to
the debate expressed his own opinion without thought for the general
interests of any party; the result of which was that every one of the
three hundred representatives who had their seat upon the benches of the
congress spoke a different language, and if such a state of moral anarchy
continued, the assembly would before long be converted into a regular
tower of Babel.”[l]

ESTIMATE BY CHERBULIEZ OF GENERAL PRIM

There are in every country men who accomplish their ends by romantic
adventures, and this is more common in Spain than anywhere else. There
it is an ancestral or fictitious adventurer, who has really no other
god but his own interests, but succeeds by his audacities and a kind of
native generosity in giving an air of grandeur to his exploits, a varnish
of glory and poetry to his cupidity. So the favourite Spanish hero, the
famous Cid Campeador, appears to us when criticism has rolled away the
luminous clouds with which pure legend has surrounded him. The Rodrigo
whom Corneille celebrated was only the vision of a poet; the true Cid of
history was a man of prey, not troubled with scruples, ready to espouse
all causes, bearing into every camp the restlessness of his moods and
courage, fighting alternately for or against his prince, serving Christ
or Mohammed, and, if one can believe the Arabic chroniclers, preferring
a bushel of gold to a smile from Ximena. His mighty sword thrusts, his
haughty bearing, his natural grandiloquence, redeemed everything; he
had received from heaven the art of persuasive speech, and posterity
remembers words more than intentions. The _romancero_ relates that,
being in a hurry to set out on an expedition, and having need of money,
he borrowed a very large sum from a Jew, giving him as guarantee a
coffer full of jewels, which coffer being opened after his departure,
was found to contain only sand. On his return, the Jew reproached him
with deception. “Yes, it was sand,” he answered loftily, “but this sand
contained the gold of my given word.” The idea was good, albeit a trifle
extravagant.

It is not with any evil intention to the memory of General Prim, to
suggest that he also was a hero with too easy a conscience. Is one bound
to have more convictions, more principles than the Cid? “Do you know,”
said Castelar[m] when orator of the opposition, “who is General Prim’s
god? It is Chance. Would you know his religion? It is Fatalism. And
his ideal? The dream of always keeping power in his own hands. To that
everything is brought to bear and to that everything is sacrificed.
Institutions matter nothing to him; he bends them to his convenience.
Laws count even less for him. They are mere spider webs, to be brushed
aside by the swords of his captain-generals. Parties are as nothing, he
dissolves them. Engagements have never hampered him, for he forgets them.
The most inconceivable alliances are not repugnant, provided he and his
are advantaged thereby.”

[Illustration: GENERAL PRIM]

But it is just to add that General Prim, when he came into power,
astonished his enemies as much as his friends by the continued wisdom
of his conduct. The most redoubtable trial of an adventurer is success.
His ideas must grow with his fortune; having gained the coveted rank, he
must break with his past, his habits and memories, so as to transform
himself into a statesman. Only those who have good stuff in them lend
themselves to such changes, and Don Juan Prim soon proved that the
Aranjuez conspirator possessed the qualities of a politician, a quick
sense of justice, a power of realising situations, skilful management
of men and interests, and tact sufficient to use his authority without
doing anything irregular. He could use strategy in councils, employing
a sober yet nervous eloquence which went straight to the point, and
possessed above the art of speaking the more useful one of being silent.
A Portuguese has remarked that this last talent, strongly admired among
a talkative people, made a man resemble a Gothic cathedral, and gave him
the prestige of obscurity and mystery.

To be president of the council was no easy task. It was already difficult
to govern an assembly composed of two parts; the difficulty was still
greater when there were three. Oscillations from the Centre, who formed
the necessary support for the majority, gave the minister perpetual
anxiety and forced him to see-saw politics. The radicals, or democratic
monarchists, led by a highly popular man, Rivero, and a man of great
talent, Martos, played a very considerable rôle in the constituent
cortes of 1869. They were at one with the liberal unionists in desiring
a king, even as they agreed with the republicans to make a democratic
constitution with all possible speed. Government could only expect a
conditional support from them. It was inconvenient to satisfy them,
dangerous to let them be discontented. It was necessary then perpetually
to negotiate with these monarchists by circumstance. A single imprudence
might have lost all.

Monarchists by conviction were themselves divided into a crowd of small
parties, each having its candidate for the throne.

General Juan Prim needed all his attention and skill to maintain some
degree of cohesion among so variegated a majority. He had to dominate
the unruly, satisfy the ambitious by a portfolio, and the vain by a
decoration; to reassure the timorous, calm the impatient, even like a
good sheepdog who runs ceaselessly round a flock, heading the foremost,
driving in the scattered, hastening the laggards. Each party sought to
gain the general for their candidate, for Don Juan, as someone said at
the congress, resembled a political zero, which, placed at the right
of a figure, increased its value tenfold, and a candidature quoted at
nine on the political bourse would be worth ninety when it had gained
the approving smile of the president. His reigning principle was to
discourage no illusion. “He knows quite well,” said the opposition,
“that he cannot maintain his position much longer in this unstable
equilibrium, which consists in keeping in with all parties, being against
all parties, and above them all. The secret of his politics is to keep
everyone hoping. He gives them no promises, for he is circumspect and
never commits himself. He never betrays himself by his acts, being very
reserved, diplomatic, and making no engagements; but he gives hope by his
enigmas, his reticences, his air of mystery.”

Don Juan, however, was not always so reserved. When occasion demanded,
he denounced to the majority the dangers which threatened them, adjuring
them to seek safety in conciliatory politics, short of which only misery
and disaster could be expected. If his advice was ill received, he
complained that they made government impossible, and spoke of retiring.
This manœuvre, executed with military precision, never failed of its
effect. Thanks to his warning, his threats, and his reticences, that
same majority, composed of men who never agreed nor loved one another,
persisted in remaining united, a rare spectacle in Spain.[n]

THE HUNT FOR A KING

[Sidenote: [1870-1871 A.D.]]

Thus there existed a monarchical constitution with no monarch; and a
large number of republicans took pains to make a monarchy impossible by
speeches in the cortes and by revolts in the provinces. No one seemed
desirous of the crown of a country politically lamed by its party
system and financially rotten. The ministerial president and minister
of war, Count Prim, made every effort to find a suitable personage,
but for a long time in vain. The former regent of Spain, Espartero;
the Coburg prince, Don Ferdinand, father of the king of Portugal; King
Luiz of Portugal himself; Prince Thomas of Genoa, nephew of the king of
Italy--refused in turn. The duke of Montpensier, whose wife was sister
to the ex-queen Isabella, was ready to accept it, but on account of this
very relationship he had many opponents among the monarchs, who, when it
came to selecting a Bourbon, preferred Prince Alfonso, Isabella’s son, to
her brother-in-law.

Isabella made her plan with this end in view. Acting on the advice
of her friend the empress Eugénie she signed her resignation on June
25th, 1870, and made over all her political rights to her son Alfonso.
First, however, there was question of another prince. Among those
who in 1869 had returned a negative answer was Prince Leopold of
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, who, as a Catholic, as husband of a Portuguese
princess, as a relative of the Napoleonic house, and as belonging to the
reigning house of Prussia, seemed a very suitable person in the eyes of
the government. The latter returned to this choice in 1870 and in June
sent a deputation to him. This time the prince accepted. The deputation
returned to Madrid, a ministerial council was held, and on June 2nd it
was decided to offer the crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern
officially and to proclaim this candidacy publicly. The news was brought
to all the capitals of Europe on July 3rd, by telegraph. The country
stood at a new crisis of affairs.[e]

Napoleon III of France opposed the giving of the crown of Spain to a
Prussian prince, and secured his resignation. This success led him to
further demands, which he pressed so outrageously that Prussia, long
ready to avenge its old disgraces before French armies, returned answers
that led Napoleon to declare war. The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871
was the result. Prussia took a new place in the world and in Germany, the
French armies were surrendered in droves by their king and his general
officers, and France was rid both of her Napoleon III and of her military
reputation. And all this as the result of the Spanish advertisement for a
king. The prince Hohenzollern, who had refused the bauble once, and had
had it taken away when he reached out to accept it, was dropped from the
eligible list.[a]

AMADEO’S REIGN (1870-1873 A.D.); AND THE REPUBLIC (1873-1874 A.D.)

Marshal Prim had persuaded the second son of the king of Italy, Prince
Amadeo, duke of Aosta,[133] to accept the candidacy. The cortes elected
him king of Spain on November 16th, 1870, with a vote of 191 to 98. He
arrived in Madrid on January 2nd, 1871, and took oath to support the
constitution a few days after Prim had fallen a victim to a murderous
assault. The government of the new king, who had made Marshal Serrano
first ministerial president, was a continual fight for the ministry
between the monarchic factions, while the republicans and Carlists
organised revolts in the south and north.[e]

Serrano was a soldier risen to the highest ranks through the favour
of Queen Isabella, whom he had not hesitated to betray the moment he
believed that others would be put over him in the highest offices of
politics and the army. His real ability as a general was more than
mediocre. Allied with Prim in the insurrectional movement and the
pronunciamiento of 1868 he was able to overthrow his benefactress’
throne; but the day after the 29th of September he saw himself
transformed by his colleague into a puppet king. Prim, who was his
superior in a hundred ways, especially in ability and energy, henceforth
ruled over him. Not daring to revolt against his comrade, he submitted
tranquilly, contenting himself with the pomp of the regency which he had
received in exchange for his submission to the imperious will of the
minister of war.

[Sidenote: [1871-1872 A.D.]]

After the assassination of the marshal, Serrano found himself again in
the highest place and obliged by his position to direct the beginnings
of a young king, lacking in great political qualifications and the
indispensable knowledge of Spain’s needs and aspirations as well as being
very unpopular on account of his foreign origin. To succeed in such a
task a man of exceptional ability was required and Serrano’s talents were
but mediocre. Under the marshal’s feeble hand, passions far from being
calmed flared up much fiercer than ever and discord penetrated every
element of official life.

Marshal Serrano and his colleagues having given in their resignations,
Amadeo determined to try the experiment of a radical régime. But Señor
Zorilla was incapable of rising above the violent and mean passions of
the party to which he belonged. Amadeo was compelled to dismiss him in
less than three months. Admiral Malcampo was invested with the power
on October 6th; six weeks later he too was compelled to hand in his
resignation.

Amadeo now confided the power to Señor Sagasta, December 20th, 1871.
The situation, however, became more critical day by day. The king
was absolutely isolated in the midst of his people. The educated and
especially the aristocratic classes, justly wounded at seeing a foreign
prince seated without any right whatever on the throne, held aloof from
the court. The clergy could scarcely be expected to sympathise with a
régime that exhibited decided Voltairian tendencies.

The people had never sanctioned the arbitrary choice and protested
against the accomplished act sometimes by noisy demonstrations, more
often by a still more dangerous attitude of cold and irreducible
hostility. The republicans benefited largely by the situation. Amadeo was
daily covered with mud and the ministry found it impossible to make the
royal dignity and person respected. In order to quell so formidable a
storm, the genius of a Napoleon I, the skill of a Cavour would have been
required, and even then it is more than doubtful that with the prestige
which genius gives and the resources which the most perfect art of
governing men can provide, Amadeo would have settled his dynasty firmly
in Spain. In truth the greatest fault found was with his foreign origin,
and this intrinsic defect could not be overcome by personal merit.

How often, turning his thoughts towards his absent country, towards that
city of Turin where he was the idol of its citizens, must Amadeo have
regretted not having resisted more vigorously the demands of his father
and the Italian ministers, as they prayed him to accept that crown of
Spain for which he had so little vocation.

His tastes were simple and his habits modest--altogether too modest for
Spain. He was affable, received everyone, and forced himself to appear as
amiable with the common people as with the politicians and the few great
nobles who had not deserted the court. He understood the low condition
of the treasury and did not take a penny of the civil list which the
constitution allowed him. He lived upon his own personal income, spending
freely, and always tried to make use of Spanish articles and purveyors.
The queen on her part zealously occupied herself with good works. Yet
when Amadeo passed through the Madrid streets those who did not salute
him were assuredly in greater number than those who through politeness
took off their hats as he went by. The reception was no better in the
provinces whenever the king and queen visited them.

And the situation kept on getting worse and worse. Señor Zorilla’s
downfall deeply incensed that statesman. In place of carrying on an
honest opposition to Señor Sagasta, Zorilla, who had once promised
Victor Emmanuel to be “the most faithful of servants,” hastened as
soon as he was no longer minister to ally himself with the monarchy’s
worst enemies, made common cause with the most violent anarchists in
order to undermine not only the cabinet, but the throne he had helped to
establish. King Amadeo’s position was becoming more and more critical.
Placed between the republicans and Alfonsists, who fought him both in and
out of parliament, and the Carlists who, less attached to constitutional
forms and the manners of modern nations, openly declared war, raising the
standard of war under the very eyes of his generals and officials, the
king could not even count on the co-operation of his partisans, whose
differences were now entirely incurable. Prime minister Sagasta was
retired at the end of two months’ sterile work and troubled existence.
What could all this statesman’s abilities do towards consolidating a
monarchy deprived of a nation’s support and condemned in public opinion?

The second Serrano ministry, of which Señor Sagasta was also a member,
began its labours May 26th, 1872; but the king’s hopes were again
deceived. Serrano and his colleagues, judging the situation too critical
to be remedied by ordinary measures, submitted a decree for the king’s
approbation which arbitrarily suspended several privileges guaranteed by
the constitution, at the same time inviting his majesty to take in person
the chief command of the army against the Carlists. Amadeo returned an
energetic refusal to Marshal Serrano’s requests. It was asked that he
take part in civil war, and he could not stoop to this exigency. Ready
to shed his blood for Spain the day on which his adopted country should
be threatened from abroad, it was absolutely repugnant to him to direct
a campaign in which his subjects would simply cut one another’s throats.
If he had not abdicated before, it was only to let his people and the
whole of Europe see that he knew how to face danger, and that he had no
intention of shirking his duties the moment they became most serious and
pressing--a noble line of conduct, which even those who never approved of
Amadeo’s taking the Spanish throne must highly and unreservedly praise.

[Illustration: SAGASTA]

Marshal Serrano was incensed by the king’s attitude and sent in his
resignation. The monarch now thought for a moment of throwing aside the
crown, which weighed more heavily on his brow than the leaden capes
on the shoulders of the damned in Dante’s _Inferno_. But to avoid the
appearance of fleeing before the Carlists, he decided to postpone
the execution of his resolve. He resigned himself to trying one last
experiment with the radicals, by calling the famous Zorilla once more to
the head of affairs, June 13th, 1872.

Zorilla’s return to power immeasurably increased the audacity and
violence of the sectarians. Sure henceforth of impunity, and impatient
to attain their proposed end, they did not shrink from crime. On July
18th, 1872, towards evening, as Amadeo was preparing to visit a circus,
a warning was hastily brought him that his life was to be attempted and
that the police were on the track of a plot. In vain did the queen, his
ministers, and household officials implore him to renounce his visit.
The king, scorning their advice and taking no notice of the threatening
danger, would not consent to stay in the palace. He wished his people
to know that he feared not in the least to brave the assassins who were
preparing an ambush in which he was to suffer the sad fate of Marshal
Prim. Maria Victoria and the marquis Dragonetti, in despair of convincing
the king, determined to accompany him in his drive across the capital.

[Illustration: KING AMADEO]

[Sidenote: [1872-1873 A.D.]]

When the royal carriage reached the Calle del Arenal, at precisely the
spot indicated by the police as the place where the attack would be
attempted, a discharge of firearms suddenly came from a side street and
wounded one of the horses without touching the king or queen, who owed
their lives to their coachman’s cool-headedness. As for the assassins,
they easily made off under cover of the night, protected by their
accomplices. Maria Victoria returned almost fainting to the royal palace.
Amadeo, on the contrary, as intrepid before murderers’ bullets as he had
been on the field of Custozza, never lost for a moment that impassible
calm, witness both of his contempt for danger and strength of soul. He
himself announced the attempt to his father in the following telegram:

“I advise your majesty that this evening we have been object
attack. Thanks to God, all safe.--AMADEO.”

This infamous deed, far from provoking the fall of the monarchy,
retarded it. After this event it would appear that he was laying down
the sceptre through fear of assassination. Meanwhile political affairs
grew ceaselessly worse. While the Carlist insurrection, in spite of the
efforts of General Moriones and the captain-general of Catalonia, assumed
more and more disquieting proportions, chaos attained its apogee in
governmental spheres, in the street, and in the heart of the cortes. The
army now began to make some sign. It could no longer endure the despotism
of the discredited advocates who were governing and ruining the country.
The treasury was in the most pressing distress, and from all directions
the violent tide of general discontent rose towards the throne on which
an honourable but powerless king was sitting. Zorilla, not content with
the ruin which he had accomplished, tried to overcome the resistance of
the army by a vigorous action as inopportune as unjust. He proposed to
the king to entrust a man named Hidalgo who was a by-word for treachery
in the army with the command of a division in Catalonia. The king
implored Zorilla to give this plan up. Zorilla threatened to resign.
Finally Amadeo signed a decree as fatal as it was mad, not however
without manifesting his anger and disgust. As soon as Hidalgo appeared,
the artillery officers resigned _en masse_. The disorganisation of the
army had become complete and put the finishing touches to the state of
disorder; Zorilla prepared new decrees which, under pretext of mastering
the military recalcitrants, would have provoked a general explosion. But
this time Amadeo I did not show himself disposed to follow the wishes
of the radical leader. He would not consent to accomplish Spain’s ruin
and determined to abdicate. In vain did Zorilla and his supporters make
an effort to deter the king from a resolution which would shatter their
ambitious calculations. Amadeo would not listen to their prayers. He
obliged the prime minister to communicate the act of abdication to the
cortes, February 8th, 1873.

Amadeo left Spain as soon as possible after his abdication, February
12th. He returned to Italy by way of Lisbon. Every noble heart, even
among his enemies, gave impartial homage to his chivalric character and
loyalty; but the aversion of the people to a foreign monarchy was such
that the king’s departure was one of the saddest ever known. While on the
way near Badajoz some cowardly assassins fired upon the train which was
bearing the son of Victor Emmanuel and his family back to the Italy they
never should have left.

Time has softened the Spaniards’ animosity against the duke of Aosta.
To-day they recognise his fine qualities, while they admit, and not
without reason, that even apart from his foreign origin he was not
made to rule in that country, whose spirit he so little understood and
whose pompous and aristocratic customs he never would have been able to
assimilate.

The Spaniards have not forgotten the memory of this thoroughly honest
king, who, wishing to remain true to his agreements, preferred giving up
the throne to violating them, who firmly refused to become the tool of
anarchists or to use force against a country which was not his own. They
have also retained a touching memory of Queen Maria Victoria and of her
piety and boundless charity. The attitude of the Spanish press on the
duke of Aosta’s death at Turin, January 18th, 1890, proved that his name
is no longer unpopular across the Pyrenees; and in forgetting the mistake
he committed in 1871, Spain knows how to give homage to the fine and
brilliant qualities of her former king.[o]

REPUBLICAN SPAIN UNDER CASTELAR (1873 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1873-1874 A.D.]]

The congress declared at once in favour of a republic on February 11th,
and on February 12th chose a ministry to take charge of the executive,
in which Figueras was president and Castelar was foreign minister. The
programme of the new rulers was: “a federative republic for Spain, with
self-government for the single states as in Switzerland and the United
States; suppression of centralisation; abolition of the standing army;
absolute separation of church and state; proclamation of the rights of
the individual on the basis of a democratic constitution and under the
authority of the law.” If these political fantasies were to be accepted
into the constitution, Spain would cease to exist--there would be merely
cantons, municipal republics, and communes, in which Parisian conditions
repeated themselves. The cortes was dissolved, and on June 1st a
new constitutional cortes convened. This declared for the federative
republic on June 8th, and drew up a preliminary outline of a constitution
in which the above principles were adopted. With this, the so-called
_Intransigentes_ were not yet satisfied; they wanted a red republic and
a social revolution. Since they could not impose their demands on the
cortes, they left it, went into the southern states, and raised the red
flag of rebellion. Ministries and presidencies followed each other in
quick succession.

[Illustration: EMILIO CASTELAR]

On September 7th, Castelar was chosen president of the executive, and
at the outset found himself confronted with such chaos that he demanded
and obtained unconditional authority for adopting military and political
measures, including the declaration of a state of siege; he also
postponed the debate on the constitution and adjourned congress from
September 18th to January 2nd. Thus the visionary federative republican
Castelar, understanding, however, the difference between theory and
practice, had a full dictatorship in his hands. He needed such power. In
the north, the Carlists were making decided advances, having with them
in the field the pretender Don Carlos and his brother Don Alfonso; in
the south, communes were being formed in single cities which renounced
allegiance to the government; in the army shameless insubordination ran
riot, soldiers fired on their officers, generals went over to the rebels.
The cities of Alcoy, Seville, Cadiz, Valencia had to be taken by force,
others surrendered at the approach of the generals.

Opposition lasted longest in the sea fortress of Cartagena, where General
Contreras stood at the head of a committee of safety, as president of
the republic of Murcia, had diplomatic dealings with foreign consuls,
and bombarded and burned the neighbouring ports Almeria and Alicante.
From these piratical excursions he came into contact with foreign
warships, and the energetic German captain Werner, supported by an
English captain, deprived him of two ships. Cartagena was surrounded
from the land side and bombarded, but it did not surrender until after a
siege of four months, on January 12th, 1874, to the governmental general
Lopez Dominguez, after Contreras had left the harbour the day before,
accompanied by the revolutionary junta, and after several hundred men had
broken through the weak blockade of governmental ships and escaped to
Algiers.[e]

THE BASQUES AND CARLISM

Carlism would long since have been reduced to impotency by the opposition
it aroused among all classes of Spanish society, if one particular
circumstance had not associated with its cause those interests and
passions which it had taken under its protection. There are provinces
in northeastern Spain which are Spanish only in name and which enjoy a
veritable autonomy of which they are both jealous and proud. Furnishing
the state neither soldiers nor money, they themselves regulate the
use they make of their revenue, the equipment and employment of their
militia--in fact all the details of internal administration. Honest,
loyal, hardy, maintaining their roads and highways in their own
fashion, which indeed left nothing to be desired; cultivating the least
accessible of their mountains up to the very edges of the precipices,
more industrious than the majority of the Spanish, the Basques of
Guipuzcoa, Avala, and Biscay, had governed themselves for centuries, and
they constituted a true mountain republic very similar to the primitive
cantons of Switzerland. Who has not heard of the famous and everlasting
oak of Guernica, under whose shade they held their patriarchal assemblies
or _calzaras_ and which in bygone days inspired Rousseau in the _Contrât
Social_ to utter these memorable and oft-quoted words: “When we see the
happiest people in the world regulating their affairs of state by a body
of peasants under an oak, and always conducting themselves wisely, what
is to prevent one scorning the refinements of other nations which make
themselves famous and miserable with so much art and mystery?”

Like all truly republican peoples the Basques regarded their freedom as
a prerogative or a happy accident. They gave no thought to letting their
neighbour share it and had never sought to make their happiness a subject
of propaganda. Their language--the Eskuara--which has nothing in common
with Spain or indeed with any known idiom, was a barrier between them and
the rest of the peninsula, and reduced them to a state of isolation in
which their freedom rejoiced. As their language possesses no literature,
the few general ideas which circulate in their villages and townships
come from their priests, who teach them what goes on in the world,
what is said and planned at Madrid. Thus, narrow in mind as they are
suspicious and defiant, their sole aim is to preserve their _fueros_.

It had been easy to make them understand that the liberal monarchy
nourished the dark design of depriving them of these, and that it was
disposed to reduce them to the same system of government as the other
Spanish provinces. And it was not more difficult for the pretender
to persuade them that only an absolute monarchy could guarantee the
franchises which were dearer to them than life. Did they not know that
their liberty was a privilege, and that privileges have less to fear
from a king who can do as he pleases than from a constitutional régime,
whether monarchy or republic, where everything is governed by law?

So, with the exception of the village _bourgeoisie_, won over to liberal
ideas, these mountaineers belong body and soul to the Carlist cause,
and thus we have seen the singular phenomenon of a republican people
trying to impose upon others a government they would not have had at any
price, and working to set upon the Spanish throne an absolute king who
promised to let them remain a republic as a reward. “We hope that before
long,” wrote Señor Castelar on the 12th of September, 1873, “these Basque
provinces which furnish subsidies and spies to the Carlist and where the
army of the republic can nowhere find either protection or assistance,
will receive the chastisement their errors deserve, since these the
happiest and freest provinces of Spain are fighting not to obtain a king
for themselves or to offer him of their sons and the fruits of their
economy, but to impose one upon the Spanish nation while continuing to
live themselves as a republic. Certainly the government will respect a
legislation which is in harmony with its principles and ideas, but I am
its spokesman in saying to these people that if anything threatens their
future and that tree celebrated by Rousseau as the monument of liberty,
it will be due to their blind obstinacy in supporting at the price of
their blood, as the Swiss did formerly, the monster of absolutism.”

It was among these sandalled republicans in hides and blue berets,
indefatigable walkers and great players of _peloto_, that Carlism
recruited its ranks as well as in Navarre and a part of Catalonia. The
mountain regions in general were in the hands of the clergy and the
pretender. They furnished them brave, sober, robust soldiers, nimble as
smugglers, knowing all the secret passes and defiles, skilful at making
off after a defeat and dispersing so as to rally elsewhere, possessing
in fact all the necessary qualities for this species of tricky and
partisan war in which Spain has always excelled. The country also lent
itself to it. It was rugged and cut up, well fitted for ambuscades and
surprises--full of difficulties for the invader who could not operate in
detachments without exposing himself, nor in masses without being uneasy
without sustenance.

However, if Carlism had preserved its troops, it was weakened by the
loss of some of its most noteworthy chiefs. The spirit of the times is
a subtle and penetrating gas, and the élite of the party was unable
to resist its malign influence. One of the heroes of the seven years’
war--the illustrious general Cabrera, whose name alone was worth an
army to the pretender--had found the latter deaf to his advice and was
compelled to refuse him his services.

Among Don Carlos’ faithful adherents there were men of heart and
intelligence who grumbled under their breath at his mistakes. As for the
pretender himself, he was no longer master of his actions. The church was
the mouthpiece of his will and it announced to Spain that if Don Carlos
wished to mount the throne it was to give the people back their God--him
of former days, whose glance rested with delight on the _san-benito_
of a scourged and repentant heretic. They did not take the trouble to
conceal from the Spaniards the designs they had upon them. When certain
persons spoke to France, they had recourse to the precautions of the
oratory, to the subtleties taught by casuistry, to reticences and
equivocation, to denials which did not deny, and to promises which did
not promise anything. If they did the country of Voltaire and Mirabeau
the honour of lying to her, they inflicted on Spain the affront of their
outrageous sincerity. They openly declared to her that they intended to
bring back the Golden Age when the monk reigned and sent free-thinkers
to peaceful sleep. The struggle which was now steeping the Pyrenees and
the Cantabrian mountains in blood was a war to the death waged upon the
_bourgeoisie_ by fanatical priests, of shepherds upon their lambs; it
was the white demagogy, which despairing of triumph had not scrupled to
league itself with the pirates of Cartagena for the extermination of
liberal ideas.[n]

THE DICTATORSHIP OF SERRANO

Castelar’s former party associates, who had forgotten nothing and
learned nothing, could not forgive him for having brought the federative
republicans to order with powder and shot; for having appointed
conservative generals, and entered into negotiations with the papal
see in regard to vacant bishoprics. When the cortes re-assembled on
January 2nd, 1874, its president, Salmeron, brought about a vote of lack
of confidence in Castelar’s government, whereupon the latter promptly
resigned.

Before further action could be taken the cortes was dispersed by Pavia,
the captain-general of Madrid, on January 3rd,[134] and a military
dictatorship established under Marshal Serrano. Republican revolts which
broke out in several cities were quickly suppressed and a large force was
sent against the Carlists. The latter kept the important fortress Bilbao
closely invested, had captured Portugalete, the port belonging to it, had
forced Moriones first to take refuge on a ship, and on February 24th,
1874, when he again advanced from the west, had driven him to retreat,
after being defeated at Somorrostro.

[Illustration: MARSHAL SERRANO]

Serrano, entitled “president of the executive power of the republic,”
now hastened to the scene of action, but in the battles of March 25th
and 26th he did not succeed in breaking through the firm position of the
Carlists at Somorrostro. He procured reinforcements, however, renewed the
attack on April 28th, and compelled the enemy on May 1st to give up its
position, abandon the investment of Bilbao, and to evacuate Portugalete.
General Concha, appointed commander-in-chief of the northern army,
on June 25th attacked the Carlists under Dorregaray, who were firmly
entrenched on the heights of Estella, but was repulsed and fell after
a battle of three days. The Carlists neglected to take a strategical
advantage of their victory and shot down a large number of prisoners. Don
Alfonso, the brother of the pretender, did no better in Catalonia, for
after conquering the Castilian city Cuenca he delivered it up to plunder,
fire, and sword. The Carlist general Mendiri did not succeed in capturing
the fortress Irun in the northern field of war: he was compelled to
retreat on November 10th from Laserna, but he himself on December 9th
forced the advancing general Loma to retreat to San Sebastian. Hereupon
Serrano again hastened to the scene with the purpose of making a general
attack on the enemy, at the head of four army corps, and forcing it back
to the French frontier. He needed time, however, to get the necessary
number of troops together.

[Sidenote: [1874-1875 A.D.]]

Serrano had one political success to rejoice over which occurred with no
intervention on his own part. On the 30th of June Don Carlos had caused
the Prussian ex-captain Albert Schmidt, who was at Concha’s headquarters
as correspondent for German papers and had fallen into the hands of
the Carlists, to be shot, although he was a non-combatant. This act in
defiance of the rights of war, and the barbaric way in which the war was
conducted as a whole, led Prince Bismarck to take diplomatic measures
against Carlism, which was to a great extent financially supported by the
legitimists in France, the feudals in Austria, and by the Jesuits in the
Vatican. He thus made it possible for the remaining powers to recognise
Serrano’s government officially and exerted an indirect pressure on
the French government, which was rendering the Carlists all sorts of
assistance on the French frontier, with the object of holding it more
closely to its obligations.

All the powers except Russia decided to recognise the Spanish government
and sent ambassadors to Madrid. The German ambassador was received with
special marks of attention on September 12th. Two German warships were
despatched to the bay of Biscay to protect the interests of the Germans
living along the coast, and to prevent the smuggling in of materials of
war. But Serrano’s small military success against the Carlists brought
about a new turn in affairs at the end of the year 1874.

THE BOURBON ALFONSO XII ELECTED (1875 A.D.)

[Illustration: DON CARLOS DE BOURBON]

[Sidenote: [1875-1883 A.D.]]

General Martínez Campos, who, like most of the officers, was an adherent
of the overturned Bourbon dynasty, on December 29th, at Murviedro,
proclaimed the son of the ex-queen Isabella as King Alfonso XII of Spain.
The army generally declared in favour of Alfonso, Sagasta’s ministry
resigned, Serrano laid down the chief command and the presidency, a
ministerial regency was formed on the 31st under Cánovas del Castillo,
which informed Isabella, then living at Paris, of the elevation of her
son to the throne. The latter left Paris on January 6th, 1875, landed
in Barcelona, arrived at Madrid the 14th, and although he was not yet
eighteen, took over the reins of government.

The inexperienced king was in a difficult position. The state treasury
was almost empty; the war with the Carlists consumed enormous sums and
brought few results; the close relations of the king to his godfather
Pope Pius demanded especial considerations; the papal nuncio required the
most extensive concessions in return for his supporting the king; he
wanted to bring back the old intolerance and priesthood, and if possible
to return to the Inquisition; the ex-queen Isabella, who had lost all
title to respect, impatiently awaited her return to Madrid. In every
direction, nothing could be seen but dangerous reefs which confronted the
government.[e]

That Cánovas del Castillo should undertake the leadership of the new
government was quite as much a matter of course as that the first and
most imperative duty of the government should be to overthrow the Carlist
rebellion. At first, it was put down in Catalonia and Aragon where its
chief seat, Seo de Urgel, fell on August 26th, 1875. Thereupon all
forces were directed towards the north against the Basque territories,
the old citadel of Carlism. The closely besieged Pamplona was relieved
on November 24th, and, when Quesada advanced with one hundred thousand
men, Estella also fell on February 19th, 1876. On February 28th, the
king himself entered Pamplona; on the same day Don Carlos retreated over
the border to France. The victors conducted themselves humanely on the
whole, although ten thousand persons were exiled, as many more lost their
property, and a limitation of the old _fueros_ of the Basque lands was
planned. It was not until 1878, however, that Martínez Campos succeeded
in quelling the rebellion in Cuba after important economical concessions,
when the rights of a Spanish province were granted to the Cubans. [For
fuller details see the history of Spanish America in a later volume.]

In the meanwhile on May 24th the newly elected cortes, which the king
had opened on February 15th, 1876, had adopted the new constitution
(proclaimed June 30th). This provided for a senate and house of
representatives controlled by general and direct election, established
freedom of the press, of religion, and of unions, but abolished trial
by jury, civil marriage, and freedom of teaching, in order to win over
the radicals and the clergy. Rome at first protested against the freedom
of religion but gave up this point, as the Protestants were actually so
limited and oppressed in the exercise of their rights that all the firm
fervour of belief of men like Pastor Fliedner in Madrid was needed to
endure it all and actually to establish an evangelical church in the
Spanish capital where now Luther’s hymn of victory, “A firm foundation is
our God,” resounds also in Spanish (“_Castillo fier es nuestro Dios!_”).

The republican attempts on the king’s life on October 25th, 1878, and
December 30th, 1879, were only after-effects of the long period of
unrest; on the whole the pacification of the country made unmistakable
progress. The government exercised the utmost watchfulness against
Carlist plots and even effected a papal prohibition against Spanish
bishops. The opposition of Catalan manufacturers to the commercial
treaty with France was summarily suppressed by the proclamation of a
state of siege; a republican revolt on the part of the soldiers in
Badajoz on August 5th, 1883, was energetically put down and severely
punished by the king, who, wholly on his own responsibility, attempted
to put a stop to the old mischief of having officers take part in
political party intrigues and boldly ordered the dismissal of a large
number of unsubmissive and irresponsible elements. The social democratic
associations of the _mano nero_ (the black hand) seemed very dangerous
for a time. These were favoured by the severe economical decay of the
last years, and grew rapidly until, divided into about three thousand
groups and controlled by a central organisation at Xeres, they covered
the south like a net. Since they distinguished themselves by deeds of
violence of all kinds, the government at last took decisive measures,
overpowered their ringleaders and caused seven of them to be executed.

ALFONSO XII AND THE EUROPEAN POWERS

[Illustration: ALFONSO XII]

[Sidenote: [1879-1886 A.D.]]

Several years passed thus before the king could venture to enter into
any personal relations with the most powerful foreign rulers. Not until
September, 1883, did he proceed to Austria and Germany, accompanied by
several of his ministers, when on the occasion of the grand manœuvres
at Frankfort on the Main, Emperor William gave him the honorary command
of the 15th regiment of Ulans. Alfonso XII visited this regiment in its
quarters at Strasburg, on his return journey to France and for this
reason on his entry into Paris, on September 29th, the chauvinistic mob
hailed him as the _roi-ulan_ and insulted the laws of hospitality with
hoots and howls. The king in knightly fashion repaid their treatment by
giving 10,000 francs for the poor of Paris. Emperor William, in order
to show his warm sympathy for the king, sent the crown-prince to Spain.
The latter set sail with a German fleet and landed in Valencia November
22nd after a stormy passage. Although the Spaniards were at first cool
and reserved, after a few weeks spent in Madrid and the most important
cities of the south, the prince completely won them over by his imposing
and kindly personality and by the regard shown to the king in such
demonstrative fashion contributed his share towards firmly establishing
the Spanish throne. The friendly relations thus introduced did not
indeed hinder the outbreak of popular hatred against Germany in 1885 in
connection with the dispute over the Carolines; only the statesmanlike
firmness of the king and the moderation of Germany hindered serious
troubles and assured the continuance of the Bourbon throne which had only
just been re-established.

But the days of the young monarch were already numbered, November 25th,
1885, he died of consumption in the Pardo palace. He left two daughters
by his second marriage with the archduchess Maria Christina of Austria
(November 29th, 1879), Mercedes and Maria Theresa; not until several
months after his death, on May 17th, 1886, was the heir to the throne,
Alfonso XIII, born. He was proclaimed king on the same day, under the
regency of his mother. The latter recalled to the mind of the Spanish
that other queen of German blood, Elizabeth Christina of Brunswick, the
wife of Charles VI.[p]

THE REGENCY OF MARIA CHRISTINA (1886-1902 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1886-1897 A.D.]]

The widow of Alfonso XII quietly assumed that there was no debate as to
her right to be regent of Spain, which found itself facing an addition
to its astonishingly long list of minorities. And the new minor was not
yet born. The situation was serious. The latest policy of the cabinet
had not been popular in its reaction from liberalism, and even Cánovas
del Castillo advised the queen-regent to begin her administration by
concessions. He recommended his ancient rival Sagasta, who was called to
the Pardo, and by the pact since called after the place, agreed to use
his influence to uphold the regency while frankly stating his intention
to make gradual reforms in the direction of restoring the constitutional
liberties of 1868.

In Paris Ruiz Zorilla was agitating for a revolution and restoration
of the republic, while the Carlists were trying to stir Don Carlos to
leave his retreat in Venice and invade Spain. The pope, however, felt
that the interests of the church would be better subserved by peace,
especially as he found Maria Christina an ardent and generous Catholic,
who encouraged the Jesuits to unsurpassed power over education. But
Sagasta’s influence kept the country from any entanglements in European
alliances, re-established trial by jury, which Alfonso XII had abolished,
and universal suffrage which Alfonso had vetoed; enlarged the liberties
of speech and press, and modified the tariff beneficially. A few military
conspiracies were frustrated and mildly punished. A strong aid to Sagasta
was Emilio Castelar, who saw the gradual return of his republican ideals.

[Illustration: MARIA CHRISTINA]

But by 1890, Maria Christina, who was even more dictatorial than her late
husband, asked his resignation and called in Cánovas, whose conservative
and high-tariff policy brought a marked diminution of foreign trade.
Cánovas’ chief trouble came from his own party. After two and a half
years, he resigned and again advised the calling of Sagasta, who sent
an expedition of twenty-five thousand soldiers under Campos to Morocco
and forced the sultan to pay an indemnity of £800,000 for attacks on the
Spanish outposts at Melilla in Morocco. He was not so happy with the
Cuban question.

Cuba had long been rather the victim and prey of the mother-country
than a colony, and the efforts for relief by the few friends in Spain
had received practically no attention. The growth of the sentiment of
revolt, the failure of the milder policies of men like Martínez Campos,
and the equal fiasco of the mediævally relentless policy of General
Weyler, who won the name of “butcher,” are detailed in the later volume
devoted to Spanish America. It must suffice here to say that Cánovas was
assassinated by an anarchist, August 9th, 1897, while pressing a bill
for more liberal home rule in Cuba. He was succeeded by the former war
minister General Azcarraga.

Meanwhile the people of the United States had been so deeply stirred by
the decades of torture inflicted on their island neighbours in Cuba that
General Weyler was recalled through pressure brought to bear by American
diplomacy. The conservative cabinet gave way to Sagasta, Marshal Blanco
replaced Weyler and tried a gentler policy. But the ruination of Cuba
could not be checked by any mild and negative treatment. The people of
the United States had been wrought to a pitch of horror by the tales
of the starvation of Cuban men, women, and children by the thousand,
and when the United States cruiser _Maine_, while visiting the port
of Havana, was blown up with great loss of life, it needed only the
declaration of a commission of inquiry that she had been sunk by a
submarine mine, to bring the United States to demand the evacuation of
Cuba by Spain. There was no implication that the destruction of the
_Maine_ had official sanction, but it was given as a final proof of the
intolerable state of affairs in Cuba.

[Sidenote: [1897-1898 A.D.]]

The demand was naturally more than Spanish pride would bear and the
American minister was given his passports. The European powers refused
to intervene, though the press was almost unanimously for Spain, except
in England. It was notorious that Spanish resources were hopelessly
inadequate to a protracted war with the infinite riches of the United
States, but the American navy was small and according to European experts
decidedly inferior in discipline, morale, and efficiency to the Spanish
navy. This theory was exploded by the swift and utter destruction of
two Spanish fleets, that of Admiral Montojo by Admiral Dewey in Manila
Bay, May 1st, 1898, and that of Admiral Cervera by the fleet under
Admiral Sampson in Santiago de Cuba, July 3rd. Land-forces in Cuba, the
Philippines, and Porto Rico won those islands with comparatively little
struggle, as is described in the second volume of our history of the
United States.

[Illustration: ANTONIO CÁNOVAS DEL CASTILLO]

Late in July, Spanish pride saw nothing left but surrender of practically
all her colonies. A treaty of peace was signed at Paris, December 12th,
1898, after a protocol had put an end to hostilities for some months. The
Caroline Islands which remained to Spain in the Pacific, and over which
there had almost been a war with Germany in 1885, were sold to Germany in
1899 for £800,000; and in 1900 the United States bought two small islands
that had been overlooked in the earlier treaty, paying $100,000 (£20,000)
for them.

Spain came out of the war in a sad financial state. Besides the practical
annihilation of her navy and the great loss of her army’s prestige, her
national debt of £259,116,500 had been increased by £60,000,000 for war
expenses (borrowed at very high interest); and the United States had
forced her to assume the Cuban and Philippine debts of £46,210,000. The
mountain of debt that confronted her was thus £365,326,500; or more than
$1,826,600,000.

The liberals, who had been compelled to take the government at the
outbreak of war, had faced inevitable defeat, but there were so
many details of maladministration, of neglect and ignorance in war
preparations that the blame of the disaster fell on them as if they
had been its origin. Sagasta gave way to the conservative Silvela. He
feared to support the radical measures which Villaverde, the minister of
finance, felt necessary for the reduction of expense and the increase
of revenue, and which provoked violent and organised resistance from
tax-payers. Villaverde in consequence was sacrificed, though he had
attacked his problem with sanity and courage. The resistance of the
National Tax-payers’ Union did not cease, however, and Silvela was driven
to rigorous measures of repression.

[Sidenote: [1898-1902 A.D.]]

In spite of the severe up-hill struggle that is before Spain, it is
everywhere believed that the loss of her colonies is the greatest
blessing that could have befallen her. So great a drain were they upon
the industries, the morals, and the population of the home-country, and
so corrupt had their administration become that their removal resembled
the amputation of a limb given over to gangrene. Already signs of
healthier conditions are numerous, and, as industry, like charity, should
begin at home, the outlook of the new attention to the great natural
resources of the peninsula is most alluring.

Not the least sign of promise is the growing popular feeling against
the vampire of priestcraft. Early in her history Spain developed the
most advanced and organised liberties of all European governments. Then
she came under the sway of the church, and it became for centuries her
boast that she was the most faithful and meekest of disciples. At the
same time she became and continued the most ignorant, the most depraved
and superstitious, the most blood-thirsty, of all European nations. Her
loyal subjects were proud of their chains; haughty in the obstinate
ignorance of her Jesuitical schools and the fiery intolerance of their
rulers and people. Her non-orthodox were broken on the rack, tormented
and burned at the stake after suffering all the diabolic ingenuities
of the Inquisition. Her provinces, as the Netherlands, were kept in
ceaseless and odious war. Her colonies were steeped for centuries in
oppressions resulting in the absolute obliteration of whole races, and
the lasting savagery of others. And these horrors were, practically
without exception, done in the name of the church and with its official
approval. It is clear to the outside world that Spain must shake loose
the affectation of religion from the education of the masses, from the
intrigues of the court, and from the politics and everyday life of the
people, before this brave and brilliant race can take its place in line
with the rest of Europe on the march of civilisation and the betterment
of mankind.

In 1902, the regency of Maria Christina came to an end: her son was
declared of age and crowned as Alfonso XIII.[a]

FOOTNOTES

[124] [Hume[c] vividly describes this royal progress: “Through the stark
and ruined country he went; the emaciated and famished inhabitants,
hardly one of whom but had some dear one killed in the war, filled to
overflowing with love and hope of better times under the sway of their
new king. They had suffered so much for him; he was young and had
suffered too, they said, in his exile: surely he would be good to them,
make bread cheap, and heal their bleeding wounds. Most of the towns on
the way had changed the name of their great square from Plaza Mayor to
‘Plaza de la Constitucion’; and the marble slabs bearing the latter
inscription were now torn down and splintered, and the thoughtless mob,
little knowing or caring what it all meant, shouted themselves hoarse
with cries of ‘Death to liberty and the Constitution!’ and ‘Long live
Ferdinand.’”[c] The amazing cry of “Hurrah for chains!” was also heard.]

[125] The name Persians was given to the _servile_ deputies who had
signed the memorial in which the period from 1608 to 1814 was compared to
the old Persian saturnalia of crime which accompanied a change of rulers.

[126] [Spanish kings had been ruled by favourites before; but Lerma
and Olivares, even Valenzuela and Godoy, were men of education and
breeding, whilst the secret advisers of Ferdinand were, many of them,
coarse, ignorant buffoons. Meeting at night with noisy mirth they settled
over the heads of the ministers questions of national policy, and even
made and unmade ministers in mere caprice. Ministers were appointed
or dismissed arbitrarily by Ferdinand for the most puerile reasons,
and were sent into prison or exile at the idle fancy of the king. The
members of the _camarilla_ were treated in the same way, being one day
in high favour and the next in jail. There were over thirty ministers
in the six years from 1814 to 1820, an average of two months’ duration
for each. The most prominent member of the _camarilla_ was a low buffoon
called “Chamorro,” who had been a water-carrier, another, Ugarte, was
a second-hand broker; Tattischeff, the Russian minister, was also a
member.[c]]

[127] The blood-thirsty Elio tortured to death a woman who had just given
birth to a child.

[128] That is, “Swallow it,” meaning the constitution, a popular street
song of Cadiz, which may be compared with the “_Ça ira!_” of the French
Revolution.

[129] [He was dragged through the streets in a basket drawn at the tail
of an ass; he was then hanged and quartered as if he were a felon.]

[130] [The minister Calomarde was one of the most violent of the
absolutists. Born in 1773 he had worked his way upward gradually till in
1823 be entered the cabinet. For ten years he was the most influential of
the ministers and deserves much of the discredit due to all who managed
the realm. It is unnecessary to dispute over the exact share of each.
There was odium enough for all. In 1833 Calomarde sided with Don Carlos
and was banished, dying in Toulouse in 1842.]

[131] [Burgos[h] thus sums up Don Carlos: “The heart of this prince
was as incapable of elevated sentiments as his head was of political
combinations. His profound ignorance made him regard the enthusiasm
displayed by the passionate and disheartened crowds as general and
unanimous, and the delight of the populace he regarded as a sign of
approbation of the system of intolerance with which he was credited.
In the unarrested march of his force to Madrid in 1837 the delighted
pretendant saw the hand of providence raising him to the throne of his
ancestors, and his apathy prevented his taking the means which his
fatalism moreover considered unnecessary. His courtiers, puffed up
with passing advantages, thought that by dint of them and the stolid
impassivity of their sovereign they could give the rein to their
resentments.”]

[132] [In 1852 a priest named Merino stabbed her, but her life was saved
by the whalebone of her corsets. The priest was garrotted, his body
burned.]

[133] [“Young, valiant, having bled for the country whose dominions his
father had extended, crowned with glory, beloved by his fellow citizens,
educated in the liberal spirit and holding an enviable position, he
neither coveted the throne of Spain, his aspirations being ever modest,
nor refused any sacrifice to win success for the nation which had won his
sympathy from the first. The liberals could not deny that Amadeo belonged
to a family which represented the liberal spirit, more than any other
in Europe, and which had seconded the aspirations of lovers of liberty.
The fact of the duke of Aosta’s being educated in the latter school, was
a guarantee not to one party, but to all liberals; and if he obtained
the votes of the constituents, sacrificing his most dear affections to
the love of the country, there should be but one rule for all liberal
monarchists--king and liberty. This rule had inspired great men in
England to found the monarchy of 1688 and this is what Spanish patriotism
advised.”--PIRALA.[l]]

[134] [At the head of the Madrid garrison, the captain-general of the
capital turned the members of the cortes into the streets, dismissed
the government, including the war minister, and dissolved parliament.
He then profoundly surprised his fellow countrymen by declining to use
his dictatorship as a stepping-stone to power. For the first time in
Spain, the victorious leader of a _pronunciamiento_ invited the leaders
of all parties to form a government to restore and maintain peace.
Castelar naturally declined. Cánovas del Castillo, the chief agent of the
Alfonsist propaganda, held aloof, because he saw that events were playing
into his hands. Marshal Serrano, with Sagasta and Martos, consented
to form a nameless provisional government, which attempted for eleven
months to reorganise Spain, first crushing the republican risings in the
south, and then vigorously attacking the Carlists in northern and central
Spain.[k]]

BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS

[The letter [a] is reserved for Editorial Matter.]

CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE AND EARLY HISTORY

[b] M. M. BUSK, _The History of Spain and Portugal_.

[c] HEINRICH SCHURTZ on “Die Pyrenäische Halbinsel,” in Helmolt’s
_Weltgeschichte_.

[d] MARTIN A. S. HUME, _The Spanish People: their Origin, Growth, and
Influence_.

[e] POLYBIUS, _General History_.

[f] TITUS LIVIUS, _History of Rome_.

[g] S. A. DUNHAM, _History of Spain and Portugal_.

[h] PLINY, _Historia Naturalis_.

[i] IDATIUS, _Chronicum_.

[j] ULRICK R. BURKE, _A History of Spain_.

[k] M. CASIRI, _Bibliotheca arabico-hispana Escurialensis_.

[l] EDWARD GIBBON, _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_.

[m] J. A. CONDÉ, _Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes en España_.

[n] GREGORY OF TOURS, _Historia Ecclesiastica Francorum_.

[o] PROCOPIUS, _De Bello Gothorum_.

[p] ST. ISIDORUS HISPALENSIS, _Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum, et
Suevorum_.

[q] JUAN DE MARIANA, _Historia general de España_.

[r] JUAN F. DE MASDEU, _Historia crítica de España_.

[s] BARONIUS, _Annales Ecclesiastici_.

[t] CHARLES DE S. MONTESQUIEU, _Esprit des Lois_.

[u] AMBROSIO DE MORALES, _Crónica general de España_.

[v] SEBASTIANUS SALMANTICENSIS, _Chronicon_.

[w] ANONYMOUS, _Chronica Albeldensis_.

[x] ST. JULIAN, _Historia Regis Wambæ_.

[y] JORDANES, _De Origine Gothorum_.

[z] ISIDORUS PACENSIS, _Epit._

[aa] JUAN DE FERRERAS, _Historia de España_.

[bb] AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, _Los Judíos en España_.

[cc] FLÓREZ Y LAFUENTE, _España Sagrada_.

[dd] CARDINAL LORENGANA, _Collectio Sanctorum Patrum Ecclesiæ Toledanæ_.

[ee] WULSA, _Chronica Regum Wisigothorum_.

[ff] ANONYMOUS, _Continuation of Joannis Biclarensis_.

[gg] CHARLES PAQUIS, _Histoire d’Espagne et de Portugal_.

[hh] ANONYMOUS, _Chronicon Moissacense_.

[ii] MONACHUS SILENSIS, _Chronicon_.

[jj] LUCAS TUDENSIS, _Chronicon_.

[kk] RODERICUS XIMENES TOLETANUS, _Rerum in Hispania Gestarum_.

[ll] JOSEPH ASCHBACH, _Geschichte der Westgoten_.

[mm] FELIX DAHN, _Die Könige der Germanen_.

[nn] ANONYMOUS, _Crónica del Rey D. Rodrigo_.

CHAPTER II. THE TIME OF MOSLEM DOMINATION

[b] M. A. S. HUME, _op. cit._

[c] RODERICUS XIMENES TOLETANUS, _op. cit._

[d] ISIDORUS PACENSIS, _op. cit._

[e] ANONYMOUS, _Chronica Elbeldensis_.

[f] SEBASTIANUS SALMANTICENSIS, _op. cit._

[g] U. R. BURKE, _op. cit._

[h] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[i] J. DE MARIANA, _op. cit._

[j] “El-Lagi” (in _Casiris Fragmenta Historiarum_).

[k] ALFONSO X, _Crónica de España_.

[l] J. F. DE MASDEU, _op. cit._

[m] ORTIZ, _Compendio general de la historia de España_.

[n] SAMPIRUS ASTORICENSIS, _Episcopus_.

[o] GEORG WEBER, _Weltgeschichte_.

[p] ANONYMOUS, _Annales Complutenses_.

[q] ANONYMOUS, _Annales Toledanos_.

[r] HENRY E. WATTS, _Spain_.

[s] CHARLES ROMEY, _Histoire de l’Espagne_.

[t] J. M. MAS-LATRIE, _Trésor de chronologie, d’histoire, et de
géographie_.

[u] PRUDENCIO DE SANDOVAL, _Historia de los Reyes Castilla y Leon_.

[v] J. DE FERRERAS, _op. cit._

[w] P. RISCO, _Edition of Gesta Roderici Campidocti_.

[x] ROBERT SOUTHEY, _Translation of the Chronicle of the Cid_.

[y] VICTOR A. HUBER, _Geschichte des Cid_.

[z] R. DOZY, _Recherches sur la littérature et l’histoire d’Espagne,
pendant le Moyen Age_.

[aa] IBN BASSAM, _History of Literature_.

[bb] ALEXANDER BAUMGARTNER, “Der Cid in der Geschichte,” in _Stimmen aus
Maria-Laach_.

[cc] MODESTO LAFUENTE, _Historia general de España_.

CHAPTER III. CASTILE, TO DEATH OF PEDRO THE CRUEL

[b] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[c] F. S. CASADO, _Historia de España_.

[d] U. R. BURKE, _op. cit._

[e] ALFONSO X, _Crónica_, _op. cit._

[f] G. WEBER, _op. cit._

[g] J. DE MARIANA, _Historia de Rebus Hispaniæ_.

[h] LÓPEZ DE AYALA, _Crónica de los Reyes de Castilla_.

[i] JOHN FROISSART, _Chronicles of England, France, and Spain_.

[j] D. JUAN C. GARCIA, _Pedro I_, _Enrique II_, _Juan I_, _Enrique III_.

[k] MARQUIS DE MONDEJAR, _Vida de Alfonso X_.

[l] ALFONSO NUÑES DE CASTRO, _Corónica Góthica, Castillana y Austriaca_.

[m] PROSPER MÉRIMÉE, _Histoire de Don Pedre I_.

[n] M. A. S. HUME, _op. cit._

CHAPTER IV. ARAGON, TO THE UNION WITH CASTILE

[b] G. WEBER, _op. cit._

[c] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[d] M. A. S. HUME, _op. cit._

[e] GERÓNIMO ZURITA, _Anales de la corona de Aragon_.

[f] J. DE FERRERAS, _op. cit._

CHAPTER V. TRASTAMARA, TO ISABELLA

[b] L. DE AYALA, _op. cit._

[c] G. WEBER, _op. cit._

[d] J. FROISSART, _op. cit._

[e] D. A. DE LEMOS, _Historia geral de Portugal_.

[f] ANONYMOUS, _Chronicon Conimbricense_.

[g] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[h] U. R. BURKE, _op. cit._

[i] M. A. S. HUME, _op. cit._

[j] PEREZ DE GUZMAN, _Crónica del serenissimo Principe Don Juan II_.

[k] ANONYMOUS, _Crónica del Condestable Don Alonso de Luna_.

[l] WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT, _History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella
the Catholic_.

CHAPTER VI. FERDINAND AND ISABELLA

[b] GONZALO DE OVIEDO Y VALDÉS, _Las Quincuagenas_.

[c] HERNANDO DEL PULGAR, _Reyes Católicos_.

[d] PETER MARTYR, _Opus Epistolarum_.

[e] LORENZO G. DE CARBAJAL, Ms.

[f] U. R. BURKE, _op. cit._

[g] W. H. PRESCOTT, _op. cit._

[h] ANDRÉS BERNÁLDEZ, _Reyes Católicos_.

[i] PEDRO DE ABARCA, _Los Reyes de Aragon_.

[j] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[k] J. DE FERRERAS, _op. cit._

[l] JUAN A. LLORENTE, _Historia crítica de la Inquisicion de España_.

[m] J. DE MARIANA, _op. cit._

[n] HEINRICH GRAETZ, _Geschichte der Juden_.

[o] J. A. CONDÉ, _op. cit._

[q] BARTOLOMÉ DE LAS CASAS, _Historia general de las Indias_.

[r] LUCIO MARINEO, _Cosas Memorables_.

[s] GUSTAV BERGENROTH, _Letters, Despatches and State Papers_
(supplementary volumes).

[t] M. A. S. HUME, _op. cit._

CHAPTER VII. THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND

[b] W. H. PRESCOTT, _op. cit._

[c] WILLIAM ROBERTSON, _History of the Reign of Charles V_.

[d] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[e] M. A. S. HUME, _op. cit._

[f] L. G. DE CARBAJAL, _Anales del Rey Don Fernando el Catolicó_.

[g] G. ZURITA, _op. cit._

[h] J. DE MARIANI, _op. cit._

[i] PRUDENCIO DE SANDOVAL, _Historia del Emperador Carlos V_.

[j] DIEGO DE CLEMENCIN, in _Mem. de la Real Accademie de Historia, VI_.

[k] U. R. BURKE, _op. cit._

[l] P. MARTYR, _op. cit._

[m] L. MARINEO, _op. cit._

[n] PAOLO GIOVIO, _Historia sui temporis_.

[o] ANTONIO VARILLAS, _Politique de Ferdinand_.

[p] NICCOLO MACCHIAVELLI, _Lettere diverse_ and _Il Principe_.

[q] A. GÓMEZ, _De Rebus Gestis Francisci Ximenii_.

[r] LAS CASAS, _op. cit._

[s] G. DE OVIEDO Y VALDÉS, _op. cit._

[t] M. A. S. HUME, _Spain: its Greatness and Decay_.

[u] G. BERGENROTH, _op. cit._

[v] RODRIGUEZ VILLA, _Vida de Juana la loca_.

[w] L. P. GACHARD, in _Bulletin de l’Académie Royale de la Belgique_.

[x] VICENTE DE LA FUENTE, _Juana la loca vindicada de la nota de herejia_.

[y] CHARLES DE MOÜY, an article “Jeanne la Folle” in the _Revue des deux
Mondes_.

[z] MICHEL BAUDIER, _Vie de Ximenes_.

[aa] HERMANN BAUMGARTEN, _Geschichte Karls V._

CHAPTER VIII. THE EMPEROR CHARLES V

[b] P. MARTYR, _op. cit._

[c] W. ROBERTSON, _op. cit._

[d] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[e] ROSSEEUW ST. HILAIRE, _Histoire d’Espagne_.

[f] P. DE SANDOVAL, _op. cit._

[g] JOSÉ DE SIGUENZA, _Historia de la Orden de San Gerónimo_.

[h] WILLIAM STIRLING-MAXWELL, _The Cloister-Life of Charles V_.

[i] BAKHUYZEN VAN DEN BRINK, _Analyse d’un manuscrit contemporain sur la
retraite de Charles Quint_.

[j] FRANÇOIS A. M. MIGNET, _Antonio Perez et Philippe II_.

[k] AMÉDÉE PICHOT, _Chronique de Charles Quint_.

[l] LOUIS P. GACHARD, _Retraite et mort de Charles Quint_.

[m] JOHN L. MOTLEY, _The Rise of the Dutch Republic_.

[n] M. DE MARLIANI, _Histoire politique de l’Espagne moderne_.

[o] STRADA, _De Bello Belgico ab Excessu Carli V_.

CHAPTER IX. PHILIP II

[b] MICHELE SURIANO, “Relazione” (in L. P. Gachard’s _Relations des
Ambassadeurs Vénitiens sur Charles V et Philippe II_).

[c] CABRERA DE CÓRDOBA, _Filipe Segundo_.

[d] L. P. GACHARD, _Rapport à le ministre de l’Interieur_ prefixed to the
_Correspondence de Philippe II_.

[e] BADOVARO, Ms. (see Suiano, _supra_).

[f] J. L. MOTLEY, _op. cit._

[g] MANDELL CREIGHTON, article on “Philip II” in the _Encyclopædia
Britannica_.

[h] ROBERT WATSON, _The History of the Reign of Philip II_.

[i] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[j] M. A. S. HUME, _The Spanish People_.

[k] M. A. S. HUME, _Spain: its Greatness and Decay_.

[l] WILLIAM OF ORANGE, _Apologie_.

[m] BERMUDEZ DE CASTRO, _Antonio Perez_.

[n] M. M. BUSK, _op. cit._

[o] W. H. PRESCOTT, _History of the Reign of Philip II_.

CHAPTER X. LAST OF THE SPANISH HABSBURGS

[b] M. LAFUENTE, _op. cit._

[c] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[d] M. CATHERINE D’AULNOY, _Mémoires de la cour d’Espagne_.

[e] VINCENT VOITURE, _Voyage d’Espagne_.

[f] G. T. RAYNAL, _Histoire des Indes_.

[g] JOHANN C. FR. VON SCHILLER, _Geschichte des dreissig jährigen
Krieges_.

[h] WILLIAM COXE, _Memoirs of the Kings of Spain_.

[i] ZANETORNATO, _Relazione del Governo della corte de Spagna_.

[j] M. A. S. HUME, _Spain: its Greatness and Decay_.

[k] JOHN DUNLOP, _Memoirs of Spain during the Reign of Philip IV and
Charles II_.

[l] HENRI MARTIN, _Histoire de France_.

CHAPTER XI. REVIVAL UNDER THE FIRST BOURBONS

[b] SAN FELIPE (or ST. PHILIPPE), _Commentarios_.

[c] W. COXE, _op. cit._

[d] M. A. S. HUME, _The Spanish People_.

[e] MARÉCHAL DE BEZWICK, _Mémoires_.

[f] LORD MAHON, _War of Succession in Spain_.

[g] JEAN B. R. DE TESSÉ, _Mémoires_.

[h] M. A. S. HUME, _Spain: its Greatness and Decay_.

[i] GIULIO ALBERONI, _Storia_.

[j] LORD MAHON, _History of England_.

[k] M. LAFUENTE, _op. cit._

[l] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[m] WILLIAM CONNOR SYDNEY, _England and the English in the Eighteenth
Century_.

[n] M. M. BUSK, _op. cit._

CHAPTER XII. SPAIN AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

[b] M. M. BUSK, _op. cit._

[c] ROSSEEUW ST. HILAIRE, _op. cit._

[d] M. LAFUENTE, _op. cit._

[e] MANUEL DE GODOY, _Mémoires_.

[f] H. REYNALD, _Histoire d’Espagne depuis la mort de Charles III_.

[g] PEDRO CEVALLOS, _Exposition de faits et des trames_, etc.

[h] CONDÉ JOSÉ M. DE TOREÑO, _Historia del levantamiento, guerra y
revolution de Españao_.

[i] WILLIAM F. P. NAPIER, _History of the War in the Peninsula and in the
South of France_.

CHAPTER XIII. THE PENINSULAR WAR

[b] W. F. P. NAPIER, _op. cit._

[c] M. M. BUSK, _op. cit._

[d] H. M. STEPHENS, article on “Sir John Moore” in the _Encyclopædia
Britannica_.

[e] M. LAFUENTE, _op. cit._

[f] CONDÉ J. M. DE TOREÑO, _op. cit._

[g] M. A. S. HUME, _Modern Spain_.

CHAPTER XIV. THE BOURBON RESTORATION

[b] GUSTAVE HUBBARD, _Histoire contemporaine de l’Espagne_.

[c] M. A. S. HUME, _Modern Spain_.

[d] DOCHEZ, continuation of Charles Paquis’ _Histoire de l’Espagne_.

[e] WILHELM MÜLLER, _Politische Geschichte der neuesten Zeit_.

[f] FRANÇOIS A. DE CHÂTEAUBRIAND, _Congrès de Vérone_.

[g] H. M. STEPHENS, _op. cit._

[h] J. DE BURGOS, _Anales del Reinado de Doña Isabel_.

[i] MARQUES DE MIRAFLORES, _Continuation de los Memorias del Reinado de
Isabel II_.

[j] ANTONIO DE PIRALA, _Historia contemporánea_.

[k] A. E. HOUGHTON, article on “Spain,” in the New Volumes of the
_Encyclopædia Britannica_.

[l] A. DE PIRALA, _El Rey en Madrid y en provincias_.

[m] EMILIO CASTELAR, speech of November 3rd, 1870.

[n] VICTOR CHERBULIEZ, _L’Espagne Politique_.

[o] JOSEPH DE GRABINSKI, _Amédée de Savoie, duc d’Aoste, roi d’Espagne_.

[p] OTTO KAEMMEL, _Geschichte der neuesten Zeit_ (in Spamer’s
_Weltgeschichte_).

[q] M. M. BUSK, _History of Spain and Portugal_.

BOOK II

THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT

CHAPTER I. EARLY HISTORY TO JOÃO I

LAND AND PEOPLE

[Sidenote: [TO 1383 A.D.]]

The reasons for which Portugal is neglected are precisely those which in
some eyes make her truly lovable. For a half-century art has done almost
nothing for the natural river highways; and the Douro, the Guadiana, and
the Tagus flow through this kingdom like the wandering rivulets of great
English parks. The large towns of the interior, Coimbra, Santarem, Evora,
and Miranda, look like pretty kiosks rising about flowering thickets;
peaceful retreats, solitudes animated with a life that jogs quietly along
and does not go with leaps and bounds as in France, where a satisfied
humanity stands still, instead of rushing into the unknown risks of the
future.

The cities of the coast, Lisbon, Oporto, appear more like dwelling-places
conveniently placed the better to enjoy the sunlight and the ocean
breezes than wide-awake communities guarding their mercantile interests
in the commercial exchange of the products of the Old World with the
riches of the New.

[Sidenote: [TO 1147 A.D.]]

If the Portuguese had been as skilful speculators as they were intrepid
sailors and distinguished warriors, Henry the Navigator, who set the
example of maritime conquest, Dias, Vasco da Gama, Cabral, Albuquerque,
valiant captains identified with all the glories of the Aviz dynasty,
would have imitated the speculative prudence of the Dutch, their rivals.
And if, when the illustrious house of Braganza opened the era of national
liberties, the people had had in their heads less of poetic imagination
and more power of reason; if, courageous and adventurous as they were,
they had shown themselves more positive, the French, at first, and then
the English, would never have invaded their treasury, exploited their
soil, and paralysed their industries. Truly a childlike nation, satisfied
with little, pursuing the ideal, economical without avarice, pure in
morals, sober, generous, hospitable, the Portuguese have bred heroes
in place of diplomats, poets in place of capitalists: they knew how
bravely to defend their country against the Romans, the Arabs, and the
Spaniards, and still more recently against the army of Napoleon. They
have kept themselves a free nation, independent and original, possessing
a language, a literature, distinct manners and customs, and governed
politically by one of the most liberal constitutions of Europe.

To make Portugal complete, Brazil and the colonies were necessary to
this country whose language is spoken on the European continent by only
five millions of men; and again the narrow domain which so restricts
the use of this tongue creates an obstacle to the popularity of the
works to which language gives birth, just as its poverty impedes the
development of the fine arts. Jealousy and indifference, the double
affliction of southern nations, have curbed the artistic and literary
aspirations of the Portuguese. What man of genius would resolve on a
career of self-denial only to be calumniated and persecuted as was
Prince Henry, to achieve a miserable end like Admiral Pacheo, or like
Camoens; or to languish forgotten, like the painter Glama, reduced to
making tavern signs; like the sculptor Machado de Castro and the founder
Costa, creators of an equestrian statue of José I, worthy of ranking
with the greatest art works of the eighteenth century? Encouragement and
recompense are the safeguards of emulation, and emulation, utilising the
moral resources of a people, permits them the use of its advantages to
rise to the level of other nations.

Except for a few coins, the Phœnicians, the Phocæans, and the
Carthaginians have left almost no trace in Portugal of their occupation
or their passing; but the touch of Rome clings better than in Spain.
Cæsar’s Pax Julia sleeps thirty feet beneath the city of Beja and needs
only the simple power of will to be awakened, with its population of
statues, its inscriptions, and its frescoes; Liberalitas Julia, the
Ebora of Ptolemy, planted like Beja upon high ground in the province
of Alemtejo, has a double character, that of a Grecian town with its
temple of Diana and that of a Roman city with its great aqueduct, immense
works, wrought under the hand of Quintus Sertorius, who made himself
master eighty years before the Christian era. The aristocracy of Pax
Julia and Liberalitas Julia was accustomed to spend its summers in the
little municipality of Alcacer, where there was a famous bath under
the protection of a local divinity, the nymph Salacia. Braganza, the
Juliobriga; Lisbon, the Felicitas Julia of the Augustan era, had equally
received their political baptism from the conqueror of Gaul; while
ancient Lusitania, become a Julian or Cæsarian country, easily adapted
the popular customs and organisations of the Roman government to its
Carthaginian institutions.

Vespasian and Trajan made an important town of Chaves; Viseu is the
Vesontium of the consul D. Brutus; Lamego, the Urbs Lamacœnorum of
Trajan. Setubal occupies a terrace opposite the ancient Roman colony
of Cetobriga. At Braga, Ponte de Lima, Salvaterra, we find traces of
amphitheatres, aqueducts, baths, and temples; so that well-directed
excavations would evoke the manes of that sovereign people which,
governing the universe, kept watchful station on the coast of Hispania to
keep an eye on Numidia.

[Sidenote: [TO 1170 A.D.]]

From the seventh century to the capture of Lisbon in 1147 Moorish
architecture had its compromising effect on the elegant majesty of the
great lines and arches of the Saracens’ predecessors; the baths of
Cintra, the wall and seventy-seven towers of Lisbon, the fortifications
and palaces of Evora, and many mosques since transformed into churches,
signified, towards the close of the twelfth century, the degree of
Islam’s foothold on Portuguese soil--an unsteady tenure, without
consistence, without depth, bearing witness to the rapidity of conquest
as well as to the fear of ephemeral possession. Little by little, in
place of the mosques, arose churches, veritable apostolic citadels,
headquarters for the war against the infidel. Formless and rude at first,
they developed as the Christian armies won back the land; but when the
native peoples effected their definite triumph they were obliged to call
in foreign artists, more skilful than themselves in the interpretation of
the architectural vernacular.

The Portuguese knew how to fight bravely and to sing their triumphs, but
they did not know how to build; and for this reason the monastery of
Alcobaça, founded in fulfilment of a vow by Alfonso I, king of Portugal,
in 1170, is an Anglo-Saxon church, built by workmen from England. A new
architectural epoch dates from the fifteenth century, and its character
has been best perpetuated in the abbey of Batalha. Of its kind, this is
one of the most beautiful edifices in existence; and assuredly it is
the most majestic and the most pure in form that Portugal possesses. It
was built in the reign of João I (1385-1433) who brought from England a
celebrated sculptor named Stephenson. Many German, English, and Norman
artists summoned by the monarch came to aid him. João himself and his
queen Philippa, granddaughter of Edward III of England, supervised the
work. And that nothing might be lacking to the poetic magnificence and
graceful details of the building, another queen, the pious Leonora, and
two monarchs--João II, the poet king, and after him, Emmanuel--followed
the continuance of the work with intelligent interest. Nothing in the
whole peninsula rivals in magnificence the façade of the monastery, nor
in boldness of design its chapter hall.[b]

THE ORIGIN OF PORTUGAL

[Sidenote: [712-1109 A.D.]]

It has been stated that geographically the kingdom of Portugal is an
integral part of the Iberian peninsula; the only reason why it has
retained its independence, while the other mediæval states of that
peninsula have merged into the kingdom of Spain, is to be found in its
history. When Philip II of Spain annexed Portugal it was a century too
late for it to coalesce with Spain. It had then produced Vasco da Gama
and Alfonso de Albuquerque, and its language had been developed from a
Romance dialect into a literary language by Camoens and Sá de Miranda.
Conscious of its national history, it broke away again from Spain in
1640, and under the close alliance of England maintained its separate
and national existence during the eighteenth century. A union with
Spain might have been possible, however, during the first half of the
present century had not a generation of historians and poets arisen
who, by recalling the great days of the Portuguese monarchy, have made
it impossible for Portugal ever again to lose the consciousness of her
national existence.

The history of Portugal really begins with the gift of the fief of
the Terra Portucalensis or the county of Porto Cale to Count Henry of
Burgundy in 1094; for any attempt to identify the kingdom of Portugal
and the Portuguese people with Lusitania and the Lusitanians is utterly
without foundation. With the rest of the Iberian peninsula, Portugal was
colonised by the Phœnicians and conquered by the Carthaginians; and the
Roman province of Lusitania, whether according to the division of Iberia
into three provinces under Augustus or into five under Hadrian, in no
way coincided with the historical limits of the kingdom of Portugal. In
common with the rest of the peninsula, it was overrun by the Vandals,
Alans, and Visigoths, and eventually conquered by the Arabs in the eighth
century. It was not until the fifteenth century that an attempt was
made by Garcia de Menezes to identify Lusitania with Portugal. Under the
influence of the Renaissance, Bernardo de Brito insisted on the identity,
and claimed Viriathus as a Portuguese hero. Other writers of the same
epoch delighted in calling Portugal by the classical name of “Lusitania,”
and Camoens, by the very title of his great epic, _Os Lusiadas_, has
immortalised the appellation.

For two centuries Portugal remained subject to the Omayyad caliphs, and
under their wise rule the old Roman _coloniæ_ and _municipia_, such as
Lisbon, Lamego, Viseu, and Oporto, maintained their Roman self-government
and increased in wealth and importance. Towards the close of the tenth
century, as the Omayyad caliphate grew weaker, the Christian princes
of Visigothic descent who dwelt in the mountains of the Asturias began
to grow more audacious in their attacks on the declining power, and
in 997 Bermudo II, king of Galicia, won back the first portion of
modern Portugal from the Mohammedans by seizing Oporto and occupying
the province now known as Entre-Minho-e-Douro. In the beginning of the
eleventh century the Omayyad caliphate finally broke up, and independent
emirs established themselves in every large city, against whom the
Christian princes waged incessant and successful war.[c]

In 1027 Alfonso V of Leon fell before Viseu, the siege of which was in
consequence abandoned; but in 1057, both it and Lamego were recovered
by his son-in-law, Ferdinand I; and the following year Coimbra shared
the same fate. In 1093, Santarem, Lisbon, and Cintra were reduced by
Alfonso VI, the famous conqueror of Toledo, whose arms were generally
so successful against the misbelievers.[135] As these conquests were
continually exposed to the irruptions of the Almoravids, in 1095 that
monarch conferred the government of Portugal from the Minho to the Tagus,
and the right of conquering as far as the Guadiana, on Henry of Besançon
or Burgundy, who in 1072 had married his illegitimate daughter Theresa,
and to whose arms he had been so much indebted for many of his recent
successes.[136]

[Sidenote: [1095-1139 A.D.]]

The nature of the authority conferred on the new count has been a matter
of much controversy between the Castilian and Portuguese writers.
While the latter maintain that the concession of Alfonso was full and
entire,--a surrender of all feudal claims over the country, which the
count was to govern in full sovereignty,--the former no less zealously
contend that the government was to be held as a fief, hereditary indeed,
but no less dependent on the crown of Leon. In the absence of documentary
evidence, probability only can guide us. It is unreasonable to suppose
either that the king was willing, or, if willing, that his nobles would
allow him to dismember at once and forever so fair a territory from
his crown, and that too in favour of a stranger and an illegitimate
daughter--for illegitimate she was, notwithstanding the allegations to
the contrary by some Portuguese writers, who seldom regard truth if
unpalatable to their national vanity. That Portugal was conferred as
a dependent fief is also confirmed by the disputes between its early
sovereigns and those of Leon--the former striving to maintain their
avowed independence, the latter to reduce them to their reputed original
vassalage. Alfonso died in 1109.

The administration of Henry was vigorous, and his military conduct
glorious. His triumphs over the Mohammedans were frequent, whether
achieved in concert with his father-in-law, Alfonso, or by his own
unaided arm. Nor were his efforts to crush rebellion, whether of his
local Christian governors or of his Mohammedan vassals, less successful.
One of his last acts was to assist his natural sovereign, Urraca,
daughter of Alfonso, against her husband the king of Aragon. He died in
1112, leaving many ecclesiastic structures enriched by his liberality.
Braga, Oporto, Coimbra, Lamego, and Viseu were the places most indebted
to his piety. Unfortunately for his memory, many of the great deeds
recorded of him by his partial people rest on authority too disputable to
be received. Probably some of them have been confounded with those of his
more famous son.

During the minority of Alfonso [or Affonso], the son of Henry, who, at
his father’s death, was only in his second year, the administration of
the kingdom was assumed by the widowed Theresa. The character of this
princess is represented as little superior to that of her sister Urraca:
the same violence, the same unbridled passions, and the same unnatural
jealousy of her son appear, though in a degree undoubtedly less criminal,
to have distinguished her conduct. Yet on that sister and her nephew, the
successor of Urraca, she sometimes made war, in the hope of profiting by
the dissensions of the period; on every occasion she was repulsed, and
was forced to sue for peace. Her intimacy with Dom Ferdinand Peres, whom
she is supposed to have secretly married, and through whom all favours
were to be solicited, roused the jealousy of the courtiers. By their
persuasion Alfonso, whom she had rigorously endeavoured to exclude from
all participation in public affairs, undertook to wrest the sovereignty
from her hands. He had little difficulty in collecting troops; for no
sooner did he erect the standard of resistance, than the discontented
nobles flocked round it. His preparations reached the ears of his mother,
who wrathfully armed to defend her authority. The two armies met near
the fortress of Guimarães, where the princess was utterly routed, and
forced to seek refuge in the castle of Leganoso. There she was speedily
invested, and compelled to surrender the reins of government into the
hands of her son, while her favourite or husband fled into Galicia. She
survived her fall about two years.[137]

The new count was destined to prove a more formidable enemy to the
Mohammedans than even his able father. During the first years of his
administration, he was at variance with his cousin, Alfonso VII or VIII,
whose Galician territories he invaded, and with whose enemy, the king of
Navarre, he entered into alliance.[h]

When Alfonso Henriques was no longer checked by the enmity of his
Christian neighbours, he prosecuted his enterprises against the Moors
with such vigour that he soon extended his sway nearly to the Tagus;
and, by the terror of his progress, obliged Ali to send from Africa a
powerful army, to support the walis, next threatened against him. A
battle ensued, esteemed the most memorable in Portuguese annals, but
which has been so disfigured by national vanity or ignorance that the
facts relating to it are not easily ascertainable. The numbers of the
Mohammedans are rated at three hundred thousand, and even at six hundred
thousand men; and this host is said to have been commanded by five
kings. Since the establishment of the Almoravid domination, there were
no Moorish kings left in Spain; but the name was erroneously given to
the walis who led the troops of their respective provinces. What does
seem certain respecting the battle in question is that the Mussulman
forces were incomparably superior to the Portuguese; that, dreading an
invasion, which, even if ultimately foiled, must still bring inevitable
ruin upon his territories, the count boldly crossed the Tagus, and
advanced to the plain of Ourique [or Orik], where he entrenched himself
strongly, and awaited the attack; that the Moors repeatedly assaulted
his fortifications and were as often repulsed, until at last, from
weariness and mortification, they fell into some disorder; and that
Alfonso Henriques, seizing the critical moment, burst out upon them from
behind his lines, and completed their discomfiture. Upon the field of
victory the army were said to have hailed their count king of Portugal;
and this glorious day, the 25th of July, 1139, is considered the epoch
of the foundation of the monarchy. The five walis of Badajoz, Beja,
Elvas, Evora, and Lisbon were found amongst the dead, and honoured with
the royal title. The conqueror assumed, as the arms of Portugal, their
five shields, arranged in what he called a cross, though the figure they
present more resembles that of a cinque upon dice; and accordingly the
Portuguese arms are termed _As Quinas_, the Cinques.

[Sidenote: [1139-1147 A.D.]]

Alfonso’s military election was said to have been subsequently confirmed
by the cortes of Lamego, with a solemnity well deserving attention, as
perhaps the only instance on record of a formal compact between prince
and people, at the original establishment of a monarchy.[i] But it is
now denied that such a cortes ever sat, the story being of much later
date. The true kingship of Alfonso Henriques dates from 1143 when, at the
intervention of a papal legate, Alfonso VII recognised him as king and
vassal of the pope.[a]

Having established his own independence of foreign authority, the new
king proceeded to the emancipation of his clergy from their subjection
to the archbishop of Toledo, whose primacy extended over the whole
peninsula. This was the subject of long negotiations with the papal see;
but Alfonso Henriques at length obtained from Pope Alexander III a bull
dissolving the connection with Toledo, and constituting the archbishop of
Braga primate of Portugal.

Alfonso Henriques’ last conquest from the Moors was the city of Lisbon,
which he took by the help of a fleet of French, English, and German
crusaders, who put into the Tagus in their way to the Holy Land. He
easily persuaded these champions of Christianity that it would be no
violation of their vow to suspend their voyage for a while, in order to
fight the Mohammedans in Portugal; and some of them, chiefly English, he
is said to have induced permanently to settle in his new acquisitions.[i]

[Sidenote: [1147-1169 A.D.]]

In 1147, we find the Portuguese intent on regaining Santarem. As the
fortifications were strong, and the defenders numerous, he caused a small
but resolute band to scale the walls by night: scarcely had twenty-five
reached the summit of the wall, when the Moorish inhabitants took the
alarm, and flew to arms. In vain one of the gates was opened by the
Christians, and the rest of the assailants rushed in. The struggle
which ensued, amidst the darkness of night, the clash of weapons, the
groans of dying warriors, the shrieks of women and infants who were
indiscriminately butchered, constituted a scene which none but a demon
would have delighted to witness, which none but a demon would have
commanded.[138] In an hour this important fortress, one of the great
bulwarks of Christian Lusitania, was in possession of the victor. His
success, and the embarrassment of the Mohammedan princes of Spain, both
on account of the rising power of the Almohads in Africa, and of the
hostilities of the kings of Leon and Castile, emboldened him to attempt
the recovery of Lisbon. That city was invested; but the valour of the
defenders and the strength of the walls would doubtless have compelled
him to raise the siege, had not a succour arrived which no man could
have expected. This was a fleet of crusaders, chiefly of English, under
the command of William Longsword, who was hastening to the Holy Land.
The Portuguese king had little difficulty in persuading them that the
cross had no greater enemies than the Mohammedans of Spain, and that
the recovery of Lisbon would be no less acceptable to heaven than that
of the Syrian towns: the hope of plunder did the rest; the crusaders
disembarked, and joined in the assaults which were daily made on the
place. After a gallant defence of five months, the besieged showing no
disposition to surrender, the Christians appointed October 25th for a
general assault on the city. It was carried by storm; a prodigious number
of the Moors were put to the sword; the crusaders were too much enriched
to dream of continuing their voyage; so that, with the exception of a few
who received lands in Portugal, the rest returned to their own country.

But the Mohammedans had still possession of one-half of Portugal, and
of several strong fortresses. Having reduced Cintra, Alfonso passed the
Tagus, and seized on several fortified places in Estremadura, and even
in Alemtejo. It was not, however, until 1158 that he seriously attempted
the reduction of Alcacer-do-Sal, which fell, after a vigorous resistance
of two months. In 1165 Cezimbra and Palmella were invested: the former
place was speedily taken; while, before the latter, he had to encounter a
strong force sent to relieve it by the Moorish governor of Badajoz.[139]
The misbelievers were defeated, and many places made to surrender.

The martial character of the Portuguese king, as well as the almost
uninterrupted success of his arms, inclined him to perpetual war--whether
with Moors or Christians appears to have given him little concern. In
1167 he seized on Limia, a territory of Galicia, which he claimed on the
ground of its having formed part of his mother’s dowry. The following
year he advanced against Badajoz, the Moorish governor of which was a
vassal of the king of Leon. Ferdinand II hastened to its relief; but
before his arrival the Portuguese standard floated on the towers. The
forces of Ferdinand were greatly superior in number, and the Portuguese
king prepared to issue from the gates--whether, as the national writers
assert, to contend for his new conquest on the open field, or, as
the Castilians say, to escape from the incensed monarch of Leon, is
uncertain. What is indubitable is that, as he was passing through the
gate with precipitation, his thigh came into contact with the wall or
bars, and was shattered. He was taken prisoner by the Leonese, and
conducted to their king, who treated him with courtesy, and consented to
his liberation on the condition of his surrendering the places which he
had usurped in Galicia. From this accident, however, he never recovered
so as to be able to mount a horse; but it had a much worse effect than
his own personal decrepitude: it encouraged the restless Mohammedans to
resume their incursions into his territories.

[Sidenote: [1169-1185 A.D.]]

Though these incursions were repressed by the valour of his son, Dom
Sancho, who, not content with defending Portugal, penetrated into the
Moorish territory, to the very outskirts of Seville, his people could not
fail to suffer from the ravages of the misbelievers. This irruption, too,
had its ill effect; it so much incensed Yusuf ben Yakub, the emperor of
the Almohads, that he despatched a considerable force into the kingdom.
The discomfiture of this army under the wall of Abrantes, and the
exploits of the celebrated Dom Fuas Roupinho, one of Sancho’s captains,
preserved the country indeed from the yoke of the stranger, but not from
the devastation; Alemtejo, above all, suffered in this vindictive warfare.

Alfonso Henriques died December 6th, 1185. His memory is held by the
Portuguese in the highest veneration; and hints are not obscurely given
that he merited canonisation. He, who had been favoured by a celestial
vision at Ourique, whose holy intentions had been so miraculously
communicated to St. Bernard, and after death whose mantle, preserved
with religious reverence, could cure the diseased, was surely worthy of
ecclesiastical deification. That, in after times, when João I gained
Ceuta, he appeared in white armour in the choir of Santa Cruz at Coimbra,
and informed the holy brotherhood that he and his son Dom Sancho were
proceeding to Ceuta to assist their vassals, no true Portuguese ever
yet disbelieved: hence the peculiar office which the monks of that
magnificent house solemnised in his honour. To a less Catholic reader,
“this always adorable king” (_sempre o rei adoravel_) may, from his
indiscriminate slaughter of the innocent and guilty, and from his amours,
appear to have been imbued with the imperfections of our nature.[h]

HERCULANO’S ESTIMATE OF THE FIRST PORTUGUESE KING

[Sidenote: [1128-1185 A.D.]]

Alfonso I was not generally over-scrupulous in sacrificing his knightly
generosity and even his political faith to public convenience. The
methods which he nearly always adopted to secure the independence
and extend the limits of Portugal do more honour to his strength and
dexterity than to his delicacy on points of honour. If, however, the
severe and impartial historian must perceive blemishes in the character
of Alfonso I as a man, justice must, in his favour, throw into the scale
the difficulties which beset him in bequeathing to the next generation
a well-cemented political existence, and a nationality, as we may say,
sufficiently compact to withstand the storms which shook the peninsula.
He had to attend to the internal organisation of society and externally
to secure it an advantageous position in relation to the various nations
of Spain, Christian and Mussulman.

Founder of a new dynasty in the midst of a society equally new, what more
natural than that Alfonso I should conceive it necessary gradually to
accustom his subjects as well as foreigners to look upon his son Sancho
as king before death came to make, as it were, solution of continuity
between father and son, and therefore in the monarchy? In Leon and
Castile heredity had superseded election to the throne in point of
fact; but the Visigothic right of election still existed as a written
law, and was still presupposed by the formula of coronation even in the
thirteenth century. There were no particular institutions in Portugal to
fix the succession, nor any security that the Leonese-Castilian dynasty
would offer a long line of kings succeeding each other from father to
son. Neither daring nor ambition were lacking in those days; and the
death of the first king of the Portuguese might give rise to serious
disturbance, either in the country itself or from without, especially
as Ferdinand II had already shown in his conduct towards the young king
of Castile that his generosity could not always resist an opportunity
of adding another crown to that which he already possessed. These and
similar considerations probably moved Alfonso I to associate his son with
him in the government, not by any formal act of which we have record, but
by giving him a free hand in the government of the state, especially in
matters of warfare.

[Illustration: AN EARLY PORTUGUESE KING]

Following the phases of this long reign, and judging impartially the
actions of the man placed by providence at the head of the nation, to
guide it in the first years of its existence, it is recognised that
the idea of fixing the Portuguese independence outweighed all other
considerations in his mind, sometimes perhaps to the prejudice of some
which should have been respected. It is this idea which in reality links
together many acts of Alfonso Henriques which, taken separately, would
give men a right to accuse him of little faith and immoderate ambition.
Besides the revolt against Doña Theresa which is to be attributed rather
to the nobles than to an inexperienced youth, the breaking of the truce
with the emperor in 1137, the cruelties practised upon the Saracens,
and finally his conduct towards the king of Leon, his son-in-law, whose
noble and generous character cannot fail to cast a reflection upon
that of Alfonso I, are actions which, taken separately, are worthy of
condemnation, at least until records reveal some circumstances still
unknown to us, which may absolve them. But, if we consider them in
connection with the idea to which the king of Portugal had devoted
himself, and which was so to speak incarnate in him, who will not find
excuses for such actions, especially if we consider the barbarous epoch,
the difficult situation of the country, and the real weakness of a
society separated from another which struggled to bring it to reunion?
The great need to which Alfonso I was bound to attend was to give
homogeneity and internal and external strength to the nation which was
being formed. For this purpose he was forced at the same time to seek
the favour of the church, the first element of strength in those days;
to favour the nobles, the chief nerve of the army, and finally to impart
the utmost degree of vigour to the municipal spirit without which, in our
opinion, popular spirit and keen love of country never have existed and
never will exist.

Besides this labour of internal organisation, he had to extend the limits
of the territory which he inherited, too narrow for the establishment
of an independent state. The fear of his name among the Mussulmans and
Christians and the daring of his troops were means to accomplish it.
Naturally warlike, two successive generations learned in his school the
hard business of war and succeeded in bequeathing to those to come the
glorious traditions of strength and patriotic love which the nation
guarded religiously for several centuries. However, before Alfonso I
could trust the independence of the country to the chances of war, it
was necessary to shield it while a frail plant, by political dexterity.
In some cases this gave rise to actions which considered summarily would
be condemned by severe morality. But view the picture in the proper
light, and the stains which before cast a shadow upon the noble and
haughty figure of the first Portuguese king will almost disappear, and
the sympathy which the Portuguese nation has in all ages shown for the
memory of the son of Count Henry will again appear estimable, for it has
its roots in a sentiment rarely found among nations--gratitude to those
to whom they are most indebted. This national affection went so far as to
attribute to Alfonso Henriques the halo of the saints, and urge that Rome
should bestow upon the fierce conqueror that crown which belongs to the
martyr’s resignation. But if a creed of peace and humility forbade Rome
to grant that crown, another religion likewise venerable, the religion
of patriotism, teaches us that when we pass the pale, worm-eaten portal
of the church of Santa Cruz we are about to pay homage to the ashes of
that man but for whom the Portuguese nation, and perhaps even the name of
Portugal, would not be in existence to-day.

REIGNS OF SANCHO I AND ALFONSO II

[Sidenote: [1185-1211 A.D.]]

The historical value of the twenty-six years’ reign of the son of Alfonso
I is perhaps no less than that of his own long term of government; but
the character of the two epochs differ as much as did the gifts and
characters of the two princes who presided over the political life of
each. Less able as a captain than his father, and without that superior
invention and daring which incited the founder of the monarchy to great
enterprises, Sancho I was far from winning equal renown as a conqueror,
but wasted the best years of his manhood in wars for the most part
useless and obscure.

Upon this point the two epochs admit of no comparison. Before the sword
of Alfonso, Saracen and Christian drew back dismayed, citadels and
castles opened their gates; the limits of the country were extended,
and the foundations of the existence of Portugal, cemented by torrents
of blood, were permanently laid in the west of Spain. After a conquest
Sancho always lost again, and for years carried on a sterile strife with
Leon; and if he recovered a part of the north and west of Alemtejo it
was because the Almohads, whose power was already on the decline, had
not sufficient forces to maintain the almost useless dominion of those
inhospitable deserts, and so abandoned them, while the Christians,
especially the military orders, gradually reclaimed them and built
castles and preceptories.

But if we turn our eyes from the frontiers and look upon the interior
of the country, the name of the second monarch appears no less glorious
than that of the first, and we see his reign as a complement of the
preceding reign. Fertilised by the ashes of the martyrs of the Gospel
and the _Koran_, turned and furrowed by the steel of combatants and the
whirl of battles, the land of Portugal received from the hands of Sancho
the seeds of greatness and royal strength in the councils which were
everywhere established; in the farms and villages which were founded
in the districts least subject to invasion and incursions; and in the
frontier castles which were crowned with bastions and provided with
military stores. In those days the courage which faces death was but a
trivial virtue. Without the grand idea which dominated all his conquests,
without the political skill and extraordinary military talent with which
he made up for the lack of strength and resources of the monarchy which
he founded, Alfonso I, in spite of his courage and energy, would rank no
higher than a fortunate knight.

Upon this point his son was not fortune’s favourite. However, he
revenged himself nobly, labouring to earn the title of the Povoador, or
city-builder, which he indeed deserved. History, so subject to the vulgar
error of rating the barren laurel crown above the fruitful olive branch,
has treated the last years of Sancho’s reign with scorn because therein
he endeavoured to substitute cities for deserts, cultivated fields for
waste lands, and life for death. He pursued this end with energy, and
his highest praise lies in the collection of documents which prove
his activity and which are perhaps but a small portion of those once
existing. This monarch sincerely followed the system which the internal
state of the nation demanded, and enabled his successors to be, if not
more valiant, at least more fortunate soldiers.

Such is the justice due to Sancho as king. As a man his moral character
was not relatively bad, it was vulgar; that is, he had the defects common
to princes and barons of the times; he was ignorant and credulous--for
science, according to the opinion of the age, was only fit for the
mean-spirited--irascible, and violent, because moderation is not learned
upon the battle-field, where his father educated him. Besides this he
seems to have been inclined to gallantry and the pleasures of the chase.
Certain facts of his life also cast upon him the suspicion of cupidity,
and of having gathered large sums into his treasury by means grievous
to his nation. Sancho himself asserts that the defenders of the state
often lacked necessaries, and yet he left in his will nearly _a million
maravedis_, almost all in gold coin, that is, more than _three million
cruzados_ of the actual currency--truly an incredible sum, if we consider
the rarity of precious metals at that time. Such riches presuppose
frequent rapine or a too violent system of taxation. Indeed it is proved
by a law of Alfonso II that the king as well as his barons obtained
the greatest necessaries of life at an incomparably inferior price, a
monstrous imposition which may give us some idea of the other exactions
of the treasury.

But the point in which the reign of Sancho has perhaps the highest
significance lies in the beginning of that varied and complex fact which
for three centuries constituted the principal feature of our Middle Ages.
We speak of the alliance of the king and councils against the privileged
classes, the clergy and the nobility. The first phases of the struggle
are not only the beginning but the epitome, or rather the symbol of the
whole. The burgesses of Oporto, attacking their bishop and lord with
the officers of the crown, confiscating his property, expelling him
covered with ignominy, and braving the anger of the powerful family of
Martinho Rodrigues, are a type of the resistance and ill will exhibited
by the municipality and the king towards the two high classes of the
state, until the monarchy gained a final and decisive victory. Sancho,
abandoning the citizens of Oporto, transferring, so to speak, his inert
strength of a dying man to the opposite camp, and even associating
himself with the clergy to assist in subduing the burgesses, gave a
deplorable example to his successors and stirred up the popular spirit
to future strife. In spite of this, history cannot condemn him, for
everything seems to indicate that the last months of his life were one
protracted agony; and if even in our own times, when religious feeling
has grown dim and weak, souls calling themselves strongly tempered
waver at the approach of death, and bow not only to the terrors of
religion but often even to the superstitious beliefs of infancy which
then importunately revive--how can we fail to excuse an ignorant
and credulous man, born in an inexorable age, for sacrificing both
political convenience and loyalty to the voice of a frequently legitimate
remorse?[j]

[Sidenote: [1211-1245 A.D.]]

Alfonso II “the Fat” had no sooner ascended the throne than he showed a
disposition to evade the execution of his father’s will. Not only did he
refuse to allow his brothers the money which had been bequeathed them,
but he insisted on the restitution of the fortresses which belonged to
his two sisters, the saints Theresa and Sancha; and on their refusal
to surrender them, he seized them by force. The infantas complained to
the pope and the king of Leon: the former ordered his legate to see
justice done to them; the latter, who still bore an affection towards his
divorced wife Theresa, interfered more effectually by way of arms. The
Leonese entered Portugal by way of Badajoz, reduced several fortresses,
and spread devastations around them. In the sequel, Alfonso of Portugal,
at the command of the pope and doubtless through fear of the Leonese,
consented to treat with his sisters.

The transactions of Alfonso with the Mohammedans were not so remarkable
as those of his predecessors--a circumstance that must be attributed not
to his want of military spirit but to his excessive corpulency, which
rendered the fatigues of the field intolerable. Though he sent a handful
of troops to aid in the triumphs of Las Navas de Tolosa, he did not take
the field in person against the enemies of his faith, until 1217 when the
arrival in his ports of another crusading armament, which promised to
co-operate in his designs, roused him to the reduction of Alcacer-do-Sal,
a place that still remained in the power of the misbelievers. It held out
till the end of September. The Mohammedans who had remained in Alemtejo,
and were pressing the siege of several fortresses, were compelled to
retire.

During the last three years of his reign, Alfonso had new disputes
with the church. He appears to have borne little respect for the
ecclesiastical immunities, some of which were, indeed, inconsistent with
the interests of the community. Alfonso insisted on churchmen heading
their own vassals in the wars he undertook, and such as refused were
compelled to go. For such violence there was no excuse; but in subjecting
the ecclesiastical possessions to the same contributions as were levied
on the property of the laymen, and churchmen themselves to the secular
tribunals, he attempted a salutary innovation on the established system
of the clerical exemptions. The archbishop of Braga, like the English
Becket of the preceding century, remonstrated with the king; and when
remonstrances were ineffectual, hurled at the head of his abettors the
thunders of the church. In return he was deprived of his revenues, and
compelled to consult his present safety by flight. He complained to the
pope: Honorius III ordered three Castilian bishops to insist on ample
reparation, to excommunicate the king, and impose an interdict on the
nation. The afflicted people now endeavoured to effect a reconciliation
between the king and the archbishop: the former promised to make
satisfaction, and in future to respect the privileges of the church; he
was accordingly absolved, and the interdict removed, but before he could
fulfil his share of the compact he was surprised by death (1223).

Sancho II, having reluctantly promised to respect the immunities of the
church, prepared to extend the boundary of his dominions at the expense
of the Mohammedans. He recovered the important town of Elvas, which had
been regained by the Moors: next Jarumeñha and Serpa yielded to his arms.
He now carried the war into Algarve. He appears to have left the enemy no
fortified places in Alemtejo; the frontier fortresses of that province,
thus rescued from the infidels, he intrusted to the defence of the order
of Santiago, who triumphed in several partial engagements. The frontier
places continued for some years to change masters, according as either of
the hostile powers prevailed.

In his domestic administration, Dom Sancho was doomed to be far
less fortunate. From his infancy he appears to have been of a weak
constitution, and of a still weaker mind; but if he was weak, we have no
proof that he was vicious, though great disasters afflicted his kingdom,
and the historians of his country have stigmatised his memory. His
hostility to the immunities of the clergy appears to have been the first
and chief cause of his unpopularity.[h]

SANCHO II CALLED CAPELLO, “THE HOODED”

The account of the state of the kingdom which served as a foundation
for the acts which afterwards emanated from the Roman curia affirmed
that the king in spite of his former promises showed on the one hand
pertinacity in the perpetration of violence, and on the other the most
inexcusable tolerance towards criminals, and neither amended himself
nor restrained his subjects; that robbers, highwaymen, incendiaries,
sacrilegists, and murderers swarmed everywhere, robbing and killing
clergy and laity without distinction, and living secure of impunity. That
through this contagious example of the impotence of the laws, barons and
knights, nobles and plebeians made general practice of those acts which
the church by the most severe comminations had endeavoured to restrain.
That certain patrons of parishes and monasteries, and others falsely
giving themselves out as such, accompanied by illegitimate children,
wasted the property of the said parishes and monasteries without pity,
reducing them to such misery that the very ministers of worship could not
maintain themselves; so that in some there was even no one to perform the
indispensable services, and in others the cloisters, refectories, and
other offices were converted into stables and brothels for the lowest of
men, and it might almost be said that divine worship had ceased there
and the property of these holy places was given over to dilapidation
and plunder. That at the same time Sancho allowed the castles, towns,
and revenues of the crown to be destroyed and squandered, and suffered
the increase of assassinations without any distinction whatever of the
class, age, or sex of the victims; as well as robbery, incest, the rape
of nuns and secular women, grievous oppression of labourers, priests,
and merchants, with the purpose of extorting money from them; violation
of temples and cemeteries, incendiarism, and breaches of truce. That
Sancho was aware of all this and yet tolerated it, and through neglect of
punishment facilitated the perpetration of further crimes; that finally,
by abandoning the defence of the frontiers, he, the king of Portugal,
allowed the Saracens to occupy the lands and lordships of the Christians.
“We,” added the prelates, “have used our utmost endeavours to move the
prince to devote himself with due ardour to the repression of such
evils; but he closes his ears to our admonitions, which have so far been
entirely vain.”

If the reader will reflect upon this last invective of the clergy against
Sancho, he will recognise with what good reason we attribute to the long
wars of this reign an immense influence upon the strife with the clergy,
and see in these repeated enterprises against the infidel an idea, or
maybe a political instinct, of the monarchy which drew strength from
them for the eternal duel with the priesthood. As far as documents throw
light upon the last conquests in Algarve, the accusation that Sancho in
a cowardly manner abandoned the defence of the frontier and allowed
the Mussulman arms to encroach upon the territory of the kingdom was a
calumny.

[Sidenote: [1237-1245 A.D.]]

But the heads of the clergy did not hesitate to adopt such means, for it
was necessary to destroy the reputation of a conqueror of the enemies of
the cross which the king of Portugal must still have enjoyed in the Roman
curia, where the solemn testimonies of praise lavished upon him more
than once by Gregory IX could not be yet forgotten. It was necessary to
snatch the crown from the soldier’s helm and place it on a dishonoured
brow, that they might afterwards roll it in the dust before the priestly
sandal. But up to a certain point Sancho offered a pretext for such
calumny by the fatal repose of the preceding years, and perhaps some
obscure event, the loss of some unimportant tower or grange of Ayamonte
in the east or Tavira in the west, a loss exaggerated by ecclesiastical
malice, gave the absurd assertion some appearance of truth.

The description of the state of Portugal, drawn up by the Roman curia,
although exaggerated, was based on facts proved by various documents
and memoirs of that time, and above all by the inquisitions of the
following reign. But these very inquisitions prove that the members of
the secular clergy and monastic orders were not innocent of the public
evils, especially as regards robbery and the diminution of the patrimony
of the crown. They complained of the contempt in which canonical censure
was held, but the fault was theirs. The spiritual sword was blunted
by excessive use; excommunication, interdict, denial of burial in
consecrated ground accompanied all the pretensions of the ministers of
the altar, even those which the rudest of men could plainly perceive
to be dictated by shameful cupidity. It is not surprising, therefore,
that the nobles as well as the burgesses and peasants laughed at the
chastisement which the clergy themselves taught them to despise. It was
this contrast which throughout all Europe wounded the most enlightened
men and gradually undermined the foundations and political influence
of the church. The representation of the prelates was therefore doubly
disloyal, attributing to the king alone the evils of which they were no
less guilty, and describing the crimes and excesses of the laity towards
the clergy, but forgetting to mention the abuse of divine things and the
cupidity and lawlessness of the clergy.

