A History of the 17th Lancers (Duke of Cambridge's Own)

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Title: A History of the 17th Lancers (Duke of Cambridge's Own)
Author: Fortescue, J. W. (John William), Sir
Language: English
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(DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE'S OWN) ***

A History of the 17th Lancers

[Illustration:

Sir Joshua Reynolds Walker & Burstall Ph. Sc.

_John Hale_

_First Colonel of the 17^{th} Light Dragoons_.]

A History
Of the 17th Lancers
(DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE’S OWN)

BY
HON. J. W. FORTESCUE

London
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK
1895

_All rights reserved_

[Illustration]

To the Memory

MAJOR-GENERAL JAMES WOLFE

WHO FELL GLORIOUSLY IN THE MOMENT OF VICTORY

ON THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM BEFORE QUEBEC

13TH SEPTEMBER 1759

THIS HISTORY

OF THE REGIMENT RAISED IN HIS HONOUR

BY HIS COMRADE IN ARMS

JOHN HALE

IS PROUDLY AND REVERENTLY INSCRIBED

Preface

This history has been compiled at the request of the Colonel and
Officers of the Seventeenth Lancers.

The materials in possession of the Regiment are unfortunately very
scanty, being in fact little more than the manuscript of the short,
and not very accurate summary drawn up nearly sixty years ago for
Cannon’s _Historical Records of the British Army_. The loss of the
regimental papers by shipwreck in 1797 accounts for the absence of all
documents previous to that year, as also, I take it, for the neglect
to preserve any sufficient records during many subsequent decades. I
have therefore been forced to seek information almost exclusively from
external sources.

The material for the first three chapters has been gathered in part
from original documents preserved in the Record Office,--Minutes of the
Board of General Officers, Muster-Rolls, Paysheets, Inspection Returns,
Marching Orders, and the like; in part from a mass of old drill-books,
printed Standing Orders, and military treatises, French and English, in
the British Museum. The most important[· is a smudge?] of these latter
are Dalrymple’s _Military Essay_, Bland’s _Military Discipline_, and,
above all, Hinde’s _Discipline of the Light Horse_ (1778).

For the American War I have relied principally on the original
despatches and papers, numerous enough, in the Record Office,
Tarleton’s _Memoirs_, and Stedman’s _History of the American War_,--the
last named being especially valuable for the excellence of its maps and
plans. I have also, setting aside minor works, derived much information
from the two volumes of the _Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy_ compiled
by Mr. B. Stevenson; and from Clinton’s original pamphlets, with
manuscript additions in his own hand, which are preserved in the
library at Dropmore.

For the campaigns in the West Indies the original despatches in the
Record Office have afforded most material, supplemented by a certain
number of small pamphlets in the British Museum. The Maroon War is
treated with great fulness by Dallas in his _History of the Maroons_;
and there is matter also in Bridges’ _Annals of Jamaica_, and the works
of Bryan Edwards. The original despatches are, however, indispensable
to a right understanding of the war. Unfortunately the despatches that
relate to St. Domingo are not to be found at the Record Office, so that
I have been compelled to fall back on the few that are published in the
_London Gazette_. Nor could I find any documents relating to the return
of the Regiment from the West Indies, which has forced me unwillingly
to accept the bald statement in Cannon’s records.

The raid on Ostend and the expedition to La Plata have been related
mainly from the accounts in the original despatches, and from
the reports of the courts-martial on General Whitelocke and Sir
Home Popham. There is much interesting information as to South
America,--original memoranda by Miranda, Popham, Sir Arthur Wellesley
(the Duke of Wellington) and other documents--preserved among the
manuscripts at Dropmore.

The dearth of original documents both at the Record Office and the
India Office has seriously hampered me in tracing the history of the
Regiment during its first sojourn in India and through the Pindari War.
I have, however, to thank the officials of the Record Department of the
India Office for the ready courtesy with which they disinterred every
paper, in print or manuscript, which could be of service to me.

Respecting the Crimea and the Indian Mutiny I have received (setting
aside the standard histories) much help from former officers,
notably Sir Robert White, Sir William Gordon, and Sir Drury Lowe,
but especially from Sir Evelyn Wood, who kindly found time, amid all
the pressure of his official duties, to give me many interesting
particulars respecting the chase of Tantia Topee. Above all I have to
thank Colonel John Brown for information and assistance on a hundred
points. His long experience and his accurate memory, quickened but not
clouded by his intense attachment to his old regiment, have been of the
greatest value to me.

My thanks are also due to the officials of the Record Department of the
War Office, and to Mr. S. M. Milne of Calverley House, Leeds, for help
on divers minute but troublesome points, and to Captain Anstruther of
the Seventeenth Lancers for constant information and advice. Lastly,
and principally, let me express my deep obligations to Mr. Hubert
Hall for his unwearied courtesy and invaluable guidance through the
paper labyrinth of the Record Office, and to Mr. G. K. Fortescue, the
Superintendent of the Reading-Room at the British Museum, for help
rendered twice inestimable by the kindness wherewith it was bestowed.

The first and two last of the coloured plates in this book have been
taken from original drawings by Mr. J. P. Beadle. The remainder are from
old drawings, by one G. Salisbury, in the possession of the regiment.
They have been deliberately chosen as giving, on the whole, a more
faithful presentment of the old and extinct British soldier than could
easily be obtained at the present day, while their defects are of the
obvious kind that disarm criticism. The portrait of Colonel John Hale
is from an engraving after a portrait by Sir Joshua Reynolds, the
original of which is still in possession of his lineal descendant in
America. That of Lord Bingham is after a portrait kindly placed at the
disposal of the Regiment by his son, the present Earl of Lucan. Those
of the Duke of Cambridge and of Sir Drury Lowe are from photographs.

_May, 1895._

Contents

CHAP. PAGE

1. The Rise of the 17th Light Dragoons, 1759 1

2. The Making of the 17th Light Dragoons 10

3. Reforms after the Peace of Paris, 1763–1774 20

4. The American War--1st Stage--The Northern Campaign,
1775–1780 31

5. The American War--2nd Stage--The Southern Campaign,
1780–1782 49

6. Return of the 17th from America, 1783--Ireland,
1793--Embarkation for the West Indies, 1795 65

7. The Maroon War in Jamaica, 1795 73

8. Grenada and St. Domingo, 1796 87

9. Ostend--La Plata, 1797–1807 96

10. First Sojourn of the 17th in India,
1808–1823--The Pindari War 110

11. Home Service, 1823–1854 121

12. The Crimea, 1854–1856 128

13. Central India, 1858–1859 144

14. Peace Service in India and England, 1859–1879 166

15. The Zulu War--Peace Service in India and at Home,
1879–1894 174

Appendix

PAGE

A. A List of the Officers of the 17th Light Dragoons,
Lancers 181

B. Quarters and Movements of the 17th Lancers since their
Foundation 236

C. Pay of all Ranks of a Light Dragoon Regiment, 1764 241

D. Horse Furniture and Accoutrements of a Light Dragoon,
1759 243

E. Clothing, etc. of a Light Dragoon, 1764 244

F. Evolutions required at the Inspection of a Regiment,
1759 245

List of Illustrations

PAGE

Lieutenant-Colonel John Hale _Frontispiece_

H.R.H. The Duke of Cambridge, K.G., Colonel-in-Chief 17th
Lancers _To face_ 1

Seventeenth Light Dragoons, 1764 „ 11

Privates, 1784–1810 „ 31

Officers, 1810–1813 „ 48

Privates, 1810–1813 „ 48

Officer, Corporal, and Privates, 1814 „ 65

Officers and Private, 1817–1823 „ 87

Officers, 1824 „ 102

Privates, 1824–1829 „ 117

George, Lord Bingham „ 121

Officers, 1829 „ 128

Officer and Privates, 1829–1832 „ 143

Officers, 1832–1841 „ 155

Central India, 1858, 1859 „ 165

Lieutenant-General Sir Drury Curzon Drury Lowe,
K.C.B. „ 179

Seventeenth Lancers, 1895 „ 227

[Illustration:

W. & D. Downey Photo. Walker & Burstall Ph. Sc.

_H.R.H. The Duke of Cambridge, K.G._

_Colonel-in-chief 17^{th} Lancers, 1876._]

CHAPTER I

THE RISE OF THE 17TH LIGHT DRAGOONS, 1759

[Sidenote: 1645.]

The British Cavalry Soldier and the British Cavalry Regiment, such as
we now know them, may be said to date from 1645, that being the year
in which the Parliamentary Army, then engaged in fighting against King
Charles the First, was finally remodelled. At the outbreak of the war
the Parliamentary cavalry was organised in seventy-five troops of
horse and five of dragoons: the Captain of the 67th troop of horse was
Oliver Cromwell. In the winter of 1642–43 Captain Cromwell was promoted
to be Colonel, and entrusted with the task of raising a regiment of
horse. This duty he fulfilled after a fashion peculiarly his own.
Hitherto the Parliamentary horse had been little better than a lot of
half-trained yeomen: Colonel Cromwell took the trouble to make his
men into disciplined cavalry soldiers. Moreover, he raised not one
regiment, but two, which soon made a mark by their superior discipline
and efficiency, and finally at the battle of Marston Moor defeated the
hitherto invincible cavalry of the Royalists. After that battle Prince
Rupert, the Royalist cavalry leader, gave Colonel Cromwell the nickname
of Ironside; the name was passed on to his regiments, which grew to be
known no longer as Cromwell’s, but as Ironside’s.

In 1645, when the army was remodelled, these two famous regiments
were taken as the pattern for the English cavalry; and having been
blent into one, appear at the head of the list as Sir Thomas Fairfax’s
Regiment of Horse. Fairfax was General-in-Chief, and his appointment
to the colonelcy was of course a compliment to the regiment. Besides
Fairfax’s there were ten other regiments of horse, each consisting
of six troops of 100 men apiece, including three corporals and two
trumpeters. As the field-officers in those days had each a troop of his
own, the full establishment of the regiments was 1 colonel, 1 major,
4 captains, 6 lieutenants, 6 cornets, 6 quartermasters. Such was the
origin of the British Cavalry Regiment.

The troopers, like every other man in this remodelled army, wore
scarlet coats faced with their Colonel’s colours--blue in the case of
Fairfax. They were equipped with an iron cuirass and an iron helmet,
armed with a brace of pistols and a long straight sword, and mounted
on horses mostly under fifteen hands in height. For drill in the field
they were formed in five ranks, with six feet (one horse’s length in
those days), both of interval and distance, between ranks and files, so
that the whole troop could take ground to flanks or rear by the simple
words, “To your right (or left) turn;” “To your right (or left) about
turn.” Thus, as a rule, every horse turned on his own ground, and the
troop was rarely wheeled entire: if the latter course were necessary,
ranks and files were closed up till the men stood knee to knee, and the
horses nose to croup. This formation deservedly bore the name of “close
order.” For increasing the front the order was, “To the right (or left)
double your ranks,” which brought the men of the second and fourth
ranks into the intervals of the first and third, leaving the fifth rank
untouched. To diminish the front the order was: “To the right (or left)
double your files,” which doubled the depth of the files from five to
ten in the same way as infantry files are now doubled at the word,
“Form fours.”

The principal weapons of the cavalry soldiers were his firearms,
generally pistols, but sometimes a carbine. The lance, which had
formerly been the favourite weapon, at Crecy for instance, was utterly
out of fashion in Cromwell’s time, and never employed when any other
arm was procurable. Firearms were the rage of the day, and governed the
whole system of cavalry attack. Thus in action the front rank fired
its two pistols, and filed away to load again in the rear, while the
second and third ranks came up and did likewise. If the word were given
to charge, the men advanced to the charge pistol in hand, fired, threw
it in the enemy’s face, and then fell in with the sword. But though
there was a very elaborate exercise for carbine and pistol, there was
no such thing as sword exercise.

Moreover, though the whole system of drill was difficult, and required
perfection of training in horse and man, yet there was no such thing
as a regular riding-school. If a troop horse was a kicker a bell was
placed on his crupper to warn men to keep clear of his heels. If he
were a jibber the following were the instructions given for his cure:--

“If your horse be resty so as he cannot be put forwards then let one
take a cat tied by the tail to a long pole, and when he [the horse]
goes backward, thrust the cat within his tail where she may claw
him, and forget not to threaten your horse with a terrible noise. Or
otherwise, take a hedgehog and tie him strait by one of his feet to the
horse’s tail, so that he [the hedgehog] may squeal and prick him.”

For the rest, certain peculiarities should be noted which distinguish
cavalry from infantry. In the first place, though every troop and
every company had a standard of its own, such standard was called in
the cavalry a Cornet, and in the infantry an Ensign, and gave in each
case its name to the junior subaltern whose duty it was to carry it.
In the second place there were no sergeants in old days except in the
infantry, the non-commissioned officers of cavalry being corporals
only. In the third place, the use of a wind instrument for making
signals was confined to the cavalry, which used the trumpet; the
infantry as yet had no bugle, but only the drum. There were originally
but six trumpet-calls, all known by foreign names; of which names
one (_Butte sella_ or _Boute selle_) still survives in the
corrupted form, “Boots and saddles.”

How then have these minor distinctions which formerly separated cavalry
from infantry so utterly disappeared? Through what channel did the two
branches of the service contrive to meet? The answer is, through the
dragoons. Dragoons were originally mounted infantry pure and simple.
Those of the Army of 1645 were organised in ten companies, each 100
men strong. They were armed like infantry and drilled like infantry;
they followed an ensign and not a cornet; they obeyed, not a trumpet,
but a drum. True, they were mounted, but on inferior horses, and for
the object of swifter mobility only; for they always fought on foot,
dismounting nine men out of ten for action, and linking the horses by
the rude process of throwing each animal’s bridle over the head of the
horse standing next to it in the ranks. Such were the two branches of
the mounted service in the first British Army.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1745.]

A century passes, and we find Great Britain again torn by internal
strife in the shape of the Scotch rebellion. Glancing at the list of
the British cavalry regiments at this period we find them still divided
into horse and dragoons; but the dragoons are in decided preponderance,
and both branches unmistakably “heavy.” A patriotic Englishman, the
Duke of Kingston, observing this latter failing, raised a regiment
of Light Horse (the first ever seen in England) at his own expense,
in imitation of the Hussars of foreign countries. Thus the Civil War
of 1745 called into existence the only arm of the military service
which had been left uncreate by the great rebellion of 1642–48. Before
leaving this Scotch rebellion of 1745, let us remark that there took
part in the suppression thereof a young ensign of the 47th Foot,
named John Hale--a mere boy of seventeen, it is true, but a promising
officer, of whom we shall hear more.

The Scotch rebellion over, the Duke of Kingston’s Light Horse were
disbanded and re-established forthwith as the Duke of Cumberland’s own,
a delicate compliment to their distinguished service. As such they
fought in Flanders in 1747, but were finally disbanded in the following
year. For seven years after the British Army possessed no Light
Cavalry, until at the end of 1755 a single troop of Light Dragoons--3
officers and 65 men strong--was added to each of the eleven cavalry
regiments on the British establishment, viz., the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd
Dragoon Guards, and the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 6th, 7th, 10th, and 11th
Dragoons. These light dragoons were armed with carbine and bayonet and
a single pistol, the second holster being filled (sufficiently filled,
one must conclude) with an axe, a hedging-bill, and a spade. Their
shoulder-belts were provided with a swivel to which the carbine could
be sprung; for these light troops were expected to do a deal of firing
from the saddle. Their main distinction of dress was that they wore not
hats like the rest of the army, but helmets--helmets of strong black
jacked leather with bars down the sides and a brass comb on the top.
The front of the helmet was red, ornamented with the royal cypher and
the regimental number in brass; and at the back of the comb was a tuft
of horse-hair, half coloured red for the King, and half of the hue of
the regimental facings for the regiment. The Light Dragoon-horse, we
learn, was of the “nag or hunter kind,” standing from 14.3 to 15.1, for
he was not expected to carry so heavy a man nor such cumbrous saddlery
as the Heavy Dragoon-horse. Of this latter we can only say that he was
a most ponderous animal, with a character of his own, known as the
“true dragoon mould, short-backed, well-coupled, buttocked, quartered,
forehanded, and limbed,”--all of which qualities had to be purchased
for twenty guineas. At this time, and until 1764, all troop horses were
docked so short that they can hardly be said to have kept any tail at
all.

In the year 1758 nine of these eleven light troops took part in an
expedition to the coast of France, England having two years before
allied herself with Prussia against France for the great struggle
known as the Seven Years’ War. [Sidenote: 1759.] So eminent was the
service which they rendered, that in March 1759, King George II.
decided to raise an entire regiment of Light Dragoons. On the 10th of
March, accordingly, the first regiment was raised by General Elliott
and numbered the 15th. The Major of this regiment, whom we shall meet
again as Brigadier of cavalry in America, was William Erskine. On the
4th August another regiment of Light Dragoons was raised by Colonel
Burgoyne, and numbered the 16th. We shall see the 16th distinguished
and Burgoyne disgraced before twenty years are past.

And while these two first Light Dragoon regiments are a-forming,
let us glance across the water to Canada, where English troops are
fighting the French, and seem likely to take the country from them.
Among other regiments the 47th Foot is there, commanded (since March
1758) by Colonel John Hale, the man whom we saw fighting in Scotland
as an ensign fourteen years ago. Within the past year he has served
with credit under General Amherst at the capture of Cape Breton and
Louisburg, and in these days of August, while Burgoyne is raising
his regiment, he is before Quebec with General Wolfe. Three months
more pass away, and on the 13th of October Colonel John Hale suddenly
arrives in London. He is the bearer of despatches which are to set all
England aflame with pride and sorrow; for on the 13th of September was
fought the battle on the plains of Abraham which decided the capture
of Quebec and the conquest of Canada. General Wolfe fell at the head
of the 28th Regiment in the moment of victory; and Colonel Hale, who
took a brilliant share in the action at the head of the 47th, has been
selected to carry the great news to the King. Colonel Hale was well
received; the better for that Wolfe’s last despatches, written but four
days before the battle, had been marked by a tone of deep despondency;
and, we cannot doubt, began to wonder what would be his reward. He did
not wonder for long.

Very shortly after Hale’s arrival the King reviewed the 15th Light
Dragoons, and was so well pleased with their appearance that he
resolved to raise five more such regiments, to be numbered the 17th to
the 21st.

* * * * *

The raising of the first of these regiments, that now known to us
as the Seventeenth Lancers, was intrusted to Colonel John Hale, who
received his commission for the purpose on the 7th November. For the
time, however, the regiment was known as the Eighteenth, for what
reason it is a little difficult to understand; since the apology for
a corps which received the number Seventeen was not raised until a
full month later (December 19th). As we shall presently see, this
matter of the number appears to have caused some heartburning, until
Lord Aberdour’s corps, which had usurped the rank of Seventeenth, was
finally disbanded, and thus yielded to Hale’s its proper precedence.

[Sidenote: 7th Nov.]

On the very day when Colonel Hale’s commission was signed, which we
may call the birthday of the Seventeenth Lancers, the Board of General
Officers was summoned to decide how the new regiment should be dressed.
As to the colour of the coat there could be no doubt, scarlet being the
rule for all regiments. For the facings white was the colour chosen,
and for the lace white with a black edge, the black being a sign of
mourning for the death of Wolfe. But the principal distinction of the
new regiment was the badge, chosen by Colonel Hale and approved by the
King, of the Death’s Head and the motto “Or Glory,”--the significance
of which lies not so much in claptrap sentiment, as in the fact that it
is, as it were, a perpetual commemoration of the death of Wolfe. It is
difficult for us to realise, after the lapse of nearly a century and a
half, how powerfully the story of that death seized at the time upon
the minds of men.

Two days after the settlement of the dress, a warrant was issued for
the arming of Colonel Hale’s Light Dragoons; and this, being the
earliest document relating to the regiment that I have been able to
discover, is here given entire:--

GEORGE R.

Whereas we have thought fit to order a Regiment of Light
Dragoons to be raised and to be commanded by our trusty and
well-beloved Lieutenant-Colonel John Hale, which Regiment is to
consist of Four troops, of 3 sergeants, 3 corporals, 2 drummers,
and 67 private men in each troop, besides commission officers,
Our will and pleasure is, that out of the stores remaining
within the Office of our Ordnance under your charge you cause
300 pairs of pistols, 292 carbines, 292 cartouche boxes, and 8
drums, to be issued and delivered to the said Lieutenant-Colonel
John Hale, or to such person as he shall appoint to receive
the same, taking his indent as usual, and you are to insert
the expense thereof in your next estimate to be laid before
Parliament. And for so doing this shall be as well to you as
to all other our officers and ministers herein concerned a
sufficient Warrant.

Given at our Court at St. James’ the 9th day of November 1759,
in the 33rd year of our reign.

To our trusty and well-beloved Cousin and Councillor John
Viscount Ligonier, Master-General of our Ordnance.

These preliminaries of clothing and armament being settled, Colonel
Hale’s next duty was to raise the men. Being a Hertfordshire man, the
son of Sir Bernard Hale of Kings Walden, he naturally betook himself
to his native county to raise recruits among his own people. The first
troop was raised by Captain Franklin Kirby, Lieutenant, 5th Foot; the
second by Captain Samuel Birch, Lieutenant, 11th Dragoons; the third by
Captain Martin Basil, Lieutenant, 15th Light Dragoons; and the fourth
by Captain Edward Lascelles, Cornet, Royal Horse Guards. If it be asked
what stamp of man was preferred for the Light Dragoons, we are able
to answer that the recruits were required to be “light and straight,
and by no means gummy,” not under 5 feet 5½ inches, and not over 5
feet 9 inches in height. The bounty usually offered (but varied at the
Colonel’s discretion) was three guineas, or as much less as a recruit
could be persuaded to accept.

Whether from exceptional liberality on the part of Colonel Hale, or
from an extraordinary abundance of light, straight, and by no means
gummy men in Hertfordshire at that period, the regiment was recruited
up to its establishment, we are told, within [Sidenote: December.]
the space of seventeen days. Early in December it made rendezvous
at Watford and Rickmansworth, whence it marched to Warwick and
Stratford-on-Avon, and thence a fortnight later to Coventry. Meanwhile
orders had already been given (10th December) that its establishment
should be augmented by two more troops of the same strength as the
original four; and little [Sidenote: 1760. 28th Jan.] more than a
month later came a second order to increase each of the existing
troops still further by the addition of a sergeant, a corporal, and 36
privates. Thus the regiment, increased almost as soon as raised from
300 to 450 men, and within a few weeks again strengthened by one-half,
may be said to have begun life with an establishment of 678 rank and
file. To them we must add a list of the original officers:--

_Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant._--John Hale, 7th November 1759.

_Major._--John Blaquiere, 7th November 1759.

CAPTAINS.

Franklin Kirby 4th Nov.
Samuel Birch 5th „
Martin Basil 6th „
Edward Lascelles 7th „
John Burton 7th „
Samuel Townshend 8th „

LIEUTENANTS.

Thomas Lee 4th Nov.
William Green 5th „
Joseph Hall 6th „
Henry Wallop 7th „
Henry Cope 7th „
Yelverton Peyton 8th „

CORNETS.

Robert Archdall 4th Nov.
Henry Bishop 5th „
Joseph Stopford 6th „
Henry Crofton 7th „
Joseph Moxham 7th „
Daniel Brown 8th „

_Adjutant._--Richard Westbury.

_Surgeon._--John Francis.

CHAPTER II

THE MAKING OF THE 17TH LIGHT DRAGOONS

[Sidenote: 1760]

Details of the regiment’s stay at Coventry are wanting, the only
discoverable fact being that, in obedience to orders from headquarters,
it was carefully moved out of the town for three days in August during
the race-meeting. But as these first six months must have been devoted
to the making of the raw recruits into soldiers, we may endeavour, with
what scanty material we can command, to form some idea of the process.
First, we must premise that with the last order for the augmentation of
establishment was issued a warrant for the supply of the regiment with
bayonets, which at that time formed an essential part of a dragoon’s
equipment. Swords, it may be remarked, were provided, not by the Board
of Ordnance, but by the Colonel. It is worth while to note in passing
how strong the traditions of 1645 still remain in the dragoons. The
junior subaltern is indeed no longer called an ensign, but a cornet;
but the regiment is still ruled by the infantry drum instead of the
cavalry trumpet.

[Illustration:

Farrier. Officer. Trumpeter.

1763.]

Let us therefore begin with the men; and as we have already seen what
manner of men they were, physically considered, let us first note how
they were dressed. Strictly speaking, it was not until 1764 that the
Light Dragoon regiments received their distinct dress regulations;
but the alterations then made were so slight that we may fairly take
the dress of 1764 as the dress of 1760. To begin with, every man was
supplied by the Colonel, by contract, with coat, waistcoat, breeches,
and cloak. The coat, of course, was of scarlet, full and long in
the skirt, but whether lapelled or not before 1763 it is difficult to
say. Lapels meant a good deal in those days; the coats of Horse being
lapelled to the skirt, those of Dragoon Guards lapelled to the waist,
while those of Dragoons were double-breasted and had no lapels at all.
The Light Dragoons being a novelty, it is difficult to say how they
were distinguished in this respect, but probably in 1760 (and certainly
in 1763) their coats were lapelled to the waist with the colour of the
regimental facing, the lapels being three inches broad, with plain
white buttons disposed thereon in pairs.

The waistcoat was of the colour of the regimental facing--white, of
course, for the Seventeenth; and the breeches likewise. The cloaks
were scarlet, with capes of the colour of the facing. In fact, it
may be said once for all that everything white in the uniform of the
Seventeenth owes its hue to the colour of the regimental facing.

Over and above these articles the Light Dragoon received a pair of
high knee-boots, a pair of boot-stockings, a pair of gloves, a comb, a
watering or forage cap, a helmet, and a stable frock. Pleased as the
recruit must have been to find himself in possession of smart clothes,
it must have been a little discouraging for him to learn that his coat,
waistcoat, and breeches were to last him for two, and his helmet,
boots, and cloak for four years. But this was not all. He was required
to supply out of an annual wage of £13: 14: 10 the following articles
at his own expense:--

4 shirts at 6s. 10d. £1 7 4
4 pairs stockings at 2s. 10d. 0 11 4
2 pairs shoes at 6s. 0 12 0
A black stock 0 0 8
Stock-buckle 0 0 6
1 pair leather breeches 1 5 0
1 pair knee-buckles 0 0 8
2 pairs short black gaiters 0 7 4
1 black ball (the old substitute for blacking) 0 1 0
3 shoe-brushes 0 1 3
---------
£4 7 1
=========

Nor was even this all, for we find (though without mention of their
price) that a pair of checked sleeves for every man, and a powder bag
with two puffs for every two men had likewise to be supplied from the
same slender pittance.

Turning next from the man himself to his horse, his arms, and
accoutrements, we discover yet further charges against his purse, thus--

Horse-picker and turnscrew £0 0 2
Worm and oil-bottle 0 0 3½
Goatskin holster tops 0 1 6
Curry-comb and brush 0 2 3
Mane comb and sponge 0 0 8
Horse-cloth 0 4 9
Snaffle watering bridle 0 2 0
-------------
£0 11 7½
=============

Also a pair of saddle-bags, a turn-key, and an awl.

All these various items were paid for, “according to King’s regulation
and custom,” out of the soldier’s “arrears and grass money.” For his
pay was made up of three items--

“Subsistence” (5d. a day nominal) £9 2 0 per annum.
“Arrears” (2d. a day nominal) 3 1 0 „
“Grass money” 1 11 10 „
-----------
£13 14 10 „
===========

We must therefore infer that his “subsistence” could not be stopped for
his “necessaries” (as the various items enumerated above are termed);
but none the less twopence out of the daily stipend was stopped for his
food, while His Majesty the King deducted for his royal use a shilling
in the pound from the pay of every soul in the army. Small wonder that
heavy bounty-money was needed to persuade men to enlist.

What manner of instruction the recruit received on his first appearance
it is a little difficult to state positively, though it is still
possible to form a dim conception thereof. The first thing that he was
taught, apparently, was the manual and firing exercise, of which we are
fortunately able to speak with some confidence. As it contains some
eighty-eight words of command, we may safely infer that by the time a
recruit had mastered it he must have been pretty well disciplined. The
minuteness of the exercise and the extraordinary number of the motions
sufficiently show that it counted for a great deal. “The first motion
of every word of command is to be performed immediately after it is
given; but before you proceed to any of the other motions you must
tell one, two, pretty slow, by making a stop between the words, and in
pronouncing the word _two_, the motion is to be performed.” In
those days the word “smart” was just coming into use, but “brisk” is
the more common substitute. Let us picture the squad of recruits with
their carbines, in their stable frocks, white breeches, and short black
gaiters, and listen to the instructions which the corporal is giving
them:--

“Now on the word _Shut your pans_, let fall the primer and take
hold of the steel with your right hand, placing the thumb in the upper
part, and the two forefingers on the lower. Tell _one, two_, and
shut the pan; tell _one, two_, and seize the carbine behind the
lock with the right hand; then tell _one, two_, and bring your
carbine briskly to the recover. Wait for the word. Shut your--pans,
one--two, one--two, one--two.”

There is no need to go further through the weary iteration of “Join
your right hand to your carbine,” “Poise your carbine,” “Join your
left hand to your carbine,” whereby the recruit learned the difference
between his right hand and his left. Suffice it that the manual and
firing exercise contain the only detailed instruction for the original
Light Dragoon that is now discoverable. “Setting-up” drill there was
apparently none, sword exercise there was none, riding-school, as we
now understand it, there was none, though there was a riding-master.
A “ride” appears to have comprised at most twelve men, who moved in a
circle round the riding-master and received his teaching as best they
could. But it must not be inferred on that account that the men could
not ride; on the contrary the Light Dragoons seem to have particularly
excelled in horsemanship. Passaging, reining back, and other movements
which call for careful training of man and horse, were far more
extensively used for purposes of manœuvre than at present. Moreover,
every man was taught to fire from on horseback, even at the gallop; and
as the Light Dragoons received an extra allowance of ammunition for
ball practice, it is reasonable to conclude that they spent a good deal
of their time at the butts, both mounted and dismounted.

As to the ordinary routine life of the cavalry barrack, it is only
possible to obtain a slight glimpse thereof from scattered notices.
Each troop was divided into three squads with a corporal and a sergeant
at the head of each. Each squad formed a mess; and it is laid down as
the duty of the sergeants and corporals to see that the men “boil the
pot every day and feed wholesome and clean.” The barrack-rooms and
billets must have been pretty well filled, for every scrap of a man’s
equipment, including his saddle and saddle-furniture, was hung up
therein according to the position of his bed. As every bed contained
at least two men, there must have been some tight packing. It is a
relief to find that the men could obtain a clean pair of sheets every
thirty days, provided that they returned the foul pair and paid three
halfpence for the washing.

The fixed hours laid down in the standing orders of the Light Dragoons
of 14th May 1760 are as follows:--

The drum beat for--

_Réveille_ from Ladyday to Michaelmas 5.30 A.M. Rest of year 6.30
Morning stables „ „ 8 A.M. „ 9.0
Evening stables „ „ 4 P.M. „ 3.0
“Rack up” „ „ 8 P.M.
Tattoo[1] „ „ 9 P.M. „ 8.0

If there was an order for a mounted parade the drum beat--

1st drum--“To horse.” The men turned out, under the eye of the
quartermaster and fell in before the stable door in rank entire.
Officers then inspected their troops; and each troop was told
off in three divisions.

2nd drum--“Preparative.” By the Adjutant’s order.

3rd drum--“A flam.” The centre division stood fast; the right
division advanced, and the left division reined back, each two
horses’ lengths.

4th drum--“A flam.” The front and rear divisions passaged to
right and left and covered off, thus forming the troop in three
ranks.

5th drum--“A march.” The quartermasters led the troops to their
proper position in squadron.

6th drum--“A flam.” Officers rode to their posts (troop-leaders
on the flank of their troops), facing their troops.

7th drum--“A flam.” The officers halted, and turned about to
their proper front.

Then the word was given--“Take care” (which meant “Attention”). “Draw
your swords;” and the regiment was thus ready to receive the three
squadron standards, which were escorted on to the ground and posted in
the ranks, in the centre of the three squadrons.

Each squadron was then told off into half-squadrons, into three
divisions, into half-ranks, into fours, and into files. As there are
many people who do not know how to tell off a squadron by fours, it may
be as well to mention how it was done. The men were not numbered off,
but the officer went down each rank, beginning at the right-hand man,
and said to the first, “You are the right-hand man of ranks by fours.”
Then going on to the fourth he said, “You are the left-hand man of
ranks by fours,” and so on. Telling off by files was a simpler affair.
The officer rode down the ranks, pointing to each man, and saying
alternately, “You move,” “You stand,” “You move,” “You stand.” Conceive
what the confusion must have been if the men took it into their heads
to be troublesome. “Beg your honour’s pardon, but you said I was to
stand,” is the kind of speech that must have been heard pretty often in
those days, when field movements went awry.

If the mounted parade went no further, the men marched back to their
quarters in fours, each of the three ranks separately; for in those
days “fours” meant four men of one rank abreast. If field movements
were practised, the system and execution thereof were left to the
Colonel, unhampered by a drill-book. There was, however, a batch of
“evolutions” which were prescribed by regulation, and required of
every regiment when inspected by the King or a general officer. As
these “evolutions” lasted, with some modification, till the end of
the century, and (such is human nature) formed sometimes the only
instruction, besides the manual exercise, that was imparted to the
regiment, it may be as well to give a brief description thereof in
this place. The efficiency of a regiment was judged mainly from its
performance of the evolutions, which were supposed to be a searching
test of horsemanship, drill, and discipline.

First then the squadron was drawn up in three ranks, at open order,
that is to say, with a distance equal to half the front of the squadron
between each rank. Then each rank was told off by half-rank, third of
rank, and fours; which done, the word was given, “Officers take your
posts of exercise,” which signified that the officers were to fall
out to their front, and take post ten paces in rear of the commanding
officer, facing towards the regiment. In other words, the regiment was
required to go through the coming movements without troop or squadron
leaders. Then the caution was given, “Take care to perform your
evolutions,” and the evolutions began.

To avoid tedium an abridgment of the whole performance is given at
some length in the Appendix, and it is sufficient to say here that the
first two evolutions consisted in the doubling of the depth of the
column. The left half-ranks reined back and passaged to the right until
they covered the right half-ranks; and the original formation having
been restored by more passaging, the right half-ranks did likewise.
The next evolution was the conversion of three ranks into two, which
was effected by the simple process of wheeling the rear rank into
column of two ranks, and bringing it up to the flank of the front and
centre ranks. Then came further variations of wheeling, and wheeling
about by half-ranks, thirds of ranks, and fours; each movement being
executed of course to the halt on a fixed pivot, so that through all
these intricate manœuvres the regiment practically never moved off
its ground. No doubt when performed, as in smart regiments they were
performed, like clockwork, these evolutions were very pretty--and of
course, like all drill, they had a disciplinary as well as an æsthetic
value; but it must be confessed that they left a blight upon the
British cavalry for more than a century. It is only within the last
twenty years that the influence of these evolutions, themselves a
survival from the days of Alexander the Great, has been wholly purged
from our cavalry drill-books.

Meanwhile at this time (and for full forty years after for that matter)
an immense deal of time was given up to dismounted drill; for the
dragoons had not yet lost their character of mounted infantry. To
dismount a squadron, the even numbers (as we should now say) reined
back and passaged to the right; and the horses were then linked with
“linking reins” carried for the purpose, and left in charge of the two
flank men, while the rest on receiving the word, “Squadrons have a care
to march forward,” formed up in front, infantry wise, and were called
for the time a battalion. This dismounted drill formed as important a
feature of an inspection as the work done on horseback. Probably the
survival of the march past the inspecting officer on foot may be traced
to the traditions of those days.

If it be asked how time was found for so much dismounted work, the
explanation is simple. From the 1st of May to the 1st October the troop
horses were turned out to grass, and committed to the keeping of a
“grass guard”--having, most probably, first gone through a course of
bleeding at the hands of the farriers. It appears to have mattered but
little how far distant the grass might be from the men’s quarters; for
we find that if it lay six or eight miles away, the “grass guard” was
to consist of a corporal and six men, while if it were within a mile or
two, two or three old soldiers were held to be amply sufficient. Men
on “grass guard” were not allowed to take their cloaks with them, but
were provided with special coats, whereof three or four were kept in
each troop for the purpose. “Grass-time,” it may be added, was not the
busy, but the slack time for cavalrymen in those days--the one season
wherein furloughs were permitted.

The close of the “grass-time” must have been a curious period in the
soldier’s year, with its renewal of the long-abandoned stable work and
probable extra tightening of discipline. On the farriers above all
it must have borne heavily, bringing with it, as we must conclude,
the prospect of reshoeing every horse in the regiment. Moreover, the
penalty paid by a farrier who lamed a horse was brutally simple: his
liquor was stopped till the horse was sound. Nevertheless the farrier
had his consolations, for he received a halfpenny a day for every horse
under his charge, and must therefore have rejoiced to see his troop
stable well filled. The men, probably, in a good regiment, required
less smartening after grass-time than their horses. Light Dragoons
thought a great deal of themselves, and were well looked after even on
furlough. At the bottom of every furlough paper was a note requesting
any officer who might read it to report to the regiment if the bearer
were “unsoldierly in dress or manner.” We gather, from a stray order,
“that soldiers shall wear their hair _under_ their hats,” that
even in those days men were bitten with the still prevailing fashion of
making much of their hair; but we must hope that Hale’s regiment knew
better than to yield to it.

Every man, of course, had a queue of leather or of his own hair, either
hanging at full length, in which case it was a “queue,” or partly
doubled back, when it became a “club.” Which fashion was favoured by
Colonel Hale we are, alas! unable to say,[2] but we gain some knowledge
of the _coiffure_ of the Light Dragoons from the following
standing orders:--

“The Light Dragoon is always to appear clean and dressed in a
soldier-like manner in the streets; his skirts tucked back, a black
stock and black gaiters, but _no powder_. On Sundays the men are
to have white stocks, and be well powdered, but no grease on their
hair.”

Here, therefore, we have a glimpse of the original trooper of the
Seventeenth in his very best: his scarlet coat and white facings neat
and spotless, the skirts tucked back to show the white lining, the
glory of his white waistcoat, and the sheen of his white breeches.
“Russia linen,” _i.e._ white duck, would be probably the material
of these last--Russia linen, “which lasts as long as leather and costs
but half-a-crown,” to quote one of our best authorities. Then below the
white ducks, fitting close to the leg, came a neat pair of black cloth
gaiters running down to dull black shoes, cleaned with “black ball”
according to the regimental recipe. Round on his neck was a spotless
white stock, helping, with the powder on his hair, to heighten the
colour of his round, clean-shaven face. Very attractive he must have
seemed to the girls of Coventry in the spring of 1760. What would we
not give for his portrait by Hogarth as he appeared some fine Sunday in
Coventry streets, with the lady of his choice on his arm, explaining
to her that in the Light Dragoons they put no grease on their heads,
and in proof thereof shaking a shower of powder from his hair on to
her dainty white cap! Probably there were tender leave-takings when
in September the regiment was ordered northward; possibly there are
descendants of these men, not necessarily bearing their names, in
Coventry to this day.

CHAPTER III

REFORMS AFTER THE PEACE OF PARIS, 1763–1774

[Sidenote: 1760.]

In September Hale’s Light Dragoons moved up to Berwick-on-Tweed, and
thence into Scotland, where they were appointed to remain for the
three ensuing years. Before it left Coventry the regiment, in common
with all Light Dragoon regiments, had gathered fresh importance for
itself from the magnificent behaviour of the 15th at Emsdorf on the
16th July; in which engagement Captain Martin Basil, who had returned
to his own corps from Colonel Hale’s, was among the slain. The close
of the year brings us to the earliest of the regimental muster-rolls,
which is dated Haddington, 8th December 1760. One must speak of
muster-rolls in the plural, for there is a separate muster-roll for
each troop--regimental rolls being at this period unknown.

These first rolls are somewhat of a curiosity, for that every one
of them describes Hale’s regiment as the 17th, the officers being
evidently unwilling to yield seniority to the two paltry troops
[Sidenote: 1761.] raised by Lord Aberdour. The next muster-rolls show
considerable difference of opinion as to the regimental number, the
head-quarter troop calling itself of the 18th, while the rest still
claim [Sidenote: 1762.] to be of the 17th. In 1762 for the first
time every troop [Sidenote: 1763.] acknowledges itself to be of the
18th, but in April 1763 the old conflict of opinion reappears; the
head-quarter troop writes itself down as of the 18th, two other troops
as of the 17th, while the remainder decline to commit themselves to
any number at all. A gap in the rolls from 1763–1771 prevents us from
following the controversy any further; but from this year 1763, the
Seventeenth, [Sidenote: 1763.] as shall be shown, enjoys undisputed
right to the number which it originally claimed.

Albeit raised for service in the Seven Years’ War, the regiment was
never sent abroad, though it furnished a draft of fifty men and
horses to the army under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. All efforts
to discover anything about this draft have proved fruitless; though
from the circumstance that Lieutenant Wallop is described in the
muster-rolls as “prisoner of war to the French,” it is just possible
that it served as an independent unit, and was actively engaged. But
the war came to an end with the Treaty of Paris early in 1763; and
with the peace came a variety of important changes for the Army, and
particularly for the Light Dragoons.

The first change, of course, was a great reduction of the military
establishment. Many regiments were disbanded--Lord Aberdour’s, the
20th and 21st Light Dragoons among them. Colonel Hale’s regiment
was retained, and became the Seventeenth; and, as if to warrant it
continued life, Hale himself was promoted to be full Colonel. We must
not omit to mention here that, whether on account of his advancement,
or from other simpler causes, Colonel Hale in this same year took to
himself a wife, Miss Mary Chaloner of Guisbrough. History does not
relate whether the occasion was duly celebrated by the regiment, either
at the Colonel’s expense or at its own; but it is safe to assume that,
in those hard-drinking days, such an opportunity for extra consumption
of liquor was not neglected. If the fulness of the quiver be accepted
as the measure of wedded happiness, then we may fearlessly assert
that Colonel Hale was a happy man. Mrs. Hale bore him no fewer than
twenty-one children, seventeen of whom survived him.

The actual command of the regiment upon Colonel Hale’s promotion
devolved upon Lieut.-Colonel Blaquiere, whose duty it now became to
carry out a number of new regulations laid down after the peace for
the guidance of the Light Dragoons. [Sidenote: 1764.] By July 1764
these reforms were finally completed; and as they remained in force
for another twenty years, they must be given here at some length. The
pith of them lies in the fact that the authorities had determined to
emphasise in every possible way the distinction between Light and Heavy
Cavalry. Let us begin with the least important, but most sentimental of
all matters--the dress.

PRIVATES

_Coat._--(Alike for all ranks.) Scarlet, with 3-inch white
lapels to the waist. White collar and cuffs, sleeves unslit.
White lining. Braid on button-holes. Buttons, in pairs, white
metal with regimental number.

_Waistcoat._--White, unembroidered and unlaced. Cross
pockets.

_Breeches._--White, duck or leather.

_Boots._--To the knee, “round toed and of a light sort.”

_Helmet._--Black leather, with badge of white metal in
front, and white turban round the base, plume and crest scarlet
and white.

_Forage Cap._--Red, turned up with white. Regimental number
on little flap.

_Shoulder Belts._--White, 2¾ inches broad. Sword belt over
the right shoulder.

_Waist Belt._--White, 1¾ inches broad.

_Cloaks._--Red, white lining; loop of black and white lace
on the top. White cape.

_Epaulettes._--White cloth with white worsted fringe.

CORPORALS

Same as the men. Distinguished by narrow silver lace round the
turn-up of the sleeves. Epaulettes bound with white silk tape,
white silk fringe.

SERGEANTS

Same as the men. Epaulettes bound with narrow silver lace;
silver fringe. Narrow silver lace round button-holes. Sash of
spun silk, crimson with white stripe.

QUARTERMASTERS

Same as the men. Silver epaulettes. Sash of spun silk, crimson.

OFFICERS

Same as the men; but with silver lace or embroidery at the
Colonel’s discretion. Silk sash, crimson. Silver epaulettes.
Scarlet velvet stock and waist belts.

TRUMPETERS

White coats with scarlet lapels and lining; lace, white with
black edge; red waistcoats and breeches. Hats, cocked, with
white plume.

FARRIERS

Blue coats, waistcoats, and breeches. Linings and lapels blue;
turn-up of sleeves white. Hat, small black bearskin, with a
horse-shoe of silver-plated metal on a black ground. White apron
rolled back on left side.

_Horse Furniture._--White cloth holster caps and housings
bordered with white, black-edged lace. XVII. L. D.
embroidered on the housings on a scarlet ground, within a wreath
of roses and thistles. King’s cypher, with crown over it and
XVII. L. D. under it embroidered on the holster caps.

Officers had a silver tassel on the holster caps and at the
corners of the housings.

Quartermasters had the same furniture as the officers, but with
narrower lace, and without tassels to the holster caps.

ARMS

_Officers._--A pair of pistols with barrels 9 inches long.
Sword (straight or curved according to regimental pattern),
blade 36 inches long. A smaller sword, with 28-inch blade, worn
in a waist belt, for foot duty.

