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Title: Hildreth's "Japan as it was and is", Volume I (of 2) - A Handbook of Old Japan
Author: Hildreth, Richard
Language: English
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Transcriber’s Notes

Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations
in hyphenation have been standardised but all other spelling and
punctuation remains unchanged.

Italics are represented thus _italic_, and superscripts thus y^{en}.

On page 168, 2nd paragraph of Chapter XIX, refers to a Papal Bull
promulgated by Pope Clement VII in 1860. This has been corrected to
Pope Clement VIII who was pope when the Bull was promulgated in 1600.

Volume II contains a complete index to both volumes. This has been copied into
this volume.

“JAPAN AS IT WAS AND IS”

A HANDBOOK OF OLD JAPAN

_Uniform with this Work_

A HANDBOOK OF MODERN JAPAN.

By ERNEST W. CLEMENT. With two maps and seventy-two illustrations from
photographs. _Sixth edition._ Price, $1.40 _net._

A. C. MCCLURG & CO.
_Chicago_

[Illustration: IMAGE OF DATE MASAMUNE]

HILDRETH’S
“JAPAN AS IT WAS AND IS”

A HANDBOOK OF OLD JAPAN

EDITED, WITH SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES, BY

ERNEST W. CLEMENT

AUTHOR OF “A HANDBOOK OF MODERN JAPAN,” ETC.

INTRODUCTION BY
WM. ELLIOT GRIFFIS

_With One Hundred Illustrations and Maps_

VOLUME I

[Illustration: A·C·M^cCLURG
& CO]

CHICAGO
A. C. McCLURG & CO.
1906

Published September 29, 1906

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A.

CONTENTS

VOLUME I.

PAGE

“ADVERTISEMENT” TO ORIGINAL EDITION. RICHARD HILDRETH xiii
EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION ERNEST W. CLEMENT xix
FOREWORD WM. ELLIOT GRIFFIS xxv
JAPANESE PRONUNCIATION xxxi

CHAPTER I

Earliest European Knowledge of Japan—Japanese Histories—Marco
Polo’s Account of the Mongol or Tartar Invasion—Accounts
of the Same Event given by the Chinese and Japanese
Annalists—A. D. 1281 or 1283 1

CHAPTER II

Portuguese Empire in the East—Discovery of Japan—Galvano’s
Account of it—Fernam Mendez Pinto’s Account of his First
Visit to Japan, and Adventures there—Japanese Account of
the First Arrival of Portuguese—A. D. 1542-1545 11

CHAPTER III

Pinto’s Second Visit to Japan—Anjirō, or Paul of the Holy Faith—A.
D. 1547-1548 34

CHAPTER IV

Religious Faith Three Centuries ago—Zeal of the Portuguese
Conquerors—Antonio Galvano—Missionary Seminaries at
Ternate and Goa—Order of the Jesuits—Francis Xavier—His
Mission to India—His Mission to Japan—His Companion,
Cosme de Torres—The Philippine Islands—A. D. 1542-1550 40

CHAPTER V

Political and Religious Condition of Japan, as found by the
Portuguese—The Yakatas, or Kings, and their
Vassals—Revenues—Money—Distinction of Ranks—The Kubō-Sama—The
Dairi—Shintō—Buddhism—Judō—A. D. 1550 57

CHAPTER VI

Civilization of the Japanese—Animals—Agriculture—Arts—Houses
—Ships—Literature—Jurisprudence—Character of the Japanese—Their
Custom of cutting themselves open—A. D. 1550 75

CHAPTER VII

Preaching of Xavier—Pinto’s Third Visit to Japan—A. D. 1550-1551 81

CHAPTER VIII

Progress of the Missions under Fathers De Torres and Nugnes
Barreto—Mendez Pinto a Fourth Time in Japan—A. D. 1551-1557 87

CHAPTER IX

Louis Almeida—The Missionaries establish themselves at Miyako
[Kyōtō]—Louis Froez—Princes converted in Shimo—Rise
of Nobunaga—Prosperity of the Missions—Noble and Princely
Converts—Nagasaki built—Nobunaga makes himself Emperor—A. D.
1557-1577 93

CHAPTER X

Father Valignani—State of the Missions—Conversion and Baptism
of the King of Bungo—Growth of Nagasaki—Embassy
to the Pope—Documents relating to this Embassy—A. D. 1577-1586 100

CHAPTER XI

Events meanwhile in Japan—Downfall of Nobunaga—Accession
of Hashiba, afterwards known as Kwambacudono, and, finally,
as Taikō-Sama—Edict against the Jesuits—Return of the
Ambassadors—A. D. 1582-1588 116

CHAPTER XII

Recapitulation—Extent of the Japanese Empire—Valignani
arrives at Nagasaki—Progress hitherto of the Catholic Faith—The
Emperor’s Projects against China—Valignani’s Visit to
the Emperor at Miyako—Ukondono—The returned Japanese
Ambassadors—Audience given to Valignani—The Viceroy’s
Letter—The Interpreter Rodriguez—A. D. 1588-1593 123

CHAPTER XIII

New Troubles of the Missionaries from their own Countrymen—The
Emperor claims Homage of the Governor of the Philippines—Mutual
Jealousies of the Portuguese and Spaniards—Spanish
Adventurers in Japan—The Emperor’s Suspicions
excited—His Reply to the Viceroy of Goa—A. D. 1591-1592 134

CHAPTER XIV

The Expedition against Corea—The Emperor associates his
Nephew—City of Fushimi—Correspondence of the Emperor
with the Governor of Manila—The Jesuits denounced by
the Spanish Envoys—Consequences thereof—Departure of
Valignani—A. D. 1592 140

CHAPTER XV

Progress of the Corean War—Success of the Japanese—Konishi
Settsu-no-Kami, Viceroy of Corea—Edict of the Emperor for disarming
the Converts in Shimo—Disgrace and Downfall of the
Royal Family of Bungo—Terazawa, Governor of Nagasaki—His
Conversion and Friendly Acts—A. D. 1592-1593 144

CHAPTER XVI

Jealousy on the Part of the Dominicans and Franciscans towards
Jesuits—This Jealousy coöperates with the Mercantile Jealousy
of the Spaniards at Manila—Franciscan Friars establish themselves
at Miyako, Ōsaka, and Nagasaki—Edicts against them—Deposition
and Death of the Emperor’s Nephew—A. D. 1593-1595 147

CHAPTER XVII

Great Earthquake—Mission from China—Arrival of a Spanish
Galleon—Friars on Board her—New Accusations on her Account
against the Jesuits—Connection of the Jesuits with the
Trade to Japan—Arrest of Missionaries and Converts—First
Martyrs—A. D. 1595-1597 151

CHAPTER XVIII

New Edict for the Deportation of the Jesuits—Its Partial Evasion—New
Correspondence between the Philippines and Japan—Taikō-Sama’s
Justification of his Recent Proceedings—New
Destruction of Churches in Shimo—Taikō-Sama’s Death—His
Preceding Efforts to secure his own Deification and the Succession
of his Infant Son, Hideyori—Regency—Iyeyasu, its
Head, with the Title of Daifu-Sama—A. D. 1597-1599 158

CHAPTER XIX

Evacuation of Corea—Return of the Converted Princes—Favorable
Disposition of Daifu-Sama—Third Visit of Father
Valignani—Civil War between Daifu-Sama and his Co-Regents—His
Triumph—Disgrace and Execution of Settsu-no-Kami—Daifu-Sama
takes the Title of Ōgosho-Sama and still
favors the Converts—Influx of Dominican and Franciscan
Friars—Flourishing Condition of the Church—Local
Persecutions—A. D. 1599-1609 162

CHAPTER XX

Attempt of the English and Dutch to discover a New Route to the
Far East—Voyages round the World—Attempted English
Voyage to Japan—English and Dutch Voyages to India—First
Dutch Voyage to Japan—Adams, the English Pilot—His
Adventures and Detention in Japan—A. D. 1513-1607 166

CHAPTER XXI

Spanish Friars in Japan—Extension of Japanese Trade—Progress
of the Dutch in the Eastern Seas—They open a Trade
with Japan—Emperor’s Letter—Shipwreck of Don Rodrigo
de Vivero on the Japanese Coast—His Reception, Observations,
and Departure—Destruction of a Portuguese Carac by
the Japanese—Another Dutch Ship arrives—Spex’s Charter—Embassies
from Macao and New Spain—Father Louis
Sotelo and his Projects—A. D. 1607-1618 179

CHAPTER XXII

Origin and Commencement of English Intercourse with Japan—Captain
Saris’ Voyage thither, and Travels and Observations
there—New Spanish Embassy from the Philippines—Commercial
Rivalry of the Dutch and English—Richard Cocks,
Head of the English Factory—A. D. 1611-1613 206

CHAPTER XXIII

Ecclesiastical Retrospect—New Persecution—Edict of Banishment
against the Missionaries—Civil War between Hideyori
and Ōgosho-Sama—Triumph of Ōgosho-Sama—His Death—Persecution
more Violent than ever—Mutual Rancor of the
Jesuits and the Friars—Progress of Martyrdom—The English
and Dutch—A. D. 1613-1620 227

CHAPTER XXIV

Collisions of the Dutch and English in the Eastern Seas—The
English retire from Japan—The Spaniards repelled—Progress
of the Persecution—Japanese Ports, except Hirado and
Nagasaki, closed to Foreigners—Charges in Europe against
the Jesuits—Fathers Sotelo and Collado—Torment of the
Fosse—Apostasies—The Portuguese confined to Deshima—Rebellion
of Shimabara—The Portuguese excluded—Ambassadors
put to Death—A. D. 1621-1640 236

CHAPTER XXV

Policy of the Dutch—Affair of Nuyts—Haganaar’s Visits to
Japan—Caron’s Account of Japan—Income of the Emperor
and the Nobles—Military Force—Social and Political Position
of the Nobles—Justice—Relation of the Dutch to the Persecution
of the Catholics—The Dutch removed from Hirado and
confined in Deshima—Attempts of the English, Portuguese,
and French at Intercourse with Japan—Final Extinction of
the Catholic Faith—A. D. 1620-1707 251

CHAPTER XXVI

Portuguese Trade to Japan—Dutch Trade—Silver, Gold, and
Copper the Chief Articles of Export—Export of Silver
prohibited—Chinese Trade—Its Increase after the Accession of
the Manchu Dynasty—Chinese Temples at Nagasaki—A
Buddhist Doctor from China—Edict on the Subject of Household
Worship—Restrictions on the Dutch Trade—Increase
in the Number of Chinese Visitors to
Nagasaki—Their Objects—Restrictions on the Chinese Trade—The
Chinese shut up in a Factory—Trade with Lew Chew
[Riūkiū]—A. D. 1542-1690 269

CHAPTER XXVII

Engelbert Kämpfer—His Visit to Japan—Deshima and its
Inhabitants as described by him—A. D. 1690 282

CHAPTER XXVIII

Particular Statement as to the Dutch Trade as it existed in
Kämpfer’s Time—Arrival of the Ships—Unlading—Passes—Imports—Company
and Private Goods—Kambans, or
Public Sales—Duties—Profits—Exports—Departure of
the Ships—Smuggling—Execution of Smugglers 316

CHAPTER XXIX

Nagasaki and its Vicinity as seen by Kämpfer—Imperial Governors—Their
Officers and Palaces—Municipal System—Street
Government—Mutual Responsibility—Administration
of Justice—Taxes—Government of other Towns—Adjacent
Country—The God Suwa and his Matsuri—A. D. 1690-1692 337

CHAPTER XXX

Kämpfer’s Two Journeys to Court—Preparations—Presents—Japanese
Attendants—Packing the Baggage and Riding on
Horseback—Japanese Love of Botany—Accoutrements—Road-Books—Norimono
and Kago—A. D. 1690-1692 366

CHAPTER XXXI

Highways—Rivers—Fords—Ferries—Bridges—Water Part
of the Journey—Coast and Islands—Frail Structure of
Japanese Vessels—Description of them—Buildings on the
Route—Proclamation Places—Places of Execution—Tera,
or Buddhist Temples—Miya, or Shintō Temples—Idols and
Amulets 380

INDEX

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

VOLUME I.

PAGE

Image of Date Masamune _Frontispiece_

The Invasion of the Mongol Tartars 2

Entrance to the Temple of Jimmu Tennō 8

Portrait of St. Francis Xavier, One of the Earliest Missionaries to
Japan 42

Image of Yoritomo 64

Ise Temple 68

A Shintō Priest 70

Pilgrims returning from a Temple 72

A Buddhist Sermon 74

Performance of Harakiri 78

The Kintai Bridge, Snō 90

Image of Oda Nobunaga 96

Painting of Taikō-Sama 124

The Expedition against Corea 140

Feudal Strongholds: Himeji Castle; Nagoya Castle 160

Image of Iyeyasu 164

Temple of Hideyoshi, Kyōtō 182

A Scene in the Palace Gardens, Kyōtō 196

Performers on the Koto and the Samisen 212

The Tomb of Iyeyasu, Nikkō 230

Facsimile of an Anti-Christian Edict 242

Dutch Candelabrum at Nikkō 256

Attack on Fort Zeelandia in Formosa 302

Nagasaki Harbor 312

Examination of a Prisoner by Torture 354

Festival with Mikoshi 358

Musical Instruments: Two Styles of Drums; A Flute-player 362

Transportation Methods: A Buddhist Priest in a Norimono;
Ancient Imperial Carriages; Lady in a Kago 366

A Bridge spanning the River Ōigawa; View of Fujikawa 378

The River Ōi 384

Japanese Craft: Sailboats; Rowboats; Junks 386

A Merchant Ship 390

A Dry-goods Shop 396

MAPS

Sketch Map of Old Japan 1

Map of Feudal Japan 272

TO ORIGINAL EDITION

In collecting materials for a biography of the first explorers and
planters of New England and Virginia, I was carried to Japan, where I
happened to arrive (in the spirit) almost simultaneously with Commodore
Perry’s expedition. My interest thus roused in this secluded country
has produced this book, into which I have put the cream skimmed, or,
as I might say, in some cases, the juices laboriously expressed, from
a good many volumes, the greater part not very accessible nor very
inviting to the general reader, but still containing much that is
curious and entertaining, and, to most readers, new; which curiosities,
novelties, and palatable extracts, those who choose will thus be
enabled to enjoy without the labor that I have undergone in their
collection and arrangement—the former, indeed, a labor of love for my
own satisfaction; the latter, one of duty—not to say of necessity—for
the pleasure of the reading and book-buying public.

Instead of attempting, as others have done, to cast into a systematic
shape observations of very different dates, I have preferred to
follow the historic method, and to let the reader see Japan with
the successive eyes of all those who have visited it, and who have
committed their observations and reflections to paper and print. The
number of these observers, it will be found, is very considerable;
while their characters, objects, and points of view, have been widely
different; and perhaps the reader may reach the same conclusion that I
have: that, with all that is said of the seclusion of Japan, there are
few countries of the East which we have the means of knowing better, or
so well.

The complete history of the Portuguese, Spanish, and Dutch relations
with the Japanese is not to be found elsewhere in English; nor in any
language, in a single work; while in no other book have the English and
American relations been so fully treated. Many extraordinary characters
and adventures make their appearance on the scene, and the reader will
have no ground to complain at least of want of variety.

How little the history of Japan and of its former relations with
Portugal and Holland are known—even in quarters where information on
the subject might be said to constitute an official duty—is apparent in
the following passage in a letter addressed from the State Department
at Washington to the Secretary of the Navy, in explanation of the
grounds, reasons, and objects, of our late mission to Japan, and
intended as instruction to the envoy: “Since the islands of Japan were
first visited by European nations, efforts have _constantly_ been made
by the various maritime powers to establish commercial intercourse with
a country whose large population and reputed wealth hold out great
temptations to mercantile enterprise. Portugal was the first to make
the attempt, and her example was followed by Holland, England, Spain,
and Russia, and finally by the United States. _All these attempts,
however, have thus far been unsuccessful_; the permission enjoyed for
a short period by the Portuguese, and that granted to Holland _to send
annually a single vessel_ to the port of Nagasaki, hardly deserving to
be considered exceptions to this remark.”

From Kämpfer, whose name has become so identified with Japan, but into
whose folios few have the opportunity or courage to look, I have made
very liberal extracts. Few travellers have equalled him in picturesque
power. His descriptions have indeed the completeness, and finish, and,
at the same time, the naturalness, and absence of all affectation,
with much of the same quiet humor, characteristic of the best Dutch
pictures. I have preferred to introduce entire the work of such an
artist, rather than to run the risk of spoiling it by attempting
a paraphrase; only, as I had so many other volumes on hand, the
substance, or at least the spirit, of which was to be transferred to
mine, and as folios are no longer in fashion, I have found it necessary
in quoting him to retrench a little the superabundance of his words.
It is from his work also that the ornamental title-page[1] is copied,
stated by his editor to be after a style fashionable in Japan, where
dragons are held in great repute. Kämpfer says, that heads of these
imaginary animals are placed over the doors of houses all over the
East—among the Mahometans of Arabia and Persia, as well as in China and
Japan—to keep off, as the Mahometans say, the envious from disturbing
the peace of families. Perhaps the Japanese authors surround their
title-pages with them in hopes to frighten away the critics.

The outline map,[2] copied principally from that given in the atlas
of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, contains, with
the observations annexed to it, and the note H[2] of the appendix,
about all that we know of the geography of Japan—all at least that
would interest the general reader. The contour of the coast is that
delineated in our sea-charts, and though probably not very correct, is
much more so than that of the Japanese maps; which, however large and
particular, are not much to be relied upon, at least in this respect.
The division into provinces of course rests upon Japanese authority.

In giving Japanese names and words, I have aimed at a certain
uniformity; but, like all other writers on Japan, have failed to attain
it. The Portuguese missionaries, or at least their translators into
Latin, in representing Japanese names, employed _c_ with the force of
_k_ before the vowels _a_, _o_, and _u_, and with the force of _s_
before _e_ and _i_; which same sound of _s_, in common with that of
_ts_, they sometimes represented by _x_. In the earlier part of the
book I have, in relation to several names known only, or chiefly,
through these writers, followed their usage; though generally, in the
representation of Japanese names and words, I have avoided the use of
these ambiguous letters, and have endeavored to conform to the method
of representing the Japanese syllables proposed by Siebold, and of
which an account is given in the Appendix.[2]

The daguerreotype views and portraits taken by the artists attached
to Commodore Perry’s expedition, the publication of which may soon
be hoped for, will afford much more authentic pictures of the
externals of Japan than yet have appeared; and, from the limited stay
and opportunities of observation enjoyed by those attached to that
expedition, must constitute their chief contribution to our knowledge
of the Japanese empire.

R. H.

BOSTON, June 1st, 1855.

EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION

Hildreth’s “Japan as it Was and Is” was published in three editions,—in
1855, 1856, and 1861. In the last edition a new chapter was added
to bring the book down to that date. The value of the book, as a
compilation from all the important European writings on Old Japan,
has always been acknowledged, but has been somewhat diminished by the
various old-fashioned styles of transliteration, which rendered many
Japanese words difficult of recognition. Therefore the present writer,
more than ten years ago, conceived the idea of a revision of Hildreth’s
work, especially by harmonizing the spelling of Japanese words with
the modern system of Romanization, and by adding such other notes and
explanations as might be necessary. This he has been doing gradually,
as leisure afforded opportunity. In the meantime Mr. K. Murakawa, an
alumnus of the Imperial University, Tōkyō, has issued, in two small
limited editions, in 1902 and 1905, a reprint somewhat along that
line. But as his work was done with the needs of Japanese in view, it
does not entirely satisfy the needs of foreigners. The present writer
acknowledges his indebtedness to Mr. Murakawa in some points, but he
had done almost all his work before he saw the Japanese edition. He now
offers an edition which is not merely a reprint, but also a revision,
and is well illustrated. Of course the text of the original has been
followed as closely as possible, and yet not only additions, but also
excisions, have been made whenever necessary. For instance, some of
the footnotes and several of the long notes in the Appendix have
been omitted because they have become either wholly or comparatively
valueless. The writer’s additional notes are signed “Edr.,” and where
Mr. Murakawa’s notes have been used the initials “K. M.” are signed.

Mr. Murakawa says that Hildreth’s book “contains many errors,” because
it was “written by an _author_ who was not in a position to avail
himself of the Japanese sources, at a _time_ when Japan was yet closed
against foreign intercourse, and at a _place_ far away from Japan.”
This statement is partly true but somewhat unjust, because it fails
to take into consideration the fact that Hildreth’s work is chiefly a
compilation, including lengthy quotations, from _authors_ who did avail
themselves as much as possible of Japanese sources, at the very _time_
when they themselves were living in the very _place_, Japan itself.
But these writers were, of course, far from infallible and made errors
of fact or inference which Hildreth followed. And yet it is really
remarkable that, with so many limitations and hindrances, they gained
so good an insight into Japanese life.

It goes without saying that the present editor has not attempted to
correct all the errors of details,—a task which would be as impossible
as unprofitable. He has corrected the most flagrant mistakes so far
as he has discovered them, but he may have overlooked errors needing
attention. He would here call special attention to a few mistakes which
were so frequent and so closely interwoven in the narrative as to
render correction impracticable. The word “Nippon,” which is really
the name of the whole country, is applied by the old writers to the
main island, the real name of which is Hondo. The word “Emperor” almost
always refers to the Shōgun, while the true Emperor is mentioned under
the name of “Dairi.”

It is quite likely that the transliteration of Japanese words is not
absolutely uniform, even in this revision. There is still difference
of opinion among the best authorities on some points. But in this book
there is not so much variety as to be confusing. On this subject see
also the Introduction to the editor’s “Handbook of Modern Japan.”

A word of explanation may be needed concerning some of the
illustrations of Japanese manners and customs. They are produced, of
course, from modern photographs; but as there has been comparatively
little change in those particulars, the illustrations practically
represent the olden times under consideration in this volume.

The map in the original was so crude and inaccurate that it was not
worth reproducing; therefore an entirely new map has been prepared to
show Japan as it was during those days. In the map of Sakhalin a dotted
line shows also the present division of the island between Russia and
Japan, because it was the old one.

The editor is under obligations to his friend, Dr. Wm. Elliot Griffis,
himself both an author and an authority on Japan and the Japanese, for
his Introduction to this volume. Dr. Griffis, in “The Mikado’s Empire,”
was the first to give in America a full account of the land and people
of Japan.

The numerous references here and there and the bibliographical list in
the Appendix ought to add considerably to the value of this edition.
Many of the old books on Japan are out of print and difficult of
access, but even those are included for the sake of any who may be so
fortunate as to have access thereto. A few books ought without fail
to be read in connection with this revision, because they give more
accurate information than was possible in Hildreth’s day. These are
“The Mikado’s Empire,” by Griffis, Rein’s “Japan” and “The Industries
of Japan,” Brinkley’s eight encyclopædic volumes on Japan, and “History
of Japan during the Earlier Century of Foreign Intercourse (1542-1651)”
by Murdock and Yamagata. Frequent references have been made to the
valuable papers in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan,
which are easily accessible in whole or in parts.

The bibliography is not complete, but contains the most important works
in English. More extensive and specific bibliographies may be found
in the editor’s “Handbook of Modern Japan,” Chamberlain’s “Things
Japanese,” and especially Wenckstern’s (revised) “Bibliography of
Japan.” Poole’s Index is also valuable. In the bibliography of this
edition of Hildreth it has not been practicable, in all cases, to
distinguish exactly between Old Japan and New Japan. There is still
so much of the old remaining in this transition period that some
writings of modern days may describe quite accurately conditions of
olden days. With the increased facilities of the present it is possible
to understand better the old conditions, especially as they were
stereotyped for several centuries.

The original title of Hildreth’s work, “Japan as it Was and Is,” was
proper in 1855 and 1856, but it is rather unsuitable in its entirety
fifty years later. However, this revision of Hildreth, together with
the editor’s “Handbook of Modern Japan,” may not unwarrantably be
considered to cover _Japan as it Was and Is_.

ERNEST WILSON CLEMENT.

TŌKYŌ, July 1, 1906.

FOREWORD

BY THE AUTHOR OF “THE MIKADO’S EMPIRE”

The first American teacher in Echizen (1870-1872) feels honored at the
request of the first American teacher in Mito (1887-1891) to write
for his revised and annotated edition of Hildreth’s “Japan” a few
words concerning the author and his book and his most recent editor’s
work. In the days of Townsend Harris and the premier Ii (1858), the
feudal lords of Mito and Echizen, besides being blood relatives, had
misunderstandings with the Yedo authorities, and, with unswerving
loyalty to the Emperor and the most patriotic of motives, were linked
together in strange experiences while manifesting a common desire to
promote their country’s good.

After so long a time the pioneer American educator in Echizen salutes
his fellow-worker who has done so much to make known to us the
illustrious character of the lords of the house of Mito as patrons of
literature and their unwearied devotion to the Imperial and national
cause. I am sure that we are both proud of having been the servants of
the Japanese people in helping to bring to pass that vision of Japan’s
greatness, so tangible in A. D. 1906, to which Hildreth looked, yet
died without ever seeing.

The personality of Richard Hildreth, the historian of the United States
and the unquailing opponent of African slavery in America, was one
of the very first that appealed to me when my own boyish literary
aspirations were first awakened. His intensely powerful novel, “Archy
Moore,” which had been published in 1837, reprinted in England and
again republished in the United States in 1852, under the title of “The
White Slave,” appeared just when Commodore Matthew C. Perry was making
his preparations to sail for Japan. Philadelphia was agog with interest
about the expedition, and many of her citizens were keenly interested,
among them my father, John L. Griffis, who, like my grandfather,
Captain John Griffis, had voyaged to the Philippines, China, and the
Far East. He had built a platform in his coalyard, which directly
adjoined the shiphouse and dock of the United States Navy Yard, wherein
was building the United States steam frigate “Susquehanna,” which later
in Japanese waters became the flagship of Commodore Perry. It is not
so many miles from the upper waters of this noble river of the three
States, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, that this “foreword” is
written.

As a little boy, on the morning of April 6, 1850, at 8.35 A.M., I
saw the graceful “Susquehanna” slide down the ways, float on the
Delaware, and, like a bird of calm, “sit brooding on the charmèd
wave.” I remember how, when sitting on my father’s knee, he put me
down suddenly to rise and call for “three cheers for the future of the
‘Susquehanna.’” We could not then foresee what a noble part the frigate
was to play in the annals of both peace and war. She bore the olive
branch to Japan and she unchained her thunders in the destruction of
slavery.

Richard Hildreth of Massachusetts, author, journalist, economist, and
historian, was born in 1807. He graduated from Harvard College in 1826
and studied law in Newburyport, entering upon practice in Boston. He
left the law for journalism, and, as an editor of the “Boston Atlas,”
lifted up the moral world. In 1834, in poor health, he went South and,
in order to get unbiassed ideas, lived on a slave plantation to study
the workings of the system of unpaid African labor. It was during this
time that he wrote his famous novel, “Archy Moore, The White Slave.”
Returning North he became, with pen and voice, the tireless opponent
of slavery. From 1840 to 1848 Hildreth lived in Demerara, British
Guiana, editing two newspapers, in which he advocated the system of
free instead of slave labor, writing there also his “Theory of Morals”
and his “Theory of Politics.” In the perspective of history we can now
note clearly that he was one of the potent forces in destroying human
slavery in America, and in helping, as an ex-Confederate officer, now
president of the first Woman’s College in the Southern States, told me
a few days ago, “to emancipate eleven million white men.”

Hildreth’s “History of the United States,” though not of great literary
interest, is an amazingly honest picture of the real character of
the makers of the American Republic. He shows our fathers without
transfiguration of their virtues or disguise of their faults or errors.
How he came to write his book on Japan is told by him with sufficient
fulness in his own introduction. Those who know his book best are those
who appreciate it most.

It was while we were fellow-workers in the Imperial University in
Tokio, from 1872 to 1874, that Mr. Edward H. House, who afterwards
found a grave in the land he loved, gave me the details of Hildreth’s
life and personality. Mr. House had been engaged with Mr. Hildreth on
the staff of the “New York Tribune” from the completion of “Japan as
it Was and Is” until the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln. Instead of
appointing Hildreth as Minister to Japan, Mr. Lincoln did but follow
the precedents of political succession, since Perry, Harris, Van
Valkenburg, and Depew (who declined) were all citizens of the Empire
State, and hence nominated the Hon. Robert H. Pruyn of Albany. It was
my own beloved professor in Rutgers College, Dr. David Murray, also
a native of New York State, later chief adviser to the Educational
Department in Japan, who in Tokio first loaned me a copy of Hildreth’s
valuable compilation, and I studied it with care. Notable among the
many benefits which made the volume a boon to foreign students was the
discovery, with its aid, in May, 1872, by Mr. James Walter of Yokohama,
of the tomb of Will Adams at Yokosuka (p. 139).

Hildreth’s scarcely veiled satire on the ignorance of the Americans of
1852 concerning Japan in his “advertisement” is keen. None knew more
than he how steadily the Hollanders had maintained commercial relations
with the Japanese, had fertilized their minds for over two centuries,
and had finally paved the way for American success.

In gratitude to Professor Clement for his unwearied researches and
for his work as editor in this new presentation of the perennially
interesting volume of Hildreth, in commendation of the publishers for
issuing this uniquely valuable work, and in the faith that in its new
dress “Japan as it Was and Is” will receive a warm welcome at the hands
of the American public, we raise our cheer at this hopeful launch on
the waters of literature. How the spirit of Hildreth must rejoice at
free America and free Japan, with slavery and feudalism gone forever
and the two nations in mutually beneficial rivalry for the uplifting of
mankind.

WM. ELLIOT GRIFFIS.

ITHACA, N. Y., July 15, 1906.

JAPANESE PRONUNCIATION

_a_ like _a_ in _father_
_e_ ” _e_ ” _men_
_i_ ” _i_ ” _pin_
_o_ ” _o_ ” _pony_
_u_ ” _oo_ ” _book_
_ai_ as in _aisle_
_ei_ ” _weigh_
_au_ }
_ō_ } as _o_ in _bone_
_ū_ as _oo_ in _moon_

_i_ in the middle of a word and _u_ in the middle or at the end of a
word are sometimes almost inaudible.

The consonants are all sounded, as in English: _g_, however, has only
the hard sound, as in _give_, although the nasal _ng_ is often heard;
_ch_ and _s_ are always soft, as in _check_ and _sin_; and _z_ before
_u_ has the sound of _dz_. In the case of double consonants, each one
must be given its full sound.

There are as many syllables as vowels. There is practically no accent;
but care must be taken to distinguish between _o_ and _ō_, _u_ and _ū_,
of which the second is more prolonged than the first.

Be sure to avoid the flat sound of _a_, which is always pronounced
_ah_.

[Illustration: _The Japanese islands are studded by lofty volcanic
mountains, especially Nipon, which is traversed through its whole
length by a chain which forms the water shed of the island and the
highest peaks of which are covered with perpetual snow. There are seven
active volcanoes, three in Kiusiu and four in Nipon, besides four other
mountains sending out hot springs; along the coast there are several
burning islands, the rivers are numerous but short. The empire includes
eight great subdivisions, called Do, or Ways, viz.: 1. Saikaidō, west
sea way, nine provinces; 2. Nankaido, south sea way, six provinces;
3. Sanyodo, south mountain way, eight provinces; 4. Sanindo, north
mountain way, eight provinces; 5. Gokinaido, five provinces, imperial
domain; 6. Tōkaidō, east sea way, fifteen provinces; 7. Tosando,
east mountain way, eight provinces; 8. Hokurokudo, way of the north
districts, seven provinces. Tsu, Iki and Jezo are not included in this
arrangement._

_NOTE_

_In the pronunciation of Japanese names and words, and in their
representation in European letters, an n is frequently added at the
end of a syllable; as, Nangasaki for Nagasaki, Fingo for Figo, etc._

SKETCH MAP OF OLD JAPAN

Adapted from map in original edition of Hildreth]

JAPAN

AS IT WAS AND IS

CHAPTER I

_Earliest European Knowledge of Japan—Japanese Histories—Marco Polo’s
Account of the Mongol or Tartar Invasion—Accounts of the same Event
given by the Chinese and Japanese Annalists, A. D. 1281 or 1283._

The name JAPAN, pronounced in the country itself _Nippon_ or _Nihon_,
is of Chinese origin—in the Mandarin dialect _Jih-pun_, that is,
sun-source, or Eastern Country.

The first account of Japan, or allusion to its existence, to be found
in any European writer, is contained in the “Oriental Travels” of the
Venetian, Marco Polo, first reduced to writing in the Latin tongue,
about A. D. 1298, while the author was detained a prisoner of war at
Genoa. Zipangu, Zipangri, Cyampagu, Cimpagu, as different editions
of his work have it, is his method of representing the Chinese
_Jih-pun-quo_, sun-source kingdom, or kingdom of the source of the sun.
The Japanese chronicles go back for many centuries previous; but these
chronicles seem to be little more than a bare list of names and dates,
with some legendary statements interwoven, of which the authority does
not appear very weighty, nor the historical value very considerable.

Marco Polo resided for seventeen years (A. D. 1275-1292) at the court
of Kublai Khan (grandson of the celebrated Ghingis Khan,) and ruler,
from A. D. 1260 to A. D. 1294, over the most extensive empire which
the world has ever seen. This empire stretched across the breadth
of the old continent, from the Japanese, the Yellow, the Blue, and
the China Seas (embosoming the Caspian and the Black Seas), to the
Levant, the Archipelago, the river Dniester, and beyond it. Not content
with having added Anatolia and Russia to the western extremity of
this vast kingdom,—the Greek empire being reduced, at this moment,
to the vicinage of Constantinople and the western coasts of the
Archipelago,—Kublai Khan, after completing the conquest of Southern
China, sent an expedition against Japan; in which, however, the Mongols
were no more successful than they had been in their attempts, a few
years before, to penetrate through Hungary and Poland (which they
overran and ravaged, to the terror of all Europe) in Germany, whence
Teutonic valor repelled them.

The accounts given by Marco Polo, and by the Chinese and Japanese
annalists, of this expedition, though somewhat contradictory as to the
details, agree well enough as to the general result. As Marco Polo’s
account is short, as well as curious, we insert it at length, from the
English translation of his travels by Marsden, subjoining to it the
statements which we have of the same event derived from Chinese and
Japanese sources. We may add that Columbus was greatly stimulated to
undertake his western voyages of discovery by the constant study of
Marco Polo’s travels, confidently expecting to reach by that route the
Cathay and Zipangu of that author—countries for which he sedulously
inquired throughout the Archipelago of the West Indies, and along the
southern and western shores of the Caribbean Sea.

[Illustration: THE INVASION BY THE MONGOL TARTARS
From _Official History of Japan_]

“Zipangu,” says Marco Polo, “is an island in the eastern ocean,
situated at the distance of about fifteen hundred miles[3] from the
mainland, or coast of Manji.[4] It is of considerable size; its
inhabitants have fair complexions, are well made, and are civilized
in their manners. Their religion is the worship of idols. They are
independent of every foreign power, and governed only by their own
kings. They have gold in the greatest abundance, its sources being
inexhaustible; but as the king does not allow of its being exported,
few merchants visit the country, nor is it frequented by much shipping
from other parts. To this circumstance we are to attribute the
extraordinary richness of the sovereign’s palace, according to what
we are told by those who have access to the place. The entire roof is
covered with a plating of gold, in the same manner as we cover houses,
or, more properly, churches, with lead. The ceilings of the halls are
of the same precious metal; many of the apartments have small tables
of pure gold, considerably thick; and the windows, also, have golden
ornaments. So vast, indeed, are the riches of the palace, that it is
impossible to convey an idea of them. In this island there are pearls,
also, in large quantities, of a pink color, round in shape, and of
great size, equal in value to white pearls, or even exceeding them. It
is customary with one part of the inhabitants to bury their dead, and
with another part to burn them. The former have a practice of putting
one of these pearls into the mouth of the corpse. There are also found
there a number of precious stones.

“Of so great celebrity was the wealth of this island, that a desire
was excited in the breast of the grand Khan Kublai, now reigning, to
make the conquest of it, and to annex it to his dominions. In order
to effect this, he fitted out a numerous fleet, and embarked a large
body of troops under the command of two of his principal officers, one
of whom was named Abbacatan, and the other Vonsancin. The expedition
sailed from the ports of Zaitun and Kinsai,[5] and crossing the
intermediate sea, reached the island in safety; but, in consequence of
a jealousy that arose between the two commanders, one of whom treated
the plans of the other with contempt, and resisted the execution of his
orders, they were unable to gain possession of any city or fortified
place, with the exception of one only, which was carried by assault,
the garrison having refused to surrender. Directions were given for
putting the whole to the sword, and, in obedience thereto, the heads
of all were cut off except of eight persons, who, by the efficacy of a
diabolical charm, consisting of a jewel or amulet introduced into the
right arm, between the skin and the flesh, were rendered secure from
the effects of iron either to kill or to wound. Upon this discovery
being made, they were beaten with a heavy wooden club, and presently
died.

“It happened, after some time, that a north wind began to blow with
great force, and the ships of the Tartars, which lay near the shore
of the island, were driven foul of each other. It was determined
thereupon, in a council of the officers on board, that they ought to
disengage themselves from the land; and accordingly, as soon as the
troops were disembarked, they stood out to sea. The gale, however,
increased to so violent a degree, that a number of the vessels
foundered. The people belonging to them, by floating upon pieces of the
wreck, saved themselves upon an island, about four miles from the coast
of Zipangu. The other ships, which, not being so near to the land, did
not suffer from the storm, and on which the two chiefs were embarked,
together with the principal officers, or those whose rank entitled
them to command a hundred thousand or ten thousand men, directed their
course homeward, and returned to the grand Khan. Those of the Tartars
who remained upon the island where they were wrecked, and who amounted
to about thirty thousand men, finding themselves without shipping,
abandoned by their leaders, and having neither arms nor provision,
expected nothing less than to become captives or to perish; especially
as the island afforded no habitations where they could take shelter
and refresh themselves. As soon as the gale ceased, and the sea became
smooth and calm, the people from the main island of Zipangu came over
with a large force, in numerous boats, in order to make prisoners of
these shipwrecked Tartars; and, having landed, proceeded in search of
them, but in a straggling, disorderly manner. The Tartars, on their
part, acted with prudent circumspection; and, being concealed from view
by some high land in the centre of the island, whilst the enemy were
hurrying in pursuit of them by one road, made a circuit of the coast by
another, which brought them to the place where the fleet of boats was
at anchor. Finding these all abandoned, but with their colors flying,
they instantly seized them; and, pushing off from the island, stood
for the principal city of Zipangu, into which, from the appearance of
the colors, they were suffered to enter unmolested. Here they found
few of the inhabitants besides women, whom they retained for their own
use, and drove out all others. When the king was apprised of what had
taken place, he was much afflicted, and immediately gave directions
for a strict blockade of the city, which was so effectual that not any
person was suffered to enter or to escape from it during six months
that the siege continued. At the expiration of this time, the Tartars,
despairing of succor, surrendered upon the condition of their lives
being spared. This event took place in the course of the year 1264.”[6]

The above account Marco Polo no doubt derived from the Mongols, who
endeavored, as far as possible, to gloss over with romantic and
improbable incidents a repulse that could not be denied. The Chinese
annalists, who have no partiality for their Mongol conquerors, tell
a much less flattering story. According to their account, as given
by Père Amiot, in his “Mémoires concernant les Chinois,” the fleet
consisted of six hundred ships, fitted out in the provinces of
Kiang-nan, Fou-kien, Ho-nan, and Chan-tong. The army, sailing from
Corea, landed first on the island of Kuchi [?], whence they proceeded
to that of Tsushima, where they learned that the Japanese had long been
expecting them with a great army. On approaching the coast of Japan,
they encountered a furious tempest, which sunk their vessels; so that
of the whole army scarcely one or two in every ten persons escaped.

In the “Histoire Général de la China,” compiled by Father Malela from
Chinese sources, the story is thus told: “The sixth month (1281) Alahan
set out on the expedition against Japan; but scarcely had he reached
the port of embarkation when he died. Atahai, appointed to succeed him,
did not arrive till the fleet had already set sail. In the latitude of
the isle of _Pinghou_ [Hirado], it encountered a violent tempest, by
which most of the vessels were driven on shore. The officers, selecting
those least damaged, themselves returned, leaving behind them in
that island more than a hundred thousand men. The soldiers, finding
themselves thus abandoned, chose a leader, and set themselves to work
to cut down trees to build new vessels, in which to escape. But the
Japanese, apprised of their shipwreck, made a descent upon the island
with a powerful army, and put them to the sword. They spared only ten
or twelve thousand Chinese soldiers, of whom they made slaves; and, of
the whole formidable invading army, hardly three persons returned to
China.”

Father Gaubil, in his “Histoire de la Dynastie des Mongoux,” compiled
also from Chinese sources, states the number of Chinese and Corean
prisoners at eighty thousand, and of the Mongols who were slain at
thirty thousand.

Kämpfer, in his elaborate work on Japan, gives the following as from
the Japanese chronicles, _Nippon Ōdaiki_, and _Nippon Ōkeizu_: “Go-Uda
succeeded his father in the year of Jimmu 1985, of Christ 1275.”
“In the ninth year of his reign, the Tartar general, Mōko, appeared
on the coasts of Japan, with a fleet of four thousand sail, and two
hundred and forty thousand men. The then reigning Tartarian emperor,
Lifsu [Kublai Khan], after he had conquered the empire of China, sent
this general to subdue also the empire of Japan. But this expedition
proved unsuccessful. The _Kami_, that is, the gods of the country,
and protectors of the Japanese empire, were so incensed at the insult
offered them by the Tartars, that, on the first day of the seventh
month, they excited a violent and dreadful storm, which destroyed all
this reputed invincible armada. Mōko himself perished in the waves, and
but few of his men escaped.”

[Illustration: ENTRANCE TO THE TEMPLE OF JIMMU TENNŌ]

Siebold, in his recently published “Archives of Japan,” gives the
following as the account of this invasion contained in the esteemed
Japanese chronicle, _Nikongi_:[7] “So soon as Kublai Khan had
ascended the Mogul throne, he turned his eyes upon distant Japan.
This nation, like _Kaou-le_ (one of the kingdoms of Corea), must
become tributary. Accordingly, in the year 1268,[8] he summoned the
ruler of Nippon to acknowledge his sovereignty. No notice was taken of
this summons, nor of others in 1271 and 1273, the Mongol envoys being
not admitted to an audience, but always dismissed by the governor of
Dazaifu. Hereupon a Mongol fleet, with a Corean contingent, appeared
off Tsushima [a small island half-way from Corea to Japan]. The Mikado
[ecclesiastical sovereign] appointed prayer days, but the Shōgun [the
temporal sovereign] had previously made along the coast every necessary
preparation for defence. The hostile army did not venture upon a
decisive attack. Its movements were governed neither by energy nor by
consistency; and after hovering about a while, without any apparent
definite purpose, the squadron disappeared from the Japanese seas,
merely committing some hostilities upon Kiūshiū at its departure.”

A Japanese encyclopædia, of quite recent date, quoted in Siebold’s
work, besides giving Kublai Khan’s letter of summons, asserts that
the Mongol fleet was met and defeated, after which, other Mongol
envoys being sent to Japan, they were summoned into the presence of
the Shōgun, by whom a decree was promulgated that no Mongol should
land in Japan under pain of death. And it is even pretended that
under this decree the persons composing two subsequent missions sent
by Kublai Khan, in 1276 and 1279, were all put to death. This was
followed, according to the same authority, by the appearance of a new
Mongol-Corean fleet, in 1281, off the island of Hirado. This fleet
was destroyed by a hurricane. Those who escaped to the shore were
taken prisoners and executed, only three being saved to carry to
Kublai Khan the news of this disaster. All these additions, however,
to the story—the letter of Kublai Khan, the murder of the ambassadors,
and the double invasion—may safely enough be set down as Japanese
inventions.[9]

CHAPTER II

_Portuguese Empire in the East—Discovery of Japan—Galvano’s Account
of it—Fernam Mendez Pinto’s Account of his First Visit to Japan, and
Adventures there—Japanese Account of the First Arrival of Portuguese,
A. D. 1542-1545._

Vasco da Gama, by the route of the Cape of Good Hope, entered the
Indian Ocean in November, 1497, and, after coasting the African
continent as far north as Melinda, arrived in May, 1498, at Calicut,
on the Malabar or southwestern coast of the peninsula of Hindustan,—a
discovery speedily followed, on the part of the Portuguese, by
extensive Eastern explorations, mercantile enterprises, and conquests.
The trade of Europe with the East in silks, spices, and other luxuries,
chiefly carried on for two or three centuries preceding, so far as
related to their distribution through Europe, by the Venetians, aided
in the north by the Hanse towns, and, so far as the collection of the
articles of it throughout the East was concerned, by the Arabs (Cairo,
in Egypt, being the point of exchange), was soon transferred to the
Portuguese; and Lisbon, enriched by this transfer, which the Mahometan
traders and the Venetians struggled in vain to prevent, rose rapidly,
amid the decline of numerous rivals, to great commercial wealth and
prosperity, and the headship of European commerce.

The Portuguese, from the necessity of the case, traded sword in hand;
and their intercourse with the nations of the East was much more
marked by the insolence of conquest, than by the complaisance of
traders. Goa, some three hundred miles to the north of Calicut, which
fell into their power in 1510, became a splendid city, the vice-royal
and archiepiscopal seat, whence were governed a multitude of widespread
dependencies. The rule of the Portuguese viceroy extended on the west
by Diu, Ormus, and Socotra (commanding the entrances into the Gulf of
Cambay, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea), along the east coast of
Africa by Melinda to Sofala, opposite the south part of Madagascar.
Malacca, near the extremity of the peninsula of Further India, occupied
in 1511, became the capital of their possessions and conquests in
the far East, and soon rose into a magnificent seat of empire and
commerce, second only to Goa. Among the most valuable dependencies of
Malacca were the Moluccas or Spice Islands. The islands of Sumatra,
Java, and Borneo,—in the occupation of which the Mahometans had
preceded them,—Celebes, Mindanao, and even New Guinea were coasted, and
commercial and political relations established, to a greater or less
degree, with the native chiefs. The coasts of Pegu, Siam, Cambodia,
and the southern parts of China, were visited as early as 1516; but
the usual insolence of the Portuguese, in attempting to establish a
fortified post not far from Canton, resulted in the imprisonment and
miserable death of an ambassador of theirs, then on his way to Pekin,
while it gave a new impulse to the suspicious policy of the Chinese,
which allowed no intercourse with foreigners, and even forbade the
Chinese junks to trade to foreign ports. In spite, however, of this
prohibition, numerous Chinese merchants, self-exiled from home, were
established in the principal trading marts of the southeastern seas;
and with their aid, and sometimes that of the corsairs, by whom the
coasts of China were then, as now, greatly infested, and by bribing
the mandarins, a sort of commerce, a cross between smuggling and
privateering, was carried on along the Chinese coast. The principal
marts of this commerce were Ningpo (known to the Portuguese as Liampo,
on the continent, opposite the isle of Chusan, in the suburbs of which
city the Portuguese managed to establish a trading settlement) and
Sancian, an island near the entrance of the bay of Canton, where the
Chinese merchants from Canton met the Portuguese traders, who, during
a few months in each year, sojourned there in temporary huts while the
trade was going on. Down, however, to the year 1542 nothing had yet
been heard of Japan, beyond Marco Polo’s mention and brief account of
it.

The first visit of the Portuguese to Japan is ascribed to that year,
1542, by Antonio Galvano, in his little book, first published, after
his death, in 1557, containing a brief chronological recital of
discoveries by sea and land, from the flood to the year of grace
1555, particularly the recent ones of the Spanish and Portuguese,
in which Galvano had been an active participator, having greatly
distinguished himself as the Portuguese governor of the Moluccas. With
a disinterestedness as uncommon then as now, more intent upon the
public service than his own enrichment, after repeatedly refusing the
regency of the Moluccas tendered to him by the natives, and putting
into the public treasury the rich presents of spices which were made to
him, he had returned to Portugal, in 1540, a poor man; and so vain was
his reliance on the gratitude of the court that he was obliged to pass
the last seventeen years of his life as the inmate of a charitable
foundation, solacing his leisure by composing the history of exploits
in which he no longer participated. His account of the discovery of
Japan, which he must have obtained at second hand, as it happened after
he had left the Indies, is thus given in Hackluyt’s translation[10]:

“In the year of our Lord 1542, one Diego de Freitas being in the realm
of Siam, and in the city of Dodra, as captain of a ship, there fled
from him three Portuguese in a junco (which is a kind of ship) towards
China. Their names were Antony de Moto, Francis Zimoro, and Antonio
Perota. Directing their course to the city of Liampo [Ningpo], standing
in 30° odd of latitude, there fell upon their stern such a storm, that
it set them off the land; and in a few days they saw an island towards
the east, standing in 32°, which they do name Japan, which seemeth to
be the isle of Zipangry whereof Paulus Venetus [Marco Polo] maketh
mention, and of the riches thereof. And this island of Japan hath gold,
silver, and other riches.”

Upon the strength of this statement of Galvano’s, Maffei in his elegant
Latin “Indian History,” first printed in 1589, and whom subsequent
writers have generally followed, ascribes to the three Portuguese above
mentioned the honor of the discovery of Japan, though it was claimed,
he says, by several others. Of these others the only one known to
us is Fernam Mendez Pinto, who in his “Peregrinations in the East,”
first published in 1614, about thirty-six years after his death, seems
to represent himself and two companions as the original Portuguese
discoverers.

Pinto’s veracity has been very sharply called in question[11]; but
the main facts of his residence in the East and early visits to Japan
are amply established by contemporary letters, written from Malacca
as early as 1564, and published at Rome as early as 1566, including
one from Pinto himself. In the introduction to his “Peregrinations” he
describes himself as the child of poor parents, born in the city of
old Montemayor, in Portugal, but placed in the year 1521, when he was
about ten or twelve years old,—he fixes the year by the breaking of the
escutcheons on the death of King Manuel, a ceremony which he witnessed,
and the oldest historical fact he could remember,—through the interest
of an uncle, in the service of a noble lady of Lisbon. Having been with
her for a year and a half, some catastrophe occurred—he does not tell
what—which led him to fly in terror for his life; and, finding himself
upon a pier, he embarked on a vessel just about to leave it. That
vessel was taken by French pirates, who threatened at first to sell
him and the other captives to the Moors of Barbary; but having taken
another richer prize, after much ill treatment they put him and several
others ashore on the Portuguese coast. After this he passed into the
service successively of two noblemen; but finding their pay very small,
he was prompted to embark to seek his fortune in the East, and, in
pursuit of that object, landed at Diu in 1537.

It was by the daring and enterprise of just such adventurers as Pinto
that the Portuguese, who, up to this time, had few regular troops
in the East, had already acquired so extensive an empire there; just
as a similar set of Spanish adventurers had acquired, and still were
extending, a vast Spanish empire in America; the two nations, in their
circuit round the globe, meeting at the Moluccas, the possession of
which, though about this very time, as we shall see, contested by the
Spaniards, the Portuguese succeeded in maintaining, as indeed they had
been the first to visit and occupy them.

The Turks at this time were the terror and dread of all the Christian
nations. In the West they had lately occupied Hungary, laid siege to
Vienna, and possessed themselves of all the fortresses hitherto held
by the Venetians in the Archipelago and the Morea. Having acquired
the superiority over Egypt by dethroning the Mameluke sultans, and
by the renunciation of the caliphs of Bagdad (long exiles in Egypt),
the headship of the Mahometan church, they were now carrying on,
with renewed energy, by way of the Red Sea, the perpetual war waged
in the East, as well as in the West, by the Mussulmans against the
infidels; and had, indeed, just before Pinto’s arrival at Diu, besieged
that city in great force. Going to cruise against these Mussulman
enemies, after various adventures and a visit to Abyssinia,—with
which secluded Christian or semi-Christian kingdom the Portuguese had
opened a communication,—Pinto was captured at the entrance of the Red
Sea, carried to Mocha, and there sold to a Greek renegado, and by
him to a Jew, from whom he was redeemed by the Portuguese governor
of Ormus, who furnished him with the means of reaching Goa. At this
centre of Portuguese enterprise and adventure Pinto entered into the
service of Dom Pedro de Faria, captain-general of Malacca. Perceiving
his superior intelligence and adroitness, Faria sent him on numerous
missions to the native princes of those parts, by intermeddling in
whose domestic affairs the Portuguese generally contrived to find a
foothold for themselves. Despatched on one of these missions, he was
shipwrecked, made a slave of, and sold to a Mussulman, who carried
him to Malacca, whence he was again sent on a new mission, provided
with money to redeem certain Portuguese captives, and taking with him
also a small sum, which he had borrowed at Malacca, to trade upon
for himself. While occupied with this mission, Pinto met, at Patana
[present Patany] (on the east shore of the Malay peninsula, and some
four hundred miles to the north of Malacca), with Antonio de Faria, a
kinsman of his patron’s, sent thither on a political mission, but who
had also improved the opportunity for trade, by borrowing at Malacca
twelve thousand crusados,[12] which he had invested in cloths. Finding
no market there for these goods, Faria was induced to despatch them
to Lugor, on the same coast, further north; and Pinto, with his small
adventure, was led by the hope of a profitable trade to embark in the
same vessel. He arrived safely near Lugor; but the vessel, while lying
in the river below that city, was boarded by a Saracen corsair. Pinto
with two others plunged into the water and escaped, wounded, to the
shore; and having succeeded in reaching Patana, he communicated to
Antonio de Faria information of their mutual loss.

Overwhelmed by this news, and afraid to face his creditors at Malacca,
Faria, with the remnant of his fortune and the assistance of his
friends, fitted out a small cruiser, in which he embarked in May,
1540, with several Portuguese, and Pinto among the rest, nominally to
seek out the pirate who had robbed him, but in fact to recruit his
fortune as he might. After many adventures—the acquisition of great
wealth by numerous captures of richly laden corsairs and others, its
loss by shipwreck, the getting of a new vessel, the meeting with
the corsair who had robbed them at Lugor, the taking of his vessel,
another shipwreck, and the sack of a Chinese town, where some of their
shipwrecked companions were detained as prisoners—they put into Liampo
(Ningpo), finding on some islands at no great distance from that city,
and known as the Gates of Liampo, a Portuguese settlement of a thousand
houses, with six or seven churches, and with regular Portuguese
officers and laws—as much so, says Pinto, as if the place had been
situated between Lisbon and Santarem.[13] Here they met with a Chinese
corsair, who told them a marvellous story of the island of Calempui,
not far from Pekin, in which lay buried seventeen Chinese kings, and
whose tombs, guarded and watched over by priests, contained vast
treasures. Under the pilotage of this corsair, Faria set out in May,
1542, to rob these tombs. Pinto’s account of the voyage thither, and
of the tombs themselves, from which, terrified by the alarm that was
raised, they fled away, with their object only partially accomplished,
forms one of the most questionable, and at all events the most
distorted, portions of his narrative.

Shortly after, they were shipwrecked again on the Chinese coast. Faria
with most of his countrymen were drowned; but Pinto with thirteen
others escaped to the shore, where they lived a while by begging,
but were presently taken up as vagabonds, harshly treated, sent to
Nankin, and there, on suspicion of being thieves, condemned to lose
their thumbs. They appealed from this sentence by the aid of certain
officers appointed to look after the poor, and were taken to Pekin,
where, after a residence of two months and a half, the charge of theft
was dismissed for want of proof, the prosecutors being obliged to pay
them damages; but still they were sent in confinement to the frontier
town of Quansi for eight months, there to work in the maintenance of
the great wall. From this imprisonment they were delivered by an inroad
of Tartars, who laid siege to Pekin, and to whom one of the Portuguese,
the party reduced by this time to nine, rendered essential military
service. Accompanying these invaders back to Tartary, they were sent,
except one, who remained behind, as attendants upon the train of an
ambassador to Cochin China, by whose procurement they were conveyed to
the island of Sancian, in hopes of finding a passage thence to Malacca.
But the Portuguese ships had departed five days before; and so they
proceeded on some leagues further to the island of Lampacau (the same
upon which the Portuguese town of Macao was not long afterwards built,
and already a resort for merchants and rovers). Here they found no
other resource except to enlist in the service of a Chinese corsair,
who arrived shortly after they did, with two ships, of which the crews
were mostly wounded, having just escaped, with the loss of many other
ships, from a recent engagement with a Chinese fleet off Chincheo,
a great city, about half-way from Canton to Ningpo. The Portuguese
had got into a quarrel among themselves, which they carried out, as
Pinto says, with true Portuguese obstinacy. Five of them embarked in
one of the corsair’s ships, and Pinto, with two companions, named
Diego Zeimoto and Christopher Borello, in the other. The five, with
the vessel in which they sailed, were soon after lost in a desperate
naval engagement, which lasted a whole day, with seven large corsair
junks, in which that vessel was burnt. The other, in which Pinto was,
escaped with the greatest difficulty, by favor of the breeze, which
freshened at night. This breeze changed soon into a gale, before which
the corsair ran for the Lew Chew islands (Riū-Kiū), with which he was
familiar; but being without a pilot, and the wind shifting to the
northeast, they had to beat against it for twenty-three days before
they made land. After running along the coast for some distance they
anchored off an island in seventy fathoms.[14] “Immediately,” says
Pinto, “two little skiffs put off the shore to meet us, in which were
six men, who, on coming on board, after having saluted us courteously,
asked us whence our junk came; and being answered that it came from
China, with merchandise to trade there, if permission should be
obtained, one of the six said to us that the Nantaquim (?), the lord
of that island, which was called Tanegashima, would willingly permit
us to trade if we would pay the duties customarily paid in Japan;
‘which,’said he, ‘is that great island which you see there over against
us.’” Whereupon the ship was piloted into a good harbor, on which
was situated a considerable town, and was soon surrounded with boats
bringing provisions to sell.

In a short time they were visited by the Nantaquim (?) himself,
accompanied by many gentlemen and merchants, with chests of silver. As
he approached the ship, the first persons who attracted his attention
were Pinto and his companions. Perceiving how different they were in
complexion, features, and beard from the others, he eagerly inquired
who they were. “The corsair captain made answer to him,” says Pinto,
“that we were from a land called Malacca, to which many years before we
had gone from another very distant country, called Portugal; at which
the prince, greatly astonished, turning to those about him, said, ‘May
I die, if these be not the Chenchicogins,[15] of whom it is written in
our ancient books, that, flying on the tops of the waves, they will
subdue all the lands about them until they become masters of all the
countries in which God has placed the riches of the world! Wherefore
we should esteem it a great piece of good fortune if they come to
us with offers of friendship and good will.’[16]” And then calling
in the aid of a woman of Lew Chew, whom he employed as interpreter,
he proceeded to make very particular inquiries of the captain as to
where he had found these men, and why he had brought them thither. “To
whom,” says Pinto, “our captain replied, that without doubt we were
merchants and trusty people, whom, having found shipwrecked on the
island of Lampacau, he had received on board his junk, as it was his
custom to do by all whom he found in such case, having himself been
saved in the same way from the like disaster, to which all were liable
who ventured their lives and property against the impetuous fury of the
waves.” Satisfied with this answer, the prince came on board; not with
his whole retinue, though they were all eager for it, but with only a
select few. After examining the ship very curiously, he seated himself
under an awning, and asked the Portuguese many questions about their
country, and what they had seen in their travels. Highly delighted
with their answers and the new information they were able to give him,
he invited them to visit him on shore the next day, assuring them
that this curious information was the merchandise he most wished for,
and of which he never could have enough. The next morning he sent to
the junk a large boat loaded with grapes, pears, melons, and a great
variety of vegetables, for which the captain returned a present of
cloths and Chinese jewels. The next day, having first moored the ship
securely, the captain went on shore with samples of his goods, taking
with him the three Portuguese and ten or twelve of the best-looking of
the Chinese. Their reception was very gracious, and the prince having
called together the principal merchants, the samples were exhibited,
and a tariff of prices agreed upon.

This matter arranged, the prince began to requestion the Portuguese; to
which inquiries Pinto, who acted as spokesman, made answers dictated,
as he confesses, less by strict regard to the truth than by his desire
to satisfy the prince’s appetite for wonders, and to magnify the
king and country of Portugal in his eyes. The prince wished to know
whether it were true, as the Chinese and Lew Chewans had told him, that
Portugal was larger and richer than China? Whether (a matter as to
which he seemed very certain) the king of Portugal had really conquered
the greater part of the world? And whether he actually had more than
two thousand houses full of gold and silver? All which questions Pinto
answered in the affirmative; though, as to the two thousand houses, he
confessed that he had never actually counted them—a thing by no means
easy in a kingdom so vast.

Well pleased with his guests, the king caused the Portuguese to be
entertained, by a wealthy merchant, in a house near his own; and he
assigned also warehouses to the Chinese captain to facilitate his
trade, which proved so successful that a cargo, which had cost him in
China twenty-five hundred taels[17] of silver, brought him in twelve
times as much in Japan; thus reimbursing all the loss he had lately
suffered by the capture of his vessels.

“Meanwhile we three Portuguese,” says Pinto, “as we had no merchandise
to occupy ourselves about, enjoyed our time in fishing, hunting,
and visiting the temples, where the priests, or bonzes, as they are
called, gave us a very good reception, the Japanese being naturally
well disposed and very conversable.” Diego Zeimoto went often forth to
shoot with an espingarda [a large hand-gun or musket], which he had
brought from Tartary, and in the use of which he was very dexterous.
One day, at a lake where were many kinds of birds, he killed at various
shots six-and-twenty ducks. Some Japanese, observing this new method
of shooting, which they had never seen before, reported it to the
prince, who was busy at the moment in observing the running of some
horses, which had been brought to him from a distance. Zeimoto, being
called, came into his presence, with the gun on his shoulder, and two
Chinamen loaded with the game; and as the thing was entirely novel in
this country, and as the Japanese knew nothing of the secret of the
powder, they all ascribed it to enchantment,—an astonishment which
Zeimoto increased by shooting on the spot a kite and two doves. The
prince caused Zeimoto to be mounted on a horse, himself sitting behind
him, and to be conducted through the town, followed by a great crowd,
preceded by a herald, who proclaimed him an adopted kinsman of the
prince, to be treated by all as such; and having taken him to his own
palace, he assigned him an apartment there next his own, doing many
favors also to the other Portuguese for his sake. Zeimoto responded by
making the prince a present of the gun, who sent him, in return, a
thousand taels of silver, beseeching him much to teach him how to make
the powder; with which request Zeimoto complied. The prince, greatly
delighted with his acquisition, caused other guns to be made like it;
“so that,” says Pinto, “when we left, which was in five months and
a half, there were more than six hundred; and when I visited Japan,
in 1556, as ambassador from the Portuguese viceroy, Don Alonzo de
Noronha, to the king of Bungo, the Japanese told me that in the city
of Fuchū [or Funni], the capital of that kingdom, there were more than
thirty thousand guns. And when I expressed my astonishment at this as
incredible, some very respectable merchants positively assured me that
in the whole land of Japan there were more than three hundred thousand,
and that they themselves, in six voyages to Lew Chew, had carried
thither five-and-twenty thousand. From which it may be known what this
nation is, and how naturally inclined to military exercises, in which
it delights itself more than any other of these distant nations yet
discovered.”[18]

At the end of three-and-twenty days, a ship arrived from the kingdom
of Bungo, in which came many merchants, who, as soon as they had
landed, waited on the prince with presents, as was customary. Among
them was an old man, very well attended, and to whom all the rest paid
great respect. He made prostrations before the prince, presenting him
a letter, and a rich sword garnished with gold, and a box of fans,
which the prince received with great ceremony. The reading of this
letter seemed to disturb the prince, and, having sent the messengers
away to refresh themselves, he informed the Portuguese, through the
interpreter, that it came from the king of Bungo and Hakata, his
uncle, father-in-law, and liege lord, as he was also the superior of
several other principalities. This letter—which, as is usual with him
in such cases, Pinto, by a marvellous stretch of memory, undertakes to
give in precise words—declared that the writer had heard by persons
from Satsuma that the prince had in his city “three Chenchicogins
[_Tenjikujin_], from the end of the world, very like the Japanese,
clothed in silk and girded with swords; not like merchants, whose
business it is to trade, but like lovers of honor, seeking to gild
their names therewith, and who had given great information, affirming,
on their veracity, that there is another world, much larger than this
of ours, and peopled with men of various complexions”; and the letter
ended with begging that, by Hizen dono, his ambassador, the prince
would send back one of these men, the king promising to return him safe
and soon. It appeared from this letter, and from the explanations which
the prince added to it, that the king of Bungo was a severe sufferer
from a gouty affection and from fits of melancholy, from which he
hoped, by the aid of these foreigners, to obtain some diversion, if not
relief. The prince, anxious and bound as he was to oblige his relative
and superior, was yet unwilling to send Zeimoto, his adopted kinsman,
but one of the others he begged to consent to go; and when both
volunteered, he chose Pinto, as he seemed the more gay and cheerful
of the two, and so best fitted to divert the sick man’s melancholy;
whereas the solemn gravity of the other, though of great account in
more weighty matters, might, in the case of a sick man, rather tend
to increase his ennui. And so, with many compliments, to which, says
Pinto, the Japanese are much inclined, he was given in charge to the
ambassador, with many injunctions for his good treatment, having first,
however, received two hundred taels with which to equip himself.

They departed in a sort of galley; and stopping in various places,
arrived in four or five days at Usuki, a fortress of the king of
Bungo,[19] seven leagues distant from his capital of Fuchū (present
Ōita), to which they proceeded by land. Arriving there in the middle
of the day (not a proper time to wait upon the king), the ambassador
took him to his own house, where they were joyfully met, and Pinto was
well entertained by the ambassador’s wife and two sons. Proceeding to
the palace on horseback, they were very graciously received by a son
of the king, some nine or ten years old, who came forth richly dressed
and with many attendants. After many ceremonies between the young
prince and the ambassador, they were taken to the king, who, though
sick abed, received the ambassador with many formalities. Presently
Pinto was introduced, and by some well-turned compliments made a
favorable impression, leading the courtiers to conclude—and so they
told the king—that he could not be a merchant, who had passed his life
in the low business of buying and selling, but rather some learned
bonze, or at least some brave corsair of the seas. In this opinion the
king coincided; and, being already somewhat relieved from his pains,
proceeded to question the stranger as to the cure of the gout, which he
suffered from, or at least some remedy for the total want of appetite
by which he was afflicted. Pinto professed himself no doctor, but
nevertheless undertook to cure the king by means of a sovereign herb
which he had brought with him from China (ginseng, probably); and this
drug he tried on the patient with such good effect that in thirty days
he was up and walking, which he had not done for two years before.
The next twenty days Pinto passed in answering an infinite number of
questions, many of them very frivolous, put to him by the king and
his courtiers, and in entertaining himself in observing their feasts,
worship, martial exercises, ships of war, fisheries, and hunting, to
which they were much given, and especially their hunting with hawks and
falcons, quite after the European fashion.

A gun, which Pinto had taken with him, excited as much curiosity as it
had done at Tanegashima, especially on the part of a second son of the
king, named Arichandono (?), about seventeen or eighteen years old,
who was very pressing to be allowed to shoot it. This Pinto declined to
permit, as being dangerous for a person without experience; but, at the
intercession of the king, he appointed a time at which the experiment
should be made. The young prince, however, contrived beforehand to
get possession of the gun while Pinto was asleep, and having greatly
overloaded it, it burst, severely wounding his hand and greatly
disabling one of his thumbs. Hearing the explosion, and running out to
see what might be the matter, Pinto found the young prince abandoned
by his frightened companions, and lying on the ground bleeding and
insensible; and by the crowd who rushed in he was immediately accused
of having murdered the king’s son, hired to do so, as was suspected, by
the relations of two noblemen executed the day before as traitors. His
life seemed to be in the most imminent danger; he was so frightened as
not to be able to speak, and so beside himself that if they had killed
him he hardly thinks he would have known it; when, fortunately, the
young prince coming to, relieved him from all blame by telling how the
accident had happened. The prince’s wounds, however, seemed so severe,
that none of the bonzes called in dared to undertake the cure; and it
was recommended, as a last resource, to send to Hakata, seventy leagues
off, for another bonze, of great reputation, and ninety-two years old.
But the young prince, who declared that he should die while waiting,
preferred to entrust himself to the hands of Pinto, who, following the
methods which he had seen adopted by Portuguese surgeons in India, in
twenty days had the young prince able to walk about again; for which
he received so many presents that the cure was worth to him more than
fifteen hundred crusados. Information coming from Tanegashima that the
Chinese corsair was ready to sail, Pinto was sent back by the king in a
galley, manned by twenty rowers, commanded by a gentleman of the royal
household, and provided with abundant supplies.

The corsair having taken him on board, they sailed for Liampo (Ningpo),
where they arrived in safety. The three survivors of Antonio de Faria’s
ship were received at that Portuguese settlement with the greatest
astonishment, and many congratulations for their return; and the
discovery they had made of the rich lands of Japan was celebrated by a
religious procession, high mass, and a sermon.

These pious services over, all hastened with the greatest zeal and
contention to get the start of the rest in fitting out ships for this
new traffic, the Chinese taking advantage of this rivalry to put up
the prices of their goods to the highest rates. In fifteen days nine
junks, not half provided for the voyage, put to sea, Pinto himself
being on board one of them. Overtaken on their passage by a terrible
storm, seven of them foundered, with the loss of seven hundred men,
of whom a hundred and forty were Portuguese, and cargoes to the value
of three hundred thousand crusados. Two others, on board one of which
was Pinto, escaped, and arrived near the Lew Chew Islands; where, in
another storm, that in which Pinto was, lost sight of the other, nor
was it ever afterwards heard of. “Towards evening,” says Pinto, “the
wind coming east-northeast, the waves ran so boisterous, wild, and
high, that it was most frightful to see. Our captain, Gaspar de Melo,
an hidalgo and very brave, seeing that the junk had sprung a leak
in her poop, and that the water stood already nine palms deep on the
lower deck, ordered, with the advice of his officers, to cut away both
masts, as, with their weight and the rolling, the junk was opening very
fast. Yet, in spite of all care he could not prevent the mainmast from
carrying away with it fourteen men, among whom were five Portuguese,
crushed in the ruins,—a most mournful spectacle, which took away
from us survivors all the little spirits we had left. So we suffered
ourselves to be drifted along before the increasing tempest, which we
had no means to resist, until about sunset, when the junk began to open
at every seam. Then the captain and all of us, seeing the miserable
condition in which we were, betook ourselves for succor to an image of
our Lady, whom we besought with tears and groans to intercede for us
with her blessed Son to forgive our sins.”

The night having passed in this manner, about dawn the junk struck
a shoal and went to pieces, most of the crew being drowned. A few,
however, escaped to the shore of what proved to be the Lew Chew
Islands, now first made known to the Portuguese. Here happened many
new dangers and adventures; but at last, by female aid, always a great
resource with Pinto, he found his way back in a Chinese junk to Liampo,
whence, after various other adventures, he again reached Malacca.

To these Portuguese accounts of the European discovery of Japan may
be added the following, which Siebold gives as an extract from a
Japanese book of annals: “Under the Mikado Go-Nara and the Shōgun
Yoshiharu, in the twelfth year of the _Nengō_ [era] Tembun,[20] on
the twenty-second day of the eighth month [October, 1543], a strange
ship made the island Tanegashima, near Koura, in the remote province
Nishimura.[21] The crew, about two hundred in number, had a singular
appearance; their language was unintelligible, their native land
unknown. On board was a Chinese, named Gohow [Gobō], who understood
writing. From him it was gathered that this was a _nam-ban_ (Japanese
form of the Chinese _nan-man_), that is, ‘southern barbarian,’ship.
On the twenty-sixth this vessel was taken to Akuopi harbor on the
northwest side of the island, and Tokitaka, governor of Tanegashima,
instituted a strict investigation concerning her, the Japanese bonze,
Tsyn-sigu-zu, acting as interpreter by means of Chinese characters.
On board the _nam-ban_ ship were two commanders, Mura-synkya and
Krista-muta. They had fire-arms, and first made the Japanese acquainted
with shooting arms and the preparation of shooting powder.” It is added
that the Japanese have preserved portraits of these two distinguished
strangers[22]; but, if so, it is much to be feared that the likenesses
cannot be relied upon, as Fischer, one of the most recent writers on
Japan, and who has himself published the finest specimens which have
yet appeared of Japanese graphic art, says he never knew nor heard of a
tolerable Japanese portrait-painter; while Golownin declares that the
portraits taken of himself and his companions, prisoners on the island
of Matsumai, in 1812, to be forwarded to Yedo, bore not the least
resemblance to the originals.[23]

CHAPTER III

_Pinto’s Second Visit to Japan_—_Anjirō, or Paul of the Holy
Faith_—_A. D. 1547-1548._

After a great variety of haps and mishaps in Pegu, Siam, Java, and
elsewhere, Fernam Mendez Pinto represents himself as having embarked
a second time for Japan, in a ship commanded by George Alvarez, which
sailed from Malacca in the year 1547. In twenty-six days they made the
island of Tanegashima, nine leagues south of the mainland of Japan; and
on the fifth day afterwards reached Fuchū, in the kingdom of Bungo, a
hundred leagues to the north. The king and the inhabitants gave them a
very friendly reception; but very shortly after their arrival a civil
commotion broke out, in which the king was murdered with most of his
family and a number of Portuguese who were in his service; the city
being set on fire during the outbreak, and great numbers killed on both
sides.

One of the king’s sons, who, when this event occurred, happened to be
at the fortress of Usuki, seven leagues distant, would have proceeded
at once to Fuchū but for the advice of his tutor, Hizen dono, the same
name borne by the ambassador of the king of Bungo, under whose guidance
Pinto, according to his former narrative, had first visited Fuchū. This
person advised the young prince first to collect a sufficient army; and
of the Japanese method of calling to arms Pinto gives the following
account: Every housekeeper, high and low, was required to keep by him
a conch-shell, which, under severe penalties, could be sounded on four
occasions only,—tumults, fire, thieves, and treason. To distinguish
what the alarm was for, the shell was sounded once for tumult, twice
for fire, three times for thieves, and four times for treason. So soon
as the alarm of treason was sounded, every householder who heard it was
obliged to repeat it. And upon the signal thus given, and which spread
from house to house and village to village, all were obliged to march
armed to the spot whence it came, the whole population of the district
being thus very soon collected.

By this means, in the course of seven days, during three of which the
young prince lamented his murdered relatives at a convent of bonzes
in a grove near the city, after which he proceeded to confiscate the
estates of the rebels, Pinto collects for him an army,—he is generally
pretty liberal in such matters,—estimated at one hundred and thirty
thousand men, of whom seventeen thousand were cavalry. The multitude
thus collected breeding a famine, the prince marched upon Fuchū, where
he was received with great demonstrations of loyalty. But, before
repairing to the palace, he stopped at the temple where the body of his
father was lying, whose obsequies he celebrated with much pomp, the
observance lasting through two nights, with a great display of torches
and illuminations. The closing ceremony was the presentation to the son
of the bloody garments of the father, on which he swore that he would
show no mercy to the traitors, even though to save their lives they
might turn bonzes; but that, rather than allow them to escape, he would
destroy every convent or temple in which they might take refuge.

On the fourth day, having been inaugurated as king, but with little
pomp, he marched with a still-increasing army against the rebels,
who, to the number of ten thousand, had entrenched themselves on a
neighboring hill, where, being surrounded by the royal forces, rather
than surrender, they were cut off to a man.

The city of Fuchū was left almost in ruins by this civil war; and the
Portuguese, despairing of being able to find purchasers for their
goods, proceeded to the city of Hamanoichi [or Miyakonojō], ninety
leagues to the southward, on the bay of Kagoshima, where they remained
for two months and a half, unable to sell their cargo, as the market
was completely overstocked by Chinese merchandise, which had been
poured in such quantities into the Japanese ports as to be worth much
less than it was in China. Pinto and his company were entirely at a
loss what to do; but from this dilemma they were delivered, as Pinto
will have it, by the special providence of the Most High; for at the
new moon of December a terrible storm occurred, in which almost the
whole of these foreign traders were destroyed, to the incredible
number, as Pinto relates, of near two thousand vessels, including
twenty-six belonging to the Portuguese. Of the whole number, only
ten or a dozen escaped, among them that in which Pinto was, which
afterwards disposed of her lading to very good profit. So they got
ready to depart, well pleased to see themselves so rich, but sad
at having made their gains at the cost of so many lives, both of
countrymen and strangers. Three times, however, they were detained
by accidents, the last time barely escaping—by the help of the
Virgin Mary, as Pinto insists—being carried by the strong current
upon a dangerous reef; just at which moment they saw approaching the
shore, in great haste, two men on horseback, making signs to them
with a cloth. The preceding night four slaves, one of whom belonged
to Pinto, had escaped from the vessel; and, thinking to receive some
news of them, Pinto went in the boat with two companions. “Coming
to the shore,” he says, “where the two men on horseback awaited us,
one of them, who seemed the principal person, said to me, ‘Sir, as
the haste I am in admits of no delay, being in great fear of some
people who are in pursuit of me, I beg of you, for the love of God,
that, without suggesting doubts or weighing inconveniences, you will
receive me at once on board your ship.’At which words of his I was
so much embarrassed,” says Pinto, “as hardly to know what to do, and
the more so as I recollected having twice seen him in Hamanoichi, in
the company of some merchants of that city. Scarcely had I received
him and his companion into the boat, when fourteen men on horseback
made their appearance, approaching at full speed and crying out to me,
‘Give up that traitor, or we will kill you!’Others soon after came
up, both horsemen and on foot; whereupon I put off to the distance of
a good bow-shot, and inquired what they wanted. To which they made
answer, ‘If thou dost carry off that Japanese, know that a thousand
heads of fellows like thee shall pay the forfeit of it.’To all which,”
says Pinto, “I replied not a word, but, pulling to the ship, got on
board with the two Japanese, who were well received, and provided by
the captain and the other Portuguese with everything necessary for so
long a voyage.” The name of this fugitive was Anjirō, “an instrument
selected by the Lord,” so Pinto piously observes, “for his praise and
the exaltation of the holy faith.”

In fourteen days the ship reached Chincheo, but found the mouth of the
river leading to it blockaded by a famous Chinese corsair with a great
fleet, to avoid whom they turned aside and sailed for Malacca.

In this city Pinto met, apparently for the first time, with Master
Francis Xavier, general superior or provincial of the order of the
Jesuits in India, in all parts of which occupied by the Portuguese he
had already attained a high reputation for self-devotion, sanctity,
and miraculous power; and who was then at Malacca, on his return to
Goa, from a mission on which he had lately been to the Moluccas. “The
father,” says Pinto, “had received intelligence of our arrival, and
that we had brought with us the Japanese Anjirō. He came to visit
George Alvarez and myself in the house of one Cosmo Rodriguez, where we
lodged, and passed almost a whole day with us in curious inquiries (all
founded on his lively zeal for the honor of God) about the countries
we had visited; in the course of which I told him, not knowing that
he knew it already, that we had brought with us two Japanese, one of
whom appeared to be a man of consideration, well skilled in the laws
and religion of Japan. Whereupon he expressed great desire to see him;
in consequence of which we brought him to the hospital, where the
father lodged, who received him gladly and took him to India, whither
he was then on his way. Having arrived at Goa, Anjirō there became
a Christian, taking the name of Paulo de Santa Fe [Paul of the Holy
Faith], and in a short time learned to read and write Portuguese, and
mastered the whole Christian doctrine; so that the father only waited
for the monsoon to go to announce to the heathen of the isle of Japan,
Christ, the Son of the living God, nailed to the cross for our sins
(as he was accustomed to do), and to take this man with him as an
interpreter, as he afterwards did, and his companion also, who, as well
as himself, professed the Christian faith, and received from the father
the name of John.”

CHAPTER IV

_Religious Faith Three Centuries ago—Zeal of the Portuguese
Conquerors—Antonio Galvano—Missionary Seminaries at Ternate and
Goa—Order of the Jesuits—Francis Xavier—His Mission to India—His
Mission to Japan—His Companion, Cosme de Torres—The Philippine
Islands—A. D. 1542-1550._

Three centuries ago the religious faith of Europe was much more
energetic and active than at present. With all imaginative minds, even
those of the highest order, the popular belief had at that time all
the force of undoubted reality. Michael Angelo and Raphael embodied it
in marble and colors; and it is difficult to say which impulse was the
stronger with the Portuguese and Spanish adventurers of that age,—the
fierce thirst for gold and glory, which they felt as we feel it now, or
passionate desire for the propagation of their religious faith, such
indeed as is still talked about, and feebly exhibited in action, but in
which the great bulk of the community, especially the more cultivated
part of it, takes at present either no interest, or a very slight one.

The Portuguese adventurers in the East, wherever they went, were
accompanied by friars, mostly Franciscans, and the building of
magnificent churches was one of the first things attended to.

Of all these adventurers, few, if indeed a single one, have left so
respectable a character as Antonio Galvano, already mentioned, governor
of the Moluccas from 1536 to 1540, which islands, from a state of
violent hostility to the Portuguese, and rebellion against them, he
brought back to quiet and willing submission. Not less distinguished
for piety than for valor and disinterestedness, Galvano made every
effort to diffuse among the natives of the Oriental archipelago a
knowledge of the Catholic faith; and with that view he established at
Ternate, seat of the Portuguese government of the Moluccas, a seminary
for the education of boys of superior abilities, to be collected from
various nations, who, upon arriving at maturity, might preach the
gospel, each in his own country,—an institution which the Council of
Trent not long after warmly approved.

By the efforts of Galvano and others a similar seminary, sometimes
called “Paul’s,” and sometimes “Of the Holy Faith,” had been erected at
Goa, lately made the seat of an Indian bishopric; and it was at this
seminary, endowed and enriched by the spoils of many heathen temples,
that the Japanese Anjirō was placed by Xavier for his education. The
name which he adopted at his baptism, Paul of the Holy Faith, was, as
it thus appears, taken from the seminary at which he had been educated.