The truth is, however, that this new phase of the interminable conflict
between the clergy and the civil power did not arise from the cause
assigned, but from the conjunction of circumstances which gave the
bishops the means of gaining a decisive victory over the crown. The idea
of deposing a king through the initiative of the church was old, and was
considered so feasible that in grave cases the popes did not hesitate
to allude to it clearly in their comminations and threats. In Portugal
especially, as a kingdom in a manner dependent upon the papal throne,
such a course must have seemed even easier, as the king was without moral
or material means of defence.[j]

SANCHO DEPOSED, ALFONSO III SUCCEEDS (1245 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1245-1253 A.D.]]

Censures were passed on the monarch for his persecution of the dean
of Lisbon. His subsequent repentance disarmed the pontiff; and,
notwithstanding the complaints of the people that the laws were silent,
and brute force only triumphed, he would doubtless have ended his reign
in peace, had he not resumed or permitted the spoliation of the church.
At length, both clergy and people united their murmurs; they perceived
that the king was too feeble to repress the daily feuds of his barons,
who broke out into open war and committed the greatest excesses. They
applied to Innocent IV, who, in concert with the fathers of the council,
issued a decree by which, though the royal title was left to Sancho, the
administration was declared to be vested in the infante Alfonso, brother
of the king.

No sooner did Alfonso hear of the extraordinary proceedings of the
pope and council, than he prepared to vindicate the title which it had
conferred upon him. He was then at Boulogne-sur-Mer, the lordship of
which belonged to him in the right of his wife Matilda. Having sworn
before the papal commissioners to administer Portugal with justice, and
leaving the government of Boulogne in the hands of his countess, he
embarked at that port, and safely landed at Lisbon. At first the king
intended to oppose the infante; but seeing how generally the deputies
owned him,--how all classes, nobles and citizens, prelates and peasants,
joined his brother,--he retreated into Spain, to solicit the support of
his cousin, Ferdinand III. As that saintly monarch was too busy in the
Andalusian wars to assist the fugitive king in person, he recommended
the interests of his guest to his son Alfonso. The Castilian infante
showed no want of zeal in behalf of his relative. He collected a
considerable army, and invaded Portugal. Arriving before Leiria without
much opposition, he was preparing to storm that fortress, when he was
visited by a deputation from the archbishop of Braga, which conjured him,
as a true son of the church, not to incur excommunication by opposing the
execution of the pontifical bulls. The Castilian infante listened, and
obeyed: he led back his army; and the deposed monarch, now bereft of all
hope, retired to Toledo, where, early in 1248, he ended his days. So long
as the latter lived, some of the fortified places in Portugal refused
to acknowledge the regent; but on his death without issue--there is no
evidence that he was ever married--his brother was peaceably acknowledged
as his successor.

[Sidenote: [1253-1279 A.D.]]

Alfonso III, on arriving at a height which, a few years before, his
ambition could scarcely have reached, was not without apprehensions that
the Castilian king or infante might trouble him in his usurpation, and
assembled the three estates of his realm to deliberate on the means of
defence. Fortunately for his ambition, both father and son were absorbed
by their Andalusian conquests. To secure, if possible, the good will of
the former, he sent a considerable aid to the Christian camp, which was
readily received by the hero. In the meantime he himself resolved to
profit by the reverses of the misbelievers, and finish the conquest of
Algarve. At the head of a sufficient force, he accordingly penetrated
into that province, and speedily recovered the places which the
Mohammedans had again surprised. In a subsequent expedition, his ardour
or avarice led him to encroach on the possessions of Alfonso el Sabio,
Ferdinand’s successor. The Castilian army marched against the Portuguese,
who were compelled to retreat. The Castilian king did not stop here.
On the pretext that Algarve, as chiefly conquered by his subjects,
the knights of Santiago, belonged to him, he invaded that province,
and quickly reduced its chief fortresses. The Portuguese was glad to
sue for an accommodation; and it was at length agreed that he should
marry Doña Beatrice de Guzman, a natural daughter of the Castilian, and
with her receive the sovereignty of Algarve. As the province had been
conquered by the subjects of both crowns, equity would have indicated
its division by the two monarchs; but as such a division would probably
have led to future wars, the present arrangement might be a politic one.
The Castilian appears to have reserved to himself the sovereignty of
Algarve, his feudatory being required both to pay tribute and to furnish
a certain number of forces whenever he should be at war. The cession,
with whatever conditions it was accompanied, was disagreeable to the
Castilians, who thought that their monarch had sacrificed the interests
of the state in favour of his daughter. The marriage was solemnised in
the following year (in 1254), and a few years afterwards Portugal was
declared forever free from homage to the Castilian kings.

From the facility with which this matrimonial connection was formed,
it would be inferred that the Portuguese was become a widower. But
the countess Matilda still lived, and was anxious to return to her
lord. Her only defects were her barrenness and her age--two which,
though no canonist would recognise, were sufficient in the mind of so
unscrupulous a prince as Alfonso. She sailed for Portugal. He refused
to see her; and when at length she forced her way into his presence, he
heard, unmoved, her entreaties, her expostulations, and threats. The
queen (for such history must call her) retired to Boulogne, and laid
her complaints before the pope and her liege superior, St. Louis. After
a patient examination of the case, Alexander IV expedited a bull, by
which he declared Matilda the lawful wife of Alfonso, and annulled the
recent marriage with Doña Beatrice. The king persevered in his lust,
as he had already done in his usurpation, even when excommunicated by
the pope; and he and his household were interdicted from the offices
of the church. A second time is she said to have visited Portugal, but
with as little success. She had married him when poor--when almost an
exile from his native court--and had thereby raised him to power and
riches: and her unshaken attachment--unshaken even by his sickening
ingratitude--proves that though the empire of the passions had ceased,
she possessed an uncommon share of woman’s best feeling. Her last act,
by which she bequeathed a considerable sum to this faithless deserter,
was characteristic enough of her ruling misfortune. On her death, in
1262, his prelates obtained from the pope a bull to render legitimate the
present marriage.[h]

POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF ALFONSO’S REIGN

Alfonso determined to bridle the power of the bishops, in spite of his
oath at Paris. Perceiving that this could only be done with the help of
the mass of the people, he summoned a cortes at Leiria in 1254, to which
representatives of the cities were elected and sat with the nobles and
higher clergy. With the help of the cortes--one of great importance in
the constitutional history of Portugal--he dared the interdict laid upon
the kingdom for having married again (the daughter of Alfonso el Sabio)
whilst his first wife (Matilda, countess of Boulogne) was alive. Finally,
however, on the petition of the archbishops and bishops of Portugal,
Pope Urban IV legalised the disputed marriage in 1262 and legitimated
his eldest son, Dom Diniz, while in 1263, Alfonso X made over to him the
full sovereignty of Algarve. On the other hand, the people made use of
their power, and in a full cortes at Coimbra in 1261 the representatives
of the cities boldly denounced Alfonso’s tampering with the coinage,
and compelled recognition of the fact that taxes were not levied by the
inherent right of the king but the free consent of the people. After
a prosperous and successful reign Nemesis came upon Alfonso in the
rebellion of his eldest son Diniz[140] in 1277, which continued until
1279, in which year the king died.

The period of war and of territorial extension in the peninsula was now
over, and the period of civilisation was to dawn. Territorially and
constitutionally Portugal was now an established kingdom; it remained for
it to become civilised and thoroughly homogeneous before the great heroic
period of exploration and Asiatic conquest should begin.

DOM DINIZ

[Sidenote: [1279-1325 A.D.]]

No better man for such work than the new king, Dom Diniz, could have
been found; he was himself a poet and loved letters; he was a great
administrator and loved justice; above all he saw the need of agriculture
and the arts of peace to take the place of incessant wars, and nobly
earned the title of the _Ré Lavrador_, or Diniz the Labourer. From all
these points of view his reign is of vast importance in the history
of Portugal, though, like all reigns of peaceful progress, it is not
signalised by many striking events. It began with a civil war between
Diniz and his brother Alfonso, who disputed his legitimacy, which ended
in a compromise; and in 1281 Diniz married Isabella, daughter of Pedro
III of Aragon, who for her pure and unselfish life was canonised in
the sixteenth century. His reign is marked by only one war with Sancho
IV and his successor, Ferdinand IV, of Castile and Leon, which was
terminated in 1297 by a treaty of alliance, according to the terms of
which Ferdinand IV married Constanza, daughter of Diniz, while Alfonso,
the heir to the throne of Portugal, married Beatrice of Castile, sister
of Ferdinand. At the end of this reign war broke out between the king and
the heir-apparent, and a pitched battle was only prevented in 1323 by St.
Isabella riding between the armies and making a peace between her husband
and her son, which lasted until the death of the great peace-monarch, the
_Ré Lavrador_, in 1325.[c]

Treachery and abuse of power were so frequent that, notwithstanding
various diplomatic disloyalties, Diniz was considered one of the most
loyal and just princes and lords of the two kingdoms. For this reason the
two great kingdoms of Aragon and Castile appointed him arbitrator in the
most serious disputes, and submitted to his judgment. Although the genius
of war did not weave martial crowns for him, as conqueror in battles--for
during his time no great honours fell to the Portuguese arms--yet he was
ever at the head of the national armies in all the campaigns; knowing
that his most powerful allies had been destroyed and others had betrayed
him, he had the skilful audacity to penetrate forty leagues into the
interior of Castile, and availing himself of the opportunity afforded
by his opponents’ weakness, he increased the Portuguese dominion by two
castles and eleven important towns, as though he were the most successful
of warriors. The civil dissensions which disturbed his reign both arose
from the same causes and circumstances, mediæval feudalism, assisted by
Castilian elements. Taking for leaders first the brother and then the
son of Diniz, the rebels combatted royal power in the kingdom, which,
supported by the people, daily increased feudal privileges and forces.

The husband of Isabella was as rapid and successful in his measures
against his brother as he was undecided and weak in repressing his
son. In the first instance his courage was heightened by the just
ambition of safe-guarding his throne; whereas, in the second instance,
it was weakened by paternal affection and respect of legitimacy in the
succession of the crown.

However, the principal glory of Diniz was not won with his sword. Of
his epoch a perfect king, penetrated by his country’s needs, he notably
increased the territory of Alfonso Henriques, but above all he raised to
an amazing height the edifice of internal organisation, the foundations
of which had been laid by Sancho I. His disloyalties with respect to the
neighbouring kingdoms, his rare moments of repressive cruelty, the errors
into which he may have fallen as a politician, the many faults into which
he was in truth led by an ardent and sensual character--Diniz redeemed
them all by the general and profound reform he effected with regard to
Portuguese society.

He raised the population of the country, as none of his predecessors
had done, by the means we have spoken of; he brought agriculture to a
pitch of prosperity which we now marvel at; he created the internal
industry and commerce, promoted municipal organisation, favouring labour,
encouraging markets, and raising the spirit of the people; he safeguarded
navigation by establishing vast societies of mutual aid between
merchants, and definitely established a navy, with which he defended
the coasts and the Portuguese merchant ships against pirates, and
equipped his subjects for the discoveries of the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, which brought universal and eternal fame upon Portugal. He
built nearly fifty fortresses, reorganised the popular militia, and
nationalising the military orders with praiseworthy abnegation, he widely
prepared the defence of the country, and bequeathed to Dom João I the
possibility of opposing a formidable invasion by Castile and establishing
once for all, with immortal glory, the independence of the country.

He was a zealous administrator, wise and economic, so that with the
national resources he left the public treasury wealthy. Of a tolerant
spirit, prudent and just in the application of the laws, no prince of his
own times surpassed him in these qualities, then most rare. With gentle
measures, affectionately and frequently protecting individual rights, he
was one of the most determined opponents of the excessive privileges of
the nobility and the church. Having received civil power, bound beneath
the yoke of the Portuguese clergy, in their turn fettered to the Roman
tiara, Diniz not only raised this power, but even succeeded in giving
life to the national episcopacy.

The establishment of the councils begun by previous governments largely
progressed, and the cortes, continuing to summon the deputies of the
people, was a new and powerful aid towards the destruction of mediæval,
ecclesiastical, and military feudalism in Portugal. With the laws
respecting mortmain decreed and executed with civic firmness and superior
wisdom, the clergy were deprived of territorial power and the sovereign
right of administering justice; civil actions were brought before secular
tribunes, which by a usurpation of jurisdiction had up to that time been
brought before ecclesiastical tribunals.

The nobles were prohibited from raising new seigniorial castles, and
many of the old were levelled; they were deprived of their traditional
rights of deciding mutual disputes with the sword, of making knights, of
exempting themselves from the royal tax, turning into fiefs and boroughs
the lands they had seized without just cause, and even those with which
they had established merely personal relations, and finally by giving
judgment in causes in which the nobles claimed for themselves exclusive
knowledge, the feudal nobility was totally destroyed, as was the temporal
power of the church. Up to then the beneficial influence of the times
sufficed to totally undermine the old oligarchic institutions of the
Middle Ages, which were an overwhelming oppression of the people, and
absorbed the forces of the state.

[Sidenote: [1300-1340 A.D.]]

Finally Diniz, who was the greatest poet of the first four centuries of
Portugal, founded to his honour the Estudaria de Santo Eloy in Lisbon,
and also the university, causing general enthusiasm; and by spreading the
love of letters and study in the country, laid the foundations of secular
and public instruction and opened to the Portuguese people the gates of
science, and consequently those of civilisation and liberty.

After the work of Alfonso Henriques, that of Diniz is the most important
which Portuguese history records to us: the first was the founder of
the military nation; the second, that of the cultured people. The union
of those two works gave to Portugal centuries later the possibility of
realising, in the long evolution of mankind, her glorious mission of
enlarging the known world.[k]

Alfonso IV, surnamed the Brave, had scarcely grasped the reins of
sovereignty, when he exhibited, in a manner little becoming royalty,
his vindictive feelings towards his illegitimate brother, Alfonso
Henriques, who, to escape his wrath, had just fled into Castile. Having
collected some troops, and been joined by a prince of Castile, he entered
Portugal, laid waste the frontiers, and put to the sword every living
being that fell in his way. The king now took the field in person, and
laid waste the neighbouring territories of Castile. These harassing
though indecisive hostilities might have continued for years, had not
St. Isabella left her retreat in the convent of St. Clair, which she had
founded, and prevailed on her son to permit the return of the exile.

Another defect of the new king gave great offence to the people--his
neglect of public business, and his addiction to the chase. The first
twelve years of Alfonso’s reign were distracted by hostilities with
his namesake of Castile, the husband of his daughter. Though these
hostilities were chiefly owing to the perversity of the infante Don
Juan Manuel, it cannot be denied that the Portuguese king had abundant
reason for dissatisfaction with his son-in-law. The usage experienced by
the Castilian queen at the hands of her husband; her mortification at
seeing a mistress, Leonora de Guzman, not only preferred to herself, but
the sole depository of the royal favour; the studied insults to which
she was daily exposed both from her husband and his minion, at length
exhausted her patience, and drew forth some complaints to her father. The
influence, too, which Don Juan Manuel obtained in the Portuguese court
through the marriage of his repudiated daughter Constanza with Pedro, son
and heir of the Portuguese king, was uniformly exerted to embroil the two
crowns. Alfonso of Portugal at length sent a herald at arms to defy his
son-in-law, on the ground both of the unjust treatment of the queen, whom
her husband was suspected of seeking to repudiate, and of the continued
detention of Constanza. His next step was to enter Castile and ravage the
country as far as the vicinity of Seville.

The war was now as destructive as it was indecisive and even inglorious:
it was one of mutual ravage, of shameless rapine, and unblushing cruelty.
Instead of meeting each other on a fair field, they seemed intent on
nothing but laying waste each other’s territory, and collecting as much
booty as they could carry away: sometimes, however, the contest was
decided on the deep, but with little success to either party. At length,
through the efforts of the pope, the two princes agreed to a truce, and
to the opening of negotiations for peace. But one of the conditions
was the removal of Leonora de Guzman--a condition which Alfonso of
Castile, who was entirely governed by that lady, was in no disposition
to execute, but the preparations of the Mohammedans, which he knew were
chiefly directed against himself, and the loud complaints of his own
subjects, forced him to promise at least that it should be conceded.
To the departure of Constanza, the restitution of some insignificant
fortresses which had been reduced, and even to the return of his queen,
the Castilian felt no repugnance; but though he consented for Leonora
to leave the court, he recalled her immediately after the conclusion of
peace. To his queen, however, he no longer exhibited a marked neglect:
on the contrary, he treated her with all the outward respect due to her
character and station; and the good understanding was confirmed by her
admirable moderation.

In the wars which the Castilian had to sustain against the Mohammedans,
the Portuguese--so nobly did he forget his wrongs when the interests of
Christendom were at stake--was no inefficient ally. He was present at the
great battle on the banks of the Salado, in which the barbaric power was
so signally humbled. This aid he continued readily to supply, until the
death of Alfonso of Castile, by the plague, before Gibraltar, in 1350.

THE ROMANCE OF IÑES DE CASTRO

[Sidenote: [1340-1357 A.D.]]

The tragedies represented in Castile by Pedro the Cruel, successor of
Alfonso XI, were fully equalled by one in Portugal. Soon after his
marriage with Constanza, Pedro, the infante of Portugal, had become
passionately smitten with one of her attendants, Doña Iñes de Castro, a
lady of surpassing beauty, and frail as beautiful. That he made love to
her, and that his criminal suit was favourably received, is indubitable,
both from the deep grief which preyed on the spirits of Constanza, and
from the anxiety of the king, lest this new favourite should be the
cause of the same disturbance in Portugal, as Leonora de Guzman had
occasioned in Castile. To prevent the possibility of a marriage between
the two lovers, Alfonso caused Iñes to hold over the baptismal font a
child of Pedro’s--in other words, to contract a near spiritual affinity.
But the man whom the sacred bond of wedlock could not restrain was
not likely to be deterred from his purpose by an imaginary bar. After
Constanza’s death in childbed, 1345, he privately married the seductive
favourite. How soon after the death of the first wife this second union
was contracted, whether immediately, or after Iñes had borne him three
children, has been matter of much dispute. It appears that the marriage
was celebrated on the 1st day of January, 1354, when Iñes must have
borne him four children, of which three survived. It also appears that
a papal dispensation was obtained for it, and that it took place at
Braganza, in presence of a Portuguese prelate and his own chamberlain.
However secret this step, it was suspected by some courtiers, who, partly
through envy at the rising favour of the Castros, and partly through
dread of the consequences which might ensue, endeavoured to prevail on
the king to interfere in behalf of young Ferdinand, the son of Pedro
and Constanza, and the lawful heir to the monarchy. From the boundless
influence possessed over the mind of Pedro by Doña Iñes, it was feared
that the true heir would be set aside from the succession in favour of
her offspring. In the end, they wrung from him a reluctant consent to her
death. The king, hearing that his son had departed on a hunting excursion
for a few days, hastily left Monte-mor, and proceeded to the convent of
St. Clair, at Coimbra, where Iñes then was. On learning his approach, she
at once apprehended his object. Her only resource was an appeal to his
pity. Taking her three children by the hand, she issued from the convent
to meet him, prostrated herself at his feet, and in the most pathetic
terms begged for mercy. Her beauty, her youth, her deep emotion, and
the sight of her offspring--his own grandchildren--so affected him that,
after a struggle between policy and nature, the latter triumphed, and
he retired. No sooner, however, was he in private with his confidants,
than they censured his compassion, though natural in itself, as ruinous
in its consequences to his family and kingdom, and obtaining his consent
hastened to the convent. The unfortunate, guilty Iñes fell beneath their
daggers. The fate of this lady has called forth the deepest commiseration
of novelists and poets, and has given rise to some vigorous effusions of
the tragic muse.

When Pedro returned from the chase, and found his wife so barbarously
murdered, his grief was surpassed, if possible, by his thirst for
revenge. He leagued himself with the kindred of Iñes; and though he
could not fall on the murderers, who were protected by the king, he laid
waste the provinces of Entre-Douro-e-Minho, and Tras-os-Montes, where
their possessions chiefly lay. King Alfonso was in consternation at the
unexpected fury of his son. In the end he proposed, as the price of
reconciliation, that the obnoxious nobles should be banished, and his
son admitted to the chief share of the administration. Pedro accepted
it, laid down his arms, and proceeded to court where he was received
with an affection truly paternal, and where he engaged, though with a
fixed resolution of breaking the engagement, never to seek revenge on the
assassins of Doña Iñes.

Alfonso did not long survive this forced reconciliation with his son.
His death, which happened at the beginning of 1357, is said to have
been hastened by remorse for the tragical deed of which he had been
the occasion. That he exhibited great repentance is certain; but his
character was unamiable. He had been a disobedient son, an unjust
brother, and a harsh father. The rebellion of his son was but fit
retribution for his own conduct to the royal Diniz. His justice too often
degenerated into blind vengeance. During his reign (in 1348) Portugal
was afflicted with the plague, which spread throughout most of Europe,
but which raged with more violence in that kingdom than anywhere else.
Whole towns are said to have been left desolate, and some priests to have
abandoned their flocks to the care of the monks.[h]

If we consider Alfonso IV--not isolated, nor in the light of our
present-day views and social conditions as a son or as a father (even in
this character we can bring forward the virtuous and exemplary spouse),
but principally as leader and as king, in the moment when he assumed
and exercised his power--we must confess, in face of the numerous
documents relating to his external policy and his enormous legislation,
that he is one of the most important figures, and that his government
was one of the most advantageous, the most brilliant, and the most able
of the intelligent and energetic governments which presided over the
national formation of Portugal. In the character of this king there is
a certain harmonious stamp of austerity which gives him a decided and
characteristic originality in the midst of the free customs, and, we
may say, of the traditional moral license of the kings of his time. Dom
Diniz, the father of King Alfonso IV, in spite of the perfect devotion of
his wife, was the easy prey of adulterous loves, and far from disguising
them, flagrantly and heedlessly published them by the generosity of his
gifts, calling to himself his bastard children and lavishing favours upon
them, and confessing even by public documents the rewards conferred on
his mistresses.

As to Dom Pedro, the Romeo of Iñes de Castro, we know that he was not
so absorbed by this fatal passion but that the nation’s history owes
to him the bastard progenitor of the second dynasty. In this instance
Dom Alfonso presents a totally distinct character from that of his son;
an exemplary husband, he made every effort to raise by royal authority
the moral tone in the relation between the sexes, and to check the
dissolute customs of the times. He made severe laws against those who
availed themselves of such usages and customs up to that time in vogue,
which seduced by endearments, or other means, various virgins and widows
leading honest lives to make use of them for their evil purposes; he
denounced “any man or woman guilty of panderage, and keeping in their
houses for this purpose virgins, married women, religious, or widows.”
At the exact moment that he was publishing some of his most severe laws
upon this matter his son gave cause of scandal by his real or apparent
cohabitation with Doña Iñes de Castro. Finally he left the kingdom to his
successor in perfect internal and external peace, and it would be cruel
injustice to deny that under his government the work of the political
consolidation of Portuguese society made important progress.[k]

PEDRO THE SEVERE

[Sidenote: [1357-1361 A.D.]]

Pedro I was scarcely established on the throne before he gave way to
his uncontrollable desire for vengeance on the murderers of Doña Iñes.
Knowing that they had sought protection in Castile, and how eager his
namesake of that country was for the surrender of several Castilians,
who, in like manner, had obtained an asylum in Portugal, he paid court to
that monarch, with whom he entered into a close alliance, and to whom he
despatched ten of his galleys to serve in the war against Aragon. Having
declared the fugitive nobles, who were three in number, Pedro Coelho,
Alvaro Gonsalves, and Diogo Lopes Pacheco, traitors to their country,
and confiscated all their possessions, he either proposed or received
the proposal--there is some doubt from which of the two monarchs it
originally came, or whether it may not be equally attributed to both--for
the arrest of their personal enemies. On a given day the obnoxious
Castilians were arrested in Portugal, the Portuguese in Castile, and were
surrendered to their respective executioners. Of the three Portuguese,
however, Pacheco escaped.

The escape of even one victim was gall to the Portuguese king; but he
resolved to satiate his rage on the two who were placed in his reach.
Both were thrown into a deep dungeon, put to the torture, with the view
of eliciting whether others were implicated in the same crime. They
withstood the acute torments they were made to endure with a firmness
truly admirable--a circumstance that increased beyond measure the rage of
Pedro, who was present at the hellish scene. With Coelho in particular,
whom not a word, not a groan had escaped, he was so exasperated that he
seized a whip and struck him on the face. This indignity affected the
high-spirited knight far more than his present sufferings. Regarding the
king with eyes full of fury, he loaded him not merely with the keenest
reproaches, but with a torrent of abuse. The latter foamed at the
mouth, and ordered his victims to be transferred from the dungeon to a
scaffold erected in front of his palace. There he appeared at the window,
expressing a savage delight at the new torments they sustained. At length
the living hearts of both were plucked from their bodies; hearts and
bodies were next consigned to the flames; and when consumed, the ashes
were scattered by the winds.

The next proceeding of Pedro was to honour alike the remains and memory
of the unfortunate Iñes. He convoked the states of his kingdom at
Castanedo, and, in their presence, made oath on the holy Gospels that, in
the year 1354, he had married that lady. The witnesses of the fact, the
bishop of Guarda and his own chamberlain, were likewise publicly sworn,
and the bull of dispensation produced which Pope Innocent VI had granted
for the celebration of the ceremony. No doubt was entertained by the
assembled nobles and clergy that Iñes had been the lawful wife of their
prince; and she was unanimously declared entitled to the honours usually
paid to the Portuguese queens. That the legitimacy of her offspring might
never be disputed, copies of the papal dispensation and of the oaths
taken on this occasion were multiplied and dispersed throughout the
kingdom. The validity of the marriage being thus established, Pedro now
proceeded to show due honour to her remains. He ordered two magnificent
tombs, both of white marble, to be constructed, one for himself, the
other for that lady, and placed them in the monastery of Alcobaça. He
then proceeded to the church of St. Clair at Coimbra, caused her corpse
to be brought from the sepulchre, to be arrayed in royal ornaments, to be
placed on a throne with a crown on the head and a sceptre in the hand,
and there to receive the homage of his assembled courtiers. From that
church it was conveyed on a magnificent car, accompanied by nobles and
high-born dames, all clad in mourning, to the monastery of Alcobaça.[141]

[Sidenote: [1361-1367 A.D.]]

As the subsequent transactions of the Portuguese king with his namesake
of Castile have been already related [in the history of Spain,
Chapter III], nothing now remains but briefly to notice his internal
administration. It is allowed to have been as rigorous as it was
whimsical. With the view of correcting the extravagance which had long
seized on the higher orders of his people, he made a law that whoever
bought or sold on credit should be punished--if the first offence, by
stripes; if the second, by death. In his own household he set the example
of paying for everything in money the instant it was purchased. If he
was thus severe against thoughtless imprudence, he could not be expected
to be more lenient towards guilt. Of the vices which he visited with
unpitying vengeance, fornication and adultery were the most obnoxious
to him. That the lover of Iñes de Castro should thus hold in abhorrence
those which he had so long practised might create surprise, were it
not proved by general experience, not only that we are most forward to
condemn in others imperfections to which ourselves are prone, but that
kings are too often eager to plead exemption from obligations binding
on the rest of mankind. Hearing that the bishop of Oporto lived in a
state of concubinage, the royal moralist laid on him unmercifully with
a whip. As he was one day proceeding along a street, he heard a woman
call another by an opprobrious name. He speedily inquired into the
affair; and, finding that the latter had been violated previous to her
marriage by her husband, he consigned the offender to the executioner.
Suspecting that the wife of a certain merchant was unfaithful to her
conjugal duty, he caused her to be watched until he detected her in the
actual crime; both lady and paramour were immediately committed to the
flames. An old woman prostituted her daughter to a Portuguese admiral;
the woman was burned, the admiral sentenced to lose his head--a sentence,
however, which he escaped by flight. Other offences against the laws
were punished, sometimes in proportion to their magnitude, but generally
to his caprice. An inferior officer of the law one day complained that
a gentleman on whom he had served a process had struck him and plucked
him by the beard; Pedro turned to the presiding judge, and said, “I have
been struck, and my beard has been plucked, by one of my subjects!” The
judge, who understood the appeal, caused the culprit to be arrested and
beheaded. Perceiving that causes were frequent, tedious, and expensive,
and shrewdly divining the reason, he purged his courts of all advocates
and proctors,--of all who had a manifest interest in litigation, and
reduced all processes to a simple statement of the case by the parties
concerned, and of the sentence by the judges, reserving, however, to
himself the privilege of deciding appeals. If we add that Pedro was
liberal of rewards, and fond of music and dancing, the character of the
royal barbarian will be completed.

[Sidenote: [1367-1382 A.D.]]

Ferdinand I, son of Pedro and the princess Constanza, was ill fitted
to succeed monarchs so vigorous as his immediate predecessors. Fickle,
irresolute, inconstant, without discernment, directed by no rule of
conduct, obedient only to momentary impulse, addicted to idleness, or to
recreations still more censurable, the very benevolence of his nature was
a calamity.

After the death of the Castilian Pedro the Cruel, Ferdinand, considering
himself the true heir to the crown, assumed the regal title and arms
of Castile. His ambition was lamentably inadequate to an enterprise
so important as that of encountering and attempting to dethrone the
bastard usurper Henry of Trastamara. From the recesses of his palace, he
appeared to witness the invasion of his kingdom and the defeat of his
armies with indifference. When, in 1373, Lisbon itself was invested by
the Castilian king, the defence of the place was abandoned to the valour
of the inhabitants, and to their deep-rooted hatred of the Spanish sway.
The same year, indeed, peace was made through the mediation of the pope;
but it was often broken by Ferdinand during the reign both of Henry of
Trastamara and Juan I, the son and successor of that prince. The marriage
of Beatrice, daughter of Ferdinand, with Juan, in 1382, and the treaty
for uniting the two crowns, have been related in the history of Spain
[Chapter V], and to that history the reader is referred for an account
of the obscure and indecisive, however destructive, wars between the two
kingdoms.

[Sidenote: [1372-1376 A.D.]]

During these transactions proposals were frequently made for restoring
permanent harmony by matrimonial alliances. At first Ferdinand cast
his eyes on the infanta Leonora of Aragon, whom he engaged to marry;
but, with his usual fickleness, he escaped from the obligation. He next
promised to raise a daughter of Henry of Trastamara, also named Leonora,
to the Portuguese throne. When the time approached for the celebration of
this marriage, Ferdinand fell passionately in love with one of his own
subjects--a Leonora like the rest.[142] To beauty of the finest order,
Leonora added a sprightliness which charmed and a wit which captivated
him; but these were far inferior to her ambition, and unsupported by one
single principle of honour or virtue. She was already the wife of Dom
João Lourenço da Cunha, lord of Pombeiro. “Of that we are well aware,”
said Ferdinand; “but they are related by blood, and they married without
a dispensation: the engagement may easily be annulled.” Proceedings for
the cassation of the marriage were instituted in the ecclesiastical
courts; and as the husband offered no opposition to them,--doubtless
because he had no wish to contend with a plaintiff whose cause was backed
by legions of soldiers,--it was declared null. Not considering himself
safe in Portugal, Dom Lourenço fled into Castile, evidently little
afflicted at the loss of an unprincipled woman.[143] There is reason
to believe that it was Ferdinand’s original intention to make her his
mistress; but she had too much policy to become the tool of one whom she
had resolved to rule; and she assumed the appearance of so much modesty,
that to gain his object he was forced to marry her.

But this marriage was strictly private--a precaution adopted as well
to stifle the murmurs of his subjects as to prevent the indignant
remonstrances of Henry. It was, however, suspected, and the very
suspicion produced great dissatisfaction throughout the kingdom--nowhere
so great as in the capital. A mob, formidable from its numbers, assembled
in the streets, and headed by a tailor, proceeded to the palace to
reproach the king for his imprudence. Ferdinand said that he had neither
married nor intended to marry Leonora. This declaration satisfied the
mob; who, however, insisted that he should take an oath the following
day to the same effect in the church of Saõ Domingos--a promise which he
readily made. At the time appointed, they proceeded to the church, but
found to their mortification that, during the night, the king and Leonora
had fled to Santarem. In the height of their fury they apostrophised both
in no measured terms. Their insulting conduct so incensed the queen that
she procured a royal order for the arrest and execution of the tailor and
his chief associates. The fear which this act of severity struck into
the people emboldened the king to publish his marriage. The nobles and
prelates now hastened to court, to recognise their new queen. All readily
kissed her hand with the exception, of Dom Diniz, son of Pedro and Iñes
de Castro, who accompanied his refusal in open court with expressions of
contempt. Ferdinand drew his poniard, and would doubtless have laid his
obnoxious brother at his feet, but for the interference of two nobles
who arrested his arm. Even João, the grand-master of Aviz, a natural
son of the late king, who is about to perform so memorable a part in
the national history, bowed before the triumphant Leonora. To render
her power more secure, she began to act with great policy, disarmed
hostility, and secured to herself an undisturbed possession of her new
dignity.

The insult to the royal family of Castile involved in this imprudent
marriage was one of the causes which led to the hostilities that
followed--hostilities in which the country was laid waste, from Badajoz
to Lisbon, and that capital invested. On the conclusion of peace,
in 1373, which was cemented by the marriage of a natural daughter
of Ferdinand with a natural son of Henry, tranquillity visited the
kingdom for some years; but the Portuguese court, through the ambition
and wickedness of the queen, was often distracted and disgraced. As
Ferdinand had only a daughter--the princess Beatrice--by Leonora, and as
no hopes of future issue appear to have been entertained, the infante
João, brother of the king, (not the bastard of that name who was the
grand-master of Aviz, but the eldest surviving son of Pedro and Iñes de
Castro), was regarded as the presumptive heir to the crown. To set him
aside from the succession was now the object of the queen. Fortunately
for her purpose, the imprudence of the prince presented her with the
means. Struck with the personal charms of Donna Maria, sister of the
queen, he privately married her. The step was not hidden from Leonora;
who, so far from betraying her knowledge of it, and to lull her intended
victim into profound security, proposed to the infante the hand of
her own child, and with it the throne of Portugal. As she expected,
her offer was declined; but she was resolved to move heaven and earth
rather than see her sister and brother-in-law in the possession of
supreme power. The former she appears to have hated: her destruction
was certainly planned with demoniacal coolness. Sending one day for the
infante, she assumed the appearance of intense affliction; assured him
that she knew of his marriage with her sister; but that regard for him
and his honour, as well as for the honour of the royal family, would
not permit her to conceal that sister’s depravity. “You are betrayed,
prince!” was the substance of her address. “Maria loves another, to whom
she grants her favours!”

[Sidenote: [1376-1381 A.D.]]

Unfortunately, João, who was unacquainted with her real character,
and who could not suppose her capable of deliberately destroying a
sister, implicitly believed her; and in the madness of his rage,
hastened to Coimbra, where the princess then abode. She met him with
her usual smiles, and, on being repulsed, falteringly demanded the
cause. “Because,” replied the infuriated husband, “you have divulged our
marriage and sacrificed my honour.” “Bid your attendants retire,” pleaded
the poor woman, “and I will satisfy you.” “I come not to hear your
excuses,” João returned furiously, “but to punish your guilt,” and at the
same time his dagger found a way to her heart. She fell into the arms of
her weeping attendants, while he mounted his horse and fled. The cause
of all this wickedness affected inconsolable grief, threw herself at the
royal feet, and cried for vengeance on the murderer. But whether she
found the king averse to justice, or whether she feared the indignation
of the infante, who, sooner or later, would become acquainted with the
innocence of Maria, she suddenly changed her proceedings, and obtained
permission for him to return to court. But there everyone shunned him--no
one more eagerly than Leonora; so that, seeing his hopes of Beatrice at
an end, he retired into the province of Entre-Douro-e-Minho, where he was
soon acquainted with the bloody perfidy of the queen. Having reason to
distrust his safety, he fled into Castile, his heart torn by remorse for
the fate of one whom he had passionately loved, and whose bleeding image
was incessantly before him.

Though on the accession of Juan I of Castile Ferdinand readily renewed
the peace between the two crowns, and consented to marry his daughter
Beatrice to the heir of the Castilian, his characteristic fickleness was
such that he soon resolved to resume hostilities. To engage the duke
of Lancaster in his cause, he sent a trusty messenger to England, Dom
João Ferdinand Andeiro, who concluded a league with the Plantagenet.
To conceal this negotiation from the world, especially from the
Castilian, he pretended great anger with Andeiro, whom he arrested, and
confined to the fortress of Estremos. During his agreeable captivity in
this place, he was frequently visited by the disguised king, who was
sometimes accompanied by the queen, and was made to unfold the conditions
he had contracted, and solicited for his advice. As his person was
unexceptionable, his address elegant, and his manners prepossessing, he
soon won so far on the credulous Leonora that she became the willing
partner of his lust, and still more of his ambition. In the hostilities
which followed the arrival of the earl of Cambridge, he was released,
and, by her influence, was invested with the lordship of Ourem.

[Sidenote: [1381-1383 A.D.]]

Ferdinand at length saw that the affections of his queen were estranged
from him, and transferred to Andeiro. Yet--such was his deplorable
weakness!--he met both with constrained smiles, and deputed both to
be present at the marriage of his daughter Beatrice with Juan of
Castile. On this occasion the favourite appeared with a splendour which
might have become a sovereign prince, but which filled the beholders
with indignation or envy. The perpetual sight of a faithless wife
and her insolent paramour was at length too much even for the feeble
Ferdinand. In the agony of his feelings he one day opened his heart to
the grand-master of Aviz, who he knew hated Andeiro, and with whom he
planned that minion’s assassination. But his own death, the result alike
of constitutional weakness of frame and mental suffering, saved him from
the guilt of murder. The reign of this sovereign was one of the most
deplorable that ever afflicted Portugal. The wars with Castile,--wars
lightly undertaken and ingloriously conducted,--and the consequent
invasions of his territory by his more powerful neighbours, impoverished
his people.[h]

FOOTNOTES

[135] According to the _Chronicon Lusitanum_,[d] the _Chronicon
Complutense_,[e] and other authorities, Lisbon and Cintra were taken by
Alfonso. They must, however, have been soon recovered by the Moors.

[136] That Henry, whose extraction has given rise to much disputation,
was of the family of the first duke of Burgundy, and of the royal blood
of France, is indisputable from a MS. discovered in the monastery of
Fleury, according to La Clède.[f]

[137] Lemos[g] endeavours to vindicate the character of Theresa from
the charges imputed to her: the same vain effort, as the reader will
remember, has been made by the Castilian writers in favour of Urraca.

[138] “_Mas o rei mandando fazer as mortes indistintas, sem differenca
de sexo, e idade; o horror dos gemidos, o tropel da genté, o clamor
das mulheres, a meninos, o escuro da noite causan hum espanto tao
geral._”--LEMOS.[g]

[139] On this occasion Alfonso, with no more than sixty horsemen, is said
to have encountered five hundred horsemen of the Almoravids, and forty
thousand foot; and, what is more, to have defeated them! (See _Chronicon
Lusitanum_.[d]) These prodigious relations were admitted without scruple
by the earlier historians of Portugal.

[140] [According to some authorities Diniz did not rebel at all, but was
an exemplary son, and was present at his father’s death-bed.]

[141] [Like all other romantic events, this story has attracted the
critics, their chief objection to it being the fact that the contemporary
historian Lopes,[l] who describes the death of Iñes with much detail,
has nothing to say of the exhumation and coronation. But such negative
argument must be cautiously used and historians have not yet annulled the
story of Iñes.]

[142] “This name proved terrible to the king,” says Lemos.[g] This name,
indeed, in all the three cases, is a most singular coincidence: it did
not prove terrible, however it might be pernicious to the interests of
the kingdom.

[143] To disarm ridicule by braving it, and to prove how little the
affair had affected him, the exiled husband attached to each side of his
cap a golden horn.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER II. THE PERIOD OF GLORY AND DISCOVERY

[Sidenote: [1383-1521 A.D.]]

By the death of Ferdinand, his daughter Beatrice, queen of Castile,
was the true heir to the throne of Portugal. But the kingdom, far
from expecting a foreign yoke, had, on the marriage of the infanta,
expressly stipulated that, in case of Ferdinand’s death, the government
should be vested in a regent, until she had a son capable of assuming
the sovereignty; that son, too, to be educated not in Castile but in
Portugal. When that event happened, she had no child--a circumstance that
induced her husband to claim the crown in her right, and that filled
the Portuguese with vexation. They were satisfied neither with their
intended sovereign, Juan, nor with the regent, Leonora, the queen-mother,
whom the will of the late king appointed to that dignity. And when, in
conformity with the demands of the Castilian, Beatrice was proclaimed in
Lisbon, the people either exhibited a mournful silence, or cried out that
they would have no other king than their infante João, son of Pedro and
Iñes de Castro, and the unfortunate husband of Maria, sister of Leonora,
whose tragical fate has been recorded. But João and his brother Diniz
now languished in the dungeons of Castile,[144] whither they had been
consigned by the king, who knew that, if suffered to enter Portugal, they
would speedily thwart his views of dominion. Until these princes could be
restored to their country, and until Beatrice should have an heir, the
Portuguese resolved to deprive the queen-mother of the regency, in favour
of Dom João, the grand-master of Aviz, who alone seemed able to defend
their national independence.

[Sidenote: [1383-1384 A.D.]]

Dom João, as before observed, was an illegitimate son of King Pedro,
by a lady of Galicia, and born in 1357. At seven years of age he had
been invested with the high dignity of grand-master, and his education
intrusted to one of the ablest commanders of the order. No man could
be better adapted for the conjuncture in which circumstances placed
him. Cool, yet prompt; prudent, yet in the highest degree courageous;
unrestrained by conscience, and ready to act either with cunning or
violence, according as either appeared necessary to his purpose, he
would indeed have been a formidable opponent to any sovereign, much more
to one so weak as the Castilian. Seeing the favourable disposition of
the people, and confiding in his own mental resources, he commenced a
policy which, if at first cautious, was sure to prove efficacious. Though
Leonora pretended great sorrow for her husband’s death, and endeavoured,
by affected mildness, as well as by an administration truly liberal,
to win the popular favour, her object was penetrated and despised. But
a stronger sentiment was felt for Andeiro, who directed her at his
pleasure, and whose death was now decreed by the grand-master. To remove
the latter under some honourable pretext from court, he was charged by
Leonora with the government of Alemtejo. He accepted the trust; but,
accompanied by twenty-five resolute followers, returned to Lisbon,
December 6th, 1383, and hastened to the royal apartments, where he knew
he should find Andeiro. The guilty pair were as usual together. João
struck the count with a dagger; a knight of his suite by a second blow
deprived the victim of life.

The tragical deed was hailed with characteristic acclamations by the
populace, who, profiting by the example, massacred everyone suspected to
be hostile to the pretensions of their new idol, among them the bishop
of Lisbon.[145] Their mangled corpses remained long without sepulture, a
prey to dogs and beings more savage than dogs. Leonora now fled from the
city to Alemquer. On the way, she turned her eyes for a moment back on
the towers of that capital, and, in the bitterness of her heart prayed
that she might live to see it wrapped in flames. After her departure,
João complained that he was unequal to oppose his powerful enemies;
and pretended that he would retire into England, to pass his remaining
days in tranquillity. This hypocritical policy alarmed the mob, who
dreaded being abandoned to justice, and tumultuously flocked around
him, insisting that he should assume the regency until Beatrice should
become the mother of a son destined to rule over them. With much apparent
reluctance, he accepted the proffered dignity, in the resolution of
securing one much higher.

The first measures of the new regent were characteristic of the man. He
published an edict in which entire pardon was promised to all criminals,
whatever their offences, who should assist him in opposing the queen and
the Spaniards. At this unexpected call, great numbers--amounting, we are
told, to thousands--hastened from their prisons or their haunts to swell
his army. Many of the great towns were persuaded to follow the example of
Lisbon. The impunity with which his followers perpetrated every possible
crime was too alluring not to increase the number. Murder, plunder, rape,
and sacrilege were the constant attendants of this lawless party. The
abbess of the convent of Castres was dragged from her cloister, poniarded
before the high altar, and her body was subjected to brutalities of which
not even the mention would be tolerated by the reader. In the end it was
dragged to a public square, and there left. This is but one instance,
among numbers which have been preserved and among thousands of which the
memory has perished, of the monstrous crimes of this interregnum; yet no
attempt was made to punish them by the regent, who felt that the license
thus allowed was his only tenure on the attachment of his adherents.

The king of Castile invaded the kingdom, received the submission
of several places, and penetrated to Santarem, to concert with his
mother-in-law, Leonora, the means of annihilating the resources of João.
But that ambitious woman, who perceived that with the arrival of the king
her authority had ceased, soon regarded his cause with indifference,
ultimately with dislike. Her intrigues were planned more frequently
to thwart than to aid his measures; so that, aware of her faithless
character, he at length caused her to be arrested and to be confined in
the convent of Tordesillas, near Valladolid.

[Sidenote: [1384-1411 A.D.]]

As allusion has already been made [in the history of Spain, Chapter V]
to the chief events of the present war, little more remains to be said
of them. Though Lisbon was invested both by sea and land, and in a few
months reduced to the greatest distress, it was defended with equal
ability and valour by the grand-master and his captains. To end the
distractions of his country, the states, early in 1385, were convoked at
Coimbra. There the creatures of the regent proposed his proclamation as
king, as the only measure capable of restoring internal tranquillity,
and of enabling the nation to withstand the arms of Castile. They even
endeavoured to show that he was the nearest heir to the crown. The
issue of Iñes de Castro they set aside, as sprung from an adulterous
connection; and the same objection they urged against Beatrice, whose
mother they considered as the lawful wife, not of the late king, but of
the lord de Pombeiro. On the 6th day of April, 1385, João was unanimously
proclaimed king.

João I, having attained the great object of his ambition, vigorously
prepared for the war with his rival of Castile. The decisive victory
gained by João at Aljubarrota; the alternations of success and failure
that succeeded; the arrival of the duke of Lancaster to obtain the
Castilian crown in right of his wife Constanza, daughter of Pedro the
Cruel: the alliance between the two princes, João marrying Philippa, a
daughter of the duke; the subsequent reconciliation between the latter
and the king of Castile, cemented by the marriage of the princess
Catherine, daughter of the Plantagenet, with Henry, son of Juan, and
other transactions of these troubled times, have already been noticed
in the history of Spain. Peace was made and broken more than once; the
success lay with the Portuguese king--a success, however, attributable
as much to the internal troubles of Castile after the death of Juan I as
to the valour of João. When a more durable peace was concluded in 1403,
the Portuguese had recovered their fortunes, and were in possession of
Badajoz.

The next few years were passed in tranquillity by the king in improving
the administration of the realm. His salutary severity was above all
directed against murderers and robbers by profession, and also against
such as took justice into their own hands. By these means he became a
popular monarch with all but some of his nobles, whose discontent he had
powerfully excited during the late wars. To his valiant constable, Dom
Nunho Alvares Pereiro, called the “holy constable,” he was more indebted
than to any other cause, both for his crown and for the successful issue
of the Castilian war; and he had thought no rewards too great for such
services. But if he showered the revenues of whole towns and vast estates
on that able and faithful man, he rewarded with a pitiful spirit the
attachment of others.

THE TAKING OF CEUTA (1415 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1411-1415 A.D.]]

By his queen Philippa, daughter of the duke of Lancaster, João had
several children, of whom five were sons. As these princes grew in years,
they displayed great martial ardour, and promised to become the bulwarks
of the country and throne. He had resolved to confer on them the honour
of knighthood, and to celebrate the occasion by a magnificent tournament.
But they despised the peaceful lists, and besought his permission to win
their spurs in a nobler manner, by an expedition against the Moors. The
fortress of Ceuta[146], on the African side of the straits of Gibraltar,
seemed to them the most inviting of conquests. Though eager to gratify
a propensity which he loved, the king was at first startled by the
magnitude of the proposed enterprise. The fortifications of Ceuta were
strong, and defended by the bravest portion of the Mohammedan population:
to reduce them a considerable armament must be prepared, and at an
expense which he was loath to incur. In the end, however, he yielded to
their urgent entreaties; the expedition was resolved, two confidential
officers were sent to reconnoitre the place, and the royal council gave
a reluctant consent to the project. But, as secrecy alone could insure
its success, as a premature disclosure of the design would have enabled
the pirates to increase the number of their defenders and the strength of
their works, the whole peninsula was in suspense, and not without alarm
at the preparations of the king. Having tranquillised the Castilians,
the Aragonese, and the Moors of Granada, as to his intentions, and
fearful of rousing the suspicions of the Africans, he intimated that his
armament was to be led against the count of Holland. Not even the death
of his queen, who was carried off by the plague,[147] nor his advanced
years, could suspend his preparations. At length, having collected a
considerable number of vessels from most parts, and been joined by
adventurers from most nations of Europe, accompanied by his sons and his
chief nobles, João embarked, proceeded towards the straits, and, the
middle of August, 1415, arrived before Ceuta. The Moorish governor, Salat
ben Salat, a man advanced in years but of undaunted courage, prepared for
a vigorous defence.[e]

“So soon as the Moors of the town,” writes the contemporary historian
Azurara,[d] “saw the fleet nearing their walls, they placed lighted
torches in all the windows and apertures to show the Christians that
they were much more numerous than they thought, and thus on account of
its great size, and being illuminated on all sides, the town presented a
beautiful sight. This was interpreted by our men in the ships to signify
that as a dying candle first throws out great light, so these men, who
soon were to leave their houses and property, and many of them to quit
this life, made this brave show of light, signifying their approaching
end. As these Moors illuminated the town, so also our men lighted up
their ships, but this they were compelled to do, not to show their vast
numbers, but that each ship having cast anchor should be enabled to make
preparations for the following day, and with the lanterns in front of the
flag ships, and the torches the men carried in their hands, the fleet was
well illuminated.”

A spectacle as dazzling as it was sinister, by the light of which the
waters of the strait must have presented a terrible and fantastic
appearance, reddened by the reflection of the torches as though a sea
of blood, covered with dancing lights, separated the Moorish city from
the floating Christian camp. At dawn on the following day, the 20th of
August, the Portuguese were ready for the combat, and the king, João I,
in a galiot went about among the ships giving the last instructions,
recommending to all that Dom Henry should be the first to land.

But as the Moors had sailed out of the town to attack the Portuguese upon
the landing, some of the knights became so impatient that two at least,
João Fogaca and Ruy Gonçalves, jumped on shore a few moments before the
prince, who, however, took the lead in the battle. The movement of the
Moors in coming down to the shore was a vain attempt of the younger
men; the truth was that, following the example of Salat ben Salat, they
were greatly discouraged, and panic increased among them upon seeing
two athletes of Barbary, two giants of the desert, overcome, one by Ruy
Gonçalves, and the other by Vasco Martius de Albergaria. The infante Dom
Henry fancied he caught sight of his brother Dom Duarte, whom Dom João
had forbidden to take part in the combat, in the thickest of the fight,
and presently discovered that he had not been mistaken. The presence of
the two brothers if possible raised the courage of the Portuguese still
more.

Dom Henry wished to await the landing of the rest of the army, as he had
been recommended to do, but Dom Duarte was of opinion that they might
enter the town with the Moors, or at least seize the gate of Almina to
open a passage for their men. The gate was indeed taken by surprise.
Having passed the gate, the two infantes took up their position on a hill
dominating the streets of the city.

[Illustration: A PORTUGUESE WOMAN OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

Meanwhile Vasco Fernandes de Athaide had succeeded in beating down
another gate, thus opening a new passage to the Portuguese soldiers, who
were now divided into three bands. To have greater freedom, the heir
to the crown threw off his armour, leaving merely a coat of mail; his
movements being thus made freer he was able to advance rapidly, so that
when Dom Henry resolved to follow his example he could no longer find
him. Dom Duarte had reached the highest point of the Moorish town, called
Cesto, and Dom Henry, wishing to join him, entered the street leading to
it, driving the Moors before him.

The general landing of the army had not yet taken place, as Dom João I
had not finished his review of the fleet. When he sent his son Dom Pedro
to tell Dom Duarte to land, the answer came that he was already within
the town. The king then gave orders for all to land, and the Portuguese
army, divided into four bodies, marched upon the town.

The affliction of the women who fled, pressing their little children
to their breasts, and the despair with which many men concealed their
property, or fled carrying it with them, raised the courage of the
Moorish warriors, and spurred them to make one supreme effort by which
they succeeded in driving many Portuguese before them. Dom Henry would
not check the first fugitives in their flight, for fear of harming those
who followed, who would consequently be thrown back on the Moors, but
when the latter approached, followed by a few knights, he barred the way.
At the same time, ashamed of their fear and encouraged by the infante’s
presence, the Portuguese returned to the charge, and the enemy fled in
confusion. Meanwhile the Moors received reinforcements and renewed the
fight, but were again repulsed by the Portuguese, encouraged by the
infante.

The Moors falling back, the infante, followed only by seventeen of his
men, pursued them; a desperate fight ensued, principally because the
Moors attempted to carry off a Portuguese knight, whom the infante wished
to recover. The Moors finally gave way, but the infante Dom Henry found
himself shut in by the ruinous walls of the town, with only five knights
at his side. Heroically maintaining his difficult position, he waited in
vain for reinforcements; he was believed to be dead, until he was at last
found by a Portuguese knight.

The infante wished to remain in his dangerous position until
reinforcements reached him, but the entreaties addressed to him in the
name of his father and Dom Duarte induced him to retreat; he proceeded
to join his father at a mosque. Meanwhile the sun had set, and seeing a
flight of sparrows resting upon the towers of the fort, the Portuguese
inferred that the Moors had abandoned it. Salat ben Salat had fled with
the garrison. They thereupon raised the flag of St. Vincent, patron of
Lisbon, on the top of the fortress. The conquest was won; the loss on the
side of the Moors was heavy, but the Portuguese loss was trifling; we
will not however quote any number as great doubts exist on the subject.

On the following day the Moors appeared once more before the fortress;
Dom Duarte and the constable sallied out to encounter them; these vain
attacks were repeated, but the king strictly forbade his heir to take
part in these skirmishes.

On the first Sunday the king decided to hear mass with his sons in the
principal mosque of the town, already purified. Two bells pealed joyously
from the highest tower. “How is this?” asked the major. The reply is
not uninteresting: the town of Lagos had been a few years previously
attacked by the Moors, who sacked the place and carried away these bells,
and concealed them, but now discovered, they summoned the Christians to
divine service.

The service was celebrated with great solemnity; Dom João knighted his
sons, Dom Duarte, Dom Pedro, and Dom Henry. On their side João I’s sons
knighted various valiant noblemen of their retinue. The aim of the
expedition was realised, and the African lion began to give way before
the power of Portugal.[f]

The government of the place was at first offered to a valiant knight,
Martin Alfonso de Mello; and when he declined the dangerous honour, it
was solicited and obtained by one of greater prowess still, Dom Pedro de
Menezes, founder of the illustrious house of Villa Real. Having left a
small but select garrison in Ceuta, and provided for the defence of the
place against the inevitable assaults of the Moors, João re-embarked,
and with the remainder of the armament returned to Lisbon.

[Sidenote: [1415-1419 A.D.]]

The heroism of the governor, Dom Pedro, and of the horsemen he commanded,
is the constant and enthusiastic theme of praise by the national writers.
The number of skirmishes which he was compelled to sustain during the
three years immediately following the reduction of Ceuta is said, no
doubt hyperbolically, to have exceeded the number of days. It is certain
that during his government the place was frequently assailed by the
whole power of the African Moors, aided by the fleet of their brethren
of Granada. Sometimes the garrison by sorties obtained considerable
booty, especially in flocks and herds. This warfare was as horrid as it
was picturesque. When the Christian hidalgos and Almagaveres arrived at
the village which they had been ordered to destroy, and the inhabitants
of which were sure to be sunk in sleep, they generally divided into two
or three bands, forced the doors of the houses, which they set on fire,
and either massacred such as attempted to escape, or forced them back
into the flames. The sudden conflagration, the shrieks of the women and
children, rendered still more dismal by the silence of night, and the
bloody figures of the assailants, gazing with ferocious joy on the scene
before them, bore a character too demoniacal for this world. When all was
finished, when the flames were expiring, and the last groan had pierced
the sky, the orthodox warriors returned to the city, “praising God and
our Lady for their success.”[148]

To avenge these atrocities, the Moors now gathered in formidable numbers,
not merely from the neighbourhood, but from wherever the fame of their
wrongs had penetrated; but they were always repulsed by the valiant
count, whose exploits are represented as not much inferior to those of
the Cid Ruy Diaz, in Valencia. The very exaggerations, however, prove
that Dom Pedro was the most valiant knight of a valiant nation. But
during three years no formal siege was laid to the place; a circumstance
sufficiently explicable by the perpetual struggles for empire among the
Mohammedan princes of western Africa. In 1419 the fortress was first
invested, and by an army formidable enough to inspire the assailants
with the hope of success. In the combats which ensued, the Christians,
notwithstanding the loss of some brave captains, were, as usual,
victorious; and “a pleasant thing it was,” says the chronicler,[d] “to
see our men, like the waters which flowed on the beach, sprinkled with
infidel blood.” After some days the siege was raised, with the loss of
some thousands on the part of the Africans. But scarcely had the governor
time to congratulate himself on this event, before he received news which
filled him with apprehension--that a more formidable army, and a fleet
from Granada, were preparing to move against him.

He lost no time in soliciting succour from King João, who as readily
granted it. Again was the place invested--this time by sea and land; and,
as before, the valour of the besieged was almost superhuman. Fearing,
however, that it must ultimately surrender, if not more effectually
succoured, the king ordered two of his sons--the infantes Henry and
João--to sail with a considerable armament. As they approached the place,
they perceived that the Mohammedans had landed, and furiously assailed
Dom Pedro, who, with his handful of brave companions, was making
terrific carnage among them. This formidable host was totally routed;
while the infantes took or dispersed the Moorish vessels, commanded by a
prince of the royal house of Granada. This splendid success drew the eyes
of all Europe towards this extremity of Africa. That a Christian noble,
with so few companions in arms, should not only retain possession of a
distant fortress against the frequent attacks of great armies, but should
triumph over those armies in the open field, would appear incredible, had
not equal wonders been exhibited by the knights of some religious orders.
The exploits which have been already recorded were frequently equalled in
the sequel by this renowned baron. In the subsequent wars, he was greatly
aided by his son, a youth of the same dauntless courage as himself, who
made frequent incursions into the Moorish territory, and never failed to
return with abundance of spoil.

[Sidenote: [1419-1430 A.D.]]

During these years, the king was constantly employed in the duties of
administration. As he advanced in years, his sense of justice appears to
have greatly improved; at least we hear no more of the violent acts which
disgraced his early days, and which will forever tarnish his memory.[e]

He re-established his finances by an economy pervading his government
and household. He spent little in pomp and splendour; lived frugally,
and associated upon an easy footing with the friends of his youth. He
was wont to say that conversation was the cheapest of pleasures; and
he introduced literary pursuits amongst his courtiers. When he had
replenished his exhausted treasury, João made abundant compensation to
those whom the inevitable expenses of war had obliged him to offend by
revoking the ample donations, with which, upon first receiving the crown,
he had recompensed the services that had helped to place it upon his
brow. But after satisfying these just claims, João neither lavished his
money upon friends and favourites, nor hoarded it in his coffers.

PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR

[Sidenote: [1402-1418 A.D.]]

A certain employment of João’s wealth ultimately produced far more glory
and power, as well as opulence, to his kingdom, than his Mauretanian
conquests. His third son, Henry, was the first projector of those
remote maritime enterprises and geographical discoveries that opened
new channels to the commerce of Europe, poured the riches of the Indies
into Portugal, exalted the reputation and consequently the energies of
her sons, brought immense realms in Asia and America under her sceptre,
and temporarily elevated her to a rank amongst the nations of Europe
altogether disproportionate to her natural extent and population.

Prince Henry was grand-master of the order of knights of Christ,
instituted by King Diniz, upon the abolition of the Templars, to do
battle constantly with the Mohammedans. The grand-master had accompanied
his father to the siege of Ceuta, and there highly distinguished
himself even beyond his brothers; which circumstance, combining with
his strong sense of the duties of his sacred office, inspired him with
an irrepressible desire to conquer and convert. But expeditions of the
kind he meditated against Mohammedan misbelievers, whether in Spain or
Mauretania, could only be undertaken by the authority and under the
control of the king, and the infante in consequence turned his thoughts
towards the more distant heathen. His studious disposition and especial
taste for geography, astronomy, and mathematics also contributed, in all
probability, not a little to give his schemes of conquest and conversion
that direction. These sciences Dom Henry assiduously cultivated at
Sagres, a seaport town he had himself founded near Cape St. Vincent in
Algarve, where he drew around him learned men, travellers, and mariners.
When he had speculatively satisfied himself of the possibility of sailing
round Africa, of which, at that time, little beyond the northern coast
was known, and of thus reaching the East Indies, he built and collected
vessels in the harbour of Sagres, and sent them forth upon voyages of
discovery. The despatch of the first two was determined so suddenly
one morning, that it was believed the prince had been favoured with an
especial revelation upon the subject during the preceding night, a mark
of divine favour of which his great devotion, and the virginal purity of
his morals, were judged to render him worthy. Dom Henry fitted out these
first expeditions at his own expense; but the king soon entered into his
son’s views, and took the principal charge upon himself. Navigation was
then still almost in its infancy. The name of Cape Nun had been given
to the southernmost African promontory yet known, and terrified the
imagination of the ignorant almost as much by its very sound as by the
thousand superstitious terrors connected with all beyond it, particularly
with the torrid zone, then supposed to be actually uninhabitable from
heat. For many years Dom Henry’s mariners advanced only a few leagues
past the dreaded cape, and Portugal resounded with murmurs against the
waste of men and money occasioned by the infante’s mania for discovery.
But Dom Henry persevered, and his father countenanced him. Gradually
his captains grew more enterprising, emboldened in some measure by the
assistance his astronomical science afforded them. The first, and,
during King João’s life, only great fruit of these labours was the
rediscovery and settlement of the island of Madeira, about the year 1418.
But far from appeasing the popular clamour, this only increased it; the
colonising of the island being regarded as a frightful drain upon the
population. Nearly about the same time the Canaries were accidentally
discovered by an English ship, driven from her course. In 1402 a private
adventurer, a Frenchman, named De Bethencourt, with a mixed French and
Spanish crew, conquered the savage natives, and took possession of some
of these islands, which his heirs afterwards sold to Prince Henry.[h]

[Illustration: HENRY THE NAVIGATOR

(From an old print)]

[Sidenote: [1418-1437 A.D.]]

Of Prince Henry it has been said that, to his “enlightened foresight
and perseverance the human race is indebted for the maritime discovery,
within one century, of more than half the globe.” His funds were drawn
from the large revenues of the order of Christ, and the Moors had told
him much of the riches of interior Africa and the Guinea coast. He was
the victim of unusual opposition and ridicule, as was Columbus, but,
like him, was impervious to both. His personality is strongly to credit
for the success of his couriers, for, as his biographer Major[g] has
said: “Had that failure and that ridicule produced on Prince Henry the
effect which they ordinarily produce on other men, it is impossible to
say what delays would have occurred before these mighty events would have
been realised; for it must be borne in mind that the ardour, not only of
his own sailors, but of surrounding nations, owed its impulse to this
pertinacity of purpose in him.” It is to be charged against Prince Henry
that he began the slave-trade, which meant so much of shame to the world.
It is pleasant to recall that it was he who, forsaking the usual path of
exploration, the land, began to seek the wealth of Araby and India by the
water-ways and, beginning that fever of adventurous curiosity that opened
new worlds south and west, with him began the age of discovery.[a]

By João I the era of Cæsar was abolished in Portugal, and the Christian
mode of computation adopted. He died in 1433.

THE REIGN OF DUARTE OR EDWARD (1433-1438 A.D.)

The reign of Duarte [or Edward[149]], though short, was doomed to be
more disastrous than that of any preceding monarch. The first great
calamity was the plague which raged during the whole of his reign, and
which lamentably thinned the population. But a greater was an expedition
against Tangier, the preparations for which oppressed his people, and the
result of which filled the kingdom with murmurs.

The restless ambition of the king’s brother, Ferdinand, hurried him into
this disastrous enterprise. This infante had been too young to share
in the glorious conquests of Ceuta: and had not, like Pedro or Henry,
obtained celebrity either by travelling or science. But he burned for
distinction as much as either and proposed an African expedition. The
king seems, however, to have entertained very honourable scruples as to
the justice of the warfare in which he was about to engage. He proposed
the subject to his theologians and the pope. The chief of the Christian
world, with more reason than has dictated some papal decisions, replied
that there were only two cases in which war against misbelievers could
be lawfully undertaken: (1) when they were in possession of territories
which had belonged to Christians, and which the latter sought to recover;
(2) when by piracy or war, or any other means, they injured or insulted
the true believers. In other cases, proceeded his holiness, hostilities
are unjust: the elements, earth, air, fire, and water, were created for
all; and to deprive any creature without just cause of those necessary
things, was a violation of natural right. There was, however, one point
which the pontiff omitted to notice: the obligations contracted by every
Catholic sovereign, and still more solemnly by every military order,
to advance the glory of God--in other words to convert or to destroy
the heathen. This consideration removed the scruples of Duarte, and the
expedition was resolved.

[Sidenote: [1437 A.D.]]

The inexperience which governed the preparations, and the accidental
hindrances which impeded their completion, were regarded as melancholy
omens by the people. The armament sailed on August 22nd, 1437, and on the
26th arrived before Ceuta, a place which the heroic governor and his
no less heroic son had continued to defend with the same success. The
two infantes Henry and Ferdinand, who commanded the present expedition,
perceived that instead of fourteen thousand men, the number ordered
by the king, they had no more than six thousand. They were advised
to solicit and wait for a considerable reinforcement, but with their
usual impatience they resolved to proceed to Tangier--Henry by land,
and Ferdinand by sea, so as to co-operate with each other. The former
reached Tangier without accident on the 23rd day of September, and found
that his brother had arrived before him. The Portuguese immediately
encamped before the place, which was defended by Salat ben Salat, former
governor of Ceuta, with seven thousand Moors. But as if every measure
of this ill-concerted expedition were doomed to be at once imbecile and
unsuccessful, after sustaining a heavy loss the besiegers, finding that
their scaling-ladders were too short, were compelled to retreat with
shame from the foot of the ramparts. Before others could be procured
from Ceuta, the Moors of Fez and Morocco, amounting, we are gravely
told, in numbers to ten thousand horse, and eighty thousand infantry,
advanced to raise the siege.[150] Instead, however, of being alarmed at
this prodigious force, Henry with four thousand of his valiant troops
hastened to give them battle; but so great was the dread which this
heroic little band had struck into that immense host, that none of the
misbelievers daring to wait for the onset, all escaped with precipitation
over the neighbouring hills! But as their numbers soon increased by new
accessions to 130,000 men,[151] they returned, and this time fought with
courage. After a struggle of some hours this vast force yielded to the
impetuousity of the infante Ferdinand and fled, leaving some thousands
dead on the field! These wondrous fables are not enough. Indignant at
their repeated losses of their brethren, the kings of northwestern
Africa combined the whole of the respective forces, and marched towards
the place. The surprise of Henry was great on seeing the neighbouring
hills moving with life; the number of enemies on this occasion, we are
veraciously assured, being sixty thousand cavalry, and seven hundred
thousand foot![152] On contemplating, however, the dense and widely
extended ranks of the Moslems, even he acknowledged that to withstand
such a host would be temerity.

He accordingly gave directions for his little army to fall back and to
regain the ships. Before this could be effected, the Africans, like
tigers of their own deserts, sprang upon them, eager to drink their
blood. But what could even a Portuguese do against myriads? His guards
were killed by his side, and he was compelled to retreat, fighting,
however, at every step, until he reached the entrenchments, where the
contest became more bloody and desperate than it had yet been. Some of
the defenders now fled,--for the chroniclers reluctantly allow that even
a Portuguese may flee,--but the seamen on board the vessels landed,
forced the fugitives to return, and the conflict was sustained during
some hours with miraculous valour! Towards night it was suspended; and
the infante agreed with his remaining captains that at midnight the
Christians should silently leave their entrenchments, pass to the beach,
and be received on board.

As the invaders were now without provisions and water, this expedient
was the only hope of safety which remained to them. But even of this
they were soon deprived by the treachery of Martin Vieyra, Henry’s
chaplain, who passed over to the misbelievers, and acquainted them with
the project. At this very day the Portuguese are seized with indignant
wonder at this almost incredible instance of apostasy and treason; and
however great their confidence in the powers of the visible head of the
church, or even of the glorious Mother, they doubt whether either or
both could, even in the event of repentance, procure for such a wretch
the commutation of everlasting to purgatorial fire.[153] In consequence
of this information, the Moors stationed a formidable guard along the
passages to the sea and on the beach. The following morning they advanced
to the trenches; the battle was renewed, and, we are told, sustained
for eight hours with unshaken firmness, though with greatly diminished
numbers. On this occasion no one exhibited more valour than the bishop
of Ceuta; who, as he strode from rank to rank to distribute indulgences
with one hand, with the other hewed down the misbelievers in a style
that called forth the enthusiastic admiration of the faithful. Now he
exhibited the consecrated host, and with tears of devotion besought his
dear children in Christ to defend the holy Body; while, at the same time,
he gave a practical illustration of his meaning, by aiming another deadly
blow at some rash son of perdition.[154]

In the end the enemy, unable to force the entrenchments, set them on
fire, and on the approach of night retired. The hours which should have
been given to rest were occupied in extinguishing the conflagration, a
labour not less fatiguing than the conflict of the day. To allay the
hunger of his followers, the infante ordered the horses to be killed;
but as there was no water, and as everyone raged with a burning thirst,
the boon was scarcely acceptable, until heaven sent a copious shower of
rain. But however seasonable this relief, it could only be momentary.
Famine, or death by the sword, or what was still worse, perpetual
captivity, stared the unhappy Christians in the face, when they received
a proposal which they could not have expected. They were promised both
life and liberty, as the condition of their surrendering the artillery,
arms, and baggage, and restoring the fortress of Ceuta. To men in their
desperate condition this proposal was too liberal not to be joyfully
accepted. For their performance of the covenant the infante Ferdinand
offered himself as hostage; and was accompanied by four other knights.
The Moors delivered into the hands of Henry a son of Salat ben Salat.
The Portuguese, reduced to three thousand, prepared to re-embark. But
with characteristic duplicity, the barbarians attempted to prevent the
departure of the Christians, who were constrained to fight their way to
the ships.

While this once proud armament was slowly returning to Lisbon, Henry,
ashamed to appear at court, proceeded to Ceuta, where fatigue of body and
anxiety of mind threw him into a serious illness. No sooner did Prince
João, who was then in Algarve, hear of the illness of one brother and the
captivity of another, than he repaired to Ceuta. The two infantes there
agreed that, as the royal consent to the restoration of the fortress
could not reasonably be expected, João should propose the exchange of
their brother for the son of the African. The proposal was scornfully
rejected by the Moors, who threatened, if the place were not immediately
restored, to take signal revenge on the person of the infante. João now
returned to Portugal to acquaint the king with the melancholy position
of affairs. The states were convoked and the subject proposed. Some
deputies voted for the restoration of the fortress and the delivery of
the infante; but others considered that the recovery of the prince would
be too dearly purchased by the surrender of a place which had cost so
much, and which might serve as a point of departure for future conquests.
It was accordingly resolved that the prince should remain in captivity
until the efficacy of money should be proved vain. His sufferings are
represented, probably with truth, as at once cruel and humiliating. No
sooner was he delivered into the hands of Salat ben Salat, than he began
to experience the most savage barbarity. He was, at first, paraded to
a dungeon at Tangier, exposed to the insults of assembled thousands,
of whom some spit in his face, others covered him with filth; and, on
reaching his temporary abode, his food consisted of the vilest aliments,
and his bed was the hard ground. From Tangier he was transferred to
Arsilla; but two hours before his departure he was placed on a platform,
and again subjected to the insults of the populace. All this he bore with
unshaken constancy. No ransom would be received by Salat, whose only
object was the recovery of his lost seat of government. But when the king
of Castile, Juan II, began to remonstrate against the detention of the
infante, and even to threaten hostilities unless a ransom were received
for him, the Moor, unwilling to incur the responsibility of his charge,
delivered it into the hands of his superior, the king of Fez. By that
tyrant Ferdinand was consigned to a subterraneous dungeon, excluded alike
from air and light. After some months, however, he was drawn from his
prison--doubtless, because his persecutors knew that a longer confinement
would soon place him beyond their reach--and made to work, like the
vilest slave, in the royal stables and gardens. In this situation he
heard of Dom Duarte’s death.

[Illustration: A PORTUGUESE NOBLEMAN OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

The victim was now subjected to new indignities. Not only was he deprived
of all food, except a crust of bread once in twenty-four hours, but he
was ironed, put to harder labour, and allowed no apparel beyond a rag,
for the modesty of nature. The relation of his sufferings at length moved
the pity of his brother Pedro, regent of the kingdom, who, in the name
of the royal Alfonso, despatched commissioners to Ceuta, to receive the
infante and to remit the keys of that fortress into the hands of the king
of Fez. But they soon found that the barbarian had further views; that
he insisted on the restoration of the place prior to the delivery of his
captive; that his object was to gain possession of their persons, and be
thereby enabled to dictate whatever terms he pleased. The negotiations
were abruptly ended, and the ill-fated prince transferred to his
dungeon, where he languished until 1443, when death put a period to his
sufferings. The constancy with which he bore them, his resignation to the
divine will, his sweetness of disposition are said to have endeared him
to his jailers; and his decease to have called forth the tardy compassion
of the royal Moor, who exclaimed that so good a man deserved to know the
true faith. His memory accordingly is, as it ought to be, revered in
Portugal; but that superstitious nation, not satisfied with the rational
sentiment, represents him as a martyr and saint--as one fully entitled to
the honours of semi-deification. Miracles[155] are recorded of him with
unblushing effrontery.

[Sidenote: [1438-1439 A.D.]]

The unfortunate issue of the African war, and the complaints of his
captive brother, most sensibly affected the heart of Duarte, over whom,
had his life been spared, fraternal affection would, doubtless, have
triumphed. That he meditated another expedition, and that he commenced
preparations on a formidable scale, is honourable to his heart: but his
subjects were thinned by the plague; commerce was suspended; the fields
remained uncultivated; the public revenues were exhausted, and the people
unwilling to make further sacrifices. In 1438 he was seized by the plague
at Thomar, whither he had retired to escape its fury, and in a few days
he breathed his last. This prince was worthy of a better fate. He had
qualities of a high order, he was enlightened, just, and patriotic; and
if virtue or talent would have controlled the course of human events, his
kingdom would have been happy.

THE REGENCY OF PEDRO

[Sidenote: [1439-1446 A.D.]]

Alfonso V, the eldest son of Duarte, being only six years of age on his
father’s death, the regency devolved, in conformity with the last will
of her husband, on the queen-mother, Leonora, a princess of excellent
disposition, but not exempted from the fickleness of her sex, and ill
qualified to rule a fierce people. To such a people, the sway even of
a native woman could scarcely have been agreeable; as a foreigner (a
princess of Aragon), she was peculiarly obnoxious. Seeing this general
discontent, some of the nobles, with three uncles of the king, resolved
to profit by it. Of the three infantes, the hostility of João was the
most bitter; of Henry the most disinterested; and of Pedro [duke of
Coimbra] the most politic, the most ambitious, and consequently the most
to be dreaded.

She offered to Dom Pedro to affiance his daughter Isabella with the
young king--an offer which he readily accepted, but which in no manner
interrupted his career of ambition. He procured, not only the sanction
of the deputies to the proposed marriage, but his recognition as joint
regent. At this crisis, Henry proposed in the states assembled at
Lisbon that the executive should be divided--that the education of the
king and the care of the finances should rest with the queen, that the
administration of justice should be intrusted to the count of Barcelos,
and that Pedro should be nominated protector of the kingdom. At first,
Leonora opposed this extraordinary expedient to satisfy the ambition
of the princes; but, finding that the populace were arming in great
multitudes to espouse the cause of their favourite, she was terrified
into submission.

To bring the great question to issue, the mob, the only authority then
subsisting, assembled in the church of St. Dominic, and swore that, until
Alfonso reached his majority, the government should rest in Dom Pedro;
that if Pedro died he should be succeeded in the office by his brother
Henry, and the latter by the infante João, and that thenceforward no
woman should be allowed to rule the Portuguese. Under the pretext that
the education of the young king, if left to her, must necessarily be
effeminate, and unfit him for his station, he was removed by a sudden
decree of the same cortes, from her care, and placed under that of the
regent.

The wisdom of Dom Pedro’s administration daily reconciled to it some
of his former enemies: he restored tranquillity, encouraged the
national industry, was indefatigable in his labours, and impartial
in his judgments. Grateful for the benefits he procured them, the
people of Lisbon would have erected a statue in his honour, had he not
rigorously forbidden them. He was too well acquainted with both history
and human nature not to know that popular favour is fleeting as the
wind. He observed that, if such a statue were erected, it would be one
day disfigured by the very hands which had made it. We are assured,
indeed, by a contemporary chronicler, Ruy de Pina,[i] that he had some
anticipation of the melancholy fate which awaited him. Yielding to the
representations of her pretended friends, Leonora openly erected the
standard of rebellion, and a civil war commenced: its horrors were
increased by a body of Castilians, who, at the instance of Leonora,
penetrated into the kingdom, and committed many ravages. In 1445, she
formally requested permission to return, to end her days with her
children; and her wish would doubtless have been gratified, had not death
surprised her at Toledo.[156]

In 1446, King Alfonso reached his fourteenth year--the period of his
majority. His first acts were regarded by the people as favourable
omens of his future administration, and, above all, of his disposition
to cultivate a good understanding with the regent. When, in the cortes
convoked for the occasion at Lisbon, Pedro resigned the delegated
authority into his hands, he desired the latter to retain it till he was
better able to bear the load; and he soon afterwards married Isabella, to
whom he had been affianced in his tenth year. But these buds of hope were
soon blighted. The regent was powerful; he therefore had enemies--and
enemies the more bitter, that there was now a master who could destroy
him with ease. Of these none were more vindictive or base than his
natural brother, the count de Barcelos, on whom he had just conferred
the lordship of Braganza, with the title of duke. No sooner did the
duke of Braganza perceive the secure place which he held in the king’s
affections, than he began to inveigh against the character and actions of
Pedro. These discourses, and the mention of his mother’s wrongs, which
were artfully distorted, made a deep impression on the king, who at
length regarded his father-in-law with abhorrence. The regent perceived
the change, and he requested permission to retire to Coimbra, of which he
was duke. His request was granted; and so also was another--an act, under
the royal signature and seal, approving the whole of his administration.

No sooner had he departed than a hundred reptiles darted their stings.
Among the new charges brought against him was one of poisoning the
late king and queen. In vain did the sage Henry hasten from his aërial
residence above Cape St. Vincent, to vindicate the character of his
brother; in vain did Dom Alfonso de Alamado, a nobleman of unsullied
honour, join in the chivalrous act--for chivalrous it was, when the lives
of both were threatened as their reward, if they did not immediately
retire from the court;[157] in vain did the latter challenge all who
dared to dispute Dom Pedro’s virtues to a mortal combat; in vain did
the royal Isabella plead her father’s innocence. Alfonso published an
edict debarring all his subjects from communication with the prince,
and ordering him to remain on his estates. His arms were next demanded:
these he refused to surrender. The duke of Braganza now assembled his
troops, and marched towards Coimbra; he was met at Penella by Dom Pedro,
before whose handful of friends he fled with ignominy. Again did his
daughter affectionately labour to avert his fate. In an agony of tears
she cast herself at her husband’s feet, and besought his pardon. Alfonso
was affected: he raised his queen, whom he tenderly loved, and promised
that if her father would acknowledge his crime, it should be forgiven.
More jealous of his honour than fond of life, the high-spirited prince
would acknowledge no crime, simply because he had none to acknowledge.
The incensed monarch tore the reply into pieces, and said, “Your father
wishes his destruction; he shall have his wish!”

[Sidenote: [1446-1455 A.D.]]

The duke left Coimbra with one thousand horse and five thousand foot, all
resolved to perish rather than permit a beloved leader to be oppressed;
and on their banners were engraven, “Fidelity! Justice! Vengeance!” The
king hastened to meet him with about thirty thousand veteran troops;
they approached each other on the banks of the Alfarrobeira (May 21st,
1449), above which was an eminence where Pedro entrenched himself. The
prince, who desperately sought the most dangerous post, and who evidently
resolved to sacrifice his life, fell through a wound in the throat. The
carnage which followed was terrific: the troops of the fallen infante,
intent on revenging his death and resolved on their own, would neither
give nor receive quarter; almost all fell on the field. The vengeance of
Alfonso passed beyond the grave: he ordered the corpse of Pedro to remain
on the ground, to be forever deprived of the last rites of humanity; but
in a few days some compassionate peasants, whose souls might have put to
shame the boasted chivalry of nobles, privately removed it, and interred
it in the church of Alverca. The descendants of all his adherents to
the fourth generation were declared infamous--incapable of holding any
public charge. The mob of Lisbon testified characteristic joy at his
catastrophe--a remarkable confirmation of his prudence in forbidding them
to erect the projected statue of him.

The death of this prince--the greatest whom Portugal had lately
seen--caused a deep sensation throughout Europe, and from Rome to Britain
drew forth nothing but execrations against his murderers. Through the
indignant remonstrances of the pope and of his brother-in-law, the duke
of Burgundy; through the increasing influence of his daughter, whose
virtues were appreciated by her husband, and whose efforts to honour
his memory were at length successful; and more still through the king’s
conviction of his innocence, in the fifth year from this tragedy his
bones were removed from their humble sepulchre, and were transferred
with great pomp to the mausoleum of the Portuguese kings. In 1455, the
queen suddenly sickened and died. That her death was the effect of poison
administered by her enemies, and the enemies of her father--among whom
were doubtless the detestable princes of Braganza--is the unshaken
opinion of her own times and of posterity.

[Sidenote: [1455-1475 A.D.]]

The disastrous captivity of the infante Ferdinand had sunk deep into
the heart of Alfonso, as into that of most princes of his family; and
the desire of revenge had been suspended, not abandoned. The reduction
of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453 had filled Christian Europe with
consternation, and had led to the formation of a general league, the
object of which was to drive back the misbelievers into their Asiatic
wilds. Alfonso’s original intention was to reduce the fortress of
Tangier, the siege of which had proved so unfortunate to the princes
Henry and Ferdinand; but the advice of a Portuguese noble determined
him to invest Alcacer-Seguier [or es-Seghir]. In September, 1457, the
armament, consisting of above two hundred vessels, and carrying twenty
thousand men, sailed from the three ports, effected a junction at sea,
and steered towards the Moorish coast.

The success which had attended the attack on Alcacer-Seguier animated
Alfonso to renew the attempt on Tangier. Accordingly, in 1464, he
sailed with another armament. The assault was repulsed with deplorable
loss; the flower of the Portuguese chivalry either perished on the
spot, or were compelled to surrender. The king himself had considerable
difficulty in effecting his escape. For some years the result of this
inglorious expedition seems to have inspired him with too much dread
to renew the attempt; but, in 1471, he embarked thirty thousand men on
board 308 transports, and proceeded to invest Arsilla, a fortress on the
Atlantic. The king himself, and his son the infante João, were among the
foremost in the assault. The Portuguese massacred all--as well those who
resisted as those who threw down their arms in token of submission--with
diabolical fury. In this work of destruction João was behind none of his
countrymen. Terrified by the fate of Arsilla, the inhabitants of Tangier
abandoned the city with all their movable substance. It was immediately
occupied by the Christians, and it was formed into an episcopal see.
From these successes, the Portuguese courtiers surnamed their king
Africanus--an epithet which, with any other people, would have been
considered a bitter satire. Throughout his operations in Africa he had
shown great incapacity, and had met with unparalleled reverses; nor were
the successes recently obtained in any way attributable to his valour or
abilities, but to those of his generals and his son. The latter, who had
attained his sixteenth year, was knighted on this occasion.[e]

ALFONSO V AND LA BELTRANEJA

We have now reached a shameful page in the history of Portugal. A vision
passed through the brain of Alfonso V of uniting beneath his sceptre the
kingdoms of Portugal and Castile. He thought to realise his dream by
marrying his niece Doña Juana, daughter of his sister Doña Juana and of
King Henry IV of Castile, who would succeed to that throne upon the death
of her father. But Alfonso V was too faint-hearted and too unskilful a
politician for so great an ambition, which had already turned the weak
head of his predecessor Ferdinand I.

[Sidenote: [1475-1479 A.D.]]

On the death of Henry IV of Castile his daughter Doña Juana inherited
the throne, she having been recognised and sworn queen of Castile even
during her father’s life. Nevertheless Ferdinand, king of Aragon, who
was married to Isabella of Castile, disputed her claim. It was then
that Alfonso V sought to unite upon his own head the crown of Portugal
and Castile by marrying his niece, the queen Doña Juana. The marriage
took place by proxy at Palencia, in May, 1475. The pope, Paul II, was
prevailed upon to grant the dispensation of consanguinity, but it was
immediately revoked by his successor, Sixtus IV.

How different was the character of Alfonso V from that of some of his
predecessors! How weak was his policy! The grandson of João I never even
completed his marriage, in spite of his ambition to be king of Portugal
and Castile, Doña Juana having been recognised and sworn queen of Castile
even during her father’s life. What a difference between Alfonso V and
his predecessor Alfonso III, who mocked at Rome and the pontiff, married
one wife, with another living, raised one queen and deposed another, in
spite of the excommunications of the Vatican, creating a strong faction
in Portugal and getting himself proclaimed king; politically availing
himself of every element in and out of the country to accomplish his
ends, and only repenting on his death-bed, when he had won everything.
It might be said that the cold British blood of his grandmother Philippa
of Lancaster was still dominant in Alfonso V who, according to certain
chronicles, observed complete chastity after the death of his wife, Queen
Isabella.

[Illustration: A PORTUGUESE WOMAN OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

In the meantime intrigues were active in Spain; one argument, on which
great stress was laid against the claims of Alfonso V, was that Juana
was the child of adultery, for the faction of Ferdinand and Isabella
of Aragon never wearied of repeating that she was not the daughter of
Henry IV of Castile, but of Beltran de la Cuenca [whence she was called
the Beltraneja], making great sport of the dissolute morals of Juana,
the sister of the king of Portugal, and mother of his bride. In the end
the two factions came to blows. The fortune of war went against the
Portuguese, who were defeated at the battle of Toro in 1476, in spite of
the prodigies of valour performed in this battle by the infante Dom João,
heir to the throne.

[Sidenote: [1479-1483 A.D.]]

Defeated in battle, Alfonso V attempted to gain his end by policy,
for which he had not the necessary dexterity. He bethought himself of
attempting to persuade Louis XI, king of France, to take his part and
give him the help and protection of his troops to place the crowns of
Portugal and Castile upon his head. The king of France remained unmoved,
although the king of Portugal went in person to solicit his help. In
disgust Alfonso V announced his intention of visiting Palestine, and
declared to his son, Prince João, whom he had appointed regent during his
absence from Spain, that in such a case he should be proclaimed king. But
he returned unexpectedly in 1477, and on the 14th of September, 1479,
signed the peace with Castile at Alcantara--a shameful treaty, by which
the king of Portugal abandoned his wife, who was forced to become a nun
and exchange the crown for the veil. She entered the convent of St. Clair
in Santarem in 1479, afterwards passing to the convent of St. Clair of
Coimbra, where she was professed on the 17th of November, 1480. In the
meanwhile the negotiations were so prolonged that the prince Dom João
lost patience, and with his impulsive disposition took upon himself to
send the Castilian ambassadors two documents, one declaring for peace
and the other for war, bidding them choose without further parley. Upon
this final resolution, the Castilians concluded the negotiations. Greater
energy on the part of Alfonso V might perhaps, even at the end of the
dispute, have obtained less shameful and degrading conditions of peace.
Alfonso V, crushed and reduced to the last extremity of consternation,
was resolved to convoke the cortes and abdicate in favour of his son,
when he fell sick of the plague at Cintra, and died in the very room of
the palace in which he was born, on the 28th of August, 1481.[k]

With the exception of the accidental success in Africa, his reign was
almost uniformly disastrous--a misfortune more owing to the deplorable
weakness of his character than to any other cause. He founded the order
of the Tower and Sword, under the invocation of Santiago, and was a great
patron of literature; he was the first of the Portuguese kings to collect
a library, and to order the national history to be treated by competent
writers. His reign is, however, somewhat redeemed by the discoveries of
the infante Henry, who, from his residence at Tagus, continued to fix his
eyes intently on the maritime regions of western Africa. Through this
enlightened prince, the Azores, with the Madeiras, the Canaries, Cape de
Verd, and other islands west of that great continent were discovered or
colonised. The discovery of the Cape de Verd, the last which illustrated
the life of Henry, was owing to the enterprise of a Genoese, Antonio
Nolle, who had derived a confused knowledge of their existence from the
ancient geographers, and who, from some dissatisfaction with his own
country, offered his services to the prince. Having coasted from Morocco
to Cape de Verd, he deviated westwards and soon fell in with the islands,
which he called after the cape of that name.[e]

REIGN OF JOÃO II “THE PERFECT”

[Sidenote: [1481-1495 A.D.]]

Dom João II was now proclaimed king. His accession to the throne was the
signal for a despotic war against the aristocracy and the territorial
influence of magnates. João began by convoking the cortes at Evora in
1481. A law was then published introducing a new oath to be taken by all
the chief alcaides and holders of grants. The restrictions placed upon
the criminal jurisdiction of the nobility, the examination of grants, and
the diminution of the political influence of the nobles, produced great
discontent among the aristocracy, which gave rise to intrigues, plots,
and conspiracies, which João II, following the example of Louis XI of
France, repressed with all severity, not sparing blood nor executions
even of his own kindred. Under these circumstances João II seized the
opportunity of satisfying his vengeance and giving vent to the hatred
which he had nourished for many years against the duke of Braganza, Dom
Ferdinand, his second cousin, who was married to his wife’s sister. He
had him publicly beheaded at Evora on the 22nd of June, 1483; he is now
judged to have been innocent of the crime of high treason imputed to him.

In the following year, João II with his own hands plunged a dagger into
the breast of the duke of Viseu, his cousin and brother-in-law, in the
palace of Setubal, for having conspired against him. After his death the
duke was judged and condemned (a ludicrous determination of the despotic
monarch) and his accomplices executed. The bishop of Evora, who was
accused of being concerned in the conspiracy, was ordered to be thrown
into a well; and more than eighty nobles and fidalgoes paid with their
lives for the opposition which they made or were accused of making to the
king’s policy. It was the second time that the assassin’s dagger had been
publicly used in Portugal in the royal palace, by a prince upon whose
brow the crown of the kingdom was to rest. Both the royal assassins were
excellent kings, who governed the country diligently with courage and
wisdom, raised it and gave it prosperity. In the case of the blow struck
by João II, it is to be noted that it was dealt to a subject whom the
king might easily have committed to a proper trial, with the certainty
of finding judges who would condemn those guilty of high treason. To
lessen the awful impression which these extraordinary assassinations make
upon the mind and the stain which they leave upon the memory of these
monarchs, it is necessary to consider the political circumstances and
the ideas and customs of those times. Things inadmissible to our present
civilisation were not so to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries--above
all when the deed was that of an absolute king who had to render an
account to God alone.

There is no doubt that the wealth and therefore the influence
successively acquired by the nobility had reached such a pitch that
they absorbed the best revenues of the land, vexing the people by the
insolence, cupidity, and abuses which oppressed the vassals of the great
lords and proprietors, though Portugal happily never suffered the terrors
of feudalism. This excessive power of the nobles dated from the time
of João I, who was forced to create a new aristocracy to enable him to
combat the king of Castile, most of the old nobility having joined the
Castilian banners, and to liberally divide the property of the crown with
those who were faithful to his cause. The king afterwards endeavoured to
obviate the inconvenience of these excessive grants by the “mental law”
(_lei mental_), which, without revoking the grants already made to the
possessions thereof and their lawful descendants, put great restrictions
upon the alienation of such property. The mental law, published only in
the reign of Dom Duarte, did not have the desired result; the infante Dom
Pedro, during his troubled regency, was forced to make concessions which
decreased the patrimony of the crown.

But the reign of Alfonso V was above all disastrous upon this point, as
we have said; it was the best time for the nobles and holders of grants.
To remunerate the nobles who fought at his side, the luckless pretender
to the throne of Castile considered nothing too much--titles, favours,
grants, salaries, pensions, allowances, marriage dowries, education of
the children of nobles, gratifications for ordinary and extraordinary
services, real or pretended; everything was conceded with liberality
and profusion by the monarch who was called the African, but might more
properly have been called the Prodigal.[158]

The internal political situation as well as the state of the treasury
called for an effectual remedy, and it is certain that only an energetic,
inflexible, and dauntless character such as that of João II could have
applied by sheer force a prompt though violent remedy. It may therefore
be said that the king, who was called “the perfect prince,” rendered a
memorable service to the country by the tremendous blow which he struck
at the aristocracy and territorial power, restoring freedom of action to
the crown, and liberating the public exchequer from the heavy charges
and expenses placed upon it by the nobility. It is not surprising that
in this struggle between the crown and the nobility the middle classes
and the people should be found on the side of the king, since he made the
offences, sufferings, oppression, complaints, and petitions represented
by the deputies of the councils in the cortes of 1481 his chief pretext
and principal weapon in declaring mortal war against the aristocracy and
allying himself with the people.

Thus there was a firm alliance between the king and the people, although
João II convoked the cortes only three times during his reign, and the
crown and councils were generally on the best of terms. On the 12th of
July, 1491, the prince Dom Alfonso went hunting in Almeirim, and as he
was galloping at nightfall the horse took fright at some object which lay
across the path, and fell, dragging the prince with him. He was picked
up speechless and unconscious, and carried to a fisherman’s hut where he
died a few hours later in the arms of his father, mother, and wife.

This untimely death was a great affliction to the king and queen of
Portugal, especially to João II, who thereby lost his hope of an heir to
his throne; for by the death of Prince Alfonso the right of succession
fell upon Dom Emmanuel, duke of Beja, the brother of Queen Leonora and of
the duke of Viseu whom he had stabbed at Setubal. The thought that the
crown of Portugal would pass to his wife’s family oppressed and tormented
João II. The probability that his brother-in-law Dom Emmanuel (Manoel),
the duke of Beja, whom he hated, would be king of Portugal, put his
cousin the king beside himself. In this affliction João II thought of
having his natural son Jorge [or George] acknowledged as his successor.
Jorge was master of the orders of Santiago and Aviz, and duke of Coimbra.
But Dom João did not carry out his intention; he remembered the precedent
of João I, but the clear judgment of his wife, Donna Leonora, pointed out
to him that the circumstances were very different; on the one hand there
was no fear of foreign invasion as in the days of the master of Aviz,
while on the other hand the king had left wounds still unhealed from his
war against the aristocracy. Upon the death of João II, 1495, Dom Jorge
had not sufficient partisans to secure to him the crown which his father
so earnestly longed to bequeath him.[k]

_Character of João II_

João was a great prince--comprehensive in his views, vigorous in the
execution of his designs, as he was cautious and politic in their
formation; zealous for justice, and for the happiness of his people.
That zeal, however, sometimes degenerated into vengeance, and was
sometimes disarmed by capricious clemency. But his character will be
better conceived from a few striking traits or sayings (and many such are
recorded of him) than from any description.

He placed little value on the recommendations of his nobles; and a
favour solicited through their medium was almost sure to be denied.
But he was fond of honouring and rewarding merit, especially when, as
is generally the case, that merit was dumb.[159] To a faithful and
valiant knight he one day observed: “You have hands to serve me; have
you no tongue to request a recompense?” Being at dinner, he was once
served among others by Dom Pedro de Melo, a knight of great prowess, who
was better fitted for handling the sword than a dish in the palace of
princes, and let fall a large vessel of water, which sprinkled some of
the courtiers, and made others laugh. “Why do you laugh?” inquired the
king; “Dom Pedro has dropped a vessel of water, but he never dropped his
lance!” He had borrowed money of a rich merchant at Tavira, to whom,
at the expiration of the stipulated period, he returned it with legal
interest. The merchant--a wonderful instance of disinterestedness in
such a capacity--refused to receive more than the principal; João sent
double interest, with the order to continue doubling it as often as the
merchant should persist in the refusal. In one of his public edicts, with
the view of recruiting his cavalry, he ordered all his subjects to be in
readiness to furnish excellent war-horses. The churchmen pleaded their
immunities, and some of them went so far as to say that they were not his
subjects but those of the pope. To punish them in the way they deserved,
João loudly asserted that he had never regarded them as subjects; and
by another ordinance he forbade all smiths and farriers to shoe their
mules and horses--a measure which soon compelled them to submit. The
monopolists in corn had created an artificial famine by purchasing and
piling in their warehouses all the grain in the kingdom, which they
refused to sell under an exorbitant price. By a royal ordinance the
people were forbidden to purchase from these dealers, and the Castilians
were permitted to import in whatever quantities they pleased; the
kingdom soon teemed with abundance, and the monopolists were ruined.
He was a great enemy to detraction. One praised a recent feat of arms
of a Portuguese governor in Africa: another attempted to detract from
it by saying that the success was merely owing to chance. “That may
be,” observed the king: “but how is it that such chance never happens
to anyone else?” Nor was he less jealous of his dignity with foreign
princes than with his own subjects. A Portuguese vessel had been captured
by some French pirates: he ordered all the French vessels in his ports
to be seized. The owners complained to their king, Charles VIII, who
immediately punished the pirates, and caused their prize to be restored.
It was found, however, that a parrot had not been restored with the rest,
and he insisted that every vessel should be retained until the bird were
produced. In short, the success of his administration was unrivalled; he
introduced industry and comfort among his people; added largely to the
national resources; and was in many respects the greatest monarch that
ever swayed the sceptre of Portugal.

[Illustration: A PORTUGUESE CAPTAIN OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY]

In the reign of this prince, the Portuguese spirit of maritime enterprise
was carried to a high pitch--a spirit which, except in one instance,[160]
he was always anxious to foster. His first care was to found a fort on
the coast of Guinea, which had been discovered during the preceding
reign, for the purpose of maintaining a permanent commercial intercourse
with the natives. The barbarian king, who had entered into an alliance
with the strangers, consented to the erection of the fortress. From
this moment Portugal, or rather her monarchs, derived a great revenue
in ivory and gold from this unknown coast; so great, indeed, that he
feared lest the vessels of other European nations should be attracted
to it. To damp their avidity, he took care that the voyage should be
represented not merely as difficult, but as in the highest degree
dangerous; and as impossible to be undertaken in regular ships; in any
other than the flat-bottomed round smacks at that time peculiar to
Portugal. The secret, however, was near coming to the knowledge of the
vigilant monarch of Castile, who suspected the truth, and who longed to
obtain a settlement on the same coast. In the hope of a princely reward,
a Portuguese captain and two pilots proceeded to Castile. They were
pursued into the neighbouring territory by the agents of João; and, as
they refused to obey the summons of recall, two were killed on the spot,
and the third brought back to Evora, where he was quartered. The severity
of this punishment sank deep into the minds of the other pilots, and
retained them in the service of their own sovereign. And when João heard
that vessels were constructing in the English ports, unknown to Edward
IV, and at the cost of the duke de Medina Sidonia, for an expedition to
Ethiopia,--so the Portuguese termed all central Africa from the Nile
to the western coast,--he sent an embassy to the English monarch, whom
he reminded of the ancient alliance between the two crowns, and whom
he easily induced to prohibit the preparations. In a short time, the
fortress of São Jorge da Mina (Elmina) became a considerable city, and
afterwards infamous from the traffic in slaves.

But this was only the beginning of Portuguese enterprise. The king
had been taught to suspect that by coasting the African continent a
passage to the East Indies might be discovered; and he not only equipped
two small squadrons expressly for this object, but despatched two of
his subjects (Pedro de Covilhão and Alfonso de Payva) into India and
Abyssinia, to discover the route to and between these vast regions, and
what advantages Portuguese commerce might derive from the knowledge thus
acquired.

PROGRESS IN DISCOVERY

[Sidenote: [1487-1497 A.D.]]

The discoveries of Covilhão encouraged João to attempt the passage
to India. One of the squadrons--that under João Alfonso de
Aveiro--discovered the kingdom of Benin. The other, under Cam, was more
fortunate. Crossing the equinox, he arrived at the mouth of the Congo.
He coasted two hundred leagues further to the south; but finding no
cape, he returned to Congo, and was honourably received by the barbarian
king, whom he disposed to Christianity, and impressed with a favourable
idea of European civilisation. His departure affected the half convert,
who besought him to return with missionaries, and who at the same time
permitted several natives to accompany him, for the purpose of being
thoroughly instructed in the new faith. By the Portuguese king and court
they were received with great joy, and at their express desire were soon
regenerated in the waters of baptism, he, his queen, and many of the
nobles standing sponsors at the font. After a residence of two years
in Europe, they returned to Congo, accompanied by several monks, some
mechanics and agricultural labourers, and an embassy, headed by Ruy
de Sousa. Hundreds repaired to the missionaries for instruction; the
idols were broken or removed; a church was built, and mass celebrated
with imposing pomp. But to renounce worldly pleasures, and to mortify
the strongest passions, to forego the privilege of many wives, and the
gratification of revenge--were too much for these licentious barbarians.
By degrees the new faith changed, and was finally extinguished.

Though no paramount advantage was derived from the alliance with Congo,
the discoveries of Cam led to a solid one--that of the Cape of Good
Hope. This memorable discovery was made in 1487, by Bartholomeu Dias,
an officer of equal enterprise and experience. The high winds and still
higher seas which assailed this vast promontory induced the captain to
call it the Cape of Storms; but João, who had more extended views, called
it O Cabo da Boa Esperança, or the Cape of Good Hope. On this occasion
Dias ventured little beyond the promontory; nor was it passed by any
vessel until the following reign, when the famous Vasco da Gama doubled
it on his voyage to India.[e]

_Martius’ Account of Vasco and Cabral_

[Sidenote: [1497 A.D.]]

To Covilhão belongs the honour of marking the itinerary of the voyage to
India, asserting that the East might be reached by the south of Africa.
In the letters which he sent from Cairo, he said that ships navigating
along the coast of Guinea would ultimately reach the extreme south of the
African continent; and from thence steering east in the direction of the
island of Lua, by Sofala, would find themselves on the way to India. From
this and other information received, was composed the plan of the daring
expedition of 1497, the destined course of which was first Kalikodu
or Calecut (Calicut), as it was called then, and from thence to where
Covilhão was. Vasco da Gama was chosen by Dom Emmanuel (Dom João II had
then been dead three years) to command the expedition. He was a daring
but prudent man, uniting the qualities of a soldier and sailor, a thing
common at that time and even later. The same thing applies to Alfonso de
Albuquerque, Dom João de Castro, and many others. Such a combination had
a decided advantage; the separation of these qualities did not come to
embarrass their plans; there was unity in the command, for the captain
was likewise pilot.

The greatest judgment and prudence directed the preparations for the
expedition. The information sent by Covilhão was weighed and considered
and compared with that previously obtained. Charts and maps were
examined, and Bartholomeu Dias himself related what had befallen him, the
obstacles which he had encountered, and the difficulties which must be
overcome. With his vast experience he directed the building of the ships,
doing away with exaggerated dimensions, and insisting on the strength of
the ribs. The discoverer of the cape was to accompany the expedition as
far as São Jorge da Mina, and remain there to carry on the gold trade.
There were four small ships, that they might be able to enter all the
ports, explore every creek, pass over shoals, and cruise along the coast.
Their construction was strong and perfect, such as had never been seen
before.

They carried six freestone columns carved with the Portuguese arms, and
the armillary sphere which the king had adopted as his emblem. One was to
be set up at the bay of St. Braz, another at the mouth of the Zambesi,
another in Mozambique, another in Calicut, and another in the island of
Santa Maria. There were two chaplains on board each ship; negro, Kaffir,
and Arab interpreters, ten convicts for any sacrifice that might be
necessary, and finally 148 soldiers. The best pilots had been chosen and
the king would allow nothing to be spared. He came in person to view the
ships on the stocks, and remained conversing with the masters, listening
to the observations of Bartholomeu and Pedro Dias, and Vasco da Gama, who
showed him the new astrolabe of Behaim, a rough triangle of wood but very
effectual.