_Men._--Sword and pistols, as the officers. Carbine, 2 feet
5 inches long in the barrel. Bayonet, 12 inches long. Carbine
and pistols of the same bore. Cartridge-box to hold twenty-four
rounds.

So much for the outward adornment and armament of the men, to which we
have only to add that trumpeters, to give them further distinction,
were mounted on white horses, and carried a sword with a scimitar
blade. Farriers, who were a peculiar people in those days, were made as
dusky as the trumpeters were gorgeous. They carried two churns instead
of holsters on their saddles, wherein to stow their shoeing tools,
etc., and black bearskin furniture with crossed hammer and pincers on
the housing. Their weapon was an axe, carried, like the men’s swords,
in a belt slung from the right shoulder. When the men drew swords,
the farriers drew axes and carried them at the “advance.” The old
traditions of the original farrier still survive in the blue tunics,
black plumes, and axes of the farriers of the Life Guards, as well as
in the blue stable jackets of their brethren of the Dragoons.

Passing now from man to horse, we must note that from 27th July 1764
it was ordained that the horses of Horse and Dragoons should in future
wear their full tails, and that those of Light Dragoons only should be
docked.[3] This was the first step towards the reduction of the weight
to be carried by the Light Dragoon horse. The next was more practical.
A saddle much lighter than the old pattern was invented, approved,
and adopted, with excellent results. It was of rather peculiar
construction: very high in the pommel and cantle, and very deep sunk in
the seat, in order to give a man a steadier seat when firing from on
horseback. Behind the saddle was a flat board or tray, on to which the
kit was strapped in a rather bulky bundle. It was reckoned that this
saddle, with blanket and kit complete, 30 lbs of hay and 5 pecks of
oats, weighed just over 10 stone (141 lbs.); and that the Dragoon with
three days’ rations, ammunition, etc., weighed 12 stone 7 lbs. more;
and that thus the total weight of a Dragoon in heavy marching order
with (roughly speaking) three days’ rations for man and horse, was 22
stone 8 lbs. In marching from quarter to quarter in England, the utmost
weight on a horse’s back was reckoned not to exceed 16 stone.

A few odd points remain to be noticed before the question of saddlery
is finally dismissed. In the first place, there was rather an uncouth
mixture of colours in the leather, which, though designed to look well
with the horse furniture, cannot have been beautiful without it. Thus
the head collar for ordinary occasions was brown, but for reviews
white; bridoons were black, bits of bright steel; the saddle was
brown, and the carbine bucket black. These buckets were, of course,
little more than leather caps five or six inches long, fitting over
the muzzle of the carbine, practically the same as were served out
to Her Majesty’s Auxiliary Cavalry less than twenty years ago. Light
Dragoons, however, had a swivel fitted to their shoulder-belt to which
the carbine could be sprung, and the weapon thus made more readily
available. The horse furniture of the men was not designed for ornament
only; for, being made in one piece, it served to cover the men when
encamped under canvas. As a last minute point, let it be noted that the
stirrups of the officers were square, and of the men round at the top.

We must take notice next of a more significant reform, namely, the
abolition of side drums and drummers in the Light Dragoons, and the
substitution of trumpeters in their place. By this change the Light
Dragoons gained an accession of dignity, and took equal rank with the
horse of old days. The establishment of trumpeters was, of course,
one to each troop, making six in all. When dismounted they formed a
“band of music,” consisting of two French horns, two clarionets, and
two bassoons, which, considering the difficulties and imperfections of
those instruments as they existed a century and a quarter ago, must
have produced some rather remarkable combinations of sound. None the
less we have here the germ of the regimental band, which now enjoys so
high a reputation.

Over and above the trumpeters, the regiment enjoyed the possession
of a fife, to whose music the men used to march. At inspection the
trumpets used to sound while the inspecting officer went down the line;
and when the trumpeters could blow no longer, the fife took up the
wondrous tale and filled up the interval with an ear-piercing solo. The
old trumpet “marches” are still heard (unless I am mistaken) when the
Household Cavalry relieve guard at Whitehall. But more important than
these parade trumpet sounds is the increased use of the trumpet for
signalling movements in the field. The original number of trumpet-calls
in the earliest days of the British cavalry was, as has already been
mentioned, but six. These six were apparently still retained and made
to serve for more purposes than one; but others also were added to
them. And since, so far as we can gather, the variety of calls on one
instrument that could be played and remembered was limited by human
unskilfulness and human stupidity, this difficulty was overcome by the
employment of other instruments. These last were the bugle horn and the
French horn; the former the simple curved horn that is still portrayed
on the appointments of Light Infantry, the latter the curved French
hunting horn. The united efforts of trumpet, bugle horn, and French
horn availed to produce the following sounds:--

Stable call--Trumpet.
(_Butte Sella_).[4] Boot and saddle--Trumpet.
(_Monte Cavallo_).[4] Horse and away--Trumpet. But sometimes
bugle horn; used also for evening
stables.
(? _Tucquet_).[4] March--Trumpet.
Water--Trumpet.
(_Auquet_).[4] Setting watch or tattoo--Trumpet. Used also
for morning stables.
(? _Tucquet_).[4] The call--Trumpet. Used for parade or
assembly.
Repair to alarm post--Bugle horn.
(_Alla Standarda_).[4] Standard call--Trumpet. Used for fetching
and lodging standards; and also for
drawing and returning swords.
Preparative for firing--Trumpet.
Cease firing--Trumpet.
Form squadrons, form the line--Bugle horn.
Advance--Trumpet.
(_Carga_).[4] Charge or attack--Trumpet.
Retreat--French horns.
Trot, gallop, front form--Trumpet.
Rally--Bugle horn.
Non-commissioned officers’ call--Trumpet.

The quick march on foot--The fife.
The slow march on foot--The band of music.

All attempts to discover the notation of these calls have, I regret to
say, proved fruitless, so that I am unable to state positively whether
any of them continue in use at the present day. The earliest musical
notation of the trumpet sounds that I have been able to discover dates
from the beginning of this century,[5] and is practically the same as
that in the cavalry drill-book of 1894; so that it is not unreasonable
to infer that the sounds have been little altered since their first
introduction. Indeed, it seems to me highly probable that the old
“Alla Standarda,” which is easily traceable back to the first quarter
of the seventeenth century, still survives in the flourish now played
after the general salute to an inspecting officer. As to the actual
employment of the three signalling instruments in the field, we shall
be able to judge better while treating of the next reform of 1763–1764,
viz. that of the drill.

The first great change wrought by the experience of the Seven Years’
War on the English Light Dragoon drill was the final abolition of
the formation in three ranks. Henceforward we shall never find the
Seventeenth ranked more than two deep. Further, we find a general
tendency to less stiffness and greater flexibility of movement, and
to greater rapidity of manœuvre. The very evolutions sacrifice some
of their prettiness and precision in order to gain swifter change of
formation. Thus, when the left half rank is doubled in rear of the
right, the right, instead of standing fast, advances and inclines to
the left, while the latter reins back and passages to the right, thus
accomplishing the desired result in half the time. Field manœuvres
are carried out chiefly by means of small flexible columns, differing
from the present in one principal feature only, viz. that the rear
rank in 1763 does not inseparably follow the front rank, but that
each rank wheels from line into column of half-ranks or quarter-ranks
independently. Moreover, we find one great principle pervading all
field movements: that Light Dragoons, for the dignity of their name,
must move with uncommon rapidity and smartness. The very word “smart,”
as applied to the action of a soldier, appears, so far as I know, for
the first time in a drill-book made for Light Dragoons at this period.
In illustration, let us briefly describe a parade attack movement,
which is particularly characteristic.

The regiment having been formed by previous manœuvres in echelon of
wings (three troops to a wing) from the left, the word is given,
“Advance and gain the flank of the enemy.”

_First Trumpet._--The right files (of troops?) of each
wing gallop to the front, and form rank entire; unswivel their
carbines, and keep up a rapid irregular fire from the saddle.

Under cover of this fire the echelon advances.

_Second Trumpet._--The right wing forms the “half-wedge”
(single echelon), passes the left or leading wing at an
increased pace, and gains the flank of the imaginary enemy by
the “head to haunch” (an extremely oblique form of incline), and
forms line on the flank.

_Third Trumpet_--“_Charge._”--The skirmishers gallop
back through the intervals to the rear of their own troops, and
remain there till the charge is over.

_French Horns_--“_Retreat._”--The skirmishers gallop
forward once more, and keep up their fire till the line is
reformed.

The whole scheme of this attack is perhaps a shade theatrical, and,
indeed, may possibly have been designed to astonish the weak mind of
some gouty old infantry general; but a regiment that could execute it
smartly could hardly have been in a very inefficient state.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1765.]

In 1765 the Seventeenth was moved to Ireland, though to what part
of Ireland the gap in the muster-rolls disenables us to say. Almost
certainly it was split up into detachments, where we have reason to
believe that the troop officers took pains to teach their men the new
drill. We must conceive of the regiment’s life as best we may during
this period, for we have no information to help us. Colonel Blaquiere,
we have no doubt, paid visits to the outlying troops from time to time,
and probably was able now and again to get them together for work in
the field, particularly when an inspecting officer’s visit was at hand.
We know, from the inspection returns, that the Seventeenth advanced and
gained the flank of the enemy every year, in a fashion which commanded
the admiration of all beholders. And let us note that in this very year
the British Parliament passed an Act for the imposition of stamp duties
on the American Colonies--preparing, though unconsciously, future work
on active service for the Seventeenth.

[Sidenote: 1766.]

For the three ensuing years we find little that is worth the
chronicling, except that in 1766 the regiment suffered, for a brief
period, a further change in its nomenclature, the 15th, 16th, and 17th
being renumbered the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Light Dragoons. In this same
year we discover, quite by chance, that two troops of the Seventeenth
were quartered in the Isle of Man, for how long we know not. In 1767 a
small matter crops up which throws a curious light on the grievances
of the soldier in those days. Bread was so dear that Government was
compelled to help the men to pay for it, and to ordain that on payment
of fivepence every man should receive a six-pound loaf--which loaf was
to last him for four days. Let us note also, as a matter of interest
to Colonel Blaquiere, a rise in the value of another article, namely,
the troop horse, whereof the outside price was in this year raised from
twenty to twenty-two guineas.

[Sidenote: 1770.]

In 1770 we find Colonel Hale promoted to be Governor of Limerick, and
therewith severed from the regiment which he had raised. As his new
post must presumably have brought him over to Ireland, we may guess
that the regiment may have had an opportunity of giving him a farewell
dinner, and, as was the fashion in those days, of getting more than
ordinarily drunk. From this time forward we lose sight of Colonel Hale,
though he is still a young and vigorous man, and has thirty-three years
of life before him. His very name perishes from the regiment, for if
ever he had an idea of placing a son therein, that hope must have been
killed long before the arrival of his twenty-first child. His successor
in the colonelcy was Colonel George Preston of the Scots Greys, a
distinguished officer who had served at Dettingen, Fontenoy, and other
actions of the war of 1743–47, as well as in the principal battles of
the Seven Years’ War.

Meanwhile, through all these years, the plot of the American
[Sidenote: 1770.] dispute was thickening fast. From 1773 onwards
the news of trouble and discontent across the Atlantic became more
frequent; and at last in 1774 seven infantry regiments were despatched
to Boston. Then probably the Seventeenth pricked up its ears and
discussed, with the lightest of hearts, the prospect of fighting the
[Sidenote: 1775.] rebels over the water. The year 1775 had hardly
come in when the order arrived for the regiment to complete its
establishment with drafts from the 12th and 18th, and hold itself in
readiness to embark at Cork for the port of Boston. It was the first
cavalry regiment selected for the service--a pretty good proof of its
reputation for efficiency.[6]

[Illustration:

Marching Order. Field-day Order. Review Order.

PRIVATES, 1784–1810.]

CHAPTER IV

THE AMERICAN WAR--1ST STAGE--THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN, 1775–1780.

[Sidenote: 1775.]

It would be beside the purpose to enter upon a relation of the
causes which led to the rupture between England and the thirteen
North American Colonies, and to the war of American Independence.
The immediate ground of dispute was, however, one in which the Army
was specially interested, namely, the question of Imperial defence.
Fifteen years before the outbreak of the American War England had,
by the conquest of Canada, relieved the Colonies from the presence
of a dangerous neighbour on their northern frontier, and for this
good service she felt justified in asking from them some return.
Unfortunately, however, the British Government, instead of leaving it
to the Colonies to determine in what manner their contribution to the
cost of Imperial defence should be raised, took the settlement of the
question into its own hands, as a matter wherein its authority was
paramount. Ultimately by a series of lamentable blunders the British
ministers contrived to create such irritation in America that the
Colonies broke into open revolt.

[Sidenote: 1774.]

It was in the year 1774 that American discontent reached its acutest
stage; and the centre of that discontent was the city of Boston. In
July General Gage, at that time in command of the forces in America,
and later on to be Colonel-in-Chief of the 17th Light Dragoons, feeling
that the security of Boston was now seriously threatened by the
rebellious attitude of the citizens, moved down with some troops and
occupied the neck of the [Sidenote: 1774.] isthmus on which the city
stands. This step increased the irritation of the people so far that in
a month or two he judged it prudent to entrench his position and remove
all military stores from outlying stations into Boston. By November
the temper of the Colonists had become so unmistakably insubordinate
that Gage issued a proclamation warning them against the consequences
of revolt. This manifesto was taken in effect as a final signal for
general and open insurrection. Rhode Island and New Hampshire broke out
at once; and the Americans began their military preparations by seizing
British guns, stores, and ammunition [Sidenote: 1775.] wherever they
could get hold of them. By the opening of 1775 the seizure, purchase,
and collection of arms became so general that Gage took alarm for the
safety of a large magazine at Concord, some twenty miles from Boston,
and detached a force to secure it. This expedition it was that led to
the first shedding of blood. The British troops succeeded in reaching
Concord and destroying the stores; but they had to fight their way back
to Boston through the whole population of the district, and finally
arrived, worn out with fatigue, having lost 240 men, killed, [Sidenote:
19th April.] wounded, and missing, out of 1800. The Americans then
suddenly assembled a force of 20,000 men and closely invested Boston.

It was just about this time that there arrived in Boston Captain Oliver
Delancey, of the 17th Light Dragoons, with despatches announcing that
reinforcements would shortly arrive from England under the command of
Generals Howe and Clinton. Captain Delancey was charged with the duty
of preparing for the reception of his regiment, and in particular of
purchasing horses whereon to mount it. Two days after his arrival,
therefore, he started for New York to buy horses, only to find at his
journey’s end that New York also had risen in insurrection, and that
there was nothing for it but to return to Boston.

And while Delancey was making his arrangements, the Seventeenth was
on its way to join him. The 12th and 18th Regiments had furnished
the drafts required of them, and the Seventeenth, [Sidenote: 1775.]
thus raised to some semblance of war strength, embarked for its first
turn on active service. Here is a digest of their final muster,
dated, Passage, 10th April 1775, and [Sidenote: 10th April.] endorsed
“Embarkation”--

_Lieutenant-Colonel._--Samuel Birch.
_Major._--Henry Bishop.
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair, _Cornet_.
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston.
_Surgeon’s mate._--Alexander Acheson.
_Deputy-Chaplain._--W. Oliver.

_Major Bishopp’s Troop._

Robert Archdale, _Captain_.
Frederick Metzer, _Cornet_.
1 Quartermaster, 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, 1 trumpeter, 29 dragoons,
31 horses.

_Captain Straubenzee’s Troop._

Henry Nettles, _Lieutenant_.
Sam. Baggot, _Cornet_.
5 Non-commissioned officers, 1 trumpeter, 26 dragoons, 31 horses.

_Captain Moxham’s Troop._

Ben. Bunbury, _Lieutenant_.
Thomas Cooke, _Cornet_.
5 Non-commissioned officers, 1 trumpeter, 26 dragoons,
31 horses.

_Captain Delancey’s Troop._

Hamlet Obins, _Lieutenant_.
James Hussey, _Cornet_.
5 Non-commissioned officers, 1 trumpeter, 1 hautboy, 27 dragoons,
31 horses.

_Captain Needham’s Troop._

Mark Kerr, _Lieutenant_.
Will. Loftus, _Cornet_.
5 Non-commissioned officers, 1 trumpeter, 26 dragoons, 31 horses.

_Captain Crewe’s Troop._

Matthew Patteshall, _Lieutenant_.
John St. Clair (Adjutant), _Cornet_.
5 Non-commissioned officers, 1 trumpeter, 1 hautboy, 26 dragoons,
31 horses.

What manner of scenes there may have been at the embarkation that day
at Cork it is impossible to conjecture. We can only bear in mind that
there were a great many Irishmen in the ranks, and that probably all
their relations came to see them off, and draw what mental picture we
may. Meanwhile it is worth while to compare two embarkations of the
regiment on active service, at roughly speaking, a century’s interval.
In 1879 the Seventeenth with its horses sailed to the Cape in two
hired transports--the _England_ and the _France_. In 1776 it filled no
fewer than seven ships, the _Glen_, _Satisfaction_, _John and Jane_,
_Charming Polly_, _John and Rebecca_, _Love and Charity_, _Henry
and Edward_--whereof the very names suffice to show that they were
decidedly small craft.

The voyage across the Atlantic occupied two whole months, but, like all
things, it came to an end; and the regiment [Sidenote: June 15–19.]
disembarked at Boston just in time to volunteer its services for the
first serious action of the war. That action was brought about in this
way. Over against Boston, and divided from it by a river of about
the breadth of the Thames at London Bridge, is a peninsula called
Charlestown. It occurred, rather late in the day, to General Gage that
an eminence thereupon called Bunker’s Hill was a position that ought
to be occupied, inasmuch as it lay within cannon-shot of Boston and
commanded the whole of the town. Unfortunately, precisely the same
idea had occurred to the Americans, who on the 16th June seized the
hill, unobserved by Gage, and proceeded to entrench it. By hard work
and the aid of professional engineers they soon made Bunker’s Hill
into a formidable position; so that Gage, on the following day, found
that his task was not that of marching to an unoccupied height, but of
attacking an enemy 6000 strong in a well-fortified post. None the less
he attacked the 6000 Americans with 2000 English, and drove them out
at the bayonet’s point after the bloodiest engagement thitherto fought
by the British army. Of the 2000 men 1054, including 89 officers, went
down that day; and the British occupied the Charlestown peninsula.

[Sidenote: 1775.]

The acquisition was welcome, for the army was sadly crowded in Boston
and needed more space; but the enemy soon erected new works which
penned it up as closely as ever. Moreover the Americans refused to
supply the British with fresh provisions, so that the latter--what
with salt food, confinement, and the heat of the climate--soon became
sickly. The Seventeenth were driven to their wit’s end to obtain forage
for their horses. It was but a poor exchange alike for animals and
men to forsake the ships for a besieged city. The summer passed away
and the winter came on. The Americans pressed the British garrison
more hardly than ever through the winter months, and finally, on the
[Sidenote: 1776.]2nd March 1776, opened a bombardment which fairly
drove the English out. On the 17th March Boston was evacuated, and the
army, 9000 strong, withdrawn by sea to Halifax.

However mortifying it might be to British sentiment, this evacuation
was decidedly a wise and prudent step; indeed, but for the
determination of King George III. to punish the recalcitrant Boston,
it is probable that it would have taken place long before, for it was
recommended both by Gage, who resigned his command in August 1775, and
by his successor, General Howe. They both saw clearly enough that, as
England held command of the sea, her true policy was to occupy the line
of the Hudson River from New York in the south to Lake Champlain in
the north. Thereby she could isolate from the rest the seven provinces
of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire,
and Maine, and reduce them at her leisure; which process would be the
easier, inasmuch as these provinces depended almost entirely on the
States west of the Hudson for their supplies. The Americans, being
equally well aware of this, and having already possession of New York,
took the bold line of attempting to capture Canada while the English
were frittering their strength away at Boston. And they were within
an ace of success. As early as May 1775 they captured Ticonderoga and
the only King’s ship in Lake Champlain, and in November they obtained
possession of Chambly, St. John’s, and Montreal. Fortunately Quebec
still held out, though reduced to great straits, and saved Canada to
England. On the 31st December the little garrison gallantly repelled an
American assault, and shortly after it was relieved by the arrival of a
British squadron which made its way through the ice with reinforcements
of 3500 men under General Burgoyne. This decided the fate of Canada,
from which the Americans were finally driven out in June 1776.

One other small incident requires notice before we pass to the
operations of Howe’s army (whereof the Seventeenth formed part) in
the campaign of 1776. Very early in the day Governor Martin of North
Carolina had recommended the despatch of a flying column or small force
to the Carolinas, there to rally around it the loyalists, who were
said to be many, and create a powerful diversion in England’s favour.
Accordingly in December 1775, five infantry regiments under Lord
Cornwallis were despatched from England to Cape Fear, whither General
Clinton was sent by Howe to meet them and take command. An attack on
Charleston by this expedition proved to be a total failure; and on the
21st June 1776, Clinton withdrew the force to New York. This episode
deserves mention, because it shows how early the British Government
was bitten with this plan of a Carolina campaign, which was destined
to cost us the possession of the American Colonies. Three times in the
course of this history shall we see English statesmen make the fatal
mistake of sending a weak force to a hostile country in reliance on
the support of a section of disaffected inhabitants, and each time (as
fate ordained it) we shall find the Seventeenth among the regiments
that paid the inevitable penalty. From this brief digression let us now
return to the army under General Howe.

While the bulk of this force was quartered at Halifax, the Seventeenth
lay, for convenience of obtaining forage, at Windsor, some miles away.
In June the 16th light Dragoons arrived at Halifax from England with
remounts for the regiment; but it is questionable whether they had
any horses to spare, for we find that out of 950 horses 412 perished
on the voyage. About the same time arrived orders for the increase of
the Seventeenth by 1 cornet, 1 sergeant, 2 corporals, and 30 privates
per troop; but the necessary recruits had not been received by the
time when the campaign opened. On the 11th June the regiment, with the
rest of Howe’s army, was once more embarked at Halifax and reached
Sandy Hook on the 29th. Howe then landed his force on Staten Island,
and awaited the arrival of his brother, Admiral Lord Howe, who duly
appeared with a squadron and reinforcements on the 1st July. Clinton
with his troops from Charleston arrived on the 1st August, and further
reinforcements from England on the 12th. Howe had now 30,000 men,
12,000 of them Hessians, under his command in America, two-thirds of
whom were actually on the spot around New York.

Active operations were opened on the 22nd August, by the landing of
the whole army in Gravesend Bay at the extreme south-west corner of
Long Island. The American army, 15,000 strong, occupied a position on
the peninsula to the north-west, where Brooklyn now stands--its left
resting on the East River, its right on a stream called Mill Creek,
and its front covered as usual by a strong line of entrenchments.
From this fortified camp, however, they detached General Putnam with
10,000 men to take up a position about a mile distant on a line of
heights that runs obliquely across the island. After a reconnaissance
by Generals Clinton and Erskine, the latter of whom led the brigade to
which the Seventeenth was attached, General Howe decided to turn the
left flank of the Americans with part of his force, leaving the rest
to attack their front as soon as the turning movement was completed.
At 9 P.M. on the 26th August the turning column, under the
command of Howe himself, marched across the flat ground to seize a pass
on the extreme left of the enemy’s line, the Seventeenth forming the
advanced guard. On reaching the pass it was found that the Americans
had neglected to secure it, being content to visit it with occasional
cavalry [Sidenote: 1776.] patrols. One such patrol was intercepted by
the advanced party of the Seventeenth; and the pass was occupied by the
British without giving alarm to the Americans. At nine next morning,
Howe’s column having completely enveloped Putnam’s left, opened the
attack on that quarter, while the rest of the army advanced upon the
centre and right. The Americans were defeated at all points and driven
in confusion to their entrenchments; but Howe made no effort to pursue
them nor to storm the camp, as he might easily have done. He merely
moved feebly up to the enemy’s entrenchments on the following day,
and began to break ground as if for a regular siege. On the 29th the
Americans evacuated the camp, and retired across the East River to New
York; and this they were allowed to do without hindrance, though the
British army of 20,000 men stood on their front, and a navigable river,
where a British seventy-four could have anchored, lay in their rear.
Thus deliberately were sacrificed the fruits of the battle of Brooklyn.
This was the first action in which the Seventeenth was under fire.
The regiment at its close received the thanks of Generals Erskine and
Clinton.

The possession of Long Island gave the British complete command of New
York by sea; and Howe set himself to transport his army to New York
Island, an operation which was completed on the 15th September. The
Americans then evacuated New York town and retired to the northern
extremity of New York Island, where Washington fortified a position
from Haarlem to Kingsbridge along the Hudson River in order to secure
his retreat across it to the mainland. The English warships now moved
up the Hudson to cut off that retreat; and Howe having left four
brigades to cover New York town, [Sidenote: 12th Oct.] embarked the
rest on flat-bottomed boats to turn Washington’s position. The flotilla
passed through Hell Gate; and Howe [Sidenote: 18th Oct.] having wasted
a deal of time in disembarking the troops first at the wrong place,
landed them finally at Pell’s Point, the corner which divides East
River from Long Island Sound, and [Sidenote: 1776.] forms the extreme
point of the spit of continent that runs down to New York Island. The
advanced parties of the Seventeenth were engaged in a trifling skirmish
at Pelham Manor, a little to the north of Pell’s Point, shortly after
disembarkation; but the British advance was practically unopposed,
and the army was concentrated at New Rochelle, on Long Island Sound,
on the 21st October. Washington now changed front, throwing his left
back, and distributed his army along a line parallel to the march of
the British; his right resting at Kingsbridge on the south, and his
left at Whiteplains on the north. The two armies were separated by a
deep river called the Bronx, which covered the whole of Washington’s
front. Howe continued his march northward, doubtless with the intention
of getting between Washington and the mainland; but Washington had
already sent parties to entrench a new position for him at Whiteplains,
to which he moved on the 26th October. This change of position brought
the Americans from the left flank to the front of the British advance,
and it was plain that an action was imminent. On the 28th, Howe’s
army, advancing in two columns, came up with the Americans, and found
them to be some 18,000 strong. The right of Washington’s main position
rested on the Bronx River; but for some reason a detached force of
4000 men had been posted on a hill on the other side of the river,
which detachment, owing to the depth and difficulty of the stream, was
necessarily cut off from the rest of the line. Howe decided to attack
this isolated body at once. The Seventeenth being detailed as part of
the attacking force, moved off to a practicable ford, the passage of
which was carried in the face of heavy fire; and the infantry then
advancing drove the enemy brilliantly from their entrenchments, from
whence the Seventeenth pursued them towards the main position at
Whiteplains. The regiment lost one man and five horses killed, Cornet
Loftus, four men and eight horses wounded, in this action; which
unfortunately led to no result. On the 30th August a general attack
on the American entrenchments was ordered, but [Sidenote: 1776.] was
countermanded in consequence of a tremendous storm of rain; and on the
1st September the Americans quietly retired northward across the river
Croton, on which they took up a position from which it was hopeless to
attempt to dislodge them.

However, there was still an American garrison of 3000 men, which had
been left by Washington in his entrenchments at Kingsbridge to hold
the passage of the Hudson; and of these Howe determined to make sure.
His attack was delivered by four columns simultaneously. The third of
these crossed the Haarlem Creek in boats under a heavy fire, and by
the capture of a strong post at the other side turned the left of the
American position. The ground was unfavourable for cavalry, however;
and the Seventeenth, which was attached to this column, lost but
one man. The result of the whole operation was the surrender of the
Americans, which was bought with the loss of 800 British killed and
wounded.

Three days later Lord Cornwallis crossed the Hudson with 4000 men, and
marched against the American fort which commanded the passage of the
river from the Jersey side. The Americans promptly evacuated it and
retreated, with Cornwallis at their heels in hot pursuit. He was on the
point of overtaking them and striking a severe blow, when he received
orders from General Howe to halt--orders which he very reluctantly
obeyed. A party of the Seventeenth, probably a sergeant’s party for
orderly duties, seems to have accompanied Cornwallis on this march,
and through the gallant behaviour of one of the men has made itself
remembered.

One day Private M’Mullins, of this detachment, was despatched by Lord
Cornwallis with a letter of some importance to an officer of one of
the outposts, and while passing near a thicket on his way was fired at
by the rebels. He instantly pretended to fell from his horse, hanging
with head down to the ground. The Americans, four in number, supposing
him killed, ran out from their cover to seize their booty, and had
come within a few [Sidenote: 1776.] yards of him, when, to their
great astonishment, Private M’Mullins suddenly recovered his seat in
the saddle and shot the first of them dead with his carbine. He then
drew his pistol and despatched a second, and immediately after fell
with his sword upon the other two, who surrendered as his prisoners.
Whereupon Private M’Mullins drove them triumphantly before him into
camp, where he duly delivered them up. Lord Cornwallis did not fail to
report such bravery to General Howe, who in his turn not only promoted
M’Mullins to be sergeant, but brought the exploit before the notice
of the King. As all Light Dragoons of whatever regiment felt pride in
their comrades, the story of Private M’Mullins found its way into the
standard contemporary work on that branch of the service, and remains
there embalmed to this day. Let it be noted that this feat of leaning
out of the saddle almost to the ground is treated as one which “all
Light Dragoons accomplished with the greatest ease.” We should probably
never have known this but for Private M’Mullins of the Seventeenth.

With the recall of Cornwallis from New Jersey the campaign of 1776 came
to an end. Since the American evacuation of New York, Howe had captured
4500 prisoners and 150 guns; but he had also thrice let slip the
opportunity of capturing the whole American army. One further operation
was insisted upon by the Admiral, namely, the capture of Rhode Island,
which was effected [Sidenote: 8th Dec.] without loss by a small force
under General Clinton. One troop of the Seventeenth accompanied Clinton
on this expedition, and remained at Rhode Island for the next twelve
months.

The rest of the Seventeenth went into winter quarters in New York, the
total strength of the regiment at the close of the campaign being 225
men. Though its casualties had been light, it had done a good deal
of hard work and established for itself a reputation. Howe himself
testifies in his despatches to “the good service they have performed in
this campaign,” and adds that “the dread which the enemy have of the
Dragoons has been experienced on every occasion.” It is a significant
indication of [Sidenote: 1777.]the nature of their work, that Howe
begs for remounts of Irish horses for them, as being “hardier and
better accustomed to get over fences.”

The rest of the army in the winter of 1776–77 was split up into
detachments, and scattered along an extended line from the Delaware
to New York. The Americans fully expected Howe to cross the Delaware
as soon as the ice permitted and attack Philadelphia, but Howe as
usual did nothing. He might have destroyed the American army without
difficulty; but so far from attempting it, he allowed Washington with
an inferior force to cut off two detached posts and do a great deal of
damage.

Howe’s operations in the campaign of 1777 were little more
satisfactory. After making every preparation to cross the Delaware and
advance into Pennsylvania he brought back the army to New York, and
embarked for the Chesapeake in order to approach Philadelphia from that
side. In September he won the battle of Brandywine, and took possession
of Philadelphia on the 26th. This occupation of Philadelphia was the
sole result of the campaign; and it was, in fact, a political rather
than a military enterprise, the object being to overawe the American
Congress. It was a fatal mistake, for while Howe was wasting his time
in Pennsylvania, Burgoyne was moving down from Canada to open the line
of the Hudson from the north, in the hope of co-operation from Howe’s
army in the south. No such co-operation was forthcoming. Howe’s army
was engaged elsewhere; Clinton, though, as will be seen, he did make on
his own responsibility a slight diversion on the Hudson, yet dared not
weaken the garrison of New York. The result was that [Sidenote: 16th
Oct.] Burgoyne with his whole force of 7000 men was overpowered and
compelled to surrender at Saratoga.

The Seventeenth being left in garrison at New York, of course took
no share in Howe’s operations. The fact was that in November 1776
it received some 200 recruits and 100 fresh horses from England, so
that its time must have been fully occupied in the task of knocking
these into shape. Nevertheless small detachments of the regiment were
employed in two little affairs which must be related here.

The Americans, after retreating across the Croton in 1776, had formed
large magazines on the borders of Connecticut, at the town of Danbury
and elsewhere. These magazines General Clinton judged that it would
be well to destroy. Accordingly, on the 25th April, 2000 men, drafted
from different regiments, including twelve from the Seventeenth for
the needful reconnaissance and patrol duties, embarked on transports
and sailed up Long Island Sound to Camp’s Point, where they landed. At
ten that night they marched, and at eight next morning they reached
Danbury, to the great surprise of the Americans, who evacuated the
town with all speed. The British, having destroyed the whole of the
stores, prepared to return to their ships, but found that the Americans
had assembled at a place called Ridgefield, and had there entrenched
themselves to bar the British line of march. Weary as they were after
twenty-four hours’ work, the English soldiers attacked and carried the
entrenchments; and then, as night came on, they lay on their arms,
prepared to fight at any moment. At daybreak they continued their
march, and were again attacked by the Americans, who had received
reinforcements during the night. Still they fought their way on till
within half a mile of their ships, when General Erskine, losing all
patience, collected 400 men, and taking the offensive at last beat the
enemy off. The men had had no rest for three days and three nights,
and were fairly worn out; but we may guess that the little detachment
of the Seventeenth was not the last to answer to the call of its
Brigadier. This expedition cost the British 15 officers and 153 men!

The second of the two affairs to which we have alluded was an
expedition made by Clinton as a diversion to help Burgoyne, and was
directed against two American forts on the right bank of the Hudson,
which barred the passage of the British warships to Albany; Albany
being the point to which Burgoyne hoped to penetrate. A force of
3000 men, including one troop of the [Sidenote: 1777.] Seventeenth,
embarked on the 5th October and sailed up the [Sidenote: 5th Oct.]
Hudson to Verplanks Point, forty miles from New York, on the east bank
of the river. Here Clinton landed a portion of his force under the
fire of a small American field-work, drove out the enemy, and pursued
them for some little way. This feint produced the desired effect.
The American general of the district at once concluded that Clinton
meant to advance to meet Burgoyne on the east bank of the Hudson, and
hurried away with most of the garrison of the river ports to occupy
the passes on the roads. Clinton meanwhile quietly embarked [Sidenote:
6th Oct.] two-thirds of his force on the following morning, leaving
the remainder to hold Verplanks, and landed them on the opposite bank.
Thence he advanced over a very steep mountain, along very bad roads,
to attack two important posts, Forts Clinton and Montgomery, from the
rear. Though Fort Clinton, the lower of the two, was but twelve miles
distant, it was not reached before sunset, owing to the difficulties of
the march. Opposite Fort Clinton the force divided into two columns,
one of them standing fast, while the other made a detour to reach Fort
Montgomery unobserved--the design being to attack both posts, which
were only three-quarters of a mile apart, simultaneously. The upper
post, Fort Montgomery, was easily captured, being at once abandoned by
its garrison of 800 men. Fort Clinton, however, was a more difficult
matter, the only possible approach to it being over a plain covered
with four hundred yards of abattis, and commanded by ten guns. The
British, though they had not a single gun, advanced under a heavy fire,
pushed each other through the embrasures, and, in spite of a gallant
resistance on the part of the Americans, drove them out of the fort.
The American loss was 300 killed, wounded, and prisoners; the British
loss, 140 killed and wounded. Having destroyed the American shipping
and some other batteries farther up the river, Clinton’s little
expedition returned to New York. The troop of the Seventeenth formed
part of the column that stormed Fort Clinton--a service which, if the
original plan of campaign had been [Sidenote: 1777.] adhered to, would
have been one of the most valuable in the war.

With this the campaign of 1777 came to an end, decidedly to the
disadvantage of the British, who had lost the whole of Burgoyne’s
division and gained nothing but Philadelphia. The winter of 1777–78
the British army spent in the city of Philadelphia, where it was kept
inactive, and allowed to grow slack in discipline and efficiency;
and this although Washington lay for five whole months but 26 miles
distant, at Valley Forge--his position weak, his guns frozen into the
entrenchments, his army worn to a shadow by sickness and desertion,
and absolutely destitute of clothing, stores, and equipment. Howe had
14,000 men, and Washington a bare 4000, yet for the fourth time Howe
allowed him to escape; and this time inaction was fatal, for the new
year was to bring with it an event which changed the whole aspect and
conduct of operations.

[Sidenote: 1778.]

In February 1778 the French Government, still smarting under the loss
of Canada, concluded a treaty of defensive alliance with the young
American Republic, and despatched a fleet under D’Estaing to operate
on the American coast. The British Government no sooner heard the
news than it sent instructions for the army to evacuate Philadelphia
and retire to New York, from whence half of it was to be forthwith
despatched to attack the French possessions in the West Indies. The
burden of this duty fell, not upon Howe, to whom it would have been a
just retribution, but upon Clinton, who succeeded to the command on
Howe’s resignation in the spring of 1778.

During the winter the Seventeenth had been moved down from New York to
join the main army at Philadelphia, where, in March 1778, we find them
reduced to a nominal total of 363 men, of whom no fewer than 67 were in
hospital, and 162 horses. Fortunately for its own sake the regiment was
busily employed during the spring in the duty of opening communications
and bringing in supplies, by which it was prepared for the heavy work
that lay before it. On the 3rd of May a strong detachment of the
[Sidenote: 1778.] Seventeenth formed part of a mixed force of 1000
men which was sent out to reduce a hostile post at Crooked Billet,
seventeen miles from Philadelphia. The business was neatly managed, for
the British, with trifling loss, killed, wounded, or captured 150 of
the Americans, and, thanks to the Seventeenth, took the whole of their
baggage. Three weeks later the regiment was again employed in a small
expedition against 3000 Americans, who had been posted by Washington
in an advanced and isolated position at Barren Hill under the command
of Marquis Lafayette. This time the affair was sadly bungled, and the
Americans, who should have been captured in a body, would have got off
scot free but for a dash made on the rear-guard by the light Dragoons,
wherein 40 or 50 American prisoners were taken.

By constant excursions of this kind, on a larger or smaller scale, the
regiment was prepared for the very arduous duty that lay before it.
On the 18th June, at 3 A.M., the evacuation of Philadelphia
was begun, and by 10 A.M. the whole British army had crossed
the Delaware at the point of its junction with the Schuylkill. It then
advanced up the left bank, on a road running parallel to the river,
as far as Cornell’s Ferry, where it left the line of the Delaware
and turned off on the road to Sandy Hook. Up to the 27th June the
British, though constantly watched by small parties of the enemy, were
allowed to pursue their march through this difficult country without
molestation; but on that day an advanced corps of 5000 Americans
appeared close in rear, with the main army of Washington but three
miles behind it, while other smaller bodies came up on each flank. On
[Sidenote: 28th June.] the 28th, Clinton, expecting an attack, divided
his army into two parts, the first of which he sent off at daybreak in
charge of the baggage (which was so abundant that the column was twelve
miles long), leading off the second, under his personal command, at
8 A.M. The Seventeenth was attached to the baggage column,
and must have marched with it for some eight or nine hours, when it
was hurriedly sent for to join the rear-guard under General Clinton.
The rear column had just come down from the [Sidenote: 1778.] high
ground into a plain about three miles long by one mile wide, when the
Americans appeared in force in the rear and on both flanks. Their
first attempt was made on the right flank, and was likely to have
been serious, had it not been checked, to use Clinton’s words, by the
resolute bearing and firm front of the Seventeenth. The Americans had
not lost their respect for the Light Dragoons. From that point the
regiment was swiftly moved to others; and the general impression left
on the mind by Clinton’s rather confused description is, that the
Seventeenth were kept manœuvring round the column, frequently under
Clinton’s immediate direction, wherever the Americans threatened most
danger. The 16th Light Dragoons, more fortunate than the Seventeenth,
had a chance of charging the American cavalry, and made admirable use
of it; but they lost a great number of horses, which was a serious
matter considering the weakness of the British mounted force. Finally
Clinton made his dispositions for a pitched battle in the plain; but
the Americans knew better than to accept it, and retired to the hills
from which they had originally come down. Clinton thereupon attacked
them with the infantry and drove them back. They retreated to a second
position. Again Clinton attacked, and after hard fighting forced them
out. They then fell back on a third position, where, Clinton feeling
by this time assured of the safety of his baggage, thought best to
leave them. And so ended the very hard day’s work which takes its
name from the heights of Freehold, at the foot whereof the combat was
fought. So terrible was the heat in the confinement of the valley that
fifty-nine of the infantry dropped dead while advancing to the attack.
The total loss on the English side was 358 men. The Seventeenth had no
casualties, though Clinton’s testimony shows that they did good work.
The Americans lost 361 men, and from that day abandoned the pursuit,
having had for the present enough of it. Clinton, therefore, made the
rest of his way untroubled to Sandy Hook, and on the 5th July embarked
his army for New York. A flying expedition to Rhode Island, which
arrived too late to catch [Sidenote: 1778.] the French force that
had threatened it, and a successful inroad into Georgia in the south,
brought the campaign of 1778 to a close.

In November, Clinton, in obedience to his orders, sent away half of his
army to England and the West Indies. He was so sensible of the injury
inflicted on his forces by the loss of some of his best troops, that he
begged to be allowed to resign his command, and required some pressure
to induce him to retain it. His difficulties were great enough, for
everything was going wrong in New York. In December there was not a
fortnight’s flour in store, and not a penny in the military chest. The
clothing provided for the men proved to be bad, and was condemned right
and left by their officers. “The linen is coarse and thin, and unfit
for soldiers’ shirts, the stockings of so flimsy a texture as to be
of little service, and the shoes of the worst kind.” One consignment
of shoes was found to consist of “thin dancing pumps,” and even these
too small for the men to wear. Moreover the Government in England,
which had always given Howe a free hand, thought it right to tie down
Clinton, who was far the better man, with every kind of order. “For
God’s sake, my Lord,” the General wrote at last, “if you wish me to do
anything leave me to myself.”

Such was the state of things when the Seventeenth went into their
winter quarters at Hampstead, Long Island, in 1778. It was now the
only British cavalry corps on the American Continent, the 16th having
gone home, leaving all its horses and a certain number of men with the
sister regiment. Though its numbers were thus raised to 414 men, we
shall not again find it in the field entire during the remainder of
the war. From this winter onward the scene of the main contest shifts
from the north to the south, and we shall find the Seventeenth divided
between these two points of the compass.

[Illustration:

Field-day Order. Review Order.

OFFICERS, 1810–1813.]

[Illustration:

Watering Order. Review Order. Marching Order.

PRIVATES, 1810–1813.]

CHAPTER V

THE AMERICAN WAR--2ND STAGE--THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN, 1780–1782

[Sidenote: 1780.]

The alliance of France with the revolted provinces having compelled
the British Government to reduce General Clinton’s army by one-half,
this loss was supplemented by the enlistment of volunteers from the
loyal party in America itself, and by the organisation of corps of
irregulars. One such corps, consisting partly of cavalry and partly of
infantry, was commanded by Captain Lord Cathcart of the Seventeenth,
and another, known as the King’s American Dragoons, received an
Adjutant from the regiment. But the corps with which the name of the
Seventeenth was inseparably connected was the so-called “Legion”
commanded by Colonel Banastre Tarleton. To this last a small party of
the Seventeenth seems to have been permanently attached, probably as a
pattern for the guidance of the provincial recruits. But in addition
to these a troop of the regiment under its own officers was frequently
joined to it, which though in contemporary accounts generally included
in the term “Cavalry of the legion,” was distinct from it and careful
to preserve its individuality.

With the change in the composition of the army came simultaneously a
change in the plan of campaign, by a return to the scheme, already
tried once at the outbreak of the war, of an expedition to the
Carolinas; where it was hoped that the loyalists were numerous and
ready to rally round the army. The plan was to scour the country with
flying columns, which would serve at once to hearten good subjects
and overawe the [Sidenote: 1780.] disaffected. For such operations
Charleston was required as a base, and it was to preparations for
the reduction of Charleston that most of Clinton’s energies were
devoted in the summer of 1779. An accession of strength was gained by
the evacuation of Rhode Island in October, and finally, on the 26th
December, Clinton sailed with a portion of his army on this expedition
to the South. One troop of the Seventeenth, sixty strong, accompanied
him.

Bad luck dogged this enterprise from the first. The transports were
overtaken by a storm and dispersed in all directions. All the cavalry
horses perished, and one ship containing siege artillery was lost. It
was not till the end of January that the ships, many of them badly
battered, appeared at the appointed rendezvous, the Island of Tybee,
off the coast of Georgia, having spent five weeks over a voyage
generally reckoned to last ten days. The troop of the Seventeenth was
sent with Tarleton’s legion to Port Royal, a little to the north of
Savannah, where it was landed and quartered at Beaufort, at the head of
the harbour. With great difficulty it procured forty or fifty inferior
horses; and after a time was ordered to join some reinforcements that
were marching up from Savannah, and advance up country with them to
unite with Clinton’s army before Charleston. Meanwhile the people of
the country, knowing that the British had lost their horses, equipped
themselves as cavalry to harass the column on the march. Nothing could
have suited Tarleton better. A charge by the troop of the Seventeenth
sufficed to disperse these irregular horsemen, and ensure the capture
not only of several prisoners, but, better still, of their horses.
After twelve days’ march through a difficult country broken up by
flooded rivers, and in the thick of a hostile population, the legion
arrived at its destination on the Ashley with its strength in horses
multiplied by four or five, and a good supply of forage to boot.