But the efforts hitherto made in India on behalf of the Catholic faith,
if earnest, had been desultory. The establishment of the order of
Jesuits in 1540 laid the foundation for a systematic attack upon the
religious systems of the East, and an attempt at a spiritual revolution
there, neither less vigorous nor less pertinacious than that which,
for the forty years preceding, had been carried on by the new-comers
from the West against political, commercial, and social institutions of
those countries.

The leader in this enterprise was Francis Aspilcota, surnamed
Xavier, one of the seven associates of whom the infant Society of
Jesus, destined soon to become so powerful and so famous, originally
consisted. He was born in 1506, in Navarre, at the foot of the
Pyrenees, the youngest son of a noble and numerous family, of whom the
younger members, and he among the rest, bore the surname of Xavier. Not
inclining to the profession of arms embraced by the rest of the family,
after preliminary studies at home he went to Paris, and was first a
student at the College of St. Barbe, and afterwards, at the age of
twenty-two, professor of philosophy in that of Beauvais. It was in this
latter station that he first became acquainted with Ignatius Loyola,
who, fifteen years older than Xavier, had come to Paris to pursue, as
preparatory to a course of theology, those rudimentary studies which
had not been thought necessary for the military destination of his
earlier days. This remarkable Spaniard, whose military career had been
cut short by a wound which made him a cripple, had already been for
years a religious devotee; and having been from his youth thoroughly
impregnated with the current ideas of romantic chivalry, he was already
turning in his mind the formation of a new monastic order, which
should carry into religion the spirit of the romances. Xavier, with
whom he lived at Paris on intimate terms,—they slept, indeed, in the
same bed,—was one of Loyola’s first disciples; and on the day of the
Assumption, August 16, 1534, they two, with five others, of whom three
or four were still students, in a subterranean chapel of the church of
the abbey of Montmartre, united at a celebration of mass by Le Fèvre,
who was already a priest, and in the consecration of themselves by
a solemn vow to religious duties. This rudimentary order included,
along with Loyola and Xavier, three other Spaniards, Lainez, Salmaron,
and Boabdilla, Rodriguez, a Portuguese, and Le Fèvre, a Savoyard,—all
afterwards distinguished. A mission to Jerusalem, which Loyola had
already visited, was at that time their leading idea.

[Illustration: ST. FRANCIS XAVIER
One of the Earliest Missionaries to Japan]

Loyola then returned home, the others remaining at Paris; but with
an agreement to meet at Venice before the close of the year 1536, at
which meeting three more were added to their number. A scheme of the
order was subsequently drawn up, which, besides the vows of chastity
and poverty, and of absolute obedience, as to God, to a general of
the order, to be elected for life, included, instead of the mission
to Jerusalem, which the war with the Turks made impracticable, a vow
to go wherever the Pope might send them for the salvation of souls.
To procure the sanction of the Pope, Loyola, with Lainez and Le
Fèvre, spent several years at Rome. The scheme, having been referred
to a commission, was approved by Paul III., by a bull, bearing date
September 27, 1540, in which the name of “Clerks of the Society of
Jesus” was bestowed upon the order, which was limited, however, to
sixty members. Loyola was elected, early in 1541, the first general;
and by a subsequent bull of Julian III., dated March 15, 1543, the
society was allowed to increase its members indefinitely. Its object
was the maintenance of the absolute authority of the church as
personified in the Pope, not only by resisting the rebellion against
it, then lately set on foot by Luther in Germany, but by extending the
domination of the Pope into all parts of the world. To guard against
the corruptions of preceding orders, the members were not to accept
of any church preferment, except by the positive command of the Pope,
nor of any fees for religious services; nor could the houses of the
professed and the coadjutors (the two highest ranks of the order) have
any endowments, though the colleges and novitiates might.

That which gave the Jesuits their first success was their introduction
of good works, acts of charity and humanity, a care for the salvation
of others as well as their own, into the first class of duties.
Instead of being bound, like the other Catholic orders, to a peculiar
garb and the stated repetition of formal prayers and ceremonies, they
wore the ordinary clerical dress, and their time was to be divided
between mental prayers and good works, of which the education of
youth, the direction of consciences, and the comfort and care of the
poor and sick, were the principal. In this latter service novices, or
probationers, who must be at least fourteen years of age, of sound
body, of good abilities and fair character, were to be tried for two
years. From the novitiate, after taking the vows, the neophytes passed
into the colleges, to which also were attached schools for lay pupils.
From the colleges they might be admitted coadjutors and professed,
which latter class must have studied theology for four years. These
two latter ranks were to live in professed houses, which, unlike the
colleges and novitiates, could have no property, but must be supported
by alms. The coadjutors were of two classes: those admitted to holy
orders, from which class the rectors of the colleges were appointed;
and the lay coadjutors, furnishing cooks, stewards, agents, and the
business men generally of the society. The professed and the coadjutors
must renounce all claim to hereditary succession, not for themselves
only, but for the society also. There were, however, a class of lay
coadjutors who simply took the vows, yet continued to enjoy their
property and lived in the world.

What added to the efficiency of the order was its strict military
organization. It had nothing about it of the republican cast of the
other Catholic orders, in which rotation in office occurred, chapters
were frequent, and many points were decided by a majority of votes. The
general of the Jesuits, chosen for life by a select congregation, had
absolute authority, as had also, under him, each in his sphere, the
provincials, the vice-provincials, the superiors of professed houses,
and the rectors of colleges, all of whom the general might appoint
and remove at pleasure. The general received monthly reports from the
provincials and vice-provincials, quarterly ones from the superiors
of professed houses and rectors of colleges, and half-yearly ones
from every professed member. Every member was bound to report to his
immediate superior his own misconduct or that of any of his companions.

John III, of Portugal, though very desirous of sending out a competent
supply of spiritual laborers to his dominions in the East, could hardly
find the means for it at home. There was but a single university—that
of Coimbra—in all Portugal, and that not much frequented. John, it is
true, had exerted himself in behalf of that institution, by inviting
professors not only from Spain, but from Germany and Italy; but as
yet the few Portuguese who devoted themselves to study sought their
education for the most part at Complutum or Salamanca, and some of them
at Paris. In this dearth of Portuguese laborers, having heard some
rumor of the new order of the Jesuits, John charged his ambassador at
Rome to request the founder, Ignatius, to send him for service in India
not less than six members of it. Loyola, who had other schemes on foot,
could spare only two, one of whom, Rodriguez, the original Portuguese
of the order, remained behind in Portugal to organize the society
there, where he established at Coimbra the first Jesuit college.
The other was Xavier, to whom, as a test of his obedience,—though,
the order being as yet not formally authorized, Loyola had no legal
authority over him,—the command for his departure was communicated only
the day beforehand, leaving him scarcely time before setting out upon
so distant a journey to say farewell to his friends, and to get the
rents mended in his tattered and threadbare cloak. He was indeed able
to get ready the easier, not having, like our modern missionaries, the
incumbrance or the comfort of a wife and children, and no baggage to
impede his movements beyond his prayer-book and the clothes on his back.

Arriving at Lisbon, he waited on the king, but immediately upon
leaving the palace proceeded, as was his wont, to the public hospital,
devoting all his time, till the ships were ready, to the care and
consolation of the sick and dying. While here he received from the
Pope the appointment of apostolic nuncio for India, with full powers.
Of all the offers made to him of an outfit for the voyage he would for
a long time accept of nothing; but at last, lest he should seem too
obstinate, he consented to receive some coarse cloaks, to be used in
passing the Cape of Good Hope, one for himself, and one for each of
the two companions who were to accompany him; likewise a few books, of
which he understood there was a great scarcity in India. To the offer
pressed upon him of the service of a boy to attend to his daily wants
during the voyage, he replied, “While I have hands and feet of my own I
shall need no servant.” The matter being still urged, with the remark
that it was unfitting for a man in his position to be openly seen among
the crowd of sailors and passengers washing his clothes or cooking
his daily food, “You see,” he answered, “to what a pass this art of
preserving one’s dignity has brought the commonwealth of Christendom!
For my part, there is no office, however humble, which, provided there
be no sin in it, I cannot upon occasion perform.” This was a specimen
of his whole conduct throughout the voyage, which commenced April 7,
1541, giving rise to a remark of the captain of the fleet that it was
even harder to make Xavier accept anything than it was to get rid of
other men’s importunities.

All this self-sacrifice, accompanied as it was by a most careful
attention to the wants of others, was not without its reward. It gave
Xavier—not to mention his subsequent canonization—an immense reputation
with his fellow-voyagers, and a great influence over them, which he
did not fail to exercise. Already, amid all this early austerity,
the principles of Jesuitism were fully developed. Xavier addressed
everybody, even the most notorious profligates, with mild familiarity,
no severity in his face, no harshness in his words. He even volunteered
himself as a sociable companion, and thus acquired an influence all
the greater because it was hardly perceived by those who submitted to
it, so that he was generally said by those who knew him best to have
accomplished much more by his familiar conversation than even by his
public preaching,—of the effects of which, however, very extraordinary
stories were told.

He arrived at Goa in May, 1542, and, taking lodgings at a hospital,
entered at once with great zeal on the duties of his office as Pope’s
nuncio, provincial in India of the order of Jesuits, and apostolical
missionary, professing, however, entire submission to the bishop of
Goa. Passing through the streets, bell in hand, he called the children,
women, and servants to be catechised, and to help the memory and
catch the ear he put the catechism into rhyme. But it was not merely
to the Christian population that he confined his labors. He had to
encounter the scornful fanaticism of the Mahometans, who, setting out
from Arabia, had preceded the Portuguese by centuries in commercial
and military visits to the coasts of India and the eastern islands,
and who had in many places largely diffused their religion. He had to
meet the insolent bigotry of the twice-born Brahmins, who, through the
system of castes, held society fast bound, helpless and stationary,
in the fetters of an all-pervading superstition. Jewish scoffers were
also to be met. In fact, all sects seemed to be brought together in
southern India, including even an ancient form of Christianity, a
remnant of the followers of Zoroaster, from Persia, and in Ceylon,
Buddhists. After a year’s stay at Goa, Xavier proceeded to the southern
point of Hindustan, about Cape Comorin, the pearl-fishers of which
region had, for the sake of Portuguese protection, professed the
Christian religion, of which, however, they knew nothing but the name.
Having preached for a year or more in this district, he passed to the
neighboring territories of the Coromandel coast, where there already
existed the remains, before referred to, of an ancient Christianity,
originally propagated, it seems probable, by Nestorian missionaries
of the fifth or sixth century, but which the Portuguese insisted upon
ascribing to St. Thomas, the apostle, about whose life and labors in
the East a whole volume of fables was, between them and the native
Christians, speedily manufactured.

Incapable of staying long in one place, from India Xavier soon
proceeded to Malacca, where he arrived towards the close of 1545, and
whence the next Spring he set out on a missionary journey through the
Moluccas. It was on his return from this last expedition that he first
met with the Japanese Anjirō, at Malacca,—as related, after Pinto, in
the preceding chapter,—with whom he arrived at Goa in March, 1548. The
Japanese were placed, as has been mentioned, in the seminary of St.
Paul; and so delighted was Xavier with their progress and fervor, as to
resolve to undertake, after visiting his churches at Cape Comorin, a
new mission to Japan.

We have seen the account given by Pinto of the origin of the
acquaintance between Xavier and Anjirō. The biographers of the saint
and the Jesuit historians of the Japanese mission embellish this story
by the addition of several romantic particulars. Anjirō, they tell us,
had long been troubled with remorse of conscience, for which he could
find no remedy, and which he only aggravated in the attempt to cure
it by retiring for a time to a Japanese monastery of bonzes. Having
made the acquaintance of some of the earliest Portuguese adventurers
to Japan, he consulted them as to this malady, one of whom, by name
Alvares Vaz, having heard the fame of Xavier, strongly advised the
inquiring Japanese to seek his assistance. Anjirō was much inclined
to do so; but the danger and distance of the voyage deterred him,
till, having killed a man in a rencontre, the fear of arrest drove him
to embark on the first vessel he could find, which happened to be a
Portuguese ship bound for Malacca, and commanded by George Alvarez, a
great admirer of Xavier’s. The good example and edifying discourse of
this pious sea-captain brought Anjirō to the determination to become a
Catholic; but being disappointed in finding Xavier as he had expected,
or, according to other accounts, being refused baptism by the vicar
of the bishop of Goa resident at Malacca, he thought no more but of
returning home again, and with that object, not meeting with any ship
bound direct for Japan, he embarked for Chincheo, in China. Thence he
sailed for home; but a terrible storm drove him back to the port he
had left, reviving also his almost forgotten resolution to become a
Catholic, in which he was the more confirmed by happening to find in
the harbor his old Portuguese friend, Alvares Vaz, in command of a
ship on her way back to India. Yielding to the persuasions of this old
friend, Anjirō sailed in his ship for Malacca; and, on landing there,
the very first person whom he met was George Alvarez, who immediately
took him to Xavier. These accounts also give him two Japanese
servants, both of whom are stated to have accompanied him to Goa, and
to have been baptized, one by the name of John, the other by that of
Anthony. And this last part of the story is confirmed by a letter of
Xavier’s, dated July, 1549, and written from Malacca on his way to
Japan, in which letter he gives an interesting, and at the same time
characteristic, account of his converts, very much in substance, and
even in expression, like what we may read in the very latest missionary
reports.

“No sooner,” he writes, “had they been cleansed by the waters of
baptism, than the divine goodness shed upon them such delight, and
brought them to such a sense of God’s beneficence towards them,
that through pious and spiritual joy they melted into tears. In all
the virtues they made such a progress as to afford us a pleasant
and useful subject of conversation. They also learned to read and
write, and diligently attended at the appointed seasons of prayer.
When inquired of by me what subject of contemplation affected them
most, they answered, the sufferings of our Lord; and, therefore, to
this contemplation they chiefly applied themselves. They studied
also the articles of faith, the means of redemption, and the other
Christian mysteries. To my frequent inquiries what religious rites
they found profited them the most, they always answered, confession
and communion; adding, also, that they did not see how any reasonable
man could hesitate to assent to and obey the requirements of Christian
discipline. Paul of the Holy Faith, one of the number, I once heard
bursting out, with sighs, into these exclamations: ‘O miserable
Japanese! who adore as deities the very things which God has made for
your service!’And when I asked him to what he referred, he answered,
‘Because they worship the sun and the moon, things made to serve those
who know the Lord Jesus; for to what other end are they made, except to
illuminate both day and night, in order that men may employ that light
in the worship and to the glory of God and his Son?’”

He mentions, in the same letter, that the voyage to Japan was so
dangerous, that not more than two vessels out of three were expected
to arrive there in safety. He even seems to have had some temptations
to abandon the enterprise; but in spite of numerous obstacles put
in his way, as he will have it, by the great adversary of mankind,
he determined to persevere, especially as letters from Japan gave
encouraging information of the desire there for Christian instruction,
on the part of a prince of the country who had been much impressed
by the efficacy of the sign of the cross, as employed by certain
Portuguese merchants, in driving the evil spirits from a haunted house.

Another letter of Xavier’s, written from Kagoshima, in Japan, and dated
in November, 1549, about three months after his arrival, gives an
account of his voyage thither.

Taking with him the three Japanese, Cosme de Torres, a priest, and Jean
Fernandes, a brother of the society,—of which, besides several who had
joined it in India, some ten or twelve members had followed Xavier
from Portugal, and had been distributed in various services,—he sailed
in the ship of Chinese merchants, who had agreed with the Portuguese
commander at Malacca to carry him to Japan. As Pinto tells the story,
this merchant was a corsair, and so notorious a one as to go by the
name of the Robber. Xavier says nothing of that, but complains of the
levity and vacillation natural to barbarians, which made the captain
linger at the islands where he touched, at the risk of losing the
monsoon and being obliged to winter in China. Xavier was also greatly
shocked at the assiduous worship paid by the mariners to an idol which
they had on board, and before which they burnt candles and odoriferous
wood, seeking oracles from it as to the result of the voyage. “What
were our feelings, and what we suffered, you can well imagine,” he
exclaims, “at the thought that this demon should be consulted as to the
whole course of our journey.”

After touching at Canton the Chinese captain, instead of sailing thence
to Japan, as he had promised, followed the coast north toward Chincheo;
but hearing, when he approached that port, that it was blockaded by a
corsair, he put off in self-defence for Japan, and arrived safe in the
port of Kagoshima.

Anjirō, or Paul as he was now called, was well received by his
relations, and forty days were spent by Xavier in laborious application
to the rudiments of the language, and by Paul in translating into
Japanese the ten commandments, and other parts of the Christian faith,
which Xavier determined, so he writes, to have printed as soon as
possible, especially as most of the Japanese could read. Anjirō also
devoted himself to exhortations and arguments among his relations
and friends, and soon made converts of his wife and daughter, and
many besides, of both sexes. An interview was had with the king of
Satsuma,—in which province Kagoshima was situated,—and he presently
issued an edict allowing his subjects to embrace the new faith. This
beginning seemed promising; but Xavier already anticipated a violent
opposition so soon as his object came to be fully understood. He drew
consolation, however, from the spiritual benefits enjoyed by himself,
“since in these remote regions,” so he wrote, “amid the impious
worshippers of demons, so very far removed from almost every mortal
aid and consolation, we almost of necessity, as it were, forget and
lose ourselves in God, which hardly can happen in a Christian land,
where the love of parents and country, intimacies, friendship and
affinities, and helps at hand both for body and mind, intervene, as it
were, between man and God, to the forgetfulness of the latter.” And
what tended to confirm this spiritual state of mind was the entire
freedom in Japan “from those delights which elsewhere stimulate the
flesh and break down the strength of mind and body. The Japanese,” he
wrote, “rear no animals for food. Sometimes they eat fish;—they have a
moderate supply of rice and wheat; but they live, for the most part,
on vegetables and fruits; and yet they attain to such a good old age,
as clearly to show how little nature, elsewhere so insatiable, really
demands.”

Anjirō himself wrote at the same time a short letter to the brethren at
Goa, but it adds nothing to the information contained in Xavier’s.

The following account, which Cosme de Torres,[24] a Spaniard by birth,
Xavier’s principal assistant, and his successor at the head of the
mission, gives of himself in a letter written from Goa to the society
in Europe, just before setting out, shows, like other cases to be
mentioned hereafter, that it was by no means merely from the class
of students that the order of the Jesuits was at its commencement
recruited.

Though always inclined, so Cosme writes, to religion, yet many things
and various desires for a long time distracted him. In the year 1538,
in search he knew not of what, he sailed from Spain to the Canaries,
whence he visited the West Indies and the continent of New Spain,
where he passed four years in the greatest abundance, and satiety
even, of this world’s goods. But desiring something greater and more
solid, in 1542 he embarked on board a fleet of six ships, fitted out by
Mendosa, the viceroy of New Spain, to explore and occupy the islands of
the Pacific, discovered by Magellan in 1521. Standing westward, on the
fifty-fifth day they fell in, so Cosme writes, with a numerous cluster
of very small, low islands, of which the inhabitants lived on fish
and the leaves of trees. Ten days after they saw a beautiful island,
covered with palms, but the wind prevented their landing. In another
ten or twelve days the ships reached the great island of Mindanao, two
hundred leagues in circumference, but with few inhabitants. Sailing
thence to the south they discovered a small island abounding in meat
and rice; but having, during half a year’s residence, lost four hundred
men in contests with the natives, who used poisoned arrows, they sailed
to the Moluccas, where they remained about two years, till it was
finally resolved, not having the means to get back to New Spain, to
apply to the Portuguese governor to forward them to Goa. At Amboina,
Cosme met with Xavier, whose conversation revived his religious
inclinations; and, proceeding to Goa, he was ordained a priest by the
bishop there, who placed him in charge of a cure. But he found no peace
of mind till he betook himself to the college of St. Paul (which seems
by this time to have passed into the hands of the Jesuits), being the
more confirmed in his resolution to join the order, by the return of
Xavier to Goa, whose invitation to accompany him to Japan he joyfully
accepted, and where he continued for twenty years to labor as a
missionary.

Cosme, in his letter above quoted, says nothing of any hostile
collision of the Spanish ships, in which he reached the East, with the
Portuguese; but it appears, from Galvano’s account of this expedition,
that such collision did take place. He also gives, as the reason why
the Spaniards did not land on Mindanao, the opposition they experienced
from some of the princes of it, who, by his own recent efforts, had
been converted to Catholicism; and who, owing their obedience to
him, would by no means incur his displeasure by entertaining these
interloping Spaniards.

One of the Spanish ships was sent back to New Spain with news of
their success thus far. This ship passed among the northern islands
of the group, which seem now first to have received the name of the
_Philippines_. Another fleet sailed from Seville, in the year 1544, to
coöperate with Rui Lopes; but none of the ships succeeded in passing
the Straits of Magellan, except one small bark, which ran up the coast
to Peru. The Spaniards made no further attempts in the East till the
expiration of ten years or more, when the Philippines were finally
colonized—an event not without its influence upon the affairs of Japan.

CHAPTER V

_Political and Religious Condition of Japan, as found
by the Portuguese—The Yakatas, or Kings, and their
Vassals—Revenues—Money—Distinction of Ranks—The Kubō-Sama—The
Dairi—Shintō—Buddhism—Judō—A.D. 1550._

Japan, as found by the Portuguese, embraced three large islands,
besides many smaller ones. Shimo (or Kiūshiū), the most southern and
western of the group, and the one with which the Portuguese first
became acquainted, is separated at the north, by a narrow strait,
from the much larger island of Nippon,[25] forming with its western
portion a right angle, within which the third and much smaller island
of Sikoku is included. These islands were found to be divided into
sixty-six separate governments or kingdoms, of which Nippon contained
fifty-three, Shimo (or Kiūshiū) nine, and Sikoku four—the numerous
smaller islands being reckoned as appurtenant to one or another of the
three larger ones. These kingdoms, grouped into eight, or rather nine,
larger divisions, and subdivided into principalities, of which, in all,
there were not less than six hundred, had originally (at least such was
the Japanese tradition) been provinces of a consolidated empire; but
by degrees and by dint of civil wars, by which the islands had been,
and still were, very much distracted, they had reached at the period
of the Portuguese discovery a state of almost complete independence.
Indeed, several of the kingdoms, like that of Hizen, in the west
part of Shimo, had still further disintegrated into independent
principalities.

It still frequently happened, however, that several provinces were
united under one ruler; and such was especially the case with five
central provinces of Nippon, including the great cities of Miyako,
Ōsaka and Sakai, which five provinces formed the patrimony of a prince
who bore the title of Kubō-Sama—Sama meaning lord, and Kubō general
or commander. This title the Portuguese rendered into _Emperor_,
and it was almost precisely equivalent to the original sense of the
_Imperator_ of the Romans, though still more exactly corresponding to
Cromwell’s title of _Lord-general_.

This Kubō or Shōgun, as he was otherwise called, was acknowledged by
all the other princes as in some respect their superior and head. The
other rulers of provinces bore the title of Shugo, or Yakata, which
the Portuguese rendered by the term _King_. Reserving to themselves,
as their personal domain, a good half of the whole extent of their
territories, these chiefs divided the rest among certain great vassals,
called Tono, Kunishū, or Kunidaimiō, who were bound to military service
in proportion to the extent of the lands which they held; which lands,
after reserving a portion for their private domain, these nobles
distributed in their turn to other inferior lords, called Yoriki, who
held of them upon similar conditions of military service, and who had
still beneath them, upon the same footing, a class of military vassals
and tenants, called Dōshin, and corresponding to the men-at-arms of the
feudal times of Europe. The actual cultivators of the lands—as had
also been, and still to a considerable extent was, the case in feudal
Europe—were in the condition of serfs.

Thus it happened, that, as in feudal Europe, so in Japan, great armies
might be very suddenly raised; and war being the chief employment of
the superior classes, and the only occupation, that of the priesthood
excepted, esteemed honorable, the whole country was in a constant state
of turbulence and commotion.

All the classes above enumerated except the last enjoyed the highly
prized honor of wearing two swords. One sword was worn by certain
inferior officials; but merchants, traders, and artisans, were
confounded, as to this matter, with the peasants, not being permitted
to wear any. The revenue of the princes and other proprietors was, and
still is, reckoned in _koku_ of rice, each of three sacks or bales,
each bale containing (according to Titsingh) thirty-three and one-third
gantings [_shō_],—the universal Japanese measure for all articles,
liquid or dry,—and weighing from eighty-two to eighty-three katties, or
somewhat more than a hundred of our pounds.[26] Ten thousand koku make
a mankoku, in which the revenues of the great princes are reckoned.
The distinction of rank was very strictly observed, being even
ingrained into the language. Inferiors being seated on their heels,
according to the Japanese fashion, testified their respect for their
superiors by laying the palms of their hands on the floor, and bending
their bodies so low that their foreheads almost touched the ground,
in which position they remained for some seconds. This is called the
_kitō_. The superior responded by laying the palms of his hands upon
his knees, and nodding or bowing, more or less low, according to the
rank of the other party.

As to everything that required powers of analysis, or the capacity
of taking general views, the Portuguese missionaries were but poor
observers; yet they could not but perceive in the Dairi the surviving
shadow, and indeed, in the earlier days of the missions, something more
than a mere shadow, of a still more ancient form of government, in
which the civil and ecclesiastical authority had both been united under
one head.

The Dairi,[27] Ō, or Mikado, as he was otherwise designated, had
for his residence the northeast quarter of Miyako (a great city not
far from the centre of Nippon, but nearest the southern shore). This
quarter was of vast extent, surrounded by a wall, with a ditch and
rampart, by which it was separated from the rest of the city. In the
midst of this fortified place, in a vast palace, easily distinguished
from a distance by the height of its tower, the Dairi dwelt, with his
empress or chief wife; his other eleven wives had adjoining palaces
in a circle around, outside of which were the dwellings of his
chamberlains and other officers. These Dairi claimed to be descended
from Jimmu, who, it was said, had, A. D. 660, introduced civilization
into Japan, and first established a regular government, and commencing
with whom, the Japanese annals show a regular series of Dairi, who are
represented as having been for many ages the sole lords and imperial
rulers of Japan, till at length they had been insensibly set aside, as
to the actual exercise of authority, by the Kubō-Sama, or commanders
of the armies. Yet these gradually eclipsed and finally superseded
emperors—equivalents of the “idle kings” of the Carlovingian race of
France, or to the present nominal sovereign of the British empire—were,
and still are, treated (as Queen Victoria is) with all the ceremonial
of substantial power, and even with the respect and reverence due to
the spiritual head of the national church, descended from a race of
divinities, and destined at death to pass by a regular apotheosis into
the list of the national gods.

All the revenue drawn from the city of Miyako and its dependencies was
appropriated to their support, to which the Kubō-Sama added a further
sum from his treasury. He himself treated the Dairi with as much
ceremonious respect and semi-worship as the British prime minister
bestows upon the British queen. He paid an annual visit to the court
of the Dairi in great state, and, withal, the carriage of an inferior;
but took care to maintain a garrison at Miyako, or its neighborhood,
sufficient to repress any attempt on the part of the Dairi or his
partisans to reëstablish the old order of things,—an idea which, when
the islands first became known to the Portuguese, seems not yet to have
been entirely abandoned.

We may trace a still further resemblance between the position of the
Dairi of Japan and the Queen of England, in the circumstance that all
public acts are dated by the years of his reign, and that all titles of
honor nominally emanate from him, though of course obliged, as to this
matter, to follow the suggestions of the Kubō-Sama. Even the Kubō-Sama
himself condescends, like a British prime minister, to accept such
decorations at the hands of the Dairi, affecting to feel extremely
honored and flattered at titles which had been, in fact, dictated by
himself.

The whole court of the Dairi, and all the inhabitants of the quarter of
Miyako in which he dwelt, consisted of persons who plumed themselves
upon the idea of being, like the Dairi himself, descended from
Tenshō-daijin, the first of the demigods, and who in consequence looked
down, like the Indian Brahmins, upon all the rest of the nation as an
inferior race, distinguishing themselves as Kuge, and all the rest
of the nation as Gege. These Kuge, who may be conjectured to have
once formed a class resembling the old Roman patricians, all wore a
particular dress, by which was indicated, not only their character
as members of that order, but, by the length of their sashes,
the particular rank which they held in it; a distinction the more
necessary, since, as generally happens with these aristocracies of
birth, many of the members were in a state of poverty, and obliged to
support themselves by various handicrafts.[28]

Of the magnificence of the court of the Dairi, and of the ceremonials
of it, the missionaries reported many stories, chiefly, of course, on
the credit of hearsay. It was said that the Dairi was never allowed
to breathe the common air, nor his foot to touch the ground; that he
never wore the same garment twice, nor ate a second time from the same
dishes, which, after each meal, were carefully broken,—for, should any
other person attempt to dine from them, he would infallibly perish
by an inflammation of the throat. Nor could any one who attempted to
wear the Dairi’s cast-off garments, without his permission, escape a
similar punishment. The Dairi, as we are told, was, in ancient times,
obliged to seat himself every morning on his throne, with the crown
on his head, and there to hold himself immovable for several hours
like a statue. This immobility, it was imagined, was an augury of the
tranquillity of the empire; and if he happened to move ever so little,
or even to turn his eyes, war, famine, fire, or pestilence was expected
soon to afflict the unhappy province toward which he had squinted. But
as the country was thus kept in a state of perpetual agitation, the
happy substitute was finally hit upon of placing the crown upon the
throne without the Dairi—a more fixed immobility being thus assured;
and, as Kämpfer dryly observes, one doubtless producing much the same
good effects.

At the time of the arrival of Xavier in Japan the throne of the Dairi
was filled by Go-Nara, the hundred and sixth, according to the Japanese
chronicles, in the order of succession; while the throne of the
Kubō-Sama was occupied by Yoshiharu, who was succeeded the next year by
his son Yoshiteru, the twenty-fourth of these officers, according to
the Japanese, since their assumption of sovereign power in the person
of Yoritomo, A. D. 1185.

The Japanese annals, which are scarcely more than a chronological
table of successions, cast little light upon the causes and progress
of this revolution;[29] but, from the analogy of similar cases, we
may conjecture that it was occasioned, at least in part, by the
introduction into Japan, and the spread there, of a new religion,
gradually superseding, to a great extent, the old system, of which the
Dairi was the head.

[Illustration: IMAGE OF YORITOMO
From _Official History of Japan_]

One might have expected from the Portuguese missionaries a pretty
exact account of the various creeds and sects of Japan, or, at least,
of the two leading religions, between which the great bulk of the
people were divided; instead of which they confound perpetually the
ministers of the two religions under the common name of bonzes,
taking very little pains to distinguish between the two systems,
both of which they regarded as equally false and pernicious. Their
attention, indeed, seems to have been principally fixed on the new
religion, that of Buddha, or Ho, of which the adherents were by far
the most numerous, and the hierarchy the most compact and formidable,
presenting, in its organization and practices (with, however, on some
points a very different set of doctrines), a most singular counterpart
to the Catholic Church,—a similarity which the missionaries could
only explain by the theory of a diabolical imitation; and which some
subsequent Catholic writers have been inclined to ascribe, upon very
unsatisfactory grounds, to the ancient labors of Armenian and Nestorian
missionaries, being extremely unwilling to admit what seems, however,
very probable, if not, indeed, certain,—little attention has as yet
been given to this interesting inquiry,—that some leading ideas of
the Catholic Church have been derived from Buddhist sources, whose
missionaries, while penetrating, as we know they did, to the East,
and converting entire nations, may well be supposed not to have been
without their influence also on the West.

Notwithstanding, however, the general prevalence, at the time when
Japan first became known to Europeans, of the doctrine of Buddha,—of
which there would seem to have been quite a number of distinct
observances, not unlike the different orders of monks and friars in the
Catholic Church,—it appears, as well from the memoirs of the Jesuit
missionaries, as from more exact and subsequent observations made by
residents in the Dutch service, that there also existed another and
more ancient religious system, with which the person and authority of
the Dairi had been and still were closely identified. This system[30]
was known as the religion of _Shintō_, or of the _Kami_,—a name given
not only to the seven mythological personages, or celestial gods,
who compose the first Japanese dynasty, and to the five demigods, or
terrestrial gods, who compose the second (two dynasties which, as in
the similar mythology of the Egyptians and Hindus, were imagined to
have extended through immense and incomprehensible ages preceding the
era of Jimmu), but including also the whole series of the Dairi, who
traced their descent from the first of the demigods, and who, though
regarded during their lives as mere men, yet at their deaths underwent,
as in the case of the Roman Cæsars, a regular apotheosis, by which they
were added to the number of the Kami, or Shin,—words both of which
had the same signification, namely, inhabitants of heaven.[31] A like
apotheosis was also extended to all who had seemed to deserve it by
their sanctity, their miracles, or their great benefactions.

The Kami of the first dynasty, the seven superior gods, being regarded
as too elevated above the earth to concern themselves in what is
passing on it, the chief object of the worship of the adherents of this
ancient system was the goddess Tenshō-daijin,[32] already mentioned as
the first of the demigods, and the supposed progenitor of the Dairi,
and of the whole order of the Kuge. Of this Tenshō-daijin, and of her
heroic and miraculous deeds, a vast many fables were in circulation.
Even those who had quitted the ancient religion to embrace the new
sects paid a sort of worship to the pretended mother of the Japanese
nation; and there was not a considerable city in the empire in which
there was not a temple to her honor. On the other hand, the religion
of the Kami, by its doctrine of the apotheosis of all great saints
and great heroes, gave, like the old pagan religions, a hospitable
reception to all new gods, so that even the rival demigod, Buddha, came
to be regarded by many as identical with Tenshō-daijin,—a circumstance
which will serve to explain the great intermixture of religious ideas
found in Japan, and the alleged fact, very remarkable, if true, that,
till after the arrival of the Portuguese missionaries, religious
persecution had never been known there.

Each of these numerous demigods was supposed by the adherents of the
religion of Shintō to preside over a special paradise of his own;
this one in the air, that one at the bottom of the sea, one in the
moon and another in the sun, and so on; and each devotee, choosing
his god according to the paradise that pleased him best, spared no
pains to gain admission into it. For what St. Paul had said of the
Athenians, might, according to the missionaries, be applied with equal
truth to the Japanese,—they were excessively superstitious, and this
superstition had so multiplied temples, that there was scarcely a city
in which, counting all the smaller chapels, the number did not seem at
least equal to that of the most pious Catholic countries.

The temples of the Shintō religion, called _Miya_, were and are—for in
this respect no change has taken place—ordinarily built upon eminences,
in retired spots, at a distance from bustle and business, surrounded
by groves and approached by a great avenue having a gate of stone or
wood, and bearing a tablet or door-plate of a foot and a half square,
which announces, in gilded letters, the name of the Kami to whom the
temple is consecrated. These exterior appendages would seem to foretell
a considerable structure; but within there is usually found only a
wretched little building of wood, half hid among trees and shrubbery,
about eighteen feet in length, breadth, and height, all its dimensions
being equal, and with only a single grated window, through which the
interior may be seen, empty, or containing merely a mirror of polished
metal, set in a frame of braided straw, or hung about with fringes of
white paper. Just within the entrance of the enclosure stands a basin
of water, by washing in which the worshippers may purify themselves.
Beside the temple is a great chest for the reception of alms, partly
by which, and partly by an allowance from the Dairi, the guardians of
the temples are supported, while at the gate hangs a gong, on which
the visitant announces his arrival. Most of these temples have also
an antechamber, in which sit those who have the charge, clothed in
rich garments. There are commonly also in the enclosure a number of
little chapels, or miniature temples, portable so as to be carried in
religious processions. All of these temples are built after one model,
the famous one of _Ise_, near the centre of the island of Nippon, and
which within the enclosure is equally humble with all the rest.

[Illustration: ISE TEMPLE]

The worship consists in prayers and prostrations. Works of religious
merit are, casting a contribution into the alms-chest, and avoiding or
expiating the impurities supposed to be the consequence of being
touched by blood, of eating of the flesh of any quadruped except
the deer, and to a less extent even that of any bird, of killing
any animal, of coming in contact with a dead person, or even, among
the more scrupulous, of seeing, hearing of, or speaking of any such
impurities. To these may be added, as works of religious merit, the
celebration of festivals, of which there are two principal ones in each
month, being the first and fifteenth day of it, besides five greater
ones distributed through the year, and lasting, some of them, for
several days, in which concerts, spectacles, and theatrical exhibitions
form a leading part. We must add the going on pilgrimages, to which,
indeed, all the religious of Japan are greatly addicted. The pilgrimage
esteemed by the adherents of Shintō as the most meritorious, and which
all are bound to make once a year, or, at least, once in their life,
is that of _Ise_, the name of a central province on the south coast
of Nippon, in which Tenshō-daijin was reported to have been born and
to have died, and which contains a Miya, exceedingly venerated, and
already mentioned as the model after which all the others are built.

Though it is not at all easy to distinguish what, either of ceremony
or doctrine, was peculiar or original in the system of Shintō,[33] yet
in general that system seems to have been much less austere than the
rival doctrine of Buddha, which teaches that sorrow is inseparable from
existence, the only escape from it being in annihilation. The adherents
of Shintō were, on the other hand, much more disposed to look upon the
bright side of things, turning their religious festivals into holidays,
and regarding people in sorrow and distress as unfit for the worship of
the gods, whose felicity ought not to be disturbed by the sight of pain
and misery. And this, perhaps, was one of the causes that enabled the
religion of Buddha, which addresses itself more to the sorrowing hearts
of which the world is so full, to obtain that predominance of which the
Portuguese missionaries found it in possession.

[Illustration: A SHINTŌ PRIEST]

Of this religion of Buddha, by no means peculiar to Japan, but
prevailing through the whole of central and southeastern Asia, and
having probably more adherents than any other religious creed, it is
not necessary here to speak at any length. A much more correct idea
of it is to be obtained from the recorded observations of our modern
missionaries, and from the elaborate investigations of Abel Rémusat,
and several other learned Orientalists, who have shed a flood of
light upon this interesting subject, than can be gathered from the
letters of the Portuguese missionaries, whose comprehension of the
Buddhist doctrine was, on many important points, especially as to the
cardinal one of annihilation, exceedingly confused, contradictory,
and erroneous; and, indeed, the same confusion and error exists in
almost all European travellers in the East, down to a very recent
period. Suffice it to say, that in the austerities and contempt for
the world and its pleasures, practised and professed by the bonzes
of the Buddhists, even Xavier and his brother Jesuits found their
match; while, in the hierarchy into which those bonzes were arranged;
the foreign language, imperfectly known even to themselves, of their
sacred books and their liturgy, and which recent investigations
have detected to be, with the bonzes of China and Japan, not Pali
alone, but also pure Sanscrit; their doctrine of celibacy; the
establishment of monasteries and nunneries; their orders of begging
devotees; their exterior of purity and self-denial, but supposed
secret licentiousness;[34] their fasts; their garbs; the tinkling
of bells; the sign of the cross; the rosaries on which they counted
their prayers; the large number of persons of noble birth who entered
upon the clerical life; their manner of preaching; their religious
processions; their pilgrimages; the size, splendor, and magnificence
of their temples, known as Tera, the roofs supported by tall pillars
of cedar; the altar within, and the lamps and incense burning there;
the right of asylum possessed by the Tera; and even the practice of
confession, prayers for the dead, and the sale of merit;—in all these
respects, this system presented a complete counterpart at least to
the show and forms and priestly devices of that very scheme of Roman
Catholic worship which Xavier and his brother missionaries sought to
introduce into Japan. The only striking difference was in the images,
often of gigantic size, to be found in the Tera, but which, after
all, were no more than a set-off against the pictures of the Catholic
churches.

At the head of the Buddhist hierarchy was a high priest called _Shaku_,
resident at Miyako, and having much the same spiritual prerogative with
the Pope of Rome, including the canonization of saints. With him rested
the consecration of the _Jūji_, corresponding to the bishops, or rather
to the abbots, of the Catholic Church—all the Buddhist clergy being,
in the language of Rome, regulars (similar, that is, to the monks and
friars), and living together in monasteries of which the Jūji were
the heads. These Jūji, however, could not enter upon their offices,
to which great revenues were attached, except by the consent of the
temporal authorities, which took care to limit the interference of the
Shaku and the Jūji strictly to spiritual matters.[35]

[Illustration: PILGRIMS RETURNING FROM A TEMPLE]

There was this further resemblance also to the regular orders of the
Romish church, that the Buddhist clergy were divided into a number of
observances, hardly less hostile to each other than the Dominicans to
the Franciscans, or both to the Jesuits. But as the church and state
were kept in Japan perfectly distinct,—as now in the United States,—and
as the bonzes possessed no direct temporal power, there was no appeal
to the secular arm, no civil punishments for heresy, and no religious
vows perpetually binding, all being at liberty, so far as the civil law
was concerned, to enter or leave the monasteries at pleasure. It was
also another result of this separation of state and church—as here in
the United States—that there was only needed a Jo Smith, a man hardy
or self-deceived enough to pretend to inspiration, to set up a new
observance; an occurrence by which the theology of Japan had become
from time to time more and more diversified.

There were also, besides the more regular clergy, enthusiasts, or
impostors, religious vagabonds who lived by beggary, and by pretending
to drive away evil spirits, to find things lost, to discover robbers,
to determine guilt or innocence of accused parties, to interpret
dreams, to predict the future, to cure desperate maladies, and other
similar feats, which they performed chiefly through the medium, not
of a table, but of a child, into whom they pretended to make a spirit
enter, able to answer all their questions. Such, in particular, were
the Yamabushi, or mountain priests, an order of the religion of Shintō.

Yet, exceedingly superstitious as the Japanese were, there was not
wanting among them a sect of Rationalists, the natural result of
freedom of opinion, who regarded all these practices and doctrines,
and all the various creeds of the country, with secret incredulity,
and even contempt. These Rationalists, known as Jiudōshiu, and their
doctrine as Judō, and found chiefly among the upper classes, looked up
to the Chinese Confucius as their master and teacher. They treated the
system of Buddha with open hostility, as mere imposture and falsehood;
but, in order to avoid the odium of being destitute of all religion,
conformed, at least so far as external observances were concerned, to
the old national system of Shintō.[36]

[Illustration: A BUDDHIST SERMON]

CHAPTER VI

_Civilization of the
Japanese—Animals—Agriculture—Arts—Houses—Ships—Literature—Jurisprudence
—Character of the Japanese—Their Custom of cutting themselves
open—A. D. 1550._

The doctrine of the transmigration of souls, one of the most
distinguishing tenets of the Buddhist faith, had not failed to confirm
the Japanese in a distaste for animal food, which had originated,
perhaps, from the small number of animals natives of that insular
country [_sic_],—an abstinence, indeed, which even the ancient religion
of Shintō had countenanced by denouncing as impure the act of killing
any animal, or being sprinkled with the slightest drop of blood. Of
domestic tame animals, the Japanese possessed from time immemorial
the horse, the ox, the buffalo, the dog, and the cat; but none of
these were ever used as food. The Portuguese introduced the deer and
the goat; but the Japanese, not eating their flesh nor understanding
the art of working up their wool or hair, took no pains to multiply
them. The Chinese introduced the hog; but the eating of that animal
was confined to them and to other foreigners. The deer, the hare, and
the wild boar were eaten by some sects, and some wild birds by the
poorer classes. The fox was hunted for its skin, the hair of which
was employed for the pencil used in painting and writing. The animal
itself, owing to its roguery, was believed to be the residence of
particularly wicked souls—an idea confirmed by many strange stories
in common circulation. The tortoise and the crane were regarded in
some sort as sacred animals, never to be killed nor injured. Whales
of a small species were taken, then as now, near the coast, and were
used as food, as were many other kinds of fish, the produce of the sea
and rivers. Shell-fish and certain seaweeds were also eaten in large
quantities.

The soil of Japan, being of volcanic origin, was in some places
very fertile; but in many parts there were rugged and inaccessible
mountains, the sides of which, not admitting the use of the plough,
were built up in terraces cultivated by hand. Agriculture formed
the chief occupation of the inhabitants, and they had carried it to
considerable perfection, well understanding the use of composite
manures. The chief crops were rice, which was the great article of
food; barley, for the horses and cattle; wheat, used principally for
vermicelli; and several kinds of peas and beans. They cultivated, also,
a number of seeds, from which oils were expressed; likewise cotton,
hemp, the white mulberry for the feeding of silkworms (silk being the
stuff most in use), and the paper mulberry for the manufacture of
paper. To these may be added the camphor-tree, which grew, however,
only in the southwestern parts of Shimo, the _Rhus vernix_, which
produces the celebrated Japanese varnish, and the tea-plant, spoken
of by one of the early Portuguese missionaries as “a certain herb
called Cha, of which they put as much as a walnut shell may contain
into a dish of porcelain, and drink it with hot water.” From rice they
produced by fermentation an intoxicating drink, called _sake_, which
served them in the place of wine, and which was consumed in large
quantities. A yeast, or rather vinegar, produced from this liquor, was
largely employed in the pickling of vegetables. Their most useful woods
were the bamboo, the fir of several species, and the cedar.

They understood in perfection the arts of weaving silks and of moulding
porcelain, and excelled in gilding, engraving, and especially in
the use of lacquer or varnish. They also were able to manufacture
sword-blades of excellent temper.

As in other Eastern countries, the greater nobles exhibited an extreme
magnificence; but trade and the arts were held in low esteem, and the
mass of the people were excessively poor. Their buildings, though
they had some few solid structures of stone, were principally light
erections of wood, to avoid the effects of frequent earthquakes; but
this and the varnish employed exposed them to conflagrations, which, in
the towns, were very frequent and destructive. These towns consisted,
for the most part, of very cheap structures (like most of those
throughout the East), so that cities were built and destroyed with
equal ease and celerity.

Their commerce was limited almost entirely to the interchange of
domestic products, a vast number of vessels, of rather feeble
structure, being employed in navigating the coasts of the islands,
which abounded with deep bays and excellent harbors.

Of the sciences, whether mathematical, mixed, or purely physical, they
knew but little. They had, however, a considerable number of books
treating of religion, medicine, and their history and traditions.
The young were instructed in eloquence, poetry, and a rude sort of
painting and music, and they had a great fondness for theatrical
representations, in which they decidedly excelled. Their writing,
in which they greatly studied brevity, was in columns, as with the
Chinese, from the top to the bottom of the page, for which they gave
this reason: that writing ought to be a true representation of men’s
thoughts, and that men naturally stood erect. These columns read from
right to left. They employed, besides the Chinese ideographic signs,
a syllabic alphabet of their own, though in many works the Chinese
characters were freely introduced.[37]

Jurisprudence, as in most Eastern countries, was a very simple affair.
The laws were very few. Heads of families exercised great power over
their households. Most private disputes were settled by arbitration;
but where this failed, and in all criminal cases, a decision was made
on the spot by a magistrate, from whom there was seldom any appeal.
The sentences were generally executed at once, and often with very
great severity. Whether from their temperament, or their belief in the
doctrines of transmigration and annihilation, it was observed that the
Japanese met death with more courage than was common in Europe. It was,
indeed, a point of honor, in many cases, to inflict it on themselves,
which they did in a horrid manner, by cutting open their bowels by
two gashes in the shape of a cross. The criminal who thus anticipated
execution secured thereby the public sympathy and applause, saving his
property from confiscation, and his family from death; and, upon the
death of superiors or masters, the same fate was often, as a mark of
personal devotion and attachment, self-inflicted; and sometimes, also,
in consequence of a disgrace or affront, to escape or revenge which
no other means appeared.[38] The missionaries especially noted in the
Japanese a pride, a self-respect, a haughty magnanimity, a sense of
personal honor, very uncommon in the East, but natural characteristics
enough of a people who had never been conquered by invaders from
abroad; while the great vicissitudes to which they were exposed—all
vassals generally sharing the fate of their superiors—made them look
upon the goods and evils of fortune in a very philosophical spirit.

[Illustration: PERFORMANCE OF HARAKIRI]

Such was the condition in which Japan was found when it first became
known to Europe through the letters and relations of Xavier and the
other Portuguese missionaries, his successors.

CHAPTER VII

_Preaching of Xavier—Pinto’s Third Visit to Japan—A. D. 1550-51._

It is not our purpose to trace minutely the progress and fluctuating
fortunes of the Jesuit missionaries; nor, indeed, would it always
be easy to extract the exact truth from relations into which the
marvellous so largely enters. Xavier’s letters throw very little
light on the subsequent history of his mission, which mainly depends
upon accounts derived from an inquisition into the particulars of
the apostle’s ministry and miracles in the East, ordered to be made
shortly after his death by John III., of Portugal, and which resulted
in a large collection of duly attested depositions, containing
many marvellous statements, most of them purporting to come from
eye-witnesses, from which source the Jesuit historians of the Eastern
missions and the biographers of the saint have drawn most of their
materials.

If we are to believe them, Xavier was not only always victorious in his
disputes with bonzes; he went even so far, shortly after his arrival in
Japan, as to raise the dead—a miracle which furnished Poussin with a
subject for a celebrated picture. Xavier, we are told, had been charged
in India with a similar interference with the laws of nature; it is
true he attempted to explain it away, as, perhaps, he would have done
this Japanese miracle; but that denial the historian Maffei thinks,
instead of disproving the miracle, only proves the modest humility of
Xavier.

Though at first well received, as we have seen, by the king of Satsuma,
and though, in the course of near a year he remained there, the
immediate family and many of the relations of Anjirō were persuaded
to be baptized, yet the remonstrances of the bonzes, followed by the
transfer of the Portuguese trade, for the sake of a better harbor,
from Kagoshima to Hirado, caused the king of Satsuma to issue an edict
forbidding his subjects, under pain of death, to renounce the worship
of their national gods. In consequence of this edict, Xavier departed
for Hirado, which island, off the west coast of Shimo, having separated
from the kingdom of Hizen, had become independent under a prince of its
own. Anjirō was left behind, but soon afterwards was obliged to fly to
China, where, as Pinto informs us, he was killed by robbers.

At Hirado, in consequence of the representations of the Portuguese
merchants, Xavier was well received; but, desirous to see the chief
city of Japan, leaving Torres behind, he set out with Fernandez and two
Japanese converts on a visit to Miyako.

Proceeding by water, he touched first at Hakata, a considerable town on
the northwest coast of Shimo, and capital of the kingdom of Chikuzen,
and then at Yamaguchi, at that time a large city, capital of Nagato,
the most western kingdom or province of the great island of Nippon,
separated at this point from Shimo by a narrow strait.

The populace of Yamaguchi, ridiculing Xavier’s mean appearance as
contrasted with his pretensions, drove him out of the city with curses
and stones. Winter had now set in, and the cold was severe. The coast
was infested by pirates, and the interior by robbers, which obliged
the saint to travel as servant to some merchants, who, themselves on
horseback, required him, though on foot, and loaded with a heavy box
of theirs, to keep up with them at full gallop. This, however, seems a
little exaggerated, as Japanese travellers on horseback never exceed a
walk; while the box which Xavier carried is represented by the earlier
writers as containing the sacred vessels for the sacrifice of the mass.

Arriving thus at Miyako in rather sad plight, Xavier found that capital
almost ruined by civil wars, and on the eve of becoming the field of a
new battle. He could obtain no audience, as he had hoped, either of the
Kubō-Sama or of the Shaku, nor any hearing except from the populace, so
that he judged it best to return again to Hirado.

There are two means of working upon the imagination, both of which are
employed by turns alike by the Romish and by the Buddhist clergy. One
is by showing a contempt not merely for elegances, but even for common
comforts and ordinary decencies: the other, by pomp, show, and display.
Xavier, on his way to Miyako, entered the city of Yamaguchi barefoot
and meanly clad, and had, as we have stated, been hooted and stoned
by the populace. He now returned thither again from Hirado handsomely
clothed, and taking with him certain presents and recommendatory
letters from the Portuguese viceroy of the Indies and the governor of
Malacca, addressed to the Japanese princes, but of which as yet he had
made no use. Demanding an audience of the king, he was received with
respect, and soon obtained leave to preach, and an unoccupied house
of the bonzes to live in. Here, being soon surrounded by crowds, he
renewed, say his biographers, the miracle of tongues, not only in
preaching fluently in Japanese and in Chinese to the numerous merchants
of that nation who traded there, but in being able by a single answer
to satisfy a multitude of confused questions which the eager crowd
simultaneously put to him. Such was his success that, in less than two
months, five hundred persons, most of them of consideration, received
baptism; and, though the king soon began to grow less favorable, the
converts increased, during less than a year that he remained there, to
three thousand.

The seed thus planted, Xavier resolved to return to the Indies for
a fresh supply of laborers; and, having heard of the arrival of a
Portuguese vessel at Fuchū, in the kingdom of Bungo, leaving De Torres
and Fernandez at Yamaguchi, he proceeded to Fuchū for the purpose of
embarking.

Among the merchants in this ship was Fernam Mendez Pinto, now in Japan
for the third time, and who gives at some length the occurrences that
took place after Xavier’s arrival at Fuchū, where he was received with
great respect by the Portuguese, of whom more than thirty went out on
horseback to meet him.

The young king, whose name was Kiuan,[39] had already obtained,
through intercourse with Portuguese merchants, some knowledge of their
religion. He invited Xavier to an audience, to which the Portuguese
merchants accompanied him with so grand a display as somewhat to shock
the modesty of the saint, but which strongly impressed in his favor
the people of Bungo, to whom he had been represented by the bonzes
as so miserable a vagabond as to disgust the very vermin with which
he was covered. The young king received him very graciously; and he
preached and disputed with such success as greatly to alarm the bonzes,
who vainly attempted to excite a popular commotion against him as an
enchanter, through whose mouth a demon spoke, and a cannibal, who fed
on dead bodies which he dug up in the night.

Finally, after conquering, in a long dispute before the king of
Bungo, the ablest and most celebrated champion of the bonzes,[40] and
converting several of the order to the faith, Xavier embarked for
Goa on the 20th of September, 1551, attended by two of his Japanese
converts. Of those one died at Goa. The other, named Bernard, proceeded
to Europe, and, after a visit to Rome, returned to Portugal, and,
having entered the Society of Jesus, closed his life at the Jesuit
college of Coimbra, a foundation endowed by John III for the support of
a hundred pupils, to be prepared as missionaries to the East.

At Yamaguchi, after Xavier’s departure, the bonzes, enemies of
Catholicity, were more successful. An insurrection which they raised
so alarmed the king, that he shut himself up in his palace, set it
on fire, and, having slain his only son with his own hand, ended by
cutting himself open. The missionaries, however, were saved by an
unconverted princess, who even induced certain bonzes to shelter them;
and a brother of the king of Bungo having been elected king of Nagato,
the Catholics, not one of whom, we are told, had been killed in the
insurrection, were soon on a better footing than ever.[41]

CHAPTER VIII

_Progress of the Missions under Fathers De Torres and Nugnes
Barreto—Mendez Pinto a Fourth Time in Japan—A. D. 1551-1557._

The apostle of the Indies returned no more to Japan. He died in
December, 1552, at the age of forty-six, on his way to China, at the
island of Sancian, a little way from Macao, partly, it would seem,
through vexation at having been disappointed, by the jealousy and
obstinacy of the governor of Malacca, in a more direct mission to that
empire, on which he had set his heart, and for which he had made every
arrangement.

But already, before leaving for China, he had despatched from Malacca
three new missionaries to Japan, Balthaza Gago, a priest, and two
brothers, Peter d’Alcaceva and Edward de Sylva, who landed at
Kagoshima, in August, 1552, whence they proceeded to Bungo, where,
as well as at Yamaguchi, a site had been granted for a residence
and a church. Father de Torres, now at the head of the mission, in
a sort of general assembly of the faithful, to which the principal
converts were admitted, regulated the policy of the infant church.
To meet the objection of the bonzes, that the new converts had left
their old religions to escape the usual contributions of alms, it was
resolved to establish hospitals for the sick and poor, as well pagan
as converted,—and the more so as poverty in Japan was regarded as
peculiarly despicable, and the poor as condemned by the gods. To suit
the taste of the Japanese for spectacles, an impressive burial service
was agreed upon.

Great attention, according to the policy of the Catholic Church,
and especially of the Jesuits, was bestowed on the education of the
young. Not to be outdone by the bonzes, the missionaries practised
great austerities; regular whipping of themselves in church by all the
converts made a stated part of their religious exercises; but what most
contributed to the spread of the new faith was, so we are told, the
exceeding zeal, self-denial, and disinterestedness of the new converts,
including among the number several bonzes of the old religions, some of
whom were made Jesuits, and even ordained priests, and who soon gave
examples of sublime piety, which even the missionaries themselves found
it difficult to imitate.

Meanwhile, Peter d’Alcaceva, one of the newly arrived Jesuits, having
been sent back to Goa for further aid, on his way to that capital found
at Malacca the body of Xavier, preserved in quicklime, and also on
its way to Goa, whither he attended it. At Goa he encountered Fernam
Mendez Pinto, who, having amassed great wealth in the Indies, was
about to return to Portugal. Preliminary to this voyage Pinto made a
general confession to Father Nugnes Barreto, the vice-provincial of the
Jesuits; after which, falling upon the subject of Xavier, whose dead
body lying at Goa was reported to work numerous miracles, he related
to his confessor many wonderful stories of the prodigies which he
himself had witnessed while with Xavier at Bungo. Passing thence to
the zeal and merits of the Japanese converts, he strongly urged Nugnes
to proceed thither to take Xavier’s place, even offering himself to
go as his companion, and to devote the whole of his fortune (except
two thousand crowns to be sent to some poor relations in Portugal),
partly to the founding of a seminary at Yamaguchi, whence the faith
might be diffused through the whole of Japan, and partly in purchasing
magnificent presents for the princes of the country, which he thought
would be a good means of securing their favor for the new religion.

Pinto was accordingly appointed ambassador from the Portuguese viceroy
to the king of Bungo, and Nugnes sailed for Malacca in his company,
taking with him Father Gaspard Vilela, four brothers, not yet priests,
and five young orphans from the Seminary of the Holy Faith, to act as
catechists. Before setting out, Nugnes and his brother Jesuits renewed
their vows, according to a rule of the order, which required such a
renewal once every six months. Pinto was present at this ceremony,
and his excitable temperament was so wrought upon by it, that, seized
with a sudden impulse, he insisted upon himself repeating the vows,
with an additional one to consecrate his person and his goods to the
Japanese mission. As he was the viceroy’s ambassador, it was resolved
that he should not adopt the Jesuit habit till after he had fulfilled
his mission—a delay which proved a lucky thing for Pinto, whose zeal
speedily began to evaporate. He served, indeed, for some time in the
hospitals of Malacca, where they arrived in June, 1554, and where, by
the sickness of Nugnes and other accidents, they were detained upwards
of a year; and, according to the letters of Nugnes, he gave great
edification, the people admiring to see so rich a man, and one lately
so fond of display and good living, clothed in rags and begging alms
from door to door, having given up all his wealth that he might the
better obey the Lord.

Sailing from Malacca, Nugnes and his company, after perils from
pirates, were driven by storms first to Sancian, and then to Macao,
whence, in the spring of 1556, Nugnes proceeded to Canton, where he
made many unavailing efforts for the introduction of Catholicism into
China. Meanwhile, he received letters from Goa, urging his return,
enclosing one from Loyola himself, disapproving of such long voyages by
the vice-provincials of the order; but he was still induced to Japan by
a pressing letter from the prince of Hirado, who hoped by this means
to attract the Portuguese trade from Bungo to that port. He sailed
accordingly for Hirado, but was compelled by stress of weather to find
a harbor in Bungo.

Meanwhile, the parts of Japan occupied by the missionaries had
been the seats of serious commotions. The king of Bungo had indeed
confirmed his power by suppressing an insurrection; but his brother,
the king of Nagato, had been driven from his throne and defeated and
slain by Mōri Motonari, a relative of the late king; and during this
civil war the city of Yamaguchi had been sacked and burnt, and the
missionaries obliged to flee for their lives to Bungo. There, too,
a new insurrection had been attempted, but again without success;
though the king still kept himself shut up in a fortress at a distance
from his capital. He returned, however, to receive Nugnes, which he
did very graciously, but resisted, on grounds of expediency, all
his exhortations to make an open profession of Catholicism. Thus
disappointed, Nugnes, after sending Gago to establish himself at
Hirado, thought it best to return to Goa.

[Illustration: THE KINTAI BRIDGE, SNŌ]

On arriving in Japan, the zeal of Pinto had speedily declined, and
he had begun to sigh for his liberty. Perhaps he was alarmed at the
appearance of Cosme de Torres, who, from being plump and portly, had,
under the thin diet of the country, and the labors of the mission,
grown to be exceedingly lean and haggard. At all events, it was
found impossible to revive his fervor, and, as the Jesuits wanted no
unwilling members, it was decided to release him from his vows. He
returned with Nugnes to Goa, whence, not long after, he sailed for
Lisbon. In his book he relates his last visit to Japan, but with no
mention of his having joined the Jesuits,—of which our knowledge is
drawn from the published letters of the missionaries, including one
dated in 1554, and written by Pinto himself, from the college at
Malacca, addressed to the scholars of the college of Coimbra, and
giving a sketch of his travels in the East.

Having arrived at Lisbon, September 22, 1558, he delivered to the
queen regent a commendatory letter from the viceroy of Goa, and had
the honor to explain to her what his long experience suggested as of
most utility for the affairs of Portugal in the East, not forgetting
also some private application for himself. The queen referred him to
the minister, who gave him high hopes; but at the end of four or five
years of tedious solicitation, which became more insupportable than
all his past fatigues, he concluded to content himself with the little
fortune which he had brought from India, and for which he was indebted
to nobody but himself. Yet he piously and loyally concludes that, if
he had been no better rewarded for twenty-one years’ services, during
which he had been thirteen times a slave, and seventeen times sold,
it could only be attributed to the divine justice, which disposes of
all things for the best, and rather to his own sins than to any want
of royal discernment. He died about 1580, leaving his narrative behind
him, which was not printed till 1614, and which was written, as he
says at the beginning of it, in his old age, that he might leave it
a memorial and heritage to his children to excite their confidence
in the aid of Heaven by the example of his own sufferings and
deliverances.[42]

CHAPTER IX

_Louis Almeida—The Missionaries establish themselves at
Miyako (Kyōto)—Louis Froez—Princes converted in Shimo—Rise
of Nobunaga—Prosperity of the Missions—Noble and Princely
Converts—Nagasaki built—Nobunaga makes himself Emperor—A. D.
1557-1577_.

The loss of Pinto and Nugnes, and even that of Father Gago, who, three
or four years later, after a very zealous career as a missionary, grew
weary of the work, and obtained permission to return to Goa, was more
than made up for by the accession of William and Ruys Pereyra, two
of the catechists brought by Nugnes, and whom, before his departure,
he admitted into the order, and especially by that of Louis Almeida,
who had arrived in Japan as surgeon to a trading vessel, and who,
after amassing a large fortune, gave it all to pious uses,—of which a
hospital for abandoned infants was one,—and, joining the Jesuits, soon
became distinguished for his zeal and assiduity as a missionary.

The extension which, in the fluctuating condition of affairs, shortly
afterwards took place of the dominions of the king of Bungo over
the greater part of the island of Shimo, was very favorable to the
new religion. The prince of Hirado was obliged to pay him tribute,
and, notwithstanding the double-faced policy of that prince, the new
doctrine continued to spread in his territories, where some of the
members of the ruling family became converts. A new church was planted
at Hakata, and the old original one at Kagoshima was reëstablished.
Presently the new faith gained a footing also in the kingdoms of Arima
and Gotō, which, as well as Hirado, had been dissevered from the
ancient province of Hizen. The lord of Shimabara (afterwards famous
as the last stronghold of the Catholics) invited the missionaries
to his city. The king of Arima was also very friendly; he gave
the missionaries an establishment, first at Yokoseura, and, after
that city had been burned by the bonzes, at a port of his called
Kuchinotsu, on the southern coast of the southwestern peninsula of
Shimo. The prince of Ōmura, a dependency of Arima, and the prince of
the island of Tanegashima, the same at which Pinto had first landed,
then a dependency of Hirado, were both among the converts, and
exceedingly zealous to induce their subjects to follow their example;
and, notwithstanding the hostility of the bonzes, the frequent wars
between the princes, and repeated internal commotions, by which the
missionaries were often in danger, the new religion continued to spread
in all parts of Shimo, and in fact to be carried by native converts to
many parts of Nippon, which no missionary had yet reached. Meanwhile,
new establishments also had been gained on the island of Nippon, in
addition to that at Yamaguchi, at its western extremity. The fame of
the missionaries had induced an old Jūji, or superior of a Buddhist
monastery near Miyako (Kyōto), to send to Yamaguchi to ask information
about the new religion. Father Vilela was despatched, in 1559, for
his instruction, and though the Jūji died before the arrival of the
missionary, his successor and many of the bonzes listened with respect
to the words of Vilela. As none, however, were willing to receive
baptism, he departed for Miyako, where he found means to approach
Yoshiteru, the Kubō-Sama, and to obtain from him permission to preach.
Having secured the favor of Miyoshi, the emperor’s principal minister,
and presently that of Matsunaga, the chief judge, he converted many
bonzes and nobles, and built up a large and flourishing church.

An attack upon the emperor by Mōri Motonari, king of Nagato, who
forced the city of Miyako, and set it on fire, detained Vilela for
a while in the neighboring town of Sakai, the most commercial place
in Japan, which seems, at that time, to have been a free city, as it
were, with an independent government of its own; and there also a
church was planted. But the emperor soon reëstablished his affairs;
and although, from the hostility of Mōri, the church at Yamaguchi was
very much depressed, everything went on well at Miyako, where Vilela
was joined, in 1565, by Louis Almeida, and by a young missionary, Louis
Froez, lately arrived from Malacca. Of their journey from Kuchinotsu to
Miyako we have a detailed account in a long and very interesting letter
of Almeida’s. His visit to Miyako was only temporary. Froez remained
there, and from him we have a long series of letters, historical and
descriptive, as well as religious, which, for a period of thirty years
following, throw great light on the history and internal condition of
Japan.

At this time the entire empire, since and at present so stable, was
the scene of constant revolutions. Very shortly after Froez’s arrival
Miyoshi and Matsunaga conspired against their patron (_i. e._ the
Shōgun Yoshiteru), dethroned him, and drove him to cut himself open,
as did great numbers of his relatives and partisans. These nobles,
hitherto favorable to the missionaries, now published an edict against
them, probably to secure the favor of the bonzes; and Vilela and
Froez were thus again driven to take refuge at Sakai, where they had
a few converts. But the believers at Miyako stood firm, and a new
revolution soon occurred, headed by a noble called Wada Iga-no-kami,
and by Nobunaga (Oda Nobunaga), king of Owari,—which province adjoined
the emperor’s special territory on the east, a prince whose military
prowess had already made him from a petty noble the master of eighteen
provinces in the eastern part of Nippon.

In 1566 Wada and Nobunaga proclaimed as emperor a brother of the late
one—a bonze who had escaped from the rebels. Miyako was regained,
and the new emperor established there A. D. 1567. All real authority
remained, however, with Nobunaga, who showed himself very hostile to
the Buddhist bonzes, they having generally taken the side of the late
rebels. He even destroyed many of their temples, using the idols which
they contained as materials for a new palace. He easily granted to
Wada, who was himself a sort of half convert, the reëstablishment of
the missionaries at Miyako, which was soon confirmed by an imperial
edict, issued in 1568; and, in spite of an attempt at interference on
the part of the Dairi, the new religion, under the protection of Wada,
who was appointed governor of Miyako, soon reached a very flourishing
condition.

[Illustration: IMAGE OF ODA NOBUNAGA
From Dening’s _New Life of Toyotomi Hideyoshi_]

To this prosperity at Miyako a strong contrast was, however,
presented by the state of things at Yamaguchi, whence the missionaries
were expelled by the king of Nagato, though the church there was still
kept alive by the zeal and constancy of some of the converts. In the
island of Shimo the new religion continued to spread. Indeed, the
baptized prince of Ōmura, not content with hacking idols to pieces, and
refusing to join in the old national festivals, wished also to prohibit
all the old ceremonies, and to compel his subjects to adopt the new
ones,—an excess of zeal which, by displaying the intolerant spirit of
the new sect, fostered a union of all the old ones against it, such as
at last occasioned its destruction.

This prince had allowed certain Portuguese merchants to establish
themselves at Nagasaki, then a mere fishing village, but having a
capacious harbor, the port of Japan nearest to China and the Indies,
at the head of a deep bay, opening to the west. Presently he built
a church there, and, A. D. 1568, invited the missionaries to make
it their headquarters, with a promise that no religion but theirs
should be allowed. This invitation was accepted; many converts flocked
thither, and Nagasaki soon became a considerable city. Fathers de
Torres and Vilela both died in 1570,[43] worn out with years and
labors, the latter being succeeded as head of the mission by Father
Cabral, sent out from Goa as vice-provincial of the order, and
accompanied by Father Gnecchi, who soon became an efficient laborer.

Meanwhile, an insurrection in the imperial provinces, on the part of
the old rebels, which it cost the life of Wada to suppress, so provoked
Nobunaga that he wreaked his vengeance anew upon the bonzes (who had
again aided the insurgents), by destroying a great number of their
monasteries on the famous mountain of Japan (Hieizan), and putting
the inmates to death. This occurrence took place A. D. 1571, as the
missionaries remarked, on the day of St. Michael, whom Xavier had
named the patron saint of Japan. Cabral, the vice-provincial, having
made a visit to Miyako, was very graciously received by Nobunaga.
Shortly after the titular Kubō-Sama made a vain attempt to regain
the exercise of authority. The defeated prince was still left in
possession of his title, but Nobunaga was thenceforth regarded as,
in fact, himself the emperor. This was in 1573. In 1576 the church
received new and important accessions in Shimo. The king of Bungo,
though from the beginning favorable to the missionaries, had, from
reasons of policy, and through the influence of his wife, who was very
hostile to the new religion, declined baptism; none of the courtiers
had submitted to it, and the converts in that kingdom had consisted as
yet of an inferior class. But the second son of the king having taken
the resolution to be baptized, in spite of the violent opposition of
the queen, his mother,—who had great influence over Yoshimune, the
king’s eldest son, associated, according to a usual Japanese custom,
in the government,—his example was followed by many persons of rank in
the kingdom of Bungo, and even by the neighboring king of Arima, who
died, however, shortly after, leaving his kingdom to an unbelieving
successor.[44]

CHAPTER X

_Father Valignani—State of the Missions—Conversion and Baptism of
the King of Bungo—Growth of Nagasaki—Embassy to the Pope—Documents
relating to this Embassy—A. D. 1577-1586._

Such was the state of things on the arrival, at the beginning of
1577, of Father Alexander Valignani, visitor-general of the Jesuit
establishments in the East, and who in that capacity came to inspect
the missions of Japan. He found there, in addition to a large number of
native catechists, fifty-nine professed Jesuits (including twelve who
had arrived but a short time before), of whom twenty-six were native
Japanese; but, as only twenty-three of the whole number were ordained
priests, it was found very difficult to meet the demand for ministers
qualified to baptize and to administer the other sacraments. Hence
the visitor was the more convinced of the necessity of establishing a
novitiate of the order (a project already started by Father Cabral, the
vice-provincial), and seminaries for the education of the children of
the converts designed for the priesthood, especially those of superior
rank; and in his letter to the general of the order and to the Pope, he
recommended the appointment of a bishop, so that ordination might be
had without the necessity of going to Malacca. He also settled, at a
general assembly of the missionaries, who met him at Kuchinotsu, many
points of discipline, and especially a difficult and much disputed
question as to the wearing of silk garments, which, as being the stuff
in use by all persons of consideration in Japan, some of the Jesuits
wished to wear. The ground taken was that it would only be a new
application of the policy, which had been agreed upon, of conforming
as far as innocently might be to the customs of the country. This
argument, however, had not satisfied Father Cabral; he had prohibited
the wearing of silk, which the rule of the order did not allow; and
that decision was now confirmed by the visitor.

There were, however, other points upon which the vice-provincial and
the visitor did not so well agree. Of Cabral, Charlevoix draws the
following character, one for which many originals might be found:
“He was a holy professor, a great missionary, a vigilant and amiable
superior; but he was one of those excellent persons who imagine
themselves more clear-headed than other men, and who, in consequence,
ask counsel of nobody but themselves; or rather, who believe themselves
inspired, when they have once prayed to be so, regarding as decrees
of Heaven, expressed by their mouth, all the resolutions which they
have taken at the foot of the cross, where the last thing to be laid
down is one’s own judgment.” Cabral had taken up the idea that persons
of such vigorous understanding as the Japanese must be duly held in
check; and the whole twenty-six of them received, up to this time,
into the company, and almost all of whom aspired to the priesthood, he
strictly limited to such studies as would suffice to qualify them for
the subordinate parts of divine service. This policy Valignani did not
approve; but when he sought to alter it, he encountered such opposition
from Father Cabral, to be obliged to send him off to Goa, appointing
Father Gaspard Cuello in his place.

Shortly after the arrival of Valignani, the church gained a new and
distinguished accession in Kiuan,[45] king of Bungo, who, having
repudiated his old pagan wife, to whom the Catholics gave the name of
Jezebel, married a new one, and was baptized with all his household,
taking the name of Francis, according to the custom of the missionaries
in giving European names to their converts. There were even strong
hopes of gaining over his eldest son and colleague, Yoshimune, when
a war broke out with the king of Satsuma for the possession of the
intervening kingdom of Hyūga, which resulted in the loss of all
Kiuan’s conquests, and his reduction to his original province of
Bungo, which also he was in danger of losing,—a change by no means
favorable to the missionaries. Kuchinotsu was ruined in this war; and
the spectacle of the vicissitudes to which everything in Japan was
exposed induced Valignani to urge upon the Portuguese merchants and
residents to fortify Nagasaki. This was done in 1579, and that port
became thenceforward almost the sole one resorted to by the Portuguese.
The converted king of Gotō having died, the guardian of his infant son
showed himself hostile to the missionaries; but this circumstance was
an advantage to Nagasaki, which received many fugitives from these
islands.

The new king of Arima being brought, by the labors of the visitor, to
a better disposition, was baptized, and became one of the most zealous
of the converts. Both the emperor Nobunaga and his three sons still
continued very well disposed to the missionaries, allowing Father
Gnecchi, who was a favorite with him, to establish a house, a church,
and a seminary at Azuchiyama, his local capital, which he had greatly
beautified, and between which and Miyako he had caused a highway to
be built, at great expense and with immense labor. His evident design
to make his authority absolute had indeed led to a league against
him, which, however, proved of no avail, this attempt at resistance
resulting in the subjection of all the kings of the western half of
Nippon, except Mōri of Nagato. The good service which the missionaries
rendered, in persuading the Christian princes, and the Christian
vassals of the unconverted ones, to submit to the emperor, as their
superior lord, caused Valignani to be very graciously received, both at
Miyako and also at Azuchiyama.

On the visitor’s return to Shimo, the converted kings of Bungo and
Arima, and the prince of Ōmura, determined to send ambassadors to be
the bearers of their submission to the Pope. For this purpose two young
nobles were selected, scarcely sixteen years of age: one, prince of
Hyūga, the son of a niece of the king of Bungo, the other, prince of
Arima, cousin of the king of Arima, and nephew of the prince of Ōmura.
They were attended by two counsellors somewhat older than themselves,
by Father Diego de Mesquita, as their preceptor, and interpreter, and
by a Japanese Jesuit, named George Loyola, and, in company with Father
Valignani, they sailed from Nagasaki February 20, 1582, in a Portuguese
ship bound for Macao, now the headquarters of the Portuguese trade to
Japan. They arrived at Macao after a very stormy and dangerous passage
of seventeen days; but the season of sailing for Malacca being past,
they had to wait there six months. When at length they did sail,
they encountered very violent storms; but at last, after twenty-nine
days’ passage (January 27, 1583), they reached Malacca, passing, as
they entered the harbor, the wreck of another richly laden Portuguese
vessel, which had sailed from Macao in their company. After resting at
Malacca eight days, they embarked for Goa, which third voyage proved
not less trying than the two others. Delayed by calms, they ran short
of provisions and water, and by the ignorance of the pilot were near
being run ashore on the island of Ceylon. They disembarked at length at
Travancore, at the southeastern extremity of the peninsula of India,
whence they proceeded by land to the neighboring port of Cochin. Here,
owing to the unfavorable monsoon, they had to wait six months before
they could sail for Goa, at which capital of Portuguese India they
arrived in September. The viceroy of the Indies received them with
great hospitality, and furnished them with a good ship, in which they
had a favorable passage round the Cape of Good Hope, arriving at Lisbon
August 10, 1584.

Four years before, Portugal had passed under the rule of Philip II, of
Spain, who had thus united on his single head the crowns of both the
East and the West Indies; and to him these ambassadors were charged
with a friendly message. The viceroy of Portugal received them at
Lisbon with every attention. At Madrid they were received by Philip II
himself with the greatest marks of distinction. Having traversed Spain,
they embarked at Alicante, but were driven by a storm into the island
of Majorca, thereby escaping an Algerine fleet and a Turkish squadron,
both of which were cruising in that neighborhood. Sailing thence they
landed at Leghorn, where Pierro de’ Medici, brother of the grand duke
of Tuscany, was waiting to attend them. They spent the carnival at
Pisa, and thence by Florence proceeded towards Rome.

Aquiviva, general of the Jesuits (the fourth successor of Loyola),
was very pressing with the Pope for a reception without display; but
Gregory XIII (the same to whom we owe the reform of the calendar) had
determined in consistory that the honor of the church and of the holy
see required a different course. The ambassadors were met at Viterbo
by the Pope’s light horse, and were escorted into the city by a long
cavalcade of Roman nobles. The whole of the corso up to Jesus, the
church and house of the Jesuits, where the ambassadors were to lodge,
was crowded with people, who greeted their arrival with deafening
shouts. As they alighted from their carriage, they were received
by Father Aquiviva, attended by all the Jesuits then at Rome, who
conducted them to the church, where _Te Deum_ was chanted.

The next day a magnificent procession was formed to escort them to the
Vatican. It was headed by the light horse, followed by the Pope’s Swiss
guard, the officers of the cardinals, the carriages of the ambassadors
of Spain, France, Venice, and the Roman princes, the whole Roman
nobility on horseback, the pages and officers of the ambassadors, with
trumpets and cymbals, the chamberlains of the Pope, and the officers of
the palace, all in red robes. Then followed the Japanese on horseback,
in their national dress,[46] three silken gowns of a light fabric,
one over the other, of a white ground, splendidly embroidered with
fruits, leaves, and birds. In their girdles they wore the two swords,
symbols of Japanese gentility. Their heads, shaven, except the hair
round the ears and neck, which was gathered into a cue bent upwards,
had no covering. Their features were hardly less divergent from the
European standard than their dress, yet their whole expression, air,
and manner, modest and amiable, but with a conscious sentiment of
nobility, was such as impressed the bystanders very favorably. The
prince of Hyūga came first, between two archbishops. The prince of
Arima followed, between two bishops. Of their counsellors, one was kept
away by sickness, the other followed between two nobles, and after him
Father de Mesquita, the interpreter, also on horseback. A great number
of richly dressed courtiers closed the procession. The crowds, which
filled the streets and the windows, looked on in almost breathless
silence. As the ambassadors crossed the bridge of St. Angelo, all
the cannon of the castle were fired, to which those of the Vatican
responded, at which signal all the bands struck up, and continued to
play till the hall of audience was reached.

The ambassadors approached the foot of the papal throne, each with the
letter of his prince in his hand. Prostrating themselves at the Pope’s
feet, they declared in Japanese, in a voice loud and distinct, that
they had come from the extremities of the earth to acknowledge in the
person of the Pope the vicar of Jesus Christ, and to render obedience
to him in the name of the princes of whom they were the envoys, and
also for themselves. The Father de Mesquita expressed in Latin what
they had said; but the appearance of the young men themselves, who
had essayed so many dangers and fatigues to come to pay their homage
to the holy see, was more expressive than any words; and it drew tears
and sobs from the greater part of the audience. The Pope himself,
greatly agitated, hastened to raise them up, kissed their foreheads,
and embraced them many times, dropping tears upon them. They were then
conducted to an alcove, while the secretary of the consistory read
the letters from the Japanese princes, which Father de Mesquita had
translated into Italian, and of which the following may serve as a
specimen:

“LETTER OF THE KING OF BUNGO,

“_To him who ought to be adored and who holds the place of the King of
Heaven, the great and most holy Pope_.

“Full of confidence in the grace of the supreme and almighty God,
I write, with all possible submission, to your Holiness. The Lord,
who governs heaven and earth, who holds under his empire the sun and
all the celestial host, has made his light to shine upon one who was
plunged in ignorance and buried in deep darkness. It is more than
thirty years since this sovereign Master of nature, displaying all the
treasures of his pity in favor of the inhabitants of these countries,
sent thither the fathers of the Company of Jesus, who have sowed
the seed of the divine Word in these kingdoms of Japan; and he has
pleased, in his infinite bounty, to cause a part of it to fall into my
heart: singular mercy, for which I think myself indebted, most holy
Father of all the faithful, as well to the prayers and merits of your
Holiness as to those of many others. If the wars which I have had to
sustain, my old age, and my infirmities had not prevented me, I should
myself have visited the holy places where you dwell, to render in
person the obedience which I owe you. I would have devotedly kissed
the feet of your Holiness, I would have placed them on my head, and
would have besought you to make with your sacred hand the august
sign of the cross on my heart. Constrained, by the reasons I have
mentioned, to deprive myself of a consolation so sweet, I did design
to send in my place Jerome, son of the king of Fiunga [Hyūga], and
my grandson; but as he was too far distant from my court, and as the
father-visitor could not delay his departure, I have substituted for
him Mancio, his cousin and my great-nephew.

“I shall be infinitely obliged if your Holiness, holding upon earth
the place of God himself, shall continue to shed your favor upon me,
upon all Christians, and especially upon this little portion of the
flock committed to your care. I have received from the hand of the
father-visitor the reliquary with which your Holiness honored me,
and I have placed it on my head with much respect. I have no words
in which to express the gratitude with which I am penetrated for a
gift so precious. I will add no more, as the father-visitor and my
ambassador will more fully inform your Holiness as to all that regards
my person and my realm. I truly adore you, most holy Father, and I
write this to you trembling with respectful fear. The 11th day of
January, in the year of our Lord 1582.