The three ships bore the names of the three archangels: _S. Gabriel_
the _capitanea_ of 120 tons; _S. Miguel_ (formerly _Berrio)_, and _S.
Raphael_ of 100 tons. The name of the fourth, of 200 tons, is unknown.
At the end of June they were all finished and ready, and rode at anchor
before the church of Restello, where the captains watched all the night
of the 7th of July. The next day, after mass, accompanied by the king and
all the people of the city, singing, with tapers in their hands, they all
went in procession to the shore and there embarked. Camoens says that at
that moment:

But now an aged sire of reverend mien,
Upon the foreshore thronged by the crowds,
With lore by long experience only grown,
Thus from his time-taught breast he made his moan:
“O curst the mortal who the first was found,
Teaching the tree to wear the flowing sheet.”

--_The Lusiads_, Burton’s translation.

Indeed many in their hearts strongly condemned the persistency of the
monarchs in sacrificing men and money to this chimera of navigation.
The cold and tardy prudence born of past experience did not believe
success possible after so many vain attempts. The result was to prove the
contrary; but the words of the poet prophesied the fatal consequences of
an empire which all, both daring and prudent, were ready to acclaim upon
the return of Vasco da Gama. Camoens, watching the decline of the sun,
could relate the hunger endured at sea, the tempests, shipwrecks, and
wanderings in the burning lands of the terrible Adamastor, and the trail
of white skeletons left across the sands of both Africas--a rosary of
mournful tragedies. He could relate how waves of tyranny and crime from
that Indian sea stretched out to Europe to overwhelm Portugal with their
slime.

They were three months reaching St. Helena Bay (Nov. 7th). They landed
to take the sun with their astrolabe, the rolling of the ship preventing
them from doing so on board; here they had several skirmishes with the
natives, and set out again at last upon the 16th of November. On the 19th
they came in sight of Cape Tormentoso, or of Good Hope, both names being
fully justified on this occasion. For three days they were beaten about
by tempests. The wind and waves were such that the upper parts of the
ships were under water, and it could scarcely be seen if they advanced
upon the waves or were wrapped around by them. Upon the stern castles the
ships had painted pictures of the saints whose name they bore, and when
the raging sea flung the pictures on to the tilt the crews grew pale with
horror. It was a bad omen, for it seemed as if they were deserted by the
divine favour. Fierce and angry seas washed over the poops, dashing the
boats against the sides of the ships and damaging the helms. They furled
the sails, cut down the tilt, and began to throw the cargo overboard. At
last the weather cleared.

Having doubled the cape, they entered the bay of St. Braz, where the
calms detained them until the 7th of the following month. Navigating
for a week along the southern coast of Africa, on the 15th they reached
the Chaos Islands, the farthest point reached by Bartholomeu Dias. Then
they began to follow the instructions of Covilhão, the pilot absent in
the lands of the mythical Prester John, of whom they were in search.
They wished to proceed along the coast, but the currents, which were a
great danger, carried them towards the vast and unknown southern sea.
The sailors rebelled in vain; Vasco da Gama, like an inexorable destiny
prudent in his audacity, overcame the currents and revolts.

[Sidenote: [1497-1498 A.D.]]

At last they got out of the “sea of darkness” (_mar tenebroso_), and then
only could the terrific cape be looked upon as overcome. The tempests and
the currents grew still. By day there was calm with the sky of purest
blue; by night, several times the light of S. Pedro Gonçalves, the St.
Elmo of Lisbon, shone above the tops of the masts. All promised fair
weather. They climbed the masts to see the marks of the miracle, and
brought back with great devotion the droppings of green wax left by the
saint.

On January 10th, 1498, they touched land at Inhambane, and had some
intercourse with the Kaffirs; on the 22nd they had reached Quilimane
(Kilimane), where “noblemen” came on board to visit them, with turbans of
worked silk upon their heads.

India was reached for the first time. They saw men of divers nations,
and traces of that distant civilisation so eagerly sought for. They had
emerged from the African sea, and from the heavy shadow of the dark
continent. Yet these “noblemen” whom they gazed upon almost with love,
regarding them as brothers, were to be their cruelest enemies. They
reached Mozambique on the 2nd of March. Around the fleet at anchor came
the native vessels, without decks or sails. The Moors came to trade
with them. The sultan in person wished to compliment Vasco da Gama, who
received him on board. The sultan proved perfidious, and the fleet,
without the pilots, cruised along the coast to Mombasa (on the 8th of
April), where chance alone saved it from the plot which the Moors had
prepared against it; they had already recognised dangerous competitors
in these men who had come over the sea to these regions, which had
until then been the undisputed possession of Arabia, Egypt, and Nubia.
Saved by a miracle, Vasco da Gama went on to Melinde (15th), where the
sultan received him well; but not trusting these “noblemen” of Zanzibar,
he availed himself of a Moor who had remained on board at Mozambique,
and who chanced to know the way to Calicut. They put to sea, and in
twenty-seven days (24th of April to the 19th of May), they were in India.
The voyage had lasted ten months and eleven days.

It was now that their wonder reached its limit. Everything they had seen
as yet gave not a distant idea of what they now saw upon their landing.
The natural pomp and splendour of the East filled them with surprise and
cupidity. In their religious ignorance they saw everywhere the Christians
of Prester John. The natives adored the Virgin Mary, and the Portuguese
also prostrated themselves before our Lady, in the person of Gauri, the
white goddess, Sakti of Siva, the destroyer. This confusion, increased
by the fact of not understanding each other’s speech, occasioned scenes
ingenuously comical. Some who were doubtful, remarked that if the idols
were devils their prayer was intended for God alone, quieting their
consciences by this mental reservation. To increase their amazement,
there came to them a Moor who spoke in Portuguese, “Good luck! good luck!
Many rubies, many emeralds!”

From Lisbon to India was but a short distance, for the feelings have no
measure. They were all Christians, they also had kings. The world was all
one and man the same everywhere. The ingenuous way in which the greatest
things were accomplished is the greatest proof of the heroic strength of
these men of the Renaissance.

[Sidenote: [1498-1500 A.D.]]

At that time India--and by that name we designate all the coasts
and islands included between the meridians of Suez and Tidore, and
between 20° south latitude and 30° north latitude, the scene of the
Portuguese campaigns--in India, we say, foreign races held a kind of
dominion resembling in all things that which afterwards belonged to the
Portuguese--a commercial-maritime monopoly, and consequently, factories,
colonies, and states. The races they were about to dispossess of this
dominion were the Arabs, the Ethiopians, Persians, Turks, and Afghans,
who, coming down from the Red and the Arabian seas, and confounded in
the religious wave of Islam, had subjugated the peninsula from the Indus
to the Ganges, and eastern Africa from Adal to Monomotapa. Extending
themselves to the extreme east, they reached as far as Cambodia and
Tidore in the Moluccas, across Arakan and Pegu, from the peninsula of
Malacca (Malay peninsula), and from Burma and Shan (Siam) into the
continent, through Sumatra and Borneo and the middle of the Sunda
archipelago. The Portuguese called all the natives Moors, a generic term
already in use in Europe to denote the followers of Islam, and therefore
now adopted when, having come from afar and traversed so many seas, they
again found themselves face to face with the Turk, the opponent of the
Christian throughout the world.

“The devil take you! What brought you here!” was the compliment addressed
to the Portuguese by a Moor in Calicut; and in Mozambique and Mombasa
the Moors (we will henceforward use this word as a generic term, as
aforesaid) persuaded or forced Samundri Rajah (Zamorin) king or count
(India was under a pseudo-feudal rule) of Calicut, to exterminate the
Portuguese. Calicut was the commercial empire of the coast of Malabar,
and the dominions of the rajah formed the so-called kingdom of Kanara.

It was an easy matter no doubt to persuade the ruler that Vasco da Gama
was a pirate and his king a myth; certainly the Moors of Calicut defined,
in advance and unawares, the Portuguese dominion, which differed from
common piracy only in that it was rapine organised by a political state.
Convinced or constrained, the rajah ordered the navigators to be pursued,
but they embarked and defended themselves, August 30th. After remaining
some months in the island of Anjediva, upon the coast, Vasco da Gama
resolved to return and set sail for Portugal on the 10th of July, 1498. A
year later on the same date he reached Lisbon. Great was the enthusiasm.
Dom Emmanuel also had his Indies, and Portugal her Columbus. But what
tidings of Prester John? And what of Covilhão? None. The navigator had
succeeded in overcoming the cape and discovering India, but he had not
succeeded in solving the enigma which at that time had baffled their
search for three centuries. This was of small account in history. The
essential point was the solving of a greater enigma--that of the “dark
ocean.” Little was now wanting; in twenty years there would not remain
an unknown corner of land in the whole circumference of the globe, nor
a span unexplored in the vast expanse of seas. “Under the wild waves to
learn the secrets of the earth, and the mysteries and illusions of the
sea,” the Portuguese with heroic curiosity took in their hands the future
of Europe and of the world. In the year after the discovery of India,
Pedro Alvares Cabral, who was sent thither with an imposing fleet, could
not resist the temptation of curiosity. Steering east in the Atlantic
a question constantly tormented him--what lay to the west? In that
direction Columbus had discovered the Indies in the northern hemisphere;
were there not perhaps Indies in the southern hemisphere also? He
steered west to explore--what were a few months more or less in the long
journey to the east? Thus he discovered Brazil; the western land lay
from the extreme north to the extreme south, extending through the two
hemispheres. Not till then could it be said that America was completely
discovered (1500).

The news of the discovery of new lands made little impression in Lisbon;
the fervent desire of the court was the discovery of the Prester, the
enchanted Prester John, in order to make a good alliance with him and
bring to Portugal a little at least of those good things which Vasco da
Gama had seen with his own eyes, the report of which inflamed the whole
nation with cupidity. Cabral was sent for this purpose, not to discover
lands; the names in their repertory were now barely sufficient to
designate the islands, capes, ports, bays, coasts, and continents. Their
desires were set on other things; other hopes seethed within them: “Good
luck! good luck! Many rubies, many emeralds!”

It was resolved to send a fleet to India, for now that the way was known
there was nothing to fear and no reason to diminish the number or tonnage
of the ships. Pedro Alvares Cabral was appointed admiral of the fleet,
which consisted of thirteen ships and carried twelve hundred men. The
fleet raised anchor in the Tagus on the 9th of March, 1500. The shouts
of the sailors as they worked at the capstan in unison, a sound as sad
and mournful as the sea; the low murmur of the cables in the hawses; the
whistle of the masters as they directed the manœuvres; the many-coloured
flags flying in the breeze; the sails half-furled upon the masts, made a
vivid picture of the nation which in the year 1500 was also setting out,
shriven and well-disposed, upon this long voyage of a little more than
a century, full of disease and shipwreck, at the end of which waited a
tomb vast as the sea and silent as the ocean in the funereal calm of the
tropics.

Cabral’s voyage, besides beginning the Portuguese dominion in India,
had really two desirable results: it swept away the two legends of
Prester John and of the “sea of darkness.” He discovered Brazil and
returned to tell Emmanuel that the supposed emperor of the East was a
miserable black heathen king, intrenched in the inaccessible mountains of
Abyssinia. In pursuit of a myth, drawn by an abyss, Portugal discovered
the continents and islands of the Atlantic and reached India. For the
sake of an illusion they achieved the reality which struck the world
with wonder. The world is a mirage and men are but shadows borne upon
the cunning winds of destiny. With the lands discovered and the seas
ploughed from east to west, it still remained to unite these two halves
of the known world, and sail round them, to make sure that they lay whole
and complete in the hands of men. This was the effect of the voyage of
Magellan (Magalhães) twenty years after. The sea was dark no more, the
great conquest was complete. But a new enterprise now revealed itself--to
devour what was discovered, to assimilate the world. The whole of
Portugal embarked for India in Cabral’s fleet.

THE CONQUEST OF INDIA

[Sidenote: [1500-1502 A.D.]]

On the 13th of September of the year 1500, Cabral reached Calicut. He
went, not like Vasco da Gama, as a discoverer, but as the emissary of
the noble Portuguese monarch, the bearer of his letters and proposals of
alliance to the rajah of Calicut. As such he was received in a solemn
audience. The Portuguese, donning their richest clothes and their best
and brightest arms, thought to make an impression upon the Eastern
potentate by their riches; but the representatives of Europe, poor and
strong, were to be outdone by the magnificence of opulent India. The
polish of their arms was dimmed by the blaze of precious stones “whose
rays were blinding.”

The rajah was borne in a palanquin, or litter, upon the shoulders of his
nobles, reclining upon silken cushions among coverlets worked in gold
thread, falling in folds and edged with borders encrusted with precious
stones. The litter advanced slowly, under a silken canopy fringed with
gold, and within this double tabernacle appeared the black rajah, covered
with precious stones. It was blinding to look upon him. On each side of
the canopy were pages stirring the air with fans of peacock feathers, and
beside the palanquin came those who bore the insignia of royalty--the
sword and dagger, the foil of gold, the symbolical lily-flower, the ewer
of water, and finally the cup into which the king spat the betel, the
chewing of which makes the teeth pink, and gives “a most sweet breath.”

Throughout the whole length of the procession and bringing up the rear
were bands of musicians rending the air with their drums, tom-toms of
gold and silver suspended by cords from poles of bamboo, and enormous
trumpets, some straight and some curved, raised in the air, which gave
the musicians the appearance of elephants with golden trunks, their flags
encrusted with rubies and emeralds.

The reception was conducted with solemnity on either side, although they
could not understand each other well; the scribes displayed in vain their
long palm leaves covered with writing; the Portuguese by signs indicated
their wish to establish factories there. The scribes gradually came to
understand, and distrusted; and the Portuguese also distrusted the smiles
of the rajah. In spite of this, however, their request was granted,
and Cabral founded the first Portuguese factory in India at Calicut.
Afterwards the Moors came and exclaimed against the intruders who were
despoiling them, and, favoured by the natives, fell upon the factory,
murdering all the Portuguese therein--fifty in all. Then followed
the terrible vengeance of the admiral. He took ten ships of the Arab
merchants, and put the crews, five hundred men, to the sword; bombarded
the city, and set it on fire.

The burning of Calicut on the 16th of December, 1500, was the gloomy
dawn of modern oriental history. In the middle of January (1501) Cabral
loaded his ships with pepper and cinnamon and returned to the kingdom.
Of the thirteen ships with which he set out a year before, barely three
returned with him. The terrible enemy though conquered was not subdued,
and this first expedition to India, the first act of a tragedy of more
than a century, sketched out the course of its action; assassination,
fire, massacre, shipwreck; the sword and pepper; the soldier’s arms in
one hand, the merchant’s scales in the other--a modern Carthage; and in
the background the open maw of the sea, ready to devour men, ships, and
treasure; a perennial fount of vice pouring forth torrents of wickedness.

To inflict a terrible chastisement upon the rajah and to consolidate
the factory of Cochin by fortifying it, was the object of the second
fleet which set out from Lisbon in February, 1502, under the command of
Vasco da Gama, the implacable captain. The story of the voyage is full
of horror; and the revenge of the captain a proof of the sanguinary,
impassive, and cruel coldness which does indeed exist in the almost
African temperament of the Portuguese. Obliterated in peace and
subjection it ever bursts out afresh in dominion, victory, and warfare.
If such sentiments, alive in the soul of Gama, inspired his actions,
his campaign followed no plan, nor could his rude spirit entertain the
wide views of the statesman. If he had any plan in view, it was to amaze
India by the cruelty of his deeds, and dominate it by the terror of
his slaughters. Navigating the Indian seas, Gama met a ship of Arabian
merchants going to or coming from Mecca. Besides the crew the ship
carried 240 men, passengers with their wives and children. This was on
the 1st of October, 1502; “which I shall remember all my life,” wrote the
pilot, still horror-stricken at the remembrance of the cowardly way in
which the ship was set on fire with all whom it contained, so that every
soul perished in the flames or in the sea. Well pleased with himself,
the captain steered for Calicut. He intimated to the rajah that he must
expel all the Moors, who numbered five thousand families, the richest in
the city; saying that any servant of the king Dom Emmanuel was worth more
than the Zamorin, and that his master had power to make every palm tree
a king! As was to be expected, the rajah refused. Then the captain, who
upon anchoring had captured a considerable number of merchants in the
port, ordered their hands and ears to be cut off, and crowded them into a
boat in which they drifted ashore with the tide, bearing Gama’s answer to
the refusal of the wretched prince.

[Sidenote: [1502-1503 A.D.]]

Then he began the bombardment, November 2nd. The city was in flames for
the second time, and the lamentations of the people answered the cynical
and ferocious laughter of the sailors sheltered behind the sides of the
ships near the guns which vomited fire. This was a foolish, cruel, and
cowardly deed; for the short lances and arrows of the natives could not
measure themselves against the grenades fired from afar on board the
ships. Gama left part of his fleet in India under the command of Vincente
Sodre, as eminent and celebrated a man as the admiral, whose uncle he was.

[Illustration: A PORTUGUESE CAPTAIN OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY]

The Portuguese dominion thus assumed from the very first the twofold
character which it never lost in spite of all subsequent attempts at law
and order. On the sea was anarchy and theft; on shore, a succession of
blood-thirsty depredations. Vasco da Gama showed how to rule by fire and
sword; Sodre showed how to reap a harvest at sea by boarding the ships
of Mecca. Piracy and pillage were the two foundations of the Portuguese
dominion, its nerves were cannon, and its soul was pepper. When Gama
returned from his second voyage a third fleet left Lisbon (April, 1503)
with Alfonso de Albuquerque and Duarte Pacheco on board. They went to
Cochin to assist the rajah in his war against the rajah of Calicut,
and built the first fortress in India. Albuquerque returned to the
kingdom; Pacheco remained at Cochin with the troops and ships prepared
for the attack. The hero--for he fought like a wild beast in his den of
Kambalaan, nobly, disinterestedly, and fiercely--said at once that now
all lay with the artillery. This will explain the possibility of the
resistance of Pacheco’s seventy men, feebly assisted by the natives,
against the fifty thousand attributed to the army of Samundri, rajah of
Calicut. But the artillery alone would not have sufficed to repulse the
solid body of the enemy’s columns, if the courage and wonderful rapidity
of the marches, the ubiquity, so to speak, of the first soldier-hero of
the East, had not supported the powerful means of defence. The fleet of
Lopo Soares Albergaria brought back Pacheco to the kingdom in 1505. Being
a simple and upright man he returned rich in wounds and poor in money and
diamonds; he had remained in the captaincy of São Jorge da Mina, from
whence he was brought in irons because of the accusations brought against
him, to languish in prison for a long time and to die at last in poverty
and oblivion. “The fate of this hero,” says Goes,[n] “was of a nature to
warn mankind to beware of the inconstancy of kings and princes and their
small remembrance of those to whom they are bound.” And yet Dom Emmanuel
owed the consolidation of his still incipient empire in the East to this
man.

[Sidenote: [1505-1509 A.D.]]

Dom Francisco de Almeida was the man chosen to be governor of India, now
constituted a viceroyalty. He is the first of the successive figures
presented by the Portuguese empire of the East; and the first of the
three most notable viceroys. The government of India formed three great
men--Castro, who may be called a saint; Albuquerque, to whom the name of
hero is better adapted; and Almeida, a wise administrator and intelligent
factor. The viceroy, his plans matured by observation on the spot,
and the first naval war with which he was received by the unrepentant
rajah of Calicut, mentally completed his system of government. “Let all
our strength be at sea,” he said; “let us refrain from appropriating
the land. The old tradition of conquest, the empire of such distant
lands, is not desirable. Let us destroy those new races (the Arabs,
Afghans, Ethiopians, and Turks) and reinstate the ancient races and
natives of this coast; then we will go further. Let us secure with our
fleets the safety of the sea and protect the natives in whose name we
may practically reign over India. There would certainly be no harm in
our having a few fortresses along the coast, but simply to protect
the factories from surprise, for their chief safety will lie in the
friendship of the native rajahs placed upon their thrones by us, and
maintained and defended by our fleets. What has been done so far is but
anarchy, scarcely an outline of government, a system of murder, piracy,
and disorder which it is necessary to remedy.” The difficulties seemed to
him more formidable in that “the past warfare was with beasts, but now we
are to fight Venetians and the Turks of the sultan.” The former impunity
disappeared as soon as the Venetians and Egyptians launched a powerful
fleet upon the Red Sea, with artillery.

Dom Francisco de Almeida advanced up the coast, leaving behind him a
trail of ashes and blood which everywhere marked the passage of the
Portuguese. The Egyptian admiral still feared the viceroy, and as soon
as the fleet had anchored and grappled with his ships, he meant to cut
the cables and drift ashore, dragging the Portuguese with him, where the
Indian launches and _fustas_ might fall upon them furiously. But the
viceroy perceived the snare and ordered the anchors to be prepared in
the stern, and the enemy’s ships went ashore alone. It was the 3rd of
February (1509), the feast of St. Braz, at noon. The confusion of races
gathered in that fight was inextricable; the banners of the cross and
crescent flying from the masts covered the most extravagant sentiments
and varying beliefs. The truth is that they fought not for faith or
fatherland, but furiously disputed the spoils of India; and covetousness
can make brothers of men of every faith and children of every race.
There were French and Germans as bombardiers on board the Portuguese
ships; there were Indian Brahmans and even Moors. On the other side
in the confusion of ships there might be found from the Nubian to the
Arab; from the Ethiopian to the Affran; there were Mussulmans of every
caste; Persians and _Rum_[161] of Egypt--mercenaries from all parts to
whom this generic name was given. Besides the heathen multitude was the
Venetian renegade or Catholic--but above all the merchant, who had come
with artillery to the Indian Sea by order of his republic to defend the
interests of his associates in the commerce of the East. Around the
confused bands on board the fleet of the Rum gathered the dark mass of
Indians in their junks, from Diu in Guzerat and from Calicut in Kanara.

Once more the waters of the Indian Sea were stained with crimson.
Countless numbers perished. The wounded floated, crying for mercy and
receiving bullets. At last, after the scenes and episodes proper to such
tragedies, the victory fell to the viceroy who destroyed Rum and Indians.
This naval victory had a higher importance even than the victories of
Duarte Pacheco in Cochin, for the Indians, observing and considering,
recognised that the Portuguese forces were invincible not only to
themselves but also to the Rum of Egypt and the artillery of Venice. The
viceroy remembered that he had lost his son, and “he went and sat under
the awning, a handkerchief in his hand which could not stem his falling
tears.” All thronged to console him, and recovering his spirits he arose,
drying his tears and calling them his sons, and said that this grief had
pierced and must ever remain in his heart, but bade them rejoice at the
gallant vengeance which God in his mercy had bestowed upon them! But to
complete his vengeance for the death of his son, he ordered prisoners to
be tied to the mouths of the guns, and the heads and scattered members
of these unfortunate wretches were thrown into the city of Kanara like
shot. The death of his son disturbed his sound judgment and transformed
his former opinions of a statesman to blood-thirsty furies, attested by
the devastation of the coast of Guzerat. He yielded also to the intrigues
and slanders of the captains who had come from Ormus, recently conquered
by Albuquerque and ruled with the terrible wildness of his titanic
enterprises. They scoffed at the viceroy who had just finished his term
of office, and at Albuquerque, already appointed from Lisbon to succeed
him; and treacherous accounts of the excesses of the wise Almeida had
already reached the court. The dungeon of Duarte Pacheco awaited him in
payment of his labours. However, on his journey to the kingdom he landed
on the coast of Kaffraria, and was killed by the natives with assegais
and javelins.

His plan of government, though wise, was chimerical, for India itself was
insanity. Only a man of genius like Albuquerque could make the doomed
enterprise great. Only a saint like Castro could save the Portuguese
valour from the stain of positive ignominy. Dominion, as Almeida
conceived it, was not to despoil; it was armed protection extended
to a commerce, free on one side, and the monopoly of the state or
appanage of the crown on the other. The captains and governors should
be simultaneously commercial agents of his majesty, the high trader
in pepper. This required a stolidity of which the Dutch alone were
capable and that at the cost of salaries which outweighed temptation.
Besides this, the Portuguese flung themselves famished upon this
eastern banquet, as did the races of the north, centuries before, upon
the banquet of Gaul, Italy, and Spain. No one could have wrenched from
their fangs the palpitating flesh which they so anxiously devoured; the
fatal consequences which Dom Francisco de Almeida wisely foretold were
inevitable. Albuquerque in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, established on land
the limits of the empire, which in his predecessor’s judgment should have
floated vaguely on the waves.

King Emmanuel forgave everything, crimes, robbery, incendiarism, and
piracy, so long as they sent him what he most longed for, curiosities,
novelties and riches, to fill his palaces in Lisbon and dazzle the pope
in Rome with his magnificent embassy. “Send pepper, and lie down to
sleep,” said Tristan da Cunha later on, writing from the court in Lisbon
to his son Nuño, governor of India. The sack of the East--such a name
best fits the Portuguese dominion--was already ordained in Lisbon.[m]

[Sidenote: [1495-1515 A.D.]]

Albuquerque, like Almeida, for all his splendid services, was rewarded
with envy and ingratitude. His abilities, his bravery, his successful
administration made the courtiers fear or pretend that he aimed at an
independent sovereignty in those regions; and by their representations
they prevailed on the king to recall him. Dom Lopo Soares was despatched
from Lisbon to supersede him. But before his successor arrived, he felt
that his health was worn out in the service of his country; he made his
last will, and died at sea, within sight of Goa. However violent some
of his acts, his loss was bewailed by both Indians and Portuguese. He
certainly administered justice with impartiality; laid no intolerable
burdens on the people; restrained the licentiousness of his officers;
and introduced unexampled prosperity throughout the wide range of the
Portuguese establishments. If to this we add that the qualities of his
mind were of a high order, that he was liberal, affable, and modest, we
shall scarcely be surprised that, by his enthusiastic countrymen, he was
styled the Great. It is probable that no other man would have established
the domination of Portugal on so secure a basis: it is certain that no
other, in so short a period, could have invested the structure with so
much splendour. His remains were magnificently interred at Goa, and
his son was laden with honours by the now repentant Emmanuel--the only
rewards of his great deeds (1515).

Under the successors of Albuquerque, the administration of India was
notorious for its corruption, imbecility, and violence, and in the same
degree as wisdom and justice were discarded, so did the military spirit
decay.[e]

EMMANUEL THE FORTUNATE

When Dom Emmanuel I had been proclaimed king in the town of Alcacer on
the 27th of October, 1495, he had reached the age of twenty-six. He
had found everything prepared for a quiet and prosperous reign; his
predecessor, João II, had smoothed the way for him by overthrowing the
power of the nobility. The conciliation of the _fidalgos_ and great lords
was easily effected.

Two matters seriously occupied the new king during the first years of
his reign--his marriage, and the discovery of India. In the hope that he
or his descendants would one day unite the crowns of Spain and Portugal,
Dom Emmanuel desired to marry the widow of his nephew. The Catholic
sovereigns, having first approved the king of Portugal’s request,
appointed as their agent Ximenes, who was afterwards cardinal. The
marriage of the king, Dom Emmanuel, and Doña Isabella of Castile being
agreed upon, a treaty was made at Burgos, on the 30th of November, 1496,
in which large dowries in money were promised on both sides.

[Sidenote: [1496-1500 A.D.]]

In 1497, the king sent his delegate to Castile to continue the
negotiations, and a new article was introduced into the treaty, to which
the Catholic sovereigns attached extraordinary importance, going so far
as to make it a question of annulling the treaty of Burgos and breaking
off the marriage. This article was that Dom Emmanuel should expel from
his kingdom and dominions all the Jews or Moors who refused baptism, and
all those who had been found guilty of heresy or apostasy, the clause to
be fulfilled before September, 1497. Such was the origin of the greatest
political mistake and blackest injustice perpetrated by the “fortunate”
king, Dom Emmanuel, which left an indelible stain upon his happy reign;
for the ambition of eventually uniting the crowns of Portugal and
Castile cannot be considered a sufficient excuse. Dom Emmanuel fulfilled
this treaty, expelling from his kingdom all the Jews and free Moors
who refused baptism, including all those unfortunates who, banished
from Spain in 1492 by the Catholic sovereigns Ferdinand and Isabella,
had fled to Portugal thinking to find in that country a refuge from
the intolerance and tyranny of Castile. In October, 1497, the marriage
of King Emmanuel of Portugal with the princess Isabella, daughter of
Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile, and widow of Prince Alfonso, son of
João II, took place in the town of Valencia de Alcantara.

It seemed at first that Dom Emmanuel’s lucky star would not abandon him
in his relations with Castile. Indeed the kings of Portugal and Castile
were still at Valencia de Alcantara when they received the news of the
unfortunate death of the prince Don Juan, heir to the crown of Castile.
By this event Doña Isabella, queen of Portugal, wife of Dom Emmanuel,
became heir presumptive to the kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, and Leon.
This fact, which plunged the kingdoms of Spain in consternation, filled
Dom Emmanuel with joy and promised to satisfy his ambitions more promptly
than could have been expected.

But his wife was advanced in pregnancy. In spite of her state, she
resolved to continue her journey and go to Saragossa to be sworn heir to
the throne of Aragon. Here she was seized with the pains of child-birth,
and on the 24th of August, 1498, brought forth the infante Dom Miguel,
in that city, his birth costing his mother her life. And Miguel died two
years later.

Thus the dream of Dom Emmanuel vanished like smoke. The famous expulsion
of the Jews and New Christians, an iniquitous measure, unwise and
unpolitic, price of the marriage with Doña Isabella, was not a happy
augury. Once more the attempt at an Iberian union under the sceptre of a
Portuguese king by matrimonial means had failed.

Dom Emmanuel did not completely lose hope in his relations with
Castile[162] by the death of his wife and son. The Catholic sovereigns
also seemed determined on an alliance with Portugal. Without loss of
time, in the same year, 1500, Dom Emmanuel sent Ruy de Saude, of his
council, as ambassador to the sovereigns of Castile with full powers to
request the hand of the infanta Doña Maria, the daughter of Ferdinand and
Isabella, and consequently sister-in-law of the king of Portugal. The
heirs to the crown of Castile were Doña Juana, daughter of Ferdinand and
Isabella, and her husband, son of the emperor Maximilian and the empress
Mary of Burgundy. The princess of Castile had already a son at that time,
Charles, who was born at Ghent in Belgium on the 24th of February, 1500,
and was afterwards Charles I of Spain and V of Germany. Queen Isabella
died on the 25th of November, 1504, and King Ferdinand on the 23rd of
January, 1516. The throne of Castile was lost to Dom Emmanuel. The crown
of Spain was about to pass to the house of Austria. The wedding to Maria
nevertheless took place at Alcacer-do-Sal on the 30th of October, 1500.

[Sidenote: [1504-1520 A.D.]]

In the same year, 1500, Gaspar Cortereal went to North America and
discovered the land of Labrador, which was then called Cortereal, getting
beyond 50° north latitude. He returned to Portugal, and repeated his
voyage in 1501, but was never heard of again. His brother, Miguel, went
in search of him, but he also disappeared. Other lands and islands were
discovered in the time of Queen Maria. In 1501, João da Nova,[163] on
his voyage to India, discovered the Ascension Island in the Atlantic,
and the island which bears his name on the coast of Africa. On his
return journey in 1502 he discovered the island of St. Helena in the
Atlantic. The Florentine Amerigo Vespucci made voyages to America by
order of Dom Emmanuel in 1501 and 1503, discovering Rio de la Plata and
Patagonia. This navigator had the glory of giving his name to the group
of lands discovered by Columbus, Cabral, etc. In 1506 were successively
discovered: by Tristan da Cunha, the islands of that name in the
Atlantic; by Ruy Pereira Coutinho and Fernão Soares, the western and
eastern coasts of the island of Madagascar; in 1507, the Maldive Islands
by Dom Lourenço de Almeida; in 1509, by Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, Malacca
(Malay Peninsula) and Sumatra; in 1512, by Francisco Serrão, the Molucca
Islands in the Chinese seas; in 1513, by Pedro Mascarenhas, the island
to which he gave his name and which is at present called Réunion, in the
Indian Ocean; in 1516, Duarte Coelho discovered Cochin-China; in 1517,
Fernão Peres de Andrade went to China.[k]

THE GREAT VOYAGE OF MAGELLAN

The celebrated line of demarcation between the right of discovery and
conquest was not so clearly understood as to avoid disputes between Dom
Emmanuel and his brother sovereign of Castile. His splendid empire in the
East had long attracted the jealousy of Ferdinand, who had frequently
attempted, but as frequently been deterred by his remonstrances, to share
in the rich commercial advantages thus offered to the sister kingdom.
After the death of that prince, a disaffected Portuguese who had served
Emmanuel with distinction both in Ethiopia and India, and who was
disgusted with the refusal of his sovereign to reward his services with
becoming liberality, fled into Castile, and told the new king, Charles V
of Austria, that the Molucca Islands, in virtue of that line, rightfully
belonged to Spain. This man was Ferdinand Magellan (Fernão de Magalhães),
whose name is immortalised in the annals of maritime discovery. He
proposed a shorter route to the Moluccas than the passage by the Cape of
Good Hope--the route by Brazil: he well knew that the American continent
must terminate somewhere, and his notion of the earth’s rotundity was
sufficiently just to convince him that a western voyage would bring
him to the same point as the one discovered by Dias and Vasco da Gama.
In August, 1519, he embarked at Seville, with five vessels, over the
crews of which he was invested with the power of life and death. On
reaching the Brazilian coast, he cautiously proceeded southwards, and in
September, 1520, arriving at a cape which he called after the Eleven
Thousand Virgins, he passed into the dreaded straits which bear his name.
After a passage of fifteen hundred leagues, unexampled for its boldness,
he reached the Philippine Islands. Here closed his extraordinary career
in 1521. Though the object of the expedition failed, through the
catastrophe of its leader, he will be considered by posterity as by far
the most undaunted, and in many respects the most extraordinary man that
ever traversed an unknown sea.[e]

[Sidenote: [1500-1521 A.D.]]

In the midst of this splendid series of voyages and discoveries, and of
brilliant victories and conquests of the Portuguese in Asia, a fatal
incident afflicted Lisbon, in the year 1506. The deplorable catastrophe
which plunged the capital in mourning sprang from religious intolerance,
of which Dom Emmanuel had given such a fatal example on the occasion
of his first marriage. On Low Sunday, the 19th of April, 1506, in the
church of St. Dominic in Lisbon, where a vast concourse of people were
assembled, the rays of the sun striking upon the splendour of a crucifix
produced such a brilliant effect that certain visionaries, religious,
or fanatics, took it for a miracle. The cry of “a miracle” already flew
from mouth to mouth, when a bystander, more intelligent but with little
prudence for his speech, suggested that this effect was due to the
reflection of the sun and could only be called a natural phenomenon. This
sufficed to cause him to be looked upon as a disguised Jew; a tumult
arose, and such was the frenzy of the populace that a horrible massacre
upon the so-called New Christians followed.

The massacre lasted for three days. More than a thousand persons
perished. Dom Emmanuel was at Aviz at the time. As soon as he heard
of what had occurred in the capital, he sent Dom Diogo Lobo, baron de
Alvito, and the prior of Crato with full powers to punish the guilty.

He ordered that besides the special punishment of the guilty all the
inhabitants should forfeit a fifth of all their property, movable and
immovable, to the crown, and that from the date of the sentence there
should be no more courts of aldermen, freemen of guilds, nor judges of
hospitals; he further subjected the municipality to the jurisdiction of
the harbingers, the amount of these impositions to be levied by officers
of the crown. This species of interdict lasted for two years.

This splendid period of the reign of Dom Emmanuel, which includes the
years 1500 to 1517, the eighteen years during which the fortunate monarch
was married to Doña Maria of Castile, the most brilliant in Portuguese
history for the military glory and wealth and commerce enjoyed by
Portugal, and in which science, letters, and art were so flourishing--was
not equally happy as regards public health, the safety of the lives
and property of the inhabitants of these kingdoms, and internal
administration.

The plague, which had frequently visited Portugal since the fifteenth
century, attacked and ravaged the capital many times, as well as other
towns of this kingdom; then royalty and those able to follow their
example might be seen flying from the infected places. Real preventive
measures were never adopted until the reign of João III. Novenas,
feast-days, processions of the relics of St. Roque, which Dom Emmanuel
sent for from Venice, such were the chief means adopted by the king and
people to combat the epidemic, not, however, forgetting the safest course
of flight.[k]

Dom Emmanuel died December 12th, 1521, after one of the most glorious
reigns on record. Of his public administration enough has been said; and
of his private character what little we know is chiefly in his favour.
He administered justice with impartiality; and had regulated hours when
he received his subjects without distinction; nay, such was his anxiety
to do them justice, that if at the expiration of the appointed period
complaints remained unredressed, he would sacrifice the hours sacred to
enjoyment or repose. The persecution of the unfortunate Jews is a deep
stain on his memory; but in every respect he was a great monarch, and
his fame filled the world as much as his enlightened policy enriched
his kingdom. He despatched embassies to all the potentates of his
time--to the king of England, and the ruler of Abyssinia; to the royal
chief of Congo, and the sultan of Egypt; to the sultan of Persia, and
the emperor of China. Some of them--that, for instance, in which he
displayed before the astonished pope and cardinals a Persian panther and
an Indian elephant, with their native attendants--were distinguished by
magnificence suitable to the lord of so many regions.[e]

FOOTNOTES

[144] A bastard daughter of Ferdinand and her husband were about the same
time placed in confinement.

[145] The fate of this prelate has excited little pity among the orthodox
Portuguese, such as Lemos[b] because he favoured the anti-pope.

[146] [In the Moorish form _Sebta-a_, corruption of _Septem_, from the
seven hills on which the town and fortress are built.]

[147] The memory of this English princess is held in high respect in
Portugal: “_Tantæ enim opinionis apud populum erat, quod solúm illud
rectè factum videbatur, quod ipsa comprobâsset_,” says Matthæus de
Pisano.[c] From the bed of death, this queen, who had all the martial
spirit of her high race, delivered each of her sons a sword, with a
charge to wield the weapon in defence of widows, orphans, and the
country, and especially against the misbelievers.

[148] Azurara,[d] though a Portuguese, shows some pity for the poor
infidel wretches: he first curses Cain for setting the example of mortal
enmity; and still more the “abominable Mohammed” for separating so many
souls from the true faith, and by subjecting his followers both to
temporal death by Christian swords, and to everlasting torments by the
devils. When a Christian soldier dies, intimates the orthodox sage, he
has the prospect of eternal bliss; but for the cursed Moors, what remains
for them but brimstone and fire, with Dathan and Abiram?

[149] Duarte or Edward was named after Edward III of England.

[150] In Portuguese computation of the number of their enemies, the
reader will do well to drop one cipher; hence he will have one thousand
horse and eight thousand foot; as many no doubt as were present.

[151] Read thirteen thousand.

[152] The rule before recommended of subtracting a cipher will not do in
this case. The aggregate of horse and infantry must be divided by about
fifty to come near the truth.

[153] Even the mild Lemos[b] can curse this man: “_Hum malvado monstro
horror de sacerdocio, indigno da humanidade. Judas de seu Senhor, o
inferne clerigo Martim Vieira_.”

[154] This is no exaggerated description; it is taken from a contemporary
chronicler.

[155] These miracles are alluded to by Ruy de Pina,[i] by
Vasconcellos,[j] and are more boldly detailed by Lemos.[b] [He is called
“the constant prince.”]

[156] By the Portuguese historians, the death of Leonora is suspected to
have been violent, and the guilt is thrown on the constable of Castile,
the famous Alvaro de Luna. But what interest could he have in her
destruction? And when did he commit a useless crime?

[157] The address of this count to the king and council, as it appears
in Ruy de Pina,[i] is a noble instance of magnanimity and courage. He
appealed to his services--and they had been splendid--as a Portuguese
noble; to his honour as a knight of England’s proud order--then at least
a proud one--the Garter; to his unimpeachable integrity; and to his
intimacy with Dom Pedro--that he knew and spoke the truth. Neither his
zeal nor the challenge with which he concluded affected Alfonso.

[158] [João II said with justice that his father had left him “only the
royal high roads of Portugal.”--STEPHENS.[l]]

[159] [It is curious that Alexander the Great almost never rewarded those
who did not ask, but took joy in granting requests.]

[160] That of Christopher Columbus, whose proposals he himself was ready
enough to receive, but was overruled by his council.

[161] [The _Rum_ was a term applied by the Arabs to all subjects of the
Roman Empire and continued to be the designation of the inhabitants of
western Christendom after they had ceased to yield obedience to the “king
of Rum,” the Byzantine emperor.]

[162] [The Portuguese have a saying: “_De Castella nem bom vento nem bom
casamento_” (From Castile neither good wind nor good wedding).]

[163] [A Spaniard by birth, who entered the Portuguese service. His
original name was Juan de Nova.]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER III. THE FALL, THE CAPTIVITY, AND THE REVOLUTION

[Sidenote: [1521-1640 A.D.]]

Upon the death of Dom Emmanuel in December, 1521, he was succeeded by Dom
João, his eldest son, who had not yet completed his twentieth year. The
chroniclers who wrote under the influence of the immediate successors of
this prince, having the fear of censure before their eyes, represented
him as endowed with high intelligence and qualities worthy of a king.

[Sidenote: [1521-1540 A.D.]]

During his father’s life many considered him an idiot. Dom Emmanuel
himself feared the influence which unworthy men exerted over João during
his early youth. It is certain that through inattention or incapacity he
could never master the rudiments of science, nor even those of the Latin
tongue. Throughout his reign monkish questions always appeared among the
gravest business of the state, and his first action, when he had scarcely
emerged from infancy, was to build a Dominican convent. This may be
regarded as the worthy presage of an inquisition king. Whether from want
of natural intelligence, ignorance, or errors of education, João III was
a fanatic. The intolerance of his reign, though furthered by different
incentives, was chiefly due to his character and inclinations.

The secretary of Dom Emmanuel, Antonio Carneiro, who deserved his
confidence for many years and continued to serve the new king, when
fatigue forced him to withdraw from a charge which he still held
nominally for many years, left as his successor his second son Pedro de
Alçaçova. This man, whom we find years later managing the most various
affairs at the same time, and whose activity appears almost incredible,
by the side of a prince whose lack of culture his very panegyrists cannot
bide, must have been practically king in resolving the most difficult
questions, as was the marquis of Pombal at a later epoch. Pedro de
Alçaçova made no parade of his influence, hiding in the shadow of the
throne, and leaving the frequently sterile brilliance of importance and
favouritism to a vain nobility. But every dark stain that rests upon the
reign of João III may be attributed to him, except the establishment of
the horrible tribunal of the faith. In this particular, although the
actual deed was his, the impulse came from the monarch. The resistance
of the New Christians was long and persistent. A steadfast will made up
of a million hatreds struggled against this resistance for more than
twenty years and overcame it. In the end the rack, whip, and stake
reigned supreme in the region of religious belief, prevailing over the
evangelical doctrine of tolerance and liberty.

The failure of the attempt to establish the Inquisition in Portugal in
1515, from whatever cause arising, and the predominance obtained by the
policy of tolerance, must have increased the spite of the irreconcilable
enemies of the Jews. The hatred of João III for the Jews was profound
and well known. This sufficed to excite in the minds of the people the
ancient spirit of persecution and assassination. Ignorance and monkish
tendencies, unassisted by envy or the memory of former wrongs, made the
king naturally a fanatic, though fanaticism did not prevent him from
abandoning himself to debauchery with women.

His marriage was treated of and Doña Catherine, sister of Charles V
who then reigned in Castile, was chosen for his bride. The marriage
took place, and an attempt was made to tighten the bond between the two
countries by negotiating the marriage of Charles V with the infanta
Donna Isabella, sister of the king of Portugal. The final conditions
were adjusted and it was agreed that the dowry of the Portuguese infanta
should be 90,000 doubloons, or more than 800,000 cruzados. Resources were
wanting and it was necessary to obtain them. Perhaps this circumstance
and several others caused the convocation of the cortes in 1525. Since
the fifteenth century the Portuguese parliaments had lost their true
value; they were more a matter of pomp and formality than of substance.
The essential point, which was to raise money, was effected, for the
cortes voted the impositions of new taxes to the amount of 150,000
cruzados to be raised in two years. This was the most urgent business.
The representations of the councils were generally answered in fair
words, which were only partially carried out long after the cortes of
1535, when the same representations were for the most part renewed. It
was in this assembly that the general ill will towards the New Christians
was at last able to manifest itself in a solemnly significant manner,
but within strictly legal limits.[b] In 1536 the Inquisition was finally
established. Its methods and its effects will be sufficiently shown
in the appendix to this volume. It destroyed life, liberty, humanity,
commerce, literature, and art in Portugal as elsewhere. When the Jesuits
were admitted in 1540 and given charge of education, the church and the
state were one, and the result was as usual a shameful combination of
atrocity and paralysis.[a]

THE PORTUGUESE IN AFRICA, INDIA, AND BRAZIL

[Sidenote: [1523-1535 A.D.]]

The long reign of João exhibits interminable contests in India and
Africa. Their details would be perused with little interest by an English
reader. They can be noticed in so far only as they affect the general
state of the monarchy. During these transactions in the East, Morocco
continued to be the sanguinary theatre of the worst human passions. On
the one hand the Portuguese were eager to extend their possessions; on
the other, the _sherifs_, exulting in their successful ambition, were
not less so to free the country from so troublesome an enemy. From the
accession of the new dynasty, the affairs of the Portuguese began to
decline. Indicative of the ambitious schemes which they had formed,
the sherifs assumed the title of emperors of Africa: the elder, Hamed,
remaining at Morocco; the younger, Muhammed, occupying the more western
provinces.

To the king of Fez this assumption was not less odious than it was
to the Portuguese themselves. That on one occasion the sherif, with
four thousand horse, was signally defeated by a Portuguese noble
with one hundred and forty, is gravely asserted; victories equally
improbable, we may add equally impossible, occur at every step in the
Portuguese relations concerning the wars of their countrymen with the
misbelievers. But what, we are told, could not be effected by valour
was done by fortune. Considering the war which he had to support in
India, and his want of troops, João took the extraordinary resolution of
dismantling four of his African fortresses, Arzilla, Saphin, Asemmur,
Alcacer-Seguier, and of abandoning the ruins to the enemy. This
resolution was carried into effect; but that this was owing as much to
the arms of the sherif as to the motives will be admitted by every reader
except a Portuguese.[c]

The oriental empire of Portugal, however, continued to increase by
the wars which the able statesmen and warriors, whom João sent out
as viceroys and governors, waged, upon the most frivolous pretexts,
against the different neighbouring princes. They took advantage of the
dissensions of the princes of the Moluccas, to obtain the complete
sovereignty of those valuable islands. The disorders provoked by the
tyranny and consequent assassination of the sultans of Cambay enabled
them to wrest from those monarchs the important fortress and city of
Diu; and similar convulsions in the Deccan gave them opportunities of
considerably extending the Portuguese dominions in that wealthy country.
It is to be observed, however, that the sovereigns, thus lawlessly
despoiled, were themselves equally lawless conquerors. They were the
chiefs of the Mohammedan hordes, who had overrun India, overthrown the
native princes, and oppressed the Hindus. The enslaved natives probably
cared little for the expulsion of one foreign master by another, if
they had not cause to rejoice at exchanging the wantonly cruel tyranny
of oriental despots for the more orderly extortion and oppression of a
civilised people.

The increase of the power of the Portuguese now alarmed all the
Mohammedan potentates, and they applied to Constantinople for assistance
to expel the Christian intruders. Again the request was enforced by a
Christian power, Venice, whose jealousy of the Portuguese rivals of her
own commercial greatness extinguished all nobler feeling, all religious
sympathy. Suleiman, thus doubly urged, equipped a powerful armament in
the Red Sea, which, proceeding to the Indian Ocean, joined the Cambayan
forces in besieging Diu. The defence, first by Antonio de Silveira,
and afterwards by João de Mascarenhas, of this place, or rather of the
fortress, for the town and rest of the island were quickly abandoned as
untenable, ranks amongst the most celebrated feats of the Portuguese in
India. They repulsed incessant assaults, the women labouring day and
night at the fortifications, and venturing into the posts of greatest
danger, to carry every needful assistance to the combatants, who, from
their scanty numbers, could hardly ever quit the walls. During both
sieges, the place was reduced to the utmost extremity; and upon both
occasions was relieved by the seasonable appearance of the viceroy with a
powerful fleet.

Of the viceroys and governors who effected these acquisitions scarcely
one was duly recompensed. Many died in poverty, and Nuño da Cunha, who
gained Diu for King João, was only saved by death from being dragged
in chains to the foot of his ungrateful master’s throne. During João’s
reign, the celebrated apostle of India, St. Francis Xavier, visited that
country to attempt the conversion of the idolatrous natives: and the
Portuguese obtained an establishment in China, and a free trade with
Japan.

[Sidenote: [1531-1562 A.D.]]

Brazil first acquired importance under João III. In 1531 he began the
colonisation of that immense empire, then little more than a long line
of seacoast. This he divided into several captaincies, which he granted,
with large powers of jurisdiction, civil and criminal, to such persons
as, upon those conditions, were willing to settle there, and to people
and cultivate their respective grants. The French made various attempts
to form rival settlements in Brazil, especially about Rio de Janeiro.
They never obtained more than temporary possession of any part of the
country.[d]

The greatest credit that can be given to João III is that he kept his
country out of all European complications, a task made comparatively easy
by his close alliance with the greatest monarch in Europe, Charles V.
This alliance was sealed by three marriages: for King João was married
to the infanta Catherine, the sister of Charles V; his only son, Dom
João, was married to the infanta Juana, daughter of Charles V; and his
only daughter, Donna Maria, was the first wife of Philip, prince of the
Asturias, the eldest son of Charles V, and afterwards King Philip II.[e]

João died in 1557. By his queen, Catherine, he had several male children,
of whom none emerged from their infancy except João. Nor did that infante
survive the father. In 1553 he received the hand of Juana, daughter of
the emperor; but he died in the third month of his marriage, leaving the
princess pregnant of a son, afterwards the unfortunate Dom Sebastian.
Of João’s brothers one only, the cardinal Henry, whom he had vainly
endeavoured to place in the chair of St. Peter, survived him. As his
sister Isabella was the mother of the Spanish monarch, the connection
between the royal families of the two kingdoms was, as we shall soon see,
fatal to the independence of Portugal. As Sebastian, on the death of his
grandfather, was only three years of age, the regency, in conformity with
the will of the late king, was vested in the widowed queen, Catherine of
Austria. In a few years, however, being disgusted with the intrigues of
Cardinal Henry, who aspired to the direction of affairs, she resigned it
in his favour.[c]

Before going on with the chronicle, it will be well to read a Portuguese
historian’s picture of the decline of this period.[a]

ENNES’ ACCOUNT OF THE DECADENCE OF PORTUGAL

[Sidenote: [1521-1557 A.D.]]

We are about to enter upon the saddest and most unfortunate period in the
history of Portugal. The brilliant epic which the bright sword of Alfonso
Henriques began with the battle of Ourique, stops at the exact epoch at
which an immortal bard appears. The _Lusiadas_, that Homeric apotheosis
of a great, heroic people, arises almost at the hour of their fatal fall.
But a few years and the epic is transformed into an elegy, the apotheosis
into a funeral panegyric. But a few years and Camoens drags from his
Olympic strophes these four lines:

“_Fazei, senhor, que nunca os admirados_
_Allemaes, Gallos, Italos e Inglezes_
_Possam dirzer, que sao para mandados_
_Mais que para mandar, aos Portuguezes._”

--in vain, when the descendants of the old heroes were cowardly and
infamously about to sell their humiliated country, poor and agonised, to
the sinister son of Charles V, the emperor of legends.

These years of servitude and captivity spread like an immense oil stain
over the brilliant history of Portugal, and the sun which sank in clouds
of blood at Kassr-el-Kebir plunged the country into an obscure and long
night until it rose radiantly once more on the field of Montijo. It falls
to our lot to relate the history of this painful period of darkness and
tears, barely illuminated in the beginning by the last rays of light
thrown out by the conquests of the old East. The warlike genius which
gave to Portugal the most glorious pages in modern epopee, the spirit
of adventure, chivalrous and combatant, which carried its name to every
corner of the world, and gave it a place of honour in the vanguard of
the nations of Europe, was the same that apparently lowered the national
colours before the victorious crescent on the sands of Africa, was the
same that strangled national independence with the bonds of captivity,
and delivered it inert and defenceless into the hands of the devil of the
south, the lugubrious Philip II.

Portugal, having reached the apogee of her glory, became giddy and fell
into the abyss of slavery. In the supreme hour of her agony, the red hat
of a cardinal appeared at the bedside of the dying kingdom. Portugal’s
grave-digger, the cardinal Dom Henry, was a sinister figure. But who
killed her, who struck her the fatal blow? It was not the perverse
imbecilities of the cowardly Jesuit; it was not the dangerous errors of
the youthful knight-king. The assassin of Portugal was that fanatic and
imbecile monarch who opened his foolish arms to the Society of Jesus,
who planted deep in the kingdom that deadly tree known as absolutism,
under whose protecting shadow was planted, thrived, and flowered that
colossal infamy--the Inquisition. And who has to answer before the same
tribunal of history for the lost liberty, the outraged honour, the
valour spurned, the ruined wealth of that nation which gave to the world
the most magnificent spectacle of modern times, a diminutive country
throwing over the two hemispheres her power, her influence, her name?
It is not the ambitious and imbecile old man chronicled under the hated
name of cardinal-king; not the heroic child, the beardless youth who,
enamoured of glory, died in pursuit of it, like a daring paladin on the
sands of Kassr-el-Kebir; not the cold inert corpse to whom, with pungent
irony, tradition has given the nickname of _Piedoso_, and who is known
in history as João III. In history’s terrible logic Philip II was fatal
heir to João III. It was the unhappy reign of this inept monarch which
prepared the way to Portugal’s ruin.

His internal policy completely transformed the government into a fierce
unchecked absolutism; his external policy of pure neutrality, at a time
of grave disputes between all the European nations, alienated from him
the sympathies of all the states of Europe; and later, when Philip II
wiped from the map this diminutive nationality which, hidden in a corner
of the west, had spread its fame and name throughout the world, Europe
paid back to Portugal the debt of haughty indifference she had incurred
under the pious king. When the Spaniards made their threatening invasion
into Portugal, instead of finding an energetic and valiant nation
defending its life and its liberty, they found a weak and inert people,
humbled beneath the yoke of fierce absolutism, fanaticism enveloping the
souls of all, demoralisation rampant in the army, luxury enervating the
higher social classes, hunger and misery devastating the people; a nation
of lions transformed into a flock of sheep by immorality, by despotism,
by misery--a flock of sheep guided by an imbecile and disastrous
shepherd, the unlucky cardinal, Dom Henry.

Dom Henry and Dom Sebastian could barely reap the deadly fruits of the
venomous seeds sown by João III. It would seem that in such critical
moments providence chooses incapable, weak, and blundering kings, who
instead of delaying for a time the inevitable fall, seem rather unhappily
to hasten it.

And thus at the close of the sad reign of João III, on seeing the crown
placed on the head of an infant of three years, obstinately disputed by
two great ambitions, that of the queen Catherine the grandmother, and
that of Cardinal Henry the uncle, on seeing the indifference of Europe,
on seeing Spain’s vast power in Portuguese policy, one does not need to
be a prophet to foretell in the near future the sad development which
fanaticism, tyranny, and the stupidity of the unworthy son of the great
Dom Emmanuel had prepared for the splendid epic commenced at the battle
of Ourique; to foretell the tremendous downfall of the colossus known as
Portugal. Before entering the most lamentable reign of Dom Sebastian, let
us cast a glance over the state of Portugal during the last years of Dom
João’s life, and consider what manner of kingdom and people the desired
king received in heritage, upon taking his first childish steps in a
world to which he was to leave so sad a tradition.

The reign of Dom João III is an original mixture of splendours and
threats, of wealth and misery. It presents brilliant lights and
implacable shadows, but unhappily the lights were the last reflections
of Portuguese glory soon to be extinguished, the shadows the unfortunate
heralds of the immense night into which Portugal was to be plunged.
Portugal at this epoch had reached the apogee of her prosperity. The
Portuguese flag fluttered over the most remote countries of the wealthy
East. Her commerce sucked fabulous wealth from the abundant breasts of
old Asia. India resigned herself to the conquest; Brazil was beginning
to be peopled; China and Japan discovered, Oceania subjected, Abyssinia
explored, were rich harvests of glory and gold, of heroic deeds and vast
fortunes for Portugal. But this gold scarcely circulated in the country;
instead of benefiting the latter, it went to enrich England, to give
power to Italy and Flanders, stupidly to fill the ever insatiable coffers
of the Vatican. This glory instead of acting as a stimulus was suffocated
by the tyrannies of absolutism, was crushed by the stupid fanaticism
of the Jesuits, who paraded, triumphant and strong, under the sinister
protection of the Inquisition. The period of Dom João III marks out
distinctly and perfectly in history the transition from the pinnacles of
triumphant power to the dark abysses of slavery, from a glorious life to
a humiliating death.

The conquests and prosperity in the East were the outcome of the former
impulses; what the country owed to the pious king was the demoralisation
of the army and people, the glorification of tyrants, the relaxation of
judicial authority crushed by the Inquisition, the gilded poverty of
the people, the enervation of the aristocracy, the loss of commerce by
the flight of foreigners residing in Lisbon harassed at every step by
the infamous cruelties of the Inquisition, and the stupid despotism of
individual power. All the glory of his reign is due to his predecessors;
the shame, opprobrium, immorality, and misery are due to him, and
unhappily were left as an inheritance to his successors and to the
country.[f]

THE REGENCIES AND THE REIGN OF SEBASTIAN (1557-1578 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1557-1574 A.D.]]

João III, dying, had committed the government of his kingdom, and the
care of his grandson, then only three years old, to his widow, Queen
Catherine. She governed ably; and by her active exertions sent such
effective succours to Mazagan, which was almost the only remaining
Portuguese fortress in northern Africa, and then reduced to extremity
by a Moorish army of eighty thousand men, that the Mohammedans were
compelled to raise the siege. But the Portuguese detested queen-dowagers,
especially when Spanish; and Queen Catherine in 1562 found it expedient
to resign the regency to her brother-in-law, Cardinal Henry, for
whom João had unsuccessfully endeavoured to obtain the papal tiara.
The cardinal was a good man, but unfitted, by the habits of his past
life, for government. Under his feeble administration, the authority
of Portugal over her distant colonies was weakened, and the inferior
governors struggled against the control of the viceroys; whilst, by
committing the education of the infant king wholly to Jesuits, he
prepared the way for the heavier calamities that followed.

Sebastian is represented as naturally endowed with many great and good
qualities, especially an eager desire for knowledge. But the Jesuits
seem to have studied only to guard their royal pupil from a tendency to
vice. But scarcely any vice, however injurious to his own individual
character and happiness, could have brought such wide-spreading misery,
such utter destruction upon his kingdom, as did the extravagance into
which Sebastian was hurried by mistaken virtues.[164] He grew up with the
idea that hatred of the infidels was Christianity, and courage the first
virtue of a king. He proved the ruin of Portugal.

He was very desirous of going out to India, to remedy, by his personal
intervention, the disorders which had greatly increased during his
minority, and to relieve Goa and Chaul, besieged, in consequence of
the weakness those disorders had produced, by the whole force of the
Mohammedans, in that part of the world. His ministers remonstrated.
Sebastian listened to their representations, and resigned his purpose. It
might have been happier for Portugal had he been suffered to execute it.
Be that as it may, effective measures were taken. The enemy was repulsed
from Chaul and Goa, and the Indian empire of Portugal was tranquillised.

In the year 1571, Philip II invited his nephew to take a part in the
great armament against the Turks under Don John of Austria, which
Sebastian declined doing, upon the plea of his dominions being desolated
by the plague. Sebastian’s first visit to Africa more resembles some of
the expeditions of the knights errant of romance, than anything in real
sober history. He is said to have left Lisbon on a hunting excursion, in
the course of which he crossed the sea, to pursue his sport in another
quarter of the globe. Upon landing in Africa, he sent home for a small
body of troops, and when they joined him, gave over hunting for the still
more exciting amusement of making hostile inroads upon the neighbouring
Moors. In these, he of course could do no more than take some booty and
prisoners; and when he had roused the Mohammedans to assemble their
forces, he was compelled, by the consciousness of inferior strength,
to re-embark for Portugal. From this moment he thought of nothing but
recovering the African possessions which his grandfather had lost
or abandoned, and his court became a scene of contest and cabal--his
grandmother, and Cardinal Henry, and all his sagest counsellors
remonstrating vehemently against what they justly deemed the visionary
projects of extravagant ambition; whilst flattering courtiers, heedless
young men, and fanatical ecclesiastics eagerly encouraged his views.

[Sidenote: [1574-1578 A.D.]]

In the midst of these contests, a revolution in Africa seemed to offer
an opportunity too favourable to be neglected. In the empire of Morocco,
upon the death of the emperor Abdallah, his son Mulei Ahmed usurped
the government. He ruled tyrannically, and his uncle Mulei Moloch [or
Maula Abd-el-Melik], the legitimate sovereign, easily formed a strong
party against him, with which, after a severe struggle, he succeeded
in overthrowing the usurper and establishing himself in his place.
Mulei Ahmed sought foreign assistance. Philip II declined interfering,
when Mulei Ahmed addressed himself to Sebastian, adding to his offer
of tribute that of the restitution of Arzilla. Philip is said to have
laboured to deter his nephew from embarking in an enterprise altogether
beyond his means. Most historians, with the exception of the Spanish,
accused Philip of having employed underhand methods of instigating the
young king to persevere in the determination he affected to dissuade.
Especially he is charged with inducing the pope to applaud and encourage
Sebastian in his purpose.[165] Certain it is that the king of Portugal’s
resolution to accept Mulei Ahmed’s offers was not to be shaken. The old
queen died of the anxiety occasioned by her grandson’s rashness and
obstinacy; Cardinal Henry marked his disapprobation by refusing to act
as regent during the king’s absence: and Sebastian appointed in his
stead the archbishop of Lisbon and two noblemen, one of whom was João de
Mascarenhas, an ex-viceroy of India, and as distinguished a warrior as
any of those who had conquered and secured the Portuguese empire in the
East.

THE DÉBACLE AT KASSR-EL-KEBIR (1578 A.D.)

The army with which, in June, 1578, Sebastian sailed for Africa, to
overthrow the powerful sovereign of Morocco, consisted of less than
sixteen thousand men. But he was accompanied by almost all the young
nobility of Portugal, and he relied upon the assurances of Mulei Ahmed
that great numbers of his former subjects would immediately declare in
his favour. A few volunteer adventurers, from different countries, joined
the standard of the chivalrous young king [including Sir Thomas Stukeley,
an English Catholic].

Mulei Moloch assembled an army of one hundred thousand men, and at their
head, although so reduced by illness that he was obliged to be carried in
a litter, he advanced to meet the invader. Some of these troops having
been formerly partisans of his nephew, Mulei Moloch, distrustful of their
attachment, issued a proclamation, that whosoever pleased was at liberty
to pass over to his competitor. This magnanimity secured his triumph
over any who might have previously hesitated between their old and new
sovereigns, and very few indeed of the dispossessed usurper’s former
adherents took advantage of the liberty offered them.

Sebastian’s camp was now distracted by contending opinions. Mulei Ahmed,
who was disappointed in his expectation of deserters from his uncle’s
army, and now relied upon the impending fatal issue of that uncle’s
malady for making him master, without a blow, of empire and army, and
perhaps of his Christian allies, urged Sebastian to fortify himself in a
strong position on the seacoast; but Sebastian, rejecting all rational
counsel, led his small army forward, into the open country, to encounter
the overwhelming superiority of numbers there awaiting him.

On the 4th of August, 1578, the armies met near Kassr-el-Kebir
(Alcazar-Quivir). Mulei Moloch was conscious that his death could not be
long deferred, and fearful that, upon its occurrence, his nephew might
gain some advantage over his brother and lawful successor, Ahmed ben
Muhammed, he sought an opportunity of engaging the invaders, and by their
defeat insuring the peaceful succession of Ahmed ben Muhammed. He caused
himself to be carried through the ranks in his litter, that he might
personally exhort his troops.

[Illustration: PORTUGUESE COSTUME OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY]

Sebastian likewise displayed a degree of military skill not to have been
anticipated from the rashness of his previous movements; and, at first,
victory seemed to incline towards him. One division of the Moorish army
was routed, when Mulei Moloch, forgetting his malady in indignation,
insisted upon being placed on horseback; and in person rallying the
fugitives, attempted to lead them back to the attack. The effort was
too much for his strength; he fainted, and was replaced in his litter,
where he only recovered sufficiently to charge his attendants to conceal
his death, lest it should discourage his troops, and expired, with his
finger on his lips, to enforce these last commands. They were obeyed.
His attendants affected to open and reclose the curtains of the litter,
as if making reports, and receiving orders; and the troops, encouraged
by his last exertion, and believing themselves still under his eye,
fought with irresistible valour. The Portuguese, notwithstanding their
dauntless intrepidity and discipline, notwithstanding the invincible
heroism of their king, who, flying from place to place, was seen wherever
the danger was most imminent, were completely defeated. More than nine
thousand of the army fell, and the rest were made prisoners, with the
exception of about fifty, who escaped by flight. The young nobility,
fighting desperately, were almost all slain; many a noble family was
there extinct, and all were plunged in mourning. Mulei Ahmed was drowned
in endeavouring to fly; and Ahmed ben Muhammed obtained uncontested
possession of his inheritance.

Some portion of obscurity hangs over the fate of the adventurous
Sebastian himself. But little real doubt can exist of his having fallen
upon the fatal field of Kassr-el-Kebir. He had several horses killed
under him, and was seen fighting, long after the general rout, with only
three companions, against a host of enemies. The sole survivor of this
devoted little band, Nuño de Mascarenhas, stated that, after the fate of
two of their company, the king was disarmed and taken prisoner; when,
his captors quarrelling about their prize, one of the Moors terminated
the dispute by cutting Sebastian down, and he was forthwith despatched.
Ahmed ben Muhammed, hearing this, sent one of Sebastian’s servants to
the spot indicated, who pointed out and brought away a corpse, which was
recognised as the king’s by the other attendants upon the royal person.
The emperor of Morocco afterwards delivered it up to his ally the king of
Spain, together with some noble prisoners, including two sons of the duke
of Braganza. Philip generously sent home the released captives, as well
as the remains of Sebastian, which were interred in the royal sepulchre
of Belem.[d]

The 4th of August will ever be the most memorable of days in the annals
of Portugal. Never was victory more signal than that of Kassr-el-Kebir.
Of the Portuguese force which had left Lisbon, fifty individuals only
returned; the rest were dead or in captivity, and with them the chivalry
of the kingdom. Eighty of the nobles, through the good offices of Philip,
were subsequently ransomed for 400,000 cruzados. The uncertainty which
hung over Sebastian’s disappearance was converted into a doubt of the
catastrophe; and this doubt was still further improved into a report that
he was still alive. Several nobles, and among them the prior of Crato,
always affected to believe that he had survived the dreadful slaughter
of that day. As the public mind was taught to expect the possibility
at least of his re-appearance, impostors, in such an age and at such
a crisis of affairs, would scarcely fail to personate him--with what
success will soon be related.[166]

On the character of this prince, after the preceding relation, it is
needless to dwell. Without judgment or power of reflection; the tool of
interested flatterers; unacquainted alike with war, with human nature,
or the world; misled by the lying miracles recorded of Portuguese
valour--one Portuguese being affirmed as a sufficient match for one
hundred Moors; confiding in his natural courage, which knew not fear,
because it had never been conversant with danger; and taught to believe
that to the valour of his people all things must yield--he persisted in
the wildest schemes of conquest ever devised by disordered brain. The
obstinacy with which he adhered to this resolution, in opposition to
representations the most forcible and pathetic; the lamentable imbecility
which he displayed alike in the preparation and execution of his purpose,
prove that his only virtue was courage. Had there been some superior
power to confine the moonstruck prince in the same apartments with his
cousin, Don Carlos of Spain, well would it have been for unhappy Portugal.

THE CARDINAL-KING AND THE PORTUGUESE SUCCESSION

[Sidenote: [1578-1580 A.D.]]

For some time the nation, unwilling to believe that Sebastian had
perished, regarded Henry merely as regent; but on the arrival of the
royal body, and on the confirmation of the catastrophe by every
Portuguese who arrived from Africa, the cardinal, the last surviving
male of the ancient house, was solemnly crowned. He was an excellent
ecclesiastic; but his bounded capacity, his meekness of character, his
subjection to the arts of his courtiers rendered his administration of
little use to his country. His short reign has nothing to distinguish it
beyond the intrigues of candidates for the throne, which, as he was in
his sixty-seventh year, broken down by infirmities, and evidently on the
verge of the tomb, could not fail to be soon vacant. At first, indeed,
he was advised to marry; and application was actually made to the pope
for the necessary bull of secularisation; but Philip of Spain, who had so
close an interest in the affair, frustrated his views at the pontifical
court, and compelled him to abandon them.

The candidates for the throne of Henry, as may be seen from the adjoining
chart,[167] were: (1) Antonio, prior of Crato, who affirmed that his
father Luiz, brother of João III, was married to his mother, and that he
was consequently legitimate; (2) João, duke of Braganza, in right of his
wife Catherine, a younger daughter of the youngest son of Emmanuel; (3)
Ranuccio, prince of Parma, whose mother, Maria, was the eldest daughter
of Dom Duarte; (4) Emmanuel Philibert, duke of Savoy, sprung from
Beatrice, a younger daughter of King Emmanuel; (5) Philip, king of Spain,
whose claim was twofold--his mother, Isabella, being eldest daughter of
Emmanuel, and his first queen, Maria, eldest daughter of João III. From
this genealogy nothing can be more clear than that, if the claim were to
be decided by consanguinity alone, Philip’s was by far the most powerful;
but by the laws of Lamego, the princess who accepted a foreign husband
was _ipso facto_ excluded from the throne. Hence, according to the
strict letter of the constitution, Isabella and Beatrice, the daughters
of Emmanuel, and Maria, the daughter of Duarte, had, by their marriages
with the emperor Charles, the duke of Savoy, and the prince of Parma,
renounced all claim to the succession: hence, too, by their exclusion,
João was the true heir. Besides--and Philip was probably aware of the
fact--the law of exclusion, in its very origin, had been expressly aimed
at the probability of a union with Castile, seeing that, if the same
prince ever became heir to the two crowns, the less must be absorbed
in the greater--the independence of Portugal must be at an end. But
conventional forms must yield to necessity. We have before seen how, on
the marriage of Beatrice, daughter and sole child of Ferdinand, with Juan
I of Castile, the states of the kingdom agreed to recognise the issue
of that marriage as their future sovereign; and how, on the death of
her father, she being yet without issue, she was actually proclaimed in
Lisbon and other places. But such was the hatred of the Portuguese to the
Castilians--hatred now as then deep, cordial, and everlasting--that they
preferred the bastard, grand-master of Aviz, to that princess.[c]

PHILIP II OF SPAIN BECOMES PHILIP I OF PORTUGAL

[Sidenote: [1578-1580 A.D.]]

Dom Antonio, who, after being taken prisoner at Kassr-el-Kebir, had
broken his Moorish fetters by the help of a Jew, was the favourite of
the populace. He still asserted his legitimacy, imputed corruption
to the judges who had decided against his mother’s marriage, and
reminded his friends that João I, the founder of the reigning house,
was an illegitimate son, raised to the throne by popular election.
The feeble-minded Henry, whose chief ministers, as well as his Jesuit
confessor, were gained over by Philip’s money, hesitated to pronounce,
lest he should involve the country in civil war. The cortes, whom he
convoked, were divided, and timid as himself. The seventeen months of his
reign passed in deliberation; and at his death, on the 31st of January,
1580, he left the question to be decided by five regents, whom he named.
Had he boldly declared Catherine his heiress, the greater part of Dom
Antonio’s adherents would most likely have deserted an illegitimate
pretender for their recognised lawful queen. As it was, the kingdom,
divided between two strong factions, lay at the mercy of a powerful
invader.

Philip had hitherto committed the management of his pretensions to
ambassadors and secret agents; and he now supplied these persons more
abundantly than ever with pecuniary means to continue their operations.
A majority of the regents were bribed by those agents, and consequently
sought to dispose the nation in Philip’s favour, by publishing the terms
he offered to grant. The chief of these were, in addition to the general
maintenance of the constitution, that he would reside as much as possible
in Portugal; that the viceroy appointed to govern in his absence should
always be either a prince of the blood or a Portuguese; that a Portuguese
council should always attend him for the management of Portuguese
affairs; that natives of Portugal should be admitted into offices of the
household and others of minor importance in Spain, whilst Spaniards, and
all strangers, should be excluded from all offices in Portugal, civil and
military, as well as from all church preferment; and that crown lands, as
the existing grants fell in, should be regranted to the nearest relations
of the former grantees. Conditions so favourable seem to have had great
influence in lessening the abhorrence with which the nobles had hitherto
shrunk from a connection with Spain; and Philip now prepared to enforce
and support his claim with the potent argument of thirty thousand men. A
fitting commander for this army was, however, not so easily found. The
duke of Alva was the only general esteemed by Philip competent to the
task.

[Sidenote: [1580-1583 A.D.]]

The corrupted regents took all measures for betraying the country to the
usurping invader. They dissolved the cortes, and placed creatures of
their own in the command of the frontier towns. In June, Alva entered
Portugal at the head of his army. Every fortified place threw open its
gates at his summons, and he marched onwards unopposed. The duke of
Braganza had taken no steps for maintaining his wife’s rights, otherwise
than by argument. The prior of Crato got possession of Lisbon, where
he was proclaimed king by the populace. The nobility, disgusted by his
elevation and the inaction of the regents, withdrew sullenly to their
houses; and the regents, freed from their control, boldly declared Philip
the lawful heir of the crown.

Dom Antonio seized the crown jewels, church plate, and other funds. He
released all prisoners, armed them and the rabble, and offered liberty
to all negro slaves who would embrace his cause. With an army thus
constituted, he attempted to defend the passage of the Tagus against
the veteran Alva, who was master of the whole province of Alemtejo, and
had reached the south bank of the river, without more fighting than a
short siege of one fortress that had declared for Dom Antonio, and the
commandant of which, when taken, he had executed. Dom Antonio was, of
course, defeated, almost at the first onset. He fled through Lisbon,
northwards; collected another army, with which he was again defeated;
and thenceforward thought only of escape. Philip set a high price upon
his head, but could not tempt any one of his adherents to betray him.
For nine months Dom Antonio lurked in the kingdom, concealed now in
one place, now in another, sheltered by rich and by poor, in castle,
monastery, and cottage, and everywhere diligently sought by his enemies,
ere he could find an opportunity of getting on shipboard.

After Dom Antonio’s second defeat no further resistance was attempted.
Portugal submitted, and swore fealty. Her American, Indian, African, and
insular possessions followed her example, with the single exception of
the Azores, which proclaimed Antonio. The duke of Braganza and his sons
acknowledged Philip. The duchess would not thus surrender her rights; and
even when Philip, upon the death of Queen Anne and the duke of Braganza,
offered her his hand, she refused a crown as the price of disinheriting
her sons; but she too desisted from further contest. When all was quiet
Philip visited his new kingdom, convoked the cortes, and swore to the
conditions he had previously offered.

Thus was effected, however illegally, the union of Spain and Portugal--a
union apparently as important to the true interests of the peninsula as
is that of England and Scotland to the well-being of Great Britain; and
not more repugnant to the inclinations of the two nations in the one
case, probably, than in the other. Had Philip and his successors strictly
observed the terms of the union, and endeavoured otherwise to conciliate
the Portuguese, these last might, erelong, have considered the Spanish
monarchs as their lawful kings, and have reconciled their pride to their
incorporation with a larger state. But although rather a usurper than a
conqueror, he chose to treat Portugal as a conquered country. He rejected
the proposals for beneficial laws, and, indeed, all the demands of the
cortes, except a few of the most insignificant, and speedily dissolved
that assembly. He refused the favours solicited by the nobles, withheld
the honours and pecuniary compensations promised to the Braganza family;
and although he did publish an amnesty, the exceptions were so large
(including all who had favoured Dom Antonio) that, it was said, Philip
had pardoned only those who were free from offence. He then proceeded
to punish the persons thus excepted; and the extent of the executions
which followed may be judged by two circumstances: one that, from the
number of dead bodies thrown into the sea, the people would not eat
fish again, until the archbishop, in a solemn procession, had purified
by his blessing the polluted ocean; and the other, that Philip himself
thought it requisite to obtain absolution from the pope, for having put
such numbers of ecclesiastics to death. He then appointed his nephew and
brother-in-law, the cardinal-archduke Albert, viceroy of Portugal; and
committing to him the government of the country, where discontent was
already very general, he returned to Spain.[d]

THE ENGLISH IN PORTUGAL

[Sidenote: [1582-1589 A.D.]]

During the next few years Portugal had nothing to do with the foreign
or domestic policy of Philip. Governed with great moderation by the
archduke, enjoying internal peace, an extended commerce, and a high
degree of prosperity, she might have been happy--happier than she had
ever been under her native monarchs--could hereditary enmity have been
forgotten, and national pride sacrificed to interest. The exiled Antonio
was made aware of the existing discontent: he had many well-wishers
and not a few spies in the country, who constantly communicated with
him. After the second defeat of his armament in the Azores, he abode at
the French court, with the hope of obtaining increased supplies for an
invasion of Portugal; but as the civil wars which raged in the former
country were likely to prove interminable, he passed over into England to
renew his intrigues with the earl of Essex. He arrived at a favourable
time, just after the destruction of the Spanish armada, when the
resentment of the English was at the highest pitch, and they were longing
for revenge.

[Illustration: PORTUGUESE NOBLE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY]

At first, however, Elizabeth, with her usual prudence, disapproved of
the project of a Portuguese invasion; but, with her usual weakness,
wherever the tender passion was concerned, she was persuaded by the
favourite earl to enter into an alliance with the exile, and to equip
an armament for placing him on the throne. Nothing can better exhibit
the unprincipled impostor than certain conditions of that alliance. He
engaged to subjugate Portugal in one week from the disembarkation of
the troops; to pay Elizabeth an immense sum for the expenses of the
armament, and a considerable annual tribute in token of her sovereignty;
to receive English garrisons, at his own expense, into the principal
maritime fortresses; on his arrival at Lisbon, to abandon that city
to a twelve days’ pillage. In conformity with another article of the
treaty,--a treaty not over honourable to Elizabeth herself, since she
grasped at advantages which generosity, or even justice, would have
scorned,--twenty thousand men were embarked at Plymouth in 120 vessels,
the whole commanded by Drake and Norris (1589).

The success of this expedition corresponded with its flagitious design.
After an unsuccessful attempt on Corunna, the armament cast anchor at
Peniche, and disembarked the troops who marched to Torres Vedras, where
they proclaimed Dom Antonio, and continued their route towards the
capital. But the peasantry, instead of joining his standard, fled at
his approach. As the English general approached the suburbs, the monks,
the women, and most of the inhabitants retired within the city. The ill
success of the English, who repeatedly assailed the outworks, stifled
the intrigues of the disaffected; and a vigorous sortie decided the fate
of the expedition. The English general, who throughout exhibited strange
imbecility, retreated; he was pursued; many of his followers were cut
off; with the rest he sought refuge in the tower of Cascaes, which the
cowardly governor surrendered to him. Here, considering the want of
provisions, and the deception which had been practised on him by Dom
Antonio, who had persuaded him that the moment a hostile standard were
raised it would be joined by all true Portuguese, he wisely resolved to
return home. This was fortunately the last time Portugal was cursed with
the prior’s presence. Deserted by his nearest friends, neglected by the
sovereigns, his former allies, in 1595 he ended his unprincipled life in
merited obscurity and indigence.

THE FALSE SEBASTIANS

[Sidenote: [1584-1595 A.D.]]

But though Philip was thus rid of a formidable enemy, he had others who
were actuated by even a superior spirit of imposture, and who might
have occasioned him some trouble. We have before alluded to a strange
impression among the vulgar that Sebastian yet lived, and that such
an impression, in such an age and country, could not fail to produce
impostors. The first, who appeared in 1584, was a native of Alcobaça--a
man of low extraction and of still lower morals. Though he was condemned
to death, the sentence--very wisely--was not put into execution. He was
condemned to labour in the galleys, where all who had the curiosity might
visit him, and be convinced by their own eyes that he was not Sebastian.

The failure of this impostor did not deter another from the same
hazardous experiment. There was a stone-cutter’s son, Alvares by name,
a native of the Azores, who, having passed some months in the monastery
of the Holy Cross, on the heights of Cintra, left that community, and,
like the youth of Alcobaça, retired to a hermitage. At this time he does
not appear to have meditated the personation of Sebastian: when, from
his frequent self-inflictions, and from his extraordinary habits, he was
suspected to be that prince, and even addressed as such, he replied that
he was a stone-mason’s son of Terceira. But the more he affirmed this
truth, the less was he believed: he was evidently fulfilling a rigorous
penitence, to atone for the misfortunes which he had brought on his
people; and, like Roderic the Goth, he had doubtless renounced forever
all human grandeur. Perceiving that opposition was useless, Alvares
consented to be treated as a king: he was soon joined by hundreds of the
peasantry, whom he allowed to kiss his hand with much affectation of
condescension. At length the hermit was taken, was brought to Lisbon,
paraded through the streets on the back of an ass, exposed to the jeers
of the populace, and publicly hanged.

It might have been expected that the failure of these two attempts
would have had some effect even on imposture and credulity; but a third
Sebastian appeared, and, strange to say, in Spain, under the very eyes
of Philip. There was an Augustinian monk, by name Miguel dos Santos,
who had been a chaplain of Sebastian, confessor to Dom Antonio, and who
was now confessor to the nunnery of Madrigal. Here he met with Gabriel
de Spinosa, a native of Toledo, whom he had known in Portugal, and of
whose intelligence, boldness, and dexterity he had seen frequent proofs.
As this man really bore a resemblance to King Sebastian, he persuaded
him, though not without difficulty, secretly to personate that monarch.
Finally the priest, being put to the torture, confessed all. The same
means extorted a similar confession from Spinosa, who was hanged and
quartered. The priest was degraded, delivered over to the secular arm,
and suspended from the public gallows at Madrid.[c]

A fourth impostor was more famous than all the rest, by birth supposed to
be an Italian; who, after a long confinement in Naples, was transferred
to Spain, where he ended his days in a prison. His imposture was the more
remarkable from the fact that he could not speak Portuguese.[a]

The remaining actions of Philip must be sought in the history of Spain.
Four years before his death, on the removal of the cardinal-regent to the
archiepiscopal see of Toledo, the government of Portugal was intrusted to
a commission of five. In 1598, Philip breathed his last.[c]

CHAGAS’ ACCOUNT OF THE LOSS OF THE COLONIES

[Sidenote: [1585-1600 A.D.]]

As yet it was only our pilots who were acquainted with the navigation
of the Indies; in India we were the only nation who had dominions and
solidly established settlements, and consequently we were sole lords of
the commerce of the East. The English confined themselves to plundering
our ships on their return voyage from India, but they dared not come to
fight us in the land conquered by our superhuman feats. A young nation
that was about to appear at this period on the historical stage was
chosen by fate to be the one to wrest from our grasp the sceptre of
the East. The Low Countries had long held important commerce with us,
principally the town of Antwerp, where a Portuguese factory had been
long established. The ships of this industrious country came to Portugal
to fetch the merchandise of the East, and scattered it afterwards over
Europe. When the Flemish and Dutch rising broke out against Spain,
dominator of the Low Countries, Antwerp, the central point of the war,
lost her commercial importance, which Amsterdam inherited.

While Portugal was independent she continued the commerce which enriched
Holland, but when Philip II effected the union of the two crowns, he
had the unhappy inspiration of attacking his rebellious subjects by
issuing in 1594 an order for the sequestration of fifty Dutch ships at
anchor in the Tagus, and at the same time promulgated a decree closing
all Portuguese ports to the Dutch. The blow was terrible, and might
have proved mortal, but for the unshakable energy of those republicans
of the north. Being unable to come to Portugal for the merchandise of
the East, they determined to go and seek it in India herself. In 1594,
some merchants of Zealand, assisted by the subsidies of Amsterdam and
Enkhuizen, equipped three ships, intrusted them to the care of their two
most able mariners, Barentz and Heemskerk, and despatched them to the
north in quest of a new passage to the Asiatic seas. The English had
already made a similar attempt in 1556, but without success; this attempt
of the Dutch was not more successful, and the shipowners were in truth
discouraged when the hope which upheld them proved vain.

A chance circumstance favoured them. A Dutchman, named Cornelis Houtmann,
had been long in Portugal, and had either succeeded in obtaining a
passage to India, or had obtained ample information in the country
respecting the route first taken by Vasco da Gama. In 1595, a fleet of
four ships piloted by him set out for the coveted lands of the East. In
August, 1597, he returned to Texel with barely two ships, but having
displayed the colours of a new European flag to the amazed natives
of Madagascar, Bantam, Java, Madura, and Bali. The spell was broken.
Overjoyed at the result, the Dutch merchants equipped a fleet of eight
ships in 1598, commanded by Jacques le Neker and Heemskerk and despatched
them to the East. This fleet touched at the island of Cirne, which they
named Mauritius, in honour of their great general Maurice of Nassau,
a name by which it is still called, though also known as the Isle of
France, which Bernardin de St. Pierre has immortalised in his romance,
_Paul et Virginie_. From thence they proceeded to Bantam, where they
freighted four ships with spices and despatched them to Europe. The
remaining ships visited the Moluccas and, in 1600, returned to Holland
with a most valuable cargo.[i]

The success of this enterprise was of the greatest importance to England,
to which country Philip II had also closed Portuguese ports, in 1589. The
English had despatched an expedition to India in 1591. The result did
not correspond with the hopes of success, and the British merchants were
already discouraged when the example of the Dutch excited them to form
the famous company of the Indies, one of the most fruitful origins of
England’s prosperity.[f]

Under Portuguese administration the constant war always agitating India
never ceased, but the Portuguese arms were ever victorious. Yet this
state of war made it impossible to frustrate from the outset the attempts
of the English and Dutch.

We must always bear in mind that whereas externally Portuguese dominion
was firmly maintained, internally the most profound corruption was at
work, and paving the way to the dissolution of this vast empire in the
near future. The vices of the Portuguese, the corruption of those in
office, the excesses of the Inquisition, the cruel treatment of the
subjected Indians, the senseless preponderance of the priests, all this
is painted by Diogo do Conto[j] in vivid colours.

Mathias de Albuquerque, and especially the count da Vidigueira, attempted
to reform these appalling abuses, but all these vices were deep rooted,
and no amount of cauterising could check the gangrene. The governors
might consider themselves lucky that they yet, at least, possessed
valiant soldiers, who did not bring dishonour on the name of Portugal in
the wars, and who supported with the edge of their swords the trembling
empire. During the government of Dom Francisco da Gama, a most important
annexation was made. The last king of Ceylon, dethroned by his kinsman,
Raju, and protected by Portuguese soldiers, bequeathed the island in
gratitude to the Portuguese. It was the last ray of the dying lamp. As
heralds of the approaching disasters the Dutch ships appeared in the
East. Of Cornelis Houtmann’s four ships, two only, as we have said,
returned home; of the other two, one was lost on the reefs, and the
other was destroyed by the Portuguese; but in the following voyage they
succeeded in evading vigilance. What other result was to be expected,
when the natives welcomed them as liberators, and the Portuguese were
always engaged in wars which prevented them from openly repulsing their
rivals?[i]

We have referred elsewhere to the conspiracy in favour of Mary Stuart,
favoured by Philip II, and of how this incident resulted in the outbreak
of hostilities between the courts of Madrid and London. Elizabeth Tudor
decided to declare war against the Catholic king, and despatched Admiral
Drake with a fleet of twenty-three ships, furnished with twenty-three
hundred men, against the Spanish colonies. The first to fall a victim was
the Portuguese colony of São Thiago, Cape Verd Islands, where the English
admiral put in on his way to America, on the 16th of November, 1585.
Thence the squadron continued its course, capturing various galleons on
the way, some of which were bound to Lisbon.

Almost at the same time various African chiefs allied themselves against
the Portuguese at the instigation of Ali Bey, despatched by the sultan
of Turkey to subjugate to the viceroy of Egypt the petty kings who did
homage to the crown of Portugal. Ali’s first victory was not, however,
of long duration, as in 1587 a squadron was despatched from India under
command of de Mello, who compelled the sovereign of Patta to become a
Portuguese vassal, and killed the king of Lamu. Proceeding to Mombasa,
he laid waste that place, and put an end to the confederation which Ali
Bey had organised. Shortly after, in 1589, the Turks again returned, but
this time directed their attack against Melinde, which place had remained
faithful. Thomé de Sousa Coutinho hastened from Goa with a fleet, and
routed the Turks in the first encounter.

While in east Africa the native population, excited by the Turks, were
using every endeavour to throw off the Portuguese yoke, in the west Paulo
Dias de Novaes, founder of Loanda, was conquering the kingdom of Angola
for the crown of Portugal, at the moment when Philip II was conquering
the kingdom of Portugal for Castile. From that day to this the two
settlements have remained in the possession of the Portuguese.

Affairs in Brazil were less prosperous. In 1591 the port of Santos was
attacked by an English pirate, and the town of São Vicente was sacked and
burned; four years later the storehouses of Recife were also sacked by
another pirate of the same nation. Worse even than the English pirates
were the Spanish defenders.

Before this time the French had already made various incursions into
the colony, with the design of establishing themselves there. The
province was saved by the patriotism of the residents of Pernambuco, who
rushing to arms, under command of the governor, put an end to the French
invasions. Enemies more terrible still succeeded them; these were the
Dutch who were expelled only after a long and obstinate struggle, when
Portugal had already recovered her liberty.

DOMESTIC DISASTER

[Sidenote: [1596-1598 A.D.]]

To return to the kingdom, where, as we have said, public misery was
aggravated by the losses caused to commerce by the pirates of hostile
nations, who infested the seas, we must now add that frequently even the
ports were attacked. The most daring of these attempts was that made
at Faro on the 22nd of July, 1596, where an English and a Dutch fleet
put in, commanded by Admiral Effingham, who after entering the port of
Cadiz and there burning a number of ships, and plundering at the same
time thirty-three ships laden with merchandise of the Indies, made for
the coasts of Portugal, and after landing three thousand soldiers on the
shores of Algarve, plundered and laid waste the capital of that province.
The English then made for Lagos, but the governor was able to repulse
them.

We will conclude this account of the reign of Philip II by giving a
résumé of the instructions he is said to have left to his son, and which,
if they show the evil of his policy, are also an eloquent proof of how
ambition will lead the clearest judgments astray, making them dream of
impossible ventures, and waste their energy in useless projects. His
advice was:

“That without examining into the justice of the case he should obtain
complete dominion over Portugal, and once conquered, disorder and terror
could be spread throughout Germany, France be conquered, the forces of
England weakened, and the terror of the Spanish arms carried to the
extreme north.

“That profiting by the advantages gained, his Catholic majesty could
thereby get possession of the navigation of the Indies, found colonies
wherever he thought fit, conquer new lands, establish an immense
commerce, and subjugate all the countries he considered it to his
advantage to subjugate. But above all he was to secure the respect of the
Portuguese, as this was of the very greatest importance. That far from
burdening them with taxes and subsidies, he should grant them all the
privileges and favours to which they laid claim. When the kingdom was
pacified and the people moulded to Spanish dominion, then he should begin
to oppose these privileges, appointing from time to time, under various
pretexts, Spanish magistrates who should insensibly mould the people to
this.

“That he should strictly watch the duke of Braganza, closely examining
into his actions, but always showing him every attention, until the
opportunity offered of persecuting him and all his family. As for the
rest of the nobility, the only course was to remove them from the
country, sending them to fill honourable posts in Flanders, Germany,
and Italy. Proceeding in this manner the kingdom of Portugal could be
monopolised and reduced to a province, and the people rendered powerless
to make any movement; but by burdening them with taxes and subsidies,
their anger would be roused, and hatred awakened, which would be fatal to
the Spanish monarchy.

“That his majesty should give the viceroyalty of the kingdom to some
prince or princess of his house, to inspire the Portuguese with greater
respect for the government, and spare them the repugnance of giving
obedience to any other.

“That he should be no less careful in dividing up the house of Braganza;
that they should contract no new alliances in Portugal; deprive them of
all state dignities, which should be bestowed on Spanish subjects only,
and finally prevent them from holding correspondence with foreign courts.

“That whenever disputes arose between the Spanish and Portuguese grandees
it was most necessary to favour the latter, and at the same time to
bestow the principal offices of the kingdom upon those who appeared the
most attached to the court of Castile, and thus attract others with the
hope of favours.

“That when there was no longer cause to fear the grandees, the nobility,
and still less the people, then it would finally become necessary to
destroy the whole house of Braganza, deprive the Portuguese of all
public ecclesiastical and secular offices, and give them to Spaniards,
and govern the kingdom of Portugal as any other province forming part of
the Spanish monarchy.”

If the treacherous and immoral policy which Philip II counselled his heir
to follow caused the ruin of the oppressed, it was no less fatal to the
oppressors. After the death of the son of Charles V the decadence of the
Spanish monarchy, the most vast and formidable of the sixteenth century,
was rapid and profound.[f]

PHILIP II (1598-1621 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1598-1634 A.D.]]

Of Philip III of Spain (II of Portugal) we have only to say that in
the course of his reign he once visited his Portuguese subjects. On
this occasion the hungry and ambitious chivalry expected much from his
liberality; but, except a few, all were disappointed. If he did not treat
them with studied insult--a charge levelled at him by the Portuguese
historians--he exhibited so great a predilection towards his hereditary
subjects that he could not fail mortally to offend a people who would
not even have been satisfied with an equal share of his attention. Yet
many of them are just enough to blame the weakness, rather than the ill
will of Philip: they contend that the truth was kept from him; that
every art was taken to confirm his dislike to them as a nation; that
the Castilian nobles behaved with intolerable haughtiness to their own;
that, in everything, a studied contrast was drawn between the two classes
of subjects; that taxes were imposed without the consent of the cortes,
and strangers nominated to the most important offices--both violations
of the compact signed at Thomar by the first Philip; and that revenues,
appropriated to objects exclusively Portuguese, were diverted into the
treasury of Madrid.

PHILIP III (PHILIP IV OF SPAIN) (1621-1640 A.D.)

If the Portuguese had so much reason to complain of the government of
the second Philip, that of his son and successor was, doubtless, still
more onerous, more insulting: a good one, like that of Philip I, would
have been hated; a bad one would naturally add to the existing mass
of discontent. That the weak, the profligate, and the unprincipled
count-duke de Olivares could direct the affairs of this kingdom with
advantage, either to it or to his royal master, will not be expected by
anyone who has perused the account of his administration in Spain. There
can be no doubt that, by forced loans, by intolerable taxes, and by using
the native soldiers in foreign wars, he wished to break the proud spirit
of the people--to make them the mere slaves of his will.

Finding themselves ground to the very earth by exactions, their
complaints disregarded, their persons insulted, their prosperity at an
end, we need not wonder that they began to meditate an escape from their
yoke. They turned their eyes towards the duke of Braganza, the next heir
in the order of succession.[168] That ambitious noble adopted a line
of conduct which could not fail to forward his views. To the world he
appeared absorbed by hunting, feasting, and other diversions; yet his
emissaries were at work in every part of the kingdom, fanning the flame
of discontent, and teaching the people to regard him as one able, at
least, to effect their deliverance.[169] Owing to their representations,
but in a still greater degree to the rapacity of the revenue collectors,
open insurrections appeared at Lisbon, at Braga, and, above all, at
Evora, and were not quelled without much difficulty and some bloodshed.
Though pressed, the duke was too wise to declare himself at this moment:
he knew that his combinations were not formed;[170] he therefore
determined to await the silent but resistless course of events. The
sequel soon justified his policy. The chief nobles, prelates, cavalleros,
and clergy were suddenly summoned to Madrid. What could be the object in
this mysterious, unexpected, and unparalleled mandate? Conjecture was
vain: to disobey it would be dangerous; and a magnificent display of
retinues immediately filled the road from Lisbon to the Spanish capital.
What passed at the conference between the ministers and this deputation
will never be known; but that some extraordinary concession was required
from them may be easily believed. That their consent was demanded to
the incorporation of the Portuguese with the Spanish cortes, or that a
certain number of deputies from the three estates should be summoned at
the same time with those of Castile--in other words, that the kingdom
should be forever degraded to the rank of a province, is loudly affirmed
by the Portuguese. The nobles probably returned the answer attributed to
them--that, in an affair of such moment, they could do nothing without
the sanction of a legitimate meeting of the cortes in their own country.

[Sidenote: [1634-1640 A.D.]]

But another reason for this extraordinary mandate may be assigned,
more plausible than either. The court could not be ignorant of the
disposition of the people towards the duke of Braganza, nor, perhaps,
with his intrigues. His arrest might be resolved on: and, as it could
not be effected in Portugal, where his connections were so numerous and
powerful, he must be inveigled to Madrid. This supposition is confirmed
by three facts: he had evaded compliance when summoned alone to the
capital; he was not present now; and the subsequent endeavours of the
minister to draw him to Madrid were as earnest as they were ineffectual.
Disappointed in his views, Olivares now proceeded more boldly: he ordered
all the disposable troops in Portugal to march into Catalonia, and the
duke of Braganza to place himself at their head. But the war of Catalonia
concerned the Castilians only. Both nobles and people resolved to disobey
the mandate; but, lest an open refusal should subject them to instant
invasion, they merely demanded a short delay, until their preparations
were matured.

In the meantime the duke of Braganza was pursuing his end with
persevering art: knowing how suspicious was the Spanish court, how
jealously every action was watched, he plunged more deeply into his
favourite amusements, and asserted that, when the troops were ready to
march, he should not be wanting at his post. So well did he counterfeit
his part, that many of the conspirators, believing that he had neither
ambition nor compassion for his countrymen, declared their intention of
soliciting his brother, Prince Duarte, to head them. At length, when
obedience or open refusal to the orders of the court was imperative, the
conspirators hastened to Lisbon, and began their meetings. Their numbers
increased; yet so artfully were their proceedings conducted, that they
escaped the notice of the duchess of Mantua, the vice-queen.[c]

ENNES’ ACCOUNT OF THE CONSPIRACY

[Sidenote: [1640 A.D.]]

It is an old and lasting tradition that the conspirators assembled in
the garden of the palace of Antonio de Almada, in a pavilion with stone
benches, which had the advantage of a staircase communicating with the
turret, where there was a secret door leading into the wood of Santa
Anna, fronting the garden of the knight-commanders of the Incarnation.
This door supplied an easy entrance to the conspirators, who never
assembled all at one time, for fear of the enterprise being crushed with
one blow, through treachery. A decision adopted by any seven was binding
on all the rest. All the letters of the conspirators were written in
an enigmatical manner against the possibility of seizure. Dom João was
evidently not anxious to risk his fortune and greatness in a dangerous
throw. Egoism was more powerful with him than patriotism, and the voice
of prudence deadened the suggestions of ambition. The nobles were in
despair, and began to discuss whether it would not be advisable to form a
republican government if the duke persisted in his obstinacy.[171] But,
thanks largely to the skilful efforts of João Pinto Ribeiro, the duke was
won over. But when João Pinto attempted to kiss his hand, this the duke
would not allow, saying with a smile, “Let us not buy the cabbage before
the meat.”

Upon his return to Lisbon, Pinto Ribeiro lost no time in assembling the
nobles to communicate the news he brought from Villa Viçosa. He painted
in colours more glowing than truthful the prince’s enthusiasm and
determination, and urged his good intentions of sharing the government
of the kingdom with those who had given him the throne. João Pinto’s
communications were received with the greatest enthusiasm; he had
received full power from the duke to adopt in his name any measures he
thought fit. The plan of the revolution was then discussed, opinions
at first being very varied, but eventually the most sensible opinion
prevailed, which was that the nobles should make a surprise attack upon
the palace, December 1st.

On Friday, the 30th of November, the last assembly of the nobles took
place at the house of Dom Antão de Almada. None now recoiled before
danger, and knowing that they were risking their lives, they prepared for
death; nearly all confessed, and some made their wills, whilst others
recommended their friends in religion to pray for their souls. The judge
of the people, and other influential persons of the lower classes, had
on this afternoon promised that their men would be ready to follow the
nobles at the first summons. It was decided that they should assemble on
the following day in the courtyard of the palace, and as nine o’clock
struck some should attack the Spanish guard, whilst others should mount
immediately to disarm the German guard, and seize all the entrances; upon
which, some were to gain the verandas to attack the people, and proclaim
Dom João and liberty, whilst others should seek the hated secretary
Vasconcellos. The ministers had been warned repeatedly of the suspected
assemblies at the house of Dom Antão de Almada, and Vasconcellos
received warning of the very day fixed upon the revolution. In spite of
all, the conspirators did not meet with the slightest resistance! A few
hours sufficed to conclude the revolution.[f]

CHAGAS’ ACCOUNT OF THE 1ST OF DECEMBER (1640 A.D.)

The 1st of December dawned serene and clear! No clouds dimmed the aurora
of Portuguese liberty. Who can divine the thoughts which assailed the
conspirators at waking upon this cold winter morning to undertake
this hazardous enterprise? Hiding her scalding tears behind a smile,
Donna Filippa de Vilhena herself girded on the swords of her two sons,
commanding them not to think upon her fate, but upon the fate of
Portugal; declaring that to die for one’s country when she lay groaning
under oppression was still more beautiful than to live for one’s mother.
With the same manly resolution Donna Marianna de Lencastre blessed her
two sons; and these two Spartan mothers, nobler indeed than the Spartans,
for such rigid principles had not been instilled into them by a stoical
education, left an heroic example to posterity.

From every quarter of the town the nobles and their followers came to the
courtyard of the palace, some on foot, some on horseback, some in their
carriages, not revealing the anxiety matured to so critical a moment, but
with a calmness which gave no sign of what was about to occur. A little
before nine all the conspirators were assembled in the courtyard. The
soldiers were not alarmed at the carriages which continued to arrive,
accustomed as they were to seeing the duchess’ courtiers come to the
palace; in those days business was earlier than in ours. The people, too,
had not as yet assembled in great numbers. With their hands upon the
doors of their carriages, the nobles impatiently waited the striking of
the solemn hour.

Nine o’clock! The doors of all the carriages are thrown open
simultaneously, the nobles descend, and while Jorge de Mello, Estevão
da Cunha, Antonio de Mello e Castro, Father Nicolão da Maia, and others
still wait in their carriages for the signal from the palace to attack
the Spanish guard, the majority of the conspirators rapidly mount the
stairs, enter the hall of the German archers, and giving them no time
even to suspect what is about to happen, some throw down the stands of
the halberds, others draw their swords, and the archers fly, astounded
and disarmed. Some of them, whether because their halberds are not in
the stands or because they are more determined, do their duty with a
certain show of courage, and only fly after seeing two of their men fall
to the ground, one dead, the other wounded. Meanwhile, drunk with joy,
Dom Miguel de Almeida runs to a veranda, throws open the window, and
brandishing a sword, cries out: “Liberty! Liberty! Long live the king Dom
João IV. The duke de Braganza is our legitimate king!”

Tears prevented his further speech, and ran down to his white beard,
which floated in the breeze blowing from the Tagus, whose waters were
gilded by the sun riding triumphant in the heavens. He was answered by an
immense cry of enthusiasm and joy; “Liberty! Liberty!” shouted the people
with one voice. And in the heroic Dom Miguel de Almeida, this venerable
old man of eighty years, radiant with youthful ardour, all saw the symbol
of Portugal, decrepit and broken, but illuminated in this hour of her
resurrection by the reflection of the splendour of her eras of glory.
Those in the courtyard did not limit themselves merely to this unanimous
response. Before the Spanish guard could grasp the meaning of the cry
of liberty, which thundered above their heads, Jorge de Mello and his
men fell upon them with drawn swords and pistols cocked. They attempted
to resist, but the suddenness of the attack and the ardour of our men
rendered resistance vain.