Meanwhile General Clinton with the rest of the army had sailed to the
river Edisto, a little to the south of Charleston, and advanced thence
by slow marches upon the town. Charleston lies on a tongue of land
which runs, roughly speaking, from north [Sidenote: 1780.] to south,
being enclosed between the Cooper River on the east and the Ashley on
the west. The British fleet having moved up to blockade it to the south
or seaward, Clinton on the 30th March threw his army across the Ashley
to the neck of the isthmus on which the town stands, and encamped over
against the American entrenchments. As usual these were formidable
enough, stretching across the isthmus from the Ashley to the Cooper,
and strengthened by a deep canal, two rows of abattis, and other
obstacles. Over and above the garrison of 6000 men within the town, the
Americans kept a force of militia and three regiments of cavalry, under
General Huger, on the upper forks and passes of the Cooper, whereby the
communications between the town and the back country were kept open.
The dislodgment of this corps of Huger’s was therefore indispensable
to the complete investment of Charleston; and the execution of this
task was intrusted to a picked force of 1400 men, including Tarleton’s
legion and the detachment of the Seventeenth.

On the 12th April, therefore, Tarleton moved off to Goose Creek on his
way to Monk’s Corner, thirty miles from Charleston, where there lay
the American post that held Biggin’s Bridge over the Cooper. Knowing
that the enemy was superior to him in cavalry, he had determined to
make a night attack, and he had the good fortune on the way to pick
up a negro who acquainted him with the enemy’s dispositions. Learning
from this source that the American force was divided, the cavalry
being on his own side of the river and the infantry on the other, he
pushed on through the night, and at 3 A.M. surprised the main
guard of the cavalry. Galloping hard on the backs of the fugitives he
dashed straight into the camp, dispersed the far superior force that
lay there, and captured 150 prisoners, 400 horses, and 50 ammunition
waggons. The bridge being thus uncovered he at once ordered his
infantry across it against the American post on the other side; and
this having been captured, detached a force to seize Bowman’s Ferry,
which commanded another branch of the Cooper. This was promptly done,
and by the evening [Sidenote: 1780.] the American communications on
the Cooper were cut through and Charleston completely isolated.

The Americans, however, were not so easily to be baulked. Huger himself
and his principal officer, Colonel Washington,[7] had managed to escape
by hiding in a swamp, and before the end of April had begun to collect
another force of cavalry to the north of the Santee, a river which runs
parallel to the Cooper, and at its nearest point is not above twenty
miles from Biggin’s Bridge. On the 6th of May this force crossed the
Santee, snapped up a British foraging party, and prepared to recross
the river, a few miles lower down, at Lanew’s Ferry. Tarleton, who was
patrolling with the detachment of the Seventeenth and some of his own
dragoons, 150 men all told, learned what had happened, and pressed on
with all haste to catch the Americans before they could repass the
Santee. Once again he caught a superior force by surprise. Coming up
at 3 P.M. with the American vedettes he at once drove them in
upon the picquet, and was on the backs of the main body in an instant.
Five officers and 36 men were cut down, 7 officers and 60 men made
prisoners, and the rest, including Colonel Washington, driven into the
river to escape as best they could by swimming. Tarleton, who had lost
but two men and four horses killed, marched back to camp, twenty-six
miles, on the same evening, with the result that twenty horses died of
fatigue. But Tarleton, as we shall see, never spared men or horses.

On the 12th May Charleston surrendered to General Clinton, who
thereupon prepared to return to New York. But first he sent three
expeditions up three different rivers to the interior to pursue the
advantages gained by the surrender. Of these three, one, under Lord
Cornwallis, was ordered to cross the Santee River and pursue a large
train of American stores and ammunition which, under the command of
Colonel Burford, was retreating in all haste by the north-east bank
towards North Carolina. Accordingly, on the 18th May, Cornwallis with
a mixed force [Sidenote: 1780.] of 2500 men, including Tarleton’s
legion and the Seventeenth, marched off and crossed the Santee in
boats at Lanew’s Ferry. The legion and Seventeenth were then at once
detached to Georgetown to clear the left flank of Cornwallis’s line of
march, while the main body pursued its way up the river to Nelson’s
Ferry. Having rejoined Cornwallis at that point on the 27th, Tarleton
was detached once more with 40 men of the Seventeenth, 130 of the
legion dragoons, 100 mounted infantry, and a three-pounder field-gun,
to follow Burford by forced marches. So intense was the heat that
many both of the men and of the horses broke down; but by dint of
impressing fresh horses on the road the little column reached Camden
(sixty miles distant as the crow flies) on the following day. There
Tarleton learned that Burford was still far ahead of him, having left
Rugeley’s Mills (twenty miles as the crow flies beyond Camden) on the
26th. Moreover, American reinforcements were on the march to join
him from North Carolina, and both columns were making all haste to
effect a junction. Seeing that such junction must at all hazards be
prevented, Tarleton started off again at 2 A.M. on the 29th,
reached Rugeley’s Mills at daylight, and there [Sidenote: 29th May.]
obtained information of Burford still in retreat twenty miles ahead of
him. In the hope of delaying him Tarleton sent him a message, wherein
he exaggerated the strength of his force, to summon him to surrender.
But Burford was too cunning either to pause or to surrender; so there
was nothing for Tarleton to do but to leave his three-pounder behind
and press on with his weary men and horses as best he could. At last
at three in the afternoon the British advanced parties came up with
Burford’s rear-guard, captured five men, and forced Burford to turn
and fight. His force was 380 infantry, a detachment of cavalry, and 2
guns. The British had started but 300 strong, had marched a hundred and
five miles in fifty-four hours, and had perforce left some men behind
them on the way. Tarleton divided his little party into three columns,
whereof the men of the Seventeenth, under Captain Talbot, formed the
centre, and attacked at once. [Sidenote: 1780.] The Americans reserved
their fire till the cavalry was within ten yards of them, but failed to
check the charge of the British, who galloped straight into the middle
of them and did fearful execution. Tarleton’s horse was killed under
him; and the men, thinking that their leader was dead, became mad. The
Americans lost 14 officers and 99 men killed; 8 officers and 142 men
wounded, 3 officers and 50 men prisoners, also 3 colours, 2 guns, and
the whole of their baggage train. The British lost but 2 officers and 3
men killed, 1 officer (Lieutenant Patteshall of the Seventeenth) and 11
men wounded, and 40 horses. After this action, known as the engagement
of Waxhaws, the Americans who were advancing from North Carolina
at once retired; and Tarleton rejoined Cornwallis at Camden. South
Carolina was now virtually cleared of American troops; and Cornwallis
having established a few outlying posts to keep order, and left Lord
Rawdon in command at Camden, returned to Charleston to take up the
business of civil administration.

General Washington now detached 2000 men from the North to North
Carolina, which nucleus being reinforced by 4000 more men from
Virginia, entered South Carolina once more on the 27th July, and
advanced along the line of the Upper Santee upon Camden. To the great
disgust and disappointment of the British commander the whole country
welcomed the arrival of the Americans with joy, and Cornwallis in
great anxiety hastened up to Camden in person. General Gates with
6000 men was advancing in his front, General Sumpter with 1000 men
was threatening his communications with Charleston in rear; 800 of
the garrison of Camden were in hospital, and a bare 2000 men fit for
service. Nevertheless Cornwallis decided rather to advance against
Gates than to retreat upon Charleston; and accordingly marched at 10
P.M. on the 15th August, almost exactly at the time when Gates
started down the same road to meet him. [Sidenote: 16th Aug.] At 2
A.M. the advanced parties of the two columns met, fortunately
just at a point where Cornwallis had reached a good position, his
flanks being secured by swampy ground, and the line of [Sidenote:
1780.] Gates’s advance narrowed by the same cause to a point which
prevented deployment of his far superior force. Cornwallis drew up his
little army in two lines, holding Tarleton’s cavalry in reserve in the
rear. Even this small force of mounted men had been weakened by the
recall of part of the Seventeenth to New York; but the regiment was
nevertheless represented. Cornwallis took the initiative, and after an
hour’s hard fighting broke up the Americans completely. Then Tarleton
was let loose with his men of the Seventeenth and dragoons of the
legion, who pursued the defeated army for twenty-two miles, capturing
seven guns, the whole of the baggage, and a great number of prisoners.
Cornwallis lost 345 men killed and wounded, nearly all of them from the
infantry, while the Americans lost in killed, wounded, and prisoners,
not far from 2000 men, a number equal to that of the whole British
force engaged.

There still remained General Sumpter, with 1000 men well armed and
equipped, on the south side of the Wateree (Upper Santee), who was
now preparing to retreat to North Carolina. Tarleton with a mixed
force of 350 men was at once sent across the river after him; but by
noon on the day after the [Sidenote: 17th Aug.] battle his troops
were so exhausted by fatigue and by the heat that he was forced to
pick out 100 cavalry and 60 infantry, and proceed with these alone.
After marching five miles further his advanced party came upon two
American vedettes, who fired and killed one dragoon. But the shots
caused no alarm in the American camp, for it was assumed that the
American militiamen, according to their usual habit, were merely
shooting at cattle. Tarleton’s men at once captured the vedettes,
and moved on to a neighbouring height, from which on peering over
the crest they discovered the Americans comfortably resting, without
the least suspicion of danger, during the heat of the day. General
Sumpter was not even dressed, so hot was the weather; and altogether
Tarleton’s task, thanks to his own energy, was once more an easy one.
The Americans were promptly attacked and dispersed with the loss of 150
killed and wounded, and 300 prisoners. [Sidenote: 1780.] Two guns, a
great quantity of stores and ammunition, and 250 loyalist prisoners
previously captured by Sumpter, also fell into Tarleton’s hands.

Emboldened by this success, Lord Cornwallis advanced into North
Carolina, but owing to the destruction of one of his detachments
was compelled to fall back once more into South Carolina, and thus,
notwithstanding his victory at Camden, found himself in as bad a
position as ever. In November the indefatigable Sumpter, undismayed
by previous defeats, collected another force and again threatened
the British communications between Camden and Charleston. Once again
Tarleton was ordered to checkmate him; but this time fortune sided with
Sumpter. Tarleton on receiving his instructions moved off with his
usual swiftness, and interposing between Sumpter’s force and the line
of retreat into North Carolina, was on the point of cutting him off
before Sumpter had received the least warning of an enemy’s approach.
Unluckily, however, a deserter betrayed Tarleton’s movements, and thus
enabled Sumpter to get the start of him on his retreat. Tarleton none
the less followed hard after him, and having overtaken his rear-guard,
and cut it to pieces, hurried forward with a handful of 170 of the
Seventeenth and legion cavalry, and 80 mounted infantry, to catch
the main body before it could cross a rapid river, the Tyger, that
barred its line of march. At 5 P.M. on the 20th November he
finally overtook Sumpter at Blackstocks, and with his usual impetuosity
attacked him forthwith. The American force was 1000 strong, skilfully
posted on difficult ground, and sheltered by log huts. Tarleton’s men
were beaten back from all points, and being very heavily punished, were
forced to retire. But by chance Sumpter himself had been badly wounded;
and the Americans, without a leader to hold them together, retreated
and dispersed. Tarleton, therefore, although defeated, was successful
in gaining his point, and received particular commendation for this
action from Lord Cornwallis.

[Sidenote: 1780.]

In December reinforcements from New York were sent to South Carolina,
and among them a troop of the Seventeenth, which was added to
Tarleton’s command for the forthcoming operations. Cornwallis designed
to march once more into North Carolina. The Americans, true to their
habitual tactics, resolved to keep him in the South by harassing
his outlying posts, and to this end sent 1000 men under General
Morgan across the Broad River to attack Lord Rawdon in the district
known as “Ninety-six,” on the western frontier of South Carolina.
Cornwallis replied to this by detaching Tarleton, with a mixed force
of about 1000 men, to the north-west to cut off Morgan’s retreat.
[Sidenote: 1781.] On the night of the 6th January, Tarleton, after
a very fatiguing march, managed to get within six miles of Morgan,
who retreated in a hurry, leaving his provisions half-cooked on the
ground. [Sidenote: 7th Jan.] At three next morning Tarleton resumed
the pursuit, and at 8 A.M. came up with the American force,
disposed for action, at a place called the Cowpens. As usual Tarleton
attacked without hesitation, in fact so quickly that he barely allowed
time for his troops to take up their allotted positions. The 7th Foot
and legion infantry formed his first line, flanked on each side by
a troop of cavalry; the 71st Foot and remainder of the cavalry were
held in reserve. The Americans were drawn up in two lines, whereof
the first was easily broken, but the second stood firm and fought
hard. Seeing that his infantry attack was failing, Tarleton ordered
the troop of cavalry on the right flank to charge, which it duly did
under a very heavy fire, but being unsupported, was driven back by
Morgan’s cavalry with some loss. Tarleton then ordered up the 71st,
which drove back the Americans brilliantly for a time, but being,
like the rest of the British force, fatigued by the previous hours of
hard marching, could not push the attack home. The Americans rallied
and charged in their turn, and the British began to waver. Tarleton
ordered his irregular cavalry to charge, but they would not move; and
then the American cavalry came down upon the infantry, and all was
confusion. [Sidenote: 1781.] “Where is now the boasting Tarleton?”
shouted Colonel Washington, as he galloped down on the broken ranks.
But the boasting Tarleton, who had driven Washington once to hide for
his life in a swamp, and once to swim for his life across the Santee,
was not quite done with yet. Amid all the confusion the troop of the
Seventeenth rallied by itself, and with these, a mere 40 men, and 14
mounted officers who had formed on them, Tarleton made a desperate
charge against the whole of Washington’s cavalry, hurled it back, and
pressing on through them, cut to pieces the guard stationed over the
captured English baggage. Cornet Patterson of the Seventeenth, maddened
by Colonel Washington’s taunt, singled him out, and was shot dead by
Washington’s orderly trumpeter. Lieutenant Nettles of the Seventeenth
was wounded, and many troopers of the regiment likewise fell that day.
The survivors of that charge were the only men that left the field
with Tarleton that evening. The irregular cavalry was collected in the
course of the following days; but the infantry men were cut down where
they stood. Both the 7th and the 71st had done admirably throughout
their previous engagements in the war, and felt that their detachments
had not received fair treatment at Cowpens. The 71st, it is on record,
never forgave Tarleton to the last.

In spite of his victory Morgan continued his retreat into North
Carolina, Lord Cornwallis following hard at his heels, but sadly
embarrassed by the loss of his light troops. Having been misled by
false reports as to the difficulty of passing the rivers of North
Carolina, Cornwallis marched into the extreme back country of the
province so as to cross the waters at their head, and on the 1st
February fought a brilliant little action to force the passage of the
Catawba. At the close of the day Tarleton’s cavalry had an opportunity
of taking revenge for Cowpens, and this time did not leave the
Seventeenth to do all the work alone. From the Catawba Cornwallis
pressed the pursuit of Morgan with increased energy, but failed,
though only by a hair’s breadth, to overtake him. [Sidenote: 1781.]
Nevertheless, by the time he had reached Hillsborough, the American
troops had fairly evacuated North Carolina; and Cornwallis seized
the opportunity to issue a proclamation summoning the loyalists of
the province to the royal standard. The Americans replied by sending
General Greene with a greatly augmented force back into Carolina.
Thereupon the supposed loyalists at once joined Greene, who was thus
able to press Cornwallis back to a position on the Deep River. On the
14th March, Cornwallis, always ready with bold measures, marched out
with 2000 British to attack Greene with 7000 Americans, met him at a
place called Guildford, and defeated him with heavy loss. The cavalry
had no chance, though the Seventeenth was present at the action; but
the British infantry was terribly punished: 542 men were killed and
wounded in the fight; and Cornwallis thus weakened was obliged to
retire slowly down the river to Wilmington, which he reached on the 7th
April.

The memory of Cornwallis’s campaigns in the Carolinas has utterly
perished. But although they issued ultimately in failure, they remain
among the finest performances of the British rank and file. The march
in pursuit of Morgan, which culminated in the action of Guildford
and the retreat to Wilmington, alone covered 600 miles over a most
difficult country. The men had no tents nor other protection against
the climate, and very often no provisions. Day after day they had to
ford large rivers and numberless creeks, which (to use Cornwallis’s
own words), in any other country in the world would be reckoned large
rivers. When, for instance, the Guards forced the passage of the
Catawba, they had to ford a rapid stream waist-deep for five hundred
yards under a heavy fire to which they were unable to reply. The
cavalry on their part came in for some of the hardest of the work,
being continually urged on and on to the front in pursuit of an
enemy which they could sometimes overtake, but never force to fight;
constantly engaged in petty skirmishes, losing a man here and a man
there, but gaining little for their pains, and at each day’s close
driven to their wits’ end to procure food for themselves and forage
for their horses. [Sidenote: 1782.] By the time Cornwallis reached
Wilmington the cavalry were about worn out with their work on the
rear-guard, and, in Cornwallis’s words, were in want of everything.
But not a man of the army complained, and all, by Cornwallis’s own
testimony, showed exemplary patience and spirit. Meanwhile the
Americans gave him no rest. No sooner was his back turned on South
Carolina than they attacked his posts right and left, making particular
efforts against Lord Rawdon at Camden. In fact, in spite of all the
hard work done and the hardships endured with invincible patience by
the British troops, the state of the country was worse than ever--armed
parties of Americans everywhere and all communications cut. Cornwallis
was painfully embarrassed by his situation. To re-enter South Carolina
would be to admit that the operations of the past eighteen months had
been fruitless. He decided that the best course for him was to continue
his advance into Virginia, at the same time despatching messengers to
warn Lord Rawdon that he must prepare to be hard beset.

Not one of these messengers ever reached Lord Rawdon. The perils of
bearers of despatches at this time were such that they could only
be conquered by more than ordinary devotion to duty. Fortunately an
instance of such devotion has been preserved for us from the ranks of
the Seventeenth. The case is that of a corporal, O’Lavery by name,
who was especially selected to accompany a bearer of despatches on a
dangerous and important mission. The two had not gone far before they
were attacked, and both of them severely wounded. The man in charge of
the despatch died on the road; the corporal took the packet from the
dead man’s hand and rode on. Then he too dropped on the road from loss
of blood, but sooner than suffer the papers to fall into the hands of
the enemy, he concealed it by thrusting it into his wound. All night
he lay where he fell, and on the following morning was found alive,
but unable to do more than point to the ghastly hiding-place of the
despatch. The wound thus maltreated proved to be mortal, and Corporal
O’Lavery was soon past all human reward. But Lord Rawdon, unwilling
that such gallant service should be forgotten, erected a monument to
O’Lavery’s memory in his native County Down.

On the 25th of April Cornwallis, having refreshed his army, quitted
Wilmington and marched northward to Petersburg, [Sidenote: 20th May.]
where he effected a junction with two bodies, amounting together to
3600 men, which had been despatched to reinforce him from England
and New York. With these he crossed the Appomattox in search of
Lafayette, and pursued him for some way north, destroying all the
enemy’s stores as he went. The Americans were now, in spite of their
continued resistance in South Carolina, in a distressed and desponding
position; but just at this critical moment their hopes were revived by
intelligence of coming aid from France. Clinton having discovered this
by interception of despatches, and learned further that an attack on
New York was intended, recalled half of Cornwallis’s troops to his own
command, and thus put an end to further operations in the South. It
is significant that Clinton begs in particular for the return of the
detachment of the Seventeenth; evidently he counted upon this regiment
above others in critical times. Thus for the moment operations in the
South came to a standstill and Cornwallis retired to Yorktown.

Meanwhile Washington had raised an army in Connecticut and marched
down with it to his old position at Whiteplains, where he was joined
by a French force of 6000 men which had occupied Rhode Island since
June of the previous year. For more than a month Washington kept
Clinton in perpetual fear of an attack, until at last he received
intelligence that the expected French fleet under the Comte de Grasse
was on its way to the Chesapeake. Then he suddenly marched with the
whole army, French and American, to Philadelphia, and thence down the
Elk River to the Chesapeake. De Grasse had been there with 24 ships
and 3500 troops since the 30th, and had managed to keep his position
against the British fleet of 19 ships under Admiral Graves. This brief
command of the sea by the French virtually decided the war. [Sidenote:
1782.] Yorktown was invested on the 28th September, and on the 19th
October Cornwallis was compelled to surrender. From that moment the
war was practically over, though it was not until the 16th April 1783
that Washington received, from the hand of Captain Stapleton of the
Seventeenth, the despatch that announced to him the final cessation of
hostilities.

So ended the first war service of the 17th Light Dragoons. It will have
been remarked that since 1779 little has been said of the headquarters
of the regiment stationed at New York. The answer is that there is
little or nothing to say, no operations of any importance having been
undertaken in the North after the capture of Charleston. Yet it is
certain that the duties of foraging, patrolling, and reconnaissance
must have kept the men in New York perpetually engaged in trifling
skirmishes and petty actions, whereof all record has naturally
perished. A single anecdote of one such little affair has survived,
and is worth insertion, as exemplifying from early days a distinctive
trait of the regiment, viz. the decided ability of its non-commissioned
officers when left in independent command. We shall find instances
thereof all through the regiment’s history. Our present business is
with Sergeant Thomas Tucker, who, when out patrolling one day with
twelve men, came upon a small American post, promptly attacked it,
and made the garrison, which, though not large, was larger than his
own party, his prisoners. Tucker had accompanied the regiment from
England as a volunteer; he went back with it to England as a cornet.
Incidents of this kind must have been frequent round New York; and as
seventeen men of the Seventeenth, exclusive of those taken at Yorktown,
were prisoners in the hands of the Americans at the close of the war,
there can be no doubt that the garrison duty in that city was not mere
ordinary routine.

A few odd facts remain to be noted respecting the officers. The first
of these, gleaned from General Clinton’s letter-book of 1780, is rather
pathetic. It consists of a memorial to the King from the 17th Light
Dragoons, setting forth “that they look upon themselves as particularly
distinguished, by having been employed in the actual service of their
country ever since the rebellion began in America. [Sidenote: 1782.]
But its being the only regiment of Dragoons in this service, and their
promotion being entirely confined to that line, they cannot but feel
sensibly when they see every day promotion made over them of officers
of inferior rank.” I cannot discover that the least notice was taken of
this petition, hard though the case undoubtedly was; for many of these
officers held high staff appointments in New York. Lieutenant-Colonel
Birch was a local Brigadier-General, and towards the end of the war
was actually in command at New York; but he seems to have gained
little by it. On the other hand Captain Oliver Delancey made his
fortune, professionally speaking, through his success as Clinton’s
Adjutant-General from August 1781.

As to the detachments employed in the South enough has already been
said. But it is worth while to correct the error into which other
writers have fallen, that the men of the Seventeenth were not with
Cornwallis in the campaign of North Carolina. The fact is rendered
certain by the mention of twenty-five men in the melancholy roll of the
capitulation of Yorktown, which twenty-five I take to be the remnant
of the small body that was permanently attached to Tarleton’s legion.
Moreover, it was not likely that Cornwallis, who was badly in want of
light troops, would have left them to do garrison work with Rawdon. The
loose expression “legion-cavalry” is so often used to cover the whole
of the mounted force under Tarleton’s command, that it is frequently
difficult to distinguish the detachment of the Seventeenth from the
irregulars. But the men of that detachment were not willing to sink
their individuality in the general body of legion dragoons. When their
old regimental uniform was worn out they were offered the green uniform
of the legion, but they would have none of it. They preferred to patch
their own ragged and faded scarlet, and be men of the Seventeenth. Nor
can we be surprised at it when we remember how the legion retired and
left a handful of the Seventeenth to face the victorious Americans
alone at Cowpens. This action gives a fair clue to the real seat of
strength in Tarleton’s cavalry.

[Sidenote: 1782.]

Lastly, it must be noted that, although the history of the American War
is usually slurred over in consequence of its disastrous conclusion,
yet to the rank and file of the British army there is far more ground
therein for pride than for shame. British troops have never known
harder times, harder work, nor harder fighting, than in the fifteen
hundred miles of the march through the Carolinas. They were continually
matched against heavy odds under disadvantageous conditions, yet they
were almost uniformly victorious. The Americans fought and kept on
fighting with indomitable courage and determination, but it was not the
Americans but the French, and not so much the French army as the French
fleet, that caused Cornwallis to capitulate at Yorktown.

[Illustration:

_G. Salisbury._ OFFICER, Review Order.
PRIVATE, Field-day Order. CORPORAL, Marching Order.

1814.]

CHAPTER VI

RETURN OF THE 17TH FROM AMERICA, 1783--IRELAND, 1793--EMBARKATION FOR
THE WEST INDIES, 1795

[Sidenote: 1783.]

In 1783 the Seventeenth embarked from New York and returned to
Ireland, after an absence of eight years. I have failed to discover
the exact date. [Sidenote: 1784.] The last muster in America is dated
New York, 29th June 1783; the first in Ireland, Cork, 14th January
1784, which latter date must be approximately that of their arrival.
This muster-roll at Cork is somewhat of a curiosity. Firstly, it is
written on printed forms, the earliest instance thereof in the history
of the Seventeenth; in the second place, it shows the regiment to be
327 men short of its proper strength, which is, to say the least of
it, singular; and, lastly, it shows that every troop had lost exactly
forty horses, no more and no less, cast and dead in America,--a
coincidence which sets one wondering who may have been the person or
persons that made money out of it. The regiment was now reduced to
a peace establishment of 204 non-commissioned officers and men, and
stationed at Mount Mellick, Maryborough, and other quarters in King’s
and Queen’s Counties. It also received new clothing, and for the first
time discarded the scarlet, which it had hitherto worn, for blue.

The new kit, which, saving regimental distinctions, was issued to the
whole of the Light Dragoons, [Sidenote: April.] consisted of a blue
jacket, with white collar and cuffs and the whole front laced with
white cord, similar to the jackets now worn by the Horse Artillery.
The shade of blue was dark for regiments serving at home, [Sidenote:
1784.] and French gray for regiments serving in India. The helmet also
was altered to the new and seemingly very becoming pattern which is
to be seen in so many old prints. The leather breeches remained the
same, but the boots, for officers at any rate, were more in the Hessian
style. A coloured picture published at the beginning of the century
makes the new dress appear a very handsome one, in the case of the
Seventeenth Light Dragoons--the combination of light blue, silver lace,
and crimson sash, relieved by the black fur on the cap, being decidedly
pleasing. Let us note that the Seventeenth still retained their
mourning lace round the helmet, and the plume of scarlet and white. The
badge, of course, appears both on helmet and sabre-tasche, though, if
so small a point be worth notice, the skull is below and not above the
cross-bones. Shoulder-belts continued to be of buff leather, but the
sword-belt of 1784, henceforward worn round the waist, was black. It is
painful to have to add that in this year, when the Light Dragoons were
on the whole more becomingly and sensibly dressed than at any other
period of their existence, the abomination known as the shako made
its first appearance in the cavalry, being in fact the head-dress for
field-day order. Though not yet quite so extravagantly hideous as it
became under King George IV. it was sufficiently ugly--felt in material
and black in colour, with white lace curling spirally around it, and a
short red and white plume.

Of the life of the regiment during the nine ensuing years there is
neither material nor, I think, occasion for an annual chronicle.
Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Birch still retained the command, and held
it until 1794. The only one of the original officers that remained,
Captain Robert Archdale, disappears from the regimental list after
1794, so that for two whole years Birch was the sole survivor.

Meanwhile these were troublous days for Ireland. In the course of the
American War the country had been so far stripped of troops that,
in the alarm of French invasion in 1779, corps of volunteers, to
the nominal strength of 50,000 men, had been raised for purposes of
defence. [Sidenote: 1784.] Unfortunately, however, these volunteers
did not confine themselves to military matters. They were, in Mr.
Froude’s words, armed politicians not under military law. As such they
twice received the thanks of the Irish House of Commons for political
services, and finally extorted the independence of the Irish Parliament
in 1782. They then attempted to establish a Legislative Assembly side
by side with the House of Commons, and virtually to dictate to it the
government of the country, and this although the peace of 1783 had
rendered their existence as a defending force wholly unnecessary. They
were suppressed by a little firmness, and therewith their character
changed. Hitherto, though supported in part by Catholic subscriptions,
the volunteers had consisted of Protestants only--men of position and
good character. These men now retired, and their arms fell into the
hands of ruffians and bad characters of every description. At last
in 1787 these volunteers, once the idol of Ireland, appeared to have
ceased their existence, but it was only for a time.

The outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789, with its cant words
of liberty, equality, and fraternity, turned many heads all the
world over, and nowhere more than in Ireland. The most significant
symptom thereof was the foundation of the Society of United Irishmen
by the rebel Wolfe Tone; whereof the main object was the propagation
and adoption of revolutionary principles, and ultimately rebellion.
[Sidenote: 1792.] In 1792 some of Tone’s associates formed two
battalions of “National Guards,” which were to hold a great review
on the 9th December, but having been informed that they would muster
at their peril, very sensibly took care, after all, not to put in
an appearance. This happened in Dublin. But at Belfast and in the
North there was not less sympathy with the Jacobins and the extreme
revolutionists of France, and in Ulster too there were “National
Guards” of the same stamp.

[Sidenote: 1793.]

The services of a regiment in aid of the civil power are so ungrateful
that they are better left unrecorded, nor would allusion here be made
to those of the Seventeenth but for the coincidence that they have
found a place in history. For in the year 1786 began one of those
periodic outbreaks of agrarian crime which have so often troubled
Ireland, the perpetrators being what are now called moonlighters but
were then known as whiteboys or defenders. Of the share taken by the
Seventeenth in the suppression of these defenders it is best to say
nothing, arduous though the work undoubtedly was. But it was a far
more serious matter when, early in April 1793, the “National Guard”
of Northern Republicans paraded in their green uniforms at Belfast,
undeterred by the suppression of their brethren in Dublin. In March,
General Whyte was sent down to compel their submission, the Seventeenth
forming part of his force. He thereupon sent four troops of the
regiment to disarm the “Guard” of these Republican volunteers. The rest
of the story is best told in Mr. Froude’s own words:--

[Sidenote: 1793.]

On the evening of the 9th March, a corporal and a private of
the 17th, off duty, strolled out of the barracks into the
city where they met a crowd of people round a fiddler who was
playing _Ça ira_. They told the fiddler to play God save
the King. The mob damned the King with all his dirty slaves,
and threw a shower of stones at them. The two dragoons, joined
by a dozen of their comrades, drew their sabres and “drove the
town before them.” Patriot Belfast had decorated its shops with
sign-boards representing Republican notables. The soldiers
demolished Dumouriez, demolished Mirabeau, demolished the
venerable Franklin. The patriots so brave in debate, so eloquent
in banquet, ran before half a dozen Englishmen. A hundred and
fifty volunteers came out, but retreated into the Exchange
and barricaded themselves. The officers of the 17th came up
before any one had been seriously hurt, and recalled the men
to their quarters. In the morning General Whyte came in from
Carrickfergus, went to the volunteer committee room, and said
that unless the gentlemen in the Exchange came out and instantly
dispersed, he would order the regiment under arms. They obeyed
without a word. The dragoons received a reprimand, but not too
severe, as the General felt that they had done more good than
harm.[8]

[Sidenote: 1793.]

Thus through two men of the Seventeenth the Irish volunteers were
finally brought to an end. It must be remembered in defence of these
two dragoons that their regiment had fought through the whole of the
American War, which had failed mainly through the Alliance of the
French with the Americans; and that it was a little hard on them, when
at home, to hear abuse of the King whom they served, and witness the
exaltation of French and American heroes. Moreover, in those days the
Irish had injured so many soldiers by hamstringing them when peaceably
walking in the streets that there was a deal of bad blood between the
Irish and the Army.

In that same year began the great war with France which was destined to
last, with only a few months intermission, for the next twenty years,
and to be finally closed by the victory of Waterloo. The efforts of Mr.
Pitt were early directed against the French possessions in the West
Indies--a policy which, after having been for many years condemned, in
deference to the verdict of Lord Macaulay, has lately been vindicated
by a more competent and impartial authority, Captain Mahan of the
United States Navy. The richest of the French West Indies was the
Island of St. Domingo, which accordingly became one of Pitt’s first
objects. Ever since 1790, when the revolutionary principles of Paris
had first found their way thither, the island had been in a state of
disturbance, which had culminated, partly through mismanagement and
partly through wilful mischief, in a general rising of the negroes
against the whites, accompanied by all the atrocities that inevitably
attend a servile war and a war of colour. Of the white planters many
took refuge in Jamaica, whence they pressed the British Government
to take possession of St. Domingo, averring that all classes of the
population would welcome British dominion, and that on the first
appearance of a British force the Colony would surrender without a
struggle. It was the story of the Carolinas repeated, and we shall see
that the story had the same end.

[Sidenote: 1793.]

St. Domingo, an island almost as large as Great Britain, in shape
greatly resembles a human right hand cut off at the wrist, and with
the thumb, second and third fingers doubled inwards; the wrist forming
the eastern end, and two long promontories, represented by the little
and first fingers, the western extremities. The French garrison in the
island consisted of 6000 regular troops, 14,000 white militia, and
25,000 negroes. The British force first directed against it consisted
of 870 rank and file, which with the help of a small squadron captured
[Sidenote: 19th Sept.] and garrisoned the ports of Jeremie and Mole St.
Nicholas, [Sidenote: 22nd Sept.] situated near the extremities of the
south and north promontories respectively. These posts, as commanding
the windward passage between St. Domingo and Cuba, were of considerable
strategic importance to the Navy. From Jeremie an expedition was
undertaken against Cape Tiburon, in reliance on the help of 500
friendly Frenchmen, whom a French planter undertook to raise for the
purpose. Not 50 Frenchmen appeared, and the attack was a total failure.
Then came the rainy season, and with it the yellow fever, which played
havoc among the troops. Reinforcements being imperatively needed,
more men were withdrawn from Jamaica to St. Domingo, whereby, as will
presently appear, the safety of Jamaica was seriously compromised.

[Sidenote: 1794.]

In the spring of 1794 the British succeeded in taking Tiburon and one
or two more ports, and finally in June they effected the capture of
Port au Prince. But the revolted negroes, under the command of a man
of colour, Andrew Rigaud, showed plainly by an attack on the British
post at Tiburon that they at any rate did not mean to accept British
rule. And now yellow fever set in again with frightful severity. A
small British reinforcement of 300 men lost 100 in the short passage
between Guadeloupe and Jamaica, left 150 more dying at Jamaica, and
arrived at Port au Prince with a bare 50 fit for duty. [Sidenote:
1795.] Then Rigaud again became active, and on 28th December succeeded
in recapturing Tiburon, after the British had lost 300 men out of 480.

When the news of all these calamities arrived in England, it was
resolved that four regiments of Light Cavalry should be sent dismounted
to St. Domingo in August, and that meanwhile detachments amounting
to eight troops of the 13th, 17th and 18th Light Dragoons should be
despatched to Jamaica forthwith. These last were, if required by the
General, to be sent on to St. Domingo; and as the General required them
very badly, being able to raise only 500 men fit for duty out of seven
regiments, he lost no time in asking for them.

The detachments, including that from the Seventeenth, were accordingly
shipped off, when or from whence I have been unable to discover. As
little is known of the life on a transport in those days, it may be
worth while to put down here such few details as I have succeeded in
collecting. In the first place, then, hired transports seem generally
to have been thoroughly bad ships. That they should have been small was
unavoidable; but they seem as a rule to have been in every respect bad,
and by no means invariably seaworthy. Those who have seen in the naval
despatches of those days the extraordinary difficulty that was found in
keeping even men-of-war clean, and the foul diseases that were rampant
in the fleet through the jobbery and mismanagement of the Admiralty,
will not be inclined to expect much of the hired transports. Let us
then imagine the men brought on board a ship full of foul smells from
bad stores and bilge-water, and then proceed to a brief sketch of the
regulations.

The first regulation is that the ship is to be frequently fumigated
with brimstone, sawdust, or wet gunpowder--no doubt to overcome the
pervading stench. Such fumigation was to begin at 7 A.M., when
the berths were brought up and aired, and be repeated if possible after
each meal. Moreover, lest the free circulation of air should be impeded
unnecessarily, it was ordained that married couples should not be
allowed to hang up blankets, to make them separate berths, _all over
the ship_, but in certain places only. [Sidenote: 1795.] The men
were to be divided into three watches, one of which was always to be
on deck; and in fine weather every man was to be on deck all day, and
kept in health and strength by shot drill. For the rest the men were
required to wash their feet every morning in two tubs of salt water
placed in the forecastle for the purpose, to comb their heads every
morning with a small tooth comb, to shave, to wash all over, and to put
on a clean shirt at least twice a week.

At the very best the prospects of a voyage to the West Indies a
century ago could not have been pleasant; but the experience of these
unfortunate detachments of dragoons seems to have been appalling. After
a terrible passage, in which some ships were cast away, and all were
seriously battered, a certain number of transports arrived in July at
Jamaica, and among them those containing two troops of the Seventeenth.
Jamaica not being their destination, they were told that their arrival
was an unfortunate blunder, and packed off again to St. Domingo. Think
of the feelings of those unhappy men at being bandied about in such a
fashion. They had not sailed clear of the Jamaican coast, however, when
they were hastily recalled. The Maroons had broken out into rebellion;
and the “unfortunate blunder” which brought the Seventeenth to Jamaica
was fated to prove a piece of great good luck to the island and a cause
of distinction to the regiment. But something must first be said of the
story of the Maroons themselves.

CHAPTER VII

THE MAROON WAR IN JAMAICA, 1795

[Sidenote: 1795.]

The year 1795, as will presently be told when we speak of the services
of the Seventeenth in Grenada, was marked by a simultaneous revolt of
almost all the possessions of the British in the West Indies. Amid
all this trouble the large and important island of Jamaica remained
untouched. This was remarkable, for from its wealth it offered a
tempting prey to the French, and, from its proximity to St. Domingo, it
was easy of access to French agents of sedition and revolt, who could
pass into it without suspicion among the hundreds of refugees that had
fled from that unhappy island. Moreover, the garrison had been reduced
to great weakness by the constant drain of reinforcements for St.
Domingo. Still, in spite of some awkward symptoms, the Jamaica planters
remained careless and supine; and no one but the governor, Lord
Balcarres, a veteran of the American War, felt the slightest anxiety.
Such was the state of affairs when the squadron of the Seventeenth
arrived at Port Royal in July, and was sent on board ship again. Three
days later the Maroons were up in rebellion.

The history of these Maroons is curious, and must be told at some
length if the relation of the war is to be rightly understood. Jamaica
was originally gained for the English by an expedition despatched by
Cromwell in 1655; but it was not until 1658 that the Spaniards, after
a last vain struggle to expel the British garrison, were finally
driven from the island. On their departure their slaves fled to the
mountains, and there for some years they lived by the massacre and
plunder of British settlers. [Sidenote: 1795.] They seem to have
scattered themselves over a large extent of country, and to have kept
themselves in at least two distinct bodies, those in the north holding
no communication with those in the south. These latter, in their
district of Clarendon, being disagreeably near the seat of Government,
the British authorities contrived to conciliate and disperse; but
their fastnesses had not long been deserted by the Maroons when they
were occupied (1690) by a band of revolted slaves. These last soon
became extremely formidable and troublesome, their ravages compelling
the planters to convert every estate-building into a fortress; and at
last the burden of this brigandage became so insupportable that the
Government determined to put it down with a strong hand.

At the outset the attacks of the whites on these marauding gangs met
with some success; but soon came a new departure. A man of genius arose
from among these revolted slaves, one Cudjoe by name, by whose efforts
the various wandering bands were welded into a single body, organised
on a quasi-military footing, and made twice as formidable as before.
Nor was this all. The Maroons of the north, who from the beginning
had never left their strongholds nor ceased their depredations, heard
the fame of Cudjoe, joined him in large numbers, and enlisted under
his banner. Yet another tribe of negroes, distinct in race from both
the others, likewise flocked to him; and the whole mass thus united
by his genius grew, about the year 1730, to be comprehended, though
inaccurately, by the whites under the name of Maroons (hog-hunters).
Cudjoe now introduced a very skilful and successful system of warfare,
which became traditional among all Maroon chiefs. The grand object
was to take up a central position in a “cockpit,” _i.e._ a glen
enclosed by perpendicular rocks, and accessible only through a narrow
defile. A chain of such cockpits runs through the mountains from
east to west, communicating by more or less practicable passes one
with another. These glens run also in parallel lines from north to
south, but the sides are so steep as to be impassable to any but a
Maroon. [Sidenote: 1795.] Such were the natural fortresses of these
black mountaineers, in a country known to none but themselves. To
preserve communication among themselves they had contrived a system of
horn-signals so perfect that there was a distinct call by which every
individual man could be hailed and summoned. The outlets from these
cockpits were so few that the white men could always find a well-beaten
track which led them to the mouth of a defile; but beyond the mouth
they could not go. A deep fissure, from two hundred to eight hundred
yards long, and impassable except in single file, was easily guarded.
Warned by the horns of the scouts that an enemy was approaching, the
Maroons hid themselves in ambush behind rocks and trees, selected each
his man, shot him down, and then vanished to some fresh position. Turn
whither he might, the unlucky pursuer was met always by a fresh volley
from an invisible foe, who never fired in vain.

Nevertheless the white men were sufficiently persistent in their
pursuit of Cudjoe to force him to abandon the Clarendon district;
but this only made matters worse, inasmuch as it drove him to an
impregnable fastness, whence there was no hope of dislodging him,
in the Trelawney district farther to the north-west. This cockpit
contained seven acres of fertile land and a spring of water. Its
entrance was a defile half a mile long; its rear was barred by a
succession of other cockpits, its flanks protected by lofty precipices.
Here Cudjoe made his headquarters and laughed at the white men. The
Maroons lived in indolent savagery while their provisions lasted, and
in active brigandage when their wants forced them to go and plunder.
They were fond of blood and barbarity, as is the nature of savages,
and never spared a prisoner, black or white. After nine or ten years
of successful warfare Cudjoe fairly compelled the whites to make
terms with him; and accordingly, in the year 1738, a solemn treaty
was concluded between Captains Cudjoe, Johnny, Accompong, Cuffee,
Quaco, and the Maroons of Trelawney town on the one part, and George
the Second, by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, and of Jamaica Lord, on the other. [Sidenote: 1795.] The terms
of the treaty granted the Maroons amnesty, fifteen hundred acres of
land, and certain hunting rights; also absolute freedom, independence,
and self-government among themselves--the jurisdiction of the chiefs
being limited only in respect of the penalty of death, and of disputes
in which a white man was concerned. On their part the Maroons undertook
to give up runaway slaves, to aid the king against all enemies,
domestic and foreign, and to admit two white residents to live with
them perpetually. A similar treaty was concluded with another body of
Maroons that had not followed Cudjoe to Trelawney from the windward end
of the island; and thus the Maroon question for the present was settled.

From 1738 till 1795 Maroons gave little or no trouble. They remained
dispersed in five settlements, three of them to windward, but the
two of most importance to leeward, in Trelawney district. They lived
in a state midway between civilisation and barbarism, retaining the
religion--a religion without worship or ceremony--which their fathers
had brought from Africa, cultivating their provision grounds regularly,
if in rather a primitive fashion, breeding horses, cattle, and fowls,
hunting wild swine and fugitive slaves, and conducting themselves
generally in a harmless and not unprofitable manner. Their vices were
those of the white man, drinking and gambling, which of course gave
rise to quarrels; but they were ruled with a strong hand by their
chiefs, and kept well within bounds. Owing to the climate in which
they lived, some thousands of feet above the sea, and the free, active
life which they led, they were physically a splendid race--tall and
muscular, and far superior to the negro slaves whom, from this cause as
well as in virtue of their own freedom, they held in great contempt.
Moreover, the fact that they were employed to hunt down runaway slaves
helped greatly to make them friendly to the whites and hostile to the
blacks. In fact they held an untenable position, being bound to the
whites by treaty, and fighting in alliance with them both against
insurgent negroes, as in 1760, and white invaders, as in 1779–80, and
yet bound by affinity of race and colour to the very negroes that they
helped to keep in servitude. [Sidenote: 1795.] Meanwhile they grew
rapidly in numbers and consideration. Certain restrictions to which
they had been subjected by Acts of the Jamaica Assembly at the time of
the treaty fell into disuse, and became a dead letter. They began to
leave their own district and wander at large about the plantations,
making love to the female slaves, becoming fathers of many children by
them, and thus gradually breaking down the barrier between themselves
and their fellow-blacks. Simultaneously the internal discipline of the
Maroons became seriously relaxed. Cudjoe and his immediate successors
had ruled them with a rod of iron; but at a distance of two generations
the authority of the chiefs, though they still bore the titles of
Colonel and Captain, had sunk to a mere name. For a time the Colonel’s
power in Trelawney was transferred to one of the white residents, a
Major James, who had been brought up among the Maroons, could beat the
best of them at their feats of activity and skill, and was considered
to be almost one of themselves. Of great physical strength and utterly
fearless, he would interpose in the thick of a Maroon quarrel, heedless
of the whirling cutlasses, knock down those that withstood him, and
clap the rebellious in irons without a moment’s hesitation. Naturally
so strong a man was a great favourite with the Maroons, who, while he
remained among them, were kept well in hand. But it so happened that
James succeeded to the possession of an estate which obliged him to
spend most of his time away from the Maroon town; and as a resident
who does not reside could be satisfactory neither to his subjects at
Trelawney nor his masters at Kingston, he was deprived of his post.
He, rather unreasonably, felt himself much aggrieved by the Government
in consequence; and the Maroons, who had been annoyed at his former
neglect, became positively angry at his involuntary removal. In plain
truth, the Maroons through indiscipline had got what is called “above
themselves,” and were ripe for any mischief.