“FRANCIS, King of Bungo,
“prostrate at the foot of your Holiness.”

The reading of this and of the other letters, translated into Italian,
was followed by a “Discourse on Obedience,” pronounced, in the name of
the princes and the ambassadors, by Father Gaspard Gonzales, a model of
rhetorical elegance and comprehensive brevity—whatever may be thought
of its ethical or theological doctrines—which some of the long-winded
speakers of the present day, both lay and clerical, would do well to
imitate. We give, as a specimen, a passage from the beginning:

“Nature has separated Japan from the countries in which we now are,
by such an extent of land and sea, that, before the present age,
there were very few persons who had any knowledge of it; and even now
there are those who find it difficult to believe the accounts of it
which we give. It is certain, nevertheless, most holy Father, that
there are several Japanese islands, of a vast extent, and in these
islands numerous fine cities, the inhabitants of which have a keen
understanding, noble and courageous hearts, and obliging dispositions,
politeness of manners, and inclinations disposed towards that which
is good. Those who have known them have decidedly preferred them to
all the other people of Asia, and it is only their lack of the true
religion which prevents them from competing with the nations of Europe.

“For some years past this religion has been preached to them, under
the authority of the holy see, by apostolical missionaries. Its
commencements were small, as in the case of the primitive church; but
God having given his blessing to this evangelical seed, it took root
in the hearts of the nobles, and of late, under the pontificate of
your Holiness, it has been received by the greatest lords, the princes
and kings of Japan. This, most holy Father, ought to console you, for
many reasons; but principally because, laboring as you do with an
indefatigable zeal and vigor to reëstablish a religion, shaken and
almost destroyed by the new heresies here in Europe, you see it take
root and make great progress in the most distant country of the world.

“Hitherto your Holiness has heard, and with great pleasure, of the
abundant fruits borne by this vine newly planted, with so much labor,
at the extremities of the earth. Now you may see, touch, taste them,
in this august assembly, and impart of them to all the faithful.
What joy ought not all Christians to feel, and especially the Roman
people, at seeing the ambassadors of such great princes come from
the ends of the earth to prostrate themselves at the feet of your
Holiness, through a pure motive of religion,—a thing which has never
happened in any age! What satisfaction for them to see the most
generous and valiant kings of the East, conquered by the arms of the
faith and by the preaching of the gospel, submitting themselves to the
empire of Jesus Christ, and, as they cannot, from their avocations,
come in person to take the oath of obedience and fidelity to the holy
see, acquitting themselves of this duty by ambassadors so nearly
related to them, and whom they so tenderly love!”

In the following passage the orator alludes more at length to the
revolt in Europe against the authority of the Pope, which Philip II, no
less than the Pope, was at this moment vigorously laboring to put down,
by the recent introduction of the Jesuits into the Netherlands, where
the Protestant rebels had been suppressed, by war against Holland, by
aiding the French leaguers, by countenancing the retrograde movement
then in rapid progress in Germany, and by preparing to carry out
against Elizabeth of England the sentence of deposition which the Pope
had fulminated against her.

“O immortal God! What a stroke of thine arm! What an effect of thy
grace! In places so distant from the holy see, where the name of
Jesus had never been heard, nor his gospel ever preached, as soon
as the true faith shed there the first rays of the truth, men of
temperaments quite different from ours, kings illustrious by their
nobility, redoubtable for their power, happy in the abundance of their
possessions, conquerors and warriors signalized by their victories,
acknowledge the greatness and dignity of the Roman church, and hold
it a great honor to kiss the feet of the church’s head by the lips
of persons infinitely dear to them; all this happens while we see
men at our very gate blind and impious enough to wish to cut off
with a parricidal hand the head of the mystic body of Jesus Christ,
and to call in doubt, to their own ruin, the authority of the holy
see, established by Jesus Christ himself, confirmed by the course
of so many ages, defended by the writings of so many holy doctors,
recognized and approved by so many councils!

“But it is not proper that I should give way to grief, or trouble the
joys of this day by the recollection of our miseries!”

To this address, on behalf of the Japanese princes and their
ambassadors, Monseigneur Antony Bocapaduli replied in Latin, in the
Pope’s name, as follows:

“His Holiness commands me, most noble lords, to say to you that
Dom Francis, king of Bungo, Dom Protais, king of Arima, and Dom
Barthelemi, prince of Ōmura, have acted like wise and religious
princes in sending you from the extremities of Asia to acknowledge
the power with which God’s bounty hath clothed him on the earth,
since there is but one faith, one church universal, and but a single
chief and supreme pastor, whose authority extends to all parts of the
earth where there are Christians, which pastor and only head is the
bishop of Rome, the successor of St. Peter. He is charmed to see that
they believe firmly and profess aloud this truth, with all the other
articles that compose the Catholic faith. He gives ceaseless thanks
to the divine goodness which has wrought these marvels; and this joy
appears to him so much the more legitimate, as it has its foundation
in the zeal by which he is animated for the glory of the Almighty, and
the salvation of souls which the incarnate Word has purchased with his
blood. This is why this venerable pontiff and all the sacred college
of the cardinals of the Roman church receive, with a truly paternal
affection, the protestation which you make to the vicar of Jesus
Christ of faith, filial devotion, and obedience, on the part of the
princes whom you represent. His Holiness earnestly desires and prays
to God that all the kings and princes of Japan, and all those who
rule in other parts of the world, may imitate so good an example, may
renounce their idols and all their errors, may adore in spirit and in
truth the sovereign Lord who has created this universe, and his only
son, Jesus Christ, whom he has sent into the world; since it is in
this knowledge and this faith that eternal life consists.”

The reply finished, the ambassadors were conducted around to the foot
of the throne, and again kissed the feet of the Pope; after which the
cardinals, drawing near, embraced them, and put to them many questions
as to their travels and the rarities of their country: questions to
which they replied with so much sense and acuteness as to cause no
little admiration.

At length the Pope rose, exclaiming, _Nunc dimittis servum tuum,
Domine_ (which might by a pious Catholic be taken as a prophecy of
his approaching death). The two chief ambassadors, who were of the
blood royal, were directed to lift up the train of his robes,—an
honor monopolized, as far as the princes of Europe were concerned,
by the ambassador of the emperor. The holy father having been thus
conducted to his apartment, the cardinal St. Sixtus, his nephew, the
cardinal Guastavillani, and the duke of Sora entertained the Japanese
at a magnificent dinner. A private audience followed, in which the
ambassadors delivered the presents they had brought, and the Pope
announced that he had endowed the proposed new seminary at Fuchū with
an annual dotation of four thousand Roman crowns.

Gregory XIII died a few days after;[47] but his successor, Sixtus V,
who, as cardinal of Monte Alto, had taken greatly to the Japanese, was
not less favorable to them as Pope. They assisted, among the other
ambassadors of kings, at his coronation, bearing the canopy and holding
the basin for his Holiness to wash in when he said mass. They had the
same honors when the pontiff was enthroned at Saint John Lateran. The
holy father afterwards invited them to visit his country-house, where
they were splendidly entertained and regaled on his behalf by his
steward and four-and-twenty prelates.

Finally, on the eve of the Ascension, in the presence of all the Roman
nobility, they were dubbed knights of the gilded spurs. The Pope
himself girded on their swords, while the spurs of the two princes
were buckled on by the ambassadors of France and Venice, and those of
the two others by the Marquis Altemps; after which the Pope placed
about their necks chains of gold, to which his medal was attached,
and kissed and embraced them. The next day his Holiness said mass in
person, and they communicated from his hand. He dismissed them with
briefs, addressed to their princes, of which the following may serve as
a sample:

“BRIEF OF POPE SIXTUS V TO THE KING OF ARIMA

“_Noble prince and our well-beloved son, salvation and apostolical
benediction._

“Our well-beloved son Dom Michael, your ambassador to this court,
delivered to Pope Gregory XIII, our predecessor, of holy and happy
memory, now, as we must presume, in glory, the letters with which your
majesty had charged him; and after these letters had been publicly
read, he rendered to that pontiff the obedience due to the vicar of
Jesus Christ, and which all Catholic kings are accustomed to render
to him. This was done in presence of all the cardinals of the holy
church, then assembled at Rome, of which number we were. A greater
concourse of persons of all conditions, and a greater public joy, had
never been seen. Shortly after, it having pleased God to charge us,
without our having in the least merited it, with the government of
His church, we have also received with entirely paternal tenderness
the same duties of obedience which Dom Michael has renewed to us, in
the name of your majesty; whereupon we have thought proper to add
you to the number of our very dear children, the Catholic kings of
the holy church. We have seen, with much joy and satisfaction, the
testimonies of your piety and religion; and, to give you the means of
increasing these in your heart, we have sent you, by your before-named
ambassador, inclosed in a cross of gold, a piece of the cross to which
was nailed Jesus Christ, King of kings and eternal Priest, who, by
the effusion of his blood, has made us also kings and priests of the
living God. We send you, also, a sword and hat, which we have blessed,
such as it is the custom of the Roman pontiff to send to all the
Catholic kings, and we pray the Lord to be the support of your majesty
in all your enterprises. According to the usage in the courts of the
kings of Europe, the sword and hat should be received at the end of
a mass, to which we shall attach a plenary indulgence for all sins
for the benefit of all who may assist thereat, and who, after having
confessed themselves, shall pray for the tranquillity of the Catholic
church, the salvation of the Christian princes, and the extirpation of
heresies—provided they have a true confidence in the divine mercy, in
the power which has been given to the holy apostles Peter and Paul,
and in that with which we are clothed. Given at Rome, at St. Peter’s,
under the seal of the fisherman,” etc.

From Rome, escorted out of the city with all honors, the ambassadors
went by way of Loretto, where they paid their devotions, to Venice,
and thence to Milan and Genoa, at which latter place they embarked
for Barcelona. They declined, as they had been so long from home, a
pressing invitation from Henry III to visit France, and, after a new
audience with Philip II, they hastened to sail from Lisbon on their
return voyage, embarking April 13, 1586.[48]

CHAPTER XI

_Events meanwhile in Japan—Downfall of Nobunaga—Accession of Hashiba,
afterwards known as Kwambacudono, and, finally, as Taikōsama—Edict
against the Jesuits—Return of the Ambassadors—A. D. 1582-1588._

While the ambassadors were on their way to Europe, great changes had
taken place in the Japanese islands. A few months after they had sailed
from Nagasaki, Akechi Mitsuhide, a favorite general of Nobunaga’s,
had marched from Miyako to join Hashiba Hideyoshi, another favorite
general, employed in prosecuting the war against Nagato. The stern
severity of Nobunaga had rendered him very unpopular, of which Akechi
took advantage to turn about and attack him, left as he was at Miyako
almost without troops. Nobunaga, thus betrayed and surprised, having
no other resource, set fire to his palace, and perished in it, June
15, 1580, with his eldest son. His second son, overwhelmed by this
disaster, went mad, and in that condition set fire to his father’s
patrimonial palace at Azuchiyama, thus kindling a conflagration which
consumed almost the entire city, including a splendid temple, which
Nobunaga had lately erected there, and in which, suspending all other
worship by edict, he had required divine honors to be paid to a stone
graven with his arms[49] and other devices. To the missionaries, who
had all along counted upon making a convert of Nobunaga, this step
had caused no less horror than surprise; and they found in it a ready
explanation of the sudden ruin which had overtaken himself and his
family, especially as his eldest son had been the first to pay the
required worship.

Akechi now aspired to succeed the master he had betrayed and
overthrown; but he was defeated by Ukondono [Kōyama Ukon], another
general, a nephew of the Wada, who had played so conspicuous a part in
previous revolutions, and a convert to the Catholic faith, who united
with Hashiba to revenge their master’s death, the latter marching upon
Miyako in the name of the late emperor’s third son, whom he proclaimed
as Kubō-Sama, reserving, however, to himself all real authority; and
thus again was Japan, as during part of Nobunaga’s reign, furnished
with two “idle kings,”—a Dairi and a titular Kubō-Sama,—while the real
power was in the hands of a third party.

Hashiba’s own very humble birth made him the more willing to begin, at
first, with ruling in the name of another. Originally he was but a mere
private soldier, who, having attracted the attention of Nobunaga, as
well by his wit and drollery as by his courage and sagacity, had been
gradually raised by him to the highest commands. This founder of the
Japanese imperial authority, as it now exists, is described as having
been short, but quite fat, and exceedingly strong, with six fingers on
each hand, and something frightful in his face, his eyes protruding in
a strange manner. It was he who completed what Nobunaga had begun, and
who first gave to Japan, at least in modern times, a real and effective
emperor, ruling supreme over the whole territory.

The son of Nobunaga, being restless under the humiliation to which he
was reduced, was deprived of his place as Kubō-Sama, and obliged to be
satisfied with the island of Shikoku, the smaller of the three larger
Japanese islands which his father had assigned him as an appanage,
while Hashiba declared himself the guardian of an infant child of
Nobunaga’s eldest son, whom he set up as titular Kubō-Sama.

He showed at first the same favor to the Catholics as his predecessor
had done, and the more so as Ukondono, his confederate against the
rebel Akechi, was himself a convert, as were others of his great
vassals and principal officers of his court and army.

As the son of Nobunaga could not keep quiet, he was presently stripped
of all authority, though his life was spared, and Hashiba, assuming
to himself the high title of Kwambakudono, strengthened himself still
further by marrying a daughter of the Dairi.

Desirous to outdo his predecessor in everything, he converted Ōsaka,
which had, till lately subdued by Nobunaga, been under the rule of a
bonze, into a great city, and he built in its neighborhood a great
stone castle. To this city, made his capital, the Jesuit seminary,
originally established in the now ruined Azuchiyama, was removed,
another being also set up in the neighboring city of Sakai. The king
of Nagato was even induced to allow the reintroduction of missionaries
into his territories. The king of Bungo having appealed to Hashiba for
aid against his neighbors, the converted general Kodera Yoshitaka, the
chief commander of his cavalry, whom he sent to Shimo, not only rescued
the young king, Yoshimune, from his enemies, the kings of Chikuzen and
Satsuma, who had taken his capital and ravaged his territories, but
succeeded also in bringing up to the point of baptism that fickle and
inconstant prince, who had long been a great trial to the missionaries,
as well as to his pious father Civan, who, having given up to him the
reins of government, had been treated thenceforth with very little
respect. The result of this interference also was to reduce the whole
of Shimo to the power of the emperor, who now reigned supreme over
Shimo, Sikoku, and all the western part of Nippon, though still obliged
to pay a certain deference and respect to the pretensions and power of
the local kings and princes, whom, however, he required to be frequent
attendants on his court, and to leave their wives and children there as
hostages, and whose authority and consequence he sought by all means to
diminish.

Peace thus reëstablished, everything seemed to favor the spread of
Catholicity, when, all of a sudden, and in the most unexpected manner,
in the month of July, 1587, the emperor signed an order for the
banishment of the missionaries; and because Ukondono would not renounce
his religion (at least such was the ostensible cause), stripped him at
once of his place and his property. Father Cuello, the vice-provincial,
was ordered to assemble all the missionaries at Hirado; and, in
obedience to his order, they collected there to the number of about
one hundred and twenty, only Father Gnecchi remaining concealed at
Ōsaka, and one brother in Bungo. But when the emperor commanded them
to embark on board a Portuguese vessel about to sail, they resolved
not to obey. A few indeed went on board and sailed for China; but the
greater part remained, a message being sent to the emperor that the
vessel could not carry the others; to which he responded by ordering
all the churches in Miyako, Ōsaka, and Sakai to be destroyed. The
converted princes, however, in general, stood firm, except Yoshimune,
king of Bungo; and even the unconverted ones are said to have protested
against the emperor’s edict as in violation of the freedom of religious
opinion heretofore allowed. The missionaries, in disguise, were
distributed through the territories of their adherents. The emperor’s
grand admiral, Konishi Settsu-no-Kami, who was viceroy of Shimo,
though himself a convert, still kept the confidence of the emperor, as
did also Kodera, the chief commander of his cavalry. The Portuguese
merchants were admitted as before. After a little while the emperor
seemed disposed to wink at the conduct of the converted princes, and
the missionaries soon began to conceive hopes that, by caution on
their part, the work of conversion might still go on, the stimulus of
a prohibition not very strictly enforced, more than supplying all the
benefits hitherto derived from the _éclat_ of imperial favor.

Some difficulty about obtaining recruits for the imperial seraglio,
especially from the province of Hizen, celebrated for its handsome
women, but in which the converts were numerous, was said to have
provoked the emperor, in a fit of drunken fury, to put forth so
suddenly his edict of persecution. But, in fact, his policy brooked
no power but his own. He did not fancy a religion which taught his
subjects to look up with implicit reverence to a distant and foreign
potentate; nor probably was his hostility to the Jesuits much different
in substance from that sentiment which had caused Henry VIII, of
England, fifty years earlier, to break with the holy see—a breach also
ascribed by the Catholics to amorous passion.

But the cautious and artful emperor, who, however he might give way to
sudden fits of violence and caprice, was a perfect master of all the
arts of dissimulation, knowing, as well as Bonaparte, if not better,
how to wait till the pear was ripe, was not yet wholly prepared to
break with the converted kings and nobles, whom he found, perhaps, as
well as the humbler converts, more attached to their faith than he
had supposed. There were too many inflammable materials in his yet
unconsolidated empire for him to run the risk of provoking a rebellion;
and, besides, there still remained to be subdued eight independent
provinces in the east and north of Nippon, including a kingdom of five
provinces, in which were situated the great cities of Suruga and Yedo.

The conquest of this kingdom was speedily achieved, partly by arts and
partly by arms. A new palace was erected for the Dairi, in place of
the old one, which had been burnt during the late troubles at Miyako.
A splendid temple had also been built near that city, in which it was
suspected that the emperor intended to cause himself to be worshipped,
as his predecessor had done; when, in August, 1588, Father Valignani,
appointed ambassador to the emperor and kings of Japan, from the
Portuguese viceroy of Goa, arrived at Macao, on his way to Nagasaki,
having in his company the returning ambassadors to the Pope, who had
touched at Goa on their way home, and who had stopped there a whole
year before proceeding for Japan.[50]

CHAPTER XII

_Recapitulation—Extent of the Japanese Empire—Valignani arrives
at Nagasaki—Progress hitherto of the Catholic Faith—The Emperor’s
Projects against China—Valignani’s Visit to the Emperor at
Miyako—Ukondono—The returned Japanese Ambassadors—Audience given
to Valignani—The Viceroy’s Letter—The Interpreter Rodriguez—A. D.
1588-1593._

The Japanese islands had been found by Xavier and his successors
divided into numerous principalities, which, though they acknowledged
a nominal subordination to one imperial head, were substantially
independent, and engaged in perpetual wars with each other. The
superior abilities of two successive military usurpers,—Nobunaga,
who ruled from 1567 to 1582, and Hashiba Hideyoshi, who took first
the title of Kwambacudono, and subsequently that of Taikō-Sama—had
consolidated these numerous states into a real empire, embracing then
as now the three principal islands of Nippon, Shimo (or Kiūshiū), and
Shikoku, with many smaller ones, and some claims also of authority over
parts, at least, of the large northerly island of Matsumaye, or Yezo,
the latter the aboriginal name.

Among the dependencies, at present, of the Japanese empire, are
reckoned at the north, besides this island, the southern half of the
large island or peninsula of Sakhalin, called by the Japanese Oku Yezo
(upper Jeso), or, as Siebold says, Karafuto, and the three smaller
Kurile islands, Kunajiri, Etoropu, and Uruppu, numbered on the Russian
charts as the 20th, 19th, and 18th Kurile islands, and the two latter
called by the Dutch _State’s Island_ and _Company’s Island_. On the
south, the Lew Chew Islands form, or did form (for the Japanese seem
lately to have renounced their claim of sovereignty), a dependency
of the kingdom of Satsuma. But all these are of comparatively recent
acquisition, subsequent to the accession of Hashiba. It is said,
indeed, on Japanese authority, that Yezo was first invaded in 1443 by
the Japanese family of Matsumae; but it is apparent from missionary
letters that in 1620 it was a recent settlement. The Japanese annals
date the conquest of the Lew Chew Islands from the year 1610; and,
according to Golownin, the Japanese settlements on Sakhalin have been
subsequent to the voyage of La Perouse in 1782.

Of Nippon, at least equal in extent to Great Britain, and with a
population nearer, it would seem, to that of Great Britain now
than to what that island could boast in the reign of Elizabeth,
the missionaries were as yet acquainted only with the southwestern
part—their establishments being confined to the kingdom of Nagato, at
its western extremity, where it is separated from Shimo by a narrow
strait, and to the great cities of Miyako, Ōsaka, and Sakai, situated
towards the middle of the southern coast. Many princes, nobles, and
large landed proprietors had fallen under the influence of the Jesuits,
and had professed the new faith; but it does not appear that either in
Nippon or in the adjoining island of Shikoku (about equal in extent
to Sicily) any considerable progress had been made in converting the
rural population. It was in the island of Shimo, the westernmost in
situation and the second in size (two-thirds as large as Ireland), that
the new religion had taken the firmest root. The kingdom of Bungo,
indeed almost the whole of the eastern portion of that island, was
thoroughly indoctrinated with the new faith; and such was still more
the case with the kingdom of Arima and the principality of Ōmura,
embracing that great southwestern peninsula itself, divided into three
smaller peninsulas by two deep bays, one opening to the south and the
other to the west, at the head of the latter of which is situated the
city of Nagasaki.

[Illustration: PAINTING OF TAIKŌ SAMA]

Founded in 1579 by converts to the new faith, and made the centre of
the Portuguese trade to Japan, as well as of the Jesuit missions,
Nagasaki had grown up with great rapidity; nor was any other worship
practised in it except that of the new religion. It had become the
largest and most important town in Shimo; and, since the recent
subjection of that island to the imperial authority, according to the
new policy of weakening the local princes, the emperor had assumed the
appointment of its governor,—Nagasaki being placed, along with Miyako,
Ōsaka, and Sakai in the list of imperial towns.

At the date of the edict, so unexpectedly issued in 1587, for the
banishment of the Jesuits, there were in Japan three hundred members
of the company, a novitiate, a college, two preparatory seminaries for
the education of young nobles designed for the church, two hundred
and fifty churches, and a number of converts, amounting, probably, to
between two and three hundred thousand, though the estimate of the
Jesuits was much larger. Notwithstanding the apostasy of Yoshimune,
the young king of Bungo (whose father, Civan, had died just before the
emperor’s edict had appeared), the numerous converts in that kingdom
remained firm in the faith. That zealous Catholic, the prince of
Ōmura, had also lately deceased; but the young prince, his only son
and successor, who had been educated by the Jesuits, was hardly less
zealous than his father had been. The king of Arima also continued
steady in the faith. It was this king who, along with the deceased king
of Bungo and the deceased prince of Ōmura, had sent the ambassadors
to the Pope, of whose visit to Europe an account has been given in a
preceding chapter, and whom the last chapter left at Macao, on their
return to Japan, in company with Father Valignani, who had been deputed
by the viceroy of Goa as his ambassador to the emperor.

It was at Macao that Valignani and his companions learned the news of
the edict for the banishment of the Jesuits. It was said at Macao that
the emperor was a good deal mollified, and seemed inclined to wink
at the general disregard of his edict; yet as Valignani was himself
a Jesuit, and had once already visited Japan in that character, he
did not judge it best to proceed to Japan till he had first obtained
express permission to do so. On the representations of the Christian
princes, who put forward Valignani’s character as ambassdor, the
emperor readily consented to receive him; and, accompanied by the
returning Japanese envoys and some twenty Jesuits, he landed at
Nagasaki, in June, 1590, where he was received with great affection
by the converted princes of Shimo, and by Father Gomez, who, on the
death of Cuello, had succeeded to the post of vice-provincial. The
emperor, in the late redistribution of the kingdoms of that island,
had liberally provided for Konishi Settsu-no-kami, the grand admiral,
and for Kodera, his general of horse, both of whom, notwithstanding
their continued adhesion to the new faith, still retained his favor.
To Konishi he had given the kingdom of Higo, and to Kodera that of
Buzen, so that almost the whole of the island of Shimo was now ruled
by converted princes. Even the changeable Yoshimune, not finding his
apostasy so advantageous as he had expected, soon sought and presently
obtained a reconciliation to the church. The king of Hirado was not
friendly, but he was kept in check by the number of converts among
his subjects, especially by a very zealous converted wife, a sister
of the prince of Ōmura—whom he complained of as having more influence
over his kingdom than himself,—and also by his fear of driving off the
Portuguese merchants, who still occasionally visited his island.

Notwithstanding the emperor’s edict of expulsion, there still remained
in Japan a hundred and forty Jesuits, including those lately brought
by Valignani. The seminary of nobles at Ōsaka had been broken up, most
of the pupils retiring with their teachers; but the other seminary
in the kingdom of Arima was still maintained, being, for greater
security, removed to a retired spot surrounded with wood. The college
and novitiate, for similar reasons, were transferred to the island
of Amakusa. Besides these, the Jesuits had twenty other houses of
residence. Those districts in which the missionaries had no settled
establishments they supplied by frequent journeys, which they made
secretly, and generally in disguise, being assisted also by a great
number of adroit and zealous native catechists, who not only maintained
the fervor of the old converts, but daily added new ones to the number.
This employment of catechist was held in great honor in the church of
Japan. None were admitted into it except persons of approved virtue,
generally young men of family and promise, devoted by their parents
from their infancy to a service upon which they entered for life,
being ordained with much ceremony, and wearing a garb similar to that
of the missionaries with whom they lived in community, observing the
same rules. Conversions still continued to be made among the upper
as well as among the lower classes, and the numerous adherents to
the new faith, or favorers of it, in the court and household of the
emperor, including even the empress, carefully watched and reported
to the missionaries every word or hint dropped by him, from which his
disposition and intentions might be conjectured.

At this moment the emperor’s thoughts seemed a good deal withdrawn from
domestic affairs, being engrossed by a war, which he had determined to
commence by invading Corea, a dependency of the Chinese empire, and the
part of the continent of Asia nearest to Japan. For this purpose he was
constructing a fleet at a port of Shimo, on the strait of Corea. Not
long after Valignani’s arrival at Nagasaki, leave was obtained for him
to visit the emperor’s court at Miyako; but his friends there advised
that, instead of ecclesiastics, his retinue should be composed as much
as possible of Portuguese merchants. The merchants at Nagasaki entered
zealously into the affair, and not less than twenty-seven of them
accompanied Valignani, in the style of great lords, sparing no expense
to give magnificence to the ambassador’s train. He took with him also
four priests, some young Japanese Jesuits not yet ordained, and the
four returned youthful ambassadors. These ambassadors had learned to
sing in the European style, and chanted church music tolerably well.
They also had with them a great show of maps, globes, clocks, watches,
and other European curiosities, which attracted much attention. Their
description of what they had seen and heard made a deep impression
upon the princes and nobles, who flocked from all quarters to see them.
And there was ample leisure for this, as the approach of the ambassador
to Miyako was delayed for more than two months by the death of the
emperor’s only son.

In this interval Valignani had the pleasure of a visit from the
disgraced Ukondono, whose face he was rejoiced to see lighted up with
an air of content rarely seen among those on whom the favors of fortune
are most prodigally showered. He protested that the happiest day in
his life was that on which he had lost everything for Jesus Christ. He
communicated to Father Valignani a design he had formed of quitting
the world altogether, and consecrating himself entirety to the service
of God; but besides that he had a wife and a numerous family, whom his
retreat would have left without resource, the father considered that
he was much younger than the emperor; that if reëstablished in his
offices and his possessions, he might render much greater services to
the church by remaining in the world than by quitting it, and on that
ground he advised Ukondono not to withdraw from that station in life in
which Providence had placed him.

At last the emperor consented to admit Valignani to an audience, but
only on condition that he should say nothing about religion or the
revocation of the edict against the Jesuits. Through the care of
Kodera, to whom that business had been entrusted, the embassy was
received at Miyako with all honor, and was able to make a display
which strongly impressed the inhabitants, and even the emperor in its
favor. On the day of audience, Gon-dainagon Hidetsugu, the emperor’s
nephew and presumptive heir, attended by a great number of lords,
met the ambassador, and conducted him to the hall of audience. This
hall, which opened upon a magnificent balcony, before which spread a
parterre of great beauty, consisted of five several divisions, rising,
like steps, one above the other. The first served as an antechamber, or
hall of waiting, for the gentlemen in attendance. In the two next were
assembled the lords of the court and the great officers of the empire,
arranged in order, according to their rank. In the fourth, there were
only two persons, a priest who held the first dignity in the household
of the Dairi, and the chief counsellor of that same dignitary; by the
side of whom Gon-dainagon also took his place, after introducing the
ambassador to the fifth and highest apartment, in which the emperor was
seated alone, on his heels, in the Japanese fashion upon an elevated
throne, approached by steps on all sides. Father Valignani was preceded
by one of the Portuguese gentlemen of his suite, bearing the letter of
the Indies, written in gilded letters upon fine vellum, with a golden
seal attached to it, the whole enclosed in a little box beautifully
wrought. That letter was as follows:

LETTER OF THE VICEROY OF GOA TO THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN.

“MOST SERENE EMPEROR: Though the great space that separates us has
not hitherto allowed me much communication with your majesty, yet
fame and the religious men who labor in your empire to make known
the law of the true God to your subjects, have informed me of the
great deeds done by you, and of the victories which have made you
the greatest monarch who has reigned in Japan for ages; and I have
therefore thought it my duty to congratulate your majesty on the happy
successes with which the God of heaven has favored you. The same
religious men, who are, for the most part, natural-born subjects of
the great prince whom the Indies obey, and who go through the earth
with a truly heroical courage to teach men to know and to adore the
Author of nature, have also informed me of the distinguished favors
with which your majesty has uniformly honored them, and have begged me
to convey to you their thanks, which I willingly do, conjointly with
my own; and that, indeed, is the particular object of this embassy,
with which I have charged the Father Alexander Valignani, who has the
honor to be already known to you. After rendering to your majesty
his humblest thanks for your past favors, he will supplicate you, in
my name, to vouchsafe to continue them; and I dare to assure your
majesty that subjects for your favors cannot be found who will merit
them better. Favors to them I shall esteem as favors to me, and shall
take every opportunity to acknowledge them as such. I have charged my
ambassador to present you with two Arabian genets, with their housings
and harness, two swords, and two guns of a new fashion, two webs of
tapestry embroidered with gold, and two complete suits of wrought
steel armor, a dagger, which serves also as a pistol, and a tent for
country excursions.

“At Goa, this year of Redemption, 1587.

DOM EDWARD DE MENESEZ.”[51]

The presents seemed greatly to please the emperor, by whom they were
carefully examined. A signal being given, Valignani was led up the
steps of the throne to the emperor’s feet, whom, on bended knee, he
saluted, after the European fashion, by kissing his hand,—a privilege
to which all the members of his suite were admitted in succession, the
ambassador being meanwhile seated in the third compartment among the
grandees of the court. Tea was then served to the emperor in a gilded
cup, which, after sipping from it a little, he sent to the ambassador,
who, at the same time, received, by way of present, a hundred silver
platters and four silk dresses. Presents were also distributed among
the members of his suite. The emperor then retired, first directing his
nephew to entertain the ambassador at dinner, which he did, but with
more of ceremony than good cheer. The guests consisted of three members
of the imperial family and eight other great lords, all eating, each
from his own little table or salver, in profound silence, many persons
of inferior rank standing about them. The ambassador’s suite were
entertained at the same time in a separate apartment.

After dinner the emperor again made his appearance in undress, and,
seating himself beside Father Valignani, conversed with him for some
time. He also conversed freely with the four returned Japanese, and
seemed much pleased at hearing them sing and play in the European
fashion. He made great offers to one of them; but they had all made up
their minds to enter the company of the Jesuits, which, in spite of a
good deal of opposition on the part of their friends and relations,
they presently did.[52] Passing into the hall where the ambassador’s
suite had dined, the emperor addressed them with great familiarity,
and they improved the opportunity to complain of some oppressions, on
the part of the collector of the port of Nagasaki, which he promised
should be redressed.[53] In the evening, Rodriguez, a young Portuguese
Jesuit, who acted as one of Valignani’s interpreters, was sent for
to show the emperor how to wind up a clock which the ambassador had
presented to him. The emperor seemed much pleased with Rodriguez’s
conversation, detaining him till late at night. On dismissing him he
bade him say to Father Valignani that he was at liberty to remain at
Miyako or wherever he pleased, till an answer to the viceroy’s letter
was prepared, but that he must take care that the ecclesiastics who
accompanied him comported themselves with discretion, so as not to
drive him into striking disagreeable blows. Not long after Rodriguez
was selected as the emperor’s interpreter, in which capacity he became
attached to the court, and, by his access to the emperor and influence
with him, had opportunities of rendering essential service to his
order.

CHAPTER XIII

_New Troubles of the Missionaries from their own Countrymen—The
Emperor claims Homage of the Governor of the Philippines—Mutual
Jealousies of the Portuguese and Spaniards—Spanish Adventurers in
Japan—The Emperor’s Suspicions excited—His Reply to the Viceroy of
Goa.—A. D. 1591-1592._

Valignani’s gracious reception greatly raised the hopes of the Japanese
converts. But much annoyance was soon experienced from two pagan
lords, who had been appointed joint governors of Nagasaki. Nor was it
pagan hostility alone which the Jesuits had to dread. Enemies even
more dangerous were found among their own countrymen in Japan, many
of whom had ceased to exhibit that zeal for the faith, at first so
universal. The irregular conduct of certain Portuguese merchants, in
frequenting ports where there were no missionaries, and where they
could freely follow their own devices, had greatly troubled the Jesuit
fathers. A Japanese adventurer, by name Harada Kiyemon, having gone
to the Philippines to trade, had taken it into his head to suggest to
the emperor of Japan to require the Spanish governor of those islands
to acknowledge him as sovereign. This idea, conveyed to the emperor
through a Japanese courtier with whom Harada was intimate, was eagerly
caught at by a prince rendered vain by the elevation to which he had
attained, and whose head was filled with schemes for still further
extending his empire. He wrote an imperious letter to the governor
of the Philippines, demanding his homage, and despatched it by the
hand of Harada, who applied to Father Valignani, to write to the
Jesuits at Manila, and to the Spanish governor, in furtherance of this
project. Valignani refused to write any such letters, alleging as an
ostensible reason, that he had no acquaintance with the governor of
the Philippines, nor authority over the Jesuits of Manila; and, in
consequence of this refusal, Harada did not venture to carry the letter
himself, but sent it by another hand. Valignani wrote, however, by a
simultaneous opportunity, to the Jesuits of Manila, informing them of
this affair, suggesting its delicate character, and the expediency,
while due care was had of the honor of the Spanish crown, of not giving
to the emperor of Japan any pretence for renewing his persecution of
the missionaries.

Notwithstanding the union of the crowns of Spain and Portugal upon the
head of Philip II, a very fierce jealousy and hatred continued to exist
between the two nations; and this feeling was particularly violent at
Manila, which city, founded in 1572, was almost contemporaneous in
its origin with Nagasaki, and whose merchants looked very enviously
at the monopoly of the trade to Japan secured to the Portuguese,
and to the city of Macao, by the terms of the union between the two
crowns.[54] This express exclusion of all Spanish merchants from Japan
had been indeed already broken through, in at least two instances, by
the arrival of one Jean de Solis from Peru, by way of Macao, and of
another Spanish merchant from the Philippines, both of whom, after
various adventures, and receiving aid and services from the Jesuit
missionaries, had reached Nagasaki. Solis soon after proceeded to
Satsuma on the southern coast of Shimo, where he commenced building
a vessel in which to trade to China and thence to Peru,—a project in
which he was presently joined by the other Spaniard. But to carry out
this scheme it became necessary for Solis to get back a sum of money
which he had been compelled to deposit in the hands of the Portuguese,
at Nagasaki, as security for certain debts which he had contracted at
Macao; and because Father Valignani would not help them in this matter,
the two Spaniards threatened to give information to the emperor of the
large number of Jesuits still in Japan, in violation of his edict, and
to denounce the princes who gave them shelter.

The emperor, meanwhile, had been a good deal soured and his suspicions
excited by some suggestions, thrown out by the enemies of the Jesuits,
that Valignani was no real ambassador, that being a mere pretence
to secure his entry into Japan. Means, indeed, had been found to
quiet him upon this head, to which the representations of Rodriguez
greatly contributed; but the answer which he caused to be prepared
to the viceroy’s letter, took so high a tone, and was so filled with
invectives against the missionaries, that Valignani was unwilling to be
the bearer of it.

Finally, by the persuasions of the governor of Miyako, an idolater, but
favorable to the new religion, the emperor was induced to modify his
letter; and he even adopted a crafty suggestion of Rodriguez that the
Jesuits whom Valignani had brought with him should remain at Nagasaki
as hostages, till the authenticity of his mission was placed beyond
question. The letter, as finally modified, a frank exposition of
Taikō’s policy, was in the following terms:

TAIKŌ-SAMA TO THE VICEROY OF GOA.

“MOST ILLUSTRIOUS LORD: I received with pleasure the letter which you
wrote me, and in reading it seemed to realize that great distance
between us of which you speak. Japan contains more than sixty realms
or principalities, which have been for a long time agitated by
troubles and civil wars, growing out of the refusal of the princes
to render to their sovereign lord the obedience which they owe him.
The sight of so many evils sensibly afflicted me from my earliest
age, and I resolved in my mind a remedy for them; and with that view
I laboriously applied myself to the acquisition of three virtues
the most necessary for so great an undertaking. In the first place,
I studied affability, so as to gain all hearts. Next I strove to
accustom myself to judge soundly of all things, and to comport myself
at all times with prudence and discretion. In the third place, I have
omitted no occasion of inspiring a high idea of my valor. Thus have
I succeeded in subjecting all Japan to my authority, which I govern
with a mildness equal to the courage displayed in subduing it. I have
especially caused the effects of my tenderness to be felt by the
laborers who cultivate the earth. All my severity is reserved for
those who deviate from the paths of virtue. Nothing is more tranquil
than Japan at this moment, and it is this tranquillity which makes
it strong. This vast monarchy is like a firmly fixed rock; all the
efforts of its enemies cannot shake it. So, not only am I at peace at
home, but even very distant countries send to render me the obedience
which is my due. I expect soon to conquer China, and as I have no
doubt of succeeding in it, I hope we shall soon be much nearer to each
other, and that the communication between us will not be so difficult.

“As to what regards religion, Japan is the realm of the Kami, that
is, of Shin, the beginning of all things; and the good order of the
government depends upon the exact observance of the ancient laws of
which the Kami are the authors. They cannot be departed from without
overturning the subordination which ought to exist, of subjects to
their sovereign, wives to their husbands, children to their parents,
vassals to their lords, and servants to their masters. These laws are
necessary to maintain good order within and tranquillity without.
The fathers, called the Company, have come to these islands to teach
another religion; but as that of the Kami is too deeply rooted to
be eradicated, this new law can only serve to introduce into Japan
a diversity of worship very prejudicial to the state. It is on that
account that, by an imperial edict, I have forbidden these strange
doctors to continue to preach their doctrine. I have even ordered
them to leave Japan, and I am determined not to allow anybody to come
thither to retail new opinions. But I still desire that commerce, as
between you and me, may continue on its old footing. I shall keep the
way open to you both by sea and land, by freeing the one from pirates
and the other from robbers. The Portuguese may trade with my subjects
in all security, and I shall take care that nobody harms them. All the
presents mentioned in your letter have been faithfully delivered; and
I send you in return some rarities of this country, of which a list is
annexed. For other matters I refer you to your ambassador, and will
therefore say no more. Dated the 25th year of the era Tenshō, and the
25th of the 7th month.”[55]

It would seem from this letter and from what we know of the actual
policy adopted by Taikō-Sama and his predecessor Nobunaga that, in
seeking to reëstablish the imperial authority on its old traditional
basis, they had aimed also at reëdifying the old national religion.
Nobunaga had treated the Buddhist bonzes with very great severity; and,
though the policy of Taikō was less bloody, they do not appear to have
enjoyed any share of his favor; and it is to be observed that in his
letter he speaks exclusively of the religion of the Kami as the creed
proper to Japan. The assurances on the subject of commerce seemed the
more necessary on account of a dispute which had arisen between the
governors of Nagasaki and the commander of the annual Portuguese ship,
which, however, on appeal to the emperor, had been settled against
the governors. The presents that accompanied this letter were two
suits of Japanese armor, not so strong as the armor of Europe, but
very handsome, a kind of esponton or halbert, enclosed in a scabbard
of gold, and a sabre and poniard of the highest temper, and richly
ornamented.

CHAPTER XIV

_The Expedition against Corea—The Emperor associates his Nephew—City
of Fushimi—Correspondence of the Emperor with the Governor of
Manila—The Jesuits denounced by the Spanish Envoys—Consequences
thereof—Departure of Valignani—A. D. 1592._

Meanwhile, an army of eighty thousand men,[56] divided into four
corps, had been raised for the war against Corea; and not to leave the
country without a head, should the emperor choose himself to lead the
invading forces, he took his nephew [Hidetsugu by name] as an associate
in the empire, resigning to him the title of Kwambacudono, while he
assumed for himself that of Taikō-Sama, the title by which this most
illustrious of the Japanese emperors is commonly known.

Though much engaged in this foreign enterprise, he still found time to
lay the foundations of the new city of Fushimi, which he designed to
make his capital, but the nearness of which to Miyako ultimately placed
it in the position of a sort of suburb to that ancient city.

The first division of the invading army, which at length set sail,
was led by the grand admiral, king of Higo [Konishi Yukinaga], whose
troops, as well as those of the second division, led by the son of
Kodera, the king of Buzen [Kuroda Nagamasa], were drawn from the
island of Shimo, and were composed almost entirely, officers as well
as men, of Catholic converts. And, indeed, the suspicion soon began to
be entertained that Corea had been invaded, not so much to add new
provinces to the Taikō-Sama’s empire, as to keep the converted princes
employed away from home.

[Illustration: THE EXPEDITION AGAINST COREA
_From Official History of Japan_]

While the emperor, to look after and to second the invasions,
hastened to Shimo, where his presence caused no little alarm to the
missionaries, the grand admiral was already making rapid progress.
Having taken two places by assault, all the others, as far as the
capital, opened their gates. To save their capital, the Coreans fought
and lost a pitched battle. A second victory, on the part of the grand
admiral, drove the Corean king to seek refuge in China, while the
capital opened its gates to the triumphant Japanese.[57]

But the joy of the missionaries at the success of an army led by one of
their adherents, and so largely composed of converts, was not a little
damped by a side blow from another and an unexpected quarter. So
anxious was the Spanish governor of Manila to improve every chance for
opening a trade with Japan, that, in spite of the imperious character
of the emperor’s letter, he sent an answer to it by a Spanish gentleman
named Liano, in which, indeed, he evaded its demands by suggesting
that the mean quality of the person who had brought it, and his not
having heard anything on the subject from the Jesuits at Nagasaki, had
led him to suspect its authenticity. Liano, accompanied by a Dominican
friar, landed in Satsuma, where he met with Solis, the Spaniard from
Peru, still busy with his ship-building enterprise, and in no very good
humor with the Portuguese and the Jesuits. To confer with Harada, the
envoys proceeded to Nagasaki, which city they left again without any
communication with the Portuguese merchants, or the missionaries; and,
accompanied by Harada, and his Japanese friend, Hasegawa, they hastened
to the northern coast of Shimo, where the emperor then was. Hasegawa
and Harada translated so ill the letter of the governor of Manila,
as to make it express something of a disposition to comply with the
emperor’s pretensions, who thereupon wrote a second letter, declaring
the other to be genuine, and renewing the demand which it had contained
of submission and homage. The envoys, without fully understanding its
contents, consented to receive this letter; and in the hope that, if
the Portuguese were driven away, the commerce of Japan might fall into
the hands of the Spaniards of Manila, they proceeded to suggest heavy
complaints against the Portuguese at Nagasaki, whom they not only
charged as guilty of great harshness in support of their commercial
monopoly, but also with protecting the Jesuits, great numbers of whom,
in spite of the emperor’s edicts, still continued to be sheltered in
that city and its neighborhood. The emperor either was, or had affected
to be, ignorant of the extent to which his edicts had been disregarded.
This information put him into a great rage; and he issued instant
orders for the destruction of the splendid church at Nagasaki, hitherto
untouched, and also of the house of the Jesuits, who had now no place
of residence left there except the hospital of Misericordia. But these
wicked Spaniards did not long go unpunished. Solis, on his way back
to Satsuma, perished by shipwreck, as did the Spanish envoys on their
return voyage to Manila. It was stated, too, that the emperor’s mother
died at Miyako, at the very moment of his signing the order for the
destruction of the church,—judgments so striking as to become, so we
are told by the missionaries, the occasion of many conversions.

Such was the state of affairs when Father Valignani, leaving Japan for
the second time, sailed for Macao in October, 1592.

CHAPTER XV

_Progress of the Corean War—Success of the Japanese—Konishi
Settsu-no-kami, Viceroy of Corea—Edict of the Emperor for disarming
the Converts in Shimo—Disgrace and Downfall of the Royal Family of
Bungo—Terazawa, Governor of Nagasaki—His Conversion and Friendly
Acts—A. D. 1592-1593._

Though the emperor did not himself pass into Corea, he sent thither
such reinforcements as to raise his army there to the number of
two hundred thousand men. But the Coreans having abandoned their
cities and fled to inaccessible places, burning everything, even to
provisions which they could not carry away (thus setting an example
long afterwards followed by the Russians on a similar occasion), this
great force was soon reduced to extremities, by which its numbers were
rapidly diminished. The Chinese also came to the assistance of the
Coreans; and the grand admiral, with forces so reduced as to be greatly
inferior in numbers, was obliged to encounter these new enemies in
several desperate engagements. Compelled at last to retreat, he fell
back upon a garrison which he had left to keep up his communications
with the coast, the command of which he had entrusted to Yoshimune,
king of Bungo. But that feeble prince, in a moment of terror, had
abandoned his post; and, the grand admiral’s communications thus cut
off, nothing but his distinguished firmness and courage saved his army
from total destruction. After a drawn battle under the walls of the
Corean capital, terms of peace were agreed upon, according to which
five of the eight provinces of Corea were assigned to the Japanese; and
the commerce between China and Japan, which by the act of the former
had for some time been broken off, was again renewed.[58]

The admiral was named viceroy of Corea, and the converted princes were
still detained there at the head of their troops. The missionaries,
thus separated from their protectors, were filled with new alarms by
an order of the emperor for disarming all their converts in Shimo. The
king of Bungo, as a punishment for his cowardice, was stripped of his
estates; and in the end he and his family, reduced to absolute poverty,
were obliged to retire to Nagasaki, and to live there on the charity
of the Jesuits. His territories were assigned to pagan lords, and the
converted inhabitants soon felt the consequences of the change. Indeed,
throughout Shimo the converts suffered greatly by the absence of their
princes, of whom several died about this time. But, in general, the
Catholics stood firm; and several of the Jesuit fathers having made
their way to Corea, new converts were made in the ranks of the army.

The missionaries also found a new friend in Terazawa, a young man
appointed governor of Nagasaki, and who, not long after, was secretly
baptized. He represented to the emperor that, if the Portuguese
merchants were still to be admitted to trade at Nagasaki, they ought to
be allowed some priests, since it was the influence and authority of
the priests that kept the merchants in order, settled their quarrels,
and obliged them to strict justice in their commercial transactions;
and, upon the strength of these plausible representations, Terazawa
obtained leave for the Jesuits to rebuild their house and church
at Nagasaki. Father Gnecchi, also, in consideration of his age and
infirmities, was allowed to remain at Miyako, though without any
church, or permission to celebrate divine service openly.

CHAPTER XVI

_Jealousy on the Part of the Dominicans and Franciscans towards
Jesuits—This Jealousy coöperates with the Mercantile Jealousy of the
Spaniards at Manila—Franciscan Friars establish themselves at Miyako,
Ōsaka, and Nagasaki—Edicts against them—Deposition and Death of the
Emperor’s Nephew—A. D. 1593-1595._

It was not alone against the emperor’s hostility and the mercantile
envy of the Spanish that the Jesuits had to contend. The rapid rise
and great successes of the Company of Jesus had excited against them
not only the dread and deadly hatred of the Protestants (which might
naturally enough have been expected), but feelings also of envy and
jealousy, scarcely less hostile, and by no means very scrupulous,
on the part of their monastic brethren of the Catholic church,—the
Dominicans, and especially the numerous bodies of Franciscans, who had
attempted, by various reforms and modifications, to revive and purify
that ancient order so as to make it equal to compete with the Jesuits.

A brief of Pope Gregory XIII, dated in 1585, had forbidden, under pain
of the greater excommunication, any but Jesuits to proceed to Japan
with the view of exercising any ecclesiastical function there; and
this bull was not less disagreeable to the Dominicans and Franciscans,
than the Portuguese monopoly of the Japanese trade was to the Spanish
merchants. At Manila these feelings of dissatisfaction, both mercantile
and ecclesiastical, combined in a common focus, giving rise to the
most injurious and unfounded reports, which were even embodied in
print, of extensive apostasies among the Japanese converts, and of
the great jeopardy into which Catholicism had been brought by the
misconduct of the Jesuits, who, at this moment, were out of favor in
Spain.

The same Harada, already mentioned, having gone in person to Manila,
inflamed the zeal of some Franciscans whom he found there, by
representing that it was to the Jesuit missionaries personally, and not
to their religion, that the emperor was opposed. The Spanish governor,
not having received the emperor’s answer to his former letter, was
induced, in the hope of opening the door to commercial intercourse, to
write a new one; and four Franciscans attached themselves to the bearer
of it, eagerly seizing upon this opportunity to gain admission into
Japan.

When the emperor found that these new deputies had not brought the
submission which he had demanded, at first he was very angry, but
was finally persuaded to allow them to travel through the empire in
order to see and to report its greatness. The Franciscans were even
suffered to build or buy a house at Miyako, to which they presently
added a church; and, being joined by others of their order, a convent
was established at Ōsaka. Two of them having gone to Nagasaki, took
possession of a church in the environs of that city, which had remained
closed since the commencement of the persecution; and here, as well as
in the other two cities, they performed their religious functions with
an ostentation and publicity which greatly alarmed the Jesuits, whom
the Franciscans accused of an unworthy timidity.

The Jesuits, under these circumstances, thought proper to call the
attention of these new-comers to the bull of Gregory XIII, above
referred to, prohibiting the entry into Japan of any ecclesiastics
except those of the Company of Jesus; to which the Franciscans replied,
that they had entered Japan not as ecclesiastics, but as envoys from
the governor of Manila; and that being there without any violation of
the bull, nobody had any right to prevent them from exercising their
ecclesiastical functions,—a piece of casuistry which not even a Jesuit
could have outdone. Very soon, however, the governor of Nagasaki
closed the church of the Franciscans, and, before long, an edict
appeared threatening the punishment of death to all who frequented
the convent and church at Miyako,—procedures which the Franciscans
were uncharitable enough to ascribe to the intrigues of the Jesuits.
It seems probable, however, that decisive steps would still earlier
have been taken against these over-zealous Franciscans, had not the
emperor’s attention been engrossed by other more pressing matters. He
had conceived a jealousy against his nephew and colleague, whom, by
slow and cautious steps, he stripped of all his authority, sending him
at length to a monastery of bonzes, where he soon received an order to
cut himself open. The thirty-one wives of the deposed prince, with all
their children, were publicly beheaded, and all his closest adherents
shared his disgrace, and many of them his tragical fate.[59] An
infant son, by name Hideyori, borne to the emperor from his new wife
[Yodo-gimi by name], and to whom he desired to secure the succession,
was the innocent cause of these cruelties. No sooner was the nephew
out of the way than that infant received from the Dairi the title of
Kwambacudono.

CHAPTER XVII

_Great Earthquake—Mission from China—Arrival of a Spanish
Galleon—Friars on Board her—New Accusations on her Account against the
Jesuits—Connection of the Jesuits with the Trade to Japan—Arrest of
Missionaries and Converts—First Martyrs—A. D. 1595-1597._

The emperor, now at the height of his power and glory, was making
great preparations to receive an embassy from China, when Japan was
visited by a frightful earthquake, which almost ruined his new city of
Fushimi. The sea rose to an extraordinary height, especially in the
strait between Nippon and Shikoku, attended with a terrible destruction
of life and property. Nor did the mission from China at all answer the
expectation of the emperor, since the ambassadors demanded nothing less
than the entire evacuation of Corea,—a demand which speedily led to a
renewal of the war.

In 1596, a richly laden Spanish galleon, from the Philippines, disabled
and driven by adverse winds to the coast of Japan, was induced, partly
by persuasions and partly by a show of force, to enter a harbor on
the south coast of Shikoku, where she was immediately seized by the
local authorities as forfeited. The commander of the vessel sent two
of his officers to Miyako to solicit a remission of this forfeiture,
which mission was charged to have nothing to do with the Jesuits, but
to consult only with the Franciscans established in that city. It had,
however, no success. The prize seemed to the emperor too valuable to
be given up. Driven at length by extremity to seek the aid of the
Jesuits, the ship’s company, after being for some time supported by
their charity, were shipped off by their assistance to Manila, all
except four Augustine friars, a Dominican and two Franciscans, who
remained in Japan as missionaries. But, instead of getting any thanks
from the inhabitants of Manila, the Jesuits were accused of having by
their intrigues caused the forfeiture of the ship and her cargo.[60]

A narrative of the affair, written by a monk, and full of charges
against the Jesuits, was printed there, and sent to Spanish America,
whence it was carried to Europe, and widely diffused by the enemies of
the order, being soon followed by violent memorials to the same effect,
addressed to the Pope and the king of Spain. These charges, however,
did not remain unanswered, a reply to them being published at Acapulco,
signed by a number of Japanese who traded thither,[61] and by several
Spaniards and Portuguese who had been in Japan.

It was the Manila pamphlet above referred to which first brought
against the Jesuits the charges, ultimately so damaging to the order,
of an uncanonical connection with commerce. The account of this trade,
so far as Japan was concerned, as given by the Jesuits themselves, is
as follows. The revenues of the mission had consisted at first only
of the charities of some individuals, aided by a sum of five hundred
ducats, paid yearly at Macao by the king of Portugal—a donation doubled
in 1574, to facilitate the foundation of a college. Some considerable
amounts had been received at different times from the wealthier native
converts; but almost the whole of these sums had been expended in the
founding and support of hospitals and other charities. For several
years the chief resource of the fathers for their own support had been
the proceeds of a fund of four thousand ducats, which Louis Almeida,
on entering the order in 1556, and devoting himself to the Japanese
mission, as mentioned in a former chapter, had set aside for that
purpose out of his own private fortune, all the rest of which he had
bestowed in the founding of hospitals. This fund had been entrusted by
Almeida to certain Portuguese merchants to trade upon for the benefit
of the Jesuits. But, though this trust had been faithfully executed,
the proceeds of it had been quite too small to support the increasing
number of the missionaries. Some small pensions, allowed them by the
Popes Gregory XIII and Sixtus V, failed to make up the deficiency; and,
at length, it was agreed by the commercial company at Macao, by whom
the annual Portuguese carac was fitted out for Japan, and by means of
which the chief trade between Japan and the Portuguese was now carried
on, that out of the sixteen hundred packages of silks, which formed
a part of her cargo, fifty (afterwards increased to eighty) packages
should be shipped on account of the Jesuits,—an arrangement to which
the viceroy of the Indies assented. For this business two commercial
agencies were maintained by the Jesuits,—one at Macao, the other at
Nagasaki. The enemies of the Jesuits insisted that they sent to Japan
yearly goods to the value of a hundred and sixty thousand ducats, on
which their profits were sixty thousand. This was probably exaggerated;
yet, when Charlevoix pretends that the whole annual Portuguese trade
and profits did not amount to those sums, his statement is refuted as
well by other known facts as by the vastly larger value of the cargoes
of such of the annual caracs as some years later fell into the hands of
the Dutch.

While the unlucky affair of the forfeited Spanish galleon caused Europe
to resound with accusations against the Jesuits, in Japan itself it
had results more speedily and more fatal. The Spanish pilot, finding
that entreaties did not succeed, had attempted to make an impression
upon those who had seized the ship by expatiating on the power of the
king of Spain, the extent of whose dominions in Europe, Asia, Africa,
and America, he exhibited on a map of the world. To the inquiry how
such an extent of dominion had been obtained, the pilot replied that
nothing was easier; that the king began by sending missionaries into
the countries he wished to conquer, who, as soon as they had converted
a part of the inhabitants, were followed by troops, which troops, being
joined by the converts, easily succeeded in subduing the country. This
statement, it is said, was immediately reported to the emperor, who
no sooner heard it than he ordered guards to be placed at the doors
of the Franciscan converts at Miyako and Ōsaka, at which latter city,
since the earthquake, the emperor had made his residence. Guards were
also placed at the houses of the Jesuits; but in that at Ōsaka there
was only one young priest with two proselytes, and in that at Miyako
only the aged Father Gnecchi, who soon, through the dexterity of some
of his friends, was conveyed out of it unobserved by the guards. There
were taken in the convents of the Franciscans three priests, a clerk,
and two lay brothers, one of them a Spanish creole of Mexico, the other
a Portuguese creole of the East Indies. A list was also ordered to be
taken of the persons who frequented the Franciscan churches at Miyako
and Ōsaka. A great many names were originally placed on it, but the
governor of Miyako, desirous to limit as much as possible the number of
victims, finally struck off all but fifteen, who also were put under
arrest.

On the 3d of January, 1597, these twenty-four prisoners were taken to
a public square in Miyako, where each of them had the tip of his left
ear cut off, after which they were placed in carriages and paraded
through the streets. A similar ceremony soon after took place in Sakai
and Ōsaka, whence the prisoners were sent to Nagasaki to be executed.
At all the towns and cities on the way they were made a spectacle of,
as if to terrify those of the same faith. But they exhibited, we are
told, great fervor and firmness, making many new converts and inspiring
many old ones with the desire of martyrdom. On the way their number
was increased to twenty-six by the addition of two others who had
greatly busied themselves in ministering to the wants of the prisoners,
and who, upon being asked if they were Catholics, replied that they
detested the gods of Japan.

Fortunately for himself, Terazawa, the secretly converted governor
of Nagasaki, had been ordered to Corea, his place being supplied by
a pagan brother of his, by whom an edict was issued threatening with
death all who should embrace the foreign religion. At the same time
he intimated to the Jesuits that he should allow no Japanese to enter
their church in that city, nor themselves to traverse the country, as
they had done, preaching and baptizing. He exhibited, however, every
disposition to be as indulgent as possible in the execution of his
orders; for though the prisoners were denied the privilege of hearing
mass, they were permitted on their way to the place of execution to
stop at the hermitage of St. Lazarus, where the Jesuits confessed to
Father Rodriguez and another of their order, who met them there, and
the Franciscans to each other.

The place of execution was not that made use of for ordinary
malefactors, but a hill bordering on the sea, one of those by which
the city of Nagasaki is surrounded, and thenceforth known among the
converts as the _Holy Mountain_, or _Mount of Martyrs_, to which
name it gained still further claim by becoming the scene of many
subsequent executions, continuing also, as long as the new religion
lasted in Japan, a place of pilgrimage for its adherents. The prisoners
were followed to this hill by an excited crowd, who, with tears and
benedictions, besought their prayers. They were put to death by
crucifixion, which, however, according to the Japanese method, is
not a lingering punishment. The sufferer is bound, not nailed, to the
cross, and his body is immediately pierced by a lance, or sometimes by
two lances, thrust in at the sides, and coming out at the shoulders.

The earth, wet with the martyr’s precious blood, was sedulously
gathered up by the bystanders, and, in spite of the care with which the
bodies were guarded, those of the three Jesuits were conveyed away to
Macao; or, at least, bodies alleged to be the same were preserved in
the churches there with great veneration as relics. Many miracles were
alleged to have attended and followed the death of these martyrs, as to
which duly authenticated affidavits may be found recorded in the great
collection of Bolandus, affording grounds for the canonization of these
twenty-six Japanese proto-martyrs, decreed, thirty years after, by Pope
Urban VIII.

CHAPTER XVIII

_New Edict for the Deportation of the Jesuits—Its Partial Evasion—New
Correspondence between the Philippines and Japan—Taikō-Sama’s
Justification of his Recent Proceedings—New Destruction of
Churches in Shimo—Taikō-Sama’s Death—His Preceding Efforts to
secure his own Deification and the Succession of his Infant Son
Hideyori—Regency—Iyeyasu, its Head, with the Title of Daifu-Sama—A. D.
1597-1599._

Even a more serious blow than the execution of the first martyrs,
which seems rather to have warmed than to have cooled the zeal of the
converted Japanese, was an order from the emperor to the governor of
Nagasaki to collect all the missionaries, and to ship them off to
China, except only his interpreter, Rodriguez, and two or three other
Jesuits, who might be permitted to remain at Nagasaki for the benefit
of the Portuguese traders.

There were still in Japan as many as a hundred and twenty-five members
of the Company, of whom forty-six were priests. To blind the emperor
by an apparent submission to his will, it was agreed that the newly
arrived bishop of Japan (the fourth appointed to this diocese, but the
first who had arrived there) should depart in the same vessel in which
he had come, especially as he might improve his absence to represent to
the viceroy of the Indies the pressing necessities of his diocese. The
novitiate, the college in the island of Amakusa,[62] and the seminary
for young nobles hitherto kept on foot in Arima, were all given up,
and most of the fathers connected with them set out for Nagasaki. Of
the whole number, however, there remained behind eight in the island
of Amakusa, twelve in Arima and Ōmura, four in Bungo, and as many more
in Hirado and Gotō, while two others passed into Corea; but it was
understood that these priests thus left behind, while ministering to
the faithful, should avoid doing anything that might draw attention
upon them.

The aged Father Gnecchi, with two priests and five or six other
Jesuits, remained at Miyako, Father Matthew de Couros being appointed
to fill the place of Father Louis Froez, lately deceased, in the
office of sending to Rome memoirs for the history of Japan. With these
exceptions all the rest of the Jesuits assembled at Nagasaki, making
a show of getting ready to depart. Indeed, the poop of a Portuguese
vessel, which sailed shortly after, appeared to be full of them; but
most of these seeming Jesuits were only Portuguese merchants, dressed
for the occasion in the habit of the order; while, to account for the
staying behind of any who might happen to be detected in the provinces,
it was given out that some had been left because the vessel was not
large enough to take all.

Soon after the departure of this vessel, a Spanish gentleman arrived
from Manila with presents and a letter to the emperor from a new
governor of the Philippines, remonstrating, though in measured terms,
against the confiscation of the “San Philip” and the execution of
the Spanish ecclesiastics, several of whom had entered Japan in the
character of envoys from his predecessor. The letter requested the
bodies of those martyrs, and, for the future, safety and kind treatment
to all Spanish vessels driven accidentally to Japan. Taikō-Sama, in
reply, justified his proceedings against the missionaries, not only
because they had disregarded his repeated orders to leave Japan, but
because, insinuating their creed into the minds of his subjects, they
designed finally to get possession of the country as the Spaniards had
done of Manila. His excuse for the confiscation of the “San Philip” was
that she had attempted to enter a port of Japan in violation of law.
He refused to give up any part of her cargo, but offered to restore a
number of slaves which had belonged to her, at the same time expressing
a willingness to consent to a regulated trade with the Spaniards,
provided they would promise to bring no priests.

A report that the emperor was about to visit Nagasaki led to the
destruction in the adjoining provinces of not less than a hundred
and thirty-seven churches and of many houses which had belonged to
the Jesuits; and, to appease the authorities, a new embarkation of
missionaries became necessary, limited, however, by reason of the
smallness of the vessel, to eleven persons.

[Illustration: FEUDAL STRONGHOLDS: HIMEJI CASTLE; NAGOYA CASTLE]

In the midst of these alarms news arrived that the emperor had been
seized with a sudden and violent sickness, apparently a dysentery,
which, after two months’ struggles against it, brought him to his end.
He died in September, 1598, at the age of sixty-four, retaining his
absolute authority to the last. During his latter years two thoughts
seem principally to have engrossed him,—the securing divine honors
to himself, and the transmission of his authority to his infant
son, Hideyori, not yet above three or four years old. With the first
object in view, though really (at least, so the missionaries concluded)
without any religion at all, he had rebuilt, in a magnificent manner,
many temples and Buddhist monasteries destroyed by Nobunaga, by
himself, or by the accidents of war. He also had erected, in a new
quarter which he had added to Miyako, a splendid temple, which he
caused to be consecrated to himself in the character of the new
Hachiman, that being the title of a Kami celebrated for his conquests,
and regarded as the god of war.

To secure the succession of his infant son, the expiring emperor
established, on his death-bed, a council of regency, composed of nine
persons, at the head of which he placed Tokugawa Iyeyasu, king of
the Bandō, which, besides the five provinces of the Kwantō, in which
were the great cities of Suruga and Yedo, embraced, also, three other
kingdoms. Iyeyasu had been king of Mikawa, a more westerly province,
which he had lost by adhering to the fortunes of the third son of
Nobunaga, he being allied to that family by marriage. But afterwards,
by some means, he had recovered the favor of Taikō-Sama, who had even
bestowed upon him the newly conquered Bandō, and who, the better to
secure his fidelity, had caused his infant son and destined successor
to be married to a young granddaughter of Iyeyasu.

The strong castle of Ōsaka had been chosen by Taikō-Sama as the
residence of his son during his minority, and there he dwelt with his
baby wife, in charge of his mother, while the administration of affairs
passed into the hands of Iyeyasu, who, as head of the regency, governed
with the title of Daifu-Sama.

CHAPTER XIX

_Evacuation of Corea—Return of the Converted Princes—Favorable
Disposition of Daifu-Sama—Third Visit of Father Valignani—Civil
War between Daifu-Sama and his Co-regents—His Triumph—Disgrace and
Execution of Settsu-no-Kami—Daifu-Sama takes the Title of Ōgosho-Sama
and still favors the Converts—Influx of Dominican and Franciscan
Friars—Flourishing Condition of the Church—Local Persecutions—A. D.
1599-1609._

The first act of the regency was to put an end to the war in Corea.
That country was abandoned,[63] and the return of so many converted
princes greatly strengthened the lately suffering church. Father
Rodriguez had always been on good terms with Daifu-Sama, with whom he
had become acquainted at the court of the late emperor. This head of
the regency was even thought to be well disposed to the new religion,
and the converted princes, in conjunction with Father Valignani,
who, just before the death of Taikō-Sama, had reached Japan for the
third time, in company with a new bishop, proceeded gradually and
unostentatiously to re-establish the missionaries, to rebuild the
churches, and to set up again the college and seminaries, till soon
the Catholic faith seemed to be replaced on almost as firm a basis as
ever. For a time, indeed, things were thrown into confusion by a civil
war which soon broke out between Daifu-Sama and his co-regents. Some of
the Catholic princes lost their provinces as adherents of the defeated
party, and among the rest, that distinguished pillar of the church,
Konishi Settsu-no-Kami, the grand admiral, king of Higo and conqueror
of Corea, who, for his share in this business, perished by the hand
of the executioner,—his religious opinions not allowing him to adopt
the Japanese alternative of cutting himself open. But the victorious
regent, who presently took the title of Ōgosho-Sama, and with it the
entire imperial authority (though the boy, Hideyori, still enjoyed the
title of Kubō-Sama), showed himself so far favorable to the Jesuits
(to the headship of whom Father Francis Pazio had lately succeeded
as vice-provincial) as to permit their reëstablishment at Nagasaki,
Miyako, and Ōsaka. Yet an edict of his, restraining the missionaries
to their ancient seats, and forbidding the accession of new converts,
though little regarded, showed the necessity of caution.

Pope Clement VIII, having promulgated a bull in December, 1600, by
which all the mendicant orders were allowed to go as missionaries
to Japan, provided they proceeded by way of Portugal, and not by
the Philippines, Dominican and Franciscan friars took advantage of
this favorable disposition of the emperor to enter that empire, the
Franciscans reoccupying their old station at Miyako, and setting up a
new one at Yedo, where the Jesuits had never been. This was the seat
of the emperor’s son, whom, according to the Japanese custom, he had
associated with him in the empire. He himself had his residence at
Suruga, no great distance to the west. The young Hideyori, the titular
Kubō-Sama, still dwelt in the castle of Ōsaka, Miyako being given up
exclusively to the Dairi, or ecclesiastical emperor. The prohibition to
pass from the Philippines to Japan was little regarded. As there was
no civil arm to enforce it, the friars laughed at the excommunication
denounced by the Pope’s bull. The Jesuits, on the other hand, did not
submit to this invasion without loud complaints.

In the Tenza, or five provinces[64] nearest to Miyako, and including,
also, the cities of Sakai and Ōsaka, the ancient imperial domain, the
adherents of the new religion were seldom molested, and the governor
of Miyako even built a magnificent church for the Jesuits in the upper
city, in addition to one which they already possessed in the lower
city. An observatory at Ōsaka had gained additional credit for their
religion by displaying their scientific knowledge. A seminary for
nobles was reopened at Nagasaki, and, by the special zeal of Father
Gnecchi, hospitals for lepers, which had been from the first a favorite
charity, were set up at Ōsaka and in several other cities. By the favor
of particular princes, Jesuit missionaries even penetrated into the
more remote and hitherto unvisited provinces. Persecution, however,
still went on within the jurisdiction of several of the local rulers,
especially in the island of Shimo; and some of the converted princes,
having apostatized, became themselves persecutors. But the bishop,
having made a journey to Miyako in 1606, was very favorably received
by the Kubō-Sama,—a circumstance not without its influence in all the
local courts.

Such was the state of things in Japan when the hold of the Portuguese
and the Jesuits upon that country, already shaken by the consolidation
of the empire under one head, and by the intrusion of Dominican and
Franciscan friars and Spanish merchants and negotiators, encountered
a still more alarming disturbance from the appearance of the Dutch flag
in the eastern seas.[65]

[Illustration: IMAGE OF IYEYASU
From _Official History of Japan_]

CHAPTER XX

_Attempt of the English and Dutch to discover a New Route to the Far
East—Voyages round the World—Attempted English Voyage to Japan—English
and Dutch Voyages to India—First Dutch Voyage to Japan—Adams, the
English Pilot—His Adventures and Detention in Japan[66]—A. D.
1513-1607._

For a full century subsequent to the discovery of the passage to India
by the Cape of Good Hope, the commerce of the Indian seas, so far as
Europe was concerned, remained almost a complete monopoly in the hands
of the Portuguese. The ancient Venetian commerce with India, by the Red
Sea, had been speedily brought to an end, while the trade carried on
overland, by way of Aleppo and the Persian Gulf, was mainly controlled
by the Portuguese, who held possession of Ormus, through which it
mostly passed. Nor did the Spanish discovery of another passage to
India, by the Straits of Magellan, and the lodgment which the Spaniards
made about the year 1570, in the Philippine Islands, very materially
interfere with the Portuguese monopoly. The passage by the Straits
of Magellan was seldom or never attempted, the Spanish trade being
confined to two annual ships between Acapulco and Manila.

It was the desire to share in this East India commerce (which made
Lisbon the wealthiest and most populous city of Europe) that led to
so many attempts to discover a northeastern, a northwestern, and even
a northern passage to India (directly over the pole), not only as
shorter, but as avoiding any collision with the Portuguese and Spanish,
who did not hesitate to maintain by force their respective exclusive
claims to the passages by the Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of
Magellan. These attempts were at first confined to the English,
beginning with that made by Sebastian Cabot, on his third and last
voyage from England. The Dutch and Belgians were long content to buy
Indian merchandise at Lisbon, which they resold in the north of Europe;
but after the union of the Spanish and Portuguese dominions, in 1580,
and the seizure, which soon followed, of the Dutch ships at Lisbon,
and their exclusion from any trade with Portugal, the Dutch began to
entertain, even more ardently than the English, the desire of a direct
commerce with the far East. Drake, in his voyage round the world
(1577-80), outward by the Straits of Magellan and homeward by the Cape
of Good Hope, a track in which he was speedily followed by Cavendish
(1586-88), led the way to the Indian seas; but the failure of Cavendish
in a second attempt to pass the Straits of Magellan, and the capture,
A. D. 1594, by Spanish-American cruisers in the Pacific, of Sir Richard
Hawkins, a son of the famous Sir John Hawkins, who had attempted a
voyage to Japan by the same route, served to keep up the terrors of
that passage.

Meanwhile, Captain Lancaster, as early as 1592, accomplished the first
English voyage to India by the Cape of Good Hope. After a rather
disastrous voyage, he returned in 1594, having been greatly delayed by
his ignorance of the monsoons. A second expedition, destined for China,
sailed in 1596, but perished miserably at sea. It is to the Dutch that
the credit mainly belongs of first breaking in upon the Portuguese and
Spanish monopoly of Indian commerce.[67]

Among other Dutch ship captains and merchants who had been thrown into
prison at Lisbon was Cornelius Houtman, who improved that opportunity
to acquire, by conversation with Portuguese seamen, a knowledge of
the Indian seas; and it was by his persuasion that the merchants of
Amsterdam, associating as an East India Company, fitted out, in 1595,
eight vessels,—four to renew the experiment of a northeastern passage,
and four to proceed to India by the Cape of Good Hope. The voyage of
the first four, under the direction of Hugh Linschooten,[67] who had
lately returned from Goa, where he had resided six years in the service
of the archbishop, resulted in the discovery of Nova Zembla, beyond
which neither this expedition nor two subsequent ones were able to
proceed. The four other ships, under the charge of Houtman, reached
the west coast of Java, and in spite of the arts and opposition of the
Portuguese, whom they found established at Bantam, in that island, they
opened a trade with the natives, not without an occasional intermixture
of hostilities, in which they lost more than half their numbers,
besides being obliged to abandon and burn one of their vessels. The
other three ships returned to Holland in 1598. This voyage had not
been profitable; yet the actual commencement of the long-desired
Indian traffic greatly stimulated the hopes of the merchants, and that
same year not less than four distinct India squadrons were fitted
out,—one of two vessels, under Houtman; another, under Jacques Mahay,
of five vessels, known as Verhagen’s fleet, from the chief promoter
of the enterprise; a third, of three vessels, under Oliver Noort; and
a fourth, of not less than eight vessels, set forth by a new East
India association, including not only the merchants of Amsterdam, but
those of the other cities of the province of Holland, rudiment of the
afterwards so celebrated DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY. The first and last
of these expeditions proceeded by the Cape of Good Hope. The other two
were to attempt the passage by the Straits of Magellan.

The Dutch merchants were at this time much richer than those of
England, and for these enterprises of theirs to India they obtained
the assistance of quite a number of adventurous Englishmen. Houtman
had an English pilot named Davis; Noort carried, in the same capacity,
Thomas Melis, who had made the voyage round the world with Cavendish.
The fleet of Mahay had two English pilots, William Adams and Timothy
Shotten, with the former of whom, as being the first Englishman who
ever reached Japan, and long a resident there, our narrative has
chiefly to do.

Born, according to his own account, on the banks of the Medway, between
Rochester and Chatham, Adams, at the age of twelve, had commenced a
seafaring life, apprentice to Master Nicholas Diggins, of Limehouse,
near London, whom he served for twelve years. He acted afterward as
master and pilot in her Majesty’s (Queen Elizabeth’s) ships. Then for
eleven or twelve years he was employed by the worshipful company of the
Barbary merchants. The Dutch traffic with India beginning, desirous, as
he tells us, “to make a little experience of the small knowledge which
God had given him,” he was induced to enter that service.

Mahay’s squadron, in which Adams sailed as chief pilot, consisted of
the “Hope,” of two hundred and fifty tons and one hundred and thirty
men, the “Faith,” of one hundred and fifty tons and one hundred and
nine men, the “Charity,” of one hundred and sixty tons and one hundred
and ten men, the “Fidelity,” of one hundred tons and eighty-six men,
and the “Good News,” of seventy-five tons and fifty-six men; but these
names of good omen did not save these small and overcrowded vessels
from a succession of disasters, too common in the maritime enterprises
of those days. They left the Texel the 24th of June, and on the 21st of
August reached the Cape Verde Islands, where they remained twenty-one
days to refresh the men, of whom many were sick with scurvy, including
Mahay, their chief commander, who died soon after they had recommenced
their voyage. Encountering contrary winds and heavy rains, they were
forced to the coast of Guinea, and landed on Cape Gonsalves, just south
of the line. The sick were set on shore, and soon after a French sailor
came aboard, who promised to do them all favor with the negro king. The
country could furnish very few supplies; and as the sick recovered from
the scurvy, those hitherto well began to suffer from fever.

In this state of distress they set sail for the coast of Brazil; but
falling in soon after with the island of Annabon, in the Gulf of
Guinea, they landed, took the town, which contained eighty houses, and
obtained a supply of oxen, and of oranges and other fruits; but still
the men continued to die, of whom they buried more than thirty on this
island.

Two months were thus spent on the African coast. The ships, setting
sail again about the middle of November, were greatly delayed by one
of the vessels losing her mainmast, and it was five months before they
reached the Straits of Magellan, the crews during most of that time on
short allowance, and driven to such extremity as to eat the calf-skins
with which the ropes were covered.

Having entered the straits the beginning of April, 1599, they obtained
a good supply of penguins for food; but the commander stopping to wood
and water, they were overtaken by the winter then just setting in,
during which they lost more than a hundred men by cold and hunger, and
were thus detained—though, according to Adams, there were many times
when they might have gone through—till the 24th of September, when at
last they entered the South Sea.

A few days after, they encountered a violent storm, by which the ships
were separated. Captain Wert, with the “Faith” and “Fidelity,” was
driven back into the straits, where he fell in with Oliver Noort, who
had left Holland a few days after the Verhagen fleet, had followed in
the same track, had encountered many of the same difficulties, but who,
more fortunate, not only passed the strait, but succeeded in completing
the fourth circumnavigation of the globe,—a feat accomplished before
his voyage only by the ships of Magellan, Drake, and Cavendish. As
Noort was unable to afford him any aid, Wert abandoned the enterprise,
and returned with his two ships to Holland.

The other three ships steered separately for the coast of Chili, where
a rendezvous, in the latitude of forty-six degrees, had been appointed.
The “Charity,” in which Adams was, on reaching the place of rendezvous
found some Indian inhabitants, who at first furnished sheep in
exchange for bells and knives, with which they seemed well satisfied,
but who shortly after disappeared, probably through Spanish influence.
Having waited twenty-eight days, and hearing nothing of her consorts,
the “Charity” ran by Valdivia to the island of Mocha, and thence toward
the neighboring island of Santa Maria. Seeing on the mainland near by
a number of people, boats were sent for a parley; but the people would
suffer none to land from the boats, at which they shot a multitude of
arrows. “Nevertheless,” says Adams, “having no victuals in our ship,
and hoping to find refreshing, we forcibly landed some seven-and-twenty
or thirty of our men, and drove the wild people from the water-side,
having the most of our men hurt with their arrows. Having landed, we
made signs of friendship, and in the end came to parley, with signs
that our desire was to have victuals for iron, silver, and cloth,
which we showed them. Whereupon they gave our folks wine, with batatas
(sweet potatoes) and other fruits, and bade them, by signs and tokens,
to go aboard, and the next day to come again, and they would bring us
victuals.”

The next day, after a council, in which it was resolved not to land
more than two or three men at once, the captain approached the shore
with all the force he had. Great numbers of people were seen, who made
signs for the boats to land; and in the end, as the people would not
come near the boats, twenty-three men landed with muskets, and marched
up toward four or five houses; but before they had gone the distance
of a musket-shot they found themselves in an ambush, and the whole,
including Thomas Adams, a brother of William, the chief pilot, were
slain or taken. “So our boats waited long,” says Adams, “to see if any
of them would come again; but seeing no hope to recover them, our boats
returned, with this sorrowful news, that all our men that landed were
slain, which was a lamentable thing to hear, for we had scarce so many
men left as could wind up our anchor.”

After waiting a day longer, they went over to the neighboring island
of Santa Maria, where they found the “Hope,” which had just arrived,
but in as great distress as themselves, having, at the island of Mocha,
the day before the “Charity” had passed there, lost their commander
and twenty-seven men in an attempt to land to obtain provisions. Some
provisions were finally got by detaining two Spaniards, who came to
visit the ships, and requiring them to pay a ransom in sheep and oxen.
It was proposed to burn one of the ships, as there were not men enough
for both; but the new captains, of whom the one in command of the
“Charity” was named Quackernack, could not agree which of the ships to
burn.

At length, the men being somewhat refreshed, a council was called
to consider what should be done to make the voyage as profitable as
possible to the merchants. It was stated by one of the sailors, who had
been to Japan in a Portuguese ship, that woollen cloth, of which they
had much on board, was good merchandise there; and considering that
the Moluccas, and most parts of the East Indies, were not countries in
which woollen cloths would be likely to be very acceptable; hearing
also from the people on shore that Spanish cruisers were after
them,—by whom, in fact, their third vessel was captured, news of
their intentions and force having been sent from Spain to Peru about
the time of their departure from Holland,—it was finally resolved
to stand away for Japan. Leaving the coast of Chili on the 27th of
November, and standing northwesterly across the equator for three or
four months, they had the trade-wind and pleasant weather. In their way
they encountered a group of islands somewhere about sixteen degrees of
north latitude (perhaps the Sandwich Islands), to which eight of their
men ran off with the pinnace, and were eaten, as was supposed, by the
islanders, who, by the report of one who was taken, were cannibals.

In the latitude of twenty-seven degrees north, the vessels,
encountering variable winds and stormy weather, were separated. The
“Hope” was never more heard of; the “Charity” still kept on her course,
though with many of her men sick and others dead, when, on the 11th of
April, being then in great misery, with only four or five men out of a
company of four-and-twenty able to walk, and as many more to creep on
their knees, the whole expecting shortly to die, at last they made the
hoped-for land, which proved to be the eastern coast of Shimo. They
were immediately boarded by numerous boats, which they had no force to
resist; but the boatmen offered no injury beyond stealing what they
could conveniently lay their hands on. This, however, was put a stop
to the next day by the governor of the neighboring district, who sent
soldiers on board to protect the cargo, and who treated the crew with
great kindness, furnishing them with all necessary refreshments, and
giving them a house on shore for their sick, of whom nine finally died.