Meanwhile Miguel de Vasconcellos had been warned that something was
occurring. He was yet in bed and had scarcely time to dress, when,
following on the warning, a strange noise was heard in the corridors.
Pale with fear he ran to the door and locked it on the inside, and
immediately heard the nobles knocking furiously at the door, when the
wood was shivered with the hatchets they had brought to break it down.
Thereupon, seeing that he was lost, he seized a loaded musket and shut
himself into a cupboard full of papers. There holding his breath, his
forehead bathed with the sweat of anguish, he heard the door give way;
the nobles entered like a torrent, and blaspheming, searched in every
corner of the apartment. His safety hung on a thread; as, not finding
him, the conspirators were about to make their way to the department of
India, to which place they presumed he had fled, when the narrowness of
his hiding-place caused Vasconcellos to make a slight movement. It was
heard; with a shout of ferocious joy they rushed upon his hiding-place;
a few shots were fired, two balls pierced his throat, and he fell dead,
the blood spouting from him. After killing him, the avengers of their
country abandoned him, and it was the servants who threw the body of the
hated minister out of the window. When the tumultuous crowd of people who
filled the courtyard saw the body of their oppressor thus contemptuously
thrown out, they gave a roar of triumph and in the satisfying of their
eagerly desired vengeance there was no insult which they did not heap on
the pitiful remains.

While the nobles rushed from the secretary’s apartments to those of the
vice-queen, the people with shouts of enthusiasm crossed the courtyard,
shouting, “Liberty!” And meanwhile the rabble--who ever desecrate
victory and insult the conquered, who to-day drag in the mire their
oppressors and to-morrow their liberators--surrounded Vasconcellos’ body,
dragging out his beard, putting out his eyes, and foolishly laughing
at the infamous jests of a Moorish slave of the victim, who, seated on
the corpse, mocked at and execrated him before whom he had trembled
when alive. On the following day the body of the unfortunate wretch
was yet in the courtyard, and seeing it João Pinto Ribeiro expressed
his astonishment that none had shown Christian piety to him who had so
cruelly expiated his faults. Some of Ribeiro’s men carried the body away
in a skiff.

The duchess of Mantua had already heard the noise, and coming to the
window, she cried out in a loud voice: “What is this, Portuguese? Where
is your loyalty?” Meanwhile some of the conspirators, having forced
open all the doors they had found closed, courteously compelled her to
withdraw from the window. She wished to descend to the courtyard, and as
the nobles prevented her: “Enough, gentlemen!” she cried, “the guilty
minister has already paid for his sins. Go no further, I pledge my word
that the king of Castile shall not merely pardon you, but shall thank you
for having delivered the kingdom from the excesses of the secretary.” The
nobles replied that they no longer recognised any king but Dom João de
Braganza. This answer so enraged her that Dom Charles de Noronha begged
her to retire before they lost respect for her. “For me!--how?” she
inquired haughtily. “By obliging your highness to leave by the window,
if you will not go in by this door,” replied the noble in tones equally
haughty. Realising that under the circumstances resistance was folly,
the princess gave way and withdrew to her oratory.

The nobles dispersed through the town to rouse public enthusiasm with
the cry of victory, and in a short time the multitude rushed through
the streets drunk with joy. A vast cry arose of “Miracle! miracle!” and
from mouth to mouth the report spread, that the arm of the Christ on the
crucifix, carried by one of the chaplains, had unnailed itself to bless
the people. This incident, which probably had been prepared, produced an
enormous effect, exciting the imagination and rousing popular enthusiasm.
Many prisoners had been set at liberty, and it was feared that they
would commit great acts of vengeance; but on the contrary numerous
reconciliations took place of long standing enemies, and not one act of
violence occurred throughout the city. At eleven in the morning the town
had already peaceably resumed its usual occupations.

Meanwhile the government was careful to take all necessary measures to
secure public order, stationing companies of militia at different posts.
The fortresses surrendered peaceably and the commander of the galleons at
anchor in the Tagus was convinced of the uselessness of bombardment and
perhaps feared reprisals.

On the same day, Pedro de Mendonça and Jorge de Mello set out for Villa
Viçosa; they found Dom João in the chapel, who having heard the news
with calmness, commanded the divine office to be continued. This being
concluded, he entered a carriage and set out for Lisbon escorted merely
by a few mounted servants, being enthusiastically received in all the
towns and lands through which he passed. He reached the capital on the
6th.

The speed with which the revolution spread in the provinces is a proof
how eagerly liberty was desired. A few days sufficed for a yoke of sixty
years[172] to be thrown off, and the Spanish monarchy, yet powerful,
could not resist a disarmed and weak people, to whom invincible energy
was lent by the thirst for liberty and the despair born of oppression.[i]

FOOTNOTES

[164] [“The young king was rather German than Portuguese in appearance,
with his blue eyes and fair hair and face disfigured by the Habsburg lip,
and in his nature there was much of the Teuton dreaminess and love of the
marvellous.”--STEPHENS.[e]]

[165] [La Clède[g] will allow no virtue to Philip, who, he pretends,
suddenly approved the enterprise, in the diabolical view of hastening the
destruction of his nephew, and profiting by the catastrophe. “_Philippe
avait fait, de son côté ses réflexions: autant qu’il s’étoit d’abord
opposé à l’entreprise que le roi de Portugal méditoit, autant il montra
de désir que l’on l’exécutât. Sébastien étoit jeune téméraire, sans
enfans: il pourroit périr et alors le Portugal pouvait être réuni à la
Castille._”]

[166] By the populace of the kingdom, Sebastian was believed, even in
the nineteenth century, to be yet alive, concealed, like Roderic the
Goth, or the English Arthur, in some hermit’s cell, or, perhaps, in some
enchanted castle until the time of his re-appearance arrives, when he is
to restore the glory of his nation. During the aggressions of Bonaparte
on the kingdom, his arrival was expected with much anxiety. [The sect of
Sebastianistas often rose to cause excitement, and as early as 1763, Lord
Tyrawley exclaimed, “What can one possibly do with a nation, one-half of
which expects the Messiah and the other half their king, Dom Sebastian,
dead two hundred years?”]

[167] [We may omit from the contest the pope, Gregory XIII, who claimed
to be heir to a cardinal, and Catherine de’ Medici, who traced back to
Alfonso III’s marriage to the countess of Boulogne in the thirteenth
century.]

CHIEF CLAIMANTS OF THE PORTUGUESE SUCCESSION

* The first wife of Emmanuel was Isabella, eldest daughter of
the Catholic sovereigns, who died in childbed, and was soon
followed by her infant son. By Maria, his sister-in-law and
his second queen, he had three other children, besides those
enumerated in this table, but all died without issue.

† João III had also other children, but as they all died
without issue and before him, they need not be enumerated.

[168] [See the chart of Portuguese successions on page 503.]

[169] [According to some historians the duke was really as indifferent as
he seemed, and it was the ambition of his wife and of his friends that
did all the work for him.]

[170] [“This movement reached Villa Viçosa, where the residents changed
it to a rebellion, and under cover of the night some of them proclaimed
the duke of Braganza, eighth of the title, as João IV king of Portugal.
But the time prescribed from centuries had not yet come; the duke sent
his son Dom Theodosio, duke de Barcellos, through the streets, and,
although he was only four years of age, the light of the great virtues
which afterwards distinguished this excellent prince shone in his face,
and he became as it were a rainbow of peace, and returned leaving the
people pacified, and saved from anxiety the father whom a serious illness
prevented from going himself to check the disturbance.”--MENEZES.[k]]

[171] [This statement, which was made by Vertot[l] in 1689 and is
repeated by many historians, is denounced by Stephens[e] as “absurd,”
though the Netherlands offered an easy analogy.]

[172] [This is the period from 1580-1640 which the Portuguese love to
call the “Sixty Years’ Captivity.”]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER IV. JOÃO IV TO JOÃO VI

[Sidenote: [1640-1822 A.D.]]

The revolution thus wisely planned, secretly matured, and happily
executed, was now complete. Portugal had recovered her independence, and
replaced the legitimate descendant and representative of her ancient
sovereigns upon the throne. João IV was crowned on the 15th of December,
and immediately abolished the heavy taxes imposed by the king of Spain,
declaring that, for his own private expenses, he required nothing beyond
his patrimonial estates. He summoned the cortes to assemble in January,
when the three estates of the kingdom solemnly confirmed his proclamation
as king, or acclamation, as the Portuguese term it, probably to express
the spontaneous unanimity with which he was chosen. The cortes further
acknowledged his eldest son Theodosio as heir-apparent; and voted ample
supplies of men and money, to resist the expected Spanish invasion.

[Sidenote: [1640-1647 A.D.]]

In the islands, in the African settlements, with the single exception of
Ceuta, which adhered to Spain, and in what remained of Brazil and India,
King João was proclaimed, the moment intelligence of the revolution
arrived, the Spaniards scarcely anywhere attempting to resist. In Brazil
the viceroy communicated the tidings to Count Maurice of Nassau, the
governor of the Dutch conquests, who ordered public rejoicings for the
emancipation of Portugal; but Nassau refused either to restore his
conquests to their legitimate possessor, or even to desist from further
aggression. The Dutch governors and admirals in India proved equally
unaccommodating.

In Europe, the new king was readily acknowledged by all the states at war
with the house of Austria. He concluded treaties of alliance with France,
England, Sweden, and even with Holland, colonial affairs being, in the
last instance, reserved for future negotiation and adjustment. The pope
refused to receive João’s ambassador; and the Spanish ambassador at Rome,
with the aid of a band of assassins, attempted his life. Several persons
were slain on both sides, though the intended victim escaped.

It is possible that, had Olivares immediately applied himself with vigour
to reduce Portugal, unarmed as she then was, with an empty exchequer
and an unorganised government, she might have been again subjugated.
Fortunately for her the count-duke looked upon the insurrection with
a contempt that averted the danger. He announced the event to Philip,
by wishing him joy of the forfeiture of the duke of Braganza’s large
estates; and, influenced partly by disdain for the Portuguese, partly
by excessive exasperation against the Catalans, he positively rejected
all advice to send against Portugal the army preparing for Catalonia. He
thus gave Portugal all she needed--time; and a very few months saw her in
a condition to maintain and defend the independence she had recovered.
Olivares was not, indeed, altogether inactive with regard to Portugal and
her king, but his measures were rather those of a petty intriguer than
of a great statesman. He prevailed upon the emperor, Ferdinand III, to
seize and imprison João’s brother Dom Duarte, who was then serving as a
general in the imperial armies. He appears likewise to have instigated
the plots and conspiracies by which the new Portuguese government was,
for a while, considerably disturbed. The first of these was perhaps the
most formidable, being conducted by the primate, the inquisitor-general,
and many of the chief nobility, including some connected, by blood or
marriage, with João. Not less than six hundred persons, of different
ranks, are said to have been concerned in the plot, the object of which
was to kill the king and submit Portugal again to Spain. Various stories
are told as to how the conspiracy was detected. The following seems
the most probable. The archbishop, it is said, endeavoured to seduce
the Count of Vimisis to join in the scheme, relying on that nobleman’s
supposed anger at his ill treatment by the king, who had deprived him of
the government of Alemtejo. The prelate had mistaken his man. The count’s
loyalty was superior to his resentment, and the aggrieved nobleman
immediately revealed the plot to the king.

The whole project was known to the government, and preparations were
quietly made for defeating it; a grand review was ordered, and the
principal ringleaders were invited to the palace for the occasion. They
went fearlessly, were there made prisoners without difficulty, and the
number of troops present prevented any rising in the city. The prisoners
were tried and convicted; about ten persons were executed; the primate
and inquisitor-general were imprisoned for life; and the remainder were
pardoned. The duchess of Mantua was sent back to Spain, under the idea
that she had fomented the conspiracy; and the only person for whom Dom
Duarte might have been exchanged being thus dismissed, the unhappy prince
languished out the remainder of his days in prison. The next plot was
entirely hatched at Madrid, where Olivares engaged a Portuguese fugitive
to murder João. The man made every arrangement, but his courage failed
him at sight of his intended victim, and he fled, without perpetrating
his meditated crime. By increased bribes, Olivares induced the villain
to renew the attempt, when he was betrayed by an accomplice, seized, and
executed. A base fraud, contrived to deprive the king of the ablest of
his ministers, Lucena, secretary of state, answered better.

The two countries were now decidedly at war, but their languid and
desultory hostilities produced little effect beyond harassing the
frontiers. Portugal was weak, and thought only of self-defence; Spain was
chiefly intent upon chastising the Catalans.[b]

[Sidenote: [1647-1663 A.D.]]

The Portuguese were at first successful, and after the defeat which
Mathias de Albuquerque inflicted on the baron of Molingen at Montijo
on May 26th, 1644, felt at their ease, until it became obvious that
Mazarin would desert them without compunction if it suited his purpose.
The colonial war with Holland deprived them of the assistance of the
Dutch in Europe. Mazarin’s refusal to insist on their independence at
the congress at Münster, though he protected their envoys against the
Spaniards, made them despondent; and a very curious letter of Mazarin’s
(October 4th, 1647), offering the crown of Portugal to the duke of
Longueville, exhibits at once the feeble character of João IV [who had
timidly offered to abdicate], the despair of the Portuguese, and their
dependence on France. Mazarin’s desertion did not at first do great harm,
for the war between France and Spain continued, though peace was made
with the empire.[c] In the war which, notwithstanding their alliance in
Europe, the Portuguese prosecuted against the Dutch in their colonies,
they displayed much of their original valour and energy. In Brazil
they gradually recovered their lost possessions.[b] But if the arms of
João were successful in Brazil and Africa, in India they met with many
reverses. In several engagements the Dutch had the advantage; and, in
1655, they succeeded in wholly expelling the Portuguese from the island
of Ceylon.

João died in 1656. His eldest son, Prince Theodosio, preceded him to
the tomb. Three other children survived him: (1) Catherine, married to
Charles II king of England; (2) the infante Alfonso, who, by the death of
Theodosio, was heir to the monarchy; (3) the infante Pedro, who, as we
shall soon perceive, succeeded Alfonso.

ALFONSO VI (1656-1667 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1656-1667 A.D.]]

As the new king was only in his thirteenth year, and had exhibited no
proofs of understanding, but a waywardness which would have adorned a
savage, the queen-mother was intrusted with the regency.

The administration of this princess--a lady of the house of Guzman,
her father being the eighth duke of Medina Sidonia--was distinguished
for prudence and spirit. As a Castilian, she was at first obnoxious
to the people, who suspected that she must have a leaning towards her
own country; but the vigour with which she prepared for war, and the
perseverance with which she conducted it, prove that the suspicion was
injurious. We cannot advert to the interminable and trifling events which
followed, where the combat of a few hundreds is described with as much
minuteness as if whole nations had been embattled on each side; where
the destruction of a hundred enemies is hailed with as much exultation
as if the force of Attila had been annihilated; and the whole campaign
was disgraced by the most deplorable imbecility, on the part both of the
Portuguese and the Spanish leaders, until the count de Schomberg and
Don John of Austria were opposed to each other. After the Peace of the
Pyrenees, between France and Spain, when Catalonia was pacified, and the
Spanish troops were at liberty to turn their undivided force against
Portugal, no doubt was entertained that this country would be subdued.
But the queen-regent did not neglect to strengthen the national cause by
alliances. Some French, Dutch, and English adventurers, under Schomberg,
were obtained; the infanta Catherine, with the fortress of Tangier and
a large sum of money, were given to Charles II as the condition of his
alliance, and for the aid of some English regiments. Schomberg sustained
so much opposition, so much jealousy and ill will from the chiefs
associated with him, that he could not prevent Don John from obtaining
some rapid successes. Among them was the conquest of Evora. But this
advantage was soon neutralised by a signal victory attained over the
Castilians; it was still further improved by the recovery of Evora--both
monuments of Schomberg’s ability and of English valour. Don John was
deprived of the command. This change was fortunate for Portugal; for the
new general was so signally defeated at Villaviciosa, that it may be said
to have secured the independence of that kingdom. This was the last noted
exploit during the reign of Alfonso.

During these hostilities the court of Lisbon exhibited strange scenes.
The depraved tastes, the low and profligate habits, the headstrong
perversity of the king daily acquired strength, and afforded a melancholy
prospect to the nation. He associated with the lowest of the people;
he introduced them into his palace; or accompanied them in nocturnal
expeditions, undertaken as much for bloodshed as for mere mischief.
His band of young companions became the terror of the capital. By his
caprices several youths are said to have been tortured to death; and
young girls to have suffered a still worse fate: all his diversions
partook of his savage and capricious character. So long as he confined
them to boxing in the ring, to wrestling, or to breaking the windows by
night, the citizens, however scandalised at such conduct, did not much
complain; but when their daughters were seduced, or their sons ill used
by the royal satellites, even they began to think that a king might do
wrong. When common prostitutes were brought to the palace, which was
thereby converted into a brothel, their indignation yielded to contempt.
The influence of the queen was ineffectual. At length the indignant
nobles, at her instigation, forcibly seized two brothers, the vilest and
most dangerous of his satellites, and sent them away to Brazil; but other
creatures were found to supply their place.

With all his stupidity, the royal brute felt that he was a king; he
knew that the time of his majority was long past; he insisted on being
invested with the regal authority in all its extent; and, after a
struggle between him and his mother, he forced her, in June, 1662, to
resign the regency. The removal of so salutary a rein on his excesses
could not fail to make things worse. The licentious youths with whom he
surrounded himself disgusted by their conduct the oldest servants of the
crown, and forced them to retreat from their public offices. His own
extravagances increased. His satellites paraded the streets, or scoured
the highways, night and day; they not unfrequently returned with plunder,
oftener still with their swords stained with blood. We are told that he
even charged the people in a public procession; that he instigated the
assassination of some obnoxious nobles; that, to show his contempt of a
comet which was believed to be the forerunner of some great change, he
fired a pistol at it, at the same time reviling it with the lowest terms
of scurrility.

It was hoped that, if a wife were procured him, he would, at least,
refrain from some excesses; and one was found in Mademoiselle d’Aumale,
daughter of the duke of Nemours. But he treated his beautiful queen with
open neglect; he disregarded alike her entreaties, her tears, and her
remonstrances; nor did the death of his mother make the slightest change
in his conduct.

But the strangest part of these transactions remains to be told. That the
queen-mother had resigned her authority with reluctance is certain; that
she had entertained thoughts of procuring the transfer of the sceptre
from Alfonso to Pedro is confirmed by the general tenor of her actions.
It is no less true that Pedro aspired to supplant his brother; that he
intrigued with the nobles and prelates for that end; and that, by the
outward decorum of his conduct, by a scrupulous regard to the decencies
of his station, he laboured to make the contrast between himself and
the king too marked to be overlooked. Equally certain it is that no one
observed this contrast more narrowly than the youthful queen, who soon
formed a suspicious connection with the infante. That their plans for
the future were soon arranged, is evident enough from the sequel. When
Pedro’s plans were matured, when he had interested a considerable party
in his behalf, he sought an open rupture--and he had causes enough--with
the king. In October, 1667, a furious mob, which had been gained by his
emissaries, conducted him to the palace, insisting that justice should
be done him on his enemies. On the 21st of November, the queen hastily
left the palace, and retired to the convent of St. Francis. Her pretext
was the ill-usage she hourly received from Alfonso. The true reason for
so extraordinary a step appeared in a letter in which, after adverting
to her domestic sorrows, she surprised the public by saying that her
marriage was, from its origin, null; that it had never been consummated.

[Sidenote: [1667-1668 A.D.]]

The perusal of this extraordinary letter filled Alfonso with indignant
wonder. He hastened to the convent, and on being refused admission,
he ordered the gates to be broken; but his brother, arriving with an
escort, persuaded or compelled him to depart. No sooner was he retired,
than the infante had a long interview with her. The subject of their
conversation appeared from a letter to the chapter of Lisbon, which
contained the same charge of impotence against the king. The counsellors
of state forced him to sign an act of renunciation. He was then arrested,
and sentenced to perpetual confinement, but with permission to enjoy
the comforts of life. In conclusion, Pedro was proclaimed regent; and,
in that character, was recognised by an assembly of the states. By his
creatures, the same states were persuaded to petition the queen, who
no longer showed any inclination to leave the kingdom, that she would
accept the hand of so deserving a prince. She required no solicitation.
Her uncle the cardinal Vendôme, anxious that his family should contain a
queen, expedited it without delay. The marriage was celebrated in haste,
lest a papal inhibition should arrive, and blast the fruit of so many
intrigues. Subsequently, an application was made to the pope, to confirm
the dispensation of the cardinal; and Clement, who saw that the mischief
was done, admitted the allegation of impotence, and despatched the brief
of confirmation.

Thus concluded one of the most extraordinary scenes that has ever been
exhibited to the eyes of mankind--extraordinary alike for effrontery
and duplicity. However the constitution of Alfonso might have been
impaired by debauchery, he was not impotent. No one labouring under
such a disability would have been at the trouble either of visiting the
public stews or of introducing women of loose morals into the palace.
But, without insisting on this presumptive evidence, we are positively
informed that Alfonso had one child at least by his favourite mistress.
If the _debitum conjugale_ had never been paid, why should a circumstance
so important to the kingdom be concealed during sixteen months? Why
should it be mentioned, for the first time, when Pedro was ready to usurp
the crown? The whole proceeding is explicable enough. The queen felt that
she was neglected; she admired the infante, and was gained by him as an
accessory to the long meditated plot of dethroning the king. The means
adopted by these paramours were even more daring, more indicative of the
contempt with which they regarded public opinion, than the end itself.

[Sidenote: [1668-1706 A.D.]]

Before this iniquitous consummation of ambition and lust, Pedro had the
glory of ending the long dispute with Spain. Both nations were exhausted
by their past exertions, and both naturally inclined for peace. It was
concluded at Lisbon, under the mediation of Charles II, king of England.
By it all conquests made by either party were restored, and the subjects
of each nation admitted to the privileges enjoyed by the most favoured
people. The arms of Portugal were immediately erased from the escutcheon
of the Spanish monarchy. This was almost the only transaction of moment
in which the regent was engaged, from his marriage to the death of
Alfonso. There was, indeed, a conspiracy formed to restore that prince;
but it was easily detected and its authors punished. That unfortunate
monarch was first removed to the Azores; and then transferred to the
palace of Cintra, where, in 1683, he ended his days. The same year was
fatal to the queen, who left no other issue than a daughter, the infanta
Isabella.

PEDRO II (1683-1706 A.D.); JOÃO V (1706-1750 A.D.)

On the death of Alfonso, the coronation of the new king was celebrated
with the usual pomp and circumstance. His reign, like his regency, was
passed in profound peace, and consequently furnishes no materials for
history, until the celebrated War of the Spanish Succession, following
the demise of Charles II, called him into the field. The motives which
induced him to take part with the allies against Philip V have been
already explained, and the chief events of the war have been related in
the history of Spain.[173]

During the reigns of Alfonso and Pedro, the affairs of India continually
declined. The Dutch, the most persevering enemies that ever assailed the
Portuguese empire in the East, not satisfied with the richest settlements
in Malacca and in the India islands, prepared to expel the subjects of
his most faithful majesty from the continent. The latter were insulted,
sometimes defeated, within sight of Goa. In 1660, they blockaded the bar
of Goa, thereby preventing the annual sailing of merchandise for Lisbon.
Bombay was delivered to the English. In 1665, Diu was plundered by the
Mohammedans, three thousand of the inhabitants being led into hopeless
captivity, the rest put to the sword. Finally, Cochin was reduced by the
king of Travancore, and the Portuguese empire in India was confined to
Goa, Diu, and a few commercial settlements on the coast of Malabar and in
the islands. The African and Brazilian possessions continued unimpaired.

By his second queen, a princess of Bavaria, Pedro had several children,
most of whom, however, died either in infancy or without issue. He was
succeeded, in 1706, by the infante João, born in 1688.[e]

[Sidenote: [1706-1750 A.D.]]

Dom Pedro’s successor was but eighteen years of age. Lacking in
experience and doubtless desirous of equalling his father’s glory, he did
not know how to get out of the dangerous political course which Portugal
was pursuing and he continued to take part in the war of succession to
the sole profit of England and Holland. This persistence was all the
more deplorable as the success of the allies in Spain was not long
maintained. Scarcely had João V become king when Philip V returned
to Madrid in the midst of enthusiastic acclamations and the duke of
Berwick achieved over the combined forces of De las Minas and Galway the
brilliant victory of Almansa (April 25th, 1707). The Portuguese, against
whom the efforts of the Spanish and French were especially directed,
lost thirteen regiments and they were unable to hold the positions
they had taken. Far from profiting by the hard lesson that fortune had
administered to him, João V lost no time in rebinding through marriage
the political alliances that his father had adopted; he married Maria
Anna of Austria, sister of the emperor Joseph I and of the archduke
Charles, Philip V’s rival, and celebrated this brilliant union with the
most magnificent fêtes that Portugal had ever seen.

All this did not prevent Philip’s taking each day a more marked
advantage. Victor at Badajoz, victor at Villaviciosa, he invaded Portugal
in turn; it became evident that whatever else might happen this prince
would at least keep the crown of Castile. The victory of the allies at
Saragossa completely disappeared amid all these disasters. But what was
much more unfortunate still was that Portugal nearly lost Brazil, which
was the sole possession that would permit her henceforth to cut some
sort of figure in the world. It was the very moment when new explorers
had just discovered the opulent mines of Goyaz and the Matto-Grosso that
a Spanish-French fleet under the command of the valiant Duguay-Trouin
put in an appearance. Powerful with its seven vessels and eight frigates
it had no difficulty in forcing the channel to Rio de Janeiro, and
after it had landed its forces there was no resistance (September 14th,
1711). Soldiers and inhabitants quickly evacuated the town, taking
refuge with their valuables in the neighbouring mountains. Brazil’s fate
would doubtless have been settled there and then had it not been for
the grave troubles with which France was at that time overwhelmed, and
especially for the small number of soldiers assigned to the expedition.
Duguay-Trouin had to content himself with sacking Rio de Janeiro and
making it pay a ransom of 600,000 cruzados. Instead of a conqueror he
was only a devastator, but he went far towards making the Portuguese
appreciate all the advantages of the English alliance, and brought back
to exhausted France a booty of over twenty-five millions of francs.

The Portuguese, however, were still more convinced by the events which
were taking place at the same time in Europe. In taking part in the
prolonged quarrels of which Charles II’s succession had been the source,
England had but a single aim in view--to inflame the whole of western
Europe and take advantage of the conflagration to obtain ascendency
over the seas. Just as soon as she had obtained her end by destroying
the remains of the French and Spanish navy, by reducing Portugal to the
state of a colony, and by making herself sure of the Mediterranean by the
rascally occupation of Gibraltar and Minorca, then, having no further
interest in continuing the war, she withdrew and was the first to accept
Louis XIV’s proposals. But what could the powerless João V do without
her? He had to come to terms, or be conquered; and lost in negotiating
all the fine hopes that the allies had held before his eyes. The Peace of
1713 with France simply stipulated that the most Christian king renounce
all claims upon Brazil, that King Philip V would arrange matters in a
manner agreeable to Portugal, and that England would be responsible
for the carrying out of the agreed-upon conditions. That of February
6th, 1715, with Philip V gave the territory and colony of Colonia del
Sacramento to Portugal in exchange for Albuquerque which had been taken
from Castile. And so all the money spent and all the blood spilled,
devoted, after all, to establishing England’s supremacy, had brought
nothing to Portugal but an impoverished and subdued kingdom, unless we
may consider as sufficient consolation João V’s honour of being mentioned
first in the text of the treaty.

Scarcely had João emerged from this terrible twelve years’ struggle when
the Venetians asked his assistance against the Ottomans. Too devout
to reject such a petition, he hastened to send them the count of Rio
Grande and a few ships, without any other object than that of sustaining
the Christians against the infidels. But in spite of all the great
questions over which Europe was still divided, this war was henceforth
the only war into which he let himself be dragged. On the contrary he
took care to maintain the friendliest relations with Castile, which he
should never have ceased to do. He made this union the closer by two
marriages--that of his eldest son José, prince of Brazil, with Doña
Maria Anna Victoria, daughter of Philip V; and that of the infanta Maria
Barbara with the prince of the Asturias (1728). Perhaps we may even
reproach João V with having carried his desire to oblige Spain too far by
giving up the Philippines and by exchanging the rich colony of Colonia
del Sacramento, with all the northern region of La Plata, for a few small
colonies in Paraguay, between the Ibicuhy and the Uruguay, which the
Jesuits, possessors of all the territory, did not wish to give up (1750).
But by this time João V was dying, and the Recollet friar, Gaspard de
Incarnação, who ruled in his name, was solely responsible for this
foolish concession.

_The Colonies Decline_

At peace with Europe and patronised by England, did not João V employ at
least a portion of the daily increasing wealth which Brazil poured into
his hands to maintain the few colonies which still remained to him in
the Indies? He did nothing of the kind; and while the Mahrattas drove
the Portuguese from Sandomir, Salsette, Thana, Barcain, Senapour, and
Karanja, the Dutch, English, and French had every reason to claim the
domination of the Orient. In a short time the viceroys of the Indies, no
longer daring to inhabit the ancient palace of the Albuquerques and the
Castros, lived modestly in the small village of Panjim. What had become
of magnificent Goa, and Diu, and Calicut, queen of Malabar? They were
already nothing but ruins; a century had sufficed to reduce a powerful
empire to a pile of rubbish.

Far from devoting to useful enterprise the riches which fortune showered
upon him, João V let the navy, army, and administration constantly
decline. He seemed to have no other aim than to emulate the pomp of Louis
XIV; but he forgot that Louis reigned over France and that the latter
found all the elements of the luxury he displayed in the industry of
the kingdom, while Portugal could not obtain them except by exhausting
herself to the profit of foreigners. Such was João V’s generosity with
his courtiers, his mistresses, his feasts, and his buildings that, with
the great nobles following his example, poverty soon arrived, in spite
of America. It has been estimated that between 1699 and 1756 there
came from Brazil 2,400,000,000 francs, and that Portugal retained but
a very small portion. All the rest, that is to say nearly nine-tenths,
went to England, either in exchange for merchandise or as the price of
transporting the metal, which became hers after all.

It was not sufficient that England should levy such a tribute on
Portuguese indolence. Not less zealous for his religious practices than
for his pleasures, João V had the idea of establishing a patriarchal
legate at Lisbon, and before Rome could agree to this he had to expend
enormous sums. He did the same in order that Portugal might possess
under this legate a Latin church almost the equal of St. Peter’s, and
this contained not less than sixty-six mitred canons at a salary of
5,000 cruzados each. Add to this the construction of the magnificent
monastery of Mafra for three hundred monks, with its park twelve miles
in length, the gorgeous procession, the collections of pious books to
which the public was not allowed access, and what is worse still, the
_auto-da-fé_ which the Inquisition made him celebrate with great pomp,
and we can realise that he spent on all this appearance of religion at
least 500,000,000 francs. It is true that he was recompensed. Grateful
Rome granted him the title of “most faithful king” in 1748.

While such follies are discrediting the reign, is it permissible to
rehabilitate a prince because he founded a Portuguese academy or an
academy of history--because he softened the national manners almost to
enervation--because he introduced into his country French customs and
Italian music in place of a real civilisation whose establishment the
Inquisition would however never have tolerated? But how explain, on the
other hand, that far from cursing João V’s memory, the Portuguese have
always held it in great veneration? It was because the riches of Brazil
struck them all with the same giddiness as they struck him, because his
ostentatious piety conformed to the tastes of the nation, because if he
fought with his ministers and occupied himself more with theological
disputes than with government, he was accessible and kind to all his
subjects, and could use those happy words which too often take the place
of real merit.

The esteem given João V by Portugal seems to us to be his own
condemnation. What is war without greatness, peace without prosperity,
devotion without piety? And in these words we may sum up João’s reign.
We shall not dwell on the final extinction of the ancient Portuguese
liberties whose form had at least survived. João V never convoked the
cortes until public tranquillity was threatened with some blow, and yet
no one protested. The régime of the Inquisition had produced its usual
effect.

The last years of João V were as sad as the others had been brilliant.
Stricken with paralysis in 1744, he found a little relief in the baths
of Caldas da Raiñha, but this treatment soon ceased to benefit him, and
he could do nothing put pass the rest of his existence far from the
luxury and fêtes of which he had been so fond. Thenceforth the king of
Portugal was the Recollet Gaspard, who, with even less ability in the
art of government than his master, had at least the merit of proving
himself more economical. For some time João had contracted the costly
habit of having masses for all the Portuguese of whose deaths he could
learn. Gaspard took care to deceive him as to the deaths which occurred
in Lisbon, lest he should send, as they said, all the living to hell in
getting the dead out of purgatory.[f]

João died in July, 1750. By his queen, Maria Anna of Austria, João had
a numerous issue; but three children only survived him--Maria Barbara,
queen of Spain, his successor, José, and the infante Dom Pedro.[e]

THE REIGN OF JOSÉ I

[Sidenote: [1750-1751 A.D.]]

On September 7th, 1750, the new king was proclaimed with all the usual
pomp and circumstance. He found the treasury empty, the army existing
in name only; but, as someone has remarked with a certain semblance of
accuracy, he found the popular instincts directed towards commerce, and
a remarkable readiness to enter on a path of ameliorated industries.
But none the less the Methuen Treaty was at that time manifesting all
its consequences, and laid a spell of inertia on the most active minds,
even on those who, by their continual contact with a commercial and
manufacturing nation, were filled with dreams for their country of
improvements which only a strong and independent genius could bring about.

At this epoch Brazil had become an inexhaustible resource for the
mother-country in all financial embarrassments. December, 1750, witnessed
the arrival at Lisbon of the fleet, richly loaded, on which so many hopes
were built each succeeding year. From a generous impulse, for which the
colonies were most grateful to him, one of the new king’s first acts was
aimed at the political betterment of the rich province of Minas from
which he drew so much of his wealth; he abolished the poll-tax, which
was paid as a right of seigniory, and in 1751 he established at Rio de
Janeiro a tribunal of _relaçao_ [_i.e._, a court of appeal], a real and
well-felt advantage for that country, since in former times trials of any
importance lasted an eternity, being brought to Lisbon for judgment.

But with the question of important improvements, and the directing of
wide measures, the name of one other than the reigning sovereign flows
involuntarily from the historian’s pen--that of the great statesman
Pombal, who gave his country so mighty an impulse. To José belongs the
supreme merit of discerning the merits of this extraordinary man. There
is perhaps something of injustice in comparing the king with Louis XIII,
as is so frequently done; for he had at all events sufficient firmness of
character always to approve the acts of the man he had willingly chosen.
On January 19th, 1729, José I had married (during his father’s lifetime)
Doña Maria Anna Victoria, daughter of Philip V and Elizabeth Farnese.
This lady should have married Louis XV and had never become wholly
resigned to the bitterness of her memories. In politics she was not only
always opposed to France, but, later, she openly posed as a formidable
enemy to the powerful man to whose hands her royal husband had intrusted
the destinies of the nation.[g]

_The Great Minister Pombal_

[Sidenote: [1741-1755 A.D.]]

Sebastião José de Carvalho e Mello,[174] who was created count of Oeyras
and afterwards marquis of Pombal, whom we shall hereafter call by the
last and shortest name, had been introduced to King João V, who was a
person of a sickly constitution; he however made himself intolerable to
the king by his incessant fertility in plans and projects. In order to
remove him from the court, he was first sent on some trifling affairs
to London, and secondly upon business of graver importance to Vienna.
In these cities he became acquainted with the French philosophy and the
new theories of political economy and statecraft, and convinced that the
Jesuits, who exercised unlimited dominion in Portugal, and had the whole
system of instruction completely in their hands, had kept his countrymen
more than a century behind the spirit of the age. The queen of Portugal,
who was an Austrian princess, had the management of the government during
the very frequent attacks of absence of mind and incapacity under which
her husband laboured. Pombal had been employed by her in the execution
of affairs of various kinds in Vienna, and he no sooner married her
friend the countess Daun, than she resolved to recall him from his
embassy and to take him into the ministry in Lisbon.

King João died immediately after the arrival of Pombal in Lisbon, and it
was very easy for Pombal to make himself indispensable. The young king
was of an indolent character, shrunk from every effort, was licentious
and extravagant, but entertained a childish fear of his wife, from
whom he carefully concealed his amours. He was as superstitious as the
humblest peasant of his superstitious nation, he was as cowardly as
Pombal was courageous, and the latter kept him in such a continual state
of suspicion and anxiety that the king from fear resigned everything into
his hands in order to secure his favour and protection.

Wraxall,[i] who only first became acquainted with Pombal when he was
seventy years of age, speaks of his features, his giant build, and his
language as characteristic of all that energy which he had exhibited
for twenty-seven years in the public administration; it would appear
therefore as if nature had from the first designed him for a reformer
and dictator. In order to lessen and correct our ideas of the cruelties
which he practised in his reforms, we must remember that in Asia,
Africa, and southern Europe our cold and tedious morality is completely
unknown, and compensated for by warm feelings of religion, which take
heaven by violence; and, moreover, no one except a monarchical Danton
or Robespierre would have been able to snatch Portugal from its state
of powerless subjection to the institutions of the Middle Ages. Pombal
appeared to have been raised up to organise a monarchical system of
terror, and he alone could have succeeded in bringing Portugal nearer to
the other states of Europe and to the spirit of the new age.

The first contest of the minister after he was firmly seated in his
position was that with the order of Jesuits. The Jesuits were regarded
by him as a dangerous independent aristocracy, and as the guardians of
the secrets of the confessional of almost all the princes and nobles
of Europe, far beyond the reach of any secular arm. In Portugal, in
particular, the order, by the possession and use of great wealth acquired
by trade, and of a flourishing colony, threatened the complete oppression
of the state, which was entirely in its power. Shortly before Pombal
became minister the order of the Jesuits had obtained a temporal dominion
in Uruguay in America, secured for themselves all the privileges of
government and legislation, and threatened to draw the whole trade of
private individuals to themselves by various speculations and large
commercial adventures in the Antilles and the European ports. The order
was in ill-repute for its casuistry, by virtue of which regicide and
bankruptcy might be equally justified, as Arnauld and Pascal had proved
in the preceding century. The danger of allowing such an order first to
sustain speculators by its credit and then to allow them to fail, had
been so clearly proved in Pombal’s time in the superior courts in France,
that the parliament at that time zealously pressed for the abolition of
the order. The pope himself had issued very severe orders in 1741 against
the practices of slave-dealing, usury, and banking, in which the order
had engaged. In February, 1741, Benedict XIV published a bull, by which,
without naming the Jesuits in particular, all orders whatsoever and all
ecclesiastics were strictly forbidden to engage in any description of
trade or commerce, to exercise any temporal authority, or to interfere
with the sale or purchase of the converts. This bull failed in producing
its intended effect, and in December another was issued expressly
against the Jesuits. The latter, entitled _Immensa pastorum_, which is
remarkable as being the first manifesto published by the pope against
the order of Jesuits, was particularly directed against their conduct in
their missions in Asia and Africa, in Brazil and Paraguay.

The bold spirit of usurpation which the Jesuits continued to display,
notwithstanding the pope’s first bull, after having caused the _Immensa
pastorum_ to be launched against them, urged Pombal also to the adoption
of his first strong measures against this dangerous order. In their
missions in Paraguay, both in the portions which acknowledged Portugal as
their sovereign state as well as those which acknowledged the supremacy
of Spain, they had contrived to obtain complete possession of the secular
administration, by having secured for themselves the most extraordinary
privileges from the kings and queens of these nations, who were entirely
subject to their guidance and dominion. No Spaniard or Portuguese was
suffered to set foot in their missions without their special permission.
The pope in his bull, under threats of the greater excommunication,
forbade all and each, and the Jesuits expressly by name, to make slaves
of the Indians, to sell, exchange, or make presents of them, to separate
them from their wives and children, to despoil them of their property, or
to injure or molest them in any other way whatsoever.

Later, Spain ceded the district of Puy in Galicia and the seven
missions of the Jesuits in Paraguay, and obtained in return Colonia del
Sacramento. This exchange led to disputes with the Jesuits, and finally
even gave rise to military expeditions on the part of the Spaniards
and Portuguese against the Indians: the Indians themselves were highly
dissatisfied with the cession of Paraguay to Portugal. The active
resistance of the Indians led the Spaniards and Portuguese to meet force
by force, and a formal contest arose, which led to no very conclusive or
satisfactory results as long as the matter was wholly left to the three
thousand Spaniards and the thousand Portuguese who had been sent to aid
and carry into effect the objects of the commissioners; in the year 1753
Pombal adopted different measures. He sent a considerable army into
the district, gave the command of it to his brother, Francisco Xavier
Mendoza, conferred upon him the office of governor of the province, and
intrusted him secretly with full power to destroy and forever put an end
to the secular dominion of the Jesuits in this territory. The last part
of the commission was kept a profound secret, and Pombal also delayed
its execution till the death of the dowager queen of Portugal, who was
a blindly devoted adherent to the order. These severe measures against
the Jesuits were first carried fully into operation in the year 1755, in
which the capital of Portugal was visited and almost destroyed by one of
the most dreadful earthquakes which has ever occurred in Europe.[h]

_The Earthquake at Lisbon (November 1st, 1755)_

[Sidenote: [1755 A.D.]]

Denis[g] quotes a letter from Pedegache, who was an eye-witness of the
horror: “On the 1st of November, 1755, with a quiet atmosphere and a very
clear sky, the earth shook, but so slightly that everyone fancied the
vibration was due to some rapidly moving vehicle. This first trembling
lasted two minutes; after two minutes’ interval there was a repetition
of the trembling, but so violent a one that the greater number of the
houses began to crack and to fall down: this second trembling continued
for upwards of ten minutes. By that time the dust was so great as to
obscure the sun. Then came a shock so awful that the houses which were
still standing fell with a deafening crash. It seemed as if the earth
were returning to chaos. The tears and cries of the living, the sighs and
groans of the dying, the shuddering of the earth, the total darkness, all
added to the horror of the scene. But at last, after twenty minutes, all
became quiet. One thought then filled every mind--flight, and a refuge
in the country. But our cup of misery was not yet full. Scarcely had we
begun to breathe again when fire broke out in different parts of the
town.[175] The wind, which was very boisterous, fanned the flames and
left no room for hope.

“Possibly something might have been done to check the fire had not the
town been threatened with wide submergence by the sea; at all events the
terrified inhabitants easily persuaded themselves that this danger was in
store for them, seeing waves breaking furiously over places far removed
from the shore. Several people believing that they would find a certain
amount of safety on the water ventured on it; but the waves drove the
vessels on shore, grinding them one against another, then drawing them
seawards with merciless violence as though they would swallow them and
the miserable beings clinging to them.

“During all these days our terror has never abated, for the shocks are
incessant. On Friday, November 7th, at five o’clock in the morning,
there was a shock so violent we imagined our troubles were about to
recommence; but happily it was followed by no disastrous consequences.
The movement was regular, like that of a rolling vessel. What caused such
devastation on the first day was that all the movements were contrary
and so exactly opposed to each other that the walls parted with the
utmost facility. I have noticed that the strongest shocks are always at
daybreak. They say that the sea came up nine feet higher than the highest
tide ever remembered in Portugal. On Sunday morning, November 2nd, I
saw with the utmost amazement the Tagus, which in some reaches is more
than two leagues wide, almost dried up on the city side; the other side
was a feeble little stream through which one could see the bed. Almost
the whole of Portugal has felt this scourge; the kingdom of Algarve,
Santarem, Setubal, Oporto, Mafra, Obidos, Castanheira--indeed all the
towns within twenty leagues are destroyed. I write to you from the depths
of the country, for there is not a habitable house left. Lisbon has
vanished!”

Everyone, from the monarch down to the meanest beggar, had something
to deplore. In the town of Lisbon alone thirty thousand persons had
perished, and, if one can trust the calculations which were made
later, the losses in valuable furniture and in hard cash reached the
enormous total of £91,360,000 or $456,800,000. In short, such were the
results of this terrible catastrophe that more than twenty years after
Dumouriez[k] was still able to say: “Lisbon is an appalling agglomeration
of overturned palaces, burned churches, of rubbish such as one sees when
a fortification has been blown up. In many places one walks over the
sites of houses, in streets contrived on the rubbish thrown up on either
side to allow of roadway being made. Here and there one sees reared up
isolated houses, and ruins as grotesque, as grimly beautiful, as the
remains of Greek and Roman buildings.”[g]

[Sidenote: [1756-1757 A.D.]]

The whole population of Lisbon continued throughout the winter in
tents or huts in the fields. The distress was extreme in every part of
Portugal, and called forth, as has been already stated, the pity of all
neighbouring nations. In Spain, Ferdinand deeply sympathised in his
queen’s sorrow for her countrymen, and repealed the existing prohibitions
of exporting some of the necessaries of life, and the heavy duties
imposed upon the export of others, as related to Portugal. In England,
though the claim might be less, more was done. George II applied to
parliament for the means of relieving a people so severely afflicted; and
the sum of £100,000 [$500,000] was immediately granted for that purpose.
The ministers expended it in corn and other articles of provisions or
indispensable necessaries, which were shipped off without a moment’s
delay to the desolated city. The Portuguese felt gratitude both for the
benefits conferred and for the kindly fellow-feeling that had prompted
the act; and the old ties of friendship between England and Portugal seem
to have regained much of their previously decaying strength.[b]

_Pombal and the Jesuits_

The measures which Pombal adopted on account of and after the earthquake,
although in themselves prudent and humane, were enforced in a severe
and arbitrary manner. He caused the public granaries to be thrown open,
because hundreds of persons who had not been buried under the ruins,
or killed by the falling buildings, were wandering about like ghosts
and dying from hunger. He adopted measures for the immediate import of
grain from all quarters, abolished the duties on corn, and strictly
forbade the export of provisions of any description. The water-conduits
which had been destroyed were also immediately restored and carefully
maintained.[176] The indescribable misery which resulted from this
calamity gave occasion to murders and plunder in such a country as
Portugal. Pombal applied remedies for this evil also, but by the use
of most horrible means. Thieves and robbers, regardless of the most
imminent dangers, and urged by their covetousness, ventured into streets
which were masses of ruins, and carried away property from churches,
palaces, and private houses before the very eyes of the inhabitants, who
were trembling for their lives. To put an end to this fearful system of
plunder, the minister ordered guards to be placed at all the outlets
from the city and in every street, and summary justice to be executed
upon everyone who either refused or was unable to give a satisfactory
account of what he was carrying. Hundreds of gallows were erected around
the circuit of the city which was filled with the dead and the dying,
and with persons robbed of all their property and means even of present
existence; and on these gallows 350 people were hanged within three days.

At the very moment at which Pombal proved himself to be a delivering
angel, and was devoting his labours day and night to the public
preservation and the restoration of order, the clergy, and especially
the Jesuits, endeavoured to expose him to the hatred of the people as
an enemy of God. Sermons were preached against him from every pulpit,
and a report was industriously put into circulation that the whole of
their misfortunes, and even the earthquake itself, was a visitation of
the divine wrath on account of Pombal’s conduct towards the clergy. The
Jesuits alleged that Pombal had roused the tumult in Oporto to involve
them in its consequences.

[Sidenote: [1757-1758 A.D.]]

At Pombal’s instigation. King José now signed the severe decree by which
all Jesuits were banished from the court, which the minister caused to
be executed after his own fashion. On the night between the 19th and the
20th of September, 1757, Pombal caused all the Jesuits at the court, then
in Belem, at some distance from the capital, to be removed and conducted
to Lisbon, and their places at court were immediately occupied by other
ecclesiastics. This step against the court confessors was immediately
followed by others against the whole order and its constitution.

In order to justify the steps taken against the Jesuits, and to
induce all the monarchs in Europe to regard them as decided enemies
of the temporal power of princes, Pombal had recourse to a remarkable
expedient, which excited great attention throughout the whole of Europe.
He published a manifesto against the order, which was eagerly read at
all courts, produced a great effect in Austria, and enabled Kaunitz to
prevail upon Maria Theresa to adopt many measures to which she never
would have consented except for Pombal’s publication.

Both these criminatory reports were sent to the Portuguese minister in
Rome (October, 1757), and he was instructed to seek and obtain from Pope
Benedict XIV, who was then mortally ill, a complete reform of the order;
and as early as February, 1758, a new and urgent note on the same subject
was presented to the papal court. The pope yielded to the solicitation
and issued a brief in April, by which the patriarch, Cardinal Saldanha,
was appointed to examine and reform the abuses of the order in the
kingdom of Portugal.[h]

_A Plot to Assassinate the King_

Whilst the Jesuits and their accusers were battling before the tribunal
of the visitor, a plot to murder the king was organised at Lisbon, in
1758, by two of the noblest families in the realm, the motives to which,
as is often the case, were enveloped in obscurity; whence it was easy to
implicate the Jesuits, whether guilty or not, in the criminal design.

The duke of Aveiro, the chief conspirator, who had been a great favourite
of João V, was descended from Dom Jorge, that natural son of João II whom
his father had endeavoured to substitute to his cousin Emmanuel as his
successor; and a daughter of the duke’s was married to the eldest son
of his confederates, the marquis and marchioness of Tavora.[177] It has
been surmised that the king, whose gallantries were notorious, was upon
too intimate a footing with the young marchioness of Tavora, and that
the two families resented such a stain upon their honour; it has been
also surmised that the old marchioness, a woman of imperious temper and
uncontrollable passions, was exasperated at having been refused a dukedom
for her husband; and finally, it was alleged at the time that these two
noble families were merely the tools of their Jesuit confessors, who
sought by the king’s death to quell the proceedings against their order.

What can be stated with certainty is that a young lady, a distant
relative of the Tavora family, who resided with the old marchioness, was
found dead, pierced with wounds and wrapped in a sheet, in one of the
streets of Lisbon; that no judicial inquiry into the circumstances of her
death took place (a mode of connivance not uncommon when suspicion of
crime attached to powerful families); that soon afterwards, as the king
was returning to the palace at night, from the residence of one of his
mistresses [the marchioness of Tavora], several shots were fired at the
back of his carriage, one of which wounded him; and that the coachman,
instead of going forwards to the palace, instantly turned his horses’
heads, and drove to the house of the king’s surgeon. It is believed that
by this step he saved his master’s life, as he thus avoided two or three
other parties of assassins who were lying in wait on the road to the
palace.

[Sidenote: [1758-1759 A.D.]]

Some weeks elapsed ere the perpetrators of this outrage were detected,
during which time Aveiro and Tavora were assiduous in their visits to the
royal invalid. But in the end Pombal obtained a clew to the plot. A great
number of persons were seized and imprisoned; and in January, 1759, as it
is alleged, after a very arbitrary and unsatisfactory trial, the duke,
the marquis, his two sons, and several other persons were broken on the
wheel; the old marchioness, in consideration of her sex, was beheaded,
and the young marchioness was shut up for life in a convent. Many persons
were banished, and others imprisoned for life.

One of the conspirators is said, whilst under the torture, to have
accused three Jesuits as the instigators of the conspiracy, but to have
retracted this accusation upon the scaffold. Of these three Jesuits, one
was tried for heresy, not treason, convicted, and executed; the other
two were not even brought to trial; but Pombal took the opportunity to
charge the crime upon the whole order, as the fruit of its principles
and doctrines--an imputation to which their earlier conduct rendered
the order but too obnoxious. He issued orders for the confiscation of
their property, and the seizure of their persons, throughout Portugal
and the colonies, as advisers and instigators of regicide, and for the
investigation of their doctrines. In the month of September of this same
year they were finally proscribed and banished.

_The Exile of the Jesuits_

The missionary fathers were torn from the reductions, and with all
Jesuits who could be found in Brazil, old and young, even the patients
in their infirmaries, were stowed on board ship, without any of the
conveniences, or scarcely any of the necessaries of life, like the
unfortunate negroes in slave vessels, and transported to Europe. Upon
reaching the mouth of the Tagus, some were landed and thrown into the
Lisbon prisons, where they languished during the remainder of José’s
reign; others were sent forward to Italy, where they were landed upon
the papal territories, and left to find their way to the houses of their
order. It is said, however, that an allowance was made from Lisbon for
their support, and that Pombal often complained of the extraordinary
longevity of his Jesuit pensioners.[178]

Pombal, who really appears to have been partly actuated by disgust at the
slavery, however easy, in which the fathers had held their converts, and
to have desired to place the Indians upon a level with their Portuguese
masters, now endeavoured at once to effect this equalisation.[179] The
scheme, if not extravagant, was at least premature.

In Portugal likewise, Pombal, though he succeeded better, attempted too
much; and by his injudicious endeavours to secure to the Portuguese the
profit made by foreign, and especially English merchants, he merely
harassed and injured the trade of the country, without at all advancing
the end at which he aimed. That end was in fact unattainable. To deprive
the enterprising capitalist of his profits is very possible, but not so
to transfer them to the indigent, ignorant, or unenterprising. Pombal
moreover involved Portugal in a quarrel with Rome, by his endeavour to
subject the clergy to a lay tribunal, a sort of board of conscience, when
accused of high treason, or other state crimes. Prior to this rupture,
a papal dispensation had been obtained for one of those incestuous
connections so frequent in the peninsula, and more especially in
Portugal. José had no son; and to insure the undisputed succession of his
eldest daughter, Donna Maria, it was deemed expedient to marry her to her
uncle, his younger brother, Dom Pedro. The dispensation was obtained, and
the marriage celebrated in 1760.

_War with Spain_

[Sidenote: [1759-1763 A.D.]]

The two Bourbon monarchs, Louis XV of France, and Charles III of Spain,
being involved in the Family Compact War, now required the king of
Portugal to join them against England, Charles kindly offering Spanish
troops with which to garrison the Portuguese fortresses against British
aggression. Unprepared as he was for war, he therefore boldly refused
to desert his old ally; the Bourbon ambassadors quitted Lisbon (a
step nearly tantamount to a declaration of war), and a Spanish army
immediately invaded Portugal.

During a peace of forty-eight years the Portuguese army had been
neglected. The troops did not amount to twenty thousand men, and this
small number were ill-armed, and worse disciplined. It is not surprising
that Braganza, Miranda, Torre de Moncorvo, and Almeida fell in rapid
succession before the invaders, whilst the greatest alarm spread
throughout the country.

But the genius of Pombal rose with the emergency. From England he
obtained supplies of arms, troops, and especially of officers; and
he appointed the count of Schaumburg-Lippe, a German general of
considerable reputation,[180] to the chief command of the Portuguese
army. Schaumburg-Lippe showed real talent by adapting his measures to
the nature of the forces that were to execute them. By his direction
the armed peasants defended the mountain passes; and the English
brigadier-general Burgoyne successfully performed several surprises and
small expeditions, which, if in themselves of little moment, served to
revive the spirits of the Portuguese army, and being combined with the
annoyance given by the peasantry, checked the progress of the Spaniards.
Accordingly, at the approach of winter, the invaders retired within their
own frontiers, evacuating all their conquests. This campaign constituted
nearly the whole of the Spanish share of the Seven Years’ War in Europe;
the rest was confined to contributing a few auxiliary troops to the
French armies. In America, Spain was more successful against Portugal,
the governor of Buenos Ayres again making himself master of Colonia del
Sacramento, with booty of £4,000,000 [$20,000,000], besides numbers of
richly laden English merchant vessels.

On the 10th of February, 1763, a treaty of peace was signed at Paris
between France, Spain, and England, including the restoration of Colonia
del Sacramento to Portugal.

Upon the restoration of peace, José and Pombal resumed their patriotic
labours for improving the internal condition of Portugal. With the
assistance of Schaumburg-Lippe they remodelled, increased, and
disciplined the army. They similarly reformed the state of the navy.
They established a more efficient police, and abolished the _Indices
Expurgatorios_, or prohibitory lists of books of the Inquisition, which
banished from Portugal many good and really philosophical works. They did
not indeed give liberty to the press, but established a board of censure,
combining royal with prelatical and inquisitorial judges, by which all
publications were to be examined. The verdicts of this board, if still
somewhat illiberal, were far less so than the bigoted decisions of the
uncontrolled Inquisition. Nay, it is even said to have admitted some
free-thinking works, and condemned many books written in support of the
more extravagant pretensions of the papal see. To this board, moreover,
all schools were subjected. Pombal introduced great ameliorations into
the constitution and forms of the University of Coimbra, where, till
then, degrees in law, medicine, and divinity had been granted, without
any real examination of the proficiency of the candidates.

Pombal likewise somewhat limited the right of entailing property, carried
throughout the peninsula to a ruinous extent, diminished the excessive
number of monasteries, imposed restrictions upon the admission of
novices, and endeavoured to abolish the odious distinctions between the
“old” and “new” Christians, by repealing the tax laid especially upon
the latter. On the other hand, Pombal sought to encourage agriculture by
ordering all vineyards to be destroyed that were planted upon good arable
land; he cramped commerce by injudicious attempts to encourage domestic
manufactures, by establishing exclusive commercial companies, by passing
sumptuary laws, and by various embarrassing regulations.[b]

_Schlosser’s Estimate of Pombal_

[Sidenote: [1750-1777 A.D.]]

One of the very first acts of his administration was to abolish the
yearly exhibition of burning men for heresy (_auto-da-fé_); limits were
set to the power of the Inquisition in general, and the infliction of
all punishments, or cases involving punishments, were referred to the
decisions of the secular tribunals. The conventual and religious houses
were strictly forbidden to bring, or cause to be brought, young women of
good fortune from the Brazils and to receive them into their convents,
with a view of enriching their several orders. Restrictions were soon
placed upon the nobility also, as had been previously done upon the
clergy. Pombal behaved towards the high nobles precisely as Charles XI
of Sweden had done towards the same class in his kingdom, with this
exception--that the latter rested the defence of his conduct upon the
declaration of the estates of the realm. In the Portuguese possessions
on the coasts of Asia, Africa, and America, whole districts, lordships,
and large estates which at first belonged to the crown had come into
the hands of private families, as was also the case in Sweden in the
seventeenth century; all these alienations were reclaimed, and all the
estates which had come either by gift or occupancy into the hands of
private individuals were resumed by the crown, and the families who were
thus arbitrarily and violently deprived of their properties received very
inadequate compensation.

By this resumption of crown lands which had been long in the possession
of the nobility, the members of this body lost much of their influence
and power, and the measures must be allowed to have been executed with
great rigour. Imprisonment and death were arbitrarily inflicted upon
all those who showed themselves discontented with the scientific and
philosophic system of government of the prime minister. The first years
of Pombal’s administration may be very fitly compared to the times of
terror during the French Revolution; for the whole of the dreadful and
subterraneous prisons, and all the towers and castles were filled with
prisoners of state.

Should it be asked how it was possible that the cowardly, superstitious,
and weak king could approve of such a revolutionary method of proceeding,
this will be best explained by calling to mind that, from the time of the
disputes with the Jesuits, he lived in a continual state of fear, not
only of the order, but of his nobility and of his brother Dom Pedro. He
had therefore completely thrown himself into the arms of his minister,
who surrounded the king and himself with guards, relying upon whose
protection the weak king rejoiced that by the instrumentality of his
minister he was able to exercise a dominion uncontrolled by the people or
the nobles, such as was enjoyed by Louis XIV or Frederick of Prussia.

Pombal’s measures with respect to trade, commerce, industry, and
agriculture were neither the best nor free from selfish views; but
they roused up the Portuguese and awakened them from the slumber and
idleness of their monkish life, although this rousing was frequently
not performed with a very gentle hand. We shall therefore attribute no
higher importance to the school of commerce established by Pombal, to
the solemn and public examinations which were held in his presence, and
to the public attention which he thereby roused, than that he opposed a
school of practical life to the prevailing monkish institutions, and a
secular celebration which bore upon education and life to ecclesiastical
processions. He also contributed very largely to the improvement of
agriculture in the province of Alemtejo, although we should feel by no
means disposed to undertake the defence of all those measures which
he adopted with this view; the same may be said of the great canal of
Oeyras and of the fair established in the same place. He provided for the
security of the city repeatedly destroyed by earthquakes; he provided an
abundant supply of water by means of magnificent conduits, and erected
numerous noble public edifices. But the means, however useful, were
not the less tyrannical and cruel. The unfortunate inhabitants whose
dwellings had escaped the terrific power of the earthquake were obliged
to pull down their houses and build them up again at their own cost,
according to a prescribed plan and on a given scale, if, either in their
external appearance or by their situation, they interfered with Pombal’s
magnificent plan of broad streets and beautiful houses. Travellers were
struck with admiration at his immense architectural structures, the
arsenal, the exchange which was connected with it, and the market-house,
and it was said there was nothing in Europe of their kind to be compared
with these buildings; but, in fact, the only real glory in the matter
was that Pombal’s buildings were all erected in the taste and style of
the new age, whereas those of João V retained all the characteristics
of the Middle Ages; for the exchange and the market-house were wholly
destitute of merchants and wares, and there was no suitable army or fleet
to correspond to the arsenal.

Pombal was at that time the object of the most deadly hatred as a
tyrant in the nation which he was desirous of reforming; this alone was
sufficient to render everything hateful which originated with him amongst
a people whose condition he was indeed unable immediately to improve, but
whom he annoyed, provoked, and tormented by means of his state police and
his numerous and detested decrees. He durst not, in consequence, venture
out of his house without a guard, and was obliged to have recourse to
the most hateful means of maintaining the respect due to his station
and rank. Wraxall,[i] who, as regards hearsays, mixes together truth and
falsehood, stories, footmen’s reports, and lies of all kinds, but who is
deserving of credit when he speaks as an eye-witness, informs us that,
as late as the year 1772, he found all the prisons full of unfortunate
individuals, some of whom had been buried in these living graves for
fifteen years.

The advantages therefore which Portugal gained through Pombal’s
administration, and which were loudly celebrated through the whole of
Europe, rested upon a very unstable foundation. The most remarkable
of these advantages were: security from assassination, which Lisbon
had never enjoyed before the time of Pombal’s rule; the rebuilding and
adornment of the capital; cleanliness of the streets; a free trade in
books; an academy which deserved well of the friends of the sciences;
a disciplined army, etc. All these momentous changes and creations,
however, wholly depended for their continuance upon the absolute power of
the minister, and that again upon the life of the king. As long as José
lived, Pombal maintained his influence, and pursued the same energetic
course both towards priests and soldiers. He put limits to the number of
brotherhoods and ecclesiastical orders, and availed himself of the aid of
his sister, who was herself a nun, to carry his reforming principles even
into the nunneries. Military affairs he conducted in the same manner,
for he never hesitated to cashier whole regiments if they transgressed
his army regulations respecting discipline, or suffered themselves to be
guilty of acts of injury or violence towards their officers, who were
gathered from all nations and countries.

The king, who was nearly eighty years old, no sooner became seriously
ill than Pombal foresaw his fate, for the queen was appointed regent
and he was kept far removed from the sick-bed of the monarch. He
therefore, shortly before José’s death, which took place in February,
1777, preferred a request to the regent to be relieved from his official
duties, and appealed, as a reason for his request, to his advanced
age and his bodily infirmities. In this remarkable document he gives
a brief but comprehensive statement of the whole of the arrangements
and condition of all the departments of the government at that time.
No person who reads this paper can fail to be pleased with the ability
which it displays and to admire its author, who had raised the financial
condition of the country to a degree of prosperity which it had not
reached for centuries; he appended a paper to his petition for leave to
retire from public life, in which a correct account is not only given of
the diamonds in the royal cabinet, but in which it is stated that a sum
of 76,000,000 cruzados in hard cash [about £6,400,000 or $32,000,000] was
deposited in the royal treasury.

THE NEW QUEEN AND REACTION

[Sidenote: [1777-1785 A.D.]]

The king however died before the regent had returned her answer; he was
succeeded by his daughter, Donna Maria I, to whom Pombal preferred his
request anew on the 1st of March, 1777, which was granted to him by a
decree of the date of the 4th of the same month, drawn up in a kindly
spirit. The regent, at the end of February, had already released from
imprisonment several of the clergy and persons of distinction who had
been incarcerated as being implicated in the conspiracy against the
king’s life, under the appearance of having taken this step by her
husband’s command: in the beginning of March everything was changed.
The new and unholy marriage which was celebrated in the royal family,
for which the pope had granted a dispensation, may be regarded as a
preliminary announcement of the return to the old order of things: this
marriage, now solemnised, had been commanded by the king immediately
before his death. It appeared as if it were not enough that the reigning
queen should be married to her own paternal uncle, but the son of this
marriage must be further allied with his mother’s sister, Donna Maria
Benedicta.

The whole history of this incestuous family furnishes proofs enough that,
although the pope might sanction and bless such marriages for money, they
had the stamp of retribution upon them. This was soon evident in the
case of the new queen Donna Maria. Immediately after her father’s death
she assumed the reins of government, which she shared with her husband
Dom Pedro; soon afterwards, however, she exhibited traces of insanity,
and at a later period became completely mad. As her unsoundness of mind
was closely connected with her excessive superstition, she did not wait
for Pombal’s removal from the presidency of the council, which took
place a few weeks afterwards, but immediately proceeded to take steps
for the restoration of all those religious abuses which had previously
existed in the kingdom. She restored to the papal nuncio and the saints
of the Jesuits all the honours and distinctions which they had previously
enjoyed among the people. The nuncio immediately played again the
character of a spiritual monarch; and the pope received half a million
of florins as an indemnification for the expense to which he had been
put by the support of the Jesuits who were landed at Cività Vecchia. The
estates of the ridiculous patriarchate were given back; the holidays,
confraternities, and tribunals of the Middle Ages restored, and those
saints of the Romish church who had been the enemies of all temporal
sovereigns were again reinstated in the honours of the church and the
calendar. This was the case with Gregory VII, Ignatius Loyola, Francis
Xavier, and Francis Borgia, whose names had been erased from the calendar
by the orders of Pombal. All this took place long before Pombal received
permission to retire from his official duties.

Hundreds were liberated from their subterranean dungeons, among whom were
bishops, grandees of the kingdom, and members of families of the first
distinction, and especially the sixty Jesuits who had been restored to
freedom upon the command of the queen; all these combined and allowed the
weak-minded lady no rest or peace till she let loose her jurists upon the
reformer, with the forms and formulas of their Byzantine criminal law,
of which its codes furnish abundance, for the torment of all those who
are unfortunate enough to live in countries in which Byzantine justice is
honoured. Some idea of the number and power of the minister’s enemies at
court may be deduced from the fact that he had hunted forth whole crowds
of that court mob which, under all sorts of titles and pretences, had
wasted or spent on themselves and their pleasures the revenues of the
kingdom, or sacrificed them to his own creatures; and that again he had
not only met the expenditure, but accumulated a large reserve-fund in the
treasury of a kingdom whose exchequer had always been previously empty.
In the royal treasury he kept always on hand 40,000,000 cruzados, and in
the tithe exchequer 30,000,000, which was a thing long unheard of in the
history of Portuguese finances.

Pombal shared the fate of all those who have ever attempted to carry
through a revolution or even a reform by means of violence and severity;
the cruelty, criminality, and violence of their measures rouse every
human feeling against them to such an extent that neither sense nor
gratitude remains for the various beneficial changes which they have
effected. The numbers of prisoners who were released from their dreadful
captivity and dungeons at the king’s death furnish but too strong
proofs of the strict applicability of this principle to Pombal, and of
the severities which he exercised under pretence at least of serving
the interests of humanity, and promoting the cause of knowledge and
improvement. In the very first days of the new government 500 human
beings came forth from their cells as from their graves, who had never
been brought before any legal tribunal, and their number was afterwards
increased to 800. When it was determined to prosecute the marquis, it was
alleged by his enemies that during his administration 9,640 men had been
banished or incarcerated, of whom 3,970 had been completely innocent, and
of the rest only 800 then remained alive. For four years (from 1777-1781)
Pombal was prosecuted before the courts by individuals who brought
actions against him for false imprisonment and damages, and a prosecution
was not commenced against him, on account of his administration of the
state, till he had been first baited and hunted down by the lawyers.

At length a severe final judgment was pronounced against the marquis,
now in his eighty-second year. In August, 1781, the queen overruled
the decision of the courts, and limited the punishment to a public
disapproval of the manner in which he had discharged the duties of his
office, and banishment from the court.

Almost every improvement or change which had been effected by Pombal had
disappeared before his death, which took place in 1782. Priests and monks
of all colours, Jesuits, now called ex-Jesuits, want of police, filth,
insecurity for life and property, and a total relaxation of military
discipline again appeared; but the whole effects of his exertions and
labours could not be rooted out. Murphy[l] who visited Portugal in 1789,
found many changes in the old Portuguese life, and every change which
he mentions is referred to Pombal. He further boasts that Portugal was
indebted to this celebrated minister for an institution of which England
was long destitute; in England hundreds of unfortunate debtors were
continually to be found languishing in the public prisons at the suit
of some heartless and intolerant creditor. In 1744 Pombal issued an
ordinance, which since that time has continued to be the law in Portugal,
by which, on the one hand, debtors were freed from personal arrest or
imprisonment at the suit of their creditors,[181] and the means were
given to the latter by which obtaining possession of the property of
their debtors was rendered as easy as it had previously been difficult.[h]

The strict friendship subsisting between Spain and Portugal had been most
beneficial to the former during the war with England (1779-1783). Not
only had the Portuguese harbours afforded neither shelter nor assistance,
as of old, to the hostile British fleets, but the Portuguese flag had
been the means of transporting the wealth of America to Spain; and it
is said that when the English ministry had projected an expedition
against Peru, whilst distracted by Tupac Amaru’s revolt, its execution
was prevented by a remonstrance from the court of Lisbon, representing
that, in case of an invasion of the Spanish dominions, Portugal was
bound by treaty to take part in the war. Charles, duly sensible of these
advantages, sought to strengthen the ties of relationship and friendship
by those of wedlock; and in 1785 his fourth son, Don Gabriel, married
the infanta Marianna Victoria of Portugal, and Dom João, the queen of
Portugal’s second son, the eldest Spanish infanta, Carlota Joaquina.

[Sidenote: [1785-1799 A.D.]]

This last union was the more agreeable to Charles, inasmuch as Dom
João had a very fair chance of eventually succeeding to the crown, the
incestuous union of his eldest brother with his aunt having proved
barren. But it was not the youngest of this ill-assorted pair that was
destined to be the survivor. Three years after Dom João’s marriage,
the prince of Brazil himself, whom the bigoted prejudices of the queen
had not suffered to be inoculated, died of the smallpox, and Charles’
son-in-law became prince of Brazil in his stead. Queen Maria had, in
1786, lost her uncle-husband, Pedro III, but he had interfered little
with her government, and his death had therefore no effect upon public
affairs.

The queen appears to have been really anxious to promote the prosperity
of her kingdom. When the Peace of Versailles had relieved her from the
embarrassments consequent upon her intimate connection with two hostile
belligerents, she endeavoured to strengthen the old friendship with
England by concluding a commercial treaty, at the same time that she
maintained her new relations of friendship and commerce with the Bourbon
courts.[b]

THE REGENCY AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

The queen now began to show signs of an insanity which took a religious
form and in which she suffered all the agonies of her vivid belief that
she was doomed to eternal fire. Her confessors endeavoured to comfort her
by milder applications of their doctrines, but from 1788 the government
was more and more taken out of her incapable hands by Dom João, who was
not, however, fully constituted regent until 1799.

Meanwhile the ferment of the French Revolution had stirred all Europe,
and Portugal indirectly. We have already described the embroilment of
Spain. Portugal endeavoured to keep a strict neutrality, but her treaties
with Spain and England enabled them to enforce their demand for aid.[182]
She added nine sail of the line to the British fleet, and five thousand
infantry under General Skelater to the Spanish armies. These troops
shared the easy successes of the first rush across the Pyrenees and the
bitter disasters of the following repulse. Spain now, in 1795, signed a
treaty of alliance with France, and Portugal applied for terms, but was
rejected as “a mere province of England”; the ambassador at Paris was
ordered out of the country, and on showing some delay was thrown into
prison, where he remained for months.

[Sidenote: [1799-1807 A.D.]]

Portugal was now driven to open alliance with England, against whom Spain
declared war in 1796. At the same time Dom João learned that Napoleon
and the Spanish prime minister Godoy had agreed to conquer and divide
Portugal as a spoil of war. The English voted £200,000 [$1,000,000]
to Portugal and sent six thousand men under Major-General Sir Charles
Stuart. These with a native army of some forty thousand men placed under
the prince of Waldeck frightened off Spanish invasion, whereupon Stuart
and the English troops withdrew. Little had happened thus far except the
loss of some commerce to French privateers. In 1799 Dom João formally
assumed the regency and tried vainly to secure the favour of Napoleon,
who would listen to nothing less than the payment of a heavy tribute,
breach of the alliance with England, the closing of Portuguese ports to
English ships, the surrender of a portion of Portuguese territory to
Spain. As alternative to these hard terms made under the name of Spain,
war was offered. Dom João accepted the latter alternative, and proclaimed
war on Spain, February 10th, 1801.

As related in the Spanish history, Portugal was invaded by the Spanish
at once, and with such ease that, by June 6th, João was glad to accept
the Peace of Badajoz at the cost of ceding Olivenza to Spain. Napoleon,
however, required more, and sent troops which extorted a tribute of
£1,000,000 [$5,000,000] and the cession of Portuguese Guiana to France.
Napoleon’s representative at Lisbon was General Lannes (or Lasnes) who at
first provoked great hatred by his insolent bearing, but later procured
a large influence over João and secured the dismissal of the ministers
of English sympathies. In 1804 he was succeeded by General Junot who
accepted a treaty of neutrality which gave Portugal quiet for some years,
while Napoleon went on from great to greater.

The English tried to break the Portuguese peace with France, but
could succeed in nothing more than keeping her ports open in spite of
Napoleon’s continental system against English trade. By 1807, however,
Napoleon was master enough of the East to turn again to Portugal and by
the Treaty of Fontainebleau (October 29th, 1807), resumed his project of
dividing it among Godoy, the king of Etruria, and himself. The terrified
João offered every sacrifice for peace, going so far as to order from his
realm every British subject and to close his ports to England, though
this meant commercial ruin to Portugal. But Napoleon, pretending that the
submission was too late, sent forward his troops under General Junot.[a]

THE INVASION OF THE FRENCH (1807 A.D.)

The Treaty of Fontainebleau contained all the decisions respecting
the campaign against Portugal, and the partition of that kingdom. The
Spaniards were to reinforce the army of the Gironde with twelve thousand
men; at the same time to invade the north of Portugal with forty thousand
men; and to give orders for another army to enter Algarve under Solano.
In terms of the treaty, Lisbon and the whole centre of the country were
to fall to the share of France, a part of the northern division was to be
given as compensation to the queen of Etruria, and a sovereign territory
to be formed in the south for Godoy. The part not allotted by the treaty
to any of the three parties just mentioned was to be the subject of
future negotiations, when possession of the whole was obtained.

Notwithstanding the imminent danger, the prince-regent had neither taken
measures for defence, made preparations for setting sail to Brazil, nor
even for the removal of the rich stores in the arsenals and magazines
of the capital. The prince and his whole court would have been taken by
surprise in Lisbon by the French rapidly advancing on the capital through
Beira, had not a swift sailing ship brought a copy of the _Moniteur_ to
Lisbon, in which Napoleon, who supposed that his army was long since in
that city, too hastily expressed his triumph by the declaration: “The
house of Braganza has ceased to reign.”

The army of the Gironde was under the command of Marshal Junot, who
gained his ensign’s commission by an act of great presence of mind
displayed under the eyes of Napoleon at the siege of Toulon, although he
was in reality possessed of very small military capacity. He had been
in Lisbon as ambassador, and still held that title, never having been
formally recalled; the troops under his command, however, contained
but very few men who could be thoroughly relied upon, for this army
of the Gironde had been very hastily drawn together. The prime of the
French army was at that time still in Germany (September, 1807) and in
Prussia, and the first army, as well as that by which it was succeeded,
consisted of a mixture of soldiers and officers, who, on the landing of
the English and the outbreak of the Spanish rising, proved wholly unequal
to maintaining the glory gained by the grand army; this was not at first
perceived. Junot wished to collect and organise his army, seeing it was
composed of very different elements, when he suddenly received orders to
march direct upon Lisbon in order to surprise the prince-regent in his
security. We may form some idea of the rapidity with which he prosecuted
his march, from the fact that he had taken twenty-five days to march from
Bayonne to Salamanca, where he arrived on the 12th of November; while,
on the other hand, he reached Alcantara as early as the 17th, and was in
Abrantes on the 23rd, about eighty miles from Lisbon.

The difficulty of the march, the pathless and rough character of the
districts through which he led the army were indescribable; but no
measures whatever were adopted by the Portuguese for resistance or
even to increase the difficulty of the journey. A great portion of the
army fell a sacrifice to the difficulties of the march, or to want,
in neighbourhoods where no idea could be entertained of any kind of
sustenance or cover. Many had fallen into pits, others perished in the
attempt to cross running streams; but the immense loss in men was taken
into no account whatever. As a reward for the rapidity of his march,
Junot received the title of the duke of Abrantes, although he reached
Lisbon with only a small part of his army [about two thousand men] at the
end of November, and a long time elapsed before all the stragglers joined
their respective corps.

THE THRONE MOVES TO BRAZIL

[Sidenote: [1807-1814 A.D.]]

The prince-regent was at length induced, by the number of the _Moniteur_
which was sent to him, to throw himself into the arms of the English,
whose ships were lying in the Tagus, and, under their protection, to save
himself by setting sail for Brazil. He took his departure from the Tagus
on the 29th, under English convoy, with eight ships of the line, three
frigates, three brigs, and a considerable number of transports, in order
to remove the seat of his government to Brazil.[183] The well-stored
arsenal, from whose treasures the whole French army was afterwards
clothed and provided, fell without diminution into the hands of the
French, in consequence of his precipitate departure. Junot’s advanced
guard even reached Belem in time enough to capture some ships of war
which had been detained by contrary winds, and were still within reach of
the guns of the fort.

The second army, which was assembled at Bayonne to reinforce Junot’s
corps, was still stronger than the first; but the whole of Europe deeply
condemned Napoleon’s want of honour, and was angry with the French
sophists and cringing flatterers who ventured to defend and to praise the
emperor’s policy in the use of this army. At the very moment in which he
concluded a treaty with Spain against Portugal, and was using one part of
the Spanish army under Bernadotte in Denmark, and was alluring the second
to Portugal, he caused a body of troops to be assembled at Bayonne,
but not to march against Portugal, as he had announced. It soon became
obvious that Napoleon planned to take possession of Spain in the midst of
peace.

The Spaniards who had assisted Junot in the conquest of Portugal having
withdrawn into their own country, the French general had scattered
his troops from Algarve and Oporto, and had done everything which
could render the sojourn of the French in their country intolerable
to the Portuguese. Napoleon immediately laid a contribution of
100,000,000 francs on Portugal; the people were obliged, besides, to
pay 600,000 francs to Junot, which the emperor had assigned to him as
governor-general; and Junot raised 5,000,000 more on his own account.
Napoleon not only drew away the national troops from Portugal and took
them into his own army, but appeared desirous of playing the same
constitution-comedy with the Portuguese in Bayonne as he had played with
the Spaniards. He sent for a number of the notables as deputies, but
retained them in hostages; and they were afterwards placed in a very
dangerous position, when, given up by him, they became suspected by their
own countrymen. The only favour which he granted them was to remit forty
of the hundred millions of contribution which he had at first imposed.
In small matters, every officer in Portugal played the despot and
oppressor.[h]

THE PENINSULAR WAR

[Sidenote: [1807-1809 A.D.]]

Portugal now became, like Spain, hardly more than the arena where English
armies under the duke of Wellington fought a desperate and protracted war
with the French under various leaders. The full details of this conflict,
known as the Peninsular War, will be found in the history of Spain.
For some years it was impossible to distinguish between the military
interests of Spain and Portugal, their common safety resting on the
destruction of Napoleon and the success of British courage and British
plans. In these the Spaniards and Portuguese played small part, according
to the British histories, except to harass French communications by their
guerillas and harass British security by their intrigues and jealousies.

But there is something to be said for the natives. The French democratic
principles had made some progress in Portugal, and the cowardly and
stupid king who fled to a colony and left his country for a foreigner
to defend was not of much inspiration. In fact patriotism found here
little to cling to except the rocks and vines, and those would remain
in any case, whoever ruled. Between the world-shaking Napoleon and the
weak-minded, England-serving poltroon whom monarchic heredity had with
its usual felicity placed on the throne, there was small choice to the
Portuguese, and the historian should be sparing of his blame for the
impassivity of the nation.

Furthermore the English commander Wellington was notoriously domineering;
and the English troops, according to their own historian and their
general himself, showed some of the most atrocious examples of drunken
insubordination and bestial ferocity in the history of human war. Few of
the Portuguese could be blind to the fact that England, in spite of her
lofty tone, was really in Portugal for commercial and not for altruistic
reasons, and that the war was purely a wrestling-match for commerce and
power between two giants, France and England, with little regard for
the Lilliputians they might trample in their struggle. It behooves the
reader, then, not to follow the bias of either pro- or anti-Napoleonic
historians in their common tone of contempt for the alleged pusillanimity
of the Spanish and Portuguese.

The fact must be remembered that Spain and Portugal had nothing or next
to nothing definite to fight for, as “loyalty” in each country meant
little more than a desire to shed blood and money for a monarch of
third-rate virtue and first-rate imbecility. It may be said, however,
that the verdict of English historians is much more favourable to the
Portuguese soldiers than to the Spanish. A brief outline of events will
serve here for the history of Portugal, in view of the chapter already
given in the history of Spain.

On the flight of the royal family to Brazil, a council of regency was
appointed to carry on affairs. The disgust at João was so great that the
French general Junot met almost no resistance, but rather welcome as the
bringer of freedom and democracy. The council of regency submitted to
him at Lisbon. His first acts were to seize the treasury and disband the
Portuguese army; on the other hand he forbade the Spanish their expected
plunder and he raised the Portuguese Legion of troops who served with
fidelity and bravery under Napoleon in other countries down to his defeat
at Waterloo.

Having disarmed Portugal by easy measures and false hopes, Junot suddenly
announced the end of the dynasty of Braganza, substituted French for
Portuguese governors everywhere, and formed a new ministry and a new
regency, largely French, with Junot at the head as president, eventually,
he hoped, as king of Portugal. Spain had been similarly duped and given
a French king, Joseph Bonaparte. Spain responded by rebellion; Portugal,
after nine months of submission to Junot, rose and butchered the French
in large numbers. Revolutionary juntas took the government and appealed
to England for aid, receiving in response both men and money as well as
generals, chief among them the Irishman, Sir Arthur Wellesley, later and
better known as the duke of Wellington. Portugal was in England’s eyes,
according to Canning’s own words, merely the fulcrum for the lever of
England to wrench Napoleon from his power.

[Sidenote: [1808-1814 A.D.]]

After some hindrance, due to division of command, Wellesley was able to
march forward; he defeated Laborde at Roliça (or Roriça) August 17th,
1808, and four days later dealt Junot himself such a blow at Vimeiro that
he surrendered all his strongholds and his troops on the condition that
the English carry the army and its spoils safely back to France on their
own ships. This so-called Convention of Cintra, concluded some miles from
Cintra, was carried out, but provoked a storm of rage in England.

The French being thus transported, as by Aladdin’s carpet, out of
Portugal, Dom João’s regency was re-established and found abundant
ground for dispute with the junta of Oporto, and later with the English
officers and diplomats. England sent J. C. Villiers as ambassador, and
Beresford to organise the native armies. He did his work with skill, and
ten thousand Portuguese were taken into English pay. Hardly had Junot’s
army been evicted from Portugal when another French army under Soult
came over from Spain, which was full of French troops. Soult drove back
all resistance and took Oporto, whence Wellington expelled him May 12th,
1809. Wellington then entered Spain and beat “king” Joseph Bonaparte and
his marshal Victor at Talavera.

Meanwhile there were endless disputes with the regency, who seemed to
divert the moneys England sent until the troops were hampered almost to
helplessness, and the English generals were driven frantic. Sir Charles
Stuart was finally at England’s insistence added to the regency, and
something less inefficient resulted. The people were, however, not
altogether convinced of their duty to play “fulcrum” indefinitely to the
Archimedean lever of England. They were not cheered by having to dig
those famous and enormous lines of defence at Torres Vedras, and they
were still less encouraged in being compelled to devastate their own
country and retire with the English troops behind breastworks, before the
terrible army Napoleon sent under Masséna in 1810.

But while Wellington kept under cover and guarded Lisbon doggedly,
Portuguese militia under Antonio de Silveira and various English officers
made it increasingly hard for Masséna to subsist his troops. Trant took
Coimbra, and in 1811 Masséna was forced to retire or starve. Wellington
was now reinforced, and following Masséna cautiously, bested him at
Sabugal, April 3rd, 1811. But the year was one of great anxiety to
Wellington. England could afford few supplies and the Portuguese regency
was more prolific of complaints and quarrels than of provisions. But,
though compelled to keep on the defensive, the Iron Duke showed a menace
he hardly felt. The war hovered on the borders of Portugal and went
generally to French advantage in Spain.

Wellington gradually, and by a patience as great as his skill in
emergency, gained the upper hand, and forcing his way into Spain,
took Madrid August 12th, 1812. He was later forced out by French
adroitness and made a retreat, which, as described in the history of
Spain, is infamous in British annals for the outrageous and inexcusable
misbehaviour of the troops. Wellington berated his army in violent
terms, and though he was not made the more popular thereby, his troops
were somewhat sobered. He now received full power from the court in
Brazil, and at the same time was made chief of the Spanish armies, with
the whole peninsula under his command. He at once assumed the offensive
with a vigour that answered the violent criticism his alleged timidity
had provoked in England as well as in the peninsula and France. His
victories, coinciding with Napoleon’s disastrous Moscow campaign, drove
the French out of the peninsula and led him into France, where the
Peninsular War was ended with Napoleon’s abdication.

PORTUGAL AN ENGLISH PROVINCE

[Sidenote: [1814-1825 A.D.]]

The gratitude Portugal was impelled to feel met a shock when the English
at the Congress of Vienna refused to insist on the restoration by
Spain of Olivenza, of which Portugal had been robbed by Napoleon and
the Spanish in 1801. The bitterness was increased by the harshness of
the regency, in which Beresford and Stuart still held sway, though the
war was over. Beresford had his racial faculty of irritating the Latin
peoples by his cold and severe manner and ruthless severities. He was
commander-in-chief of the armies. A third of the officers were English,
and two-thirds of the country’s revenues were spent on the military.
Portugal was in fact if not in theory only an English province. To the
amazement of all, João, who had committed the novel feat of carrying his
capital from the mother-country to a colony during a war, showed himself
still more original when the war was finished; for he declined to bring
back his capital. The life at Rio de Janeiro seems to have fascinated
him. Portugal drew most of its wealth from the Brazils and he preferred
and enjoyed it nearer the source. Worse yet, after taking to Rio some
fifteen thousand persons when he fled, he kept persuading the chief
nobles and wealthiest merchants to move to Brazil.

In 1816 he became the nominal, as he had long been the actual, king, for
his insane mother died at Rio, March 20th of that year, and the regent
was crowned in the colony as João VI and meekly acknowledged at home. But
still he remained away, resigned Olivenza easily, and called forty-five
hundred war-tried Spanish soldiers over to Brazil, where under Le Cor
they put down a rebellion, which broke out again in 1825 and succeeded as
the republic of Uruguay.

João VI was unpopular with his beckoning people, and his own queen,
Donna Carlota Joaquina, was undermining him in favour of Dom Miguel,
her younger son, who was not believed to be also his. His admittedly
legitimate and elder son, Pedro, was also against him and his absolutist
principles. Thus while the queen had in 1805 promised Portugal a
constitution, Dom Pedro was a lover of Brazil and a well-wisher to the
schemes for its separation from the mother-country.

THE REVOLT AND RECALL OF THE KING

In this unusual tangle of politics the cry of “Portugal for the
Portuguese!” began to grow. The only man who could be said to approach
popularity was General Gomes Freire de Andrade, who had served under
Napoleon throughout the wars, and whose deep hatred of the English had
found new fuel, seeing his country and his fellow-soldiers so rigorously
governed by the foreigner who had come with promises of freedom. He
conspired with others for a rising, but his plans were exposed and he and
ten comrades put to death by the regency. The martyrdom, as it seemed, of
Freire and his men embittered the country, and it needed only the absence
of Beresford (who took ship to Brazil to extract money for the army from
the absentee king) to show the way.

August 4th, 1820, the city of Oporto revolted, appointed a provisional
junta in the king’s name, and demanded a session of the cortes.
Freemasonry principles had been at work, and aided the ripening of the
plans. Lisbon similarly rose and chose a junta, which combined with
that of Oporto and convoked the cortes. While the cortes was adopting a
constitution similar to Spain’s, the English officers were expelled from
the country. Beresford, returning, was forbidden to land and compelled
to return to England. The new cortes was of democratic persuasion; it
clean-swept the remnants of feudalism and put an end to the still-living
Inquisition. The “Constitution of 1822” limited the powers of the king
to a veto of measures furthered by the annual assembly, promised a free
press, universal suffrage, and other decencies of civilisation.

As elsewhere the first sign of emancipation provoked the horror of the
Holy Alliance, the ambassadors of Prussia, Austria, and Russia withdrew
from the country polluted with such free ideas, and England demanded with
a new urgence that João VI return to Lisbon. He came back July 3rd, 1821,
but before he was permitted to land promised to accept the constitution,
to which he took oath October 1st, 1822, thus outraging the sensibilities
of the clergy, who abhorred any trend towards liberty. His queen and Dom
Miguel refused to accept the constitution and were ordered out of the
country; but the queen, pretending to be ill, was allowed to remain,
and busied herself drawing together conspirators known as “Cringers.” In
1823 the French invaded Spain to quell the Spanish revolt against the
Nero-like Ferdinand. The absolutists in Portugal chose the moment to rise
against the Constitution of 1822, General Silveira being the leader.

THE LOSS OF BRAZIL (1822 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1822-1823 A.D.]]

Meanwhile Dom Pedro, left behind in Brazil, had smiled upon those who
desired independence of the mother-country which had long been but a
blood-sucking vampire. By his complacency Dom Pedro won the privilege of
leading the revolt against his own father and becoming the first emperor
of Brazil with a liberal constitution back of him. Portugal made only the
feeblest effort at resistance and Brazil was thenceforward independent.
Its fuller history will be found in the later volume devoted to Spanish
America.

The easy surrender of the richest of her colonies exasperated the
absolutists still more against the pliant João, and Portugal proceeded to
echo the almost incredible Spanish motto, “Hurrah for chains!”; to grow
frantic for despotism; to curse those who tried to limit the power of
oppression, and to exhibit the spectacle--no less astounding for being
so common in history--of a people shedding its blood to destroy its own
liberties.[a]

FOOTNOTES

[173] [“On December 27th, 1703, the famous Methuen Treaty was signed, by
which Portuguese wines might be imported into England at a lower duty
than those from France and Germany, in return for a similar concession
to English manufactured goods. The immediate result of this treaty was
that King Pedro acknowledged the archduke Charles, the English candidate,
as king of Spain, and that he gave the English a base of operations in
the peninsula. The ulterior result was that Englishmen in the eighteenth
century drank port wine instead of claret and hock, while the Portuguese
imported everything they wanted beyond the bare necessaries of life from
England. This was an advantage to both nations, for Portugal is eminently
an agricultural country with neither the teeming population nor the
materials necessary for manufactures, while England obtained a friendly
province from which to import the wine and produce of a southern soil,
and a market for the sale of the products of her manufactories. The close
connection thus formed went deeper than mere commerce; it established
a friendly relationship between the two peoples, which was of infinite
advantage to the smaller nation.”--STEPHENS.[d]

We shall see later that the Portuguese felt the treaty less a blessing
than an incubus on their power to develop manufactures of their own.]

[174] [Pombal was born in 1699 of a wealthy and well-connected family,
entered in the army as a private, but saw no service and retired; he
then led a life of roistering notoriety, and had eloped with a niece of
the count of Arcos. He was forty years old before he had an official
position, and fifty-one before he became minister to the king.]

[175] [This was blamed to incendiaries, though it was inevitable that
in such a falling of walls many houses should be set on fire without
human aid, though humankind were ready enough to seize the chance for
loot. A large part of the people fled to the quays to escape the falling
buildings, but there a great tidal wave found them and sweeping the
wharves clean drowned men, women, and children in thousands. Voltaire’s
_Candide_ includes a notable account of the catastrophe. Estimates of
the loss run from fifteen thousand to one hundred thousand lives; thirty
thousand being the most generally accepted.]

[176] [When the king in despair asked Pombal what was to be done, he
replied, “Bury the dead and feed the living”; he is said to have spent
eight days and nights in his carriage hurrying from place to place.]

[177] [Lord Mahon[j] says: “His majesty had debauched, besides the
marchioness of Tavora, both the wife and the daughter of the duke of
Aveiro.”]

[178] [See also the history of Spain for the account of the expulsion
that resulted from Pombal’s initiation.]

[179] [By this celebrated decree of May 25th, 1773, grandsons of slaves
in Portugal and all children born after that day were declared free, and
all civil restrictions on the “New Christians” or the converted Jews and
Moors were forever removed.]

[180] [It is recorded, as a proof of the skill with which the count
had trained his artillery men, and of his confidence in them, that he
celebrated the king of Prussia’s birthday in 1759, by giving a dinner to
his officers, in his tent; the flag at the top of that tent being aimed
at during the whole entertainment as a mark for cannon-balls. It is not
added with what degree of appetite the officers dined.[j]]

[181] [The credit for fully ending imprisonment for debt is, however,
usually given to the later ministers and the queen Maria.]

[182] H. M. Stephens,[d] however, represents Dom João as so zealous for
the reduction of the French that he forced his aid upon England and Spain
counter to the advice of the English ministry.

[183] [With him went his wife and six children and his insane mother
the queen, who violently resisted for some time the efforts to get her
aboard.]

[Illustration]

CHAPTER V. THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

[Sidenote: [1822-1900 A.D.]]

Immediately after the proclamation of the Constitution of 1822, the
Austrian and Russian ambassadors had taken their departure and now that
intervention in Spain had been definitely determined on by the Congress
of Verona, one of the queen’s adherents, the count of Amarante, raised
the standard of revolt at Villa Real, on the northern bank of the Douro
in the province of Tras-os-Montes, where the family of Silveira, to
which he belonged, possessed estates. The rebellion was made in the name
of absolutism or, as the phrase went, in the name of regeneration. The
enterprise did not succeed, and the insurrectionists were driven across
the Spanish border, though still hoping for the support of the French
who had now arrived on the scene. This hope was delusive, for the duke
of Angoulême and his government had to consider the susceptibilities
of England. That power, already provoked by the treatment of Spanish
concerns at the Congress of Verona, looked distrustfully at the
development of events in the peninsula, and took a special interest
in Portuguese matters; only the regency at Madrid gave them as much
assistance as possible.

[Sidenote: [1823-1826 A.D.]]

But there was no need for direct interference. The new Portuguese
constitution had not effected what it had promised; long before this
the fickle humour of this passionate, ignorant, and idle people had
veered round. In particular the party opposed to the constitution had
successfully worked upon the troops and the liberal cause had no one, no
regular party, and only a few individual men in whom reliance could be
placed. Thus in May, 1823, Dom Miguel was able openly to declare against
the constitution. He withdrew from the capital, collected troops, and
soon that same Sepulveda who had been one of the principal instigators
of the revolution of 1820 marched to the prince’s headquarters at
Villafranca at the head of several thousands.

Thither on the 30th of May the king himself was conducted by mutinous
troops, and from thence on the 3rd of June issued a proclamation in which
he declared the “infamous cortes” dissolved and the “pure monarchy”
established. Two days later he returned, an absolute monarch, to the
capital he had left as a constitutional ruler. Of the members of the
dismissed cortes a number had escaped to England, though the king himself
nourished no thoughts of vengeance. The adherents and promoters of the
counter-revolution were rewarded: Count Amarante, for instance, was
made marquis of Chaves; the cloisters were restored and their property
was given back, a new ministry was formed under Count Palmella and a
junta appointed to indicate those dispositions of the cortes which were
incompatible with the monarchical principle. For a time Dom Miguel, who
had been appointed commander-in-chief of the army, was praised throughout
Europe as the hero of the reaction.

On the 18th of June Queen Carlota also returned to Lisbon. This infamous
woman detested her husband, who on his part had good reason to dread her
fury which stopped at nothing. She was now bent on raising to his place
her son Miguel who promised to be a prince after her own heart. A system
of monarchical terrorism according to the ideas of this worthy pair was
impossible so long as the mild Dom João was reigning; the utmost that
could be managed was a wretched assassination, like that of which the
king’s moderate counsellor, the marquis of Loulé, was the victim; the
reins had therefore to be snatched from him by a _coup d’état_.

On the 30th of April, 1824, Dom Miguel caused the leaders of the
moderate party to be arrested. The king’s minister, at whom the blow
was really aimed, found time to escape on an English man-of-war which
lay at anchor in the Tagus. Thither on the 9th of May the king, who had
little confidence in his unnatural son, also fled, being assisted by
the English and French ambassadors. But this time the overstrained bow
broke in the hands of the absolutist party. They had forgotten to reckon
with one factor on which they were accustomed to count too securely. The
common people of the capital regarded their sovereign with something like
idolatry; and when, from his place of refuge, the king disclosed the
criminal designs of those who should have stood closest to him, Miguel
found himself suddenly forsaken by all and threatened by many, so that
nothing was left him but to go himself to his father and implore his
pardon. He was now for a time held in custody on the English vessel.

His “inexperienced youth” might be made a pretext for securing his
pardon, for he was indeed, although a practised sinner, only twenty-two
years old; but it was thought expedient to send him to travel abroad.
He betook himself through France to Vienna, to prepare himself, under
Metternich’s eye, for a subsequent continuation of his rôle. His mother
was banished to a cloister which suited her but ill; she resisted,
under the pretence of illness, and is said to have even taken the last
sacraments to prove her sickness. The question of the form of government
was then so far settled that on the 4th of June, 1824, the king, acting
on English advice, granted a constitution by which the cortes were
re-established in their ancient form and division into three estates, the
cortes of Lamego, as they were called from their place of assembly. The
country now remained undisturbed till the king’s death, which took place
on the 10th of May, 1826, and placed the two thrones of Portugal and
Brazil to a certain extent at the disposal of his eldest son Dom Pedro,
who was conducting the government in Rio de Janeiro.

PORTUGAL RECEIVES A NEW RULER AND A NEW CONSTITUTION

[Sidenote: [1826 A.D.]]

But to hold them both had become an impossibility since the events
of 1820, and a treaty effected through English mediation in 1825 had
expressly provided that the two crowns should never again be united
on one head, thus confirming the work of the Brazilian cortes of 1822
which declared the country’s independence of Portugal. On the 23rd of
April, 1826, the new ruler granted the Portuguese an extremely liberal
constitution, the _Charta de ley_ and renounced his European throne in
favour of his daughter Maria da Gloria. He endeavoured to counteract the
danger to which her claims might be exposed from his younger brother, Dom
Miguel, by assigning the child, then only seven years old, as wife to
the uncle who was seventeen years her senior and by making the validity
of his own resignation depend on the condition that Miguel should swear
to the _Charta_ and accept the marriage; until this should be completed
Pedro’s own rights were reserved, and since owing to the difference of
age between the couple the marriage could not take place for some time,
he intrusted the government to his sister Isabella Maria as regent.

She proclaimed the new constitution, which was sufficiently liberal;
in it the king retained only a certain power of intervention and
arbitration, with no immediate influence on legislation; but liberality
in the constitution was a very doubtful advantage in a country which was
still so unripe for freedom, and an article which guaranteed freedom of
religious worship roused the spiritual caste, who had no difficulty in
representing to the ignorant country people and the numerous class of
petty rural nobility whose interests were compromised by the new _Charta_
that the new constitution was a work of the devil. However, a first
attempt at a rising by the marquis of Chaves was suppressed, and in 1826
the regent was able to open the chambers.

But, supported by the apostolic party in Spain, Chaves returned. A
formidable rebellion arose simultaneously in the north and south and
gained such alarming proportions that the regent felt herself compelled
to call in the aid of England. And this time not in vain. On Friday
evening, December the 8th, 1826, the English government received the
despatch. George Canning, the guiding spirit of that government, had
long since declared that he would suffer no Spanish intervention of any
sort in the country so long allied to England; on the 11th the regiments
under General Clinton were on the march to their places of embarkation,
and on the 12th the great minister made that great speech in the lower
house which echoed throughout the world and lent to events in that remote
corner of the continent, in themselves of little significance to the
destinies of Europe, a far-reaching importance much above their immediate
value.

Canning made use of the occasion to justify his whole policy--a peace
policy, but one which must yield to treaty obligations entered into
towards a country long allied with England; the contingency provided for
by the treaty had now arisen and it would be a pitiful quibble to say
that this was not a case of Spanish intervention because the troops which
had risen against the legal government of Portugal were Portuguese: “They
are Portuguese troops, but they are armed by Spain. We will not uphold by
force or against the will of the country the constitution which Portugal
has given herself, but neither will we permit others to overthrow it
by force and against the will of the country.” His words were meant to
alarm and warn the Spanish government; but they also alarmed all those
who had long been forcibly intermeddling with the internal politics of
other states in behalf of principles opposed to liberty and friendly to
absolutism.

[Sidenote: [1826-1832 A.D.]]

Canning pursued his policy with moderation. He showed the strength of a
giant without using it in a giant’s fashion. On the 1st of January the
English army corps under Clinton landed at Lisbon, and eleven English
ships of the line cast anchor in the mouth of the Tagus. The news of
their arrival sufficed to prevent the further spread of rebellion. The
marquis of Chaves with ten thousand men stood ready for battle on the way
to Coimbra. The constitutional troops, about seven thousand in number,
marched against him; on the 9th of January a battle was fought which
lasted till darkness fell. But in the night the news of the approach of
the English spread amongst the Miguelites; this was enough to scatter
their army. The English had no need to take action. Their mere presence
facilitated the subjection of the rebels by the constitutional generals,
Saldanha and others, and the Spanish government, which had understood
Canning’s speech, disarmed those who thronged across the border and
delivered their weapons to the Portuguese authorities.

DOM MIGUEL SEIZES THE POWER (1827 A.D.)

Thus far England had interfered in response to the queen-regent’s request
for aid. Meantime Dom Miguel had taken the oath to the constitution, and
had been betrothed to his niece; on the 5th of July, 1827, Dom Pedro
appointed him regent of the kingdom. On the 22nd of February, 1828, after
having presented himself in London, where he insinuated himself with the
ministry, now no longer guided by a Canning, he landed at Lisbon. At a
solemn meeting of the estates he repeated his oath, appointed a moderate
ministry and kept himself in the background. But it was observed that the
criers who daily shouted in front of the palace, “Long live the absolute
king!” were no longer driven away or punished as they had been at first
and that the constitutional officials and officers had been replaced by
adherents of the opposite party; and after the withdrawal of the English
troops, whose task was ended after the disbandment of the Spanish corps
of observation on the frontiers, he threw off the mask.

On the 13th of March the chamber of deputies was dismissed, and a
commission appointed to consider a new election law. On the 3rd of May
the governor summoned the three estates of the realm, the “cortes of
Lamego,” according to the ancient ordinances. It was now seen whither
this true son of his mother was steering. In face of proceedings
so manifestly in excess of the existing rights of the regent, the
ambassadors of the powers provisionally laid down their offices, and the
troops in Oporto rose in defence of the rights of their lawful ruler, Dom
Pedro IV. There was no lack of recruits; the number of the constitutional
troops increased to seven thousand, but there seems to have been a want
of resolute leaders, some of them having taken their departure at Dom
Miguel’s first move. The last-named had meanwhile assembled his forces;
the mob and the country people armed, and on the 24th of June the
constitutional troops suffered a defeat at the hands of the Miguelites
under Povoas, in the neighbourhood of Coimbra. They retreated to Oporto,
where some of the leaders of the constitutionalists, the marquis of
Palmella, and the generals Saldanha, Villaflor, and Stubbs, who had now
returned from their flight, in vain endeavoured to rally the disheartened
army. Nothing was left to them but to escape from absolutist vengeance by
a second flight; the remains of the constitutional army, four thousand
strong, crossed into Spanish soil and Miguel’s troops marched into Oporto.