[Sidenote: 1795.]

It was not long before matters came to a crisis. The new resident
appointed in place of James, though in character irreproachable, was
not a man to dominate the Maroons by personal ascendancy and courage.
A trifling dispute sprang up in the middle of July; the Trelawney
Maroons drove him from the town, and on the 18th sent a message to the
magistrates to say that they desired nothing but battle, and that if
the white men would not come to them and make terms, then they would
come down to the white men. With that they called in all their people,
and sent the women into the bush--nay, report said that they proposed
to kill their cattle and also such of their children as were likely to
prove an encumbrance to them.

Lord Balcarres, when the news reached him, was not a little troubled.
At ordinary times it might have been politic to temporise and
conciliate, but now that the greater number of the islands were
aflame such policy seemed impossible. Here was a race of black men in
insurrection, who had successfully resisted the whites two generations
before, and now held an independent position in virtue of a solemn
treaty. The bare existence of such a community was a standing menace
at such a time. There was evidence that French agents were at work in
Jamaica; and it was remarkable that just at this time the negroes on
nine plantations, where the managers were known to be men of unusual
clemency, showed symptoms of unrest and discontent. It is evident from
Balcarres’s despatches that he had negro insurrection, so to speak, on
the brain, and it is certain that he was ambitious of military glory;
but he cannot be blamed at such a time for acting forcibly and swiftly.
For a fortnight endeavours were made to smoothe matters over, and with
some slight success, for six of the chiefs surrendered. But the main
body still held aloof; and Balcarres without further ado proclaimed
martial law. He took pains to obtain information as to every path and
track that led into the Maroon district, his plan being to seize these
and thus blockade the whole of it, though he admits that it would be a
difficult manœuvre to do so effectually “on a circle of forty square
miles of the most difficult and mountainous country in the universe.”
[Sidenote: 1795.] On the 9th August the preparations were complete, and
the passes were seized; whereupon thirty-eight of the older and less
warlike Maroons surrendered, and were carried away under a guard and
kept in strict confinement. Seeing this the remainder at once set fire
to their towns (the old and the new town, as the two groups of shanties
half a mile apart were named), an action which was not misinterpreted
as “a signal of inveterate violence and hostility.” It was now clear
that the matter would have to be fought out.

The force at Balcarres’s disposal was not great. The garrison consisted
of the 16th and 62nd Foot, both so weak as to number but 150 men
apiece fit for duty, and the 20th or Jamaica Light Dragoons. Besides
these there were the stray detachments of the 13th, 14th, 17th, and
18th Light Dragoons, and of the 83rd Foot, some of them very weak,
and probably amounting in all to little more than 400 men. Also there
was a fair force of local militia, with several local Major-Generals.
The Maroons of Trelawney numbered 660 men, women, and children; and
there were at least as many more in the other Maroon settlements,
which latter, though they never rose, were greatly distrusted by the
Governor. Balcarres resolved to surround the whole of the Trelawney
Maroon district, and made his dispositions thus:--Colonel Sandford,
with the 16th Foot and 20th Dragoons, covered one outlet to the north;
Colonel Hull, with 170 men of the 62nd Foot and of the Seventeenth,
another; Colonel Walpole, with 150 of the 13th and 14th Dragoons,
barred one approach from the south; and Balcarres himself, with the
83rd, took post to the south-west. The Seventeenth was represented by
one troop only, the other being on board ship on its way to St. Domingo.

On the 12th August the Maroons opened the war by attacking a militia
post, and killing and wounding a few men. On the same day Lord
Balcarres ordered Colonel Sandford to attack and carry the new town
from his side, and having done so, to halt and cut off the retreat
of the Maroons, while he himself attacked the old town from his own
side. [Sidenote: 1795.] Off started Colonel Sandford, accordingly, with
forty-five of the 18th Dragoons, mounted, a body of militia infantry,
and a number of volunteers--the latter men of property in the country,
and “all generals,” as Balcarres sarcastically remarked. In spite of
the steepness and difficulty of the ground the little column advanced
rapidly with great keenness. [Sidenote: 12th Aug.] The Maroons on their
approach quietly evacuated the site of the new town, and withdrew
into a deep defile, three-quarters of a mile long, which formed their
communication with the old town. Presently up came Sandford, and to
his great joy carried the new town without opposition. Flushed with
success he started off, in disobedience to orders, to take the old
town, pressing on with his mounted men, dragoons, and volunteers, at
such a pace that the militia could not keep up with him. Thus hurrying
into the trap laid for him, he plunged into the defile. The column,
which was half as long as the defile, had passed two-thirds of the way
through it, when a tremendous volley was poured into its whole length.
Not a Maroon was to be seen, and the column continued its advance. A
second volley followed: Colonel Sandford fell dead; and then the column
began to run. The officer of the 18th, seeing that retreat through the
defile would be fatal, dashed straight forward at a small party of
Maroons which he saw ahead, broke through them, and galloping headlong
through a breakneck country, brought the remains of his detachment
safely to Lord Balcarres’s camp. Two officers and thirty-five men
were killed, and many more wounded in this little affair; and the
militia (who had not been under fire) were so far demoralised that they
evacuated the new town and retired. That night (though Balcarres knew
it not) every Maroon warrior got blind drunk. Sixty of them were so
helpless even on the following afternoon that they had to be carried
into the cockpit by the women.

[Sidenote: 1795.]

Though the Seventeenth was not engaged in this affair, it has been
necessary to describe it at length in order to show how formidable an
enemy these Maroons were. [Sidenote: 14th Aug.] Two days after the
engagement the second troop of the regiment was disembarked from the
transport in Montego Bay, and moved up to the front. British dragoons
have rarely been better mounted than these detachments in Jamaica. The
island is famous for its horses; and every trooper rode a thoroughbred.

Mortified by his failure, Balcarres hurried up reinforcements of
militia and stores, the conveyance of the latter proving, from the
difficulty of the country, to be a frightful task. On the 18th August
he reoccupied the new town, unopposed, and on the 23rd moved with
three columns under Colonels Fitch, Incledon, and Hull, against the
old town. The march was made at daybreak and in profound silence;
and the old town was duly captured, as Balcarres fondly imagined, by
surprise. The real fact was that the Maroons, disliking the insecurity
of the towns, had evacuated them a week before and withdrawn into
the cockpits, leaving only a small alarm-post outside. These Maroon
sentries fired a few shots and wounded three men, two of them troopers
of the Seventeenth, and quietly retired upon their main body. Balcarres
then established a post and a block-house on the site of the new town,
occupied every approach, and set himself to destroy all the Maroon
provision grounds, with the idea of cooping them up and starving them
out. He might as well have tried to pen a swarm of mosquitoes in a
lion’s cage. The Maroons quietly passed out and burnt and plundered an
estate house six miles in rear of Balcarres’s headquarters.

At the end of August the rainy season set in, and transport became
a matter of extreme difficulty. Balcarres himself returned to Port
Royal, and left to Colonel Fitch the duty of completing the cordon
round the Maroon district. Fresh obstacles cropped up at every moment.
The principal planters to the south-west of the Maroon district, by
which side access to it was easiest, were relations of Major James,
who took up his grievances warmly and laid themselves out to thwart
the Governor. [Sidenote: 1795.] One of these, a local Major-General,
eighty years of age, and recently married to a wife of twenty, took
offence because Balcarres appointed a regular Major-General to command
the field force over his head. Another local Major-General suddenly
abandoned operations with his militia in the middle of a concerted
movement, on the remarkable ground that he had promised his wife to
return to her in a week, and had already been absent ten days. It was
only with the greatest difficulty that the troops, exposed to most
arduous service and every possible hardship, could be kept supplied
with food. Frequently they passed the whole day without a morsel to
eat. To discourage them still further, the militia went home and left
the regulars to do all the work; and, finally, the climax came when the
commanding officer, Colonel Fitch himself, [Sidenote: 12th Sept.] was
caught in an ambuscade, and with two other officers shot dead.

The control of the operations was now entrusted to Colonel Walpole,
who at once hastened to Trelawney with all speed. He found the troops
sickly and dispirited, and worn out with incessant duty. It was
pretty clear that the idea of confining the Maroons by a cordon was
an absurdity, and that the destruction of their provision ground only
drove them oftener afield to massacre, plunder, and destroy. After
weeks of hard work the small British force had lost two field officers
and seventy men killed in action alone, to say nothing of wounded,
and men dead from sickness and fatigue, while not a single Maroon
was certainly known to have been killed. The situation was becoming
serious: the negroes had begun to join the Maroons; the French might
come at any moment; and then there would be every likelihood of a
general revolt of the blacks against the whites, such as had already
taken place in the Windward Islands. Walpole soon altered the whole
plan of operations. He began by redistributing his posts, so as to
command the mouths of the cockpits, employing negroes to clear away the
jungle from the approaches and from the heights above them. [Sidenote:
1795.] He then set to work to train some of his men in the tactics of
Maroon warfare, the essence of which was that men should work together
in pairs or groups, one man taking charge of another’s arms when he
required both hands for climbing, and that above all they should take
advantage of cover. Walpole had three infantry regiments with him; but
the men that he chose for this work were the 17th Light Dragoons, and
he did not regret his choice. So the two troops of the Seventeenth were
dismounted and turned into mountaineer marksmen.

Colonel Walpole soon put his men into good heart by playing off the
Maroon trick of ambuscades against themselves; for he lay in wait for
one of their foraging parties, cut it off, and destroyed it to a man. A
week later he sent a party of the Seventeenth along the right crest of
the main cockpit in order to try and discover some fresh entrance into
it. The party soon encountered the Maroons and became hotly engaged.
The whole force of the Seventeenth numbered but forty men, of whom
a fourth had been left in reserve under the command of a sergeant.
Unfortunately, when called up in support, this sergeant led his handful
of men straight into the mouth of the cockpit, where, of course, there
was a bullet ready for every one of them. The main body, however,
kept together, and was brought off in good order when compelled to
retire by want of ammunition. Of the forty men one sergeant and three
men were killed, and nine men wounded--a pretty heavy loss. None the
less the Maroons were considerably dismayed by this bold attack, for
hitherto they had been accustomed to lie hidden while the white men
poured harmless volleys into the unresisting mountains. Still more
dismayed were they when Walpole, having cleared the heights of jungle,
managed by hook or by crook to get a howitzer in position and began to
drop shells into the cockpit. In a very short time the Maroons were
driven out of this favourite position, and compelled to withdraw to
the adjoining cockpit. This was a serious matter for them, for the
abandoned cockpit contained a spring of water. Walpole at once followed
them up with the howitzer and drove them out of their second retreat.
[Sidenote: 1795.] The Maroons then withdrew to a stupendous height
so as to be out of reach of the shells. But a young cornet of the
Seventeenth, Oswald Werge by name, saw one of the Maroon women leave
the height to draw water, followed her unseen, and thus discovered the
one path that led to the Maroon position. By this path the Seventeenth
advanced, and again drove out the Maroons, who now retired down a very
steep precipice into a third cockpit, where there was a spring of
water. The Seventeenth occupied the abandoned height, and a detachment
of the 62nd Foot under Colonel Hull marched into the virgin fortress of
Cudjoe. They were the first white men who had ever penetrated into it,
but they could never have entered it if the Seventeenth had not cleared
the way.

What time was occupied by these operations, and with what loss to the
Seventeenth, I have unfortunately been unable exactly to determine.
There seems to have been a critical action on the 15th December, to
which General Walpole makes allusion, but whereof no account can
be found. All that is known is that thirty men of the Seventeenth,
together with ten of another regiment (probably the 62nd) were
posted so as to intercept the Maroons in one of Walpole’s concerted
movements, the whole detachment being under the command of a subaltern,
who was not of the Seventeenth. The Maroons, however, managed to
surprise this party, and shot down a certain number, including the
officer, who, being disabled by his wound, made over the command to
Sergeant-Major Stephenson of the Seventeenth. Stephenson was quite
equal to the occasion. Far from being dismayed, he rallied his men and
made a counter attack on the Maroons with a vigour that astonished
them. Such conduct would have been creditable at any time, but it
becomes particularly conspicuous when we think of the scare that had
been created in Jamaica by the reputation and first successes of the
Maroons. Stephenson was offered a commission in the infantry for his
gallantry on this occasion, but stuck to his own regiment, in the hope
of gaining a commission in the Seventeenth.

[Sidenote: 18th Dec.]

Three days after, Colonel Hull, still following up the Maroons with
his little force of the Seventeenth and 62nd, fell in with them
strongly posted on a precipitous hillside. [Sidenote: 1795.] The
British halted on the acclivity over against them; and both sides
opened a heavy fire. After about a dozen of the Maroons had fallen they
ceased firing and began to blow their horns, as if desirous of seeking
a parley. Thereupon the English fire was checked, and the Maroons were
then told that the Colonel would grant them peace. [Sidenote: 18th
Dec.] For a long time they refused to believe it until Mr. Oswald
Werge, of the Seventeenth, coolly threw down his arms, scrambled
down to the valley below, and invited the Maroons to come and shake
hands. It was an act of uncommon courage, for both sides, true to
Maroon tactics, kept themselves carefully under cover; and therefore
the first man to show himself, however pacific his intention, stood
a good chance of being shot down. Werge’s coolness, however, saved
him. The Maroons took courage. One of them came down and shook hands
with him, and presently exchanged hats with him, which was the Maroon
symbol of perfect friendship. Thereupon it was agreed that hostilities
should cease, and that Colonel Walpole should be sent for; and it was
stipulated that neither British nor Maroons should advance until his
arrival. Still neither force trusted the other; and, accordingly, the
two tiny armies lay on their arms, weary, and worn and thirsty, to
glare at each other through the livelong night. In the valley between
them was a well; but in order that neither force should take an unfair
advantage, it was agreed that British and Maroons alike should post
two sentries over it. At length, however, the Maroons, unable longer
to endure the agony of thirst, begged that the British sentries might
be withdrawn while they drank, and engaged to withdraw their own in
turn that the British too might drink. So both sides came down to the
well and drank; and then the guard was posted again, and the rest
returned to their arms. It must have been a strange scene, this of
the rival sentries over the spring in that savage rocky glen--on the
one side the wild negro of the mountain, his splendid athletic form
barely concealed by a few foul rags, on the other the trooper of the
Seventeenth, [Sidenote: 1795.] bronzed, and lean, and haggard after
months of harassing work, with his blue jacket faded, his white facings
weeks soiled, his white breeches and Hessian boots sadly the worse for
wear; but always erect and alert, and proud in the consciousness that
he had beaten the dreaded Maroons on their own ground. There must have
been good discipline in these sixty-four men of the Seventeenth and
the fifty of the 62nd, seeing that with all the burden of a tropical
climate on their backs they had outstayed the native mountaineers in
the deliberate endurance of thirst within sight of water.

This action ended the war. The Maroons surrendered to Walpole, and
submitted to beg His Majesty’s pardon on their knees, while Walpole
on his side promised that they should not be sent out of the island.
This promise was violated by the Jamaica Government, whereat Walpole
was so disgusted that he not only refused a sword of honour from the
Jamaica Parliament, but resigned his commission. Thus the Seventeenth
never had a chance of fighting under this gallant officer again. When
he took charge of the operations the Jamaica Government was in such
despair of quelling the Maroons that it actually imported a hundred
bloodhounds from Cuba to hunt them down. When the hounds arrived the
war was virtually over; and Walpole, in a letter to Lord Balcarres, has
recorded to whom the credit was due:--

I must not omit to mention to your Lordship that it is to the
impression made by the undaunted bravery of the 17th Light
Dragoons, who were more particularly engaged on the 15th
December, that we owe the submission of the rebels. The Maroons
speak of them with astonishment. Mr. Werge was particularly
signalised with the advanced guard, and the sergeant-major
of that regiment is strongly recommended for his spirit and
activity by the Commanding Officer, Mr. Edwards, who is in every
way deserving of your Lordship’s opinion.

[Illustration:

_G. Salisbury._ OFFICER. Review Order.
PRIVATE. Field-day Order. OFFICER. Stable Dress.

1817–1823.]

CHAPTER VIII

GRENADA AND ST. DOMINGO, 1796

[Sidenote: 1795.]

While these two troops of the Seventeenth were making a name for the
regiment in Jamaica, the remainder were very differently engaged. On
the 6th August four troops embarked at Cork, 189 men being present and
194 absent in Jamaica and elsewhere, and sailed to Portsmouth, where
they joined the cavalry camp at Netley, under Lord Cathcart. On the
21st September (according to the official record) they embarked for St.
Domingo. From that date, if it be correct, it is extremely difficult to
trace them. They formed part of the great expedition for the reconquest
of the West Indies beyond all doubt; but that expedition did not sail
until November, when the huge fleet of transports, under the convoy of
Admiral Christian’s squadron, was one of the most wonderful sights ever
seen by Englishmen. The ships were not clear of the Channel before they
were dispersed, many of them being lost, with appalling loss of life,
by a storm. The fleet, all that was left of it, sailed again on the 9th
December, and was again met by a storm, greatly damaged, and compelled
to return to Spithead on the 30th. On the 26th December 100 transports
were missing, of which no one knew whether they were afloat or gone
to the bottom. It was not until the following March that Sir Ralph
Abercromby, the Commander-in-Chief of the expedition, after having been
a third time driven back to England by gales in February, contrived
finally to reach Barbados, the headquarters of the British forces in
the West Indies.

The Seventeenth, or at any rate some of them, appear to have reached
the West Indies earlier than this. [Sidenote: 1795.] Two troops were
employed, we are told, as marines on board H.M.S. _Hermione_,
the ill-fated ship which in 1797 was the scene of one of the most
disgraceful mutinies in the history of the British navy. Fortunately
the Seventeenth had no share in the massacre of officers and
delivery of the ship to the Spaniards, which make the name of the
_Hermione_ a byword. The two troops were landed at Martinique; but
in order to understand why they were needed there it is necessary to
glance at the history of the West Indies during the year 1795.

It has already been said that Mr. Pitt made early attack on the French
Antilles. In addition to the expedition to St. Domingo, he in 1794
sent General Grey and Admiral Jervis to reduce the French islands of
Martinique and Guadeloupe, which object they successfully accomplished.
The adjacent islands of Grenada and St. Vincent had already been
surrendered to us by France in previous wars, and were known as the
French Ceded Islands. In 1795, however, the French contrived to stir
up revolt against the English in the whole of these islands; and as in
those days the French Revolutionists stuck at nothing, they did not
hesitate to rouse the whole negro population, free and slave, against
the British and ally themselves with it. The result was a quasi-civil
war of the most barbarous kind--in fact, a turning loose of all the
worst characters in the West Indies on the track of massacre and
plunder. The garrisons of the British islands were so weak that in some
cases, as in St. Lucia, they were overpowered and in others pressed
to extremity. Grenada being the island wherewith the Seventeenth was
engaged, it is necessary to glance at the course of the revolt therein.

Grenada, like most of the West Indian Islands, is simply a rugged,
confused mass of volcanic hills, rising at their highest to three
thousand feet. For the most part it is covered with jungle, but in
the valleys and on the less precipitous ground the soil is fertile,
and grows fine crops of sugar-canes and cacao. In shape the island
is elliptical: it measures at its longest, from north to south,
about twenty miles; at its broadest, from east to west, about ten
miles. [Sidenote: 1795.] There are two little ports, St. Andrews and
Grenville, on the windward or east side; another at the north point,
Sauteurs; and two more on the leeward or western side, Charlottetown
and St. George’s, the capital. The garrison in 1795 consisted of 150
men of the 58th Foot, quartered in the barracks at St. George’s, and in
the old fort, called Fort George, which still commands the entrance to
the harbour.

It was on the 2nd March 1795 that the revolt broke out in Grenada. None
of the English had the least idea that it was coming. The Governor
himself had gone away on a trip to the leeward side of the island,
unconscious of any mischief. Before the morning of the 3rd of March
had dawned the negroes had massacred the whites at Grenville Bay
to windward, captured those at Charlottetown to leeward, and held
forty-two of them, including the unlucky Governor, as prisoners in
their hands. The civilian next in rank to the Governor at once took
command of the island, sent to Martinique, Barbados, and Trinidad for
assistance, and called out the local militia. This done he sent the 150
men of the 58th, together with the militia, to attack the insurgent
post at Charlottetown. But when it came to the point the militia was
not to be found--every man had fled on board the coasting vessels. The
insurgents’ position being very strong, the 58th could not attack it,
and were compelled to return to St. George’s.

[Sidenote: 12th Mar.]

On the 12th March General Lindsay arrived from St. Lucia (which as yet
was still quiet) with 150 men of the 9th and 68th Foot, and on the
17th attacked the insurgents, who forthwith retired to an impregnable
position. Then the tropical rain came down and put a stop to all
further operations. There are not many roads in Grenada now, and
there were still fewer then--mere narrow, cobble-paved tracks, hardly
wide enough for any wheeled vehicle. In fact these West Indies are
miserable places to fight in, as this poor handful of British soldiers
now discovered. Soaked with rain, exhausted by the stifling heat, and
broken down by fever, the men had to tramp back as best they could.
[Sidenote: 1795.] General Lindsay in the delirium of fever committed
suicide, and his successor saw that without a stronger force it was
useless to attack the rebels. Meanwhile the head of the insurgents,
a ruffianly mulatto named Fédon, issued a proclamation threatening
death to all who helped the English, and announcing openly that he
would retaliate for any measures of repression by slaughtering his
prisoners. As a natural consequence the negroes flocked to his standard
in thousands, and laid the whole island waste.

[Sidenote: 1st April.]

On the 1st of April there arrived a weak reinforcement of the 25th and
29th Foot, probably about 400 men, from Barbados. With these and a
few blue-jackets Brigadier Campbell attacked the insurgent stronghold
on the 8th, but was repulsed. The rebel position was of extraordinary
strength, well chosen, well fortified by abattis and other obstacles,
and strongly manned. The British troops did all that men could do, with
everything--numbers, climate, and tropical rain--against them; but they
were compelled to retreat with the loss of 100 killed and wounded.
Fédon then brought out his prisoners and cut the throat of every one.

Then, as usual, together with the rains came the yellow fever. The
British troops suffered frightfully. “The 25th and 29th begin to fall
down fast,” says the General in a letter of 11th May. “Twenty died last
week and six were carried off yesterday.” So things went from bad to
worse. No reinforcements could be obtained from the other islands, for
one and all (excepting Barbados) were in a worse position than Grenada.
St. Lucia had been evacuated; St. Vincent, after desperate fighting,
was at the last gasp. In fact it seemed as if the West Indies were lost
to England. By December the insurgent force in Grenada amounted to
10,000 men, well armed, furnished with artillery, and led by trained
white French officers. The British troops, outnumbered on every side,
were compelled to abandon the ports which they had tried to hold on
the coast, and retire to St. George’s. The rebels, or brigands as
they were called, threatened to attack them even there. [Sidenote:
1795.] Nothing but the capture of the capital was wanting to give them
absolute possession of the whole island.

[Sidenote: 1796.]

But at last the tide began to turn. The long-awaited reinforcements
from England had arrived at Barbados, and the relief of Grenada was
at hand. On the 4th March 588 men from the 10th, 25th, and 88th Foot,
under Brigadier Mackenzie, arrived at St. George’s. They had lost
45 men in the course of a two days’ passage; but their arrival was
timely, for it compelled the insurgents to retire from before the
capital. A week later further reinforcements from the 3rd, 8th, and
63rd Foot and the Seventeenth Light Dragoons landed at Sauteurs, at
the extreme north point of the island. What were the numbers of the
Seventeenth I have not been able to ascertain. One account says two
troops, and I am inclined to think that this is correct. Whence these
troops came, whether from England or Martinique, it is impossible to
say. On the 24th March, pursuant to the designs of Brigadier Campbell,
the forces at Sauteurs, 700 men in all, and those from St. George’s,
converged--the former by land, the latter by sea--upon the new position
which the rebels had entrenched at Port Royal or Grenville. The troops,
having been landed, worked during the night at the construction of a
three-gun battery, and opened fire at daybreak next morning. But before
attacking the main position on the principal heights, it was necessary
first to clear some secondary heights adjoining them. [Sidenote: 25th
Mar.] For this duty the detachment of the 88th was detailed; but such
was the difficulty of the ground that it was two hours before the
88th could even get near the enemy, and when they reached them it was
only to be driven back. With great reluctance Campbell, who had made
his dispositions not only to drive the rebels out, but to cut them
off on every side, was compelled to bring up the 8th Foot to support
their attack. Just at that moment a few of the rebels sneaked round to
the rear of the British and set fire to the stores on the beach; and
the conflagration was hardly extinguished when two French schooners
anchored in the bay and began to land troops under cover of their
artillery fire. Campbell saw that no time was to be lost. [Sidenote:
1796.]Under a heavy cross fire from the rebel batteries ashore, and
the guns of the schooners afloat, the Seventeenth charged down the
beach and swept it clean, cutting down every soul. They then rallied
and took post under cover of a hill. Meanwhile Campbell, quickly
concentrating his infantry, led them straight to the assault, and,
not without a severe struggle, carried the entrenchments by storm.
The insurgents fled in all directions, but they did not get off scot
free; for, as they emerged upon the low ground, the Seventeenth swooped
upon them and did great execution. Three hundred brigands, mostly
_sans-culottes_ from Guadeloupe, are said to have met their fate
at the hands of the regiment that day. No prisoners were taken: it
was not a time for taking prisoners; and the survivors of the pursuit
took refuge in their original stronghold opposite Charlottetown. The
total British loss was 12 officers and 135 men killed and wounded. The
Seventeenth lost but 4 men wounded, one horse killed, and two horses
wounded; but the detachment, together with its commander Captain John
Black, was highly commended both in orders and despatches for its
behaviour in the action.

After this engagement nothing more was done for a time, owing to the
general confusion caused by the revolt. The Seventeenth was moved to
St. George’s and quartered in Government House, much to the disgust of
the new Governor, who arrived in April and wanted the house to himself.
[Sidenote: 17th Mar.] Meanwhile the main expedition under Sir Ralph
Abercromby had at last arrived from England and was concentrating
at Barbados. He turned his attention first to St. Lucia, which was
recaptured on the 24th May, and then to St. Vincent, which was finally
relieved on the 10th June. [Sidenote: 19th June.] A few days later he
sent a force to Grenada, which landed at Charlottetown and advanced
upon Morne Quaqua, the great rebel stronghold, from the west, while a
second column moved against it from the east. This Morne Quaqua was a
remarkable position. The rebel camp was on a height at a considerable
elevation, and above it rose a rocky precipice accessible only by a
narrow path, which path, together with the lower ground beneath it,
was commanded by a field-gun and several swivels and wall-pieces. Above
this rose another bluff with another gun in position, and finally above
this again, at the head of a very steep ascent, came the summit. Felled
trees and abattis made good any points that nature might have left
unstrengthened. Nevertheless, the French commandant, when he saw the
advance of the British columns, lost heart and surrendered. Fédon and
the desperate faction thereupon led out their English prisoners, some
twenty in number, stripped them, bound them, and murdered them. They
then fled to the jungle, where they were hunted down by the troops and
hanged in twos and threes. Fédon alone, most unfortunately, was never
caught.

So ended the relief of Grenada, wherein the Seventeenth took decidedly
a leading part. How long the detachment remained in the island it is
impossible to discover, but probably not for very long; for by August,
so far as can be gathered from scattered notices, five troops of the
regiment were at St. Domingo and three at Jamaica. It is to these
three latter that a muster-roll taken in December 1796 most probably
refers,--a ghastly document wherein, unfortunately, the place of muster
is not mentioned. It shows that between 25th June and 24th December
1796, of--

12 sergeants 7 died,
116 privates 76 died,
2 trumpeters both died.

Thirty-seven men out of 130 died in a single week, and but forty-five
were left alive when the muster was taken. Captain John Black,
who had done so well in Grenada, was dead by July; one of the
Lieutenant-Colonels, George Hardy, had died a month before him. Such
was yellow fever in the West Indies a hundred years ago.

Of the services of the regiment in St. Domingo it has been extremely
difficult to gather any information, owing to the absence of all St.
Domingo despatches from the Record Office. It would appear, however,
that the Seventeenth was quartered at Jeremie under the orders of
General Bowyer. [Sidenote: 1796.] The French, under the command of
the coloured man Rigaud, were very active, in the spring of 1796,
in attacking the various scattered posts occupied by the British on
the south-eastern promontory of St. Domingo, round about Jeremie.
[Sidenote: 8th Aug.] In August, General Bowyer being apprehensive of
further attack on these posts, sent Captain Whitby with two subalterns
and sixty rank and file of the Seventeenth, dismounted, eastward to
Caymites, _en route_ for the two posts named Fort Raimond and Du
Centre. [Sidenote: 10th Aug.] At this latter place they arrived on
the 10th. Whitby had hardly time to send a small detachment of the
13th Light Dragoons to Raimond, when that post was attacked by the
French, who were repulsed with severe loss. Whitby then reinforced
Raimond still further by a detachment of twenty men of the Seventeenth
under Lieutenant Gilman, who took post in the block-house. On the
12th the enemy were still before the block-house, keeping up a heavy
though not very effective fire, when Gilman at last grew tired of it,
sallied out with his twenty men of the Seventeenth and a few Colonial
irregulars, and drove them off into the jungle. The French left a small
field-gun behind them, and sixty-three dead on the field, sixteen of
whom were whites. Many more dead and wounded were found dead in the
jungle afterwards. “I am happy to say,” wrote General Bowyer, “that
in this gallant affair the Seventeenth had only two privates wounded.
Lieutenant Gilman’s[9] cool conduct and intrepidity on this occasion
seem to me so praiseworthy that I should not do justice to my own
feelings if I did not recommend him for promotion.”

Simultaneously Bowyer was under the necessity of raising the siege of
Irois, another post, which Rigaud had besieged for eighteen days with
4000 men. Then hearing that the French had taken up a strong position
on a mountain called Morne Gautier, to cut off communication between
Irois and Jeremie, he resolved to attack it. He therefore marched in
three columns at daybreak on the 16th August, and opened fire at long
range. [Sidenote: 1796.] Seeing that the men of the Seventeenth, who
formed part of his force, were falling fast, he determined to carry the
position by assault, and had formed the Seventeenth for the purpose,
when he was disabled by a bullet which struck him in the left breast.
None the less the attack was made; and though the British were driven
back the French retreated in the night, and Irois was saved. In the
course of these operations the Seventeenth lost about thirty men killed
and wounded, seven having been killed and fifteen wounded in the attack
on Morne Gautier alone. As only half the regiment was in St. Domingo,
and that half terribly reduced by sickness, these losses cannot but
represent at least a third, if not more, of the numbers engaged.

With this the record of the Seventeenth in St. Domingo comes to an end.
What further work it may have done is buried in the lost despatches
and the lost regimental papers. [Sidenote: 1797.] There is a complete
muster-roll of the regiment dated Port Royal, 4th March 1797, showing
that 126 men died in the course of the year 1796; but whether the
regiment was moved thither from St. Domingo before its return home, or
whether it sailed home direct, must remain uncertain. In any case it
left the West Indies, and arrived in England in August 1797. The bad
luck at sea which had marked the departure from England attended the
passage home. The head-quarter ship, the _Caledonia_, foundered
at sea, and though the men were saved the baggage and regimental books
were lost. Hence the scantiness of information respecting the first
forty years of the life of the regiment.

CHAPTER IX

1797–1807

OSTEND--LA PLATA

[Sidenote: 1797.]

On landing in England the Seventeenth was distributed into quarters
at Nottingham, Leicester, Trowbridge, Bath, and Bristol. The regiment
was reduced to a mere skeleton. Four hundred recruits and a draft from
the 18th Light Dragoons, however, soon filled up the gaps and restored
it to its strength. All ranks had something new to learn. In 1796 a
new drill-book, far more ambitious than any that had yet appeared, was
provided for the cavalry; and for the first time (so far as I have
been able to discover) a properly authorised system of sword exercise.
The drill shows little that is new, except that the system of telling
off by threes now came into general use, and with it the practice of
executing all movements to the rear by means of “Threes about.” The
interval of “six inches from knee to knee” in the ranks also makes its
appearance as the normal formation. A further change is the reversion
to the old practice of posting troop leaders on the flanks of troops,
dressing with the men, and covered by a corporal in the rear rank.

As regards sword exercise we must content ourselves with observing that
we encounter for the first time the once famous “six cuts.” The recruit
was posted in front of a wall on which was drawn a circle; and he was
then taught that each of the six cuts required of him should intersect
at the centre of the circle, and divide it into six equal segments.
I do not mean that the unhappy man was tortured by any such abstruse
terms as these, but that this was the principle on which the six cuts
were based. [Sidenote: 1797.] In addition, there was a seventh cut,
directed vertically, so to speak, from heaven to earth, and called
by the high-sounding name of St. George. These seven cuts are still
familiar to hundreds of living men. The whole of the sword exercise was
comprehended in no fewer than six divisions, each containing from seven
to ten words of command, and must therefore have consumed considerable
time. It may be remarked that, when cutting the sword exercise on foot,
the men were not required to extend their legs as at present, though
they kept the bridle hand in the bridle position. The swords themselves
were perhaps the most defective part of the whole concern, and caused
great complaint among the Light Dragoons in the Peninsula. The pattern
was bad, and the material was bad; and common sense was so absolutely
ignored in the design that the hilt was not even provided with a
guard. Before quitting the question of drill, it is well to remind
readers that dismounted drill still occupies a prominent place in the
training of the Light Dragoons; and the words “Form battalion” and “Fix
bayonets” are still in full use.

[Sidenote: 1798.]

In 1798 the regiment was moved to Canterbury, where it made the
acquaintance of a naval officer who was destined to exert some
influence on a part of its career. This was Captain, afterwards Sir
Home, Popham. Just then he was full of a scheme for blowing up the
lock-gates of the Bruges Canal, which lock-gates were situated at
Saas, a village just a mile from the entrance to Ostend harbour. The
canal itself from Bruges to Saas was thirteen miles long, one hundred
yards wide, and thirteen feet deep, and had recently been completed at
a cost of five millions. For the invasion of England it was of great
importance to the enemy; for any number of vessels could be fitted up
therein and brought down to Ostend without risk of facing the British
cruisers at sea. If an invasion were intended, Ostend was obviously the
best port of embarkation for the invading army; and even if the project
of a descent on England should prove to be no more than a scare, the
destruction of the lock would at any rate spoil a seaport and stop all
internal navigation from Holland to West Flanders.

[Sidenote: April.]

So Captain Popham argued; and his arguments were held to be good.
Accordingly the whole plan of operation was entrusted to him; and
preparations for the little expedition went forward with the utmost
secrecy all through the month of April. By the second week in May
everything was ready, and on the 13th the troops were embarked at
Margate on seven transports. The force consisted of four companies
of the 1st Guards, the flank companies of the Coldstream Guards, 3rd
Guards, 23rd, and 49th Foot; the 11th Foot, artillerymen with six guns,
and, lastly, one sergeant and eight men of the 17th Light Dragoons,
the only mounted men of the expedition. [Sidenote: 16th May.] On the
morning of the 16th May the little fleet got a fair wind and sailed
away, arriving, without further mishap than leaving the 1st Guards
hopelessly astern, in Ostend at 1 A.M. on the 19th. [Sidenote:
19th May.] For a time everything went like clockwork. Sir Eyre Coote,
who commanded the expedition, summoned the French commander at Ostend
to surrender, as a feint, to make him believe the town was the object
of attack. Then having received a high-flown reply, and seen all
the French troops drawn into Ostend, he quietly landed his men on
the opposite side of the river, and blew up the lock-gates with the
greatest success. By 11 A.M. Coote was back on the beach and
anxious to re-embark, having accomplished his object with the trifling
loss of five men killed and wounded. But meanwhile a gale had sprung
up, and the surf was so great that re-embarkation was impossible. After
several futile attempts, in which boats were swamped and the men nearly
drowned, Coote decided to entrench himself where he lay and wait for
better weather.

[Sidenote: 20th May.]

At four o’clock next morning, when the wind and surf had considerably
increased, the enemy was seen advancing in two columns, with far
superior numbers, against Coote’s position. Outnumbered and outflanked
the British force fought for two hours against hopeless odds, until
Coote was wounded while rallying the 11th Foot. [Sidenote: 1798.] Then
General Burrard, the second in command, seeing the front broken and
both flanks turned, was compelled to surrender. Of the 1100 men landed,
163 were killed and wounded, and the rest of course taken prisoners.
Of the nine men of the Seventeenth, one was wounded. So exemplary had
been their behaviour, we are told, that when, shortly after, they were
exchanged and returned to the regiment, [Sidenote: 1799.] every man of
them was promoted to be a non-commissioned officer, while the sergeant,
William Brown, was given a commission, first in the waggon train and
latterly in the regiment. As usual the non-commissioned officer of the
Seventeenth, when in independent command, brings credit to his corps.

In this same year two squadrons of the regiment were ordered
to Portsmouth to embark for Egypt, but, the order having been
countermanded, the whole regiment joined a large cavalry camp then
formed at Swinley. [Sidenote: 1800.] In the following year another camp
of 30,000 men was formed on Bagshot Heath under the command of the Duke
of York, of which the regiment again formed part. In September it was
employed in suppressing riots which had arisen in consequence of the
high price of provisions. While engaged in this service many men were
badly knocked about, and Captain Werge, who had escaped without injury
from such deadly marksmen as the Maroons, narrowly escaped death at
the hands of his own countrymen, receiving a shot through his helmet.
[Sidenote: 1801.]Two troops having been added to the establishment, the
regiment paraded in its greatest recorded strength at Manchester in
the following year--upwards of 1000 non-commissioned officers and men,
and nearly 1000 horses, being present. Colonel Grey was the fortunate
officer who held command, and we must hope that Major-General Oliver
Delancey, the Colonel-in-Chief, who alone could remember the regiment
before it went to the American War, went up to inspect so fine a corps.
Unfortunately this magnificent strength did not last long. [Sidenote:
1802.] In May 1802, England and France, being both of them exhausted
after nine years’ fighting, agreed to the peace of Amiens. Thereupon,
with the usual blindness, the army was reduced, and two troops of the
Seventeenth were disbanded. Their horses were valued by a dealer at
forty guineas apiece, a larger price in those days than in these, which
shows that the regiment must have been superbly mounted.[10]

[Sidenote: 1803.]

Peace lasted for just fourteen months; and then in May 1803 England
took the initiative and declared war against France. On the 1st of that
month the Seventeenth embarked from Liverpool for Ireland. It met with
its usual luck at sea on the passage, the transports being dispersed
by a gale which drove them into various ports on the East Coast, and
permitted but one immediately to reach its destination at Dublin.
[Sidenote: 1804.] In the course of the following year the establishment
was again augmented to ten troops, four of which joined the camp at
the Curragh, where a large force was assembled under the command of
Lord Cathcart. This Lord Cathcart, let us remember, was an officer
of the Seventeenth during the American War; he is the same man who
commanded the expedition against Copenhagen in 1807, when Sir Arthur
Wellesley himself served under him. [Sidenote: 1805.] The following
year is memorable for the formation of Napoleon’s camp of invasion at
Boulogne. Napoleon’s hopes having been shattered by Nelson’s victory at
Trafalgar (12th October), he broke up the camp and marched away to the
campaign of Ulm and Austerlitz. Previous to these two great disasters
there had been some idea of a diversion to be made by an English army
on the Continent; and in September the Seventeenth received orders
to prepare for foreign service as part of this force. But Austerlitz
effectually smothered this design. In December the regiment was moved
back to England, and spent Christmas day on the passage, the first of
four successive Christmas days that it was destined to celebrate on the
sea.

[Sidenote: 1806.]

The year 1806 opened gloomily with the death of William Pitt, the
great man whose indomitable spirit had carried England through the
first and worse half of the tremendous contest against France. The want
of his guiding hand was soon to be badly felt.

The month of March brought a nearer occasion of mourning to the
Seventeenth. On the 20th there died at the Plantation, Guisbrough, in
Yorkshire, General John Hale, the father of the regiment. He had been
promoted Major-General in 1772, Lieutenant-General in 1777, and General
in 1793, and, it seems, had settled down to end his days among his
wife’s people. In his long life of seventy-eight years he had seen the
rise of William Pitt, “the terrible cornet of horse,” and the death
of his son William Pitt, “the pilot who weathered the storm.” He left
behind him seventeen children and the Seventeenth Light Dragoons.

Just about this time unfavourable reports of the regiment found their
way to headquarters, insomuch [Sidenote: April.] that a general was
sent down to Northampton to inspect it. Rather to his surprise this
officer found that, so far from being unfit for active service, the
regiment was the best in the matter of men and horses, drill and
equipment, that he had seen. He reported accordingly to headquarters,
with results that were speedily apparent.

In September, the regiment being then distributed in quarters at
Brighton, Hastings, Romney, Rye, and other points on the south-east
coast, there arrived suddenly one night an express message ordering the
Seventeenth to prepare forthwith for foreign service. Its route, it was
added, would be sent down immediately. [Sidenote: 27th Sept.] On the
27th September the regiment marched to Portsea and Southampton, and
having detached two troops to Chichester as a depôt, gave up its horses
and embarked on the 5th October at Spithead, bound for South America.
It must now be explained where and why it was wanted.

[Sidenote: 1806.]

On the 4th January 1806, just when the Seventeenth was disembarking
in England from Dublin, there arrived off the Cape of Good Hope 4000
British troops under Sir David Baird, convoyed by a squadron under
Commodore Sir Home Popham. The troops were landed; and in less than
three weeks the Cape Colony had passed from the Dutch into the hands
of the English for ever. Before he sailed, Sir Home Popham, always
a busy man, had become greatly bitten with the idea of an attack on
the Spanish possessions in Central and South America, that is to say,
on any part of Central and South America except Brazil, which was a
Portuguese Colony. He had held many conversations with one General
Miranda, a native of Venezuela, who was at the head of a revolutionary
movement against the dominion of Spain in South America, and had
promised that if the British would send a force thither the whole
population would rise and fight at their side against Spain. It was
the old story which had taken the English to the Carolinas in 1781,
and to St. Domingo in 1793, with most disastrous results. But Popham,
forgetting these two lessons, continually urged upon the English
Government the project of an attack on South America, and even drew up
a complete plan of operations for descent on the continent from the
Atlantic and Pacific sides simultaneously.

The date of this plan is October 1804. The memorandum had been before
the British Government for more than a year, and had received little or
no notice. At three months’ distance from England, with men and ships
to his hand, and no one in command over him, Popham persuaded Baird
to let him have Brigadier-General Beresford (afterwards well known
in the Peninsular War as Marshal Beresford) and 900 men; [Sidenote:
14th April.] and with these and his squadron he sailed away for Rio
de la Plata, to take Buenos Ayres on his own responsibility. At first
everything went well. The force, strengthened by 200 more men picked up
at St. Helena, duly arrived in the Plata, and disembarked on the 25th
June at a point ten miles below Buenos Ayres. From thence, in spite of
Spanish troops in greatly superior numbers that were drawn up to oppose
him, Beresford marched practically unchecked and unhindered into
the city, [Sidenote: 26th June.]and on the following day received its
surrender.

[Illustration:

_G. Salisbury, 1832_

OFFICERS, 1824.]

For seven weeks Beresford held Buenos Ayres, the people swearing
allegiance to King George, and doing everything in the way of promises
that was asked of them,--all of which did not prevent them from
rising _en masse_, when their preparations were complete, and
attacking Beresford with unmistakable fury. [Sidenote: 12th Aug.]
With but 1300 men against 13,000, Beresford fought for three hours
and inflicted heavy loss on the enemy, but having lost 12 officers
and 150 men, he was at length compelled to surrender. The Spaniards
agreed to his proposals that he and his army should be shipped off
to England forthwith; and there it might have been supposed that the
whole matter would have ended. But it was not to be. The Spaniards most
treacherously violated the treaty, and carried off Beresford and the
whole of his army into the back country as prisoners.

On the first capture of Buenos Ayres Popham had, of course, sent
despatches home to report his success. The Government, however,
was, for various reasons, much annoyed and embarrassed at Popham’s
escapade, and responded by ordering him to England and trying him
by court-martial. Still the nation at large was so delighted at the
exploit that the Government, after much hesitation, was forced to send
out reinforcements under Sir Samuel Auchmuty. Auchmuty’s instructions
bade him simply make good Beresford’s losses and await further
reinforcements, failing the arrival of which he was to proceed with his
troops to the Cape. At one moment in August the whole expedition was
countermanded; but finally the Government made up its mind and decided,
on 22nd September, to despatch it. This vacillation accounts for the
very short and sudden warning received by the Seventeenth. The whole
force under Auchmuty’s command numbered 3000 men, viz. the Seventeenth,
700 strong; the 87th and 40th regiments of Foot; three companies of the
95th (now the Rifle Brigade), and 170 Artillery. [Sidenote: 1806.] The
transports finally sailed from Falmouth on the 9th October, the British
Government being still in ignorance of the loss of Buenos Ayres and of
the capture of Beresford’s army.