For some days the only conversation was by signs; but before long a
Portuguese Jesuit, with some other Portuguese, arrived from Nagasaki,
on the opposite western coast of the island.

The Dutch now had an interpreter; but, what with religious and what
with national antipathies, little was to be hoped from a Jesuit and
a Portuguese. In fact, the Portuguese accused them of being pirates,
and two of their own company, in hopes to get control of the cargo,
turned traitors, and plotted with the Portuguese. After nine days the
emperor [Iyeyasu] sent five galleys, in which Adams, attended by one
of the sailors, was conveyed to Ōsaka, distant about eighty leagues.
Here he found the emperor, “in a wonderful costly house, gilded with
gold in abundance,” who, in several interviews, treated him with great
kindness, and was very inquisitive as to his country and the cause of
his coming. Adams replied that the English were a people who had long
sought out the East Indies, desiring friendship, in the way of trade,
with all kings and potentates, and having in their country divers
commodities which might be exchanged to mutual advantage. The emperor
then inquired if the people of Adams’ country had no wars. He answered
that they had with the Spanish and Portuguese, but were at peace with
all other nations. He also inquired as to Adams’ religious opinions,
and the way in which he got to Japan; but when Adams, by way of answer,
exhibited a chart of the world, and pointed out the passage through the
Straits of Magellan, he showed plain signs of incredulity.

Notwithstanding this friendly reception, Adams was ordered back to
prison, where he was kept for nine-and-thirty days, expecting, though
well treated, to be crucified, which he learned was the customary mode
of execution in that country.

In fact, as he afterwards discovered, the Portuguese were employing
this interval in poisoning the minds of the natives against these
new-comers, whom they represented as thieves and common sea-robbers,
whom it was necessary to put to death to prevent any more of their
freebooting countrymen from coming, to the ruin of the Japanese trade.
But at length the emperor gave this answer: that, as these strangers
had as yet done no damage to him nor to any of his people, it would be
against reason and justice to put them to death; and, sending again
for Adams, after another long conversation and numerous inquiries,
he set him at liberty, and gave him leave to visit the ship and his
companions, of whom, in the interval, he had heard nothing. He found
them close by, the ship having in the interval been brought to Sakai,
within seven or eight miles of Ōsaka. The men had suffered nothing, but
the ship had been completely stripped, her whole company being thus
left with only the clothes on their backs. The emperor, indeed, ordered
restitution; but the plundered articles were so dispersed and concealed
that nothing could be recovered, except fifty thousand rials in silver
(five thousand dollars), which had formed a part of the cargo, and
which was given up to the officers as a fund for their support and that
of the men. Afterward the ship was taken still eastward to a port near
Yedo. All means were used to get her clear, with leave to depart, in
which suit a considerable part of the money was spent; till, at the
end of two years, the men refusing any longer to obey Adams and the
master, the remaining money was, “for quietness’ sake,” divided, and
each was left to shift for himself. The emperor, however, added an
allowance to each man of two pounds of rice a day, besides an annual
pension in money amounting to about twenty-four dollars. In Adams’ case
this pension was afterward raised to one hundred and forty dollars,
as a reward for having built two ships for the emperor on the European
model. Adams’ knowledge of mathematics also proved serviceable to him,
and he was soon in such favor as to be able, according to his own
account, to return good for evil to several of his former maligners.
The emperor acknowledged his services, and endeavored to content him
by giving him “a living like unto a lordship in England, with eighty
or ninety husbandmen as his servants and slaves”; but he still pined
for home, and importuned for leave to depart, desiring, as he says, “to
see his poor wife and children, according to conscience and nature.”
This suit he again renewed, upon hearing from some Japanese traders
that Dutch merchants had established themselves at Acheen in Sumatra,
and Patania on the east coast of Malacca. He promised to bring both
the Dutch and English to trade in Japan; but all he could obtain was
leave for the Dutch captain and another Dutchman to depart. This they
presently did, for Patania, in a Japanese junk, furnished by the king
or prince of Hirado, whence they proceeded to Jor, at the southern
end of the peninsula of Malacca, where they found a Dutch fleet of
nine sail. In this fleet the Dutch captain obtained an appointment as
master, but was soon after killed in a sea-fight with the Portuguese,
with whom the Dutch were, by this time, vigorously and successfully
contending for the mastership of the eastern seas.[68]

CHAPTER XXI

_Spanish Friars in Japan—Extension of Japanese Trade—Progress of the
Dutch in the Eastern Seas—They open a Trade with Japan—Emperor’s
Letter—Shipwreck of Don Rodrigo de Vivero on the Japanese
Coast—His Reception, Observations, and Departure—Destruction of a
Portuguese Carac by the Japanese—Another Dutch Ship arrives—Spex’s
Charter—Embassies from Macao and New Spain—Father Louis Sotelo and his
Projects—A. D. 1607-1618._

The Dutch and English, though they had not yet reached Japan, were
already, especially the Dutch, making great progress in the Indian
seas; but it was not by them alone that the Portuguese monopoly of
Japanese commerce and Japanese conversion was threatened.

Taking advantage of the bull of Clement VII, already referred to, a
multitude of Spanish friars from Manila poured into Japan, whose first
and chief business it was, according to the Jesuit letter-writers
and historians, to declaim with vehemence against the conduct of
the fathers of the company, whom they represented as altogether too
circumspect, reserved, and timid in the publication of the gospel. The
fanaticism of these Spanish friars was excessive, in illustration of
which the Jesuit historians relate, with malicious satisfaction, the
following story: One of them, in a dispute with one of the shipwrecked
Hollanders of Adams’ company (perhaps with Adams himself), to sustain
the authority of the Catholic church, appealed to its miraculous
power, and when this obstinate Dutch heretic questioned the reality
of any such power, and challenged an exhibition of it, the fanatical
missionary undertook to convince him by walking himself on the sea. A
day was appointed for the miracle. The Spaniard prepared himself by
confession, prayer, and fasting. A crowd of Japanese assembled to see
it, and the friar, after a confident exhortation to the multitude,
stepped, crucifix in hand, into the water, certain of being buoyed up
by faith and providence. But he was soon floundering over his head,
and was only saved from drowning by some boats sent to his assistance;
nor did this experiment add much either to the faith of the Dutchman
or to the docility of the Japanese. About this same time, also, the
institution of parish priests was introduced; but this, like the
admission of friars, led only to new disputes and collisions.

The merchants of Manila, no less than the monks, still looked with
longing eyes in the direction of Japan, anxious to share in its
commerce; and Don Rodrigo de Vivero, upon his accession to that
government, by way of conciliation discharged from confinement and sent
home some two hundred Japanese, whom he found imprisoned there, either
by way of retaliation for the confiscation of the “San Philip” and the
execution of the Spanish missionaries, or for some other cause.

Besides these European rivals, a dangerous competition in the way
of trade seems to have been threatened on the part of the Japanese
themselves, who appear to have been much more adventurous at this time,
whether in point of navigation or the visiting of foreign countries,
than the present jealous policy of their government permits. Japanese
vessels frequented Manila for the purchase of rich China silks, which
formed the chief article of export from Macao to Japan, the policy of
China and the relations of Japan towards her not allowing a direct
trade. Japanese vessels appeared even in the Pacific Spanish-American
ports. It is to this period that the Japanese ascribe the conquest by
the king of Satsuma of the Lew Chew Islands; and Macao, Siam, and Annam
are enumerated, on Japanese authority, as additional places to which
Japanese vessels traded.[69]

The Portuguese seem, on the other hand, to have had little left of that
courage and spirit by which their forefathers of the preceding century
had been so distinguished. The Dutch cruisers in the East Indies proved
a great annoyance to them. In 1603 they blockaded Goa, and the same
year Hemkirk took the carac of Macao, a prize of fourteen hundred tons,
and valued, with her cargo, at several millions of florins. When the
Dutch, under Matelief, attacked Malacca, in 1606, the Portuguese were
greatly indebted to a small body of Japanese, who formed a part of the
garrison, for their success in repelling the assault. On the other
hand, in 1608 a large number of Japanese, obliged to winter at Macao,
got into collision with the Portuguese authorities of that city, who
suspected them of a design to seize the place, and who, in consequence,
put a number of them to death. During this and the two preceding years
the annual Portuguese carac had been prevented from sailing from Macao
by fear of Dutch cruisers; and, with the effect of this interruption
of intercourse and of the bad feeling produced by the collision at
Macao, still other circumstances coöperated to endanger the Portuguese
ascendency.

The first was the arrival at Hirado, in July, 1609, of the Dutch
vessel, the “Red Lion,” attended by the yacht “Griffon.” They belonged
to the fleet of Verhœven, who had left Holland December 12, 1607, with
thirteen ships (of which several were of a thousand tons burden),
nineteen hundred men, and three hundred and seventy-seven pieces of
artillery. The Portuguese fleet, which sailed about the same time
from Lisbon, to take out a new viceroy to Goa, was composed of eight
great caracs and six galleons. This fleet was scattered by a storm
off the Canaries, and one of the galleons, mounting ten cannon, and
with one hundred and eighty men, fell into Verhœven’s hands. He had
previously made an unsuccessful attack on Mozambique; but had taken,
however, in the harbor a carac, mounting thirty-four guns and loaded
with merchandise. Off Goa another carac was burned by the Portuguese,
to prevent its falling into the hands of the Dutch, who proceeded to
Calicut, where a treaty of alliance against the Portuguese was entered
into with the king. The Dutch then proceeded by Cochin to Johor, on the
peninsula of Malacca (whence the two ships were despatched to Japan)
and finally to Bantam and the Moluccas, where the Dutch expected that a
truce with Spain, announced by a ship late from Holland, would enable
them to devote all their strength to guard against the English, who
were also aiming at an establishment in those islands.

[Illustration: TEMPLE OF HIDEYOSHI, KYŌTŌ]

The ships detached from Johor, equally equipped for trading and for
fighting, as were all the Indiamen of that period, having missed, by
being a few days too late, the carac of Macao, proceeded to carry out
their instructions for opening a commercial intercourse with Japan.
They were very kindly received at Hirado, whence they sent a
deputation to the emperor’s court, with presents, in the name of the
Stadtholder, and were successful in obtaining leave to establish a
factory at Hirado, for the supply of which with goods the Dutch were to
send a ship or two yearly. The “Red Lion,” arriving in the Texel, July,
1610, carried back the following letter:

THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN TO THE KING OF HOLLAND.

“I, emperor and king of Japan, wish to the king of Holland [prince of
Orange] who hath sent from so far countries to visit me, greeting.

“I rejoice greatly in your writing and sending unto me, and wish that
our countries were nearer the one to the other, whereby we might
continue and increase the friendship begun betwixt us, through your
presence, whom I imagine in earnest to see; in respect I am unknown
unto your majesty, and that your love towards me is manifested through
your liberality in honoring me with four presents, whereof, though I
had no need, yet, coming in your name, I received them in great worth,
and hold them in good esteem.

“And further, whereas the Hollanders, your majesty’s subjects, desire
to trade with their shipping in my country (which is of little value
and small), and to traffic with my subjects, and desire to have
their abiding near unto my court, whereby in person I might help and
assist them, which cannot be as now, through the inconvenience of the
country; yet, notwithstanding, I will not neglect, as already I have
been, to be careful of them, and to give in charge to all my governors
and subjects that, in what places and havens, in what port soever they
shall arrive, they shall show them all favor and friendships to their
persons, ships, and merchandise; wherein your majesty or your subjects
need not to doubt or fear aught to the contrary. For they may come as
freely as if they came into your majesty’s own havens and countries,
and so may remain in my country to trade. And the friendship begun
between me and my subjects with you shall never be impaired on my
behalf, but augmented and increased.

“I am partly ashamed that your majesty (whose name and renown
through your valorous deeds is spread through the whole world)
should cause your subjects to come from so far countries into a
country so unfitting as this is, to visit me, and to offer unto me
such friendships as I have not deserved. But considering that your
affection hath been the cause thereof, I could not but friendly
entertain your subjects, and yield to their requests, whereof this
shall serve for a testimony; that they in all places, countries, and
islands under mine obedience, may trade, and traffic, and build houses
serviceable and needful for their trade and merchandises, where they
may trade without any hindrance at their pleasure, as well in time to
come as for the present, so that no man shall do them any wrong. And I
will maintain and defend them as mine own subjects.

“I promise, likewise, that the persons whom I understand shall be left
here, shall now and at all times be held as recommended unto me, and
in all things to favor them, whereby your majesty shall find us as
your friends and neighbors.

“For other matters passed between me and your majesty’s servants,
which would be too long here to repeat, I refer myself unto them.”[70]

The Dutch were greatly indebted for their success to Matsuura Hōin,
king of Hirado, who interested himself greatly in the establishment of
a Dutch factory in his island. In fact, it had been at his expense
that the two Dutchmen, shipmates of Adams, had some years before been
sent to Patania upon their promise to induce their countrymen to open
a trade to Japan. In addition to this outlay, which had amounted to
fifteen hundred taels, he had furnished the Dutch belonging to the two
recently arrived vessels with a galley manned with fifty-six rowers,
for their visit to court, of which they had the use for two months; and
he had, besides, accommodated them by purchasing all their pepper and
silk, the latter article at a considerable loss to himself.

Some time previous to the arrival of these Dutch ships, in the autumn
of 1608, Don Rodrigo de Vivero, the late governor of Manila, returning
to New Spain in the galleon the “St. Francis,” was wrecked on the
southeast coast of Nippon.[71] At first it was not known what land it
was, but a Japanese Catholic on board soon recognized it. The crew,
who had escaped to the shore, proceeded to a neighboring village,
the people of which evinced much compassion for them, the women even
shedding tears. They gave them clothing and food (consisting of rice,
pulse, and a little fish), and sent word to the Tono, or lord of the
district, who issued orders that they should be well treated, but not
suffered to remove.

They were soon visited by the Tono, who came in great pomp, preceded
by three hundred men; some bearing banners, others armed with lances,
matchlocks, and halberts. He saluted Don Rodrigo with much politeness,
by a motion of his head and hand, and placed him on his left, that
being considered the place of honor among the Japanese, because the
swords are worn on that side. He made Don Rodrigo several presents,
and took upon himself the subsistence of the party, allowing two
Spanish officers to proceed to the emperor’s court, to communicate to
him and to his son and, according to the Japanese custom, colleague,
the details of the case.

Yedo, where the emperor’s son resided, was about forty leagues distant,
and Suruga, where the emperor held his court, still forty leagues
further. The messengers returned in twenty-four days, with an officer
of the prince, charged with a message of condolence from the emperor,
and leave to visit their courts. All the property that could be saved
from the wreck was given up to the Spaniards.

The first place on their route was a town of ten or twelve thousand
inhabitants. The Tono took Don Rodrigo to his castle, situated on
a height, and surrounded by a ditch fifty feet deep, passed by a
drawbridge. The gates were of iron; the walls of solid masonry,
eighteen feet high, and the same in thickness. Near the first gate
stood a hundred musketeers, and between that and the second gate, which
opened through a second wall, were houses, gardens, orchards, and
rice-fields. The dwelling rooms were of wood, exquisitely finished and
adorned with a profusion of gold, silver, varnish, etc.

All the way to Yedo the density of the population greatly surprised
the Spaniards, who were everywhere well lodged and entertained. They
entered that city amid such a crowd, that the officers of police had to
force a way for them,—and yet the streets were very broad. Such crowds
collected about the house which the prince had ordered to be prepared
for them, that they had no rest; till at last a guard was placed about
it, and a tablet set up, prohibiting the populace from molesting them.
Of the city Rodrigo gives this description: “Yedo contains seven
hundred thousand inhabitants, and is traversed by a considerable river
which is navigable by vessels of moderate size. By this river, which
divides in the interior into several branches, the inhabitants are
supplied with provisions and necessaries, which are so cheap that a man
may live comfortably for a rial (five cents) a day. The Japanese do not
make much wheaten bread, though what they do make is excellent. The
streets and squares of Yedo are very handsome, clean, and well kept.
The houses are of wood, and mostly of two stories. The exterior is less
imposing than with us, but they are far handsomer and more comfortable
within. Towards the street the houses have covered galleries, and each
street is occupied by persons of the same calling; carpenters in one,
jewellers in another, tailors in another, including many trades unknown
in Europe. The merchants and traders dwell together in the same way.
Provisions also are sold in places appointed for each sort. I observed
a market where game was sold; there was a great supply of rabbits,
hares, wild boars, deer, and other animals which I never saw before.
The Japanese rarely eat any flesh but that of game, which they hunt.
The fish market, very extensive and extremely neat and clean, affords
a great variety of fish, sea and river, fresh and salt; and there were
large tubs containing live fish. Adjoining the inns are places where
they let and sell horses, and these places are so numerous, that the
traveller, who, according to custom, changes his horse every league,
is only embarrassed where to choose. The nobles and great men inhabit
a distant part of the city, and their quarter is distinguished by the
armorial ornaments, sculptured, painted, or gilt, placed over the doors
of the houses,—a privilege to which the Japanese nobles attach great
value. The political authority is vested in a governor, who is chief of
the magistracy, civil and military. In each street resides a magistrate
who takes cognizance, in the first instance, of all cases, civil and
criminal, submitting the more difficult to the governor. The streets
are closed at each end by a gate, which is shut at nightfall. At each
gate is placed a guard of soldiers, with sentinels at intervals; so
that, if a crime is committed, notice is conveyed instantly to each
end of the street, and, the gates being closed, it rarely happens that
the offender escapes. This description is applicable to all the other
cities in the kingdom.”

After an interval of two days, the prince sent his secretary, whose
name was Honda Kōzuke-no-Suke, to invite Don Rodrigo to visit him.
The palace he describes as enclosed by a wall of immense blocks of
freestone, put together without cement, with embrasures, at equal
distances, well furnished with artillery. At the foot of this wall
was a deep wet ditch, crossed by a drawbridge of a peculiar and very
ingenious construction. Don Rodrigo passed through two ranks of
musketeers, about one thousand in number, to the second wall, distant
from the first three hundred paces. At the gate four hundred lancers
and pikemen were stationed. A third wall, about twelve feet high, was
guarded by three hundred halberdiers. Within was the palace, with the
royal stables on one side, containing three hundred horses, and on
the other an arsenal with arms for one hundred thousand men. Rodrigo
affirms that from the entrance to the palace were more than twenty
thousand men, not assembled for the occasion, but constantly employed
and paid for the daily service of the court.

The first apartment of the palace was entirely covered with rich
ornaments, carpets, stuffs, velvet, and gold. The walls were hung with
pictures representing hunting subjects. Each apartment exceeded the
preceding in splendor, till the further one was reached, in which the
prince was seated on a superb carpet of crimson velvet, embroidered
with gold, placed upon a kind of platform, raised two steps, in the
centre of the apartment. He wore three dresses, one over the other,
the exterior one green and yellow; in his girdle were his longer and
shorter swords. His hair was tied up with ribbons of different colors,
and his head had no other ornament. He was about thirty-five years of
age; of a brown complexion, a pleasing figure, and good height. Don
Rodrigo was conducted to a seat on the left hand of the prince, who
conversed with him on a variety of indifferent subjects.

Four days after, the travellers set off for Suruga, on a visit to the
emperor. The road is thus described: “On whatsoever side the traveller
turns his eyes, he perceives a concourse of people passing to and fro,
as in the most populous cities of Europe. The roads are lined on both
sides with superb pine-trees, which keep off the sun. The distances
are marked by little eminences planted with two trees.” In the hundred
leagues between Suruga and Miyako, several towns were passed, estimated
to contain one hundred thousand inhabitants, and a village occurred at
every quarter of a league. Rodrigo declares himself so delighted with
Japan, that, “if he could have prevailed upon himself to renounce his
God and his king, he should have preferred that country to his own.”

He estimated Suruga to contain from five to six hundred thousand
inhabitants. The climate was more agreeable than that of Yedo, but the
city not so handsome. As at Yedo, a convenient residence was provided
for him, which the crowd besieged as they had done there. The emperor
sent a secretary to compliment him on his arrival, with a present of
rich dresses, and in about a week he had his presentation. He was
conveyed in an elegant litter to the palace, which was a fortress
like that at Yedo. On the whole, there was less display than at the
prince’s court, but more marks of power and fear. The interview with
the emperor is thus described: “I followed the minister, who conducted
me into the presence of the sovereign, whom I saluted. He was in a kind
of square box, not very large, but astonishingly rich. It was placed
two steps above the floor, and surrounded at four paces’ distance by a
gold lattice-work, six feet high, in which were small doors, by which
the emperor’s attendants went in and out, as they were called from the
crowd, prostrate on their hands and knees around the lattice.[72] The
monarch was encircled by nearly twenty grandees, ministers or principal
courtiers, in long silk mantles, and trousers of the same material,
so long that they entirely concealed the feet. The emperor was seated
on a kind of stool, of blue satin, worked with stars and half-moons
of silver. In his girdle he wore a sword, and had his hair tied up
with ribbons of different colors, but had no other head-dress. His age
appeared to be about sixty.[73] He was of the middle stature, and of
a very full person. His countenance was venerable and gracious; his
complexion not near so brown as that of the prince.”

As if to magnify the emperor, Don Rodrigo was detained during the
introduction of a Tono of high rank, who brought presents in gold,
silver, and silk, worth twenty thousand ducats. At a hundred paces
from the throne he prostrated himself with his face to the floor,
and remained in this posture for several minutes in perfect silence,
neither the emperor nor either of the ministers vouchsafing a word.
He then retired with his suite, consisting of three thousand persons.
After other exhibitions of the same sort, Don Rodrigo, having been
directed to make what requests he would, was conducted by two ministers
to a third apartment, whence other great officers escorted him out of
the palace with all ceremony.

Afterwards he was entertained by Kōzukedono, the prime minister, at
a magnificent collation, the host pledging his health in exquisite
Japanese wine [_sake_?] by placing the glass upon his head.[74] The
Spaniard presented at this time a memorandum of his requests translated
into Japanese. They were three: first, that the royal protection might
be granted to Christian priests of different orders who then resided
in the empire, and that they might not be molested in the free use
and disposal of their houses and churches; secondly, that amity might
continue between the emperor and the king of Spain; and, lastly, that,
as an evidence of that friendship, the emperor would not permit the
Dutch (whose arrival has already been mentioned) to reside in his
territories, but would drive them out—since, besides being enemies of
Spain, they were little better than pirates and sea-rovers.

The minister, the next day, after another collation, reported the
emperor’s answer, who had remarked, with admiration, that Don Rodrigo,
though destitute, had asked nothing for himself, but had regarded only
the interests of his religion and his king. The two first requests were
granted. As to the expulsion of the Hollanders, that, the emperor said,
“will be difficult this year, as they have my royal word for permission
to sojourn in Japan; but I am obliged to Don Rodrigo for letting me
know what characters they are.” The emperor offered the shipwrecked
Spaniard one of the ships of European model, which the pilot Adams had
built for him, in which to proceed to New Spain; and he begged him to
request King Philip to send to Japan fifty miners, as he understood
those of New Spain to be very skilful, whereas those of Japan did not
obtain from the ore half the silver it was capable of yielding.

Don Rodrigo soon after set out for Shimo, where he was to take ship.
From Suruga to Miyako, estimated at one hundred leagues, the country
was mostly level and very fertile. Several considerable rivers were
crossed in large ferry-boats by means of a cable stretched from bank
to bank. Provisions were very cheap. His idea of the population of the
country grew more and more exaggerated. He insists that he did not
pass a town of less population than one hundred and fifty thousand;
and Miyako, which he considers the largest city in the world, he sets
down at one million five hundred thousand.[75] Situated upon a highly
cultivated plain, its walls were ten leagues in circuit, as Don
Rodrigo ascertained by riding round them on horseback. It took him an
entire day. He enters into a number of details about the Dairi and
his court. He was powerless, and lived in splendid poverty. The court
of the governor of Miyako, who had six vice-governors under him, was
scarcely less splendid than that of the emperor. He told Don Rodrigo
that this city contained five thousand temples and more than fifty
thousand public women. He showed him a temple, the largest building he
had seen in Japan, containing statues of all the gods, and another in
which was an immense bronze statue, the size of which filled him with
astonishment. “I ordered,” he says, “one of my people to measure the
thumb of the right hand; but, although he was a person of the ordinary
size, he could not quite encircle it with both arms. But the size
of the statue is not its only merit; the feet, hands, mouth, eyes,
forehead, and other features are as perfect and expressive as the most
accomplished painter could make a portrait. When I first visited this
temple it was unfinished; more than one hundred thousand men were daily
employed upon it. The devil could not suggest to the emperor a surer
expedient to get rid of this immense wealth.”[76]

The temple and tomb of Taikō-Sama, raised since his death to the rank
of the gods, is thus described by Rodrigo, who deplores the dedication
of such an edifice to one whose “soul is in hell for all eternity.”
The entrance was by an avenue paved with jasper four hundred feet by
three hundred. On each side, at equal distances, were posts of jasper,
on which were placed lamps lighted at night. At the end of this passage
was the peristyle of the temple, ascended by several steps, and having
on the right a monastery of priests. The principal gate was encrusted
with jasper and overlaid with gold and silver ornaments skilfully
wrought. The nave of the temple was supported by lofty columns. There
was a choir, as in European cathedrals, with seats and a grating
all round. Male and female choristers chanted the prayers, much as
in Catholic churches, and the surplices put Rodrigo in mind of the
prebends of Toledo. The church was filled with silent devotees. Four of
the priests accosted him, and seem to have put him to great uneasiness
by conducting him to the altar of their “infamous relics,” surrounded
with an infinite number of lamps. After raising five or six curtains,
covering as many gratings, first of iron, then of silver, and the last
one of gold, a kind of chest was exposed, in which were contained the
ashes of Taikō-Sama. Within this enclosure none but the chief priests
could enter. All the Japanese prostrated themselves.

Hastening to quit “this accursed spot,” Rodrigo was accompanied by the
priests to their gardens, exceeding, he says, those of Aranjuez.

Of the religion of Japan he makes the following observation: “The
Japanese, like us, use holy, or rather unholy, water, and chaplets
consecrated to their false gods, Shaka [Buddha] and Nido [Amida],
which are not the only ones that they worship, for there are no less
than thirty-five different sects or religions in Japan. Some deny
the immortality of the soul, others adore divers gods, and others
yet the elements. All are tolerated. The bonzes of all the sects
having concurred in a request to the emperor that he would expel our
monks, the prince, troubled with their importunities, inquired how
many different religions there were in Japan. ‘Thirty-five,’was the
reply. ‘Well,’said he, ‘where thirty-five sects can be tolerated,
we can easily bear with thirty-six;—leave the strangers in peace.’”
He estimates the Christians at three hundred thousand,—a much more
probable number than the eighteen hundred thousand at which they were
reckoned by the missionaries,[77] whose reckoning was the same now that
it had been ten years before.

From Miyako Don Rodrigo proceeded to Fushimi, adjoining, where
he embarked for Ōsaka, ten leagues down a river, as large as the
Guadalquivir at Seville, and full of vessels. Ōsaka, built close to the
sea, he reckons to contain one million inhabitants. Here he embarked
in a junk for Nagasaki. Not finding his vessel in proper repair, he
accepted an invitation from the emperor to return to Suruga, where he
renewed his endeavors to persuade that prince to expel the Dutch, but
without effect. At last, with presents and despatches for the king of
Spain, he set sail August 1, 1610, after a stay in Japan of nearly two
years.[78]

Meanwhile an event occurred of which Rodrigo makes no mention, but
for which the Portuguese were inclined to hold him responsible, no
less than the Dutch. The annual carac from Macao had arrived, as we
have seen, in the autumn of 1609, after an interval of three years,
commanded, as it happened, by the very same person who had been chief
magistrate there on occasion of the late seizure and execution of
certain Japanese. The emperor, strengthened, as it was thought, by
the expectation of Dutch and Spanish trade, encouraged the prince of
Arima to revenge the death of his subjects who had perished at Macao;
and when the carac was ready to sail on her return voyage she was
attacked by a fleet of Japanese boats. They were two or three times
repulsed, but, taking the carac at a disadvantage, becalmed and drifted
into a narrow passage, they succeeded in setting her on fire, and in
destroying her with all her crew.

Both the Dutch factors who had been left in Japan, and the king of
that island, Hōin-Sama, who had exerted himself greatly for the
establishment of Dutch commerce, were not a little annoyed at the
non-appearance of any Dutch vessels at Hirado during the year 1610.
The Dutch in the East Indies had, indeed, at this moment other things
to attend to. Verhœven, after his return to the Moluccas, had been
entrapped and treacherously slain at Banda, by the natives of that
island, along with many of his principal officers. This, however,
did not prevent the Dutch from soon after making a treaty with these
islanders, by which they obtained the sole right of purchasing their
nutmegs and mace, and which they followed up by the establishment
of not less than seven forts in the Molucca Islands, and by vigorous,
though as yet unsuccessful, attempts to drive away the Spaniards who
had come to the aid of the Portuguese.

[Illustration: A SCENE IN THE PALACE GARDENS, KYŌTŌ]

The Moluccas thus occupied, Admiral Wittert, who had succeeded to the
command of the Dutch fleet, sailed with part of the ships for Manila;
for though the truce between Spain and Holland was known, it had not
been proclaimed in the East Indies, and was not regarded by either
party. Here, unfortunately, Wittert suffered himself to be surprised by
a much superior Spanish force, and though he fought with the greatest
courage till he fell, his own ship and two others were taken, and
another blown up, two only making their escape.

Immediately upon the arrival of the “Red Lion” in Holland, a number
of ships had been fitted out for Japan; but the first to arrive was a
small yacht, called the “Brach,” in July, 1611, with only a trifling
cargo of cloths, silks, pepper, ivory, and lead. Presently a government
officer came on board to demand a manifest of the cargo to be sent
to the emperor; but this the Dutch did not like to submit to, as the
Portuguese were free from it, and especially as the present cargo was
so trifling. These demands being renewed, finally, though somewhat
perplexed by the small means they had of making presents, they resolved
upon a new mission to the emperor’s court. The king of Hirado advised
them also to extend their visit to the hereditary prince at Yedo, and
not to omit paying their respects to Hideyori at Ōsaka, son of the
late emperor, and who might yet mount the throne. The king of Hirado
furnished a galley, in addition to one belonging to the factories, and
two commissioners, of whom the principal was Jacob Spex, set out for
Suruga, July 17, with an interpreter and a Japanese gentleman as a
guide or conductor[79].

The 6th of August they reached Ōsaka, defended by a fine castle, in
which dwelt Hideyori, now eighteen years of age. He had always been
kept secluded, but enjoyed a large revenue, and had many adherents, by
whom, as the Dutch learned, the hope of placing him on the throne was
zealously entertained.

Arriving at Miyako, they learned that a Portuguese embassy had passed
through it four days preceding. They were deputies from Macao, who had
landed at Kagoshima, in a small vessel, and had gone with rich presents
to the emperor to solicit a renewal of trade and indemnification for
the vessels destroyed at Nagasaki two years before. Accompanied by a
large number of trumpeters and other musicians, they marched, with
great pomp, to the sound of the instruments, the whole of them, even
their black slaves, clothed in velvet of a uniform color. The governor
of Miyako, to whom they had made rich presents, had furnished them with
eighty-eight horses, which they had equipped at their own expense.

Nor was this governor (the same apparently who had entertained Don
Rodrigo) less bountiful to the Dutch. He furnished them with horses,
a passport, and letters to the chief of the emperor’s council, but
refused their presents, not being accustomed, he said, to take anything
from strangers. When they pressed him, he still refused to accept
anything now, but promised, if they had anything left at their return,
to allow them to remember him,—a piece of disinterestedness by which
the economical Dutch were greatly charmed.

Just before reaching Suruga they encountered Adams, the English pilot,
to whom they had written, and who, upon arriving at Suruga, hastened to
Kōzukeno-Suke, the same secretary of the emperor seen by Don Rodrigo,
but whom the Dutch call president of the council, to solicit for them a
speedy audience. While waiting for it, they learned that the Portuguese
ambassadors had not been very successful; nor had a Spanish embassy,
which had just arrived from New Spain, with thanks to the emperor for
his courtesies to Don Rodrigo. The presents of this ambassador were
very splendid; but his carriage was so haughty as to displease the
Japanese. He demanded leave for the Spaniards to build ships, for which
the forests and workmen of Japan afforded greater facilities than
either Manila or New Spain, and to explore the coasts, the Spaniards’
ignorance of which had cost them the loss of some valuable vessels.
This was agreed to; but the emperor declined the request for the
expulsion of the Dutch, saying that he had nothing to do with these
European quarrels. Adams was present at these interviews; nor did he
fail by his representations to excite the suspicions of the emperor
against the Spaniards.

Gotō Shōzaburō, the emperor’s treasurer, freely told the Dutch that the
Spaniards and Portuguese had represented him as coming to Japan rather
as privateersmen than as traders, and that, as might be seen by the
smallness of their present cargo, their chief resource for trade was
in the prizes they took. But Adams entered with great zeal into their
defence, insisting upon their honesty and fairness as the qualities
which had given them such success in trade, referring to the recent
truce with Spain as showing that plunder was not their object, and
excusing the smallness of the present venture by the lack, as yet, of
any regular treaty.

These representations were not without their effect. Kōzukeno-Suke
received the Dutch very graciously, approved the requests which they
made on the subject of trade, and promised to lay them before the
emperor pending their visit to Yedo, for which he furnished them with
vessels, horses, and guides. With much persuasion he was at last
induced to accept a present, which the Dutch regarded as a special
favor, as he had positively declined any from the Portuguese and
Spaniards. Before their departure, they were admitted to an audience
from the emperor, who inquired of them how many soldiers they had in
the Moluccas[80]; whether they traded to Borneo; whether it were true
that the best camphor came from that island; what odoriferous woods the
Dutch had in their country; and other similar questions, to which they
replied through their interpreter. After they had taken their leave,
Kōzukedono and Gotō Shōzaburō reconducted them out of the hall, at the
same time felicitating them on their favorable audience. It was very
unusual, they said, for the emperor to make himself so familiar; he did
not bestow such a favor even on the greatest lords of the empire, who
brought him presents of the value of ten, twenty, and thirty thousand
taels; nor had he said a single word to the Portuguese and Spanish
ambassadors. To Adams, who was called back to the royal apartments,
the emperor expressed himself greatly delighted with the presents, as
showing that the Dutch were “past masters” in arts as well as in arms.

The Dutchmen, having caused their propositions to be written out in
Japanese, placed them in the hands of Kōzukedono, and on the 18th
they were furnished with an order for ten horses, and a letter to the
hereditary prince at Yedo. Adams, who was in as great favor at this
court as at Suruga, lodged them in a house of his own, and undertook to
give notice of their arrival to Sadono-Kami, president of the prince’s
council and father of Kōzukedono, who sent an officer in return to make
his compliments to the Dutchmen.

They made him a visit the next day, with a present, which, as a great
favor, he condescended to accept. He inquired of them particularly the
cause of the war which had lasted so long between the Spaniards and
the Dutch, and the history of the negotiations which had brought about
the recent truce. The Dutch did not conceal the small extent of their
country, and the Japanese minister expressed great astonishment that
so feeble a state should have resisted with such success so powerful a
king. Finally, he treated them to a collation of fruit. Though very old
and infirm, he conducted them to the passage, and promised to accompany
them the next day to the palace. Admitted to the imperial palace, the
prince thanked them for the journey they had undertaken to see him;
but when (pretending orders from Holland to that effect) they besought
his favor and protection, he dismissed them with a nod. An officer,
however, conducted them over the palace, and the prince sent them some
presents, though not very magnificent ones. They themselves made many
presents, principally cloth and glass bottles, to many lords of the
court, among whom they found, in high favor, a brother of the young
king of Hirado.

From Yedo they proceeded to a port eighteen leagues distant (probably
Uraga), where Adams had another house, and where they found the Spanish
ship which had brought the ambassador from New Spain. The ambassador
himself was also there. He sent them a very civil message, to which
they responded with equal civility. Pressing invitations for a visit
passed between them, but neither party would be the first to call on
the other. By some Flemings, however, attached to the ambassador’s
suite, they were assured that the ambassador had no authority to demand
the exclusion of the Dutch, which he had done on his own authority. The
embassy, they said, had been fitted out at an expense of fifty thousand
dollars.

Upon their return to Suruga, October 1, Adams brought them the patent
which the emperor had granted for their commerce, and which, being
translated, proved to be in the following words:

“All Dutch ships that come into my empire of Japan, whatever place
or port they put into, we do hereby expressly command all and every
one of our subjects not to molest the same in any way, nor to be a
hindrance to them; but, on the contrary, to show them all manner of
help, favor, and assistance. Every one shall beware to maintain the
friendship in assurance of which we have been pleased to give our
imperial word to these people; and every one shall take care that our
commands and promises be inviolably kept.

“Dated (according to the Japanese calendar equivalent to) August 30,
1611.”[81]

The Dutch were very much troubled to find that the clause guaranteeing
freedom from the visits of inspectors and guards, and interference
with their trade by the government, which had been the great object of
their mission, was omitted. They made representations on the subject to
Kōzukeno-Suke, who advised them not to press it. But as they conceived
it of the greatest importance, they drew up a Japanese memorial, which
Adams presented to the emperor and the request of which Kōzukedono
seconded with such effect that the emperor ordered an edict granting
the wishes of the Dutch to be drawn up, which he immediately proceeded
to sign. Such is the statement of Spex’s narrative; but no such
document appears to be preserved in the archives of the Dutch factory,
the short one already given being everywhere cited and relied upon as
the charter of the Dutch trade to Japan, without any mention anywhere
else of any such supplement to it.

The return of the Dutchmen, by way of Miyako, to Hirado, does not
offer anything remarkable, except their meeting at Sakai (whither they
went to learn the price of goods and the course of trade there), with
Melichor von Santvoort, one of the Dutchmen who had reached Japan at
the same time with Adams. After selecting factors to stay behind,
ordering the erection of warehouses, and making such presents as their
small means admitted to their Japanese friends, their vessel set sail
on her return the 28th of September.

The Dutch, as we have seen, had been greatly assisted by Adams. The
Spanish envoy, in his negotiations, relied chiefly, as Don Rodrigo had
done before him, on the advice and assistance of Father Louis Sotelo,
a Franciscan friar of noble descent[82], established at Miyako, who
entered with great zeal into the project of a regular trade between
Japan and Mexico. But the old jealousy which the Japanese had long
entertained of the Spaniards soon broke out afresh. Some soundings made
along the coast by the vessel which brought out the Spanish ambassador
were looked upon with great suspicion and jealousy, which Adams is said
to have aggravated. Sotelo, despairing of success with the emperor,
though at first he had seemed to favor his projects, subsequently
proposed the same scheme to Date Masamune, who ruled over a part, or
the whole, of the kingdom of Ōshū, or Mutsu, in the north of Japan,
hitherto almost unknown, but to which a few missionaries had lately
made their way. The prince of Ōshū adopted Sotelo’s project with zeal,
affecting also quite a leaning towards the new faith, and, at Sotelo’s
suggestion, he sent an ambassador to the Pope and the king of Spain[83].

After many disappointments, Sotelo with this ambassador set sail at
length for New Spain, about the end of the year 1613, in a vessel
belonging to Masamune; and, by way of the city of Mexico, proceeded
to Seville and Madrid, where they arrived in October, 1614. Thence
they proceeded to Rome, and had an audience of the Pope, November 30,
1615, by whom Sotelo was nominated bishop for the north and east parts
of Japan, and his legate for the whole of it[84]. Having reached New
Spain on his return, he found in the port of Acapulco a Japanese
vessel belonging to Masamune, which, having disposed of a cargo of
Japanese goods, took on freight for Manila a part of the suite of a new
Spanish governor of the Philippines, intending to purchase at Manila
a cargo of Chinese silks. But the Council of the Indies, under the
influence of the Jesuits, and on the plea that the nomination of all
Eastern bishops belonged to the king, opposed Sotelo’s consecration;
and the merchants of Manila, alarmed at the rivalry of New Spain for
the Japanese trade, made such representations that, on his arrival
there, his papers were seized, and he himself was sent back to the
superiors of his order in New Mexico.

But long before the occurrence of these events—in fact, previous to the
departure of Sotelo from Japan—the Catholic faith there had received
a blow from which it never recovered, and which brought it to speedy
ruin.

CHAPTER XXII

_Origin and Commencement of English Intercourse with Japan—Captain
Saris’ Voyage thither, and Travels and Observations there—New Spanish
Embassy from the Philippines—Commercial Rivalry of the Dutch and
English—Richard Cocks, Head of the English Factory—A. D. 1611-1613._

The pilot, Adams, having heard from Spex that certain English merchants
had established themselves in the island of Java, he wrote to them,
under date of October 22, 1611, giving an account of himself, and
enclosing a letter to his wife, which he besought these unknown
countrymen of his to convey to his friends at Limehouse or in Kent,
so that his wife, “in a manner a widow,” and his fatherless children,
might hear of him, and he of them, before his death. “You shall
understand,” wrote Adams, “that the Hollanders have here an Indies of
money, so that they need not to bring silver out of Holland to the
East Indies, for in Japan there is much gold and silver to serve their
turn in other places where need requireth.” He enumerated as vendible
in Japan for ready money, raw silk, damask, black taffetas, black and
red cloth of the best kinds, lead, etc. To a somewhat exaggerated, and
otherwise not very correct account of the extent and the geography
of the Japanese dominions, he added the following description of
the inhabitants: “The people of this island of Japan are good of
nature, courteous above measure, and valiant in war. Their justice is
severely executed, and without partiality, upon transgressors. They
are governed in great civility. I think no land in the world better
governed by civil policy. The people are very superstitious in their
religion, and are of diverse opinions. There are many Jesuit and
Franciscan friars in this land, and they have converted many to be
Christians, and have many churches in the island.”

This letter, which was given in charge to the master’s mate of the
Dutch vessel, must have reached the English East India Company’s
factory at Bantam, in Java, previous to the first of June, 1612, for on
that day an answer to it was despatched by the “Globe,” which had just
arrived from England, and which, sailing from Bantam to Patania, met
there the same master’s mate who had brought Adams’ letter, and who,
being just about to return to Japan in a Dutch pinnace, promised to
deliver the answer.

Already, however, independently of Adams’ letter, a project had been
started in England for opening a trade with Japan, founded upon a
knowledge of Adams’ being there, derived from the crew of the Dutch
ship, the “Red Lion.” The “Globe,” which left England January 5,
1611, carried letters to Adams to that effect, and she was followed
in April by the “Clove,” the “Thomas,” and the “Hector,” under the
command of Captain John Saris, an old adventurer in the East, and a
former resident of Bantam, with letters from the king of England to the
emperor of Japan[85].

After touching, trading, negotiating and fighting, at Socotra, Mocha,
and other ports of the Red Sea, Saris arrived at Bantam in October,
1612. Soon after his arrival the letter of Adams was re-read in
presence of the assembled merchants; and doubtless it encouraged Saris
in his project of visiting Japan. Having taken in seven hundred sacks
of pepper, in addition to the broadcloths, gunpowder, and other goods
brought from England, Saris sailed on the 14th of January, 1618, in the
“Clove,” his crew consisting of seventy-four English, one Spaniard,
one Japanese, to serve as an interpreter, he speaking also the Malay
language, which Captain Saris understood, and five Swarts, probably
Malays.

Passing in sight of the south coast of Celebes, Saris touched at
several of the ports in the group of the Moluccas, occupied at that
time, some of them by Dutch and others by Spanish factories,—the
Spaniards from Manila having come to the rescue of the Portuguese, whom
the Dutch had driven out. Regarding all new comers (if of any other
nation than their own) with scarcely less suspicion and hostility than
they did each other, and both of them joining to oppress and plunder
the unhappy natives, “who were wrought upon,” so Saris says, “to spoil
one another in civil war,” the Dutch and Spaniards, secure in strong
forts, sat by and looked on, “prepared to take the bone from him that
would wrest it from his fellow.” The Dutch fort at Buchian had a
garrison of thirty Dutch soldiers, and eleven Dutch women, “able to
withstand the fury of the Spaniard, or other nation whatsoever, being
of a very lusty, large breed.”

The Dutch commander would not allow the natives to trade with the
English, even to the extent of a single _katty_ of cloves, threatening
with death those who did so, and claiming all the Spice Islands held by
them as “their country, conquered by the sword they having, with much
loss of blood and money, delivered the inhabitants from the tyranny of
the Portuguese, and having made a perpetual contract with them for the
purchase of all their spices at a fixed rate,” in the case of cloves
at about eight cents the pound. This claim of exclusive right of trade
Captain Saris declined to acknowledge; at the same time he professed
his readiness to give the Dutch, “as neighbors and brethren in Christ,”
a preference in purchasing any part of his cargo of which they might
happen to stand in need.

The English and Dutch had been ready enough to join together in
breaking up the Portuguese and Spanish monopoly, and in forcing a trade
in the Indian seas; but it was already apparent that the Dutch East
India Company, which in the amount of capital at its command very far
surpassed the English Company, was bent on establishing a monopoly
of its own, not less close than that formerly maintained by the
Portuguese. The Spaniards, on the other hand, professed friendship, and
made some offers of trade; but Captain Saris, suspecting treachery, did
not choose to trust them.

On the 14th of April, he left the Moluccas, and stood on his course
for Japan. On the 10th of June, having been in sight of land for a day
or two, his ships were boarded by four great fishing-boats, fitted
with both sails and oars, from whose crews they learned that they were
off the harbor of Nagasaki. In fact, one of these boats belonged to
the Portuguese, and was manned by “new Christians,” who had mistaken
the ships of Captain Saris for the annual Portuguese carac. Finding
their mistake, no entreaty could prevail upon them to stay; but two of
the other boats, for thirty dollars each in money, and rice for food,
agreed to pilot the ship to Hirado, by the pilot’s reckoning some
thirty leagues to the north, and the boatmen coming on board began to
assist in working the vessel, showing themselves not less handy than
the English sailors.

No sooner had the ship anchored off Hirado, than she was visited by the
king or hereditary governor of that island, by name Hōin Sama,—the same
who had shown so much favor to the Dutch,—upward of seventy years old,
attended by his nephew or grandchild, a young man of two-and-twenty,
who governed under him. They came with forty boats or galleys, with
from ten to fifteen oars a side; but on approaching the vessel, all
fell back, except the two which carried the princes, who came on board
unattended, except by a single person each. They were bareheaded and
barelegged, wearing shoes, but no stockings; the fore-part of their
heads shaven to the crown, and their hair behind, which was very long,
gathered up into a knot. They were clad in shirts and breeches, over
which was a silk gown girt to them, with two swords of the country at
their side, one half a yard in length, the other half as long. Their
manner of salutation was to put off their shoes, and then stooping,
with their right hand in their left, and both against their knees, to
approach with small sidling steps, slightly moving their hands at the
same time, and crying _Augh! Augh!_

Captain Saris conducted them to his cabin, where he had a banquet
spread, and a concert of music, with which they seemed much delighted.
The old king received with much joy a letter from the king of England,
but put off reading it till “_Ange_” (or, according to Adams’ way
of writing it, Angin [Anjin[86]]) should come —that word being the
Japanese for pilot, and the name by which Adams was known, to whom,
then at Yedo, letters were sent the same night, as also to the emperor.

As soon as the king had gone on shore, all his principal people,
attended by a multitude of soldiers, entered the ship, each man of
consequence bringing a present of venison, wild boar, large and fat
wild fowl, fruits, fish, etc.; but as the crowd proved troublesome,
King Hōin sent an officer on board to keep order and prevent mischief.
The next day came some threescore great boats or galleys, very well
manned, which towed the vessel into the harbor, of which the entrance
was narrow and dangerous. Here they anchored in five fathoms, so close
to the shore that they could talk with the people in the houses,
saluting the town with nine pieces of ordnance—a compliment which
the inhabitants were unable to return, having no cannon, only pieces
for small shot. The ship was speedily surrounded with boats full of
people, who seemed much to admire her head and stern, and the decks
were so crowded with men, women, and children, that it was impossible
to move about. The captain took several of the better sort of women
into his cabin, where a picture of Venus and Cupid “did hang somewhat
wantonly, set out in a large frame, which, mistaking it for the Virgin
and her Son, some of those women kneeled to and worshipped with great
devotion,” at the same time whispering in a low tone, that they might
not be overheard by their companions, that they were _Christianos_;
by which it was understood that they were converts of the Portuguese
Jesuits.

Soon after, King Hōin came again on board, and brought with him four
women of his family. They were barelegged, except that a pair of
half-buskins were bound by a silk ribbon about their insteps, and were
clad in a number of silk gowns, one skirt over another, bound about
their waists by a girdle, their hair very black and long, and tied in
a comely knot on the crown of the head, no part of which was shaven,
like the men’s. They had good faces, hands, and feet, clear-skinned and
white, but wanting color; which, however, they supplied by art. They
were low in stature and very fat, courteous in behavior, of which they
well understood the ceremonials according to the Japanese fashion. At
first they seemed a little bashful; but the king “willing them to be
frolic,” and all other company being excluded except Captain Saris and
the interpreter, they sang several songs, playing on an instrument much
like a guitar, but with four strings only, which they fingered very
nimbly with the left hand, holding in the other a piece of ivory, with
which they touched the strings, playing and singing by book, the tunes
being noted on lines and spaces, much the same as European music.

Not long after, desirous to be “frolic,” the king brought on board a
company of female actors—such as were common in Japan, little better,
it would seem, than slaves and courtesans, being under the control of a
master, who carried them from place to place, selling their favors, and
“exhibiting comedies of war, love, and such like, with several shifts
of apparel for the better grace of the matter acted.”

[Illustration: PERFORMERS ON THE KOTO AND THE SAMISEN]

It appeared, however, on a subsequent occasion, on which several of
the English were present, that, besides these professional actors, the
king and his principal courtiers were accustomed, on certain great
festivals, at which the whole country was present, to present a
play, of which the matter was the valiant deeds of their ancestors,
from the beginning of their kingdom or commonwealth, intermixed,
however, with much mirth, “to give the common people content.” On that
occasion they had as musical instruments, to assist their voices,
little tabors or stringed instruments, small in the middle and large at
both ends, like an hour-glass; also fifes; but though they kept exact
time, the whole performance was very harsh to English ears.

While waiting for Adams, who presently arrived, after being seventeen
days on his way, a house on shore for a factory was hired, furnished
with mats, according to the custom of the country, for a rent of about
ninety-five dollars for six months. Not long after, leaving Mr. Richard
Cocks in charge of the factory and the trade, Captain Saris set out on
a visit to the emperor, attended by Adams and seventeen persons of his
own company, including several mercantile gentlemen, a tailor, a cook,
the surgeon’s mate, the Japanese interpreter, the coxswain, and one
sailor. He was liberally furnished by old King Hōin with a conductor
for the journey, a large galley, of twenty-five oars a side, manned
with sixty men, and also with a hundred taels in Japanese money (equal
to one hundred and twenty-five dollars), to pay his expenses, which,
however, Captain Saris directed Cocks to place to King Hōin’s credit as
so much money lent.

The galley being handsomely fitted up with waist-cloths and ensigns,
they coasted along the western and northern shores of the great island
of Shimo (or Kiūshiū), off the northwest coast of which the small
island of Hirado lay. As they coasted along, they passed a number of
handsome towns. Hakata, distant two days’ rowing from Hirado, had
a very strong castle of freestone, with a wide and deep ditch and
drawbridge, kept in good repair, but without cannon or garrison.
Here, finding the current too strong, they stopped to dine. The town
seemed as large as London within the walls, very well built, with
straight streets. As they landed, they had experience, repeated almost
wherever they went, of that antipathy to foreigners, so characteristic
a trait of the country; for the boys, children, and worser sort of
idle people, would gather about them, crying out _Coré, Coré, Cocoré,
Waré_[87], taunting them by these words as Coreans with false hearts,
whooping, hallowing, and making such a noise, that the English could
hardly hear each other speak, and even in some places throwing stones
at them—all which went on without any interference on the part of the
public officers. In general, however, the police was very strict, and
punishments very prompt and bloody. Saris saw several executions in
the streets, after which, every passer-by was allowed to try his sword
on the dead bodies, which thus are chopped into small pieces, and left
for the birds of prey to devour. All along the coast they noticed many
families living in boats upon the water, as in Holland, the women being
very expert fishers, not only with lines and nets, but by diving, which
gave them, however, blood-shot eyes.

Coasting through the Strait of Shimonoseki, and the channel which
separates Nippon from the two more southern islands, on the twentieth
day after leaving Hirado they reached the entrance of a river, a
short distance up which lay the town of Ōsaka, which, however, they
could only reach in a small boat. This town, which seemed as large
as Hakata, had many handsome timber bridges across a river as wide as
the Thames at London. It had, also, a great and very strong castle of
freestone, in which, as they were told, the son of the late emperor,
left an infant at his father’s decease, was kept a close prisoner. Some
nine miles from Ōsaka, on the other side of the river, lay the town
of Sakai, not so large, but accessible to ships, and a place of great
trade.

Leaving their galley at Ōsaka, Captain Saris and his company passed in
boats up a river or canal, one day’s journey, to Fushimi, where they
found a garrison of three thousand soldiers, maintained by the emperor
to keep in subjection Ōsaka and the still larger neighboring city of
Miyako [Kyōto]. The garrison being changed at that time, the old troops
marching out, and new ones marching in, a good opportunity was afforded
to see their array. They were armed with a species of fire-arms, pikes,
swords, and targets, bows and arrows, and _wakizashi_, described as
like a Welsh hook. They marched five abreast, with an officer to every
ten files, without colors or musical instruments, in regiments of from
a hundred and fifty to five hundred men, of which one followed the
other at the distance of a league or two, and were met for two or three
days on the road. Captain Saris was very favorably impressed with the
discipline and martial bearing of these troops. The captain-general,
whom they met in the rear, marched in very great state, hunting and
hawking all the way, the hawks being managed exactly after the European
fashion. The horses were of middle size, small-headed, and very full of
mettle.

At Fushimi, Captain Saris and his company quitted their bark, and were
furnished each man with a horse to travel overland to Suruga, where
the emperor held his court. For Captain Saris a palanquin was also
provided, with bearers to carry it, two at a time, six in number where
the way was level, but increased to ten when it became hilly. A spare
horse was led beside the palanquin for him to ride when he pleased,
and, according to the custom of the country with persons of importance,
a slave was appointed to run before him, bearing a pike.

Thus they travelled, at the rate of some forty-five miles a day, over
a highway for the most part very level, but in some places cut through
mountains; the distances being marked, in divisions of about three
miles, by two little hillocks on each side of the way, planted at the
top with a fair pine-tree, “trimmed round in fashion of an arbor.”
This road, which was full of travellers, led by a succession of farms,
country-houses, villages, and great towns. It passed many fresh rivers
by ferries, and near many _hotoke_[88], or temples, situated in groves,
“the most pleasantest places for delight in the whole country.”

Every town and village was well furnished with taverns, where meals
could be had at a moment’s warning. Here, too, lodgings were obtained,
and horses and men for the palanquin were taken up by the director of
the journey, like post-horses in England. The general food was observed
to be rice. The people ate also fish, wild fowl of various kinds,
fresh and salted, and various picked herbs and roots. They ploughed
with horses and oxen, as in Europe, and raised good red wheat. Besides
_sake_, made from rice, they drank with their food warm water[89].

The entrance of the travellers into Suruga, where the emperor held
his court, and which they reached on the seventh day, was not very
savory, as they were obliged to pass several crosses, with the dead
and decaying bodies of the malefactors still nailed to them. This city
they judged to be as large as London with all the suburbs[90]. The
handicraftsmen dwelt in the outskirts of the town, so as not to disturb
with their pounding and hammering the richer and more leisurely sort.

After a day or two spent in preparations, Saris, accompanied by the
merchants and others, went in his palanquin to the palace, bearing
his presents, according to the custom of the country, on little
tables, or rather salvers, of a sweet-smelling wood. Having entered
the castle, he passed three drawbridges, each with its guard, and,
ascending a handsome stone staircase, he was met by two grave, comely
men, Kōzuke-no-Suke, the emperor’s secretary, and Hyōgo-no-Kami, the
admiral, who led him into a matted antechamber. Here they all sat down
on the mats, but the two officers soon rose again, and took him into
the presence-chamber, to bestow due reverence on the emperor’s empty
chair of state. It was about five feet high, the sides and back richly
ornamented with cloth of gold, but without any canopy. The presents
given in the name of the king, and others by Captain Saris in his own
name (as the custom of the country required), were arranged about this
room.

After waiting a little while longer in the antechamber, it was
announced that the emperor had come, when the officers motioned Saris
into the room, but without entering themselves. Approaching the
emperor, he presented, with English compliments (on his knee, it may be
presumed), the king’s letter, which the emperor took and raised toward
his forehead, telling the interpreter to bid them welcome after their
wearisome journey, and that in a day or two his answer would be ready.
He invited them in the mean time to visit his son, who resided at Yedo.

The country between Suruga and Yedo, which were two days’ journey
apart, was found to be well inhabited. They saw many temples on the
way, one of which contained a gigantic image of Buddha[91], made of
copper, hollow within, but of very substantial thickness. It was, as
they guessed, twenty-two feet high, in likeness of a man kneeling on
the ground, and seated on his heels, clothed in a gown, his arms of
wonderful size, and the whole body in proportion. The echo of the
shouts of some of the company, who went into the body of it, was very
loud. Some of the English left their names written upon it, as they saw
was customary.

Yedo was found to be a city much larger than Suruga, and with much
handsomer buildings, making a very glorious appearance as they
approached, the ridge tiles and corner tiles, and the posts of the
doors, being richly gilded and varnished. There were, however, no glass
windows, but window-shutters instead, opening in leaves, and handsomely
painted.

From Yedo, where our travellers were received much as they had been
at Suruga, they proceeded some forty miles, by boats, to Uraga,
an excellent harbor on the sea-side, whence, in eight days, they
coasted round a projecting point of land back to Suruga, where they
received the emperor’s answer to the king’s letter, also an engrossed
and official copy of certain privileges of trade, a draught of which
they had furnished to the emperor’s secretary, and which, having been
condensed as much as possible, to suit the Japanese taste for brevity,
and thus reduced from fourteen articles to eight, were expressed in the
following terms[92]:

“1. _Imprimis._ We give free license to the subjects of the king of
Great Britain, namely, Sir Thomas Smith, governor, and the company
of the East India merchants and adventurers, forever, safely to come
into any of the ports of our empire of Japan, with their ships and
merchandises, without any hindrance to them or their goods, and to
abide, buy, sell and barter, according to their own manner, with all
nations: to tarry here as long as they think good, and to depart at
their pleasures.

“2. _Item._ We grant unto them freedom of custom for all such
merchandises as either now they have brought or hereafter they shall
bring into our kingdoms, or shall from hence transport to any foreign
part; and do authorize those ships that hereafter shall arrive and
come from England, to proceed to present sale of their commodities,
without further coming or sending up to our court.

“3. _Item._ If any of their ships shall happen to be in danger of
shipwreck, we will our subjects not only to assist them, but that such
part of ship and goods as shall be saved be returned to their captain
or cape-merchant[93], or their assigns: and that they shall or may
build one house or more for themselves, in any part of our empire
where they shall think fittest, and at their departure to make sale
thereof at their pleasure.

“4. _Item._ If any of the English, merchants or other, shall depart
this life within our dominions, the goods of the deceased shall remain
at the dispose of the cape-merchant: and all offenses committed by
them shall be punished by the said cape-merchant, according to his
discretion; our laws to take no hold of their persons or goods.

“5. _Item._ We will that ye our subjects, trading with them for any
of their commodities, pay them for the same according to agreement,
without delay, or return of their wares again unto them.

“6. _Item._ For such commodities as they have now brought, or shall
hereafter bring fitting for our service and proper use, we will
that no arrest be made thereof, but that the price be made with the
cape-merchant, according as they may sell to others, and present
payment upon the delivery of the goods.

“7. _Item._ If, in discovery of other countries for trade, and return
of their ships, they should need men or victuals, we will that ye our
subjects furnish them for their money as their need shall require.

“8. And that, without further passport, they shall and may set out
upon the discovery of Yezo[94], or any other part in and about our
empire[95].”

The letter from the emperor to the king of England did not differ very
materially from that to the prince of Orange, already given. [See
Appendix, Note 1.]

In the original draught of the Privileges, there had been an additional
article, to the effect that, as the Chinese had refused to trade with
the English, in case the English should capture any Chinese ships, they
might be allowed the privilege of selling such prizes in the Japanese
ports; but this article, upon consideration, the emperor refused to
grant.

While these documents were under consideration, a Spanish ambassador
from the Philippines had arrived at Suruga with the request that
such Portuguese and Spaniards as were in the emperor’s territories
without authority from the king of Spain might be delivered up to be
transported to the Philippines—a request occasioned by the great want
of men to defend the Spanish posts in the Moluccas against the Dutch,
who were then preparing to make an absolute conquest of the whole of
those islands. But to this demand the emperor replied that his country
was a free country, and nobody should be forced out of it; but if the
ambassador could persuade any of his countrymen to go, they should
not be prevented; whereupon the ambassador departed, not a little
discontented.

The day after receiving the emperor’s letter and the Privileges, being
the 9th of October, Captain Saris and his company set out by land for
Miyako, where the presents were to be delivered to him, over the same
road by which they had travelled from Ōsaka to Suruga; but, owing to
the heavy rains and the rising of the river, their progress was much
delayed.

Miyako they found to be the greatest and most commercial city of Japan.
Here, too, was the largest hotoke, or temple, in the whole country,
built of freestone, begun by the late emperor, and just finished by
the present one, as long, they estimated, as the part of St. Paul’s,
in London, westerly from the choir, being as high-arched, and borne
upon pillars like that[96]. This temple was attended upon by a great
many bonzes or priests, who thus obtained their living, being supported
by the produce of an altar, on which the worshippers offered rice and
small pieces of money, and near which was a colossal copper image, like
that already described, but much larger, reaching to the very arch of
the temple, which itself stood on the top of a hill, having an avenue
of approach on either side of fifty stone pillars, ten paces apart, on
each of which was suspended a lantern, lighted every night[97].

Here, also, the Jesuits had a very stately college, in which many of
them reside, both Portuguese and natives, and in which many children
were trained up in the Christian religion according to the Romish
church. In this city alone there were not less than five or six
thousand professing Christians[98].

But already that persecution was commenced which ended in the
banishment of the Jesuits from Japan, and, indeed, in the exclusion of
all Europeans, with a slight exception in favor of the Dutch. Following
up an edict of the previous year, against the Franciscans, the emperor
had issued a proclamation, about a month before Captain Saris’ arrival
at Suruga, that no church should stand, nor mass be sung, within ten
leagues of his court, upon pain of death.

Having at length received the emperor’s presents for the king of
England, being ten byōbu [screen] or “large pictures to hang a chamber
with,” they proceeded the same day to Fushimi and the next to Ōsaka,
where they reëmbarked in the galley which had been waiting for them,
and returned to Hirado, having spent just three months on the tour.

Captain Saris found that, during his absence, seven of his crew had
run away to Nagasaki, where they had complained to the Portuguese of
having been used more like dogs than men. Others, seduced by drink
and women, and sailor boarding-house keepers,—just the same in Japan
as elsewhere,—had committed great irregularities, quarrelling with
the natives and among themselves, even to wounding, and maiming, and
death. What with these troubles, added to a “_tuffon_,” [typhoon]—a
violent storm,—which did a good deal of damage (though the ship rode it
out with five anchors down), and alarms of conflagration, founded on
oracles of the bonzes, and numerous festivals and entertainments, at
which Cocks had been called upon to assist,—one of which was a great
feast, lasting three days and three nights, to which the Japanese
invited their dead kindred, banqueting and making merry all night at
their graves[99],—but little progress had been made in trade. The cargo
consisted largely of broadcloths, which the Dutch had been selling,
before the English came, at seventeen dollars the yard. Captain Saris
wished to arrange with them to keep up the price, but the head of
their factory immediately sent off to the principal places of sale
large quantities, which he disposed of at very low prices, in order to
spoil the market. The natives, also, were the more backward to buy,
because they saw that the English, though very forward to recommend
their cloth, did not much wear it themselves, the officers being
clothed in silks, and the men in fustians. So the goods were left in
charge of the factory, which was appointed to consist of eight English,
including Cocks and Adams (who was taken into the service of the East
India Company on a salary of one hundred pounds a year), three Japanese
interpreters, and two servants, with charge, against the coming of the
next ships, to search all the neighboring coasts to see what trade
might be had with any of them.

The matter arranged, and having supplied the place of those of his crew
who had died or deserted, by fifteen Japanese, and paid up a good many
boarding-house and liquor-shop claims against his men, to be deducted
out of their wages, Captain Saris sailed on the 5th of December for
Bantam, where he arrived the 3d of January, 1614. Having taken in a
cargo of pepper, he sailed for home on the 13th of February, anchored
off the Cape of Good Hope on the 16th of May, and, on the 27th of
September, arrived at Plymouth, having in the preceding six weeks
experienced worse weather and encountered more danger than in the whole
voyage beside[100].

CHAPTER XXIII

_Ecclesiastical Retrospect—New Persecution—Edict of Banishment against
the Missionaries—Civil War between Hideyori and Ōgosho-Sama—Triumph of
Ōgosho-Sama—His death—Persecution more Violent than ever—Mutual Rancor
of the Jesuits and the Friars—Progress of Martyrdom—The English and
Dutch, A. D. 1613-1620._

Between the edict of Taikō-Sama against the Catholics, and those the
issue of which by Ōgosho-Sama is briefly alluded to in the preceding
chapter, sixteen years had elapsed, during the whole of which time the
missionaries and the Catholic Japanese had been kept in a state of
painful uncertainty.

It is true that the new emperor had greatly relaxed from the hostility
of his predecessor, and seemed at times decidedly favorable. In many
parts of Japan the Catholic worship was carried on as openly as ever.
Many new laborers, both Jesuits and other, had come into the field,
and conversion still continued to be made among persons of the highest
rank. There was scarcely any part of the empire in which converts were
not to be found, and the missionaries occasionally penetrated into the
most remote provinces. The general of the Jesuits had been encouraged
to raise Japan to the dignity of a province, of which China and the
neighboring regions had been made a part, and of which Father Valentine
Carvilho was made provincial. Japan had also a resident bishop, or at
least coadjutor, in the person of Father Louis Serqueyra, himself taken
from the order of the Jesuits; and under the bishop, as we have seen,
were a few secular clergy. By a brief of Pope Paul V., just published
in Japan, that empire had been opened to the members of all the
religious orders of the church, with liberty to proceed thither by way
of Manila as well as of Macao.

Yet, during these sixteen years, the Catholics of the different
subordinate kingdoms had been more or less exposed to persecution,
especially in the island of Shimo, where they were most numerous, and
which, from being mainly ruled by converted princes, was now chiefly
governed by apostates or infidels; nor could the favor of the emperor
be at any time certainly relied upon.

The new Dutch and English visitors were prompted no less by religious
than by mercantile jealousies and hatreds to do all they could to
diminish the credit of the Catholic missionaries; and it is by no
means improbable that, as the Portuguese asserted, their suggestions
had considerable weight in producing the new persecuting edicts of
Ōgosho-Sama. Indeed, they had only to confirm the truth of what the
Portuguese and Spanish said of each other to excite in the minds of the
Japanese rulers the gravest distrust as to the designs of the priests
of both nations.

The edicts already mentioned were followed by another, about the
beginning of the year 1614, of which the substance was that all priests
and missionaries of the Catholic faith should forthwith depart the
empire, that all their houses and churches should be destroyed, and
that all the Japanese converts should renounce the foreign faith.

There were in Japan when this edict was issued about a hundred and
thirty Jesuits, in possession of some fifty schools, colleges, and
convents, or houses of residence, also some thirty friars of the three
orders of St. Augustin, St. Dominic and St. Francis, besides a few
secular ecclesiastics, or parish priests. Most of them were shipped
off at once. Some found means to return in disguise; but the new
persecution speedily assumed a character far more alarming than any
of the former ones. Severe measures were now taken against the native
converts. Those who refused to renounce their faith were stripped of
their property, those of the most illustrious rank, among whom was
Ukondono [Kōyama Ukon], being shipped off to Manila and Macao, and
others sent into a frightful sort of Siberian banishment among the
mountains of Northern Japan, now first described in the letters of
some of the missionaries who found their way thither to console and
strengthen these exiles. Many, also, were put to death, most of whom
exhibited in the midst of torments all the firmness of the national
character.

The violence of this persecution was interrupted for a moment by an
attempt on the part of Hideyori now grown to man’s estate, to recover
his father’s authority—a rebellion in which many of the converts joined
in hopes of gaining something by the change.

On the 10th of December, 1614, Cocks, the English resident at Hirado,
wrote to Saris that, since his departure, the emperor had banished all
Jesuits, priests, friars, and nuns out of Japan, and had pulled down
and burned all their churches and monasteries, shipping them away,
some for Macao and others for Manila; that old King Hōin was dead, on
which occasion three of his servants had cut themselves open to bear
him company, according to a common Japanese fashion of expressing
attachment and gratitude; that a civil war had broken out between
the emperor and his imprisoned son-in-law; and that all Ōsaka, except
the castle, where the rebels were entrenched and besieged, had been
burned to the ground. Yedo had also suffered exceedingly by a terrible
“tuffon” or hurricane, which the Christians ascribed to the judgment
of God, and the pagan Japanese to the conjurations of the Jesuits.
Sayer, another of the English Company, wrote, December 5, 1615, that
the emperor had got the victory, with the loss—doubtless exaggerated—of
four hundred thousand men on both sides.

The death of Ōgosho-Sama,[101] in 1616, left his son Shōgun-Sama
sole emperor. He continued to reside at Yedo, which, thenceforth,
became the capital. He diligently followed up the policy of his three
predecessors,—that of weakening the particular kings and princes so
as to reduce them to political insignificance; nor does it appear
that, from that time to this, the empire, formerly so turbulent, has
ever been disturbed by civil wars, or internal commotions. He also
began that system of foreign policy since pushed to such extremes. The
English, by a new version of their privileges,[102] were restricted to
the single port of Hirado, while the new emperor positively refused to
receive a present from the viceroy of New Spain, or to see the persons
who brought it.

[Illustration: THE TOMB OF IYEYASU, NIKKŌ]

At the commencement of the new reign, there were yet concealed within
the empire thirty-three Jesuits, sixteen friars of the three orders,
and seven secular priests, who still continued to minister to the
faithful with the aid of a great number of native catechists. Seven
Jesuits and all the friars but one were in Nagasaki and its environs.
Of the other Jesuits, several resided in the other imperial cities
where they still found protectors, while the rest travelled from
place to place, as their services were needed. Those at Nagasaki were
disguised as Portuguese merchants, who were still allowed full liberty
to trade; while those in the provinces adopted the shaven crowns and
long robes, the ordinary guise of the native bonzes. After a while
some of them even ventured to resume the habits of their order, and
to preach in public; but this only drew out from the emperor a new
and more formal and precise edict. It was accompanied with terrible
menaces, such as frightened into apostasy many converts who had
hitherto stood out, and even drove some of them, in order to secure
favor for themselves, to betray the missionaries, who knew no longer
whom to trust.

The missionaries sent home lamentable accounts of their own sufferings
and those of their converts, and all Catholic Europe resounded with
lamentations over this sudden destruction of what had long been
considered one of the most flourishing and encouraging provinces of
missionary labor, not unmingled, however, with exultations over the
courage and firmness of the martyrs.[103]

Such, indeed, was the zeal for martyrdom on the part of the Japanese,
in which they were encouraged by the friars, and which the Jesuits
strove in vain to keep within some reasonable limits, as to lead
to many acts of imprudence, by which the individual was glorified,
but the church damnified. Henceforth, the missionary letters, which
still found their way to Rome, though in diminishing numbers and
with decreasing regularity, contain little but horrible accounts of
tortures and martyrdoms, mingled, indeed, with abundant exultations
over the firmness and even the jubilant spirit with which the victims
met their fate, now by crucifixion, now by the axe, and now by fire.
Infinite were the prayers, the austerities, the fasts, the penitential
exercises, to which the converts resorted in hopes to appease the wrath
of Heaven. Even infants at the breast were made to bear their share in
them, being allowed to nurse but once a day, in the hope that God would
be moved by the cries of these innocents to grant peace to his church.
But, though many miraculous things are told of the martyrs, many of
them, it is said, distinctly pronouncing the name of Jesus and Mary
after their heads were cut off, the persecution continued to rage with
unabated fury.

While the persecution of the Catholics was thus fiercely pursued in
Japan, the Dutch, not in those islands only, but throughout the eastern
seas, were zealously pushing their mercantile enterprises; and in
Japan, as elsewhere, they got decidedly the advantage of the English,
their companions and rivals, in these inroads upon the Portuguese and
Spaniards.

The English at Hirado brought junks and attempted a trade with Siam,
where they already had a factory, one of their first establishments
in the East; and with Cochin China and Corea; but without much
advantage. In 1616, two small vessels arrived from England, one of
which was employed in trading between Japan and Java. The operations
of the Dutch were on a much larger scale. Not content with driving the
Spaniards from the Moluccas, they threatened the Philippines, and
sent to blockade Manila a fleet, which had several engagements with
the Spaniards. Five great Dutch ships arrived at Hirado in 1616, of
which one of nine hundred tons sailed for Bantam, fully laden with raw
silk and other rich China stuffs; and another, of eight hundred tons,
for the Moluccas, with money and provisions. Several others remained
on the coast to watch the Spanish and Portuguese traders, and to carry
on a piratical war against the Chinese junks, of which they captured,
in 1616, according to Cocks’ letters, not less than twenty or thirty,
pretending to be English vessels, and thus greatly damaging the English
name and the chance of a trade with China.[104]

On a visit to Miyako, in 1620, Cocks, as appears by his letters, saw
fifty-five Japanese martyred, because they would not renounce the
Christian faith; among them little children of five or six years old,
burned in their mother’s arms, and crying to Jesus to receive their
souls. Sixteen others had been put to death for the same cause at
Nagasaki, five of whom were burned, and the rest beheaded, cut in
pieces, and cast into the sea in sacks; but the priests had secretly
fished up their bodies and preserved them for relics. There were many
more in prison, expecting hourly to die; for, as Cocks wrote, very few
turned pagans.

Nagasaki had been from its foundation a Catholic city. Hitherto,
notwithstanding former edicts for their destruction, one or two
churches and monasteries had escaped; but, in 1621, all that were
left, including the hospital of Misericordia, were destroyed. The very
graves and sepulchres, so Cocks wrote, had been dug up: and, as if to
root out all memory of Christianity, heathen temples were built on
their sites.

One of the Jesuits wrote home that there was not now any question as
to the number of Jesuit residences in Japan, but only as to the number
of prisons. Even those who had not yet fallen into the hands of the
persecutors had only caves and holes in the rocks for their dwellings,
in which they suffered more than in the darkest dungeons.

It is not necessary to give implicit credit to all which the
contemporary letters and memoirs related, and which the Catholic
historians and martyrologists have repeated, of the ferocity of the
persecutors, the heroism of the sufferers, and especially of the
miracles said to be wrought by their relics. Yet there can be no
question, either of the fury of the persecution, or of the lofty spirit
of martyrdom in which it was unavailingly met. Catholicism lingered on
for a few years longer in Japan, yet it must be considered as having
already received its death-blow in that same year in which a few
Puritan pilgrims landed at Plymouth, to plant the obscure seeds of a
new and still growing Protestant empire.

CHAPTER XXIV

_Collisions of the Dutch and English in the Eastern Seas—The
English retire from Japan—The Spaniards repelled—Progress of the
Persecution—Japanese Ports, except Hirado and Nagasaki, closed to
Foreigners—Charges in Europe against the Jesuits—Fathers Sotelo and
Collado—Torment of the Fosse—Apostasies—The Portuguese confined to
Deshima—Rebellion of Shimabara—The Portuguese excluded—Ambassadors put
to Death—A. D. 1621-1640._

Already the relation of the Dutch and English in the East had assumed
the character of open hostility. A letter from Cocks, of March 10,
1620,[105] complains that the Hollanders, having seven ships, great and
small, in the harbor of Hirado, had, with sound of trumpet, proclaimed
open war against the English, both by sea and land, to take their
ships and goods, and kill their persons as mortal enemies; that they
had seized his boat, fired at his barks, and had beset the door of his
factory,—a hundred Dutchmen to one Englishman,—and would have entered
and cut all their throats but for the interference of the Japanese: all
because Cocks had refused to give up six Englishmen who had escaped
from two English ships[106] which the Dutch had captured, and whom
they claimed to have back, representing them to the Japanese as their
“slaves.”

To sustain the English interest in the eastern seas, the English East
India Company, by great efforts, had fitted out, in 1617, the largest
expedition yet sent from England to the East Indies. It consisted of
the “Royal James,” of one thousand tons; the “Royal Anne,” of nine
hundred; the “Gift,” of eight hundred; the “Bull,” of four hundred; and
the “Bee,” of one hundred and fifty tons; and sailed from London under
the command of Martin Pring, who, twelve years before, following up the
discoveries of Gosnold, had entered and explored—the first Englishman
to do so—Penobscot bay and river, on the coast of what had since begun
to be known as New England. Pring sailed first for Surat, where the
Company had a factory, and where he assisted the native prince against
the Portuguese, with whom he was at war. On the 17th of June, 1618, he
arrived at Bantam, whence he proceeded, in September, to Jacatra, a
city of the natives, the site of the present Batavia. There he received
news that the Dutch in the Moluccas, not content with driving out the
Spaniards, had attacked the English also, making prisoners of the
merchants, whom they had treated with great harshness. News had also
reached England of these Dutch outrages, and to make head against them,
the Company, not long after Pring’s departure, despatched Sir Thomas
Dale—also well known to readers of American history as high-marshal of
the colony of Virginia, one of its first legislators, and for three or
four years its deputy governor—with a fleet of six large ships, with
five of which he joined Pring in November, 1618, in the Bay of Bantam,
assuming the command of the whole, including others which he found
there.

Both fleets were in a very leaky condition, and after some skirmishing
with the Dutch, and the capture of a richly laden Dutch ship from
Japan, the English sailed for the coast of Coromandel, to refit and
to obtain provision, which could not be had on the coast of Java.
Having arrived at Musilapatam, Dale died there August 9, 1619. Toward
the end of the year, Pring, who succeeded in the command, returned
again towards the Straits of Sunda, and on the 25th of January, 1620,
met, off the coast of Sumatra, three English ships of a new fleet,
from which he learned that four others of the squadron to which they
belonged had been surprised while at anchor off the coast of Java, and
taken by the Dutch; that another had been wrecked in the Straits of
Sunda; and that the Dutch were in pursuit of two others, with every
prospect of taking them.

As the Dutch at Jacatra were three times as strong as the three
squadrons now united under Pring, and as three of his largest ships
were very leaky, and the whole fleet short of provisions, it was
resolved to send part of the vessels to a place at the north end of
Sumatra, in hopes to meet with the Company’s ships on their way with
rice from Surat, while Pring himself, with his leaky vessels, should
proceed to Japan,—reported to be a good place for repairs as well as
for obtaining provisions. Just at this time the happy news arrived,
brought by two vessels despatched for that purpose from Europe, of an
arrangement of the pending dispute, and of the union of the Dutch and
English East India Companies into one body.

Shortly after this welcome information, Pring sailed for Japan with
two of his leaky vessels, having made an arrangement to be followed in
a month by a united fleet of five English and five Dutch ships. These
ships were intended partly, indeed, for trade, but their principal
object appears to have been attacks upon Manila and Macao.

All these vessels, the “Unicorn” excepted, arrived safely at Hirado.
She was stranded on the coast of China, and her crew were the first
Englishmen known to have landed there. A joint embassy was sent to
the emperor with presents, which, notwithstanding the privileges of
trade, were expected from every vessel that came. Having completed his
repairs, and leaving the other vessels behind him, Pring sailed on the
7th of December, 1620, in the “Royal James,” for Jacatra, carrying with
him the news of the death of Adams, who, having remained in the service
of the Company, had never again visited England.[107]

The arrangement with the Dutch was but of short duration. Fresh
quarrels broke out. In 1623 occurred the famous massacre of Amboyna,
followed by the expulsion of the English from the Spice Islands; and
about the same time the Company abandoned the trade to Japan, after
having lost forty thousand pounds in the adventure.[108] This massacre
of Amboyna consisted in the execution, by the Dutch, of ten or twelve
factors of the English East India Company, on the charge of having
conspired with some thirty Japanese residents to seize the Dutch fort.
One of these Japanese having put some questions to a Dutch sentinel
about the strength of the fort, he and others of his countrymen were
arrested on suspicion, and by torture were compelled to accuse the
English, who were then tortured in their turn into accusing each other.
The residence of these Japanese at Amboyna is a proof, in addition to
those already mentioned, of the adventurous spirit of the Japanese of
that day, who had indeed a reputation for desperate daring, such as
might give some color to the suspicions of the Dutch.[109]

Meanwhile the persecution continued as violently as ever. In the year
1622 fourteen Jesuits were burnt at the stake, including Spinola, a
missionary of illustrious birth, who had been twenty years in Japan.
Two friars were also burnt, who had been found on board a Japanese
vessel from the Philippines, captured in 1620, by one of the English
ships, the Elizabeth, employed in the blockade of Macao, and by her
commander carried to Hirado. The master and crew of the Japanese vessel
and many other native converts were executed at the same time. The
Spaniards were suspected of smuggling in missionaries, and were wholly
forbidden the islands. As a greater security against this danger, by an
edict, issued in 1624,[110]—shortly previous to which there had been
a very severe inquisition in Yedo and its neighborhood for concealed
priests,—all the ports of Japan were closed against foreigners, except
Hirado and Nagasaki, of which Hirado remained open to the Dutch and
English, Nagasaki to the Portuguese, and both to the Chinese. At the
same time was introduced the custom of requiring an exact muster roll,
and making a strict inspection of the crews of all foreign vessels.
By the same edict all the subjects of the Catholic king, whether
Portuguese or Spaniards, were banished the country, however long they
might have been settled there, and even though they might have families
by Japanese wives.