The seizure of the throne could now be completed undisturbed. The new
estates which had met at Lisbon, passed, each for itself, the resolution
that, according to the fundamental laws of the kingdom, Dom Miguel had
been called to the throne. On the 7th of July they paid their homage
to the usurper as king. Thus the country was delivered over to the
tyranny of a man who for baseness of disposition might compete even
with a Ferdinand, and who actually surpassed the latter in coarseness
and brutality. Incarcerations, judicial murders, deportations were the
order of the day, and reached figures of frightful magnitude. It was a
despotism which relied on the mob and the clergy for support; yet the
fashion in which Dom Miguel had stolen the crown had been too openly in
the very face of the principle of legitimacy to allow of his recognition
by the powers; the Spanish ambassador alone remained in Lisbon.

[Illustration: DOM MIGUEL DE BRAGANZA]

All Portugal submitted; only on the island of Terceira, one of the
Azores, the governor Cabrera had upheld the rights of Dom Pedro and his
daughter. Repeated attempts of the usurper to subdue the island were
frustrated. The leaders of the constitutional party collected there, and
there in March, 1830, Dom Pedro established a regency composed of the
marquis of Palmella, the lawyer Guerreiro, and General Villaflor, who
took possession of the whole group of islands in the name of the lawful
government of Portugal.

By injuries to English and French subjects the barbarous reign of
violence which prevailed under Dom Miguel soon added the enmity of those
two powers to its native opponents. They exacted compensation and the
humiliation of the usurper encouraged the party opposed to him which now
found further and more energetic support. For in April, 1831, a revolt in
Brazil had obliged the emperor Dom Pedro to resign his throne in favour
of his son, Dom Pedro II, who was still a minor. In Europe a task lay
ready to his hand: that of assisting his daughter Maria da Gloria to her
throne, and at the same time freeing Portugal from her tyrant.

Countenanced by England and France, the duke of Braganza, as Dom Pedro
now called himself, obtained a small land-force and a fleet, and with
these he appeared at Terceira in March, 1832. With seventy-five hundred
men he sailed thence to Portugal, landed in the neighbourhood of Oporto,
and on the 8th of July obtained possession of this rich commercial city.
But he did not succeed in rousing the country to enthusiasm in his cause.
In the summer of 1833 his means were exhausted and only a bold decision
availed to give a new turn to the undertaking, which, just in itself,
had degenerated into a mere aimless adventure. By a loan raised in the
city of Oporto he settled the demands of an English free-lance, named
Sartorius, who was in his service, and replaced him by Captain Charles
Napier. With the latter there embarked a corps of three thousand men
under the duke of Terceira, General Villaflor, to try their fortune in
the southern province of Algarve. The result exceeded all expectation;
the province went over to the cause of Dom Pedro and the queen, and as
the ships were on their way back to Oporto, Napier attacked Dom Miguel’s
fleet off Cape St. Vincent and won a complete victory. Five ships of
war with 280 cannon fell into his hands, and those on board, thirty-two
hundred soldiers and sailors, entered Dom Pedro’s service. The news
encouraged the duke of Terceira to venture a march on Lisbon, and this
bold action also succeeded. Queen Maria da Gloria was proclaimed in the
city, and four days later Dom Pedro also entered the town and took over
the regency in his daughter’s name.

[Sidenote: [1832-1834 A.D.]]

But the new government was by no means securely established. The regent
understood little of Portuguese matters and, as always in these southern
revolutions, the victorious party were strangers to the moderation
required to restore tranquillity to the country. Dom Miguel had preserved
the greater part of his army and its ranks were swelled by the peasants
who were completely subjected to him and the priests, and by a numerous
and continually multiplying rabble. This army maintained itself in the
neighbourhood of Coimbra and on the upper Tagus; frequently it even
penetrated to Lisbon and thus the two representatives of priest-ridden
absolutism, Dom Miguel and Don Carlos, stood opposed to the two minor
queens, whom chance had made the representatives of the principle of
liberalism.

It was in Portugal that matters first came to an issue. To England,
Portugal was the most important country as Spain was to France, and for
both powers a real neutrality was an impossibility. A complete victory
for Dom Miguel, signified to England--apart from the indignation which
must be excited by that monster’s system of rule--the complete loss
of her influence in Portugal, and at the same time the destruction of
the constitutional principle which naturally had the sympathies of
the English nation and the Whigs who were then in power, and which
was identified with the government of those classes of society whom a
commercial people like the English must necessarily consider. And England
had already long since broken through her neutrality.

In regard to the government of France, the position was similar:
Louis Philippe was the natural ally of Queen Isabella, whose claims
to the throne rested, like his own, on a violation of the principle
of legitimacy. But the victory of the Portuguese pretender would of
necessity lead to that of the Spanish claimant whose cause had equal
chances in its favour, and moreover there could not be a better
opportunity of opposing a liberal solidarity on the part of the western
powers to the legitimatist solidarity of the eastern, and thus confirm
the stability of the new throne of France. This community of interests
brought about the conclusion of a quadruple alliance between Portugal and
Spain, England and France (12th of April, 1834), by which the regents
of Portugal and Spain agreed to expel the two pretenders, and for this
object a Spanish corps was to co-operate with the Portuguese troops;
the undertaking was to be supported by England with her warships and by
France, if necessary, with troops.

[Sidenote: [1834-1835 A.D.]]

The result was soon apparent. On the 12th of May Dom Miguel’s army was
defeated by the united Spanish and Portuguese army at Asseiceira and
on the 26th the two allies, Dom Miguel and Don Carlos, surrounded by a
superior force, capitulated at Evora in the province of Alemtejo. The
former took a money payment, which he might squander anywhere but in
Spain and Portugal, promised to respect his niece’s rights and retired
from the scenes, taking ship for Genoa. Don Carlos went to England.

Affairs quieted down in Portugal. Dom Pedro summoned the cortes and
restored the Constitution of 1826; monastic and knightly orders and
various abuses were abolished; the Jesuits had to leave the country;
but the establishment of the new order of things was completed with
moderation and without revenge, and above all the law was treated with
respect. On the 18th of September in that year the estates declared the
queen, though only fifteen, to be of age, since the state of the regent’s
health did not permit of his attending to business. On the 24th Dom Pedro
died at the age of thirty-seven.[b]

MARIA II (1834-1853 A.D.)

Donna Maria was sixteen years old at her father’s death. The cortes
believed nevertheless that it ought to declare the majority of the queen,
which she would not have attained according to the charter until her
eighteenth year. Donna Maria hastened to put all her confidence in the
duke of Palmella. Senhor de Palmella and his friends, while they brought
great support to the government, did not make up for the strength of
which it had been deprived by Dom Pedro’s death, and did not disarm any
adversary. The position of the entire Portuguese ministry with regard
to England was truly intolerable; placed between an imperious national
sentiment and unconquerable necessities it was at all times accused by
the opposition of sacrificing the country’s interests to those of an
insatiable ally. The question of customs duties and the renewal of the
treaties furnished the enemies of the ministry with national weapons, for
nothing was so unpopular in Portugal as the lowering of the tariff and
free trade.

In spite of the enormous expenditure due to civil war and the general
ruin, the raising of loans contracted in London easily covered at first
the deficit in the treasury. The abundance of money was such that they
even foolishly employed specie to retire a paper currency in circulation
since the time of João V. This false prosperity had no other result than
to close all eyes to the dangers of the future. At the beginning of 1835
the minister of finance was compelled to admit an enormous deficit. The
government was unable to borrow any longer nor even increase their taxes.
It became necessary to have recourse to expedients and to set out on the
deplorable road of anticipations.

Officials’ salaries and officers’ pay were no longer regularly paid, and
the number of malcontents grew in proportion to the impossibility of
satisfying them. The army and the national guard of Lisbon were entirely
in the clutches of the secret societies. The internal dissensions among
the ministers led several of them to associate themselves with clubs and
to seek in the anarchist party a passing point of support against their
colleagues; for, while all attacks were directed against Palmella, and
especially Carvalho, there were in the space of one year eight changes of
cabinet. The motives of these changes were always of a personal nature,
and were to be found in the intrigues of the clubs which often crossed
and clashed with those of other clubs.

[Sidenote: [1835-1837 A.D.]]

Upon this state of affairs there broke the revolt of La Granja, which
served as a signal for a similar movement in Portugal. For more than
a year alarming symptoms had been showing themselves. The chamber of
deputies had refused the chief command of the army to the queen’s first
husband, Prince Augustus of Leuchtenberg. After four months of marriage
he succumbed to a short illness.[c] In less than a year the queen
remarried. Her second husband was Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha,
nephew of the Belgian king. He obtained the chief command of the army,
which made matters more difficult as he was unpopular.[a]

Then the queen ordered the dissolution of the cortes at the moment when
all the Spanish juntas were in insurrection. The government was playing
with the frivolity and light-mindedness of the people when, on the 9th
of September, 1836, the newly elected deputies from Oporto arrived in
Lisbon. They all belonged to the radical party. A band of musicians
advanced to meet them, the city was illuminated, and enthusiastic cheers
filled the streets and byways. By the end of the evening the ministers
became alarmed at the demonstration and sent out a battalion to restore
order. The soldiers fraternised with the people and all cried, “Down with
the ministers; long live the Constitution of 1822.” This excited mob,
really more joyous than hostile, made its way to the palace and sent the
surprised queen a deputation ordering her to dismiss the ministers and
adhere to the constitution.

The queen refused to obey, and rejected the revolutionists’ commands. A
little later she resigned herself to the necessity, and she burst into
tears. The count of Lumiares, Bernardo de Sá da Bandeira, and Passos were
named ministers, and the queen promised to convoke the cortes according
to the forms of the Constitution of 1822, in order that they might recast
the fundamental law of the kingdom.

Passos planned out a pantheon, issued a thousand regulations relating
to libraries and museums, and abolished bull-fights through motives of
philanthropy. Bernardo de Sá destroyed all that he could, his principle
being that things would arrange themselves afterward as well as they
could and what was once overthrown would never be re-established.

November 3rd a few persons of the court tried to work a
counter-revolution. The queen secretly betook herself to the castle
of Belem, from which place she called the army and the people of the
court around her and abjured the forced oath she had taken on the 10th
of September. This scheme, bad and unpracticable in itself, presented
one difficulty among many others which had not been seen by the prime
movers of the plot. Belem is separated from Lisbon by a little river,
and the constitutionalists in seizing the bridge of Alcantara cut off
all communication between the castle and the partisans of the charter.
The hostile attitude of his Britannic majesty’s warships intimidated no
one. The constitutionalists strengthened their love of the constitution
with their hatred for England, and this time the people of Lisbon seemed
led by a common sentiment. At the end of three days the queen renounced
her dangerous project and returned to the city amid bonfires and the
enthusiastic acclamations of the people.

This unlucky and abortive affair proved three things: the solidity of
Donna Maria’s throne, which was never for one moment shaken by this
foolish experiment; the aversion of the people for the English yoke;
and the hatred of the radicals towards a few political men. Freire was
assassinated at the bridge of Alcantara. On the 18th of January, 1837,
after four months and a half of dictatorial power, exercised according
to the statutes of the constitution by Bernardo de Sá and Passos, the
constituent cortes met at Lisbon. According to the law of 1822 it formed
a single chamber and was elected by almost universal suffrage. The 6th
of May the cortes submitted the basis of the constitution and sixty-four
votes against sixteen declared for absolute veto, the two chambers and
the leading principles of all fundamental laws.

[Sidenote: [1837-1838 A.D.]]

This was the opportunity for its enemies, and the baron de Leiria, who
commanded in the north, raised the banner of insurrection on the 12th
of July. Several garrisons, more important for the names of the towns
than for the number of the soldiers, rose up to cries of “Long live the
charter!” Marshal Saldanha proceeded to Castello Branco. The duke of
Terceira soon joined him, and for a month the two insurgent marshals
overran the country without opposition. The Lisbon government confided
extraordinary powers to the viscount de Sá and the baron de Bomfim.

These two officers, with the constitutional forces, attacked the
marshal’s troops at Rio Mayor on the 28th of August, and, although
on both sides they had had more than six weeks in which to make
preparations, neither of the armies counted eight hundred men. But the
soldiers were more prudent than their leaders. After a slight infantry
skirmish in which the Portuguese nobility had sensible losses to deplore,
the two marshals gave the order to charge to their little squadron and
the viscount de Sá advanced at the head of his troops. The cavalry
on both sides stopped at fifty paces, replaced their sabres in the
scabbards, and having fraternised returned faithfully to the flags of
their respective commanders. The latter saw themselves compelled to sign
an armistice, and the marshals retired to the north to rejoin baron de
Leiria who still held out in the suburbs of Valencia.

Forces were equal and victory depended on the side that would get hold
of the corps which, having served in the army of Queen Christina, was
returning to Portugal under the orders of the viscount das Antas. This
general decided in favour of the constitutionals, and, after a bloody
fight at Ruivaes on the 20th of September, the remains of the chartist
army was obliged to take refuge in Galicia.

But the evil which no constitution could remedy was growing day by
day. On the 14th of October bankruptcy was declared--the necessity of
paying the victors had drained the last drop of the state’s finances.
The body of workmen at the arsenal, who for two weeks had been giving
unequivocal signs of discontent, openly rebelled on the 13th of March,
1838. Baron Bomfim surrounded the arsenal buildings by a line of troops
and the rebels fired first upon the soldiers. This was truly a critical
moment for Portugal. The cortes were opposed to any vigorous measures and
clung to the side of the insurrection. But the fate of the ministers was
nevertheless bound to the maintenance of order, and Bernardo took his
stand boldly. He marched with Baron Bomfim against the rebels, who were
completely defeated after a furious and bloody combat. After this time
the arsenal party, as it was called, attempted fresh insurrections and
more than once threatened the peace of the kingdom, but the events of the
13th of March had irrevocably fixed the government’s position. Besides,
when on the 4th of April the queen took an oath to the new constitution
and proclaimed a general amnesty for the past, the chartists and the
moderate portion of the constitutionalists found themselves naturally
united against the more radical faction. Afterwards they were almost
completely confused under the name of the “friends of order.”[b] On the
16th of September, 1837, Queen Maria had given birth to a son. This
greatly improved the queen’s position, but the king-consort continued
very unpopular, and the condition of affairs encouraged Dom Miguel
to seek aid in London. But he sought in vain and returned to Rome.
Discontent was still rife in Portugal, cabinets played see-saw, and in
August, 1840, the 6th regiment of the line mutinied and shot its colonel.

Meanwhile England was pressing its claims for £375,475 [$1,807,475]
for commissariats in 1826 and for half-pay for the British officers
who had served under Wellington and Beresford. The claim provoked only
indignation in Portugal. In 1841 Spain came in for hostility.[a]

[Sidenote: [1835-1842 A.D.]]

In 1835 the navigation of the Douro had caused considerable excitement
between Spain and Portugal, which nearly led to a war between the two
countries. There appeared in the _Gazette de Madrid_ a violent article
against Portugal, also an insulting one against Donna Maria II. Saldanha
gave the Spanish government forty-eight hours to make reparation,
notifying it that in the event of refusal a Portuguese fleet should
fire the towns from Cadiz to Barcelona. Apology was made. Portugal had
difficulties also with Denmark, when Saldanha requested the Portuguese
minister to leave, if, after three days, satisfaction was not given. The
Danish minister was recalled, but Saldanha obtained his wishes.

England complained that Portugal was too complaisant to France and the
United States, and forgot her old ally, and declared she felt disposed to
occupy the Portuguese Indian possessions on account of claims. Saldanha
went to London with instructions to do as he pleased. Lord Palmerston
told him to tell his government that England acceded to his desire to
modify the convention, for his sake, and not for that of the Portuguese
government.

Dom Miguel’s party in Portugal, as well as the _absolutos_ on the
continent, considered he had now another chance of returning to his
country. He left Rome for England, remaining some time, but he could
make no move, and returned again to Italy. In December, 1841, the
municipal elections commenced in Lisbon. There were now two great
contending parties, the _moderados_, who supported the ministry, and
the constitutionals, that of order; the pure Septembrists[184] were
considered as revolutionists or even republicans, and there were most
probably many Miguelites amongst them.[d]

CABRAL AND THE CHARTISTS IN POWER (1842 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1842-1847 A.D.]]

In January, 1842, Portugal once more found herself face to face with the
sad prospect of revolution, and the leader no less a person than the
minister of justice, Costa Cabral, formerly one of the most ardent of
Septembrists, now entirely converted to Dom Pedro’s charter. Secretly
seconded by the king and by Dietz and Drummond, who composed the
occult government at Lisbon, he went to Oporto and thence to Coimbra,
proclaiming the abolition of the established constitution.

The queen, who was not in the secret of the plot, in vain confided its
repression to Palmella, Das Antas, and Bomfim. The duke of Terceira
pronounced in favour of Costa Cabral; Palmella took no action and the
revolution was brought to a head before anyone had seriously thought
of suppressing it. Costa Cabral completed his triumph with the promise
that the cortes would be immediately convoked for the revision of the
charter, and from that time it was he who reigned under the name of
the duke of Terceira, president of the council. It goes without saying
that Donna Maria was content to subscribe to everything she formerly
had opposed. Most docile, subject to the wishes of her husband and her
confessor, she had, moreover, never liked the constitution, and had
herself twice attempted to destroy it in 1837.

Sustained by the high protection of the court, by the servility of the
two chambers, by the friendship of his brother the governor of Lisbon,
and finally by the friendly neutrality of the Miguelites, for whom the
fall of the constitution would be nothing less than a triumph, Costa
Cabral had nothing to restrain him. And he was not the man to hesitate
before despotism. It was not sufficient that the tribune was almost
silenced; he soon affirmed his power by the promulgation of three
decrees which abolished almost the last of Portugal’s liberties. The
first concerned the judges, whose independence he destroyed; the second
delivered the officers over to the absolutism of the minister; the third
submitted all education to a censor and struck a death-blow at the
universities. Is there need to add that the press was not less abused,
and no longer had freedom but to praise?

It was not long before he went a little further. For a long time one
of the greatest plagues of the Portuguese administration was that they
could not exist without loans. They borrowed to meet even the ordinary
expenses, they borrowed to pay interest on the debt; they borrowed
for redemptions--all the while accumulating a more onerous burden.
Costa Cabral finally had his eyes opened to this state of affairs,
pointed it out to the queen, and while he himself was responsible for
twenty-three loans in three years, he dared undertake to get rid of them,
understanding well that irreparable ruin would be the result of the
continuation of such a policy. But whether the taxation he established to
reopen the true sources of prosperity to the finances of his country was
really too heavy, or the strangeness of the thing made it seem so, Costa
Cabral did not have the time to carry out and improve this great reform.
He had presumed too much on his own strength and the intelligence of the
people; no government was solid enough in Portugal to stand such a test.

THE SEPTEMBRISTS OVERTHROW COSTA CABRAL

[Sidenote: [1847-1850 A.D.]]

But from the day that Costa Cabral himself set the example of
insurrection, by rousing Oporto and Coimbra in the name of the charter,
all his former friends became allied to punish him as soon as possible
for his apostasy. Their leaders were Das Antas, Passos, Sá da Bandeira,
Loulé, and especially Bomfim, who represented the mixed party.

When he had furnished them an opportunity by the introduction of a new
tax which could not fail to arouse the anger of the peasants, they
induced the whole province of Minho to revolt; and the majority of
the other towns showing similar inclinations, Costa Cabral found it
impossible to hold up his head to the storm.[185] Cabral fled to Spain
with his brother the governor, under pretext of a year’s leave of absence
which the queen herself had granted him. During this time those whom he
had formerly exiled and despoiled succeeded to his high power.

But it was not for long. Costa Cabral had been in power at least four
years. Scarcely had his adversaries entered into possession of the
authority, when they had to contend with a new counter-revolution hatched
in the queen’s palace and soon supported by England, France, and Spain.

Donna Maria’s victory was also Costa Cabral’s, the latter in truth was
only awaiting the signal to reappear in Portugal, and (astonishing thing,
and one that shows well how superficial these agitations are!) he was
cordially received there. It seemed as if everybody was his friend.
Justice must be rendered Cabral in that, far from being intoxicated
with a victory as complete as it was unexpected, he appeared only
desirous of wiping it out--perhaps because he feared to raise again all
the resentment under which he had once succumbed, perhaps because he
preferred to hold back, or perhaps because, scorned plebeian that he
was, he feared to offend the aristocratic pride of the great families by
the immediate occupation of the highest office. He therefore refused the
ministry and, content with an anonymous supremacy, transferred the honour
to Pombal’s grandson, the old marshal the duke of Saldanha, January, 1848.

This policy of Costa Cabral’s showed itself still better at the moment
when Marshal Saldanha refused to retain the post which was a source
of trouble to him. Costa Cabral begged the duke of Terceira and
Duarte-Leitao to accept the presidency of the council, and it was only
upon their positive refusal that he decided to reassume it himself. If
nobody wanted it, how could he be blamed for taking it? Still, he tried
to disarm the anger that might be aroused at his accession by accepting
a feudal title which undoubtedly he cared little about. But was it
not better to defer solemnly to the unconquerable prejudices of the
Portuguese aristocracy by concealing a plebeian name under the pompous
title of the count of Thomar? However that might be, the new president of
the council used his power energetically for the reformation of abuses,
to complete the reconciliation of Portugal and Rome, to improve the state
of the finances, to stimulate agriculture and commerce, and to restore
the navy. Never, whatever might be said of it afterward, had Portugal
been so prosperous since the glorious era when Pombal had undertaken to
revive the glories of olden times. If this administration, rigorous but
able, could have maintained itself for only ten years, Portugal would
have lifted itself out of the abyss into which it was threatening to
disappear.

But unfortunately this was not to be. All his old adversaries,
disconcerted for a moment by the suddenness of his return, returned
on their side to their intrigues and their alliances. The Miguelites
irritated at his reforms, the great nobles offended at his supremacy, the
Septembrists indignant at what they called his apostasy, the journalists
embittered at the severities of his new law against the press (1850)--all
these combined to overthrow him again. There remained to find a leader,
and that did not take long. The marshal Saldanha was there, discontented
and anxious to avenge himself at any cost.

Having voluntarily left the ministry, the duke of Saldanha proclaimed
himself at first the friend and devoted adherent of the count of Thomar.
He even went so far as to say one day that in politics he and the count
were one and the same person. But constancy and fidelity were not
distinguishing qualities of the noble duke, and this effervescence of
friendship did not prevent his regretting the authority he had just given
up of his own accord. As his claims were admitted neither by the count
of Thomar nor his colleagues, he was thrown roughly into the ranks of
the opposition and his first declaration of hostilities was a virulent
attack upon the minister of war. Neither the chamber, the ministers, nor
the queen paid much attention to this, and the latter even dared to reply
that she did not allow her servants to give her advice, and especially
written advice, unless she asked it. This was a cruel allusion to the
post of first major-domo of the palace with which the duke was invested.
Thereupon Saldanha’s anger put him at the disposition of all those who
were willing to second his revenge.

[Sidenote: [1850-1855 A.D.]]

A not less seductive hope for Costa Cabral’s enemies was England’s
declared assistance. Lord Palmerston was at that time at the head of
foreign affairs, and no minister was ever more exclusively preoccupied
with the interests of England. At the first news of the reforms which
the Portuguese government had accomplished, or was meditating, he did
not lose an instant in encouraging its enemies, in overwhelming it
with threatening notes, in recommending a close friendship with the
Septembrists to the representatives of Great Britain, and even in sending
a fleet with provisions and money. If there were to be a Portuguese
renaissance, what would in truth become of England’s commercial supremacy
over that country, and through that country over the whole peninsula?

Accusations of embezzlement, intrigue, and corruption were renewed
against Thomar which served to disconcert his friends. April 8th, 1851,
the duke of Saldanha succeeded in raising two battalions. It was from
Oporto that the signal for the revolt came. It extended from there to
Coimbra and then to Lisbon, when it found a leader even in the prime
minister’s brother, Sylva Cabral. Some personal resentment had ranged
this unhappy personage with the bitterest adversaries and calumniators of
the count of Thomar. Forced finally to hand in his resignation, he was
exiled. The count of Thomar took his departure, with regret at leaving
his reforms uncompleted, and without the wealth, of whose accumulation
his enemies so persistently accused him. As for the queen, she tried
vainly to soften the rough blow which royalty itself had received.
Neither the conquerors of the count of Thomar, nor Lord Palmerston,
nor Sir Henry Seymour, powerfully supported by an English fleet, would
consent to spare her any of the bitterness of her defeat. They signified
their wish that she should solemnly retract all the acts of the preceding
ministry, that she should remove the king from the command of the army,
restore Marshal Saldanha to his post of major-domo, and even accept him
as prime minister in place of the marshal the duke of Terceira, whom
she had been forced to substitute for the count of Thomar. What could
she do against this triumphant power? Donna Maria agreed to everything,
and a few days later Saldanha entered Lisbon amid flowers and cries of
enthusiasm, which the fickle populace lavished upon every victory.[e] In
1852 the charter was revised to suit all parties; direct voting, one of
the chief claims of the radicals, was allowed, and the era of civil war
came to an end.[f]

When, under Saldanha’s more vigorous rule, peace was beginning to settle
over the land, the queen died on November 15th, 1853, at the age of
thirty-five. Her husband Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg became regent for his
minor son, who mounted the throne of Portugal on September 17th, 1855, as
Dom Pedro V.[186]

PEDRO V (1855-1861 A.D.)

[Sidenote: [1855-1862 A.D.]]

There was still that dream of uniting Spain to Portugal, but when the
proposition was made to Pedro V, he replied: “They think to flatter my
ambition and believe that I shall favour them; they are mistaken. Besides
the reasons of propriety, policy, and honour which should restrain me,
there are considerations which I must not forget--yes, I--if others do
forget them. They do not reflect that if the house of Braganza mounts
the throne of the peninsula, Portugal would be nothing but a Spanish
province, and that our nationality would be absorbed. But I, who am the
first of the Portuguese, the first citizen of a country which occupies
an honourable place in the history of humanity--I should be a faithless
vicar, if I favoured such a project. These people are even our great
enemies, for they prevent many useful enactments which might be for
the common good of the two peoples--for example, the development of
international communication, progress in the material interests of
the countries, and the unity of weights, measures, money, and customs
regulations.”[g]

The only political event of any importance during the reign of Dom Pedro
V, who in 1857 married the princess Stephanie of Hohenzollern, was the
affair of the _Charles et Georges_. This French ship was engaged in what
was undoubtedly the slave-trade, though slightly disguised, off the coast
of Africa, when it was seized by the authorities of Mozambique, and,
in accordance with the laws and treaties against the slave-trade, its
captain, Roussel, was condemned to two years’ imprisonment. The emperor
Napoleon III, glad to have a chance of posing before the French people,
and counting on his close alliance with England, instantly sent a large
fleet to the Tagus under Admiral Lavaud, and demanded compensation,
which, as England showed no signs of assistance, Portugal was compelled
to pay. The whole country, especially the city of Lisbon, was ravaged
by cholera and yellow fever during this reign, itself evidence of the
extreme neglect of all sanitary precautions; and on November 11th, 1861,
the king, who refused to quit the pestilence-stricken capital, died of
cholera, and was speedily followed to the grave by two of his brothers,
Dom Ferdinand and Dom João.[f]

THE REIGN OF LUIZ (1861-1889 A.D.)

The development of affairs in Portugal now took a decidedly liberal
course. The Portuguese government had recognised the new Italian monarchy
already in June, 1861, and the following year King Luiz had married
Princess Maria Pia, the daughter of King Victor Emmanuel. On December
22nd, 1861, Dom Luiz took the oath to the constitution and, since the
people were alarmed at the frequent number of deaths in the royal family,
the government laid before the cortes a law controlling the regency and
another which declared princesses also to be eligible for the throne and
thus put still further off the danger that a descendant of Dom Miguel
might succeed to the throne of Portugal.

[Sidenote: [1862-1868 A.D.]]

Not a single Portuguese bishop appeared at the celebrated council at
Rome in 1862 and, in a document dated July 3rd, the pope had occasion
to complain that in the “lamentable state of the Catholic church in
Portugal” the bishops were too lukewarm and tolerant; he reminded them
that it was their duty to watch over the sheep intrusted to their care
so that--in the language of the curial--“they should not be devoured by
the ravenous beasts which make the surface of the earth unsafe to live
upon.” When some of the clergy took advantage of this to preach against
the government, they were reminded by a proclamation of the minister of
justice (August 2nd) that there were prisons in Portugal for such cases.
The ministers were of liberal colour; in April, 1863, an important law
was passed abolishing the right of primogeniture, an old evil of their
country; in May, 1864, a decision of the second chamber demanded that the
peers’ title should no longer be hereditary.[b]

In spite of popular opposition the government entered resolutely
on reform by abolishing capital punishment for any crime, civil or
political. Following the example set by many European countries, they
also adopted the metric system, organising consolidated funds and, what
was a very important reform, abolishing the royal gifts of lands to
support a title. In 1864, a treaty of delimitation which had been in
progress for several years was definitely drawn up with Spain. New roads
were marked out and furrowed the kingdom in every direction, making
Lisbon the centre for all roads having direct communication with the
province. Aqueducts were constructed; towns made sanitary; hospitals,
almshouses, model dwellings rose in the large industrial centres. Newly
made canals allowed these towns to transport their goods seawards
without unnecessary costly relading. The smallest boroughs were provided
with schools, etc. But all these works, useful, it is true, and almost
necessary, made a large hole in the state coffers. Fontes Pereira de
Mello tried to overcome this by getting votes for the modification and
increase of old taxes of every kind, even of the yearly land tax, also
the amending of indirect taxation. These reforms were the cause of
new troubles in Oporto, but they were suppressed without recourse to
arms. Lisbon and several other towns followed Oporto’s example, and the
government, fearing lest troubles there should insensibly assume serious
proportions and lead to civil war, yielded to the people’s will and
withdrew the new taxes (1867).

In 1868, a fresh insurrection broke out in Spain and was necessarily
felt in Portugal. It was an immediate question of conferring the Spanish
crown so as to fuse the two peoples, a union which would have taken the
title of the Iberian Union. But the Portuguese, remembering what their
ancestors had suffered under the Spanish yoke, feared lest this union
should lead to the surrender of Portugal to Spain, and profited by the
anniversary of the coming to the throne of João IV (of the illustrious
house of Braganza) in 1640, to make strong resistance against Spain. In
view of this excitement, the Spaniards abandoned their first idea, not
being willing to expose themselves any more to the vindictiveness of a
people not able to forget oppression dating nearly four centuries back.

One of the wisest and most humane reforms, and one which adds most
to the glory of Luiz I, was the entire abolition of slavery in every
colony. But, by a curious and sad coincidence, as if in answer to the
royal benefit, about five hundred Portuguese were pitilessly massacred
by natives on the Zambesi. On this news being announced, an army corps
embarked immediately to avenge the honour of the flag.[h]

[Sidenote: [1864-1899 A.D.]]

The history of Portugal for the years 1863-1866, as far as its connection
with the rest of Europe is concerned, presents almost empty pages--which,
however, was not precisely a misfortune to the country. We read in
November, 1864, of differences between the government and the pope which
ended in the recall from Rome of the Portuguese ambassador, who did not
return thither until two years later; of the opening and closing of
the sessions of the cortes, of elections, of satisfactory finances,
of the modification and change of ministries. It was already something
remarkable that the great state question was raised at the birth of a
prince in August, 1865, that the papal nuncio would not permit King
Victor Emmanuel, the father of the young mother, who was in a sense
under a ban, to officiate as godfather, and that the royal child was not
admitted to the privilege of baptism until after Napoleon III had added
to his many rôles that of being sponsor to the Portuguese prince.[b]

In 1866 Dom Miguel died, after having stood at the head of the
absolutists calling themselves the Party of the Faith, and sojourning at
various European courts. He had been lampooned by the liberal press, but
was given a magnificent funeral.

The old and stormy Saldanha threatened a _pronunciamento_ in 1870, and
succeeded in ousting from court the king’s favourite, the duke of Loulé.
He was appeased by supplanting Loulé as minister, but after four months
was gracefully disposed of on the pretext of the embassy to England,
where he died in 1876. The ministry of Pereira de Mello lasted for three
years, 1883-1886, in which year there was danger of collision with the
French Republic in view of the marriage of Luiz’s heir to the daughter of
the comte de Paris. The ceding of a portion of the Lower Congo territory
to Belgium in 1885, the definition of German and Portuguese spheres of
influence in Africa, the cession of the island of Macao by China, the
building of a railroad in Angola marked colonial affairs. In 1889 there
was alarm over the encroachments of England on Portuguese influence
in Africa, and Major Serpa Pinto invaded territory on the Shiré river
claimed by England. The British government demanded reparation and sent
to Portugal a fleet which, January 11th, 1890, induced Portugal to
withdraw from the Shiré region under protest.

CARLOS I BECOMES KING (1889 A.D.)

This surrender provoked outbreaks at Lisbon and Oporto; the ministry
of José de Castro resigned, and the republicans, stimulated by the
Brazilian success in establishing a republic the year before, turned
the anti-British demonstration into a republican agitation. King Carlos
had succeeded his father when King Luiz died of typhoid fever, October
19th, 1889. The new king assumed to side with the popular feeling and
refused the order of the Garter which Queen Victoria had just offered
him. The republican movement overshot itself, and, after various arrests
were made, the elections were strongly for the government. August
20th, an agreement with England had been reached, after a vain appeal
to international arbitration. The terms were again distasteful to the
public and the cortes refused to accept them. Passages at arms took
place between the Portuguese and the British in Nika (Manica), which by
the terms of the August agreement were Portuguese. But the terms had
been declined and the Portuguese were defeated. A military revolt was
suppressed in January, 1891, and the republican press suppressed. The
terms of the August agreement were now accepted and a treaty with Great
Britain was signed May 28th, 1891.

Financial affairs had now reached a crisis after wrecking so many
cabinets. In May, 1892, the government finally declared itself bankrupt.
Still relief did not come and Oliveira Martins, after failing as minister
to establish a sound financial condition, gave way to Ferreira, who
yielded to Hintze-Ribeiro, who lasted from 1894 to 1897, and returned in
1899.

In 1895 a reform of the constitution of the cortes was achieved, the
lower chamber was reduced from 170 to 145, the upper house was to be
constituted of ninety members chosen by the king, the royal princes,
and twelve bishops; the right of suffrage was based on the ability to
read and write and the minimum payment of 500 reis (50 cents) in taxes.
Domestic servants, government employees, and soldiers are, however,
forbidden to vote. This same year the king visited England, accepted
the order of the Garter, and began the cultivation of that British
friendship which its liberal construction of the limits of neutrality
during the South African War served to strengthen--at least in England,
though violently attacked in Portugal. In 1900 the Delagoa Bay Railroad
dispute with England was decided in Portugal’s favour by Switzerland as
arbitrator.[a]

PORTUGUESE LITERATURE

[Sidenote: [1812-1900 A.D.]]

The country of Camoens and João de Barros has never lost its love for
letters, and the Portuguese people have always possessed a poetic strain.
If in the eighteenth century poetry reached the level of too Parnassian
trifles, it redeemed itself after the war under the impulse of Francisco
Manoel do Nascimento, and with still finer taste under the influence
of Almo da Garot, and of Castilho, followed by a good number of lyric
and dramatic poets and romancers. J. B. Gomes (died 1812), by his sole
tragedy _The New Iñes de Castro_, has taken a place among the most
remarkable of dramatists. Other authors have written for the theatre; for
example, Vasconcellos, Reis Quita, Biester, Pimentet, and perhaps the
first of them all is Almeida Garrett (died 1854).

Bulhão Pato has made a name among the poets as well as T. A. Gonzaga,
João de Lemos, Antonio Pereira da Cunha, and Ribeiro, the minister.
Like King Diniz of old and Philip of Lancaster, King Pedro IV was a
poet. He has written verse destined to be set to music and he has given
the country the “Constitution Hymn.” Dominic Buontempo founded the
Philharmonic Academy at Lisbon, and the composer Marcos Portugal is known
throughout all Europe.

Alexandre Herculano (died 1878), erudite and _littérateur_, rivalled the
work of the Benedictines in his _Portugalica Monumenta Historica_; but he
did not please the clergy, for he wrote of the Inquisition in Portugal
and the Concordat of February 21st, 1857. In the _Harp of the Believer_
he has told in verse of the eternal strife between doubt and faith.

Science, letters, and art have had illustrious representatives in José
Ribeira, Antonio de Almeida (died 1839), Gaetan de Amaral, Antonio de
Carmo, Velho de Barbosa, Costa de Macedo who has aroused much discussion
by his opinions, Francisco Alexandre Lobo, de Carvalho, Manoel Coelho
da Rocha. In geography, the viscount of Santarem (died 1856), Brito
Capello, Robert Irens, Serpa Pinto, and Otto Schutt, count among African
explorers.[g]

[Sidenote: [1897 A.D.]]

The present king of Portugal, Carlos I, born in 1863, has shown a decided
determination to seek the peace his country so much needs. He has shown
also a real interest in science and letters and since the five hundredth
anniversary of Prince Henry the Navigator celebrated in March, 1894, he
has shown a lively concern for deep-sea soundings and exploration. He
has made personal studies and both published their results and shown
them at an oceanographic exhibition which he opened in 1897. The world
is too well mapped to offer such prizes as once lay hidden in the Sea
of Darkness, but there is a peculiar fitness in the present monarch’s
interest in that ocean across which his great predecessor showed the path
that led Portugal to greatness, and through Portugal turned the whole
world to exploration.[a]

FOOTNOTES

[184] [Partisans of the liberal constitution of 1838.]

[185] [This insurrection was called the War of Maria da Fonte or
“Patuleia” and was ended through foreign influence, by the Convention of
Granada, June 29th, 1847.]

[186] [“Dom Pedro V, although only sixteen, showed as soon as he ascended
the throne a subtlety of spirit, a greatness of soul, and so precocious
an intelligence that his people augured the most happy destiny for the
country, and in its joy gave him the surname of ‘El Esperanzo,’ their
hopes in him being so great. But a short time after (1861) the young
prince in his turn also died, smitten in the flower of his age, in the
midst of unfinished works.”--SILVERCRUYS.[h]]

[Illustration: A PORTUGUESE PEASANT]

[Illustration]

APPENDIX A. THE INQUISITION[187]

The Inquisition was a judicial police organisation instituted
by the Roman church with the concurrence of temporal rulers
for the purposes of suppressing heresy and blasphemy.... It
has left an odious memory--and not without reason. Anyone
who denies that atrocities were committed by the Inquisition
must indeed be blinded by a foolish and prejudiced desire to
apologise for the deeds of history. But why is it against
the Inquisition that the indignation inspired to-day by
the memory of early religious persecutions is particularly
directed? Thousands of human beings were burned for their faith
before the Inquisition existed.... There is one circumstance,
however, among others, which explains and justifies the
general sentiment, and that is that the Inquisition pretended
to be--and was--a regular judicial organisation. The worst
excesses are forgotten when they are not systematic. It is the
long-continued travesties of justice perpetrated in the service
of fanaticism or for reasons of state that arouse the more
lasting resentment. Therefore it is that, whatever be their
number, the victims of the Roman Inquisition weigh so heavy in
the scales of history.--From the article “L’INQUISITION,” by C.
V. Langlois, in _La Grande Revue_ (Paris, 1901).

All the gods have been addicted to jealousy. Their worshippers have
accordingly usually felt and often acted towards heretics with the
characteristic ruthlessness of the most merciless of passions.

Egypt was not free from religious reigns of terror, nor yet India, nor
China, and even the genial creeds of Greece brought the mildly unorthodox
Socrates to his death. Rome was comparatively tolerant of alien religions
for political convenience, but there were laws against foreign rites in
Rome; the prætor Hispalus was banished for worshipping Jupiter Sabasius,
and the temples of Isis and Serapis were thrown down after they had been
erected in the city. Augustus and Tiberius proscribed Egyptian and Jewish
worship in Rome, the latter sending four thousand Jews to Sardinia.
The hideous sufferings of the early Christians and the martyrdoms they
underwent in the arenas are well known.

When at length the victims became the victors and the emperor Constantine
was persuaded to Christianity, the same intolerant zeal from which the
Christians had suffered now turned the tables on the pagans. At this time
the Christians had not developed an idolatry of their own such as later
brought on the terrors of the war of the image-breakers, so they heaped
contempt upon the objects of worship revered by the pagans. The Jews
were as usual the first and the worst sufferers. Then, again, as usual,
the bitterest of all punishments were spent upon those who differed only
slightly in doctrine. Constantine tried confiscation and exile on the
Donatists, in 316 A.D.; he branded Arius as an infamous outlaw and had
his writings burned.[a]

All the laws of Constantine were subsequently renewed by his successors,
and applied with more or less rigour to the different heretical sects. By
an edict published in January, 381 A.D., Theodosius the Great deprives
heretics of all their churches, and annuls all edicts to the contrary
into which preceding emperors had been surprised. In this edict he
condemns by name the Photinians, Arians, and Eunomians; he recommends
the Nicene Creed, and prohibits all assemblies of heretics within the
walls of cities; adding, moreover, that if they attempted to cause any
disturbance, they should be even banished from the cities.

In the same year he published a much more severe law against the
Manichæans; he declared them infamous; deprived them totally of the
power of making a will, or even of succeeding to their paternal or
maternal property; and ordered all such property to be confiscated,
except in the case of children, who were qualified, if they embraced
a more holy religion, to inherit their father’s or mother’s property.
Another law of Theodosius treats still more rigorously those Manichæans
who disguised themselves under the names of Encratites, Saccophori, and
Hydroparastates; he subjected them to capital punishment. To insure the
execution of this law the emperor orders the prefect of the prætorium to
appoint inquisitors, charged to discover heretics and to inform against
them.

This is the first time that the name of an inquisitor against heretics
occurs; but the Inquisition itself was of older standing, for we have
already seen Constantine institute one precisely similar against the
Arians and the other heretics of his time. These severe measures were
provoked by the abominable doctrine of the Manichæans, which had drawn
down on them, from the very origin of their sect, the severity of even
the pagan emperors.[c]

When the Arians secured an emperor of their creed they enforced on the
Athanasians a heavy usury of exile, punishment, torture, and even death,
till the emperor Julian was driven to exclaim, according to Ammianus,[h]
“Even beasts are not so cruel to men as the generality of Christians to
each other.”

This work is not the place for an account of all the heresies that have
complicated Christianity without cessation. The great feud of iconoclasm
has already been described and the major disagreements between the Greek
and Roman churches have been recounted in the history of the papacy,
where it was also shown how the growth of papal supremacy brought about a
constant duel with the kings and the emperor.[a]

Whilst the hierarchy, unmindful of its spiritual calling, was entangling
itself in ceaseless warfare, in order to bring all secular power
under its sway; whilst the system of ecclesiastical doctrines, with
its progressive development, was enclosing the reason with bonds ever
narrowing; whilst the means of salvation held out by the church were
at the same time ever more and more losing their spiritual character
and their moral power, by the one-sided speculations of the schoolmen,
and also sinking to a lifeless mechanism in their administration by a
coarse priesthood which had lost all respect for morality; lastly, while
this tortuous church system, despairing of any spiritual influence,
was endeavouring to win consideration for itself by continual acts of
external aggression; it could not but be that the rebellious against the
church, who in earlier times came forward but one by one, should now be
growing more numerous and more powerful.

The earlier divisions in the church employed themselves for the most
part only in speculations of the understanding; and even for this very
reason the church always succeeded, as soon as she could adopt strong
measures, in bringing back the recusants, for the interest taken in a
moral conception of nearly equivalent meaning seldom remained for many
generations unconquered by persecution. But there lay at the root of the
opposition to the church, which now began to feel its way forward, a
living moral interest, which felt itself injured by the whole condition
of the church; and even for this very reason this opposition was rather
strengthened than weakened by the bloodshed resorted to as a means to
destroy it. It stood always unconquered, although the opposing parties
differed widely from each other in the peculiarities of their systems,
and modified them in many ways.

THE CATHARI

At the same time that two frantic enthusiasts, Tanchelm, who wandered
about from 1115 to 1124 in the Netherlands, and Eudes de Stella or
Eon, who roved till 1148 in Brittany, perplexed the minds of men, two
ecclesiastics in southern France, the priest, Pierre de Bruis or Bruys
(from 1104-1124, Petrobrusiani) and Henry, formerly a monk of Cluny and
deacon (from 1116-1148, Henriciani), declaimed zealously against the
mechanical organisation of the church and the immorality of the clergy.
But besides these, the Manichæans who trace their origin to the period of
time before this were continually on the increase. The most common names
for them now, were in Germany _Cathari_ or _Ketzer_, in Italy _Paterini_,
in France _Publicani_, though many other names were in use; not only
did they make their appearance permanently in most distant quarters of
France, but they also planted themselves in the neighbouring countries.
The Cathari reached England in the year 1159; they were, however, quickly
exterminated.

But the headquarters of the Cathari were those countries in which at that
time, along with civic freedom, civilisation, and education, discontent
at the wanton and avaricious clergy had grown up in a remarkable manner;
such were southern France and northern Italy. In southern France, where
Toulouse was their central point, the interest awakened by Pierre de
Bruis and Henry worked for their advantage. The synodal decrees issued
against them remained without effect, for almost all the barons of
this country protected them, and so their numbers here received a very
considerable increase. The bishops of the district vainly endeavoured in
the council at Lombers (1165) to bring back these _bonos homines_, as
they were here usually called, to the church; little more effect was
produced by the cardinal-legate Peter of St. Chrysogonus in Toulouse
(1178), and the severe decree of Alexander III, in the Third Lateran
Council (1179). Against Roger II, viscount of Béziers, Carcassone, Albi,
and Rasez, who protected the Cathari, the cardinal-legate Henry, abbot
of Clairvaux, already headed a crusading army (in 1181), but he could
produce no lasting effect. [See the history of the Crusades.] In the
beginning of the thirteenth century the greater part of the daughters of
the nobility were brought up in the educational establishments of the
Perfectæ, who lived together in monastic style.

[Illustration: TESTING THE BOOK OF THE TRUE GOSPEL BY FIRE. THE BOOK IS
REMOVED, UNSCORCHED, FROM THE FLAMES

(From a sixteenth century cut in the Louvre)]

THE WALDENSES

From the scriptural and reforming turn of mind which had been spread
by means of Pierre de Bruis and Henry, along with the sect of the
Cathari, in southern France, there arose from the year 1170 the party of
the Waldenses [or Vaudois]:[188] free from all speculative enthusiasm
they consecrated all their energies to realise once again apostolic
Christendom, with all its simplicity and all its inward devotion. About
that year began the founder of the sect, Peter Waldo or Waldensis from
Lyons, with several companions, to preach the Gospel in the manner of
the apostles. At first they had so little intention of separating from
the church that, when the archbishop of Lyons forbade them to preach,
they petitioned the pope Alexander III in 1179 for his permission. But
when Lucius III (in 1184) pronounced sentence of excommunication against
them, then they thought they must obey God rather than man, and withdrew
from a church which cursed that which seemed to them a call from heaven.
At first the only question at issue between them and the Roman church
was on the exclusive right of the clergy to preach; and they spread
themselves more easily in those countries where the deficiency of the
church was exposed plainly enough for the conviction of all, but where
many still felt themselves not less repulsed by the Catharism, which was
set up in opposition; for instance in France, particularly the southern
parts, down as far as Aragon, and in northern Italy, particularly in
Milan. And in every place where they came fresh zeal went forth from them
among the people, to learn to understand Holy Scripture for themselves.

The earlier measures taken against the heretics in southern France had
caused so little hindrance to their extension that they constituted the
dominant party at the end of the twelfth century in many parts of this
country. For this reason Innocent III, immediately after his accession
to the see in 1198, was induced to send legates thither armed with the
most unlimited powers for the suppression of heretics. After they had
produced, by forcible measures, effects more apparent than real, Diego,
bishop of Osma, with Dominic, the subprior of his cathedral, persuaded
them in the year 1206 to adopt a more apostolic way of proceeding. Now
the two legates, the Cistercians Peter of Castelnau and Raoul, with these
two Spaniards, wandered barefoot from place to place and held conferences
with the heretics on the disputed points (1206 and 1207). When however
all this continued without effect, they returned again to the old method
with tenfold cruelty.

CRUSADE AGAINST THE ALBIGENSES

Raymond VI. count of Toulouse, though outwardly a Catholic, had fallen
out with the ambitious legate Peter of Castelnau. So when the latter
in 1208 was murdered by an unknown hand, the monks threw the blame on
the count; and Innocent III seized this opportunity to have a crusade
preached against him by Arnold, abbot of Citeaux; for which national
jealousy and the allurements of the delicious south procured great
popularity in northern France. In order to avert the threatening danger,
Raymond sought for reconciliation. Innocent granted this with a view to
weaken the resistance of the victims by division. When, in June, 1209,
the count submitted to the most humiliating conditions which Milo the
papal legate prescribed to him, and even took the cross himself from his
hands, he only effected the delay of the blow destined for himself, that
it might strike with so much the greater certainty.

The crusading army assembled against the Albigenses, with the frantic
Arnold[189] as papal legate at its head, first marched upon the domain
of Raymond Roger, viscount of Béziers (1209). After the fall of Béziers
and Carcassonne, the devastated land was conquered. But among the noble
crusaders only Simon de Montfort was willing to receive the spoil from
the legate. Next they turned against Raymond of Toulouse, who had been
spared till now. Extravagant demands, which he could not satisfy, formed
the pretext for excommunicating and attacking him (1211). The pope
himself was no longer able to check his own instruments; the crusade was
preached with fresh ardour; the territory of the count was conquered
by Simon de Montfort, and formally adjudged to him by a council at
Montpellier in 1215 for his own possession.

Innocent III did not only confirm this grant at the great Lateran Council
in this same year, but also held up the principle of the method of
procedure hitherto adopted against these countries, as a precedent in
similar cases. Then at length Raymond sought for help in the attachment
of his former subjects, and after Simon’s death (1218) he made a
considerable advance in the reconquest of his country, although the pope,
without ceasing, used every means of resistance. When, after the death
of Raymond VI (1222), Raymond VII regained his whole ancestral heritage,
and had even forced his enemy Amaury, son of Simon, to a complete
surrender, then Honorius III, elsewhere so mild, still thought it due
to the papal honour to hate the father in the son, however guiltless.
He stirred up Louis VIII, king of France, to conquer Toulouse for
himself in a new crusade. Hostilities began on the 6th of June, 1226,
but they were greatly crippled by the death of Louis VIII on the 18th
of November of the same year; at length Raymond obtained peace on the
hardest conditions, by which a part of his domain passed into the power
of France, and the annexation of the rest to this kingdom was furthered.

THE INQUISITION ESTABLISHED

The unhappiness of this country was accomplished by the horrors of
the Inquisition which now rose up.[190] In order to perpetuate the
work of blood begun by the papal legate in a permanent institution,
the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 made it the chief business of the
episcopal synodal tribunals to search out and punish heretics; and the
Council of Toulouse (1229) achieved the organisation of this episcopal
Inquisition. However, soon after it was in fact almost annihilated; for
in 1232 and 1233 Gregory IX appointed the Dominicans to be the standing
papal inquisitors, and forthwith they began their hideous work in the
countries tainted with heresy. In order that the church may not seem
to soil herself with blood, the secular princes must serve the office
as executioner. Louis IX in 1228, Frederick II in 1232, the ill-fated
Raymond VII in 1233, each passed the requisite laws.

That the new Inquisition might strike more of the guilty, a way of
proceeding was prescribed for it, to which of necessity many of the
guiltless must fall victims. Thus armed, this monster raged with most
frightful fury in southern France, where the heretics had only learned
from former events to keep themselves more secret. Germany for a short
space of time (1231-1233) was taught to know the Inquisition in its
maddest rage in Conrad of Marburg, and in the Dominican monk Conrad Dorso
who came to Strasburg; and at the same time acquired the most fearful
experience of the abuse of the new laws against heretics in the crusade
on the Stedinger, the lovers of freedom, in 1234. But by these events
so universal a resistance against every Inquisition was aroused, that
Germany for a long time after remained free from this monster.

In the twelfth century the executions of heretics were for the most
part the handiwork of the irritated populace, and even found much
opposition among the clergy. However, the theory of religion, which in
the thirteenth century was especially flexible, in this case also adapted
itself to the practice of the church by the vindication of the new laws
against heresy.

Another no less evil result of this period, so fraught with outrage,
was that the laity were entirely forbidden Holy Scripture, so that the
possession of a translation of the Bible was forthwith accounted a token
of heresy, and only translations prepared for the purpose of supporting
the Romish church were tolerated.

The regulations which were adopted against the heretics, and the cruel
manner in which their so-called conversion was pursued, could only
produce exactly the contrary effect to that they had in view upon their
convictions. This, however, they did accomplish, that the persecuted
persons, filled with exaggerated hatred and horror of the church, spread
themselves with the greatest secrecy over other countries also. Thus
in the thirteenth century public feeling was roused ever more and more
against Rome, against the clergy, and against the abuses of the church,
and from time to time there rose a stirring sense of the necessity of
a reformation to counteract them. On comparison of the morals of the
clergy with those of the heretics, the advantage is decidedly in favour
of the latter; so it cannot seem strange if in the thirteenth century we
find the earlier parties more widely spread than before, and fresh sects
springing up alongside of them. Yet the number of new names of heretics
in this period is far greater than that of new parties.

[Illustration: COSTUME OF A PERSON CONDEMNED TO BE BURNED, BUT WHO
CONFESSED BEFORE HIS CONDEMNATION

(From _Historia Inquisitionis, 1592_)]

The Cathari, or as they are now more commonly called the Albigenses
or Bulgarians, did not only maintain their ground in southern France,
but increased in number chiefly in upper Italy, where the political
distraction of the country was advantageous to them, and where Milan
continued to be their principal abode. But they spread themselves also
into the rest of Italy as far as Spain, and throughout Germany; they were
very numerous in Bosnia and the adjoining countries, often the prevailing
party, and they maintained in all lands a close connection with each
other.

When the persecutions began, the Waldenses were standing so near the
Catholic church that a reconciliation seemed to be by no means difficult.
But the horrors of the persecution had no further effect on the Waldenses
than to confirm them more and more in their anti-hierarchical system,
and to place their doctrine and ecclesiastical constitution on a more
independent footing. The more plainly their departure from church
teaching could vindicate itself as a purification of the church, the
more easy acceptation they found with the thoughtful of their time. As
early as in the thirteenth century they showed themselves in the valleys
of Piedmont, in which they have maintained themselves until now. Still,
not only did they spread in other countries, as for instance as far as
Germany, but also put in circulation among numbers, who did not come
over to their society, ideas unfavourable to the prevailing faith of the
church.

Besides the old sects, new ones were engendered in the thirteenth
century. The pantheistic system introduced by Amalric of Bène, after
the persecution it underwent in Paris in the year 1210, only spread
more widely than before. In the course of the thirteenth century its
disciples might be found in different places; at the end of this century
they were already so numerous among the Beghards on the Rhine that the
people understood them only to be meant by the name of Beghards, although
they called themselves brothers and sisters of the Free Spirit. In the
beginning of the fourteenth century they made their appearance also in
Italy.

Other sects pass quickly in review before us. As the universal discontent
of the advancing tyranny of the hierarchy aroused isolated resistances
in England and in France, so the ill usage of the Hohenstaufen family
gave rise to a sect in Halle in Swabia (about 1248), which declared
the hierarchy to be abolished in consequence of its moral corruption
of the entire purpose of the church. After the extermination of the
Hohenstaufen family the detestation caused by this deed of the hierarchy
was maintained for centuries by the expectation that one time an emperor
Frederick would wreak vengeance in blood on the papacy. This expectation
also found place among the manifold superstitions, chiefly borrowed from
the Fratricelli, with which the apostolic brothers from 1260 to 1307
disquieted the north of Italy.[d]

The statutes of the Council of Toulouse (1229), framed after the
successful termination of the war against the Albigenses, in order to
absolutely extirpate every lingering vestige of heresy, form the code of
persecution, which not merely aimed at suppressing all public teaching
but the more secluded and secret freedom of thought. It was a system
which penetrated into the most intimate sanctuary of domestic life; and
made delation not merely a merit and a duty, but an obligation also,
enforced by tremendous penalties.

The archbishops, bishops, and exempt abbots were to appoint in every
parish one priest, and three or more lay inquisitors, to search all
houses and buildings, in order to detect heretics, and to denounce them
to the archbishop or bishop, the lord, or his bailiff, so as to insure
their apprehension. The lords were to make the same inquisition in every
part of their estates. Whoever was convicted of harbouring a heretic
forfeited the land to his lord, and was reduced to personal slavery. If
he was guilty of such concealment from negligence, not from intention,
he received proportionate punishment. Every house in which a heretic was
found was to be razed to the ground, the farm confiscated. The bailiff
who should not be active in detecting heretics was to lose his office,
and be incapacitated from holding it in future. Heretics, however, were
not to be judged but by the bishop or some ecclesiastical person.

Anyone might seize a heretic on the lands of another. Heretics who
recanted were to be removed from their homes, and settled in Catholic
cities; to wear two crosses of a different colour from their dress, one
on the right side, one on the left. They were incapable of any public
function unless reconciled by the pope or by his legate. Those who
recanted from fear of death were to be immured forever. All persons,
males of the age of fourteen, females of twelve, were to take an oath of
abjuration of heresy, and of their Catholic faith; if absent, and not
appearing within fifteen days, they were held suspected of heresy. All
persons were to confess, and communicate three times a year, or were in
like manner under suspicion of heresy. No layman was permitted to have
any book of the Old or New Testament, especially in a translation, unless
perhaps the Psalter, with a breviary, or the Hours of the Virgin. No one
suspected of heresy could practise as a physician. Care was to be taken
that no heretic had access to sick or dying persons. All wills were to
be made in the presence of a priest. No office of trust was to be held
by one in evil fame as a heretic. Those were in evil fame who were so
by common report, or so declared by good and grave witnesses before the
bishop.

But statutes of persecution always require new statutes rising above each
other in regular gradations of rigour and cruelty. The legate found the
canons of Toulouse to be eluded or inefficient. He summoned a council
at Melun, attended by the archbishop of Narbonne and other prelates.
The unhappy count of Toulouse was compelled to frame the edicts of this
council into laws for his dominions. The first provision showed that
persecution had wrought despair. It was directed against those who had
murdered, or should murder, or conceal the murderers of persecutors of
heretics. A reward of one mark was set on the head of every heretic, to
be paid by the town, or village, or district to the captor.

It was evident that the heretics had now begun to seek concealment in
cabins, in caves, and rocks, and forests; not merely was every house
in which one should be seized to be razed to the ground, but all
suspected caves or hiding-places were to be blocked up; with a penalty of
twenty-five livres of Toulouse to the lord on whose estate such houses
or places of concealment of evil report should be found. Those who did
not assist in the capture of heretics were liable to punishment. If any
one was detected after death to have been a heretic, his property was
confiscated. Those who had made over their estates in trust, before they
became heretics, nevertheless forfeited such estates. Those who attempted
to elude the law by moving about, under pretence of trade or pilgrimage,
were ordered to render an account of their absence. A council at
Béziers (1233) enforced upon the clergy, under pain of suspension or of
deprivation, the denunciation of all who should not attend divine service
in their churches on the appointed days, especially those suspected of
heresy.[g]

METHOD OF PROCEDURE WITH A SUSPECT

The method of proceeding in the courts of the Inquisition was at first
simple, and not materially different from that in the ordinary courts.
But gradually the Dominicans, guided by experience, rendered it far
more complex; and so shaped their proceedings that the mode of trying
heretical causes (if the phrase be allowable) became altogether different
from that usually practised in judicial proceedings. For these good
friars, being wholly unskilled in forensic affairs, and acquainted with
no other tribunal than that which in the Romish church is called the
penitentiary tribunal, regulated these new courts of the Inquisition, as
far as possible, according to the plan of those religious proceedings.
And hence arose that strange system of jurisprudence, bearing in many
respects the most striking features of injustice and wrong. Whoever duly
considers this history of their origin will be able to account for many
things that seem unsuitable, absurd, and contrary to justice, in the mode
of proceeding against offenders in the courts of the Inquisition.[e]

When the Inquisition discovered a transgressor of their laws, either by
common report, or by their spies, or by an informer, he was cited three
times to appear before them; and if he did not appear, he was forthwith
condemned. It was safest to appear on the first citation; because the
longer a man delayed the more guilty he would be; and the Inquisition
had their spies, and a thousand concealed ways for getting an absconding
heretic in their power.

When a supposed heretic was once in the hands of the Inquisition, no one
dared to inquire after him, or write to him, or intercede for him. When
everything belonging to the person seized was in their hands, then the
process began; and it was protracted in the most tedious manner.

[Illustration: COSTUME OF A CONDEMNED PERSON WHO CONFESSED, AFTER
CONVICTION

(From _Historia Inquisitionis, 1592_)]

After many days, or perhaps months, which the accused dragged out in
a loathsome dungeon, the keeper of the prison asked him, as it were
accidentally, if he wished to have a hearing. When he appeared before
his judges, they inquired, just as if they knew nothing about him, who
he was, and what he wanted. If he wished to be informed what offence he
had committed, he was admonished to confess his faults himself. If he
confessed nothing, time was given him for reflection, and he was remanded
to prison. If, after a long time allowed him, he still confessed nothing,
he must swear to answer truly to all the questions put to him. If he
would not swear, he was condemned without further process. If he swore
to give answer, he was questioned in regard to his whole life, without
making known to him his offence. He was, however, promised a pardon if he
would truly confess his offences; an artifice this, by which his judges
often learned more than they knew before against him.

At last the charges against him were presented to him in writing, and
counsel also was assigned him, who, however, only advised him to confess
fully his faults. The accuser and informer against him were not made
known to him, but the real charges against him were put into his hands.
He was allowed time for his defence; but his accuser, and the witnesses
against him, he could know only by conjecture. Sometimes he was so
fortunate as to discover who they were; but rarely were they presented
before him, and confronted with him.

If his answers did not satisfy the judges, or if the allegations against
him were not adequately proved, resort was had to torture. Each of these
tortures was continued as long as, in the judgment of the physician of
the Inquisition, the man was able to endure them. He might now confess
what he would, but still the torture would be repeated, first to discover
the object and motives of the acknowledged offence, and then to make him
expose his accomplices.

If, when tortured, he confessed nothing, many snares were laid to elicit
from him unconsciously his offence. The conclusion was that the accused,
when he seemed to have satisfied the judges, was condemned, according to
the measure of his offence, to death, or to perpetual imprisonment, or to
the galleys, or to be scourged; and he was delivered over to the civil
authorities, who were intreated to spare his life, as the church never
thirsted for blood; but yet they would experience persecution if they did
not carry the decisions of the court into execution.

What an infernal device is the Inquisition! What innocent person could
escape destruction, if an inquisitor were disposed to destroy him? A
heretic, even if he had been acquitted by the pope himself, might still
be condemned to die by the Inquisition. An equivocal promise of pardon
might be given to induce him to make confession, but the promise must
not be fulfilled when the object of it was obtained. Even death did not
free a person from the jurisdiction of the Inquisition; for a deceased
heretic must be burned in effigy. Would not every feeling of humanity be
outraged by following such horrid principles? The inquisitorial judges
did not deny that by such proceedings many innocent persons unavoidably
perished, along with the guilty; but this did not trouble them. “Better,”
they said, “that a hundred innocent persons should be cut off and go to
paradise, than let one heretic escape, who might poison many souls and
plunge them into endless perdition.”[f]

JOHN FOXE ON THE EVILS OF THE INQUISITION

“The abuse of this Inquisition is most execrable. If any word shall pass
out of the mouth of any, which may be taken in evil part; yea, though
no word be spoken, yet if they bear any grudge or evil will against the
party, incontinent they command him to be taken, and put in a horrible
prison, and then find out crimes against him at leisure, and in the
meantime no man living is so hardy as once to open his mouth for him. If
the father speak one word for his child, he is also taken and cast into
prison as a favourer of heretics; neither is it permitted to any person
to enter in to the prisoner; but there he is alone, in a place where he
cannot see so much as the ground where he is, and is not suffered either
to read or write, but there endureth in darkness palpable, in horrors
infinite, in fear miserable, wrestling with the assaults of death.

“By this it may be esteemed what trouble and sorrow, what pensive sighs
and cogitations they sustain, who are not thoroughly instructed in holy
doctrine. Add, moreover, to these distresses and horrors of the prison,
the injuries, threats, whippings, and scourgings, irons, tortures, and
racks which they endure. Sometimes also they are brought out, and showed
forth in some higher place to the people, as a spectacle of rebuke and
infamy. And thus are they detained there, some many years, and murdered
by long torments, and whole days together treated much more cruelly,
out of all comparison, than if they were in the hangman’s hands to be
slain at once. During all this time, what is done in the process no
person knoweth, but only the holy fathers and the tormentors, who are
sworn to execute the torments. All this is done in secret, and (as
great mysteries) pass not the hands of these holy ones. And after all
these torments so many years endured in the prison, if any man shall
be saved, it must be by guessing; for all the proceedings of the court
of that execrable Inquisition are open to no man, but all is done in
hugger-mugger and in close corners, by ambages, by covert ways, and
secret counsels. The accuser is secret, the crime secret, the witness
secret, whatsoever is done is secret, neither is the poor prisoner ever
advised of anything. If he can guess who accused him, whereof and
wherefore, he may be pardoned peradventure of his life; but this is
very seldom, and yet he shall not incontinent be set at liberty before
he hath long time endured infinite torments; and this is called their
“penitence,” and so is he let go; and yet not so but that he is enjoined,
before he pass the inquisitor’s hands, that he shall wear a garment of
yellow colours for a note of public infamy to him and his whole race.
And if he cannot guess right, showing to the inquisitors by whom he was
accused, whereof, and wherefore (as is before touched), incontinent
the horrible sentence of condemnation is pronounced against him, that
he shall be burned for an obstinate heretic. And yet the sentence is
not executed by and by, but after he hath endured imprisonment in some
heinous prison.”[j]

HOW A PENITENT WAS TREATED

[Illustration: COSTUME OF A CONDEMNED PERSON WHO HAD NOT CONFESSED

(From _Historia Inquisitionis, 1592_)]

It was a peculiar horror of the Inquisition that while almost anyone
might be haled before it, even on an anonymous complaint, hardly anyone
ever escaped certain penalties. If the fate of the wretch was heavy,
who, being innocent of heresy would not confess his guilt and therefore
was tortured until he confessed imaginary guilt, and was then burned to
death, hardly less was the misery of the victim who repented or recanted
and was freed from the death penalty. The penalty for recantation can
hardly be more plainly stated than an actual order quoted by Llorente,[k]
giving the punishment awarded by St. Dominic himself to a repentant
heretic even before the actual organisation of the Inquisition.[a]

“To all faithful Christians to whom these presents may come. Friar
Dominic, canon of Osma, the least of the preachers, greeting in Christ.
By the authority of the lord abbot of Cister (Citeaux), legate of the
apostolic see (whose power we exercise) we have reconciled the bearer of
these presents, Poncio Roger, converted from the sect of the heretics by
the grace of God; and we have enjoined him in virtue of the sworn promise
which he has made to comply with our precepts that on three Sunday
festivals he be led, stripped, by a priest, who shall scourge him from
the gates of the city to those of the church.

“We further lay upon him, by way of penance, that he abstain from eating
flesh meat, eggs, cheese, and other foods derived from animals, forever.
Save only on the day of the resurrection, of Pentecost, and of the Lord’s
nativity, on which days we command him to partake thereof as a mark of
his detestation of his former error. He shall observe four Lents in the
year, abstaining from fish, and shall forever fast and abstain from fish,
oil, and wine three days in the week, save only when physical infirmities
or the labours of his station require a dispensation. He shall wear
religious garments both in shape and colour, with two small crosses sewn
on each side of his breast. He shall hear mass every day when occasion
serves, and on feast days he shall assist at vespers in the church. Every
day he shall recite the Hours for the day and night, and shall repeat
the prayer ‘Our Father’ seven times during the day, ten times in the
night, and twenty times at midnight. He shall observe chastity, and shall
present this letter one day, in the morning, every month, in the town of
Cereri to his parish priest, whom we enjoin to watch over the conduct
of Poncio, who shall faithfully observe all that is here expressed
until the lord legate shall manifest his will. And should Poncio fail
in his observance we command that he be held perjured, heretic, and
excommunicated, and be separated from the company of the faithful.”[k]

THE HISTORY OF TORTURE

If the above document gives a foreshadowing of the rigours of the
Inquisition towards those whose only error was a temporary wavering of
opinion, what can be expected as the fate of those who persisted in their
error, or denied it in spite of witnesses?--surely some distinguished
form of punishment. Death was not enough, for thus the heretic instantly
escaped the clutches of the disciplinarians. Torture was the resource.
Before taking up this blackest subject on the page of human history, it
is desirable to trace briefly its evolution, for torture was by no means
the invention or monopoly of the Inquisition, though it has come to be
thought so in the popular mind.

It is only justice to the church and to the zealots of that time to
emphasise the fact that when the inquisitors sought a tool for special
punishment, they found it ready at hand, made familiar and natural by the
civil law of the day. Furthermore torture was a venerable institution.

The Greeks used torture for cross-examining slaves and at times
nonresidents and even free citizens; the Romans under the republic
practised it on slaves, and under the empire on citizens; the man accused
of treason was always liable to it, as well as those whose testimony was
open to the charge of confusion or inconsistency. Even in Cicero’s time
there was a grim machinery for the purpose. Torture in England though not
legal was practised, as it was on the continent, and in Scotland where
it had the best civil sanction. Even in the United States there is one
instance of torture, but that was during the Salem witchcraft insanity,
though, like the inquisitorial processes, it was conducted by the church
and civil government, and like so many of the inquisitorial punishments
was due to an accusation of sorcery. The belief in witchcraft, now
obsolete among even the common people, was once supported by a papal bull
and by Sprenger’s[l] tremendous work, called _The Hammer of Witches_,
which Henry C. Lea[n] calls “the most portentous monument of superstition
which the world has produced.”

The civil powers had then used torture from time immemorial. The people
were as used to it in that day as we of to-day are to certain torments
of animals cooked alive or otherwise worried to death. The crime of
treason was specifically devoted to torture. As heresy was in the days
of temporal church power distinctly a crime of treason, the secular
authorities were ordered to punish it. In fact the church took the stand
that it was simply hunting for justice, and when it found the accused
innocent, it technically “intervened” in his behalf and “stayed the arm
of the law.”[191]

But while using these facts to prevent us from thinking of the
inquisitors as men of diabolical invention unlike their kind or their
time in manner of thought or action, and while giving these facts their
due weight in palliation of the personal offences of the inquisitors
against fundamental principles of justice and mercy, we must not forget
that, though the church took the idea of torture from the civil law and
compelled the civil officials to administer it, yet the church enlarged
the methods of torment and the causes for its use; the church forced upon
the law and upon the monarchs many extremes of cruelty to which they were
reluctant and against which they often mutinied.

And finally, seeing that the best men of the time were supposed to enter
the church, and that the church appointed as inquisitors only its most
exemplary members,[192] the defence of the Inquisition by some of its
apologists on the ground of its origin in the customs of the period,
really amounts to the astounding implication that the best men of the
church were only a little worse than the average of their time.

It is stupefying to reflect on the character of the torments which crowds
of people once watched for hours with joy, and which the supposedly best
and gentlest spirits, the church fathers, inflicted day after day with
all the fascination of ingenuity put to its utmost test. Such torments we
of to-day can neither approve nor permit, and can hardly read of without
nausea. None the less, lest we forget the horrors to which the doctrine
of religious intolerance can drive mankind, and lest we lose the lesson
of all history that no excess of punishment ever yet stopped the human
hunger for liberty of thought and action, it will be well to place here a
few of the more authentic instances of inquisitorial outrage.

We may well begin with the description from contemporaries, such as
the history of Gonsalvius Montanus[o] or Gonzalez de Montés, a Spanish
Protestant, who narrowly escaped death, whose friend was martyred, and
who published a book on the Inquisition at Heidelberg in 1597. He is
quoted with others in the history of Limborch,[b] which was published in
1692, and based almost solely on the church’s own accounts.[a]

_A Contemporary Account of the Preliminaries to Torture_

The place of torture in the Spanish Inquisition is generally an
underground and very dark room, to which one enters through several
doors. There is a tribunal erected in it, where the inquisitor,
inspector, and secretary sit. When the candles are lighted, and the
person to be tortured is brought in, the executioner, who was waiting for
the other, makes an astonishing and dreadful appearance. He is covered
all over with a black linen garment down to his feet, and tied close to
his body. His head and face are all hid with a long black cowl, only
two little holes being left in it for him to see through. All this is
intended to strike the miserable wretch with greater terror in mind and
body, when he sees himself going to be tortured by the hands of one who
thus looks like the very devil.[o]

Whilst the officers are getting things ready for the torture, the bishop
and inquisitor by themselves, and other good men zealous for the faith,
endeavour to persuade the person to be tortured freely to confess the
truth, and if he will not, they order the officers to strip him, who do
it in an instant. Clergymen however must not be tortured by a lay officer
or torturer unless they cannot find any clergymen who know how to do it,
or are willing, because it would be in vain for the judges to order any
clergyman or monk to the torture, if there was nobody to inflict it; and
therefore in such a case it is usual to torture them by lay officers.

Whilst the person to be tortured is stripping, he is persuaded to confess
the truth. If he refuses it, he is taken aside by certain good men, and
urged to confess, and told by them that if he confesses, he will not
be put to death, but only be made to swear that he will not return to
the heresy he hath abjured. The inquisitor and bishop promise the same,
unless the person be a relapse.

If he is persuaded neither by threatenings nor promises to confess his
crime, he is tortured either more lightly or grievously, according as
his crime requires, and frequently interrogated during the torture, upon
those articles for which he is put to it, beginning with the lesser
ones, because they think he will sooner confess the lesser matters
than the greater. According to the directions of Royas,[u] one of the
Spanish inquisitors: “The criminals are with great care and diligence
to be admonished by the inquisitors, and especially when they are under
torture, that they should not by any means bear false witness against
themselves or others, through fear of punishment or torments, but speak
the truth only. Nor may the inquisitors promise pardon or forgiveness of
the offence, to compel the criminals to confess crimes which they have
not committed, out of their great zeal to inquire out the truth. And such
a false confession the accused person may safely revoke.”

The inquisitors themselves must interrogate the criminals during their
torture, nor can they commit this business to others, unless they are
engaged in other important affairs, in which case they may depute certain
good and skilful men for the purpose. Although in other nations criminals
are publicly tortured, yet in Spain it is forbidden by the royal law
for any to be present whilst they are torturing, besides the judges,
secretaries, and torturers. The inquisitors must also choose proper
torturers, born of ancient Christians, who must be bound by oath by no
means to discover their secrets, nor to report anything that is said.
The judges also usually protest that if the criminal should happen to
die under his torture, or by reason of it, or should suffer the loss of
any of his limbs, it is not to be imputed to them, but to the criminal
himself, who will not plainly confess the truth before he is tortured. A
heretic may not only be interrogated concerning himself, but in general
also concerning his companions and accomplices in his crime, his teachers
and his disciples, for he ought to discover them, though he be not
interrogated; but when he is interrogated concerning them, he is much
more obliged to discover them than his accomplices in any other the most
grievous crimes.

A person also suspected of heresy, and fully convicted, may be tortured
upon another account, _i.e._, to discover his companions and accomplices
in the crime. This must be done when he hesitates, or it is half fully
proved at least that he was actually present with them, or he hath
such companions and accomplices in his crime; for in this case he is
not tortured as a criminal, but as a witness. But he who makes full
confession of himself is not tortured upon a different account; whereas
if he be a negative, he may be tortured upon another account, to discover
his accomplices and other heretics, though he be full convicted himself,
and it be half fully proved that he hath such accomplices. The reason of
the difference in these cases is this, because he who confesses against
himself would certainly much rather confess against other heretics if he
knew them. But it is otherwise when the criminal is a negative.

Whilst these things are doing, the notary writes everything down in the
process, as what tortures were inflicted, concerning what matters the
prisoner was interrogated, and what he answered. If by these tortures
they cannot draw from him a confession, they show him other kind of
tortures and tell him he must undergo all of them, unless he confesses
the truth. If neither by this means they can extort the truth, they may,
to terrify him and engage him to confess, assign the second or third day
to continue, not to repeat, the torture, till he hath undergone all those
kinds of them to which he is condemned.

The degrees of tortures formerly used were five, which were inflicted in
their turn, and are described by Julius Clarus[v] [member of the council
to Philip II of Spain]. “Know therefore,” says he, “that there are five
degrees of torture, viz., first, the being threatened to be tortured;
secondly, being carried to the place of torture; thirdly, by stripping
and binding; fourthly, the being hoisted upon the rack; fifthly,
squassation.”

The stripping is performed without any regard to humanity or honour,
not only to men, but to women and virgins, though the most virtuous and
chaste, of whom they have sometimes many in their prison. For they cause
them to be stripped, even to their very shifts, which they afterwards
take off, forgive the expression, and then put on them straight linen
drawers, and then make their arms naked quite up to their shoulders.

As to squassation, it is thus performed: the prisoner hath his hands
bound behind his back, and weights tied to his feet, and then he is drawn
up on high till his head reaches the very pulley. He is kept hanging in
this manner for some time, that by the greatness of the weight hanging
at his feet all his joints and limbs may be dreadfully stretched, and
on a sudden he is let down with a jerk, by the slacking the rope, but
kept from coming quite to the ground, by which terrible shake his arms
and legs are all disjointed, whereby he is put to the most exquisite
pain; the shock which he receives by the sudden stop of the fall, and
the weight at his feet stretching his whole body more intensely and
cruelly.[b]

The inquisitors sometimes shamefully and rashly proceed to the torture
of innocent persons, as will evidently appear by one instance, not
to mention more, given us by Gonsalvius.[o] “They apprehended in the
Inquisition at Seville a noble lady, Joan Bohorquia, the wife of Francis
Varquius, a very eminent man, and lord of Higuera, and daughter of Peter
Garsia Xeresius, a wealthy citizen of Seville. The occasion of her
imprisonment was that her sister, Mary Bohorquia, a young lady of eminent
piety, who was afterwards burned for her pious confession, had declared
in her torture that she had several times conversed with her sister
concerning her own doctrine. When she was first imprisoned, she was about
six months gone with child, upon which account she was not so straightly
confined, nor used with that cruelty which the other prisoners were
treated with, out of regard to the infant she carried in her.

“Eight days after her delivery, they took the child from her, and on the
fifteenth shut her close up, and made her undergo the fate of the other
prisoners, and began to manage her with their usual arts and rigour.
In so dreadful a calamity she had only this comfort, that a certain
pious young woman, who was afterwards burned for her religion by the
inquisitors, was allowed her for her companion. This young creature was,
on a certain day, carried out to her torture, and being returned from
it into her jail, she was so shaken, and had all her limbs so miserably
disjointed, that when she laid upon her bed of rushes it rather increased
her misery than gave her rest, so that she could not turn herself
without the most excessive pain. In this condition, as Bohorquia had it
not in her power to show her any, or but very little outward kindness,
she endeavoured to comfort her mind with great tenderness. The girl had
scarce begun to recover from her torture, when Bohorquia was carried out
to the same exercise, and was tortured with such diabolical cruelty upon
the rack, that the rope pierced and cut into the very bones in several
places, and in this manner she was brought back to prison, just ready to
expire, the blood immediately running out of her mouth in great plenty.
Undoubtedly they had burst her bowels, insomuch that the eighth day after
her torture she died.

“And when, after all, they could not procure sufficient evidence to
condemn her, though sought after and procured by all their inquisitorial
arts, yet as the accused person was born in that place, where they
were obliged to give some account of the affair to the people, and
indeed could not by any means dissemble it, in the first act of triumph
appointed her death, they commanded her sentence to be pronounced in
these words: ‘Because this lady died in prison (without doubt suppressing
the causes of it), and was found to be innocent upon inspecting and
diligently examining her cause, therefore the holy tribunal pronounces
her free from all charges brought against her by the fiscal, and
absolving her from any further process, doth restore her both as to her
innocence and reputation, and commands all her effects, which had been
confiscated, to be restored to those to whom they of right belonged,’
etc. And thus, after they had murdered her by torture with savage
cruelty, they pronounced her innocent!”[o]

LIMBORCH’S ACCOUNT OF THE FATE OF A JEW

The method of torturing and the degree of tortures used in the Spanish
Inquisition will be well understood from the history of Isaac Orobio, a
Jew, and doctor of physic, who was accused to the Inquisition as a Jew
by a certain Moor, his servant, who had by his order before this been
whipped for thieving; and four years after this he was again accused by
a certain enemy of his for another fact, which would have proved him a
Jew. But Orobio obstinately denied that he was one. I will here give
the account of his torture, as I had it from his own mouth. After three
whole years which he had been in jail, and several examinations, and the
discovery of the crimes to him of which he was accused, in order to his
confession and his constant denial of them, he was at length carried
out of his jail, and through several turnings brought to the place of
torture. This was towards the evening.

It was a large underground room, arched, and the walls covered with black
hangings. The candlesticks were fastened to the wall, and the whole room
enlightened with candles placed in them. At one end of it there was an
enclosed place like a closet, where the inquisitor and notary sat at a
table, so that the place seemed to him as the very mansion of death,
everything appearing so terrible and awful. Here the inquisitor again
admonished him to confess the truth before his torments began.

When he answered he had told the truth, the inquisitor gravely protested
that, since he was so obstinate as to suffer the torture, the Holy
Office would be innocent, if he should shed his blood, or even expire
in his torments. When he had said this, he put a linen garment over his
body, and drew it so very close on each side, as almost squeezed him to
death. When he was almost dying, they slackened at once the sides of the
garment, and after he began to breathe again, the sudden alteration put
him to the most grievous anguish and pain. When he had overcome this
torture, the same admonition was repeated, that he would confess the
truth in order to prevent further torment.

And as he persisted in his denial, they tied his thumbs so very tightly
with small cords as made the extremities of them greatly swell, and
caused the blood to spurt out from under his nails. After this he was
placed with his back against a wall and fixed upon a little bench. Into
the wall were fastened little iron pulleys, through which there were
ropes drawn, and tied round his body in several places, and especially
his arms and legs. The executioner drawing these ropes with great
violence, fastened his body with them to the wall so that his hands and
feet, and especially his fingers and toes being bound so straightly with
them, put him to the most exquisite pain, and seemed to him just as
though he had been dissolving in flames. In the midst of these torments
the torturer, of a sudden, drew the bench from under him, so that the
miserable wretch hung by the cords without anything to support him, and
by the weight of his body drew the knots yet much closer.

After this a new kind of torture succeeded. There was an instrument
like a small ladder, made of two upright pieces of wood and five cross
ones sharpened before. This the torturer placed over against him, and
by a certain proper motion struck it with great violence against both
his shins, so that he received upon each of them at once five violent
strokes, which put him to such intolerable anguish that he fainted away.
After he came to himself, they inflicted on him the last torture.

The torturer tied ropes about Orobio’s wrists and then put those ropes
about his own back, which was covered with leather, to prevent his
hurting himself. Then falling backwards and putting his feet up against
the wall, he drew them with all his might till they cut through Orobio’s
flesh, even to the very bones; and this torture was repeated thrice,
the ropes being tied about his arms about the distance of two fingers’
breadth from the former wound, and drawn with the same violence.

But it happened that, as the ropes were drawing the second time, they
slid into the first wound, which caused so great an effusion of blood
that he seemed to be dying. Upon this the physician and surgeon, who are
always ready, were sent for out of a neighbouring apartment to ask their
advice whether the torture could be continued without danger of death,
lest the ecclesiastical judges should be guilty of an irregularity if the
criminal should die in his torments.

They, who were far from being enemies to Orobio, answered that he had
strength enough to endure the rest of the torture, and hereby preserved
him from having the tortures he had already endured repeated on him,
because his sentence was that he should suffer them all at one time,
one after another. So that if at any time they are forced to leave off
through fear of death, all the tortures, even those already suffered,
must be successively inflicted to satisfy the sentence. Upon this the
torture was repeated the third time, and then it ended. After this he
was bound up in his own clothes and carried back to his prison, and was
scarce healed of his wounds in seventy days. And, inasmuch as he made no
confession under his torture, he was condemned, not as one convicted,
but suspected of Judaism, to wear for two whole years the infamous habit
called _sambenito_, and it was further decreed that after that term he
should suffer perpetual banishment from the kingdom of Seville.

OTHER FORMS OF TORTURE

Gonsalvius[o] tells us of another kind of torture. There is a wooden
bench, which they call “the wooden horse,” made hollow like a trough, so
as to contain a man lying on his back at full length, about the middle
of which there is a round bar laid across, upon which the back of the
person is placed, so that he lies upon the bar instead of being let into
the bottom of the trough, with his feet much higher than his head. As he
is lying in this posture, his arms, thighs, and shins are tied round with
small cords or strings, which being drawn with screws at proper distance
from each other, cut into the very bones, so as to be no longer discerned.

_The Tormento di Toca_

Besides this, the torturer throws over his mouth and nostrils a thin
cloth, so that he is scarce able to breathe through them, and in the
meanwhile a small stream of water like a thread, not drop by drop,
falls from on high upon the mouth of the person lying in this miserable
condition and so easily sinks down the thin cloth to the bottom of his
throat, so that there is no possibility of breathing, his mouth being
stopped with water and his nostrils with the cloth, so that the poor
wretch is in the same agony as persons ready to die, and breathing out
their last. When this cloth is drawn out of his throat, as it often is,
that he may answer to the questions, it is all wet with water and blood,
and is like pulling his bowels through his mouth.

_The Chafing-dish; The Water-cure_

There is also another kind of torture peculiar to this tribunal, which
they call the fire. They order a large iron chafing-dish full of lighted
charcoal to be brought in and held close to the soles of the tortured
person’s feet, greased over with lard, so that the heat of the fire may
more quickly pierce through them.

This is inquisition by torture, when there is only half full proof of
their crime. However, at other times torments are sometimes inflicted
upon persons condemned to death, as a punishment preceding that of
death. Of this we have a remarkable instance in William Lithgow,[w] an
Englishman, who, as he tells us in his travels, was taken up as a spy in
Malaga, and was exposed to the most cruel torments upon the Wooden Horse.
But when nothing could be extorted from him, he was delivered to the
Inquisition as an heretic. He was condemned, in the beginning of Lent, to
suffer the night following eleven most cruel torments, and after Easter
to be carried privately to Grenada, there to be buried at midnight, and
his ashes to be scattered into the air; when night came on his fetters
were taken off, then he was stripped naked, put upon his knees, and
his head lifted up by force; after which, opening his mouth with iron
instruments, they filled his belly with water till it came out of his
jaws. Then they tied a rope hard about his neck, and in this condition
rolled him seven times the whole length of the room, till he almost quite
strangled. After this they tied a small cord about both his great toes,
and hung him up thereby with his head down, letting him remain in this
condition till all the water discharged itself out of his mouth, so that
he was laid on the ground as just dead, and had his irons put on him
again. But beyond all expectation, and by a very singular accident, he
was delivered out of jail, escaped death, and fortunately sailed home to
England.[b]

Details of another revolting case are quoted by Limborch from an official
contemporary document, which may best be reproduced here in its original
form.[a]

THE PROCEEDINGS AGAINST AN ENGLISHWOMAN

Elizabeth Vasconcellos, now in the city of Lisbon, doth, on
the 10th day of December, _anno_ 1706, in the presence of John
Milner, Esq., her majesty’s consul-general of Portugal, and
Joseph Willcocks, minister of the English factory at Lisbon,
declare and testify:

That she was born at Arlington, in the county of Devon, and
a daughter of John Chester, Esq., bred up in the church of
England; and in the eleventh year of her age her uncle, David
Morgan, of Cork, intending to go and settle in Jamaica as a
physician, by her father’s consent, he having several children,
took her with him to provide for her.

In 1685, they went in an English ship, and near the island they
were attacked by two Turkish ships; in the fight her uncle was
killed, but the ship got clear into Madeira, and she, though
left destitute, was entertained by Mr. Bedford, a merchant,
with whom, and other English, she lived as a servant till 1696.
In that year she was married by the chaplain of an English
man-of-war to Cordoza de Vasconcellos, a physician of that
island, and lived with him eight years, and never in the least
conformed to the Romish church.

In 1704, her husband being gone on a voyage to Brazil, she fell
dangerously ill, and, being light-headed, a priest gave her
the sacrament, as she was told afterwards, for she remembered
nothing of it. It pleased God she recovered, and then they
told her she had changed her religion, and must conform to the
Romish church, which she denied and refused to conform; and
thereupon, by the bishop of that island, she was imprisoned
nine months, and then sent prisoner to the Inquisition at
Lisbon, where she arrived the 19th of December, 1705. The
secretary of the house took her effects, in all above £500; she
was then sworn, that that was all she was worth, and then put
into a straight dark room, about five feet square, and there
kept nine months and fifteen days.

That the first nine days she had only bread and water, and a
wet straw bed to lie on. On the ninth day, being examined, she
owned herself a Protestant, and would so continue; she was
told she had conformed to the Romish church, and must persist
in it or burn, she was then remanded to her room; and after a
month’s time brought out again, and persisting in her answer
as to her religion, they bound her hands behind her, stripped
her back naked, and lashed her with a whip of knotted cords a
considerable time, and told her afterwards that she must kneel
down to the court, and give thanks for their merciful usage of
her, which she positively refused to do.

After fifteen days she was again brought forth and examined,
and a crucifix being set before her, she was commanded to bow
down to it and worship it, which she refusing to do, they told
her that she must expect to be condemned to the flames, and be
burned with the Jews, at the next _auto da fé_, which was nigh
at hand. Upon this she was remanded to her prison again for
thirty days, and being then brought out, a red hot iron was got
ready, and brought to her in a chafing-dish of burning coals,
and her breast being laid open, the executioner, with one end
of the red hot iron, which was about the bigness of a large
seal, burned her to the bone in three several places, on the
right side, one hard by the other, and then sent her to her
prison, without any plaster, or other application, to heal the
sores, which were very painful to her.

A month after this she had another severe whipping, as before;
and in the beginning of August she was brought before the
table, a great number of inquisitors being present, and was
questioned, whether she would profess the Romish religion or
burn. She replied, she had always been a Protestant, and was a
subject of the queen of England, who was able to protect her,
and she doubted not would do it, were her condition known to
the English residing in Lisbon; but as she knew nothing of
that, her resolution was to continue a Protestant, though she
were to burn for it. To this they answered that her being the
queen of England’s subject signified nothing in the dominions
of the king of Portugal; that the English residing in Lisbon
were heretics, and would certainly be damned; and that it was
the mercy of that tribunal to endeavour to rescue her out of
the flames of hell, but if her resolution were to burn rather
than profess the Romish religion, they would give her a trial
of it beforehand.

Accordingly the officers were ordered to seat her in a fixed
chair, and to bind her arms and her legs, that she could make
no resistance, nor motion, and the physician being placed by
her, to direct the court how far they might torture her without
hazard of life, her left foot was made bare, and an iron
slipper, red hot, being immediately brought in, her foot was
fastened into it, which continued on burning her to the bone,
till such time as by extremity of pain she fainted away, and
the physician declaring her life was in danger, they took it
off, and ordered her again to her prison.

On the 19th of August she was again brought out, and whipped
after a cruel manner, and her back was all over torn, and
being threatened with more and greater tortures, and, on the
other hand, being promised to be set at liberty if she would
subscribe such a paper as they should give her, though she
could have undergone death, yet not being able to endure a
life of so much misery, she consented to subscribe, as they
would have her, and accordingly, as she was directed wrote
at the bottom of a large paper, which contained she knew not
what; after which they advised her to avoid the company of all
English heretics, and not restoring to her anything of all the
plate, goods, or money she brought in with her, and engaging
her by oath to keep secret all that had been done to her,
turned her out of doors, destitute of all relief, but what she
received from the help and compassion of charitable Christians.

The above said Elizabeth Vasconcellos did solemnly affirm and
declare the above written deposition to be true, the day and
year above written.

JOHN MILNER,
JOSEPH WILLCOCKS.

Lisbon, January 8th, 1707, N.S.

(A copy examined from the original, by J. BLISSE.)[b]

INQUISITORIAL DOCUMENTS

That the above affidavit is not a mere party document is only too plainly
proved by the very manual of procedure, the Cartilla of the Inquisition
at Seville, which W. H. Rule[y] has translated. It was meant for the
guidance of all the Spanish inquisitors, and its business-like calm is
not its least horrible feature, as is this insistence upon a full report
of the torture and its results:[a]

_How the Record was Kept_

“If the criminal is under age, the guardian must be present at
pronouncing sentence, in order that he may appeal if he wishes; but he
must not be present at the torture.

“All that the criminal says has to be set down, and the questions that
were put to him, and his answers, without omitting anything, and how they
ordered him to be stripped, and his arms to be bound, and the rounds of
cord that are put on him, and how they ordered him to be placed on a
rack, and to bind his legs, head, and arms, and how he was bound, and how
they ordered the garrotes to be put on, and how they were put on, and how
compressed, declaring if it was on leg, thigh, or shin, or arms, etc.,
and what was said to him at each of these operations.

“If the torture is of pulley, it must be entered how the irons were put;
and the weight or weights, and how he was hoisted, and how many times,
and how long he was up each time. If it is of rack, it shall be said how
the toca[193] was put on him, and how many pitchers of water were thrown
over him, and how much each contained.”[y]

_The Proper Form of Torture for Women_

Even more ghastly is the blank form for convenience in recording the
various steps. The following from the same manual, as translated by
Rule,[y] corroborates the testimony of Elizabeth Vasconcellos quoted
above, inasmuch as it prescribes the gentler forms of discipline to be
used when the errant one was a woman. There is something peculiarly
terrible in the very omission of a special name and the consequent
thought of the number of wretches whose vain words and torments were thus
recorded.[a]

“She was told to tell the truth, or orders would be given to strip her.
She said, etc. She was commanded to be stripped naked.

“She was told to tell the truth, or orders would be given to cut off her
hair. She said, etc.

“Orders were given to cut off her hair; and when it was taken off, she
was examined by the doctor and surgeon, who said there was not any
objection to her being put to the torture.

“She was told to tell the truth, or she would be commanded to mount the
rack. She said, etc.

“She was commanded to mount, and she said, etc.

“She was told to tell the truth, or her body should be bound. She said,
etc. She was ordered to be bound.

“She was told to tell the truth, or, if not, they would order her right
foot to be made fast for the trampazo.[194] She said, etc. They commanded
it to be made fast.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would command her left foot to
be made fast for the trampazo. She said, etc. They commanded it to be
made fast. She said, etc. It was ordered to be done.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would order the binding of the
right arm to be stretched. She said, etc. It was commanded to be done.
And the same with the left arm. It was ordered to be executed.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would order the fleshy part of
her right arm to be made fast for the garrote. She said, etc. It was
ordered to be made fast.

“And by the said lord inquisitor it was repeated to her many times that
she should tell the truth, and not let herself be brought into so great
torment; and the physician and surgeon were called in, who said, etc. And
the criminal, etc. And orders were given to make it fast.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would order the first turn of
mancuerda. She said, etc. It was commanded to be done.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would command the garrote to be
applied again to the right arm. She said, etc. It was ordered to be done.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would order the second turn of
mancuerda. She said, etc. It was commanded to be done.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would order the garrote to be
applied again to the left arm. She said, etc. It was ordered to be done.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would order the third turn of
mancuerda. She said, etc. It was commanded to be done.

“She was told to tell the truth, or they would order the trampazo to be
laid on the right foot. She said, etc. It was commanded to be done.

“For women you do not go beyond this.”[y]

LATER HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION IN SPAIN

It would be gratuitously harrowing to multiply such instances of
human misery, and we may return to the chronicle of the progress of
the Inquisition, leading up to its culmination in Spain and Portugal,
instances of whose severity have already been quoted. It is a pitiful
chronicle, and one that the humanitarian might well wish to pass over in
silence; but one which the historian cannot altogether ignore.[a]

The notion of heresy was enlarged so as to comprehend not only the
slightest deviation from the creed of the church, but also usury,
sorcery, contempt of the cross and clergy, dealings with Jews, etc.

The people in many places rose up against the inquisitors, as in Albi,
and Narbonne (1234), and Toulouse; and in France, where the Inquisition
had first been put in force, it was first abolished.[195] The Jesuits
sought to restore the Inquisition in Bavaria (1599), and during the
Thirty Years’ War found an occasional victim; but Maria Theresa abolished
it in her kingdom, and it soon afterwards disappeared in Germany. It had
no hold in England, Sweden, Norway, or Denmark; but in Spain, Portugal,
and the Netherlands it enjoyed a luxuriant growth.[z]

The tribunal, after having been successively adopted in Italy and
Germany, was introduced into Aragon, where, in 1242, additional
provisions were framed by the Council of Tarragona, on the basis of those
of 1233, which may properly be considered as the primitive instructions
of the Holy Office in Spain.

This “ancient” Inquisition, as it is termed, bore the same odious
peculiarities in its leading features as the modern; the same
impenetrable secrecy in its proceedings, the same insidious modes of
accusation, a similar use of torture, and similar penalties for the
offender. A sort of manual, drawn up by Eymerich,[p] an Aragonese
inquisitor of the fourteenth century, for the instruction of the
judges of the Holy Office, prescribes all those ambiguous forms of
interrogation by which the unwary and perhaps innocent victim might be
circumvented. The arm of persecution, however, fell with sufficient
heaviness, especially during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,
on the unfortunate Albigenses, who, from the proximity and political
relations of Aragon and Provence, had become numerous in the former
kingdom. The persecution appears, however, to have been chiefly confined
to this unfortunate sect, and there is no evidence that the Holy Office,
notwithstanding papal briefs to that effect, was fully organised in
Castile before the reign of Isabella. This is perhaps imputable to the
paucity of heretics in that kingdom. It cannot, at any rate, be charged
to any lukewarmness in its sovereigns; since they, from the time of
St. Ferdinand, who heaped the fagots on the blazing pile with his own
hands, down to that of John II, Isabella’s father, who hunted the unhappy
heretics of Biscay like so many wild beasts among the mountains, had ever
evinced a lively zeal for the orthodox faith.

By the middle of the fifteenth century, the Albigensian heresy had been
nearly extirpated by the Inquisition of Aragon; so that this infernal
engine might have been suffered to sleep undisturbed from want of
sufficient fuel to keep it in motion, when new and ample materials were
discovered in the unfortunate race of Israel, on whom the sins of their
fathers have been so unsparingly visited by every nation in Christendom
among whom they have sojourned, almost to the present century.

Under the Visigothic empire the Jews multiplied exceedingly in Spain,
and were permitted to acquire considerable power and wealth. But no
sooner had their Arian masters embraced the orthodox faith than they
began to testify their zeal by pouring on the Jews the most pitiless
storm of persecution. One of their laws alone condemned the whole race to
slavery; and Montesquieu[aa] remarks, without much exaggeration, that to
the Gothic code may be traced all the maxims of the Modern Inquisition,
the monks of the fifteenth century only copying, in reference to the
Israelites, the bishops of the seventh.

_State of the Jews in Spain_

After the Saracenic invasion, which the Jews, perhaps with reason, are
accused of having facilitated, they resided in the conquered cities and
were permitted to mingle with the Arabs on nearly equal terms. The Jews
accordingly, under these favourable auspices, not only accumulated wealth
with their usual diligence, but gradually rose to the highest civil
dignities, and made great advances in various departments of letters.

The ancient Castilians of the same period, very different from their
Gothic ancestors, seem to have conceded to the Israelites somewhat of
the feelings of respect which were extorted from them by the superior
civilisation of the Spanish Arabs. We find eminent Jews residing in the
courts of the Christian princes, directing their studies, attending them
as physicians, or more frequently administering their finances. For this
last vocation they seem to have had a natural aptitude; and, indeed,
the correspondence which they maintained with the different countries
of Europe by means of their own countrymen, who acted as the brokers
of almost every people among whom they were scattered during the Middle
Ages, afforded them peculiar facilities both in politics and commerce. We
meet with Jewish scholars and statesmen attached to the courts of Alfonso
X, Alfonso XI, Pedro the Cruel, Henry (Enrique) II, and other princes.
Their astronomical science recommended them in a special manner to
Alfonso el Sabio, who employed them in the construction of his celebrated
tables. James I of Aragon condescended to receive instruction from them
in ethics; and in the fifteenth century we notice Juan (John) II of
Castile employing a Jewish secretary in the compilation of a national
_Cancionero_.

But all this royal patronage proved incompetent to protect the Jews
when their flourishing fortunes had risen to a sufficient height to
excite popular envy, augmented as it was by that profuse ostentation of
equipage and apparel for which this singular people, notwithstanding
their avarice, have usually shown a predilection. Stories were circulated
of their contempt for the Catholic worship, their desecration of its
most holy symbols, and of their crucifixion, or other sacrifice, of
Christian children at the celebration of their own passover. With these
foolish calumnies, the more probable charge of usury and extortion was
industriously preferred against them; till at length, towards the close
of the fourteenth century, the fanatical populace, stimulated in many
instances by the no less fanatical clergy, and perhaps encouraged by the
numerous class of debtors to the Jews, who found this a convenient mode
of settling their accounts, made a fierce assault on this unfortunate
people in Castile and Aragon, breaking into their houses, violating
their most private sanctuaries, scattering their costly collections and
furniture, and consigning the wretched proprietors to indiscriminate
massacre, without regard to sex or age.

_“Conversion” of the Jews_

[Illustration: A JEW OF THE MIDDLE AGES]

In this crisis the only remedy left to the Jews was a real or feigned
conversion to Christianity. St. Vincent Ferrier, a Dominican of Valencia,
performed such a quantity of miracles, in furtherance of this purpose,
as might have excited the envy of any saint in the calendar; and these,
aided by his eloquence, are said to have changed the hearts of no less
than thirty-five thousand of the race of Israel, which doubtless must be
reckoned the greatest miracle of all.

The legislative enactments of this period, and still more under Juan II
during the first half of the fifteenth century, were uncommonly severe
upon the Jews. While they were prohibited from mingling freely with the
Christians, and from exercising the professions for which they were best
qualified, their residence was restricted within certain prescribed
limits of the cities which they inhabited; and they were not only
debarred from their usual luxury of ornament in dress, but were held up
to public scorn, as it were, by some peculiar badge or emblem embroidered
on their garments.

Such was the condition of the Spanish Jews at the accession of Ferdinand
and Isabella. The “new Christians,” or “converts,” as those who had
renounced the faith of their fathers were denominated, were occasionally
preferred to high ecclesiastical dignities, which they illustrated by
their integrity and learning. They were intrusted with municipal offices
in the various cities of Castile; and as their wealth furnished an
obvious resource for repairing, by way of marriage, the decayed fortunes
of the nobility, there was scarcely a family of rank in the land whose
blood had not been contaminated, at some period or other, by mixture with
the _mala sangre_, as it came afterwards to be termed, of the house of
Judah; an ignominious stain, which no time has been deemed sufficient
wholly to purge away.

Notwithstanding the show of prosperity enjoyed by the converted Jews,
their situation was far from secure. Their proselytism had been too
sudden to be generally sincere; and as the task of dissimulation was
too irksome to be permanently endured, they gradually became less
circumspect, and exhibited the scandalous spectacle of apostates
returning to wallow in the ancient mire of Judaism. The clergy,
especially the Dominicans, who seem to have inherited the quick scent
for heresy which distinguished their frantic founder, were not slow in
sounding the alarm; and the superstitious populace, easily roused to acts
of violence in the name of religion, began to exhibit the most tumultuous
movements, and actually massacred the constable of Castile in an attempt
to suppress them at Jaen, the year preceding the accession of Isabella.
After this period the complaints against the Jewish heresy became still
more clamorous, and the throne was repeatedly beset with petitions to
devise some effectual means for its extirpation (1478).