The haste in the equipment of the expedition soon showed itself in
various ways. The transports were such miserable sailers that, long
before they reached their destination, they ran short of water,
and were obliged to put in at Rio Janeiro. There Auchmuty heard
of Beresford’s disaster, and further of the arrival of a small
reinforcement of the 47th and 38th Foot, which had been sent from the
Cape to the Plata, and had taken up a position at Maldonado, a town
standing at the entrance to the river on the north side. [Sidenote:
1807.]Not knowing what to do, Auchmuty victualled his ships for four
months and started off again for Maldonado, where he arrived at last,
after a passage of 147 weary days, [Sidenote: 5th Jan.] on the 5th
January.

Finding that Maldonado was an untenable position, Auchmuty evacuated
it a week later and sailed up the river. [Sidenote: 13th Jan.] The
retention of Beresford’s army was an act of treachery which called for
reprisals, and these he resolved to take by attacking Monte Video,
which stands on the north bank of the river, on the opposite side to
Buenos Ayres, and some one hundred and twenty miles below it. On the
16th he landed in a small bay to west of Caretas Rocks, nine miles from
Monte Video, the enemy watching the disembarkation in great force, but
not daring to oppose it. Three days later Auchmuty began his advance
upon Monte Video in two columns, the right column being made up of the
Seventeenth, two troops of the 20th, and as many of the 21st Light
Dragoons, all of them dismounted, under Brigadier-General Lumley.
The Seventeenth had previously exchanged their carbines for Spanish
muskets, which had been obtained at Rio Janeiro. This right column was
early attacked by the enemy and threatened by 4000 Spanish cavalry,
which occupied two heights in the front and right of Auchmuty’s
advance. The attack, however, was soon repulsed by the dismounted
cavalry and the light companies of the infantry; and the enemy retired,
allowing the British advanced posts to occupy the suburbs of Monte
Video on the same evening. [Sidenote: 1807.] Auchmuty himself had his
horse shot under him while directing this column, and remounted himself
on Colonel Evan Lloyd’s charger.

[Sidenote: 20th Jan.]

Next day the enemy took the initiative, sallying forth against
Auchmuty’s force with 6000 men and several guns. This time they
attacked the British left and left flank with cavalry, using their
infantry to keep the dismounted cavalry in check. After driving in the
picquets the Spanish infantry column was repulsed with great slaughter,
and the cavalry then retired. The enemy’s loss in this action was
reckoned at 1500. The English loss between the 16th and 20th was 18
killed and 119 wounded of all ranks.

Arrived before the town, Auchmuty discovered that the defences of Monte
Video were not “weak,” as Popham had described them in his memorandum,
but, to use Auchmuty’s own word, “respectable,” mounting 160 guns.
Moreover the Spaniards, through possession of a fortified island, kept
command of the sea, and were able to cannonade the British advance
from their gunboats. Nevertheless, Auchmuty was fully decided that
he would take Monte Video somehow. While he was making up his mind
how to do it the enemy appeared on his rear, but was repulsed after a
sharp skirmish, in which the Seventeenth lost a few men. [Sidenote:
22nd Jan.] After a few days’ construction of batteries and other
preparations, Auchmuty saw that if Monte Video was to be taken it must
be stormed, and accordingly made his dispositions for an assault at
daybreak on the 3rd February. Naturally he chose infantry regiments
for infantry work, and left the Seventeenth, together with the rest
of the cavalry, the 47th Foot, one company of the 71st, and 700
marines to protect the rear and cover the attack, under the command of
General Lumley. [Sidenote: 3rd Feb.] The storming force did its work
magnificently, and in a few hours Monte Video was in Auchmuty’s hands,
though at the cost of 27 officers and 370 men killed and wounded.

Horses being cheap, some of the Seventeenth were now mounted, doubtless
a very welcome change from the drudgery of the infantry work during the
siege of Monte Video; though even when employed on foot the regiment
earned the personal thanks of the General. [Sidenote: 1807.] The
Seventeenth had shown that it could beat the infantry at its own work
in Jamaica eleven years before. But the native South American horses,
as Auchmuty himself says, were not strong enough to carry the equipment
of the British dragoons. The native irregular horsemen, armed with
muskets and swords, pursued a method of warfare of the most harassing
kind. They would ride up in twos or threes, dismount, fire over their
horses’ backs, mount again, and gallop off before the British had a
chance of catching them. And these men were not soldiers; they were the
ordinary members of the population, not friendly as Popham had hoped,
but inveterately hostile to the European invaders. In fact the British
on the Plata found exactly the same elements opposed to them in New
Spain as Napoleon was to find, a few months later, in the old Spain
which is known to us as the Peninsula. [Sidenote: March.] Owing to the
difficulty of obtaining forage, the mounted men of the Seventeenth,
some 220 in number, were sent up the country forty or fifty miles from
Monte Video to Lanelones and St. Joseph, while the remainder of the
regiment was quartered in and about Monte Video.

Meanwhile, since the departure of General Auchmuty, the British
Government had committed itself to the project of a general attack on
Spanish South America. Sir Arthur Wellesley himself was called upon
to give advice respecting it. Finally, on the 30th October General
Craufurd (the famous Craufurd of the Light Division) was ordered off
with 4000 men, with instructions to take Lima and Valparaiso on the
Pacific coast, and to open communications with Beresford across the
continent when Valparaiso was in his hands. Craufurd sailed on the 13th
December 1806, arrived at Porto Praya on the 11th January 1807, waited
for several weeks there in vain for the admiral who was to go with him,
and at last in despair sailed for the Cape, where he arrived on the
20th March. There he found orders to join Auchmuty at Buenos Ayres,
and accordingly sailed thither on the 5th April. [Sidenote: 1807.] The
confusion caused by the efforts of the British Government to manage
a campaign at from three to six months’ distance from England, can be
appreciated only by those who have read the original despatches.

In February there arrived in the Plata a reinforcement consisting of
the 9th Light Dragoons, a fact worth noting, inasmuch as this is the
only occasion on which this great regiment, the first of the Lancer
regiments, has fought side by side with the Seventeenth. The 16th and
Seventeenth fought together in their youth in America. Thus after
unspeakable confusion a large British force was at last in process
of concentration on the Plata. And now the Government in an evil
hour decided to put another commander over the heads of Craufurd and
Auchmuty, and chose for the purpose General John Whitelocke. He arrived
on the 10th May, and found that Auchmuty had already seized the town
of Colonia, immediately opposite to Buenos Ayres, so as to make the
passage across the river as short as possible. [Sidenote: 15th June.]
A month later Craufurd arrived, and next day the Seventeenth and the
artillery were embarked at Monte Video, while the rest of the army
moved up to Colonia to embark there. Devoutly thankful the Seventeenth
must have been to get to serious business again. Forage was terribly
scarce for the horses, and flour hardly less scarce for the men, though
bullocks could be bought for a dollar a head.

The passage up the river was delayed by contrary winds, but at last
the hundred miles were traversed, and the troops landed at Ensenada,
thirty miles below Buenos Ayres. The moment the army was disembarked
it was surrounded by a cloud of Spanish light cavalry hovering
about just out of musket range. Here was the opportunity for using
the Seventeenth; but it was not employed. Two of the four mounted
troops, each of forty men, were ordered to give up their horses to
the commissariat. [Sidenote: 28th June to 5th July.] But when the
pack-saddles were put on them the horses broke loose, and were from
that moment useless. Thirty more mounted men were detailed to look
after the landing of provisions, of whom ten were used as orderlies to
carry despatches. [Sidenote: 1807.] Twelve more were attached to one
of the infantry brigades; and the remainder, forty-eight all told,
accompanied General Whitelocke, principally, no doubt, as his escort.
The natural consequence was that the army could hardly advance at all.
One staff officer was taken prisoner by the enemy’s light cavalry while
carrying orders between two brigades, and another was stabbed within
three hundred yards of the flank of the British line, all for want of a
little cavalry which, with unspeakable folly, had been dismounted just
when it was most sorely needed to encounter the enemy’s horse.

On the 29th June the advance began, across a very difficult country,
much intersected by ditches and swamps, the dismounted men of the
Seventeenth forming the rear-guard. The army was like to have been
starved on this short march, but eventually it reached Buenos Ayres,
after brushing aside some slight opposition from the Spaniards on the
4th July. Part of the Seventeenth and 40th Foot were left behind at the
village of Reduction on the way, to protect the artillery. Sixteen of
them, mounted men, together with thirty dismounted men of the 9th, were
engaged in repelling an attack on the rear of the British advance.

[Sidenote: 3rd July.]

On the 3rd July General Whitelocke managed to lose his army; but on
the next day he found it again, and on the 5th July made his attack
on the city. [Sidenote: 5th July.] That is to say, that he sent 6000
men up fourteen different streets through three miles of a hostile
town, with strict orders not to fire until they reached the far end.
What is more, the 6000 men did it. Nearly every street was entrenched
and defended with cannon; every house was strongly barricaded and a
fortress in itself; from every roof came a shower not only of bullets
but of stones, bricks, and tiles, and every description of missile.
Nevertheless the men did fight their way to the other end of the
town without firing a shot; but by the time they had reached their
allotted positions 1000 of them were down, and 1500 more, Craufurd
himself among them, had been overpowered and compelled to surrender.
Nevertheless Auchmuty on the left held a strong position, to which many
men had rallied, where he had captured 32 guns and 600 prisoners; and
with him sixteen mounted men of the Seventeenth, together with some
infantry, opened communication, through all the fire, from the reserve.
[Sidenote: 1807.] On the extreme right the British also held a strong
position, and thither also some mounted men of the Seventeenth made
their way from Reduction, to keep in touch with the city. But all was
to no purpose. Next day Whitelocke came to terms with the Spaniards,
and agreed to withdraw every British soldier from the country.

So ended the ill-fated expedition to the Plata. Whitelocke was tried
by court-martial on his return, and cashiered. The British in any case
could hardly have kept a hold on the country; but Popham’s error was no
excuse for Whitelocke’s mismanagement. This was the third time in fifty
years in which the Seventeenth was sent on a fool’s errand to a country
where the population was expected to receive them with open arms, and
met them in fact with loaded muskets. Carolina in 1781, St. Domingo in
1796, and the Plata in 1806, were all part of one great blunder; and
for all three the Seventeenth suffered. It is not a soldier’s business
when sent on active service to inquire as to the wisdom or unwisdom
of the statesmen who send him. He must simply obey orders, and do
his duty. But it is hard when years of good and gallant service by a
regiment are buried under the cloud of a statesman’s blunder; and this
has been the fate of the Seventeenth.

CHAPTER X

FIRST SOJOURN OF THE 17TH IN INDIA, 1808–1823--THE PINDARI WAR

[Sidenote: 1807.]

The army evacuated the Plata in November. The Seventeenth was driven
by stress of weather into Cork Harbour, and thus spent their second
consecutive Christmas Day on shipboard. [Sidenote: 1808.] Leaving Cork
early in January it sailed to Portsmouth, disembarked on the 17th,
and joined the depôt troop at Chichester, where it remained for six
weeks dismounted under orders for the East Indies. Every man who asked
for a furlough within a hundred miles of London obtained it; and this
was well, for there were not many of them that saw their homes again.
Still, though the furlough was extended to the 20th February, every
man, with the exception of one detained by sickness, was present at the
expiration of the term. Moreover, though the men had money in their
pockets, having arrears of pay due to them on their return, there was
not a single case of misconduct at Chichester; and that meant a great
deal in these hard-drinking days. The men had gone through much since
they were last in England--147 days at sea in miserable transports,
most of the time within the tropics; then a campaign with plenty of
hardships and very little glory, wherein their horses were taken from
them just when they could have been most useful; then a two months’
passage home in bad weather, and the mortification of landing as part
of an unsuccessful army, and unsuccessful through no fault of its own.
Finally it was under orders to sail in six weeks to the East Indies, a
very deadly quarter to Europeans in those days.

[Sidenote: 1808.]

The Mayor and Corporation of Chichester could not understand how a
regiment in such circumstances could spend £3000 in the town in six
weeks without a single instance of misbehaviour, [Sidenote: 29th Feb.]
and went so far as to express their thanks to the Seventeenth for its
exemplary conduct.

A few days later the regiment embarked at Portsmouth, 800 strong,
under the command of Major Cotton; Lieutenant-Colonel Evan Lloyd being
detained to give evidence on General Whitelocke’s court-martial. On the
1st of June it arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, [Sidenote: 4th June.]
where it found one of its old colonels, Major-General H. G. Grey, and
was inspected by him. From the Cape the regiment sailed for Calcutta.
As it was approaching the Hugli one of the transports, the _Hugh
Inglis_, was set on fire by the carelessness of a petty officer, but
the fire was extinguished without serious damage. Next day the three
topmasts were carried away by a squall, and swept fourteen or fifteen
men overboard with them, of whom, however, all but one were saved. The
Seventeenth has gone through a good many adventures at sea between
gales, founderings, fires, and service as marines.

On the 25th August the regiment was disembarked at Calcutta, 790 men
strong, and did garrison duty in Fort William until December; during
which time Major Cotton, the regimental quartermaster, and sixty-two
non-commissioned officers and men, fell sick and died--a melancholy
opening to its first term of Indian service. [Sidenote: 1809.]In the
following year it was placed on the Bombay establishment, and sailing
from Calcutta arrived at Bombay on the 1st February. From thence it was
moved up to its destined quarters at Surat on the Tapti River, some two
hundred miles north of Bombay. Two galloping guns worked by its own men
were added, as was usual, to the establishment; and by a concurrence of
testimony the regiment was excellently mounted.

Early in 1810 the Seventeenth was employed on a rather curious service.
At the end of 1809 there was a sudden rising of religious fanatics in
Mandavi under the leadership of a man named Mean Abdul Rahman, who
killed the vizier of Mandavi, and put the rajah to flight. [Sidenote:
1809.] The leader then sent a message to the English Resident, ordering
him to accept Mohammedanism or fight. He added that he was come down
to earth in the bodies of four great men, Adam, Jesus, Ahmad and
Mean Abdul Rahman, and concluded with a request for three hundred
rupees. Absurd as the matter sounds, it soon assumed a serious aspect.
[Sidenote: 1810.] The news of the rising reached Surat on the 10th
January, and the people at once flocked out from the city to join the
new prophet. The Mohammedans in general began to assume a threatening
attitude, and attacked the Hindoos with the cry of “Deen.” In fact
there were the elements of a troublesome disturbance, which in the
judgment of the Resident required to be suppressed at once. Accordingly
four troops of the Seventeenth, under Major Supple, and some infantry
were called out and marched off to the village of Boodham, where the
prophet and the most devoted of his followers were assembled. The
Seventeenth outmarched the infantry, and came up with the fanatics at
daybreak on the morning of the 19th January on the plain outside the
village. The fanatics were summoned to surrender and give up their
leader; but they replied with shouts of defiance. A feint attack was
then made to intimidate them; but they simply threw up clouds of dust
in the horses’ faces and dared the Seventeenth to the combat. Then
the regiment attacked in earnest, and there ensued what the Resident
called a “furious engagement.” The fanatics were armed with spears
and small hatchets attached to bamboo shafts, twelve or fourteen feet
long, with which they could inflict severe wounds; and they fought
like demons. If the Seventeenth had had lances in these days they
might have made short work of them; but, as things were, the fighting
lasted for some time. It was not until 200 of the fanatics lay dead
on the field that the bulk of them dispersed and fled to the village,
where, still undefeated, they renewed the fight against the infantry
and artillery. Finally the Seventeenth set fire to the village and
put an end to the affair; and the leader of the fanatics, having been
wounded in the first action, was captured by the infantry. [Sidenote:
1810.]Of the Seventeenth, one corporal and two privates were killed;
all the officers, several privates and many of the horses were wounded.
Lieutenant Adams’ helmet was cut to pieces on his head.

In this same year a detachment of the Seventeenth, under Lieutenant
Johnson, accompanied Brigadier-General Sir John Malcolm on his mission
to Persia. On its return in December this detachment brought with
it a letter from Sir John to the Colonel, in which the former went
out of his way to express his high opinion not only of Mr. Johnson,
but of the non-commissioned officers, Sergeant Willock and Corporals
Carrigan and Batson, who were with him. It is remarkable to note that
non-commissioned officers of the Seventeenth, employed with small
detachments, have never failed from the first to command the admiration
of all strange officers whom it has been their duty to serve. A curious
memorial of this escort was found in the ruins of Persepolis by an
officer of the regiment (Lieutenant Anstruther Thomson, now Captain
Anstruther) while travelling in 1888. Scratched on one of the lions at
the head of the main stairway are the death’s head and cross-bones with
the motto, and beneath it the name “Serg^{t.} Rob^{t.} Willock”; and on
the wall of Xerxes’ house is cut the name of “P^{te.} M. Cloyne, 17 L.
D^{S.} 1810.”

Before we quit this year we must add two small extracts (copied from
the _Calcutta Gazette_) from the Dress Regulations, which gives us
a faint glimpse of the transition through which the British Army was
passing:--

_10th October._--Clubs and queues are abolished in all
ranks from this date, and the hair is in future to be cut close
to the neck. No powder is to be worn on duty.

This is the first beginning of the short hair, which now particularly
distinguishes a soldier. Old as the queues were, the whole Army was
delighted to be rid of them, though there were antique officers that
regretted them to the end. [Sidenote: 1810.] At the beginning of the
great war with France the War Office, which was decidedly negligent in
the matter of feeding the troops in Flanders, never failed to send them
shiploads of leathern queues.

_8th November._--Scale epaulettes are to be worn
exclusively by officers of cavalry.

No shoulders have seen more vicissitudes of adornment than those of the
British officer.

[Sidenote: 1811.]

In December of the following year the regiment left Surat for new
cantonments at Ruttapore, near Kaira, in the northern division
of Guzerat. [Sidenote: 1812.] On the 1st of January following
Lieutenant-Colonel Evan Lloyd was promoted to be Major-General, and
retired from the command. He was the last of the officers then doing
duty with the regiment who had served with it in the American War.
His successor was the Hon. Lincoln Stanhope, who came from the 16th
Lancers, and was blamed by his brother officers in that corps, not
without justice, for preferring “an arduous campaign in Bond Street”
to duty with his regiment in the Peninsula. None the less he did good
service enough with the Seventeenth.

The year 1812 brought with it a further change in the clothing. The
cord lacing and the innumerable buttons that had adorned the front
of the jacket were abolished, and another jacket with broad, white
facings, almost as wide as a plastron, was substituted in its stead.
Simultaneously the old helmet disappeared and the felt shako took its
place. The old white breeches and knee-boots were likewise swept away
to make room for French gray overalls, with a double white stripe, and
Wellington boots. These last may perhaps have been introduced rather
earlier than the other changes; the Wellington boot, according to one
authority, having been prescribed for Light Dragoons in 1808. The old
crimson sash of the officer made way for a girdle similar to that worn
at present. White welts to the seams and a small pair of epaulettes,
white for men and silver for officers, completed the transformation.
When the Seventeenth received this new dress it is impossible to say;
and the change is therefore recorded under the year when it was
ordered, though probably not carried into effect until a year or two
later. [Sidenote: 1812.] The fact that the regiment was quartered in
India, of course, made in those days no difference as to the clothing
issued to it, except that white covers were worn over the shakos.

In September there arose a mighty famine in Guzerat, which carried
off thousands of natives. Simultaneously there broke out an epidemic
fever which was as fatal to Europeans as to natives. In the four
months, October 1812 to January 1813, four officers and 73 men of the
Seventeenth were swept off by this fever; yet even this was a small
matter to those who could remember the ravages of yellow fever in the
West Indies.

[Sidenote: 1813 to 1815.]

In the three following years strong detachments of the regiment were
employed in active service, apparently in expeditions against different
hill-tribes. Of the work done I have been unable to discover any
record, such expeditions being too common in the early days of British
rule in India to excite much interest. In December 1815 the regiment
took part in an expedition into the mountains of Cutch, whither no
British troops had hitherto penetrated. On the march they crossed the
Ran of Cutch, which separates Guzerat from the Cutch peninsula, and
being in the advanced guard were the first English soldiers to cross
it. The Ran being, from all accounts, merely a bed of sand which
comparatively lately had been the bottom of a sea, the accounts of the
march and the description of the country filled the Indian newspapers
of the period. The news of Waterloo and of the close of the great war
was exhausted, so a graphic picture of the Ran was welcome.

[Sidenote: 1816.]

The capture of a couple of hill forts, Aujar and Bhooj, soon quieted
Cutch; and the troops then repassed the Ran to put down some local
banditti and disperse some piratical tribes on the coast. The central
nest of these tribes having been taken, the work was done; and
accordingly after the capture of Dwarka, on the coast to the south of
the Gulf of Cutch, the field force was broken up, and the Seventeenth
returned to Ruttapore. The losses of the regiment in the work of those
three years are unrecorded, and, except from disease, were probably not
worth mention.

Before quitting this year we must turn our eyes homeward for a moment,
where rather an interesting matter was going forward. H.R.H. the
Commander-in-Chief, at the opening of 1816, had become bitten with the
notion of forming corps of Lancers in imitation of the Polish Lancers
which had done such good service to the army under Napoleon. The first
idea was to attach a troop of lancers to each cavalry regiment, just as
a small body of riflemen was attached to a regiment of infantry. Lord
Rosslyn offered the 9th Light Dragoons for the experiment, and trained
fifty picked men under the command of Captain Peters. On Saturday, 20th
April, these fifty men were reviewed in the Queen’s Riding-house at
Pimlico, before a few select spectators who were admitted by ticket.
The men were dressed in blue jackets faced with crimson, gray trousers
and blue cloth caps, and carried a lance sixteen feet long with a
pennon of the Union colours. “The opposite extremity of the lance,”
continues our authority, “was confined in a leather socket attached to
the stirrup, and the lance was supported near the centre by a loose
string.” Such is an abridged account of the first parade of Lancers
in England, taken from an extract from the _Sun_ newspaper of
22nd August 1816, and copied into the _Calcutta Gazette_, whence
probably it found its way to the officers’ mess of the Seventeenth.

[Illustration:

_G. Salisbury._ Marching Order. Review Order.

PRIVATES, 1824–1829.]

[Sidenote: 1817.]

The new year brought the regiment to more serious service in the
field, namely, the Pindari War. These Pindaris in their early days
had been merely the scavengers of the Mahratta armies; but they had
been increasing in numbers and power in the south of Hindostan and the
north of the Dekhan since 1811. Their most celebrated chiefs were two
men named Kurreem and Cheettoo, who had been captured by Dowlat Rao
Scindiah, but were released by him for a ransom in 1812. The Pindaris
then came out as an independent body, and began incursions on a large
scale. [Sidenote: 1817.] They invaded a country in bands of from one
to four thousand men apiece, which on reaching the frontier broke up
into parties of from two to five hundred. They earned little but their
arms; they were admirably mounted, and thought nothing of marching
fifty or sixty miles in a day. They lived, themselves and their horses,
on plunder, and what they could not carry off they destroyed. In 1812
they were bold and strong enough to cross the Nerbuddha and invade the
territory of the Rajah of Nagpore, and in 1813 they actually set fire
to part of his capital. As they threatened further depredations in the
Gaikwar’s territory, a force of 600 native infantry and three troops
of the Seventeenth were sent to disperse them; and these repressive
measures had a good effect for the time. By 1814 their numbers were
reckoned at 27,000 men, “the best cavalry commanded by natives in
India,” with 24 guns; and in the two following years they became more
and more dangerous and troublesome. Holkar and Scindiah, being afraid
of them, had both made an alliance with them, and encouraged them
secretly. Moreover, the British Government was hampered in any attempt
to put them down by an engagement with Scindiah, which prevented it
from entering into any negotiations with the Rajpoots under Scindiah’s
protection. Unless British troops could follow the Pindaris into
Rajpoot territory it was of no use to advance against them, for the
only way in which the Pindaris could be suppressed was by hunting them
down to a man.

The capture of Bungapore in the Madras Presidency at last brought
matters to a crisis. Lord Moira, the Governor-General, called upon
Scindiah to disown the Pindaris and conclude a treaty with England.
Scindiah signed it cheerfully on the 5th November 1816. That little
farce over, he joined a general conspiracy of the Mahratta powers to
overthrow British rule in India. The Peishwar and the Rajah of Nagpore,
who had also recently signed treaties of alliance with England,
together with Holkar were the principal leaders of the movement. Then
the Governor-General bestirred himself in earnest. [Sidenote: 1817.]
He collected the Bengal, Madras, and Central armies, and fairly
surrounded the whole Pindari country, the Malwa in fact, with 80,000
men. Over and above these a force, under Sir W. Grant Keir, advanced
from Bombay to block up one corner on the Bombay side. It was to this
force that the Seventeenth was attached, joining it at Baroda.

The Baroda force under Sir W. Keir marched on the 6th December. On the
second day’s march the rear-guard was attacked by a body of Bheels--a
race which, though “diminutive and wretched looking,” were “active and
capable of great fatigue,” as befitted a gang of professed thieves
and robbers. They were driven off by a squadron of the Seventeenth
under Colonel Stanhope himself, but at the cost of an officer,
Cornet Marriott, and several men and horses wounded. Sergeant-Major
Hampson received an arrow in the mouth from a Bheel archer. He calmly
plucked the arrow out, drew his pistol, shot the Bheel, and then fell
dead--choked by the flow of blood. This affair won the Seventeenth the
thanks of the General in field orders.

Of the subsequent movements of the Seventeenth in the war I have
found great difficulty, from the impossibility of getting at the
original despatches, in obtaining any knowledge. The great battle
of the campaign was fought against Holkar’s troops at Maheidpore on
the 20th December. The Seventeenth was not present at the action,
though Colonel Stanhope was thanked in orders and despatches for his
service as D.Q.M.G., and though immediately after it the regiment was
ordered off to reinforce Sir J. Malcolm’s division for the pursuit of
Holkar. [Sidenote: 1818.] On the 23rd January 1818 a treaty was make
with Holkar; and the war then resolved itself into a pursuit of the
other members of the conspiracy, and in particular of the Pindaris.
In fact the work of the Seventeenth was a foretaste of that which
it was to experience in Central India forty years later; equally
difficult to trace from the rapidity of the movements; equally hard
to recount from the dearth of material and the separation of the
regiment into detachments; above all equally hard on men and horses,
perpetually harassed by long forced marches which led only to more
forced marches for weeks and weeks together. [Sidenote: 1818.] I have
only been able to gather that the men suffered not a little from the
extraordinary changes of temperature, varying from 28½ to 110 degrees
during the march; and that on a few odd occasions their services were
such as to call down the special praise of the divisional commander.
These commendations are the more valuable, inasmuch as petty, though
brilliant actions were very common in Central India during the early
months of 1818.

[Sidenote: 19th Jan.]

The first of these in which we hear of the Seventeenth is an action
at Mundapie, wherein four squadrons of the regiment surprised the
Pindaris, and cut down 100 of them, with the loss of one private
wounded. The gallantry and rapidity of the attack, by the testimony
of the General, alone saved the Seventeenth from heavier casualties.
We hear next of a detachment of the regiment engaged at the capture
of Fort Pallee; [Sidenote: 9th Feb.] and next, at a more important
affair, we find the whole of the Seventeenth fighting against the most
renowned of the Pindari leaders, Cheettoo himself. The action recalls
the history of the detachment which served under Tarleton in Carolina.
[Sidenote: March.]It appears that Colonel Stanhope obtained information
that a large body of Pindaris was within a forced march of him. He
at once sent off a detachment in pursuit, which after a thirty mile
march came upon the enemy, evidently by surprise, and cut down 200 of
them. Cheettoo himself, conspicuous by his dress and black charger,
narrowly escaped capture, and owed his safety only to the speed of
his horse.[11] Captain Adams and Cornet Marriott, who had already
distinguished themselves in the rear-guard action with the Bheels, were
prominent on this occasion, and with the whole detachment received Sir
W. Keir’s thanks in division orders. On the 14th March, when Sir W.
Keir’s force was broken up, two officers of the Seventeenth, Colonel
Stanhope and Captain Thompson, were selected by the General for special
approbation and thanks.

[Sidenote: 1819.]

After a short rest in cantonments the regiment, towards the end of
the year, resumed the chase of the Pindaris. The new year found them
marching into the province of Candeish, excepting a detachment of
eighty-six convalescents who, on their recovery, joined Sir W. Keir’s
force in Cutch. While there it must have experienced the frightful
earthquake of June 1819, which destroyed most of the Cutch towns
and killed thousands of natives. Of the general movements of the
Seventeenth I have been unable to discover anything. It appears that
before the end of the year the regiment was back again in cantonments,
and that it moved up to Cutch again in May following, still engaged at
the old work. [Sidenote: 1820.] Colonel Stanhope was then entrusted
with a force of between five and six thousand men, destined, it was
said, for the invasion of Scinde. After six months’ encampment between
Bhooj and Mandivie, the Seventeenth returned to cantonments, and the
force generally was broken up. Colonel Stanhope, with a few troops
which he had retained, reduced the pirate fort of Dwarka, where Cornet
Marriott (now promoted Lieutenant in the 67th Foot) was mortally
wounded. He was acting as Brigade-Major to Colonel Stanhope at the
time, the Seventeenth not being present at the engagement.

Two more years at the Kaira cantonments brought the regiment to the end
of its first term of Indian service. It marched to Cambay in November,
reached Bombay by water in December, and finally sailed for England
on the 9th January 1823. It had landed at Calcutta, in 1808, 790 men
strong; it had lost in fourteen years, from disease and climatic causes
alone, exclusive of men invalided and killed in action, 26 officers and
796 men; it had received in India 929 men and officers. It went home,
after leaving behind it volunteers for different regiments, under 200
strong of all ranks. Such were the effects of cholera,--for 1818 was
a bad cholera year,--general ignorance of sanitary matters, and of
English clothing in the Indian climate.

[Illustration: GEORGE, LORD BINGHAM

(EARL OF LUCAN)

LIEUTENANT-COLONEL 17TH LIGHT DRAGOONS (LANCERS)

1826–1837]

CHAPTER XI

HOME SERVICE, 1823–1854

[Sidenote: 1823.]

On their way home the Seventeenth touched at St. Helena, where they
found an Army List, and therein learned for the first time that
they had become a regiment of Lancers. Such were the fruits of the
inspection held at the Queen’s Riding-house in Pimlico six years
before. There also they heard of the death of their Colonel, Oliver
Delancey, who had held that rank since 1795. He had entered the army as
a Cornet in the 14th Dragoons in 1766, and joined the Seventeenth as
a Captain in 1773. He had therefore held a commission in the regiment
for close on fifty years when he died in September 1822. He had gained
some slight reputation as a pamphleteer, and he was for many years a
Member of Parliament, but it was as a soldier and an officer in the
Seventeenth that he had made his mark, in the New England provinces
and Carolina. He was succeeded by Lord R. Somerset, a distinguished
Peninsula officer.

On the 18th May the regiment arrived at Gravesend, and marched to
Chatham, where all the men, with the exception of some fifty, including
non-commissioned officers, were invalided or discharged. At Chatham
they returned their carbines into store; it was nearly sixty years
before they received them again; and, in accordance with regulation,
ceased to shave their upper lips. It must have been rather a curious
time, that last half of 1823, between the growing of the moustaches,
the learning of the lance exercise, and the constant influx of
recruits. In those days it was, as a rule, rare for a regiment to
receive above a dozen recruits in the year; [Sidenote: 1823.] and
though the heavy mortality in India had caused the rapid passage of
many men into the ranks, yet we may guess that the fifty old soldiers,
many of whom had probably brought back with them a liver from the East,
were not too well pleased at being flooded with five times their number
of recruits. The spectacle of 250 bristly upper lips must in itself
have been somewhat disquieting. But recruits came in fast. Before the
year was out the regiment numbered 311 men, or little below its reduced
establishment, viz. six troops of 335 men with 253 horses.

The acquisition of the lance, of course, brought with it a certain
change of dress. Lancers being of Polish origin, the Polish fashion in
dress was of course imperative. The shako was discarded for ever, and
a lance cap of the orthodox shape introduced in its place; the upper
part thereof white as at present, and the plume, as ever since 1759,
red and white. The officers, besides a huge pair of epaulettes, wore
aiguillettes of silver, and were generally very gorgeously attired. For
we are now, it must be remembered, in the reign of King George IV.,
and therefore every uniform is at its zenith of expense and its nadir
of taste. Hence, the first lance caps were so high and heavy that they
were a misery to wear; and the jackets, though in pattern unchanged,
were made so tight that men could hardly cut the sword exercise.

[Sidenote: 1824.]

From this point for the next thirty years the history of the regiment
is merely that of home duty in England and Ireland; and as the changes
of quarter are recorded in the Appendix, there is no need to repeat
them here. Let it, however, be noted that the Seventeenth took the
London duty for the first time in 1824, [Sidenote: 1825.] and that in
the following year it found itself once more at Chichester, where we
hope that it was welcomed by the Mayor and Corporation.

[Sidenote: 1826.]

In 1826, George, Lord Bingham, who had exchanged into the Seventeenth
eleven months before, succeeded Colonel Stanhope in command of the
regiment. We shall meet with him again as Lord Lucan twenty-eight years
hence; not without results. Lord Bingham retained the command until
1837, and brought the regiment up to a very high pitch of efficiency.
He was a keen soldier, who had taken the pains to study his profession;
a very rare thing in those days; and had even taken the trouble to join
the Russian army in the war of 1828–29 against the Turks, in order to
gain experience of active service. He came to the Seventeenth at a time
when such a commander was especially valuable, for the slack period
of the British army, perhaps inevitable after the exertions of the
great war, was telling heavily on the cavalry. The drill was stiff,
unpractical, and obsolete--designed, apparently, to assimilate the
movements of cavalry and infantry as far as possible to each other. It
was so useful (this was the pretext alleged) for officers to be able
to handle horse and foot with equal facility. “It is hardly credible,”
writes a critic in 1832, “that the late regulations did not contain a
single formation from column into line, in which one or more of the
squadrons had not to rein back as a necessary and essential part of the
movement.” Even when this was altered, officers were still posted in
the ranks instead of in front of their troops. At this time, too, and
for years after, changes of formation were always carried out to the
halt. A regiment that required to take ground to the right, wheeled
into “columns of troops to the right,” to the halt; then advanced as
far as was necessary, then halted, and then wheeled into line, once
again to the halt. In many regiments “field cards” were issued, “drawn
out in all the pride of red ink,” with each movement numbered and
marked in its regular succession; and thus the programme for the day of
review was rehearsed for weeks beforehand.

[Sidenote: 1829.]

Lord Bingham had not long been in command before the uniform of the
regiment was again changed. When the change was made I cannot with
accuracy say; but in 1829 we find the white lapel-like facings on
the jacket done away with, and a plain blue jacket with white collar
and cuffs preferred in its place. The old red and white plume also
disappears at this period for ever, and a black plume is worn in its
stead.

[Sidenote: 1830.]

A year later King William IV. came to the throne and made yet another
change. Whether from jealousy of the colour of his own service, the
Navy, or from whatever cause, he clothed the whole Army, except the
artillery and riflemen, in scarlet. The Lancer regiments, one and all,
were accordingly arrayed in a double-breasted scarlet jacket with two
rows of buttons and gorgeous embroidery, and blue overalls with a
double scarlet stripe. The plume for the officers was of black cocktail
feathers; and as the cap was very high, and measured ten inches square
at the top, and the plume was sixteen inches long, it may be guessed
that heads were sufficiently covered. Large gold epaulettes and gold
cap-lines with large gold tassels completed the dress. Those were merry
days for the army tailor, if not for the Army. That there were curses
both loud and deep from the service we need not doubt; but the King
at least permitted the Seventeenth to retain its facings, which was
more than he allowed to the Navy. With almost incredible want of tact
the sailor-king altered the time-honoured white facings of the Navy
to scarlet. Happily neither of these changes lasted long; though the
appropriation of gold lace to the regular army, and the relegation of
silver to the auxiliary forces, has continued to be the rule up to the
present day. As a finishing touch to the trials of the Lancers at this
period, a general order compelled the shaving of the moustaches which
had been so carefully cultivated for the previous eight years.

[Sidenote: 1828–32.]

From 1828 to 1832 the Seventeenth was quartered in Ireland. In the
latter year they encountered an old Indian enemy in Dublin, namely
Asiatic cholera, by which they lost three men. On crossing to England
in June they were isolated for some months, lest they should spread the
disease from their quarters.

[Sidenote: 1833.]

In the following year the regiment was reviewed by King William IV. in
Windsor Park. After the review the King invited the officers to dinner,
and reminded them then that he had inspected the Seventeenth half a
century before at New York. It is noteworthy that one officer, who was
still borne on the strength of the regiment, had served with it at
that time. Sir Evan Lloyds’ name still appeared on the roll as senior
lieutenant-colonel; and thus there was at least one man who could say
that he had worn both the scarlet and gold and the scarlet and silver.
Nor must we omit to add that among those who witnessed the review on
that day was the future colonel-in-chief of the regiment, Prince George
of Cambridge, then a boy of fourteen. Thus the lives of two colonels of
the Seventeenth actually bridge over the gulf between the American War
of Independence and the fifty-eighth year of Queen Victoria. Sir Evan
Lloyds’ name remained on the regimental list from 1785 until 1836, when
he was appointed to the colonelcy of the 7th Dragoon Guards.

[Sidenote: 1834.]

The year 1834 witnessed the abolition of a time-honoured institution,
namely, the squadron standards. A relic of feudal days, which had kept
its significance and its value up to the first years of the great
Civil War, the troop or squadron standard had long been obsolete. In
fact it is rather surprising that such standards should ever have been
issued to Light Dragoons. Nevertheless they survived to a time within
the memory of living men in all cavalry regiments, and are fortunately
still preserved, together with the blue dress and axes of the farriers
and other historic distinctions, in that walking museum of the British
cavalry, the Household Brigade.

[Sidenote: 1837.]

The year 1837 found the headquarters of the Seventeenth at Coventry for
the first time since 1760, when it had but just sprung into existence.
On this occasion we may hope that it was allowed to remain in the town
during the race meeting. It is somewhat of a coincidence that the
regiment should have opened the two longest reigns on record, those,
namely, of King George III. and Queen Victoria, in the same quarters.
In this same year Lord Bingham retired from the command, and was
succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel Pratt, who in his turn gave place after
two years to Lieutenant-Colonel St. Quintin.

[Sidenote: 1840.]

In 1840 the Light Dragoons and Lancers discarded the scarlet which had
been imposed upon them, and reverted once more to the blue jackets
and the overalls of Oxford mixture, which had been ordained in 1829.
[Sidenote: 1841.] In 1841 the Seventeenth, after a three years’ stay in
Ireland, was moved to Scotland; its first visit to North Britain since
1764. [Sidenote: 1842.]Coming down to Leeds in the following year it
received a new colonel in the person of Prince George of Cambridge,
the present Colonel-in-Chief of the regiment and Commander-in-Chief of
the Army. Under his command the regiment was employed in aid of the
civil power to suppress serious riots in the manufacturing districts
in August 1842. [Sidenote: 1843.] In the following year, headquarters
and three troops of the regiment being stationed at Birmingham,
there occurred an accident which, after fifty years, sounds almost
incredible. The men had just left barracks, in watering order, for
the exercise of the horses, and were about to pass under an arch of
what in the infancy of railways was called the “Liverpool line,” when
an engine, with its whistle shrieking loudly, passed over the arch
at a high speed. In an instant every horse swung violently round,
dismounting almost, if not actually, every man, and the whole hundred
of them stampeded wildly back through the streets to their stables.
Many of the men were injured, some so seriously that they had to be
carried back to barracks; and all this came about through the now
familiar whistle of a railway engine. The incident gives us a momentary
glimpse of one feature in the England of half a century ago.

[Sidenote: 1844.]

Next year the regiment took part in the review held by the Queen in
honour of the Czar of Russia. Another ten years was to see it fighting
that Czar’s army, and helping to break his heart. The vicissitudes of a
regiment’s life are strange, and the Seventeenth had its share thereof
in the forties: first putting down rioters at Leeds; then marching past
the Czar at Windsor; then rushing across to Ireland to maintain order
there during the abortive insurrection headed by Smith O’Brien; and,
[Sidenote: 1848.] finally, escorting Her Majesty Queen Victoria on her
first entry into the city of Dublin. [Sidenote: 1850.] The year 1850
brought it back to England once more, where, after one bout of peace
manœuvres at Chobham, it at last received orders, for the first time
for thirty-four years, to hold itself in readiness for active service.
The warning came in February 1854, and the scene of action was destined
to be the Crimea.

CHAPTER XII

THE CRIMEA, 1854–1856

[Sidenote: 1854]

On receiving the order to prepare for active service the regiment
was formed into four service and two depôt troops of the following
strength:--

+-------------------+---------+--------+-------+
| | Service | Depôt | Total |
+-------------------+---------+--------+-------+
| Field Officers. | 2 | | 2 |
| Captains. | 4 | 1 | 5 |
| Subalterns. | 8 | 4 | 12 |
| Staff. | 6 | | 6 |
| Sergeants. | 18 | 7 | 25 |
| Trumpeters. | 5 | 2 | 7 |
| Farriers. | 4 | 2 | 6 |
| Corporals. | 13 | 5 | 18 |
| Privates. | 254 | 51 | 305 |
+-------------------+---------+--------+-------+
| HORSES. Officers. | 48 | 8 | 56 |
| R. & F. | 249 | 34 | 283 |
+-------------------+---------+--------+-------+

[Sidenote: April]

After the whole had been inspected by the Duke of Cambridge, the depôt
troops marched to Brighton on the 10th May, where they formed part of
the consolidated cavalry depôt under Colonel Bonham.

Headquarters and the service troops embarked at Portsmouth on the 18th,
23rd, 24th, and 25th April in five sailing ships, thus:--

Headquarters, under Colonel Lawrenson, in the ship _Eveline_.
One troop, under Major Willett, in the _Pride of the Ocean_.
One troop in the _Ganges_.
One troop in the _Blundell_.
Remainder in the _Edmundsbury_.

[Illustration:

_G. Salisbury, 1832_

OFFICERS, 1829]

[Sidenote: 1854. May.]

After passages varying from twenty-three days to five weeks, the whole
arrived at Constantinople toward the end of May. Men and officers
were all well, but twenty-six horses had perished on the voyage.
The regiment was disembarked at Kulali, on the Asiatic side of the
Bosporus, and on the 30th of May was inspected by the Sultan in person
at Scutari.

On the 2nd June the regiment re-embarked on the same vessel, and
sailed to Varna, where, on disembarkation, [Sidenote: 4th June.] it
was made part of the Light Brigade under the command of Lord Cardigan.
Leaving Varna on the 8th it marched to Devna, some eighteen miles to
the north-west, and remained encamped at a short distance from the
village until the 28th July, [Sidenote: 28th July.]on which day it
marched for Yeni-bazar, halting at Kutlubi, Yasytepe, and Sazego on the
way, and finally encamped at Yeni-bazar on the 1st August. So far the
army had done nothing, but had been condemned to inactivity, losing
many men by cholera meanwhile. The retreat of the Russians from the
Danube after their failure before Silistria, and defeat at Giurgevo
in July, had virtually secured the only object of the expedition,
namely, that Russia should abandon the invasion of Turkey. But at the
end of June the British Government decided to direct the expedition
against Sebastopol, and to destroy Russia’s great stronghold in the
Black Sea. [Sidenote: 25th Aug.] Accordingly, on the 25th of August the
Seventeenth started to march back from Yeni-bazar to Varna. Cholera
had been at work with them, as with the rest of the army, in August,
and they left twelve men buried at Yeni-bazar. [Sidenote: 28th Aug.]
Arriving at Varna on the 28th, the regiment embarked once more on
four transports on 2nd and 3rd September, and sailed for the Crimea.
[Sidenote: 17th Sept.] A fortnight later the headquarters, under
Colonel Lawrenson, landed at Kalamita Bay, the spot chosen by Lord
Raglan for the disembarkation of the army. The Seventeenth lost two
more men by cholera in the passage, and showed a serious falling-off in
strength on landing.

[Sidenote: 1854.]

+-------------------+---------+
| Field Officers. | 2 |
| Captains. | 4 |
| Subalterns. | 7 |
| Staff. | 6 |
| Sergeants. | 16 |
| Trumpeters. | 5 |
| Farriers. | 4 |
| Corporals. | 11 |
| Privates. | 192 |
| Totals--All ranks | 247 |
+-------------------+---------+
| HORSES. Officers. | 21 |
| Troops | 216 |
+-------------------+---------+

[Sidenote: 19th Sept.]

Two days later the army began its advance; the infantry divisions
massed in close column, and the cavalry on its skirts--the Seventeenth
being in rear of the left flank of the infantry. Early in the afternoon
the four squadrons of the advanced guard came upon 2000 of the enemy’s
cavalry, a little way on the other side of the Bulganak River. Both
parties threw out skirmishers, who fired some ineffectual carbine
shots without dismounting, as was the fashion of the day; and then the
Seventeenth and 8th Hussars were ordered up in haste to reinforce the
advanced squadrons. The Russians, although in overwhelming force, did
not attack, and the advanced squadrons then retired by alternate wings.
A few artillery shots were exchanged, and with that the first encounter
with the Russians was over. The troops bivouacked that night in order
of battle, [Sidenote: 20th Sept.] and on the following day attacked and
carried the Russian entrenched position on the heights of the Alma.