What aggravated the misfortunes of the Japanese church, and greatly
diminished the dignity of its fall, was the still hot jealousy and
mutual hatred of the Jesuits and of the friars, inflamed rather than
quenched by all this common danger and suffering. The bishop of Japan
having died (it was said of grief, at the peril of his flock) just
as the persecution broke out, a most unseemly quarrel arose, which
was carried on for several years with great virulence, as to the
administration of the bishopric. It was claimed, on the one hand, by
Father Corvailho, the provincial of the Jesuits, under an authority
from the Pope; and, on the other, by Father Pierre Baptiste, a
Franciscan, as vicar-general of the archbishop of Manila, to whose
jurisdiction it was pretended the bishopric of Japan appertained. This
quarrel about the administration of the bishopric was finally settled
by the Pope in favor of the Jesuits.

[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF AN ANTI-CHRISTIAN EDICT]

The Jesuit seminaries in Japan being broken up, they had organized one
at Macao for the education of Japanese ecclesiastics; but the severe
penalties denounced against all priests coming into Japan, and against
all, whether natives or foreigners, who should shelter them after
their arrival, made the existence of the church and the celebration of
divine service every day more precarious. From year to year it grew
more and more difficult for new missionaries to get landed, great as
was the zeal for that service. Of those who did land, the greater part
were immediately seized and put to death. Large rewards were offered to
any person who would betray or take a missionary. Those already in the
country lived in hourly danger of arrest, forced to conceal themselves
in cellars, holes and caverns and the huts of lepers, exposing to
tortures and death all who might bring them food, or in any way assist
in concealing them. The greatness of their sufferings does not depend
merely upon the testimony of their own letters. Roger Gysbert, a Dutch
Protestant and a resident in Japan, between the years 1622 and 1629,
wrote an affecting narrative of it, and the general fact is strongly
stated in Caron’s account of Japan, written a few years later.

Gysbert, in his narrative[111], relates the martyrdom of more than
five hundred persons; but there was a still larger amount of suffering
which terminated not in martyrdom, but in recantation. The Japanese
officers seldom exhibited any personal malice against the Catholics.
Their sole object was the extinction of that faith. They made it a
study to deny the crown of martyrdom so enthusiastically sought,
and by a series of protracted and ingenious tortures to force a
renunciation. For this purpose the prisoners were sprinkled with water
from the boiling sulphur springs, not far from Nagasaki, and exposed to
breathe their stifling odor. The modesty of the women was barbarously
assailed, and numerous means of protracted torture were resorted to,
such as in general proved sooner or later successful. Other means
were employed still more efficacious. All natives engaged in foreign
trade were required to give in an exact statement of their property,
which, unless the proprietors would conform to the national faith,
was declared forfeited. It was even forbidden that European merchants
should lodge in the houses of any who were or had been Catholics. At
Hirado and Nagasaki all heads of families were obliged to swear, in
the presence of an idol, that there were no Catholics in their houses,
and, according to the Japanese usage, to sign this declaration with
their blood. From Melchior Santvoort, an old Dutchman, one of the
companions of Adams in the first Dutch voyage to Japan, and a resident
at Nagasaki, the authorities were indeed satisfied to take instead a
declaration that he was a Hollander,—a circumstance which gave occasion
to the scandal at which Kämpfer is so indignant, that the Hollanders
were accustomed to report themselves to the Japanese authorities as not
Christians, but Dutchmen. All who refused to conform to the national
worship were deprived of their employments, and driven out to live as
they could among the barren mountains. The seafaring people had been
mostly Catholics, but no Catholic was henceforth to be permitted to
sail on board any ship. So successful were these means, that although
when Gysbert first visited Nagasaki, in 1626, it was said to contain
forty thousand native Christians, when he left it, in 1629, there was
not one who admitted himself to be such.

In the midst of these martyrdoms the Jesuits were called upon to suffer
still severer torments, in new attacks upon their policy and conduct in
Japan, published throughout Europe. Father Collado, a Dominican, for
some time resident at Nagasaki, who returned to Europe in 1622, was
known to have gone home charged with accusations against the Jesuits;
by way of answer to which a memorial was transmitted, prepared by the
provincial Father Pacheco, who, four years after, himself suffered
martyrdom at the stake. Nor was Collado their only assailant. Among
those arrested in 1622 was Father Sotelo, that same enterprising
Franciscan of whom already we have had occasion to make mention.
Insisting upon his character of legate from the Pope, he had disobeyed
the orders of his superiors, had sailed from New Spain to Manila,
and had contrived to get a passage thence to Nagasaki, in a Chinese
vessel, under the character of a merchant. But the captain detected and
betrayed him; he was immediately arrested and thrown into prison, and
in 1624 was put to death.

In 1628 there was published at Madrid what purported to be a letter
from Sotelo to Pope Urban VIII, written in Latin, dated just before his
martyrdom, and containing, under the form of a narrative of his own
proceedings, a violent attack upon the Jesuits, and their conduct in
Japan. Not liking to be thus attacked as it were by a martyr from his
grave, they denied its authenticity. A memorial of Collado, printed
in 1633, reiterated the same charges, to most of which it must be
admitted that the replies made on behalf of the Jesuits are entirely
satisfactory[112].

Finding that the means as yet employed had little effect upon the
missionaries and their native assistants, a new and more effectual,
because more protracted, torture was resorted to, known in the
relations of the missionaries as the _Torment of the Fosse_. A hole was
dug in the ground, over which a gallows was erected. From this gallows
the sufferer, swathed in bandages, was suspended by his feet, being
lowered for half his length, head downward, into the hole, which was
then closed by two boards which fitted together around the victim so
as to exclude the light and air. One hand was bound behind the back,
the other was left loose, with which to make the prescribed signal of
recantation and renunciation of the foreign creed; in which case the
sufferer was at once released.

This was a most terrible trial, indeed. The victim suffered under a
continual sense of suffocation, the blood burst from the mouth, nose
and ears, with a twitching of the nerves and muscles, attended by the
most intolerable pains. Yet the sufferer, it was said, lived sometimes
for nine or ten days. The year 1633, in which this punishment was first
introduced, the second year of a new emperor, son of Shōgun Sama[113],
proved more fatal than any previous one to the new religion. In the
month of August of that year forty-two persons were burnt alive in
various parts of Japan, eleven decapitated, and sixteen suspended in
the fosse. The Dutchman Hagenaar, who was at Hirado in 1634, states,
in his printed voyages, that during the time of his visit thirty-seven
persons lost their lives at that place on the charge of being
Catholics. Five of these perished by the torment of the fosse, others
were beheaded, others cut to pieces, and others burnt.

What at last struck the deepest horror to the souls of the few
surviving Jesuits, and was greatly improved in Europe to the damage of
the Company, by its enemies, was the apostasy of Father Christopher
Ferreyra, a Portuguese, an old missionary, the provincial of the
order, and the administrator of the bishopric. He was taken in 1633
at Nagasaki, and being suspended in the fosse, after five hours he
gave the fatal signal of renunciation. After having been kept some
time in prison, and given what information he could for the detection
of those of his late brethren still concealed in Japan, he was set
at liberty; and, having assumed the Japanese dress and a Japanese
name, he lived for several years at Nagasaki. He had been compelled
to marry a Japanese woman, who was very rich, being the widow of a
Chinese goldsmith, who had been executed for some offence; but the
Jesuits comforted themselves with the idea that the marriage was never
consummated; and they even got up a report that in his old age this
renegade brother recovered his courage, and having, on his death-bed,
confessed himself a Christian, was immediately hurried off to perish a
martyr by that very torment of the fosse, the terror of which had first
made and had so long kept him an apostate. But for this fine story
there seems to have been no foundation except the wishes and hopes of
those who circulated it.

As a further security against the surreptitious introduction of
missionaries, the policy was adopted, in 1635, of confining the
Portuguese sailors and merchants to the little artificial island of
Deshima, in the harbor of Nagasaki, a spot but just large enough to
hold the necessary residences and warehouses. Shortly after the issue
of this edict, the people of the kingdom of Arima, all of them still
Catholic except the king and the nobility, seeing no other hope,
broke out into open revolt. They were headed by a descendant of their
ancient kings, and mustering, it is said, to the number of thirty-seven
thousand, took possession of the fortress of Shimabara, situated about
due east from Nagasaki, on the gulf of the same name. Here they were
besieged; and the place being taken in 1638, those who held it were cut
off to a man.

The Portuguese were accused of having encouraged this revolt; in
consequence of which an edict was issued, in 1638, not only banishing
all the Portuguese, but forbidding also any Japanese to go out of the
country. That edict, as given by Kämpfer, was as follows:

“No Japanese ship or boat whatever, nor any native of Japan, shall
presume to go out of the country: who acts contrary to this shall die,
and the ship with the crew and goods aboard shall be sequestered till
further order.

“All Japanese who return from abroad shall be put to death.

“Whoever discovers a priest shall have a reward of 400 to 500 _shuets_
of silver, and for every Christian in proportion[114].

“All persons who propagate the doctrine of the Christians, or bear
this scandalous name, shall be imprisoned in the _Ombra_, or common
jail of the town.

“The whole race of the Portuguese, with their mothers, nurses, and
whatever belongs to them, shall be banished to Macao.

“Whoever presumes to bring a letter from abroad, or to return after
he hath been banished, shall die with all his family; also whoever
presumes to intercede for them shall be put to death.

“No nobleman nor any soldier shall be suffered to purchase anything of
a foreigner.”

The Portuguese ships of 1639 were sent back with a copy of this edict,
without being suffered to discharge their cargoes. The corporation
of the city of Macao, greatly alarmed at the loss of a lucrative
traffic, on which their prosperity mainly depended, sent deputies
to solicit some modification of this edict. But the only reply made
by the emperor was to cause these deputies themselves, with their
attendants, to the number of sixty-one persons, to be seized and put
to death, as violators of the very edict against which they had been
sent to remonstrate. Thirteen only, of the lowest rank, were sent
back to Macao, August, 1640, with this account of the fate of their
company[115].

CHAPTER XXV

_Policy of the Dutch—Affair of Nuyts—Haganaar’s Visits to
Japan—Caron’s Account of Japan—Income of the Emperor and the
Nobles—Military Force—Social and Political Position of the
Nobles—Justice—Relation of the Dutch to the Persecution of
the Catholics—The Dutch removed from Hirado and confined in
Deshima—Attempts of the English, Portuguese, and French at Intercourse
with Japan—Final Extinction of the Catholic Faith—A. D. 1620-1707._

Throughout the whole of the long and cruel persecution of the
Catholics, the Dutch had striven by extreme subserviency to recommend
themselves to the favor of the Japanese, in hopes of exclusively
engrossing a trade which appears at this time to have been more
extensive and more lucrative than at any former period. The Japanese,
however, seem not to have been insensible to the advantages of
competition; and, so long as the Portuguese commerce continued, they
extended to the vessels of that nation a certain protection against the
Dutch, and even preference over them. The danger from Dutch cruisers
appears to have caused the substitution, for the single great carac
of Macao, of a number of smaller vessels; nor were the Dutch, however
urgent their solicitations, allowed to leave Hirado till such a number
of days after the departure of the Portuguese from Nagasaki as would
prevent all danger of collision.

Yet, however cringing the general policy of the Dutch East India
Company, their trade, through the folly of a single individual, was
near being exposed to a violent interruption. In the year 1626, Conrad
Kramer, the head of the Dutch factory, was extremely well received on
his visit to Yedo, and was allowed to be present at Miyako during the
visit of the emperor to the Dairi,—an occasion which drew together an
immense concourse, and which, according to the account that Kramer has
left of it, was attended with vast confusion[116]. The annual visit to
Yedo was made the next year by Peter de Nuyts, who gave himself out as
ambassador from the king of Holland, and at first was treated as such;
but the Japanese having discovered that he had no commission except
from the council of Batavia, sent him away in disgrace.

Shortly after, Nuyts was appointed governor of Formosa. The Dutch,
following in the footsteps of some Japanese adventurers, had formed
an establishment on that island, about the year 1620, with a view to
a smuggling trade with China; and, by erecting a fort at the mouth of
the harbor, had speedily obtained the exclusive control of it. Not
long after Nuyts’ appointment as governor, there arrived two Japanese
vessels, on a voyage to China. They merely touched at Formosa for
water, but Nuyts, to gratify the spite he had conceived against the
Japanese nation, contrived to detain them so long that they missed
the monsoon; and having required them, as the sole condition on which
he would allow their entrance, to give up their sails and rudders,
upon one pretence and another, he refused to return them, till at
length the patience of the Japanese was entirely exhausted. They
numbered five hundred men; and at last, all their reiterated and
urgent applications for leave to depart being refused, they attacked
the governor by surprise, overpowered his household, and made him
prisoner; nor did the garrison of the neighboring fort dare to fire
upon them for fear of killing their own people. Thus the brave Japanese
extorted liberty to depart and indemnity for their losses, to which
the Dutch assented, notwithstanding their superior force, for fear of
reprisals in Japan. These, however, they did not avoid, for, as soon
as the Japanese reached home, the emperor put under sequestration nine
vessels with their cargoes, then at Hirado, belonging to the Dutch
East India Company, and forbade any further trade with their agents.
Things remained in this state for three years, the Japanese, however,
receiving as usual Dutch vessels which came from Batavia, under the
assumed character of belonging not to the East India Company, but to
private merchants. At last it was resolved to seek an accommodation by
surrendering up Nuyts to the mercy of the Japanese, which was done in
1634.

Having obtained his unconditional surrender, they treated him with
great clemency; for, though detained in custody, he was not kept a
close prisoner; and, in return for this concession, the Company’s
ships were released and their trade reëstablished. The liberation of
Nuyts was granted two years afterwards as a mark of the emperor’s
satisfaction, with a splendid chandelier among the annual presents of
the Company, and which was used as an ornament for the temple-mausoleum
of the emperors of the race of Gongen-Sama [at Nikkō], completed about
that time.

In the solicitation for the release of Nuyts both Haganaar and Caron
were employed, to each of whom we are indebted for some curious memoirs
of the state of Japan in their time. Haganaar made three visits
thither. The first included the last four months of 1634. The second
extended from September, 1635, to November, 1636; during which he made
a visit to Yedo, and was at the head of the factory. The third was
limited to three months in the autumn of 1637. Of each of these visits
he has given brief notes in his printed travels[117], besides adding
some observations of his own to Caron’s account of Japan. Hirado, which
he describes as a town of thirty-six streets, had grown up suddenly,
in consequence of the Dutch trade,—a single street producing more
revenue to the lord than the whole town formerly had done; yet there
were hardly any merchants in the place, except those who lodged at the
factory, and who were drawn thither from all parts by the Dutch trade.

During Haganaar’s second visit, the Dutch were called sharply to
account for having presumed to sell their silk at a higher rate than
that asked by the Portuguese, and a price was prescribed, which they
were not to exceed. Being deputed to visit Yedo, on the business of
Nuyts’ release, Haganaar proceeded thither by sea, and took lodgings
at the house of a Japanese bonze, who was the usual host of the Dutch.
The agency of the lord of Hirado and of his secretary was employed with
several of the imperial counsellors, but owing, as it would seem, to
a deficiency of presents, without success. Caron arranged this matter
more successfully the next year. From Yedo to Ōsaka Haganaar travelled
by land, and from Ōsaka by water to Hirado, where, during his absence,
thirteen or fourteen persons had suffered death because they belonged
to Catholic families. He notes that the Japanese whale fishery for the
season of 1636 resulted in the capture of two hundred and seventy-four
whales; which, however, were much smaller and less fat than the
Greenland whales, and were taken more for food than oil. Shortly after
his return to Hirado, news came of an order from court that all the
Portuguese half-castes—that is, descendants of Portuguese by Japanese
women—should be shipped off with their wives and children to Macao.

Returning to Japan a third time, in 1637,—in the seventh Dutch ship
which arrived that year,—Haganaar heard that Admiral Weddell was at
Nagasaki with four richly laden English ships. They had been refused
entrance into Macao, and had come thence to Japan, but could not obtain
permission to trade, nor even to land. Six Portuguese galliots had also
arrived from Macao with full cargoes of rich silks, which were sold,
however, at little profit. Yet they were reported to have carried back,
in return, two thousand six hundred chests of silver, or more than
three millions of dollars.

To relieve the necessities of the Dutch governor of Formosa, who was
engaged in hostilities with the natives, and had been obliged to borrow
of Chinese traders, at the rate of three per cent a month, Haganaar was
despatched thither with four ships and four hundred and fifty chests of
silver, of which two hundred had been borrowed at Miyako of Japanese
capitalists, at twenty-four per cent per annum. The following year he
returned to Holland, where he soon after printed his voyages, and along
with them the answers made by Francis Caron to a series of questions
which had been submitted to him by the director of the Company, and
which throw not a little light upon the condition of Japan at this time.

Caron, born in Holland of French parents, had originally gone to Japan
quite young, Kämpfer says, as cook of a Dutch ship. Bad treatment
caused him to quit the ship in Japan, where he was presently taken
into the service of the Dutch factory, and taught reading, writing,
and accounts. He gave evidence of remarkable abilities, and rose in
time to the head of the establishment. He spoke the language fluently,
had married a Japanese wife, and from the liberty of intercourse then
allowed, and his long residence in the country, enjoyed means of
information which no European has since possessed.

In describing the political state of Japan, Caron gives the names,
residences, and revenues of thirty-two princes, that is, rulers of one
or more provinces (spoken of in the earlier relations as kings), of
whom the prince of Kaga, who was also ruler of two other provinces,
had a revenue of one hundred and nineteen mankoku, and the others
revenues varying from seventy to eighteen mankoku. He adds the mimes,
residences, and incomes of one hundred and seven other lords, twenty of
whom had revenues of from fifteen to seven mankoku, and the others of
from six to two mankoku. Another list contains the names of forty-one
lords, with revenues of from one to two mankoku; and in a fourth list
he enumerates sixteen lords attached to the imperial court, of whom the
first four had from fifteen to nine mankoku, and the others from six
to one mankoku. The total revenues of these one hundred and ninety-six
great nobles amounted to nineteen thousand three hundred and forty-five
mankoku, exclusive of nine thousand mankoku of imperial revenue, of
which four thousand were employed in the maintenance of the court,
and the remainder in the support of the imperial guard, all of whom
were nobles, many of them children of the concubines of the emperors
and great princes, and excluded on that account from the prospect of
succession[118]. Thus the total annual revenues of the great landed
proprietors of Japan amounted to twenty-eight million three hundred and
forty-five thousand koku of rice, equal to about ninety million cwt.,
or one hundred and thirty-three million five hundred thousand bushels;
nor is it probable that in this respect there has been much change from
that time to this[119]. Caron gives as the current value of the koku,
or, as he calls it, cokien, ten guilders (or four dollars), which would
make the mankoku equal to one hundred thousand florins (forty thousand
dollars), or what the Dutch called a ton of gold. The prince of
Satsuma, who was lord also of four other provinces, is put down in the
above lists at sixty-four mankoku, the prince of Hizen at thirty-six,
and the lord of Hirado at six[120].

[Illustration: DUTCH CANDELABRUM AT NIKKŌ]

These revenues arose in part from mines of gold, silver, copper,
iron, tin, and lead, from timber, hemp, cotton, and silk, and from
fisheries; but chiefly from the rice and other crops. There were no
taxes or duties in Japan, except ground rents for lands and houses,
payable in produce or money and in personal services. All these nobles
had residences at Yedo, in the precinct of the imperial palace, in
which their children resided as hostages for their fidelity. For
each thousand koku of revenue these lords furnished on demand twenty
foot-soldiers and two horsemen, and maintained them during the
campaign, exclusive of the necessary servants and camp followers. The
whole of their quotas, or of the feudal militia of Japan, thus amounted
to three hundred and sixty-eight thousand foot and thirty-eight
thousand eight hundred horse, in addition to a standing army of one
hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse, maintained by the
emperor from his own revenues, as garrisons and guards. The princes,
however, prided themselves on keeping up many more troops than their
regular quotas. To every five men there was an officer. Five of these
sections composed a platoon, which had its commander. Two platoons made
a company, which had its captain. Five of these companies, of fifty
privates and thirteen officers, composed a battalion of two hundred and
fifty rank and file, with its special officer; and ten battalions, a
division of two thousand five hundred men. The civil division was much
the same. Every five houses had an inspector, who kept a register of
all births and deaths, and every street its magistrate and watch.

Though the revenues of the nobles were great, their expenses were
still more so. They were obliged to pass six months at the imperial
court; those of the northern and eastern provinces during one half the
year, those of the southern and western provinces during the other
half. They travelled in great state, some of them with not less than
four or five thousand men in their suite, and, on their arrival and
departure, gave great entertainments. The prince of Hirado, though one
of the lesser class, was always attended in his journeys by at least
three hundred men, and entertained in his two houses at Yedo more than
a thousand persons. What with their households, the clothing of their
followers, their women, of whom they entertained a great number, their
children,—the prince of Mito, the emperor’s uncle, had fifty-four
boys, and daughters still more numerous,—presents and festivals, their
expenses generally exceeded their incomes; and, besides, they were
often required to furnish workmen, at the demand of the emperor, for
building new castles, temples, or anything he might undertake. The
honor of a visit from the emperor was very highly esteemed. He seldom
paid more than one to the same house. No expense was spared, and years
were spent in preparations, which often ruined those who enjoyed this
honor. The visit made by the emperor to the Dairi at Miyako, once in
seven years, was a still more magnificent affair.

The emperor maintained on the estate of each noble a secretary, in
fact a spy, sent nominally to assist and advise him in the management
of his affairs. Those selected for this service were generally persons
educated at court, and of known fidelity, who, before their departure,
signed with their blood a promise to keep the emperor fully informed of
the affairs and actions of the prince to whom they were sent.

The marriages of the nobles were arranged by the emperor. The wife
thus given was entitled to great respect. Her sons alone succeeded to
the lordship, which, in case she had none, was generally transferred
to some other family. The children by the numerous concubines of the
nobles had no share in the inheritance, and were often reduced to
beggary. Besides concubines, free indulgence was allowed with the
courtesans maintained by the lords of each district for public use. The
lawful wives lived in splendid seclusion, attended by troops of female
servants. Of women’s rights the Japanese nobles had no very high idea.
Not only the strictest chastity was expected from them, but entire
devotion to their husbands, and abstinence from any intermeddling with
business or politics; the Japanese opinion being—in which Caron seems
fully to coincide—that women are only made for the pleasure of the
men and to bring up children. The children, though treated with great
indulgence, were exceedingly respectful to their parents.

The emperor had in every city and village officers for the
administration of justice; but every householder had the right to
dispense punishments in his own family. Justice was very strict and
severe, especially in cases of theft; and for crimes against the state
the punishment extended to the whole family of the offender. The
nobles and military, in case they were convicted of crimes, enjoyed
the privilege of cutting themselves open. Merchants and mechanics were
held in mean esteem,—the former as cheats and tricksters, the latter as
public servants. The cultivators were little better than slaves.

The account which Caron gives of domestic manners corresponds
sufficiently well with the more extended observations to be quoted
hereafter from subsequent observers. He did not regard the Japanese
as very devout. The persecution against the Catholics he describes
as equal to anything in ecclesiastical history. He particularly
admired the steadiness and constancy of many young children of ten or
twelve years. All the inhabitants were required once a year to sign
a declaration that they were good Japanese, and that the Catholic
religion was false. The Catholics had amounted to four hundred
thousand; and their number was still considerable[121].

* * * * *

The Dutch had all along stimulated the Japanese against the Portuguese.
All missionaries bound for Japan, found on board of Portuguese and
Spanish prizes taken in the neighboring seas, had been delivered into
the hands of the Japanese authorities. The Dutch had even assisted
at the siege of Shimabara, for which they had furnished a train of
artillery, conducted thither by Kockebecker, the head, at that time, of
the Dutch factory. But they were far from realizing all the advantages
which they had expected from the expulsion of their rivals. They, too,
had excited suspicions by replacing their dilapidated wooden factory at
Hirado by a strong stone warehouse, which had something of the aspect
of a fortress. In spite of their submissiveness in pulling down[122]
this erection, their establishment at that place was suddenly closed,
and in 1641 the Dutch factors were transferred to Nagasaki, where they
were shut up in the same little artificial island of Deshima, which had
been constructed to be the prison-house of the Portuguese. And to this
narrow island they have ever since been confined, with the exception
of some occasional visits to Nagasaki and its environs, and an annual
journey, by the chief officers of the factory, to pay their homage to
the emperor at Yedo,—a ceremony which seems to have been coeval with
the first arrival of the Dutch. Hitherto the Portuguese and the Dutch
also had freely intermarried with the Japanese; but this intimacy now
came wholly to an end, and even the Dutch were thenceforth regarded
rather as prisoners than as friends.

What contributed to increase this jealousy of the Dutch was the peace
between Holland and the Portuguese, which followed the assumption of
the crown of Portugal by the house of Braganza, and the separation of
Portugal from Spain, in the year 1640.

Evidence of this very soon appeared. In the year 1643 the Dutch sent
two ships from Batavia, the “Castricoom” and the “Breskens,” to
explore the yet little-known northern coast of Japan, the island of
Yezo, and the adjacent continent, and especially to search out certain
fabled islands of gold and silver, whence the Japanese were said to
derive large supplies of those metals. These vessels, when off Yedo,
were separated in a storm, and the “Breskens,” in need of supplies,
touched at a fishing village in about forty degrees of north latitude.
The lord of the village, and a principal person of the neighboring
district, visited the ship with great show of friendship, and having
enticed the captain, Shaëp, and his chief officers on shore, made
them prisoners, bound them, and sent them off to Nambu, near by. They
were permitted to communicate with the ship, and to obtain their
baggage, but at first were treated with much rigor on suspicion of
being Spaniards or Portuguese. It being found, however, that they paid
no respect to the sign of the cross or to pictures of the Virgin, it
was concluded that they were Hollanders, and they were treated with
less severity. At Nambu they were splendidly entertained, and in their
twenty days’ journey thence to Yedo, in which they passed through a
hundred well-built villages, they had nothing to complain of except
the inconvenience of the crowds that flocked to see them. In every
village they saw rewards posted up for the discovery of Christians.
Not being willing to reveal the true object of their voyage, they
stated themselves to have been driven to the north in an attempt to
reach Nagasaki. It was plain, however, that their story about having
come from Batavia, and being in the service of the East India Company,
was not believed. It was suspected that they had come from Macao or
Manila for the purpose of landing missionaries, and they were subjected
in consequence to numerous fatiguing cross-examinations, in which a
bonze assisted, who spoke Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Flemish,
and whom they conjectured to be some apostate European. What increased
the suspicions of Japanese was, that five Jesuits from Manila had
recently, in an attempt to reach Japan, been arrested at the Lew Chew
Islands, and sent thence to Yedo. The Dutchmen were confronted with
these Jesuits, to their great alarm. They also feared, if the true
object of the voyage came out, being exposed to punishment not only for
undertaking unauthorized explorations, but for falsehood in concealing
and misrepresenting their object; but when the Japanese had learned
from Nagasaki that two Dutch ships had been sent on a voyage for the
exploration of Tartary, of which the factors represented theirs as
probably one, they excused their silence on that subject on the ground
of not having been properly understood and interpreted. The factors at
Nagasaki had been not less careful than themselves to say nothing about
the search for mines.

New interpreters were brought from Nagasaki, among them another
apostate, whom there are grounds for supposing was the ex-provincial
Ferreyra, between whom and the Jesuit prisoners they witnessed a bitter
scene of mutual reproaches. A great many rigorous cross-examinations
followed. The Dutchmen were required to sign a paper by which all
the Company’s property was pledged for their reappearance before
the imperial tribunals at any time that it might be discovered that
they had landed missionaries. Their having discharged some pieces of
artillery from the ship was insisted upon as a crime; also their ship
having sailed off without waiting for them. The recent peace between
Holland and Portugal was pointedly alluded to, and even the search
for mines seems to have been suspected. The appearance of a ship on
the east coast of Japan, which proved to be the “Castricoom,” some of
whose people who landed were seized and sent to Yedo, gave rise to many
new interrogations. Elserak, the director, at length arrived, and,
after a separate examination, was confronted with them and signed the
paper above described, when the Dutch were finally released, after an
imprisonment of upwards of four months[123].

The “Castricoom,” more successful, discovered the Kurile Islands,
Yetorofu and Uruppu, to which were given the names of _State’s Islands_
and _Company’s Islands_, and made some explorations of the east coast
of Yezo, and of Sakhalin, taken to be a part of it. The information
thus obtained, together with the two relations of Father de Angelis,
written in 1616 and 1621, was all that was known of these regions till
the explorations of Broughton and La Perouse, towards the close of the
last century. Golownin’s adventures and experience there, as related in
a subsequent chapter, bear a very remarkable and curious resemblance
to those of Captain Schaëp and his companions. Their release was
acknowledged in a solemn embassy from the Company,—that of Frisius.
About the same time, in 1647, a Portuguese embassy arrived in Japan,
in hopes, since the separation from Spain, of reviving the ancient
commercial intercourse; but, though the ambassador was treated with
respect, his request was peremptorily declined.

A new emperor, a minor, having succeeded in 1651, the Dutch Company
sent Waganaar to congratulate him. Among other presents he brought
a Casuar, a strange bird of the ostrich kind, from Banda, but the
officers at Nagasaki would not suffer it to be forwarded. During this
visit there happened a terrible fire at Yedo, by which two-thirds of
that city were laid in ruins. Some violent disputes having arisen,
and the Japanese having gone so far as to take away the rudders of the
Dutch ships, Waganaar went on a second embassy to Yedo, in 1659[124].

The establishment of the French East India Company by Colbert led to
some projects for a French trade with Japan, especially as Caron in
some disgust had quitted the Dutch service, and enlisted into that of
France. A letter from Louis XIV to the emperor of Japan, dated in 1666,
was prepared, and instructions for Caron, who was to be the bearer of
it; but the project does not appear to have been prosecuted[125]. [See
Appendix, Note 1.]

In 1673, the English East India Company made an attempt at the
renewal of the trade with Japan, by despatching a ship thither. The
Japanese, through the medium of the Dutch, kept themselves informed,
as they still do, of the affairs of Europe; and the first question
put to the new-comers was, how long since the English king (Charles
II) had married a daughter of the king of Portugal. Though otherwise
courteously enough received and entertained, the vessel was not allowed
to sell her cargo. This refusal of intercourse the English ascribed to
Dutch jealousy; but it probably was a step, as will be seen in the next
chapter, to which the Japanese did not need any urging.[126]

Though the Catholics of Japan were effectually cut off from all
intercourse with Europe, the Catholic faith still lingered for a good
while in those parts of Shimo in which it had taken the deepest root.
So late as 1690, there were, according to Kämpfer, fifty persons,
men, women, and children (of whom three had been arrested in 1683),
imprisoned at Nagasaki for life, or until they should renounce the
Catholic faith and conform to the religious usages of the country.
These were peasants who knew little more of the faith which they
professed except the name of the Saviour and the Virgin Mary, which,
indeed, according to the Dutch accounts, was all that the greater part
of the Japanese converts had ever known.

To land in Japan, to strengthen and comfort the faithful there, or at
least to secure the crown of martyrdom in the attempt, long continued
an attractive enterprise to the more romantic spirits among the
religious orders of the Catholic church. Most of those who undertook
this adventure were known to have been seized and executed soon after
landing. The last effort of this sort appears to have been made in
1707. From that time, and notwithstanding the great revival, within
fifty or sixty years past, of the missionary spirit, Japan has remained
even less attempted by missionary than by mercantile enterprise.

CHAPTER XXVI

_Portuguese Trade to Japan—Dutch Trade—Silver, Gold, and Copper the
Chief Articles of Export—Export of Silver prohibited—Chinese Trade—Its
Increase after the Accession of the Manchu Dynasty—Chinese Temples
at Nagasaki—A Buddhist Doctor from China—Edict on the Subject of
Household Worship—Restrictions on the Dutch Trade—Increase in the
Number of Chinese Visitors to Nagasaki—Their Objects—Restrictions on
the Chinese Trade—The Chinese shut up in a Factory—Trade with Lew Chew
[Riūkiū]—A. D. 1542-1690._

Of the real value and extent of the trade which for some ninety years
the Portuguese carried on with Japan, and which was brought to a final
close in the year 1638, we have no means of forming any very exact
estimate. When we read in writers of two or three centuries ago glowing
accounts of immense commercial profits, we must also recollect that,
compared with the commerce of the present day, the trade upon which
these great profits were made was exceedingly limited in amount.

For more than half of the above period of ninety years the intercourse
of the Portuguese with Japan seems to have been reduced, or nearly
so, to a single annual ship, known as the great carac of Macao, sent
annually from that city, and laden chiefly with China silks, every
Portuguese citizen of Macao having the right, if he chose to exercise
it, of putting on board a certain number of packages, as did also the
Society of Jesus, which had a college and a commercial agency in that
city. Of this traffic the following account is given by Ralph Fitch,
an intelligent Englishman, who was in Malacca in the year 1588[127]:
“When the Portuguese go from Macao in China to Japan, they carry much
white silk, gold, musk, and porcelains, and they bring from thence
nothing but silver. They have a great carac, which goeth thither
every year, and she bringeth from thence every year about six hundred
thousand crusados (not far from as many dollars); and all this silver
of Japan, and two hundred thousand crusados more in silver, which they
bring yearly out of India, they employ to their advantage in China; and
they bring from thence gold, musk, silk, porcelains, and many other
things very costly and gilded.”[128]

If we allow to the Portuguese an annual average export of half a
million of dollars, that will make in ninety years forty-five millions
of dollars of silver carried away by the Portuguese; for, according to
all accounts, they brought away nothing else.

Though the Spaniards were never allowed to trade to Japan, at one
period, as we have seen, a considerable number of Japanese junks
frequented Manila for the purchase of Chinese goods; but this trade was
brought to an end in 1624, in consequence of the facilities which it
afforded for the introduction of Catholic priests into Japan.

[Illustration: MAP OF FEUDAL JAPAN]

The Dutch trade began in 1609. We have seen that in a short time it
gained a very considerable extent; and it increased, as the trading
establishment which the Dutch gradually obtained in India and Persia,
and that on the island of Formosa, whence they had access to China,
furnishing them with a supply of rich silks, the great article of
import into Japan. As the Portuguese trade was carried on from Macao,
so the Dutch trade was carried on, not from Holland, but from Batavia.
The year preceding the shutting up of the Dutch in Deshima is stated
to have been the most profitable of any. The previous average sales
in Japan had been about sixty tons of gold; but that year the Dutch
had imported and disposed of goods to the value of eighty tons of gold
(that is, three million two hundred thousand dollars, a Dutch ton of
gold being one hundred thousand florins, or forty thousand dollars).
Among the exports were fourteen hundred chests of silver, each chest
containing one thousand taels, or near two million dollars in silver
alone[129]. About this time, however, owing to the comparative
exhaustion of the silver, or the comparative increase of gold, that
metal became a leading, as, indeed, it seems to have been before a
considerable article of export with the Dutch. The gold koban, the
national coin of the Japanese, weighed at this time forty-seven
kanderins, that is, two hundred and seventy-four grains troy, which is
sixteen grains more than our present eagle. But, if superior in weight,
the koban was inferior in fineness, containing of pure gold only two
hundred and twenty-four grains, whereas the eagle contains two hundred
and thirty-two grains. It passed in Japan and was purchased by the
Dutch for six taels or less in silver, which enabled them to dispose
of it to good advantage on the coast of Coromandel, where the relative
value of gold was much higher. In the two years, 1670, 1671, more than
one hundred thousand koban were exported, at a profit of a million
florins; and down to that time the Dutch sent annually to Japan five
or six ships a year. In 1644, the export of copper began, and went on
gradually increasing. In 1671, an edict was issued, prohibiting the
further export of silver; but this gave no concern to the Dutch, who
had already ceased to export it. Its principal operation was against
the Chinese, who at this time carried on a great trade to Japan.

Of the early commercial relations of China and Japan our knowledge is
very limited. As the Japanese at an early era, according to their own
annals (constructed, it is probable, by Buddhist priests), as early as
A. D. 600, had received from China Buddhist missionaries, and through
them the language, graphic characters, science, etc., of the Chinese,
it would seem probable that some commercial intercourse must have early
existed between these two nations. If so, however, the threatened
Mongol invasion, towards the end of the thirteenth century, would have
been likely to have interrupted it. The native Chinese dynasty, which
succeeded after the expulsion of the Mongols, was exceedingly jealous
of all strangers and hostile to intercourse with them. No foreign trade
was allowed, and every Chinese who left his country incurred a sentence
of perpetual banishment. It is true that the Chinese colonists, that
had emigrated, perhaps on the invasion of the Mongols, and had settled
in the neighboring maritime countries (as others did afterwards on the
invasion of the present Manchu dynasty), still contrived to keep up
some intercourse with China, while they carried on a vigorous trade
with the adjacent islands and countries; but, at the time of the
Portuguese discovery, no such trade would seem to have existed with
Japan.

The Manchu dynasty (the same now reigning), which mounted the throne
in 1644, was much less hostile to foreigners; and under their rule
the Chinese trade to Japan appears to have rapidly increased. This
was partly by vessels direct from China, and partly by the commercial
enterprise of the Chinese fugitives who possessed themselves of
Formosa, from which, in 1662, they drove out the Dutch, or who had
settled elsewhere on the islands and coasts of southeastern Asia.

“They come over,” says Kämpfer, “when and with what numbers of people,
junks, and goods they pleased. So extensive and advantageous a liberty
could not but be very pleasing to them, and put them upon thoughts of
a surer establishment, in order to which, and for the free exercise of
their religion, they built three temples at Nagasaki, according to the
three chief languages spoken by them (those of the northern, middle,
and southern provinces), each to be attended by priests of their own
nation, to be sent over from China.”[130]

These temples, called, each in the special dialect of its frequenters,
“Temples of Riches,”—the god which the Chinese chiefly worship,—are
described by Kämpfer, from his own observation, as remarkable for their
handsome structure and the number of monks or Buddhist clergy attached
to them. As soon as any Chinese ships arrived in the harbor, the crews
immediately took on shore the idols which formed a part of the ship’s
outfit, and placed them in some small chapels, built for that purpose,
near by the large temples, or convents as in fact they rather were.
This was done with uncommon respect and particular ceremonies, playing
upon cymbals and beating of drums, which same ceremonies were repeated
when, upon the departure of the junks, the idols were carried on board
again.

Encouraged by this favorable reception of his countrymen, Ingen, who
was at that time at the head of the Buddhist priesthood of China,
claiming to be the twenty-eighth in succession from the founder of
the Chinese Buddhist patriarchate, surrendered to a successor his
high dignity at home, and in the year 1653 came over to Japan, there
to establish a sort of caliphate or archiepiscopal see, as Kämpfer
expresses it, of the particular branch or sect of the Buddhist faith
to which he belonged. “The princes and lords of several provinces came
to compliment him, clad in their _kamishimo_,[131] or garments of
ceremony. The emperor offered him for his residence a mountain in the
neighborhood of the holy city of Miyako, which he called _Ōbaku_, the
name of his former papal residence in China. An incident which happened
soon after his arrival contributed very much to forward his designs,
and raised an uncommon respect for his person, and a great opinion
of his holiness. After a very great drought, the country people, his
neighbors, desired him to say a _kitō_, or extraordinary solemn prayer,
in order to obtain rain. He answered that it was not in his power
to make rain, and that he could not assure them that his kitō would
obtain it. However, at their pressing instances, he promised to do his
utmost. Accordingly, he went up to the top of the mountain and made
his kitō. The next day there fell such profuse showers as even to wash
away the smaller bridges in the city of Miyako, which made both the
city and country believe that his kitō had been rather too strong. His
companions, who came over with him from China, had likewise very great
respect paid them, as more immediate partakers of his glory; so that
even a cook, who came over with this learned and sanctified company,
was raised to the dignity of superior of one of the three convents
of Nagasaki, where, by his sublime understanding and reputed great
knowledge, he obtained,” and in Kämpfer’s time still held, “the name
and repute of a _Godō_, that is, a person blessed with divine and most
acute understanding, whom they suppose to be able to find out by his
_Satori_, or Enthusiastic Speculations, such mysterious truths as are
far beyond the reach of common knowledge.”

What tended to favor Ingen’s design was an edict lately issued by the
emperor, aimed at the few remaining Catholics, and also at the sect
of the _Judō_, or Moralists, requiring everybody to belong to some
sect of the recognized religions of Japan, and to have a _Zushi_ in
their houses,—that is, a corner or altar consecrated to some idol.
Nevertheless, in spite of his favorable reception and eminent learning
and sanctity, Ingen failed to gain the submission of the various
Buddhist sects in Japan; nor was his spiritual headship acknowledged,
except by the three Chinese convents.

* * * * *

Though the prohibition of the export of silver, mentioned as having
taken place in 1671, did not affect the Dutch, the very next year the
Japanese commenced a system of measures which, within a quarter of a
century, reduced the Dutch commerce to the very narrow limit at which
it has ever since remained. The first step was to raise the value of
the koban to six tael eight maas of silver; nor was this by any means
the worst of it. The Dutch were no longer allowed to sell to the native
merchants. The government appointed appraisers, who set a certain value
on the goods, much less than the old prices, at which valuation the
Dutch must sell, or else take the goods away. Anything which the goods
sold for to the Japanese merchants, over the appraisement, went into
the town treasury of Nagasaki.[132] These appraisements grew lower and
lower every year, till at last the Dutch, threatening, if things went
on in this way, to abandon the trade altogether, petitioned the emperor
to be restored to their ancient privileges, assured to them by the
concession of Gongen-Sama [Iyeyasu]. After waiting three years, they
got a gracious answer. The appraisements were abolished, but at the
same time, in 1685, an order was suddenly issued, limiting the amount
which the Dutch might sell in any one year to the value of a hundred
thousand taels, or in Dutch money to ten tons and a half of gold,
equal to four hundred and twenty thousand dollars. All the goods of any
one year’s importation, remaining after that amount had been realized,
were to lie over till the next annual sale. At the same time, the
annual export of copper was limited to twenty-five thousand piculs; and
so matters stood at the time of Kämpfer’s visit.

The Chinese trade had meanwhile gone on increasing “to that degree”—we
quote again from Kämpfer—“as to make the suspicious and circumspect
Japanese extremely jealous of them. In the years 1683 and 1684 there
arrived at Nagasaki, in each year, at least two hundred junks, every
junk with not less than fifty people on board, making for each year
more than ten thousand Chinese visitors.” Nor was it trade alone that
drew the Chinese thither. In China, the women, except those of servile
condition, are kept in perfect seclusion. No man sees even the woman he
is to marry till she has actually become his wife; and courtesanship
is strictly forbidden and punished. The case, as we have seen, is
widely different in Japan, and numerous young and wealthy Chinese
were attracted to Nagasaki, “purely for their pleasure,” as Kämpfer
observes, “and to spend some part of their money with Japanese wenches,
which proved very beneficial to that town,”—truly a very mercantile
view of the matter!

“Not only did this increasing number of Chinese visitors excite
jealousy, but what still more aroused the suspicion of the Japanese
was, that the Jesuits, having gained the favor of the then reigning
monarch of China, (the celebrated Kanghi), with the liberty of
preaching and propagating their religion in all parts of the empire,
some tracts and books, which the Jesuit fathers had found the means
to print in China, in Chinese characters, were brought over to Japan
among other Chinese books, and sold privately, which made the Japanese
apprehensive that by this means the Catholic religion, which had been
exterminated with so much trouble and the loss of so many thousand
persons, might be revived again in the country.” And they even
suspected that the importers of these books, if not actual converts,
were at least favorers of the Catholic doctrine.

These reasons combined to produce, in 1684, at the same time with the
restrictions placed upon the Dutch, an edict, by which the Chinese were
limited to an annual importation, double the value of that allowed the
Dutch; namely, six hundred thousand taels, equivalent to eight hundred
and forty thousand dollars, the annual number of junks not to exceed
seventy, of which a specific number was assigned to each province and
colony, and each to bring not more than thirty persons. Chinese books
were, at the same time, subjected to a censorship, two censors being
appointed, one for theological, the other for historical and scientific
works, none to be imported without their approval.

This was followed up, in the year 1688, by another order, by which the
Chinese were, like the Dutch, shut up in a sort of prison, for which,
like the Dutch, they were compelled to pay a heavy rent. The site
chosen for this spot was a garden, pleasantly situated, just outside of
the town, on the side of the harbor opposite Deshima. It was covered
with several rows of small houses, each row having a common roof, and
the whole was surrounded with a ditch and a strong palisade, from which
the only exit was through well-guarded double gates[133]. Even here
the Chinese had no permanent residence, like the Dutch. They arrived in
detachments, twenty junks in spring, thirty in summer, and twenty in
autumn; and, after selling their goods, went away, leaving the houses
empty.

Besides the trade with the Dutch and the Chinese, the Lew Chew Islands
[Riūkiū] were also permitted to carry on a particular trade with the
province of Satsuma, the prince of which they acknowledged as in some
respects their sovereign. The import and sale of their goods was
limited to the annual amount of one hundred and twenty-five thousand
taels, though, in Kämpfer’s time, a much larger amount was smuggled in,
large quantities of Chinese goods being thus introduced.

CHAPTER XXVII

_Engelbert Kämpfer—His Visit to Japan—Deshima and its Inhabitants as
described by him—A. D. 1690._

Engelbert Kämpfer was the first scientific and systematic observer who
visited Japan. Of those who have since followed him, but one or two
had either his zeal, his assiduity, or his qualifications, and it is
to him that we remain indebted for no inconsiderable part of what we
yet know of that country, especially of its natural history, and its
social, religious, and political institutions. Subsequent visitors,
correcting him in some few particulars, have generally confirmed him.
The Japanese, according to the most recent observations, appear to have
changed very little since his time.

Kämpfer was born September, 1651, in the northwest of Germany, in
the county of Lippe, at Lemgow, a small town of which his father was
minister. He was early destined for the profession of physic, and,
after the best school education his father could give him, spent three
years at the university of Cracow, in Poland, and four years more at
that of Koningsburg, in Prussia. Thence he passed to Sweden, where,
inspired with a desire of seeing foreign countries, he obtained the
place of secretary to an embassy about to be sent to the king of
Persia. That country he reached by way of Moscow, Astracan, and the
Caspian Sea, arriving at Ispahan in 1684. During his residence there,
he employed himself chiefly in researches into the natural history of
the country; and for the sake of continuing those researches, when the
embassy was the next year about to return home, he obtained, through
the recommendation of the Swedish ambassador, the place of chief
surgeon to the Dutch East India Company’s fleet, then cruising in the
Persian Gulf. “It agreed best with my inclination,” so he says in the
preface to his work on Japan, “to undertake a further journey, and I
chose rather to lead the restless and troublesome life of a traveller,
than by coming home to subject myself to a share in that train of
calamities my native country was then involved in. Therefore, I took
my leave of the ambassador and his retinue (who did me the honor to
attend me a mile out of Ispahan) with a firm resolution to spend some
years longer in seeing other Eastern courts, countries, and nations.
I was never used to receive large supplies of money from home. ’T was
by my own industry I had till then supported myself, and the very same
means maintained me afterwards, as long as I stayed abroad, and enabled
me to serve the Dutch East India Company, though in a less honorable
employment.

“This offspring of Japhet enjoys, more than any other European nation,
the blessing of Noah to live in the tents of Shem, and to have Canaan
for their servant. God hath so blessed their valor and conduct, that
they have enlarged their trade, conquests and possessions, throughout
Asia, to the very extremities of the East, and there hath never been
wanting among them a succession of prudent and able men, who have
promoted their interests and welfare to the utmost of their capacity.
But to come to the point. It was by the gracious leave, and under the
protection of this honorable Company, that I have often obtained my end
in the Indies, and have had the satisfaction at last to see the remote
empire of Japan, and the court of its powerful monarch.”

Kämpfer remained at Gamroon, on the Persian Gulf, for near three years,
employing his leisure in scientific researches. Leaving that unhealthy
station in June, 1688, he proceeded in the fleet along the coasts of
Persia and India to Ceylon, and thence by Sumatra to Batavia, where
he arrived in September, 1689. Having obtained the appointment of
physician to the factory in Japan, he left Batavia in May, 1690, and
having touched at Siam, of which he has given an account in his book,
on the 22d of September, about noon, he came in sight of the high
mountainous country about Nagasaki. As soon as the land was seen, all
on board were required, as the usage was, to give up their prayer-books
and other books of divinity, as also all the European money they had
about them, to the captain, who, having taken a memorandum of them,
packed away all these surrendered articles in an old cask, to be
hid away from the Japanese, but to be surrendered to the owners on
leaving Japan. At sunset, Nagasaki was six or seven leagues distant.
At midnight they reached the entrance of the bay, in which they found
fifty fathoms of water. This entrance was full of rocks and islands,
which obliged them to wait till morning; and then, being becalmed, they
fired cannon to notify their arrival. These were heard at the Dutch
factory, six miles distant, and in the afternoon four small vessels
came out with some persons from the factory, accompanied by swarms of
Japanese officers, clerks and soldiers, and the chief interpreter, who,
on boarding the ship, demanded all writings and letters, in the hands
of whomsoever they might be. They soon left, and the ship followed
slowly, making her way by kedging, till by ten at night she dropped
anchor within half a league of the city. The next morning she was towed
in still further by a fleet of Japanese boats.

The harbor was found to be well protected, and completely enclosed by
rocks, islands and mountains, on the tops of which were guard-houses,
from which those on the look-out, by means of their spy-glasses,
detected the ship shortly after she had made the land, and had given
notice of her arrival to the authorities. Along the shore several
bastions were seen, with palisades painted red, but no cannon; and on
the hills several fortifications, screened by cloths, so as to prevent
what was in them from being visible.

Having dropped anchor within three hundred yards of the island of
Deshima, they were again boarded by two Japanese officers, with
a host of attendants, who made a careful examination of all on
board, according to a list given them, writing down their names and
business. Five or six of the number were then subjected to a strict
cross-examination as to all the particulars of the voyage. It so
happened that the steward had died, the day before their arrival, of a
fit of apoplexy, consequent upon his being denied any more arrack, or
brandy—apart from his drinking, an able man, and, as Kämpfer tells us,
the son of a noted divine at the Hague, but who, by early indulgence,
had fallen into debaucheries and a dissolute life. Many questions were
asked about the dead man, and his breast and other parts of the corpse
were carefully examined to see if there were any cross or other mark of
the popish religion upon it. After much urging, the Japanese consented
to the immediate removal of the body; but none of the ship’s company
were allowed to attend, or to see what was done with it.

As soon as this roll-calling and examination were over, Japanese
soldiers and revenue officers were put into every corner, and the ship
was, as it were, completely taken out of the hands of the Dutch. For
that day only, they were left in possession of the boats to look after
the anchor; but all their arms and gunpowder were taken away. “In
short,” says Kämpfer, “had I not been beforehand acquainted with their
usual proceedings, I could not have helped thinking that we had got
into a hostile country, and had been taken for spies.” That evening was
received from the factory a supply of fowls, eggs, fish, shell-fish,
turnips, radishes [daikon],—which, as Kämpfer afterwards observed, were
largely cultivated, and formed a great part of the food of the country
people,—onions, fresh ginger, pumpkins, watermelons, white bread, and a
barrel of sake, or Japanese rice-beer.

On the twenty-ninth the officers of the factory came on board, and
calling the ship’s company together, read to them the orders of the
Dutch East India Company, and of the governor of Nagasaki, to the
effect that every one was to behave soberly and discreetly with respect
to the natives and to the laws and customs of the country. A paper
containing these orders, written in Dutch, was, according to the
Japanese custom, left on board for everybody to read. No one, except
the captain of the ship and the director, or head officer (in Dutch,
_Opperhoofd_), of the factory, could leave the ship for Deshima, or
return on board again, without a written passport, in the one case
granted by the Japanese officers on board, in the other by those upon
the island. On the twenty-sixth Kämpfer took his goods and landed for
his two years’ residence on the island. It was his object to get all
the knowledge he possibly could of the present state and past history
of Japan; but in this he encountered many difficulties. The Japanese
officers, with whom the Dutch came in contact, were all bound by an
oath, renewed every year, not to talk with the Dutch, nor to make any
disclosures to them, respecting the domestic affairs of the country,
its religion, or its politics; and not only that, they were also bound
by oath to watch and report each other—which fear of being informed
against was indeed their chief dread and restraint. “Naturally the
Japanese were,” in Kämpfer’s opinion, “their pride of warlike humor
being set aside, as civil, as polite and curious a nation as any in the
world, naturally inclined to commerce and familiarity with foreigners,
and desirous to excess to be informed of their histories, arts and
sciences. But,” he adds, “as we are only merchants, whom they place
in the lowest class of mankind, and as the narrow inspection we are
kept under must naturally lead them to some jealousy and mistrust, so
there is no other way to gain their friendship, and to win them over
to our interest, but a willingness to comply with their desire, a
liberality to please their avaricious inclinations, and a submissive
conduct to flatter their vanity. ’Twas by this means I worked myself
into such a friendship and familiarity with my interpreters, and the
officers of our island, who daily came over to us, as I believe none
before me could boast of, ever since we have been put under such narrow
regulations. Liberally assisting them as I did with my advice and
medicines, with what information I was able to give them in astronomy
and mathematics, and with a cordial and plentiful supply of European
liquors, I could also in my turn freely put to them what questions I
pleased about the affairs of their country, whether relating to the
government in civil or ecclesiastical affairs, to the customs of the
natives, to the natural and political history; and there was none that
ever refused to give me all the information he could, when we were
alone, even of things which they are strictly charged to keep secret.
The private informations thus procured from those who came to visit me
were of great use to me in collecting materials for my intended history
of this country; but yet they fell far short of being altogether
satisfactory, and I should not, perhaps, have been able to compass that
design, if I had not by good luck met with other opportunities, and
in particular the assistance of a discreet young man, by whose means
I was richly supplied with whatever information I wanted concerning
the affairs of Japan. He was about twenty-four years of age, well
versed in the Chinese and Japanese languages, and very desirous of
improving himself. Upon my arrival, he was appointed to wait upon me
as my servant, and at the same time to be by me instructed in physic
and surgery. The Otona, who is the chief officer of our island (of
Deshima), having been attended by him under my inspection in a serious
illness, suffered him to continue in my service during the whole time
of my abode in the country, which was two years, and to attend me in
our two journeys to court, consequently four times, almost from one end
of the empire to the other—a favor seldom granted to young men of his
age, and never for so long a time. As I could not well have obtained
my end without giving him a competent knowledge of the Dutch language,
I instructed him therein with so much success that in a year’s time
he could write and read it better than any of our interpreters. I
also gave him all the information I could in anatomy and physic, and
further allowed him a handsome yearly salary to the best of my ability.
In return I employed him to procure me as ample accounts as possible
of the then state and condition of the country, its government, the
imperial court, the religions established in the empire, the history of
former ages, and remarkable daily occurrences. There was not a book I
desired to see on these and other subjects, which he did not bring to
me, and explain to me out of it whatever I wanted to know. And because
he was obliged, in several things, to inquire, or to borrow, or to
buy of other people, I never dismissed him without providing him with
money for such purposes, besides his yearly allowance. So expensive, so
difficult a thing is it to foreigners, ever since the shutting up of
the Japanese empire, to procure any information about it.”

After two years thus spent, Kämpfer left Japan in November, 1692, and
reached Amsterdam, by way of Batavia, the October following, bringing
with him a very rare collection of Japanese books, maps, coins, etc. It
had been his intention immediately on his return to prepare his notes
and memoirs for publication; but being appointed physician to the count
of Lippe, his native prince, and speedily obtaining a large private
practice, and assuming also the responsibility and cares of a family,
this purpose was long delayed. His “Amoenitates Exoticae,” notes of his
eastern travels, did not appear till 1712, and he died in 1716, leaving
his “History of Japan” still unpublished. It first appeared in 1727,
translated from the German into English, and published in two folios,
with numerous engravings[134], under the patronage of Sir Hans Sloane
and the Royal Society. There was prefixed to it by the translator, Dr.
I. G. Scheuchzer, a valuable introduction, containing a catalogue of
works upon Japan which Charlevoix, in the similar catalogue at the end
of his History of Japan, has mainly copied; as was done also by his
publishers, as to most of Kämpfer’s engravings.

Kämpfer’s work is divided into five books[135]. The first book
contains, first, a general and particular geographical description
of the empire, derived mainly from Japanese writers; second, a
disquisition on the origin of the Japanese,—whom Kämpfer thinks, from
the evidence as well of language as of character, not to be a Chinese
colony, nor even to belong to the same stock; third, the stories,
evidently mythical, which the Japanese give of their own origin; and
fourth, an account of the climate of Japan, its minerals and metals,
plants, animals, reptiles, fish and shells.

The second book devoted to the political state of Japan contains,
first, their mythological history; second, the annals of the Dairi,
with a description of their court and residence; and third, a list
of the Kubō-Sama. This part of the work, at least the annals, is
sufficiently dry; but it contains the substance of all that the
Japanese know or believe as to the chronology of their own history.

The third book describes the religious state of Japan, giving an
analytical view of the different creeds prevailing there, such as
throws great light upon the confused and mixed up view taken in the
letters of the Jesuit missionaries.

The fourth book treats of foreign relations and trade. The rise and
fall of the Portuguese missions, although the most interesting portion
of the history of Japan, is very slightly touched upon, as it seems to
have been no part of Kämpfer’s plan to revamp old materials, but to
collect new ones.

The fifth book, and much the largest, is devoted, to his two journeys
from Nagasaki to Yedo and back—those journeys having furnished him with
the principal opportunity he enjoyed of seeing Japan as it was.

“The place where the Dutch live,” says Kämpfer, “is called Deshima,
that is, the Fore Island, the island situated before the town; also,
Deshimamachi, or the Fore Island Street, it being reckoned as one of
the streets of Nagasaki. It has been raised from the bottom, which
is rocky and sandy, lying bare at low water. The foundation is of
freestone, and it rises about half a fathom above high water mark. In
shape it nearly resembles a fan without a handle, being of an oblong
square figure, the two longer sides segments of a circle. It is joined
to the town by a small stone bridge, a few paces long, at the end of
which is a guard-house, where there are soldiers constantly upon duty.
On the north, or seaward side, are two strong gates, never opened but
for lading and unlading the Dutch ships. The island is enclosed with
pretty high deal boards, covered with small roofs, on the top of which
is planted a double row of pikes, like a Cheval de Frise but the whole
very weak, and unable to hold out against any force.

“Some few paces off, in the water, are thirteen posts, standing at
proper distances, with small wooden tablets at the top, upon which is
written, in large Japanese characters, an order from the governors,
strictly forbidding all boats or vessels, under severe penalties, to
come within these posts, or to approach the island.

“Just by the bridge, towards the town, is a place where they put up the
imperial mandates and proclamations, and the orders of the governors.

“Besides this, the Otona, or chief officer of the street, chiefly
at the time of the sale, causes orders of his own, much to the same
purpose with those of the governors, to be put up on the other side of
the bridge, just by the entry into the island[136].

“By my own measuring I found the breadth to be eighty-two common
paces, and the longest side two hundred and thirty-six. The surface is
commonly estimated at a stadium (about three acres). There is a narrow
walk to go round along the deal boards which enclose it. The houses
are on both sides of a broad street that runs across the island. These
houses, and the whole island, were built at the expense of some of
the inhabitants of Nagasaki, to whom, or their heirs, the Dutch pay a
yearly rent of six thousand five hundred taels—a price far beyond the
real value. The houses, built of wood, and very sorry and poor, are
two stories high, the lower stories serving as warehouses, and the
uppermost to live in.

“The other buildings are three guard-houses, one at each end and one
in the middle of the island, and a place by the entrance, where are
kept all the necessary instruments to extinguish fires. Water for the
kitchen and for common use, which is a separate charge in addition
to the rent, comes from the river which runs through the town, being
brought over in pipes made of bamboos, into a reservoir within the
island.

“Behind the street is a convenient house for the sale of goods, and
two warehouses, strong enough to hold out against fire, built by the
Company at their own expense; also, a large kitchen; a house for the
deputies of the governors of Nagasaki, who have the regulation of the
trade; a house for the interpreters, made use of only at the time of
the sale; a kitchen and pleasure-garden; a place to wash linen and
other things; some small private gardens, and a bath. The Otona, or
chief officer of the street, has also a house and garden of his own.

“Such,” says Kämpfer, “is the state of island,” and such it continues
to the present time, “to that small compass of which the Dutch have
been confined by the Japanese; and as things now stand, we must be
so far satisfied with it, there being no hopes that we shall ever
be better accommodated or allowed more liberty by so jealous and
circumspect a nation.

“Our ships, which put into this harbor once a year, after they have
been thoroughly visited by the Japanese, and proper lists taken of
all the goods on board, have leave to put their men on shore on this
island to refresh them, and to keep them there so long as they lie in
the harbor, commonly two or three months. After they have left, the
director of our trade remains in the island, with a small number of
people, about seven, or more if he thinks proper.

“Thus we live all the year round little better than prisoners,
confined within the compass of a small island, under the perpetual and
narrow inspection of our keepers. ’Tis true, indeed, we are now and
then allowed a small escape, an indulgence which, without flattering
ourselves, we can by no means suppose to be an effect of their love
and friendship, for as much as it is never granted to us, unless it
be to pay our respects to some great men, or for some other business,
necessary on our side and advantageous for the natives. Nor doth the
coming out, even upon these occasions, give us any greater liberty than
we enjoy on our island, as will appear, first, by the great expenses of
our journeys and visits, great or small, and by the number of guards
and inspectors who constantly attend us, as if we were traitors and
professed enemies of the empire.

“After the departure of our ships, the director of our trade, or
resident of the Dutch East India Company, sets out with a numerous
retinue on his journey to court, to pay his respects to the emperor,
and to make the usual yearly presents. This journey must be made once
a year, not only by the Dutch, but, also, by all the lords and princes
of the empire, as being the emperor’s vassals; and our own embassy
is looked upon at court as an homage paid by the Dutch nation to the
emperor of Japan, as their sovereign lord. Upon the journey we are not
allowed any more liberty than even close prisoners could reasonably
claim. We are not suffered to speak to anybody, not even (except by
special leave) to the domestics and servants of the inns we lodge at.
As soon as we come to an inn, we are without delay carried up stairs,
if possible, or into the back apartments, which have no other view but
into the yard, which, for a still greater security, and to prevent any
thoughts of escape, is immediately shut and nailed up. Our retinue,
which, by special command from the governors of Nagasaki, guards,
attends, and assists us in our journey, is composed of the interpreters
and cooks of our island, and of a good number of soldiers, servants,
bailiffs, porters, and people, to look after our horses and baggage,
which must be conveyed on horseback. All these people, though never so
needless, must be maintained at the Company’s expense[137].

“Before our departure from Yedo, and again upon our return, our
director, with one of his Company, goes to make a visit to the
governors of Nagasaki, at their palace, to return them thanks for their
protection, and to entreat its continuance. Nor can even this visit be
made without a numerous train of guards, soldiers, and bailiffs.

“Another visit, and with the like numerous attendants, is made to the
governors by the director of our factory, upon the first day of the
eighth month, when it is usual to make them a present.

“The few Dutchmen who remain at Deshima, after the departure of our
ships, are permitted, once or twice a year, to take a walk into
the adjacent country, and in particular to view the temples about
Nagasaki. This liberty is oftener granted to physicians and surgeons,
under pretence of going to search for medicinal plants. However, this
pleasure-walk falls very expensive to us, for it must be made in
company of the Otona, of our ordinary interpreters, and other officers
in our service, who are handsomely treated by us at dinner in one of
the temples of the Ikkoshiu sect; and we must on this occasion, and
that with seeming satisfaction, see our purses strongly squeezed for
the most common civilities shown us by the priests of the temple.

“The festival of Suwa, the patron and protector of Nagasaki, falling
just upon the time when our ships lie in the harbor, our people are
permitted to view this solemnity from a scaffold, built at our own
expense, our presence being not only thought honorable to their
saint, but, what they value still more, advantageous to many of his
worshippers. It may be easily imagined that our train and guards are
not lessened upon such an occasion. On the contrary, we are examined
and searched four times before we come to the place where the solemnity
is performed, and again afterwards counted over several times with
all possible accuracy, when we go up and when we come down from the
scaffold, as if it were possible for some of us to slip out between
their fingers. Our slaves, also, are admitted to this solemnity, as
black Dutchmen[138].

“Another day is set apart for viewing five large boats, which must be
constantly kept, at the expense of the Dutch East India Company, for
the lading and unlading of our ships. This is again done with the same
numerous retinue, which we afterwards entertain at dinner at one of the
neighboring temples.

“When one of our ships hath been discovered to steer towards the
harbor, some of the Dutchmen left at Deshima are sent to meet her, in
order to get a preliminary information of her cargo and condition. The
Company for this purpose constantly keeps two barges in readiness,
large enough to take on board our usual numerous attendants, which,
together with the commissioners for victualling, attending in their
own barge, with a good provision of victuals and refreshments, must be
treated in the neighboring small island, Iwō-ga-shima, the whole again
at the Company’s expense.

“These are the days allowed us for our recreation, if it may be
called a recreation to be led about, like prisoners, under the narrow
inspection of so many attentive eyes; for, as to the several officers
concerned in the management of our island and trade, and permitted
on that account to converse with us, no sincere friendship, good
understanding, or familiarity, can be by any means expected of them;
for, before they are admitted into our service, they must oblige
themselves, by a solemn oath, to deny us all manner of communication,
credit, or friendship, any ways tending to support or promote our
interest.

“The person who takes this oath prays the vengeance of the supreme
gods of the heavens and the chief magistrates of the country upon him,
his family, his domestics, his friends and near relatives, in case he
doth not sincerely fulfil and satisfy to all and every article, as
they are read and specified to him after the form of the oath, which,
together with these articles, must be signed by him, and sealed with
his seal[139], dipped in black ink, pouring, for a still stronger
confirmation, some drops of his own blood upon it, which he fetches
by pricking one of his fingers behind the nail. This must be repeated
twice a year, at least: first, about the beginning of the year, at the
time when they perform the solemn act of theirs of trampling upon the
image of our blessed Saviour, pendent from the cross, of the Virgin
Mary, and of other holy persons, as a public and unquestionable proof
that they forever renounce the Christian religion[140]; and again,
after the arrival of our ships in the harbor, in order to remind
them of the solemn obligation they lay under, and to renew their
hatred towards us. The persons who are to attend us in our journey
to court must, immediately after their departure, take a third oath,
promising that they will have a strict hand and watchful eye over us
and our conduct all along the road, and that they will not show us any
particular acts of friendship, or enter into any kind of familiarity
with us.

“This oath, however, though never so terrible and binding, would be but
little regarded by this nation, were it not for the severe punishment
put by the civil magistrate upon the least transgression thereof,—a
crime that is not to be expiated but by shedding the very same blood
the oath hath been confirmed by.

“Thus much I cannot forbear owning, in justice to the natives, that,
even amidst all the troubles and hardships we are exposed to in this
country, we have at least this comfort, that we are treated by our
numerous guardians and overseers with apparent civility, with caresses,
compliments, presents of victuals, and other marks of deference, so
far as it is not inconsistent with their reasons of state. But this,
their gentle and reasonable behavior on our behalf, is owing more to
the custom of the country, and to the innate civility and good manners
of the natives, than to any particular esteem they have for us, or any
favor they are willing to show us.

“No Japanese, who seems to have any regard or friendship for the Dutch,
is looked upon as an honest man and true lover of his country. This
maxim is grounded upon the principle that it is absolutely contrary
to the interests of the country, against the pleasure of their
sovereign,—nay, by virtue of the oath they have taken, even against the
supreme will of the gods, and the dictates of their conscience,—to show
any favor to foreigners. Nay, they pursue this false reasoning still
further, and pretend that a friend of foreigners must of necessity
be an enemy to his country, and a rebel to his sovereign; for, they
say, if the country should happen to be attacked or invaded by these
foreigners, the laws and ties of friendship would oblige him to stand
by them, and, consequently, to become a traitor to his country and
sovereign.

“Hence, to overreach a Dutchman; to ask extravagant prices of him;
to cheat and defraud him (so much as they think will not prove
prejudicial to their reputation, which they have a very tender regard
for); to lessen the liberties and advantages of the Dutch; to propose
new projects for making their servitude and condition still worse,
and the like, are looked upon as good, handsome, and lawful things in
themselves, and unquestionable proofs of a good patriot.

“If anybody steals anything of the Dutch, and it be found upon him
(which the kuri[141], or porters, we employ at the time of our sale are
very dexterous at), there is seldom any other punishment inflicted upon
him but restitution of the stolen goods, and a few lashes from soldiers
upon duty at our gate. Sometimes he is banished from the island for a
short time, or, if the crime be very notorious, from the town, though
that is done but seldom. But the penalty inflicted upon smugglers is
no less than an unavoidable death, either by beheading or the cross,
according to the nature of the crime, and the degree of guilt.

“The lading and unlading of our ships, and other business of this kind,
must not be done by our own people, but by the natives, who are well
paid for their work, whilst our people stand idle, and have nothing to
do but to look at them. But this is not the only grievance, for they
always hire at least twice as many people as there is occasion for,
and, if they work but one hour, we must, nevertheless, pay them a whole
day’s wages.

“All the people who have anything to do for or with us, though never so
numerous, and mere meddlers, must be maintained by us, either directly
by appointed salaries, or indirectly by the money which the governors
of the town detain from the price of our commodities.

“No Dutchman can send a letter out of the country, unless the contents
be first entered into a register-book kept for this purpose, and a
copy of it left with the governors. As to letters from abroad, all
the public ones must be sent directly to the governors, before they
are opened. As to the private ones, there are ways and means secretly
to convey them to us, which the government connives at, though it be
contrary to law.

“No Japanese is permitted to send any letters or presents to their
relatives abroad (there being still some left from former marriages
with the Dutch), or to receive any from them, unless they be first
carried to the governors, to be by them opened, and left entirely at
their disposal.

“Formerly, when a Dutchman died at Nagasaki, his body, deemed unworthy
of their ground, was thrown into the sea, somewhere without the harbor.
But, of late, an empty spot of waste ground was assigned us, and leave
given us decently to bury our dead there.

“It is an easy matter for anybody, whether native or foreigner, to make
his claims upon the Dutch; but we find it very difficult to obtain
justice from others. In the first case, the government is always
willing to give the complaining party damages, without so much as
considering whether the claim be upon the whole Company, or some of its
officers and servants, and whether it be just to make the former suffer
for the misdemeanors of the latter. But, if we have any complaint to
make, we generally meet with so many difficulties and tedious delays as
would deter anybody from pressing even the most righteous cause. One
instance out of many will be sufficient. The famous Chinese pirate,
_Koxinga_ [Kokusenya], having made himself master of the island of
Formosa, and of our fortress, Tayouan or Zelandia thereon, we took an
opportunity, by way of reprisals, to attack a large junk of his, bound
for that island, with about three hundred men on board, and to disable
her with our fire, so that, although she drove for about thirteen days
after the attack, yet not above nine of the whole company saved their
lives. Upon this, heavy complaints were made by the Chinese to the
government of Nagasaki, and with so good an effect that the same year
twenty-seven thousand taels damages were assigned to them out of our
treasury. Some time after, about the year 1672, one of our ships having
unfortunately stranded upon the coast of Formosa, the ship’s company
was barbarously murdered, and the whole cargo taken possession of by
the Chinese subjects of _Koxinga_; whereupon we made our complaints,
before the very same court, against this act of hostility, but with so
little success that, far from having any damages assigned us, we could
not obtain the restitution of so much as one farthing[142].

“The chief and most extensive company or corporation of the officers
of our island, is that of the Interpreters, or, in the literal sense,
_through-mouths_. Those of the first order, called _true Interpreters_,
are eight in number. By virtue of their office they are obliged to
assist and attend us whenever there is occasion; and so far, indeed,
they execute their duty with great preciseness, that we can scarce ever
one moment get rid of their importunate presence; for as they are made
answerable for our conduct, so they spare no pains nor trouble to have
a watchful eye over us.

[Illustration: ATTACK ON FORT ZEELANDIA IN FORMOSA
_From Verwaerloosde Formosa_]

“Four of these are high interpreters, of whom one is Nemban, signifying
a yearly guardian, or person appointed to report upon another. This
officer is only annual, and to him all petitions and complaints, and
whatever else relates to us and to our commerce, must be delivered, and
by him, with the consent of his brethren, to the commanding governor or
his deputy. He hath the greatest share in the management of our island,
in the direction of our trade, and in all our affairs in general. The
four other interpreters, though of the same order, are called inferior
interpreters. They have not near the authority of the first four, whom
they are to assist in the performance of their duties. They, too, have
a Nemban, or president of their own, who is a sort of deputy to the
chief Nemban. Both Nembans attend us in our journey to the court, their
year of office terminating with their return.

“They are paid by fees and presents (to buy their favor), and by
profits on the hire of laborers for the Company, and horses for the
journey to court. The whole income of a chief interpreter may amount to
three thousand taels and upwards, and that of an inferior interpreter
is seldom less than one thousand five hundred taels; and yet, with
all this income, they live but sparingly, because they must maintain
out of this money numerous families, and sometimes poor relations,
whom, according to the innate pride of this nation, they won’t suffer
to appear necessitous. Some part, also, of their revenue is spent in
presents to the governors of Nagasaki and their deputies.

“Next to the chief interpreters, must be mentioned the _learning
interpreters_, or _apprentices_. They are never less than eight,
but sometimes more, all sons to the chief interpreters, by birth or
adoption. They come over to us every day, in order to learn the Dutch
and Portuguese languages, as well as the art and mystery of dealing
with foreigners. They are employed as spies upon several occasions, as
also to inspect the lading and unlading of our ships, to search the
sailors, and such others as go on board or leave the vessels. They
also examine the goods imported, and exported, and are allowed for
these services a salary of forty taels a year, besides a share in the
boarding wages and other perquisites.

“After these come the _house interpreters_, employed by private
Dutchmen within their own houses. They have nothing to do on our
island, unless it be at the time of our yearly fair, or sale, when,
after having taken a solemn oath to avoid all communication, intimacy,
and familiarity with us, they are by the Otona admitted into our
service. From two to six are assigned to every Dutchman, during the
whole time of our fair, nominally as interpreters, but in fact as spies
to watch his actions; for there is scarce one in ten of them that
understands a Dutch word, excepting some few who have been servants to
the Dutch formerly.

“There are upwards of a hundred of these house interpreters, who all
stand under the command of the chief interpreters, and particularly the
Nemban, or president for the time being. Their salaries, an uncertain
sum, taken out of the taxes laid upon the Dutch trade, are supposed,
one year with another, to amount about six thousand taels, which they
divide among themselves, according to their rank and office, and as
it is computed that the twelve chiefs among them get at furthest two
hundred taels apiece, the rest must take up with half that money, and
sometimes with less. This company of interpreters have four treasurers
and two clerks to keep their cash and an account of what is paid in and
out.

“Two fundamental maxims they go upon: to do what lies in their power,
insensibly to increase the yearly expenses of the Dutch, to the
advantage of their countrymen, as becomes true patriots; to conceal
as much as possible all the tricks and cheats they perpetually play
us, lest the natives should come to know them. Both these ends they
endeavor to obtain by confining us still more and more, looking upon
this as the surest means to keep us ignorant of the language of the
country, and to prevent all conversation and familiarity with the
natives. If there be any of our people that hath made any considerable
progress in the Japanese language, they are sure, under some pretext
or other, to obtain an order from the governors to expel him from the
country.

“The only thing wherein the captains, as they are here called, or
directors of our trade (a province the Japanese will suffer them to
have very little to do with), can be useful to the Company and show
their zeal for their master’s service, is to act contrary to these
principles, and to find out ways and means civilly to refuse what new
requests are from time to time made to them. For if any one of these
demands be granted but once, or any new charge, though never so small,
be suffered to be laid upon us, they make it a precedent forever after.
And herein they particularly endeavor to deceive new directors, who
never have been in the country before, and whom they suppose to be
not fully apprised of their ways of proceeding. On this account they
will often, on the first year of their presence help them to a very
profitable trade, knowing, in case their demands be not admitted, how
to balance it the next with a more chargeable and less profitable one.

“The officer next in rank to the president of the interpreters,
and having jurisdiction over everybody on the island except the
interpreters, is the Otona, or magistrate of the street. He has the
inspection of our trade, and of the yearly sale of our goods, jointly
with the company of interpreters. He keeps a particular list of those
of our goods that belong to private persons, keeps those goods in his
custody, and gives orders when and how they are to be disposed of. He
takes care that our street, houses and other buildings, be kept in good
repair, and likewise, as much as lies in his power, that they be not
injured by thieves, fire, or other accidents. He protects our servants,
cooks, daily laborers, and all persons who are within his jurisdiction,
composes the difference arising between them, admits and swears them
into their respective employments, and dismisses them as he pleases. He
gives passports and tickets to come to Deshima, nobody being permitted
to enter this island without them. He is obliged, by virtue of his
office and by the oath he hath taken, narrowly to examine into the
conduct, life and behavior, not only of our servants and officers, but
also of ourselves, and to keep us to a strict obedience to the imperial
orders, though he is very cautious of laying any commands upon us of
his own sole authority, knowing that we would refuse to obey them.

“However, he hath so much power over us that in case any considerable
crime be committed, or any disregard shown to the imperial orders, by
any one of us, he can arrest him, and lay him in irons, of which there
are many and almost daily instances.

“Our present Otona, Yoshikawa Gibuyemon, as on one side he worked
himself into no small esteem and favor with the government by his great
severity in the execution of his office, but chiefly by having betrayed
us and our interest in a late affair[143], so much is he, on the other
side, hated by us. I will not take upon me to examine what reasons
he hath to allege for his conduct in that affair, though I have been
credibly informed he had very good ones. Thus far I must do justice
to his character, and own that he shows a great deal of prudence in
his conduct, that he is no ways given to covetousness or falsehood,
as, also, that he is an enemy to ignorance and brutality, and so well
versed in the moral doctrine of Kōshi (or Confucius), and in the
history, laws, and religion of his country, that he hath been desired
to write the history of the province of Hizen.

“The Otona has under him a Nichigyōshi, or messenger, whose business
it is daily to examine into the condition and safety of the locks at
the water-gates, to look into the state of our warehouses and other
buildings, and to give his master notice of what he finds out of
repair; also several clerks, who are to make lists of all the movable
goods belonging to private persons, which may be disposed of, to seal
them up in the Otona’s name, and to take them into safe custody.

“The Otona hath the same salary allowed him by the Dutch East India
Company as the chief interpreter, and the same share in the money
detained by the order of the government from the price of our goods,
besides several other advantages, as, for instance, his salary as
Otona of another street in the town, many presents and gratifications
made him by the proprietors of our island, and a considerable part
of the yearly rents we pay for the same, he having already purchased
about a third of our houses. His greatest profits arise from the Dutch
goods bought up for him at a cheap rate in other people’s names, and
afterwards sold by him for much more than their prime cost.

“Next to the Otona are our twenty-four landlords, or proprietors of our
island. They visit us but seldom, except at the time of our sale, when
they make their appearance daily, to look after the condition of our
houses, to be present and lend a helping hand in making a list of all
our commodities, household goods, and other things, and, what is more,
to have a watchful eye over us, their tenants, and to examine into
our behavior and conduct, as being, by virtue of the laws and customs
of the country, answerable for the same, and, in case of accidents
and misdemeanors, sentenced to bear a share either in the loss or
punishment.

“Next come the five secretaries of the island, a sort of deputies to
the chief interpreters. Their business is to keep an account of the
presents made by the Dutch, of their ordinary expenses, the expenses
of their journey to court, and other things of this kind, which are
thought beneath the dignity of the chief interpreters. Nay, they
themselves being not always willing to despatch their business in
person, keep also their deputies. The Company allows a constant salary
only to two, and these are to attend us in our journey to court. The
others are rewarded by handsome gratuities at the time of our sale.

“The inspectors of our kuri[144], or workmen, consist of fifteen
persons. One of the fifteen is quartermaster, who must be present in
person to encourage and look after them when there is any work to
be done. The whole company is to take care that we be not robbed by
these kulis, they being very dexterous at it, whenever a favorable
opportunity occurs. For this reason our East India Company allows them
a constant salary.

“The kulis, who are employed in lading and unlading of our ships, are
people unknown to us, and taken out of the town. All we know of them
is, that we must pay them well for their trouble. In order to make it
beneficial to the whole town, the Otona of each street keeps a list of
what people in his street are willing or able to serve as kulis, that
in their turn they may be sent over to Deshima.

“The _treasury officers_ are a company of thirty-six persons, superior
and inferior, who receive the money for the goods we have disposed of,
change it into kobans of gold, and deliver them to our interpreters,
who count them before us. These treasurers retain one per cent, for
their trouble, and fifteen per cent or more for the benefit of the
town, according to the yearly value of the koban, which varies from
fifty-five to fifty-nine mas in silver, besides which, the director of
this Company receives a hundred taels a year salary from the Dutch, and
the rest of the number fifty taels.

“Our commissioners for victualling are a company of about seventeen
house-keepers of Nagasaki with their families. Their business is to
provide our island with victuals, drink, household goods, and what else
we want, or have leave to buy, of this kind. Nobody but the members of
this corporation is permitted to sell us any victuals or goods, though
they exact so much upon us that they make us pay at least twice or
thrice as much as things are sold for at the market. They also furnish
our people, on demand, with courtesans; and, truly, our young sailors,
unacquainted as they commonly are with the virtue of temperance, are
not ashamed to spend five rix dollars for one night’s pleasure, and
with such wenches, too, as a native of Nagasaki might have for two
or three mas, they being none of the best and handsomest; nor do the
masters of the women get more than a tael. The rest is laid up in the
cash of this Company for their own private use, or, as they pretend, to
hire proper servants to conduct the damsels over to our island.