It is easy to discern, in the medley of credulity and superstition, the
secret envy entertained by the Castilians of the superior skill and
industry of their Hebrew brethren, and of the superior riches which these
qualities secured to them; and it is impossible not to suspect that the
zeal of the most orthodox was considerably sharpened by worldly motives.

Be that as it may, the cry against the Jewish abominations now became
general. Among those most active in raising it were Alfonso de Ojeda, a
Dominican, prior of the monastery of St. Paul in Seville, and Diego de
Merlo, assistant of that city, who should not be defrauded of the meed of
glory to which they are justly entitled by their exertions for the new
establishment of the Modern Inquisition. These persons, after urging on
the sovereigns the alarming extent to which the Jewish leprosy prevailed
in Andalusia, loudly called for the introduction of the Holy Office, as
the only effectual means of healing it. In this they were vigorously
supported by Niccolo Franco, the papal nuncio then residing at the
court of Castile. Ferdinand listened with complacency to a scheme which
promised an ample source of revenue in the confiscations it involved.
But it was not so easy to vanquish Isabella’s aversion to such repugnant
measures.

_Queen Isabella persuaded to Persecution_

Well had it been for the land if the queen’s conscience had always
been intrusted to the keeping of persons of such exemplary piety as
her confessor, Talavera. Unfortunately, in her early days, during
the lifetime of her brother Henry, that charge was committed to a
Dominican monk, Thomas (Tomas) de Torquemada, a native of Old Castile,
subsequently raised to the rank of prior of Santa Cruz in Segovia, and
condemned to infamous immortality by the signal part which he performed
in the tragedy of the Inquisition. This man, who concealed more pride
under his monastic weeds than might have furnished forth a convent of
his order, was one of that class with whom zeal passes for religion,
and who testify their zeal by a fiery persecution of those whose creed
differs from their own; who compensate for their abstinence from sensual
indulgence by giving scope to those deadlier vices of the heart, pride,
bigotry, and intolerance, which are no less opposed to virtue and are far
more extensively mischievous to society. This personage had earnestly
laboured to infuse into Isabella’s young mind, to which his situation as
her confessor gave him such ready access, the same spirit of fanaticism
that glowed in his own. Fortunately this was greatly counteracted by her
sound understanding and natural kindness of heart. Torquemada urged her,
or indeed, as is stated by some, extorted a promise that, “should she
ever come to the throne, she would devote herself to the extirpation of
heresy, for the glory of God and the exaltation of the Catholic faith.”
The time was now arrived when this promise was to be discharged.

It is due to Isabella’s fame to state thus much in palliation of the
unfortunate error into which she was led by her misguided zeal; an
error so grave that, like a vein in some noble piece of statuary, it
gives a sinister expression to her otherwise unblemished character.
It was not until the queen had endured the repeated importunities of
the clergy, particularly of those reverend persons in whom she most
confided, seconded by the arguments of Ferdinand, that she consented to
solicit from the pope a bull for the introduction of the Holy Office
into Castile. Sixtus IV, who at that time filled the pontifical chair,
easily discerning the sources of wealth and influence which this measure
opened to the court of Rome, readily complied with the petition of
the sovereigns, and expedited a bull bearing date November 1st, 1478,
authorising them to appoint two or three ecclesiastics, inquisitors for
the detection and suppression of heresy throughout their dominions.

The queen, however, still averse to violent measures, suspended the
operation of the ordinance, until a more lenient policy had been first
tried. By her command, accordingly, the archbishop of Seville, Cardinal
Mendoza, drew up a catechism exhibiting the different points of the
Catholic faith, and instructed the clergy throughout his diocese to
spare no pains in illuminating the benighted Israelites, by means of
friendly exhortation and a candid exposition of the true principles of
Christianity. How far the spirit of these injunctions was complied with,
amid the excitement then prevailing, may be reasonably doubted. There
could be little doubt, however, that a report, made two years later by a
commission of ecclesiastics with Alfonso de Ojeda at its head, respecting
the progress of the reformation, would be necessarily unfavourable to the
Jews.

In consequence of this report the papal provisions were enforced by the
nomination, on the 17th of September, 1480, of two Dominican monks as
inquisitors, with two other ecclesiastics, the one as assessor and the
other as procurator-fiscal, with instructions to proceed at once to
Seville and enter on the duties of their office. Orders were also issued
to the authorities of the city to support the inquisitors by all the aid
in their power. But the new institution proved so distasteful to them in
its origin that they refused any co-operation with its ministers, and
during the first years it can scarcely be said to have obtained a footing
in any other places in Andalusia than those belonging to the crown.

_The Inquisition of 1481_

On the 2nd of January, 1481, the court commenced operations by the
publication of an edict, followed by several others, requiring all
persons to aid in apprehending and accusing all such as they might know
or suspect to be guilty of heresy, and holding out the illusory promise
of absolution to such as should confess their errors within a limited
period. As every mode of accusation, even anonymous, was invited,
the number of victims multiplied so fast that the tribunal found it
convenient to remove its sittings from the convent of St. Paul, within
the city, to the spacious fortress of Triana, in the suburbs.

The presumptive proofs by which the charge of Judaism was established
against the accused are so curious that a few of them may deserve notice.
It was considered good evidence of the fact, if the prisoner wore better
clothes or cleaner linen on the Jewish Sabbath than on other days of
the week; if he had no fire in his house the preceding evening; if he
sat at table with Jews, or ate the meat of animals slaughtered by their
hands, or drank a certain beverage held in much estimation by them; if he
washed a corpse in warm water, or when dying turned his face to the wall;
or, finally, if he gave Hebrew names to his children--a provision most
whimsically cruelly, since, by a law of Henry II, he was prohibited under
severe penalties from giving them Christian names. He must have found it
difficult to extricate himself from the horns of this dilemma.

On the sixth day of January six convicts suffered at the stake. Seventeen
more were executed in March, and a still greater number in the month
following; and by the 4th of November in the same year no less than 298
individuals had been sacrificed in the _autos da fé_ of Seville. Besides
these, the mouldering remains of many, who had been tried and convicted,
after their death, were torn up from their graves, with a hyena-like
ferocity which has disgraced no other court, Christian or pagan, and
condemned to the common funeral pile. This was prepared on a spacious
stone scaffold, erected in the suburbs of the city, with the statues of
four prophets attached to the corners, to which the unhappy sufferers
were bound for the sacrifice. This monument of fanaticism continued to
disgrace Seville till 1810, when it was removed in order to make room
for the construction of a battery against the French. The sword of
justice was observed, in particular, to strike at the wealthy, the least
pardonable offenders in times of proscription.

The plague which desolated Seville this year, sweeping off fifteen
thousand inhabitants, as if in token of the wrath of heaven at these
enormities, did not palsy for a moment the arm of the Inquisition, which,
adjourning to Aracena, continued as indefatigable as before. A similar
persecution went forward in other parts of the province of Andalusia;
so that within the same year, 1481, the number of the sufferers was
computed at two thousand burned alive, a still greater number in effigy,
and seventeen thousand “reconciled”; a term which must not be understood
by the reader to signify anything like a pardon or amnesty, but only
the commutation of a capital sentence for inferior penalties, as fines,
civil incapacity, very generally total confiscation of property, and not
infrequently imprisonment for life.[196]

The Jews were astounded by the bolt which had fallen so unexpectedly
upon them. Some succeeded in making their escape to Granada, others
to France, Germany, or Italy, where they appealed from the decisions
of the Holy Office to the sovereign pontiff.[197] Sixtus IV appears
for a moment to have been touched with something like compunction, for
he rebuked the intemperate zeal of the inquisitors, and even menaced
them with deprivation. But these feelings, it would seem, were but
transient; for in 1483 we find the same pontiff quieting the scruples of
Isabella respecting the appropriation of the confiscated property, and
encouraging both sovereigns to proceed in the great work of purification
by an audacious reference to the example of Jesus Christ, who, says he,
consolidated his kingdom on earth by the destruction of idolatry.

_The Spanish or “Modern” Inquisition established_

In the course of the same year he expedited two briefs, appointing Thomas
de Torquemada inquisitor-general of Castile and Aragon, and clothing
him with full powers to frame a new constitution for the Holy Office
(August 2nd and October 17th, 1483). This was the origin of that terrible
tribunal, the Spanish or Modern Inquisition, familiar to most readers
whether of history or romance, which for three centuries extended its
iron sway over the dominions of Spain and Portugal.

Edicts were ordered to be published annually, on the first two Sundays
in Lent, throughout the churches, enjoining it as a sacred duty on all
who knew or suspected another to be guilty of heresy to lodge information
against him before the Holy Office; and the ministers of religion were
instructed to refuse absolution to such as hesitated to comply with this,
although the suspected person might stand in the relation of parent,
child, husband, or wife. All accusations, anonymous as well as signed,
were admitted; it being only necessary to specify the names of the
witnesses, whose testimony was taken down in writing by a secretary, and
afterwards read to them, which, unless the inaccuracies were so gross as
to force themselves upon their attention, they seldom failed to confirm.

Not the least odious feature of the whole was the connection established
between the condemnation of the accused and the interests of his judges;
since the confiscations, which were the uniform penalties of heresy,
were not permitted to flow into the royal exchequer until they had first
discharged the expenses, whether in the shape of salaries or otherwise,
incident to the Holy Office. The most humane provisions were constantly
evaded in practice; and the toils for ensnaring the victim were so
ingeniously multiplied that few, very few, were permitted to escape
without some censure. Not more than one person, says Llorente, in one
or perhaps two thousand processes, previous to the time of Philip III,
received entire absolution. So that it came to be proverbial that all who
were not roasted were at least singed:

“_Devant l’Inquisition, quand on vient à jubé,_
_Si l’on ne sort rôti, l’on sort au moins flambé._”

_The “Auto da fé”_

The last scene in this dismal tragedy was the “act of faith” (_auto
da fé_),[198] the most imposing spectacle, probably, which has been
witnessed since the ancient Roman triumph, and which, as intimated by
a Spanish writer, was intended, somewhat profanely, to represent the
terrors of the Day of Judgment. The proudest grandees of the land, on
this occasion, putting on the sable livery of familiars of the Holy
Office and bearing aloft its banners, condescended to act as the escort
of its ministers; while the ceremony was not unfrequently countenanced by
the royal presence. It should be stated, however, that neither of these
acts of condescension--or, more properly, humiliation--was witnessed
until a period posterior to Isabella’s reign. The effect was further
heightened by the concourse of ecclesiastics in their sacerdotal robes,
and pompous ceremonial which was intended to consecrate, as it were,
this bloody sacrifice by the authority of a religion which has expressly
declared that it desires mercy and not sacrifice.[199]

The most important actors in the scene were the unfortunate convicts, who
were now disgorged for the first time from the dungeons of the tribunal.
They were clad in coarse woollen garments, styled _san benitos_, brought
close round the neck and descending like a frock down to the knees.
These were of yellow colour, embroidered with a scarlet cross, and well
garnished with figures of devils and flames of fire, which, typical
of the heretic’s destiny hereafter, served to make him more odious in
the eyes of the superstitious multitude.[200] The greater part of the
sufferers were condemned to be “reconciled,” the manifold meanings of
which soft phrase have been already explained. Those who were to be
“relaxed,” as it was called, were delivered over, as impenitent heretics,
to the secular arm, in order to expiate their offence by the most painful
of deaths, with the consciousness, still more painful, that they were to
leave behind them names branded with infamy, and families involved in
irretrievable ruin.[201]

It is remarkable that a system so monstrous as that of the Inquisition,
presenting the most effectual barrier, probably, that was ever opposed to
the progress of knowledge, should have been revived at the close of the
fifteenth century, when the light of civilisation was rapidly advancing
over every part of Europe. It is more remarkable that it should have
occurred in Spain, at this time under a government which had displayed
great religious independence on more than one occasion, and which had
paid uniform regard to the rights of its subjects and pursued a generous
policy in reference to their intellectual culture. Where, we are tempted
to ask, when we behold the persecution of an innocent, industrious people
for the crime of adhesion to the faith of their ancestors--where was the
charity which led the old Castilian to reverence valour and virtue in an
infidel, though an enemy, where the chivalrous self-devotion which led
an Aragonese monarch, three centuries before, to give away his life in
defence of the persecuted sectaries of Provence, where the independent
spirit which prompted the Castilian nobles, during the very last reign,
to reject with scorn the purposed interference of the pope himself in
their concerns, that they were now reduced to bow their necks to a few
frantic priests, the members of an order which, in Spain at least, was
quite as conspicuous for ignorance as intolerance? True, indeed, the
Castilians, and the Aragonese subsequently still more, gave such evidence
of their aversion to the institution, that it can hardly be believed
the clergy would have succeeded in fastening it upon them, had they not
availed themselves of the popular prejudices against the Jews.[202]
Providence, however, permitted that the sufferings thus heaped on the
heads of this unfortunate people should be requited in full measure to
the nation that inflicted them. The fires of the Inquisition, which were
lighted exclusively for the Jews, were destined eventually to consume
their oppressors. They were still more deeply avenged in the moral
influence of this tribunal, which, eating like a pestilent canker into
the heart of the monarchy at the very time when it was exhibiting a most
goodly promise, left it at length a bare and sapless trunk.

_Torquemada and his Successors_

Notwithstanding the persecutions under Torquemada were confined almost
wholly to the Jews, his activity was such as to furnish abundant
precedent, in regard to forms of proceeding, for his successors; if,
indeed, the word forms may be applied to the conduct of trials so summary
that the tribunal of Toledo alone, under the superintendence of two
inquisitors, disposed of 3,327 processes in little more than a year. The
number of convicts was greatly swelled by the blunders of the Dominican
monks, who acted as qualificators or interpreters of what constituted
heresy, and whose ignorance led them frequently to condemn, as heterodox,
propositions actually derived from the fathers of the church. The
prisoners for life, alone, became so numerous that it was necessary to
assign them their own houses as the places of their incarceration.

The data for an accurate calculation of the number of victims sacrificed
by the Inquisition during this reign are not very satisfactory. From such
as exist, however, Llorente has been led to the most frightful results.
In this enormous sum of human misery is not included the multitude of
orphans, who, from the confiscation of their paternal inheritance, were
turned over to indigence and vice.[203] Many of the reconciled were
afterwards sentenced as relapsed; and the curate of Los Palacios[cc]
expresses the charitable wish that “the whole accursed race of Jews, male
and female, of twenty years of age and upwards, might be purified with
fire and fagot!”[204]

The vast apparatus of the Inquisition involved so heavy an expenditure,
that a very small sum comparatively, found its way into the exchequer,
to counterbalance the great detriment resulting to the state from the
sacrifice of the most active and skilful part of its population. All
temporal interests, however, were held light in comparison with the
purgation of the land from heresy; and such augmentations as the revenue
did receive, we are assured, were conscientiously devoted “to pious
purposes and the Moorish war”![205]

[Illustration: TORQUEMADA]

The Roman see is charged with duplicity, characteristic of Alexander
VI, in making a gainful traffic by the sale of dispensations from the
penalties incurred by such as fell under the ban of the Inquisition,
provided they were rich enough to pay for them, and afterwards revoking
them, at the instance of the Castilian court. Meanwhile, the odium
excited by the unsparing rigour of Torquemada raised up so many
accusations against him that he was thrice compelled to send an agent to
Rome to defend his cause before the pontiff; until, at length, Alexander
VI, in 1494, moved by these reiterated complaints, appointed four
coadjutors, out of a pretended regard to the infirmities of his age, to
share with him the burdens of his office.

This personage, who is entitled to so high a rank among those who have
been the authors of unmixed evil to their species, was permitted to reach
a very old age, and to die quietly in his bed. Yet he lived in such
constant apprehension of assassination that he is said to have kept a
reputed unicorn’s horn always on his table, which was imagined to have
the power of detecting and neutralising poisons; while, for the more
complete protection of his person, he was allowed an escort of fifty
horse and two hundred foot in his progresses through the kingdom.

This man’s zeal was of such an extravagant character that it may almost
shelter itself under the name of insanity. His history may be thought
to prove that of all human infirmities, or rather vices, there is none
productive of more extensive mischief to society than fanaticism. The
opposite principle of atheism, which refuses to recognise the most
important sanctions to virtue, does not necessarily imply any destitution
of just moral perceptions, that is, of a power of discriminating between
right and wrong, in its disciples. But fanaticism is so far subversive of
the most established principles of morality, that, under the dangerous
maxim, “For the advancement of the faith, all means are lawful,” which
Tasso has rightly, though perhaps undesignedly, derived from the spirits
of hell, it not only excuses, but enjoins the commission of the most
revolting crimes as a sacred duty. The more repugnant, indeed, such
crimes may be to natural feeling or public sentiment, the greater their
merit, from the sacrifice which the commission of them involves. Many a
bloody page of history attests the fact that fanaticism armed with power
is the sorest evil which can befall a nation.[m]

Under Charles I (the emperor Charles V) the cortes sought for a
modification of the laws of the Inquisition; but under Philip II the
flames burned brightly again, at first in Seville and Valladolid (1559
_seq._). But by the end of the seventeenth century all vestiges of the
Reformation were effaced, and the activity of the Inquisition became
limited to the destruction of prohibited books, of which an Index had
been prepared in 1558. Under Charles III, in 1770, an edict was passed,
securing an accused party from arbitrary imprisonment; and other
regulations were passed, curtailing the powers of the Inquisition, until,
in 1808, Joseph Bonaparte abolished it entirely. In 1814 Ferdinand VII
restored it; but the popular rage in 1820 destroyed the inquisitor’s
palace at Madrid, and the cortes again abolished it. But in 1825, by the
efforts of the clergy, another inquisitorial commission was appointed.
It continued till 1834, when it was finally abolished, and its property
applied to the payment of the public debt. But it may be a long while
before the country will revive from the effects of the court which, in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, extinguished her active literary
life and placed this nation, so richly endowed, almost outside of the
circle of European civilisation. Spain, it is true, remained free from
heresies and religious wars; but her rest was the rest of the grave, so
far as religious vitality was concerned.

The fortunes of the Inquisition in Portugal were similar to those which
it had in Spain. In the reign of John VI (1818-1826) it was finally
abolished. The last relics of the Italian Inquisition disappeared at
the unification of the nation. The Congregation of the Inquisition at
Rome, appointed by Sixtus V in 1587, is all that remains of it. In its
day it likewise had crushed out the Reformation, and had raged the most
fearfully in Venice; but there its activity seems to have ceased in 1781,
and in 1808 Napoleon abolished it. Restored under Pius VII in 1814, it
directed its energies to prevent the diffusion of the Italian Bible, and
to check the introduction of evangelical truth.

In the Netherlands, where the Inquisition was first introduced in the
thirteenth century, it became a terrible weapon in the time of the
Reformation. In 1521, Charles V passed a rigorous edict against heretics,
and appointed Franz van der Hulst inquisitor-general. In 1525 three
inquisitors-general were appointed, in 1537 the number was increased to
four, and in 1545 one was appointed for each of the provinces. According
to Grotius, a hundred thousand victims died under Charles V; according
to the prince of Orange, fifty thousand. Both computations are probably
too large. Under Philip II the inquisitors developed the most zeal; and
the duke of Alva, in 1567, appointed the Bloody Council, which proceeded
with unheard-of cruelty against those whose wealth excited their avarice,
or whose heresy aroused their suspicion. In 1573 Alva was recalled; and
three years later the provinces concluded the League of Ghent, whose
fifth article abolished the edicts against heresy.[z]

Torture lasted as late as 1817 in Spain, where Van Halen suffered it,
notwithstanding the papal bull of 1816; and, according to Mackenna,[t] it
lasted in Spanish America until 1809.

In conclusion it is possible to present a fairly accurate total of the
ruinous sweep of the Inquisition. The historian Llorente[k] accomplished
the seemingly impossible task of unearthing the records. He was a Spanish
priest, and from 1785 was an officer of the Inquisition in its then
milder form. In 1808 he became a Bonapartist, and was concerned in the
suppression of monastic orders. The archives were at his disposal, and he
studied them thoroughly. He fled to France on the Restoration in 1814,
and there brought out his monumental work in French. His life was not
safe even there, and he suffered much persecution. His work has been
convicted of many faults, but not of dishonesty, and his conclusions may
be quoted with a reasonable amount of confidence.[a]

_Llorente’s Computation of the Victims of the Inquisition_

In summing up, it appears that the Spanish Inquisition, during the
first eighteen years of its existence under Torquemada, condemned 8,800
persons to perish in the flames, 6,500, dead or fugitives, to be burned
in effigy; and imposed different pains and penalties upon 90,004 who
were reconciled; making a total of 105,294 victims. I propose to take
each tribunal separately and to place the number of victims as low as
circumstances will permit.

Were I guided by the _autos da fé_ of the Inquisition of Toledo and
Saragossa I might triple the number of victims, for in eight years alone
6,341 were punished by the inquisitors of Seville, which is at the rate
of 792 a year, not including the many victims of other _autos da fé_
which I have found mentioned, but of which I cannot find the reports.
Saragossa shows almost similar results, and if the same is assumed of
the other tribunals the total would be twice as much again as by my
reckoning. But I do not wish to give anyone grounds for saying that I
have tried to exaggerate the evil.

The second general inquisitor was Diego Deza, a Dominican, tutor to
the prince of Asturias, Don Juan, bishop of Zamora, Salamanca, Jaen,
Palencia, and finally archbishop of Seville. He held the office from
the beginning of 1499 to the end of 1506, when he resigned it by order
of king Ferdinand V, regent of Castile. In his time there were the same
twelve tribunals in the peninsula as in the time of his predecessor;
therefore I reckon only 208 burned, 104 burned in effigy, and 4,057
subjected to penances, making a total of 4,369 victims a year. This
number, multiplied by eight makes the number of victims in his time,
1,664 of the first class, 832 of the second class, and 32,456 of the
third class; a total of 34,952 victims.

The third general inquisitor was the cardinal-archbishop Francisco
Ximenes de Cisneros, a Franciscan. He held the office from the year 1507
until the 8th of November, 1517, when he died. During that time there
was a separate office of general inquisitor of Aragon which was first
held by Juan Enguera, a Dominican, bishop of Vique. He died in 1513 and
was succeeded by Luis Mercader, a Carthusian, who upon his death on
the 1st of June, 1516, was succeeded by Cardinal Adriano de Florencio,
then dean of Lobania, tutor of Charles V, afterwards bishop of Tortosa,
and ultimately sovereign pontiff (Adrian VI). In 1513 Cardinal Ximenes
de Cisneros created a tribunal of the Inquisition for the bishopric
of Cuenca and its districts, separating them from the jurisdiction of
Murcia in 1516; another for the fortress of Oran in Africa, and another
for America in the island of Cuba. We will leave the two last out of our
calculations, as well as those of Caller in the island of Sardinia, and
of Palermo in Sicily.

The twelve former tribunals of the peninsula produced, according to the
inscription in Seville, with the modification adopted, 208 burned, 104
burned in effigy, 4,057 subjected to penances, a year, making from the
year, 1507 to 1513 inclusive a total of 1,456 of the first class, 728 of
the second class, and 28,399 of the third class.

The tribunal of Cuenca was established in 1514, and according to my
method of computation I assign to it 200 of the first class, 200 of the
second, and 1,700 of the third, which added to the 208, 104, and 4,057
of the other twelve tribunals gives a total for that year of 408, 304,
and 5,757. In 1515, the tribunal of Cuenca is counted as one of the old
tribunals, with only 16 of the first class, 8 of the second, and 312
of the third, which added to the total of the other tribunals amounts
to 224, 112, and 4,369. In 1516 and 1517, the result is similar. The
total of the eleven years during which Ximenes de Cisneros was general
inquisitor is 2,536 burned, 1,368 burned in effigy, and 47,263 penitents,
51,167 in all.

Cardinal Adriano, bishop of Tortosa, was the fourth general inquisitor.
He was appointed at the beginning of March, 1518, and though he was
elected pope on the 9th of January, 1522, he had no successor as head of
the Holy Office until the end of 1522; for Adriano issued the bulls on
the 10th of September of that year, fourteen days before his death. For
this reason the number of tribunals in the peninsula was not increased
for six years, but in America one was established at Puerto Rico for the
West Indies in 1519.

According to the inscription in the castle of Triana, in the thirteen
tribunals of our continent there were every year 224 persons burned, 112
burned in effigy, and 4,369 subjected to penances; consequently the total
for the six years was 1,344 of the first class, 672 of the second class,
and 26,214 of the third class; 28,230 victims in all.

The fifth general inquisitor was Cardinal Alfonso Manrique, successively
bishop of Badajoz and of Cordova, and archbishop of Seville. In 1524,
he ordered the inscription which has guided our calculations for the
preceding years to be placed in the castle of Triana in Seville. In
this same year the tribunal of Granada, which had been established the
year before, began to exercise its functions. Although the number of
those punished as Judaical heretics was diminished, there was no lack
of victims, their places being supplied by the Mohammedan Moriscoes,
Lutherans, and Sodomites, whose punishment, and that of other criminals,
was confided to the inquisitors by Pope Clement VII. Manrique died on the
28th of September, 1538, having established tribunals of the Inquisition
in Canaria, Jaen, and Granada, and two in America for Tierrafirme (Terra
Firma) and the West Indies. It is calculated that the yearly victims
would be about 10 burned, 5 burned in effigy, and 50 subjected to
penances, a total of 65 victims. There were thirteen tribunals in the
peninsula, two in the adjacent islands, and multiplying by the fifteen
years of Manrique’s ministry there were 2,250 of the first class, 1,125
of the second class, and 11,250 of the third class, a total of 14,625
victims.

[Llorente continues thus his record from inquisitor to inquisitor through
the centuries. We shall omit these till we reach the last years of the
Holy Office.]

Fortieth, Felipe Beltran, bishop of Salamanca, was general inquisitor
after Quintano, in 1774. He exercised this function until he died, which
appears to me to have been about 1783. In his time there were 2 burned,
none burned in effigy, 16 condemned to public penances, and very many
in secret without infamy or confiscation. My departure from Madrid for
Valencia on the 10th of August, 1812, since which I never returned to
court, prevented me from completing this catalogue with the exact dates,
but the substance of my narrative is most exact. The last victim who
perished in the flames was a _beata_ of Seville, on the 7th of November,
1781. She was condemned for having a compact and illicit personal
intercourse with the devil, and for impenitent denial of the offence,
according to the trial. Her life would have been spared had she pleaded
guilty to the crimes of which she was accused.

Forty-first, Augustin Rubin de Cevallos, bishop of Jaen, knight of the
grand cross of the royal Spanish order of Charles III. He immediately
succeeded Beltran and was general inquisitor from 1784 until 1792, when
he died. No one was burned in person nor in effigy in his time; 14 were
condemned to public penances, and many in secret but without infamy or
confiscation. Forty-second, Manuel Abad-y-la-Sierra, bishop of Astorga,
archbishop of Selimbra and general inquisitor, appointed in 1792. He
resigned in 1794 by order of Charles IV. In his time 16 were condemned
to public and many to private penances; no one was burned. Forty-third,
Francisco Antonio de Lorenzana, cardinal-archbishop of Toledo, was
appointed general inquisitor in 1794, and resigned by order of Charles
IV in 1797. In his time 14 were condemned to public and many to private
penances; no one was burned.

Forty-fourth, Ramón Josef de Arce, archbishop of Burgos and of Saragossa,
patriarch of the Indies, councillor of state, general director of the
Royal University of Madrid, and knight of the grand cross of the royal
order of Charles III. He was general inquisitor from 1798 to 1808. In his
time 20 were condemned to public and many to private penances, without
infamy or confiscation of goods. One effigy was burned at Cuenca, but no
one was burned in person, for though sentence was pronounced against the
curate of Esco, the general inquisitor and supreme council refused to
confirm it, in order to prevent its execution. Recapitulation: burned in
person, 31,912; burned in effigy, 17,659; condemned to severe penances,
291,450; total, 341,021.

My design is to calculate the number of victims at the lowest figure
possible, and I am convinced that from the year 1481, when the tribunal
was established, until the end of the reign of Philip II, the numbers
were much more than I have stated, considering the records of the
tribunals of Toledo and Saragossa, which did not notably exceed the rest.
If we were to add the victims punished by the tribunals of Mexico, Lima,
Cartagena de las Indias (Cartagena in Colombia), Sicily, and in the
galleys at sea, the number would be incalculable. Still more so were we
to count the victims which resulted from the attempts to establish the
Inquisition in Naples, Milan, and Flanders, for all these belonged to
Spain, and felt the influence of the Spanish tribunal. How many died in
their beds of illness caused by the infamy which fell upon them through
the condemnation of their relations? No possible calculation could
include all this misery.[k]

EFFECTS AND INFLUENCES OF THE INQUISITION

Geddes,[q] in 1714, made this contemporary observation, and his point
should not be forgotten in an estimate of the far-reaching evils. “By
this list we see what a terrible havoc is made by the Inquisition
in Portugal, and especially among the trading people, to the great
diminution both of its stock in trade and of the number of its current
and expert merchants. For though there were but four persons burned this
year in Lisbon by the Inquisition, there were above threescore undone by
it. Anyone of a family’s being taken up by the Inquisition goes a great
way towards ruining it, filling them with such horrors as drive them into
countries that are out of the reach of the Inquisition.”

A recent writer, a churchman, Dean Kitchin,[ll] has said:

“The hand of the Holy Office was outstretched against all; no lofty
dignity in church or state, no eminence in art or science, no purity
of life, could defend from its attacks. It is said to have threatened
Charles V and Philip II; it persecuted Archbishop Carranza, head of
the church in Spain; destroyed De Dominis, archbishop of Spalatro; it
smote Galileo, murdered Giordano Bruno, attacked Pico di Mirandola,
and even is said to have threatened Cæsar Borgia. With equal vigour,
in combination with the Jesuits, the Inquisition made war on books and
learning, religious or secular alike; we have seen how baleful was its
effect in earlier days on literature and art in Provence, and in the time
of the Catholic sovereigns on the material well-being of Spain. ‘In the
love of Christ and his maid-mother,’ says Queen Isabella, ‘I have caused
great misery, and have depopulated towns and districts, provinces and
kingdoms.’”[ll]

A CATHOLIC VIEW OF THE INQUISITION (C. J. HEFELE)

The word inquisition with the original signification of an ecclesiastical
court of faith, was later applied to a state institution which, on
account of its real or alleged harshness, has become a by-word in Europe
for everything horrible. There is no doubt that, an ecclesiastical court
of inquiry existed among the Christians from the beginning, but it is
equally certain that in the earliest times the penalties for heresy were
only ecclesiastical and clerical without any civil effect. The case was
altered when Emperor Constantine appeared as both the protector and the
secular arm of the church, for which reason he considered it necessary
to exile the heretics, who were threatening the church with danger, in
order to put them out of the way of doing harm. More severe punishments
than exile were first inflicted upon the Catholics by the Arians when
their co-religionists Constantius and Valens occupied the throne. The
former introduced the practice of imprisoning the orthodox, the latter
of drowning them, and Arian princes in the later Germanic kingdoms always
exercised violence towards those of different faiths.

The connection of church and state was made much closer by the great
theocratic idea, emanating from Gregory VII, which aimed at the bringing
together of all peoples of the occident into one theocratic union, the
protector of which was to be the pope, in the name of God; but the
members of which could naturally be only those who belonged to the
church. From this standpoint, heretics necessarily appeared as criminals
of state because, through their wrong teaching, they rebelled against God
as the king of the theocratic union: hence the civil codes of the middle
ages punished heresy with death.

Whereas, after the time of Constantine the Great, the civil punishments
of heretics were inflicted by the secular rulers, the decision as to
whether a person was a heretic or not, was from the very beginning made
by the bishops and synods. Hence, if we wish to get at the fundamental
idea of the Inquisition, that it was a seeking out and a punishing of
heretics, we must say that, in the former sense, it has existed since
the time of the apostles; and, in the latter, since that of Constantine
the Great. The actual Inquisition had its beginning in the great synod
of Toulouse in 1229. Soon after this synod in southern France, we meet
especially appointed inquisitors in Italy. Here also heresy had ravaged
widely and had become so dangerous that even Emperor Frederick II, who
is the last person one could accuse of bigotry, immediately upon his
coronation and repeatedly afterwards uttered the death penalty against
heretics. Gradually the episcopal inquisition became changed into a
Dominican inquisition and was introduced into nearly all the countries
of Europe. In the Pyrenaean peninsula likewise, which is here our main
subject of interest, it came into Castile, Navarre, and Portugal, as well
as into Aragon. Castile was to become the home of the “New Inquisition,”
as Llorente[k] calls it,--more correctly of the Spanish Inquisition, the
direct impulse to which was given by a peculiar condition which existed
nowhere else than in Spain.

Already in the first centuries after the birth of Christ, the Jews in
Spain had become so numerous and powerful that they began to think of
Judaising the whole land. Hence it came about that the synod of Eliberis
(303-313), an old Spanish city in the vicinity of which the later Granada
is said to have been built, passed a resolution that in the future
no Christian landholder was to let his fields be blessed by Jews. On
the other hand there was no lack of attempts on the part of the old
Visigothic kings in Spain to force the Jews to become Christians; but
this was forbidden by the fourth council of Toledo, in its 57th canon,
with the words: “Hereafter no Jew may be made to accept Christianity by
force, but those who are already converted, even though it was by force,
since they have already received the holy sacraments, must keep their
faith and may in no wise blaspheme or despise it.”

Much more dangerous than the real Jews were those who were seemingly
converted to Christianity and whose numbers had increased enormously
after the persecutions at the end of the 14th century. While the former
had seized upon a large part of the national wealth and the Spanish
commerce, the latter threatened both the Spanish nationality and the
Christian religion, since these disguised Jews on the one hand invaded
clerical offices and even occupied episcopal chairs, while on the other
they attained high civil honours, married into all noble families and
used all these connections, together with their wealth, to bring about
the victory of Judaism over Spanish nationality and over the Christian
faith. Many laymen as well as churchmen recognised the danger threatened
by the Jews and were convinced that something must be done by the
government, for which reason repeated requests were made to Ferdinand
and Isabella to take measures against the disguised Jews: it was against
them that the inquisition was directed later, but never against the real
Jews.

Soon after Ferdinand and Isabella had decided to introduce the
Inquisition into Castile, Pope Sixtus IV, on November 1st, 1478, gave the
ecclesiastical permission and allowed the two rulers to appoint two, or
three clerical dignitaries, secular or regular priests, to question and
to punish heretics. Two royal inquisitors were now appointed for Seville
on the strength of the papal bull. In this step we have the beginning
of the New or the Spanish state inquisition which differs principally
from the ecclesiastical institution of the same name in the fact that
the persons intrusted with the examination and the punishment of
heretics--whether they were clericals or laymen--appeared not as servants
of the church but as state officials who received their appointment and
instructions from the ruling princes.

There was a second political reason why the Spanish monarchs in every
way should have favoured an institution which, while appearing to be
ecclesiastical, was almost continually accused and fought by the heads
of the church, by the popes and bishops. With the reign of Ferdinand
and Isabella the transition began from the old state to the new, from
the Germanic to the abstract and absolute. In the old state the central
or royal power was limited by three comparatively free corporations,
the nobility, the clergy, and the municipalities, and this the more so
as these estates were closely connected with powers abroad, the clergy
with Rome, the nobility and municipalities with their foreign peers, so
that the union of the state within itself and therewith the superiority
of the throne was not a little hindered. In both Castile and Aragon
the inquisition was the most effective means of bringing all subjects,
especially the clergy and nobility, under the power of the throne, and of
perfecting the absolute authority of the sovereign.

Hence it was that it was precisely the two higher estates which most
hated the Inquisition and which were persecuted as its enemies more
often than the heretics; it was also principally the prelates who were
soon involved in numerous suits with the new tribunals. The popes also
could not fail to see that the Spanish Inquisition served the political
absolutism much more than it did ecclesiastical purism, and hence they
tried to intercept its growth in the same degree that they had promoted
the old ecclesiastical inquisition.

This state character of the Spanish Inquisition has also been fully
recognised by the more exact historical investigation of modern
times, and even Ranke[mm] has expressed himself to the same effect as
follows: “We have a celebrated book concerning it (the Inquisition) by
Llorente,[k] and if I make so bold as to say anything in disagreement
with such a predecessor let this be an excuse, that that so well informed
author wrote in the interest of the Alfrancesados of the Josephinian
government [i.e. the Gallicising faction supporting King Joseph
Bonaparte]. In their interest he opposes the liberties of the Basque
provinces, although the latter can hardly be denied. In the same interest
he sees in the Inquisition also a usurpation of clerical power over state
authority. If I am not mistaken, however, from the very facts which
he relates it appears that the Inquisition was a royal court, but one
provided with clerical weapons.”

Guizot[nn] agrees with this opinion in the words: “It (the Inquisition)
was at first more political than religious, and destined to maintain
order rather than to defend the faith.”

That the Portuguese Inquisition also was always regarded by the
government itself as a state institution is shown by an ordinance dated
March 20th, 1769, in which King Joseph I says: “It has been reported to
me that whereas all other courts of justice, because they represent my
royal person, have always borne and still bear the title Majesty, the
misuse has arisen in connection with the Holy Office, a tribunal which by
its organisation and its service is most closely and directly connected
with my royal person, of giving it another title of address.”

The Inquisition is often judged according to standards of the 19th
instead of the 15th and 16th centuries, and hence it is judged
incorrectly. Whereas during the past hundred years it has been the
tendency to regard wrong believers and unbelievers of all kinds as the
most educated and the noblest citizens, the Inquisition on the contrary
was based on the mediæval view that erring in religion was high treason
and that only the advocate of the state religion could be a safe and
trustworthy citizen. It is natural that the upholder of one standpoint
cannot possibly judge impartially, events which have arisen from the
other, unless in giving his judgment he is able to transport himself from
his own time into the other and into its views.

This is done by every true historian. But the Inquisition is a subject
which has been most discussed and described by those who give mere
phrases instead of investigations, mere arbitrary statements instead of
critical examinations, mere romantic descriptions instead of objective
judgments, and who try to replace a lack of knowledge by so called
liberally-minded phrases. People of this sort do not remember that the
principle, _cujus est regio, illius et religio_,[206] on which the whole
Inquisition rests, was universally recognised in olden times, and was so
little questioned that Protestants especially upheld it and put it into
execution.

For example in the palatinate, when the Kurfürst Frederick III, who
had been a Lutheran until then, went over to Calvinism in 1563, he
compelled all congregations in his land to take the same step, and exiled
everyone who would not accept the Heidelberg catechism. Thirteen years
later, in 1576, his son Ludwig restored the orthodox Lutheranism, drove
out the Calvinistic preachers and teachers, and forced his dependents
to become Lutheran again. The Religious Peace of the year 1555 gave
every government the power of giving its dependents the alternative of
accepting the religion of the sovereign or of emigrating, upon paying a
certain sum, just as was done in Spain with the Jews and Moors; and it
is a well-known fact that the Reformation owed its spread in Germany in
large measure to this lenient Spanish alternative.

Furthermore, in judging the Inquisition it is often forgotten that the
penal code of that time was much more severe and sanguinary than that of
the 19th century. Many a trespass which is now atoned for by a slight
penalty had at that time to be paid for with blood; and the criminal code
of Charles V of the year 1532 is a most speaking witness for the severe
criminal justice of the period out of which the Spanish Inquisition grew.
Also the _Carolina_, for example, inflicts punishments on body, life, and
limb for blasphemy of God and of the Blessed Virgin (§CVI); and witches
are punished with death (§CXVI).

It must also not be overlooked, in judging the Inquisition, that the
death penalty for heresy was not peculiar to it alone, but was common
at that time to all lands and confessions. The reformer Buzer said of
Michael Servetus, in the public pulpit at Strassburg, that he deserved
the most humiliating death on account of his article against the Trinity.
And that this was not merely a strong figure of speech of the Reformers
is shown two decades later by Calvin, when on October 27th, 1553, he
had that very “heretic” slowly burned to death at Geneva. That there may
remain no doubt that the Protestants of that time wished to punish heresy
with death, the “gentle” Melanchthon wrote on this subject to Calvin,

“I have read thy article, wherein thou hast refuted in detail
the terrible blasphemies of Servetus and therefore I thank the
Son of God who has given thee the victory in this thy struggle.
The church is greatly indebted to thee for it, now and in all
future time. I wholly agree with thy opinion and claim that
your highness (_eure Obrigkeit_) has acted wholly in accordance
with justice in executing a blasphemous person after a regular
examination.”

In addition I will note that Theodore Beza also wrote an article _De
hereticis a magistrau civili puniendis_ and that many others besides
Servetus, as Valentine Gentilis, Bolsec, Carlstadt, Grüet, Castellio,
the councillor Ameaur, and others, could convince themselves through
imprisonment, banishment, and death that in the Protestant church there
was no milder an inquisition than in Spain. This is acknowledged even
by many Protestants, as for example by Prescott[m] in his history of
Ferdinand and Isabella.

But we do not need to go back to the 16th century or even to consider
the terrible mistreatment of the Catholics in England,[207] in order to
discover counterparts to the Spanish Inquisition among the Protestants.
A remarkable case of this kind from the eighteenth century is related by
Pfeilschifter: In the year 1724 at Rendsburg a young soldier, because he
had wished to make a compact with the devil, as an act of royal favour
was merely beheaded. Even more recently, _e.g._ in the year 1844, on the
third of April the painter J. O. Nilson in Sweden was banished on account
of “apostasy from the Lutheran faith and of going over to a mistaken
religion” (the Catholic) and was declared to have forfeited all civil
rights and rights of inheritance; this decision was confirmed by the
highest court of the land in the year 1845. The unfortunate Nilson died
in February 1847 at Copenhagen, in poverty.

I say all this not in reproach but only to show that the Protestants
also have recognised the sanguinary rule: “Deviation from the state
religion is to be punished with death.” If any one had any doubts as to
the justice of this principle in the 16th and 17th centuries, it seems
to me that these doubts should first have arisen in the minds of the
Protestants, because their own apostasy from the church should have
taught them to think more leniently of other apostates.

Among the victims of the Inquisition the so-called witches and sorcerers
held a considerable place, and it would be superfluous to expend many
words in proving that these unfortunates were just as severely persecuted
in Germany as in Spain and in just as sanguinary a fashion by Protestants
as by Catholics. Not only a Torquemada, but also a Benedict Carpzov
two hundred years later, erected a stake for burning witches. Even the
reformer Beza reproached the French parliament for being too lax in
seeking out witches, and Walter Scott acknowledges that the stronger
Calvinism grew in England the more numerous were the processes against
witches. The Jesuit Frederick Spee of Langenfeld overthrew the belief in
witches among the Catholics seventy years earlier than the Protestant
Thomasius, and even in the year 1713 the legal faculty of Tübingen
condemned a witch to death; indeed just a year later than in Spain, was
the last witch burned in the canton of Glarus by a reformed court, in
1782.[208] On the whole, a comparison of the German processes against
witches with the workings of the Spanish Inquisition, could hardly be
made to appear to the advantage of the former.

Moreover it must not be forgotten with all this that the tribunal of the
Inquisition always delivered only the sentence, that the accused was more
or less, wholly or partly, or not at all guilty of heresy, blasphemy and
the like. It itself never condemned to death though its decisions led
to this penalty, in that the one found “guilty of heresy” by the Holy
Office was turned over to the secular arm and by this, namely by the
council of Castile, was led before the highest Spanish court for death or
imprisonment.

The Spanish Inquisition is often declared to be a product of the Roman
doctrinal despotism, without attention being given to the fact that it
was precisely the popes who were least inclined to this institution and
who at nearly all times tried to limit it. Even Llorente,[k] who can be
accused of partiality to the popes no more than of a Jacobite partiality
for the kingdom, shows this in almost innumerable instances and examples.

Stories are told of the cruel torments and tortures which the unfortunate
beings in the dungeons of the Inquisition had to suffer, but even the
most gentle character must not forget that the torture was used in
those days in all secular courts in all countries, that it even existed
legally in many German states in the 19th century and did not go out of
general use until about the middle of the 18th century, in the courts of
inquisition at the same time as in the secular courts. Besides execution
by fire, sword, quartering, the wheel, gallows, and water, the _Carolina_
speaks of burying alive, of tearing with glowing tongs, of cutting off
the tongue and ears, of hacking off fingers and the like. Of all these
ignominious and painful punishments, however, the Inquisition knows
nothing. Moreover, at a time when in all Europe prisons were dark damp
holes and real graves, full of mould, filth, and pest-breeding smells,
the Inquisition brought its prisoners, to use the words of Llorente[k]
into “well arched, light and dry rooms where they could make some
movement.” No more did any prisoner of the Inquisition, as again Llorente
testifies, groan under the weight of chains, hand cuffs, iron neck bands
etc., and Llorente tells of only one on whom fetters were put, in order
to keep him from suicide. The prisoners were asked if the gaoler treated
them well and good care was also taken of the sick. Special buildings, by
the name of “penitence houses,” were erected for the prisoners for life
and these were subject to vistation from time to time.

It has furthermore become customary to think of the Inquisition as an
ever-threatening and never-satisfied catch-and-seize-institution, whose
polyp arms greedily grasped the poor unfortunate at the least sign of
suspicion. But this view, which has such a drastic effect in historical
romances and in romantic histories is wholly wrong and mistaken and must
be entirely abandoned, unless Llorente is to be accused of partiality for
the Inquisition. In the first place, every tribunal of the Inquisition
began its activity by promulgating a time of grace and proclaimed
publicly that: “whoever is conscious of apostasy from the faith but
within the fixed time will voluntarily come forth and do penance, shall
be absolved in grace and protected from severe penalty.” After the
expiration of the term, however, the severity of the law was to be
exercised towards the apostates; but again and again were the times of
grace renewed and lengthened.

Further, the statutes of the Inquisition regarding young heretics deserve
attention. “If sons and daughters of heretics,” so ordained Torquemada,
“who have fallen into error through the teachings of their parents, and
have not reached the age of twenty years, themselves apply to be taken
back into favour, the inquisition shall receive such young people kindly,
even if they should come after the time of reprieve, shall impose lighter
penances upon them than upon grown persons and shall take pains that they
receive instruction in the faith and the sacraments of the Holy Mother,
the church.”

It is said that the least expression, often an innocent one, brought
an unfortunate into the prisons of the Inquisition. But the second
great inquisitor, Deza, who is considered even stricter than Torquemada
himself, issued the order on June 17th, 1500 that “no one may be
arrested for trivial reasons, not even on account of blasphemy which was
uttered in anger.” There was no inclination to take the testimony of any
person who happened to make an accusation before the tribunal of the
Inquisition; on the contrary Llorente himself tells of cases in which
only repeated accusations against a person could move the inquisitors to
action and they were very much inclined to ascribe the mad behaviour of
many heretics to mental aberration.

Wonderful stories are told of the incomes of the inquisitors, who are
said to have condemned many only in order to enrich themselves from the
confiscated goods. It is true that the cause of justice is in a bad
way when condemnation is to bring a pecuniary profit to the judge and
it would have been truly a dangerous and disreputable arrangement if
the income of the inquisitors had depended on the number of those they
condemned. Prescott[m] (I, 287) would really like to make us believe that
such was the case, but we know from Llorente that the confiscated goods
of the condemned fell to the royal treasury, and that the Inquisition
officers of all kinds had a fixed salary which they received quarterly.
Hence it comes that Llorente accused the Spanish king of avarice and not
the inquisitors, in which Ranke[mm] bears him out.

Terrible is the picture which we make to ourselves of an _auto da fé_
(actus fidei, i.e., “an act of faith”) as if it were nothing else than
an enormous fire and a colossal stewing pan, around which the Spaniards
sat like cannibals, in order to enjoy the spectacle of the roasting and
broiling of several hundred unfortunates, four or five times a year. But
let me be allowed to state that in the first place an _auto da fé_ did
not consist of burning and killing but, in part, of the exculpation of
those who had been falsely accused and in part of the reconciliation of
the repentant with the church, and there were even many _autos da fé_ at
which nothing burned but the candles which the penitent carried in their
hands in token of the light of faith rekindled in their hearts.

Furthermore it must not be overlooked that those who were condemned
by the Inquisition were not only heretics, but also such as lived in
polygamy, priests and monks who had married, laymen who exercised
clerical functions, deacons who heard confessions and those who falsely
gave themselves out to be commissioners of the Inquisition, which as we
know from _Gil Blas_ happened not infrequently.

If in the little Protestant city of Nördlingen, as Soldan shows in his
history of the witch processes, out of a total population of 6,000, not
less than 35 witches were burned in the four years from 1590 to 1594;
this ratio, applied to Spain for four years, would give at least 50,000
witches, whereas Llorente himself gives the number of those condemned
to death by the Inquisition during the 330 years of its existence as
only 30,000, including heretics, witches, sorcerers, smugglers and all
the rest; this even if we wish to accept Llorente’s figures as not
exaggerated.

But I think I may claim and can prove that they are exaggerated. Above
all we must never forget that Llorente’s figures are not taken from
official registers, not even from private records, but originated only
from a system of probable reckonings which in part rests on false
premises. He himself confesses this unreservedly, and often describes the
theory he has used in his conjectural reckoning. Llorente’s arbitrariness
and injustice are most clearly shown in regard to Ximenes. Llorente
states explicitly that this archbishop tried to make the Inquisition
less severe, that he removed bad officials, that he pardoned many of the
accused, etc. Nevertheless, that does not hinder him from supposing just
as many executions annually under Ximenes as under Deza and his helper
Lucero, both of whom he repeatedly accuses of the most boundless cruelty
and severity. That such a reckoning is untrue and unjust needs no proof.

After all these observations we are still far removed from wishing to
justify the Spanish Inquisition; on the contrary we would everywhere
oppose the right of a secular power to interfere with the conscience, but
we wished to prove that the institution of the Inquisition was not the
outrageous monstrosity which party passions and lack of knowledge have
often made it out to be.[oo]

_Another Catholic View_ (Heinrich Brück)

Opinions differ as to the character of the Spanish Inquisition. A
number of scholars (Hefele[oo], Gams[pp] and others) claim that it was
purely a state institution, whereas the Spanish writers emphasize its
ecclesiastical character, without denying the great influence of the
crown upon it. The correct view is probably given by Rodrigo[ii] and
Orti y Lara.[jj] The former says (I, 276): “The tribunals of the Holy
Office had no secular character of themselves. They were ecclesiastical
tribunals in respect to the cases which they judged and in respect to
the authority which created them. In respect to the royal delegation,
however, which was granted to the judges, it may be said that they had a
mixed character.” Orti y Lara expresses himself in like manner. According
to him (p. 27), “the Inquisition united the papal sword of the church and
the secular sword of the king into one single sword.”

The accusation that the Spanish Inquisition was unpopular is just as
false as the statement that it caused the ruin of science and literature
in Spain. As Balmes testifies (_Protestantismus and Katholicismus_, I,
412, _et seq._), the Catholic kings fulfilled the universal wish of
the people by establishing the Inquisition; the people were always in
sympathy with it, whereas it was opposed by the nobility and higher
clergy. The decline of literary activity moreover can not have been
caused by the Inquisition for the reason that the golden age of Spanish
literature coincided with the time when the Inquisition was in full sway.
The greatest theologians, philosophers, and poets, whose works were
approved by the Inquisition, lived at that time. Schools were founded and
classical studies diligently pursued.

One of the chief accusations brought against the Spanish Inquisition is
the alleged extraordinary number of its victims. This accusation is based
chiefly on the statements of Antonio Llorente.[k] But it needs only a
nearer acquaintance with the character of this embittered free mason and
with his proofs, to perceive the incorrectness of his statements. Far
from citing historical documents he builds up his argument upon evident
falsification, arbitrary assumptions which are in wide contrast with the
authorities, and, as the Protestant Peschel[rr] says (page 151), upon a
“frivolous calculation from probabilities,” so that he cannot be trusted
in regard to his data. According to Gams[pp] (III, 274) the number of
those executed for heresy during the whole period of the Inquisition was
about four thousand, a number not equal to that of the victims of the
witch processes in Catholic and Protestant Germany.[ss]

FOOTNOTES

[187] [This brief study, inserted here because Spain and Portugal were
the chief centres of the fury of the Inquisition, will afford glimpses
also of its development in other countries.]

[188] Confusion has been introduced by both friend and foe into the
history of the Waldenses. At first they were confounded with the Cathari
or Albigenses by Catholics in order to represent them as Manichæans; by
reformed writers in order to clear the Albigenses also from the charge
of Manichæism. Further, the origin of the Waldenses is often referred to
an earlier period than that of Peter Waldensis, though it is so clearly
proved by the witness of contemporaries that he is the founder of the
sect.

[189] [This terrible man, in his letter to Innocent III announcing his
victories, relates himself with triumph: “Our troops sparing neither sex
nor age put to the sword nearly twenty thousand; splendid deeds were
accomplished in the overthrow of the enemies, the whole city was sacked
and burned by a divine revenge marvellous fierce.”]

[190] [Some Catholic writers would fain excuse St. Dominic from the
imputation of having founded the Inquisition. It is true he died some
years before the organisation of that tribunal; but he established
the principles on which, and the monkish militia by whom, it was
administered. The Sicilian Paramo,[i] traces it up to a much more remote
antiquity. According to him, God was the first inquisitor, and his
condemnation of Adam and Eve furnished the model of the judicial forms
observed in the trials of the Holy Office. The sentence of Adam was
the type of the inquisitorial “reconciliation,” his subsequent raiment
of the skins of animals was the model of the _san-benito_, and his
expulsion from paradise the precedent for the confiscation of the goods
of heretics. This learned personage deduces a succession of inquisitors
through the patriarchs, Moses, Nebuchadrezzar, and King David, down to
John the Baptist, and even Christ, in whose precepts and conduct he finds
abundant authority for the tribunal.[m]]

[191] [Among the modern apologists for the Inquisition may be named
Rodrigo[ii] and Orto y Lara.[jj]]

[192] [Thus in Spain, Pope Sixtus IV, in a special bull of November 1st,
1478, quoted by Llorente,[k] conferring on Ferdinand and Isabella the
power to appoint inquisitors, insisted that they be “two or three bishops
or archbishops, or other competent and honest men, secular or regular
priests upwards of forty years of age, of good life and customs, masters
or bachelors of theology, and doctors or licentiates in canon law, by
virtue of a strict examination.”]

[193] [In the _tormento de toca_, a gauze bag was placed in the throat
and water poured in it, forcing the gauze gradually down the œsophagus
into the stomach. Other torments were the gradual pouring of water drop
by drop on one spot of the body, and the great swinging pendulum, or
_péndola_, with the knife affixed, as described in Poe’s haunting story.]

[194] [The _trampazo_ was an iron shoe heated red hot and clamped to the
bare foot.]

[195] [Philip the Fair in the course of his war with Pope Boniface VIII
condemned the Inquisition, though he burned the Templars; or as Dean
Kitchin puts it, the Inquisition “was effectively used by Philip the
Fair to crush the Templars, though that greedy prince quickly interfered
when he found the Inquisition laying hands on his special preserves, the
wealthy Jews.” See the Papacy.]

[196] L. Marineo[bb] diffuses the two thousand capital executions over
several years. He sums up the various severities of the Holy Office in
the following gentle terms: “The church, who is the mother of mercy
and the fountain of charity, content with the imposition of penances,
generously accords life to many who do not deserve it; while those
who persist obstinately in their errors, after being imprisoned on
the testimony of trustworthy witnesses, she causes to be put to the
torture, and condemned to the flames. Some miserably perish, bewailing
their errors, and invoking the name of Christ, while others call upon
that of Moses. Many, again, who sincerely repent, she, notwithstanding
the heinousness of their transgressions, merely sentences to perpetual
imprisonment.”

[197] Bernáldez[cc] states that guards were posted at the gates of
the city of Seville in order to prevent the emigration of the Jewish
inhabitants, which indeed was forbidden under pain of death. The
tribunal, however, had greater terrors for them, and many succeeded in
effecting their escape.

[198] [The Spanish form is _auto de fe_, but the Portuguese form--_auto
da fé_, was the first to obtain English usage.]

[199] So says Puigblanch[ee]: The inquisitors after the celebration of an
_auto da fé_ at Guadaloupe, in 1485, wishing probably to justify these
bloody executions in the eyes of the people, who had not yet become
familiar with them, solicited a sign from the Virgin (whose shrine in
that place is noted all over Spain) in testimony of her approbation of
the Holy Office. Their petition was answered by such a profusion of
miracles that Dr. Francis Sanctius de la Fuente, who acted as scribe on
the occasion, became out of breath, and, after recording sixty, gave up
in despair, unable to keep pace with their marvellous rapidity, according
to Paramo.[i]

[200] Voltaire[dd] remarks (_Essai sur les Mœurs_, Chap. cxl) that
“An Asiatic, arriving at Madrid on the day of an _auto da fé_, would
doubt whether it were a festival, religious celebration, sacrifice, or
massacre; it is all of them. They reproach Montezuma with sacrificing
human captives to the gods. What would he have said had he witnessed an
_auto da fé_?”

[201] The government, at least, cannot be charged with remissness in
promoting this. We find two ordinances in the royal collection of
_pragmáticas_,[ff] dated in September, 1501 (there must be some error
in the date of one of them), inhibiting, under pain of confiscation
of property, such as had been “reconciled,” and their children by the
mother’s side, and grandchildren by the father’s, from holding any office
in the privy council, courts of justice, or in the municipalities, or
any other place of trust or honour. They were also excluded from the
vocation of notaries, surgeons, and apothecaries. This was visiting the
sins of the fathers, to an extent unparalleled in modern legislation. The
sovereigns might find a precedent in a law of Sulla.

[202] The Aragonese made a manly though ineffectual resistance, from the
first, to the introduction of the Inquisition among them by Ferdinand. In
Castile, its enormous abuses provoked the spirited interposition of the
legislature at the commencement of the following reign. But it was then
too late.

[203] By an article of the primitive instructions, the inquisitors were
required to set apart a small portion of the confiscated estates for the
education and Christian nurture of minors, children of the condemned.
Llorente[k] says that, in the immense numbers of processes which he had
occasion to consult, he met with no instance of their attention to the
fate of these unfortunate orphans!

[204] Torquemada waged war upon freedom of thought in every form. In
1490 he caused several Hebrew Bibles to be publicly burned and some
time after, more than six thousand volumes of oriental learning, on
the imputation of Judaism, sorcery, or heresy, at the _autos da fé_
of Salamanca, the very nursery of science. This may remind one of the
similar sentence passed by Lope de Barrientos, another Dominican, about
fifty years before, upon the books of the marquis of Villena. Fortunately
for the dawning literature of Spain, Isabella did not, as was done by her
successors, commit the censorship of the press to the judges of the Holy
Office, notwithstanding such occasional assumption of power by the grand
inquisitor.

[205] The prodigious desolation of the land may be inferred from the
estimates, although somewhat discordant, of deserted houses in Andalusia.
Garibay[gg] puts these at three thousand, Pulgar[hh] at four, L.
Marineo[bb] as high as five thousand.

[206] [This may be roughly translated “The man that rules the region,
rules also its religion.”]

[207] [The reader will find full treatment of Protestant excesses in
the histories of Germany, Switzerland, and England. The persecution of
Catholics in England is discussed, in vol. XIX, pp. 148-155, 159-161,
199-200, 354-355, 406-408, 444-453, including an account of tortures used
in England during Elizabeth’s reign, and a comparison of her cruelties
with those of “Bloody Mary.” As part of religious history, one should
also note the persecutions inflicted on dissenters by the Church of
England, in Scotland and Ireland, as discussed in the histories of those
countries.]

[208] [The reader will find in vol. XXIII page 177, a statement that a
man was “swam for a wizard” in England in 1825. He should consult this
same volume, pages 171-177, for an account of the witchcraft persecutions
in the United States, at Salem, in 1692, and pages 177-178 for an account
of the mutilation and execution of Quakers in Massachusetts.]

[Illustration]

BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS

[The letter [a] is reserved for Editorial Matter.]

CHAPTER I. EARLY HISTORY TO JOÃO I

[b] EMILE BÉGIN, _Voyage pittoresque en Espagne et en Portugal_.

[c] H. MORSE STEPHENS, article on “Portugal” in the _Encyclopædia
Britannica_.

[d] “Chronicon Lusitanum” in Flórez, _España Sagrada_.

[e] _Chronicon Complutense._

[f] N. DE LA CLÈDE, _Histoire générale du Portugal_.

[g] DIOGO DE LEMOS, _Historia geral de Portugal_.

[h] S. A. DUNHAM, _The History of Spain and Portugal_.

[i] M. M. BUSK, _The History of Spain and Portugal_.

[j] ALEXANDRE HERCULANO, _Histoire de Portugal_.

[k] ANTONIO ENNES and others, _Historia de Portugal_.

[l] FERNÃO LOPES, _Chronica del Rey Dom Pedro_.

CHAPTER II. THE PERIOD OF GLORY AND DISCOVERY

[b] D. DE LEMOS, _op. cit._

[c] MATTHÆUS DE PISANO, “De Bello Septensi” (in _José de Serras Collecção
de livros inéditos de historia Portugalza_).

[d] GOMES EANES DE AZURARA, “Crónica de Condé Dom Pedro de Menezes” (in
_José de Serras Collecção de livros inéditos de historia Portugalza_).

[e] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[f] ANTONIO ENNES, _op. cit._

[g] RICHARD MAJOR, _The Life of Prince Henry the Navigator_.

[h] M. M. BUSK, _op. cit._

[i] RUY DE PINA, “Chrónica do Senhor Rey Dom Alfonso V” in _Academia Real
dos Sciencias_.

[j] AGOSTINHO MANOEL VASCONCELLOS, _Anacephalœoses_.

[k] F. DE FONSECA BENEVIDES, _Rainhas de Portugal_.

[l] H. MORSE STEPHENS, _The Story of Portugal_.

[m] JOÃO P. OLIVEIRA-MARTINS, _Historia de Portugal_.

[n] DAMIÃO DE GOES, _Crónica do Senhor Rey Dom Manoel_.

CHAPTER III. THE FALL, THE CAPTIVITY, AND THE REVOLUTION

[b] A. HERCULANO, _op. cit._

[c] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[d] M. M. BUSK, _op. cit._

[e] H. M. STEPHENS, _op. cit._

[f] A. ENNES, _op. cit._

[g] N. DE LA CLÈDE, _op. cit._

[h] ANTONIO DE HERRERA, _Crónica de las Indias occidentales_.

[i] PINHEIRO CHAGAS, _Historia de Portugal_.

[j] DIOGO DO CONTO, _Dialogos do soldado practico_.

[k] LUIS DE MENEZES, _Historia de Portugal restaurado_.

[l] AUBERT DE VERTOT, _Histoire de la conjuration de Portugal_.

CHAPTER IV. JOÃO IV TO JOÃO VI

[b] M. M. BUSK, _op. cit._

[c] H. M. STEPHENS, article on “Portugal” in the _Encyclopædia
Britannica_.

[d] H. M. STEPHENS, _The Story of Portugal_.

[e] S. A. DUNHAM, _op. cit._

[f] AUGUSTE BUCHOT, _Histoire du Portugal_.

[g] FERDINAND DENIS, “Portugal,” in _L’Universe Pittoresque_.

[h] FRIEDRICH C. SCHLOSSER, _History of the Eighteenth Century_
(translated by D. Davison).

[i] SIR NATHANIEL W. WRAXALL, _Historical Memoirs of my own Times_.

[j] LORD MAHON, _History of England_.

[k] CHARLES F. DUMOURIEZ, _Mémoires_.

[l] JAMES C. MURPHY, _Travels in Portugal in the Years 1789-1890_.

CHAPTER V. THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

[b] F. C. SCHLOSSER, _Weltgeschichte_.

[c] JULES LE LASTEYRIE, _Le Portugal depuis la Révolution de 1820_.

[d] WILLIAM BOLLAERT, _The Wars of Succession of Portugal and Spain from
1820-1840_.

[e] A. BUCHOT, _op. cit._

[f] H. M. STEPHENS, _op. cit._

[g] CESARE CANTU, _Gli ultimi trenta anni_.

[h] E. SILVERCRUYS, _Le Portugal_.

APPENDIX A. THE INQUISITION

[b] PHILIPPUS VAN LIMBORCH, _Historia Inquisitionis_.

[c] GOSSELIN, _The Power of the Pope during the Middle Ages_.

[d] J. C. L. GIESELER, _Compendium of Ecclesiastical History_.

[e] J. L. VON MOSHEIM, _Institutes of Ecclesiastical History_.

[f] VON EIN, Editor of Mosheim.

[g] H. MILMAN, _History of Latin Christianity_.

[h] AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS, _History of Rome_.

[i] LUDORICUS A PARAMO, _De Origine et Progressie officii sanctæ
Inquisitionis_.

[j] JOHN FOXE, _Actes and Monuments_.

[k] J. A. LLORENTE, _The History of the Inquisition_.

[l] SPRENGER, _Mallens Maleficarum_.

[m] W. H. PRESCOTT, _Ferdinand and Isabella_.

[n] HENRY C. LEA, _A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages_.

[o] REGINALDUS GONSALVIUS MONTANUS, _Sanctæ Inquisitionis Hispanicæ artes
alujot detectæ_.

[p] NICHOLAUS EYMERICHUS, _Directorium Inquisitorum_.

[q] MICHAEL GEDDES, _Tracts against Popery_, 1714.

[r] ARISTOTLE, _Rhetoric_.

[s] BACON, _Novum Organum_.

[t] B. V. MACKENNA, _Francisco Moyen, or the Inquisition in South
America_.

[u] JOANNES A ROYAS, _De hæreticis corumquli impia intentione et
credulitate_.

[v] JULIUS CLARUS, _Practica Crimina Finalis, 1637_.

[w] WM. LITHGOW, _Travels_, 1632.

[x] PABLO GARCIA, _Orden de Processar en el Santo Oficio_, 1628.

[y] W. H. RULE, _History of the Inquisition_.

[z] CHR. G. NEUDECKE, article on “Inquisition” in Philip Schaff’s
_Religious Encyclopædia_ based on Herzog’s _Real-Encyclopædia_.

[aa] MONTESQUIEU, _Esprit des Lois_.

[bb] L. MARINEO, _Cosas memorables_.

[cc] ANDRÉS BERNÁLDEZ, _Reyes Católicos_.

[dd] VOLTAIRE, _Essai sur les mœurs_.

[ee] PUIGBLANCH, _The Inquisition Unmasked_.

[ff] _Pragmaticas del Reyno._

[gg] GARIBAY, _Compendii_.

[hh] PULGAR, _Reyes Católicos_.

[ii] J. G. RODRIGO, _Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion_.

[jj] J. M. ORTI Y LARA, _La Inquisition_.

[ll] DEAN KITCHIN’S article on the Inquisition in the _Encyclopædia
Britannica_.

[mm] LEOPOLD VON RANKE, _History of the Popes_.

[nn] F. GUIGOT, _Histoire de la Civilisation en Europe_.

[oo] CARL JOSEPH HEFELE, _Der Cardinal Ximenes und die kirchlichen
Zustände Spaniens_.

[pp] P. B. GAMS, _Kirchengeschichte Spaniens_.

[qq] JAIME L. BALMES, _Protestantismus und Katholicismus_.

[rr] OSKAR PESCHEL, _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckung_.

[ss] HEINRICH BRÜCK in Wetzer und Welte’s _Kirchenlexikon_, begun by
JOSEPH, CARDINAL HERGENRÖTHER, continued by DR. FRANZ KAULEN.

[Illustration]

A BRIEF RÉSUMÉ OF SPANISH HISTORY (711-1902 A.D.)

THE KINGDOM OF ASTURIAS; AFTERWARDS CALLED OF OVIEDO, AND THEN OF LEON
(711-1037 A.D.)

711 Battle of the Guadalete and downfall of the Visigothic
kingdom in Spain. The Moors spread over the peninsula.

718 =Pelayo (Pelagius)= elected king by Spanish fugitives
who had taken refuge in the mountains of Asturias. The Moors
invade the district but are defeated at the cave of Covadonga
and driven back. The Christians are left in peace to found the
kingdom of Asturias.

722 Leon taken by Pelayo.

737 =Favila=, son of Pelayo, succeeds him.

739 =Alfonso I=, the Catholic, son-in-law of Pelayo, greatly
extends his territory; acquires towns in Galicia, Lusitania,
Leon, and Castile, and rules over Biscay and Navarre.

757 =Fruela I= makes Oviedo his capital. The harshness of his
rule rouses his subjects to revolt and they put him to death.

768 =Aurelio= or =Aurelius=, nephew of Alfonso I, succeeds, and
is followed by

774 =Silo=, his brother, who removes his court to Pravia.

778 Battle of Roncesvalles, in which the Spaniards ascribe the
defeat of Charlemagne to Bernardo del Carpio, nephew of Alfonso
II.

784 =Mauregato the Usurper=, to whom was ascribed the promise
to pay the Moors a tribute of one hundred damsels.

788 =Bermudo (Veremundo) I the Deacon= is persuaded to accept
the crown, but after three years resigns it.

791 =Alfonso (II) the Chaste= establishes his court at Oviedo,
and firmly establishes his kingdom. The stories of the exploits
of his nephew, Bernardo del Carpio, are probably mere fables
with a slight foundation of truth.

842 =Ramiro I.= Revolts of the counts Nepotiano and Aldrete
suppressed. The Northmen land at Corunna and ravage the
district. Ramiro defeats them and burns seventy of their ships.

844 Supposed battle of Clavigo or Clavijo, in which Ramiro was
said to have defeated the Moors with great slaughter by the aid
of Santiago, who appeared in person on a white horse.

850 =Ordoño I= fortifies his frontier cities and defeats
the Moors in several conflicts, notably at Albelda, and
successfully asserts his authority over his own nobles.
Northmen defeated in Galicia.

866 =Alfonso (III) the Great.= The beginning of his reign is
disturbed by pretenders and other rebels.

873 Navarre, which had maintained towards Asturias a fitful
allegiance constantly disturbed by Frankish intrigue, is
conferred on Count Sancho Iñigo. Mohammedans frequently
defeated by Alfonso, who advances his borders to the Guadiana.
Leon becomes the capital. Battle of Zamora and defeat of the
Mohammedans.

907 Rebellion of Alfonso’s son Garcia Nuño Fernandez, count of
Castile, and other nobles. The prince is imprisoned. Revolt
in his favour. Alfonso abdicates and divides his territories
amongst his three sons, Ordoño receiving Galicia, Fruela
Oviedo, and

910 =Garcia= the kingdom of Asturias. Alfonso successfully
invades Mohammedan territory. He dies soon after. Garcia makes
Leon his capital and assumes the title of king of Leon.

914 =Ordoño II= reunites Galicia with Leon.

917 Alhange stormed and the garrison massacred by Ordoño.
Merida purchases peace. Further victories won by Ordoño over
the Mohammedans.

918 Abd ar-Rahman III defeated at San Pedro de Gormaz.

921 Battle of Val de Junquera. Ordoño and his Navarrese allies
are defeated by Abd ar-Rahman, owing to the defection of the
counts of Castile. They are seized and put to death. Ordoño
suppresses the rebellion to avenge them and defeats the Moors
at Rioja.

923 =Fruela II=, brother of Ordoño, elected to the throne.

925 =Alfonso IV.=

930 Abdication of Alfonso. He retires to a monastery.

931 Attempting soon after to recover the throne, he is taken
and blinded by his brother, =Ramiro II=.

939 Battle of Simancas. Ramiro defeats Abd ar-Rahman III.
Fernan Gonsalez and Diego Nuñez, counts of Castile, revolt.
They are subdued and imprisoned, but then restored to office.
Fernan’s daughter Urracais married to Ramiro’s son, who
succeeds his father as

950 =Ordoño III.= His brother Sancho and Fernan Gonsalez
revolt, and are aided by the Navarrese. Ordoño triumphs over
them and quells a Galician revolt.

955 =Ordoño IV= makes himself king by gaining over the troops of

956 =Sancho (I) the Fat=, who recovers his rights with the help
of Cordovan troops.

967 =Ramiro III.=

968 The Northmen under Gundered invade and waste Galicia and
great part of Leon during two years, till they are finally
overthrown and destroyed by the count of Galicia and their
vessels are burned.

979 Almansor, regent of Cordova, collects an army against Leon
and defeats

981 Ramiro at Zamora and Simancas.

982 Indecisive battle of Monterroso between Ramiro and the
pretender Bermudo who, on the death of Ramiro, succeeds as
=Bermudo= or =Veremundo (II) the Gouty=. His reign is occupied
by continuous rebellions under Rodrigo Velasquez, Conancio,
Gonzalo Bermudez, and others, while Almansor constantly
increases his territory, taking city after city, including
Coimbra, which he destroyed, Leon, whose fortifications he
razed, Compostella, whence he carried off the gates and bells
of the shrine of St. James.

999 =Alfonso V= (under the regency of Gonsalvo).

1002 Death of Almansor after his defeat at the perhaps fabulous
battle of Calatanazar. Order restored in the kingdom of Leon.
The capital is rebuilt. Beneficial laws proclaimed. Sancho
Garces, count of Castile, rebels.

1021 Garcia succeeds Sancho as count of Castile.

1026 Murder of Garcia at his marriage with the princess of
Leon. The northern part of Castile annexed to Navarre. Alfonso
invades Portugal and is killed at the siege of Viseu.

1027 =Bermudo III.= Sancho the Great of Navarre conquers part
of Leon. Bermudo wins several fortresses from the Mohammedans.

1037 Battle of Carrion. Bermudo slain in battle with =Ferdinand
I=, king of Castile, who is recognised as king of Leon,
Galicia, and Asturias, in right of his wife, Bermudo’s sister.

RISE OF CASTILE (739-1037 A.D.)

739-757 Alfonso I of Leon erects fortresses (_castella_) in the
ancient province of Cantabria, called in the eighth century
Bardulia, and then Castile.

860 =Rodrigo=, count of Castile.

866 =Diego Rodriguez, Porcellos=, count.

882 Burgos founded.

=Gonzalo Fernandez.=

=Nuño Fernandez.=

932 =Fernan Gonsalez= revolts against Ramiro II of Leon and is
defeated and captured by him, but is restored to office. His
daughter Urraca marries Ramiro’s son Ordoño (III).

950 Revolt of Fernan against Ordoño III with whose brother
Sancho he invades Leon, but is repulsed. Ordoño repudiates
Urraca. She marries the son of Alfonso IV of Leon, afterwards
Ordoño IV. Fernan Gonsalez is credited by the older writers
with great achievements in the struggle with the Moors.

970 =Garcia Fernandez=, count. His son Sancho Garces rebels
against him. The story of the infantes De Lara, their betrayal
to the Moors, their murder and the vengeance taken by their
half-brother Mudarra, belongs to this reign.

995 The Cordovans defeat and capture Garcia. He dies of his
wounds. =Sancho Garces=, count.

1021 =Garcia=, count.

1026 Birth of Ruy, or Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar, called el Cid
Campeador (the Lord Champion). Garcia betrothed to the
daughter of Alfonso V of Leon with the promise of the title
of king. Garcia murdered at the wedding. Sancho the Great of
Navarre annexes the northern part of Castile and assumes the
sovereignty of the whole in right of his wife, Muña Elvira,
Garcia’s sister; and on his death his son

1035 =Ferdinand (I) the Great= becomes king of Castile with
the district between the Pisuerga and the Cea, which had been
conquered from Leon by Sancho the Great and which Bermudo III
attempts to recover, but is slain in the

1037 Battle of Carrion. Ferdinand, as the husband of Bermudo’s
sister, succeeds to the kingdom of Leon, after a slight
resistance from the population.

KINGDOMS OF CASTILE AND LEON (1037-1156 A.D.)

1037 =Ferdinand (I) the Great=, king of Leon and Castile. He
establishes his capital at Leon; confirms and adds to the laws
of Alfonso V; subdues the rebellious barons, and engages in a
war with his brother Garcia III of Navarre, who at the

1054 battle of Atapuerca is defeated and slain.

1055 Ferdinand takes Cea and other fortresses from the
Mohammedans. Viseu and Lamego taken (1057), and

1064 Coimbra. The king of Toledo becomes a vassal of Leon.
Valencia and Andalusia invaded by Ferdinand. On his death

1065 =Sancho II= becomes king of Castile. Alfonso VI king of
Leon and Garcia king of Galicia. Ferdinand’s daughters, Urraca
and Elvira, receive Zamora and Toro.

1068 Battle of Golpejara on the Pisuerga. Alfonso defeats
Sancho, but on the arrival of the Cid is in his turn defeated
by Sancho.

1071 At the battle of Valpellage Sancho defeats Alfonso VI and
imprisons him in a monastery, whence he escapes to Toledo.
Garcia then seizes the lands of Urraca,

1072 but is attacked at Santarem by Sancho, who is at first
defeated and taken prisoner, but afterwards released by the
Cid. The Castilians in their turn defeat and capture Garcia,
who is either held prisoner or made tributary. Sancho now
besieges his sister Urraca in Zamora, but is assassinated
before the walls.

1073 =Alfonso VI= returns, is elected at Burgos, and
acknowledged by Leonnese, Castilians, and Galicians, but an
oath is exacted of his innocence of Sancho’s death. The oath is
administered by the Cid, who incurs Alfonso’s lasting enmity.
Garcia kept prisoner.

1074 Expedition of Alfonso to aid the king of Toledo in
resisting the king of Cordova. Alfonso invades Portugal, and
makes several Mohammedan governors tributary. Marriage of the
Cid and Ximena.

1077 The Council of Burgos declines to accept the Roman ritual,
but the supremacy of Rome is acknowledged by Alfonso.

1081 The Cid banished for waging independent war against the
king of Granada. He takes service with the Mohammedan ruler of
Saragossa.

1084 Toledo is taken by Alfonso from Yahya ben Ismail after a
siege of two years, and becomes the capital of the kingdom.
Alfonso in return for its surrender promised to maintain Yahya
in possession of Valencia, but failed to do so.

1086 Battle of Zallaka. Yusuf, king of the Almoravids, comes
to the aid of the Spanish Moors, and defeats the forces of
Castile, Aragon, and Barcelona. Alfonso resumes the offensive.
The Cid is said to have been active in all these wars: after
being banished by Alfonso he carried on hostilities on his own
account, and after his restoration to favour was foremost in
the great siege of Toledo, after which he again waged war on
his own account, subduing many Moorish chiefs, including the
kings of Saragossa and Valencia. The latter being deposed and
slain by a rival,

1094 the Cid laid siege to the city and took it after a long
and famous siege. He was in

1100 his turn twice besieged there, and after his death (1099)
the Moors regained possession.

1108 Yusuf’s successor Ali inflicted a severe defeat on Alfonso
in the battle of Ucles or Urcesia.

1109 =Urraca=, daughter of Alfonso VI, succeeds to Castile and
Leon. Her second husband Alfonso I of Aragon, el Batallador, is
recognised as Alfonso VII of Castile and Leon, and assumes the
title of emperor of Spain. Alfonso Raymond, Urraca’s son by
her first marriage, inherits Galicia. Domestic quarrels and war
between Urraca and her husband. A party declares for Alfonso
Raymond, and after a long period of civil war and anarchy he is
recognised on Urraca’s death as

1126 =Alfonso (VII) Raymond= (also called Alfonso VIII). Peace
arranged between him and his stepfather.

1134 On the latter’s death at Fraga the king of Castile
protects Aragon from the Moors, and occupies several Aragonese
fortresses, which he only restores to Aragon as fiefs.

1135 The rulers of Navarre, Barcelona, and Toulouse do Alfonso
homage. He assumes the title of emperor of all Spain. War with
Navarre and the count of Portugal.

1140 Tourney of Valdevez. The Castilian knights defeated by the
Portuguese. Alfonso Henriques of Portugal assumes the title of
king. Alliance between Castile and Aragon for the partition of
Navarre fails.

1143 A formal treaty between Alfonso Raymond and Alfonso
Henriques of Portugal recognises the latter as king of Portugal.

1146 Castile and Aragon come to the aid of the Almoravids
against the Almohads and

1147 aided by the fleets of Pisa and Genoa take Almeria. The
Christian frontiers are advanced to the Sierra Morena.

1156 The knightly order of San Julian del Pereyro, afterwards
called of Alcantara, founded to resist the Moors.

TEMPORARY SEPARATION OF CASTILE AND LEON (1157-1230 A.D.)

1157 =Sancho III= inherits Castile, and =Ferdinand II= Leon.

1158 =Alfonso (VIII)= (III of Castile) =the Noble= succeeds
Sancho III at the age of three. His minority is occupied by
quarrels for the regency leading to civil war between the noble
houses of Lara and Castro. Ferdinand of Leon also claims the
chief power and invades the country, while the Navarrese seize
several border fortresses.

1169 Cortes of Burgos. The cities send representatives.

1170 Anarchy finally ended by Alfonso’s assuming the government
himself when he concludes an alliance with Raymond, regent of
Aragon, and marries Eleanor, daughter of Henry II of England.

1175 Order of the knights of Santiago founded.

1188 =Alfonso IX= of Leon succeeds Ferdinand II. Disputes and
hostilities between him and the king of Castile.

1195 The two Alfonsos make an alliance against the Moors, but
are severely defeated at Alarcon, whereupon they make war on
each other.

1197 Peace between Leon and Castile consolidated by the
marriage of Berengaria, daughter of Alfonso of Castile,
to Alfonso of Leon. Pope Innocent III, who had already
dissolved the king of Leon’s marriage with Teresa of Portugal,
excommunicates the sovereign of Leon, and lays the kingdom
under an interdict. After a struggle of six years the king
and queen separate, but their children are recognised as
legitimate. War between the two Alfonsos.

1212 Innocent III, aided by Alfonso of Castile, brings about
an alliance of the Christian states in the peninsula and,
in the great battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, they unite and
inflict a crushing defeat on the Mohammedans. On this occasion
the Spanish Christians were reinforced by large numbers of
crusaders from abroad.

1214 =Henry I=, a minor, succeeds Alfonso VIII of Castile.
Berengaria is appointed regent, but Alvaro Nuñez de Lara
contrives to supplant her, and rules in tyrannical fashion
till the death of Henry in 1217, when Berengaria succeeds, but
immediately abdicates in favour of her son, the heir of Leon.

1217 =Ferdinand (III) the Saint.= His father, Alfonso of Leon,
supported by Alvaro Nuñez, invades Castile. The nobles rally
round Ferdinand; Alvaro is taken, and peace made with Alfonso.

CASTILE AND LEON FROM THEIR PERMANENT REUNION TO THE ACCESSION OF
FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC (1230-1479 A.D.)

1230 Murcia is invaded by Ferdinand, who is besieging Jaen
when he hears of his father’s death. Berengaria persuades his
half-sisters to waive their pretensions, and Ferdinand reunites
the kingdoms of Castile and Leon. He continues his victorious
career against the Moors, takes Cordova, occupies Murcia and
part of Andalusia (1235), and

1248 takes Seville.

1252 =Alfonso (X) el Sabio= (the Learned). Xeres de la
Frontera, Medina Sidonia, and Cadiz pass into his hands.

1254 Eleanor, the king’s daughter, marries Prince Edward
(Edward I) of England.

1257 The king claims the duchy of Swabia, and having wasted
large sums in fruitless endeavours to secure election to the
German Empire, he replenishes his coffers by debasing the
coinage, persecuting the Jews, and other arbitrary measures.

1263 The Castilian rights over Algarve ceded to Portugal on
the marriage of the Portuguese king with Beatrice, daughter of
Alfonso el Sabio. Certain Castilian nobles make this an excuse
to revolt, and demand redress of grievances and extraordinary
privileges, which Alfonso weakly concedes.

1275 Death of the king’s eldest son, the infante Ferdinand de
la Cerda. The cortes declare Ferdinand’s brother Sancho the
next heir, to the exclusion of Ferdinand’s sons, the infantes
de la Cerda, whose cause is espoused by their uncle, the king
of France.

1281 War between Alfonso and Sancho. The nobles rally round
Sancho, who makes alliance with the kings of Aragon and
Portugal, and declares himself king. The war is only concluded
by the defeat of Sancho a few months before Alfonso’s death.
Alfonso is best known for the encouragement he gave to
learning, and the important literary productions which bear his
name--some of his own work, and others compiled by his order.
They include the code of laws called _Las Siete Partidas_
(promulgated in 1258); the astronomical work called the
_Alfonsine Tables_ (drawn up in 1253); the _Crónica General de
España_, a translation of the Holy Bible, and some poems.

1284 =Sancho the Great and the Brave= (or =Bravo=). The reign
is disturbed by the constant rebellions of the Laras and the
king’s brother Don Juan, and the infantes de la Cerda, aided by
Aragon, and supported by France.

1292 Alonzo Perez de Guzman the Good takes Tarifa from the
Moors, and maintains it against the emperor of Morocco and Don
Juan, refusing to surrender even to save his son whom Juan
murders before the walls.

1295 The accession of =Ferdinand (IV) el Emplazado= (the
Summoned) at the age of nine, gives fresh impulse to anarchy.
The Hermandad or brotherhood of citizens is formed to resist
the lawless depredations of the nobles. The queen-mother, Maria
de Molina, recognizes it, and opposes a bold resistance to
rival pretenders and domestic and foreign enemies.

1301 She obtains the papal recognition of her marriage, and of
the legitimacy of Ferdinand IV, but nevertheless the struggles
with turbulent barons continue during the remainder of the
reign.

1305 Treaty of Campillo puts an end to the struggle for the
succession. Ferdinand begins to reign in his own name.

1310 Trial of the Templars at Salamanca. Their solemn acquittal
does not prevent the suppression of their order in Castile as
elsewhere.

1312 Mysterious death of Ferdinand, as was said, by the
judgment of God. =Alfonso XI=, an infant, succeeds. Return of
anarchy in the struggle for the regency.

1315 The regency divided between the infantes Pedro and Juan,
the king’s uncles.

1319 Both regents slain in battle with the Moors.

1320 Don Juan Manuel assumes the regency. Civil wars with rival
claimants.

1324 The king assumes the government, but fails to restore
order. He murders his cousin, Juan el Tuerto, and by
repudiating his own wife, daughter of Don Juan Manuel, provokes
the latter to rebellion.

1328 Right of the cortes to a voice in important affairs of
state recognised by the king. He undertakes for himself and
successors to impose no tax without the consent of the cortes.

1339 Abul Hakam, emir of Fez, arrives in Spain with a large
army. Alfonso aided by troops from Aragon and Portugal defeats
him in the great

1340 Battle of Salado. Abul Hakam flees to Africa.

1344 Algeciras taken by Alfonso after a long siege.

1350 Death of Alfonso by the Black Death at the siege of
Gibraltar. It was to pay for this war that the _alcavala_,
a tax of one-twentieth on all sales of real property, was
first granted. Alfonso XI patronised letters, and ordered the
continuation of the _Crónica_ of Alfonso X which was intrusted
to a royal chronicler. The code of Alfonso X was also brought
into use in this reign. =Pedro the Cruel.= Leonora de Guzman,
the late king’s mistress, imprisoned and her sons driven into
exile.

1351 Murder of Leonora de Guzman and of Garcilasso de la Vega,
adelantado of Castile.

1352 Henry of Trastamara and Don Tello, Leonora’s sons, revolt
and form a league against

1353 Pedro. The king marries Blanche de Bourbon, a French
princess, but immediately forsakes her for Maria de Padilla,
retaining Blanche a prisoner.

1354 Ferdinand Perez de Castro revolts in revenge for the
king’s false marriage with his sister Juana. The citizens of
Toledo take arms for Blanche. Meeting at Toro between Pedro and
his barons. Pedro consents to reinstate Blanche.

1355 Pedro takes Toledo, imprisons Blanche at Siguenza,
executes several rebels, and massacres the Jewish merchants.
The kingdom laid under an interdict.

1356 Toro taken by Pedro from his mother. He massacres her
partisans before her eyes. Pedro engages in a war with
Portugal, in which many Castilian nobles join the foreigner.

1358 Don Fadrique, grand-master of Santiago and son of Leonora
de Guzman, slain by Pedro’s own hand and his partisans
murdered. Murder of Don Juan, infante of Aragon.

1361 Portuguese refugees delivered up to Pedro I of Portugal in
exchange for Castilians who had fled to Portugal, and execution
of the persons surrendered. Blanche de Bourbon poisoned.

1362 Maria de Padilla dies. Pedro declares her son his
lawful heir. Abu Saïd, king of Granada, comes to ask Pedro’s
assistance and is robbed and murdered by him.

1363 The Black Prince (of Wales) concludes an alliance with
Pedro the Cruel to meet a threatened invasion of Castile from
France. The French, under Du Guesclin, unite with the party of
Henry of Trastamara, who, supported by Aragon, claims Pedro’s
throne.

1366 Battle of Borja. Sir Hugh Calverley, commanding the
English Free Company under Du Guesclin, defeats the Castilians,
and Henry is proclaimed at Calahorra. Flight of Pedro. Henry
takes peaceful possession of Burgos and is crowned. Edward the
Black Prince receives Pedro at Bordeaux and makes a treaty
with him which includes Charles the Bad of Navarre. Edward
engages to restore Pedro in return for the surrender of certain
seaports. Charles promises the army a free passage through
Navarre. The English advance guard cut to pieces at Ariñez.

1367 Battle of Navarrete, or Najera, and complete triumph of
the English. Henry escapes to Aragon. Pedro celebrates his
restoration by a series of murders. He evades his engagements
with the Black Prince, and the latter withdraws his troops much
reduced by famine and disease.

1369 Henry returns, is welcomed by some cities and reduces
others. Pedro makes alliance with Muhammed V of Granada. The
united troops fail to retake Cordova, and Muhammed retreats.
Pedro on his way to relieve Toledo is invested in Montiel by
Henry. In an interview between the brothers, a struggle ensues
in which Henry stabs Pedro to death. =Henry II.= The king of
Portugal claims the throne of Castile, which is also threatened
by Navarre, Aragon, and Granada.

1371 A new _Ordinance concerning the Administration of Justice_
regulates criminal procedure. John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster,
claims the throne in right of his wife, Constanza, daughter of
Pedro the Cruel.

1372 Battle off La Rochelle. Henry wins a naval victory over
the English.

1373 Lisbon besieged by Henry, and the king of Portugal forced
to make peace.

1379 =Juan I= makes alliance with France.

1380 The Castilians sail up the Thames and destroy the English
shipping. Ferdinand of Portugal offers John of Gaunt his
alliance.

1381 The earl of Cambridge arrives in Portugal with a few
followers, but after some fighting in Castile returns to
England.

1382 Beatrice, heiress of Portugal, marries Juan of Castile,
but on the death of her father Ferdinand, her uncle João I
usurps the Portuguese throne

1385 and defeats Juan of Castile in a great battle at
Aljubarrota, where the Castilians lose ten thousand men.

1386 John of Gaunt lands in Galicia, is proclaimed king at
Santiago, and with the

1387 help of the king of Portugal takes several fortresses,
but is driven to retreat by an outbreak of plague in his army.
John of Gaunt resigns his claims in return for fiefs and money
and the marriage of his daughter with Juan’s eldest son, who
receives the title of prince of Asturias, now first assigned to
the heir of Castile.

1390 =Henry (III) the Sickly= succeeds at the age of eleven.
Disputes for the regency.

1392 Persecution of the Jews.

1393 Henry assumes the government himself. He has some success
in restoring order, and ranges himself on the side of the
people against the nobles.

1401 The cortes of Tordesillas passes measures for reform of
the judicial system. Embassy to Tamerlane or Timur.

1404 Conquest of the Canaries by Jean de Bethencourt, a Norman
adventurer, with assistance from Henry, who grants him the
title of king.

1406 =Juan II=, one year old, succeeds under the guardianship
of his uncle Ferdinand the Just. Ferdinand restrains the
turbulence of the nobles.

1408 Alvaro de Luna comes to court as a page and begins to
exercise his influence over Juan.

1412 Ferdinand accepts the crown of Aragon, but maintains his
influence in Castile till his death (1416).

1420 Henry, brother of Alfonso V of Aragon and Juan II of
Navarre, desiring to marry Juan’s sister Catalina, seizes the
king and keeps him prisoner till he consents to the marriage.

1425 Alvaro de Luna, the king’s favourite, made constable of
Castile.

1427 The nobles, jealous of his unbounded influence, league
against him. He is exiled, but soon recalled.

1429 New league against Alvaro. The kings of Navarre and Aragon
invade Castile.

1431 Battle of Higueruela and the defeat of the Moors by De
Luna. His vigorous rule brings prosperity to Castile.

1439 New league against De Luna, and civil war in which the
kings of Aragon and Navarre join,

1445 but are defeated by Juan in the battle of Olmedo.

1453 The king, prompted by his second wife Isabella of
Portugal, resolves on De Luna’s death. He is seized, tried, and
executed.

1454 =Henry (IV) the Impotent.= His extravagance and neglect
provoke the barons to unite against him and, after several
unsuccessful attempts, compel him to set aside the infanta
Juana, called La Beltraneja, and recognise his brother Alfonso
as his heir.

1465 Not content with this, at a solemn ceremony on the plain
of Avila, they declare Henry deposed and set up Alfonso as king.

1468 A destructive civil war continues till Alfonso’s death
(1468), when his sister Isabella (the Catholic) refuses to take
his place, and contents herself with recognition as Henry’s
heiress.

1469 Isabella refuses to marry the heir of Portugal, and
marries Ferdinand prince of Aragon. Henry’s endeavours to
secure Juana’s succession produce further bloodshed. He
bequeaths Castile to her in his will.

1474 Henry IV dies, and =Isabella (I) the Catholic= has herself
proclaimed queen of Castile. Ferdinand endeavours to assert his
own claims as representative of the male line, but is induced
to accept a carefully defined share in the government. The
cause of Juana la Beltraneja is espoused by many Castilian
nobles and by her uncle Alfonso V of Portugal, who proposes to
marry her and invades Castile.

1476 Battle of Toro and complete victory of Ferdinand and
Isabella. The rebels submit.

1479 Treaty with Portugal. Alfonso renounces Juana and she
retires to a convent. Death of Juan II of Aragon. Ferdinand
succeeds him as Ferdinand II.

THE KINGDOM OF NAVARRE (711-1515 A.D.)

=Garcia Ximenes=, first legendary king. Elected after the
battle of Guadalete (711) to defend the country against the
Moors, from whom he recovers considerable territory. From him
the Navarrese writers derive a series of kings who reigned
during the eighth and ninth centuries, but they seem, like
Garcia Ximenes himself, to be purely fictitious personages.
During this period the district seems to have been subjected
either to Asturias or the Frankish empire, probably the latter.

778 Charlemagne invades Navarre and seizes Pamplona. On his
return to France, after failing before Saragossa, his rearguard
under Roland is attacked by troops from Spanish Gascony,
including Navarre and other Spanish states, both Christian and
Moor, and totally destroyed in the pass of Roncesvalles.

806 Pepin, son of Charlemagne, receives the submission of the
Navarrese and organises the government of the country.

836 =Sancho Iñigo=, count (called by some, king) of Navarre.

885 =Garcia I.=

891 Moorish invasion. Garcia I is slain. =Fortuño Garces= rules
during the minority of Garcia’s son, Sancho Garces Abarca.

905 =Sancho (I) Garces Abarca.=

907 Pamplona besieged by the Moors during Sancho’s absence in
Gascony. Sancho relieves it after a rapid winter march across
the Pyrenees and wins a great victory. Many victories won by
Sancho over the Moors and the kingdom extended southwards.

920 Sancho retires to a monastery.

921 Abd ar-Rahman III invades Navarre and routs the combined
forces of Navarre and Leon at the Val-de-Junquera. The
Navarrese under Sancho defeat Abd ar-Rahman’s forces on their
return from a raid into Gascony.

925 =Garcia (II), El Tembloso= (the Trembler).

951 The king of Navarre in alliance with Fernan Gonsalez, count
of Castile, unsuccessfully supports Sancho, prince of Leon,
against the latter’s brother, Ordoño III of Leon.

956 Castile invaded by Garcia, and Fernan taken prisoner.

970 =Sancho (II), El Mayor= (The Great). This king was the most
powerful sovereign of Christian Spain at this period. Besides
being master of Navarre, Sobrarbe, and

1026 Aragon he conquered Castile after the murder of his
brother-in-law, the Count Garcia

1034 and won the eastern portion of Leon as far as the river
Cea from Bermudo III. His second son Ferdinand married
Bermudo’s sister and heiress, and eventually became sovereign
of Leon and Castile (1037). The lordship of Ribagorza was also
among Sancho’s acquisitions.

1035 =Garcia III= inherits Navarre and a small district on the
south bank of the Ebro, while the rest of the dominions of
Sancho the Great are divided among the latter’s other sons.
Ramiro, to whom Aragon had fallen, invades Navarre as Garcia is
on a pilgrimage to Rome, but is driven back. Garcia then aids
Ferdinand, who has succeeded

1037 to Castile, to triumph over Bermudo III of Leon. But when
the latter’s defeat and death give Ferdinand the kingdom of
Leon, Garcia turns against his brother and allies himself with
the emirs of Saragossa and Tudela.

1054 Battle of Atapuerca. Garcia and his allies defeated
and Garcia slain by Ferdinand, who annexes the Navarrese
possessions south of the Ebro. =Sancho III.=

1076 Murder of Sancho by his brother Raymond and his sister
Ermesinda. The murderers expelled from the kingdom. The kings
of Aragon and Leon dispute for the crown of Navarre. The king
of Leon annexes Rioja. The king of Aragon becomes king of
Navarre under the name of =Sancho (IV) Ramirez=.

1094 =Pedro= (Pedro I of Aragon).

1104 =Alfonso= (Alfonso I of Aragon). On his death without
issue the Navarrese refuse to recognise his will bequeathing
his kingdom to the knightly orders of St. John and the Temple,
and elect

1134 =Garcia (IV) Ramirez=, a member of the old royal house of
Navarre, while the Aragonese prefer Alfonso’s brother, Ramiro
(I) the Monk. Alfonso (VII) Raymond of Castile and Leon, who
assumes the title of emperor of all Spain, receives the homage
of Garcia and Ramiro. Garcia becomes a feudatory of Ramiro.
Alliance between Garcia and Alfonso, count of Portugal, against
Alfonso Raymond. Alfonso Raymond invades Navarre. Garcia
acknowledges his supremacy.

1140 Alfonso Raymond makes alliance with Aragon for the
partition of Navarre and again invades it, while Garcia invades
Aragon. After both have won successes, Alfonso and Garcia make
peace.

1150 =Sancho (V) the Wise.= This king’s reign is occupied with
obscure and frequent hostilities with the neighbouring states
of Aragon, Barcelona, and Castile.

1176 The kings of Castile and Navarre refer their differences
to Henry II of England. His

1179 decision is not acted upon, but a later peace between them
embraces the same terms.

1191 Berengaria, daughter of Sancho V, marries Richard I of
England.

1194 =Sancho (VI) the Infirm.= He makes alliance with Castile
and Leon against the Moors.

1195 Battle of Alarcon. Alfonso VIII of Castile defeated by
Yakub Al-mansur. Quarrels amongst the allies. Sancho concludes
an alliance with the Almohads. Alfonso of Leon takes Guipuzcoa,
Alava, and Biscay. Alliance of Navarre, Leon, Aragon, Castile,
and Portugal against the Moors, which leads to the defeat of a
Moorish army under Muhammed an-Nasir in the

1212 Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa.

1234 =Thibaut I= (Theobald or Teobaldo), count of Champagne,
elected king.

1239 Seventh Crusade led by Thibaut to Syria. On the defeat of
a portion of the army he and the other French princes desert
their comrades and return to Spain.

1253 =Thibaut II.=

1270 Eighth Crusade. Thibaut accompanies St. Louis to the Holy
Land and dies on his way home. =Henry Crassus.=

1274 =Joan= or =Jeanne I= succeeds at the age of four. The
country reduced to anarchy by disputes between native factions
and foreign princes respecting the disposal of her hand.

1284 Joan marries Philip IV of France.

1305 =Louis Hutin= (Louis X of France) succeeds Joan.

1316 =Philip I= (V of France) succeeds, to the prejudice of the
daughter of Louis Hutin.

1322 =Charles I= (IV of France), brother of Philip I. The
Navarrese protest against this reassertion of the Salic law and
on Charles’ death the crown passes to Louis Hutin’s daughter,

1328 =Joan II=, with her husband, =Philip II= (count of
Évreux), who at their coronation sign a convention securing the
independence of Navarre. Massacre of the Jews.

1334 War with Castile.

1343 Philip joins Alfonso XI of Castile in besieging Algeciras
and dies during the siege.

1349 =Charles (II) the Bad.= His endeavours to recover the
lordships of Brie and Champagne and his murder of the constable
of France lead to his imprisonment by the French king. He
escapes and is subsequently pardoned.

1361 Return of Charles to Navarre. He promises to aid Pedro the
Cruel of Castile against Aragon.

1366 Alliance of Charles with Edward the Black Prince of Wales
to restore Pedro the Cruel. Charles plays fast and loose with
the rival kings of Castile and seizes Salvatierra and Logroño
for himself.

1370 On the accession of Henry II Charles invades Castile.

1371 Claims of Navarre to Champagne, Brie, etc., ceded to
France in exchange for Montpellier. Charles makes peace with
Henry II.

1377 Charles accused of plotting to acquire domains in Gascony.
His French possessions declared forfeited. The Castilians
invade Navarre and besiege Pamplona. Charles makes alliance
with the English and on their approach the Castilians retreat.

1385 Charles accused of plotting to poison the French royal
family. The last remains of his French possessions are seized.

1387 =Charles (III) the Noble.=

1403 Dukedom of Nemours granted to the king of Navarre.

1425 =Blanche=, daughter of Charles the Noble, succeeds with
her husband =Juan of Aragon=. He interferes constantly in the
internal troubles of Castile, while Blanche governs peaceably
during his absence.

1432 Juan appointed regent of Aragon in the absence of Alfonso
V.

1442 =Charles of Viana= succeeds to Navarre as regent on the
death of his mother Blanche. The kingdom is distracted by
two parties, the Beaumonts, partisans of Charles, and the
Agramonts, partisans of his father Juan.

1447 Juan marries Juana Henriquez and appoints his wife
co-regent of Navarre. She quarrels with Charles.

1452 Revolt of Charles. Birth of his half-brother Ferdinand
(the Catholic). Battle of Aybar. Juan defeats and captures
Charles. Charles is released and returns to Navarre, but
finding his enemies too strong for him he withdraws to Naples.

1458 Juan succeeds to the throne of Aragon as Juan II.
Misunderstanding between father and son continues till

1460 Charles negotiates for the hand of Isabella of Castile
which was desired for his half-brother Ferdinand of Aragon.
Charles is arrested by his father when Catalonia revolts in his
favour, and Juan is obliged to

1461 recognise him as his heir. The prince dies immediately
afterwards.

1464 Blanche, Charles’ eldest sister, dies, probably poisoned
at the instigation of her father by her sister Eleanor,
countess of Foix. The country continues to be distracted by the
wars of the Beaumonts and Agramonts.

1479 =Eleanor de Foix= becomes queen on the death of Juan and
dying immediately afterwards is succeeded by her grandson,
=Francis Phœbus de Foix=.

1483 =Catherine de Foix.= Ferdinand and Isabella endeavour
to secure her hand and kingdom for their eldest son, but she
marries =Jean d’Albret=.

1512 Ferdinand the Catholic demands the cession of six
Navarrese fortresses and a free passage through Navarre to
facilitate his invasion of Guienne. Treaty of alliance between
France and Navarre signed at Blois. Ferdinand’s general, the
duke of Alva, takes Pamplona and occupies the whole of upper
Navarre. Ferdinand’s English allies refuse to co-operate with
him for the reduction of the rest of the country, and on their
withdrawal Jean d’Albret with a French army besieges Alva in
Pamplona, but for lack of provisions is compelled to retreat.