Details of the action of the Alma, wherein the cavalry, from the nature
of the case, was little if at all engaged, would be out of place here.
It is, however, worth while to remark that the first infantry division
and the cavalry division, which occupied the left of the English line,
were both under the command of former colonels of the Seventeenth,
the Duke of Cambridge and Lord Lucan. During the infantry attack the
cavalry, which was on the extreme left, remained perforce inactive;
but when the Highland Brigade, which was next to the cavalry, had
carried the heights before them, one squadron of the Seventeenth, which
was presently joined by the other, moved off without orders from any
general officer, and began to ascend the heights. [Sidenote: 1854.] On
their way they contrived in some way to cross part of the front of the
Highlanders, and were soundly rated by Sir Colin Campbell for their
pains. When, finally, on reaching the summit they began to capture
Russian prisoners, the pursuit was checked by Lord Raglan’s order;
and in consequence little was done. Shortly after the action Colonel
Lawrenson went home invalided, leaving to Major Willett the command of
the regiment.

For two days after the battle of the Alma the army remained halted,
[Sidenote: 23rd Sept.] and then on the 23rd slowly resumed the march on
Sebastopol. Lord Raglan’s wish had been to push on immediately after
the victory, but to this the French commander would not consent. On the
24th the cavalry, under Lord Lucan, was sent on to the river Belbec,
a day’s march ahead of the main army, but encountered no opposition.
Next day, Lord Raglan having been obliged, in deference to the French,
to abandon his plan of attacking Sebastopol from the north, the army
executed the flank march which brought it round from the north to
the south side of the city. The march lay through difficult wooded
ground; and the cavalry, which had been pushed forward to cover the
advance, was misguided by a staff-officer. The result was that Lord
Raglan and his escort were the first to come upon the rear-guard of
the Russian army, which was likewise, though unknown to the English,
executing a flank march across the British front. The cavalry soon came
up, and captured some waggons as well as a few prisoners. After this
trifling and rather ludicrous affair with the Russian rear-guard at
Mackenzie’s Farm, the march was continued, and the army bivouacked that
night on the Tchernaya River. [Sidenote: 29th Sept.] On the following
day Balaclava was taken; and after three nights more bivouac on the
Balaclava plains, the Seventeenth received some tents. They, like the
rest of the army, had landed without tents or kits.

The main business of the cavalry now consisted in patrolling east and
northward towards the Tchemaya, where, as early as the 5th October, it
began to encounter Russian patrols. In a sense the cavalry was isolated
from the rest of the army. [Sidenote: 1854.] The plain of Balaclava
lies about a mile from Sebastopol, and extends on an average to a
length of about three miles from east to west, and a breadth of two
miles from north to south. It is enclosed on all sides by heights: on
the north by the Fedioukine Hills, on the south by the Kamara Hills,
on the east by Mount Hasport, and on the west by the Chersonese, where
the bulk of the army was encamped. The plain is cut in two from east to
west by a line of hills called the Causeway heights, which run almost
to the Chersonese; and it was at the foot of these hills, on the south
side of them, that the camp of the Light Brigade was situated. Just
about due south of the camp, at a distance of about a mile, stands the
village of Kadikoi, at the entrance to the gorge that leads down to
Balaclava harbour.

Balaclava was now the British base of operations. Its defence was
entrusted to Sir Colin Campbell, with the 93rd Highlanders, some
marines, and a certain number of Turks; the cavalry being at hand to
help him in the plain. But the better to secure the base with so small
a force, an inner line of field-works was constructed from Kadikoi on
the north, along the heights on the east of Balaclava to the sea, and
an outer line of six redoubts on the Causeway heights. It has already
been said that the English and Russian patrols had clashed on the
Tchernaya; and as General Liprandi, with a Russian army, had fixed his
headquarters at Tchorgoun, less than a mile beyond the Tchernaya to
the north-east, this was hardly surprising. Shortly after the middle
of October Captain White of the Seventeenth, while on outlying picquet
on the Kamara Hills, had observed a large force of Russian cavalry and
duly reported it. Knowing the Russians to be in considerable force,
neither Sir Colin Campbell nor Lord Lucan were at their ease as to the
safety of Balaclava, from the weakness of their defending force and its
isolation from the rest of the army.

On the 23rd October Major Willett died, and the command of the regiment
once more changed hands. The senior officer, Captain Morris, was
employed on the staff; and it became a question whether he would remain
where he was, leaving the command to Captain White, or whether he
would return to the regiment. [Sidenote: 1854.]On the 24th Lord Lucan
received intelligence that Balaclava would be attacked on the morrow by
a Russian force of 25,000 men. He at once despatched an aide-de-camp to
Lord Raglan, who said “Very well.” That evening Captain Morris decided
that he would take command of the Seventeenth.

[Sidenote: 25th Oct.]

Next day the cavalry turned out as usual an hour before daybreak, and
were standing to their horses, when Lord Lucan rode off slowly to the
easternmost redoubt on the Causeway heights. The coming of the dawn
showed him a signal on the flagstaff of the redoubt, which told him
that his information was correct, and that the Russians were advancing
in force. Lord George Paget of the 4th Light Dragoons at once galloped
back and ordered the Light Brigade to mount. The men were just about to
be dismissed to their breakfasts when they were moved off toward the
threatened quarter.

Meanwhile the Russians, with 11,000 men and 38 guns, attacked the
easternmost redoubt; and in spite of a gallant resistance from the five
or six hundred Turks that held it, carried it by storm. The Turks then
abandoned the three next redoubts; and thus the line of the Causeway
heights fell into the hands of the Russians. Simultaneously two more
Russian columns had advanced and occupied the Fedioukine heights,
and filled the valley between the Fedioukine and Causeway heights
with 3500 cavalry and a battery of twelve guns. Lord Lucan, seeing
that his 1500 men of the Light and Heavy Cavalry Brigades could not
check the advance of 11,000 Russians, fell back to a position on the
southern slopes of the Causeway heights, which would enable him to fall
on the flank of any force that might cross the South Valley towards
Balaclava. From this position he was ordered by Lord Raglan to retire.
The result was that the Russians immediately detached four squadrons
to attack the weak force of infantry that held the mouth of the gorge
leading to Balaclava. So serious did Sir Colin Campbell judge this
attack to be that he warned the 93rd, as the Russian cavalry came down
on them, that they must die where they stood. [Sidenote: 1854--25th
Oct.] Fortunately the Russian attack was not pushed home, and the four
squadrons were utterly defeated by the unshaken firmness of the 93rd.
Convinced as to the soundness of his dispositions, Lord Lucan shortly
after moved the Light Brigade forward to its original station; while,
in obedience to Raglan’s order, he despatched the Heavy Brigade across
the valley to reinforce the defending troops at Kadikoi.

Just as the Heavy Brigade was moving off, the Russian cavalry came up
in great force over the Causeway heights, full on the flank of the
Heavies, but lending their own flank to the Light Brigade. Brigadier
Scarlett thereupon wheeled the Heavies into line, and delivered the
brilliant attack known as the charge of the Heavy Brigade. Every one,
including Lord Lucan, expected to see the Light Brigade fall down on
the Russian flank, and smash it completely. But Lord Cardigan judged
that his instructions forbade him to attack, and refused to move.
Every man in the Brigade was waiting for the order to charge, and Lord
Cardigan himself cursed loudly at his own inaction. Captain Morris,
doing duty with his regiment for the first time since it had landed in
the Crimea, begged and prayed his Brigadier to let loose, if not the
whole Brigade, at any rate the Seventeenth Lancers; but Lord Cardigan
would not hear of it. Thus for the second time the Seventeenth (and for
that matter the Light Brigade), was baulked of the successful attack
which its old Colonel had prepared for it.

Then came an order from Lord Raglan to Lord Lucan to “advance and
recover the heights,” _i.e._ the Causeway heights; presently
supplemented by a further order--“Lord Raglan wishes the cavalry to
advance rapidly to the front and recover the guns,” meaning the guns
captured by the Russians in the redoubts on the Causeway heights. This
last order was brought by Captain Nolan, an excitable man, and at that
particular moment in a highly excited state. “Guns,” said Lord Lucan
to him, “what guns?” Nolan waved his hand vaguely, it would seem, in
the direction of the Russian battery at the head of the North Valley
and said, by no means too respectfully: “There, my Lord, is your enemy,
there are your guns.” [Sidenote: 1854--25th Oct.] Lord Lucan was a
quick-tempered man, and probably not in his most amiable mood at that
instant. He was one of those officers, rare enough in those days, who
had taken particular pains to study his profession, and was on all
hands acknowledged to possess more than ordinary ability. His warnings
of the previous day had been neglected at headquarters; his perfectly
correct dispositions, carefully concerted with Sir Colin Campbell,
had been twice upset by superior order, with results that must almost
certainly have been fatal, if the Russian cavalry had known its work;
and now had come a fresh staff-officer with an order which, not in
itself too clear, had been further obscured by that staff-officer’s
excitability. Over hastily he accepted what he believed to be the true
meaning of the order, and directed Lord Cardigan to attack the Russian
battery at the head of the North Valley with the Light Brigade.

That Brigade, after its various movements, had been finally drawn up
facing directly up the South Valley, and had stood dismounted there for
more than three-quarters of an hour, when Lord Cardigan gave the order
which showed that its time had come. In the Seventeenth that morning
there were 139 men in the ranks, increased at the last moment by the
arrival of Private Veigh, the regimental butcher, who, hearing that the
regiment was about to be engaged, rode up fresh from the shambles to
join it. He was dressed in a blood-stained canvas smock, over which he
had buckled the belt and accoutrements of one of the Heavy Dragoons who
had been killed in the charge; and, having accommodated himself also
with the dead dragoon’s horse, he now rode up with his poleaxe[12] at
the slope. The rest of the regiment was in marching order--full-dress
jackets and lance-caps cased--with the exception of Captain Morris,
the commanding officer, who wore a forage cap. The first squadron was
led by Captain White, the troop leaders being Captain Hon. Godfrey
Morgan and Lieutenant Thomson; [Sidenote: 1854--25th Oct.] the second
squadron was led by Captain Winter, with Captain Webb in command of the
right, and Lieutenant Sir William Gordon in command of the left troop.
Lieutenant Hartopp, Lieutenant Chadwick (the Adjutant) and Cornet
Cleveland were the other officers with the regiment, Cornet Wombwell
being with Lord Cardigan as aide-de-camp. The two squadrons of the
Seventeenth formed the centre of the first line of the Brigade, having
the 11th Hussars to their left, and the 13th Hussars to their right;
while the 4th and 8th Hussars composed the second line.

In this formation the Light Brigade moved off to the attack; its duty
being to advance over a mile and a half of ground, flanked by Russian
batteries and riflemen on the Fedioukine heights to the right, Russian
batteries and riflemen on the Causeway heights to the left, and fall
upon a battery of twelve guns to their front, which guns were backed
by the mass of the Russian Cavalry. The first line began the advance
at a trot, and was presently reduced to the Seventeenth and 13th only;
the 11th being ordered back to the second line by Lord Lucan. The
formation of the Brigade was thus altered from two lines to three. The
Seventeenth was now therefore on the left of the first line, though
Captain White’s squadron still remained the squadron of direction.

Presently, without sound of trumpet, but conforming to the pace of the
Brigadier, the first line broke into the gallop. It had barely started
when Captain Nolan rode across the front from left to right, shouting
and waving his sword. “No, no, Nolan,” shouted Captain Morris, “that
won’t do, we have a long way to go and must be steady.” As he spoke a
fragment of a shell struck Nolan to the heart. His horse swerved and
trotted back through the squadron interval with his rider still firm in
the saddle, and then with an unearthly cry the body of Nolan dropped to
the ground. This was the first shell that fell into the Light Brigade.

Meanwhile the handful of squadrons, with the Seventeenth and 13th at
their head, rode on with perfect steadiness, and in beautiful order,
into the ring of the Russian fire. [Sidenote: 1854--25th Oct.] Then men
and horses began to drop fast in the first line. The survivors closed
up and rode on. The trumpet sounded no charge; the officers uttered no
stirring word; the men gave no cheer; for this was no headlong rush
of reckless cavaliers, but an orderly advance of disciplined men.
Throughout this ride down the valley there was but one word continually
repeated, “Close up”; and the men closed in to their centre, and with
an ever-diminishing front rode on. Those who watched the advance
from the heights a mile away saw the line expand as the stricken men
and horses floundered down, and contract once more like some perfect
machinery as the survivors took up their dressing and rode on. But at
last the gaps became so frequent and so wide that men could close up
no more; and then the whole of the first line sat down and raced for
the guns. The Russians were ready for them and met them at about eighty
yards distance with a simultaneous discharge of every gun in the front
battery. How many men fell under this salvo we shall never know. By
this time two-thirds of the first line must have fallen: the remaining
third rode on. In a few seconds they had plunged into the smoke and
were among the Russian guns.

On the extreme left a handful of the Seventeenth had outflanked the
battery, and of these--all that he could see of his regiment--Captain
Morris, who was still unharmed, retained command. Pressing on past the
battery through the smoke, he was aware of a large body of Russian
cavalry, part of an overwhelming force, that stood halted before him in
rear of the guns. Steadying his men for a moment, he led them without
thought of hesitation straight at the Russians, and drove his sword to
the hilt through the body of their leader. His men were hard at his
heels. They broke through the Russian Hussars, they swept all that were
covered by their narrow front before them, and galloped on in pursuit.
Meanwhile Captain Morris had fallen. Unable to withdraw his sword from
the body of the Russian officer, he was tethered by his sword-arm to
the corpse, and while thus disabled received two sabre cuts and a
lance wound. [Sidenote: 1854--25th Oct.] Utterly defenceless against
the lances of the Cossacks, who had closed like water upon the small
gap made by the Seventeenth, he was forced to surrender. Lieutenant
Chadwick, who was wounded by a lance thrust in the neck, was also made
prisoner at the same time.

Another fragment of the first line, backed by men of various regiments,
was rallied by Corporal Morley, and by him led back through the Russian
cavalry to the North Valley.

Yet another little remnant of the Seventeenth, to the right of Morris,
had entered the battery, where Sergeant O’Hara took command of them,
and directed their efforts against the Russian gunners, who were
attempting to carry off their guns. These were presently rallied by
Lord Cardigan’s Brigade-Major, Major Mayow; but a portion of them
having missed him in the smoke went on with O’Hara to their left, where
they met their comrades, the survivors of Captain Morris’s party. These
last, after chasing the Russian Hussars back upon their supports, had
been forced back by immensely superior numbers, and were now menaced
in their turn both in flank and rear. The two little parties joined
together, and fighting their way back through the Russians made good
their retreat down the valley.

Meanwhile Major Mayow, with about a dozen men of the Seventeenth, like
Captain Morris, charged a body of Russian horse, which was halted in
rear of the battery, drove it back, and pursued it for some distance
upon the main body. Then Mayow halted, and seeing the remains of a
squadron of the 8th Hussars approaching to his right rear, he formed
his handful of Lancers on the left flank of the 8th. The Russian
cavalry in rear of the guns was now panic-stricken, and in full
retreat; but there still remained some Russian squadrons which had been
left on the Causeway heights; and of these three now menaced Colonel
Shewell’s rear. Shewell gave his mixed squadron the word “Right about
wheel,” and charged them. As usual the Russians received the charge
at the halt and were utterly routed. Then, seeing no troops coming to
his support, Colonel Shewell retreated. [Sidenote: 1854--25th Oct.]
Once more the British came under the fire of the guns on the Causeway
heights. The French had silenced those on the Fedioukine side, the
Light Brigade had silenced those in the valley, but those on the
Causeway heights still remained untaken. Fortunately some Russian
Lancers still hovered about the retreating English, and the Russian
gunners ceased to fire lest they should kill their own men. Thus
the Seventeenth and the rest of the Brigade returned in small knots
well-nigh to the spot from which they had started but five-and-twenty
minutes before. Six hundred and seventy-eight of all ranks had started;
one hundred and ninety-five came back.

Of the Seventeenth Lancers Captain Winter, Lieutenant Thomson,
twenty-two men, and ninety-nine horses were killed. Captain Morris,
desperately wounded, finding himself deserted by the Russian officer to
whom he had surrendered and left to the tender mercies of the Cossacks,
contrived to catch a loose horse, and, when this had been killed under
him, made shift to stagger back to the place where Captain Nolan had
fallen. There he dropped, but was tended under fire by Surgeon Mouat
and by Sergeant Wooden of the Seventeenth, both of whom received the
Victoria Cross for the service. Captain Robert White was badly wounded
before reaching the battery, and Captain Webb wounded to the death.
Sir William Gordon, who had passed through the battery unharmed, came
back from pursuing the Russian cavalry with five sabre wounds in the
head. So terribly had he been hacked that the doctors said that on the
25th October he was “their only patient with his head off.” Hardly
able to keep himself in the saddle he lay on his horse’s neck, trying
to keep the blood out of his eyes, and rode back down the valley at a
walk. Being intercepted by a body of Russian cavalry he made for the
squadron interval, followed by two or three men, and when the Russians,
in their endeavour to bar his passage, left an opening in the squadron,
he managed to canter through it and in spite of pursuit to finally
complete his escape. His horse, which was shot through the shoulders,
managed to carry him out of action, but died, poor gallant beast, very
soon after. [Sidenote: 1854--25th Oct.] Thirty-three men and almost
every surviving horse were also wounded; Trumpeter Brittain, who had
acted as Lord Cardigan’s trumpeter on that day, dying of his hurts
in hospital. Lieutenant Chadwick, and thirteen more men, all of them
wounded, were taken prisoners. Lieutenant Wombwell, being like Captain
Morris abandoned by his captors to the Cossacks, escaped, after having
two horses killed under him.

So ended the work of the Seventeenth on the 25th October 1854. It
is customary to look upon the attack of the Light Brigade as a mere
desperate ride into the Russian battery. It was far more than this.
The advance down the valley through the murderous fire from front and
both flanks was but the prelude to a brilliant attack. Discipline
never failed even among the scattered fragments of the first line.
Where their own officers were still alive with them, the men of the
Seventeenth, however trifling in numbers, rallied, as under Captain
Morris, and followed them to the attack on the Russian cavalry. Where
an officer of another corps rallied them, they followed him with the
same devotion and intrepidity. The little knot with Major Mayow, under
his leadership attacked ten or fifteen times their number of Russians,
defeated them, pursued them, halted, rallied on the 8th Hussars,
attacked with them successfully once more, and stood ready to renew the
attack yet again if supports should come. Where, again, no officer was
present, the non-commissioned officers, true to regimental tradition,
readily took command; and Sergeant O’Hara and Corporal Morley proved
themselves worthy successors of Tucker and Stephenson.

Had the attack of the Light Brigade been supported there is reason
to suppose that it would have been brilliantly successful; for the
Russian cavalry had been thoroughly scared, and even the infantry had
been formed into squares to resist the onslaught of the few score of
men who had passed the battery. Lord Lucan had indeed every intention
of supporting it with the Heavy Brigade, and actually brought that
brigade within destructive fire; [Sidenote: 1854.] but seeing from
his advanced position up the valley the frightful losses of the Light
Brigade, he could not bring himself to sacrifice the Heavies also.
Pulling up under the cross-fire of the batteries, his horse wounded in
two places, and his own thigh injured by a musket ball, he took his
resolution and ordered the Heavy Brigade to retire. What his feelings
may have been when he saw the wreck of his old regiment return to
him we can only guess. Yet this was not the first occasion on which
the Seventeenth had charged ten times their number of cavalry; they
had done it once before at Cowpens against a far more dangerous and
resolute enemy.

After Balaclava the Seventeenth, like the other four regiments of the
Light Brigade, had almost ceased to exist in the Crimea, from the
extent of its loss both in men and horses. A supply of remounts was,
however, obtained by the capture of about 100 Russian troop-horses
which stampeded into the British camp on the night of the 26th October.

[Sidenote: 5th Nov.]

The next great action of the war was the battle of Inkermann on the
5th November. In this engagement the brunt of the work fell, from
the nature of the case, upon the infantry. The Light Brigade was,
however, brought under fire late in the day in support of some French
reinforcements; Lord George Paget, who was in command that day, having
received instructions, and also a particularly urgent request from the
Commander-in-Chief of the French, to keep his men, a bare 200 all told,
within supporting distance of the French cavalry. The losses of the
Light Brigade amounted to an officer and five men killed, and five men
wounded, of whom the officer and another of the killed and one of the
wounded belonged to the Seventeenth. Cornet Cleveland, who had escaped
at Balaclava where so many fell, was the only English cavalry officer
who was touched at Inkermann. His death reduced the number of unwounded
officers of the regiment to three.

[Sidenote: 25th Nov.]

Three weeks later the establishment of the Seventeenth was raised
to eight troops--a curious reflection for the handful of men who
represented it in the Crimea. [Sidenote: 1854.]Some months were yet
to pass before the Seventeenth at Sebastopol could make any show as
a regiment, and those months were those of the Crimean winter. So
much has been written of that terrible time that it would be out of
place to say much of it here. Suffice it that between bad luck and bad
management both men and horses suffered very severely. Probably there
never was a time excepting the winter of 1854 when the troop-horses
of a British cavalry division were almost without exception hog-maned
and rat-tailed, the poor creatures having eaten each other’s hair
in the extremity of hunger. As to the men of the Seventeenth, it is
enough to say that they shared the misery and hardship which was borne
by the rest of the army, which was cruel enough. But hard as was the
Crimean winter, it must not be treated, simply because a British
war-correspondent was present and a British Parliament was busy, as
an unique trial of endurance. A regiment which had fought through the
Carolina campaigns and the deadly war in the West Indies had little new
to learn of misery, sickness, and death.

[Sidenote: 1855.]

In the months of April and June of the following year the regiment
received large drafts from England, and by the 21st July was enabled to
detach a squadron of 100 men and horses, under the command of Captain
Learmonth, to join a force of British cavalry which was employed in
collecting forage and supporting the French in the Baidar Valley.
This squadron rejoined headquarters on the 19th August, in time to be
present together with the rest of the regiment at the battle of the
Tchernaya. [Sidenote: 20th Aug.] [Sidenote: 8th Sept.] Three weeks
later Sebastopol was evacuated, and the war was practically over.

[Illustration:

_G. Salisbury._ PRIVATE, Review Order.
OFFICER, Marching Order. PRIVATE, Marching Order.

1829–1832.]

About the middle of November the regiment embarked at Balaclava for
Ismid, where it landed on the 15th. Its strength on embarkation was 15
officers and 291 non-commissioned officers and men, with 224 horses;
and the whole of it was carried in two transports, the _Candia_
and _Etna_. A corporal and five men were left behind to do orderly
work in the Crimea. [Sidenote: 1856.] At Ismid the Seventeenth
was brigaded with the 8th and 10th Hussars, under Brigadier Shewell,
[Sidenote: 30th Mar.] and there remained until after the proclamation
of peace.

On the 27th of April a sergeant’s party of seventeen men and sixteen
horses was embarked in the transport _Oneida_, and two days later
the bulk of the regiment, 18 officers and 442 men, with 171 horses,
embarked in the _Candia_, homeward bound. The whole arrived at
Queenstown on the 14th May, having suffered no casualty but the loss of
a single horse on the passage.

On landing, the regiment was quartered at Cahir barracks (where it
was joined by the depôt squadron from Brighton), with detachments at
Clogheen, Clonmel, Fethard, and Limerick. It had not been at home two
months before it was employed at Nenagh in aid of the civil power.
[Sidenote: 12th Sept.] In September the regiment was moved up to
Portobello Barracks in Dublin, [Sidenote: 10th Nov.] and two months
later was reduced to six troops once more, with an establishment of 28
officers, 442 non-commissioned officers and men, with 300 troop-horses.
[Sidenote: 1857. 7th Mar.] Early in the following year it moved to
Island Bridge Barracks, where all the elaborate arrangements for
quarters and reduction of establishment were upset by the outbreak of
the Indian Mutiny.

CHAPTER XIII

CENTRAL INDIA, 1858–1859

[Sidenote: 1857.]

For the better understanding of the share taken by the Seventeenth
Lancers in the suppression of the Indian Mutiny, it may be well to set
down as briefly as possible the principal events that had taken place
before their arrival--

First outbreak at Meerut 10th May 1857.
Outbreak at Lucknow 30th „ „
„ „ Cawnpore 7th June „
Siege of Delhi opened 8th „ „
Cawnpore massacre 26th „ „
Capture of Cawnpore by Havelock 18th July „
Fall of Delhi 20th Sept. „
First relief of Lucknow 25th „ „
Second „ „ 17th Nov. „

In those days, when there was neither submarine cable nor Suez Canal,
news from India took some time to reach England. Reinforcements
destined for China were intercepted and sent to India on their way, and
thus arrived early; but it was October 1857 before the reinforcements
from England began fairly to pour into Calcutta. The Seventeenth was
not of these first reinforcements; and did not receive its orders
for embarkation before 2nd September. On the 7th of that month its
establishment was raised from six to ten troops; and volunteers, to the
number of 132, were received from other regiments, namely the 3rd, 4th,
and 13th Light Dragoons, the 11th Hussars, and the 16th Lancers. It
will be noticed at once that this list includes three regiments out of
the five which had composed the Light Brigade in the Crimea. The other
regiment of that Brigade, the 8th Hussars, sailed with the Seventeenth
to India.

[Sidenote: 1857.]

On the 1st October the depôt was formed, and on the 6th the regiment
moved by rail from Dublin to Cork and embarked on board the steamship
_Great Britain_, wherein the 8th Hussars had already been embarked
on the previous day. The strength of the Seventeenth was as follows:--

Field Officers. 3
Captains. 4
Subalterns. 9
Staff. 5
Sergeants. 37
Trumpeters. 6
Farriers. 8
Corporals. 23
Privates. 409

We may note among the officers the names of Captains White and Sir
W. Gordon, whom we knew at Balaclava, and of Captain Drury Lowe and
Lieutenant Evelyn Wood, whom we are in future to know better.

On the 8th October the _Great Britain_ sailed, and after touching
at the Cape de Verdes and the Cape of Good Hope to coal, reached Bombay
on the 17th December. A single casualty, the death of a private from
heart disease, alone occurred on the seventy days’ voyage. The Colonel,
who with one captain, the riding-master, the veterinary surgeon, and
four rough-riders, had been sent out by the overland route, of course
reached India earlier than the rest of the regiment. The Seventeenth
disembarked in two divisions on the 19th and 21st December, and on
landing were moved up first to Campoolee, at the foot of the Bhore
Ghauts, and thence to Kirkee cantonments, where it arrived on the 24th
and 26th.

[Sidenote: 1858.]

Then came a weary period of waiting until horses could be procured from
the remount establishment in Bombay. Meanwhile, on the 6th January
1858, Sir Hugh Rose opened the extraordinary campaign wherein he
marched from Indore, and fought his way without a check to the Jumna.
But when he had closed this campaign, first at Calpee on the 24th
May, and finally at Gwalior on the 20th June, the most strenuous of
his enemies were still at large, and, as the event proved, not to be
captured for another nine months. These were Tantia Topee and the Rao
Sahib; the latter Nana Sahib’s nephew, the former his right-hand man.
Of the two Tantia was incomparably the more formidable. After being
present at the first siege of Cawnpore, and the subsequent defeat of
the Nana’s troops by Havelock, he had been entrusted with the command
of the Nana’s “Gwalior contingent.” With this he had beaten General
Wyndham before Cawnpore (26th and 27th November 1857), and though
immediately after defeated in his turn by Sir Colin Campbell, had by
no means abandoned the struggle. Turning north from Cawnpore he first
captured Chirkaree. He then tried to relieve Jhansi, at that time
besieged by Sir Hugh Rose, and was defeated (1st April 1858); and
meeting Sir Hugh Rose once more at Kunch, was again defeated. Still
unquelled, he turned against Gwalior, routed Scindia’s troops, and
captured the fortress. There he was for the third time defeated by Sir
Hugh Rose, and his force still further dispersed by Sir R. Napier at
Jowra Alipore (22nd June). He then tried to make his way northward, but
was headed back by General Showers. Still undismayed, he broke away
westward to Tonk; from which point begins the final act of the drama
of the Mutiny. In this act, which may be called the hunting of Tantia
Topee, the Seventeenth had its part, and played it on the old stage of
the Pindari war--Malwa.

While Sir Hugh Rose was fighting, horses began to arrive at
Kirkee--Arab, Syrian, Australian, and Cape horses for the most part;
and as each squadron of the Seventeenth was mounted, it was hurried up
to the front to join in the chase of Tantia. The first squadron was
despatched from Kirkee on the 27th May, under the command of Captain
Sir William Gordon, to join Major-General Michel’s force at Mhow. This
squadron, in spite of many obstacles, lost no time upon the road. The
first difficulty was the desertion, after two or three days’ march, of
the _baboo_ who was in charge of the Commissariat arrangements.
[Sidenote: 1858.] His place was taken by the only officer who could
speak Hindustani, Lieutenant Evelyn Wood; and the squadron marched
on without a day’s halt for the whole of the five hundred miles to
its destination, learning much on the way, and arriving in perfect
condition. At whatever hour of the day or night the march might close,
Sir William Gordon, with or without the help of a candle, inspected
every horse’s back, and if the hair appeared to be in the least degree
ruffled, shifted the stuffing of the saddle from the tender place with
a homely but effective instrument, a two-pronged steel fork. If the
back were actually sore the trooper could look forward to the pleasure
of tramping with the rear-guard on his own feet until it was healed;
for this was the “golden rule” from which the Captain never departed.
And such a tramp was not altogether enjoyable at that season. On the
day before the squadron ascended the table-land whereon Mhow stands,
the heat was so intense that the backs came off the brushes, and the
combs contorted themselves into serpentine shapes. But there was not
a sore back in the squadron when, at the end of June, it reached
its destination, nor through the whole of the arduous service that
subsequently fell upon it.

By that time Tantia had already travelled over a large extent of
country. Closely followed by two flying columns under General Roberts
and Colonel Holmes, he struck southward from Tonk, and was overtaken
and defeated by Roberts at Sanganir on the 7th August. A week later
(14th August) he was again attacked by Roberts at Kankrowlee, again
defeated, and pursued for seventeen miles. Then he struck east towards
the Chumbul, where he evaded a third column under Brigadier Parke and
reached Jhalra-patan. Here he was joined by the Rajah’s troops, whereby
his force was augmented to 10,000 men, and gained possession of forty
cannon as well as of considerable treasure.

Thus strengthened, he conceived the idea of marching on Indore; but
General Michel, divining his purpose, sent two columns, under Colonels
Hope and Lockhart, to cut him off. Tantia then retired leisurely to
Rajghur. [Sidenote: 1858.] General Michel thereupon moved up to
Nulkeera, about a hundred miles north of Mhow, and there added his
troops, including Sir W. Gordon’s squadron of the Seventeenth, to the
united columns of Colonels Hope and Lockhart. [Sidenote: September.]
On the 14th September Michel, having obtained information of Tantia’s
movements, marched on Rajghur, some five-and-thirty miles distant.

His force consisted of the following troops:--

Seventeenth Lancers 80
3rd Light Cavalry 180
71st Highland Light Infantry and 92nd Highlanders 600
15th and 4th Rifles, N. I.}
4 guns, Bengal Artillery } 240
----
1100

Heavy rain was falling, and the cotton soil of Malwa was a sea of black
mud. With great difficulty Michel reached Chapera, about half-way to
Rajghur, and there halted. Next day the rain ceased, and the heat was
so terrible that one-third of the European infantry fell out exhausted,
several of them actually dying of sunstroke, while many of the
artillery horses dropped dead in the traces. The march that day lasted
from 4 A.M. till 5 P.M., when Michel at last arrived in sight of the
enemy; but his infantry were then three miles in rear of the mounted
men, and so much spent that attack was out of the question.

At 2.30 next morning Michel advanced, but found that Tantia had
retired. The Seventeenth and the native cavalry, the whole being
under the command of Sir W. Gordon, were pushed forward on the track
of Tantia’s retreat, and presently came upon his whole force, 8000
men and 27 guns, drawn up for battle in two lines. After a trifling
skirmish the cavalry was halted to permit the infantry and guns to
come up; but the rebel army, on seeing the advance of the British,
forthwith gave way and fled. Then Sir W. Gordon, who had been posted
on the extreme right, was let loose with the cavalry, and dashing to
the front, dispersed (to use Michel’s own words) all symptoms of an
organised body. The pursuit was kept up for four or five miles till
men and horses were tired out. [Sidenote: 1858. 15th Sept.] The heat
was terrible; the infantry fell out in great numbers under the midday
sun; and when the cavalry finally halted under the shade of some trees,
an officer of the native cavalry died then and there from sunstroke.
But not a drop of blood was shed on the English side; and the losses of
the Seventeenth consisted of a single horse killed. The trophies of the
cavalry consisted of Tantia’s whole park of 27 guns.

After one day’s halt Michel resumed the pursuit, passing eastward
through Nursinghur; but between that place and Birseeah the rain came
down with such violence that further progress was impossible. For two
days the torrent never ceased to fall. The camp became a swamp, and
the unfortunate horses stood fetlock deep in mud. Meanwhile Tantia
moved away through dense jungle to the north-eastward, and on reaching
Seronge, fifty miles from Rajghur, halted there for eight days. He then
moved northward sixty miles to Esaughur, one of Scindia’s forts, which
he stormed and plundered, capturing some supplies and seven guns. He
used one of these guns for the purpose of blowing his chief artillery
officer from its mouth, and then took counsel with the Rao Sahib as to
future operations. The pair then agreed to divide their forces--Tantia
moving eastward to Chunderi, and the Rao Sahib northward to Tal Bahat.

After wasting three days in the vain attempt to capture Chunderi
from Scindia’s garrison, Tantia moved south about twenty miles to
Mungrowlee--as fate ordained it, straight into the jaws of his
pursuers. Michel having marched since daybreak thirty-five miles
north-eastward from Seronge, was in the act of pitching his camp at
Mungrowlee, when a lancer of the picquet galloped in with the report
that the rebels were close at hand. Michel’s force was made up as
follows:--

Seventeenth Lancers 90
H.M. 71st and 92nd 510
19th N. I. 429
Bengal Artillery, 4 guns 62
----
1091

[Sidenote: 1858.]

Tantia Topee had 5000 men and 6 guns. His advanced guard alone was
visible when Michel moved out to meet him, [Sidenote: 9th Oct.] and he
himself was quite unaware of Michel’s proximity. Tantia’s position, as
it happened, was strong; his advanced guard having reached an elevated
village, surrounded by high scrubby jungle, in which it was impossible
for infantry to perceive an enemy, while his guns commanded the ground
over which the British must advance. With unusual boldness Tantia
sent his cavalry forward and menaced both flanks of the British. Just
at that moment an alarm was raised in the British rear. A party of
Velliattees had contrived, owing to the thickness of the jungle, to
steal up unperceived in rear of Michel’s support, and had succeeded
in murdering a wounded Highlander. Sir W. Gordon at once galloped up
with his troop of the Seventeenth; whereupon the Velliattees promptly
vanished into the jungle. With some difficulty Sir W. Gordon espied
some of their heads through the foliage, and forthwith gave the order
to open out and pursue at the gallop. In an instant the handful of
men dashed into the jungle, heedless of what might be there, and was
in the midst of the Velliattees. Order of any kind on such ground was
impossible, so every man worked for himself; and with such effect did
the lances play that when the Seventeenth finally emerged from the
jungle they left over eighty of the rebels dead on the ground. Every
man of the forty-three that were present of Sir William Gordon’s troop
killed two, and Gordon himself, galloping like the wind, killed four
with his own sword, and knocked over as many more with his horse’s
chest. He had, however, a narrow escape; a rebel, who was just about to
fire at his back, being killed in the nick of time by Sergeant Cope.
Tantia’s main army as usual turned and fled when the British infantry
fairly advanced against them. Had Michel’s cavalry been more numerous
he might have cut the whole of the rebels to pieces; but, as things
were, he had to be content with one hundred of them left dead on the
field, a large number of prisoners, and Tantia’s six guns. [Sidenote:
1858.] “I solicit to bring Sir William Gordon’s services prominently
to the notice of His Excellency,” wrote General Michel after this
action, “and those of the squadron under his command, who did their
duty admirably.”

After his defeat at Mungrowlee Tantia fled eastward across the Betwah
to Lullutpore, where he rejoined the Rao Sahib. There he remained while
the Rao Sahib marched eastward with 10,000 men and six guns. General
Michel meanwhile divided his force into three columns, intending
to move himself with the centre column in a direction due east;
but finding that his intended route lay through jungle infested by
predatory tribes, he made forced marches southward in order to join
with his right or southern column once more. [Sidenote: 18th Oct.]
Overtaking this column at Narut on the 18th October he had ordered a
march north-westward towards Lullutpore, when at 1 A.M. he
received intelligence of the presence of the Rao Sahib at Sindwaho,
fifteen miles to the north. [Sidenote: 19th Oct.] In an hour Michel had
started to meet the enemy, and at daybreak his cavalry came into sight
of one of the rebel picquets close to Sindwaho. His force was composed
thus:--

R. H. A. (4 guns) 68
8th Hussars 118
Seventeenth Lancers 90
1st Bombay Lancers 93
3rd Bombay Cavalry 98
Mayne’s Horse 150
---
617

71st Highland Light Infantry 210
92nd Highlanders 320
19th N. I. 500
Bengal Artillery (4 guns) 60
3rd Bombay Cavalry 50
----
1140

The village of Sindwaho lies between the Jamnee river and its tributary
the Sujnam. The country round it has a general elevation of about
fifteen hundred feet, with an undulating surface broken by numerous
detached hills and peaks. There is very little cultivation on the high
land, the greater part thereof being covered with dense jungle. The
Rao Sahib had drawn up his force, 10,000 strong, on rising ground,
and so disposed it as to conceal his exact numbers. His artillery was
just over the skyline, with cavalry on either flank, and some squares
of infantry in the jungle, which here and there was partly open.
[Sidenote: 1858.] He awaited attack, having sent down to the edge of a
watercourse detached bodies of infantry to annoy Michel’s force as it
went into the broken ground at the bottom.

Michel at once sent off the cavalry to his extreme right in order to
cut off the enemy from their ascertained destination. By chance the
rebel artillery found the range of the British at once, and by three
or four lucky shots caused some slight loss to the Seventeenth while
executing this movement. The English guns, with a strong escort,
occupied Michel’s centre. As at Mungrowlee, the rebels made a show
of taking the initiative, their infantry advancing against the guns
while their horse hovered about the flank of the British cavalry,
which charged them with great effect. Then Michel’s infantry came up,
and was actually so far pressed by the enemy that one flank needed to
be reinforced, while the artillery in the centre was obliged to fire
grape. But as usual the rebels did not stand long; and presently Sir
William Gordon, with the Seventeenth, the 8th, and the Bombay Lancers
was in the thick of them. For nine miles the pursuit was continued,
though, from the heavy condition of the cultivated land and the broken
nature of the ground, it was inevitably slow. None the less 500 dead
rebels and 6 captured guns made the victory tolerably complete.

While the bulk of the cavalry was thus engaged on the right, an escort
of the 3rd Bombay Cavalry, in attendance on a couple of guns on the
left, was fired at by a small body of rebels from a field of high
_jowarree_. Several horses having been wounded, the escort was
withdrawn for a little distance; and thereupon these rebels, many of
whom were mutinous Sepoys of the 36th Bengal Native Infantry, drew
themselves up into a kind of rude square. Lieutenant Evelyn Wood of the
Seventeenth, who had been doing duty with the 3rd Light Cavalry since
they left Mhow, no sooner saw this square than he attacked it singly
and alone, selecting the corner man as his first opponent. While he was
engaged with him a sowar of the 3rd Light Cavalry, Dokal[13] Singh,
came up, and, [Sidenote: 1858.] having narrowly escaped a cut from a
two-handed sword which shore through his saddle into his horse’s spine,
presently made an end of the corner man. Then a small party of the 8th
Hussars, under the Adjutant, Mr. Harding, was brought up to Lieutenant
Wood’s assistance by Lieutenant Bainbridge of the Seventeenth, and the
rebels began to disperse. Harding called out to Wood to fight one of
them, and himself selected another. The sepoy waited for Harding until
he was so close that the fire of the musket singed his stable jacket,
and shot him dead. Lieutenant Wood’s opponent also waited for him with
the bayonet, till finding the chest of his horse almost on the top of
him, he clubbed his musket and was at once run through the body by
Wood’s sword. This was one of two gallant actions for which Lieutenant
Wood (better known as Sir Evelyn Wood) received the Victoria Cross.

For the rest the rebels made a better resistance in this action of
Sindwaho than in any other of the many that were fought during the
chase of Tantia. The total loss of the British did not exceed 5
officers and 20 men killed and wounded; but the brunt of the day’s
work and the whole of the loss fell on the cavalry. Of the Seventeenth
one sergeant and four privates were wounded; three horses killed and
four wounded. Sir William Gordon was again honourably mentioned in
despatches; and Lieutenant Wood distinguished himself as has been
already told. The cavalry, when the day’s work was done, had been in
the saddle from 2 A.M. till 5 P.M., and was not sorry to rest. Still,
they had more than ordinary consolation, for on one native saddle
were found gold mohurs to the value of £150, which were distributed
among the men. Let us not omit to mention, also, that the infantry
almost kept up with them during the twenty mile march that preceded
the action, and that among the infantry regiments, in this as in the
two previous engagements, was the 71st Highland Light Infantry, which
had worked through so many hard marches with the Seventeenth in the
Carolinas three-quarters of a century before.

After one day’s halt General Michel marched from Sindwaho northward
to Lullutpore. [Sidenote: 1858.] Then Tantia made a desperate move.
Starting from the northward of Lullutpore he doubled back suddenly
to the south, passing unobserved within four miles of the British
column, and between it and the Betwah. Michel, on learning of this new
departure, instantly followed him by forced marches from Lullutpore;
but being unable to pursue him directly by the mountains and jungly
track that Tantia had selected, he was compelled to move by Malthor
(a thirty mile march) and Khimlassa, where on the evening of the 24th
he heard that Tantia had but just passed before him. [Sidenote: 25th
Oct.] On the 25th at 2 A.M. Michel resumed the pursuit, and
at Kurai overtook the wing of Tantia’s army, 2000 strong. This force
made hardly even a show of fighting, but forthwith fled and was hotly
pursued by the British cavalry in three separate columns. Sir W.
Gordon, with the Seventeenth and the 3rd Light Cavalry, pressed the
rebels hard for six miles, and as usual (to quote General Michel’s
despatch) did his work efficiently and well. In the course of the
pursuit, while hastening with all speed after some cavalry that was
covering the retreat of some rebel leader, the Seventeenth were brought
up, as is so often the case in that country, by a nullah. Sir William
Gordon, as was, of course, his invariable rule, waited until he had
seen every trooper pass over before him, and then gave the word to
open out and pursue at the gallop, adding that the first man up should
have for his reward whatever the leader carried on him. Well mounted,
and an admirable horseman, Sir William won the race, killed the leader
with his own hand, and divided the gold bracelets and other ornaments
of great value that were on his body among the men that were first
after him. It is hardly surprising that his troop did wonders under
such a Captain. Let us, however, do justice to all, and record the
extraordinary marches accomplished by the infantry of the column just
at this time--twenty-nine miles on one day, twenty-seven on the next,
and twenty-five before they came into action at Kurai.

[Illustration:

_G. Salisbury._ Review Order. Marching Order.

OFFICERS. 1852–1841.]

The wing thus caught by Michel was simply dispersed; and (in
the words of the historian of the Mutiny) Tantia and the Rao Sahib
purchased their retreat by the sacrifice of one-half of their followers.

[Sidenote: 1858.]

None the less Tantia pushed on with such force as he had saved. He was
again attacked on the following day by a single regiment--that now
known as the Central India Horse--and suffered some loss; but still he
pushed on. Within a few days he had crossed the Nerbuddha, to the great
alarm of the Governments at Madras and Bombay, and was pointing towards
Nagpore.

Headed back from thence by a British force, he turned sharp to the
west, [Sidenote: November.] hoping to find some unguarded pass by which
he might pierce farther south. It was useless; every outlet to south
and west was already occupied. He then turned north-westward into
Holkar’s country, forced a certain number of Holkar’s troops to join
him at Kargun (19th November), and then hurried away towards the west.

Meanwhile Michel had followed him across the Nerbuddha, reaching
Hoshangabad on the 7th November. Feeling sure of the security of the
south and west, he sent Brigadier Parke on to Charwah, and followed
in the same direction more leisurely himself. Sir William Gordon’s
squadron was left for a time at Hoshangabad, where it was presently
joined by further portions of the Seventeenth. It is now necessary to
pause for a moment and go back to the rest of the regiment, which we
left at Kirkee awaiting its establishment of horses.

The second squadron, under Major White, left Kirkee on the 11th June
and marched to Sholapore, where it was kept halted for some time. We
shall, however, see this squadron in action in due season.

The third squadron, under Major Learmonth, left Kirkee on the 11th
September, and proceeded to Mhow, where it was placed at the disposal
of General Michel.