“The officers of the kitchen consist of three cooks, who serve by
turns, each a month, of two grooms of the kitchen, an apprentice or
two, who are generally the cook’s own sons, likely to succeed their
fathers in time, lastly of some laborers to carry water. This is the
reason that our table is so very expensive, since the best part of the
year, the time of our sale only excepted, there are actually more cooks
than people to provide victuals for. And yet we have strict commands
from the governors of the town, not in the least to alter this number,
nor to get our victuals dressed by our own people. We are obliged to
allow one hundred and fifty taels a year to the first, one hundred and
thirty to the second, and one hundred to the third. There are, besides,
some other people who now and then do some little service in and for
our kitchen, such as a man to look after our cattle,—though but very
few in number, and of very little use to us, the males being generally
secretly poisoned, or their legs broken in the night, to prevent
their multiplying too much, which, ’tis apprehended would turn to the
disadvantage of the commissioners of victualling,—a gardener and some
other menial servants. This being looked upon by the meaner sort of
people at Nagasaki as a perquisite, which every one is glad to have a
share of in his turn, these servants are relieved once a month, and
others sent in their stead, to do their business, out of every street
of Nagasaki. But the chief reason why they relieve them so often is
because they apprehend a longer stay might make them too familiar with
us, and perhaps too favorable for our interest.

“The Dutch, out of a particular favor, are permitted to have some
young boys to wait upon them in the daytime. They are entered in the
Otona’s book in quality of messengers. They are commonly sons of the
inferior interpreters and other officers of our island, who, by this
opportunity of learning the Dutch language, qualify themselves in time
to succeed their fathers. However, care is taken that they stay in our
service only so long as they are looked upon as simple, and ignorant of
the state and interest of their country, or else so long as the Otona
pleases to give them leave; but never without sufficient security,
given upon oath, by a respectable inhabitant of Nagasaki, who obliges
himself to be answerable for their misbehavior. Thus much must be owned
in justice to these young boys, that more readiness to do what they are
commanded, and a greater fidelity in the custody of the goods they are
entrusted with by their masters, is hardly to be met with in any other
nation.

“Some tradesmen and artificers of several companies in Nagasaki, are
also permitted to come over to our island, when sent for, provided they
have leave of the governors, which must be obtained every time they are
wanted.

“The guards employed to watch us are two within the island, and three
without. Six of the poorer inhabitants of Nagasaki, furnished by turns
from all the streets, and relieved once a month, have their appropriate
stations within the island, whence they go over to one another all
night, and indicate, according to the custom of the country, both their
vigilance and the hours, by beating two wooden cylinders, one against
the other. They are also to watch thieves, accidents of fire, and the
like.

“During the sale, another guard, on purpose to watch accidents of fire,
is kept by our Otona, his clerks, our landlords, the officers of our
exchequer, and the cooks. In their first round they knock at every
door, to ask whether there be no Japanese hid within, and to recommend
to the occupants to take care of the fire. The Otona must be present at
least once in the night, when, according to the custom of the country,
his fire-staff, hung about with iron rings, as the badge of his
authority, is carried rattling after him. The Dutch also keep, at the
same time, a watch of their own people, to take care that their masters
be not robbed by their Japanese guards.

[Illustration: NAGASAKI HARBOR]

“The _Ship and Harbor Guard_, appointed to have a general inspection
over all foreigners, Chinese as well as Dutch, goes the round of the
harbor all night, particularly about our island. The _Spy Guard_
watches from the mountains back of the town the approach of foreign
ships. The _Gate Guard_ keeps the gate towards the town, that being the
only passage in and out. It is mounted daily by five persons, their
servants not computed. At the time of the sale of our goods there are
never less than ten, but sometimes twelve or more, and to these, its
regular members, are added at that time two persons from the ship
and harbor guard, two from the spy guard, four furnished by the town of
Nagasaki, four by the silk merchants, and two on the part of the two
chief magistrates or burgomasters of the lower town of Nagasaki, one of
whom keeps the journal of the guard, wherein (for the information of
the governors of the town, who, at least once a month, call for this
record and look it over) is entered what passes from hour to hour, and
what persons and things go in or out. Yet, without express orders from
the governors, or leave given by the Otona, nothing is suffered to
pass through but what is sent in by those appointed to provide us with
necessaries and unprohibited goods. For a still greater security, three
sworn searchers are added to this guard, one or two of whom attend
constantly hard by the gate, to search whoever goes in or out. Nor is
anybody exempted from being searched but the governors, their deputies
or commissioners, with their retinues, and our ordinary interpreters
and their sons, who are entered as apprentices.

“Such a variety of people of different ranks and characters being to do
duty upon one guard, it obliges on the one side everybody to discharge
their duty to the utmost of their power, and on the other it puts the
government out of all apprehensions of their plotting or conspiring
together; for, in fact, they are not only to watch us, and the people
who have business with us, and, on this account, go in and out of our
island, but each other also. Among the things which stand by, or are
hung upon the walls of the guard-house, are irons to put on criminals,
ropes to bind them, heavy staffs to beat them, and a particular sort of
an instrument, a kind of hook or rake, which they make use of to catch
thieves and deserters, and which is commonly carried about at their
public execution.

“All these people, although they maintain themselves and their families
entirely by what they get by us and our service, yet from their conduct
one would think them to be our sworn enemies, always intent to do us
what mischief they can, and so much the more to be feared, as their
hatred and enmity is hid under the specious color of friendship,
deference, and good-will.

“Considering that there are so very few Dutchmen left in the island,
one would imagine that the Japanese had no reason to be uneasy, or
anyways apprehensive of our conduct. Surely such a small number of
people, and those, too, deprived of arms and ammunition (the very first
thing which the Japanese take into their custody upon the arrival of
our ships), would never take it into their heads to make any attempt
against the peace and tranquillity of the empire. As to smuggling,
they have too well prevented any attempts of that kind, by taking
not only an exact inventory of all our goods and commodities, but by
locking them up under their own locks and seals. Even the cloth and
stuffs which are brought over for our own use must be delivered into
the custody of the Otona, till one of their own tailors, sworn for this
purpose, cuts them, allowing each of us just so much as will make him
a good suit. But what they have still less reason to be apprehensive
of, is the subversion of their pagan doctrine and religion, so little
conspicuous are the principles of Christianity in our lives and
actions. Nevertheless, so many guards, corporations, societies, with
their numerous attendants, all upon oath, and themselves jealous and
mistrustful one of another, are set to guard and narrowly to watch us,
as if we were the greatest malefactors, traitors, spies—in a word,
the worst and most dangerous set of people; or, to make use of a very
significant expression of the Japanese, as if we were, what I think we
really are, Hitodichi, that is, the emperor’s hostages.”

It is to be observed that in different parts of his book Kämpfer
appears in two distinct characters. Sometimes he seems to be the mere
surgeon of the Dutch factory, fully sharing and giving voice to all the
feelings and prejudices of that establishment, bringing before us, in
a very lively manner, the angry Dutch factors grumbling over the new
restrictions lately put upon the Dutch trade, and especially the new
precaution against smuggling. Elsewhere he shows himself perfectly able
to enter into all the views and feelings of the Japanese; and however
angry he may occasionally get at the obstacles encountered by himself,
especially on the part of the old chief interpreter, in his efforts to
obtain a full knowledge of Japanese affairs, he had evidently conceived
a strong liking for the Japanese people, and never fails to do them
justice, whether as individuals or as a nation. He composed, indeed, a
formal dissertation, originally published in his “Amœnitates,” in which
he enters into an elaborate defence of the policy of the Japanese in
their jealous exclusion of foreigners; nor can any one who calls to
mind the consequences of that intercourse to the natives of Eastern
Asia and America, and especially the history of the late Anglo-Chinese
opium war, deny the plausibility at least of the argument.

CHAPTER XXVIII

_Particular Statement as to the Dutch Trade as it existed in Kämpfer’s
Time—Arrival of the Ships—Unlading—Passes—Imports—Company and Private
Goods—Kambans, or Public Sales—Duties—Profits—Exports—Departure of the
Ships—Smuggling—Execution of Smugglers._

“The Dutch ships,” says Kämpfer, “are expected some time in September,
towards the latter end of the southwest monsoon, that being the only
time proper for this navigation.[145] As soon as the spy guards with
their glasses discover a ship steering towards the harbor, and send
notice of her approach to the governors of Nagasaki, three persons of
our factory are sent with the usual attendance to meet her about two
miles without the harbor, and to deliver to the captain the necessary
instructions, from the director of our trade, with regard to his
behavior.

“The interpreter and the deputies of the governors demand forthwith the
list of the cargo and crew, as also the letters on board, which are
carried to Nagasaki, where the governors first examine and then deliver
them to our director.

“The ship follows as soon as possible, and, having entered the harbor,
salutes both imperial guards with all her guns, and casts anchor
opposite to the town, about a musket-shot from our island. If the wind
be contrary, rowing-boats (kept for this purpose by the common people
of the town) are sent at our expense, but not at our desire, to tow her
in by force. In still weather they send about ten of these boats; if it
be stormy, and the wind contrary, they increase the number to fifty,
and sometimes to a hundred—so many as they think necessary—that is, at
least twice the number there is occasion for.

“When the ship has entered the harbor, two guard-boats, with a good
number of soldiers, are put one on each side of her, and continued,
being mounted with fresh troops every day, till she leaves. As soon
as the ship drops anchor, great numbers of officers come on board
to demand our guns, cutlasses, swords and other arms, as also the
gunpowder packed up in barrels, which are taken into their custody, and
kept in a store-house, built for this purpose, till her departure. They
attempted, also, in former times, to take out the rudder, but, having
found it impracticable, they now leave it in.

“The next day after her arrival, the commissioners of the governor
come on board, with their usual attendance of soldiers, interpreters,
and subordinate officers, to make an exact review, in presence of our
director, of all the people on board, according to the list which hath
been given them, and wherein is set down every one’s name, age, birth,
place of residence, and office, examining them from top to toe. Many
questions are asked, as to those who died on the voyage, when and of
what distemper they died. Even now and then a dead monkey or parrot may
occasion a strict inquiry to be made after the cause and manner of
their death, and they are so scrupulous that they will not give their
verdict, without sitting upon the body itself, and carefully examining
it.

“After this, the orders of our director, and likewise of the governors
of Nagasaki, relating to our behavior with regard to the natives, are
read in Low Dutch, and afterwards, for every one’s inspection, stuck up
in several places on board the ship, and at Deshima. The same rules are
observed with all our ships, of which there are two, three, or four,
sent from Batavia to Japan every year, according to the quantity of
copper they have occasion for; one of which goes first to Siam, to make
up part of her cargo with the commodities of that country. Formerly,
when the Dutch as yet enjoyed a free trade, they sent seldom less than
six or seven ships, and sometimes more.

“The review being over, they proceed to unlade the ships, during which,
several of the governors’ officers, a chief interpreter, a deputy
interpreter, and an apprentice, besides several clerks and inferior
officers, remain on board, taking possession of every corner, to see
that nothing be carried away privately. The water gates of our island,
through which the cargo is to be brought in, are opened in presence of
the _karō_, that is, high commissioners of the governors, and their
retinue. So long as the gates are kept open, the karō, with their
deputies and other assistants, stay in a room built for this purpose,
not far off. The whole body of interpreters, as also our landlords,
clerks, and other officers of our island, give their attendance, and
also their assistance, at that time. They fall to work with three
hundred or more kuri, or workmen—always at least twice the number there
is occasion for. The unlading of every ship ought to be performed
in two days, but notwithstanding the number of men they employ, they
generally make a three days’ work of it, in order to make it so much
the more beneficial to the town.

“The goods are brought from the ship in boats, kept for this purpose
only, at the Company’s expense. Being brought within the water gates,
they are laid before the commissioners, who set them down in writing,
count them, compare them with the list that hath been given in (opening
a bale or two of each sort, picked out from among the rest), and
then order them to be locked up, under their seal, in the Company’s
warehouse, until the day of sale. The trunks belonging to private
persons are set down at the entry of the island, and there opened and
examined. If the owner doth not forthwith appear with the key, they
proceed, without any further ceremony, to open them with axes. All
vendible goods are taken out and locked up under their seals. Some
other things, also, which they do not approve of, as, for instance,
arms, stuff, and cloth wrought with gold and silver, as also all
contraband goods, are taken into custody by the Otona, who returns them
to the owner upon his departure.

“No European, nor any other foreign money, and, in general, nothing
that hath the figure of a cross, saint, or beads, upon it, is suffered
to pass. If any such thing should be found upon any of our people, it
would occasion such a confusion and fright among the Japanese as if
the whole empire had been betrayed. I have already taken notice that,
upon our drawing near the harbor, every one is obliged to deliver his
prayer-books, and other books of divinity, as also all European money,
to the captain, who packs them all up in an old cask, and hides them.

“Those who are newly arrived must suffer themselves, in going in or
coming out of our island, to be searched, whether or no they have any
contraband goods about them. Every one who wishes to go on board,
whether it be for his own private business, or in the Company’s
service, is obliged to take out a pass-board from the commissioners at
the water gates, and, in like manner, when he returns on shore, he must
take out another from those on the ship.

“At night, when the commissioners sent on board the ship return with
their retinue to Nagasaki, the cabin is sealed up in their presence,
and all the Dutchmen accurately counted over, to see that there be none
wanting, which would occasion a very great confusion. During my stay
in Japan it happened that a common sailor unfortunately was drowned in
the night, nobody perceiving his falling into the water. At the review
made the next morning (for it is constantly made every morning and
night) the fellow was missed. This unlucky accident suddenly stopped
all proceedings, and the fear lest it should be a Roman Catholic
priest, who had made his escape into the country, occasioned such a
consternation among the Japanese, that all the officers ran about,
scratching their heads, and behaving as if they had lost their senses,
and some of the soldiers in the guard-ships were already preparing to
rip themselves open, when at last the unlucky fellow’s body being taken
up from the bottom of the harbor put an end to their fears.

“At all other times, that for lading and unlading our ships excepted,
the water gates are shut, by which means all communication is cut off
between those that stay on board and those that remain on shore. The
ship’s cargo having been placed in the warehouses, the goods lie there
till they are pleased, in two or three days of sale, which they call
_Kamban_, to sell them. What remains unsold is carried back to the
warehouses, and kept there against the next year’s sale.

“The following goods are imported by us: raw silk, from China, Tonquin,
Bengal, and Persia; all sorts of silks, woollen, and other stuffs
(provided they be not wrought with gold and silver); Brazil wood;
buffalo, and other hides; raw skins, wax, and buffalo horns from Siam;
tanned hides from Persia, Bengal, and other places, but none from Spain
and Manila, under pain of incurring their utmost displeasure; pepper;
sugar, in powder and candied; cloves; nutmegs; camphor, from Borneo
and Sumatra; quicksilver; cinnabar; saffron; lead; saltpetre; borax;
alum; musk; gum benzoin; gum lac; rosmal, or _storax liquida_; catechu,
commonly called Terra Japonica; fustic; corals; amber; right antimony
(which they use to color their china ware); looking-glasses, which
they cut up to make spy-glasses, magnifying glasses, and spectacles,
out of them. Other things of less note are snakewood; mangoes, and
other unripe East India fruits, pickled with Turkish pepper, garlic,
and vinegar; black lead and red pencils; sublimate of mercury (but no
calomel); fine files; needles; spectacles; large drinking-glasses of
the finest sort; counterfeit corals; strange birds, and other foreign
curiosities, both natural and artificial. Some of these are often sold
in private, by sailors and others, without being produced upon the
_Kamban_, and in this case the Dutch make no scruple to get as much for
them beyond their real value as possibly they can.

“Of all the imported goods, raw silk is the best liked, though it
yields the least profit of any. All sorts of stuffs and cloths yield
a considerable and sure profit, and should there be never so much
imported, the consumption in so populous a country would be still
greater. Brazil wood and hides are also to be disposed of to very good
advantage. The most profitable commodities are sugar, catechu, storax
liquida, camphor of Borneo (which they covet above all other sorts),
looking-glasses, etc., but only when they have occasion for them, and
when the Chinese have imported in small quantities. Corals and amber
are two of the most valuable commodities in these eastern parts; but
Japan hath been so thoroughly provided by smugglers, that at present
there is scarce fifty per cent to be got upon them, whereas formerly we
could sell them, ten, nay, a hundred times dearer. The price of these
things, and of all natural and artificial curiosities, varies very
much, according to the number and disposition of the buyers, who may be
sure to get cent per cent clear profit by them, at what price soever
they buy them.

“The yearly sum to the value of which the Dutch are permitted to sell
goods imported by them is, by Japanese reckoning, three hundred chests
of silver, each of a thousand taels, or in gold fifty thousand kobans;
the highest value of the koban, as current in Japan, being sixty mas,
or six taels. But the Japanese having obliged the Dutch East India
Company to accept payment in gold kobans, each reckoned at sixty-eight
mas, the sales of the Company, though made to the amount of three
hundred thousand taels in silver, produced only forty-four thousand one
hundred and eighteen kobans.”

A chance was thus afforded, as Kämpfer expresses it “to make the
officers concerned in carrying on the Dutch trade some amends for their
trouble and hard usage, by allowing them to dispose of goods on their
own private account,” to the value of five thousand six hundred and
eighty-two kobans, equivalent, at the reckoning of fifty-eight mas, to
forty thousand taels, thus making up the fifty thousand kobans, to the
amount of which the annual sale of Dutch goods was limited; and as this
arrangement for private trade had been made by the Japanese, the East
India Company did not venture to interfere with it.

At the head of these officers stands the Director, or, as he is called
by the Japanese, Captain of the Dutch (_Hollanda Capitan_), who has
the command, inspection, and care of the trade. The same person is
the head of the embassy sent to court once every year; and, according
to the custom of the country, he must be relieved after the year is
expired. The ships from Batavia bring over his successor, with some few
merchants and clerks, to assist during the sale, after which, the old
director goes on board, to return to Batavia. The privilege of private
trade was, in Kämpfer’s time, divided as follows: The acting director
could sell to the extent of ten thousand taels; the new director to the
extent of seven thousand; his deputy, or the next person after him, to
the extent of six thousand. The captains of the ships, the merchants,
clerks, &c., shared the remainder, as they happened to be in favor with
the chief managers, and the Japanese interpreters.

“The day of the _Kamban_ (as they call our sale), which must be
determined by the court, drawing near, a list of all the goods is hung
up at the gates without our island, written in very large characters,
that everybody may read it at a due distance. Meanwhile, the
government signifies to the several Otonas of the town, and these to
the merchants, who are come hither from diverse parts of the empire,
what duty per cent will be laid for the benefit of the inhabitants of
Nagasaki, upon each description of our goods, in order to enable them
to determine what price they can afford to offer. The day before the
_Kamban_, papers are put up at all the gates of the streets, to invite
the merchants to make their appearance the next morning at Deshima,
where, for their further information, they find before every house
a list of the goods laid up in it. As the direction of our trade is
entirely in the hands of the government of Nagasaki, so, particularly,
the _Kamban_ cannot be held but in presence of two Stewards of the
governors, authorized by them to assist at it. The chief officers of
our island must likewise be present. The first interpreter presides,
and directs everything, while our own triumvirs—I mean the two
directors, the old and new—and the deputy director, have little or
nothing to say.

“All persons who must be present at the sale having met together, our
directors order samples of all our goods to be exposed to view, and
then give a signal with a _gum-gum_, a sort of flat bell, not unlike a
basin, for the merchants to come in. The house where the sale is kept
is a very neat building, built at the Company’s expense, and is then,
by removing the shutters, laid open towards the street for people to
look in. There is a small gallery round it, and it is divided within
into several partitions, very commodiously contrived for this act.

“The sale itself is performed in the following manner. Only one sort
of goods is put up at a time. Those who have a mind to buy them give
in some tickets, each signed by feigned names, and signifying how much
they intend to give for a piece, or a katti, of the article on sale. I
took notice that every merchant gives in several tickets. This is done
in order to see how matters are like to go, and to keep to a less price
in case he repents of the greater, for which purpose they are signed
only by feigned names; and, because of the great number and subdivision
of the small coin, it seldom happens that two tickets exactly agree.
After all the bidders have given in their tickets, our directors
proceed to open and assort them. They are then delivered to the
presiding chief interpreter, who reads them aloud, one after another,
beginning with the highest. He asks after the bidder three times, and,
if there is no answer made, he lays that ticket aside and takes the
next to it. So he goes on, taking always a less, till the bidder cries
out, ‘Here I am,’and then draws near to sign the note, and to put
his true name to it with black ink, which the Japanese always carry
about them. The goods first put up being sold, they proceed to others,
which they sell in the same manner; and so they go on till the sum
determined by the emperor hath been raised, which is commonly done in
two or three, seldom in four, days of sale. The day after each _Kamban_
the goods are delivered to the buyer, and carried off. A company of
merchants of the five imperial cities have obtained the monopoly for
buying and selling raw silks, of which they would fain oblige us to
make up at least one-third of our cargoes.

“The duty or custom levied upon goods has been introduced at Nagasaki,
merely with an intent to take off part of the vast profits which
foreigners get upon their commodities, and to assign them for the use
and maintenance of the poorer inhabitants of the town, among whom
it is distributed in proportion to the trouble they must be at, on
account of the public offices they must serve by turns. They commonly
receive in this distribution from three to fifteen taels each. The
duty laid upon the goods belonging to the Company is fifteen per cent,
producing forty-five thousand taels. The goods belonging to private
persons, which are commonly sold at the end of the _Kamban_, pay much
more—no less than sixty-five per cent upon goods sold by the piece, and
sixty-seven per cent on goods sold by weight. Rating each sort at half
the whole amount, and the whole produce is twenty-seven thousand taels.
The reason they give for the difference in the rate of duty is, because
private goods are brought over in the Company’s ships, at the Company’s
expense, and, consequently, deserve less profit. The Chinese, for the
like reason,—that is, because they are not at the expense of such long
and hazardous voyages as the Dutch, but are nearer at hand,—pay a
duty of sixty per cent for all their goods, which brings in a sum of
three hundred and sixty thousand taels duty. If to this be added the
yearly rent for our houses and factories, which is five thousand five
hundred and eighty taels, and that of the Chinese factory, which is
sixteen thousand taels, it makes up in all a sum of four hundred and
fifty-three thousand five hundred and eighty taels (upwards of half a
million of dollars) which the foreign commerce produces annually to the
magistrates and inhabitants of Nagasaki.

“The profits our goods produce may be computed to amount, one year with
another, to sixty per cent, though, if all the charges and expenses of
our sale be taken into consideration, we cannot well get above forty
or forty-five per cent clear gain. Considering so small a profit, it
would scarcely be worth the Company’s while to continue this branch of
our trade any longer, were it not that the goods we export from thence,
and particularly the refined copper, yield much the same profit, so
that the whole profit may be computed to amount to eighty or ninety per
cent.

“The goods belonging to private persons being brought over and sold
without any expense to the owner, the gain therefrom, notwithstanding
the great duty laid upon them, is no ways inferior to that of the
Company. The two chief directors have the greater share of it. They
cannot hold their offices longer than three years, and that not
successively, being obliged, after they have served one year, to return
with the homeward-bound ships to Batavia, whence they are sent back
again, either by the next ships, or two years after. If the directors
stand upon good terms with the chief interpreter, and have found
ways and means to secure his favor, by making him large presents at
the Company’s expense, he can contrive things so that some of their
goods be put up and sold upon the first or second _Kamban_, among
the Company’s goods, and so, by reason of the small duty, produce
sixty-five to seventy per cent profit. This, too, may be done without
any prejudice to the Company; for, in casting up the sums paid in for
goods, these articles are slipped over. If they have any goods beyond
the amount they are legally entitled to, chiefly red coral, amber, and
the like, it is an easy matter to dispose of them in private, by the
assistance of the officers of the island, who will generally themselves
take them off their hands. The Otona himself is very often concerned in
such bargains, they being very advantageous. Formerly, we could sell
them by a deputy to the persons who came over to our island at the
time of our _Kamban_, and that way was far the most profitable for us.
But one of our directors, in 1686, played his cards so awkwardly that
ten Japanese were beheaded for smuggling, and he himself banished the
country forever.

“The residing director, who goes also as ambassador to the emperor’s
court, hath, besides, another very considerable advantage, in that
such presents as the governors of Nagasaki desire to be made to the
emperor, not to be found in the Company’s warehouses, and therefore
to be bought, can be furnished by him out of his own stock, if it so
happens that he hath them, in which case he takes all the profit to
himself, without doing any prejudice to the Company. Nay, they might
possibly go still further in pursuit of their own private advantages,
were it not that they endeavor to pass for men of conscience and
honor, or, at least, aim to appear fearful lest they should be thought
too notoriously to injure both the confidence and interest of their
masters. I do not pretend hereby to charge them with any indirect
practices as to the annual expenses, though perhaps even those are
sometimes run up to an unnecessary height; nor is it in the least my
intention to detract from the reputation and character of probity of
so many worthy gentlemen, who have filled this station with honor, and
discharged their duty with the utmost faithfulness to their masters.
Thus much I can say without exaggeration, that the directorship of the
Dutch trade in Japan is a place which the possessor would not easily
part with for thirty thousand guilders (twelve thousand dollars).
’Tis true, it would be a great disadvantage to the director, and
considerably lessen his profits, if he hath not a good cash in hand to
provide himself, before his departure from Batavia, with a sufficient
stock of goods, but must take them upon credit, and upon his return
share the profits with his creditors. Besides, he must not presume
to leave Batavia, much less to return thither, without valuable
consideration to his benefactors, unless he intends to be excused
for the future the honor of any such employment. The goods he brings
back to Batavia are silk gowns, which he receives as presents from
the emperor and his ministers, and whereof he makes presents again to
his friends and patrons, victuals, china ware, lackered or japanned
things, and other manufactures of the country, which he can dispose
of at Batavia at fifty per cent profits; and besides some kobans in
gold; though if he have any left it is much more profitable to buy
ambergris,[146] or refined copper, and to send the latter, if possible,
on board the Company’s ships to Malacca. I say if possible, because
there are strict orders from the Company against it.

“But it is time at last to send our ships on their return. To make up
their cargoes we buy from twelve thousand to twenty thousand piculs of
refined copper, cast in small cylinders, a span long and an inch thick,
each picul packed in a fir box. We buy, likewise a small quantity of
coarse copper, delivered to us in broad flattish round cakes, and
sometimes we take in some hundred piculs or chests of copper kasies
or farthings, but not unless they be asked for at Tonquin and other
places. All the copper is sold to us by a company of united merchants,
who, by virtue of a privilege from the emperor, have the sole refining
and selling of it to foreigners.

“The other part of our cargo is made up of Japanese camphor, from six
thousand to twelve thousand, and sometimes more, pounds a year, packed
up in wooden barrels; of some hundred bales of china ware packed up
in straw; of a box or two of gold thread, of an hundred rolls to the
box; of all sorts of japanned cabinet-boxes, chests of drawers, and the
like, all of the very best workmanship we can meet with; of umbrellas,
screens, and several other manufactures, made of canes, wood, buffalo
and other horns, hard skins of fishes, which they work with uncommon
neatness and dexterity, stone, copper, gold and _Sowas_ (?), which is
an artificial metal, composed of copper, silver and gold, and esteemed
at least equal in value to silver. To these may be added paper made
transparent with oil and varnish; paper printed and colored with false
gold and silver for hanging of rooms; rice, the best to be had in Asia;
sake, a strong liquor brewed from rice; soy, a sort of pickle, fit to
be eat at table with roasted meat; pickled fruits packed in barrels;
indented tobacco; tea and marmalades; besides some thousand kobans of
gold in specie. The exportation of the following articles is strictly
forbidden. All prints, pictures, goods or stuffs, bearing the emperor’s
coat of arms. Pictures and representations, printed and others, of
soldiers and military people, of any person belonging to the court of
the Dairi, or of Japanese ships; maps of the empire or any part of it;
plans of towns, castles, temples, and the like; all sorts of silk,
cotton, and hempen stuffs; all sorts of arms, including those made in
Japan after European patterns; carpenters’ knives; silver.

“Our ships cannot be laden, nor set sail, till special leave has been
given, and the day of their departure determined by the court. When
they are laden, all our private goods and what else we have to bring on
board, must be again narrowly searched. For this purpose, two of our
landlords, two apprentices of the interpreters, and two clerks, with
some kuri, or workmen, about two or three days before the departure of
the ships, call upon every one in his room, as well those who stay at
Deshima as those who are to return, and who, during the time of sale,
have been lodged in our empty houses. These people visit every corner,
and examine all our things piece by piece, taking an exact memorandum
of what they find; then they bind them together with straw ropes, and
put their seals to them, along with a list of what the parcel contains,
for the information of the gate-guard, who would else open them again.
All contraband goods are seized at this search. Should any of these be
found upon any Dutchman, the possessor would be at least banished the
country for life, and the interpreters and servants appointed for his
service and all other suspected persons would be put to the rack, till
the seller and all his accomplices were discovered, by whose blood only
is such crime to be expiated. Of this we had a late instance in the
imperial steward’s own secretary, who, having endeavored to send over
some scymitar blades to China, was executed for it, with his only son,
not above eight years old. Upon my own departure, although my things,
for good reasons, were visited but slightly, and over a bottle, yet
they seized upon an old Japanese razor and a few other things, just
because they happened to see them.

“The day determined for the departure of our ships drawing near, they
proceed to lade their cargoes one after another. Last of all, the arms
and powder are brought on board, followed by the ship’s company, who
must again pass in review according to the list which was given in upon
ship’s arrival. The ship being ready, she must weigh her anchors that
instant and retire two leagues off the town towards the entrance of
the harbor, where she rides till the other ships are laden in the same
manner. When all the homeward-bound ships are joined, they proceed on
their voyage and after they have gotten to the main sea, to a pretty
considerable distance from the harbor, the Japanese ship-guard, which
never quitted them from their first arrival till then, leave them and
return home. If the wind proves contrary to the ship’s going out, a
good number of Japanese rowing boats, fastened to a rope, tow them out
by force one after another. For the emperor’s orders must be executed
in spite of wind and weather, should even afterwards all the ships run
the hazard of being wrecked.

“All these several strict orders and regulations of the Japanese have
been made chiefly with an intent to prevent smuggling. The penalty
put upon this crime is death without hope of reprieve; but it extends
only to the person convicted and his accomplices, and not to their
families, as the punishment of some other crimes does. And yet the
Japanese are so addicted to it, that, according to computation, no less
than three hundred persons have been executed in six or seven years’
time for smuggling with the Chinese, whose departing junks they follow
to the main sea, and buy of them at a low price what goods they could
not dispose of at their sale at Nagasaki. But these unhappy wretches
are almost as frequently caught by the Japanese boats particularly
appointed for that purpose, and delivered up to justice at Nagasaki,
which constantly proves severe and unmerciful enough.”

Not long after Kämpfer’s arrival in Japan, eleven smugglers were
caught in one boat, and brought to Nagasaki, where they were executed
a few days after. On the 28th of December, 1691, twenty-three persons
suffered death for smuggling, ten of whom were beheaded, and the others
crucified. Among the latter were five who, upon being taken, made away
with themselves, to avoid the shame of an unavoidable public execution;
but their bodies were nevertheless preserved in salt, on purpose to be
afterwards fixed to the cross. During Kämpfer’s stay in Japan, which
was not above two years, upwards of fifty smugglers lost their lives.

“Though there are not many instances of people executed for smuggling
with the Dutch, yet such a case occurred in 1691, when,” says Kämpfer,
“two Japanese were executed on our island for having smuggled from
a Dutchman one pound of camphor of Borneo, which was found upon the
buyer just as he endeavored to carry it off from our island. Early in
the morning on the day of execution the acting governor of Nagasaki
sent notice by the Otona to our director to keep himself with the rest
of the Dutchmen in readiness to see the criminals executed. About
an hour after came over the numerous flocks of our interpreters,
landlords, cooks and all the train of Deshima, with the sheriffs and
other officers of justice, in all to the number of at least two hundred
people. Before the company was carried a pike with a tablet, whereupon
the crime for which the criminals were to suffer was specified in large
characters. Then followed the two criminals, surrounded with bailiffs.
The first was the buyer, a young man of twenty-three years of age,
very meanly clad, upon whom the camphor was found. The second was a
well-looking man, well clad, about forty years of age, who suffered
only for having lent the other, formerly a servant of his, the money to
buy it with.

“One of the bailiffs carried an instrument upright, formed like a
rake, but with iron hooks instead of teeth, proper to be made use of
if any of the malefactors should attempt to make his escape, because
it easily catches hold of one’s clothes. Another carried another
instrument proper to cut, to stab, and to pin one fast to a wall. Then
followed two officers of the governor’s court, with their retinues,
as commissioners to preside at this act, and at some distance came
two clerks. In this order they marched across our island to the place
designed for this execution.

“We Dutchmen, only seven in number (our ship being already gone),
resolved not to come near. But our director advised us to go, as he had
heard that on our refusal we would be compelled by force. I followed
this advice, and went without delay to see the execution done. I found
the two criminals in the middle of the place, one behind the other,
kneeling, their shoulders uncovered, and their hands tied to their
backs. Each had his executioner standing by him, the one a tanner (for
tanners in this country do the office of executioners), the other his
best friend and comrade, whom he earnestly desired, as the custom is
in this country, by doing him this piece of service, to confirm the
friendship he had always had for him. At about twenty paces from the
criminals sat the two commissioners upon one bench, and the two clerks
upon another. A third was left empty for our director, who, however,
did not appear. The rest of the people stood promiscuously where they
pleased. I myself crowded with my Japanese servant as near one of the
malefactors as possibly we could. While they were waiting for the rest
of the Dutchmen I overheard a very extraordinary discourse between the
two criminals; for as the elderly man was grumbling between his teeth
his Kwannongyō, or short prayer to the hundred-hand idol Kwannon, the
other, to whom I stood nearest, rebuked him for it. ‘Fy!’said he. ‘For
shame, to appear thus frightened out of your wits!’‘Ah, ah!’ says the
other, ‘I only pray a little.’‘You have had time enough to pray,’
replied the first; ‘it serves no purpose now, but to expose yourself
and to show the Dutch what a coward you are!’and this discourse so
wrought upon the other that he actually left off praying.

“The minute that the Dutch were all assembled at the place of
execution, a signal was given, and that instant both executioners
cut off each his criminal’s head, with a short scymitar, in such a
manner that their bodies fell forward to the ground. The bodies were
wrapped up, each in a coarse rush mat, and both their heads together
in a third, and so carried away from Deshima to the ordinary place of
execution, a field not far from Nagasaki, where, it was said, young
people tried their strength and the sharpness of their scymitars upon
the dead bodies, by hacking them into small pieces. Both heads were
fixed upon a pole, according to custom, and exposed to view for seven
days. The execution being over, the company marched off from Deshima
without any order. Our director went to meet the two commissioners, and
afterwards the two clerks upon the street, as they were returning home,
thanked them for the trouble they had been at on this occasion, and
invited them to his house to smoke a pipe; but he had nothing in return
for this kind invitation but a sharp reprimand, with an admonition to
take care of his people, that no more such accidents should happen for
the future. This was the first time criminal blood was shed upon our
island.”

The proceedings at the Chinese sales, and the articles imported and
exported by them, were according to Kämpfer, much the same as in the
case of the Dutch, except that they were not allowed to take away any
money, but merchandise only.

CHAPTER XXIX

_Nagasaki and its Vicinity as seen by Kämpfer—Imperial Governors—Their
Officers and Palaces—Municipal System—Street Government—Mutual
Responsibility—Administration of Justice—Taxes—Government of other
Towns—Adjacent Country—The God Suwa and his Matsuri—A. D. 1690-1692._

Kämpfer describes Nagasaki as situated upon an indifferent and barren
soil, amid rocks and steep hills or mountains. The harbor, which has
its head at the north of the city, where it is narrow and shallow with
a sandy bottom, soon grows broader and deeper. When about half a mile
broad and five or six fathoms deep, it turns to the southwest, and so
runs on between high land and mountains for about a mile (narrowing
again to a quarter of a mile in breadth), till it reaches an island or
rather mountain surrounded by water, which the Dutch call Pappenburg.
This, properly speaking, is the entrance of the harbor, and here
vessels lie at anchor to watch a favorable opportunity of getting
out, which would be easily done in two hours were it not for the many
banks, shoals, and cliffs, which make the passage equally difficult and
dangerous.

“There are seldom less than fifty Japanese ships in this harbor,
besides some hundred fishing-vessels and small boats. Of foreign ships
there are seldom, some few months of the winter excepted, less than
thirty, most of which are Chinese junks. The Dutch ships never stay
longer than three months in autumn; very seldom so long. The anchorage
is about a musket-shot from the town, where ships ride at anchor upon
the soft clay, with about six fathom at high tide, and four and a half
at low water.

“The town—situated where the harbor is broadest, and where, from the
change in its direction, it forms a nearly semi-circular shore—has the
shape of a half-moon, somewhat inclining to a triangle. Built along
the shore in a narrow valley, formed by the opening of the neighboring
mountains, it is about three quarters of a mile long and nearly as
broad, the chief and broadest street running nearly that distance
up the valley. The mountains which encompass it are not very high,
but steep, green to their tops, and of a very agreeable aspect. Just
behind the city, in going up the mountains, are many stately temples,
beautifully adorned with fine gardens and terrace-walks. Higher up
are innumerable burying-places. In the distance appear other high
mountains, fruitful and well-cultivated. In short, the whole situation
affords to the eye a most delicious and romantic view[147].”

The town is open, as are most other towns in Japan, without either
castle, walls, or fortifications. Some bastions are built along the
harbor, as it were for defence, but they have no cannon. About two
miles from the town, seaward, just beyond the anchorage, are two
guard-houses, opposite each other, and enclosed by palisades. They are
held each by about seven hundred men, including those who do duty in
the harbor guard-boats.

“Three fresh-water rivers come down from the neighboring mountains, and
run through the town. For the greater part of the year they have scarce
water enough to irrigate some rice-fields and to drive a few mills,
though in rainy weather they are apt to increase so as to wash away
whole houses. They are crossed by thirty-five bridges, great and small,
twenty of stone and fifteen of wood, very simple in their structure,
being made more for strength than show.

“The city is divided into two parts. _Uchimachi_ (the inner town)
consists of twenty-six _Chō_, or streets, all very irregular, as if
built in the infancy of the city; _Sotomachi_ (or the outer town)
contains sixty-one streets, so that there are eighty-seven in all.

“The streets of Nagasaki and other towns in Japan have borrowed their
name, _Chō_, from that of a Japanese measure of sixty fathoms (three
hundred and sixty feet); but, though generally short, they are not all
precisely of that length. These streets or divisions of streets, seldom
containing more than sixty or less than thirty houses, have gates at
each end, which are always closed at night, and often in the day, when
there is the least occasion for it. The streets of Nagasaki are neither
straight nor broad, but crooked, dirty, and narrow, leading some up and
others down hill, on account of the irregularity of the ground upon
which the town is built. Some of the steepest have staircases of stone.
They are full stocked with inhabitants, as many as ever they will hold.

“The houses of the common people are mean, sorry buildings, small
and low, seldom above one story high. If there be two stories, the
uppermost is so low that it scarce deserves the name. The roof is
covered with shavings of fir wood [shingles?] fastened by other pieces
of wood laid across. Indeed, the whole structure is of wood, as are
most buildings throughout the empire. The walls within are wainscoted
and hung with painted and variously-colored paper[148]. The floor is
covered with mats wove of a considerable thickness, which they take
care to keep exceedingly clean and neat. The rooms are separated from
each other by movable paper screens. Seats and chairs they have none,
and only some few household goods, chiefly such as are absolutely
necessary for daily use in the kitchen and at meals. Behind every house
is a back yard, which, though never so small, yet contains always some
curious and beautiful plants, kept with a great deal of care.

“The houses of eminent merchants and of other rich people, are of a
far better structure, commonly two stories high, and built after the
Chinese manner, with a large court-yard before them and a garden behind.

“The palaces of the two resident governors take in a large spot of
ground, standing something higher than the rest of the town. The
buildings are very neat and handsome, and all uniform; strong gates and
well guarded lead into the court about which they are arranged.

“Besides the governors’ palaces there are some twenty other houses in
Nagasaki belonging to the principal nobility of the island of Kiūshiū,
always occupied by some of their vassals, who take care of them, and in
which the owners lodge when they come to town.

“The handsomest buildings belonging to townspeople are two streets
all occupied by courtesans. The girls in these establishments, which
abound throughout Japan, are purchased of their parents when very
young. The price varies in proportion to their beauty and the number of
years agreed for, which is, generally speaking, ten or twenty, more
or less. They are very commodiously lodged in handsome apartments, and
great care is taken to teach them to dance, sing, play upon musical
instruments, to write letters, and in all other respects to make them
as agreeable as possible. The older ones instruct the young ones, and
these in their turn serve the older ones as their waiting-maids. Those
who make considerable improvement, and for their beauty and agreeable
behavior are oftener sent for, to the great advantage of their masters,
are also better accommodated in clothes and lodging, all at the expense
of their lovers, who must pay so much the dearer for their favors.
The price paid to their landlord or master is from one _mas_ to two
_ichibu_ (twelve and a half cents to four dollars), for a night,
beyond which they are forbid to ask under severe penalties. One of the
sorriest must watch the house over night in a small room near the door,
free to all comers upon the payment of one mas. Others are sentenced to
keep the watch by way of punishment for their misbehavior.

“After having served their time, if they are married, they pass among
the common people for honest women, the guilt of their past lives
being by no means laid to their charge, but to that of their parents
and relations who sold them in their infancy for so scandalous a way
of getting a livelihood, before they were able to choose a more honest
one. Besides, as they are generally well bred, that makes it less
difficult for them to get husbands. The keepers of these houses, on the
contrary, though possessed of never so plentiful estates, are forever
denied admittance into honest company.”

Kämpfer enumerates of public buildings three large wooden ship-houses,
in which are kept three imperial junks or men-of-war, equipped and
ready for launching; a powder-magazine on a hill opposite the town, and
a city prison. There are also sixty-two temples, within and without the
town—five for the worship of the _Kami_, or ancient national gods of
Japan, seven of the Yamabushi, or mountain priests, and fifty _Tera_,
temples of four different Buddhist sects or observances, including
the three temples erected by the Chinese, as mentioned in a previous
chapter.

“These temples are sacred not only to devotion and worship, but serve
also for recreation and diversion, being for this purpose curiously
adorned with pleasant gardens, elegant walks, and fine apartments, and
by much the best buildings of the town. The Buddhist temples are not
so much to be commended for their largeness or splendor as for their
pleasant and agreeable situations, being moreover adorned within with
fine raised altars, gilt images as big as life, lackered columns, gates
and pillars, the whole very neat and pretty rather than magnificent.

“Those who attend the service of the Kami temples, though not collected
into monasteries, like the Buddhist clergy, but secular and married
persons, yet assume to themselves a far higher degree of holiness and
respect than they think the common bulk of secular persons deserve.
They live with their families in houses built for them in the descent
of the mountains. Their way of life, as well as their common dress
at home and abroad, is no ways different from that of the other
inhabitants, except that they do not shave their heads, but let their
hair grow, and tie it together behind. When they go to the temple they
dress in an ecclesiastical habit, with various head-dresses, according
to every one’s office and quality. They maintain themselves by the
alms and offerings given them by those who come to worship in their
temples, or at their appearance in solemn processions.

“The ecclesiastics of the Buddhist religion have no processions nor
other public solemnities, like the Shintō clergy. They always keep
within the district of their convent, where they mind little else but
their prayers in the temple at certain stated hours. Their maintenance
arises from the fees given them for prayers to be said in their
temples, or at funerals for the relief of departed souls, as also from
voluntary and charitable contributions.”

The gardens in and about the city and the neighboring villages
abundantly furnish it with all sorts of fruits, vegetables and roots,
with firewood, and also with some venison and poultry; but the domestic
supply of rice is insufficient, and that capital article has to be
imported from the neighboring provinces. The harbor and neighboring
coast yield plenty of fish and crabs. The rivers that run through
the town provide it with clear and sweet water, “very fit,” says
Kämpfer, “for daily drink; the sake, or rice beer, as it is brewed in
Japan, being too strong, and that in particular made at Nagasaki of a
disagreeable taste[149].”

Except articles made of gold, silver and _Sawaas_ (?),—a mixture of
gold, silver, and copper,—for the foreign trade, manufactures at
Nagasaki are not so good as in other parts of the empire; and yet
everything is sold dearer, chiefly to foreigners.

The inhabitants are mostly merchants, shop-keepers, tradesmen,
handicraftsmen, artificers, brewers, besides the numerous retinue of
the governors, and the people employed in the Dutch and Chinese trade,
by which, in fact, the town is mainly supported. There are many poor
people and beggars, most of them religious mendicants.

“The town,” says Kämpfer, “is never without a great deal of noise.
In the day, victuals and other merchandise are cried up and down
the streets. Day-laborers and the seamen in the harbor encourage
one another to work with a certain sound. In the night the watchmen
and soldiers upon duty, both in the streets and harbor, show their
vigilance, and at the same time indicate the hours of the night, by
beating two pieces of wood against each other. The Chinese contribute
their share chiefly in the evening, when they burn some pieces of gilt
paper, and throw them into the sea, as an offering to their idol, or
when they carry their idol about its temple; both which they do with
beating of drums and cymbals. But all this is little compared with
the clamor and bawling of the priests and the relations of dying or
dead persons, who, either in the house where the corpse lies, or else
upon certain days sacred to the deceased’s memory, sing a _Namida_
[Namu-amida-butsu], that is, a prayer, to their god _Amida_[150],
with a loud voice, for the relief of his soul. The like is done by
certain fraternities or societies of devout neighbors, friends, or
relations, who meet by turns in their houses, every day, in the morning
or evening, in order to sing the Namida by way of precaution for the
future relief of their own souls.”

Nagasaki, down to the year 1688, had, like the other imperial cities,
two governors, commanding by turns; the one not in the immediate
exercise of authority being resident meanwhile at Yedo. In 1688, the
policy was adopted of having three governors; two to be always resident
at Nagasaki, to watch each other, and presiding alternately for two
months, while the third was to come in each alternate year from Yedo to
relieve the senior resident[151]. The resident governors leave their
families at Yedo as hostages for their good behavior, and, during the
time of their absence from court, are strictly prohibited, so it is
stated, to admit any woman within their palaces. The establishments
of these imperial governors, as described by Kämpfer, may probably be
taken as a specimen of the ordinary way of life with the higher order
of Japanese officials. Their salary did not exceed fifteen hundred
or two thousand _koku_ of rice (in money, the price of the article
being very variable, from seven thousand to ten thousand taels); but
the perquisites were so considerable that in a few years they might
get vast estates, did not the presents which must be made to the
emperor and the grandees of the court consume the greater part of
their profits. Out of their allowance they were obliged to maintain
an extensive retinue,—two _Karō_, or stewards of the household, ten
_Yoriki_, all noblemen of good families, who acted both as civil and
military officers, and thirty _Dōshin_, likewise military and civil
officers, but of inferior rank.

The business of the _Yoriki_ was to assist the governor with their
advice, if required, and to execute his commands, either as military
officers or as magistrates. They had, besides their food and a new
suit annually, an allowance of one hundred taels a year; but this
hardly sufficed to enable them to keep the servants necessary to their
dignity, such as a pike-bearer, a keeper of their great sword, and a
shoe or slipper bearer, and much less to maintain a family. The Dōshin
were a sort of assistants to the Yoriki. They served as guards, and did
duty on board ship, especially in the guard-boats, either as commanding
officers or as privates. Sometimes they did the office of bailiffs or
constables, and put people under arrest, for which purpose they always
carried a halter about them. Their yearly allowance, beside their
board, did not exceed fifty taels, out of which they must maintain each
a servant.[152] The governors had still other domestics, of inferior
rank, to dress and undress them, to introduce visitors, and to bring
messages, besides numerous menial servants.

At the entrance of their palaces, within the court-yard, a guard was
kept of four or five Dōshin. No domestic could leave the house without
taking from its place in the guard-room a square wooden tablet, which
he hung up again on his return, so that it could be known at a glance
how many and who were absent. Within the great door or main entrance
into the house, another guard was kept by some of the Yoriki, one of
whom had charge of a book, in which he entered, as the custom is at the
houses of persons of rank, the names of all who go in or out, for the
information of the master of the house, who sometimes at night examines
the entries.

The governor’s equipage and attendance when going abroad consisted of
a led horse, a Norimono, in which he was carried, by the side of which
walked four of the gentlemen of his bedchamber, and behind it two
pike-bearers, followed by a train of Karō, Yoriki, and Dōshin, with
their own servants and attendants.

Kämpfer thus describes the persons who held the office of governors
of Nagasaki at his arrival in Japan—“_Kawaguchi Settsu-no-Kami_ is
a handsome, well-shaped man, about fifty years of age, cunning and
malicious, and a great enemy of the Dutch (who ascribed to him the
authorship of the new arrangement for their trade), an unjust and
severe judge, but an agreeable, liberal and happy courtier, with an
income from his private estates of four thousand seven hundred koku.
_Yamaoka Tsushima-no-Kami_ had formerly been a high constable, and had
been rewarded with his present office for his services in clearing Yedo
of thieves and pickpockets. He had a private revenue of two thousand
koku. He is about sixty, short, sincere, humble, and very charitable
to the poor, but with so much of his old profession about him, that he
often orders his domestics to be put to death without mercy for very
trifling faults. _Miyagi Tonomo_, also about sixty, is a man of great
generosity and many good qualities, with a private estate of four
thousand koku of yearly revenue.”

To watch the governors, an imperial officer, called _Daikwan_, was
appointed to reside at Nagasaki, and a like service was required of all
the chief lords of the island of Shimo.

To secure the harbor and town these same lords were bound to march
with their vassals at the first alarm. The princes of the provinces
of Hizen and Chikuzen were obliged to furnish alternately, each for a
year, the guard at the entrance of the harbor, which was independent of
the governors. The inhabitants of the water-side streets of Nagasaki
supplied the _Funaban_ or ship-guard with its guard-boats to watch
foreign ships in the harbor. There was another fleet of boats employed
ordinarily in whale-fishing but whose business it also was to see all
foreign vessels well off the coast, to guard against and to arrest
smugglers, and to prevent any foreign vessels from touching elsewhere
than at Nagasaki. Finally, there was the spy-guard, stationed on the
top of neighboring mountains, to look out for the approach of foreign
vessels; and on one of these hills was a beacon, which, being fired,
served, in connection with other similar beacons, to telegraph alarms
to Yedo.

Next in rank to the governors were four mayors or burgomasters, whose
office, like most others, had become hereditary, and two deputy-mayors,
principally for the affairs of the new town. They would seem to have
once been the actual chief magistrates, but their authority had been
greatly eclipsed by that of the imperial governors. There were also
four other officers annually appointed to solicit the interests of the
town’s people at the court of the governors, and to keep them informed
of the daily proceedings of the mayors, for which purpose they had a
small room at the governor’s palace, where they were always in waiting.

There was no town-house nor other public place of assembly. When the
magistrates met on business, it was at the presiding mayor’s house.
Besides the various bodies of interpreters and others, connected with
the foreign trade, there was a particular corporation of constables and
bailiffs, consisting of about thirty families, who lived in a street by
themselves. Their office was reputed military and noble, and they had
the privilege of wearing two swords,—a privilege which the mayors and
mercantile people did not possess.

The tanners, obliged to act also as public executioners, were held in
execration, yet they also wore two swords. They lived in a separate
village near the place of execution, placed as everywhere in Japan at
the west end of the town.

But the most remarkable thing in the municipal government of Nagasaki
(and the same thing extended to all the other Japanese towns) was
the system of street government, mentioned in the narratives of Don
Rodrigo, Caron, and others, but which Kämpfer more particularly
describes.

The house-owners of every street were arranged in companies, or
corporations, of five _Goningumi_, or sometimes a few more, each street
having from ten to fifteen such companies. None but house-owners were
admitted into these corporations; mere occupants were looked upon as
dependants on their landlords with no voice in the affairs of the
street, nor right to claim any share in the public money, though
they paid high rents. Each street company had one of its number for
a head, who was responsible for the conduct of his four companions,
and obliged, in certain cases at least, to share the punishment of
their crimes. The members of these corporations chose from among
themselves an _Otona_, or chief magistrate of the street. The choice
was by ballot, and the name of the person having the greatest number
was presented to the governor, with a humble petition that he might be
appointed to the office, of which the salary in Nagasaki was a ten-fold
share of the annual distribution to the inhabitants, derived from the
duties on the foreign trade.

[Illustration: DIAL OF OLD CLOCK.]

The duty of the Otona was to give the necessary orders in case of fire;
to have the oversight of the watch; to keep a register of the deaths,
births, marriages, arrivals, departures, &c.; to arrest criminals,
and to punish those of smaller magnitude; to compose, if he could,
all disputes among the people of his street; and generally to be
personally answerable for their good behavior. He had for assistants
three lieutenants, the heads of the corporations of house-owners,
a secretary, a treasurer, and a messenger. A guard was kept every
night, of three or more house-owners, while the street was paced by
two sentinels, walking from each gate till they met, and then back.
The hours were regularly in the daytime struck on a bell hung for
that purpose on the ascent of the mountains, and during the night the
street-watch indicated them by beating two sticks together[153].

The street officers were held responsible for the offences of the
house-owners; the house-owners for the offences of their lodgers,
domestics, and families; masters for servants; children for parents,
each corporation for its individual members; neighbors for each
other[154]. It was naturally a part of this system that no new
inhabitant was admitted into any street, except by consent of all the
house-owners in it, which thus became necessary to every purchase and
sale of a house.

Every year, a list was made out by the street officers of all the
inhabitants in each street, with their religion, shortly after which
came the ceremony of _Yebumi_[155], or _figure-treading_—that is,
trampling upon the crucifix, an image of the Virgin Mary, and other
saints—a ceremony which appears to be observed, at least at Nagasaki,
down even to the present day. The images used in Kämpfer’s time were
about a foot long, cast in brass, and kept in a particular box for
that purpose. The ceremony took place in the presence of the street
officers. Each house was entered by turns, two messengers carrying the
box. The images were laid upon the bare floor, and, the list of the
household being called over, they were required, one by one, to tread
upon them. Young children, not yet able to walk, were held in their
mothers’ arms, so as to touch the images with their feet. It has been
asserted that the Dutch were obliged to submit to this ceremony; but
the fact was not so.

To prevent smuggling, whenever the foreign ships or junks set sail the
street gates of Nagasaki were shut, and kept closed till the ships were
out of the harbor, strict searches being made, at uncertain times, on
which occasions every inhabitant of the street was obliged to report
himself. The same thing took place when criminals were searched for,
or other investigations, sometimes very frivolous ones, were made. On
these and other occasions of alarm, no one could go from one street
into another, except with a written pass, and attended by an officer;
nor could an inhabitant of Nagasaki at any time leave the city without
a similar pass and an undertaking on the part of his neighbors for his
return within a specified time.

Accused persons were often made to confess by torture. Capital
punishments were either by beheading or crucifixion. Other
punishments—and this class was often inflicted for the misdemeanors of
others—were imprisonment, for longer or shorter periods, banishment
to certain desolate spots, and islands, and forfeiture of property
and office. Punishments were prompt and severe; yet great regard was
had to the nature of the offence, the condition of the person who
committed it, and the share of guilt to be reasonably laid to the
charge of his superiors, relations, or neighbors. The practice of
making young children suffer with their parents was possibly intended
as much in mercy to them as to aggravate the punishment of the real
offenders[156]. It is by this same motive of humanity, that the
Japanese justify their practice of exposing such infants as they have
not the means or inclination to support and educate.

Persons sentenced to death could not be executed without a warrant
signed by the council of state at Yedo, which must likewise be
consulted in all affairs of moment, provided they admit of the delay
necessary to send a courier and receive an answer. This, however, did
not prevent the governors of Nagasaki, and other high officers, from
liberally exercising the right of life and death in the case of their
own immediate servants and retainers. All servants, indeed, were so
far at the disposal of their masters, that, if they were accidentally
killed while undergoing punishment, the master was not answerable. Yet,
in general, as in China, homicide, even in self-defence or undesigned,
must be expiated by the blood of the offender, and even his neighbors
were, in many cases, held to a certain extent responsible.

[Illustration: EXAMINATION OF A PRISONER BY TORTURE]

“Some will observe,” says Kämpfer, “that the Japanese are wanting in
a competent knowledge of the law. I could heartily wish, for my part,
that we Europeans knew as little of it as they, since there is such
an abuse made of a science highly useful in itself, that innocence,
instead of being relieved, is often still more oppressed. There is a
much shorter way to obtain justice in Japan, and, indeed, all over
the East;—no necessity for being at law for many years together, no
occasion for so many writings, answers, briefs, and the like. The
case is, without delay, laid before the proper court of judicature, the
parties heard, the witnesses examined, the circumstances considered,
and judgment given without loss of time. Nor is there any delay to be
apprehended from appealing, since no superior court hath the power to
mitigate the sentence pronounced in another, though inferior. And,
although it cannot be denied but that this short way of proceeding is
liable to some errors and mistakes in particular cases, yet I dare
affirm that in the main it would be found abundantly less detrimental
to the parties concerned than the tedious and expensive law-suits in
Europe.”

Certain yearly contributions, under the name of free gifts, were
paid by all the house-owners and office-holders of Nagasaki, partly
as perquisites to the governor and other officers, and partly for
municipal purposes. So far as the house-owners were concerned, it
amounted to a regular tax, levied according to the size of the lots;
but this sort of levy was said to be unknown in other cities of the
empire, and at Nagasaki was much more than made up for by the surplus
share of the house-owners in the duty levied on the foreign trade,
which, after paying all particular services and municipal expenses,
was divided among them. The only other tax was an imperial ground-rent
on the house-lots—four mas (fifty cents), in the old town, and six mas
(seventy-five cents) in the upper town, for every _ken_ (very nearly
six English feet) of frontage, where the depth was not more than
fifteen ken. On every lot exceeding that depth the tax was double.
This is stated by Kämpfer to be the only town tax levied throughout
the empire, whether in the towns of the imperial domain, or in those
belonging to particular lords, and the city of Miyako, by a particular
privilege, was exempt even from this.

A municipal police, similar to that of Nagasaki, was established in
all the other towns, boroughs, and villages, with this difference
only, that the magistrates, though invested with the same power, were,
perhaps, known by different names, and that their administration was,
in general, much less strict than at Nagasaki.

The adjacent country was under the control of an imperial steward (the
same forming a part of the imperial domains), who collected the rent,
forming, with the house-tax, the entire imperial revenue. This rent
amounted to four parts in ten of the crop; whereas inferior landlords
exacted six parts in ten. Grain was delivered in kind; garden grounds,
orchards and woods, paid a compensation in money.

We may close this account of Nagasaki with a description of the
_Matsuri_, or public spectacle exhibited on the birthday of the god
_Suwa_, the patron of the city, one of the occasions on which the Dutch
were permitted to leave the island of _Deshima_, for the purpose of
witnessing the spectacle. This festival was, and still is, celebrated
at the expense of ten or eleven streets uniting each year for that
purpose; so that every street is called upon thus to contribute once in
seven or eight years, except that in which the courtesans reside, which
must pay every year. The celebration consists in processions, plays,
dances, etc., and as something new must always be got up, at least in
the way of dress, it is attended with heavy expense.

The temple of _Suwa_, according to Kämpfer’s description, stands not
far from the town, upon the mountain _Tutla_ (?). A fine staircase,
of two hundred stone steps, leads up to it. The temple court, somewhat
lower than the Miya itself, extends down the declivity of the mountain.
At the entry of this court, next the gate, is a long, open room, or
gallery, where plays are acted, for the diversion both of _Suwa_ and
his worshippers. This room is curiously adorned with many pictures
and carved images, placed there by devout worshippers in fulfilment
of vows made in some moment of exigency. Further off stand some small
chapels of wood, clean and neat, but without ornaments. In the same
court stand the temples of _Morisaki Gongen_, and _Sumiyoshi_, each of
whom has also his _Mikoshi_, or small eight-angular shrine, curiously
adorned, and hanging in beautiful polls, wherein their images or relics
are carried about upon festivals. Kämpfer also observed, in the same
enclosure, another small chapel, built in honor of the god and lord of
thousand legs, hung about with numbers of his clients, that is, with
legs of all sorts and sizes, given by his worshippers.

There are several festivals sacred to _Suwa_, of which the chief is on
the seventh, eighth, and ninth days of the ninth month[157]. On the
eighth the god is diverted in his temple, at the expense of rich and
devout people, with a musical concert, performed by boys beating upon
drums and bells—the very same music made use of to appease the supreme
kami _Tenshō Daijin_, when, out of disdain and anger, she hid herself
in a cavern, and thereby deprived the world of light and sunshine[158].

The great festival of the ninth consists of processions through the
principal streets, and spectacles exhibited in a temporary building of
bamboo, with a thatched roof, open towards the square on which it is
erected. “The whole building,” says Kämpfer, “scarcely deserves to be
compared to one of our barns, it is so mean and simple, for it must be
purposely built according to the sorry architecture of their indigent
ancestors.” A tall fir is planted on each side of the front of this
temple, and three sides of the square are built round with benches and
scaffolds for the convenience of spectators.

[Illustration: FESTIVAL WITH MIKOSHI]

“Everything being ready, the Shintō clergy of the city appear in
a body, with a splendid retinue, bringing over in procession the
_Mikoshi_ of their great _Suwa_, as, also, to keep him company, that of
_Sumiyoshi_. _Morisaki Gongen_ is left at home, as there is no instance
in the history of his life and actions from which it could be inferred
that he delighted in walking and travelling.

“The Shintō clergy, upon this occasion, style themselves
_Ōtomo_(?)—that is, the _high great retinue_—which pompous title
notwithstanding, the alms-chest is one of the principal things they
carry in the procession, and, indeed,” says Kämpfer, “to very good
purpose, for there is such a multitude of things thrown among them by
the crowds of superstitious spectators, as if they had a mind out of
mere charity to stone them.

“When they come to the place of exhibition, the ecclesiastics seat
themselves, according to their quality, which appears in good measure
by their dress, upon three benches, built for them before the front
of the temple. The two superiors take the uppermost bench, clad in
black, with a particular head ornament, and a short staff, as a badge
of their authority. Four others, next in rank, sit upon the second
bench, dressed in white ecclesiastical gowns, with a black lackered
cap, something different from that worn by their superiors. The main
body takes possession of the third and lowermost bench, sitting
promiscuously, and all clad in white gowns, with a black lackered cap,
somewhat like those of the Jesuits. The servants and porters appointed
to carry the holy utensils of the temple, and other people who have
anything to do at this solemnity, stand next to the ecclesiastics,
bareheaded.

“On the other side of the square, opposite to the ecclesiastics, sit
the deputies of the governors, under a tent, upon a fine mat, somewhat
raised from the ground. For magnificence’ sake, and out of respect for
this holy act, they have twenty pikes of state planted before them in
the ground.

“The public spectacles on these occasions are a sort of plays, acted
by eight, twelve, or more persons. The subject is taken out of the
history of their gods and heroes. Their remarkable adventures, heroic
actions, and sometimes their love intrigues, put in verse, are sung
by dancing actors, whilst others play upon musical instruments. If
the subject be thought too grave and moving, there is now and then a
comic actor jumps out unawares upon the stage, to divert the audience
with his gestures and merry discourse in prose. Some of their other
plays are composed only of ballets, or dances, like the performance
of the mimic actors on the Roman stage. For the dancers do not speak,
but endeavor to express the contents of the story they are about to
represent, as naturally as possible, both by their dress and by their
gestures and actions, regulated according to the sound of musical
instruments. The chief subjects of the play, such as fountains,
bridges, gates, houses, gardens, trees, mountains, animals, and the
like, are also represented, some as big as the life, and all in general
contrived so as to be removed at pleasure, like the scenes of our
European plays[159].

“The actors are commonly girls, taken out of the courtesans’ houses,
and boys from those streets at whose expense the solemnity is
performed. They are all magnificently clad, in variously colored
silken gowns, suitable to the characters they are to present; and it
must be owned that, generally speaking, they act their part with an
assurance and becoming dexterity, not to be exceeded, nay, scarce to be
paralleled, by the best European actors.

“The streets which bear the expense make their appearance in the
following order: First of all is carried a rich canopy, or else
an umbrella, made of silk, being the palladium of the street. Over
it, in the middle, is placed a shield, whereupon is writ, in large
characters, the name of the street. Next to the canopy follow the
musicians, masked, and in proper liveries. The music is both vocal
and instrumental. The instruments are chiefly flutes of different
sorts, and small drums; now and then a large drum, cymbals and bells,
are brought in among the rest. The instrumental music is so poor
and lamentable that it seems much easier to satisfy their gods than
to please a musical ear. Nor is the vocal part much preferable to
the instrumental, for although they keep time tolerably, and sing
according to some notes, yet they do it in so very slow a manner that
the music seems to be rather calculated to regulate their action, and
the motions of their body in their ballets and dances, wherein they
are very ingenious and dexterous, and little inferior to our European
dancers, excepting only that they seem to want a little more action and
swiftness in their feet.

“The musicians are followed by the necessary machines and the whole
apparatus for the ensuing representations, the largest being carried
by laboring people, the lesser—as benches, staffs, flowers, and the
like—by the children of the inhabitants, neatly clad. Next follow
the actors themselves, and after them all the inhabitants of the
street in a body in their holiday clothes and garments of ceremony.
To make the appearance so much the greater the procession is closed
by a considerable number of people who carry stools and other things,
walking two and two.

[Illustration: MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS: TWO STYLES OF DRUMS; A
FLUTE-PLAYER]

“The dances and shows of each street commonly last about three quarters
of an hour, and being over, the company marches off in the same order
they came in, to make way for the appearance and shows of another
street, which is again followed by another, and so on. All the streets
strive to outdo each other in a magnificent retinue and surprising
scenes. The processions and shows begin early in the morning, and the
whole ends about noon.”

The following were among the presentations by the different streets at
the _matsuri_ at which Kämpfer was present.

1. “Eight young girls, clad in colored gowns, interwove with large
white flowers, with broad hats, as if to defend them from the heat of
the sun, with fans and flowers in their hands, dancing by turns. They
were from time to time relieved by a couple of old women dancing in
another dress.

2. “A garden, with fine flowers on each side of the place where the
act was performed, a thatched house in the middle, out of which jumped
eight young girls, dressed in white and red, dancing, with fans, canes,
and flower-baskets. They were relieved by a very good actress, who
danced by herself.

3. “Eight triumphal chariots, with oxen before them, of different
colors, the whole very naturally represented, and drawn by young boys,
well clad. Upon them stood a _Tsubaki_ [camellia] tree, in flower;
a mountain, covered with trees; a thicket of bamboos, with a tiger
lurking; a load of straw, with an entire tree, with its root and
branches; a whale, under a rock, half covered with water. Last of all,
another mountain appeared, with a real boy, magnificently clad, who
stood at the top, under an apricot-tree in full blossom. This mountain
was again drawn by boys.

4. “Some dancers, acting between six flower-beds, which, and a green
tree, were drawn upon the place by boys. Nine other boys, in the same
dress, and armed each with two swords and a musket; a peasant, dancing.

5. “A mountain, carried upon men’s shoulders; a fountain, with a walk
round it; a large cask, and a house, were severally set upon the place.
Then two giants, masked, with prodigious great heads representing some
Indian deities, began a dance. They were met soon after by a third, of
a still more monstrous size, who came forth out of the mountain, armed
with a great broadsword. He was followed by seven Chinese, jumping out
of the same mountain, though to all appearance quite small, and dancing
about in company with the giants. After some time spent in dances, the
great monstrous giant beat the cask to pieces, out of which came a
young boy, very handsomely clad, who, after a fine long speech, which
he delivered in a very graceful manner, danced with the giant alone.
Meanwhile, three monkeys, with roe’s heads, crept out of the fountain,
and, jumping on the walk round it, performed a dance, mimicking that of
the giant and boy. This done, every one returned to his place, and so
the scene ended.

6. “The pompous retinue of a prince, travelling with his son, very
naturally represented by boys.

7. “Several huge machines, accurately resembling, both in size and
color, the things they were to represent, but made of a thin substance,
so that one man could easily carry one upon his back. But, besides this
load on the back, every one of these men had a very large drum hanging
before him, which some others played upon with bells. After this manner
they crossed the stage, dancing, though not very high, because of
their load. The things which they carried were, a well, with all the
implements for extinguishing fires; a large church-bell, with the
timber work belonging to it, and a dragon wound round it for ornament’s
sake; a mountain, covered with snow, and shaped like a dragon, with an
eagle on the top; a brass gun, weighing twenty-four pounds, with all
the tackle belonging to it; a heavy load of traveller’s trunks, packed
up in twelve straw balls, according to the country fashion; a whale in
a dish; several shell fish and fruits, as big as the life, carried each
by one person.”

CHAPTER XXX

_Kämpfer’s Two Journeys to Court—Preparations—Presents—Japanese
Attendants—Packing the Baggage and Riding on Horseback—Japanese Love
of Botany—Accoutrements—Road-Books—Norimono and Kago—A. D. 1690-1692._

Mention has already been made of the custom established in Japan, that
all the governors of imperial cities and of provinces, and, indeed,
all the _Daimiō_ and _Shōmiō_—that is, nobles of the first and second
rank—should, once a year, make a journey to court; those of the first
rank to pay their respects and make presents to the emperor in person,
and those of the second rank to salute his chief ministers, assembled
in council.

In this respect the director of the Dutch trade is placed on the
same footing with the superior nobility, and his journey to court,
accompanied by a physician, a secretary or two, and a flock of Japanese
attendants of various ranks, affords the Dutch the only opportunity
they have of knowing anything by their own personal observation, beyond
the vicinage of Nagasaki.

[Illustration: TRANSPORTATION METHODS: A BUDDHIST PRIEST IN A NORIMONO;
ANCIENT IMPERIAL CARRIAGES; LADY IN A KAGO]

Kämpfer made this journey twice—the first time in 1691, and again in
1692—and, notwithstanding the strict surveillance under which the Dutch
are kept, his observations were highly curious. Besides a journal of
his daily route, he gives a general summary of all that he observed,
containing a great deal of curious information, the most interesting
part of which is copied in this and the following chapters, nearly in
his own words:

“The first thing to be done, is to look out proper presents for his
imperial majesty, for his privy councillors, and some other great
officers at Yedo, Miyako, and Ōsaka, the whole amounting, as near
as possible, to a certain sum, to assort them, and particularly to
assign to whom they are to be delivered. Afterwards they must be put
up into leather bags, which are carefully wrapped up in mats, in order
to preserve them from all accidents in so long a journey; and, for a
further security, several seals are affixed to them.

“It is the business of the governors of Nagasaki to judge and determine
what might prove acceptable to the court. They take out of the goods
laid up in our warehouse what they think proper, and give instructions
to the departing director about such things as should be sent over from
Batavia the next year. Sometimes some of their own goods they have
been presented with by the Chinese are put in among these presents,
because by this means they can dispose of them to the best advantage,
either by obliging us to buy them at an excessive and their own price,
or by exchanging them for other goods. Now and then some uncommon
curiosities, either of nature or art, are brought over from Europe, and
other parts of the world, on purpose to be presented to the emperor;
but it often happens that they are not approved of by these rigid
censors. Thus, for instance, there were brought over, in my time, two
brass fire-engines of the newest invention, but the governors did not
think them proper to be presented to the emperor, and so returned
them to us, after they had first seen them tried, and taken a pattern
of them.[160] Another time the bird Casuar[161] was sent over from
Batavia, but likewise disliked and denied the honor of appearing before
the emperor, because they heard he was good for nothing but to devour a
large quantity of victuals.

“These presents are placed on board a barge, three or four weeks before
our departure, and sent by water to _Shimonoseki_, a small town at the
southwestern extremity of the great island of Nippon, where they wait
our arrival by land. Formerly our ambassador, with his whole retinue,
embarked at the same time, whereby we saved a great deal of trouble
and expense we must now be at in travelling by land; but a violent
storm having once put the whole company into eminent danger, and the
voyage having been often, by reason of the contrary winds, too long
and tedious, the emperor has ordered that for the future we should go
by land. The presents for the imperial court, and other heavy baggage,
being sent before us, the rest of the time till our departure is
spent in preparations for our journey, as if we designed some great
expedition into a remote part of the world.

“The first and most essential part consists in nominating, and giving
proper instructions to, the several officers, and the whole retinue
that is to go with us to court. The governors appoint one of their
Yoriki, to be _Bugiō_, that is, head and commander-in-chief. He is to
represent the authority of his masters, as a badge whereof he hath a
pike carried after him. A Dōshin is ordered to assist him in quality
of his deputy. Both the Yoriki and Dōshin are taken from among the
domestics of one of the governors, who stays that year at Nagasaki.
To these are added two beadles, who, as well as the Dōshin, carry, by
virtue of their office, a halter about them, to arrest and secure, at
command or wink from the Yoriki, any person guilty or suspected of any
misdemeanor. All these persons are looked upon as military men, and as
such have the privilege of wearing two swords;—all persons that are not
either noblemen by birth, or in some military employment, being by a
late imperial edict denied this privilege.

“I have already stated that our interpreters are divided into two
companies, the upper consisting of the eight chief interpreters, and
the inferior including all the rest. The _Nemban,_ or president for
the time being, of each of these companies is appointed to attend us
in this journey. To these is now added a third, as an apprentice, whom
they take along with them to qualify him for the succession. All the
chief officers, and all other persons that are able to do it, take some
servants along with them, partly to wait upon them, partly for state.
The _Bugiō_ and the principal interpreter take as many as they please,
the other officers, each two or three, as they are able, or as their
office requires. The Dutch captain, or ambassador, may take three, and
every Dutchman of his retinue is allowed one. The interpreters commonly
recommend their favorites to us, and the more ignorant they are of the
Dutch language, the better it answers their intention.

“I omit to mention some other persons, who, by order or by special
leave of the governors and interpreters, make the journey in company
with us, and at our expense, too, though otherwise they have no manner
of business upon our account.

“All these future companions of our voyage have leave to make us
some friendly visits at Deshima, in order to get beforehand a little
acquainted with us. There are many among them who would willingly be
more free and open, were it not for the solemn oath they must all take
before their departure, but much more for the fear of being betrayed
by others, since, by virtue of the same oath, they are obliged all and
every one of them to have a strict and watchful eye, not only over
the Dutch, but also over the conduct of each other, particularly with
regard to the Dutch.

“Another branch of preparations for our journey is the hiring of horses
and porters. This is the chief interpreter’s business, as keeper of
our purse, who is also appointed to take care that whatever is wanted
during the whole journey be provided for. ’Tis he, likewise, that gives
orders to keep everything in readiness to march the minute the Bugiō is
pleased to set out.

“Two days before our departure every one must deliver his cloak, bag,
and portmantle, to proper people, to be bound up;—this not after
our European manner, but after a particular one of their own, which
deserves to be here described.

“A plain wooden saddle, not unlike the pack-saddles of the Swedish
post-horses, is girded on the horse with a breast-leather and crupper.
Two latchets are laid upon the saddle, which hang down on both sides
of the horse, in order to their being conveniently tied about two
portmantles, which are put on each side in a due balance; for when
once tied together, they are barely laid on the horse’s back, without
any other thong or latchet to tie them faster. However, to fasten them
in some measure, a small, long box, or trunk, called by the Japanese
_Atotsuke_, is laid over both portmantles upon the horse’s back, and
tied fast to the saddle with thongs; and over the whole is spread the
traveller’s covering and bedding, which are tied fast to the _Atotsuke_
and side trunks. The cavity between the two trunks, filled up with
some soft stuff, is the traveller’s seat, where he sits, as it were,
upon a flat table, commodiously enough, either cross-legged or with
his legs extended hanging down by the horse’s neck, as he finds it
most convenient. Particular care must be taken to sit in the middle,
and not to lean too much on either side, which would either make the
horse fall, or else the side trunks and rider. In going up and down
hills the footmen and stable grooms hold the two side trunks fast, for
fear of such an accident. The traveller mounts the horse, and alights
again, not on one side, as we Europeans do, but by the horse’s breast,
which is very troublesome for stiff legs. The horses are unsaddled and
unladen in an instant; for having taken the bed-clothes away, which
they do first of all, they need but untie a latchet or two, which they
are very dexterous at, and the whole baggage falls down at once. The
latchets, thongs, and girths, made use of for these several purposes,
are broad and strong, made of cotton, and withal very neatly worked,
with small, oblong, cylindrical pieces of wood at both ends, which are
of great use to strain the latchets, and to tie things hard.

“The saddle is made of wood, very plain, with a cushion underneath and
a caparison behind, lying upon the horse’s back, with the traveller’s
mark, or arms, stitched upon it. Another piece of coarse cloth hangs
down on each side as a safeguard to the horse, to keep him from being
daubed with dirt. These two pieces are tied together loosely under the
horse’s belly. His head is covered with a net-work of small but strong
strings, to defend it, and particularly the eyes, from flies, which are
very troublesome. The neck, breast, and other parts are hung with small
bells.

“The side portmantles, which are filled only with light stuff, and
sometimes only with straw, are a sort of square trunk, made of stiff
horse leather, mostly four feet long, a foot and a half broad, and as
many deep. The cover is made somewhat larger, and so deep as to cover
the lower part down to the bottom. Though they hold out rain very well,
yet for a greater security, they are wrapt up in mats, with strong
ropes tied about them; for which reason, and because it requires some
time to pack them up, they are seldom unpacked till you are come to
the journey’s end, and the things which are the most wanted upon the
road are kept in the _Atotsuke_. This is a small, thin trunk or case,
about four feet and a half in length, nine inches broad, and as many
deep. It contains one single drawer, much of the same length, breadth
and depth. It hath a little door or opening on one side, which can
be locked up, and by which you can come conveniently at the drawer,
without untying the _Atotsuke_. What things are daily wanted upon the
road must be kept in this trunk. It serves likewise to fasten the two
portmantles, or side trunks, which would otherwise require a stick. It
is made of thick, strong, gray paper, and, further to secure it against
all accidents of a long journey, strings are tied about it in form of a
net, very neatly.

“To complete our traveller’s equipage, some other things are requisite,
which are commonly tied to the portmantles. Such are, 1. A string with
_Zeni_, a brass money with a hole in the middle, they being more
proper to buy what necessaries are wanted on the road than silver
money, which must be weighed. People that travel on horseback tie
this string behind them to one of the sashes of their seats. Foot
travellers carry it in a basket upon their back[162]. 2. A lantern,
of varnished and folded paper, with the possessor’s arms painted upon
its middle. This is carried before travellers by their footmen, upon
their shoulder, in travelling by night. It is tied behind one of the
portmantles, put up in a net or bag, which again hath the possessor’s
arms, or marks, printed upon it, as have in general the clothes and all
other movables travellers of all ranks and qualities carry along with
them upon their journeys. 3. A brush made of horse’s hairs, or black
cock feathers, to dust your seat and clothes. It is put behind your
seat, on one side, more for show than use. 4. A water-pail, which is
put on the other side of the seat, opposite to the brush, or anywhere
else. 5. Shoes, or slippers, for horses and footmen. These are twisted
of straw, with ropes likewise of straw, hanging down from them, whereby
they are tied about the horse’s feet, instead of our European iron
horse-shoes, which are not used in this country. They are soon worn
out in stony, slippery roads, and must be often changed for new ones.
For this purpose, the men that look after the horses always carry a
competent stock along with them, tied to the portmanteaus, though they
are to be met with in every village, and are offered for sale by poor
children begging the road.

“I must beg leave to observe that, besides the several things hitherto
mentioned, which travellers usually carry along with them in their
journeys, I had for my own private use a very large Javan box, which I
had brought with me from Batavia. In this box I privately kept a large
mariner’s compass, in order to measure the directions of the roads,
mountains, and coasts; but open and exposed to everybody’s view, was
an inkhorn; and I usually filled it with plants, flowers, and branches
of trees, which I figured and described (nay, under this pretext
whatever occurred to me remarkable). Doing this, as I did it free and
unhindered, to everybody’s knowledge, I should be wrongly accused to
have done anything which might have proved disadvantageous to the
Company’s trade in this country, or to have thereby thrown any ill
suspicion upon our conduct from so jealous and circumspect a nation.
Nay, far from it, I must own that, from the very first day of our
setting out, till our return to Nagasaki, all the Japanese companions
of our journey, and particularly the Bugiō or commander-in-chief,
were extremely forward to communicate to me what uncommon plants they
met with, together with their names, characters, and uses, which they
diligently inquired into among the natives. The Japanese, a very
reasonable and sensible people, and themselves great lovers of plants,
look upon botany as a study both useful and innocent, which, pursuant
to the very dictates of reason and the law of nature, ought to be
encouraged by everybody. Thus much I know, by my own experience, that
of all the nations I saw and conversed with in my long and tedious
travels, those the least favored botanical learning who ought to have
encouraged it most. Upon my return to Nagasaki, _Tōnemon_, secretary
and chief counsellor to the governors, being at Deshima, sent for me,
and made me, by the chief interpreter, the following compliment: That
he had heard with great pleasure from our late Bugiō, how agreeably
I had spent my time, and what diversion I had taken upon our journey
in that excellent and most commendable study of botany, whereof he,
_Tōnemon_, himself was a great lover and encourager. But I must
confess, likewise, that at the beginning of our journey I took what
pains and tried what means I could to procure the friendship and
assistance of my fellow-travellers, obliging some with a submissive
humble conduct and ready assistance, as to physic and physical advice,
others with secret rewards for the very meanest services and favors.

“A traveller must not forget to provide himself with a cloak, against
rainy weather, made of double-varnished oiled paper, and withal so very
large and wide that it covers and shelters at once man, horse, and
baggage. It seems the Japanese have learned the use of it, together
with the name _Kappa_, from the Portuguese.

“To keep off the heat of the sun, travellers must be provided with a
large hat, which is made of split bamboos or straw, very neatly and
artfully twisted, in form of an extended sombrero, or umbrella. It is
tied under the chin with broad silk bands, lined with cotton. It is
transparent and exceedingly light, and yet, if once wet, will let no
rain come through. Not only the men wear such hats upon their journeys,
but also the women in cities and villages, at all times, and in all
weathers, and it gives them no disagreeable look.