1513 Treaty between Ferdinand and Louis XII of France by which
the latter abandons Navarre. Ferdinand restores order and
conciliates the Navarrese towns by confirming their privileges.

1515 The cortes of Burgos formally incorporates Navarre into
the kingdom of Castile.

CATALONIA (470-1150 A.D.)

470 Gothalania (Catalonia) was the name bestowed on the
northeastern section of Hispania Tarraconensis in consequence
of its occupation by the Goths and Alans (470).

712 Berbers take possession of the whole Catalonian territory.
At the end of the eighth century Charlemagne’s troops, under
command of Louis le Débonnaire, invade Catalonia, and conquer
a district including Barcelona, Lerida, Tarragona, and Tortosa
which they call the Marca Hispanica or Spanish Mark. =Bera=,
a native of Gothic Gaul, becomes count of Barcelona and the
Mark, and tyrannises over the country. Counts of Rosello,
Ampurias, Besalu, Cerdagne, Pallars, and Urgel appointed.
Frequent conflicts with the Moors in which the Frankish armies
join and waste the southern districts.

814 Death of Charlemagne. Septimania becomes united with the
Spanish Mark.

826 Bera, being deposed for treasonable dealings with Al Hakim
of Cordova, is succeeded as duke of Septimania, by =Bernhard=,
son of William of Toulouse, who plays an important rôle in
Frankish history.

832 Bernhard aids Pepin, king of Aquitaine, in rebellion
against Louis le Débonnaire and is deprived of his dignities.

836 Bernhard reinstated in his duchy.

840 Charles the Bald succeeds to Catalonia on the death of
Louis le Débonnaire. Bernhard at first refuses and then offers
his allegiance; but afterwards aiming at independence is
murdered by Charles. William, Bernhard’s son, seeks refuge with
Abd ar-Rahman.

846 =Aledran= made count of Barcelona by Charles. William wages
successful war against him, but is finally murdered. Frankish
dominion restored. Narbonensian Gaul is taken from the Spanish
Mark and added to Toulouse.

852 Barcelona retaken by the Moors. They retain possession
during twelve years.

858 =Wilfrid I= (Wilfredo or Hunfrido I) count of Barcelona.
He takes possession of Toulouse, etc. Summoned to Narbonne
to justify himself, he is there slain in a petty fray and is
succeeded by

872 =Salomon=, who is murdered in revenge for Wilfrid’s death
by the latter’s son.

874 =Wilfred (II) the Hairy=, who successfully repels the
Moors, makes himself independent of France and leaves his
territory to his son

907 =Miro=, who bequeaths it to his three sons, =Seniofredo=,
=Oliva=, and =Miro=, under the regency of their uncle Suniario,
count of Urgel.

950 =Seniofredo.=

967 =Borello=, son of Suniario.

984 Almansor takes Barcelona, slaughters the inhabitants, and
burns a great part of the city. Borello recovers Barcelona and
expels the invaders.

993 =Raymond I= repels a Moorish invasion and wins a battle
against Suleiman of Cordova

1009 which places the usurper Muhammed I on the throne. The
Catalans take the lead in an unsuccessful crusade against the
Moorish pirates of the Balearic Islands.

1017 =Berengar I= organises the country and grants privileges
to Barcelona and other towns.

1035 =Raymond II= wins victories over the Moors of Saragossa
and becomes sovereign of all Catalonia. He abolishes the old
Gothic laws, substituting the

1068 _Usages of Catalonia_, and institutes the Peace of God in
an assembly of the Estates which is the earliest occasion in
European history on which deputies are summoned from the towns.
By marriage and purchase he acquires Conflans, Carcassonne,
Narbonne, Toulouse, and other French possessions. Bequeaths his
dominions to his two sons as joint rulers.

1076 =Raymond (III) the Hairy= quarrels with his brother
=Berengar=. The nobles effect a settlement whereby each is to
reign alternately for six months. Raymond is murdered, probably
at Berengar’s instigation. Berengar governs alone as guardian
for Raymond III’s son.

1082 =Raymond IV.= Bernard Atto, vicomte de Béziers, usurps
the lordship of Carcassonne. The people appeal to Raymond from
his oppressions. He becomes a vassal of Raymond. By marriage
and inheritance Raymond acquires Besalu (1111), Provence, and
Cerdagne (1117), and conquers Majorca. Provence passes on his
death to his son Berengar.

1131 =Raymond V.=

1137 On Raymond’s betrothal to Petronilla, daughter of Ramiro
the Monk, king of Aragon, he is declared heir to the throne of
Aragon and assumes the administration of that kingdom.

1150 Marriage of Raymond and Petronilla confirms union of
Catalonia and Aragon.

KINGDOM OF ARAGON FROM ITS RISE TILL ITS UNION WITH CASTILE (1035-1479
A.D.)

1035 On the death of Sancho el Mayor of Navarre his territories
are divided among his sons, and =Ramiro I= succeeds to a small
Pyrenean district called Aragon in the northwestern corner of
the modern province in the territory of the ancient Vascones.
Ramiro by his wars with the Moors extends his borders,
absorbing Sobrarbe and Ribagorza, and reducing several Moorish
governors to the condition of tributaries. He consents to adopt
the Roman ritual and to send tribute to the pope.

1067 =Sancho Ramirez.=

1076 On the murder of Sancho III of Navarre, Sancho Ramirez and
Alfonso VI of Castile invade Navarre, and Sancho becomes king
of Navarre as Sancho IV. He conquers several cities from the
Moors, commences a war with the emir of Saragossa, and dies
while besieging Huesca.

1094 =Pedro I.=

1096 Battle of Alcoraz. Pedro wins a decisive victory over the
Moors of Saragossa and their Castilian allies, and takes Huesca.

1104 =Alfonso (I), el Batallador= (the Fighter), and =the
Emperor=.

1109 Death of Alfonso VI of Castile. His daughter Urraca, the
wife of Alfonso I, el Batallador, succeeds, and her husband is
acknowledged as Alfonso VII of Leon and Castile. He quarrels
with his wife, and constant civil war is the result to Castile.

1118 Saragossa taken by el Batallador after a five years’
siege. It becomes the capital of Aragon.

1120 Battle of Daroca. El Batallador defeats an Almoravid army,
takes Tarragona and Calatayud, and invades Andalusia.

1126 Death of Urraca. Castile is definitely separated from
Aragon under Alfonso VII (Raymond) of Castile and Leon,
Urraca’s son by her first husband.

1130 Bordeaux besieged and taken by Alfonso I. He resumes his
war against the Moors.

1133 Representatives of the cities summoned to the cortes.

1134 Alfonso is defeated at Fraga and dies soon after,
bequeathing his dominions to the knights of the Temple and
St. John. His subjects refuse to recognise his will and his
brother, =Ramiro (II) the Monk=, is persuaded to leave his
monastery and accept the crown of Aragon, while the Navarrese
choose Garcia (IV) Ramirez as king.

1137 =Petronilla=, Ramiro’s infant daughter, betrothed to
=Raymond=, count of Catalonia, who is appointed regent of
Aragon. Catalonia thus becomes absorbed in Aragon, and Ramiro
retires to a cloister.

1140 Navarre invaded by Raymond in conjunction with Alfonso
VII of Castile, but without success, and on the conclusion of
peace the three sovereigns make alliance against the Moors and
capture various cities, Raymond acquiring Fraga, Lerida, and
Tortosa.

1150 Marriage of Raymond and Petronilla.

1162 Death of Raymond. Petronilla abdicates in favour of her
son =Alfonso II=, who acquires Roussillon by inheritance and
wins Teruel and other fortresses from the Moors. In this reign
cortes were held and attended by the four estates of the realm
(1163, 1164).

1196 =Pedro II.=

1203 Coronation of Pedro by the pope. Aragon is constituted a
papal fief, and Pedro promises to pay tribute to the holy see,
but

1205 the estates of Saragossa repudiate the transaction.

1208 The Albigensian crusade. Pedro refuses to declare for
either party, but turns his arms against the Moors and shares
the glory at the great Christian victory of

1212 Las Navas de Tolosa.

1213 He endeavours to mediate between the Albigensians and the
crusaders, but fails and lays siege to the latter’s city of
Muret, when he is slain in a battle with Simon de Montfort.
=James (I) the Conqueror=, known as Don Jayme of Aragon (in
Catalonian En Jacme, lo Conqueridor), succeeds at the age of
six. The usual civil wars occupy his minority, but finally he
triumphs over all rebels.

1228 Balearic Islands, the haunt of Moorish pirates, attacked
and subdued after a four years’ war.

1232 Valencia invaded.

1238 Conquest of Valencia completed. The Moors are guaranteed
security and religious liberty.

1264-1266 Murcia reconquered by James for his son-in-law,
Alfonso X of Castile.

1268 By the execution of Conradin, the last of the
Hohenstaufen, Constanza, wife of James’ son, Pedro (III), and
daughter of Manfred, king of Sicily, becomes heiress of Sicily,
now in the hands of the usurper, Charles of Anjou.

1269 Preparations for a crusade to the Holy Land headed by
James. The king is turned back by a storm, but his son,
Fernan Sanchez, proceeds to Acre. Like Alfonso X of Castile,
James left a chronicle or commentary of his reign (afterwards
continued by Raymond Muntaner), as well as a book of aphorisms
called the _Libre de Saviesa_, both written in the Catalan
language.

1276 =Pedro (III) the Great.= The Balearic Islands with
Roussillon. Montpellier, etc., are converted by the will of
James I into a separate kingdom of Majorca for his younger son,
James I of Majorca. Pedro prepares to invade Sicily.

1282 The Sicilian Vespers, in which the native population
massacre twenty-eight thousand Frenchmen. Charles of Anjou lays
siege to Messina. Pedro of Aragon comes to its relief and is
proclaimed king of Sicily. Roger de Lauria, Pedro’s admiral,
with a few ships destroys the French fleet.

1283 The Aragonese cortes protest against the king’s wars and
exact the _General Privilege_, the Magna Charta of Aragon,
confirming their liberties. The pope excommunicates

1284 Pedro. De Lauria takes Malta and destroys the fleet in the
Bay of Naples. The pope, Martin IV, proclaims a crusade against
Aragon and bestows the kingdom on the French prince, Charles of
Valois. The Aragonese are reluctant to oppose Rome.

1285 The crusaders invade the kingdom, but after taking and
sacking several cities the army breaks up. Charles of Anjou
dies, leaving his claims to his son Charles II. Pedro dies,
leaving Sicily to his younger son James and Aragon to =Alfonso
III=. Majorca subdued by Alfonso.

1287 The “Privilege of Union” granted, authorising armed
rebellion against the sovereign who shall infringe his
subjects’ liberties.

1291 As a result of negotiations conducted by Edward I of
England, Alfonso is reconciled to the pope and Sicily is
abandoned by James, who immediately after, on the death of
Alfonso, succeeds to Aragon as =James II=. He makes his brother
Frederick (Fadrique) his lieutenant in Sicily.

1295 Alliance between James and Charles of Anjou.

1296 The pope invests James with Sardinia and Corsica, occupied
at the time by the Genoese and Pisans. The deserted Sicilians
give the crown to Frederick. The king of Aragon assists Charles
in his attempts to recover Sicily, but abandons the enterprise
after several successes.

1302 Peace between Frederick and Charles by which the former
retains Sicily, the latter Naples.

1303 The Catalan Grand Company is formed by Roger di Flor from
the disbanded mercenaries (chiefly Aragonese and Catalan) of
Frederick and takes service with the Greek emperor Andronicus
II.

1319 Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia declared inseparable.

1324 Sardinia invaded by James. With the aid of the grand
justice of Arborea, Marian IV, the Pisans are expelled. The
grand justice turns his arms against the Aragonese and the war
is continued under

1327 =Alfonso IV=, when the Genoese assist the islanders and
ravage the coasts of Catalonia.

1336 =Pedro IV= refuses to recognise the claims of his
stepmother, Leonora of Castile, and her sons, Juan and
Ferdinand, to the appanages assigned them under Alfonso’s will,
and thus involves himself in civil disputes and a war with
Castile. He offends the clergy by crowning himself instead of
being crowned by the archbishop of Saragossa.

1343 Invasion of Majorca by Pedro. The islanders welcome him,
deserting James II of Majorca. Pedro conquers James’ French
possessions.

1344 Balearic Islands formally annexed to Aragon.

1347 Attempt of Pedro to secure the succession to his daughter
Constanza in preference to his brother James, in defiance of
the Salic law as established by James I. League of nobles and
cities in a union in favor of James. The Sardinians backed by
the Genoese and Pisans seize the occasion to revolt. A second
union formed in Valencia under the infante Ferdinand. At the
cortes of Saragossa Pedro is compelled to promise to hold
annual meetings of the estates, to select his advisers with
their approval, and to recognise James as his heir. Death of
James. Pedro wins over the Catalans and at the

1348 battle of Epila defeats the union. He annuls the
“Privilege of Union” of 1287, but enlarges the powers of the
justiciar. Leonora and her son Juan take refuge in Castile,
where both are subsequently murdered by Pedro the Cruel.

1349 James of Majorca attempts to recover the Balearic Islands,
but fails and dies soon after. Pedro defeats the Sardinian
rebels, and allies himself with Venice against Genoa.

1350 The era of Spain ceases to be used in Aragon.

1352 The Venetian and Catalonian fleets defeated by the
Genoese, who renew their encouragement of the Sardinians. The
Genoese fleet defeated in the Thracian Bosphorus by the fleets
of Catalonia and Venice.

1354 The Sardinian estates are convoked by Pedro at Cagliari,
but fail to pacify the belligerents.

1356 War with Castile. The king of Aragon supports Henry of
Trastamara and the other Castilian rebels.

1363 A peace concluded with Castile in accordance with which
Pedro of Aragon murders his own brother Ferdinand. War with
Castile renewed.

1368 The justice of Arborea defeats the Aragonese in Sardinia
and maintains himself till the Genoese come to his aid (1373).
After his death the struggle is continued with less vigour by
his son, and when the latter is put to death by his own people
the war is prosecuted by his sister Leonora with whom Pedro
effects an agreement in 1386.

1377 Death of Frederick king of Sicily. Pedro claims the
throne, but is eventually satisfied with the marriage of the
heiress Maria with his grandson Martin.

1387 =Juan I.= Trial of the king’s stepmother Sybilla for
witchcraft. Some of her friends executed.

1392 Aragonese troops under the king’s brother Martin sent to
Sicily to quell a revolt against Queen Maria and her husband,
Martin’s son, the younger Martin.

1395 =Martin= succeeds to Aragon. The count de Foix, husband of
the late king’s eldest daughter, invades the kingdom to assert
her rights, but finds no supporters. Martin, having pacified
Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, returns to Spain. Pope Boniface
IX,

1397 in revenge for the recognition by Aragon of the anti-pope
Benedict XIII (Pedro de Luna), confers Sardinia and Sicily on
the count de Molinets.

1401 Death of Maria of Sicily. She is succeeded by her husband,
the younger Martin, who,

1402 the following year, marries Blanche, heiress of Navarre.

1409 Martin of Sicily suppresses the rebellion in Sardinia. He
dies without issue. Blanche becomes regent of Sicily.

1410 =Interregnum=, consequent on the death of Martin of
Aragon without direct heirs. During two years the country is
distracted by the conflicts of rival claimants to the throne
till, at the instance of the justiciar Juan de Cerda, a
commission is selected from the cortes of the three provinces
of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia which names the infante
Ferdinand, regent of Castile, and he receives the crowns of
Aragon and Sicily as

1412 =Ferdinand (I) the Just.= He subdues a rebellion of the
count of Urgel and maintains tranquillity in the kingdom till
his death in

1416 when he is succeeded by his son =Alfonso (V) the
Magnanimous=.

1417 Reduction of Corsica attempted by Alfonso without much
success.

1420 Joanna, queen of Naples, adopts Alfonso on condition of
his defending her dominions against the duke of Anjou, which he
does with success.

1423 Joanna quarrels with Alfonso and adopts Louis of Anjou in
his place.

1425 Death of Charles III of Navarre. He is succeeded by
Blanche and her husband Juan, brother of Alfonso of Aragon.

1432 Juan appointed regent of Aragon. Alfonso sets out to
recover Naples.

1435 Joanna of Naples dies, bequeathing her kingdom to René
of Anjou. Alfonso besieges Gaeta, but is defeated in a naval
battle. Himself, the king of Navarre, and his brother Henry
become the prisoners of the duke of Milan, who immediately
releases them. Don Pedro of Aragon takes Gaeta. In the next few
years Alfonso makes himself master of the kingdom of Naples.

1442 The office of justiciar declared tenable for life. Blanche
of Navarre dies. Juan retains the title of king of Navarre,
while her son, Charles of Viana, becomes ruler.

1443 Ferdinand, Alfonso’s illegitimate son, recognised as heir
of Naples by Pope Eugenius IV.

1447 Juan of Navarre marries Juana Henriquez and subsequently
appoints her co-regent of Navarre. She quarrels with Charles of
Viana.

1452 Battle of Aybar. Juan defeats and captures Charles.
Reconciliation of Juan and Charles. Birth of Juan’s younger
son, Ferdinand the Catholic.

1458 Death of Alfonso V. Aragon, Sicily, and Sardinia pass to
the king of Navarre, =Juan II=. Charles of Viana refuses to
supplant Ferdinand of Naples.

1461 Charles imprisoned by his father. The Catalans revolt in
his favour and compel his recognition as Juan’s heir. Death of
Charles.

1462 The Catalans declare a republic and besiege the queen and
Ferdinand in Gerona. Roussillon and Cerdagne pledged to Louis
XI of France, who comes to the help of Juan; whereupon the
rebels offer the Catalan crown first to Henry IV of Castile and
then to Pedro, constable of Portugal.

1466 Pedro dies. The Catalans offer the crown to René of Anjou
who

1467 sends his son John of Calabria to Barcelona.

1468 Ferdinand declared king of Sicily and associated with his
father in the government of Aragon.

1469 Marriage of Ferdinand with Isabella of Castile.

1470 Death of John of Calabria. Catalonia is gradually reduced.

1472 Barcelona submits.

1473 The inhabitants of Roussillon revolt against the French
and massacre them. Roussillon occupied by Juan. The French
besiege him in Perpignan, which is relieved by Ferdinand. By a
treaty with Louis the king of Aragon promises to pay within the
year the sum for which Roussillon was pledged.

1474 The French invade Roussillon.

1475 Perpignan surrenders to the French. The inhabitants
compelled to emigrate.

1479 Death of Juan II. =Ferdinand (II) the Catholic= inherits
his dominions which are henceforth united with those of Castile.

ANDORRA (805-1882 A.D.)

805 The valley of Andorra appears in history as a neutral
country, Charlemagne founding the free state and placing it
under the lordship of Urgel.

1170 Suzerainty of Andorra ceded by the counts of Urgel to the
counts of Castelbo. The heiress of Castelbo marries the count
de Foix.

1278 Suzerainty of Andorra divided between the counts de Foix
and the bishops of Urgel.

1512 On the extinction of the house of Foix by the death of
Count Gaston at the battle of Ravenna, the suzerainty of
Andorra passes to Henry d’Albret, titular heir of Navarre,

1553 and on the accession of the latter’s grandson to the
throne of France as Henry IV, becomes the prerogative of the
French crown.

1790 Independence of Andorra recognised. The republic
voluntarily returns to the French allegiance.

1866 The general council, hitherto composed of the aristocracy,
becomes elective.

1882 A permanent delegate appointed to represent French
authority in Andorra.

SPAIN AFTER THE UNION OF CASTILE AND ARAGON (1479-1902, A.D.)

1480 Cortes of Toledo. Recall of illegal grants by which in
Henry IV’s reign the public revenues had been alienated in
pensions and annuities. The nobles forbidden to erect castles
or assume the insignia of royalty. Duelling prohibited.

1481 The Inquisition issues an edict requiring the accusation
of heretics. _Autos da fé_ in Andalusia. Epidemic of plague.
Emigration of Jews.

1482 Alhama after being captured from the Moors by the marquis
of Cadiz is besieged by the king of Granada and relieved by
Ferdinand. Zahara seized and its inhabitants enslaved by Abul
Hassan, king of Granada. Bull of Pope Sixtus IV promising the
appointment of Castilians to church dignities in their country.
Loja unsuccessfully besieged by Ferdinand.

1483 Thomas de Torquemada inquisitor-general in Castile and
Aragon to reconstitute the holy office. An insurrection makes
Abu Abdallah (Boabdil) king of Granada. Ferdinand’s ambassadors
assist in negotiating a peace between Ferrara and Venice. The
pope declares a crusade against Granada. Rout in the Axarquia;
a small Spanish force is destroyed by the troops of Abul
Hassan. Boabdil invades the Christian territory. He is defeated
and taken at the Jenil, released and becomes a tributary of
Ferdinand. Ferdinand and Isabella begin a series of successful
campaigns against Granada and capture one fortress after
another.

1484 Inquisition revived in Aragon. Columbus arrives in Spain.

1485 _Ordenanças Reales_, a code of Castilian laws,
promulgated. _Autos da fé_ in Saragossa. Murder of the
inquisitor, Arbues, by Jewish converts. Sanguinary punishment
of all implicated.

1486 Catalan peasantry, called vassals _de remenza_, released
from serfdom under the obligation of an annual payment.

1487 Velez Malaga, Malaga, and other cities capitulate to
Ferdinand. He enslaves the Malagans.

1488 Alliance between Spain and Maximilian, king of the Romans,
against France.

1489 Baza besieged and taken. Almeria submits.

1491 Law to prevent the export of the precious metals. Siege
and capitulation of Granada. Boabdil confined to a narrow
district in the Alpujarras. The Granadans guaranteed the
preservation of their religion and their liberty.

1492 Expulsion of the Jews from Spain. Columbus persuades
Isabella to grant him assistance. He is made admiral, viceroy,
and governor-general of all territories he may discover. An
expedition is fitted out and he starts on the 3rd of August
with three vessels. Treaty with France. Charles VIII engages to
restore Roussillon and Cerdagne to Aragon.

1493 Return of Columbus reporting the discovery of Hispaniola.
Pope Alexander VI issues a bull confirming the sovereigns of
Spain in possession of all their discoveries, past and future,
in the west. A second bull divides the area for Portuguese and
Spanish discoveries by a line drawn one hundred leagues west
of the Azores. Second expedition of Columbus with seventeen
vessels.

1494 Agreement with Portugal at Tordesillas by which the
boundary of the Portuguese area of discovery is removed 370
leagues west of Cape Verd Islands. The pope confers the epithet
of “Catholic” on Ferdinand and Isabella.

1495 League of Venice between Spain, Austria, Rome, Milan, and
Venice for the expulsion of the French from Italy.

1496 Spanish troops under Gonsalvo de Cordova, the Great
Captain, restore Ferdinand II of Naples to his throne and expel
the French. Juana, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, marries
Philip, son of the emperor Maximilian. Militia ordinance
requiring one-twelfth of the male population between the ages
of twenty and forty-five to enlist for the military and police
service of Spain. Santo Domingo founded. Columbus returns from
his second voyage.

1497 Death of Juan, only son of Ferdinand and Isabella.

1498 Third voyage of Columbus. He lands on the South American
continent. The Santa Hermandad, having restored order in Spain,
reduced to the position of an ordinary police.

1499 Ximenes de Cisneros, archbishop of Toledo, sets about
the conversion of the Moors of Granada. He burns their books.
Insurrection in Granada. Many Moors quit Spain. The remainder
forcibly converted.

1500 Francisco Bobadilla sent out to investigate affairs in
Hispaniola. He imprisons Columbus and sends him home in irons.
Revolt of the Moors in the Alpujarras severely repressed.
Treaty with France for the partition of Naples. Gonsalvo de
Cordova recovers St. George in Cephalonia which the Turks had
wrested from Venice. A navigation act prohibits the exportation
of goods in foreign ships when Spanish are procurable, and
forbids the sale of ships to foreigners. Columbus restored to
his honours.

_Sixteenth Century_

The Moors of Ronda revolt and

1501 destroy a Spanish force under Alonso de Aguilar.
On Ferdinand’s approach they submit and are granted the
alternative of exile or baptism. Gonsalvo de Cordova conquers
Calabria.

1502 Expulsion from Spain of all unconverted Moors. Nicholas
de Ovando sent to replace Bobadilla. Tarentum occupied by the
Great Captain after a long siege. Fourth voyage of Columbus.
The French declare war against the Spaniards and conquer all
Calabria.

1503 Treaty of peace with France signed at Lyons. Battle of
Cerignola. Gonsalvo defeats the French and occupies Naples.
The French invade Roussillon, but are forced to retreat by
Ferdinand, who takes several frontier fortresses. Gonsalvo
defeats the French at the Garigliano.

1504 Peace of Lyons. The French abandon Naples to Spain. Death
of Isabella. =Philip I= and =Juana la Loca= or =the Mad=
proclaimed her successors in Castile. Ferdinand assumes the
administration in accordance with Isabella’s will and on the
ground of Juana’s mental incapacity. Columbus returns from his
last voyage.

1506 Death of Columbus. Ferdinand resigns the government of
Castile to Philip, who excites discontent by his extravagance
and his Flemish favourites. The proceeding of the Inquisition
excite disturbances in Andalusia. Death of Philip. Ferdinand
receives the homage of the Neapolitans.

1507 Ferdinand resumes the government of Castile. Ximenes
appointed inquisitor-general of Castile.

1508 Ferdinand joins the league of Cambray formed by the French
king and the emperor against Venice and retakes five Neapolitan
cities pledged to Venice.

1509 An expedition led to Africa by Ximenes conquers Oran.

1511 Holy League between Pope Julius II, Ferdinand, and Venice
to drive the French from Italy. Conquest of Cuba.

1512 Battle of Ravenna. The allies defeated by the French
under Gaston de Foix. Gaston slain; the French retreat from
Italy. Venice makes peace with France. Ferdinand demands a free
passage through Navarre for the invasion of France. Alliance
between France and Navarre. Pamplona taken by the Spaniards.
Jean d’Albret, king of Navarre, fails to recover it.

1513 Navarre submits to Ferdinand. Florida discovered by Ponce
de Leon. Balboa discovers the Pacific Ocean.

1515 Navarre formally incorporated with Castile.

1516 Ferdinand dies. Ximenes regent of Castile, and the
archbishop of Saragossa regent of Aragon. =Charles I=
(afterwards the emperor Charles V) proclaimed king in Castile.
French invasion of Navarre repulsed. The Inquisition is
established in Oran, the Canaries, and the New World. Las
Casas obtains the sending of a commission to inquire into the
ill-treatment of the Indians in Hispaniola. It effects little.
Peace of Noyon. France abandons her claims to Naples.

1517 Charles lands in Spain and dismisses Ximenes.

1518 The Castilian cortes acknowledge Charles as joint ruler
with his mother. Aragon and Catalonia delay to do this. The
favour shown his Flemish favourites and their exactions disgust
the Spaniards.

1519 Ferdinand Cortes begins the conquest of Mexico. Several
leading Castilian cities form a confederation to defend their
privileges. Death of the emperor Maximilian. Charles elected
emperor of Germany.

1520 The citizens of Valencia revolt against the oppressions
of the nobles and are authorised by Charles to continue in
arms. They form an association called the Germandada (Germania)
or brotherhood. Luther burns the papal bull excommunicating
him. The Castilian cortes with difficulty induced to grant a
subsidy. Charles, having appointed Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht
his viceroy, leaves Spain without redressing the grievances
submitted to him. Several of the cities of Castile, under the
leadership of Juan de Padilla, revolt against their deputies,
appoint their own magistrates, levy troops, and league together
as the “holy junta.” Padilla goes to Juana at Tordesillas.
The junta acts in her name. The royalists rescue Juana. The
Germandada in Valencia carries on a successful and desolating
war against the nobles.

1521 Battle of Villalar. Padilla defeated, taken, and executed.
Valencia taken and the leaders of the Germandada executed.
Charles opens the Diet of Worms. Treaty of Charles with the
pope for the expulsion of the French from the Milanese. The
junta breaks up; Toledo holds out for a time under Padilla’s
widow. Its fall signalises the end of the freedom of the
Castilian cities. Conquest of Mexico completed by Cortes.
Navarre occupied by the French. They invade Castile. The
Castilians recover Navarre. The populace of Majorca, having
revolted against the nobles, are subdued after a long struggle.
Treaty with Henry VIII of England. Charles agrees to invade
France from Spain. The emperor’s troops drive the French from
Milan. Death of Leo X.

1522 Adrian of Utrecht elected pope as Adrian VI. The French
fail in an attempt to recover the Milanese. League between
Charles, the pope, Venice, and other Italian cities against
France.

1523 The cortes grant supplies before presenting their
petitions. Adrian VI dies. Clement VII pope. Ferdinand Cortes
empowered to conquer all New Spain.

1524 The council of the Indies formed for the administration
of the Spanish colonies. The Moors of Valencia request
permission to exercise their own worship. On being refused many
emigrate, and others revolt and are not finally subdued till
1526. Expulsion of the French from the Milanese. Francis I of
France attempts to recover it and is defeated and taken by the
imperial troops at the

1525 battle of Pavia.

1526 The Moors of Granada permitted to purchase freedom from
the worst penalties of the Inquisition. Treaty of Madrid.
Francis resigns his claims in Italy, Flanders, and Artois and
concludes a perpetual league with Charles. Holy League of
Cognac between the pope, France, England, Venice, and Sforza,
duke of Milan, to restore Sforza to the Milanese. The pope and
the French attack Naples.

1527 Charles’ troops ravage the papal territories and take
Rome. Sack of Rome. Clement taken prisoner. The cortes refuse a
grant to Charles.

1528 The French besiege Naples, but are driven by disease to
retreat.

1529 Battle of Landriano. Spaniards defeat the French. Francis
Pizarro commissioned to conquer and govern Peru. Treaty of
Cambray called “The Ladies’ Peace.” Francis I agrees to ransom
his sons and resign his pretensions to Flanders, Artois, and
all places in Italy. Charles goes to Italy, makes peace with
Venice, and with the dukes of Milan and Ferrara.

1530 Charles receives the iron crown of Lombardy and is crowned
emperor by the pope. Florence taken. Charles makes Alessandro
de’ Medici its absolute ruler. He summons the Diet of Augsburg
to settle religious questions and prepare for war with the
Turks.

1531 Ferdinand, brother of Charles, elected king of the Romans.

1533 Pizarro establishes his authority in the capital of Peru.

1535 Expedition to Tunis in conjunction with Portugal, Genoa,
the pope, and the knights of Malta. The usurper Barbarossa
is expelled and the king Mulei Hassan restored as a vassal
of Spain. Ten thousand Christian slaves released. Francis I
invades Savoy. Its duke appeals to Charles. Death of the duke
of Milan. Charles takes possession of the duchy. Colony of
Buenos Ayres founded by Pedro de Mendoza.

1536 Francis occupies Piedmont. Provence invaded by Charles,
who finds it already desolated by the French, and retreats in
disorder.

1537 French invasion of the Netherlands. Truce with France.

1538 It is extended for ten years (Truce of Nice). Mutiny
amongst Charles’ troops in Milan, Sicily, and Africa. Their
generals borrow money to pacify them. Cortes of Toledo. The
deputies protest against the extravagance of Charles’ foreign
wars, and the nobles claim their privilege of exemption from
taxation. Charles dismisses the estates. This was the last
occasion on which nobles and prelates were summoned. The cortes
was henceforth reduced to a meeting of the deputies of eighteen
cities.

1539 Revolt of the citizens of Ghent.

1540 Charles marches to Ghent and represses the rebellion with
great severity. Order of Jesuits, founded by Ignatius Loyola in
1534, is confirmed by the pope.

1541 The ambassadors of France murdered by Charles’ governor
of the Milanese. Francis I demands reparation and prepares for
war. Expedition led by Charles against the pirates of Algiers.
Great part of the fleet destroyed in a storm. The army returns,
having accomplished nothing. Conquest of Chili begun and
Santiago founded by Pedro de Valdivia.

1542 Perpignan besieged by the French and successfully defended
by the duke of Alva.

1543 Alliance with Henry VIII. War between Charles and Francis
in the Netherlands.

1544 Battle of Cerisole in Piedmont. The imperialists are
defeated by the French. Charles invades France in conjunction
with Henry VIII. Peace of Crespy. Charles renounces all claim
to Burgundy and Francis to Naples, Flanders, and Artois.

1545 The pope grants Charles half the ecclesiastical revenues
of Spain.

1547 Battle of Mühlberg. Charles defeats the Smalkaldic League.

1551 League between Henry II of France and the Protestant
princes of Germany.

1552 Charles compelled to fly from Innsbruck. The French seize
Toul, Verdun, and Metz. By the Peace of Passau, Charles grants
religious liberty to the German Protestants. Charles besieges
Metz but fails to take it.

1554 Charles cedes Naples to his son Philip. Philip marries
Mary, queen of England.

1555 Philip invested with the sovereignty of the Netherlands.

1556 Philip invested with the sovereignty of Spain as =Philip
II=. His possessions embrace Spain, Naples, Sicily, Milan,
Franche-Comté, the Netherlands, Tunis, the Barbary coast,
Canaries, Cape Verd Islands, Philippines, Spice Islands, West
Indian colonies and territories in Mexico and Peru. Truce of
Vaucelles arranges five years’ peace with France. Charles
resigns the empire to his brother Ferdinand and retires to San
Yuste. Pope Paul IV persuades Henry II of France to break the
truce of Vaucelles and excommunicates Charles and Philip. Alva
invades the papal states.

1557 Philip visits England and persuades Mary to declare war on
France. St. Quentin captured by Spaniards and English. Peace
with Paul IV.

1558 Spanish victory of Gravelines. Death of Charles V. Death
of Mary of England.

1559 Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis between Spain and England and
France. Philip marries Elizabeth of France. Margaret of Parma
regent of the Netherlands. Philip assembles a force to recover
Tripoli for the Knights of Malta.

1560 It captures Los Gelves in the Gulf of Khabes. A Turkish
fleet routs the Spaniards, and takes sixty-five vessels.

1561 A new fleet, collected to oppose the Turks, dispersed and
partly destroyed by a storm. Turks ravage the Spanish coast.

1563 The Castilian cortes protest in vain against the
Inquisition. The Moriscos forbidden to carry arms.

1564 The pirate stronghold of Peñon de los Velez in Fez
captured.

1565 Siege of Malta by the Turks. The Spanish fleet relieves
Malta.

1566 The Flemish nobles band together under the name of the
“Gueux” to resist the Inquisition. Tumult and wrecking of
Catholic churches. The rebellion suppressed.

1567 The prince of Orange goes over to the Protestants. The
duke of Alva succeeds Margaret of Parma as regent of the
Netherlands and institutes a reign of terror. The Spanish
Moriscos forbidden their distinctive costume, language, and
customs.

1568 The Aragonese cortes wring from Philip an act limiting
ecclesiastical interference in civil causes. Death of Philip’s
only son Don Carlos. The “Gueux” defeated at Jemmingen. Revolt
of the Moriscos in the Alpujarras. They devastate Granada and
are defeated by the governor, Mondejar, in the

1569 pass of Alfajarali; massacre of the rebels. The English
seize the Spanish treasure ships. Don John of Austria, son of
Charles V, commissioned to end the Morisco war.

1570 He takes Golera. Moriscos expelled from Andalusia.

1571 League of Spain, Rome, and Venice against the Turks.
Battle of Lepanto. The allies under Don John crush the naval
power of the Turks.

1572 Briel and Mons captured by the Gueux. The states of
Holland declare the prince of Orange stadholder of Holland,
Friesland, and Zealand. Successes of Alva.

1573 The supplies furnished by the Castilian cortes declared a
tribute legally due to the sovereign. Defeat of Alva’s fleet.
Alva recalled. Tunis captured by Don John. He adds to the
fortifications.

1574 The Turks recover Tunis and massacre the garrison.

1576 “Spanish fury” or sack of Antwerp by the Spaniards. By
the pacification of Ghent, the seventeen provinces of the
Netherlands agree to unite to defend their liberties and expel
the Spaniards. Don John sent to govern the Netherlands.

1577 By the Perpetual Edict Philip recognises the Pacification
of Ghent. The southern provinces of the Netherlands withdraw
from the union.

1578 Battle of Gembloux. Don John and Alessandro Farnese
defeat the revolted Netherlanders. Death of Don John. Death of
Sebastian, king of Portugal. Philip claims the throne.

1579 Union of Utrecht between the seven northern provinces of
the Netherlands.

1580 Death of Henry of Portugal. Portugal conquered and reduced
to a province of Spain. Spaniards join a papal invasion of
Ireland and are massacred at Smerwick.

1581 The Netherlands declare their independence.

1584 Farnese takes Ghent.

1585 The Catholic party in France, headed by the Guises, forms
a league with Philip for the extirpation of heresy in France
and the Low Countries. Farnese reduces Antwerp. England sends
help to the United Provinces.

1587 Drake burns the shipping at Cadiz.

1588 The Spanish Armada sails, is defeated by the English, and
dispersed by storms.

1589 Farnese repulsed from Bergen-op-Zoom. An expedition from
England under the Portuguese claimant Don Antonio invades
Portugal, pillages Corunna, and retreats. Perez arraigned for
the murder of Escovedo. He escapes to Aragon and appeals to its
_fueros_ (privileges). His prosecution abandoned.

1590 Increase of the excise on food, termed “the millions.”
Battle of Ivry; Henry IV of France defeats the league and its
Spanish auxiliaries. Philip claims the French throne for his
daughter by Elizabeth of Valois. A Spanish force under Farnese
is sent to the relief of Paris, but quarrels with the league.

1591 Perez arrested by the Inquisition. The mob rise against
it. Perez escapes to France. Philip punishes the rioters who
had attacked the Inquisition. Its power increases. Part of
_fueros_ of Aragon abolished.

1592 Farnese relieves Rouen, is deserted by the league, and
escapes from Henry IV with heavy loss.

1594 Groningen, the last stronghold of the Spaniards in the
United Provinces, taken by the stadholder.

1596 Cadiz sacked by Essex.

1597 The stadholder defeats the Spaniards at Turnhout. Philip
repudiates his debts.

1598 Peace of Vervins with Henry IV. Death of Philip. The
Netherlands pass to his daughter Isabella, and the rest of his
possessions to his son =Philip III=.

1599 A second armada sails for England and is beaten back by a
storm.

_Seventeenth Century_

1601 Increase of “the millions.” An expedition sent to assist
Tyrone in Ireland fails.

1602 Persia joins Spain in a war against Turkey. Plundering of
the coast and islands in the Mediterranean.

1604 Peace with England. The “archdukes” (Isabella and her
husband Albert) capture Ostend after a three years’ siege.

1605 First part of _Don Quixote_ published.

1607 Spanish fleet destroyed in a fight with the Dutch off
Gibraltar. Eight months’ truce with the United Provinces. Spain
and the “archdukes” resign their claims to the provinces.

1609 Twelve years’ truce with the United Provinces. The
Moriscos expelled from Spain with the loss of all property save
what they could carry with them. With them Spain loses her most
industrious inhabitants. Henry IV of France organises a league
against Spain in conjunction with the Italian states, England,
the German Protestants, and the United Provinces.

1610 Murder of Henry IV.

1612 Philip’s daughter Anne married to Louis XIII and his son
Philip to Elizabeth de Bourbon. The princesses renounce their
respective claims to the kingdoms of Spain and France.

1615 The duke of Savoy invades Lombardy and is defeated by
Hinojosa, viceroy of Milan. The war continued to 1617, when
peace was signed at Pavia. Second part of _Don Quixote_
published.

1617 Alsace ceded to Spain by Ferdinand of Austria.

1618 Battle of Gravosa. The duke of Osuna, viceroy of Naples,
defeats the Venetian fleet. Fall of Lerma, Philip’s favourite.
The war with Venice continues till the recall of Osuna.

1620 Battle of the White Hill. Spanish troops aid the
imperialists to defeat the elector palatine. The Spaniards
under Spinola overrun the Palatinate and expel the elector.

1621 =Philip IV= succeeds his father. Olivares becomes
all-powerful. The cortes of Castile calls attention to the
extravagance of the administration, the appalling misery in the
country, and the ruinous system of taxation. Attempts to curb
official corruption. Expiration of the truce with the United
Provinces. Spinola sent to conquer the Netherlands. He takes
Juliers.

1622 Negotiation with England for the marriage of the infanta
Maria to Prince Charles. James I asks for a Spanish army to
assist the elector palatine. Charles arrives in Madrid.

1623 Enormous subsidy demanded by Olivares. The cities resist.
Increase of taxation. Marriage-treaty signed. Charles leaves
Spain.

1624 Franco-Dutch alliance. The French drive the Spanish
garrisons from the Valtelline. Spain allied with Tuscany,
Parma, Modena, and Genoa.

1625 Spinola takes Breda. Genoa threatened by the French and
saved by Spain.

1626 Peace of Monçon between France and Spain. The Valtelline
relinquished to the Grisons.

1628 Spanish treasure fleet captured by the Dutch.

1629 Peace with England. France and Spain support rival
candidates to the duchy of Mantua. French successes. Spinola
sent to Lombardy.

1630 He lays siege to Casale. Death of Spinola. The Buccaneers
seize the island of Tortuga and make it the headquarters of
their pirate bands.

1631 Treaty of Cherasco with France.

1632 Frederick Henry of Orange expels the Spaniards from the
United Provinces. The archduchess Isabella resigns in favour of
Philip IV. Orange captures Maestricht. Philip makes a treaty
with the duke of Orléans, in rebellion against France.

1633 A Spanish army sent to aid the emperor.

1634 Battle of Nördlingen. The Spaniards under the cardinal
infante, brother of Philip, aid in defeating the Protestant
Swedes and Germans. Treves attacked and the elector carried
off by the Spaniards. France declares war on Spain and forms
an alliance with the United Provinces. Joint invasion of the
Spanish-Netherlands repelled by the cardinal infante. The
Milanese invaded by the French.

1636 The French expelled from the Milanese.

1637 Leucate unsuccessfully besieged by the Spaniards. Breda
captured by Orange.

1638 The French under Condé invade Spain and are totally
defeated before Fuenterrabia. The Spaniards take Bremi and
Vercelli and ravage Piedmont.

1639 Alsace falling to France on the death of Bernard
of Saxe-Weimar, the communication between Italy and the
Netherlands is interrupted. Salsas in Roussillon taken by Condé
and recovered by the Spaniards. The Spanish fleet takes refuge
in the Downs under the neutral flag of England but is attacked
and destroyed by Van Tromp. Spaniards expelled from Piedmont.

1640 Troops billeted on the Catalans and levies demanded from
them. Revolt in consequence. The insurgents seize Barcelona.
Revolution in Portugal. João of Braganza assumes the crown.
He enters into relations with France, Holland, and the rebels
in Catalonia. Los Velez sent to subdue the Catalans. He takes
Cambrils and Tarragona, but is repulsed before Barcelona.

1641 Discovery of a plot of the duke of Medina Sidonia and
the marquis de Ayamonte in concert with the king of Portugal
to erect Andalusia into a separate sovereignty. The revolted
Catalans swear fealty to France.

1642 French troops sent to aid the Catalans invade Aragon, take
Perpignan and occupy Roussillon. Indecisive battle of Lerida.

1643 Disgrace of Olivares. Luis de Haro succeeds him. The
Spaniards invade Champagne and are severely defeated at Rocroi.
The Spaniards victorious at Lerida.

1646 Failure of a plot to deliver Barcelona to Philip.

1647 The Neapolitans revolt under Masaniello who is
assassinated. Don John of Austria sent to quiet the city. Fresh
revolt. The duke of Guise aims at the crown but is captured and
the insurrection suppressed.

1648 Lerida successfully resists the French. The French defeat
the Spaniards at Lens. On the termination of the Thirty Years’
War by the Peace of Westphalia, Spain concludes peace with the
United Provinces, acknowledging their independence and leaving
them their conquests in Brabant and Flanders, with Maestricht
and Breda and their acquisitions in America and the Indies.

1651 Battle of Iviza. Don John of Austria destroys the French
fleet and besieges Barcelona.

1652 Barcelona capitulates. Catalonia returns to her allegiance
to Spain. The Great Condé goes over to the Spaniards and leads
their armies in the Spanish Netherlands against France.

1654 Spaniards defeated before Arras. The buccaneers sack New
Segovia in Honduras and Maracaibo and Gibraltar on the Gulf of
Venezuela.

1655 Jamaica captured by the English.

1656 Valenciennes, besieged by Turenne, is relieved by Don John
and Condé.

1657 Oliver Cromwell sends troops to aid Turenne. The English
exiles join the Spaniards.

1658 Battle of the Dunes. The Spaniards defeated. Dunkirk,
Furnes, Gravelines and Oudenarde surrender to the French.

1659 Battle of Elvas. The Portuguese defeat De Haro.
Devastating war on the frontiers. The treaty of the Pyrenees
ends the French war. Louis XIV is to marry the infanta Maria
Theresa, who renounces her claims to the Spanish crown. Spain
abandons Roussillon, Cerdagne, Artois, and several border
fortresses. Burgundy, Charolois, and Franche-Comté restored to
Spain. France abandons the Portuguese.

1661 Don John invades Portugal. Death of De Haro.

1662 Don John occupies Alemtejo and

1663 takes Evora. Spaniards defeated at Amegial.

1664 Portuguese capture Valencia de Alcantara and defeat the
Spaniards at Villaviciosa. Don John disgraced.

1665 Battle of Montes-Claros won by the Portuguese. They invade
Andalusia. Revolt in Valencia and other provinces. Philip dies
and is succeeded by his son =Charles II=, a child of four
years, under the regency of his mother Maria Anna of Austria.
The Jesuit Nithard becomes supreme.

1666 Louis XIV lays claim to Franche-Comté, Hainault, Brabant,
Artois, etc., in right of his wife.

1667 He invades the Netherlands, and takes several fortresses.

1668 Treaty with Portugal. Spain recognises the house of
Braganza. Franche-Comté conquered by France. England,
Sweden, and the Dutch form a triple alliance to preserve the
Netherlands to Spain. Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen).
Spain abandons to Louis his Flemish conquests. Louis restores
Franche-Comté.

1669 Disputes between the regent and Don John. Aragon and
Catalonia declare for Don John. Nithard dismissed. The queen
forced to share the government with Don John.

1671 Panama sacked by the buccaneers.

1672 Louis XIV invades Holland. Spain joins Germany in sending
troops to Holland.

1674 Louis reconquers Franche-Comté. Indecisive battle of
Seneffe between the allies and the French. Spanish victory in
Roussillon. The victorious troops proceed to the siege of the
revolted city of Messina. The French relieve Messina.

1675 Indecisive action off Messina between the French and the
Spaniards and Dutch under De Ruyter. De Ruyter is killed. The
French defeat the allied fleet off Palermo and rout a Spanish
army in Sicily.

1677 Valenciennes and Cambray taken by the French. The Prince
of Orange (William III of England) defeated at Mont-Cassel.
Catalonia invaded by the French. Charles II declared of age.
Don John contrives the disgrace of the queen-mother and her
favourite Valenzuela. He suppresses the Council of the Indies,
and introduces a few reforms.

1678 Cerdagne occupied and Ghent and Ypres taken by the French.
They evacuate Sicily. Peace of Nimeguen. Spain surrenders
Franche-Comté and fourteen fortresses of the Netherlands.

1679 Death of Don John.

1680 Eighty-five persons suffer at an _auto-da-fé_. Raiding
expedition of buccaneers on the isthmus of Darien and the coast
of Peru.

1683 The French renew the war.

1684 They are repulsed before Gerona and take Luxemburg. Truce
with France. Plague in Andalusia.

1685 Oropesa replaces Medina-Celi as prime minister. Cadiz
blockaded by France to enforce payment for goods confiscated
from French merchants. Earthquakes in various places.

1686 League of Augsburg between Spain, the empire, England and
Sweden against France.

1689 Revolt in Catalonia. Villa-Hermosa defeats the rebel army
under Antonio de Soler. French invasion of Catalonia repulsed.

1690 Battle of Fleurus. The French defeat the allies.

1691 Melgar succeeds Oropesa. Attempt to reform the finances.
Mons and Namur taken by the French. Barcelona bombarded by
Noailles. Urgel taken by Noailles.

1693 The allies defeated at Neerwinden and Marsaglia. Charles
appoints the elector of Bavaria hereditary governor of the
Netherlands.

1694 Noailles takes Gerona.

1695 German mercenaries arrive in Catalonia, but are defeated
at Llobregat.

1697 Cartagena de las Indias sacked by the French and
buccaneers. Peace of Ryswick. Spain recovers Luxemburg, Mons,
Courtrai, and the towns lost in Catalonia. Charles’ declining
health draws the attention of Europe to the question of his
successor.

1698 Secret treaty between France, England, and Holland for the
partition of the Spanish dominions. Spain, the Netherlands,
Sardinia and the colonies to go to the prince of Bavaria;
Naples, Sicily, Finale, and Guipuzcoa to the dauphin; Lombardy
to the archduke Charles, second son of the emperor Leopold
I. Charles appoints as his heir the prince of Bavaria, who
dies immediately afterwards. French intrigues rouse Spanish
opposition to the archduke.

1700 Second partition treaty between France, England, and
Holland for the division of the Spanish dominions. Spain, the
Netherlands, Sardinia, and the colonies to go to the archduke
Charles. To the dauphin, Naples, Sicily, Finale, Guipuzcoa,
and the Milanese. Charles appoints as his heir, Philip, duke
of Anjou, a grandson of Louis XIV. Death of Charles II. Anjou
succeeds as =Philip V=.

_Eighteenth Century_

1701 Philip arrives in Spain. The emperor protests against
his accession. The nobles alienated by attempts at financial
reform. Philip marries Maria Louisa of Savoy. The princess
Orsini obtains supreme influence over Philip and Maria.
_Fueros_ restored to Catalonia.

1702 Philip goes to Naples. Indecisive battle of Luzzara
between Philip and Prince Eugene. Grand Alliance between
England, Holland, Denmark, Austria, and Prussia, against Spain
and France. The allies fail before Cadiz, but destroy the
Spanish plate fleet at Vigo.

1704 The archduke Charles lands at Lisbon, and in union with
the king of Portugal declares war on Spain. A French army under
Berwick invades Portugal. Charles lands at Barcelona, but
effects nothing and retreats. Gibraltar taken by Sir George
Rooke. Indecisive battle off Malaga.

1705 An attempt to recover Gibraltar fails. The allies take
Barcelona. Catalonia, Valencia, and Murcia declare for Charles.

1706 Philip fails at the siege of Barcelona. Portuguese
invasion. Marlborough’s victory at Ramillies leads to the loss
of nearly the whole Spanish Netherlands. Charles enters Madrid.
Aragon declares for him. The French driven from the Milanese
and Charles proclaimed. The allies expelled from Castile.

1707 Berwick defeats the allies at Almansa. The Austrians
conquer Naples; Valencia and Aragon recovered for Philip. Their
_fueros_ abolished, and their government assimilated to the
Castilian.

1708 Attempt to exact a loan from the clergy. The pope forbids
its payment, but offers a tax on church property, which Philip
declines. The allies win the battle of Oudenarde. The plate
fleet captured by the English. Minorca, Majorca, and Sardinia
conquered by the allies, and Oran by the Moors.

1709 Amelot, the French ambassador, dismissed. Medina-Celi
prime minister. Barrier treaty between England and Holland
regulating the northern boundary of the Spanish Netherlands,
and providing for their government in the name of Charles, and
eventual transfer to Austria.

1710 Insincere negotiations of Gertruydenberg between France
and the allies. War in Spain renewed. Philip defeated at
Almenara and Saragossa. Charles re-enters Madrid, but leaves to
repel an invasion of Catalonia, and Philip returns and wins the
battle of Villaviciosa.

1711 Death of the emperor Joseph I. The archduke Charles
succeeds him as Charles VI.

1712 England withdraws from the Grand Alliance, and recalls
her troops from Catalonia. Philip renounces his rights to the
French crown, and changes the law of succession to the Spanish
crown, excluding females while one of his male descendants
shall survive.

1713 The imperial troops withdraw from Catalonia. Orry becomes
finance minister, and reforms the administration. Death of
Queen Maria Louisa. The clergy resist an attempt to curb
the power of the Inquisition. Spain accedes to the Peace of
Utrecht between France and England, Holland, Prussia, Savoy,
and Portugal, by which Philip is recognised as king of Spain;
the Spanish Netherlands, Sardinia, the Milanese, and Naples are
ceded to Austria, and Sicily to Savoy; while England retains
Gibraltar and Minorca.

1714 France and England send troops to reduce Catalonia.
Barcelona taken by storm. The privileges of Catalonia
abolished, and the Castilian constitution established there.
Majorca submits. Philip marries Elizabeth Farnese. She gains
unbounded influence over him, and makes Alberoni, an Italian
priest, her chief adviser. He turns his attention to the
revival of commerce and industry, economical reforms, and the
reorganisation of the army and navy.

1715 Peace with Portugal. Colonia del Sacramento on the Rio de
la Plata ceded to her.

1716-17 Triple alliance between France, England, and Holland to
preserve the provisions of the treaty of Utrecht.

1717 Sardinia occupied by the Spaniards.

1718 Triple alliance between the emperor, France, and England.
The Spaniards invade Sicily. Their fleet is destroyed by Byng
in a battle off Cape Passaro. Alberoni concerts with count
Görtz, minister of Charles XII of Sweden, a scheme for a joint
invasion of Scotland by Sweden and Russia, which is frustrated
by the death of Charles XII.

1719 Spain invaded by the French. A Spanish fleet, sent to
restore the English pretender, dispersed by a storm. The allies
ravage the Spanish coasts. Spanish reverses in Sicily. Holland
accedes to the Triple, now the Quadruple, Alliance. Alberoni
disgraced. Patiño succeeds him.

1720 Philip accedes to the Quadruple Alliance. Sicily ceded
to Austria, and Sardinia to Savoy. Successful campaign on the
Barbary coast.

1721 Defensive alliance with France and England.

1724 Philip abdicates in favour of his son =Luis=. Death of
Luis. =Philip V= resumes the crown.

1725 The Spanish infanta, the intended queen of Louis XV,
sent back to Spain. Philip’s agent, Ripperdá, concludes with
the emperor the treaty of Vienna, securing the succession of
Charles, son of Philip and Elizabeth Farnese, to Parma and
Tuscany and arranging a commercial alliance.

1726 England joins France in the league of Hanover.
Administration and disgrace of Ripperdá.

1727 Gibraltar besieged by the Spaniards. The emperor makes
peace with England and France, referring the questions of
Parma, Tuscany, and Gibraltar to a congress.

1728 Philip accepts the terms in the convention of the Pardo.

1729 Treaty of Seville between Spain, England, and France. The
commercial treaty with the emperor abrogated. Philip’s son
Charles recognised as heir to Parma and Tuscany.

1731 The emperor annexes Parma, but in the second treaty of
Vienna accedes to the treaty of Seville. Charles succeeds to
Parma and Piacenza.

1732 Oran recovered from the Moors.

1733 Perpetual Family Compact between France and Spain. France,
Spain, and Sardinia agree to assert the claims of Stanislaus
Leczinsky to Poland.

1734 Charles of Parma takes possession of Naples and is
declared king of the Two Sicilies. The retiring Germans
defeated at Bitonto. Sicily reduced for Charles. The Germans
beaten at Parma.

1735 Preliminaries of Vienna. France and Sardinia make peace
with the emperor. Parma to be ceded to Austria and Tuscany to
Francis of Lorraine.

1736 Philip and Charles of Sicily accede to the Peace of
Vienna, Charles retaining Sicily.

1739 War of Jenkins’ Ear occasioned by the disputes of Spanish
and English traders in the West Indies. To meet the expense of
the war, government pensions and payments are suspended for a
year, and the interest on the public debt reduced. Porto Bello
captured by the English.

1740 Death of the emperor Charles VI. Philip claims the
succession for his son Don Philip.

1741 Unsuccessful siege of Cartagena de las Indias by the
British. They fail to conquer Cuba. Anson plunders Payta and
captures a Spanish treasure ship.

1742 Philip sends troops to invade Austrian Lombardy. The
king of Sardinia suddenly goes over to the emperor and drives
the Spaniards from Lombardy. The British fleet compels the
neutrality of Naples.

1743 Alliance of Austria, England, and Sardinia. Spain renews
the French alliance in the Treaty of Fontainebleau.

1744 Indecisive battle of Hyères between the English, French,
and Spanish fleets. Unsuccessful siege of Coni by the
Spaniards.

1745 The French and Spanish overrun the Milanese.

1746 The French and Spaniards routed at Piacenza and expelled
from Lombardy. Death of Philip. His son, =Ferdinand VI=,
succeeds.

1748 Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. Don Philip receives Parma,
Piacenza, and Guastalla. Maria Theresa recognised as successor
of Charles VI.

1749 Commercial treaty of Aquisgran between Spain and England.
Under the administration of Carvajal and Ensenada, Spain begins
to recover her prosperity.

1752 Treaty of Aranjuez between Spain, Maria Theresa, and the
dukes of Tuscany, and Parma guarantees the neutrality of Italy.

1753 Pope Benedict XIV acknowledges by a concordat the Spanish
king’s right to make ecclesiastical appointments.

1754 Death of Carvajal. Richard Wall, an Irishman, succeeds him.

1755 Earthquake in Spain.

1759 Death of Ferdinand. His half-brother, Charles of Naples,
succeeds as =Charles III=. Naples is handed over to Charles’
younger son, Ferdinand. Charles restores Aragon and Catalonia
some of their privileges and remits arrears of taxes. Squillaci
(Esquilache) appointed minister of finance.

1761 Third family compact with France for mutual defence.
Consequent war with England.

1762 Portugal refuses to join the family compact and is invaded
by the French and Spaniards. England sends troops to Portugal.
The Spaniards defeated at Valencia de Alcantara and Villa
Velha. Havana and Manila captured by the English. Colonia del
Sacramento taken from Portugal.

1763 Peace with England. Spain cedes Florida and her fishing
rights on the Newfoundland banks. England restores Havana and
Manila. Grimaldi succeeds Wall. Louisiana ceded to Spain by
France. The inhabitants refuse to accept the transfer.

1765 Reorganisation of the Spanish colonies. Discontent and
revolts.

1766 Discontent roused against Squillaci by sumptuary laws,
foreign innovations, and the high price of bread. Sanguinary
revolution in Madrid called the “Revolt of Esquilache.” De
Aranda minister. He continues the policy of innovation, and

1767 expels the Jesuit fathers from Spain and the colonies, as
aiders and abettors of revolution.

1769 Louisiana subdued.

1770 The Spaniards assert their claim to the Falkland Islands
and expel the English. Preparations are made for war, but
France withdrawing her support,

1771 Spain is compelled to apologise and restore the Falklands.
De Aranda dismissed.

1773 The pope, Clement XIV, compelled by Spain to order the
suppression of the Jesuits. The pursuit of trade declared to
involve no loss of rank or privilege.

1774 The final blow given to the Inquisition by a decree making
civil offences punishable by civil tribunals only.

1775 Ceuta and Melilla attacked by the Moors. The aggressors
defeated. A Spanish army routed in Algiers.

1776 The Portuguese attack the Spaniards on the Rio Grande.
Colonia del Sacramento and the neighbouring colonies occupied
by Spain.

1777 Grimaldi replaced by Florida-Blanca. Peace with Portugal.
Spain retains Colonia del Sacramento.

1778 Perpetual alliance with Portugal. Privilege of free
trade with all American colonies save Mexico granted to seven
principal Spanish ports. The privilege was afterwards extended
to all the provinces save Biscay.

1779 Spain offers to mediate between England and her revolted
American colonies. On her refusal Spain declares war. Gibraltar
besieged by the Spaniards. Failure of a Franco-Spanish naval
expedition against England.

1780 The principle of the Armed Neutrality announced by Russia
and accepted by Spain. Rodney defeats the Spanish fleet off
Cape St. Vincent. English transport fleet captured.

1781 Pensacola taken by the Spaniards. Rebellions in Peru and
Mexico.

1782 Minorca taken by the French and Spaniards. Gibraltar
relieved by Howe. Treaty with Turkey containing commercial
provisions, arranging for the exchange of slaves and protection
for Spanish pilgrims.

1783 Peace with England concluded at Versailles. Spain retains
Minorca and Florida. Increase of duties on foreign manufactures.

1784 The proceedings of the Inquisition against grandees and
officials subjected to the king’s approval.

1786 Treaty with Algiers. The Algerian government guarantees
the suppression of piracy.

1788 Death of Charles III. He is succeeded by his son =Charles
IV=.

1791 Spain protests against the foundation of the English
settlement at Nootka Sound, but being unsupported by France
has to recognise it. This humiliation being attributed to
the French Revolution leads to a reaction against liberalism.
Florida-Blanca urges the European powers to restore Louis XVI.

1792 Dismissal of Florida-Blanca. Manuel de Godoy, the queen’s
favourite, becomes supreme. The Spanish government intercedes
for Louis XVI.

1793 Execution of Louis XVI. Spain joins the First Coalition
against France. Failure of the invasion of France.

1794 The Spaniards are defeated with the loss of nine thousand
men and surrender Figueras. The French invade Spain.

1795 Treaty of Bâle. Spain surrenders her territory in Santo
Domingo. The French evacuate Spain.

1796 Alliance between France and Spain in the treaty of San
Ildefonso. Spain joins

1797 the war against England, and her fleet is defeated in the
battle of Cape St. Vincent.

1800 Louisiana ceded to France.

_Nineteenth Century_

1801 Successful invasion of Portugal. Portugal agrees to
exclude English forces from her ports. Napoleon exacts a large
payment from Portugal and insists on Spain’s ceding Trinidad to
England.

1803 Napoleon compels Spain to pay a large subsidy for the war
with England and to undertake to secure Portuguese neutrality.

1805 Spain joins France in the war. The English defeat the
French and Spaniards at Cape Finisterre and Trafalgar. British
invasion of Buenos Ayres.

1806 Ferdinand, king of Naples, expelled from Naples. Spain
prepares for war, but after Napoleon’s victory at Jena renews
the

1807 French alliance in the Treaty of Fontainebleau, arranging
for the partition of Portugal. Ferdinand, prince of Asturias,
conspires against the government. Charles asks help from
Napoleon. The French march into Spain. Reconciliation of
Ferdinand and Charles.

1808 Murat sent to command the French troops in Spain.
Barcelona, Pamplona, and the northern fortresses of Spain
occupied by the French. Indignation in Spain and riots against
Godoy. Charles IV is constrained to abdicate in favour of
=Ferdinand VII=. Murat occupies Madrid. Charles declares his
abdication compulsory. Meeting of Napoleon and the Spanish
royal family at Bayonne. Murat assumes the Spanish government
in the name of Charles IV. Ferdinand restores the crown to
Charles IV, who resigns his rights to Napoleon and retires to
Rome. Napoleon makes =Joseph Bonaparte= king. General revolt
against the French throughout Spain. The French sack Cordova.
Saragossa and Valencia successfully resist them. Savage
guerilla warfare. Capitulation of Baylen; twenty thousand
French surrender. Flight of Joseph. The central junta assumes
the government. French victories of Burgos, Espinosa, and
Tudela. Napoleon enters Madrid, abolishes feudalism and the
Inquisition and restores Joseph. The Spanish colonies of Buenos
Ayres, Mexico, Chili, and Venezuela revolt.

1809 Battle of Corunna and retreat of an English army. Napoleon
quits Spain. Joseph returns. Marshal Lannes takes Saragossa
by storm. French victories of Medellin and Ciudad-Real. Soult
commander-in-chief of the French in Spain. Wellington is sent
to aid the Spaniards and defeats the French at Talavera.
Wellington returns to Portugal. Spaniards defeated at Ocaña.
Flight of the central junta from Seville to the isle of Leon.
Joseph enters Seville.

1810 Napoleon converts Catalonia, Aragon, Navarre, and Biscay
into military governments. Juntas formed in the colonial cities
govern in Ferdinand’s name, but work for independence. The
cortes meet at the isle of Leon, swear fealty to Ferdinand VII

1811 as a constitutional monarch and declare the abolition
of feudalism, the privileges of the nobles and the tithes of
the church, declare the sovereignty to reside in the people,
and draw up a constitution called the “constitution of the
year 12.” The cortes refuse to grant the colonies equality of
representation and free trade. Most of the colonies declare
their independence and successfully assert it against Spanish
troops. The cortes conclude a treaty with England, granting her
free trade in America, and make Wellington commander-in-chief
of the Spanish troops in the western provinces. The French take
Tarragona, Murviedro, and Valencia.

1812 Wellington captures Badajoz, defeats Marmont at Salamanca,
and enters Madrid.

1813 Wellington defeats Joseph at Vitoria. Napoleon recalls
Joseph and names Soult governor of Spain. Wellington takes San
Sebastian and Pamplona. Wellington invades France.

1814 =Ferdinand VII= returns. He imprisons the liberal leaders
and restores absolutism with the privileges of the nobles and
clergy. The Inquisition re-erected. Persecution of partisans
of Joseph, leaders of the liberal party, and guerilla captains.
A camarilla or court party rules supreme and organises a reign
of terror. Wars for independence in the South American colonies.

1815 Porlier’s rebellion at Corunna suppressed. Morillo sent to
Venezuela. He crushes rebellion and governs vigorously.

1816 Rio de la Plata asserts its independence.

1817 Lacy rebels in Catalonia, is captured and shot.

1819 Florida sold to the United States. Secret societies formed
against the government.

1820 Venezuela and New Granada declare their union as the Free
State of Colombia. An army, assembled to conquer Colombia,
rebels under Riego and Quiroga. The revolt spreads throughout
Spain. Ferdinand compelled to swear to the constitution and
abolish the Inquisition. Cortes and liberal government. The
moderate party fails to restrain the radicals. The priests stir
up the people against the constitution. Disorder throughout the
country.

1821 Mexico becomes independent.

1822 Triumph of the radical party. Riego president of the
cortes. The clerical and servile (royal) party sets up a
regency in Urgel and arms for the king. Civil war in Catalonia
and Aragon between serviles and radicals. Congress of
Verona, France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia agree for armed
intervention in Spain in favour of Ferdinand. Victory of the
Liberals under Mina and flight of the regency to France.

1823 The government withdraws to Seville. Invasion by the
French. The serviles and common people join them. The French
erect a provisional government in Madrid and restore the
“legitimate order” of things. The cortes withdraw to Cadiz, but
surrender it to the French. Ferdinand resumes despotic power.
Execution of Riego and other liberals. Many go into exile.
President Monroe declares the United States’ intention to
oppose the interference of European powers for the restoration
of Spanish absolutism in America.

1824 Battle of Ayacucho. Chili and Peru achieve independence by
the defeat of the Spaniards.

1825 “Commissions of purification” persecute all opponents of
despotism. Bessières’s revolt suppressed.

1830 Ferdinand publishes the Pragmatic Sanction of 1789 which
abrogated the Salic law of 1713. Birth of Ferdinand’s daughter
Isabella.

1832 Illness of Ferdinand. The queen Christina appointed
regent. Ferdinand recalls the Pragmatic Sanction, thus
restoring the rights of his brother Don Carlos. The queen
recalls the exiled constitutionalists. Ferdinand cancels his
revocation of the Pragmatic Sanction. Disturbances in favour of
Don Carlos. Don Carlos exiled.

1833 Death of Ferdinand. Christina regent for =Isabella II=.
The northern provinces revolt for Carlos. France and England
recognise Isabella. Don Carlos assumes the title of Carlos V
king of Spain.

1834 Ministry of Martínez de la Rosa, including moderate
royalists and moderate liberals. The cortes summoned. Quadruple
Alliance. France and England agree to support the young queens
of Spain and Portugal against the pretenders Carlos and Miguel.
A Spanish army invades Portugal and expels the Portuguese
pretender. Carlos escapes to England. A savage guerilla war
between Carlists and Christinos begins in Biscay and Navarre.
Carlos returns. Mina given command of the queen’s troops.

1835 Mutiny of the guards in favour of the constitution of
1812. The Carlists become masters of all northern Spain.
Dissension between the rival parties of moderates and radicals,
or progressists, and anarchy in the southern provinces.
Cloisters attacked and monks murdered by the Christinos.
Semi-republican juntas formed in the cities. The Carlists
defeated at Mendigorria. The war continues with increased
savagery. Mendizabal minister.

1836 The convent law of Mendizabal suppresses the monastic
orders, confiscating their goods. Mendizabal retires. The
moderates in power. A British legion defeats the Carlists
at Bilbao. At La Granja the soldiers force Christina to
promulgate the constitution of 1812 and dismiss her ministers.
The Christino general Espartero relieves Bilbao. The “royal
expedition” of Don Carlos to Madrid is driven back to the north.

1837 The constitution modified by the cortes and made less
democratic. Carlos enters Castile, but is expelled by Espartero.

1838 The moderates in power. Attempts at absolutist reaction.

1839 Maroto becomes Don Carlos’ chief adviser and opens
negotiations with Espartero which lead to the treaty of
Bergara, by which the insurgents agree to lay down their arms
in return for an amnesty and confirmation of the _fueros_ of
Navarre and Biscay. Carlos escapes to France. The war continues
two years longer in Catalonia and Valencia.

1840 The liberals force Christina to accept Espartero as chief
minister. She abdicates.

1841 Espartero regent. Insurrections in favour of Christina.

1843 Revolt of Barcelona. General Narvaez occupies Madrid for
Christina. Espartero flees to England. Isabella’s majority
declared. Christina returns. Reactionary policy under French
influence.

1844 Insurrection of the coloured population of Cuba.

1845 New constitution increasing the power of the crown.

1846 Louis Philippe procures the marriage of Isabella with
Francis de Asis and of her sister with the duke of Montpensier.

1847 Cabrera fails to excite a Carlist rising.

1850 Amnesty to the Carlists. Revolt in Cuba in favour of union
with the United States suppressed.

1851 Fall of Narvaez. Concessions to the clergy.

1852 The constitution changed in favour of absolutism.
Limitation of the freedom of the press.

1854 The moderates and radicals join in a liberal union.
Revolts in Barcelona and Madrid. Espartero minister. Attempts
to revive internal prosperity. Sale of the property of the
church, of institutions, and of the state ordered.

1856 New constitution. Espartero retires. Riots in Madrid and
Barcelona. The old moderate party under Narvaez in power.

1858 Union of moderates and radicals under the O’Donnell
ministry.

1860 Successful expedition to Morocco. The Spaniards win the
battles of Tetuan and Guad Ras. Ortega proclaims Don Carlos’
son as Charles VI. Ortega captured and shot. Don Carlos’ sons
captured and compelled to renounce their pretensions.

1861 Santo Domingo declared reunited to Spain. Convention of
London. At the instigation of Spain, England, France, and Spain
agree to force Mexico to fulfil her obligations. Spanish troops
under Prim join in the Mexican expedition.

1863 Prim’s attitude brings about a misunderstanding with
France. Dissolution of the O’Donnell cabinet.

1864 War with Santo Domingo.

1865 A party formed for the union of Spain with Portugal.

1866 War with Peru. Rebellion in Catalonia, Valencia, and
Madrid. A new ministry under Narvaez and Gonsalez Bravo
endeavours to restrain rebellion by a reign of terror.

1868 The liberal union, progressists, and democrats unite
against the government. Revolution. Insurgents’ victory at the
bridge of Alcolea. Flight of Isabella. Provisional government
under Prim, Topete, and Olozaga. Disputes as to the form
of government. Religious orders abolished and toleration
proclaimed. Cuban insurrection.

1869 Monarchist majority in constituent cortes. Various
candidates for the throne proposed. New constitution drawn up.
Serrano becomes regent with Prim as minister. Republican and
Carlist risings suppressed.

1870 =Amadeo=, duke of Aosta and son of the king of Italy,
elected king of Spain. Prim assassinated.

1871 Serrano and Sagasta ministers.

1873 Amadeo abdicates. Republican government. Constituent
assembly meets to draw up a federal republican constitution.
Don Carlos (Charles VII) raises a Carlist rebellion with
guerilla warfare in the north. The intransigentes or extreme
republicans in opposition to the federalists erect independent
governments in the coast towns. Cartagena becomes the centre
of the extreme republicans. Cuba revolts in consequence of the
law releasing slaves and seeks union with the United States. A
party of Americans landing in Cuba to aid the insurgents seized
and many of them executed.

1874 General Pavia occupies the house of assembly with troops
and declares the cortes closed. Military dictatorship under
Serrano and Sagasta. Cartagena surrenders to the federalists.
General Martínez Campos proclaims =Alfonso XII=, son of
Isabella, king.

1875 Alfonso returns to Spain. Religious liberty abolished. The
law of civil marriage confined to non-Catholics. The Carlists
driven from Catalonia and Valencia. Urgel, Vitoria, and Estella
capitulate.

1876 New constitution with a minimum of religious toleration;
senate partly elective. The Carlist insurrection suppressed.

1879 Campos ministry. Inundations. Alfonso marries the Austrian
archduchess Maria Christina. Cánovas del Castillo ministry.

1880 Law for abolition of slavery in Cuba.

1881 Sagasta ministry. Riots in Catalonia over a projected
commercial treaty with France.

1882 The treaty concluded.

1883 Socialist and military outbreaks. Posada Herrera succeeds
Sagasta.

1884 Conservative ministry under Cánovas del Castillo.

1885 Dispute with Germany over Caroline Islands arbitrated by
the pope (1886). Death of Alfonso XII. Queen Maria Christina
regent. Sagasta ministry.

1886 Commercial treaty with England. Birth of =Alfonso XIII=.
Don Carlos protests against the proclamation of Alfonso.

1888 Ruiz Zorrilla issues a revolutionary manifesto demanding a
new form of government to be settled by the people. Republican
disturbances.

1889 Introduction of trial by jury. Great strike in Catalonia.

1890 Reform of the constitution. Cánovas del Castillo ministry.

1892 New commercial tariff and consequent break with France.
War with Morocco. Sagasta again minister.

1893 Explosions produced by anarchists in Barcelona.

1894 Legislation against anarchists. Consecration of the first
bishop of the Spanish reformed church.

1895 Peace with Morocco.

1896 The United States requests Spain to recognise the
independence of Cuba. Indignation in Spain.

1897 Cuban reform bill passed. Cubans recognised as
belligerents by the United States. Cánovas del Castillo
assassinated by an anarchist. Sagasta ministry.

1898 Armistice to the Cubans. The president of the United
States sends a message to congress requiring the end of the
Cuban War. Spain declares the message incompatible with Spanish
rights. Bread riots in Spain. War with the United States in
Cuba and the Philippines. The Spaniards defeated in the battles
of Manila, San Juan, and Santiago. Santiago surrenders. Martial
law proclaimed in Spain. Philippine Republic proclaimed. Treaty
between Spain and America. Spain resigns her rights in Cuba,
Porto Rico, and her other possessions in the Antilles and
Philippines.

1899 Spain left with embarrassed finances. The Sagasta ministry
resigns. Señor Silvela forms the modern conservative party.
Señor Villaverde effects many financial reforms. Caroline
Islands sold to Germany. Reform of the navy.

1900 A new conservative administration formed by General
Azcarraga.

_Twentieth Century_

1901 Anti-clerical riots in Madrid and other towns. A
Liberal government under Sagasta again goes into power. The
queen in opening the Cortes declares that a thorough social
reorganization of the country is necessary, that its finances
must be consolidated and its wealth developed.

1902 Alfonso XIII declared of age and crowned. Attempt to
assassinate Alfonso XIII. Silvela returns to power. Spain
concludes treaties of arbitration with all countries of South
America except Chile.

1903 Death of Sagasta. New cabinet headed by Señor Villaverdi.

[Illustration]

A BRIEF RÉSUMÉ OF PORTUGUESE HISTORY

_Tenth Century_

997 Oporto and surrounding territory taken from the Moors by
Bermudo II of Galicia.

_Eleventh Century_

1055 Cea and other fortresses captured from the Moors by
Ferdinand the Great of Castile and Leon.

1057 Ferdinand takes Lamego and Viseu

1064 and Coimbra, and forms the conquered territory into a
country under Sesnando, a Moor.

1065 Death of Ferdinand. The suzerainty of the counties of
Coimbra and Oporto passes with Galicia to his son Garcia.

1073 Garcia’s territories reunited with Leon and Castile under
Alfonso VI.

1095 Alfonso VI gives Porto Cale (Portugal), consisting of
the fiefs of Oporto and Coimbra, to Count Henry of Burgundy
(Besançou), who married his daughter Theresa, 1072.

_Twelfth Century_

1109 Death of Alfonso. Urraca succeeds to Castile and Leon.
Henry interferes in the internal troubles of that kingdom.

1112 War with Almoravids. Death of Henry. Theresa regent for
her son Alfonso Henriques.

1117 Theresa besieged by Moors at Coimbra. She gives power to
her lover Ferdinand Peres de Trava.

1121 Urraca takes Theresa captive. Peace made.

1127 Alfonso VII of Castile conquers Theresa’s realm and
compels her homage.

1128 Alfonso Henriques assumes power, defeats and exiles
Theresa. In the next years he three times invades Galicia and in

1137 defeats Alfonso VII’s troops at Cerneja. Peace of Tuy.
Alfonso Henriques submits to the king of Leon.

1139 Battle of Ourique. Alfonso Henriques crushes the Moors. A
legend was formerly current that he was then hailed as king by
his soldiers.

1140 The Moors capture and destroy Leiria. Tourney of Valdevez.
The Portuguese knights defeat the Castilian. Alfonso Henriques
king of Portugal as =Alfonso I=.

1143 Peace of Zamora. Alfonso VII acknowledges Alfonso I as
king. The latter declares himself a vassal of the pope.

1144 The Moors defeat the Templars at Soure.

1147 Alfonso I captures Santarem and takes Lisbon with the aid
of English and other crusaders. Other Moorish cities surrender.

1152 Alfonso repulsed at Alcacer-do-Sal.

1158 Alfonso captures Alcacer-do-Sal.

1161 Alfonso is defeated by the Moors.

1166 The Moors take Evora.

1167 Alfonso invades Galicia.

1168 Alfonso besieges Badajoz, is taken prisoner and compelled
to relinquish Galician conquests.

1170 Alfonso loses to the Moors in Alemtejo.

1171 Alfonso victorious at Santarem, makes seven years’ truce
with Moors.

1172 Makes his son Dom Sancho co-ruler, who fights the Moors
constantly.

1184 Dom Sancho crushes and kills Yusuf at Santarem.

1185 Alfonso dies and is succeeded by =Sancho I, O Povoador=
(“City Builder”).

1189 Sancho, aided by crusaders on their way to Palestine,
takes Algarve and Silves from the Moors.

1192 The Moors reconquer Alemtejo, but are repulsed at
Santarem, and peace is made. Dom Sancho wages constant war with
Alfonso IX of Leon. He builds many cities.

_Thirteenth Century_

1209 Sancho’s quarrels with Pope Innocent III, respecting
jurisdiction over priests, culminate in the siege and escape of
the bishop of Oporto.

1210 Dom Sancho grants the pope’s demands, retires to a convent
and dies.

1211 =Alfonso II “the Fat”= succeeds, and summons the first
real parliament; he wars with his brothers and sisters and
Alfonso IX of Leon.

1212 Portuguese take part in the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa.

1217 Alcacer-do-Sal recovered from the Moors. Alfonso II is
excommunicated for seizing church lands.

1223 Alfonso II dies and is succeeded by the thirteen-year-old
=Sancho II=.

1226 Sancho II captures Elvas from the Moors.

1227 Sancho reinstates officials hostile to the clergy and
fights the Moors.

1228 The pope reconciled.

1237 The pope lays an interdict on Portugal, but is pacified.

1239-1244 Sancho II takes several cities from the Moors.

1245 The pope deposes Sancho II. The clerical party sets up
Sancho’s brother,

1248 Alfonso, who drives Sancho II into exile, where he dies.
=Alfonso III= completes the conquest of Algarve.

1254 Alfonso marries Beatrice de Guzman, the natural daughter
of Alfonso the Learned of Castile, so alienating the papal
faction. Alfonso III summons a cortes at Leiria.

1261 The cortes forces the king to recognize the necessity of
obtaining the people’s consent to taxation.

1262 The pope legalizes the king’s marriage and legitimates his
son Dom Diniz, who

1263 is made king of Algarve.

1277 Dom Diniz rebels against his father.

1279 Alfonso III dies, leaving Portugal fully established and
its boundaries defined. =Dom Diniz El Ré Lavrador=, established
after war with his brother. Period of internal progress and
prosperity.

1294 Commercial treaty with Edward I of England.

1297 Peace settled with Castile and Leon.

1300 University founded at Lisbon.

_Fourteenth Century_

1319 Diniz founds the order of Christ to replace the Templars.

1323 His wife, St. Isabella, prevents a battle between Diniz
and his son Alfonso.

1325 Diniz dies and is succeeded by =Alfonso IV=.

1336 Alfonso invades Castile; peace made by St. Isabella.

1340 The Portuguese and Castilians defeat the Moors at the
river Salado.

1348 The Black death invades Portugal.

1355 Iñes de Castro, wife or mistress of the infante Dom Pedro,
murdered.

1357 Alfonso dies and is succeeded by =Dom Pedro (I) the
Severe=.

1361 Pedro the Cruel of Castile surrenders the murderers of
Iñes in exchange for Castilian fugitives. The murderers put to
death with torture.

1367 Pedro dies and is succeeded by =Ferdinand the Handsome=,
who

1369 claims the throne of Castile and Leon, and combats Henry
of Trastamara.

1371 Ferdinand resigns his claims to Castile.

1373 Henry of Trastamara invades Portugal.

1374 Ferdinand promises to support John of Gaunt’s claims to
Castile, but again makes peace with Henry of Trastamara.

1383 The English, angry at Ferdinand’s fickleness, ravage
Portugal. Ferdinand dies, leaving his wile Leonora regent,
against whom the people rise.

1384 Juan I of Castile allies himself with her, but is repulsed
at Lisbon.

1385 The Portuguese proclaim Dom João, grand master of Aviz and
son of Pedro the Severe, king, as =João (I) the Great=. The
Portuguese defeat the Castilians at Aljubarrota and Valverde.

1386 A perpetual treaty of alliance signed with England.

1398 Iñes de Castro’s son, Diniz, attempts to overthrow João,
but, with English assistance, he is defeated.

_Fifteenth Century_

1411 Peace made with Castile.

1415 The Portuguese take Ceuta in Africa, their first foreign
possession.

1418 Prince Henry’s captains discover the Madeiras.

1420 Madeiras colonised.

1432 Azores occupied by Portuguese.

1433 A Portuguese ship passes Cape Bojador. João dies and is
succeeded by =Duarte= (Edward), who calls a cortes at Evora and
passes the Lei Mental ordaining the reversion to the crown of
lands granted to nobles on failure of male descendants of the
grantee.

1437 Duarte sends an expedition against Tangier. The Portuguese
surrounded and saved only by Prince Ferdinand’s offering
himself as hostage.

1438 Duarte dies, =Alfonso V the African=, a minor, succeeds.
Pedro, son of João I, regent.

1441 Slave-trade begun by Portuguese.

1447 Alfonso V comes of age and dismisses Pedro.

1449 Alfonso V defeats and kills Pedro at Alfarrobeira.

1458 Alfonso takes Alcacer-Seguier, Africa.

1460 Prince Henry the navigator dies. Cape Verd Islands
discovered and settled.

1462 Pedro de Cintra discovers Sierra Leone.

1464 Alfonso repulsed in Africa.

1471 Tangier captured by the Portuguese.

1475 Alfonso marries Juana (Beltraneja) of Castile and claims
the Castilian crown,

1476 but is defeated at battle of Toro and concludes with
Castile the treaty of Alcantara (1479). Juana retires to a
convent.

1481 Alfonso dies. =João II the Perfect.= The cortes of Evora
determines on an inquiry into titles to estates and the
abrogation of the judicial powers of the nobles.

1483 The duke of Braganza and other nobles oppose these
measures. Braganza executed.

1484 Diogo Cam discovers the Congo and Angola.

1487 Bartholomeu Dias discovers the Cape of Good Hope.

1488 Commercial treaty with England.

1490 Covilhão enters Abyssinia.

1493 Pope Alexander V declares the boundary between Portuguese
and Spanish areas of discovery.

1494 By the treaty of Tordesillas the boundary is readjusted.

1495 João II dies without heirs and is succeeded by =Emmanuel
the Fortunate=, who expels the Jews from Portugal as the
condition of his marriage with the daughter of

1497 Ferdinand of Spain. Vasco da Gama discovers Natal.

1498 Vasco discovers Calicut.

1500 Cabral discovers Brazil. Factories established at Kananur
and Cochin.

_Sixteenth Century_

1501 Ascension Island discovered. Vespucci discovers Rio de la
Plata and Paraguay.

1502 St. Helena discovered. Vasco visits India and establishes
a factory at Mozambique.

1505 De Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, sent to India.
His son Lourenço discovers Ceylon. Mombasa occupied.

1506 Massacre of the New Christians in Lisbon.

1508 Albuquerque supersedes Almeida as viceroy in India.

1510 Albuquerque is repulsed in an attack on Calicut and
conquers Goa

1511 and Malacca.

1512 Serrão discovers the Moluccas.

1515 Albuquerque captures Ormus. Portuguese established at Diu.

1517 Andrade settles at Canton.

1518 Portuguese settlement established in Ceylon.

1520 Magellan discovers the straits of Magellan.

1521 Andrade reaches Pekin. Emmanuel dies, and is succeeded
by =João III=. He finds his countrymen too eager to gain
wealth by foreign adventure and emigration, thus threatening
depopulation.

1531 Daman taken and destroyed by Portuguese. Sousa founds São
Vicente in Brazil and receives a grant of the first hereditary
captaincy, or governorship of a province, in Brazil.

1536 Inquisition established in Portugal.

1539 Bishopric established at Goa.

1541 St. Francis Xavier sent to the Indies. Estevão da Gama,
governor of India, leads an expedition to the Red Sea.

1542 Japan discovered by Fernão Mendes Pinto.

1543 Xavier founds Christian settlements in Travancore.

1545 The Indian viceroy De Castro wins victory of Diu over the
king of Guzerat.

1548 St. Francis Xavier goes to Japan.

1549 Thomé de Sousa first governor-general of Brazil. He founds
Bahia and governs by aid of Jesuits.

1557 Factories established at Macao. João III dies, and is
succeeded by his three-year-old grandson =Sebastian=, under
the regency of his grandmother Catherine and his great-uncle
Cardinal Henry, but under the power of the brothers Camara.

1558 Portuguese settled at Daman.

1560 Inquisition introduced into India.

1567 Portuguese established at Rio de Janeiro after conflicts
with French settlers.

1568 Sebastian of age.

1578 He invades Africa, and is defeated and killed at
Kassr-el-Kebir. He is succeeded by his uncle =Henry=, who,
feeling that he cannot live long, calls the cortes to name his
successor.

1580 Henry dies. Philip II of Spain is chosen king as =Philip
I=, and defeats his rival Antonio, prior of Crato, at
Alcantara, and again in

1582 the Azores.

1584-1585 Two pretenders, who claim to be the dead Sebastian,
captured.

1585 São Thiago, Cape Verd Islands, captured by an English
fleet.

1586 Bahia plundered by the English.

1589 Combined English and Dutch expedition to “restore”
Antonio, wins successes, but retreats.

1594 Gabriel Espinosa, a third false Sebastian, executed.
Philip closes the Portuguese harbours to the Dutch.

1596 The English sack Faro and Fort Arguin and ravage the
Azores.

1597 The Dutch build a factory in Java and occupy other East
Indian possessions.

1598 =Philip II= (III of Spain) king.

_Seventeenth Century_

1603 Tullio, a fourth false Sebastian, captured.

1605 The Dutch take Amboyna and expel the Portuguese from the
Moluccas.

1615 The Portuguese defeat the king of Achin in Malacca.

1621 =Philip III= (IV of Spain).

1622 The Shah of Persia, aided by the English, recovers Ormus.

1624 Bahia taken by the Dutch and recovered.

1630 Olinda in Brazil taken by the Dutch. Maurice of Nassau
extends the Dutch power in Brazil.

1632 Military post of Tete in Mozambique established.

1634 An insurrection in Lisbon put down.

1637 An insurrection in Evora put down.

1638 The Dutch take Portuguese forts in Ceylon.

1640 The Dutch take Malacca. The Portuguese having been
alienated by the misfortunes of their country under Spanish
rule and by the bad faith of their kings, a sudden revolution
ousts the Spaniards and gives the crown to the duke of Braganza
as =João (IV) the Fortunate=. The assistance afforded by the
Jesuits in this revolution is rewarded by almost unlimited
power in ecclesiastical and great influence in civil affairs.

1641 The cortes assembles and accepts João IV. France and
Holland send fleets. England recognises the king. Caminha
conspiracy to restore Spanish power betrayed by the Spanish
marquis De Ayamonte. The leaders executed.

1644 Albuquerque defeats the Spaniards at Montijo.

1645 Revolts against Dutch rule in Brazil and consequent breach
with Holland.

1648 Benguela and Angola recovered from the Dutch.

1650 The revolted English fleet under Prince Rupert takes
refuge in the Tagus. The Portuguese refuse to allow the
parliamentary admiral Blake to enter the river. Blake attacks
Portuguese merchantmen.

1652 Commercial treaty with England, greatly in the latter’s
favour.

1654 The Dutch expelled from Brazil.

1656 João IV dies and is succeeded by his thirteen-year-old son
=Alfonso VI=. Marshal Schomberg with a picked band of French
officers comes to the assistance of Portugal.

1658 The Dutch take the last Portuguese stronghold in Ceylon.

1659 Menezes defeats the Spaniards at Elvas. In the treaty of
the Pyrenees, France promises Spain to abandon Portugal.

1661 Spaniards invade Portugal.

1662 English alliance secured by the marriage of the king’s
sister with Charles II and the cession of Tangier and Bombay
with a grant of free trade with Portuguese dominions. Alfonso
VI declares himself of age.

1663 The count of Villa Flor defeats Don John of Austria at
Amegial and recovers Evora.

1664 Magalhães defeats the Spaniards at Ciudad Rodrigo. The
Dutch take the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Malabar.

1665 The Portuguese crush the Spaniards at Montes-Claros.

1666 The king marries the French princess Marie d’Aumale.

1667 Alfonso’s excesses lead to a revolution in favour of his
brother Dom Pedro. Alfonso imprisoned. The queen granted a
divorce.

1668 Dom Pedro recognised as regent. Spain recognises
Portugal’s independence. The queen marries Dom Pedro.

1683 The king dies in prison. Dom Pedro succeeds as =Pedro II=.

1698 Portuguese expelled from Mombasa.

_Eighteenth Century_

1703 Paul Methuen, the English ambassador, negotiates the
Methuen treaty which secures preference to Portuguese over
French wines in England, and forms the basis of the subsequent
friendship between the two countries. Portugal recognises the
archduke Charles, the English candidate to the Spanish throne.

1704 Archduke Charles arrives in Lisbon with English forces and
with Portuguese aid successfully invades Spain.

1706 Death of Pedro II. =João V= succeeds. João V under
influence of Cadaval continues the war with Philip V of Spain.

1707 The allied forces of Portuguese, Dutch, and English
defeated by the Spaniards at Almansa.

1709 Portuguese under Fronteira defeated at Caia.

1711 A French fleet under Duguay-Trouin bombards and pillages
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

1715 Peace with Spain.

1717 Portuguese fleet defeats Turks off Cape Matapan.

1728 Mombasa recovered by Portuguese.

1739 Bassein and Thana on the west coast of India lost to
Portugal.

1740 Mombasa again lost.

1750 João dies and is succeeded by =José= who leaves the chief
government to Pombal. The latter checks the Inquisition,
improves the navy and finance. Colonia del Sacramento ceded to
Spain in exchange for territory in Paraguay.

1753 Revolt against the transference of territory in South
America attributed to Jesuit instigation. Revolt suppressed.

1755 The great earthquake at Lisbon destroys forty thousand
inhabitants. Chartered company established to trade with Brazil.

1757 Pombal expels the Jesuits from court.

1758 Pombal persuades the pope to decree the confiscation of
merchandise belonging to Jesuits. Mysterious Tavora plot, and
attempt on José’s life.

1759 The Jesuits charged with the plot and expelled from
Portuguese territories. New Goa replaces Old Goa as capital of
the Portuguese Indies.

1760 The pope permits José’s daughter to marry her uncle Pedro.

1762 The Spaniards invade Portugal and capture Braganza
and Almeida with aid of English under Burgoyne and Count
Schaumburg-Lippe. The Spaniards are beaten at Valencia de
Alcantara and Villa Velha and

1763 peace made. Schaumburg-Lippe remains to reorganise the
Portuguese army.

1769 Pombal saves José from assassination.

1773 Pombal issues a decree providing for the future abolition
of slavery in Portugal. Clement XIV abolishes the Jesuit order.

1777 José dies leaving the throne to his daughter =Maria I=
with her husband =Pedro III=.

1781 José’s widow obtains the power and drives Pombal from
court.

1786 Maria’s husband and eldest son die and

1788 her mind gives way.

1792 Her son Dom João acts as regent and puts down sympathisers
with the French Revolution.

1793 Portugal joins Spain in the disastrous war with France.

1795 By the treaty of Bâle, Spain makes a separate peace with
France.

1796 War with Spain averted by the arrival of English aid.

1799 Dom João declared regent.

1800 Lucien Bonaparte at Madrid offers Portugal impossible
terms of peace with Spain and France.

_Nineteenth Century_

1801 Olivenza, Campo Mayor, etc., taken by the French and
Spaniards. Franco-Spanish victories of Arronches and Flor
da Rosa. Peace with Spain and France with large cessions by
Portugal. Napoleon sends Lannes as minister, and Portugal
consents to all demands. Portugal’s neutrality recognised by
France.

1804 Napoleon requires Portugal to join the Continental System
and exclude British vessels from her ports. The Portuguese
government hesitates.

1807 France and Spain sign the treaty of Fontainebleau,
agreeing to conquer and divide Portugal. Junot and Caraffa
invade Portugal; Taranco and Solano occupy the south. The
people welcome them. On English advice, Dom João names a
council of regency, and sails for Brazil just as the French
enter Lisbon.

1808 Junot declares that the house of Braganza has ceased
to reign, and divides Portugal into military provinces.
Junot leaves Lisbon, and the regency calls on the people to
rise; revolts against the French in many places and appeal
to England. Sir Arthur Wellesley (later Duke of Wellington)
arrives with English troops. Wellesley defeats La Borde at
Roliça and Junot at Vimeiro. Convention of Cintra by which
Junot agrees to evacuate Portugal.

1809 Soult takes and plunders Oporto, but is expelled by
Wellesley, who invades Spain but retreats after winning the
battle of Talavera. Beresford organises the Portuguese army.
The English ambassador added to the regency.

1810 Masséna commissioned to reconquer Portugal; he takes
Almeida. Wellington defeats Masséna at Busaco and retires to
the lines of Torres Vedras, which he defends for more than a
year against all attacks

1811 till Masséna is compelled to retreat, when he is followed
by Wellington and defeated at Fuentes de Onoro. Wellington
withdraws to Portugal.

1812 Wellington again invades Spain.

1814 End of Peninsular War. England grants Portuguese sufferers
£100,000. The Portuguese court remains in Brazil, while
Portugal is left in the hands of Beresford and the English.
Great discontent excited by the treatment of Portugal as a
province of England.

1815 Portuguese monarchy given the title of the United Kingdom
of Portugal, Brazil, and the Algarves. Patriotic agitations
and secret societies formed to restore the Portuguese to their
position as a nation.

1816 Maria I dies, and the regent becomes king as =João VI=.

1817 Monte Video occupied by the Portuguese. General de
Andrade’s plot for revolt against the English betrayed and the
leaders executed. Revolts in Brazil put down.

1818 Severe edicts against clubs and secret societies in
Portugal. The agitation against foreign rule increases.

1820 Beresford goes to Brazil. Rising in Oporto. The English
are expelled and a new regency and assembly formed, which
abolishes the Inquisition and draws up a constitution,
afterwards known as the constitution of 1822, constituting the
cortes as one elective chamber.

1821 João VI returns from Brazil. The queen Carlota Joaquina
and her second son Dom Miguel become the centre of absolutist
reaction and are expelled from Lisbon. Disputes between
Portuguese and Brazilian deputies in the cortes.

1822 Brazil secures independence under João’s son Pedro, who is
chosen emperor as Pedro I.

1823 A rebellion in Tras-os-Montes. João revises the
constitution. A Brazilian fleet defeats the Portuguese.

1824 The king’s son Miguel revolts, but the revolt is
suppressed by the energy of the foreign ambassadors, and a new
constitution establishes the cortes in their ancient form,
divided into three estates.

1825 The royal family goes to Brazil, where João is accepted as
emperor, then abdicates in favour of Pedro, acknowledging the
independence of Brazil.

1826 João VI dies. =Pedro IV= grants a constitutional charter.
He abdicates the throne of Portugal in favour of his daughter
=Maria II= (Maria da Gloria) aged seven, who is under the
regency of her aunt Isabella Maria. Miguel swears fidelity to
the constitution. Marquis of Chaves raises an insurrection for
Miguel. Miguel is betrothed to Maria. English troops called in
to keep order.

1827 Miguel made regent and English troops withdraw.

1828 Miguel exiles his enemies. =Miguel= proclaims himself king
and abolishes parliament. Miguel’s forces capture Madeira.

1829 Miguel defeated by constitutionalists at Terceira.

1830 A council of regency under Villa Flor (Terceira),
Palmella, etc., appointed for Maria in the Azores.

1831 Dom Pedro resigns the crown of Brazil to his son,
and meeting Maria in London prepares to overthrow Miguel.
Insurrection against Miguel put down.

1832 Pedro takes Oporto and is besieged there by Miguel who is
defeated. Miguel’s fleet beaten by Sartorius.

1833 Saldanha victorious at Oporto. Pedro’s fleet under Napier
defeats Miguel at Cape St. Vincent. Lisbon occupied for Pedro.
=Maria II= proclaimed queen and the charter of 1826 restored.

1834 Quadruple alliance of Portugal, Spain, England, and
France to expel Miguel and the Spanish pretender Don Carlos.
Saldanha defeats Miguelites at Torres and Novas. Napier reduces
Beira. Villa Flor overruns Tras-os-Montes and is victorious at
Asseiceira. Miguel surrenders at Evora and goes into exile. The
cortes abolishes the orders of friars. Massacres in Lisbon.
The queen declared of age. Dom Pedro dies. The ministry under
Palmella deals severely with Miguelites, causing frequent
insurrections. The ministry by repudiation destroys national
credit.

1835 Maria da Gloria marries Prince Augustus of Leuchtenberg.
Prince consort dies.

1836 Maria marries Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg. September
revolution at Lisbon under Caldeira

1838 compels the grant of the new constitution of 1838, based
on that of 1822.

1842 Costa Cabral succeeds in abolishing the constitution of
1838, and substituting the charter of 1826.

1846 Sá da Bandeira leads an insurrection of the Septembrists
(or partisans of the constitution of 1838), called the war of
Maria da Fonte or “patuleia.” Costa Cabral flees to Spain.
Royal troops victorious at Evora. English ships arrive.
Bandeira defeated by Saldanha at Torres Vedras.

1847 Insurgents take Oporto. England, France, and Spain agree
to intervene. Bandeira surrenders. Oporto yields to royal
troops. Convention of Granada arranges amnesty.

1850 American fleet collects claims.

1851 Saldanha raises an insurrection. Oporto declares for
Saldanha. He is made prime minister.

1852 The Cortes revises the constitution, and queen and prince
royal swear allegiance to it. Public debt funded.

1853 Maria II dies, leaving her husband as regent for her son
=Pedro V=.

1854 Royal slaves freed.

1855 The king comes of age.

1856 Saldanha ministry resigns. First railway opened.

1857 Fever ravages Lisbon. The French slave-ship
_Charles-et-Georges_ seized.

1858 The French government threatens war; the ship is released
and Portugal compelled to pay compensation.

1861 Pedro dies of cholera and is succeeded by his brother
=Luiz I=.

1862 Duke of Loulé prime minister. Luiz marries the daughter of
the king of Italy.

1864 Portugal protects Confederate privateers and has
difficulties with the United States.

1865 The colonies receive constitutional privileges.

1866 The Spanish general Prim ordered out of Portugal.

1869 Saldanha, objecting to the Duke of Loulé, compels his
dismissal (1870) and forms a ministry. He is soon after sent as
ambassador to England.

1876 Financial panic.

1878-1883 The house of peers loses hereditary privileges.

1880 Celebration in honour of Camoens and Vasco da Gama.

1883 Fontes Pereira de Mello prime minister.

1887 Macao, hitherto leased to Portugal, formally ceded by
China. Delagoa Bay Railway confiscated by Portuguese government.

1889 Riots at Oporto. King Luiz dies and is succeeded by
=Carlos I=. Difficulties with England over rival claims in East
Africa.

1890 England threatens war and Portugal yields under protest.
Riots result. England and United States remonstrate against
seizure of Delagoa Railway. The question submitted to Swiss
arbitration. Collisions between English and Portuguese troops
in East Africa.

1891 Military revolt in Oporto. British steamer seized and
stopped. Agreement arrived at with Great Britain. Financial
panic.

1892 Large reductions in expenditures. Great storms.

1893 Renewed activity among the Miguelistas--supporters of Dom
Miguel.

1894 Railway dispute with France. Celebration of 500th
anniversary of birth of Prince Henry the Navigator. War with
nations near Lourenço Marques.

1895 Electoral reforms. House of peers remodelled and made to
consist of twelve bishops, the princes of the blood royal, and
ninety members nominated by the king. Portuguese under Colonel
Galhardo victorious in the war near Lourenço Marques.

1897 400th anniversary of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage.

1899 Portugal remains neutral during the Boer War, but permits
the British to search for contraband of war imported via
Lourenço Marques.

1900 Delagoa Bay Railway award. The Portuguese government
retains the railway, but has to pay compensation.

_Twentieth Century_

1901 The king, to commemorate the opening of the new century,
grants a general amnesty to all convicted of political and
press offences. The king visits London in order to attend
Queen Victoria’s funeral ceremony in London, but on account of
disturbances at home has to hurry back. Riots at Oporto.

1902 Dom Carlos visits the king of England and on his return
the king of Spain, and re-enters Lisbon amid acclamation.
Financial conditions cause much trouble throughout Portugal.

1903 The cabinet resigns, February 27th. A new cabinet is
formed on the following day. King Edward of England visits
Lisbon. Portuguese troops at Oporto mutiny and proclaim the
Republic.

A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SPANISH HISTORY

BASED ON THE WORKS QUOTED, CITED, OR CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION OF THE
PRESENT HISTORY; WITH CRITICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES

=Abarca=, Pedro de, Los Reyes de Aragon, 1684.--=Addison=, J., Charles
the Third of Spain, London, 1900.--=Alberoni=, G., Cardinal, Testament
politique du Cardinal Alberoni recueilli de divers mémoires, lettres et
entretiens de Son Éminence traduit d’ l’Italien par le comte de R. B. M.,
Lausanne, 1753.--=Alfaro=, Compendio de la historia de España, Madrid,
1860-1862, 3 vols.--=Alfonso X=, Las quatro partes enteras de la crónica
de España, edited by Florián de Ocampo, Zamora, 1541; Los quatro libros
primeros de la crónica general de España; Documentos de la época de Don
Alfonso el Sabio, Real Academia de la historia, Madrid, 1851.

To _Alfonso X_, known as the Learned, Spanish language and
literature owe an enormous debt. He was the first to take the
Castilian tongue, as the official language, and he made use of
it in his own writings. Numerous are the literary works which
bear his name and were, some written by him, some compiled
under his direction. The chief that concern us here are of two
classes, historical and legislative. Of the former class the
principal is the _Estoria de Espanna_ or _Crónica general_.
There is a dispute as to how much of this was written by
Alfonso himself. Some authorities credit him with the whole.
It extends from the creation to Alfonso’s own accession and is
based partly on older histories, partly on tradition and poetic
legends of which it is a perfect storehouse. Of the _Siete
Partidas_, which belong to the second class and were called
by Alfonso _El Setenario_, Ticknor says that they “do not
always read like a collection of statutes.... They often seem
rather to be a series of treatises on legislation, morals, and
religion divided with great formality into Parts, Titles, and
Laws.”