Headquarters and the remaining squadron, having left a small depôt at
Kirkee, marched from that station on 22nd September, in company with D
troop of the Royal Horse Artillery and some infantry, [Sidenote: 1858.
November.]the whole being under the command of Colonel Benson of the
Seventeenth. On arrival at Mhow they were immediately pushed forward
towards the Betwah, and having picked up first Major Learmonth’s
squadron at Bhopal, and next Sir William Gordon’s at Hoshangabad,
united three-fourths of the regiment at the latter place on the 6th
November.

Meanwhile Tantia was still pressing on with all speed to westward. On
the 23rd November he crossed the great highroad from Bombay to Agra,
plundered some carts laden with mercantile stores for the army, cut the
telegraph wires, and hurried on in the hope of recrossing the Nerbuddha
unperceived. The British were quickly on his track. Major Sutherland,
with a handful of 200 infantry, caught him at Rajpore, attacked him,
though against odds of fifteen or twenty men to one, and put him to
flight. Nevertheless, though the pursuit was resumed next morning
with all possible swiftness, it was only to find that Tantia was safe
across the Nerbuddha. Tantia then moved rapidly north in the hope of
surprising Baroda; but the British were beforehand with him. Brigadier
Parke, moving by extraordinary marches, met him at Oodeypore on the
30th of November and defeated him once more. Tantia then fled eastward
into the Banswarra jungle, and the British commanders thought that they
had caught him at last. He was not caught yet by any means. The next
that the Seventeenth heard of him was that he was advancing on Indore,
and that they must move up to Mhow with all speed. Colonel Benson left
his encampment, twelve miles south of the Nerbuddha, crossed the river
in boats, and was at Mhow in twenty-six hours--a march of fifty-two
miles, to say nothing of the passage of the river.

Tantia, however, prudently remained in the jungle; and on the 3rd
December Colonel Benson, with his three squadrons of the Seventeenth,
again left Mhow and marched north-westward for Ratlam, in order to
meet him whenever he might issue from his hiding-place. [Sidenote:
December.] A small column under Major Learmonth was detached from
Ratlam, but after three days’ search discovered nothing of the
enemy; [Sidenote: 1858.] and Colonels Benson and Somerset, who had
united their two flying columns at Ratlam, then moved up together to
Partabghur. At this point, however, a new ally for Tantia, Feroz Shah,
appeared upon the scene, and Somerset’s column was detached to Ashta
to cut him off. Emboldened by Feroz Shah’s diversion, Tantia finally
emerged from the jungle, after a month’s wandering, at Partabghur, on
Christmas day 1858. But meanwhile Colonel Benson had been moved from
Partabghur; and a very weak force of native infantry alone was on the
spot to stop the famous rebel. Tantia held this little force engaged
for a couple of hours until his baggage and elephants were clear of the
passes, and then marched quietly away. Halting for the night within six
miles of Mundesoor he struck eastward, and in three days had reached
Zeerapore, one hundred and ten miles as the crow flies from Partabghur.

Meanwhile Colonel Benson had lost no time in starting on his track
with 210 men of the Seventeenth and 37 men of the Horse Artillery with
2 guns; and after a march of one hundred and forty-eight miles in
one hundred and twenty hours, he finally caught Tantia at Zeerapore.
This being, so to speak, a strictly regimental affair, we may give an
abridged journal of the march:--

_Friday, 24th December._--Left Ninose for Nowgaum (seventeen
miles).

_Saturday, 25th December._--Made a reconnaissance, and
discovered that the enemy had marched on Mundesoor; made a
forced march thither, and arrived that night (thirty-six miles)
to find the enemy encamped but four miles away.

_Sunday, 26th December._--Marched at daybreak, leaving
behind all infantry, artillery waggons, led horses, and baggage
of every description, and all grass-cutters. Moved first towards
Seeta Mhow on false information, but, discovering the true
direction, turned towards Caimpore, and halted for the night on
the left bank of the Chumbul (twenty-six miles).

_Monday, 27th December._--Marched at daybreak, crossed the
Chumbul, and came up with the rebels encamped at Dug; bivouacked
in sight of their fires.

_Tuesday, 28th December._--Marched at 4 A.M. so as to attack at
daybreak; found that the enemy’s main body had retreated. Drove
in the picquets and pursued, crossing the Kollee Sind River on
the way (twenty-eight miles).

_Wednesday, 29th December._--Marched at 3 A.M. from the right
bank of the Kollee Sind; after an eight-mile march came in sight
of the rebel camp; advanced over the ploughed land, so as to
make as little noise as possible, and waited for daylight. Found
the main body had retired two miles; trotted on and came up with
it; and on emerging from a wooded lane found the rebel army,
apparently about 4000 strong, drawn up in line of battle on
rising ground, with a ravine and jungle to their rear.

[Sidenote: 29th Dec.]

Colonel Benson advanced to the attack in columns of divisions, and, on
the commencement of the rebel fire, moved the leading column to the
right, thus uncovering his guns, which opened fire at four hundred
yards with grape and shell. The rebels soon gave way, and Benson then
attacked with two divisions from his right, and drove them into the
jungle. The Seventeenth then pursued them through the jungle and across
the ravine, and on emerging from the latter found them rallied and
drawn up in a new position. The Seventeenth then advanced in line, with
the two guns in the centre, and after a vain attempt of the rebels to
make a counter-attack, Sir William Gordon charged with his squadron
and drove the enemy once more into the jungle and across the ravine.
With some difficulty and delay the guns were taken across in pursuit;
and after one or two more feeble attempts to rally, the rebels were
dispersed and pursued in all directions. The action closed with the
capture of four of Tantia’s elephants by Captain Drury Lowe. The
ornaments of these elephants still remain in the regiment’s possession
as trophies of this regimental day. The whole affair lasted about two
hours; and the distance covered before the day’s work was ended was
thirty-six miles, making a total of one hundred and seventy-eight
miles, including the passage of two large rivers, in six days,
accomplished without European supplies, without protection against
the bitter cold of the nights, and, above all, without a murmur.
The casualties were as usual trifling enough. The Artillery and
Seventeenth each lost one man wounded and two horses killed.

[Sidenote: 1858.]

On the very next day (30th December) Colonel Somerset’s column,
consisting of 4 guns of the Royal Horse Artillery, 100 of the
Seventeenth under Major White, and 150 of the 92nd Highlanders on
camels, arrived likewise at Zeerapore. Major White had just missed
Colonel Benson at Dug by three hours; and had then been summoned to
join Colonel Somerset at Soosneer. In consequence of information as
to a junction between Tantia Topee and Feroz Shah, Colonel Somerset
decided to push on at once. He had marched forty miles on the 29th,
[Sidenote: 30th Dec.] and started at 3 A.M. on the morning of the 30th,
but he hurried on none the less, and reached Kulcheepore at 5.30 P.M.
At midnight (12.5 A.M. 31st December) he started again and [Sidenote:
31st Dec.] marched on without a rest, except of an hour and a half
to feed the horses, until 6.15 P.M., when he reached Satul after a
forty-mile march. The rebels were now reported to be seven miles ahead,
and it was determined, somewhat unfortunately, to march up to their
encampment at once. As the British approached they were fired on by a
rebel picquet; so that they could then do nothing more than lie down
and wait till daylight. A small picquet of infantry, who had been
riding on camels at the head of the column, was posted by the staff
officer, and the Seventeenth then lay down on the ground, with their
bridles in their hands. In a few moments every man was sound asleep.
The staff-officer, waking an hour before daylight, found the bivouac
like a camp of the dead--every soul so exhausted as to be overcome
with sleep. The force was awakened without noise, and just at daylight
the advance was resumed, but too late to overtake the rebels, who had
moved off some time before. The British column, disregarding some
dismounted soldiers and followers in the rebel camp, pushed on with all
haste. The only track was of the worst possible description, and was
necessarily allotted to the artillery, two troops of the Seventeenth
trotting along, one on each flank of the guns, over the open. After
thus traversing some seven miles, in the course of which the camels
were left far in rear, the column came upon a village. [Sidenote:
1858.] The ground on each side thereof became impassable, so that the
cavalry was compelled to bend outwards; and thus it came about that the
guns, without escort, were actually the first to pass through a village
with high walls, and with only just sufficient roadway to enable the
guns to move. Fortunately the rebels made no effort to defend it; and
it was only on debouching from the village that the gunners found,
five hundred yards before them, three or four thousand rebel cavalry
drawn up in line. Brigadier Somerset quietly turned to Major Paget, who
commanded the half battery, and said “Gallop out towards them”; and so
with the word “Leading gun, gallop,” the formation of the British line
began. The other guns then followed, and a staff officer galloped back
to hurry forward the camel corps. Meanwhile the rebel cavalry advanced
at a walk, one of their leaders on a gray horse endeavouring with
all his might to induce his men to charge the guns. But the guns had
unlimbered, and their very first shot swept away the gray horse. Some
few rebels dismounted to pick up their chief, and the remainder of the
force moved away to the British left. Then up came half a dozen of the
92nd on their camels; and then from each side of the village appeared
the two troops of the Seventeenth. They numbered between eighty and
ninety men all told, and came on in rank entire with lances at the
“carry”--two small slender lines of pennons four hundred yards apart.
“It was a pretty sight,” says one who was there, “and the odds (4000 to
90) were so great that it became exciting also.” Straight onward they
galloped; and then suddenly the pennons swept forward like a flash of
light, every lance came down to the “engage,” and the Seventeenth with
a yell dashed on to the charge. The rebels slackened pace, halted,
and, before the lances had reached them, broke and fled; and the
Seventeenth, plunging headlong among them, was swallowed up in the huge
mass, and fairly vanished out of sight. Presently they appeared again,
every lance still busy, and for seven miles the chase and the slaughter
continued till men and horses could do no more.

[Sidenote: 1859. 1st Jan.]

Thus did the one squadron, so far unengaged, of the Seventeenth obtain
its opportunity at last and take brilliant advantage thereof. A single
man of the Seventeenth, wounded, summed up in himself the casualties
of the whole column; but every soul was fairly worn out. Before the
rebels were overtaken at Barode (for by this name the action is known),
Somerset’s column had marched a hundred and forty-seven miles without
a halt except to feed the horses: the last fifty-two miles had been
covered in thirty hours. The action with its pursuit of twelve miles
made, with the return to camp, twenty-four miles more. All baggage and
European supplies were left hopelessly in the rear: the nights were
bitterly cold; and to bring discomfort to a climax, rain fell heavily
for three days and three nights. Yet no one complained. On the morning
after Barode men and horses were so numbed and stiff through cold and
rain that they could hardly rise from the mud in which, through sheer
fatigue, they had slept; and when after a few hours’ painful march the
sun at last broke through the clouds, the men gave him three cheers.

But to Tantia, Barode was a mortal blow. The pursuing columns were
now, so to speak, running for blood. General Michel shortly after
the action formed a column wherein the whole of the Seventeenth was
united, and pressed the chase with greater rapidity than ever, covering
fifty-four miles and forty miles in two marches, and two hundred and
fifty-six miles in eight days. On the 16th January, Tantia, flying
northward, was caught and defeated by Brigadier Showers at Dewassa; on
the 21st he was again caught and beaten by Colonel Holmes at Sikur.
The Rao Sahib now abandoned Tantia in a rage, and Feroz Shah deserted
him likewise. The former fled southward and was overtaken and defeated
by Brigadier Honner’s column near Koshani on the 10th February. On
the 13th Brigadier Somerset took up the chase with three and a half
squadrons of the Seventeenth in his column, and achieved a march which
threw even his previous efforts into the shade. In six days and a half
the Seventeenth covered no less than two hundred and thirty miles;
[Sidenote: 1859.] they had their enemy dead-beat before them, and they
knew it. Ghastly tokens met them on the march--hoof-tracks filled with
blood, helpless innocent horses with their feet worn down to the quick,
and, at the last, three hundred rebels who gave themselves up without a
blow, being literally unable to run away any farther. The leaders alone
escaped; but from that time the Rao Sahib’s following ceased to exist;
and he himself fled into the Banswarra jungle to be heard of no more.
Tantia Topee, deserted, and since Sikur almost alone, hid in the Paron
jungle until April, when he was betrayed by Rajah Man Singh to the
English. He was tried by court-martial and hanged.

So ended this extraordinary chase, whereby the dying embers of the
Mutiny were finally trampled out. In following the track of Tantia on
the map, in and out and round about Malwa, one is reminded of nothing
so much as the hunting of a rat in a barn. Though unendowed with the
qualities that win success in a pitched battle, the man possessed a
positive genius for guerilla warfare; and as he carried neither tents
nor supplies, but satisfied his army’s wants by the simple process of
looting and stealing, he enjoyed always an advantage over his pursuers.
His methods, in fact, differed little from those of the Pindaris, with
whom the Seventeenth had to do in 1816–19; and but for the treachery of
Rajah Man Singh he might have disappeared for ever into the jungle like
his comrades the Rao Sahib and Feroz Shah, or met his fate at the jaws
of a tiger like the Pindari chief Cheettoo.

Of the part played by the Seventeenth Lancers much has already been
said in the course of the narrative. It now remains to add a few
details which, lest the thread of the story should be unduly broken,
have been reserved to the last.

First, we must note that in this campaign the Seventeenth wore its
English clothing: blue tunic, overalls strapped with cloth, and forage
cap protected by a white curtain, this last being preferred to the
white-covered lance cap.

The bulk of the active work, as has been seen, fell upon Sir William
Gordon’s squadron. [Sidenote: 1859.] When, after six months’ hard work,
Sir William rejoined the headquarters of the regiment, General Michel
sent Colonel Benson the following letter:--

CAMP, MHOW, HEADQUARTERS, M.D.A.,
1st _December_ 1858.

SIR,--I am directed by the Major-General to state that
as the Seventeenth Lancers are again proceeding to take the
field, he is desirous to express his strong approbation of the
conduct of the squadron commanded by Sir William Gordon, which
alone has accompanied the Mhow column through the whole of the
late operations in the field.

2. Notwithstanding the most severe service in the worst weather,
this squadron, owing to the unremitting attention of Sir W.
Gordon, is almost as efficient as on the day when it left Mhow.

3. The Major-General has remarked that this officer’s care was
extended to the comfort of his men, the care of baggage animals,
and even to the well-being of camp followers.

4. His leading in the field was as gallant as was his
unremitting zeal; and in gallantry his officers and men emulated
his example.

5. The Major-General, during the short time he has had under
his personal observation the headquarters of your corps,
has remarked with great pleasure that the general system of
the regiment is one which must lead to efficiency; but this
squadron has come so repeatedly under his observation in action
and otherwise, that he cannot let it depart without specially
recording his observation of its merits.

6. The Major-General directs that this letter may be read on
parade of your regiment.--I have, &c.,

J. H. CHAPMAN, Capt., A.A.G., Malwa Division.

The most notable statement in this letter will be admitted to be that
of the second paragraph:--

After the most severe service in the worst weather, this
squadron, owing to the unremitting attention of Sir W. Gordon,
is almost as efficient as on the day when it left Mhow.

This was no exaggeration. The squadron, for all its hard work,
literally brought back every horse with which it had started fit
for duty, excepting only those that had been killed or wounded in
action; surely a performance of which any officer might well be
proud. [Sidenote: 1859.] The troop-horses, it may be added, were
mostly Arabs, and stood the work, by Sir William Gordon’s testimony,
remarkably well; and it is worth noting that in the supreme trial of
two hundred and thirty miles in six days, several “walers” dropped dead
under their riders, one or two Cape horses gave out, but no Arab was
ever off his feed. We have already seen how Sir William Gordon took
care of his horses, and we may now, by his kindness, catch a glimpse of
his method of providing for those of whom he was even more careful--his
men.

He writes as follows:--

As a rule we had not much difficulty in getting supplies for
men and horses, but occasionally had to resort to force. I
remember on one occasion marching into a town called Samrood at
7 A.M. The head-man of the town kissed my feet in the
saddle and promised that I should have all supplies at once. I
thanked him, but as no supplies came I sent Evelyn Wood into
the town with six men about 11 o’clock. They found abundance
of everything required for men and horses, but no preparations
to let us have what we wanted. So I ordered the head-man three
dozen; after which he could not do enough for me, and supplies
were plentiful. All was of course paid for; and the occurrence
was reported by me to the authorities.

Let us not omit to add that the officer who took such care of his
men and horses was himself a perfect horseman, having won the
Regimental Challenge Cup within a few months of joining as a cornet;
that, as we have seen, he fought the Russians at Balaclava till his
head was almost cut to pieces; that at Mungrowlee he killed three
men with his own hand, and throughout the Central Indian campaign
frequently distinguished himself in personal combats; and that he has
characteristically left the present writer to gather these latter
details from any source except from himself.

[Illustration: INDIA 1858.]

Lastly, it must be remarked that this was the second if not the third
campaign of its kind wherein the Seventeenth had been engaged. We
saw it within twenty years of its foundation scouring the Carolinas
and Virginia under Tarleton and Cornwallis, covering on one occasion
one hundred and five miles in fifty-four hours, and traversing by
constant forced marches a total distance of fifteen hundred
miles. [Sidenote: 1859.] We found it next in Malwa in 1818 chasing
the Pindaris; once making a forced march of thirty miles, and cutting
Cheettoo’s bandits to pieces at the end. Finally, forty years later, we
follow it to this same Malwa through the mazy pursuit of Tantia Topee.
In all three cases these incessant forced marches were accompanied
by every hardship that could be inflicted by climate, privation,
and fatigue; and whether we follow the Seventeenth in long-skirted
scarlet and black helmet under the blazing sun of South Carolina and
the drenching rain of the Alleghany slopes; or first in French gray
jacket and white shako, and next in blue tunic and pugareed forage
cap, through the burning days and bitter nights of the Malwa--in all
three cases the story is the same. General Michel in 1858, no less than
Lord Cornwallis in 1782, bears eloquent witness to the cheerful spirit
and unconquerable patience with which these hardships were endured.
Nor does the parallel hold less good of the action at the close of
the march. It was when worn out with marching that a troop of the
Seventeenth stood alone, after all others had given way, and cut its
way through twenty times its number at Cowpens; it was when worn out
with marching that a squadron of the Seventeenth charged and dispersed
forty times its number at Barode.

CHAPTER XIV

PEACE SERVICE IN INDIA AND ENGLAND, 1859–1879

[Sidenote: 1859.]

For some time after the execution of Tantia the Seventeenth was kept
marching about from day to day; and it was not until the 13th May
that it finally went into quarters at Morar (Gwalior), detaching one
squadron under Captain Taylor to Jhansi. In both places the regiment
suffered severely from sickness, and lost many officers and men--the
result of the climate, bad accommodation, and the reaction after the
campaign. [Sidenote: 1860.]On the 10th January 1860 it was ordered to
Secunderabad, and proceeded thither by rapid marches under command
of Major White. On the way it lost thirty-eight more men of cholera
and other diseases, among them Veigh, the butcher of the Balaclava
charge, whose end was decidedly tragic. The deaths on the march, of
course, entailed the digging of graves for the dead, in which work
Veigh, who was a strong man and a thirsty soul, always glad to earn a
few extra rupees, was particularly zealous. One day when his task of
grave-digging was complete he was suddenly struck down by cholera, and
in a few hours was buried in the grave which he had made for another.
It was his final distinction to have dug his own grave.

[Sidenote: 1860–64.]

The regiment now remained at Secunderabad for five years. There is
little to be chronicled of this period except one or two small matters
of dress. In April 1860 the peaks on the forage caps were discontinued,
and in 1861 the regiment, for the first time in its life, was equipped
with white helmets. These were made of leather, covered with white
cloth, without plume or spike, [Sidenote: 1864.] and were the work of
a saddler sergeant who had come to the regiment from the 12th Lancers.

On the 14th December 1864 the Seventeenth left Secunderabad, and after
sixteen days’ march on foot arrived at Sholapore, whence it travelled
by rail to Poona, and, after halting there till the 20th January 1865,
reached Bombay, [Sidenote: 1865.] and embarked for England on the
_Agamemnon_ on the 21st. During the eight years of its service
in India it was recruited at various times to a total number of 48
officers and 404 men. Its losses from climatic causes and disease,
through death and invaliding, amounted to 38 officers and 373 men,
while 122 more men were left behind as volunteers to serve with other
regiments in India.

In April the regiment landed at Tilbury, and on the 6th May
marched to Colchester, where it was inspected in October by the
Commander-in-Chief, its sometime Colonel. Colonel White, the Commanding
Officer, was now the only officer remaining who had ridden through
the action at Balaclava, Sir William Gordon having retired in 1864.
[Sidenote: 1866.] In the following year Colonel White retired, and
was succeeded by Colonel Drury Lowe, a name that will live long
in the regiment. It was in this same year 1866, the year of the
Austro-Prussian war, that the Seventeenth were first quartered at
Aldershot.

[Sidenote: 1867.]

The year 1867 brings another name well known in the regiment on to the
list of officers, this time not at the head of all, but at the foot
of the cornets, that, namely, of John Brown, who held the adjutantcy
from this time until 1878. Lieutenant-Colonel Brown (to give him his
present rank) joined the Seventeenth as a band-boy in 1848. He rode the
Balaclava charge as a trumpeter, and was brought to the ground close to
the Russian battery, his horse’s off hind leg being carried away by a
cannon shot, and his own thigh pierced by a rifle bullet. After several
weeks in hospital he rejoined the regiment in the Crimea, and when
the Seventeenth went out to Central India dropped the trumpet for the
lance. He was one of Major White’s squadron at Barode, and from that
time rose rapidly until he received his commission in 1867. For the
present we need say no more than that he was Adjutant during Colonel
Drury Lowe’s command of the regiment.

In August 1867 the regiment was quartered at Shorncliffe and Brighton,
[Sidenote: 1868.] where it remained until May 1868, when, after two
months’ stay at Woolwich, it was moved in August to Hounslow and
Hampton Court. [Sidenote: 1869.] In the following year an experiment
was tried which proved most successful, and has now been finally
adopted, viz. the “squadron organisation.” The squadron became the
unit, and the word Troop was abolished--abolished, that is to say, in
hope rather than in deed; for words which have the sanction of two
centuries of use are not so easily expunged. When troops of cavalry
first came into existence in England they were at least sixty men
strong; when they were first organised by Statute they were one hundred
men strong. Squadrons, again, were not compounds, but fractions of
troops. Be that as it may, however, the old word Troop was for the time
abolished, though not for long, and that of Squadron took its place.
The establishment of cornets was, therefore, reduced by four; four
troop sergeant-majors became squadron quartermaster-sergeants; four
farriers were reduced and four shoeing-smiths added; and an additional
sergeant (fencing instructor) was also added to the establishment.
Simultaneously eight corporals and twenty-three privates were reduced,
bringing down the total strength from 588 to 553, while the number of
horses (a more serious matter) sank from 363 to 344.

In 1869 also the white plume, which had been adopted in 1857, was
done away with, and a black plume issued in its stead. The original
plume of the regiment, as we have seen, was scarlet and white, but was
arbitrarily altered, for all Lancer regiments alike, by King William
IV., to black. The old mourning lace, adopted by John Hale, having
been long since abandoned, the black plume might seem to be a means of
prolonging its memory; but the prejudice of the regiment ran in favour
of white (scarlet and white being apparently out of date), and after a
year or two the white plume was restored.

In July of the same year the regiment marched to Edinburgh and
Hamilton, and remained in Scotland for ten months. This was its first
visit to North Britain since 1760, when Colonel John Hale himself was
in command. [Sidenote: 1870.] In 1870, as in 1764, the regiment moved
from Scotland to Ireland--history thus repeating itself (if any one
took notice of it) with commendable accuracy.

On the 15th August 1870 the establishment of the regiment was
increased--the men from 457 to 540, the horses from 300 to 350. For
France and Germany just then were flying at each other’s throats,
and even while the order was a-signing, were fighting the four days’
battle (August 14–18) around Metz. As the outcome of this war, we shall
have shortly to mention a number of sweeping reforms in the army.
Meanwhile let us note that the first change of 1870, ordered before the
war (1st April), was a retrograde step--a reversion to the old troop
organisation. A step further back would have retained the name of a
troop with the strength of a squadron, as in the days of the Ironsides.
But the Army knows little of its own history.

[Sidenote: 1871.]

With 1871 we enter on the first series of reforms, or let us call them
changes, accomplished under the influence of the war of 1870.

First, the establishment of the regiment was fixed permanently at eight
troops, after vacillating for more than a century between the minimum
of six troops and the maximum of ten. Here, let us note, is a final
break with the traditions of the great Civil War, when the six-troop
organisation (each troop being 100 men strong) was first founded.
Strictly speaking, the system of 1645 continued for some years later
in the British regiments quartered in India; the Indian establishment
consisting of six troops, while the other two formed a depôt in
England; but this failing has now been remedied, and the old order is
therefore wholly extinct.

Next, by Royal Warrant, the Purchase and Sale of Commissions in the
Army were abolished. The system had existed for more than three hundred
years, and had been threatened as far back as 1766.

[Sidenote: 1871.]

Next the “short service system”--six years’ service with the colours
and six in the reserve--was introduced; and thereby the old British
soldier of history was, for good or ill, extinguished. The Seventeenth
felt the change little before 1876; and the British public hardly found
it out before 1879. It may be worth while to note that both short
service[14] and the territorial system were first suggested just about
a century before they were introduced.

Lastly, on the 1st November the historic rank of Cornet was abolished.
_Corneta_ or _cornette_ signifies the horn-shaped troop standard which
(like the ensign in the infantry) gave its name alike to the officer
who carried it and to the troop that served under it. The rank is gone
and all its historic associations with it; and a generation is arising
which will need to resort to a dictionary if it would understand what
Walpole meant when he called Pitt “that terrible cornet of horse.”
It is amusing to note that since the expurgation of the word Cornet
no abiding name has been found for the rank of a junior subaltern
of cavalry. Sub-lieutenants there have been and second lieutenants,
sometimes both and sometimes neither, but nothing of permanence.

[Sidenote: 1872.]

The following year witnessed the death of another venerable
institution, namely, of the “churns” carried by farriers. The name
transports us to the days when farriers alone of cavalry men were
dressed in blue and were armed with axes. The reintroduction of
knee-boots, after an exile of sixty years, also revived, though in a
different fashion, the memory of early days.

[Sidenote: 1873.]

The year 1873 likewise brought with it a reversion to primitive times
in the shape of an order that greater attention should be paid to
dismounted duty, the cavalry being now armed with the Snider carbine.
This did not immediately affect the Seventeenth, which as yet possessed
no carbines, but it was destined to do so before long. [Sidenote:
1875.] Two years later came another reform, this time in the matter
of drill. The old system of standing pivots, or as it was called the
“pivot system,” was abolished, and the “Evolutions” of 1759 lost their
influence on cavalry drill for ever.

While all these changes were going forward the Seventeenth was
quartered in Ireland, whither reform after reform pursued it across St.
George’s Channel. Being in Ireland it was, of course, called in to aid
the civil power (Mallow election, 1872) but was spared the trouble of
dealing with any disturbance. [Sidenote: 1876.] In 1876 it was brought
over to England for mobilisation with the 5th Army Corps. Having called
attention to the disavowal or attempted disavowal of the words Troop
and Cornet, one cannot do less than emphasise the introduction of the
comparatively strange terms, Mobilisation and Army Corps, which here
confront the regiment for the first time. The Seventeenth was encamped
on Pointingdown Downs in Somerset for a few weeks, and was reviewed
with the 5th Army Corps on the 22nd July. As it is unlikely that the
Seventeenth Lancers will ever again form part of a 5th Army Corps (for
it is not often that England is so rich in army-corps) it seems well to
record so unique an experience in a not uneventful career.

In this same year the Lancers’ tunic was embellished with a plastron of
the colour of the regimental facings,--a change which made the dress of
the Seventeenth, by general admission, the smartest in the Army. The
plastron being an essential feature in the uniform of the German Uhlan,
is presumably imitated from Napoleon’s Polish Lancers. No one will
quarrel with so smart a dress; but it is nevertheless a little curious
that the whole world should go to Poland for its Lancer fashions. The
lance may be called the oldest of cavalry weapons, at least it can
demonstrably be traced back beyond the days of Alexander the Great;
and its present vogue is simply a return, and a late return, to an old
favourite. Its reputation as the queen of cavalry weapons is not one
century, but many centuries old; and though it was for a time driven
out of the field by firearms, it may be said never to have wanted
champions. I have found the lance advocated, for instance, by a French
military writer in 1748, and by an English colonel, Dalrymple, in 1761.
In 1590 the best authorities swore by it.

[Sidenote: 1876.]

In 1876, likewise, came two more changes--the one temporary and
the other permanent. The first was the issue of six carbines to
every troop, a sign of a further change to come. The second was the
appointment of the Duke of Cambridge to be Colonel-in-Chief of the
regiment, which from henceforth is designated the “Duke of Cambridge’s
Own.” In the early days of the Army it was customary on all occasions
to insert the colonel’s name after the regimental number; and thus it
has been easy to identify the 18th (Hale’s) Light Dragoons of 1759 with
the present Seventeenth Lancers. The only colonels whose names enjoyed
the distinction in the Seventeenth were Hale, Preston, and Gage. The
Duke’s name is now permanently bound with that of the regiment, a
connection whereof, we trust, he will ever have good reason to feel
proud.

[Sidenote: 1877.]

After staying at Aldershot until August 1877, the Seventeenth marched
north to Leeds and Preston. After some service in aid of the civil
power, which brought it at Clitheroe in collision with a mob of cotton
operatives on strike, [Sidenote: 1878.] it returned to Aldershot in
July 1878. A month later Colonel Drury Lowe retired, and was succeeded
by Colonel Gonne. The Adjutant, Lieutenant John Brown, also resigned,
but remained with the regiment as paymaster with the rank of captain.

In 1878 a change was made in the armament of the Seventeenth which
takes us back to the earliest days of the British army. Martini-Henry
carbines were issued, and pistols returned into store. Carbines, of
course, were no new thing in the regiment, though they had been unknown
therein since they were withdrawn (weapons very different from the
Martini) in 1823. The bound from the old flint-lock to the Martini is
remarkable; but the abolition of the pistol is even more noteworthy,
for the pistol was a direct survival from the days of the Ironsides.
Quite unconsciously the five regiments of Lancers carried the armament
of Cromwell’s troopers into the forty-first year of Queen Victoria.
[Sidenote: 1878.] As a weapon the pistol had long been regarded as
of no account: it was a muzzle loader to the last, and as but ten
rounds annually were allowed to each man for practice therewith, it
was hardly taken seriously as a weapon at all. Still the abandonment
of the pistol, as a point of historical interest, deserves at least so
much notice. Sergeant-majors, and trumpeters were now provided with
revolvers, a change which was fated to have serious influence on the
careers of two officers of the regiment.

This year saw England committed to two wars, in Afghanistan and in
Zululand. It must now be told how the Seventeenth Lancers played a part
in both of them.

CHAPTER XV

THE ZULU WAR--PEACE SERVICE IN INDIA AND AT HOME, 1879–1894

[Sidenote: 1879.]

At the beginning of February England was shocked by the intelligence
that one of Lord Chelmsford’s columns, consisting of the 24th Regiment,
had been surprised and annihilated by the Zulus at Isandlhwana (22nd
January). [Sidenote: 10th Feb.] The Seventeenth Lancers was at once
warned to proceed on active service in South Africa, and the regiment
was augmented by the transfer of sixty-five men and horses from the 5th
and 16th Lancers. In the short interval between the warning and the
embarkation the Commanding Officer, Colonel Gonne, was accidentally
shot while superintending the practice of the non-commissioned officers
with the newly issued revolver, and so severely wounded as to be unable
to proceed on active service. Accordingly, on the 22nd February,
Colonel Drury Lowe was gazetted as supernumerary Lieutenant-Colonel,
and reassumed command of the regiment, his return being joyfully
welcomed by all ranks, without exception, from the second in command
downwards. On the same day the regiment was inspected by the
Colonel-in-Chief at Hounslow, [Sidenote: 24th Feb.] and two days later
one wing, under the command of Major Boulderson, embarked on board the
hired transport _France_ at Victoria Docks; headquarters and the
other wing embarking on board the _England_ at Southampton on the
25th. A depôt of 121 men with 30 horses was left under the command of
Captain Benson at Hounslow.

[Sidenote: 1879.]

The strength of the regiment, as embarked, was as follows:--

+------------------+----------------+----------+------+
| |Headquarter wing| Left wing| |
| | _England_ | _France_ |Totals|
+------------------+----------------+----------+------+
|Field Officer. | 1 | 1 | 2 |
|Captains. | 4 | 3 | 7 |
|Subalterns. | 7 | 9 | 16 |
|Staff. | 4 | 1 | 5 |
|Total. | 16 | 14 | 30 |
|Rank and File. | 302 | 238 | 540 |
+------------------+----------------+----------+------+
|HORSES. Officers. | 25 | 21 | 46 |
| Troopers. | 238 | 238 | 476 |
| Total. | 263 | 259 | 522 |
+------------------+----------------+----------+------+

Both ships arrived at St. Vincent, Cape de Verdes, on the 7th March to
coal; but owing to the great number of transports assembled at the same
place for the same purpose, the _England_ did not leave until the
12th, nor the _France_ until the 14th. Both ships were detained
again at Table Bay for a few days to coal, and arrived at Port Durban,
the _England_ on the 6th, and the _France_ on the 11th April;
five horses dead on the former, and six on the latter ship, were the
casualties for the voyage. By the 14th both wings were disembarked,
and the regiment then encamped for a day or two at Cator’s Manor, near
Durban--the right wing, under Colonel Drury Lowe, finally marching
on the 17th April to Landman’s Drift, and the left wing, under Major
Boulderson, on the 21st April to Dundee.

The entire regiment shortly after marched up to Rorke’s Drift together
with the King’s Dragoon Guards, the whole being under the command of
Major-General Marshall. On the 21st May it visited the battlefield of
Isandlhwana, buried most of the dead bodies, and brought back some of
the abandoned waggons to Rorke’s Drift. On the 23rd it joined the 2nd
Division under Major-General Newdegate at Landman’s Drift, on the 28th
it marched with it to Koppie Allein on the Blood River, and at last on
the 1st June crossed that river and entered Zululand.

On the 5th June the regiment came in contact with the Zulus for the
first time at Erzungayan Hill. In a trifling skirmish which ensued
the Adjutant, Lieutenant Frith, was shot dead by the Colonel’s side.
[Sidenote: 1879. 7th June.]Two days later the division reached the
Upoko River. A squadron of the Seventeenth was now detached to do duty
at Fort Marshall, one of the posts constructed to guard the line of
communication. The remainder moved up with division towards Ulundi, the
kraal of the Zulu king. It was employed in the usual reconnaissance and
outpost duties, varied by an occasional skirmish with the Zulus, but
was never able to come to close quarters with the enemy. It was not
employed, nor was any part of the strong force of cavalry available for
the service, in a rapid advance upon Ulundi, as had been expected and
hoped.

On the 2nd July the second division and flying column encamped on
the south bank of the White Umvolosi River, about five miles from
Ulundi, and on the 4th crossed the river and advanced against the
kraal. The three squadrons of the Seventeenth formed the rear-guard;
but no opportunity occurred of attacking the enemy on the march. The
column was now rapidly enveloped by the Zulus in great force, and the
cavalry was ordered to withdraw within the hollow square into which
the infantry was formed. The Zulu attack began at 8.50 A.M.,
and was maintained for three-quarters of an hour within a hundred
yards of a murderous artillery and rifle fire. During this time the
Seventeenth stood to their horses under a heavy cross-fire, and
suffered some casualties, Lieutenant Jenkins, among the officers, being
shot in the jaw. About 9.30 the Zulus showed signs of wavering, and
the Seventeenth was ordered out of the square to attack. As they rode
out Captain Edgell was shot dead at the head of his squadron, and his
troop farrier was killed at the same instant. Once clear of the square
the regiment formed in echelon of wings, rank entire, covering over
three hundred yards of front, and charged. It was met by a hot fire in
front and flank from the Zulus, who were concealed in long grass in a
donga; but charging right through them the Seventeenth scattered them
in every direction, and then taking up the pursuit hunted them with
great execution for nearly two miles. The horses were fresh, and there
was no escape from the lances, which the enemy now encountered for
the first time. The Zulu [Sidenote: 1879.]army was not only defeated
but dispersed by this pursuit, and never appeared in the field again.
[Sidenote: 1879.] The casualties of the Seventeenth on this day were,
one officer (Captain Wyatt Edgell) and two men killed, three officers,
viz. Colonel Drury Lowe, Lieutenant James, Scots Greys, attached to
the Seventeenth, Lieutenant and acting Adjutant Jenkins, and five
men wounded; the two first-named officers slightly, and the third
severely. Also 26 horses were killed and wounded. The regiment was
highly complimented, both verbally and in orders, by the General for
its conduct at Ulundi. The only matter worthy of note in this short
Zulu campaign is the heavy loss suffered by the Seventeenth in officers
as compared with men; and this through pure chance, for all ranks were
equally exposed.

The regiment began the return march on the day after the battle, with
the 2nd Division, and arrived at the Upoko River on the 15th July.
On the 26th it was ordered to march to Koppie Allein, to give over
its horses to the King’s Dragoon Guards, and to proceed dismounted to
Pinetown, where it arrived on the 21st August. It was reduced a month
later to six troops for Indian service; and 198 men then proceeded
direct to England under Lieutenant W. Kevill-Davies. On the 1st October
Colonel Drury Lowe for the second time took leave of the regiment; and
Major Boulderson took command. The regiment then embarked for India;
the left wing under Captain Cook sailing on board H.M.S. _Serapis_
on 8th October, the right wing under Major Boulderson on board H.M.S.
_Crocodile_ on the 20th, and arriving at Bombay on the 28th
October and 10th November respectively. The regiment was quartered at
Mhow, the point from which it had started on the chase of Tantia Topee,
twenty-one years before; the headquarters and the right wing arriving
there on the 1st, and the left wing on the 14th November. Finally, on
the 4th December Lieutenant-Colonel Gonne, who had recovered from his
wound, arrived from England and took over the command. He was the only
officer remaining in the regiment who had served with it in Central
India in 1858–59.

The Seventeenth had not been long in India before a request [Sidenote:
1880.] came from General Phayre that the regiment might be sent up to
join his force on active service in Afghanistan,--a request which,
unfortunately, could not be complied with, owing to the defective
state of the saddlery which was taken over in India. In July, however,
twenty non-commissioned officers and men were sent up to do duty with
the Transport on the Quetta-Candahar route. In this, as in all cases
in the history of the regiment when small parties of men have been
detached for particular duty, one and all did extremely well, and were
complimented on the excellence of their work in an order published by
the Commander-in-Chief of the Bombay Presidency. To make the parallel
complete, two of these twenty now hold commissions--Major Forbes, the
officer second in command of the King’s Dragoon Guards, and Lieutenant
Pilley, who remains with the Seventeenth as riding-master.

[Sidenote: 1881.]

In April of the following year Lieutenant-Colonel Gonne retired from
the command, being appointed Military Attaché at St Petersburg; and in
November Paymaster Captain John Brown took leave of the regiment with
which he had been associated for five-and-thirty years. He and Major
Berryman, the latter sometime the regimental Quartermaster, are the
only two members of the Seventeenth who went through Balaclava, Central
India, and South Africa.

The Seventeenth remained at Mhow until January 1884 without further
incident worth the chronicling. Its old Colonel, General Drury Lowe,
however, was meanwhile adding to his reputation in Egypt, where he
commanded the cavalry division in the campaign of 1882. The pursuit of
Arabi’s army after the action of Tel-el-Kebir by the British cavalry,
and the surrender of Cairo and of Arabi himself to General Drury Lowe,
are matters of history. From the close of that campaign we must speak
of him as Sir Drury Lowe, K.C.B.

[Sidenote: 1884.]

In February 1884 the Seventeenth Lancers relieved the 10th Hussars
at Lucknow. In July Lieutenant-General Benson, who had commanded the
regiment during the Central Indian campaign, became its Colonel. In
December of the same year the regiment furnished a squadron to act
as escort to the Commander-in-Chief in India, General Sir F. Roberts,
at the camp of exercise in India.

[Illustration:

A. Bessane. Photo Walker & Burstall Ph. Sc.

_Lieutenant General
Sir Drury C. Drury-Lowe, K.C.B.
Colonel, 17^{th.} Lancers. 1892._]

The regiment remained at Lucknow until the expiration of its [Sidenote:
1890.] term of Indian service, embarking for England on H.M.S.
_Serapis_ on the 9th October 1890. One squadron was disembarked
at Suez for duty with the army of occupation in Egypt, and was
quartered at Abbasiyeh near Cairo. The remaining troops disembarked at
Portsmouth on the 3rd of November. Of the non-commissioned officers
and men who went out with the regiment to the Zulu War in 1879, just
thirty returned with it in 1890; yet this was not due to death, for the
Seventeenth lost but seventy men from disease during its last period
of Indian service, an astonishing contrast to its former experiences
in the times of the Pindari War and the Mutiny. [Sidenote: 1891.] For
a year after its return the Seventeenth was quartered at Shorncliffe,
where it was rejoined in November 1891 by the squadron that had been
detached to Egypt, and then resumed the usual round of home service.
[Sidenote: 1892.] The following year was marked by the successful
introduction of the “squadron organisation,” which had been already
tried in 1869.

In January General Benson died, and the colonelcy of the regiment
fell vacant. And as for the present we must close the history of the
Seventeenth Lancers at this point, we cannot more fitly end it than
with the name of General Benson’s successor, the fifteenth and not the
least Colonel of the regiment, Sir Drury Curzon Drury Lowe, K.C.B.

APPENDIX A

A LIST OF THE OFFICERS OF THE 17TH LIGHT DRAGOON LANCERS

NOTE.--The constant variation in the spelling of names in the
earlier years of the regiment has made the preservation of
uniformity in this respect a matter of great difficulty. I am
still in doubt as to the correct method of spelling many names,
and I can only plead that these doubts were shared by the owners
of the names themselves.

1759

_Lieutenant-Colonel._--John Hale
_Major._--John Blaquière
_Captains._--Franklin Kirby
Samuel Birch
Martin Basil
Edward Lascelles
John Burton
Samuel Townsend
_Lieutenants._--Thomas Lee
William Green
Henry Wallop
Joseph Hall
Henry Cope
Yelverton Peyton
_Cornets._--Robert Archdale
Henry Bishop
Joseph Stopford
Henry Crofton
Joseph Moxham
Daniel Brown
_Adjutant._--Richard Westbury
_Surgeon._--John Francis
_Agent._--Mr. Calcraft, Channel Row, Westminster

1760–1761

_Lieutenant-Colonel._--John Hale
_Major._--John Blaquière
_Captains._--Samuel Birch
Edward Lascelles
Charles Mawhood
John Burton
John Marriott
---- Baillie
_Lieutenants._--Thomas Lea
William Green
Joseph Hall
Henry Wallop
Yelverton Peyton
N. Lane
_Cornets._--Robert Archdale
Henry Bishop
Joseph Stopford
Henry Crofton
Joseph Moxham
Daniel Brown
George Birch
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
George Oliver
Samuel Burton
_Adjutant._--Richard Westbury
_Surgeon._--John Francis

1762

_Lieut.-Colonel Commandant._--John Hale
_Major._--John Blaquière
_Captains._--Samuel Birch
Edward Lascelles
Charles Mawhood
John Burton
John Marriott
---- Baillie
_Lieutenants._--Thomas Lea
William Green
Joseph Hall
Henry Wallop
Yelverton Peyton
N. Lane
_Cornets._--Robert Archdale
Henry Bishop
Joseph Stopford
Henry Crofton
Joseph Moxham
Daniel Brown
George Birch
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
George Oliver
Samuel Burton
Richard Gwynne
_Adjutant._--Richard Westbury
_Surgeon._--John Francis

1763

_Lieut.-Colonel Commandant._--John Hale
_Major._--John Blaquière
_Captains._--Samuel Birch
Charles Mawhood
John Marriott
Joseph Hall
Francis Lascelles
Henry Bishop
_Captain-Lieut._--Thomas Lea
_Lieutenants._--Yelverton Peyton
N. Lane
Francis Jenison
Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
_Cornets._--Henry Crofton
Daniel Brown
George Birch
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
George Oliver
Samuel Burton
Richard Gwynne
John Evans
Drury Wake
John Collings
Richard Parry
_Adjutant._--Joseph Moxham
_Surgeon._--John Francis

1764

_Colonel._--John Hale
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Samuel Birch
_Captains._--John Marriott
Joseph Hall
Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
_Captain-Lieut._--Yelverton Peyton
_Lieutenants._--N. Lane
Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
_Cornets._--Henry Crofton
Daniel Brown
George Evans
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
_Chaplain._--Thomas Ashcroft
_Adjutant._--Joseph Moxham
_Surgeon._--John Francis.