“The Japanese upon their journeys wear very wide breeches, tapering
towards the end, to cover the legs, and slit on both sides to put
in the ends of their large, long gowns, which would otherwise be
troublesome in walking or riding. Some wear a short coat or cloak over
the breeches. Some, instead of stockings, tie a broad ribbon around
their legs. Ordinary servants, chiefly Norimono-men and pike-bearers,
wear no breeches, and, for expedition’s sake, tuck their gowns quite up
to their belt, exposing their naked bodies, which they say they have no
reason at all to be ashamed of.

“The Japanese of both sexes never go abroad without fans, as we
Europeans seldom do without gloves[163]. Upon their journeys they make
use of a fan which hath the roads printed upon it, and tells them how
many miles they are to travel, what inns they are to go to, and what
price victuals are at. Some, instead of such a fan, make use of a
road-book, which are offered them for sale by numbers of poor children,
begging along the road. The Dutch are not permitted, at least publicly,
to buy any of these fans, or road-books.

“A Japanese on horseback, tucked up after this fashion, makes a very
comical figure at a distance; for, besides that they are generally
short and thick, their large hat, wide breeches and cloaks, together
with their sitting cross-legged, make them appear broader than long.
Upon the road they ride one by one. Merchants have their horses,
with the heavy baggage packed up in two or three trunks or bales,
led before them. They follow, sitting on horseback, after the manner
above described. As to the bridle, the traveller hath nothing to do
with that, the horse being led by one of his footmen, who walks at the
horse’s right side, next by the head, and together with his companions
sings some merry song or other, to divert themselves, and to animate
their horses.

“The Japanese look upon our European way of sitting on horseback,
and holding the bridle one’s self, as warlike and properly becoming
a soldier. For this very reason they seldom or never use it in their
journeys. It is more frequent among people of quality in cities, where
they go a visiting one another. But even then the rider (who makes but
a sorry appearance when sitting after our manner) holds the bridle
merely for form, the horse being still led by one, and sometimes by
two, footmen, who walk on each side of the head, holding it by the bit.
Their saddles come nearer our German saddles than those of any Asiatic
nation. The stirrup-leathers are very short. A broad round leather
hangs down on both sides, after the fashion of the Tartars, to defend
the legs. The stirrup is made of iron, or Sowaas (?), very thick and
heavy,—not unlike the sole of a foot, and open on one side, for the
rider to get his foot loose with ease, in case of a fall,—commonly of
an exceeding neat workmanship, and inlaid with silver. The reins are
not of leather, as ours, but silk, and fastened to the bit.

“Besides going on horseback, there is another more stately and
expensive way of travelling in this country, and that is to be carried
in _Norimono_, and _Kago_, or particular sorts of chairs or litters.
The same is usual likewise in cities. People of quality are carried
about after this manner for state, others for ease and convenience.
There is a wide difference between the litters men of quality go in,
and those of ordinary people. The former are sumptuous and magnificent,
according to every one’s rank and riches. The latter are plain and
simple. The former are commonly called Norimono, the latter Kago. The
vulgar (in all nations master of the language) have called them by two
different names, though, in fact, they are but one thing. Norimono
signifies, properly speaking, a thing to sit in; Kago, a basket. Both
sorts rise through such a variety of degrees, from the lowest to the
highest, from the plainest to the most curious, that a fine Kago is
scarce to be distinguished from a plain and simple Norimono, but by
its pole. The pole of a Kago is plain, massy, all of one piece, and
smaller than that of a Norimono, which is large, curiously adorned and
hollow. The pole of a Norimono is made up of four thin boards, neatly
joined together, in form of a wide arch, and much lighter than it
appears to be. Princes and great lords show their rank and nobility,
amongst other things, particularly by the length and largeness of the
poles of their Norimono. People who fancy themselves to be of greater
quality than they really are, are apt now and then to get the poles of
their Norimono or Kago much larger than they ought to have been. But
then, also, they are liable to be obliged by the magistrates, if they
come to know of it, to reduce them to their former size, with a severe
reprimand, if not a considerable punishment, into the bargain. This
regulation, however, doth not concern the women, for they may, if they
please, make use of larger poles than their own and their husbands’
quality would entitle them to.”

The Norimono itself is a small room, of an oblong square figure, big
enough for one person conveniently to sit or lie in, curiously woven
of fine, thin, split bamboos, sometimes japanned and finely painted,
with a small folding-door on each side, sometimes a small window before
and behind. Sometimes it is fitted up for the conveniency of sleeping
in it. It has at top a roof, which in rainy weather has a covering
of varnished paper. It is carried by two, four, eight, or more men,
according to the quality of the person in it, who (if he be a prince
or lord of a province) carry the pole on the palms of their hands;
otherwise, they lay it upon their shoulders. All these Norimono-men
are clad in the same livery, with the coat of arms or mark of their
masters. They are every now and then relieved by others, who in the
mean time walk by the Norimono’s side.

[Illustration: A BRIDGE SPANNING THE RIVER ŌIGAWA; VIEW OF FUJIKAWA]

“The Kago are not near so fine nor so well attended. They are much
of the same figure, but smaller, with a solid, square or sometimes
a round, pole, which is either fastened to the upper part of the
roof, or put through it underneath. The Kago commonly made use of for
travelling, chiefly for carrying people over mountains, are very poor
and plain, and so small, that one cannot sit in them without very great
inconveniency, bowing the head and laying the legs across. They are
not unlike a basket with a round bottom, and a flat roof, which one
reaches with his head. In such Kago we are carried over the rocks and
mountains, which are not easily to be passed on horseback. Three men
are appointed for every Kago, who, indeed, for the heaviness of their
burden, have enough to do.”

CHAPTER XXXI

_Highways—Rivers—Fords—Ferries—Bridges—Water Part of the Journey—Coast
and Islands—Frail Structure of Japanese Vessels—Description
of them—Buildings on the Route—Proclamation Places—Places of
Execution—Tera, or Buddhist Temples—Miya, or Shintō Temples—Idols and
Amulets._

“The empire of Japan,” says Kämpfer, “is divided into seven great
tracts,[164] every one of which is bounded by a highway, and, as these
tracts are subdivided into provinces, so there are particular ways
leading to and from every one of these provinces, all ending in the
great highways, as small rivers lose themselves in great ones. These
highways are so broad that two companies, though never so great, can,
without hindrance, pass by one another. That company which, according
to their way of speaking, goes up, that is, to Miyako, takes the left
side of the way, and that which comes from Miyako the right. All the
highways are divided into measured miles, which are all marked, and
begin from the great bridge at Yedo as the common centre. This bridge
is by way of preëminence, called _Nihombashi_, that is, the bridge of
Japan. By this means, a traveller, in whatever part of the empire he
be, may know at any time how many Japanese miles it is from thence to
Yedo. The miles are marked by two small hills thrown up, one on each
side of the way, opposite each other, and planted at the top with
one or more trees. At the end of every tract, province, or smaller
district, a wooden or stone pillar is set up in the highway, with
characters upon it, showing what provinces or lands they are which
here bound upon each other, and to whom they belong. Like pillars are
erected at the entry of the sideways which turn off from the great
highway, showing what province or dominion they lead to, and the
distance in leagues to the next remarkable place. The natives, as
they improve every inch of ground, plant firs and cypress-trees in
rows along the roads over the ridges of hills, mountains, and other
barren places. No firs or cypress can be cut down without leave of the
magistrate of the place, and they must always plant young ones instead
of those they cut down.

“In our journey to court we pass along two of these chief highways,
and go by water from one to the other, so that our whole journey is
divided into three parts. We set out from Nagasaki to go by land across
the island Kiūshiū to the town of Kokura, where we arrive in five
days. From Kokura we pass the straits in small boats to Shimonoseki, a
convenient and secure harbor, about two leagues off, where we find our
barge, with the baggage, riding at anchor and waiting our arrival. The
road from Nagasaki to Kokura is called by the Japanese _Saikaidō_, that
is, the west sea way.[165] At Shimonoseki we go on board our barge for
Hyōgo, where we arrive in eight days, more or less, according to the
wind. Ōsaka, a city very famous for the extent of its commerce and the
wealth of its inhabitants, lies about thirteen Japanese water-leagues
from Hiōgo, which, on account of the shallowness of the water, we make
in small boats, leaving our barge at Hiōgo till our return. From Ōsaka
we go again by land, over the great island Nippon, as far as Yedo, the
emperor’s residence, where we arrive in about fourteen days or more.
The road from Ōsaka to Yedo is by the Japanese called Tōkaidō, that
is, the east sea or coast way. We stay at Yedo about twenty days, or
upwards; and having had an audience of his imperial majesty, and paid
our respects to some of his chief ministers and favorites, we return
to Nagasaki the same way, completing our whole journey in about three
months’ time.[166]

“In most parts of Saikaidō, and everywhere upon Tōkaidō, between the
towns and villages, there is a straight row of firs planted on each
side of the road, which by their agreeable shade make the journey both
pleasant and convenient. The ground is kept clean and neat, convenient
ditches and outlets are contrived to carry off the rain-water, and
strong dikes are cast up to keep off that which comes down from higher
places. This makes the road at all times good and pleasant, unless it
be then raining and the ground slimy. The neighboring villages must
jointly keep them in repair, and sweep and clean them every day.
People of great quality cause the road to be swept with brooms, just
before they pass it; and there lie heaps of sand in readiness, at due
distances (brought thither some days before), to spread over the road,
in order to dry it, in case it should rain upon their arrival. The
lords of the several provinces, and the princes of the imperial blood,
in their journeys, find, at every two or three leagues’ distance, huts
of green-leaved branches erected for them, with a private apartment,
where they may step in for their pleasures or necessities. The
inspectors for repairing the highway are at no great trouble to get
people to clean them, for whatever makes the roads nasty is of some use
to the neighboring country people, so that they rather strive who shall
first carry it away. The pine-nuts, branches, and leaves, which fall
down daily from the firs, are gathered for fuel to supply the want of
wood, which is very scarce in some places. Nor doth horses’ dung lie
long upon the ground, but is soon taken up by poor country children,
and serves to manure the fields. For the same reason care is taken that
the filth of travellers be not lost, and there are in several places,
near country people’s houses, or in their fields, houses of office
built for them. Old shoes of horses and men, which are thrown away as
useless, are gathered in the same houses, burnt to ashes, and added to
the mixture. Supplies of this composition are kept in large tubs or
tuns, buried even with the ground in their villages and fields, and,
being not covered, afford full as ungrateful and putrid a smell of
radishes (which is the common food of country people) to tender noses,
as the neatness and beauty of the road is agreeable to the eyes.

“In several parts of the country the roads go over hills and mountains,
which are sometimes so steep and high, that travellers are necessitated
to get themselves carried over them in kago, such as I have described
in the preceding chapter, because they cannot, without great difficulty
and danger, pass them on horseback. But even this part of the road,
which may be called bad in comparison to others, is green and pleasant,
for the abundance of springs of clear water, and green bushes, and
this all the year round, but particularly in the spring, when the
flower-bearing trees and shrubs being then in their full blossom, prove
an additional beauty, affording to the eye a curious view, and filling
the nose with agreeable scent.

“Several of the rivers we are to cross over, chiefly upon Tōkaidō,
run with so impetuous a rapidity towards the sea that they will bear
no bridge nor boat, and this by reason partly of the neighboring
snow-mountains, where they arise, partly of the frequent great rains,
which swell them to such a degree as to make them overflow their banks.
These must be forded. Men, horses, and baggage, are delivered up to
the care of certain people, bred up to this business, who are well
acquainted with the bed of the river, and the places which are the most
proper for fording. These people, as they are made answerable for their
passenger’s lives, and all accidents that might befall them in the
passage, exert all their strength, care, and dexterity, to support them
with their arms against the impetuosity of the river, and the stones
rolling down from the mountains where the rivers arise. Norimono are
carried over by the same people.

[Illustration: THE RIVER ŌI
From _Official History of Japan_]

“The chief of these rivers is the formidable _Ōigawa_, which separates
the two provinces Tōtōmi and Suruga. The passage of this river is what
all travellers are apprehensive of, not only for its uncommon rapidity
and swiftness, but because sometimes, chiefly after rains, it swells so
high that they are necessitated to stay several days on either bank,
till the fall of the water makes it passable, or till they will venture
the passage, and desire to be set over at their own peril. The rivers
_Fuji-jedagawa_ and _Abegawa_, in the last mentioned province, are of
the like nature, but not so much dreaded.

“There are many other shallows and rapid rivers, but because they are
not near so broad nor impetuous as those above mentioned, passengers
are ferried over them in boats, which are built after a particular
fashion proper for such a passage, with flat, thin bottoms, which will
give way, so that if they run aground, or upon some great stone, they
may easily, and without any danger, slide over it and get off again.
The chief of these are the river _Tenriū_, in the province Tōtōmi;
_Fujigawa_, in the province Suruga; _Benriū_, in the province Musashi,
and _Asukagawa_, which is particularly remarkable, for that its bed
continually alters, for which reason inconstant people are compared to
it in proverb.

“Strong, broad bridges are laid over all other rivers which do not run
with so much rapidity, nor alter their beds. These bridges are built of
cedar, and kept in constant repair, so that they look at all times as
if they had been but lately finished. They are railed on both sides.
As one may travel all over Japan without paying any taxes or customs,
so likewise they know nothing of any money to be paid by way of a toll
for the repair of highways and bridges. Only in some places the custom
is, in winter-time to give the bridge-keeper, who is to look after the
bridge, a zeni for his trouble.

“That part of our journey to court made by water is along the coasts
of the great island Nippon, which we have on our left, steering our
course so as to continue always in sight of land, and not above one
or two leagues off it at farthest, that in case of a storm arising it
may be in our power forthwith to put into some harbor. Coming out of
the straits of Shimonoseki, we continue for some time in sight of the
southeastern coasts of Kiūshiū. Having left these coasts, we come in
sight of those of the island Shikoku. We then make the island Awaji,
and steering between this island and the main land of the province
Izumi, we put into the harbor of Ōsaka, and so end that part of our
journey to court which must be made by sea. All these coasts are very
much frequented, not only by the princes and lords of the empire, with
their retinues, travelling to and from court, but likewise by the
merchants of the country, going from one province to another to buy and
sell, so that one may chance on some days to see upwards of a hundred
ships under sail. The coasts hereabouts are rocky and mountainous; but
many of the mountains are cultivated to their very tops; they are well
inhabited and stocked with villages, castles, and small towns. There
are very good harbors in several places, where ships put in at night
to lie at anchor, commonly upon good clean ground, in four to eight
fathoms.

[Illustration: JAPANESE CRAFT: SAILBOATS: ROWBOATS: JUNKS]

“In this voyage we pass innumerable small islands, particularly in the
straits between Shikoku and Nippon. They are all mountainous, and for
the most part barren and uncultivated rocks. Some few have a tolerable
good soil and sweet water. These are inhabited, and the mountains,
though never so steep, cultivated up to their tops. These mountains
(as also those of the main land of Nippon) have several rows of firs
planted for ornament’s sake along their ridges at top, which makes
them look at a distance as if they were fringed, and affords a very
curious prospect. There is hardly an island, of the inhabited ones,
but what hath a convenient harbor, with good anchoring ground, where
ships may lie safe. All Japanese pilots know this very well, and will
sometimes come to an anchor upon very slight pretences. Nor, indeed,
are they much to be blamed for an over-carefulness, or too great a
circumspection, which some would be apt to call fear and cowardice.
Their ships are not built strong enough to bear the shocks and tossings
of huge raging waves. The deck is so loose that it will let the water
run through, unless the mast hath been taken down and the ship covered,
partly with mats, partly with sails. The stem is laid quite open, and,
if the sea runs high, the waves will beat in on all sides. In short,
the whole structure is so weak that, a storm approaching, unless anchor
be forthwith cast, the sails taken in, and the mast let down, it is in
danger every moment to be shattered to pieces.

“All the ships and boats we met with on our voyage by sea were built of
fir or cedar, both which grow in great plenty in the country. They are
of a different structure, according to the purposes and the waters for
which they are built. The pleasure-boats, made use of only for going up
and down rivers, or to cross small bays, are widely different in their
structure, according to the possessor’s fancy. Commonly they are built
for rowing. The first and lowermost deck is flat and low; another, more
lofty, with open windows, stands upon it, and this may be divided,
like their houses, by folding screens, as they please, into several
apartments. Several parts are curiously adorned with variety of flags
and other ornaments.

“The merchant-ships which venture out at sea, though not very far from
the coasts, and serve for the transport of men and goods from one
island or province to another, deserve a more accurate description.
They are commonly eighty-four feet long and twenty-four broad, built
for sailing as well as rowing. They run tapering from the middle
towards the stern, and both ends of the keel stand out of the water
considerably. The body of the ship is not built bulging, as our
European ones; but that part which stands below the surface of the
water runs almost in a straight line towards the keel. The stern is
broad and flat, with a wide opening in the middle for the easier
management of the rudder, which reaches down almost to the bottom of
the ship, and lays open all the inside to the eye. The deck, somewhat
raised towards the stern, consists only of deal boards laid loose,
without anything to fasten them together. It rises but little above the
surface of the water, when the ship hath its full lading, and is almost
covered with a sort of a cabin, full a man’s height, only a small part
of it towards the stern being left empty to lay up the anchor and
other tackle. This cabin jets beyond the ship about two feet on each
side; and there are sliding-windows round it, which may be opened or
shut, as occasion requires. In the furthermost parts are the cabins,
or rooms for passengers, separate from each other by folding screens
and doors, with floors covered with fine neat mats. The furthermost
cabin is always reckoned the best and for this reason assigned to the
chief passenger. The roof, or upper deck, is flatfish, and made of
neat boards curiously joined together. In rainy weather the mast is
let down upon the upper deck, and the sail extended over it, affording
to the sailors and the people employed in the ship’s service shelter
and a place to sleep at night. Sometimes, and the better to defend
the upper deck, it is covered with common straw mats, which for this
purpose lie there at hand. The ship hath but one sail, made of hemp,
and very large. She hath also but one mast, standing up about a fathom
beyond her middle towards the stern. This mast, which is of the same
length with the ship, is hoisted up by pulleys, and again, when the
ship comes to an anchor, let down upon deck. The anchors are of iron,
and cables twisted of straw, and stronger than one would imagine. Ships
of this burden have commonly thirty or forty hands apiece to row them
if the wind fails. The watermen’s benches are towards the stern. They
row according to the air of a song, or other noise, which serves at
the same time to direct and regulate their work and to encourage the
rowers. They do not row after our European manner, extending their
oars straight forwards, and cutting just the surface of the water,
but let them fall down into the water almost perpendicularly, and
then lift them up again. This way of rowing not only answers all the
ends of the other, but is done with less trouble. The benches of the
rowers are raised considerably above the surface of the water. Their
oars are, besides, made in a particular manner, calculated for this
way of rowing, being not straight like our European oars, but somewhat
bent, with a movable joint in the middle, which, yielding to the
violent pressure of the water, facilitates the taking them up. The
ship’s timbers and planks are fastened together with hooks and bands
of copper. The stern is adorned with a knot of fringes made of thin,
long, black strings. Men of quality in their voyages have their cabin
hung all about with cloth, whereupon is stitched their coats of arms.
Their pike of state, as the badge of their authority, is put up upon
the stern on one side of the rudder. On the other side there is a
weather-flag for the use of the pilot. In small ships, as soon as they
come to an anchor, the rudder is hoisted up, and one end of it extended
to the shore, so that one may pass through the opening of the stern, as
through a back door, and walking over the rudder, as over a bridge, get
ashore. Thus much of the ships. I proceed now to other structures and
buildings travellers meet with in their journeys by land.

[Illustration: A MERCHANT SHIP
From _Official History of Japan_]

“It may be observed, in general, that the buildings of this country,
ecclesiastical or civil, public or private, being commonly low and of
wood, are by no means to be compared to ours in Europe, neither in
largeness nor magnificence. The houses of private persons never exceed
six ken, or thirty-six feet in height. Nay, ’tis but seldom they build
their houses so high, unless they design them also for warehouses.
Even the palaces of the Dairi, the secular monarch, and of the princes
and lords, are not above one story high. And although there be many
common houses, chiefly in towns, of two stories, yet the upper story,
if it deserves that name, is generally very low, unfit to be inhabited,
and good for little else but to lay up some of the least necessary
household goods, it being often without a ceiling or any other cover
but the bare roof. The reason of their building their houses so low,
is the frequency of earthquakes, which prove much more fatal to
lofty and massy buildings of stone, than to low and small houses of
wood. But if the houses of the Japanese be not so large, lofty, or so
substantially built as ours, they are on the other hand greatly to
be admired for their uncommon neatness and cleanliness, and curious
furniture. I could not help taking notice that the furniture and the
several ornaments of their apartments make a far more graceful and
handsome appearance in rooms of a small compass, than they would do
in large, lofty halls. They have none, or but few, partition walls to
divide their rooms from each other, but instead of them make use of
folding screens, made of colored or gilt paper, and laid into wooden
frames, which they can put up or remove whenever they please, and by
this means enlarge their rooms or make them narrower, as it best suits
their fancy or convenience. The floors are somewhat raised above the
level of the street, and are all made of boards, neatly covered with
fine mats[167], the borders whereof are curiously fringed, embroidered,
or otherwise neatly adorned. All mats are of the same size in all parts
of the empire, to wit, a ken, or six feet long[168], and half a ken
broad. All the lower part of the house, the staircase leading up to
the second story, if there be any, the doors, windows[169], posts and
passages, are curiously painted and varnished. The ceilings are neatly
covered with gilt or silver colored paper, embellished with flowers,
and the screens in several rooms curiously painted. In short, there is
not one corner in the whole house but looks handsome and pretty, and
this the rather since all their furniture may be bought at an easy rate.

“I must not forget to mention, that it is very healthful to live in
these houses, and that in this particular they are far beyond ours in
Europe, because of their being built all of cedar wood or fir; and
because the windows are generally contrived so that upon opening them,
and removing the screens which separate the rooms, a free passage is
left for the air through the whole house.

“I took notice that the roof, which is covered with planks[170], or
shingles of wood, rests upon thick, strong, heavy beams, as large
as they can get them, and that the second story is generally built
stronger and more substantial than the first. This they do by reason of
the frequent earthquakes which happen in this country, because, they
observe, that in case of a violent shock, the pressure of the upper
part of the house upon the lower, which is built much lighter, keeps
the whole from being overthrown.

“The castles of the Japanese nobility are built, either on great
rivers, or upon hills and rising grounds. They take in a vast deal
of room, and consist commonly of three different fortresses, or
enclosures, which cover and defend, or, if possible, encompass one
another. Each enclosure is surrounded and defended by a clean, deep
ditch, and a thick, strong wall, built of stone or earth, with strong
gates. Guns they have none. The principal and innermost castle or
enclosure is called the _Honmaru_, that is, the true or chief castle.
It is the residence of the prince or lord who is in possession of it,
and as such it is distinguished from the others by a square, large,
white tower, three or four stories high, with a small roof encompassing
each story like a crown or garland. In the second enclosure, called
_Ni-no-maru_, that is, the second castle, are lodged the gentlemen of
the prince’s bedchamber, his stewards, secretaries, and other chief
officers, who are to give a constant attendance about his person. The
empty spaces are cultivated, and turned either into gardens or sown
with rice. The third and outwardmost enclosure is called _Sotogamaye_,
that is, the outwardmost defence; as, also, _Sannomaru_, that is,
the third castle. It is the abode of a numerous train of soldiers,
courtiers, domestics, and other people, everybody being permitted to
come into it. The white walls, bastions, gates, each of which hath two
or more stories built over it, and above all the beautiful tower of the
innermost castle, are extremely pleasant to behold at a distance. There
is commonly a place without the castle designed for a rendezvous and
review of troops. Hence it appears, that, considering wars are carried
on in this country without the use of great guns, these castles are
well enough defended, and of sufficient strength to hold out a long
siege. The proprietors are bound to take particular care that they be
kept in constant repair. However, if there be any part thereof going
to ruin, the same cannot be rebuilt without the knowledge and express
leave of the emperor. Much less doth the emperor suffer new ones to be
built in any part of his dominions. The castles where the prince or
lords reside are commonly seated at the extremity of some large town,
which encompasses them in the form of a half-moon[171].

“Most of the towns are very populous and well built. The streets are
generally speaking regular, running straight forward, and crossing
each other at right angles, as if they had been laid out at one time,
and according to one general ground-plot. The towns are not surrounded
with walls and ditches. The two chief gates, where people go in and
out, are no better than the ordinary gates which stand at the end of
every street, and are shut at night. Sometimes there is part of a wall
built contiguous to them on each side, merely for ornament’s sake. In
larger towns, where some prince resides, these two gates are a little
handsomer, and kept in better repair, and there is commonly a strong
guard mounted, all out of respect for the residing prince. The rest of
the town generally lies open to the fields, and is but seldom enclosed
even with a common hedge or ditch. In our journey to court I counted
thirty-three towns and residences of princes of the empire, some
whereof we passed through, but saw others only at a distance. Common
towns and large villages or boroughs, on our road, I computed at from
seventy-seven to eighty or upwards[172].

“I could not help admiring the great number of shops we met with
in all the cities, towns, and villages; whole streets being scarce
anything else but continued rows of shops on both sides, and I own,
for my part, that I could not well conceive how the whole country is
able to furnish customers enough, only to make the proprietors get a
livelihood, much less to enrich them.

“The villages along the highways in the great island Nippon, have among
their inhabitants but few farmers, the far greater part being made up
by people who resort there to get their livelihood either by selling
some odd things to travellers, or by servile daily labor. Most of these
villages consist only of one long street, bordering on each side of
the highway, which is sometimes extended to such a length as almost to
reach the next village.

“The houses of country people and husbandmen consist of four low walls
covered with a thatched or shingled roof. In the back part of the
house the floor is somewhat raised above the level of the street, and
there it is they place the hearth; the rest is covered with neat mats.
Behind the street door hang rows of coarse ropes made of straw, not
to hinder people from coming in or going out, but to serve instead of
a lattice-window to prevent such as are without from looking in and
observing what passes within doors. As to household goods they have
but few. Many children and great poverty is generally what they are
possessed of; and yet with some small provision of rice, plants, and
roots, they live content and happy.

“Passing through cities and villages and other inhabited places, we
always found, upon one of the chief public streets, a small place,
encompassed with grates, for the supreme will, as the usual way of
speaking is in this country, that is, for the imperial orders and
proclamations. The lord or governor of every province publishes them
in his own name for the instruction of passengers. They are written,
article by article, in large, fair characters, upon a square table
of a foot or two in length, standing upon a post at least twelve
feet high. We saw several of these tables, as we travelled along, of
different dates and upon different subjects. The chief, largest, and
oldest contain the edict against the Roman Catholic religion, setting
forth also proper orders relating to the image-trampling inquisition,
and specifying what reward is to be given to any person or persons
that discover a Christian or a priest. The lords or governors of
provinces put up their own orders and edicts in the same place.
This is the reason why there are sometimes so many standing behind
or near one another, that it is scarce possible to see and to read
them all. Sometimes, also, they have pieces of money, in gold or
silver, stuck or nailed to them, to be given as a reward to any one
who discovers any fact, person, or criminal therein mentioned. These
grated proclamation-cases are commonly placed, in great cities, just at
the entrance, and in villages and hamlets in the middle of the chief
streets, where there is the most passing. Along the road there are some
other orders and instructions for passengers put up in the like manner,
but upon lower posts. These come from the sheriffs, surveyors of the
roads, and other inferior officers, and although the things therein
ordered or intimated be generally very trifling, yet they may involve a
transgressor or negligent observer in great troubles and expense.

“Another remarkable thing we met with, as we travelled along, were the
places of public execution, easily known by crosses, posts, and other
remains of former executions. They commonly lie without the cities
or villages, on the west side.

[Illustration: A DRY-GOODS SHOP]

“In this heathen country fewer capital crimes are tried before the
courts of justice, and less criminal blood shed by the hands of public
executioners, than perhaps in any part of Christendom. So powerfully
works the fear of an inevitable, shameful death upon the minds of a
nation, otherwise so stubborn as the Japanese, and so regardless of
their lives, that nothing else but such strictness would be able to
keep them within due bounds. ’Tis true, indeed, Nagasaki cannot boast
of that scarcity of executions; for besides that this place hath been
in a manner consecrated to cruelty and blood, by being made the common
butchery of many thousand Japanese Christians, there have not been
since wanting frequent executions, particularly of those people who,
contrary to the severe imperial edict, cannot leave off carrying on a
smuggling trade with foreigners, and who alone perhaps of the whole
nation seem to be more pleased with this unlawful gain, than frightened
by the shameful punishment which they must inevitably suffer if caught
in the fact or betrayed to the governors.

“Of all the religious buildings to be seen in this country, the Tera,
that is, the Buddhist temples, with the adjoining convents, are,
doubtless, the most remarkable, as being far superior to all others,
by their stately height, curious roofs, and numberless other beautiful
ornaments. Such as are built within cities or villages, stand commonly
on rising grounds and in the most conspicuous places. Others, which are
without, are built on the ascent of hills and mountains. All are most
sweetly seated,—a curious view of the adjacent country, a spring or
rivulet of clear water, and the neighborhood of a wood, with pleasant
walks, being necessary for the spots on which these holy structures are
to be built.

“All these temples are built of the best cedars and firs, and adorned
within with many carved images. In the middle of the temple stands
a fine altar, with one or more gilt idols upon it, and a beautiful
candlestick, with sweet-scented candles burning before it. The whole
temple is so neatly and curiously adorned, that one would fancy himself
transported into a Roman Catholic church, did not the monstrous shape
of the idols, which are therein worshipped, evince the contrary.
The whole empire is full of these temples, and their priests are
without number. Only in and about Miyako they count three thousand
eight hundred and ninety-three temples, and thirty-seven thousand and
ninety-three Shukke, or priests, to attend them.

“The sanctity of the Miya, or temples sacred to the gods of old
worshipped in the country, requires also that they should be built
in some lofty place, or, at least, at some distance from unclean,
common grounds. I have elsewhere observed that they are attended only
by secular persons[173]. A neat broad walk turns in from the highway
towards these temples. At the beginning of the walk is a stately and
magnificent gate, built either of stone or of wood, with a square
table, about a foot and a half high, on which the name of the god
to whom the temple is consecrated is written or engraved in golden
characters.

“Of this magnificent entry one may justly say, _Parturiunt Montes_;
for if you come to the end of the walk, which is sometimes several
hundred paces long, instead of a pompous, magnificent building, you
find nothing but a low, mean structure of wood, often all hid amidst
trees and bushes, with one single grated window to look into it, and
within either all empty, or adorned only with a looking-glass of metal,
placed in the middle, and hung about with some bundles of straw, or
cut white paper, tied to a long string, in form of fringes, as a mark
of the purity and sanctity of the place. The most magnificent gates
stand before the temples of _Tenshō daijin_, of _Hachiman_, and of
that _Kami_, or god, whom particular places choose to worship as their
tutelar deity, who takes a more particular care to protect and defend
them[174].

“Other religious objects travellers meet with along the roads are the
Hotoke, or foreign idols, chiefly those of _Amida_ and _Jizō_, as also
other monstrous images and idols, which we found upon the highways in
several places, at the turning in of sideways, near bridges, convents,
temples, and other buildings. They are set up partly as an ornament
to the place, partly to remind travellers of the devotion and worship
due to the gods. For this same purpose, drawings of these idols
printed upon entire or half sheets of paper, are pasted upon the
gates of cities and villages, upon wooden posts, near bridges, upon
the proclamation-cases above described, and in several other places
upon the highway, which stand the most exposed to the traveller’s view.
Travellers, however, are not obliged to fall down before them, or to
pay them any other mark of worship and respect than they are otherwise
willing to do.

“On the doors and houses of ordinary people (for men of quality seldom
suffer to have theirs thus disfigured) there is commonly pasted a sorry
picture of one of their Lares, or house gods, printed upon a half
sheet of paper. The most common is the black-horned _Gion_, otherwise
called _Gozutennō_,—that is, according to the literal signification
of the Chinese characters for this name, _the ox-headed prince of
heaven_,—whom they believe to have the power of keeping the family
from distempers, and other unlucky accidents, particularly from the
small-pox, which proves fatal to great numbers of their children.
Others fancy they thrive extremely well, and live happy, under the
protection of a countryman of Yezo, whose monstrous, frightful picture
they paste upon their doors, being hairy all over his body, and
carrying a large sword with both hands, which they believe he makes use
of to keep off, and, as it were, to parry, all sorts of distempers and
misfortunes endeavoring to get into the house.

“On the fronts of new and pretty houses I have sometimes seen dragons’
or devils’ heads, painted with a wide open mouth, large teeth, and
fiery eyes. The Chinese and other Indian nations—nay, even the
Mahometans in Arabia and Persia—have the same placed over the doors
of their houses, by the frightful aspect of this monstrous figure to
keep off, as the latter say, the envious from disturbing the peace of
families.

“Often, also, they put a branch of the _Hanashikimi_, or anise-tree,
over their doors, which is, in like manner, believed to bring good
luck into their houses; or else liverwort, which they fancy hath
the particular virtue to keep off evil spirits; or some other
plants or branches of trees. In villages they often place their
indulgence-boxes[175], which they bring back from their pilgrimage to
Ise, over their doors, thinking, also, by this means to bring happiness
and prosperity upon their houses. Others paste long strips of paper to
their doors, which the adherents of the several religious sects and
convents are presented with by their clergy, for some small gratuity.
There are odd, unknown characters, and divers forms of prayers, writ
upon these papers, which the superstitious firmly believe to have
the infallible virtue of conjuring and keeping off all manner of
misfortunes. Many more amulets of the like nature are pasted to their
doors, against the plague, distempers, and particular misfortunes.
There is, also, one against poverty.”

END OF VOL. I.

INDEX

Abegawa, River, i., 385.

Acorns, Edible, ii., 142.

_Acorus_, ii., 124.

Actors, i., 212, 360-365; ii., 160, 161.

Acupuncture, ii., 145, 202.

Adams, ——, ii., 345.

Adams, Captain Robert, i., 240.

Adams, Thomas, i., 172.

Adams, William, i., 169-179, 192, 199-204, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213,
224, 225, 239, 240.

Ainslie, Dr., ii., 208.

“Ainu and their Folk-lore, The,” ii., 345.

“Ainu of Japan, The,” ii., 345.

Akechi Mitsuhide, i., 116, 117.

_Alcea rosea_, ii., 124.

Alcock, ——, ii., 345.

Almeida, Louis, i., 93, 95, 96, 153, 165.

Alphabets in use, i., 78; ii., 164.

Alvarez, George, i., 38, 50.

Ambassadors to the Pope, i., 103-115, 121, 122, 126, 128, 132.

Ambergris, i., 329.

Amboyna, Massacre of, i., 240, 241; ii., 355.

“America in the East,” ii., 273.

“American anchorage,” ii., 291.

American relations with Japan. _See_ United States’ relations with Japan.

Amida, the god and his idols, i., 399; ii., 49, 65.

Amiot, Père, i., 7.

“Amœnitates Exoticae,” i., 289, 315.

_Amomum miōga_, ii., 124.

_Anas galericulata_, ii., 135.

Ancestor worship, ii., 188.

Anderson, W., ii., 345.

Angelis, Jerome de, i., 220, 265.

Animals and birds eaten for food, i., 54, 75, 187; ii., 135;
those not eaten, ii., 253.

Anise-tree, i., 401; ii., 126.

Anjirō, i., 38, 39, 41, 49-54, 82, 359.

“Annales des Voyages,” ii., 349.

“Annals des Dairi,” ii., 89.

“Annals des Empereurs du Japon,” i., 257, 391; ii., 108, 165.

“Annals of the Dairi,” i., 357.

Apples, ii., 140.

Arai, ii., 65, 70.

Arai Hakuseki, ii., 112.

_Aratame_, ii., 65.

Architecture, domestic, i., 77, 187, 218, 339, 340, 390-392, 395; ii.,
52, 63, 79, 129-131, 306, 318-322.

“Archives of Japan,” i., 8.

_Argonaut_, English ship, ii., 191.

Arima, King of, i., 98, 102, 126.

Armies and soldiery, i., 59, 215, 258.

Armor, i., 139.

Arms, or mark, upon clothing, etc., i., 116, 188, 371, 373; ii., 17,
18, 285, 322.

_Artemisia_, ii., 146.
_See also_ Wormwood.

“Arts and Crafts of Old Japan,” ii., 345.

_Arum dracontium_ and _esculentum_, ii., 142.

Asakawa, ——, ii., 345.

“Asiatic Journal,” i., 195; ii., 46, 72, 108, 254, 352.

Aston, W. G., i., 8, 145; ii., 199, 206, 345.

Astronomers, ii., 143, 201, 223, 251.

Asukagawa, River, i., 385.

“Atlas Japonensis,” i., 266.

_Atotsuke_, i., 370, 372.

Atsuta (Miya), ii., 69.

Audiences with emperor and princes, i., 175, 189-191, 217; ii., 55,
56, 60-62, 85-104, 149-153, 331-334.

Audsley, ——, and Bowes, ——, ii., 345.

Austerities practised by both bonzes and Jesuits, i., 71, 88.

Autographs of travellers, i., 218.

Awa, Provinces of, ii., 283.

Azuchiyama, i., 103, 116.

Bacon, Miss, ii., 344.

Baggage, i., 370-377.

Baker, Edmund, i., 177.

Baptiste, Father Pierre, i., 242.

Barley, i., 76.

Batchelor, John, ii., 345.

Baths, ii., 9, 52, 134.

Batoli, Father Daniel, i., 115.

Bedding, ii., 5, 133, 156.

Beechey, Captain, ii., 282.

Beer, ii., 207.

Beggars, ii., 23-28, 58.

Bell in Miyako temple, ii., 105, 108.

Benriū, River, i., 385.

Bent, Lieut., ii., 302.

Bettelheim, Rev. B. J., ii., 266, 267.

Biddle, Commodore, ii., 261-265.

Bidinger, Mr., ii., 300.

_Bikuni_ (nuns), ii., 23, 24.

Binding of prisoners, ii., 214, 270.

Bird, Miss, ii., 344.

Birds eaten for food, ii., 135.

Biscanio, Sebastian, i., 270.

Biwa, Lake, ii., 63, 67.

Black, ——, ii., 345.

Blindness, ii., 29.

Blomhoff, Herr, ii., 245, 247.

Blomhoff, Mme., ii., 245.

_Blossom_, English ship, ii., 282.

Bonin Islands, ii., 282, 292.

Books, i., 77; ii., 118, 123, 224.

Bōshū (Awa) Province, ii., 283.

“Botanical Magazine” (Curtis), ii., 125.

Botany, i., 374, 375; ii., 123, 157, 162, 253.

Bowes, ——, and Audsley, ——, ii., 345.

Bowmen, ii., 149.

Bramhall, Mrs., ii., 344.

_Brassica orientalis_, ii., 124, 137.

_Breskens_, Dutch ship (1643), i., 262-264.

Bridges, i., 385; ii., 50, 51, 57, 58, 67, 78, 329.

Brixiano, Father Organtino, i., 149.

Broadcloth, English, i., 224.

Broughton, Captain, i., 265; ii., 191.

Brown, Mr., ii., 302.

Buddha, The great, ii., 108.

Buddhism, i., 65, 70-74, 139, 275-277, 342, 343; ii., 28, 65.

Buddhist clergy, i., 72-74, 275-277, 342, 343; ii., 65.

Buddhist temples (_Tera_), i., 71, 275, 342, 397, 398; ii., 65, 304.

_Buke_ (military nobility), i., 63.

_Buku_, ii., 187.

Bullocks, ii., 317.
_See also_ Oxen.

Bungo, Kingdom of, i., 25-29, 34-36, 84-86, 93, 98, 102, 118-120,
124, 125, 145.

Burger, Dr., ii., 252.

Burial service, Jesuit, i., 88.

Burrows, Silas E., ii., 312-314.

Burying-grounds, ii., 123, 296, 307, 316.

“Bushido—The Soul of Japan,” ii., 344.

Cabot, Sebastian, i., 167.

Cabral, Father, i., 97, 98, 100-101.

_Cactus ficus_, ii., 159.

_Caladium_, ii., 142.

Calendar, Japanese, i., 32, 357.

California, ii., 276, 278.

Call to arms, i., 34, 35.

Cambodia River, ii., 354.

_Camellia sasankwa_, ii., 125.

Campbell, ——, i., 302; ii., 345.

Campbell, Archibald, ii., 203.

Camphor-tree, i., 76; ii., 46, 125, 250.

Candles, ii., 38, 39.

Canvas batteries, ii., 257.

“Capital of the Tycoon, The,” ii., 345.

_Capsicum_, ii., 124.

“Captive of Love, A,” ii., 345.

“Captivity in Japan,” i., 33.

Carac of Macao, Cargo of, i., 153, 154, 269, 270.

Card games, ii., 224.

Caron, Francis, i., 224, 240, 243, 253-257, 260, 261, 266, 267, 273,
343, 352, 368, 373; ii., 16, 30, 46, 65, 135, 355, 365, 366.

Carvilho, Father Valentine, i., 227, 242.

Cassa, Heer, ii., 207, 209.

Castles, i., 186, 392-394; ii., 48, 54, 58, 63, 69, 80-83, 86-88.

_Castricoom_, Dutch ship (1643), i., 262, 264, 265.

Casuar, rare Batavian bird, i., 265, 368; ii., 53.

Catechists, Native, i., 100, 127, 128, 231.

Catholic Church in the East, i., 40, 41, 45-47, 65, 205, 235, 261,
267, 277, 396.
_See also_ Missionaries _and_ Xavier, Francis.

Cats, ii., 138, 253.

Cavendish, Thomas, i., 167, 271.

Cecille, Admiral, ii., 265.

Cedar-trees, ii., 141.

_Celastrus alatus_, ii., 124.

Cevicos, Don Jean, i., 245, 246.

Chamberlain, ——, ii., 345.

Chaplin-Ayrton, Mrs., ii., 344.

Charlevoix, Father, i., 20, 85, 101, 115, 154, 232, 246, 265, 290.

Charms against evil spirits, ii., 323.

Cherry-trees, ii., 10, 140.

“Child Life in Japan,” ii., 344.

Children, i., 259, 260, 353; ii., 41, 73, 121, 135, 211.

China trade, i., 12, 270, 273-275, 277-281; ii., 111, 275, 276.

“Chinese Repository,” ii., 254, 255, 258, 284.

“Chiushingura, the Loyal League,” ii., 345.

Chronicles, Japanese, i., 1, 64.

_Citrus tripoliata_, ii., 142.

Civility of Japanese, i., 287; ii., 34, 41.

“Classical Poetry of the Japanese,” ii., 345.

Clement, Ernest W., i., 78; ii., 343, 357, 360.

_Cleopatra_, French frigate, ii., 265.

Climate, ii., 162.

Clocks, ii., 126, 251.

Coal, ii., 311, 312.

Cocks, Richard, i., 213, 223-225, 229, 234, 236, 239, 240; ii., 121,
122.

Coimbra (Portugal) University, i., 45;
Jesuit college, i., 46, 85.

Coins and currency, i., 59, 60, 257, 272, 273, 277, 278, 322, 372;
ii., 109-111, 309-311, 337.

“Coins of Japan, The,” ii., 310.

Colbert, ——, i., 266, 368; ii., 355, 364.

Colds and catarrh, ii., 134.

Colewort, ii., 124.

Colic, Treatment of, ii., 145.

Collado, Father, i., 244-246.

_Columbus_, American ship, ii., 261-265, 283.

Company of Jesus.
_See_ Order of Jesuits _and_ Missionaries, Jesuit.

Company’s Island, i., 124, 265.

Compliments, i., 27.

Concubines and courtesans, i., 260, 279, 292, 310, 340, 341, 356;
ii., 23, 30, 120, 121, 175, 249.

Conder, ——, ii., 7.

Contee, Mr., ii., 284.

“Contributions towards a Knowledge of the Japanese Empire,” ii., 247.

Converts, native, i., 84, 85, 88, 94-98, 100, 102, 103, 118-121,
124-129, 134, 140, 141, 145, 155-158, 162-164, 195, 207, 211, 222,
227-234, 243-248, 267, 268.
_See also_ Missionaries.

Cook-shops, ii., 12, 13.

Cooper, Captain, ii., 260, 261.

Copper, i., 329; ii., 159, 202, 203.

Corean expedition, i., 128, 140, 141, 144, 145, 151, 162; ii., 108.

Corvailho, Father.
_Same as_ Carvilho, Father Valentine.

Couros, Father Matthew de, i., 159.

Cows, ii., 137.

Craftsmen segregate, i., 187, 217.

Credit on accounts, ii., 127.

Crucifixion, i., 156.

_Crusado_, i., 17.

Cuello, Father Gaspard, i., 102, 119, 126.

_Cupressus japonica_, ii., 141.

_Cyprus_, English brig, ii., 254.

Daguerreotypes, ii., 302.

Daibutsu Temple, ii., 106.

Daifu-Sama.
_See_ Iyeyasu.

_Daikoku_, i., 359.

Dairi, or Mikado, i., 60-66; ii., 166, 167.

Dale, Sir Thomas, i., 237, 238.

Date Masamune, i., 204.

Davidson, J. W., i., 302; ii., 345.

Davis, pilot of Dutch vessel, i., 169, 177; ii., 353, 354.

Dee-yee-no-skee, Japanese seaman, ii., 312-314.

De Jancigny, ——, ii., 254, 274, 277, 310.

Dening, ——, i., 150.

Deshima, Island of, i., 248, 262, 291-294; ii., 117.

Devereux, Captain, ii., 194.

_Diana_, Russian sloop, ii., 212, 226-243, 324.

“Diary of Richard Cocks,” i., 226, 267.

Dick, Stewart, ii., 345.

Dickins, ——, ii., 345.

Dickson, ——, ii., 345.

Dictionary, Japanese-Dutch, ii., 210.

_Dioscorea Japonica_, ii., 124.

Distance, Measures of, i., 382, 391; ii., 89.

Dixon, ——, ii., 345.

Doeff, Heer Hendrick, ii., 194-212, 245.

Dogs, ii., 138, 253.

_Dolichos polystachos_, ii., 159.

_Dolichos soia_, ii., 159.

Dominicans in Japanese missions.
_See_ Missionaries, Catholic, other than Jesuit.

Dosha powder, ii., 147.

Dōshin, or imperial soldiers, i., 257, 346; ii., 223.

Drake, Sir Francis, i., 167; ii., 351.

Draughts, Game of, ii., 224, 225.

Dress, i., 105, 210-212, 276, 375, 376; ii., 55, 56, 58, 143, 154-156,
248, 285, 331, 332.

Dress, ease of adjustment, ii., 9, 133, 156.

Dresser, ——, ii., 345.

Drinking, i., 343; ii., 39, 226.

Dutch East India Company, i., 169, 209, 238, 251-253, 261, 272,
283-336, 366; ii., 31-41, 101, 109-111, 114-120, 122, 123, 126-129,
136, 139, 193-209, 245, 246.
_See also_ Dutch in Japan.

Dutch in Japan, i., 165, 167-175, 177, 179, 181-185, 191, 192,
195-204, 206-209, 220, 221, 223, 228, 233-238, 240, 241, 251-256,
261-267, 271-273, 277-281, 284-301; ii., 274, 275, 325.
_See also_ Dutch East India Company.

_Dyosperos kaki_, ii., 159.

“Early Institutional Life of Japan,” ii., 345.

“Early Study of Dutch in Japan, The,” ii., 210.

Earthquakes, i., 77, 151, 391, 392; ii., 50, 85, 143, 173, 324.

_Eclipse_, American ship, ii., 203.

Eclipses, ii., 143, 223.

Edicts, i., 395, 396.

_Edmund_, English whaler, ii., 273.

Education, i., 77, 88.

Elephant, ii., 209, 223.

Elgin, Lord, ii., 335.

_Eliza_, American ship, ii., 193, 194.

Elserak, Dutch director, i., 264.

Embassy to Washington, ii., 335-339.

Emperor, Castle of, ii., 80-83, 86-91, 148-153.

Emperors, Chronology of, ii., 158, 166, 360, 361.

Empress, ii., 91.

English East India Company, i., 178, 219, 220, 225, 236-241, 267.
_See also_ English in the East.

English in the East, i., 167, 169, 175, 178, 179, 207-209, 219-221,
228, 230, 233-240, 278; ii., 246, 259, 260, 272, 273, 323, 324, 335.
_See also_ English East India Company.

Enoshima, Island of, ii., 74.

“Essay on the Commerce of Japan,” ii., 274.

Everett, Hon. Edward, ii., 280.

“Evolution of the Japanese, The,” ii., 344.

“Examiner” (London), ii., 259.

Executions and tortures, i., 156, 214, 246, 247, 333-335, 349, 353,
354, 396; ii., 75.

Eye diseases, ii., 29, 123.

Fans, i., 376.

Farming class, ii., 159.

“Fauna Japonica,” ii., 253.

Feith, M., ii., 157.

Fernandes, Jean, i., 52.

Ferreyra, Father Christopher, i., 247, 248, 264.

Ferry-boats, i., 385.

Festivals, i., 69, 223, 224, 356-365; ii., 188, 189, 225, 226.

“Feudal and Modern Japan,” ii., 344.

_Figara peperita_, ii., 124.

Figure-treading, Ceremony of, i., 298, 352, 396; ii., 128, 271.

Fillmore, President, ii., 276-281.

Firearms, i., 24, 25, 33; ii., 149, 224, 346-348.

Fire-extinguishers, i., 367; ii., 52, 79, 303.

Fire-flies, ii., 158.

Firemen, ii., 76, 79, 200.

Fires, i., 77; ii., 70, 71, 78, 79, 143, 173, 200, 303, 321.

Fir-trees, ii., 141.

Fischer, ——, i., 33.

_Fiscus pumila_ and _erecta_, ii., 124.

Fishermen, i., 214; ii., 213.

Fisscher, Herr, ii., 210, 247-250.

Fitch, Ralph, i., 269, 270; ii., 351, 352.

“Flora Japonica” (Siebold and Zaccarini), ii., 253.

“Flora Japonica” (Thunberg), ii., 162.

Floris, ——, ii., 354.

Flower-arrangements, ii., 7.

Flute, ii., 315.

Food, i., 54, 75, 76, 187, 216, 286, 343; ii., 12, 13, 38, 75, 98, 99,
102-104, 126, 127, 140, 159, 215, 217, 220, 317, 318, 333, 334.

Foot-coverings, ii., 142.

Fords, i., 384, 385.

Foreigners, Antipathy to, i., 214.

Forestry regulations, i., 381.

Formosa, i., 252-255, 262, 271, 274, 302; ii., 355.

“Formosa under the Dutch,” i., 302; ii., 345.

Fowls, Domestic, ii., 138.

Foxes, i., 75; ii., 42, 43.

Franciscans in Japanese missions.
_See_ Missionaries, Catholic, other than Jesuit.

_Franklin_, American ship, ii., 194.

“Free Press” (Serampore), ii., 265.

French East India Company, i., 266.

French in Japanese affairs, i., 266; ii., 265, 335.

Frisius, of the Dutch East India Company, i., 265, 266.

Froez, Father Louis, i., 95, 96, 131, 133, 141, 159, 165, 266; ii., 38.

“Frog-in-a-well” policy, ii., 170, 171, 193.

“From Far Formosa,” ii., 345.

Fruits, ii., 140, 159.

Fuchū, i., 25, 27, 35, 36.

_Fucus saccharinus_, ii., 140.

Fujigawa, River, i., 385; ii., 72.

Fuji-jedagawa, River, i., 385.

Fuji-no-Yama, ii., 72, 141, 286, 328.

Funeral customs, ii., 183-189.

Furniture and interiors, i., 340, 391, 392; ii., 4-8, 52, 55, 62, 130,
131, 133, 303, 330.

Fushimi, i., 140, 151, 215; ii., 58.

Gago, Balthaza, i., 87, 90, 93.

Galvano, Antonio, i., 13, 14, 40, 41, 56.

_Gardenia Florida_, ii., 142.

Gardens, i., 194; ii., 10-12, 52, 82, 322.

Gate Guard, Nagasaki, i., 312.

“Gate of the two kings,” ii., 108.

Gaubil, Father, i., 8.

_Gege_ (plebeians), i., 62.

Geisenger, Captain, 266.

“Genji Monogatari,” ii., 345.

Gin, ii., 206.

Ginseng, ii., 118.

“Glimpse at the Art of Japan, A,” ii., 345.

“Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan,” ii., 344.

_Globe_, English ship, ii., 354.

Globius (Takaro Sampei), ii., 201, 222, 223, 239, 248.

Glyn, Commander, ii., 266-269, 271.

Gnecchi, Father, i., 97, 103, 119, 146, 155, 159, 164.

Goa, i., 12, 38, 41, 48; ii., 350-353.

Godō, i., 277.

_Goede Frouw_, Dutch ship, ii., 206.

Go-kirai (The Tenza), i., 164.

Golownin, Vassili, i., 21, 22, 33, 59, 66, 124, 162, 221, 265; ii.,
140, 159, 200, 208, 212-244, 246.

Gomez, Father, i., 126.

Gongen-Sama (Iyeyasu, _which see_), i., 230.

Gordon, Captain, ii., 246.

Goseman, ——, ii., 205.

Gotō Shōzaburō, treasurer to Emperor Hashiba, i., 199, 200.

Governors of Nagasaki, i., 347.

Gowns presented to Company, ii., 104, 154;
to U. S. Consul, ii., 333.

Griffis, William Elliot, i., 74; ii., 273, 324, 344.

Gros, Baron, ii., 335.

Grote, George, i., 275.

Gruy, ——, ii., 345.

“Guitar” (samisen), ii., 315.

Gulick, Sidney, ii., 344.

Gusman, Father Luys de, i., 115, 131.

Gutzlaff, Mr., ii., 255.

Gysbert (or Guysbert), Roger, i., 243, 244, 352, 354.

Hackluyt’s translations, i., 14, 122, 150, 152, 165, 177, 178, 270;
ii., 350, 351.

Hagenaar, ——, i., 247, 253-255, 261, 343; ii., 355.

Hagendorp, Heer, ii., 196.

Hair, Manner of wearing, ii., 147, 148.

Hakata, Island of Shimo, i., 82, 213, 214.

Hakodate, Island of Matsumae, i., 221; ii., 191, 213, 216, 305, 306.

Hakone pass, ii., 65, 73, 141, 328.

Hamamatsu, ii., 70.

Hamilton, Dr., ii., 316.

_Hanashikimi_ (anise-tree), i., 401.
_See also_ Shikimi.

“Handbook of Modern Japan, A,” i., 78; ii., 343, 357, 360.

Handkerchiefs, ii., 155.

Harada Kiyemon, i., 134, 135, 142, 148.

Hara-kiri, i., 78, 79, 229, 260.

Harbors, i., 386, 387.

“Harper’s Magazine,” i., 166.

Harris, Mrs., ii., 345.

Harris, Townsend, ii., 325-335.

Hartman, S., ii., 345.

Hartshorne, Miss, ii., 344.

Hashiba (Taikō-Sama), i., 117-121, 123, 124, 126-144, 147-151, 155,
158-161, 193; ii., 54, 167.

Hatch, Arthur, i., 240.

Hawkins, Sir Richard and Sir John, i., 167.

Hay’s (John) translations, i., 115, 132, 150, 165, 205.

Healthfulness of houses, i., 392.

Hearn, Lafcadio, ii., 344.

Heating of houses, ii., 5, 6, 120, 131, 303, 321.

Hecr, ——, ii., 346.

Heine, Mr., ii., 302.

Hemmi, Adams’s estate, i., 225, 240.

Hemp, ii., 124.

Heusken, Mr., ii., 328, 332.

_Hibiscus manihot_, ii., 132.

Hidetsugu (Kwambacudono), i., 140, 149.

Hideyori, son of Taikō-Sama, i., 150, 161, 163, 197, 198, 229.

“Hideyoshi’s Invasion of Korea,” i., 145.

Hieizan, Mountain of, i., 98; ii., 67.

Highways, i., 189, 216, 380-384; ii., 15, 16, 33, 123, 328, 329.

Higo, Castle of, ii., 54.

Hildreth, Richard, i., 10; ii., 364.

Hiōgo, ii., 334.

Hirado, i., 254, 261.

Hirado, Prince of, i., 177, 184, 185, 196, 197, 210, 213.

“His Pilgrimes” (or “His Pilgrimage”), i., 177, 178, 220, 225, 232;
ii., 354.

“Hist. Gen. des Voyages,” i., 198.

“Histoire de la Dynastie des Mongoux,” i., 8.

“Histoire du Japon,” i., 20, 115, 246.

“Histoire Général de la China,” i., 7.

“Histoire Mythologique,” i., 357.

“Historia de la Compagnia de Gesu,” i., 115.

“History of Greece,” i., 275.

“History of Japan” (Adams), ii., 345.

“History of Japan” (Charlevoix), i., 290.

“History of Japan” (Kämpfer), i., 289-291.

“History of Japanese Literature,” ii., 345.

“History of Java,” i., 272; ii., 110-112.

“History of Plants,” ii., 125.

“History of the Empire of Japan,” ii., 346.

“History of the English Factory at Hirado,” i., 226.

“History of the United States,” ii., 364.

Hizen, Province of, i., 82, 120.

Hoffman, assistant to Siebold, i., 8.

Hōin-Sama.
_See_ Hirado, Prince of.

Homicide, Punishment for, i., 354.

“Honda the Samurai,” ii., 344.

Horseback-riding, i., 370-377.

Horse-shoes, i., 373.

Horses, i., 215; ii., 138, 317.

_Hotei_, i., 359.

_Hotoke_, or idols, i., 399.

Houtman, Cornelius, i., 168, 169, 177; ii., 353.

Huish, ——, ii., 345.

Hyōgo, Province Settsu, ii., 49.

“Ideals of the East, The,” ii., 345.

Idols, i., 193, 399, 400; ii., 45, 106-108.
_See also_ Temples.

“Illustrations of Japan,” i., 79; ii., 81, 147, 168, 174.

Image-trampling.
_See_ Figure-treading.

Imhoff, author of Dutch memoir, i., 272; ii., 110.

_Imi_, ii., 186, 187.

Incomes of princes, i., 240, 256-259.

“Indian History,” i., 14.

Indulgence-boxes, i., 401.

Ingen, Buddhist priest, i., 275-277.

Inns, i., 187, 216; ii., 2-13, 29, 36-41, 328.

“Intercourse between the United States and Japan, The,” ii., 273.

Interest, ii., 127.

Interpreters, i., 302-306, 369, 370; ii., 34, 117, 164.

Ise Temple, i., 68, 69; ii., 20, 21, 69.

“Island of Formosa, The,” i., 302; ii., 345.

Iyeyasu (Tokugawa Iyeyasu), i., 161-163, 175-177, 190-193, 200, 201,
218-223, 230.

Izu, Cape, ii., 283, 328.

Jacatra (Batavia), i., 237; ii., 354.

Jancigny.
_See_ De Jancigny.

“Japan” (De Jancigny), ii., 254, 277.

“Japan” (Dickson), ii., 345.

“Japan” (Reed), ii., 345.

“Japan—An Interpretation,” ii., 344.

“Japan and her People,” ii., 344.

“Japan and its Art,” ii., 345.

“Japan in Art and Industry,” ii., 345.

“Japan in History, Folk-lore, and Art,” ii., 344.

“Japan, its Architecture, Art, and Art Manufactures,” ii., 345.

“Japan: presented in Sketches of the Manners and Customs of that
Realm, especially of the Town of Nagasaki,” ii., 249.

Japan Society, London, i., 8.

“Japanese Armour,” ii., 149.

“Japanese Art,” ii., 345.

“Japanese Boy, A,” ii., 344.

“Japanese Calendars,” i., 352.

“Japanese Costume,” ii., 154.

“Japanese Education,” ii., 345.

“Japanese Fairy World” (Griffis), ii., 344.

“Japanese Fairy World, The” (Ozaki), ii., 344.

“Japanese Fans,” i., 376.

“Japanese Funeral Rites,” ii., 183.

“Japanese Girls and Women,” ii., 344.

“Japanese Heraldry,” i., 117.

“Japanese Homes,” ii., 344.

Japanese in America, i., 152.

“Japanese Life in Town and Country,” ii., 344.

“Japanese Plays,” ii., 345.

“Japanese Rituals,” i., 66.

Jarves, J. J., ii., 345.

Jesuits.
_See_ Order of Jesuits.

Jewels, ii., 332.

Jizō, Idol of, i., 399; ii., 45.

Jodogawa, River, ii., 50.

Johannis Botanicus, ii., 201.

Jones, Sir William, ii., 164.

Jontoux, Father, ii., 118.

“Journal of Commerce” (New York), ii., 293.

Jūdo, i., 74, 277.

_Jugulans nigra_, ii., 144.

_Junrei_, ii., 22.

_Kago_, i., 377-379.

Kahei, Takataya, ii., 228-243.

Kakegawa, ii., 70.

Kamakura image of Buddha, i., 218.

Kamakura, Island of, ii., 74.

_Kamban_, i., 323-325.

Kamel, George Joseph, ii., 125.

_Kami_, i., 66.
_See also_ Shintō.

Kämpfer’s account of Japan, i., 8, 27, 32, 59, 64, 66, 196, 202, 225,
240, 244, 249, 256, 257, 267, 272, 274-401; ii., 1-109, 118, 125,
146, 159, 169, 250, 254, 300.

Kanagawa, ii., 74, 293, 300, 303, 334.

_Kanrin-maru_, Japanese steamer, ii., 336.

“Keramic Art of Japan,” ii., 345.

Kinosita, Yetaro, ii., 345.

Kitchin, ——, ii., 345.

_Kitō_, i., 60, 276; ii., 167.

Kiūshiū.
_See_ Shimo.

Klaproth, Heinrich, i., 32, 69, 181, 257, 357, 359, 391; ii., 46, 62,
67, 72, 89, 108, 112, 165, 199.

Knapp, A. M., ii., 344.

Knox, Dr., ii., 112.

Knox, G. W., ii., 344.

Kōbō, saint and sage, ii., 147.

Kochebecker, of the Dutch East India Company, i., 261.

“Kojiki,” i., 359; ii., 346.

“Kokoro,” ii., 344.

_Koku_, i., 240.

Kokura, capital of Buzen, ii., 48.

Konishi Settsu-no-Kami, i., 163.

Kōshi (Confucius), ii., 68.

Koxinga, Chinese pirate, i., 302.

Koya, near Miyako, i., 292.

Kōzukeno-Suke, secretary to Emperor Hashiba, i., 199, 200.

Kramer, Conrad, i., 252.

Krusenstern, Captain, ii., 196, 197.

Kublai Khan, i., 2, 4, 8-10.

Kubō-Sama, i., 58, 61, 62, 64.

Kuchiki Samon, ii., 163.

Kuchinotsu, i., 94, 102.

_Kuge_ (patricians), i., 62, 66; ii., 21.

Kuno, Fortress of, ii., 71.

_Kuri_, i., 300, 308.

Kurile Islands, i., 123, 221, 265; ii., 190, 212, 213.

Kurume, Castle of, ii., 47.

Kuwana, Province of Owari, ii., 69.

Kwambacudono, i., 118, 123, 140, 149, 150.

Kwannon Temple, ii., 107.

Kyōto (Miyako, _which see_), i., 215.

_Ladoga_, American whaler, ii., 266, 269.

_Lady Pierce_, American ship, ii., 312-314.

_Lady Rowena_, ii., 258.

Lampacau Island, i., 19.

Lancaster, Captain, i., 167, 177.

“Land of the Morning, The,” ii., 345.

Langsdorff, Attaché, ii., 197.

Lanterns, i., 373; ii., 329.

La Perouse, Voyage of, i., 124, 221, 265; ii., 190.

La Salle, ii., 364.

Lattices, ii., 91.

_Lawrence_, American whaler, ii., 265.

Laws, i., 78, 206, 260, 354; ii., 161, 162, 245.

Laxman, Lieut., ii., 191, 192, 196, 219.

Lay, ——, ii., 183.

Leeds, ——, ii., 351, 352.

Lepers, i., 164.

“Letters Written by the English Residents in Japan, 1611-1623,”
i., 178, 207, 219.

Lew Chew Islands, i., 31, 124, 181, 281; ii., 312, 355.

Liano, Spanish gentleman, i., 142.

Linschooten, Hugh, i., 168.

Liverwort used as charm, i., 401.

“Log of a Japanese Journey,” ii., 345.

Lowell, P., ii., 344.

Loyola, Ignatius, i., 42, 43, 90.

“L’univers, ou Histoire et Description de tout les Peuples,” ii., 254.

Macartney, Lord, ii., 164.

Mackay, ——, ii., 345.

Maclay, A. C., ii., 345.

Maffei, ——, i., 14, 81, 165.

Mahay, Jacques, i., 169, 170.

Maize, ii., 317.

Makino Bingo-no-Kami, ii., 84.

Malela, Father, i., 7.

_Malva Mauritiana_, ii., 124.

_Mamori_, ii., 179.

Manchu dynasty, i., 274.

_Manjū_, a cake, ii., 13, 98.

_Mankoku_, i., 240.

Manners, ii., 174.
_See also_ Civility of Japanese.

“Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the Nineteenth Century,”
ii., 254.

Manufactures, i., 77;
of Miyako, ii., 63, 64;
of Suruga, ii., 71.

Manuscript history, ii., 168.

Maple-trees, ii., 141.

Maps, ii., 157, 251, 252.

Marco Polo, i., 1-6, 13.

_Mariner_, English ship, ii., 272, 273.

“Marriage Ceremonies,” ii., 170, 172.

Marriages, i., 259; ii., 174-183, 225.

Marsden, ——, translator, i., 2, 4, 6.

Matheson, Commander, ii., 272, 273.

Mats, Floor, i., 391; ii., 5, 52, 89, 91, 131, 152.

Matsumae, ii., 220, 226.

Matsumae Island.
_See_ Matsumaye Island.

Matsumaye (Yezo or Matsumae) Island, i., 123, 124, 220, 221, 262-265;
ii., 222.

_Matsuri_ (public spectacle at Nagasaki), i., 296, 356-365.

Matsuura Hoin.
_See_ Hirado, Prince of.

“Matthew Galbraith Perry,” ii., 324.

May, Henry, i., 178.

McClatchie, ——, ii., 345.

McCoy, American seaman, ii., 270, 271.

McDonald, Ranald, American seaman, ii., 271, 272.

Meals, ii., 39, 133.

Measures and weights, i., 23, 59, 249, 272.

Medhurst, Mr., ii., 210.

Medicine and surgery, i., 26, 28, 77; ii., 68, 93, 94, 118, 122,
145-147.

_Melea azedarach_, ii., 125.

Melis, Thomas, i., 169.

“Memoir on the Trade of Japan, and the Causes of its Decline,”
i., 272; ii., 110.

“Mémoires concernant les Chinois,” i., 7.

“Memoirs of the Shōguns” (or Djoguns), i., 98; ii., 168.

“Memorable Embassies of the Dutch to the Emperors of Japan,” i., 266,
272; ii., 88.

“Memorials of the Empire of Japan,” i., 225.

_Mentha piperita_, ii., 124.

_Mercator_, American whaler, ii., 260, 261.

Merchant class, ii., 139, 174, 243, 244.

Merchant marine of Japan, i., 180, 181.
_See also_ Trade.

Mermaids, ii., 53.

_Mespillus japonica_, ii., 159.

Messengers, ii., 2.

Meylan, G. F., ii., 248-250.

Mimitsuka Chapel, ii., 108.

Mindanao, Island of, i., 55, 56.

Mines, ii., 111, 112, 250.

“Mirror of Yedo,” i., 257.

Mirrors, ii., 133.

_Miseratsie_, or wall adornments, ii., 4, 6-8.

Missionaries, Catholic, other than Jesuit, i., 147-149, 151, 152,
155-160, 163, 164, 179, 223, 228-232, 241-248, 268.

Missionaries, Jesuit, i., 38-41, 45-56, 60, 63-65, 67, 70-72, 81-91,
93-98, 100-103, 116-121, 124-136, 138, 142, 143, 145-149, 151-160,
162-164, 175, 179, 205, 222, 227-234, 241-248, 263, 264, 268, 269,
279, 280; ii., 169, 259.

Missionaries, Protestant, i., 147; ii., 255, 259, 266.

_Mississippi_, American frigate, ii., 281, 282, 287, 291, 314, 315.

Mitford, A. B. F., ii., 344.

“Mito Yashiki,” ii., 345.

Mitsukuri, Dr., ii., 210.

Miya (Atsuta), ii., 69.

_Miya_ (Shintō temples), i., 67-69, 398, 399; ii., 302.

Miyako, i., 61, 83, 96, 97, 155, 161, 163, 164, 192, 222; ii., 58,
62-66, 104-108, 140.

Mongols, i., 2, 6-10.

“Moniteur des Indes,” ii., 274.

Monsoons, i., 316.

Moor, Captain, ii., 228, 229, 236.

Mōri Motonari, i., 90, 95, 103.

_Morrison_, American brig, ii., 255-258, 284.

Morse, E. S., ii., 344.

_Morus papyrifira_, ii., 132.

Mossman, ——, ii., 345.

Mountain priests, i., 74; ii., 23-25, 72.

Mountains, i., 386, 387; ii., 134, 255.

Mourning, ii., 178, 185-187.

Moxa, ii., 126, 145, 146.

Mulberry-trees, i., 76; ii., 132.

Munro, ——, ii., 310.

Murakami, N., i., 226.

Murakawn, K., i., 178.

Murray, D., ii., 158, 344.

Murray, Lieut., ii., 302.

Mushrooms, ii., 159.

Music and musicians, i., 212, 213, 357, 362; ii., 28, 315.

Nabores, Hieronymo de, i., 270.

Nagasaki, i., 97, 102, 125, 128, 143, 145, 156-160, 164, 234, 235,
244, 275, 284, 285, 291-294, 337-353, 355-365, 397.

_Naibun_, ii., 241.

_Namida_ (Sanscrit prayer), i., 344; ii., 27, 73.

“Narrative of a Japanese, The,” ii., 346.

Natural history researches, ii., 251-253.

Nettles, ii., 124.

“New Japan,” ii., 345.

“New Life of Toyotomi Hideyoshi,” i., 150.

New Moon ceremonies, ii., 316.

New Year’s Day (European), ii., 126.

New Year’s Day (Japanese), i., 357; ii., 127, 225, 226.

“New York Times,” ii., 310.

“New York Tribune,” ii., 301, 316.

Newbury, John, ii., 351, 352.

_Niagara_, U. S. frigate, ii., 337.

Nicholson, Lieut., ii., 302.

_Nihombashi_, or great bridge at Yedo, i., 380; ii., 78, 200.

Nikkō Temple, i., 230, 253.

Ningpo, i., 13.

Ni-ō-mon, “gate of the two kings,” ii., 108.

Nippon, i., 1, 27, 57, 124.

“Nippon Ōdai Ichiran,” ii., 165.

“Nippon, or Archives for the Description of Japan,” ii., 254.

Nitobe, I. O., ii., 273, 344.

Nobles, i., 240, 256-260; ii., 70, 81, 149-153.

Nobunaga (Oda Nobunaga), i., 96-98, 102, 103, 116, 117, 139.

Noises of the town, i., 344; ii., 189.

Noort, Oliver, i., 169, 171.

_Norimono_, i., 347, 377-379; ii., 327.

_Noshi_, ii., 177.

“Notes on the Intercourse between Japan and Siam in the Seventeenth
Century,” ii., 354.

“Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits,” ii., 165.

“Noto, an Unexplored Corner of Japan,” ii., 344.

“Nouveau Journal Asiatique,” i., 181; ii., 112.

“Nouveau Mélanges Asiatique,” ii., 146, 165.

Nugnes Barreto, Father, i., 88-90.

Nuyts, Peter de, i., 252-254; ii., 355.

Oaks, ii., 142.

Oars, i., 389.

Ōbaku, papal residence of Ingen, i., 276.

Odawara, ii., 73.

Official life at Nagasaki, i., 345-350.

Ōgosho-Sama, i., 163.
_See also_ Iyeyasu.

_Oharai_, or indulgence, ii., 21.

Ōigawa, River, i., 384, 385; ii., 71.

Ōita, i., 27.

Okakara, ——, ii., 345.

Okasaki, ii., 69.

Ōmura, town and bay, ii., 45.

Opium war, ii., 259.

Order of Jesuits, i., 41-46, 54.
_See_ Missionaries, Jesuit.

Orfanel, Father Fray Jacinto, i., 246.

Oriental Translation Fund, ii., 165.

“Oriental Travels,” Marco Polo, i., 1-6.

“Origin of Spanish and Portuguese Rivalry in Japan, The,” i., 135.

“Origin of the Riches of Japan,” ii., 112.

_Oryris japonica_, ii., 142.

Ōsaka, i., 118, 127, 155, 161, 164, 175, 195, 214, 215, 230, 382;
ii., 49-54, 324, 334.

Ōshima, Island of, ii., 305.

Ōtsu, town and lake, ii., 63, 67.

Outcast Japanese, i., 249; ii., 192, 258.

Oxen, ii., 59, 137.

Ozaki, Miss, ii., 344.

Pacheco, Father, i., 245.

Pack-horses and travellers’ equipment, i., 370-377.

Palaces, i., 188, 189, 340; ii., 80.
_See also_ Castles _and_ Emperor, Castle of.

Palanquins, i., 216.

Paper, ii., 132, 133.

Paper-hangings, i.,340, 392; ii., 52.

Parish priests, i., 180, 229.

Parker, Dr., ii., 255.

“Parli, the Last of the Missionaries,” ii., 345.

“Past and Present of Japanese Commerce, The,” ii., 345.

Paul of the Holy Faith.
_See_ Anjirō.

Pazio, Father Francis, i., 163.

Pearls, ii., 45, 46.

Pears, ii., 140.

Peel’s Island, ii., 282.

Pellew, Captain, ii., 204, 205.

“Peregrinations in the East,” i., 14, 15; ii., 348-350.

Perry, Commodore, ii., 238, 276-324.

Persecution of Catholic missionaries, i., 119, 120, 125, 126,
155-160, 164, 205, 222, 227-234, 240-251, 261.

_Phaeton_, English frigate, ii., 204, 205, 208.

_Phascolus_, ii., 124, 159.

_Philadelphia_, U. S. steamer, ii., 336.

Philippine Islands, i., 56, 134, 135, 152, 166.

Physicians, i., 28, 29; ii., 68, 93, 94, 103, 144-147, 157, 172, 250.

“Pictorial Arts of Japan, The,” ii., 345.

Pilgrimages, i., 69; ii., 20-22, 69.

Pillows, ii., 5, 133.

Pilotage rates, ii., 311.

Pilots, i., 387.

Pinkerton’s collection, i., 261, 267.

Pinto, Fernam Mendez, i., 14-31, 34-38, 49, 52, 84, 88, 89, 91, 92;
ii., 112, 348-350.

_Pinus abies_, ii., 144.

_Pinus silvestris_, ii., 142.

_Pisum sativum_, ii., 124.

Plane-trees, ii., 82.

Ploughing, i., 216.

_Plymouth_, American sloop, ii., 282.

Police protection, i., 188, 214, 349-353, 356.

_Pologonum_, ii., 124.

Population, i., 186, 190, 192, 195, 257; ii., 53, 57, 65, 74.

Portraits, i., 33.

Portuguese in the East, i., 11-34, 36-41, 45, 48, 49, 57, 58, 64,
71, 84, 90, 91, 102, 103, 120, 127, 134-136, 138, 139, 142, 145,
147, 153, 154, 158, 159, 164, 166, 167, 174-176, 179, 181, 182,
196-199, 208, 209, 221, 228, 248-251, 255, 261-265, 269-271, 278.

Post-houses, ii., 1, 2.

Potatoes, ii., 124, 317.

Poverty, i., 77, 87, 395; ii., 162.

_Powhatan_, United States ship, ii., 297, 324, 336.

Prayers for the dead, i., 344.

_Preble_, American ship, ii., 265-269, 271, 272.

Precious metals, Export of, ii., 112, 113.

Presents, i., 217, 367, 368; ii., 59, 85, 96, 97, 104, 141, 175.

Pring, Martin, i., 237-239.

Printing, ii., 157.

Prisons, ii., 217, 220-222.

Protestants in Japanese missions.
_See_ Missionaries, Protestant.

Provinces, as found by Portuguese, i., 57, 58;
division by “Circuits, “vii., 343.

Purcell, ——, ii., 345.

Purchas, ——, i., 165, 177, 184, 220, 225, 232, 236, 240; ii., 349, 354.

“Pure Shintō,” i., 66.

“Quarterly Review,” ii., 247.

Radishes, i., 286, 383; ii., 215.

Raffles, Sir Stamford, i., 272; ii., 110-112, 195, 196, 202, 208-210.

Rain-coats, i., 375; ii., 143.

Rain-maker, Priestly, i., 276.

Rank, The distinction of, i., 60.

Rationalists.
_See_ Jūdo.

_Rebecca_, American ship, ii., 206.

“Recollections of Japan,” ii., 194, 195.

Reed, ——, ii., 345.

Regamey, ——, ii., 345.

“Relation du Japon,” i., 224.

“Religions of Japan, The,” i., 74; ii., 344.

Religious sects and beliefs, i., 65-74, 138, 139, 194, 195, 207, 261,
291; ii., 65.

Rémusat, Abel, i., 70; ii., 146, 165, 169.

Resanoff, Count, ii., 196-199.

_Rhus succedanea_, ii., 125.

_Rhus vernix_, i., 76; ii., 125.

Rice, i., 76, 257, 343; ii., 47, 59, 136, 159.

Riess, Dr. L., i., 178, 240.

Rikord, Captain, ii., 226-243.

Riordan, R., and Takayanagi, T., ii., 344.

Rivers, i., 384, 385; ii., 50, 63.

Road-books, i., 376; ii., 13.

_Roanoke_, U. S. steamer, ii., 336.

Rodriguez, Father, i., 32, 60, 63, 133, 136, 156, 158, 162, 165.

Roofs, i., 339, 392; ii., 52, 130, 303, 306, 321.

Rowing, Method of, i., 389.

_Rubia cordata_, ii., 124.

Rundall, ——, i., 225, 230, 240.

Russian American Company, ii., 203.

Russian relations with Japan, ii., 190-192, 196-199, 203, 212-244, 323.

Ryōzayemon, a Russian prisoner, ii., 226-229.

Saddles, i., 371, 377.

Sadono-Kami, president of Prince Hideyori’s council, i., 201.

Saga, capital of Hizen, ii., 46, 47, 129.

Sagami, Cape, ii., 283.

_Saguer_, a rare tree, ii., 11.

_Saikaidō_, i., 381.

Sakai, i., 95, 118, 215; ii., 49.

_Sakana_, ii., 38.

_Sake_, i., 76, 216, 343; ii., 54, 324.

Sakhalin, i., 123, 124, 265; ii., 212.

Salt butter as a remedy, ii., 127.

Salutation, Ceremony of, i., 210.

Samisen, i., 212; ii., 315.

Sancian Island, i., 13.

“San Francisco Herald,” ii., 313.

_San Jacinto_, American steamer, ii., 325.

_San Philip_, Spanish galleon, i., 151, 152, 154, 159, 160, 180.

Santvoort, Melichor von, i., 203, 244.

Sao harbor, ii., 70.

_Saramang_, English frigate, ii., 259.

_Saratoga_, American sloop, ii., 282.

Saris, Captain John, i., 196, 207-225, 229, 232, 343.

Satow, ——, i., 66, 86, 135; ii., 354.

Sawaas (or Sowas), i., 330, 344.

Sayer, agent of English East India Company, i., 230.

Scherer, J. A. B., ii., 344.

Scheuchzer, Dr. I. G., i., 290.

Schools, ii., 135.

Science, Study of, i., 77.

Scurvy, ii., 229.

Sea-weeds, Edible, ii., 213.

Segaki, ii., 26.

Seimei, and the table of unfortunate days, ii., 41-44.

Seminary at Goa, i., 41, 49, 55.

Serfs, i., 59.

Serqueyra, Father Louis (Bishop of Japan), i., 227, 242.

Servants, i., 354; ii., 177.

_Sesamum orientale_, ii., 125.

Settsu-no-Kami, governor of Nagasaki, i., 347; ii., 100.

“Seven Gods of Happiness,” i., 359.

Shaëp, Captain, i., 263, 265.

Shigemi, S., ii., 344.

_Shikimi_ (anise-tree), ii., 126.
_See also Hanashikimi_.

Shikoku Island, i., 123, 124.
_Same as_ Sikoku Island.

Shimabara Fortress, i., 94, 248, 261.

Shimada, ii., 71.

Shimo, i., 27, 57, 93, 97, 98, 119, 124, 125, 145, 164, 213, 228.

Shimoda, town and river, ii., 301, 302, 305, 316-324, 326.

Shimonoseki, i., 368, 381; ii., 48, 49.

Shinagawa, ii., 75, 247, 248.

Shintō, i., 66-70, 138, 139, 342, 359, 360, 399; ii., 65.

Shintō clergy, i., 74, 342, 359, 360, 398; ii., 65.

Shintō temples (Miya), i., 67, 342, 399; ii., 65.

Shiota, ii., 129.
_See also_ Shiwota.

Ships and Harbor Guard, Nagasaki, i., 312, 348.

Ships and boats, i., 77, 387-390; ii., 72.

Shōgun-Sama, i., 230, 247.

Shōguns, The, i., 58; ii., 158, 166-173.

Shooting of birds, ii., 308.

Shops, i., 394; ii., 11, 52, 77, 247, 319-323.

Shotten, Timothy, i., 169.

“Sidney Gazette,” ii., 258.

Siebold, Dr. Philipp Franz von, i., 8, 9, 31, 33, 123, 338, 351;
ii., 43, 46, 125, 149, 237, 248, 250-254, 274, 310.