=Al Makkari=, Analectos de la historia literaria y política de los
árabes de España, Leipsic, 1855-1858, 4 vols.; History of the Mohammedan
Dynasties in Spain, translated, with notes by Pascual de Gayangos,
London, 1840-1843, 2 vols.

_Abul-Abbas Ahmad ibn Mohammed Al Makkari_, the Arab historian,
was born about 1585 at Tlemcen in Algeria. About 1620 he
settled at Cairo, having been exiled from his own country,--why
is not known. His history was undertaken in response to a
request from his friends at Damascus who had been deeply
interested by the oral descriptions of the doings of the
Spanish Arabs with which he had entertained them when on a
visit to Damascus in 1628. He died in 1631.

=Altamira y Crevea=, R., Historia de España y de la civilización
española, Barcelona, 1900-1902. The two volumes thus far completed extend
to 1479.--=Amicis=, E. de, Spain, New York, 1881.--=Anghiera=, Pietro
Martire d’, Opus epistolarum, Alcalá, 1530, Strasburg, 1891.--=Annales
Complutenses=, in Flórez’s España Sagrada.

_Annales Complutenses._ The word Complutenses is derived from
Complutum, the Roman name for Alcalá de Henares. The anonymous
writer of this brief historical summary wrote in the twelfth
century.

=Annales Toledanos=, in Flórez’s España Sagrada.

_Annales Toledanos._ The author of the early portion of these
annals of Toledo lived in the thirteenth century.

=Antonio=, N., Bibliotheca Hispana nova, 1500-1684, Madrid, 1783-1788, 2
vols.; Biblioteca Hispana vetus, Madrid, 1788, 2 vols.

_Nicolás Antonio_ was born at Seville in 1617, and educated
there and at the university of Salamanca. He afterwards
returned to Seville where he drew on the treasures of the
library of the monastery of San Benito in the composition of
his _Bibliotheca Hispana_ which forms a literary history, the
first part of which extends to 1500, the second (which appeared
in 1672) to 1670. In 1654 Philip IV sent Antonio to Rome as his
general agent. He afterwards filled the office of agent to the
Spanish Inquisition. He died in 1684.

=Armstrong=, E., Elisabeth Farnese, “the termagant of Spain,” London,
1892.--=Aschbach=, J., Geschichte der Westgoten, Frankfort, 1827;
Geschichte der Ommaïjaden in Spanien, Vienna, 1860, 2 vols.; Geschichte
Spaniens und Portugals zur Zeit der Almoraviden und Almohaden, Frankfort,
1833-1837, 2 vols.--=Aulnoy=, M. C. J. de B. d’, Relation du voyage
d’Espagne, Paris, 1690; reprint as La cour et la ville de Madrid à la
fin du 17ᵉ siècle, Paris, 1876, 2 vols.--=Avila=, G. G. de, Historia
de Salamanca, Salamanca, 1606; Historia de la vida y hechos del rey
Don Henrique III de Castilla, Madrid, 1638; Teatro eclesiastico de la
primitiva iglesia de las Indias Occidentales, Madrid, 1649-1656, 2 vols.;
Historia de la vida y hechos del monarca Don Felipe III, in Mendoza’s
Monarquía de España, Madrid, 1770.--=Avila y Zuñiga=, Luis de, Comentario
de la guerra de Alemaña hecha por Carlos V en 1546 y 1547, Madrid,
1548, 1852.--=Ayala=, P. López de, Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla,
Don Pedro, Don Enrique II, Don Juan I, Don Enrique III, Madrid, 1781, 2
vols.; in Biblioteca de autores Españoles, Madrid, 1875.

_Pedro López de Ayala_, celebrated as knight, poet, and
historian, was born in 1332, and died in 1407. He entered the
service of Pedro the Cruel of Castile and sided with the king
in the latter’s earlier struggles with his revolted brothers
and nobles, distinguishing himself chiefly by his exploits on
the sea. When King Pedro was driven out by his brother Henry
of Trastamara, Ayala joined Henry. He was taken prisoner by
the English at Navarrete, but afterwards ransomed. Under Henry
II and Juan II he filled important offices. At the Battle of
Aljubarrota he was captured by the Portuguese and released only
on payment of an enormous ransom. Translations from Isidore of
Seville, Boccaccio, Titus Livius, etc., are among his writings
as well as a treatise on the duties of kings and nobles, called
_El Rimado de Palacio_, but the chief of his works is the
_Crónicas_. This is written with elegance and simplicity of
style and much skill in delineation of character. He is accused
of unduly blackening the character of King Pedro.

* * * * *

=Bacallar y Sanna=, Marques de San Felipe, Vicente, Comentarios de la
guerra de España hasta el Año 1725, Genoa, 2 vols.

_Vicente Bacallar y Sanna_ was a Spaniard born in Sardinia
about 1660. Under Charles II he held various diplomatic posts.
In the war of the Spanish Succession he sided with Philip V
and was created Marquis of San Felipe by that monarch. Besides
his history of the war of succession he left a history of the
Jewish monarchy.

=Bakhuyzen van den Brink=, R. C., Analyse d’un manuscrit contemporain sur
la retraite de Charles Quint, The Hague, 1842.--=Baronius=, C., Annales
ecclesiastici, Antwerp, 1601-1605, 12 vols.

_Cæsar Baronius_, the great ecclesiastical historian, was born
in the kingdom of Naples in 1538, and died at Rome, 1607. His
_Annales Ecclesiastici_ were written as an answer on behalf
of the Church of Rome to the Protestant history called the
_Magdeburg Centuries_. Baronius became a cardinal in 1596 and
subsequently librarian of the Vatican.

=Baumgarten=, Hermann, Geschichte Spaniens zur Zeit der französischen
Revolution, Berlin, 1851; Geschichte Spaniens vom Ausbruch der
französischen Revolution, Leipsic, 1865-1871, 3 vols.; Geschichte Karls
V, Stuttgart, 1885-1892.

_Hermann Baumgarten_ was born at Lesse in Brunswick in 1825,
and between the years 1842 and 1848 studied philology and
history at no less than five universities, namely Jena, Halle,
Leipsic, Bonn, and Göttingen. He then became a teacher in
the gymnasium at Brunswick, and from 1850-1852 was editor of
the _Reichszeitung_ in that city. But in 1852 he resumed his
historical studies at Heidelberg and subsequently at Munich.
Here he was associated with the starting of the _Süddeutschen
Zeitung_. In 1861 he became professor of history and literature
at the Karlsruhe Polytechnicum and in 1872 in the university of
Strasburg. His works include various political writings, but
those on Spanish history here cited are his chief title to fame.

=Baumgartner=, A., “Der Cid in der Geschichte,” in Stimmen aus Maria
Laach, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1898.

_Alexander Baumgartner_ was the son of the celebrated statesman
and savant, Andreas Baumgartner. In 1860 he entered the Order
of Jesuits and subsequently taught in their colleges at
Feldkirch and Stonyhurst. After the abolition of the order he
retired to Holland and devoted himself to literature, becoming
part editor of the periodical, Stimmen aus Maria Laach.

=Baudier=, M., Vie de Ximènes, Paris, 1635.--=Baudrillart=, A.,
Philippe V et la cour de France, Paris, 1890, 2 vols.--=Beccatini=,
Storia del regno di Carlo III, Venice, 1796.--=Benavides=, Memorias
del rey Ferdinand IV de Castilla, Madrid, 1860, 2 vols.--=Bergenroth=,
G., and =de Gayangos= (P.), Calendar of State Papers, relating to
negotiations between England and Spain, 1485-1543, London, 1862-1895, 6
vols.--=Bermejo=, I. A., Historia anecdotica y secreta de la Corte de
Carlos IV, Madrid [1894-1895], 2 vols.--=Bermudez de Castro=, S., Antonio
Perez, Madrid, 1842.--=Bernáldez=, A., Historia de los reyes católicos
Fernando y Doña Isabel in Bibliofilos Andaluces, Seville, 1870, 2 vols.

_Andrés Bernáldez_, known as “the Curate of Los Palacios,”
lived in the last half of the fifteenth and the beginning
of the sixteenth century, and was _Cura_ of the town of Los
Palacios from 1488-1513, and afterwards chaplain to Archbishop
Diego de Deza. He was present at many of the scenes he
describes and acquainted with many of the great men of his
day, including Columbus. He shows considerable knowledge of
foreign affairs, and gives many details not reported by his
contemporaries.

=Bersani=, Storia del Cardenale Alberoni, Piacenza, 1872.--=Berwick=,
duke of, Mémoires, Paris, 1778.--=Biblioteca= de autores españoles,
Madrid, 1846, etc.--=Blaquière=, E., Historical Review of the Spanish
Revolution, London, 1822.--=Bleda=, J., Crónica de los moros de España,
Valencia, 1618, 2 vols.

_Jaime Bleda_ (1550-1622) was the _cura_ of a town which
contained many Moriscos to whom he was vehemently opposed. It
was he who, in conjunction with the archbishop of Valencia,
persuaded Philip III to issue the decree of 1609, ordering the
Moriscos to leave Spanish territory.

=Bofarull=, A. de, Historia crítica de Cataluña, Barcelona, 1876-1879,
9 vols.--=Bollaert=, W., Wars of Succession of Portugal and Spain from
1826 to 1840, London, 1870, 2 vols.--=Borrego=, A., Anales del reinado de
Isabel II; Historia de las cortes de España durante el siglo XIX, Madrid,
1885.

_Andrés Borrego_, born in 1801, was minister of finance in
Spain in 1840. He was one of those who supported the idea of
a union between Spain and Portugal. Besides the books here
mentioned, he wrote works on political economy.

=Briz Martínez=, J., Historia de los reyes de Sobrarbe, Aragon y
Navarra.--=Burgos=, F. J. de, Anales del reinado de Doña Isabel II,
1850-1852, 6 vols.

_Francisco Javier de Burgos_, born 1778, died 1849, was a
Spanish politician distinguished as a writer in the two
opposite fields of poetry and economics. Being expelled from
his seat in the upper house on a charge afterwards disproved,
he devoted himself to the composition of a history of the reign
under which he had held office.

=Burke=, U. R., History of Spain till the death of Ferdinand the
Catholic, London, 1895, 2 vols.--=Buron=, R., Compendio de la historia
crítica de la inquisición de España, Paris, 1823, 2 vols.--=Busk=, M. M.,
The History of Spain and Portugal, London, 1833.

* * * * *

=Cabrera de Córdoba=, L., Relaciones de las cosas suredidas en la corte
de España desde 1599 hasta 1614, 1857; Felipe Segundo, Madrid, 1619,
1876-1878, 4 vols.--=Calderon de la Barca=, F. E. J., The Attaché in
Madrid, or, Sketches of the Court of Isabella II (trans. from the
German), New York, 1856.--=Calvo Marcos=, M., Regimen parlementario de
España en el Siglo 19, Madrid, 1883.--=Camden=, T., History of the War
in Spain and Portugal, 1814.--=Campana=, C., Vida de Don Filippo (II)
1605.--=Campos=, J. de, Le Siege de Bilbao par l’armée carliste en 1874,
Paris, 1876.--=Cánovas del Castillo=, A., Historia de la decadencia de
España desde el advenimiento al trono de Don Felipe III hasta la muerte
de Carlos II; Discurso. La dominación de los españoles en Italia, 1860;
Estudios del reinado de Felipe IV, 1880-1890, 2 vols.; Historia General
de España, Escrita por individuos de la Real Academia de la historia
bajo la dirección de, Madrid, 1890. Completion retarded by the death of
Cánovas.

The statesman, _Antonio Cánovas del Castillo_, was born in
Malaga in 1828 and was the son of a professor in the naval
college of San Telmo. He was not eighteen when he attempted
to start a periodical called _la Jóven Malaga_, but it failed
and he had to accept a small post on the Madrid Aranjuez
railway. But he soon turned again to journalism and published
his first and chief historical work. Cánovas is credited with
a considerable share in a periodical called _El Murciélago_,
of which only a few numbers appeared, but in which the most
violent attacks were directed against various prominent persons
not excluding royalty. Cánovas was credited with a considerable
share in this as well as with the authorship of the manifesto
of Manzanares (1854). He now entered the cortes and filled
various offices of state in succession. He held aloof from the
revolution of 1868 and during the reign of King Amadeo, though
he made a brilliant speech in defence of the exiled sovereigns;
but after Amadeo’s retirement he was chiefly instrumental in
bringing about the return of Alfonso XII, during most of whose
reign he was premier. He again held office from 1890-1893, and
in 1895, when he devoted his attention to the severe repression
of the Cuban insurrection. In the midst of the struggle he was
murdered by an anarchist (August, 1897).

=Capefigue=, B. H. R., Isabelle de Castille, 1869.--=Carbajal=,
L. G. de, Historia de España M. S.; Anales del rey Don Fernando
el Católico.--=Carvajal=, La España de los Bórbones, 1844, 4
vols.--=Casado=, F. S., Historia de España.--=Casas=, B. de las, Historia
general de las Indias, Madrid, 1875-1876; Brevissima relación de la
destrucción de las Indias, Seville, 1552, in Colección de documentos
inéditos, vol. 7, Madrid, 1879.

_Bartolomé de las Casas_ or _Casaus_ was of French descent.
His father, Francisco Casaus, was in Hispaniola with Columbus
in 1493, and returned to Seville with a fortune in 1500. In
the same year Bartolomé, who had been born in 1474, went to
Salamanca, where he studied jurisprudence. He then went to
Hispaniola with the governor, Nicolás Ovando, and in 1510
took holy orders. In 1515 he returned to Spain to protest
against the ill treatment of the natives of the West Indies by
the Spaniards. Through the influence of Cardinal Ximenes he
obtained the nomination of special commissioners to inquire
into the abuses of authority. He was himself appointed to
act as their adviser. The colonists proved too powerful and
the mission failed in its object. Las Casas, expelled from
Hispaniola, returned to Spain. After some difficulty he
obtained the acceptance of his suggestions for improving the
government of the West Indies, the chief of which was the
unfortunate one of the substitution of negro for native labour.
He returned to America and this time succeeded in obtaining
better treatment for the Indians, who were finally declared
free by a royal edict of 1543. He died at Madrid in 1569.

=Casiri=, M., Bibliotheca arabigo-hispana escurialensis, Madrid,
1750-1770, 2 vols.

_Michael Casiri_ was born in Tripoli, Syria, in 1710. By birth
he was a Syro-Maronite and his life was chiefly devoted to
oriental studies though in 1734 he took holy orders. In 1749
he was appointed librarian of the Escorial. His _Bibliotheca_
consists of extracts from and articles on the Arabian documents
in the library of the Escorial.

=Castelar=, E., Historia del año 1883, Madrid, 1884; Discursos
Parlamentarios, Madrid, 1885, 4 vols.

_Emilio Castelar y Ripoll_, celebrated as orator, writer, and
statesman, was born at Cadiz in 1832. He took his degree of
doctor of philosophy in his twenty-second year. He was editor
of various newspapers in succession and an eloquent exponent
of republican ideas which he continued to be after succeeding
to the chair of Spanish History in the Universidad Central
(1858), till the government forced him to resign. He shared in
the revolution of 1866 and was consequently condemned to death.
He escaped to Paris, where he remained till the revolution of
1868 made possible his return to Madrid, when he became one of
the leaders of the republican party and headed the opposition
during the reign of King Amadeo, on whose resignation Castelar
attained the chief power under the republic. He governed ably,
but his republicanism became suspected, and early in 1874 he
was overthrown by a vote of want of confidence. He retired for
a time to Paris, but soon returned to Spain and resumed his
political career as deputy to the cortes. His numerous works
include novels and speeches on various political questions.

=Castillo=, D. Enriquez de, Crónica del rey Don Henrique el Quarto,
Madrid, 1787.--=Castro=, A. Gómez de, De rebus gestis Francisci
Jimenii.--=Castro y Rossi=, A. de, El conde duque de Olivares y el rey
Felipe IV, Cadiz and Madrid, 1846; Historia de los judíos en España,
Cadiz and Madrid, 1847; Historia de los protestantes Españoles, Cadiz
and Madrid, 1851; Exámen filosófico sobre la decadencia de España. Cadiz
and Madrid, 1852.--=Cavanilles y Centi=, A. C., Historia de España
(to the reign of Philip II), Madrid, 1860-1864, 5 vols.--=Cespedes y
Meneses=, G. de, Historia de Don Felipe III, Lisbon, 1631.--=Cevallos=,
P., Exposición de los hechos y maquinaciones que han preparado la
usurpación de la corona de España, Madrid, 1808; History of the
practices and machinations which led to the usurpation of the crown of
Spain, London, 1808.--=Chaby=, C. de, Excerptos historicos e collecçào
de documentos relativos á guerra denomenada da peninsula, Lisbon,
1863.--=Châteaubriand=, F. R. A. de, Guerre d’Espagne de 1823, Paris,
1838; Le Congrès de Vérone, Paris, 1838, 2 vols--=Cherbuliez=, V. C.,
L’Espagne politique, Paris, 1874.--=Chronica Albeldensis= in Flórez’s
España Sagrada.

_Chronicon Albeldensis._ This is the work of two authors;
the first, an anonymous monk of Albelda, wrote in the ninth
century. His portion extends from the foundation of Rome to the
reign of Alfonso III. The second author was the monk Vigila, of
the same monastery, who coming a century later continued the
narrative down to the year 976. He is the earliest authority
for the history of Navarre.

=Chronicon Conimbricense= in Flórez’s España Sagrada.--=Chronicon
Moissacense.=--=Churton=, E., Góngora, an historical and critical
essay on the times of Philip III and Philip IV, London, 1862, 2
vols.--=Circourt=, A. M. J. E., Histoire des Mores Madejares et des
Moresques, ou des Arabes d’Espagne sous la domination des chrétiens,
Paris, 1845-1848, 3 vols.--=Clarke=, Letters concerning the state
of Spain, London, 1763.--=Clarke=, H. B., The Cid Campeador and the
Waning of the Crescent in the West, New York, 1897, in Heroes of the
Nations.--=Clemencin=, D., Elogio de la reina católica Doña Isabella, in
Mem. Academia, 1821.--=Clinton=, H. R., The War in the Peninsula, London,
1878.--=Colección= de documentos inéditos para la historia de España por
M. Fernandez Navarrete, et al., Madrid, 1842-1895, 112 vols.; vol. 30
contains an index of the volumes preceding.--=Colección= de documentos
inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de las
antiguas posesiones españolas de America y Oceanía, Madrid, 1864-1890,
first series, 42 vols. Also Colección de documentos inéditos relativos
al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones
españoles de Ultramar. Second series published by the Royal Academy of
History, Madrid, 1885-1900, 13 vols.--=Colección= de libros españoles
raros y curiosos, Madrid, 1871-1892.--=Colección= legislativa de España,
Madrid, 1816 (in progress), 330 vols.--=Colmeiro=, M., Reyes cristianos
desde Alfonso VI hasta Alfonso XI, Madrid, 1893.--=Colmenares=, D. de,
Historia de Segovia y compendio de la historia de Castilla, Segovia,
1637-1847.--=Condé=, J. A., Historia de la dominación de los Arabes
en España, Madrid, 1820-1821, 3 vols.; English translation by Mrs. J.
Foster, London, 1860, 3 vols.; History of the Dominion of the Arabs in
Spain, London, 1854, 3 vols.

_José Antonio Condé_ (1765-1820), was at one time regarded as
the great authority on the history of the Spanish Arabs. He was
educated at the University of Salamanca, a member of various
learned societies, and for long _conservador_ of the Escorial
library. In 1814 he was exiled for political reasons and he
died in great poverty. Modern students of the history of the
Spanish Arabs have convicted Condé of many errors and faults
of judgment, but it is acknowledged that he was a laborious
scholar.

=Coppée=, H., History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arab Moors, Boston,
1881, 2 vols.--=Cos-Gayon=, F., Historia de la administración pública
de España, Madrid, 1851.--=Coxe=, W., Memoirs of the Kings of Spain of
the House of Bourbon, London, 1815, 5 vols.--=Crónica= de Don Alvaro
de Luna, Milan, 1546, Madrid, 1784.--=Crónica= del rey Don Rodrigo,
Alcalá, 1587.--=Curry=, J. L. M., Constitutional Government in Spain,
New York, 1889.--=Cushing=, Caleb, Reminiscences of Spain, 1833, 2
vols.--=Custine=, M. de, L’Espagne sous Ferdinand VII, Paris, 1838, 4
vols.

* * * * *

=Dahn=, F., Die Könige der Germanen, Würzburg and Leipsic,
1861-1895.--=Danvila y Collado=, M., Historia del Reinado de Carlos III,
Madrid, 1893-1896, 6 vols.--=Daumet=, G., Étude sur l’alliance de la
France et de la Castille au XIVᵉ et au XVᵉ siècles, Paris, 1898.--=De
Labra=, R. M., Historia de las relaciones internacionales de España,
Madrid, 1897; La Crisis colonial en España, Madrid, 1902.--=De la
Escosura y Hevia=, A., Inicio crítico del feudalismo en España, Madrid,
1856.--=Del Cantillo=, A., Tratados, convenios y declaraciones de paz
y de comercio que han hecho cen las potencias extranjeras los monarcos
españoles de la Casa de Bourbon, 1700-1842, Madrid, 1843.--=Desclot=,
B., Crónica del rey En Pere in Chroniques étrangères relatives aux
expéditions françaises pendant le XIIIᵉ siècle, Orléans, 1876.

_Bernardo Desclot_, one of the greatest of Catalan historians,
lived in the reigns of James I and Pedro III of Aragon. Little
is known of his life. He wrote the story of the events of his
own day in the Catalan language, and prefixed the narrative by
a short account of the counts of Barcelona and kings of Aragon
preceding James I.

=Desdevises du Degert=, G., L’Espagne de l’ancien régime, Paris, 1897
(in progress, 2 vols. already published).--=Desormeaux=, J. L. R.,
Abrégé chronologique de l’histoire d’Espagne et de Portugal, 1758,
5 vols.--=Diercks=, G., Geschichte Spaniens, Berlin, 1895-1896, 2
vols.--=Dillon=, J. T., History of the Reign of Pedro the Cruel, 1788,
2 vols.--=Dochez=, and Paquis, A., Histoire d’Espagne et de Portugal,
Paris, 1844-1848, 2 vols.--=Dormer=, D. J., Progresos de la historia en
Aragon, Saragossa, 1680.--=Dozy=, R. P., Recherches sur l’histoire et
la littérature de l’Espagne, Leyden, 1845, 1860, 1881, 2 vols.; Le Cid
d’après de nouveaux documents, 1860; Histoire des Musulmans d’Espagne
jusqu’à la conquête de l’Andalousie par les Almoravides, Leyden, 1861, 4
vols.

_Reinhart Dozy_, an eminent Dutch orientalist of French
extraction was born in Leyden in 1820 and died there in 1883.
He was an extraordinary linguist and wrote almost equally well
in every European language beside being deeply versed in most
of the Semitic languages but especially the Arabic. In 1850 he
became professor in the University of Leyden. He was the first
to shake the high reputation of the historian Condé by pointing
out his numerous errors. Dozy’s historical investigations were
made in the archives of various countries, especially of course
in Spain. He edited a number of the works of Arab writers with
commentaries and glossaries and published a dictionary of the
names of Arab garments.

=Ducasse=, Mémoires et correspondance politique du roi Joseph, Paris,
1853-1855, 10 vols.--=Du Hamel=, V., Historia constitucional de la
monarquía española, translated from the French by B. A. y Espinosa,
Madrid, 1848, 2 vols.--=Duncan=, F., The English in Spain; or, the Story
of the War of Succession between 1834-1840, London, 1877.--=Dunham=,
S. A., History of Spain and Portugal, London, 1832, 5 vols.--=Dunlop=,
J., Memoirs of Spain during the reigns of Philip IV and Charles II,
Edinburgh, 1834, 2 vols.--=Duran=, A., Romancero General, Madrid,
1857-1861.--=Duro=, C. F., La armada invincible, Madrid, 1884-1885, 2
vols.

* * * * *

=Eckstein=, F., Espagne, considérations sur son passé, son présent, son
avenir, 1836.--Elliot, F. M., Old Court Life in Spain, London, 1893,
2 vols.; La España del siglo XIX, Madrid, 1885-1887, 3 vols. A series
of historical lectures delivered in the Atheneum of Madrid.--=Everhard
Nidart=, P. J., Varias obras correspondientes á la regencia de la reina
Doña Maria Ana de Neoburg; sucesos de Don Juan de Austria (in Semanario
Erudito), 1788.

* * * * *

=Fabricius=, A. K., La première invasion des Normands dans l’Espagne
Musulmane en 814, Lisbon, 1892.--=Fernald=, J. C., The Spaniard in
History, New York, 1898.--=Fernan-Nuñez=, Condé de, Vida de Carlos
III, published by A. Morel-Fatio and A. Paz y Melia, Madrid, 1898, 2
vols.--=Ferrer del Rio=, A., Exámen histórico crítico del reinado de Don
Pedro de Castilla, 1850; Historia del reinado de Carlos III de España,
Madrid, 1856, 4 vols.--=Ferreras=, J. de, Synopsis histórica cronológica
de España, Madrid, 1775-1781, 17 vols.--=Field=, H. M., Old Spain and
New Spain, London, 1888.--=Flórez=, Enrique, Memorias de las reynas
católicas, historia genealógica de la casa real de Castilla y de Leon,
Madrid, 1761, 1790, 2 vols.; España Sagrada teatro geográfico-histórico
de la iglesia de España, Madrid, 1747, 51 vols.; Llave historial, Madrid,
1743, 1790; España carpetana, Medallas de las colonias, municipios y
pueblos antiguos de España, Madrid, 1757.

_El Padre Enrique Flórez_, historian, archæologist, theologian,
and numismatist, was born at Valladolid in 1701, and entered
the order of St. Augustine in his fifteenth year. His _España
Sagrada_ is the work most usefully consulted in studying the
history and antiquities of Spain, containing, as it does,
so many documents, notices and illustrations bearing on the
subject, and greatly valued for the high critical faculty and
scrupulous care exhibited by its author. Flórez left also
works on theology and a treatise on botany and the natural
sciences. He was corresponding member of the French Academy of
inscriptions and _belles-lettres_, and enjoyed the friendship
of many prominent men of his age. He died in 1773.

=Forneron=, Histoire de Philippe II, Paris, 1881-1882, 4
vols.--=Forster=, J., Chronicle of James I, translated from the Catalan,
London, 1883, 2 vols.--=Foulché-Delbosc=, R., Bibliographie des voyages
en Espagne et en Portugal, Paris, 1896.--=Foy=, M. S., Histoire de la
guerre de la péninsule sous Napoléon, Paris, 1827, 4 vols.--=Froissart=,
John, Chroniques de France, d’Angleterre, d’Écosse, d’Espagne, de
Bretagne, Paris, 1869-1888, 8 vols. (trans. T. Johnes, London, 1857, 2
vols.).--=Froude=, J. A., The Spanish Story of the Armada, 1892.

* * * * *

=Gachard=, L. P., Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des
Pays-Bas, Brussels, 1848-1879, 5 vols.; Retraite et mort de Charles
Quint, 1854-1855; Don Carlos et Philippe II, Brussels, 1863, 1867, 2
vols.; Relations des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens sur Charles V et Philippe II.

_Louis Prosper Gachard_, the Belgian historian, born at Paris
in 1800, died at Brussels, 1885, was keeper of the Belgian
archives, to which appointment he succeeded in 1826. Besides
putting in order the existing archives he greatly added to
the documents contained in them and caused researches to be
made throughout Europe for papers which might throw light on
Belgian history. His works are valued both for their impartial
historical spirit and their literary style as well as for the
fresh light they throw on the periods with which they deal.

=Gallenga=, A., Iberian Reminiscences, 1883, 2 vols.--=Garcia=, J. C.,
Castilla y Leon durante los reinados de Pedro I, Enrique II, Juan I,
Enrique III, Madrid, 1891.--=Gardiner=, S. R., Narrative of the Spanish
Marriage Treaty, Spanish and English, London, 1859; Prince Charles
and the Spanish Marriage, 1617-1623, London, 1869, 2 vols.--=Garibay
y Zamálloa=, E., Los quarenta libros del compendio historial de las
chrónicas y universal historia de España, Antwerp, 1571, Barcelona, 1628,
4 vols.

_Esteban de Garibay y Zamálloa_ (1525-1599) was appointed
by Philip II as chronicler of his reign. He was a laborious
collector of historical information, who, though extremely
credulous, served to some extent as a model to Mariana and
other historians.

=Gayangos=, P. de, History of the Mohammedan dynasties in Spain, London,
1840, 2 vols.; Historia de los reyes de Granada, Paris, 1842; Cartas del
Cardinal Cisneros, Madrid, 1867; Cartas y relaciones de Hernan Cortes al
emperador Carlos V, Paris, 1870.--=Gebhardt=, Historia general de España,
Barcelona, 1897, 7 vols.--=Geddes=, M., Wars of the Commons of Castile
in the reign of Charles V, 1730.--=George=, A., Memoirs of the Queens of
Spain, London, 1850.--=Gibbon=, E., Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,
London, 1853.--Giovio, P., Historia sui temporis 1494-1547, Florence,
1548, 2 vols.--=Godoy=, M., Mémoires, Paris, 1839-1841, 6 vols.; partial
translation, London, 1836, 2 vols.--=Gómez de Arteche= y Moro, J., Guerra
de la independencia 1808-1814, Madrid, 1868-1883, 5 vols.; Historia del
Reinado de Carlos IV, Madrid, 1893.

General _José Gómez de Arteche y Moro_ was born at Madrid in
1821 and entered the artillery in 1840. He took an active part
in the events of July, 1856, siding with O’Donnell. He was
under-secretary in the ministry of war in 1865 and 1868, and in
1878 became aide-de-camp to Alfonso XII. In 1885 he was elected
senator for Guipuzcoa.

=Gonsalez=, T., Apuntamientos para la historia del rey Don Felipe
Segundo por lo tocante á sus relaciones con la rein a Isabel de
Inglaterra.--=Grabinski=, J. de, Amédée de Savoie, duc d’Aoste, roi
d’Espagne.--=Graetz=, H., Geschichte der Juden, Berlin and Leipsic,
1853-1870, 11 vols.; 1888-1889, 3 vols.--=Granvella=, Cardinal A. P.,
Papiers d’état du Cardinal Granvella in Collection des documents inédits
sur l’histoire de France, Paris, 1841-1861, 9 vols.; Correspondance du
Cardinal Granvella, 1565-1586, Brussels, 1878-1892, 9 vols.--=Guardia=,
J. M., La cour de Rome et l’église d’Espagne.--=Guerra=, Caida y ruina
del imperio visigótico, Madrid, 1883.--=Guizot=, F. P. G., Un projet de
mariage royal, 1863.--=Guzman=, F. Perez de, Crónica del serenissimo
principe, Don Juan II, Logroño, 1517, Valencia, 1779.

* * * * *

=Häbler=, Die wirtschaftliche Blüte Spaniens im 16. Jahrhundert, Berlin,
1888.--=Hale=, E. E. and S., The Story of Spain in Story of the Nations,
New York, 1891.--=Harcourt=, Henri duc d’, Avènement des Bourbons au
trône d’Espagne, Paris, 1875, 2 vols.--=Hare=, A., Wanderings in Spain,
London, 1873.--=Havemann=, W., Darstellungen aus der innern Geschichte
Spaniens während des 15., 16., und 17. Jahrhunderts, Göttingen, 1850;
Das Leben des Don Juan d’Austria, Gotha, 1865.--=Hefele=, K. J., Der
Kardinal Ximenes und die kirchlichen Zustände Spaniens am Ende des 15.
Jahrhunderts, Tübingen, 1851.--=Henningsen=, C. F., The most striking
events of a twelvemonth’s Campaign with Zumalacarregui, Philadelphia,
1836, 2 vols.--=Herrera y Tordesillas=, A. de, Historia general del mundo
del tiempo del Señor Rey Don Felipe II, Madrid, 1601-1612, 3 vols.;
Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra
firme del mar océano, Madrid, 1601-1615, 1728, 4 vols.; Tratado relación
y discurso histórico de los movimientos de Aragon.

_Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas_ lived from 1559 to 1625. He
studied in Spain and Italy, where he attracted the attention of
Vespasiano di Gonzaga, who being appointed viceroy of Navarre
and Valencia, made Herrera his private secretary and afterwards
recommended him to Philip II, with the result that Herrera was
appointed chief chronicler for America and a chronicler for
Castile. He fulfilled these offices during the reigns of the
three Philips and acquired a European reputation for capacity
and exactitude. The second of the works above mentioned is the
chief of many. Part of it is merely a condensation of that of
Las Casas, but for the events of his own time he is a most
valuable authority, and he had the advantage of access to
documents of all kinds.

=Hidalgo=, D., Diccionario general de bibliografía española, Madrid,
1864-1879, 6 vols.--=Hill=, C., Story of the Princess des Ursins (Orsini)
in Spain, New York, 1899.--=Hinojosa=, Eduardo de, Historia de los
Visigodos.--=Höfler=, Kaiser Karls (V) erstes Auftreten in Spanien,
Vienna, 1874.--=Houghton=, A., Les Origines de la Restoration des
Bourbons en Espagne.--=Howard=, O. O., Isabella of Castile, New York,
1894.--=Hubbard=, N. G., Histoire contemporaine de l’Espagne, Paris,
1869-1883, 6 vols.--=Huber=, V. A., Die Geschichte des Cid, Bremen,
1829; Chrónica del Cid, Marburg, 1844.--=Huegel=, C. W., Spanien und die
Revolution, 1821.--=Huerta=, F. M., Sobre qual de los reyes godos fué y
debe contarse primero de las de su nación en España in Academia de la
historia, Memorias, 1796.--=Hughes=, T. M., Revelations of Spain in 1845,
London, 1845, 2 vols.--=Hume=, M. A. S., Philip II of Spain, London,
1845, 2 vols.; Spain, its Greatness and Decay, Cambridge, 1897; Modern
Spain, 1788-1898, London and New York, 1899, in Story of the Nations;
The Spanish People, their Origin, Growth, and Influence, New York,
1901.--=Hurtado de Mendoza=, D., see Mendoza, D. Hurtado de.

* * * * *

=Ibn Bassam=, Zakira, Tesoro ó cualidades de los habitantes de la
península.--=Idatius=, Chronicum (379 A.D.-469 A.D.) in the Chronica
Medii Aevi of Rösler, Tübingen, 1798.

The chronicle of _Idatius_ belongs to the fifth century. Its
author was a bishop of Chaves in Portugal, and a native of
Lamego, where he was born towards the close of the fourth
century. The work is brief, but supplies information not to be
found elsewhere.

=Irving=, W., Conquest of Granada, New York, 1850, 1880; Companions of
Columbus, New York, 1880.--=Isidorus Hispalensis=, Historia Gotorum,
Vandalorum et Suevorum, Madrid, 1599, in S. Isidori Hispalensis episcopi
opera omnia, Rome, 1797-1803, 7 vols.

_Isidorus Hispalensis_ or _Saint Isidore_ of Seville was the
son of a wealthy citizen of Cartagena, where he was born about
570 A.D. His brother, St. Leander, Archbishop of Seville,
bestowed great pains on his education, but becoming jealous
of his remarkable learning shut him up in a monastery. On
Leander’s death Isidore became bishop of Seville. He was
regarded as the glory of his age for learning, and left
numerous works which, besides the _Historia_ and numerous
ecclesiastical writings, include a kind of general encyclopædia
of the science of the period, known as the _Origines_.

=Isidorus Pacensis=, Chronicon, in Flórez’s España Sagrada.

_Isidor Pacensis_ was bishop of Pax Julia, whence his surname
of Pacensis. Pax Julia is identified with the Portuguese town
of Beja. The prelate wrote in the eighth century. The names of
three of his works have come down to us, but one of them only
is extant and is a _chronicon_ extending to the year 754 A.D.

* * * * *

=Janer=, F., Condición social de los Moriscoes de España causas de su
expulsion y consecuencias que en el órden económico esta produjo, in
Academia de la Historia, Madrid, 1857.--=Jiménez de Rada=, R., see
Ximenes Toletanus, Rodericus.--=Joannes= Biclarensis, Chronicon, in
Flórez’s España Sagrada.

_Joannes Biclarensis_ lived in the last half of the sixth
century. His birthplace was Santarem, but he derived his
surname from the Latin form of Valclara (in Catalonia), of
which he was abbot. He afterwards became bishop of Gerona. His
_Chronicon_ continues that of Idatius down to the year 590.

=Jones=, Sir J. T., Journals of sieges carried on under the Duke of
Wellington in Spain, London, 1846, 3 vols.--=Jordanes=, De Origine
Gothorum, Augsburg, 1515, Venice, 1729.--=Julian=, St., Historia Regis
Wambæ in Flórez’s España Sagrada.--=Junta=, P. de, and J. B. Varesio
(editors), Chrónica del famoso cavallero Cid Ruy Diez Campeador, 1593.

* * * * *

=Kaemmel=, O., Illustrierte Weltgeschichte, Darmstadt, 1890, 10
vols.--=Kayserling=, M., Geschichte der Juden in Spanien und Portugal,
Berlin, 1861-1867, 2 vols.

* * * * *

=La Fuente=, V. de, Juana la loca vindicada de la nota de
herejia.--=Lafuente y Alcantara=, M., Historia de Granada.--=Lafuente y
Zamálloa=, M., Historia general de España, Madrid, 1795, 1854.

_Modesto Lafuente y Zamálloa_ (1806-1866) took his degree of
bachelor of theology at the university of Valladolid in 1832,
and afterwards successively filled chairs of philosophy,
rhetoric, and theology. In 1837 he removed to Madrid, where he
published a periodical entitled _Fray Gerundio_, through which
he attacked existing abuses, advocated reforms, and set himself
against the Carlist wars. This publication soon attained a wide
circulation, and was continued till 1849, after which Lafuente
turned his attention to his _Historia_. He subsequently became
a deputy to the cortes for Astorga, and in 1860 member of the
council of state. He was also a member of various academies.

=Landau=, M., Geschichte Kaiser Karls VI als König von Spanien,
Stuttgart, 1889.--=Lane-Poole=, S., and =A. Gilman=, The Story of the
Moors in Spain (Story of the Nations), New York, 1891.--=Las Casas=, see
Casas.--=Lathbury=, T., The Spanish Armada, London, 1840.--=Latimer=,
E. W., Spain in the Nineteenth Century, Chicago, 1897.--=Latour=, A. T.
de, L’Espagne religieuse et littéraire, Paris, 1862.--=Laughton=, J.
K., State Papers relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada, London,
1894, 2 vols.--=Lauser=, W., Geschichte Spaniens vom Sturze Isabellas
bis zur Thronbesteigung Alfonsos, Leipsic, 1877, 2 vols.--=Lavigne=,
G. de L’Espagne et le Portugal, 1855.--=Lawrence=, E., Dominic, and
the Inquisition, in Historical Studies, New York, 1873.--=Lea=, H.
C., Chapters from the religious history of Spain connected with the
Inquisition, Philadelphia, 1890.--=Legrelle=, A., La diplomatie
française et la succession d’Espagne, 1659-1725, Paris, 1888-1892, 4
vols.--=Lembke=, F. W., and =Schäfer=, H., Geschichte von Spanien,
Gotha, 1831-1890, 5 vols.--=Lemos=, D. A., Historia general de Portugal,
1715-1789.--=Leopold=, Spaniens Bürgerkrieg, Hanover, 1876.--=Lezo del
Pozo=, J., Apologia del rey Don Pedro de Castilla conforme á la Crónica
de Ayala.--=Limborch=, P. van, Historia Inquisitions, Amsterdam, 1692;
History of the Inquisition (abridged), London, 1816.

_Philip van Limborch_, a prominent Dutch theologian, was born
in 1633 and died in 1712. He was professor of theology at the
seminary of the remonstrants in Amsterdam. His _Historia_
consists of a record of sentences given by the Inquisition
of Toulouse, and is preceded by an account of the origin and
methods of the Inquisition.

=Llorente=, J. A., Opinion de l’Espagne sur l’inquisition, 1812; Mémoires
pour servir à l’histoire de la révolution d’Espagne, Paris, 1817, 3
vols.; Histoire critique de l’inquisition d’Espagne, Paris, 1817-1818, 4
vols.; History of the Inquisition of Spain (abridged), London, 1827.

_Juan Antonio Llorente_, born 1756, was a Spanish priest who
became general secretary to the inquisition in 1789. A scheme
for the reform of that tribunal which he drew up was about to
be executed when the fall of the liberal minister Jovellanos
prevented its realisation. In the war with France Llorente
sided with the Bonapartists and became a member of the council
of state of King Joseph. On the abolition of the inquisition
(1809) Llorente was commissioned to investigate its archives
and write its history. Thus he had access to materials now
no longer in existence. On the restoration of the Bourbons
Llorente was banished, and it was while in exile at Paris that
his celebrated _Histoire critique de l’Inquisition_ appeared
in French and was soon translated into German, English, Dutch,
Italian and Spanish. Its success was great, but it drew down
a persecution of the author who on the publication of a book
called _Portraits politiques des papes_ (1822) was ordered to
quit France. He died from the effects of the hurried journey to
Madrid.

=Londonderry, Marquis of=, see Stewart.--=Lorenzana, Cardinal=, Collectio
Sanctorum Patrum ecclesiæ Toledanæ, Madrid, 1782-1793.--=Louville=, C.
A. d’A., Mémoires secrets sur l’établissement de la maison de Bourbon
en Espagne, 1818.--=Lowell=, J. R., Impressions of Spain.--=Lucas
Tudensis=, Chronicon Mundi, in Schott’s Hispaniæ Illustratæ, Frankfort,
1608.

_Lucas de Tuy_, or _Lucas Tudensis_, was a Spanish prelate who
died in 1288. His _Chronicon_, which was finished in 1236, was
written by command of the great queen Berengaria. It consists
of four books: the first contains the _Six Ages of the World_
of St. Isidore, with additions; the second, Isidore’s treatise
on the origin of the Goths, Spaniards, and Suevi; the third,
the spurious chronicle of San Ildefonso and St. Julian’s
history. The fourth extends from the time of Pelayo to the
conquest of Cordova. When the work was translated into Spanish,
in the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth
century, a continuation extending to 1252 was added.

=Luna=, M. de, La verdadera historia del rey Don Rodrigo, Valencia, 1606.

_Miguel de Luna_ was a Morisco who embraced Catholicism and
became interpreter to Philip II. His history purports to be a
translation from an Arab chronicler of the eighth century, but
was really based on old romances and has no authoritative value.

* * * * *

=MacCrie=, T., History of the Progress and Suppression of the
Reformation in Spain in the Sixteenth Century, 1829.--=Mahon, Lord=,
see Stanhope, P. H.--=Maistre=, J. de, Lettres à un gentilhomme Russe
sur l’inquisition espagnole, 1837.--=Maldonado=, J. M., Historia de
la revolución de España, Madrid, 1833, 2 vols.--=Malo de Molina=, M.,
Rodrigo el Campeador, Estudio histórico, Madrid, 1857.--=Malvezzi=, V.,
Sucesos principals de la monarquía de España en el tiempo de Felipe IV,
Madrid, 1640.--=Mariana=, Juan de, Historia general de España, Valencia,
1783-1796, 9 vols.; in Biblioteca de autores españoles, Madrid, 1854,
published in various later editions; English translation by J. S.
Stephens, London, 1699.

_Juan de Mariana_, one of the most famous of Spanish
historians, was born near Talavera in 1536, and in 1554 became
a member of the Society of Jesus. Two years later he went to
Rome, where he filled a chair in the Jesuit college. After
visiting Sicily and lecturing on theology at Paris during five
years, he returned to Spain in 1574 and devoted himself to his
_Historia de España_, which was first written in Latin and then
translated by himself into the Castilian tongue. The variety
of his talents and acquirements is exhibited in his writings
on philosophy, politics, finance, and religion, and in the
last mentioned the freedom of his opinions exposed him to some
suspicion from his order, and he was even brought before the
inquisition. His history has enjoyed immense popularity and is
still much admired, though it is acknowledged that he often
confuses fact and fable.

=Marineo=, Lucio, Obra de las cosas memorables de España, Alcalá,
1533.--=Marliani=, M. de, Histoire politique de l’Espagne moderne, Paris,
1840, 2 vols.--=Marmol Carvajal=, L. del, Historia del rebelión y castigo
de los Moriscos del reyno de Granada, Madrid, 1600, and in Biblioteca de
autores Españoles.

_Luis del Marmol Carvajal_ was a native of Granada who
flourished in the sixteenth century. In 1535 he accompanied
Charles V to Tunis. He was captured by the Moors, and both
during and after his captivity made long journeys and voyages
in and about Barbary and Egypt. His _Historia del rebelión_
is the narrative of an eye-witness, and the language is pure
though the style suffers from the too great length of the
sentences.

=Martínez de la Rosa=, F., Hernan Perez del Pulgar, Madrid,
1834.--=Martínez Marina=, F., Teoria de las Cortes de Leon y Castilla,
Madrid, 1821, 3 vols.; Ensayo histórico-crítico sobre la antigua
legislación y principales cuerpos legales de los reynos de Leon y
Castilla, Madrid, 1834, 2 vols.--=Masdeu=, J. F., Historia crítica de
España, Madrid, 1783-1805, 20 vols.

_Juan Francisco Masdeu_, a celebrated Spanish historian, was
born in 1744 and died in 1817. Educated under the care of the
Jesuits, he entered their order in 1759, and on their expulsion
from Spain retired to Ferrara. His _Historia_ was commenced
in 1781. It extends only down to the end of the eleventh
century. It is a work of much learning and destroys many fables
previously current, though in many instances the author carries
his scepticism too far.

=Mas-La Trie=, J. M., Trésor de chronologie, d’histoire et de géographie,
1837.--=Mazade=, C. de, l’Espagne moderne, Paris, 1855; Les revolutions
de l’Espagne contemporaine, 1868.--=Medina=, J. T., Historia del tribunal
del Santo Oficio de la inquisición de Cartagena de las Indias, Santiago,
1899.--=Melo=, F. M., Historia de los movimientos separación y guerra de
Cataluña en tiempo de Felipe IV, Lisbon, 1645, Paris, 1840.--=Mendoza=,
D. Hurtado de, Guerra de Granada hecha por el rey Felipe II, Madrid,
1610, 1852.

_Diego Hurtado de Mendoza_ belonged to an illustrious Spanish
family and was born in Granada about 1503. His earliest teacher
was the celebrated Peter Martyr of Angleria (Pietro Martire
d’Anghiera). He served in the Italian wars and was employed
by Charles V in various important diplomatic missions. Having
displeased Philip II he was compelled to retire to Granada.
He was already pre-eminent for his learning and had taken
advantage of his position as ambassador to the Grand Turk to
make a valuable collection of manuscripts which he presented
to Philip II for the Escorial library. When no longer permitted
to engage in affairs of state he devoted himself to literary
works which include poems and translations from Aristotle. For
collecting information for his _Guerra de Granada_ he had the
advantage of residence on the spot and a knowledge of the inner
workings of the government. The book also ranks high for its
literary style.

=Menéndez y Pelayo=, M., Historia de los Heterodoxos españoles, Madrid,
1880.

_Marcellino Menéndez y Pelayo_, a contemporary literary
critic, historian, and philosopher, born in 1856, and noted
for his prodigious memory. His work exhibits a decided
tendency to ultramontanism, and he has written in defence of
the Inquisition. His talents were early developed and he had
already a scholar’s reputation before he was out of his teens.
At 21 he was appointed to the chair of critical history of
Spanish Literature of the Faculty of philosophy and letters at
Madrid. In 1880 he became a member of the Spanish Academy of
Language, in 1882 of that of History, and afterwards of those
of moral sciences, of politics, and of the fine arts. Since
then he has become director of the national library in Madrid,
and of the entire system of public archives, museums, and
libraries in Spain.

=Mérimée=, P., Histoire de Don Pedre I, Paris, 1865; Translation
1849.--=Mignet=, F. A. M., Négociations relatives à la succession
d’Espagne sous Louis XIV, Paris, 1835-1842, 4 vols.; Antonio Perez et
Philippe II, Paris, 1845; Translation, London, 1846; Charles Quint, son
abdication, son séjour et sa mort au monastère de Yuste, Paris, 1854;
Rivalité de François I et de Charles Quint, Paris, 1875, 2 vols.

_François Auguste Marie Mignet_, the French historian, was
born in 1796 at Aix where he subsequently studied for the law.
In the earlier part of his career he made a reputation as a
liberal journalist and was associated with the _National_,
but after 1830 he devoted himself wholly to history. Here his
studies were by no means confined to Spanish subjects, his
chief work being a history of the French Revolution.

=Mingote y Taragona=, P., Geografia de España y sus Colonias, Leon,
1887.--=Minutoli=, J. M. von, Spanien und seine fortschreitende
Entwickelung, Berlin, 1852.--=Miraflores=, Marques de, Apuntes
históricos-críticos para escribir la historia de la revolución de España
desde el año 1820-1823 [Madrid], 1834; Memorias para escribir la historia
de los siete primeros años del reinado de Isabel II, Madrid, 1843-1844,
2 vols.; Continuación de las memorias del reinado de Isabel II.--=Miro=,
M. J., Las Constituciones de España, Madrid, 1821, 2 vols.--=Modoz=, P.,
Diccennario geográfico-estadístico-histórico de España y sus posesiones
de Ultramar, Madrid, 1848-1850, 11 vols.--=Moncada=, F. de, Condé de
Osuna, Expedición de los Catalanes y Aragoneses contra Griegos y Turcos,
Barcelona, 1623, 1842; Madrid, 1883.

_Francisco de Moncada_, Condé de Usuna, a member of an old
Catalan family, was born in 1586 and died in 1635. He filled
various important public offices as councillor of war, governor
of Flanders, and ambassador to the emperor Ferdinand II. In
the low countries he twice defeated the Prince of Orange. His
_Expedición de catalanes y aragoneses_ is an account of the
expedition under Roger de Flor (died 1305) on behalf of the
Byzantines. He derived his materials from Zurita and Muntaner,
the latter a contemporary of Flor. Many of the adventures
described appear quite incredible. The language is pure and the
style flowing.

=Mondejar=, G. I., Marques de, Memorias históricas del rei Alonso el
Sabio, Madrid, 1777.--=Monresa Sanchez=, J. Mᵃ., Historia legal de
España desde la dominación goda hasta nuestros dias, Madrid, 1841, 2
vols.--=Montejo=, B., Sobre la independencia de Castilla, in Memorias
de la Real Academia de la Historia.--=Montesa y Manrique=, Historia de
la legislación de España, Madrid, 1861, 1864, 7 vols.--Morales, A. de,
Crónica General de España, Alcalá, 1574-1577, Madrid, 1791; Opusculos
Castellanos, Madrid, 1793, 3 vols.

_Ambrosio de Morales_ (1513-1591) was appointed in 1574
chronicler of the kingdoms of Castile and continued the
_Crónica general de España_ of Florián de Ocampo. His work
lacks arrangement.

=Morel-Fatio=, A., l’Espagne au XVI et XVII siècle, Paris, 1878; Études
sur l’Espagne, Paris, 1890-1895, 2 vols.; Catalogue des manuscrits
espagnoles du Bibliothèque National, Paris, 1881.--=Morel=, J., Lettres
sur l’inquisition.--=Motley=, J. L., The Rise of the Dutch Republic,
London, 1856, 1889, 3 vols.--=Moüy=, C. de, Don Carlos et Philippe
II, Paris, 1888; Jeanne la Folle (Revue des deux Mondes).--=Müller=,
W., Politische Geschichte der neuesten Zeit, 1876-1890, Stuttgart,
1890.--=Muñoz Maldonado=, J., Historia de la guerra de la independencia
de España contra Napoléon Bonaparte desde 1808 á 1814, Madrid, 1833, 3
vols.

_José Muñoz Maldonado_ (1807-1875) was fiscal minister in the
Royal Council of the Orders during ten years. Under Isabella
II he was several times elected deputy for Guadalajara, Jaen
and Ciudad Real, and afterwards became senator, but was more
distinguished as a jurisconsult and as a writer, though rather
industrious than brilliant.

=Muñoz y Romero=, Diccionario bibliográfico histórico, Madrid,
1865.--=Muntaner=, R., Chrónica del rey Don Jaume primer, Rey D’Arago e
de molts de sos descendents, Valencia, 1558, Stuttgart, 1844.

_Ramón Muntaner_ is the rival of Bernardo Desclot as chief of
Catalan historians. He lived in the reign of James I of Aragon
and took part in the expedition of the company or army which
Roger de Flor led against both Turks and Greeks and in other
military enterprises. His chronicle therefore describes events
in which he himself shared. He was still alive in 1330.

=Muriel=, A., Historia de Carlos IV, Madrid, 1894-1895, 6 vols.;
Constitutes, vols. 29-34 of the Memorial-historico-españal, published by
the Real Academia de la Historia.

* * * * *

=Napier=, W. F. P., History of the War in the Peninsula, 1807-1814,
London, 1828-1840, 6 vols., 1890.--=Navarrete=, M. Fernandez de,
Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España, Madrid,
1842, etc.--=Nervo=, G., Baron de, Histoire d’Espagne, Paris, 1870, 4
vols.; Isabelle la catholique reine d’Espagne, Paris, 1874; Translation
by T. Temple West, London, 1897.--=Norman=, W. W., Philip II king of
Spain, with an account of the condition of Spain, the Netherlands and the
American colonies in Historical Studies, New York, 1898.--=Novissima=
Recapilación de los leges de España, Paris, 1846, 5 vols.--=Nueva=
Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España y de sus
Indias, edited by F. de Zabalburu and others, Madrid, 1892 ff., 6
vols.--=Nuñez de Castro=, A., Corónica Góthica, Castillana y Austriaca,
Madrid, 1789-1790, 7 vols.

* * * * *

=Ober=, F. A., History for young readers; Spain, New York,
1899.--=Ocampo=, F. de, Los cincos libros primeros de la crónica general
de España, Zamora, 1541.

_Florián de Ocampo_, whose life covers the period between 1513
and 1590, was commissioned by Charles V to write the general
chronicle of Spain, but as he commenced with the time of the
flood he only managed to bring it down to the time of the
Scipios. In spite of much credulity and an unpleasing style the
book has been much esteemed by antiquarians. Together with the
works of Morales and Sandoval it was published at Madrid in
1791, under the title of _Corónica General de España_.

=Olivart=, Marques de, Colección de los tratados ... internacionales
celebrados per nuestros gobiernos con los estados extranjeros, desde
el reinado de Doña Isabel II, Madrid, 1890 ff., 10 vols.--=Oman=, C.
W. C., History of the Peninsular War, London, 1901, 2 vols. (work not
completed).--=Ortiz y Sanz=, J., Compendio cronológico de la historia de
España, Madrid, 1795-1803, 7 vols.--=Oviedo y Valdés=, G. Fernandez de,
Quinquagenas, in Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, 1880.

* * * * *

=Palacios=, Cura de los, see =Bernáldez=.--=Paquis=, A., and Dochez,
Histoire d’Espagne et de Portugal, Paris, 1844-1848, 2 vols.--=Parmele=,
M. P., A Short History of Spain, New York, 1898.--=Pellicer de Ossav y
Tovar=, J., Annales de la monarquía de España después de su pérdida,
Madrid, 1681.--=Perez del Pulgar=, Hernán, Breve parte de las hazañas
del Gran Capitán, printed as Brevo sumario de los hechos del Gran
Capitán, Seville, 1527, Madrid, 1834.--=Perez Pujol=, E., Historia
de los instituciones de la España goda.--=Perez y Lopez=, A. X.,
Teatro de la legislación universal de España é Indias, Madrid, 1791,
28 vols.--=Philippson=, M., Heinrich IV und Philipp III, Berlin,
1870-1876, 3 vols.; Ein Ministerium unter Philipp II. Kardinal Granvella
am spanischem Hofe 1579-1586, Berlin, 1894.--=Pichot=, A., Chronique
de Charles Quint, 1853.--=Pidal=, P. J., marques de, Historia de las
alteraciones de Aragon en el reinado de Felipe II, 1862-1863, 3 vols.

_Pedro José Pidal_ (1800-1865), distinguished both in
literature and in politics, studied law and philosophy at
Oviedo. The activity with which he supported the liberal
party, 1820-1824, caused him to be condemned to imprisonment
in the reaction of 1824, but he escaped his sentence, and in
1828 was pardoned. In 1838 he was elected to the cortes where
he was distinguished for his oratory. Successively president
of the congress, minister of the interior and of justice,
he was active in reforming the administration and in 1851
was instrumental in bringing about an understanding between
the Spanish and Papal courts. He left numerous works on
jurisprudence, language, and literature.

=Pirala=, A., Anales de la guerra civil, 1853; Historia de la guerra
civil y de los partidos liberal y carlista (with an account of
Espartero’s regency), Madrid, 1890, 3 vols.; Historia contemporánea,
Madrid, 1875-1880; 1893-1895, 6 vols.; El rey en Madrid y en provincias,
1871.

_Antonio Pirala_, a contemporary historian, born 1824. He
filled various minor offices in the administration and was
secretary to King Amadeo. His writings include contributions
to various large publications as well as some insignificant
ones on religious subjects; but the most important are those
historical works mentioned above.

=Plummer=, M. W., Contemporary Spain as shown by her novelists, New York,
1899.--=Polybius=, General History, London, 1693, 2 vols.--=Pradt=,
D. D., Mémoires historiques sur la révolution d’Espagne, Paris,
1816.--=Prescott=, W. H., History of Ferdinand and Isabella, Boston and
London, 1838, 1889; History of the Reign of Philip II, Boston and London,
1855-1858, 3 vols.

_William Hickling Prescott_ was born in Salem, Massachusetts,
in 1796. He was educated at Harvard College and in 1814 began
to study for the law, but an accident having affected his sight
he was temporarily obliged to give up all work, and was never
again able to use his eyes for long at a time. He devoted
himself to the study of history and literature, having books
read aloud to him. George Ticknor was the first to direct
his attention to Spanish history which attracted him as an
unexplored as well as rich field. For the composition of his
_Ferdinand and Isabella_ he had collected a great number of
original documents and its publication brought him immediate
fame, not only in America and England, but in the greater part
of Europe. Continuing his labours he produced the _Conquest of
Mexico_, the _Conquest of Peru_, and two volumes of a history
of Philip II and revised Robertson’s Charles V. He died in
1859, before the publication of the third volume of Philip II.

=Procopius=, De Bello Gothico, Augsburg, 1676; Translation by H.
Holcroft, London, 1863.--=Pulgar=, Fernando del, Crónica de los reyes
católicos Don Ferdinando y Doña Isabel, Saragossa, 1567, Valencia,
1780; Los Claros varones de España y las treinta y dos cartas, Madrid,
1775.--=Puyol y Alonso=, J., La vida política en España, Madrid, 1892.

* * * * *

=Quintana=, M. J., vidas de españoles célebres, Madrid, 1807-1834, 3 vols.

* * * * *

=Ramiro II=, Ilustración del reynado de Ramiro II de Aragon, in
Academia de la historia, Memorias.--=Raynal=, G. T. F., Histoire des
éstablissements et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes,
Paris, 1771, 4 vols.--=Real Academia de la Historia=, Memorias, Madrid,
1796-1888; Memorial histórico español: Colección de documentos, opúsculos
y antigüedades, Madrid, 1851-1898; Catálogo de las obras publicadas por
la Real Academia, Madrid, 1907.--=Reynald=, H., Histoire d’Espagne depuis
la mort de Charles III, Paris, 1882.--=Rico y Amat=, Historia política e
parlamentaria de España, Madrid, 1860-1862, 3 vols.--=Ríos=, J. Amador
de los, Los Judíos en España, Madrid, 1792; Las razas históricas de la
península Iberica; Historia Critica de la literature española, Madrid,
1861-1865, 7 vols.

_José Amador de los Ríos_ (1818-1878) was educated at Cordova
and afterwards at San Isidro de Madrid, during which time
he supported his whole family by painting. He afterwards
distinguished himself at the university of Seville. His
_Estudios sobre los judíos de España_, published 1848, won
him admission into the Academia de la Historia, and also the
appointment to the chair of critical history of literature at
the Universidad Central. Besides his historical works he wrote
on architecture and on Spanish literature and published some
volumes of poems.

=Risco=, R. P. M., La Castilla y el mas famoso Castellano, Madrid, 1792,
3 vols.; Gesta Roderici Campidocti.--=Robertson=, W., History of the
reign of Charles V, London, 1769, 1856.

_William Robertson_, a Scotch minister and the son of a
Scotch minister was born at Borthwick, Midlothian, in 1721.
He attained considerable eminence in the Scotch church as
leader of the “moderate” party. His first historical work, _The
History of Scotland_, was published in 1758, when he at once
became famous. In 1759 he was appointed chaplain of Stirling
Castle, in 1762 principal of Edinburgh University, and in 1764
king’s historiographer. His _History of Charles V_ appeared in
1769. It is his greatest work, the fruit of a careful study of
that monarch’s reign, and was a standard book; but its value is
now greatly diminished owing to the fact that Robertson had not
access to many sources of information which are open to modern
research.

=Rocca=, A. J. N. de, Mémoires sur la guerre des Français en Espagne,
Paris, 1814, 1815.--=Rodriguez Villa=, A., La reina Doña Juana
la loca, Madrid, 1892.--=Romey=, C., Histoire d’Espagne, Paris,
1839-1850, 9 vols.--=Rose=, H. J., Among the Spanish People, London,
1877, 2 vols.--=Rosell=, C., Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla, in
continuation of Mariana, in Biblioteca de autores, españoles, Madrid,
1875-1878.--=Rosseeuw Saint-Hilaire=, N., Histoire d’Espagne jusqu’à la
mort de Ferdinand VII, Paris, 1844-1879, 14 vols.--=Rousset de Missy=,
J., Histoire publique et secrète de la cour de Madrid depuis l’avènement
du roi Philippe, 1719.--=Rule=, W. H., History of the Inquisition.

* * * * *

=Saavedra y Fajardo=, D. F. de, Corona gótica Castellana y Austriaca, in
Biblioteca de autores españoles, Madrid, 1853.--=Sainz de Baranda=, P.,
Clave de la España Sagrada, 1853.--=Sala=, G., Epitome de los principios
y progresos de las guerras de Cataluña, 1640-1641.--=Salazar y Mendoza=,
P. de, Monarquía de España; Origen de las dignidades reglares de Castilla
y Leon, 1618.--=Salmon=, P., La revolución de España de 1808.--=Sampire
Astoricensis=, continuation of _Chronicon_ of Sebastianus Salmanticensis
in Flórez’s España Sagrada.--=Sanchez=, T. A., and others, Cantares del
Cid Campeador conocidos con el nombre de poema del Cid, 1864.--=Sanchez
de Toca=, J., Del poder naval en España, Madrid, 1898.--=Sandoval=, P.
de, Historia de la vida y hechos del emperador Carlos V, Valladolid,
1604-1606; translated by John Stevens, London, 1703. Historia de los
reyes de Castilla y de Leon, Pamplona, 1615, Madrid, 1792.--=San
Felipe=, Marques de, see Bacallar y Sanna.--=San Miguel=, E., duque
de, Relation de l’expédition de Riego.--=Schäfer=, see Lembke and
Schäfer.--=Schirrmacher=, F. W., Geschichte von Spanien, Gotha,
1881-1902, 7 vols.--=Schlagintweit=, E. S., Der spanisch-marokkanische
Krieg in den Jahren 1859-1860, Leipsic 1863.--=Schott=, A., Hispania
illustrata, Frankfort, 1603-1608.--=Schurtz=, H., Die pyrenäische
Halbinsel in _Helmolt’s Weltgeschichte_, Leipsic and Vienna,
1900.--=Sebastianus Salmanticensis=, Chronicon Regum Legionensium, in
Flórez’s España Sagrada.

_Sebastian_ was bishop of Salamanca (whence the epithet,
Salmanticensis) in the ninth century. He wrote his chronicle by
command of Alfonso III, whose reign is the last described in
it. It begins with the history of the Gothic king Recesuinto
(reigned 649-672 A.D.) and is the chief authority for the rise
of the kingdom of Asturias.

=Sédillot=, L. A., Histoire générale des Arabes, Paris, 1854.--=Sève=,
E., La situation économique de l’Espagne, Paris, 1887.--=Shaw=, Sir
Charles, Personal memoirs and correspondence ... comprising a narrative
of the war for constitutional liberty in Portugal and Spain, London,
1837, 2 vols.--=Siguenza=, J. de, Historia de la orden de San Gerónimo,
Madrid, 1600.--=Silos=, Monk of (Monachus Silensis) in Flórez’s España
Sagrada.

_The Monk of Silos_ was admitted to that convent in the latter
half of the eleventh century. His real name is unknown. The
Chronicle which he wrote in Latin began with a short account
of the ancestors of Alfonso VI, followed by a history of that
sovereign’s reign, but the part relating to Alfonso VI is lost.
The fragment which remains is highly valued as the work of a
careful writer who had access to many ancient and authentic
documents. St. Isidore of Seville, Sebastian of Salamanca, and
Sampiro are his guides for the earlier portion.

=Sismondi=, J. C. L., De la littérature du midi de l’Europe,
Paris, 1813-1829, 4 vols.; Translation by Roscoe, London, 1848, 2
vols.--=Sociedad de bibliófilos españoles=, Madrid.--=Somerville=, A., A
Narrative of the British Auxiliary Legion with Incidents of the War in
Spain, Glasgow, 1837.--=Southey=, R., Chronicle of the Cid, 1808, Lowell,
1846; History of the Peninsular War, 1823-1832, 6 vols.--=Stanhope=,
P. H., The Court of Spain under Charles II, London, 1844; War of the
Succession in Spain, 1850.--=Stewart=, C. W., marquis of Londonderry,
Story of the Peninsular War, London, 1813, 1869.--=Stirling-Maxwell=, W.,
The Cloister Life of the Emperor Charles V, London, 1852; Don John of
Austria, London, 1883.--=Strada=, F., De Bello Belgico ab excessu Carli
V, Rome, 1632, Ratisbon, 1754.--=Strobel=, E. H., The Spanish Revolution,
1868-1875, Boston, 1898.--=Suchet=, L. G., duc d’Albuféra, Mémoires sur
les campagnes en Espagne depuis 1808 jusqu’en 1814, Paris, 1834, 2 vols.;
Translation, London, 1829.--=Symonds=, J. A., Renaissance in Italy,
Catholic Reaction, London, 1886, 2 vols.; Renaissance in Italy, Italian
Literature, London, 1882, 2 vols.

* * * * *

=Tapia=, E. de, Historia de la civilización española, Madrid, 1840, 4
vols.--=Ternaux-Compans=, H., Les Comuneros, Paris, 1834.--=Tessé=, J.
B. R. de F., comte de, Mémoires, Paris, 1806, 2 vols.--=Ticknor=, G.,
History of Spanish Literature, New York, 1849; London, 1855, 3 vols.;
1872; Spanish translation by Gayangos and Vedia, Madrid, 1851-1856;
German translation by Gelius, Leipsic, 1852-1867.--=Toreño=, J. M. Q.,
conde de, Historia del levantamiento, guerra y revolución de España,
Madrid, 1835, 5 vols.; Madrid, 1872.--=Torquemada=, T. de, and others,
Copilacion de las instrucciones del oficio de la sancta inquisición,
1576.--=Turba=, Über den Zug Kaiser Karls V gegen Algier, Vienna, 1890.

* * * * *

=Ulloa=, M. de, Disertación sobre el orígen y patria de los godos; sobre
el principio de la monarquía goda en España, in Academia de la historia,
Memorias, 1797.

* * * * *

=Valladares de Sotomayor=, A., Vida interior del rey Don Felipe II,
1788.--=Valles=, Baron de los, The Career of Don Carlos, London,
1835.--=Valras=, comte de, Don Carlos VII et l’Espagne Carliste
1872-1876, Paris, 1876, 2 vols.--=Varillas=, A., Politique de
Ferdinand.--=Vault=, F. E. de, Mémoires militaires relatifs à la
succession d’Espagne sous Louis XIV, Paris, 1835-1862, 11 vols.--=Vera
Figueroa y Zuñiga=, A. de, Condé de la Roca, El rei Don Pedro defendido,
Madrid, 1648.--=Viardot=, L., Histoire des Arabes et des Mores d’Espagne,
Paris, 1851, 2 vols.--=Viollet=, A., Histoire des Bourbons en Espagne,
1843.--=Voiture=, V., Voyage d’Espagne.--=Vollmöller=, K., Poema del Cid,
Halle, 1879.--=Vuillier=, Les Îles Oubliées (Balearic Isles), Paris, 1893
(trans. London, 1896).

* * * * *

=Wallis=, S. T., Spain: her institutions, politics and public men,
Boston, 1853.--=Walton=, W., The Revolutions of Spain, 1808-1836,
London, 1837, 2 vols.--=Watson=, R., History of the reign of Philip II,
London, 1777, 1839; History of the Reign of Philip III, London, 1783,
1786, 2 vols.--=Watts=, H. E., The Christian Recovery of Spain, New
York, 1894; Spain, from the Moorish Conquest to the Fall of Granada,
London and New York, 1897.--=Weber=, G., Allgemeine Weltgeschichte,
Leipsic, 1857-1880, 1882-1890, 15 vols.--=Weiss=, C., L’Espagne depuis
le règne de Philippe II jusqu’ à l’avènement des Bourbons, 1844, 2
vols.--=Whitehouse=, H. R., The Sacrifice of a Throne, Life of Amadeus,
Duke of Aosta, sometime King of Spain, New York, 1897.--=Wellesley=,
Richard C., Marquis of, Despatches and correspondence ... during his
... mission to Spain ... in 1809, edited by Montgomery Martin, London,
1838.--=Wilkens=, Geschichte des spanischen Protestantismus im 16.
Jahrhundert, Gütersloh, 1887.--=Williams=, L., Lendenand, The Land of the
Dons, New York, 1898.--=Wilson=, The Downfall of Spain: Naval History of
the Spanish-American War, London, 1899.--=Wolf=, F., Additions to Julius’
German Translation of Ticknor’s History of Spanish Literature, Leipsic,
1852-1867.--=Wright=, W., On the Authorities for the History of the
Dominion of the Arabs in Spain.--=Wulsa=, Chronica Regum Gothorum.

* * * * *

=Ximenes Toletanus=, Rodericus, Chronica Rerum in Hispania Gestarum,
published as Crónica de España del Arzobispo Don Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada
in Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España, vol. CV,
Madrid, 1893.

_Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada_ was a warlike Spanish prelate born in
Navarre about 1170. In 1210 he became archbishop of Toledo, in
which capacity he took an active part in the crusades against
the Moors and especially distinguished himself at the great
battle of Las Navas de Tolosa. As a statesman he was also
eminent in the days of Ferdinand III, especially exercising the
chief influence in Castilian affairs. Notwithstanding he found
time to earn a great reputation for learning. The work known as
the _Chronica rerum in Hispania Gestarum_ was called by himself
_Historia Gothica_. Rodrigo died in 1247.

* * * * *

=Yriarte=, C., Les Tableaux de la guerre, 1870.

* * * * *

=Zamora y Caballero=, D. E., Historia general de España y de sus
posesiones de Ultramar, Madrid, 1873-1874, 6 vols.--=Zurita y Castro=,
Gerónimo de, Anales de la Corona de Aragon, Saragossa, 1562-1604,
1610-1621.

_Gerónimo Zurita y Castro_ belonged to a noble Castilian
family, and was born in 1512. He was employed by the Inquisitor
General on important missions and through his influence was
appointed first chronicler of the kingdom of Aragon (1548).
He visited Sicily, Naples, and Rome in search of material
for his work. On his return he was commissioned by Philip II
to put in order the documents in the archives at Simancas.
He devoted thirty years to the composition of his _Anales_.
The work covers the period from the Mussulman invasion to
1510, and gives an accurate picture of the development of the
constitution of Aragon. Zurita is accused of being stiff and
formal in style and too diffuse, but on the other hand his work
is noted for impartiality of judgment and for scholarship.

A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PORTUGUESE HISTORY BASED ON THE WORKS QUOTED,
CITED, OR CONSULTED

=Academia Real Das Sciencias=, Collecção dos Principæs auctores da
Historia Portugueza, Lisbon, 1806, etc., 8 vols.; Historia Portugueza,
Collecção de Noticias para a Historia e geografia das Naçoes
ultramarinas, Lisbon, 1812-1856, 7 vols.--=Acenheiro=, C. R., Chronicon
dos Reis de Portugal, Lisbon, 1824.--=Adamson=, John, Biblioteca
lusitana, or Catalogue of books and tracts relating to the history,
literature, and poetry of Portugal, Newcastle, 1836; Lusitana Illustrata,
Newcastle, 1842-1846, 2 vols.--=Albuquerque=, A. de, Commentarios,
Lisbon, 1557; 3rd edition, 1774, 4 vols.--=Albuquerque Ribafria=, Andre
de, Relação da victoria que aleancor do Castelhano Andre de Albuquerque
entre avonches e assumar.--=Alison=, Sir A., History of Europe,
Edinburgh and London, 1833-1842, 10 vols.--=Almeida-Garrett=, J. B. da
S. L., Portugal na Balança da visconde d’Europa.--=Alvares=, Da Cunha,
Campania de Portugal pela provincia do Alemtego, 1663.--=Alvares=, Fr.
João, Chronica dos feitos, vida e morte do Ifante Sanito Dom Fernando,
Lisbon, 1527.--=Alves Noguiera=, E., Evoluçoes da civilisação em
Portugal.--=Andrada=, F., Chronica de João III, Lisbon, 1613.--=Andrade=,
Francisco, Chronica do Rey Dom João III, Lisbon, 1613.--=Andrade=, J.
de, Vida de Dom João de Castro, Lisbon, 1671.--=Anonymous=, History of
Kingdom of Portugal ... by a person of quality, London, 1661; Memoirs
of the Court of Portugal and of the administration of Count d’Oezras,
London, 1765; Le Portugal avant et après 1846, Paris, 1847; Le Portugal
et la France au Congo, Paris, 1884; Explanation of the true and lawful
right and title of the most excellent Prince Anthonie, first of that name
King of Portugal, Leyden, 1585; Relation historique de la Découverte
de l’Isle de Madère, Paris, 1671; Account of the Court of Portugal
under the reign of Dom Pedro II, London, 1700; Anecdotes du Ministère
de S. J. Carvalho sur le règne de Joseph I, Warsaw, 1784; Mémoires de
Sébastien José de Carvalho, Marquis de Pombal, Brussels and Lisbon,
1784; Les Français en Portugal, Lisbon, 1808; Memoria para a Historia
das Inquiraçoes dos primeiros de Portugal, 1816.--=Aranha=, Brito,
Bibliographie des ouvrages portugais pour servir à l’étude des villes,
des villages, des monuments ... du Portugal, Açores, Madère, Lisbon,
1900.--=Aubert de Bertaelt d’Aubery=, R., Histoire de la conjuration
de Portugal en 1640, Amsterdam, 1689.--=Authors= (various), Papers
respecting the relations between Great Britain and Portugal presented to
both Houses of Parliament by command of his Majesty, June, 1829. Papers
as to the succession, London, 1828-1830, 2 vols.--=Azevedo=, Z. de,
Epitome da Historia Portugueza.--=Azurara=, Gómez Eanes de, Chronica d’El
Rei Dom João I, Lisbon, 1644; Chronica de Senhor Rey Dom Pedro Menezes,
in Correa de Serras’ Collecção, Lisbon, 1790-1824.

_Gómez Eanes de Azurara_ was born in the first half of the
fifteenth century. He was appointed Keeper of the Torre do
Tombo in 1454, and wrote numerous works relating to the voyages
and foreign conquests of Portugal. The date of his death is
unknown.

* * * * *

=Badcock=, Colonel, Civil War in Portugal and siege of Oporto, London,
1836.--=Barbosa Bacellar=, A., Relação da vittoria de Dom Affonso VI,
Lisbon, 1659.--=Barbosa de Pinho Leal=, Portugal antigo e moderno,
Lisbon, 1873-1877, 7 vols.--=Barbosa Machado=, see Machado.--=Barros
Cunha=, J. G., Historia da Liberdade em Portugal, Lisbon,
1869.--=Barros=, P. Andre, Vida do Apostelico Padre Antonio Vieyra da
Compania de Jesus, Lisbon, 1746.--=Barros=, João de, Decada Primeira da
Asia, Lisbon, 1553-1563, vols. I, II, III; vol. IV, Madrid, 1615; 2nd
edition, Lisbon, 1628.

_João de Barros_, called the Portuguese Livy, was born in
1496. He was educated in the palace of the king, Dom Manoel,
and at the age of twenty was honoured by the king’s command to
write the history of India. Under João III, he held important
offices, and completed the history begun during the reign of
Manoel. He died at Pombal in 1570.

=Bayam=, J. P., Chronica do Principe Dom Sebastião, decimo sexto Rey
de Portugal, Lisbon, 1730; Chronica d’El Rey Dom Pedro I, Lisbon,
1735.--=Bayão=, J. P., Portugal Cuidadoso com a vida e perda do
Rei Dom Sebastião, Lisbon, 1737.--=Beckford=, W., Italy, Spain and
Portugal, London, 1839, 2 vols.--=Bégin=, Emile A., Voyage Pittoresque
en Espagne et en Portugal, Paris, 1852.--=Bernades=, B. M., Portugal
e os Estrangeiros, Lisbon, 1879.--=Bernardo da Cruz=, Fray, Chronica
d’El Rei Dom Sebastião, Lisbon, 1837.--=Birago=, G. B., Historia della
Disunione del Regno di Portogallo dalla Corona di Castiglia, Amsterdam,
1647.--=Blount=, E., The Historie of the uniting of the Kingdom of
Portugal to the Crowne of Castell, etc., London, 1600.--=Bollaert=,
W., The Wars of Succession of Spain and Portugal from 1820-1840,
London, 1870.--=Borges=, C., Manuel Portugal regenerado.--=Borges de
Castro=, =José Ferreira=, and =J. Judice Biker=, Collecção dos Tradados,
Convençoes, etc., entre Portugal os outras potencias desde 1640, Lisbon,
1856-1858.--=Botelho de Moraes e Vasconcellos=, El Alphonso, o la
fundaçion del reino de Portugal; poema epica, Paris, 1712.--=Bouchot=,
Auguste, Histoire de Portugal, in Duruy’s “Histoire Universelle,”
Paris, 1846; 1854.--=Bouterwek=, F., History of Spanish and Portuguese
Literature, London, 1823, 2 vols.--=Branco=, M. B., Portugal e os
estrangeiros, Lisbon, 1879-1895, 3 vols.--=Brandão=, F. A., Monarchia
Lusitana, Parte III, IV, V, VI, Lisbon, 1690-1751.--=Brito=, Fr. Bernardo
de, Monarchia Lusitana, Parte I, II, Lisbon, 1690.

_Bernardo de Brito_ was born in 1569; died 1617. His life was
devoted to literary work.

=Brockwell=, C., The National and Political History of Portugal, London,
1726.--=Brown=, J. M. Historical Review of the Revolutions of Portugal
since the close of the Peninsular War, 1827.--=Bulhoes=, L. de, Les
Colonies Portugueses, 1878.--=Busk=, M. M., The History of Spain and
Portugal, London, 1833.

* * * * *

=Cætano do Amarel=, Antonio, Memorias para a Historia da Legislação e
costumes de Portugal.--=Calado=, O. P. Mestre Frei Manoel, O Valeroso
Lucideno, Lisbon, 1648.--=Cantu=, Cæsare, Gli ultimi trenta anni, Turin,
1879, 3 vols.--=Cærnarvon, Earl of=, Portugal and Gallicia, London,
1836, 2 vols.--=Carneira=, Condé de, Correspondencia official de--com o
duque de Palmella, Lisbon, 1874.--=Carnota, Count of=, Memoirs of the
duke of Saldanha, London, 1880, 2 vols.--=Carte=, Thomas, History of the
Revolutions of Portugal, London, 1740.--=Carvalho=, J. L. Freire de,
Ensaio Historico-Politico sobre a Constituiças e Governo do reino de
Portugal; Memorias para a Historia do tempo que duron a Usurpação de D.
Miguel, Lisbon, 1841-1843.--=Castaneda=, Hernan Lopes de, Historia do
Descobrimento e Conquista da India pelos Portuguezes, Coimbra, 1551-1561;
English translation, The First Book of the History of the Discovery and
Conquest of the East Indies, London, 1582.

_Hernan Lopes de Castaneda_ was born at Santarem, and
emigrating to India at an early age began his history, which
occupied him twenty years. He was the first historian of India
and his work has been translated into many languages. He died
at Coimbra in 1559.

=Castilho=, A. F. de, Quadros Historicos de Portugal.--=Castro=, João
de, Vida do Rey Dom Sebastião, Paris, 1602.--=Centazzi=, G., O Estudante
de Coimbra ou relampago da Historia Portuguesa 1826-1838.--=Chaby=, C.
de, Excerptos historicos relativos a Guerra denominada da Peninsula, e
a anteriores de 1801, de Roussilon e Cataluña, Lisbon, 1863.--=Chagas=,
P. (see Cordeiro, L.).--=Chamberlayne=, E., Rise and Fall of Count
Olivares, London, 1658.--=Chermont=, B. de, Summario Chronologico da
Historia de Portugal, etc.--=Chronicon Complutense=, in Flórez’s España
Sagrada.--=Chronicon Lusitanum=, in Flórez’s España Sagrada.--=Claudio da
Conceição=, Fr., Cabinete Historico.--=Coelho da Rocha=, M. A., Ensaio
sobre a Historia do Goveno e da Legislação de Portugal.--=Colbatch=, J.,
Court of Portugal under Reign of Pedro II, London, 1700.--=Conestaggio=,
G. de F., Dell’ Unione del Regno di Portogallo alla Corona di Castiglia,
Venice, 1592.--=Conto=, A. M. do, Relação Historica da revolução do
Algarve contra os Francezes, etc.--=Cordeiro=, L., Historia de Portugal
(in 37 parts by various authors), Lisbon, 1877-1883.--=Cordeiro=, R.,
Faitos de Historia Portugueza.--=Cornide de Saavedra=, J., Estado
de Portugal en el anno de 1800.--=Correa de la Cerda=, Francisco,
Catastrophe de Portugal, Lisbon, 1669.--=Correa da Serra=, José, Historia
Portugueza, Lisbon, 1790-1816, 11 vols.; Collecção de Livros Ineditos de
Historia Portugueza, Lisbon, 1790-1824, 5 vols.

_José Francisco Correa da Serra_ was born at Serpa, June 6th,
1750; died September 11th, 1823. He was distinguished as a
naturalist, politician, and historian, and in his collections
has preserved many of the ancient chronicles and biographies.

=Costa=, H. J. da, Historia de Portugal, London, 1809.--=Costa=, Quintela
Ignacio da, Annæs du Marinha Portugueza.--=Coutinho=, M. de L., Reflexoes
sobre a acclamacas de Alfonso Henriques Cortes de Lamego, etc.--=Couto=,
Diogo de, Decadas da Asia, Lisbon, 1736, 3 vols.; Vida de Paulo de Lima
Pereira, Lisbon, 1765; Dialogos Soldado Practico, Lisbon, 1790.

_Diogo de Couto_ was born at Lisbon in 1542. At the age
of 14 he went to India, where for ten years he especially
distinguished himself. He afterwards returned to literary
labours and was chosen to continue the _History of João de
Barros_, with the title of _Chronista Môr da India_. He died at
Goa, in 1616.

=Crawfurd=, O., Portugal (old and new), London, 1880.

* * * * *

=D’Antas=, M., Les Faux Don Sébastien, Paris, 1866.--=Danvers=, Frederick
C., The Portuguese in India, London, 1894, 2 vols.--=Dauncey=, J., A
Compendious Chronicle of the Kingdom of Portugal from Alfonso the first
king, to Alfonso VI, London, 1661.--=Denis=, Jean-Ferdinand, Résumé de
l’histoire littéraire du Portugal, Paris, 1826; Portugal, in L’Univers
Pittoresque, Paris, 1846.

_Jean-Ferdinand Denis_ was born at Paris, August 13th, 1798.
Much of his early life was spent in travel and the study of the
literature of Spain and Portugal. In 1838 he became connected
with the administration of the libraries of Paris and passed
the remainder of his life in literary work. He was a voluminous
writer upon historical and literary subjects.

=Dumouriez=, Charles François, État présent du royaume de Portugal,
Lausanne, 1766; Hamburg, 1797; Mémoires, Hamburg, 1794, 2 vols.;
Campagnes de Maréchal de Schomberg en Portugal depuis l’année 1662
jusqu’en 1668, London, 1807.

_Charles François Dumouriez_ was born at Cambrai, France,
January 25th, 1739. He rose to high rank in the French army,
but in 1793 was driven into exile, and until his death in 1823,
resided in England. His Mémoires are a valuable contribution to
the military history of his period.

=Dunham=, S. Astley, History of Spain and Portugal, London, 1832-1833.

* * * * *

=Ennes=, Antonio, see Cordeiro, L.

* * * * *

=Falcay=, J. A., L’état actuel de la monarchie portugaise.--=Fanshaw=,
R., Letters during his embassies in Spain and Portugal, London,
1702.--=Faria y Sousa=, M. de, Asia Portuguesa, Lisbon, 1666-1675, 3
vols.; Europa Portuguesa, Lisbon, 1678-1680, 3 vols.; Africa Portuguesa,
Lisbon, 1681; Historia del reyno de Portugal, Brussels, 1730; History
of Portugal from the first ages of the world to 1640; translated and
continued to 1698 by John Stevens, London, 1698.

_Manoel de Faria y Sousa_ was born in 1590, and at an early
age evinced remarkable literary ability. He became secretary
to the Bishop of Oporto and afterwards went to Spain upon the
invitation of the Secretary of State of Philip IV. Returning
to Lisbon in 1628, he accompanied the Portuguese ambassador to
Rome and was received by the pope in a very flattering manner.
The last fifteen years of his life were spent at Madrid in
the composition of his history. He is also celebrated as a
commentator of Camoens and left numerous works. Died in 1643.

=Faria=, M. Severim de, Noticias de Portugal, Lisbon, 1624.

_Manoel Severim de Faria_, a celebrated Portuguese antiquary
was born at Lisbon. He studied at Evora, where he early
distinguished himself and became the possessor of a library
much celebrated at the time for the rare works it contained.

=Figueiroci=, A. do Conto de Castello Bramo, Memorias e Observaçoes
militares e politicas de Portugal.--=Flórez=, Enrique, España Sagrada,
teatro geographico-historico de la iglesia de España, Madrid,
1747-1773.--=Fonseca Benevides=, J. F., Las Rainhas de Portugal, Lisbon,
1878-1879, 2 vols.--=Francisco de S. Luis=, Memorias Historicas e
Chronologicas do Condé D. Henrique; Indice Chronologico das Navegaroes
Viagens e dos Portuguezas, etc.; Memoria em que re tracta da origem do
nome de Portugal, etc.--=Francisco de Santa Maria=, Anno Historico;
Diario Portuguez, Lisbon, 1744, 2 vols.--=Francisco do Santissimo
Sacramento=, Epitome Unico da Dignidade de grande e maior Ministro da
Puridade, etc., Lisbon, 1666.--=Frémont d’Ablancourt=, Mémoires de;
contenant l’histoire de Portugal depuis les Traites des Pyrenèes de 1659
jusqu’à 1668, La Hague, 1701.

* * * * *

=Galvão=, Duarte, Chronica do muito alto e muito esclarecido Principe
D. Affonso Henriquez, Lisbon, 1726.--=Gebauer=, G. C., Portugisische
Geschichte, Leipsic, 1759.--=Geddes=, M., View of the Inquisition
of Portugal; History of the Pope’s behaviour to the Portuguese,
1641-1666.--=Giedroye=, R., Résumé de l’histoire du Portugal au XIX
siècle, Paris, 1876.--=Godin=, O. L., Princes et princesses de la famille
royale de Portugal ayant par leurs alliances régné sur la Flandre,
Lisbon, 1892; (Congrès international des orientalistes, 10th session,
monographs, vol. I).--=Goes=, Damião de, Chronica do serenissimo Senhor
Rei D. Manoel, Lisbon, 1567; Coimbra, 1790; Chronica do Serenissimo
Principe D. João, Coimbra, 1790.

_Damião de Goes_ was born in 1501. At an early age he entered
the diplomatic service, and visited most of the European courts
and cities. His genius gained him the friendship of many royal
personages, amongst whom was Henry the Eighth of England. He
was afterwards appointed Chronista Môr de Reino, and his later
years were spent in literary work. He died in 1560.

=Gulielmi de Monserrat=, C. J. U., Interpretis acutissimi Tractatus de
Successione Regum et Principum Galliæ, Tübingen.

* * * * *

=Harris=, A complete history of the rise and progress of the Portuguese
Empire in the East Indies, London, 1744.--=Helfferich=, C. A., Les
communes françaises en Espagne et en Portugal pendant le moyen
age.--=Herculano=, A., Historia de Portugal, Lisbon, 1848-1853, 4 vols.;
1875; 1887; Da origem e estabelecimento da Inquisição em Portugal,
1854-1857, 3 vols.; Roteiro de Vasco de Gama.

_Alexandre Herculano de Carvalho e Araujo_, was born at Lisbon,
March 28th, 1810. He became distinguished as a poet and a
novelist, and after the publication of _Schæfer’s History_
commenced his _History of Portugal_. His scientific treatment
of the subject aroused great opposition among the supporters
of the old legendary histories, and he consequently closed his
work with the year 1279. Herculano’s example has however been
followed by later writers, and he may be said to have founded
the new historical school of Portugal.

=Herrera=, Antonio de, Crónica de las Indias occidentales, 1601.

* * * * *

=Jant=, Chevalier de, Relations de la France avec le Portugal au temps
de Mazarin, Paris, 1877.--=Jesus=, Raphael de, Monarchia Lusitana, Parte
VII, 1683.

* * * * *

=Kopke=, Diogo, Quadre Gerd da Historia Portugueza segundo as epochis de
suas revoluçoes nacionaes.

* * * * *

=Lacerda=, M. de Castro Correade, Relação da tomada de Abrantes, 17
Agosto, 1808.--=La Clède=, N. de, Histoire générale de Portugal, Paris,
1735, 8 vols.; 1828-1830, 10 vols.; Portuguese translation, “Historia
Geral de Portugal,” Lisbon, 1781-1797, 16 vols.--=Lardner=, D., Lives
of the most eminent literary and scientific men of Italy, Spain, and
Portugal, London, 1830.--=Lasteyrie=, J. de, Le Portugal depuis la
Révolution de 1820, Paris, 1841.--=Latifau=, J. F., Histoires des
découvertes et conquêtes des Portugais dans le nouveau monde, Paris,
1734.--=Latino Coelho=, J. M., Historia de Portugal desde os fins
de XVIII seculo até 1814, Lisbon, 1874; Historia política e militar
de Portugal, Lisbon, 1874-1892, 3 vols.--=Lauro=, Carlo, Strangest
adventure that ever happened. History of Dom Sebastian (translated),
London, 1601.--=Lavanha=, João Baptista, Viagem de Filippe II, ao Reino
de Portugal, etc., Madrid, 1622.--=Le Grand=, M., Le Portugal. Notice
historique au point de vue du développement de ses relations avec la
France.--=Lemos=, Diego de, Historia Geral de Portugal, 1786-1820, 20
vols.--=Liano=, A. A. de, Répertoire de l’histoire et de la littérature
des nations Espagnole et Portugaise.--=Liao=, Duarte Nuñes do, Chronicas
d’El Rei D. João, D. Duarte, etc., Lisbon, 1645; 2nd edition, 1780, 2
vols.; Primeira Parte das chrónicas dos Reis de Portugal, Lisbon, 1600,
1677, 1774.--=Ljunstedt=, A. K., Contribution to an Historical Sketch
of Portuguese Settlements in China, Macao, 1832.--=Lobato=, G., see
Cordeiro, L.--=Lobkowitz=, Johannes Caramuel, Philippus Prudens Caroli V
Imp. Filius Lusitanæ, Galgarbiæ, Indæ, Braziliæ legitimus Rex, Antwerp,
1639.--=Lopes=, Fernão, Crónica dos reys de Portugal, Lisbon, 1644, 2
vols.--=Lopes=, J. J. P., Memoria sobre a origem forma e authoridade das
Cortes de Portugal.--=Luz Soriano=, S. José da, Historia da guerra civil
e do estabelecimento do Governo parlementar em Portugal, 1866-1882.

* * * * *

=Macedo=, I. J. de, Consideraçoes sobre as causas da elevação decadencia
da monarchia Portugueza desde Alfonso I, Maria II.--=Machado=, Ignacio
Barbosa, Fastos Politicos e militares da antiga e nova Lusitania,
etc., Lisbon, 1745, 2 vols.--=Machado=, Diogo Barbosa, Bibliotheca
Lusitana, histórica, crítica e chronologica, Lisbon, 1741-1759, 4 vols.;
Memorias para a Historia de Portugal do anno 1554 até o anno 1561,
Lisbon, 1736-1751, 4 vols.--=Mahon=, Lord, History of England, London,
1851.--=Major=, R. H., Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, London, 1868;
Portuguese translation by J. A. Fereira Brandão, 1876.--=Mariz=, Pedro
de, Dialogos de Varia Historia, em que se referem as Vidas dos Senhores
Reyes de Portugal, Coimbra, 1594; Lisbon, 1674.--=McMurdo=, The history
of Portugal from the Reign of Diniz to the Reign of Alfonso V, London,
1889, 2 vols.--=Mello de Castro=, J. de, Historia da Vida de Dinis de
Mello de Castro, Lisbon, 1752.--=Mello=, F. M. de, Epanaphoras de varia
Historia Portugueza em cinco Relacoes, Lisbon, 1660.--=Mendonça=, Lopes
de, Apontamentos para a historia da Conquista de Portugal por Filippe II;
In Annæs das Sciencias Moraes e Politicas, vol. II.--=Menezes=, C. J. de,
Os Jesuitos e Marquez de Pombal; A Inquisição em Portugal.--=Menezes=,
Fernando de, Vida e acçoes d’El Rei D. João I, Lisbon, 1677.--=Menezes=,
Luis de, Historia de Portugal restaurado, Lisbon, 1679-1698, 2 vols.

_Luis de Menezes_ was born at Lisbon, July 22nd, 1632. He rose
to high rank in the military service, and wrote the history of
the wars between Spain and Portugal from 1640 to 1668. He died
by his own hand, May 26th, 1690.

=Monteiro=, D. L. de Sousa, Vida de D. Pedro IV.--=Montgomery=, J., See
Lardner.--=Morato=, F. M. Trigorode Aragão, Memoria sobre os Escrivaes
da Piritade dos Reis de Portugal, etc.--=Murphy=, James C., Travels in
Portugal, in the years 1789-1790, London, 1795.

* * * * *

=Napier=, W., History of the War in the Peninsula, London, 1828-1840,
6 vols.; 1851; 1890.--=Nascimento=, Francisco Manoel de, Da vida e
feitos d’El Rey D. Manoel.--=Neufville=, L. de la, Histoire générale de
Portugal, Paris, 1700.--=Neves=, J., Accursio das N., Historia geral
da invasão dos Francezes em Portugal e da restauração d’este, Lisbon,
1810-1811.

* * * * *

=Oliveira-Martins=, J. P., Portugal contemporaneo, Lisbon, 1881, 2
vols.; Historia de Portugal, Lisbon, 1879, 2 vols.; 5th edition,
1890.--=Osorio=, J., De rebus Emmanuelis Lusitaniæ regis, Olyssipone,
1571; History of the Portuguese during the reign of Emmanuel, London,
1752, 2 vols.

* * * * *

=Palmella=, Duke of, Despachos e correspondeñcia do, Lisbon,
1851-1854.--=Parada=, A., Carvalho de, Justificação dos Portuguezes
sobre a acção de libertarem se reyno da obediencia de Castella, Lisbon,
1643.--=Pepys=, S., The Portugal History, London, 1677.--=Pereira de
Figueiredo=, Ant., Compendio das Epocas e Successos mais illustres
da Historia Geral, Lisbon, 1800; Elogios dos Reis de Portugal em
lotim e em Portuguez, etc.; Dissertaçoes sobre la Historia antiga
de Portugal.--=Pina=, Ruy de, Chronicas dos seis reis primeiros,
Lisbon, 1727-1729; Chronica de Senhor Rey D. Alfonso V, Lisbon,
1790.--=Pinheiro=, D. Diogo, Manifesto, en que se mostra a innocencia
do Duque de Braganza D. Fernardo II, ea faluta de prova e a nullidade
da sentenca porque foi condenado, in Antonio Cætano de Sousa’s Provas
da Historia Genealogica da casa Real Portugueza, etc., Lisbon,
1739.--=Porcel=, F. M., Retrato de Manuel de Faria y Sousa, Lisbon,
1733.--=Posano=, Matthæus de, De Bello Septensi (in Correa da Serras’
Collecção de Livros Ineditos de Historia Portugueza).

* * * * *

=Quillinan=, Mrs. D. W., Journal of a few months’ residence in Portugal,
2nd edition, London, 1895.

* * * * *

=Rafael de Jesus=, Fr., Monarchia Lusitana, Parte VII, vida del Rey
D. Affonso IV, Lisbon, 1683.--=Ratton=, Jacome, Recordacoes sobre
occorrencias do ren tempo em Portugal.--=Rebello da Silva=, L. A.,
Historia de Portugal pendente XVI e XVII seculos, Lisbon, 1860-1871, 5
vols.; Corpo Diplomatico Portugueza, 1856-1878; D. João II e la Nobreza,
in Annæs das sciencias Moreas e Politicas, vol. II.--=Resende=, Andre de,
De Antiquitatibus Lusitaniæ, Evora, 1593; Coimbra, 1700; Vida do Infante
D. Duarte, Lisbon, 1789.

_Andre de Resende_, born at Evora in 1498. He adopted the
religious profession and studied in Salamanca, Paris, and
Brussels. The death of his mother in 1534 so overwhelmed him
that he determined to leave his native country, but João
IV unwilling that Portugal should be deprived of Resende’s
remarkable abilities, appointed him tutor to the Infantes D.
Affonso, D. Henrique, and D. Duarte. Resende obtained the
pope’s permission to change his monastic habit for that of a
priest and passed the remainder of his life in literary and
antiquarian pursuits. He died in 1567.

=Resende=, Garcia de, Livro das obras de Garcia de Resende (Life of
João II), Evora, 1554.--=Ribeiro Dos Santos=, Antonio, Memoria sobre a
novidade da Navegaçãos Portugueza no Seculo XV.--=Ribeiro-João=, Pedro,
Memorias para a Historia das Inquiriçoes de Portugal; Dissertaçoes
Chronologicas e Criticas sobre a Historia e Jurisprudencia ecclesiastica
e Civil de Portugal, 1810-1813, 3 vols.; Usurpação Retenção Restauração
de Portugal.--=Ribeiro=, P., see Cordeiro, L.--=Rocha=, Fr. M. Da.,
Portugal Renascido (10th century).

* * * * *

=Sá=, J. A. de, Memoria sobre a origem jurisdicção dos Corregedores
das comarcas; Defeya dos direitos Nacionaes e Reaes da Monarchia
Portugueza.--=Saldanha de Oliveira e Daun=, José S., Quadro Historico
Politico e Da dos acontecimentos da Historia de Portugal.--=Salisbury=,
W. A., Portugal and its People.--=Santarem, Viscount of=, Memorias para
a Historia e Theoria das Cortes, Lisbon, 1828; Quadro elementar das
relasçôes politicas e diplomaticas de Portugal, Lisbon, 1842-1861, 19
vols.--=Santos=, Fr. Manuel Dos, Historia Sebastica vida do D. Sebastião
e successos memoraveis do Reino e Conquistas no seu tempo, Lisbon, 1735;
Monarchia Lusitana, Parte VIII, 1367-1385, Lisbon, 1727.--=Schæfer=,
H., Geschichte von Portugal, Hamburg, 1836-1854, 5 vols.; In Heeren and
Ukert’s Europaische Staats-geschichte, 1840-1846.--=Schlosser=, Friedrich
C., Geschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts, Heidelberg, 1823, 2 vols.; History
of the Eighteenth Century and of the Nineteenth till the overthrow
of the French Empire, translated by D. Davison, London, 1843-1852, 8
vols.; Weltgeschichte, Frankfort, 1842-1854, 19 vols.; 4th edition,
Berlin, 1884-1888.--=Severim=, de Faria M., Noticias di Portugal,
Lisbon, 1740.--=Shelly=, Mrs., see Lardner, D.--=Silva=, Fr. Bernardino
da, Defensão da Monarchia Lusitana, Coimbra and Lisbon, 1620-1623, 2
vols.--=Silva=, J. Soares da, Memoria para a Historia de Portugal,
1383-1433, Lisbon, 1730-1732, 3 vols.--=Silva Lisboa=, José da, Memorias
dos beneficios politicos do governo d’El Rei D. João VI.--=Silvercruys=,
E., Le Portugal, Lille, 1872.--=Sousa=, Fr. João de, Documentos Arabicos
para a Historia Portugueza, Lisbon, 1790.--=Sousa=, Luis de, Annæs
d’El Rei D. João III, Lisbon, 1844; Historia de S. Domingos particular
do reino e conquistas de Portugal, Lisbon, 1623-1678, 3 vols.--=Sousa
de Macedo=, A., Lusitana Liberata ab injusto Castellanorum Dominio,
London, 1645.--=Sousa=, Cætano de A., Historia Genealogica de Casa Real
Portugueza, Lisbon, 1735-1739, 6 vols.--=Sousa=, Monteiro J. M. de,
Historia de Portugal desde o reinado da S. D. Maria I até a convenção
de Evora monte, etc., 1838, 10 vols.--=Southwell=, Robert, Letters, in
Carte’s History of Revolutions in Portugal, 1740.--=Stephens=, H. Morse,
The Story of Portugal, London, 1891; article on Portugal in the Ninth
Edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica.

* * * * *

=Thiebault=, Paul, Baron, Relation de l’expédition du Portugal faite en
1807 et 1808, Paris, 1817.

* * * * *

=Vander-Bandt=, L., Joannes Barzantinus Lusitaniæ illegitimus Rex,
Louvain, 1642.--=Van-Laetham=, Campagne de 6 mois dans le royaume des
Algerves en Portugal, Brussels, 1834.--=Vasconcellos=, D. Augustin Manoel
y, Anacephaleoses, Antwerp, 1621; Vida de Dom Duarte de Meneses, Lisbon,
1627; Vida y acçones d’El Rey Don John II, Madrid, 1639.--=Veijas=,
Antonio Paes, Relação dos successos das armas de João IV nas terras de
Castella, 1664 até a victoria do Montijo, Lisbon, 1644.--=Vertot=, R.
A. de, Révolutions de Portugal, Paris, 1678, translated into English
and continued to 1809 by L. de Boisgelin [London], 1809; Histoire de la
conjuration de Portugal, Paris, 1689.

_René Aubert de Vertot d’Aubœuf_ was born at Château Benetat,
in Normandy, November 25th, 1655. He attained high rank in the
church, but in 1703 became secretary to the Duchess of Orléans,
and in 1715 historiographer of the Order of Malta. Forty years
of his life were consecrated to historical composition, and
he produced numerous works written in an elegant style, but
neither profound nor distinguished for their adherence to
truth. He died in Paris, June 15th, 1735.

=Vidal=, E., see Cordeiro, L.--=Villareal=, M. F. de, Anticaramuel, Paris.

* * * * *

=Wraxall=, Nathaniel W., Historical Memoirs of my Own Times, London, 1815.

[Illustration: MAP OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL

BORMAY & CO.]

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Historians' History of the World in Twenty-Five Volumes, Volume 10 - Spain and Portugal" ***

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