Signs, ii., 320, 323.

Sikoku Island, i., 57, 119.
_Same as_ Shikoku.

Silk, i., 76, 101, 321.

Sitting posture, ii., 133, 303.

Sloane, Sir Hans, i., 290.

Small-pox, i., 400.

_Smilax China_, ii., 124.

Smoke-holes, i., 3.

Smoking articles, ii., 37, 38.

Smuggling, i., 300, 314, 328, 332, 333, 353, 397; ii., 115, 116, 275.

Soap, ii., 126.

Soil, i., 76.

Soldiers, ii., 223, 224.
_See also_ Armies and Soldiery.

Solis, Jean de, i., 135, 136, 142, 143.

Sotelo, Father Louis, i., 203-205, 245, 246.

“Soul of the Far East, The,” ii., 344.

Sowaas.
_See_ Sowas.

Sowas (_or_ Sawaas), i., 330, 344, 377.

Soy, ii., 13, 119, 159.

Spanish in the East, i., 56, 134-136, 142, 143, 147, 148, 151-154,
159, 160, 166, 167, 179, 180, 191, 197, 199, 202-204, 208, 209,
221, 228, 237, 241, 261, 270, 271.

Spex, Jacob, i., 197, 198, 202, 203, 206.

Spinola, ——, i., 241.

_Spirea_, ii., 142.

Springs, ii., 46, 129.

Spy Guard, Nagasaki, i., 312, 348.

State’s Island, i., 124, 265.

Sterling, Admiral, ii., 323.

Stevens, Thomas, ii., 350, 351.

Stewart, Captain, ii., 193-196.

St. Michael, patron saint of Japan, i., 98.

Stockings, ii., 143.

Story, ——, ii., 351.

“Story of Japan,” ii., 158, 344.

Street-government of cities, i., 188, 349-353, 356, 361-363;
ii., 51, 80, 330.

“Suburb of Yedo, A,” ii., 345.

Sugar, ii., 117, 275.

Sun-Goddess (Tenshō-daijin), i., 66, 67, 69, 224, 357-359.

“Sunrise Stories,” ii., 344.

Superstitions, i., 48, 74, 207, 401; ii., 68, 223.

Suruga, i., 163, 186, 190, 217; ii., 71.

_Susquehanna_, American frigate, ii., 282, 291, 314, 315.

Suwa, Festivals of, i., 296, 356-365.

Suwa, Temple of, i., 356, 357.

Suyematsu, ——, ii., 345.

Sweetmeats, ii., 13, 29, 331.

Swine, ii., 138.

Swords, i., 59, 106, 185, 210, 290, 349, 369; ii., 149, 155, 168, 243.

Taikō-Sama. _See_ Hashiba.

Taikō-Sama, Castle of, i., 118; ii., 54.

Taikō-Sama, Temple and Tomb of, i., 193.

Takayanagi, T., and Riordan, R., ii., 344.

“Tales of Old Japan,” ii., 344.

Tanners, i., 334, 349.

Tartars, i., 5-10.

Tashima, Legend of, ii., 42.

Taxes, i., 258, 355, 356.

Tea, i., 76, 216; ii., 13, 14, 128, 158, 220.

Teisuke, Murakami, ii., 221, 223, 226, 239.

Temples, i., 67, 68, 71, 161, 193, 194, 216, 218, 222, 275, 342,
356, 357, 397-399; ii., 59, 69, 75, 79, 104-108, 304, 307, 316.

“Temples of Riches,” i., 275.

Tennōji, ii., 54.

Tenriū, River, i., 385.

Tenshō-daijin.
_See_ Sun-Goddess.

Tenza, The, i., 164.

_Tera_ (Buddhist temples), i., 71, 275, 342, 397, 398; ii., 65, 304.

Terazawa, i., 145, 146, 156.

Theatrical representations, i., 77, 212, 213, 360-365; ii., 53, 160.

Thevenot, ——, i., 243, 261, 265; ii., 354.

Threshing, ii., 158.

Thunberg, Charles Peter, i., 60, 290, 376, 391, 392; ii., 16, 114-163,
169, 210, 213, 254.

_Thuya dolebrata_, ii., 141.

_Tiger_, English ship, ii., 353, 354.

Tillage of the soil, i., 76, 381, 386, 387; ii., 134, 136-138, 317.

Time, Division of, i., 351.

Time-measurers, ii., 126, 251.

Titsingh, Isaac, i., 59, 79, 98, 230, 240, 257, 276, 281, 351, 357,
376; ii., 43, 81, 85, 112, 146, 147, 163-189.

Tobacco culture, ii., 123.

_Tōkaidō_, i., 382; ii., 15, 23.

_Toko_, or cupboard, ii., 4, 7, 178.

_Tokowaki_, or side cupboard, ii., 5.

Tolls, i., 385.

“Tomb of Ears,” ii., 108.

Tomb of Taikō-Sama, i., 193, 194.

Torey (Stewart, Captain), ii., 196.

Torment of the Fosse, i., 246, 247.

Torres, Cosme de, i., 52, 54-56, 87, 91, 97.

_Toshitoku_, i., 359.

Towns and villages, i., 394, 395; ii., 57, 74.

“Townsend Harris,” ii., 325.

Toyohashi (Yoshida), ii., 70.

Toyotomi Hideyoshi, ii., 54.
_See also_ Hashiba.

Trade, i., 77; ii., 202, 274, 275.

Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London, i., 376.

Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, i., 32, 66, 86, 117,
135, 145, 178, 204, 226, 257, 290, 352, 359; ii., 7, 77, 112, 144,
149, 154, 174, 183, 199, 206, 210, 315, 346, 354.

Translations, i., 121, 122, 158, 222, 223, 280; ii., 122, 123, 164,
165, 210, 222.

Transportation in the interior, i., 216, 347, 371-385.

Travellers on the highways, ii., 15-36, 41, 42, 45, 58, 329.

Trays, ii., 333.

Trial by torture, i., 353, 354.

Trials, i., 78, 355; ii., 218.

Trigault, Nicholas, i., 232.

Tsadanil trees, ii., 57.

_Tsubaki_, ii., 125.

Tsuchi Yama, ii., 69.

_Tsuitachi_, or first day of the month, ii., 58.

Tsuni Yoshi, Emperor, ii., 85.

Turks, i., 16.

Ukondono, i., 117-119, 129, 229.

Umenoki, ii., 68.

“Unbeaten Tracks in Japan,” ii., 344.

Unicorns’ horns, ii., 117, 118.

United States’ relations with Japan, ii., 193-196, 206, 255-258,
260-273, 276-339.

Uraga, i., 218.

Utensils and dishes, ii., 8.

_Vaccinia_, ii., 142.

Valignani, Father Alexander, i., 100-103, 121, 126-136, 138, 143,
162, 165; ii., 349.

Van Braam, ——, ii., 164.

_Vandalia_, ii., 293.

Van Linschoten, John Huigen, ii., 351, 352.

Van Sturlen, director of the Company, ii., 250.

Varnish-tree, i., 76; ii., 125.

Vasco da Gama, i., 11.

Vault, for fire protection, ii., 52.

Vaz, Alvares, i., 49, 50.

Vega, Lopo de, Spanish poet, i., 231.

Vegetables, i., 76; ii., 124, 159, 317.

Verhagen’s fleet (Dutch), i., 169-177.

Verhœven fleet (Dutch), i., 182, 196, 198.

_Viburna_, ii., 142.

_Vicia faba_, ii., 124.

Vilela, Father Gaspard, i., 89, 94, 95, 97, 133, 165; ii., 189.

_Vincennes_, American frigate, ii., 261-265, 283.

Vivero, Don Rodrigo de, governor of Manila, i., 180, 185-261, 265,
266; ii., 118, 355.

Volcanoes, ii., 46, 170, 173, 305.

“Voyage around the World, A,” ii., 203.

“Voyages au Nord,” i., 250, 254, 261, 265, 266; ii., 118, 355.

“Voyages Curieuse,” i., 261.

“Voyages des Indes,” i., 243, 252, 254, 261; ii., 355.

Waardenaar, Heer, ii., 207, 208.

Wada Iga-no-kami, i., 96, 97.

Wadenaar, Heer, ii., 195.

Waganaar, of the Dutch East India Company, i., 265, 266.

Walnuts, ii., 144.

Warm drinks, i., 216.

Water-clocks, ii., 251.

Water supply, i., 293, 343; ii., 54.

Weapons, ii., 149.

Webster, Daniel, ii., 276-281.

Weddell, Admiral, i., 255.

“Wee Ones of Japan, The,” 344.

Weights and measures, i., 23, 59, 249, 272.

Whale fishery, i., 255.

Wheat, i., 76, 216.

Wheeled vehicles, ii., 137, 138.

Whiskey, ii., 206.

Whiting, Lieut., ii., 302.

Whitney, Dr., ii., 144.

Williams, S. W., ii., 255, 258, 284, 310, 318-323.

Windows, i., 391; ii., 4, 130, 131, 322.

Wine, ii., 206.

Wittert, Admiral, i., 197.

Women, i., 98, 120, 127, 149, 161, 211, 212, 214, 243, 259, 260, 279,
292, 340, 341, 345, 361; ii., 23, 24, 29, 30, 47, 58, 70, 91, 96,
97, 120-122, 127, 153-156, 161, 167, 169, 174-183, 211, 225,
231-233, 242, 249, 304, 315, 329, 330.

Wormwood, ii., 125, 146.

Written language, i., 77, 78.

Xavier, Francis, i., 38, 39, 41-43, 46-55, 64, 71, 72, 81-88, 98;
ii., 353.

Yakushi, patron of physicians, ii., 68.

Yamabu.
_See_ Yamabushi.

_Yamabushi_, or mountain priests, i., 74; ii., 23-25, 72.

Yamaguchi, capital of Nagato, i., 82, 89, 90, 96.

Yams, ii., 124.

Yebisu, patron of fishermen, i., 359.

_Yebumi_ (figure-treading, _which see_), i., 352.

Yedo, i., 163, 186, 187, 218, 230, 265, 380; ii., 76-83, 324, 326, 330.

“Yedo Kagami” (“Mirror of Yedo”), i., 257.

Yezo Island.
_See_ Matsumaye Island.

Yodo, ii., 50, 57.

Yokkaichi, ii., 69.

Yokohama.
_See_ Kanagawa.

Yoritomo, Prince, ii., 28-30.

Yoshida, ii., 70.

Yoshimune, i., 119, 120, 125, 127, 144, 145.

“Young Japan” (Black), ii., 345.

“Young Japan” (Scherer), ii., 344.

Zelandia, Fort, in Formosa, i., 262, 302.

_Zeni_, i., 372, 373; ii., 309.

Zipangu, i., 1, 3-6, 14.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Omitted in this edition.—EDR.

[2] Omitted in this edition.—EDR.

[3] The true distance is about five hundred miles; but, possibly, by
miles Marco Polo may have intended Chinese _li_, of which there are
nearly three in our mile.

[4] A name applied to part of China, south of the Hoang-ho, held by the
Sung Dynasty till A. D. 1276.—K. M.

[5] Marsden, the English translator and annotator of Marco Polo,
supposes that _Zaitun_ was the modern _Amoy_, and _Kinsai_ either
_Ningpo_ or _Chusan_. The Chinese annalists, on the other hand, seem
to make the expedition start from Corea, which is much more probable,
as that province is separated from Japan by a strait of only about a
hundred miles in breadth. It was by this Corean strait that, three
hundred years later, the Japanese retorted this invasion.

[6] Marsden remarks upon this date as evidently wrong. Indeed, it is
given quite differently in different early editions of the travels.
Marsden thinks it should be 1281. This is the date assigned to the
invasion by the Chinese books. The older Japanese annals place it in
1284. In the chapter of Marco Polo which follows the one above quoted,
and which is mainly devoted to the islands of southeastern Asia, he
seems to ascribe to the Japanese the custom of eating their prisoners
of war—a mistake which, as his English translator and commentator
observes, might easily arise from transferring to them what he had
heard of the savage inhabitants of some of the more southern islands.

The Mongol invasion took place in the fourth year of Kōan [A. D.
1281].—K. M.

[7] As this chronicle, which is the oldest Japanese history, is
stated to have been originally published A. D. 720, it must be from
a continuation of it that Siebold, or rather his assistant, Hoffman,
translates.

[A translation by W. G. Aston is published by the Japan Society,
London.—EDR.]

[8] This is the equivalent, it is to be supposed, of the Japanese date
mentioned in the chronicle.

[9] Hildreth is here too skeptical. All the events mentioned in the
text really took place between A. D. 1268 and 1281.—K. M.

[10] Galvano’s book in the translation, published by Hackluyt, in 1601,
may be found in the supplement to Hackluyt’s collection of voyages,
London, 1811. The original work was printed by the pious care of
Francis de Sousa Tauares, to whom Galvano left it, on his death-bed.

[11] See Appendix, Note D.

[12] A Portuguese coin, as corresponding to which in value the Spanish
translator of Pinto gives ducats, which, of silver, were about equal to
a dollar of our money.

[13] This Portuguese colony was of no long continuance. It was soon
broken up by the Chinese, as Pinto intimates, through the folly of the
Portuguese residents.

[14] It is difficult to understand by what mistake Charlevoix, in his
“Histoire du Japan,” ascribes this discovery to the same year, 1542, as
that of the three Portuguese mentioned by Galvano. Pinto’s chronology
is rather confused, but it is impossible to fix this voyage to Japan
earlier than 1545.

[15] Probably a corruption of _Tenjikujin_, or the people of _Tenjiku_
(India).—EDR.

[16] The terms _Chengecu_ and _Chenghequu_ are represented in two
letters, one dated in 1651 (“Selectarum Epistolarum ex India,” Lib.
i.), addressed to Xavier by a companion of his; the other, dated in
1560, and written by Lawrence, a converted Japanese and a Jesuit
(_Ibid._, Lib. ii), as commonly employed in Japan to designate Europe.

Golownin mentions that at the time of his imprisonment (1812)
he found a prophecy in circulation among the Japanese that they
should be conquered by a people from the north. Possibly both these
prophecies—that mentioned by Pinto and that by Golownin—might be a
little colored by the patriotic hopes of the European relaters.

[17] A tael is about an ounce and a third English. The tael is divided
into ten mas; the mas into ten kandarins; the kandarin into ten kas;
and these denominations (the silver passing by weight) are in general
use throughout the far East. Sixteen taels make a katty (about a pound
and a third avoirdupois), and one hundred katties a picul,—these being
the mercantile weights in common use.

[18] See Appendix, Note C.

[19] The kingdom or province of Bungo is situated on the east coast of
the second in size and southernmost in situation of the three larger
Japanese islands, off the southeast extremity of which lies the small
island of Tanegashima, where Pinto represents himself as having first
landed.

The name “Bungo” was frequently extended by the Portuguese to the
whole large island of which it formed a part, though among them the
more common designation of that island, after they knew it to be such
(for they seem at first to have considered it a part of Nippon), was
Shimo.[A] This name, Shimo, appears to have been only a modification of
the term _shima_ (or, as the Portuguese wrote it, _xima_), the Japanese
word for island, and as such terminating many names of places. On our
maps this island is called Kiūshiū, meaning, as Kämpfer tells us,
“Country of Nine,” from the circumstance of its being divided into nine
provinces, which latter appears to be the correct interpretation. There
are in use in Japan Chinese as well as Japanese names of provinces and
officers (the Chinese probably a translation of the Japanese); and not
only the names Nippon and Kiūshiū, but that of Bungo (to judge from the
terminal n of the first syllable), are of Chinese origin.

A: _Shimo_ is not the modification of _Shima_ (Island), but a word
meaning “lower” geographically.—K. M.

[20] The Japanese date by the years of the reign of the Dairi, or
Mikado (of whom more hereafter), and they also, for ordinary purposes,
employ the Chinese device of _nengō_. These are periods, or eras, of
arbitrary length, from one year to many, appointed at the pleasure of
the reigning Dairi, named by him, and lasting till the establishment
of a new nengō. For convenience, every new nengō, and also every new
reign, begins chronologically with the new year, the old nengō and old
reign being protracted to the end of the year in which it closes. [See
Notes G and H in Appendix.—EDR.]

The Japanese month is alternately twenty-nine and thirty days, of which
every year has twelve, with a repetition of one of the months, in seven
years out of every nineteen, so as to bring this reckoning by lunar
months into correspondency with the course of the earth round the sun;
this method being based on a knowledge of the correspondency of two
hundred and thirty-five lunations with nineteen solar years. According
to Titsingh, every thirty-third month is repeated, so as to make up the
necessary number of intercalary months, the number of days in these
intercalary months being fixed by the almanacs issued at Miyako. The
commencement of the Japanese year is generally in February. The months
are divided into two distinct portions, of fifteen days, each having a
distinct name, and the first day of each of which serves as a Sunday,
or holiday. This regulation of the Japanese calendar is borrowed from
the Chinese, as also the use of the period of sixty years corresponding
to our century. [See also paper on “Japanese Calendars,” in vol. xxx of
the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan.—EDR.]

[21] No such province is mentioned in the lists of Japanese provinces
by Father Rodriguez, Kämpfer, and Klaproth. [Name of a bay.—EDR.]

[22] Regarding the portrait of the Portuguese, we know not on what
authority Siebold based his statement.—K. M.

[23] “They wished to have our portraits taken at full length, and
_Teisuke_, who knew how to draw, was appointed to execute them. He
drew them in India ink, but in such a style that each portrait would
have passed for that of any other individual as well as of him it was
intended for. Except the long beard, we could trace no resemblance in
them. The Japanese, however, sent them to the capital, where they were
probably hung up in some of their galleries of pictures.”—_Golownin’s_
“_Captivity in Japan_,” vol. i, ch. 4.

[24] In the Latin version of the Jesuit letters he is called Cosmus
Turrianus.

[25] Nippon is the name of the whole country; Kondo, of the main
island.—EDR.

[26] It appears from Golownin that there are also smaller packages, of
which three make the large one. The price of rice varied, of course;
but Kämpfer gives five or six taels of silver as the average value of
the koku. Titsingh represents the koku as corresponding to the gold
koban, the national coin of the Japanese. The original koban weighed
forty-seven kandarins, or rather more than our eagle; but till the year
1672 it passed in Japan as equivalent to about six taels of silver. The
present koban contains only half as much gold; and yet, as compared
with silver, is rated still higher. The koban is figured by Kämpfer as
an oblong coin rounded at the ends, the surface, on one side, marked
with four rows of indented lines, and bearing at each end the arms or
symbol of the Dairi, and between them a mark showing the value, and the
signature of the master of the mint. The other side was smooth, and
had only the stamp of the inspector-general of gold and silver money.
Kämpfer also figures the _ōban_, which even in his time had become very
rare, similar to the koban, but of ten times the weight and value.
A third gold coin was the _ichibu_, figured by Kämpfer as an oblong
square. According to Thunburg, it was of the value of a quarter of the
koban. Silver passed by weight. The Japanese do not appear to have
had any silver coins, unless lumps of irregular shape and weight, but
bearing certain marks and stamps, were to be so considered. In ordinary
retail transactions copper _zeni_, or _kas_, as the Chinese name was,
were employed. They were round, with a square hole in the middle, by
which they were strung. Some were of double size and value, and some
of iron. For further information on the Japanese monetary system, and
on the present state and value of the Japanese circulating medium, see
Chapters XXV, XXXVIII, and XLV.

[27] Dairi, in its original sense, is said by Rodriguez, in his
Japanese grammar, to signify rather the court than the person of the
theocratic chief to whom it is applied; and so of most of the titles
mentioned in the text.

[28] According to Rodriguez, there had been also an ancient military
nobility, called _buke_; but in the course of the civil wars many
families of it had become extinct, while other humble families, who had
risen by way of arms, mostly formed the existing nobility.

[29] According to the Japanese historical legends, the office of
Kubō-Sama, originally limited to the infliction of punishments and
the suppression of crimes, was shared, for many ages, between the
two families of Genji and Heiji, till about 1180, when a civil war
broke out between these families, and the latter, having triumphed,
assumed such power that the Dairi commissioned Yoritomo, a member of
the defeated family of Genji, to inflict punishment upon him. Yoritomo
renewed the war, killed Heiji, and was himself appointed Kubō-Sama, but
ended with usurping a greater power than any of his predecessors.

[30] See Satow’s papers on “Pure Shintō” and “Japanese Rituals,” in the
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan.—EDR.

[31] The word _Kami_ is also doubly used as a title of honor conferred
with the sanction of the Dairi, somewhat equivalent, says Kämpfer, in
one case, to the European title of chevalier, and in the other, to that
of count. Golownin insists that it implies something spiritual.

[32] The Sun-Goddess, also called Ama-terasu-no-Mikoto.—EDR.

[33] The following system of Japanese cosmogony is given by Klaproth,
as contained in an imperfect volume of Chinese and Japanese chronology,
printed in Japan, in Chinese characters, without date, but which for
more than a hundred years past has been in the Royal Library of Paris:
“At first the heaven and the earth were not separated, the perfect
principle and the imperfect principle were not disjoined; chaos, under
the form of an egg, contained the breath [of life], self-produced,
including the germs of all things. Then what was pure and perfect
ascended upwards, and formed the heavens (or sky), while what was dense
and impure coagulated, was precipitated, and produced the earth. The
pure and excellent principles formed whatever is light, whilst whatever
was dense and impure descended by its own gravity; consequently the
sky was formed prior to the earth. After their completion, a divine
being (_Kami_) was born in the midst of them. Hence, it has been said,
that at the reduction of chaos, an island of soft earth emerged, as a
fish swims upon the water. At this period a thing resembling a shoot
of the plant _ashi_ [_Eryanthus Japonicus_] was produced between the
heavens and the earth. This shoot was metamorphosed and became the
god [first of the seven superior gods] who bears the honorific title
of Kuni-toko-dachi-no-mikoto, that is to say, the venerable one who
constantly supports the empire.”

[34] In reading the accounts of the bonzes, and of the delusions
which they practised on the people, contained in the letters of the
Catholic missionaries, and the denunciations levelled against them in
consequence, in those letters, one might almost suppose himself to be
reading a Protestant sermon against Popery, or an indignant leader
against the papists in an evangelical newspaper. The missionaries
found, however, at least they say so, among other theological
absurdities maintained by the bonzes, a number of the “damnable
Lutheran tenets.”

[35] Buddha, or the sage (which the Chinese, by the metamorphosis made
by their pronunciation of most foreign proper names, have changed first
into _Fuh-hi_, and then into _Fuh_, or _Ho_), is not the personal
name of the great saint, the first preacher of the religion of the
Buddhists, but a title of honor given to him after he had attained
to eminent sanctity. According to the concurrent traditions of the
Buddhists in various parts of Asia, he was the son of a king of central
India, Suddho-dana, meaning in Sanscrit pure-eating king, or eater of
pure food, which the Chinese have translated into their language by
_Zung-fung-wang_. His original name was _Lêh-ta_; after he became a
priest he was called _Sakia-mouni_, that is, devotee of the race of
Sakia, whence the appellation _Shaka_, by which he is commonly known
in Japan, and also the name _Shaku_, applied to the patriarch or head
of the Buddhist church. Another Sanscrit patronymic of Buddha is
_Gautama_, which in different Buddhist nations has, in conjunction with
other epithets applied to him, been variously changed and corrupted.
Thus among the Siamese he is called _Summana-kodom_.

The Buddhist mythology includes several Buddhas who preceded
Sakia-mouni, and the first of whom, _Adi-Buddha_, or the first Buddha,
was, when nothing else was, being in fact the primal deity and origin
of all things. It seems to be this first Buddha who is worshipped
in Japan under the name of _Amida_, and whose priests form the most
numerous and influential of the Buddhist orders. Siebold seems inclined
to regard them as pure monotheists.

The birth of Shaka is fixed by the Japanese annalists, or at least by
the book of chronology quoted in a previous note, in the twenty-sixth
year of the emperor Chaou-wang, of the Chinese Chew Dynasty, 1027 B. C.
1006 B. C., he fled from his father’s house to become a priest; 998 B.
C., he reached the highest step of philosophical knowledge; 949 B. C.,
being seventy-nine years of age, he entered into _Nirvana_, that is,
died. He was succeeded by a regular succession of Buddhist patriarchs,
of whom twenty-eight were natives of Hindustan. The twenty-eighth
emigrated to China, A. D. 490, where he had five Chinese successors.
Under the second of these, A. D. 552, Buddhism was introduced into
Japan. A. D. 713, the sixth and the last Chinese patriarch died, since
which the Chinese Buddhists, and those who have received the religion
from them, seem not to have acknowledged any general, but only a local,
head in each country.

[36] In connection with this chapter, read “The Religions of Japan”
(Griffis).—EDR.

[37] For an account of the Japanese language, literature, etc., see “A
Handbook of Modern Japan” (Clement).—EDR.

[38] “All military men, the servants of the Shōgun, and persons holding
civil offices under the government, are bound, when they have committed
any crime, to rip themselves up, but not till they have received an
order from the court to that effect; for, if they were to anticipate
this order, their heirs would run the risk of being deprived of their
places and property. For this reason all the officers of government are
provided, in addition to their usual dress, and that which they put on
in the case of fire, with a suit necessary on such occasions, which
they carry with them whenever they travel from home. It consists of a
white robe and a habit of ceremony, made of hempen cloth, and without
armorial bearings.

“As soon as the order of the court has been communicated to the
culprit, he invites his intimate friends for the appointed day, and
regales them with sake. After they have drank together some time, he
takes leave of them, and the order of the court is then read to him
once more. The person who performs the principal part of this tragic
scene then addresses a speech or compliment to the company, after
which he inclines his head towards the floor, draws his sabre, and
cuts himself with it across the belly, penetrating to the bowels. One
of his confidential servants, who takes his place behind him, then
strikes off his head. Such as wish to display superior courage, after
the cross-cut, inflict a second longitudinally, and then a third in the
throat. No disgrace attaches to such a death, and the son succeeds to
his father’s place.

“When a person is conscious of having committed some crime, and
apprehensive of being thereby disgraced, he puts an end to his own
life, to spare his family the ruinous consequences of judicial
proceedings. This practice is so common that scarcely any notice is
taken of such an event. The sons of all persons of quality exercise
themselves in their youth, for five or six years, with a view that
they may perform the operation, in case of need, with gracefulness and
dexterity; and they take as much pains to acquire this accomplishment,
as youth among us to become elegant dancers or skilful horsemen;
hence the profound contempt of death which they imbibe in their
earliest years. This disregard of death, which they prefer to the
slightest disgrace, extends to the very lowest classes among the
Japanese.”—_Titsingh_, “_Illustrations of Japan_,” p. 147.

[39] His family name was Ōtomo, and his given name was Yoshishige.—EDR.

[40] Pinto gives a long account of this dispute, which has been
substantially adopted by Lucina, the Portuguese biographer of Xavier,
whose life of the saint was published in 1600, and who, in composing
it, had the use of Pinto’s yet unpublished manuscript. Tursellini’s
Latin biography of Xavier was published at Rome and Antwerp, 1596.
From these was compiled the French life, by Bouhours, which our Dryden
translated. Tursellini published also four books of Xavier’s epistles,
translated into Latin. Eight books of new epistles afterwards appeared.
Charlevoix remarks of them, “that they are memoirs, of which it is not
allowable to question the sincerity, but which furnish very little for
history, which was not the writer’s object.” They are chiefly homilies.

[41] See Satow’s paper in vol. vii of the Transactions of the Asiatic
Society of Japan.—EDR.

[42] For some further remarks on Pinto and his book, see Appendix, Note
D.

[43] Of Father de Torres we have four letters rendered into Latin, and
of Vilela, in the same collections, seven, giving, among other things,
a pretty full account of his visit to and residence at Miyako. For the
description, however, of that capital, and the road to it, I prefer
to rely on lay travellers, of whose observations, during a series of
visits extending through more than two centuries, a full abstract will
be found in subsequent chapters.

[44] The following passage, from Titsingh’s “Memoirs of the Shōguns,”
may serve to shed some light upon the civil war raging in Japan when
first visited by the Portuguese, and which continued down to the time
of Nobunaga: “Takauji was of the family of Yoshiiye, who was descended
from Seiwa-tennō, the fifty-sixth Dairi. He divided the supreme power
between his two sons, Yoshi-nori and Motouji, giving to each the
government of thirty-three provinces. The latter, who ruled over the
eastern part, was styled Kamakura-no-Shōgun, and kept his court at
Kamakura, in the province of Sagami. Yoshi-nori, to whom were allotted
the western provinces, resided at Miyako, with the title of Fuku-Shōgun.

“Takauji, in dividing the empire between his two sons, was influenced
by the expectation that, in case either of them should be attacked, his
brother would afford him assistance. This partition, on the contrary,
only served to arm them one against the other; the country was involved
in continual war, and the princes, though brothers, were engaged in
frequent hostilities, which terminated only with the destruction of the
branch of Miyako.”

[45] See note on page 84.

[46] For a particular description of the dress of Japanese, see Chap.
XLI.

[47] His reception of the Japanese and his reformation of the calendar
are both recorded together in his epitaph.

[48] The Letters, Briefs, and the Discourse on Obedience, above
quoted, may be found at length in Latin, in the very valuable and rich
collection, _De Rebus Japonicis Indicis_ and _Peruvianis Epistolæ
Recentiores_, edited by John Hay, of Dalgetty, a Scotch Jesuit, and a
sharp controversialist, published in 1605; in Spanish, in Father Luys
de Gusman’s _Historia de los Missiones, que han hecho los Religioses
de la Compania de Jesus, etc._, published in 1601, of which the
larger part is devoted to the Japanese mission; in Italian, in Father
Daniel Batoli’s “Historia de la Compagnia de Gesu”; and in French, in
Charlevoix’s “Histoire du Japon.” An Italian history of the mission
was printed at Rome, 1585,—the same, I suppose, of which a Latin
translation is given in Hay’s collection; and still rarer and more
valuable one at Macao, in 1590, of which a further account will be
found in a note at the end of the next chapter.

[49] The princes and nobles of Japan, and indeed most private
individuals, have certain devices embroidered on their gowns, etc.,
which the Portuguese and the missionaries compared to the armorial
bearings of Europe. [See paper on “Japanese Heraldry” in vol. v of the
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan.—EDR.]

[50] During this residence at Macao the Japanese ambassadors were
not idle. They were engaged upon a very remarkable work, printed at
Macao in 1590 in Japanese and Latin, purporting to be composed by the
ambassadors, and giving, by way of dialogue, an account not only of the
embassy, but of Japan and of all the countries, European and Oriental,
which they had visited. The Latin title is _De Missione Legatorum
Japonensium ad Romanam curiam, rebusque in Europa ac toto in itinere
animadversis, Dialogus, etc._—“A Dialogue concerning the Japanese
Embassy to the Court of Rome, and the things observed in Europe and on
the whole journey, collected from the journal of the ambassadors, and
rendered into Latin by Ed. de Laude, priest of the Society of Jesus.”
It is from this work, though he does not give the title of it, that
Hackluyt extracted the “Excellent Treatise of the Kingdom of China and
of the Estate and Government thereof,” contained in his second volume,
and of which he speaks in his epistle dedicatory to that volume, first
published in 1599, as “the most exact account of those parts that is
yet come to light.” “It was printed,” he tells us, “in Latin, in Makoa,
a city of China, in China paper, in the year 1590, and was intercepted
in the great carac Madre de Dios, two years after, enclosed in a case
of sweet cedar wood, and lapped up almost a hundred fold in fine
Calicut cloth, as though it had been some incomparable jewel.”

[51] This letter, with the reply in the next chapter, is given by
Froez, from whom Gusman has copied them.

[52] Letters from the ambassadors to Sixtus V, written at Nagasaki
after their arrival there, and giving an account of their voyage home,
may be found in Hay’s collection.

[53] Valignani was not the first European to obtain an imperial
audience. The same favor had been granted, as already mentioned, by
Yoshiteru to Father Vilela in 1559. Louis Froez had also been admitted,
in 1565, to an audience of the same emperor, of which he has given a
short but interesting account.

[54] See Satow’s paper on “The Origin of Spanish and Portuguese Rivalry
in Japan,” in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan.—EDR.

[55] We regret that the original of this letter has been lost, and we
cannot, therefore, compare the translation with the original. But, at
any rate, the date here given is erroneous. Valignani’s departure from
Japan being in 1592, as is mentioned at the end of the next chapter,
this letter must have been written in 1592 (first year of Bunroku).—K.
M.

[56] The number of troops here set down is too small.—K. M.

[57] According to the letters of Louis Froez, the prince of Ōmura
joined the army against Corea with one thousand men, the king of Arima
with two thousand, and the king of Bungo with ten thousand, besides
mariners and mean people to carry the baggage. The entire number of
men-at-arms in the empire, at this time, is stated to have been, by
a written catalogue, three hundred thousand. The victories mentioned
in the text were gained by an advanced body of fifteen thousand men.
The Coreans are described by Froez as different from the Chinese in
race and language, and superior to them in personal prowess, yet as in
a manner tributary to China, whose laws, customs, and arts they had
borrowed. They are represented as good bowmen, but scantily provided
with other weapons, and therefore not able to encounter the cannon,
lances, and swords of the Japanese, who had been, beside, practised
by continual wars among themselves. But in nautical affairs Froez
reckons the Chinese and Coreans as decidedly superior to the Japanese.
Translations from several Jesuit letters relating to the Corean war
will be found in Hackluyt, vol. iv, near the end. Siebold, relying upon
Japanese authorities, insists that it was through Corea that the arts,
knowledge, language, and written characters of China were introduced
into Japan.

[58] See Aston’s papers on “Hideyoshi’s Invasion of Korea,” in the
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan.—EDR.

[59] Yet Taikō-Sama was not in general cruel. A curious letter of
Father Organtino Brixiano, written in 1594, enumerates, among the
reasons of Taikō’s great success, his clemency to the conquered
princes, whom he never put to death after having once promised them
their lives, and to whom he granted a revenue, small, but sufficient
to maintain them, and which served to keep them quiet. Another reason
was his having established for his soldiers during war a commissariat,
of which he paid the expense, by which they were rendered much more
efficient. He also kept them employed, for, besides the army maintained
in Corea, he set them to work in building or repairing palaces and
fortresses, or in other public works. At this time he had thirty
thousand men at work upon one castle near Miyako, one hundred thousand
at Fushimi. He also broke the power of the princes by transferring
them to distant parts, while he inspired general respect by his
strict justice, from which he was swerved by no considerations of
relationship, family, or influence, secular or religious. Another
reason mentioned by the missionary does not correspond so well with
Taikō’s letter to the viceroy of Goa. He is said not only to have
disarmed the country people, by whose strength and wealth the petty
kingdoms had been sustained, but also to have reduced them to extreme
poverty; but this, perhaps, applies rather to the petty lords than to
the actual cultivators. This letter is in Hay’s collection, and a part
of it, in English, may be found in Hackluyt’s fourth volume.

[Dening’s “New Life of Toyotomi Hideyoshi” is the best work dealing
with the career of “the Napoleon of Japan.”—EDR.]

[60] Some curious information respecting the Philippines is contained
in a letter dated Mexico, 1590, intercepted on its way to Spain by some
English cruiser, and translated and published by Hackluyt in his fourth
volume. This letter represents the country as very unhealthy “for us
Spaniards,” of whom not more than one thousand were left alive out of
fourteen thousand who had gone there in the twenty years preceding. It
seems, too, that the Spaniards at Manila, not less than the Portuguese
at Macao, had succeeded in opening a trade with China. “There is a
place in China, which is an harbor called Macaran, which the king has
given to the Spaniards freely; which shall be the place where the ships
shall come to traffic. For in this harbor there is a great river, which
goeth up into the main land, unto divers towns and cities, which are
near to this river.” Where was this Spanish Chinese port?

The annual galleons to New Spain were to Manila what the annual carac
to Japan was to Macao,—a main support of the place. The privilege of
putting a certain amount of goods on board was distributed among all
the resident merchants, offices, and public institutions.

[61] That any Japanese had been in America earlier than 1610 A. D. is
not to be found in any Japanese sources.—K. M.

[62] The fathers resident at this college had been by no means idle.
They had printed there, in 1593, a Japanese grammar, prepared by Father
Alvarez, and, in 1595, in a thick quarto of upwards of nine hundred
pages, a Portuguese, Latin, and Japanese Lexicon. A vocabulary entirely
Japanese was printed at Nagasaki, 1598.

[63] Yet the Japanese are said to maintain to this day a garrison on
the coast (Golownin, vol. iii, ch. 9), and to receive tribute from
Corea; but this seems doubtful.

[64] Go-kirai, including Yamashiro, Yamato, Kawachi, Izumi, and
Settsu.—EDR.

[65] Father Valignani died in 1606, at Macao, whither he had gone to
look after the Chinese missions, a few Jesuits having at length got
admission into that empire. Father Rodriguez, in his annual letter of
1606, from Miyako, in noticing Valignani’s death, speaks of him as
justly entitled to be called the apostle of the missions of Japan and
China,—a title, indeed, which he had already received from the king of
Portugal. Purchas, who published a few years later, mentions him as the
“great Jesuit.” He enjoyed in his own day, and deservedly, a reputation
quite equal to that of our most famous modern missionaries; but these
missionary reputations are apt not to be very long-lived. Five of his
letters are in the collection of Hay, “De Rebus Japonicis,” etc.

The death of Father Louis Froez has been mentioned in the previous
chapter. We have of his letters, in Maffei’s “Select Epistles,” nine,
written between the years 1563 and 1573; and in Hay’s collection,
eight, written between 1577 and 1596. Many of these are of great
length. That of February, 1565, contains a curious account of what he
saw at Miyako, on his going thither with Almeida to aid Vilela, who
had labored there alone for six years with only Japanese assistants.
The translation of it in Hackluyt has an important passage in the
beginning, giving a general account of the Japanese, not in the Latin
editions that I have seen. Those in Hay’s collection are rather reports
than letters. That of 1586 contains an account of Valignani’s first
interview with Taikō-Sama, that of 1592 a full account of Valignani’s
embassy, the second of 1595 the history of Taikō-Sama’s quarrel with
his nephew, and the two of 1596 a full account of the first martyrdoms
and of the state of the church at the time.

Almeida had died in 1583, after a missionary life of twenty-eight
years. We have five of his letters, which show him a good man, but
exceedingly credulous, even for a Portuguese Jesuit.

[66] This chapter, also the twenty-second, is taken, with alterations
and additions, from an article (written by the compiler of this work)
in “Harper’s Magazine” for January, 1854.

[67] See Appendix, Note E.

[68] An account of Adams’ voyage, in two letters of his from Japan,
may be found in Purchas, “His Pilgrimes,” part i, book iii, sect. 5.
Purchas also gives, book ii, chap. v, Captain Wert’s adventures and
return; and in book iii, chap. i, sect. 4, a narrative by Davis, who
acted as chief pilot of the first Dutch voyage to the East Indies,
under Houtman. Hackluyt gives, in his second volume, a narrative
of Lancaster’s voyage, taken down from the mouth of Edmund Baker,
Lancaster’s lieutenant. Henry May’s narrative of the same voyage
is given in Hackluyt’s second volume. What is known of the English
expedition, fitted out in 1594, will be found in Hackluyt, vol. iv,
and “Pilgrimes,” book iii, chap. i, sect. 2. The English East India
Company was formed in 1600, and Lancaster was immediately despatched on
a second voyage “with four tall ships and a victualler,” and by him the
English trade was commenced.—_Pilgrimes_, book iii, chap. iii, sect. 1.
[Ten extant letters of Will Adams may be found in “Letters written by
the English Residents in Japan,” edited by K. Murakawn, and published
in Tōkyō. See also paper by Dr. L. Riess on the “History of the English
Factory at Kirado,” in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of
Japan.—EDR.]

[69] See Klaproth’s translation (“Nov. Journal Asiatique,” tom. ii), of
a curious Japanese tract on the Wealth of Japan, written in 1708.

See note on page 152.—EDR.

[70] This letter is given by Purchas, vol. i, p. 406. It has neither
date nor signature, nor does it appear who is responsible for the
correctness of the translation.

[71] It must have been in the next year (1609).—K. M.

[72] Most likely this “box” was formed by movable screens. See Chapter
XXXVIII.

[73] Iyeyasu was sixty-six years old in 1609.—K. M.

[74] It is customary among the Japanese, on receiving a present from a
superior, to touch the top of the head with it. This custom is alluded
to in the king of Bungo’s letter to the Pope, pages 107 and 108.

[75] Descriptions of it will be found in Chapter XXXV, and also a
census taken in 1690.

[76] This image was first set up in the year 1576 by the Emperor Taikō.
The temple in which it was placed was destroyed by the great earthquake
of 1596. The rebuilding was commenced in 1602. The colossus, however,
was seriously injured by another earthquake in 1662, after which it was
melted down, and a substitute prepared of wood covered with gilt paper.
For a description of it, see Chapter XXXVII.

[77] The total number of baptisms in Japan, in 1606, according to the
annual letter of that year, was almost three thousand. According to the
letter of 1603, the number of confessions heard that year was eighty
thousand. It appears from these letters that many female converts were
made, among the higher classes, by the reputed efficacy of relics and
the prayers of the church in cases of difficult labor.

[78] Don Rodrigo published in Spanish a narrative of his residence in
Japan. Of this very rare and curious work an abstract, with extracts,
is given in the “Asiatic Journal,” vol. ii, new series, 1830. The
Spaniard is rather excessive in his estimates of population, but
appears to have been sensible and judicious. His accounts are well
borne out, as we shall see, by those of Saris, Kämpfer, and others. His
whole title was Don Rodrigo de Vivero y Velasco.

[79] There is a narrative of this journey, rather a perplexed one,
apparently written by Spex himself, added to the Relation of Verhœven’s
voyage in _Recueil des Voyages qui out servi a l’establisement de la
Compagnie des Indes Oriental dans les Provinces Unies_. A full abstract
of it is in the great collection, “Hist. Gen. des Voyages,” vol. viii.

[80] They had about four hundred, and the Spaniards about twice as many.

[81] Kämpfer gives this translation, and also a fac-simile of the
original Japanese. The same translation is also given by Spex.

[82] The Franciscan martyrology says he was born at Seville of the
blood royal.

[83] See paper on “Date Masamune,” in vol. xxi of the Transactions of
the Asiatic Society of Japan.—EDR.

[84] An account in Italian of Sotelo’s embassy, _Historia del Regno
de Voxu del Giaponi, etc., e del Ambasciata, etc._, was published at
Rome the same year, 1615. There is no Japanese letter of later date
than 1601, in the collection of Hay, or, as perhaps it ought rather
to be called, of Martin Nutius (at least so his name was written in
Latin), citizen and bookseller of Antwerp, at the sign of the two
storks, “a man zealous for the Catholic faith,” so Hay says, and by
whom the collection was projected. He applied to the rector of the
Jesuit college at Antwerp for an editor, and Hay was appointed. A few
of the letters were translated by Hay; the greater part had already
appeared as separate pamphlets, translated by others. Hay’s vehement
Scotch controversial spirit breaks out hotly in some of the dedicatory
letters which he has introduced. Of the Japanese letters subsequent to
1601 there is no collection. They were published separately as they
were received, translated into Italian, from which were made French and
Spanish translations.

[85] See “Letters written by the English Residents in Japan,
1611-1623.”—EDR.

[86] “I am called in the Japanese tongue ANGIN SAMA. By that name am I
known all the coast along.”—_Letters of Adams_, Jan. 12, 1614.

[87] This is difficult to decipher, except _kokoro warui_ (“heart
bad”), and may not refer at all to Coreans.—EDR.

[88] Properly the spirit enshrined in the temple.—EDR.

[89] Saris makes no mention of tea, not yet known to the Europeans,
and which, perhaps, he confounded with this hot water. All subsequent
travellers have noted this practice of the Japanese of drinking
everything warm even to water. Cold drinks might tend too much to check
the digestion of their vegetable food; at any rate, they are thought
to be frequently the occasion of a violent colic, one of the endemic
diseases of Japan.

[90] London had at that time a population of two hundred and fifty
thousand.

[91] Probably the one at Kamakura.—EDR.

[92] See “Letters written by the English Residents in Japan,
1611-1623.”—K. M.

[93] This word, though not to be found in any of our dictionaries, was
in current use, at this time, in the signification of head merchant of
a factory ship, or trading post,—_cape_ being, probably, a contraction
of captain.

[94] Yezo, otherwise called Matsumae, the island north of Nippon. There
is in Purchas, “Pilgrimes,” vol. i., p. 364, a short account of this
island, obtained from a Japanese, who had been there twice. It was
visited in 1620 by Jerome de Angelis, who sent home an account of its
gold-washings, which reads very much like a California letter. It was
also then as now the seat of extensive fisheries. The gold which it
produced made the Dutch and English anxious to explore it. The Dutch
made some voyages in that direction and discovered some of the southern
Kuriles; but the geography of those seas remained very confused till
the voyages of La Perouse. Matsumae was the scene of Golownin’s
captivity in 1812. [See chap. xliii.] One of the ports granted to the
Americans (Hakodate) is on the southern coast of this island.

[95] These privileges are given by Purchas, “Pilgrimes,” vol. i., p.
357, with a fac-simile of the original Japanese.

[96] The old Gothic edifice, afterwards destroyed in the great fire of
1666, is the one here referred to.

[97] This is the same temple and idol seen and described by Don Rodrigo.

[98] Captain Saris states that the New Testament had been translated
into Japanese for their use; but this is doubtless a mistake. A number
of books of devotion were translated into Japanese, but we hear nowhere
else of any New Testament, nor were such translations a part of the
Jesuit missionary machinery.

[99] Of another festival, on the 23d of October, Cocks gives the
following account: “The kings with all the rest of the nobility,
accompanied with divers strangers, met together at a summer-house, set
up before the great pagoda, to see a horse-race. Every nobleman went
on horseback to the place, accompanied with a rout of slaves, some
with pikes, some with small shot, and others with bows and arrows. The
pikemen were placed on one side of the street, and the shot and archers
on the other, the middest of the street being left void to run the
race; and right before the summer-house, where the king and nobles sat,
was a round buckler of straw hanging against the wall, at which the
archers on horseback, running a full career, discharged their arrows,
both in the street and summer-house where the nobles sat.” This, from
the date, would seem to be the festival of Tenshō Daijin. See p. 359.
Caron, “Relation du Japon,” gives a similar description.

[100] Captain Saris’ account of his voyage and travels in Japan (which
agrees remarkably with the contemporaneous observations of Don Rodrigo,
and with the subsequent ones of Kämpfer and others), may be found in
Purchas, “His Pilgrimes,” part i, book iv, chap. i, sect. 4-8. Cocks’
not less curious observations may be found in chap. iii, sect. 1-3, of
the same book and part. There is also a readable summary of what was
then known of Japan, in Purchas, “His Pilgrimage,” book v, chap. xv.

Rundall, in his “Memorials of the Empire of Japan,” printed by the
Hackluyt Society, 1850, has republished Adams’ first letter, from two
MSS. in the archives of the East India Company; but the variations
from the text, as given by Purchas, are hardly as important as he
represents. He gives also from the same records four other letters
from Adams, not before printed. It seems from these letters, and from
certain memoranda of Cocks, that there were three reasons why Adams did
not return with Saris, notwithstanding the emperor’s free consent to
his doing so. Besides his wife and daughter in England, he had also a
wife, son, and daughter in Japan. Though he had the estate mentioned as
given him by the emperor (called Hemmi, about eight miles from Uraga),
on which were near a hundred households, his vassals, over whom he had
power of life and death, yet he had little money, and did not like to
go home with an empty purse. He had quarrelled with Saris, who had
attempted to drive a hard bargain with him. The East India Company had
advanced twenty pounds to his wife in England. Saris wanted him to
serve the company for that sum and such additional pay as they might
see fit to give. But Adams, whom the Dutch, Spanish, and Portuguese,
were all anxious to engage in their service, insisted upon a stipulated
hire. He asked twelve pounds a month, but consented to take a hundred
pounds a year, to be paid at the end of two years.

See “History of the English Factory at Hirado,” in vol. xxvi. of the
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, and “Diary of Richard
Cocks,” edited by Mr. N. Murakami, and published in Tōkyō in 1899.—EDR.

[101] He was deified, and is still worshipped under the name of
Gongen-Sama, given to him after his death. It is from him that the
reigning emperors of Japan trace their descent. He is buried at the
temple of Nikkō, three days’ journey from Yedo, of the splendor of
which marvellous stories are told. Caron, who wrote about the time it
was built, speaks as if he had seen it. In 1782, M. Titsingh, then
Dutch director, solicited permission to visit this temple, but was
refused, as there was no precedent for such a favor.

[102] These modified privileges have been printed for the first time by
Rundall.

[103] Lopo de Vega, the poet, who held the office of procurator fiscal
to the apostolic chamber of the archbishopric of Toledo, celebrated the
constancy of the Japanese martyrs, in a pamphlet entitled “Triumpho
de la Fe en los Regnos del Japon, pas los annos de 1614 y 1615,”
published in 1617. “Take away from this work,” says Charlevoix, “the
Latin and Spanish verses, the quotations foreign to the subject, and
the flourish of the style, and there will be nothing left of it.” The
subject was much more satisfactorily treated by Nicholas Trigault,
himself a very distinguished member of the Chinese mission, which
he had joined in 1610. He returned to Europe in 1615, travelling on
foot through Persia, Arabia, and Egypt, to obtain a fresh supply of
laborers. Besides an account of the Jesuit mission to China (from
which, next to Marco Polo’s travels, Europe gathered its first distinct
notions of that empire), and a summary of the Japanese mission from
1609 to 1612, published during this visit to Europe, just before his
departure, in 1618 (taking with him forty-four missionaries, who
had volunteered to follow him to China), he completed four books
concerning the triumphs of the Christians in the late persecution in
Japan, to which, while at Goa, on his way to China, he added a fifth
book, bringing down the narrative to 1616. The whole, derived from
the annual Japanese letters, was printed in 1623, in a small quarto
of five hundred and twenty pages, illustrated by numerous engravings
of martyrdoms, and containing also a short addition, bringing down
the story to the years 1617-1620, and a list of Japanese martyrs, to
the number of two hundred and sixty-eight. There is also added a list
of thirty-eight houses and residences (including two colleges, one at
Arima, the other at Nagasaki) which the Jesuits had been obliged to
abandon; and of five Franciscan, four Dominican, and two Augustinian
convents, from which the inmates had been driven. These works of
Trigault, published originally in Latin, were translated into French
and Spanish. Various other accounts of the same persecution appeared in
Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese. “A Brief Relation of the Persecution
lately made against the Catholic Christians of Japan” was published
at London, 1616. Meanwhile Purchas, in the successive editions of his
“Pilgrimage,” gave an account of the Japanese missions, which is the
best and almost the only one (though now obsolete and forgotten) in
the English language. That contained in the fourth edition (annexed
as a fifth part to the “Pilgrimes”), and published in 1625, is the
fullest. Captain Saris, according to Purchas, ascribed the persecution
to the discovery, by the Japanese, that the Jesuits, under the cloak of
religion, were but merchants.

[104] Such was the charge of the English. The Dutch narratives,
however, abound with similar charges against the English. Both probably
were true enough, as both nations captured all the Chinese junks they
met.

[105] The date, as given by Purchas (evidently by a misprint), is 1610.

[106] The “Swan” and the “Attendance.” The number of English runaways
was three, not six.—K. M.

[107] From Jacatra Pring proceeded to England with a cargo of pepper.
It would seem that he had not forgotten his early voyages to the coast
of America, for while his ship lay in the road of Saldanha, near the
Cape of Good Hope, a contribution of seventy pounds eight shillings
and sixpence was raised among the ship’s company to endow a school, to
be called the _East India_ School, in the colony of Virginia. Other
contributions were made for this school, and the Virginia Company
endowed it with a farm of a thousand acres, which they sent tenants
to cultivate; but this, like the Virginia University, and many other
public-spirited and promising enterprises, was ruined and annihilated
by the fatal Indian massacre of 1622.

The “Royal James” carried also to England a copy in Japanese, still
preserved in the archives of the East India Company, of Adams’ will.
With commendable impartiality he divided his property, which, by the
inventory annexed, amounted to nineteen hundred and seventy-two tael,
two mas, four kandarins (two thousand four hundred and sixty-five
dollars and twenty-nine cents), equally between his Japanese and
his English family,—the English share to go, one half to the wife
and the other half to the daughter, it not being his mind, so Cocks
wrote, “his wife should have all, in regard she might marry another
husband, and carry all from his child.” By the same ship Cocks made
a remittance to the English family, having delivered “one hundred
pounds sterling to diverse of the ‘Royal James’Company, entered into
the purser’s books, to pay in England, two for one,”—a very handsome
rate of exchange, which throws some light on the profits of East India
trade in those days. Adams’ Japanese estate probably descended to his
Japanese son; and who knows but the family survives to this day? The
situation of this estate was but a very short distance from the spot
where the recent American treaty was made; nor is the distance great
from Shimoda, one of the ports granted by that treaty. The command
of the fleet left behind, on Pring’s departure, devolved on Captain
Robert Adams. According to Cocks’ account, the crews, both Dutch and
English, inferior officers as well as men, were a drunken, dissolute,
quarrelsome set. Rundall gives a curious record of the trial by jury
and execution of an Englishman of this fleet for the murder of a
Dutchman; and it seems the Dutch reciprocated by hanging a Dutchman for
killing an Englishman. Master Arthur Hatch was chaplain of this fleet.
Purchas gives (vol. i, part ii, book x, ch. i) a letter from him,
written after his return, containing a brief sketch of his observations
in Japan. Purchas also gives a letter from Cocks, which, in reference
to the koku of rice, agrees very well with Titsingh’s statement quoted
on page fifty-nine. Cocks represents the revenues of the Japanese
princes as being estimated in mankoku of rice, each containing ten
thousand koku, and each koku containing one hundred gantas (gantings),
a ganta being a measure equal to three English ale pints.

Cocks states the revenue of the king of Hirado at six mankoku. He
maintained four thousand soldiers, his quota for the emperor’s service
being two thousand. The income of Kodzuke-no-Suke, formerly three, had
lately been raised to fifteen mankoku. That of the king of Satsuma was
one hundred, and that of the prince next in rank to the emperor, two
hundred mankoku. The value of the mankoku was calculated at the English
factory at nine thousand three hundred and seventy-five pounds, which
would make the koku worth eighteen shillings and sixpence sterling,
or four dollars and fifty cents, and agrees very well with Caron’s
estimates of the koku, which he calls _cokien_, as worth ten Dutch
florins, or four dollars. The estimates of Kämpfer and Titsingh, given
on page fifty-nine, are higher.

[108] Dr. Riess estimates the loss at less than ten thousand
pounds.—EDR.

[109] See Appendix F.

[110] 1624 ought to be 1616.—K. M.

[111] It may be found in Thevenot’s Collection of Voyages, also in
“Voyages des Indes,” tom. v.

[112] A candid and conclusive answer to Sotelo, or the false Sotelo,
as the Jesuits persisted in calling him, was published at Madrid
immediately after the appearance of his letter, by Don Jean Cevicos,
a commissary of the holy office, who was able to speak from personal
observation. Cevicos had been captain of the galleon “St. Francis,”
the ship in which Don Rodrigo de Vivero had been wrecked on the coast
of Japan, as related in a former chapter. After a six months’ stay
in Japan, and an acquaintance there with Sotelo, Cevicos sailed for
Manila, was captured on the passage by the Dutch, but recaptured by
a Spanish fleet. Arrived at Manila, he renounced the seas, commenced
the study of theology, was ordained priest, and became provisor of the
archbishopric of the Philippines. The business of this office brought
him to Spain, and being at Madrid when the letter ascribed to Sotelo
appeared, he thought it his duty to reply to it. A full abstract of
this answer, as well as of Sotelo’s charges, may be found at the end of
Charlevoix’s “Histoire du Japon.” It appears, from documents quoted in
it, that the missionaries of the other orders agreed with the Jesuits
in ascribing the persecution mainly to the idea, which the Dutch made
themselves very busy in insinuating, that the independence of Japan was
in danger from the Spaniards and the Pope, who were on the watch to
gain, by means of the missionaries, the mastery of Japan, as they had
of Portugal and so many other countries.

The charges made in the name of Sotelo against the Jesuits are of more
interest from the fact that, at the time of the Jansenist quarrel, they
were revived and reurged with a bitterness of hatred little short of
that which had prompted their original concoction.

A Spanish history of the Franciscan mission, full of bitter hatred
against the Jesuits, was published at Madrid in 1632, written down
to 1620, by Father Fray Jacinto Orfanel, who was arrested that year,
and burnt two years after, and continued by Collado, who was also the
author of a Japanese grammar and dictionary.

[113] Shōgun-Sama seems to be only a title, not a name. This is
Lyemitsu, the “third Shōgun.”—EDR.

[114] A shuet of silver weighs about five ounces, so that the reward
offered was from $2,000 to $2,500.

[115] A narrative of this transaction was published at Rome in 1643.
A short but curious document, purporting to be a translation of a
Japanese imperial edict, commanding the destruction of all Portuguese
vessels attempting to approach the coasts of Japan, is given in
“Voyages au Nord,” tom. iv. Ships of other nations were to be sent
under a strong guard to Nagasaki. [See Appendix, Note 1.]

[116] This curious piece may be found in French, in the “Voyages des
Indes,” tom. v.

[117] Haganaar’s travels may be found in “Voyages des Indes,” tom. v.,
and a narrative of Nuyts’ affair in “Voyages au Nord,” tom. iv.

[118] According to Titsingh, they amounted in his time (1780) to
eighty thousand in number. Apparently they are the Dōshin, or imperial
soldiers, of whom we shall have occasion hereafter to speak.

[119] This quantity of rice would suffice for the support of twelve
million persons or more. The cultivators of the imperial domains
retained, according to Kämpfer, six-tenths of the produce, and those
who cultivated the lands of inferior lords four-tenths. Hence it may
be conjectured that the estimate of twenty-five millions of people for
Japan is not excessive.

[120] These lists were doubtless copied from the _Yedo Kagami_ (Mirror
of Yedo), a kind of Blue Book, still published twice a year, and
containing similar lists. See “Annals des Empereurs du Japon” (Titsingh
and Klaproth), p. 37, note.

[See paper on Japanese feudalism, in vol. xv of the “Transactions of
the Asiatic Society of Japan.”—EDR.]

[121] There are two versions of Caron’s account of Japan, materially
different from each other; one with the original questions, as
furnished by Caron himself to Thevenot, the other in the form of a
continuous narrative, with large additions by Haganaar. The first may
be found in Thevenot’s “Voyages Curieuse,” also in “Voyages au Nord,”
tom. iv. The other in “Voyages des Indes,” tom. v, and an English
translation of it in Pinkerton’s collection, vol. vii.

[122] A curious contemporary narrative of this affair is given, among
other tracts relating to Japan, in “Voyages au Nord,” tom. iv. It
is not unlikely that the military operations of the Dutch in the
neighboring island of Formosa, and their strong fort of Zelandia,
recently erected there, might have aroused the suspicions of the
Japanese.

[123] There is an account of the voyage of the “Castricoom” in
Thevenot’s collection. It is also contained in “Voyages au Nord,” tom.
iii. Charlevoix gives a full and interesting abstract of the adventures
of Captain Schaëp and his companions, derived from two different French
versions of a Dutch original; but I know not where either the versions
or the original can be found.

[124] The journals of these embassies of Waganaar, Frisius, and others,
generally pretty dry documents, with extracts from Caron, furnished
the basis for the “Memorable Embassies of the Dutch to the Emperors
of Japan,” a splendid folio, with more than a hundred copper plates,
published at Amsterdam in 1669, purporting to be compiled by Arnold
Montanus, of which an English translation, made by Ogilvy, with the
same cuts, appeared the next year at London, under the title of
_Atlas Japonensis_, and a French translation, with some additions and
alterations, ten years later at Amsterdam.

The materials are thrown together in the most careless and disorderly
manner, and are eked out by drawing largely upon the letters of the
Jesuit missionaries. The cuts, whence most of the current prints
representing Japanese objects are derived, are destitute of any
authenticity. Those representing Japanese idols and temples evidently
were based on the descriptions of Froez, whose accounts do not seem
quite to agree in all respects with the observations of more recent
travellers.

The dedication of Ogilvy’s translation outdoes anything Japanese in
the way of prostration, nor can the language of it hardly be called
English. It is as follows: “To the supreme, most high and mighty
prince, Charles II., by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France
and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c. These strange and novel
relations concerning the ancient and present state of the so populous
and wealthy empire of Japan, being a book of wonders, dedicated with
all humility, lies prostrate at the sacred feet of your most serene
majesty, by the humblest of your servants, and most loyal subject, John
Ogilvy.”

[125] This letter, with the instructions and a memoir of Caron’s on
the subject, may be found in “Voyages au Nord,” tom. iv. Caron, who
spent several years in the French service in the East Indies, perished
by shipwreck, near Lisbon, on his return to France in 1674. He was
president of the Dutch factory at the time of its removal to Deshima;
and Kämpfer undertakes to represent his mismanagement as in some degree
the cause of that removal. This story was doubtless current at Deshima
in Kämpfer’s time, but probably it grew out of disgust of the Dutch at
Caron’s having passed into the French service.

[126] A curious narrative of this visit is printed in Pinkerton’s great
collection, vol. vii.

[See also “Diary of Richard Cocks.”—K. M.]

[127] For a further account of Fitch and his travels, see Appendix,
Note E.

[128] The China trade was shared at this time between the Portuguese of
Macao and the Spaniards of the Philippines. On the Spanish trade, and
the profits of it, some light is thrown by extracts from letters found
on board Spanish prizes taken by the English, which Hackluyt translated
and published in his fourth volume. Thus Hieronymo de Nabores writes
from Panama (August 24, 1590), where he was waiting for the ship for
the Philippines: “My meaning is to carry my commodities thither, for it
is constantly reported that for every one hundred ducats a man shall
get six hundred ducats clearly.” This, however, was only the talk at
Panama; but Sebastian Biscanio had made the voyage, and he writes
to his father from Acapulco (June 20, 1590): “In this harbor here
are four great ships of Mexico, of six hundred or eight hundred tons
apiece, which only serve to carry our commodities to China, and so to
return back again. The order is thus. From hence to China is about two
thousand leagues further than from hence to Spain; and from hence the
two first ships depart together to China, and are thirteen or fourteen
months returning back again. And when these ships are returned, then
the other twain, two months after, depart from hence. They go now from
hence very strong with soldiers. I can certify you of one thing: that
two hundred ducats in Spanish commodities, and some Flemish woods which
I carried with me thither, I made worth fourteen hundred ducats there
in that country. So I make account that with those silks and other
commodities with me from thence to Mexico, I got twenty-five hundred
ducats by the voyage; and had gotten more, if one pack of fine silks
had not been spoiled with salt water. So, as I said, there is great
gain to be gotten, if that a man return in safety. But the year 1588,
I had great mischance coming in a ship from China to New Spain; which,
being laden with rich commodities, was taken by an Englishman [this was
Cavendish, then on his voyage round the world], which robbed us and
afterwards burnt our ship, wherein I lost a great deal of treasure and
commodities.”

[129] The tael, reckoning the picul at one hundred and thirty-three and
one-third pounds avoirdupois, contains five hundred and eighty-three
grains troy. Our dollar weighs four hundred and twelve and a half
grains; and supposing the Japanese silver to be of equal fineness, the
tael is worth just about one dollar and forty cents. Kämpfer reckons
it as equivalent to three and a half florins, which is precisely one
dollar and forty cents, taking the florin at the usual valuation of
forty cents. This, however, was rather above the valuation of the Dutch
East India Company. There were, it seems, two kinds of Japanese silver,
known among the Dutch as heavy and light money, the latter sometimes
distinguished as bar-silver. Both kinds were carried to account without
distinction down to the year 1635, at the rate of sixty-two and a half
silvers, or one dollar and twenty-five cents per tael. After that
period the bar-silver was reckoned at fifty-seven stivers, or one
dollar and fourteen cents per tael. Reckoning the tael, as the Dutch
commonly did, at one dollar and twenty-five cents of our money, and the
mas is precisely equivalent to the Spanish eighth of a dollar. This
statement is derived from a Dutch memoir by Imhoff, quoted by Raffles
(“History of Java,” Appendix B), and found by him, it would seem,
among the Dutch records at Batavia. Of the chests of silver and gold,
particularly the former, so often mentioned in the old accounts of the
Dutch and Portuguese trade, I have met with no description, except in
Montanus’ “Memorable Embassies.” Unreliable and worthless as that huge
volume generally is, its compilers certainly had access to valuable
Dutch papers, and it is apparently from that source that they have
drawn what they say of the moneys, weights, and measures of Japan. Of
the chests of silver and gold they speak as follows: “Moreover, their
paying of money is very strange; for the Japanese, having great store
of gold and silver, observe a custom to receive their money without
telling or seeing it. The mint-master puts the gold in papers, which
contain the value of two hundred pounds sterling; these, sealed up,
pass from one to another without being questioned. They also use little
wooden boxes, in which they put twenty sealed papers of gold, which
is as much as a man can handsomely carry; every box amounts to four
thousand pounds sterling; and the like boxes, but of another fashion,
they use for their silver, in every one of which is twelve hundred
crowns, and is sealed with the coiner’s seal. But doth it not seem
strange that never any deceit is found in that blind way of paying
money?” “The silver, though weighed and coined, is of no certain value.
The coiners put it together into little packs worth sixty crowns,”—I
suppose taels. Caron says, however, that these packages contained fifty
taels.

[130] These temples, built in Japan by the Chinese merchants, remind
one of the temples built in Egypt by the Greek merchants, who first
opened a trade with that country. See Grote’s “History of Greece,”
chap. xx.

[131] The _kamishimo_ is a state dress, composed of two garments
(_kami_ signifies what is above, and _shimo_ what is below), a short
cloak, without sleeves, called _kataginu_, and breeches, called
_hakama_. Both are of a particular form (the breeches being like a
petticoat sewed up between the legs), and of colored stuffs. They are
used only on days of ceremony and at funerals.—_Titsingh._

[132] Unfortunately for the English, their attempt at a revival of
intercourse, mentioned in the last chapter, was made the very year of
the introduction of this new check on foreign trade. The appraisement
extended as well to the Chinese as the Dutch cargoes, as is apparent
from the following closing paragraph of the English narrative: “During
the time (July and August, 1673) we were in port, there came twelve
junks in all, eight from Batavia, two from Siam, one from Canton, one
from Cambodia, and six Dutch ships of the Company’s. They had not any
from Taiwan (Formosa), by reason the year before they put the price
upon their sugar and skins; and so they intend to do for all other
people, for whatsoever goods shall be brought to their port; which if
they do, few will seek after their commodities on such unequal terms.”

There is strong reason to suppose that these new restrictions on
foreign trade grew out of the diminished produce of the mines, which
furnished the chief article of export. The working of these mines
seems to have greatly increased after the pacification of Japan by its
subjection to the imperial authority. Such is the statement in the
Japanese tract on the wealth of Japan, already referred to. According
to this tract the first gold coins were struck by Taikō-Sama. This
increase of metallic product seems to have given, about the time of the
commencement of the Dutch trade, a new impulse to foreign commerce.
Though the Portuguese trade had been stopped, it had been a good deal
more than replaced by the increase of the Chinese traffic, and already
the metallic drain appears to have been seriously felt. This is a much
more likely reason for the policy now adopted than the mere personal
hostility of certain Japanese grandees, to which the Dutch at Deshima,
and Kämpfer as their echo, ascribed it.

[133] According to Titsingh, the Chinese factory was removed, in 1780,
to a new situation, the site of an ancient temple. He gives a plan of
the new factory after a Japanese draft.

[134] Thunberg notices an odd mistake by the engravers, in representing
the Japanese as wearing their swords as we do, with the edge downward,
whereas their custom is just the reverse, the edge being turned upwards.

[135] See also an “Abstract” of Kämpfer’s History in vol. ii of the
“Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan.”—EDR.

[136] A translation of one of these tablets is given by Kämpfer as
follows:

“Courtesans only, but no other women, shall be admitted. Only the
ecclesiastics of the mountain Kōya shall be admitted. All other
priests, and all Yamabushi, shall stand excluded.” (Note by Kämpfer.
—Kōyais stated to be a mountain near Miyako, a sanctuary and asylum
for criminals, no officers of justice being suffered to come there.
Its inhabitants, many thousand in number, lead an ecclesiastical life.
All are admitted that desire it, or who fly there for shelter, and are
afterwards maintained for life, if they can but bring in thirty taels
for the use of the convent, and are otherwise willing to serve the
community in their several capacities. These monks are not absolutely
confined to this mountain, but many travel up and down the country
in what manner or business they please. Very many of them betake
themselves to trade and commerce.)

“All beggars, and all persons that live on charity, shall be denied
entrance.

“Nobody shall presume with any ship or boat to come within the
palisades of Deshima. Nobody shall presume with any ship or boat to
pass under the bridge of Deshima.

“No Hollander shall be permitted to come out, but for weighty reasons.”

[137] For a full account of this journey, see Chap. XXXI, etc.

[138] For an account of this festival, see Chap. XXIX.

[139] The custom of using an emblem, or device, instead of a signature,
or to certify it, prevails with the Japanese, as with so many other
nations.

[140] See further, in relation to this ceremony, Chap. XXIX.

[141] Properly kuriki, but abbreviated to kuri, to approximate
“coolie.” See note on page 309.—EDR.

[142] See also “Formosa under the Dutch” (Campbell), and “The Island of
Formosa” (Davidson).—EDR.

[143] The smuggling affair mentioned on page 327.

[144] This is, evidently, the word coolie, employed in India and China
to designate laborers of the lowest class. [See note on page 300.—EDR.]

[145] Along the east coast of Asia, and as far north as the southern
coasts of Japan, the winds, during the six months from April to
September inclusive, blow from southwest to northeast This is called
the southwest monsoon. During the other six months they blow from
northeast to southwest. This is called the northeast monsoon.

[146] Ambergris is a substance thrown up from the stomachs of whales
suffering from dyspepsia or some other disease. It is much employed in
the East in the preparation of perfumes and sweetmeats, and once had
considerable reputation in Europe. Its true nature was for a long time
in dispute. The Japanese understood it, as appears from their name of
the articles, _Kujira-no-fun_, that is, whale’s excrements.

[147] This corresponds with Siebold’s description, who goes quite
into raptures at the first sight he had, in 1825, of the hills about
Nagasaki.

[148] It would seem that Europe had derived the idea of paper-hangings,
as a substitute for tapestry, from Japan.

[149] According to Haganaar this sake is flavored with honey or sugar.
It is very heating and heavy. Saris describes it as almost as strong as
aqua vitæ. It appears to be very various in quality and strength, quite
as much so as European ale or beer. The yeast from this sake is largely
used for preserving fruit and vegetables. The acid of it penetrates the
fruit or vegetable, giving it a peculiar flavor, of which the Japanese
are very fond.

The Japanese are very fond of social drinking parties; but, according
to Caron, no drunken brawls occur, each person taking himself quietly
off as soon as he finds that he has enough or too much.

[150] This prayer, or invocation, unintelligible to the Japanese, is,
as our modern Orientalists have discovered, good Sanscrit.

[151] Another change, simultaneous with the restrictions upon Dutch and
Chinese trade, was the selection of the governors from the military and
noble class, instead of from the mercantile class, as had previously
been the case.

[152] These Yoriki and Dōshin seem to be the same officers spoken
of in the subsequent Dutch narratives as _Gobanjoshu_ (said to mean
government overseeing officers), or by corruption, banjoses, upper and
under. The Dōshin seem to be the same with the imperial soldiers.

[153] The Japanese division of time is peculiar. The day, from the
beginning of morning twilight to the end of evening twilight (so says
Siebold, correcting former statements, which give instead sunrise and
sunset), is divided into six hours, and the night, from the beginning
to the end of darkness, into six other hours. Of course the length of
these hours is constantly varying. Their names (according to Titsingh)
are as follows: _Kokonotsu_ [_nine_], noon, and midnight; _Yatsu_
[_eight_], about our two o’clock; _Nanatsu_ [_seven_], from four to
five; _Mutsu_ [_six_], end of the evening and commencement of morning
twilight; _Itsutsu_ [_five_], eight to nine; _Yotsu_ [_four_], about
ten; and then Kokonotsu again. Each of these hours is also subdivided
into four parts, thus: _Kokonotsu_, noon or midnight; _Kokonotsu-han_
[_nine and a half_], quarter past; _Kokonotsu-han-sugi_ [_past nine and
a half_], half past; _Kokonotsu-han-sugi-maye_ [_before past nine and a
half_], three quarters past; commencement of second hour: _Yatsu-han_,
etc., and so through all the hours.

The hours are struck on bells, _Kokonotsu_ being indicated by nine
strokes, preceded (as is the case also with all the hours) by three
warning strokes, to call attention, and to indicate that the hour is to
be struck, and followed, after a pause of about a minute and a half, by
the strokes for the hour, between which there is an interval of about
fifteen seconds,—the last, however, following its predecessor still
more rapidly, to indicate that the hour is struck. _Yatsu_ is indicated
by eight strokes, _Nanatsu_ by seven, _Mutsu_ by six, _Itsutsu_ by
five, and _Yotsu_ by four. Much speculation has been resorted to by the
Japanese to explain why they do not employ, to indicate hours, one,
two, and three strokes. The obvious answer seems to be, that while
three strokes have been appropriated as a forewarning, their method of
indicating that the striking is finished would not be available, if one
and two strokes designated the first and second hours. [See paper on
“Japanese Calendars,” in vol. xxx of the Transactions of the Asiatic
Society of Japan.—EDR.]

[154] Caron implies that it was only as to state offences that this
mutual responsibility exists. According to Guysbert, in his account
of the persecution at Nagasaki, if a converted priest was discovered,
not only the householder concealing him was held responsible, but the
two nearest householders on either side, though not only ignorant of
the fact, but pagans. This strict system was very effectual for the
purposes of the persecution.

[155] Better _fumiye_ or _fumie_.—EDR.

[156] It would seem from Guysbert, that the participation by young
children in the death decreed against the parents, was rather the
act of those parents who had the power of life and death over their
children, and who did not choose to part with them in this extremity.

[157] The Japanese year begins at the new moon nearest to the fifth of
February (the middle point between the winter solstice and the spring
equinox).

[158] According to Klaproth’s statement of Japanese legend, in his
“Histoire Mythologique,” introductory to Titsingh’s “Annals of the
Dairi,” the first three of the celestial gods were solitary males.
The next three had female companions, yet produced their successors
by the force of mutual contemplation only. The seventh pair found out
the ordinary method of generation, of which the first result was the
successive production of eight islands, those of Japan (the number
eight being selected simply because it is esteemed the most perfect),
after which they gave birth also to mountains, rivers, plants, and
trees. To provide a ruler and governor for these creations, they
next produced _Tenshō daijin_, or, in Japanese (for _Tenshō daijin_
is Chinese), _Ama terasu-no-kami_ (Celestial Spirit of Sunlight);
but, thinking her too beautiful for the earth, they placed her in
the heavens, as they did, likewise, their second born, a daughter,
also, _Tsuki-no-kami_, goddess of the moon. Their third child, _Ebisu
saburō_, was made god of the sea; their fourth child, _Susanoō_, also
a son, god of the winds and tempest. He was agreeable enough when in
good humor, and at times had his eyes filled with tears, but was liable
to such sudden outbreaks and caprices of temper as to render him quite
unreliable. It was concluded to send him away to the regions of the
north; but before going he got leave to pay a visit to his sisters
in heaven. At first he had a good understanding with them, but soon
committed so many outrages,—in the spring spoiling the flower borders,
and in the autumn riding through the ripe corn on a wild horse,—that
in disgust _Tenshō daijin_ hid herself in a cavern, at the mouth of
which she placed a great stone. Darkness forthwith settled over the
heavens. The eight hundred thousand gods, in great alarm, assembled
in council, when, among other expedients, one of their number, who
was a famous dancer, was set to dance to music at the mouth of the
cavern. _Tenshō daijin_, out of curiosity, moved the stone a little,
to get a look at what was going on, when immediately _Te chikara o-no
kami_ (god of the strong hand) caught hold of it, rolled it away, and
dragged her out, while two others stretched ropes across the mouth so
that she could not get in again. Finally, the matter was compromised by
clipping the claws and hair of _Susanoō_, after which he was sent off
to the north, though not till he had killed a dragon, married a wife,
and become the hero of other notable adventures. This legend makes it
clear what _Anjirō_, the first Japanese convert, meant by speaking of
the Japanese as worshippers of the sun and moon. See _ante_, p. 49.
The annual festival of _Tenshō daijin_ falls on the sixteenth day of
the ninth month, immediately after that of _Suwa_, and is celebrated
throughout the empire by matsuri much like that described in the text.
The sixteenth, twenty-first, and twenty-sixth days of every month are
likewise sacred to her, but not celebrated with any great solemnity.
[Also see “Kojiki.”—EDR.]

Kämpfer mentions as the gods particularly worshipped by the mercantile
class: 1. _Yebisu_, the Neptune of the country, and the protector
of fishermen and seafaring people, said to be able to live two
or three days under water. He is represented sitting on a rock,
with an angling-rod in one hand, and the delicious fish, _Tai_, or
_Steinbrassin_ (_Sparus Aurata_, the Japanese name, signifies _red
lady_), in the other. 2. _Dai-koku_, commonly represented sitting on
a bale of rice, with his fortunate hammer in his right hand, and a
bag laid by him to put in what he knocks out; for he is said to have
the power of knocking out, from whatever he strikes with his hammer,
whatever he wants, as rice, clothes, money, etc. Klaproth states him
to be of Indian origin, and that this name signifies Great Black. 3.
_Toshitoku_, represented standing, clad in a large gown with long
sleeves, with a long beard, a huge forehead, large ears, and a fan
in his right hand. Worshipped at the beginning of the new year, in
hopes of obtaining, by his assistance, success and prosperity. 4.
_Hotei_, represented with a huge belly, and supposed to have in his
gift, health, riches, and children. [These are four of the “Seven Gods
of Happiness.” See also paper on that subject, in vol. viii of the
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan.—EDR.]

[159] On the whole, and from the play-bills presently given, the
performance would seem to be a good deal like that of Pyramus and
Thisbe, in the Midsummer Night’s Dream.

[160] Certainly there is nothing of which the Japanese stood, and still
stand, more in need than some contrivance for extinguishing fires.
Caron, in his memorial addressed to Colbert, had recommended a present
of fire-extinguishers.

[161] See p. 265.

[162] These zeni were of various values, a thousand of them being
worth, according to Caron, from eight to twenty-six mas, that is, from
a dollar to three dollars and a quarter; the zeni varying, therefore,
from a mill to three mills and a quarter. Of the existing copper
coinage we shall speak hereafter. See vol. ii, p. 309.

[163] “Though it may sound extraordinary to talk of a soldier with
a fan, yet the use of that article is so general in Japan that no
respectable man is to be seen without one. These fans are a foot long,
and sometimes serve for parasols; at others instead of memorandum
books. They are adorned with paintings of landscapes, birds, flowers,
or ingenious sentences. The etiquette to be observed in regard to the
fan requires profound study and close attention.”—_Titsingh_. “At
feasts and ceremonies the fan is always stuck in the girdle, on the
left hand, behind the sabre, with the handle downward.”—_Thunberg_.
[See paper on “Japanese Fans,” in vol. ii of the Transactions and
Proceedings of the Japan Society, London.—EDR.]

[164] This is exclusive of the central tract or imperial domain
(consisting of five provinces), and also of the two island provinces of
Iki and Tsushima. [See also Note A in the Appendix.—EDR.]

[165] For a part of the distance across Kiūshiū (or Shimo), different
routes were taken in the first and second of Kämpfer’s journeys. In
the first he crossed the gulf of Ōmura; in the second, the gulf of
Shimabara, these two gulfs enclosing the peninsula of Ōmura, the one on
the north, the other on the east.

[166] The distance is reckoned by the Japanese at three hundred and
thirty-two to three hundred and thirty-three leagues; but these
Japanese leagues are of unequal length, varying from eighteen thousand
to about thirteen thousand feet, and the water-leagues generally
shorter than those by land in the proportion of five to three. Kämpfer
makes the whole distance two hundred German or about eight hundred
English miles.

[167] Three or four inches thick (according to Thunberg), and made of
rushes and rice straw.

[168] Japanese feet, that is, for, according to Klaproth (“Annales
des Emp. du Japon”) page 404, note, the _ken_ is equal to seven feet
four inches and a half, Rhineland (which does not differ much from our
English) measure.

[169] These windows are of light frames, which may be taken out,
and put in, and slid behind each other at pleasure, divided into
parallelograms like our panes of glass, and covered with paper. Glass
windows are unknown.

[170] Thunberg says, “tiles of a singular make, very thick and heavy.”

[171] In a Japanese map brought home by Kämpfer the number of castles
in the whole empire is set down at a hundred and forty-six.

[172] The whole number of towns in the empire, great and small, is set
down in the above-mentioned map at more than thirteen thousand.

[173] Kämpfer’s meaning seems to be only that the Shintō priests were
not monks living together in convents, like the Buddhist clergy, but
having houses and families of their own.

[174] According to a memorandum annexed to the Japanese map already
mentioned, there were in Japan twenty-seven thousand seven hundred Kami
temples, one hundred and twenty-two thousand five hundred and eighty
Buddhist temples, in all forty-nine thousand two hundred and eighty.
By the census of 1850, there were in the United States thirty-eight
thousand one hundred and eighty-three buildings used for religious
worship.

It would appear that though the Shintō temples did not want worshippers
who freely contributed alms to the support of the priests, yet that
since the abolition of the Catholic worship, and as a sort of security
against it, every Japanese was required to enroll himself as belonging
to some Buddhist sect or observance.

[175] These oharai, or indulgence-boxes, are little boxes made of thin
boards and filled with small sticks wrapped in bits of white paper.
Great virtues are ascribed to them, but a new one is necessary every
year. They are manufactured and sold by the Shintō priests.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Hildreth's "Japan as it was and is", Volume I (of 2) - A Handbook of Old Japan" ***

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