1765

1766

_Colonel._--John Hale
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Samuel Birch
_Captains._--Joseph Hall
Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Thomas S. Hall
Francis Gwynne
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Eyre
_Lieutenants._--N. Lane
Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
James Poole
Harry Nettles
_Cornets._--Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Patrick Lynch
George Bennett
Hamlet Obins
John Francis
_Chaplain._--Thomas Ashcroft
_Adjutant._--Joseph Moxham
_Surgeon._--William Waring

1767

_Colonel._--John Hale
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Samuel Birch
_Captains._--Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
Francis Elliott
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Eyre
_Lieutenants._--Nat. Lane
Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
_Cornets._--Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
_Chaplain._--Thomas Ashcroft
_Adjutant._--Joseph Moxham
_Surgeon._--William Waring

1768

_Colonel._--John Hale
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Samuel Birch
_Captains._--Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
Francis Elliott
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Eyre
_Lieutenants._--N. Lane
Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
_Cornets._--Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
_Chaplain._--Thomas Ashcroft
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--William Waring

1769

_Colonel._--John Hale
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Samuel Birch
_Captains._--Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Francis Ed. Gwynne
James Poole
Arthur Blake
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Eyre
_Lieutenants._--Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
_Cornets._--Hamlet Obins
John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Shadd
_Chaplain._--James Adams
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1770

_Colonel._--John Hale
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Samuel Birch
_Captains._--Henry Bishop
James Poole
C. Fortescue Garstin
Richard Carew
Richard Gardiner
_Captain-Lieut._--Joseph Moxham
_Lieutenants._--Robert Archdale
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
_Cornets._--John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Shadd
Thomas Whittaker
_Chaplain._--James Adams
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1771

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Samuel Birch
_Captains._--Henry Bishop
James Poole
C. Fortescue Garstin
T. Van Straubenzee
Vincent Corbet
_Captain-Lieut._--Joseph Moxham
_Lieutenants._--Robert Archdale
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
_Cornets._--John Francis
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
_Chaplain._--James Adams
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1772

1773

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Samuel Birch
_Captains._--Henry Bishop
C. Fortescue Garstin
T. Van Straubenzee
Richard Crewe
Joseph Moxham
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Archdale
_Lieutenants._--Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
John Francis
_Cornets._--Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair
_Chaplain._--Richard Griffith
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1774

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Henry Bishop
_Captains._--C. F. Garstin
Richard Carew
T. Van Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Archdale
_Lieutenants._--Henry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
H. Obins
John Francis
Mark Kerr
_Cornets._--James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair
_Chaplain._--Richard Griffith
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1775

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Henry Bishop
_Captains._--C. F. Garstin
Richard Crewe
T. Van Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Archdale
_Lieutenants._--Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
H. Obins
John Francis
Mark Kerr
_Cornets._--James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
Thomas J. Cook
_Chaplain._--Richard Griffith
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1776

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Blaquière
_Major._--Henry Bishop
_Captains._--C. F. Garstin
Richard Crewe
T. V. Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Archdale
_Lieutenants._--Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
H. Obins
John Francis
Mark Kerr
_Cornets._--James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
William St. Leger
David Ogilvy
David St. Clair
John Sloper
Peter Anderson
John Hamilton
_Chaplain._--Richard Griffith
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1777

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Richard Crewe
_Captains._--Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Hon. Thomas Stanley
R. H. Elliston
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Archdale
_Lieuts._--Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Geo., Visct. Deerhurst
_Cornets._--Frederick Metzer
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
David Ogilvy
John Sloper
Peter Anderson
John Hamilton
Thomas Patterson
John Jones
Samuel Watts
William St. Leger
_Chaplain._--Richard Griffith
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1778

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Richard Crewe
_Captains._--Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Hon. Thomas Stanley
R. H. Elliston
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Archdale
_Lieutenants._--Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James, Hussey
Geo., Visct. Deerhurst
Wm., Lord Cathcart
_Cornets._--Frederick Metzer
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
David Ogilvy
John Sloper
John Hamilton
Thomas Patterson
John Jones
Samuel Watts
William St. Leger
Thomas Romain
T. Smith Bradshaw
_Chaplain._--Richard Griffith
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1779

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Hon. F. Needham
Wm. Lord Cathcart
Wm. Henry Talbot
(Two vacancies)
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Archdale
_Lieutenants._--Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Samuel Bagot
_Cornets._--William St. Leger
David Ogilvy
John Sloper
John Hamilton
John Jones
T. Smith Bradshaw
J. Stapleton
Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
J. Thos. Fonblanque
_Chaplain._--Richard Griffith
_Adjutant._--John St. Clair
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1780

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Hon. F. Needham
Wm. Henry Talbot
Samuel Bagot
_Captain-Lieut._--Robert Archdale
_Lieutenants._--Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
T. Smith Bradshaw
_Cornets._--David Ogilvy
John Jones
J. Stapleton
Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
J. Thos. Fonblanque
Thomas Tucker
John Black
_Chaplain._--John Beevor
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Cox, Muir & Co.

1781

_Colonel._--George Preston
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Wm. Henry Talbot
Samuel Bagot
T. Smith Bradshaw
_Captain-Lieut._--John Stapleton
_Lieutenants._--Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
John Jones
_Cornets._--Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
Thomas Tucker
John Black
David M’Culloch
Warren Delancey
Joseph White
_Chaplain._--John Beevor
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Cox, Muir & Co.

1782

_Colonels._--George Preston
Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Wm. Henry Talbot
Samuel Bagot
T. Smith Bradshaw
_Captain-Lieut._--John Stapleton
_Lieutenants._--Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
John Jones
_Cornets._--Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
Thomas Tucker
John Black
Warren Delancey
Joseph White
David MacCulloch
William Jephson
William Woodley
_Chaplain._--John Beevor
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1783

_Colonel._--Hon. Thomas Gage
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
T. Smith Bradshaw
John Stapleton
_Captain.-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
John Jones
Henry G. Grey
_Cornets._--John St. Clair
Thomas Tucker
John Black
Warren Delancey
William Jephson
Joseph White
William Woodley
George Birch
C. L. Wallace
Ralph Hamilton
_Chaplain._--John Beevor
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Cox, Muir & Co.

1784

_Colonel._--Hon. Thomas Gage
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--James Hussey
John Jones
Henry G. Grey
John Black
_Cornets._--John St. Clair
William Jephson
Joseph White
Francis E. Lee
_Chaplain._--John Beevor
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Cox, Muir & Co.

1785

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
William St. Leger
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Jones
Henry G. Grey
John Black
Thomas Tucker
William Hatton
_Cornets._--William Jephson
Joseph White
Evan Lloyd
Richard Odlum
R. F. Currie
_Chaplain._--John Beevor
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1786

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
William St. Leger
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Jones
John Black
Thomas Tucker
William Hatton
_Cornets._--William Jephson
Joseph White
Richard Odlum
R. F. Currie
William Wells
Francis E. Lee
_Chaplain._--A. Greenfield
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1787

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
William St. Leger
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Jones
John Black
Thomas Tucker
William Hatton
_Cornets._--William Jephson
Joseph White
Evan Lloyd
Richard Odlum
Francis E. Lee
Samuel Stapleton
P. D. du Moulin
_Chaplain._--A. Greenfield
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1788

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
William St. Leger
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Jones
John Black
Thomas Tucker
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
_Cornets._--Joseph White
Richard Odlum
Francis E. Lee
Samuel Stapleton
P. D. du Moulin
Thomas Grey
_Chaplain._--A. Greenfield
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1789

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
William St. Leger
George Pigott
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Jones
John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Joseph White
_Cornets._--Richard Odlum
Francis E. Lee
Samuel Stapleton
P. D. du Moulin
Thomas Grey
William S. Bacon
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1790

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
George Pigott
Hon. John Hope
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Jones
John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odlum
_Cornets._--Frank E. Lee
Peter D. du Moulin
Thomas Grey
William S. Bacon
Christopher Johnston
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--John Jones
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1791

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
George Pigott
Hon. John Hope
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Jones
John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odlum
_Cornets._--Francis E. Lee
Peter D. du Moulin
Thomas Grey
William S. Bacon
Christopher Johnston
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--John Gibson
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston
_Agents._--Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1792

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--Robert Archdale
George Pigott
Hon. John Hope
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Jones
John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odlum
_Cornets._--Peter David du Moulin
William S. Bacon
Christopher Johnston
(3 vacancies)
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--John Gibson
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1793

_Colonel._--Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--George Pigott
Charles Maitland
John Jones
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odlum
William S. Bacon
_Cornets._--Peter D. du Moulin
Christopher Johnston
William Richards
Oswald Werge
Leonard Shafto Orde
Theobald Butler
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--Edward Wilson
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1794

_Colonel._--Thomas, Duke of Newcastle
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Samuel Birch
_Major._--Oliver Delancey
_Captains._--George Pigott
Charles Maitland
John Jones
_Captain-Lieut._--Harry Nettles
_Lieutenants._--John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odlum
William S. Bacon
_Cornets._--Christopher Johnston
William Richards
Oswald Werge
Theobald Butler
William L. Murray
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--John Mainwaring
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1795

_Colonel._--Thomas, Duke of Newcastle
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Major._--Harry Nettles
_Captains._--Charles Maitland
John Jones
Evan Lloyd
Hon. John Creighton
John Black
William L. Murray
_Captain-Lieut._--William Jephson
_Lieutenants._--Richard Odlum
William S. Bacon
Christopher Johnston
William Richards
Oswald Werge
Thomas Butler
(2 vacancies)
_Cornets._--Samuel Bristow
Richard Aylmer
Richard Garstin
John Jones
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
(2 vacancies)
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--John Mainwaring
_Surgeon._--Christopher Johnston

1796

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonel._--George Hardy
_Majors._--Harry Nettles
Evan Lloyd
_Captains._--John Black
William Jephson
Francis Gore
Robert Fletcher
Robert Lowe
James MacDonell
_Capt.-Lieut._--Christopher Johnston
_Lieutenants._--William Richards
Oswald Werge
Thomas Butler
Richard Aylmer
Richard Garstin
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
_Cornets._--John Mainwaring
James Byrne
John Gildea
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
John Jones
Thomas Smithson
John Delancey
William Grey
John Willington
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--John Mainwaring
_Surgeon._--John Robinson

1797

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Henry George Grey
_Majors._--Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
_Captains._--Francis Gore
Robert Fletcher
Robert Lowe
James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
William H. Delancey
_Captain-Lieut._--William Richards
_Lieutenants._--Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
Richard Garstin
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
John Mainwaring
James Byrne
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
John Jones
John Delancey
_Cornets._--Jon. Willington
John Jappie
Thomas Glegg
Thomas A. Cookson
_Chaplain._--Thomas Sneyd
_Adjutant._--John Mainwaring
_Surgeon._--John Robinson

1798

_Colonel._--Charles Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonel._--H. G. Grey
_Majors._--Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
_Captains._--Francis Gore
Robert Fletcher
Robert Lowe
James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
William H. Delancey
_Captain-Lieut._--William Richards
_Lieutenants._--Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
Richard Garstin
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
John Delancey
Peter Carey
J. Cocks
Vere L. Ward
_Cornets._--Jon. Willington
John Werge
John Jappie
Thomas Ahmuty
John M. Winter
Thomas Cockerill
William Roycraft
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--William Robinson
_Asst.-Surgeon._--Thomas Thompson
_Veterinary-Surgeon._--James Burt

1799

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--William Jephson
Francis Gore
_Captains._--Robert Lowe
James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
William H. Delancey
William Richards
Robert Jones
_Captain-Lieut._--Oswald Werge
_Lieutenants._--Richard Aylmer
Richard Garstin
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
John Delancey
Peter Carey
J. Cocks
V. L. Ward
Jon. Willington
_Cornets._--John Werge
John Jappie
Thomas Ahmuty
William Roycraft
Thomas Cockerill
William Ogden
John Laing
James O’Reilly
John Clarke
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--William Robinson
_Assistant-Surgeon._--Lewis Bowen
_Veterinary-Surgeon._--James Burt
_Paymaster._--James Byrne
_Agents._--Cox & Company
1796.--Chaplain discontinued
1797.--Assistant-Surgeon appointed
1798.--Paymaster appointed
1799.--A second Lieut.-Colonel appointed

1800

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--William Jephson
Francis Gore
_Captains._--Robert Lowe
James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
John Daniell
Thomas Ellis
Thomas Gerrard
_Captain-Lieut._--Edward Wilson
_Lieutenants._--David Supple
John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Peter Carey
Jon. Willington
R. K. Carden
John Werge
John Laing
John Delancey
P. K. Roche
_Cornets._--John Jappie
Thomas Ahmuty
William Roycraft
Thomas Cockerill
Henry Harris
Joseph Hawtyn
George Lang
James Annesley
Edward Kelly
H. W. Thompson
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--William Robinson
_Assistant-Surgeon._--Lewis Bowen
_Veterinary Surgeon._--James Burt
_Paymaster._--James Byrne
_Agents._--Cox & Company
(A second Assistant-Surgeon appointed)

1801

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--William Jephson
Francis Gore
_Captains._--James MacDonell
Robert Lowe
Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
John Daniell
Thomas Ellis
Thomas Gerrard
_Captain-Lieut._--Edward Wilson
_Lieutenants._--David Supple
John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Peter Carey
Jon. Wellington
John Werge
John Laing
Wm. Ch. Jerningham
P. K. Roche
_Cornets._--John Jappie
William Roycraft
Thomas Cockerill
Henry Harris
Joseph Hawtyn
George Lang
James Annesley
William J. Kent
W. B. Laird
Joseph Tyndale
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--William Robinson
_Asst.-Surgeons._--Samuel Tilt
Alexander Menzies
_Veterinary Surgeon._--James Peers
_Paymaster._--James Byrne
_Agents._--Cox & Company

1802

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--William Jephson
Francis Gore
_Captains._--James MacDonell
Robert Lowe
Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
John Daniell
Thomas Ellis
Thomas Gerrard
_Captain-Lieut._--Edward Wilson
_Lieutenants._--David Supple
John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Jonathan Willington
John Werge
P. K. Roche
Wm. Ch. Jerningham
W. B. Laird
John Jappie
William Roycraft
Thomas Cockerill
Henry Harris
Joseph Hawtyn
Henry F. R. Soane
Richard Miller
James Annesley
_Cornets._--William J. Kent
Joseph Tyndale
Montfort Westropp
William Brown
Edmund Safferey
---- Gledd
---- Brydges
De Lancey Barclay
(Staff as in previous year)

1803

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--William Jephson
James MacDonell
_Captains._--Robert Lowe
Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
John Daniell
_Captain-Lieut._--Edward Wilson
_Lieutenants._--David Supple
John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Jonathan Willington
P. K. Roche
Wm. Ch. Jerningham
W. Roycraft
De Lancey Barclay
_Cornets._--Joseph Tyndale
Montfort Westropp
William Brown
Edmund Safferey
---- Gledd
Thomas Turner
_Paymaster._--James Byrne
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--William Robinson
_Asst.-Surgeons._--Samuel Tilt
Alexander Menzies
_Veterinary Surgeon._--James Peers

1804

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--William Jephson
James MacDonell
_Captains._--Robert Lowe
Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
Edward Wilson
John Werge
W. B. Laird
David Supple
_Lieutenants._--Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Jonathan Willington
P. K. Roche
William Roycraft
De Lancey Barclay
Montfort Westropp
Edmund Safferey
Thomas Turner
_Cornets._--William Brown
John Sharland Harris
J. R. L. Lloyd
William C. Faulkner
William D’Arcy
William Moray
_Paymaster._--James Byrne
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--James O’Connor
_Assistant-Surgeon._--Samuel Tilt
_Veterinary Surgeon._--James Peers

1805

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
_Captains._--Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
Edward Wilson
John Daniell
John Werge
W. B. Laird
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
P. K. Roche
_Lieutenants._--Jonathan Willington
William Roycraft
De Lancey Barclay
Edmund Safferey
Thomas Turner
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
W. C. Faulkner
William D’Arcy
J. R. Lloyd
William Moray
_Cornets._--Ralph Laurence
Robert D’Arcy
James Reid
Charles Johnson
William Abbs
(2 vacancies)
_Paymaster._--James Byrne
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--James Anderson
_Assistant-Surgeon._--Samuel Tilt
_Assistant-Surgeon._--John Hemphill
_Vet. Surg._--Edward Coleman

1806

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieutenant-Colonels._--H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--James MacDonell
Henry Loftus
_Captains._--Oswald Werge
Edward Wilson
John Daniell
W. B. Laird
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
P. K. Roche
Francis D’Arcy Bacon
Archibald Ross
_Lieutenants._--Jonathan Willington
William Roycraft
Edmund Safferey
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
W. C. Faulkner
William D’Arcy
J. R. L. Lloyd
Wm. Moray
Robert D’Arcy
Ralph Lawrenson
James Read
Henry Walker
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
John Blake
_Cornets._--James Delancey
John Lane
Edward Wrixon
Charles White
Bartholomew Thomas
Frederick Geale
Thomas Lahiff
James Butler
(Staff as in 1805)
_Agents._--Messrs. Arnutt & Brough, Dublin

1807

_Colonel._--Oliver Delancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Hon. H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--Henry Loftus
Lynch Cotton
_Captains._--Oswald Werge
Edward Wilson
John Daniell
William B. Laird
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
P. K. Roche
F. D. Bacon
Archibald Ross
_Lieutenants._--Jonathan Willington
William Roycraft
Edmund Safferey
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
William D’Arcy
Ralph Lawrenson
James Read
Henry Walker
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
John Blake
James Delancey
_Cornets._--John Lane
Edward Wrixon
Bartholomew Thomas
Frederick Geale
Thomas Lahiff
James Butler
G. W. R. Lewin
_Paymaster._--James Byrne
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--James Anderson
_Assistant-Surgeons._--James Tilt
---- Howship
_Vet. Surg._--Edward Coleman

1808

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Hon. H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--Henry Loftus
Lynch Cotton
_Captains._--Oswald Werge
Edward Wilson
John Daniell
William B. Laird
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
P. K. Roche
Francis D. Bacon
Archibald Ross
Jonathan Willington
_Lieutenants._--William Roycraft
Edmund Safferey
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
William D’Arcy
J. R. L. Lloyd
Robert D’Arcy
William Moray
James Read
Henry Walker
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
John Blake
James de Lancey
John Lane
_Cornets._--Edward Wrixon
Bartholomew Thomas
Frederick Geale
Thomas Lahiff
James Butler
G. W. R. Lewin
_Paymaster._--(Vacant)
_Adjutant._--William Roycraft
_Surgeon._--James Anderson
_Assistant-Surgeons._--Samuel Tilt
---- Howship
_Vet. Surg._--Edward Coleman

1809

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Hon. H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--Henry Loftus
Lynch Cotton
_Captains._--Oswald Werge
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Yonge
Thomas Forster
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
_Lieutenants._--Edmund Safferey
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
J. R. L. Lloyd
James Read
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas Lahiff
Edward Wrixon
G. W. Wallace
John Brackenbury
H. E. Lynch
John D’Arcy
---- Johnson
William Gale
_Cornets._--G. W. R. Lewin
James Tomkinson
Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
William Henry Robinson
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--William Gale
_Surgeon._--William King
_Assistant-Surgeons._--John White
David Christie
_Vet. Surg._--Edward Coleman

1810

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Hon. H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Charles Morland
_Captains._--David Supple
Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Yonge
Thomas Forster
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
James Conran
_Lieutenants._--Edmund Safferey
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
James Read
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas Lahiff
Edward Wrixon
John Brackenbury
H. E. Lynch
John D’Arcy
---- Johnson
William Gale
James Tomkinson
Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
F. W. Hutchinson
_Cornets._--Thomas Kendall
Fran. Curtayne
Robert Willington
William Daniel
John Smith
J. M’Keale Anderson
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--William Gale
_Surgeon._--William King
_Assistant-Surgeons._--John White
David Christie
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Edward Coleman

1811

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Hon. H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
William Carden
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
_Captains._--David Supple
Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
G. J. Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
James Conran
William Brown
David M’Neale
_Lieutenants._--Edmund Safferey
Hon. John Jones
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas Lahiff
Edward Wrixon
John Brackenbury
H.E. Lynch
John D’Arcy
William Gale
---- Johnson
Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
Charles B. Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
F. E. Cawne
John Smith
Thomas Kendall
Fran. Curtayne
_Cornets._--Robert Willington
William Daniel
Henry Bond
J. M’Keale Anderson
Benjamin Astley
Isidore Blake
James Cockburn
Fra. Haworth
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--William Gale
_Quartermaster._--Thomas Carson
_Surgeon._--William King
_Assistant-Surgeons._--John White
David Christie
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Edward Coleman

1812

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Hon. H. G. Grey
Evan Lloyd
William Carden
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
_Captains._--David Supple
Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
William Brown
Daniel M’Neale
John Burton
_Lieutenants._--Hon. John Jones
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas Lahiff
Edward Wrixon
John Brackenbury
H. E. Lynch
John Darcy
William Gale
---- Johnson
Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
C. B. Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
F. E. Cawne
John Smith
Thomas Kendall
Fran. Curtayne
James Cockburn
Robert Willington
_Cornets._--William Daniel
J. M’K. Anderson
Benjamin Astley
Isidore Blake
Fran. Haworth
---- Carew
Samuel Orr
William MacFarlane
Samuel Enderby
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--William Gale
_Quartermaster._--Thomas Carson
_Surgeon._--William King
_Assistant-Surgeons._--John White
David Christie
_Vet. Surgeon._--Edward Coleman

1813

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
_Captains._--David Supple
Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
George Jno. Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
William Brown
Daniel M’Neale
Jno. Burton
_Lieutenants._--Hon. John Jones
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas Lahiff
Edward Wrixon
John Brackenbury
Henry Edward Lynch
John D’Arcy
---- Johnson
Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
F. E. Cawne
Fran. Curtayne
James Cockburn
Robert Willington
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Francis Haworth
_Cornets._--J. M’Keale Anderson
Benjamin Astley
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William MacFarlane
John Marks
Richard Willington
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--John Marks
_Quartermaster._--Thomas Carson
_Surgeon._--William King
_Assistant-Surgeon._--John Lorimer
_Vet. Surgeon._--Edward Coleman

1814

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Evan Lloyd
William Carden
Hon. L. Stanhope
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
_Captains._--David Supple
Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
Daniel M’Neale
James Burton
Hugh Percy Davidson
Hon. Leicester Stanhope
John Atkins
_Lieutenants._--Hon. John Jones
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Edward Wrixon
John Brackenbury
John D’Arcy
Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
William H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
F. E. Cawne
Francis Curtayne
James Cockburn
Robert Wellington
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Francis Haworth
John Fraser
J. M’Keale Anderson
Benjamin Astley
_Cornets._--Isidore Blake
H. Carew
W. MacFarlane
John Marks
Richard Willington
John Tomlinson
Thomas Hurring
William Gibson Peat
Oliver Delancey
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--John Marks
_Quartermaster._--Thomas Carson
_Surgeon._--Alexander Young
_Asst.-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Eugene M’Swiney
_Vet. Surgeon._--Edward Coleman

1815

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
_Captains._--David Supple
Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
Daniel M’Neale
Hugh Percy Davidson
Hon. Leicester Stanhope
John Atkins
T. Perrouet Thompson
Joseph Smyth
_Lieutenants._--Benjamin Adams
John Brackenbury
John D’Arcy
Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
W. Henry Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
Francis Curtayne
James Cockburn
Robert Willington
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Francis Haworth
Benjamin Astley
T. Ramsay Wharton
George Daun
C. G. A. Skinner
Isidore Blake
W. Hackett
_Cornets._--H. Carew
William M’Farlane
Richard Willington
John Tomlinson
Thomas Hurring
W. Gibson Peat
Oliver de Lancey
William Potts
George Clarke
James Patch
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--William Hackett
_Quartermaster._--Thomas Carson
_Surgeon._--Alexander Young
_Asst.-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Eugene M’Swiney
_Vet. Surgeon._--Edward Coleman

1816

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
_Captains._--David Supple
Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
Daniel M’Neale
Hon. Leicester Stanhope
John Atkins
T. Perrouet Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
_Lieutenants._--John Brackenbury
John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
William H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
H. Bond
Francis Haworth
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William M’Farlane
Samuel Ward Watson
William Hackett
John Tomlinson
Charles Greville
_Cornets._--Richard Willington
Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
William Potts
George Clarke
James Patch
N. Raven
Thomas M’Kenzie
Peter Backhouse
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--William Hackett
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--W. Wybrow
_Asst.-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Eugene M’Swiney
_Vet. Surgeon._--Edward Coleman

1817

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
_Captains._--David Supple
Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
Daniel M’Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
T. Perrouet Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
_Lieutenants._--John Brackenbury
John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Francis Haworth
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
W. M’Farlane
Samuel Ward Watson
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L’Etang
John Tomlinson
Henry Court Amiel
Charles Greville
T. L. Stuart Menteath
_Cornets._--Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
William Potts
George Clarke
T. Ellman
J. Patch
N. Raven
P. Backhouse
Thomas Carey
Thomas Nicholson
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--Thomas Carey
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Asst.-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Thomas Price
_Vet. Surgeon._--Edmund Price

1818

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope
_Majors._--Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
_Captains._--David Supple
Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
Daniel M’Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
T. Perrouet Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
Charles Wayth
_Lieutenants._--John Brackenbury
John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
W. Henry Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William M’Farlane
Samuel Ward Watson
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L’Etang
John Tomlinson
Henry Court Amiel
T. L. Stuart Menteath
Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
_Cornets._--William Potts
George Clarke
T. Ellman
James Patch
N. Raven
Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
James Byrne Smith
J. B. Nixon
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--James Byrne Smith
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Asst.-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Thomas Price
_Vet. Surgeon._--Edmund Price

1819

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
Hon. L. Stanhope
Oswald Werge
_Majors._--Nathan Wilson
Jonathan Willington
_Captains._--George John Sale
Daniel M’Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
T. Perrouet Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
Charles Wayth
John Brackenbury
_Lieutenants._--John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
W. Henry Robinson
F. W. Hutchinson
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William M’Farlane
Samuel Ward Watson
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L’Etang
John Tomlinson
Henry Court Amiel
T. L. Stuart Menteath
Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
W. T. H. Fisk
_Cornets._--William Potts
George Clarke
T. Ellman
N. Raven
Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
John Byrne Smith
J. B. Nixon
William Marriott
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--J. R. Smith
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--W. Wybrow
_Asst.-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Thomas Price
_Vet. Surgeon._--Edmund Price

1820

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Evan Lloyd
Hon. L. Stanhope
Oswald Werge
_Majors._--Nathan Wilson
Jonathan Willington
_Captains._--George John Sale
Dan. M’Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
Charles Wayth
John Brackenbury
_Lieutenants._--John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
Wm. M’Farlane
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L’Etang
H. Court Amiel
T. L. Stuart Menteath
Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
William T. H. Fisk
George F. Clarke
George G. Shaw
_Cornets._--William Potts
N. Raven
Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
James Byrne Smith
William Marriott
Charles St. John Fancourt
Frederick Loftus
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--James Byrne Smith
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Assistant-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Thomas Price
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Edmund Price

1821

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Evan Lloyd
Hon. L. Stanhope
Nathan Wilson
_Majors._--Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
_Captains._--Daniel M’Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
Charles Wayth
John Brackenbury
William H. Robinson
_Lieutenants._--John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
Charles Byrne Sale
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William M’Farlane
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L’Etang
Henry Court Amiel
T. L. S. Menteath
Thomas Hurring
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George F. Clarke
George G. Shaw
W. H. B. Lindsay
N. Raven
_Cornets._--W. Potts
Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
Robert Lewis
Charles St. John Fancourt
Frederick Loftus
Arch. Edmund Bromwich
Hon. Nat. Hen. Chas. Massey
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Assistant-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Samuel Holmes
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Edmund Price

1822

_Colonel._--Oliver de Lancey
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Evan Lloyd
Hon. L. Stanhope
Nathan Wilson
_Majors._--Jonathan Willington
Norcliffe Norcliffe
_Captains._--Daniel M’Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
Charles Wayth
John Brackenbury
William H. Robinson
_Lieutenants._--John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
Charles Byrne Sale
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William M’Farlane
Richard Willington
Henry Court Amiel
T. L. S. Menteath
Thomas Hurring
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George G. Shaw
N. Raven
W. Potts
_Cornets._--Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
Robert Lewis
C. St. John Fancourt
Frederick Loftus
Arch. E. Bromwich
William Penn
Hon. Nat. Hen. Chas. Massey
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--W. T. Hawley Fisk
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Assistant-Surgeons._--John Lorimer
Sam. Holmes
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Edmund Price

1823

_Colonel._--Lord R. E. H. Somerset, K.C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Evan Lloyd
Hon. L. Stanhope
_Majors._--Jonathan Willington
Norcliffe Norcliffe
_Captains._--Daniel M’Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
John Brackenbury
William H. Robinson
W. T. Cockburn
_Lieutenants._--John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
Charles Byrne Sale
Francis Curtayne
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William M’Farlane
Rich. Willington
Henry Court Amiel
Thomas Hurring
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George G. Shaw
N. Raven
William Potts
William Graham
_Cornets._--Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
Robert Lewis
Frederick Loftus
Arch. Edmund Bromwich
William Penn
Hon. Nat. H. C. Massey
Lewis Shedden
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--W. T. Hawley Fisk
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Asst.-Surgeons._--John Lorimer, M.D.
Sam. Holmes, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Edmund Price

1824

_Colonel._--Lord R. E. H. Somerset, K.C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Evan Lloyd
Hon. L. Stanhope
_Majors._--J. Willington
George Luard
_Captains._--Daniel M’Neale
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm M’Neill
John Brackenbury
John Scott
_Lieutenants._--John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
Harry Bond
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George F. Clarke
George Robbins
William Dungan
Thomas Nicholson
_Cornets._--Robert Lewis
Frederick Loftus
William Penn
Hon. N. H. C. Massey
Samuel Pole
R. J. Elton
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--W. T. H. Fisk
_Quartermaster._--James Cockburn
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Assistant-Surgeon._--John Lorimer
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Edmund Price
_Agents._--Hopkinson & Sons

1825

_Colonel._--Lord R. E. H. Somerset, K.C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Evan Lloyd
Hon. L. Stanhope
_Majors._--J. Willington
George Luard
_Captains._--T. P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
J. Brackenbury
John Scott
William Locke
Frederick Johnston
_Lieutenants._--John D’Arcy
Joseph Budden
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George F. Clarke
George Robbins
William Dungan
George T. Greenland
M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Cornets._--Frederick Loftus
Hon. N. H. C. Massey
Samuel Pole
R. J. Elton
John Barron
Hon. R. F. Greville
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--W. T. H. Fisk
_Quartermaster._--T. Nicholson
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Assistant-Surgeon._--John Lorimer
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Henry Smith

1826

_Colonel._--Lord R. E. H. Somerset, K.C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Evan Lloyd
Hon. L. Stanhope
_Majors._--George Luard
Lord Bingham
_Captains._--Benjamin Adams
John Scott
Frederick Johnston
W. N. Burrows
George F. Clarke
Alan Chambre
_Lieutenants._--W. T. H. Fisk
George Robbins
William Dungan
G. T. Greenland
M. C. D. St. Quintin
Frederick Loftus
Hon. Nat. Hen. Chas. Massey
Samuel Pole
_Cornets._--R. J. Elton
John Barron
Hon. R. F. Greville
Charles Forbes
Henry Witham
S. J. W. F. Welch
_Paymaster._--Robert Harman
_Adjutant._--W. T. H. Fisk
_Quartermaster._--T. Nicholson
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Assistant-Surgeon._--Sam. Holmes
_Veterinary Surgeon._--Henry Smith

1827

_Colonel._--Lord R. E. H. Somerset, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Majors._--Anthony Bacon
John Scott
_Captains._--William N. Burrowes
George F. Clarke
George Robbins
George T. Greenland
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
_Lieutenants._--Robert James Elton
John Barron
Charles Forbes
Henry Witham
S. J. W. F. Welch
_Cornets._--Nat. B. F. Shawe
Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
William Murray Percy
William Henry Tonge
Lionel Ames
_Paymaster._--W. T. Hawley Fisk
_Adjutant._--John Barron
_Quartermaster._--T. Nicholson
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Assistant-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1828

_Colonel._--Lord R. E. H. Somerset, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Majors._--John Scott
William N. Burrowes
_Captains._--George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
John Lawrenson
Robert James Elton
_Lieutenants._--John Barron
Charles Forbes
Henry Witham
Nat. B. F. Shawe
W. C. Douglas
Samuel Need
William M. Percy
_Cornets._--William H. T. Tonge
Lionel Ames
A. H. Mitchelson
Denis Hanson
William Wentworth
William L. Shedden
_Paymaster._--W. T. Hawley Fisk
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Quartermaster._--T. Nicholson
_Surgeon._--William Wybrow
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1829

_Colonel._--Lord R. E. H. Somerset, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Majors._--John Scott
W. N. Burrowes
_Captains._--George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert James Elton
_Lieutenants._--John Barron
Charles Forbes
Harry Witham
N. B. F. Shawe
William C. Douglas
Samuel W. Need
William M. Percy
_Cornets._--William H. Tonge
Lionel Ames
A. H. Michelson
Denis Hanson
William Wentworth
W. L. Shedden
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Quartermaster._--T. Nicholson
_Surgeon._--James G. Elkington
_Assistant-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson
_Agent._--Mr. Hopkinson

1830

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Majors._--John Scott
W. N. Burrowes
_Captains._--George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert K. Trotter
_Lieutenants._--John Barron
Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
Samuel W. Need
William C. Douglas
William M. Percy
William H. Tonge
_Cornets._--Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
H. F. Walker
Walter Williams
Philip J. West
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Quartermaster._--Thos. Nicholson
_Surgeon._--James G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson
_Agent._--Mr. Hopkinson

1831

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Sir Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Major._--W. N. Burrowes
_Captains._--George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert R. Trotter
_Lieutenants._--John Barron
Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
W. M. Percy
W. H. Tonge
_Cornets._--Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
H. F. Walker
Walter Williams
Philip J. West
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Surgeon._--J. G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson
_Quartermaster._--Thos. Nicholson

1832

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Sir Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Major._--W. N. Burrowes
_Captains._--George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert K. Trotter
_Lieutenants._--Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
W. M. Percy
W. H. Tonge
Lionel Ames
_Cornets._--Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
P. J. West
F. J. Parry
W. H. Fielden
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Surgeon._--J. G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson
_Quartermaster._--William Hall

1833

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Sir Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Major._--Henry Pratt
_Captains._--George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert K. Trotter
Charles Forbes
_Lieutenants._--N. B. F. Shawe
Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
Walter Williams
_Cornets._--Philip West
F. J. Parry
W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. W. Macdonald
R. A. F. Kingscote
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1834

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Sir Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Major._--Henry Pratt
_Captains._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
R. K. Trotter
Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
_Lieutenants._--Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
P. J. West
_Cornets._--F. J. Parry
W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. W. Macdonald
R. A. F. Kingscote
John Mordaunt
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken
_Vet.-Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1835

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B
_Lt.-Cols._--Sir Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Major._--Henry Pratt
_Captains._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
K. R. Trotter
Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
_Lieutenants._--Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
P. J. West
_Cornets._--F. J. Parry
W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. W. M’Donald
R. A. F. Kingscote
John Mordaunt
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1836

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Sir Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Major._--Henry Pratt
_Captains._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
G. M. Keane
John Lawrenson
R. K. Trotter
N. B. F. Shawe
W. C. Douglas
_Lieutenants._--Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. W. Macdonald
_Cornets._--R. A. F. Kingscote
John Mordaunt
Wallace Barrow
J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
Robert Reynard
_Paymaster._--George Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. G. Parken
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1837

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Cols._--Sir Evan Lloyd
George, Lord Bingham
_Major._--Henry Pratt
_Captains._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
W. L. Shedden
_Lieutenants._--Denis Hanson
W. Williams
W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. A. F. Kingscote
John Mordaunt
Wallace Barrow
_Cornets._--J. R. Palmer
J. R. Broadley
Robert Reynard
John D. Brett
William M. Mitchell
A. S. Willett
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Denis Hanson
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1838

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Henry Pratt
_Major._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Captains._--John Lawrenson
W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
W. H. Fielden
_Lieutenants._--Edward Croker
R. A. F. Kingscote
W. Barrow
J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
R. A. Houblon
Francis Burdett
_Cornets._--Robert Reynard
J. D. Brett
W. M. Mitchell
A. S. Willett
Hon. G. O’Callaghan
Andrew Wauchope
_Paymaster._--Captain G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Wallace Barrow
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1839

_Colonel._--Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Henry Pratt
_Major._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Captains._--J. Lawrenson
W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
W. H. Fielden
_Lieutenants._--Edward Croker
R. A. F. Kingscote
W. Barrow
J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
Richard A. Houblon
Francis Burdett
_Cornets._--Robert Reynard
J. D. Brett
W. M. Mitchell
A. S. Willett
Hon. G. O’Callaghan
Andrew Wauchope
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Wallace Barrow
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. G. Elkington
_Asst.-Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson
_Agents._--Hopkinson & Sons

1840

_Colonel._--Sir A. B. Clifton, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Col._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--John Lawrenson
_Captains._--William C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
Walter Williams
Edmund Croker
R. A. F. Kingscote
Wallace Barrow
_Lieutenants._--J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
Francis Burdett
J. D. Brett
Archibald, Earl of Cassilis
W. M. Mitchell
Aug. Saltern Willett
_Cornets._--Thomas Lindsay
Edward C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
William O. Hammond
H. Roxby Benson
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Thomas Lindsay
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--James G. Elkington
_Assistant-Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Wilkinson

1841

_Colonel._--Sir A. B. Clifton, K.C.B.
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--John Lawrenson
_Captains._--William C. Douglas
Walter Williams
Edward Croker
R. A. F. Kingscote
Wallace Barrow
J. R. Palmer
_Lieutenants._--J. B. Broadley
Francis Burdett
J. D. Brett
Archibald, Earl of Cassilis
A. S. Willett
Hon. H. S. Blackwood
Thomas Lindsay
E. C. Scobell
_Cornets._--H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
William O. Hammond
H. R. Benson
Charles W. Miles
_Paymaster._--G. Chandler
_Adjutant._--Thomas Lindsay
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--James G. Elkington
_Assistant-Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Wilkinson

1842

_Colonel._--Sir A. B. Clifton, K.C.B.
_Lt.-Col._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--John Lawrenson
_Captains._--W. C. Douglas
Walter Williams
R. A. F. Kingscote
J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
Francis Burdett
_Lieutenants._--J. D. Brett
Archibald, Earl of Cassilis
A. S. Willett
Hon. H. S. Blackwood
Thomas Lindsay
Edward C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
_Cornets._--W. O. Hammond
H. R. Benson
C. W. Miles
Wm. A., Lord Inverury
H. C. Taylor
_Paymaster._--George Chandler
_Adjutant._--Thomas Lindsay
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--Edward Pilkington
_Assistant-Surgeon._--Alex. Leslie
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Wilkinson

1843

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge
_Lt.-Col._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--John Lawrenson
_Captains._--J. R. Palmer
John B. Broadley
Francis Burdett
J. D. Brett
A. S. Willett
Hon. H. S. Blackwood
_Lieutenants._--Thomas Lindsay
E. C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
Charles W. Miles
Wm. A., Lord Inverury
_Cornets._--H. C. Taylor
Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
Samuel Le H. Hodson
N. M. Innes
_Paymaster._--George Chandler
_Adjutant._--Thomas Lindsay
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--Edward Pilkington
_Assistant-Surgeon._--G. Anderson
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1844

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge
_Lt.-Col._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--John Lawrenson
_Captains._--J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
Francis Burdett
J. D. Brett
A. S. Willett
E. C. Scobell
_Lieutenants._--Thomas Lindsay
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
C. W. Miles
H. C. Taylor
Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
_Cornets._--Samuel Le H. Hobson
N. M. Innes
J. F. Blathwayt
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane
_Paymaster._--George Chandler
_Adjutant._--H. T. Lindsay
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--Edward Pilkington
_Assistant-Surgeon._--G. Anderson
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1845

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge
_Lt.-Col._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--John Lawrenson
_Captains._--J. R. Palmer
Francis Burdett
John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
E. C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
_Lieutenants._--Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
Charles W. Miles
Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
Norman M. Innes
J. E. Fleeming
_Cornets._--E. C. A. Haworth
J. F. Blathwayt
R. D. Hay Lane
John Stephenson
Henry W. Lindow
William I. Anderton
_Paymaster._--George Chandler
_Adjutant._--John Stephenson
_Quartermaster._--William Hale
_Surgeon._--John Brown Gibson, M.D.
_Assistant-Surgeon._--G. Anderson
_Vet. Surgeon._--John Wilkinson

1846

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge
_Lt.-Col._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--Francis Burdett
_Captains._--John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
E. C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
_Lieutenants._--Charles W. Miles
Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane
John Stephenson
W. I. Anderton
_Cornets._--J. C. W. Russell
E. R. Dodwell
P. J. W. Miles
W. W. Codrington
William H. K. Erskine
_Paymaster._--George Chandler
_Adjutant._--John Stephenson
_Quartermaster._--Wm. Hall
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. Kendall, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--W. C. Lord

1847

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge
_Lt.-Col._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--Francis Burdett
_Captains._--John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
E. C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
_Lieutenants._--Charles W. Miles
Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane
John Stephenson
William I. Anderton
_Cornets._--J. C. W. Russell
E. R. Dodwell
Philip J. W. Miles
W. W. Codrington
William H. K. Erskine
_Paymaster._--George Chandler
_Adjutant._--John Stephenson
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. Kendall, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--W. C. Lord

1848

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge
_Lt.-Col._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--Francis Burdett
_Captains._--John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
C. W. Miles
Thomas Lyon
_Lieutenants._--J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane
W. I. Anderton
William Morris
J. C. W. Russell
Philip J. W. Miles
W. W. Codrington
_Cornets._--W. H. K. Erskine
H. St. George, R.M.
Alexander Campbell
William F. Webb
Robert White
_Paymaster._--John Stephenson
_Adjutant._--J. E. Fleeming
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. Kendall, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--William C. Lord

1849

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--Francis Burdett
_Captains._--John Dary Brett
A. S. Willett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Haworth
_Lieutenants._--R. D. Hay Lane
W. I. Anderton
William Morris
J. C. W. Russell
W. H. R. Erskine
Howard St. George
W. F. Richards
William F. Webb
Robert White
_Cornets._--J. P. Winter
Thomas Taylor, R.M.
J. H. Reed
A. F. C. Webb
_Paymaster._--John Stephenson
_Adjutant._--Howard St. George
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. Kendall, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--William C. Lord

1850

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge
_Lt.-Colonel._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--Francis Burdett
_Captains._--John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Haworth
_Lieutenants._--R. D. Hay Lane
William Morris
J. C. W. Russell
W. H. K. Erskine
Howard St. George
W. F. Richards
Robert White
John Pratt Winter
Joseph H. Reed
_Cornets._--Thomas Taylor, R.M.
A. F. C. Webb
Godfrey C. Morgan
A. Learmonth
_Paymaster._--John Stephenson
_Adjutant._--Howard St. George
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surg._--Henry Kendall, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--William C. Lord

1851

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge
_Lt.-Colonel._--M. C. D. St. Quintin
_Major._--Francis Burdett
_Captains._--John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane
_Lieutenants._--William Morris
W. H. K. Erskine
Howard St. George
W. F. Richards
Robert White
John Pratt Winter
A. F. C. Webb
G. C. Morgan
A. Learmonth
_Cornets._--Thomas Taylor, R.M.
John Henry Thomson
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis Edward Knight
_Paymaster._--John Stephenson
_Adjutant._--Howard St. George
_Quartermaster._--William Hall
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surg._--Henry Kendall, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--William C. Lord

1852

_Colonel._--H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, K.G.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Lawrenson
_Major._--John D. Brett
_Captains._--A. S. Willett
H. R. Benson
E. C. A. Haworth
William Morris
W. H. K. Erskine
W. Fred. Richards
_Lieutenants._--Robert White
John Pratt Winter
A. F. C. Webb
G. C. Morgan
A. Learmonth
John H. Thompson
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis E. Knight.
W. F. Tollemache
_Cornets._--Thomas Taylor, R.M.
John Thomas Cator
George Ross
J. W. Cradock-Hartopp
_Paymaster._--J. Stephenson
_Adjutant._--A. Learmonth
_Quartermaster._--W. Hall
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. Kendall, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--W. C. Lord

1853

_Colonel._--T. W. Taylor, C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Lawrenson
_Major._--A. S. Willett
_Captains._--H. R. Benson
Wm. Morris
Wm. H. K. Erskine
John Pratt Winter
A. F. C. Webb
_Lieutenants._--G. C. Morgan
A. Learmonth
J. H. Thompson
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis E. Knight
Wm. F. Tollemache
_Cornets._--Thos. Taylor, R.M.
J. W. Cradock-Hartopp
John Chadwick
Philip Musgrave
W. J. Pearson Watson
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
G. O. Wombwell
_Paymaster._--John Stephenson
_Adjutant._--John Chadwick
_Quartermaster._--John Yates
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. Kendall, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--S. Price Constant

1854

_Colonel._--T. W. Taylor, C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--J. Lawrenson
_Major._--A. S. Willett
_Captains._--H. R. Benson
Wm. Morris
Robert White
J. Pratt Winter
A. F. C. Webb
Godfrey C. Morgan
_Lieutenants._--A. Learmonth
J. H. Thompson
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis E. Knight
J. W. Cradock-Hartopp
Philip Musgrave
_Cornets._--Thos. Taylor, R.M.
J. Chadwick
W. J. Pearson Watson
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
G. O. Wombwell
Archibald Cleveland
A. F. S. Jerningham
_Paymaster._--J. Stephenson
_Adjutant._--J. Chadwick
_Quartermaster._--John Yates
_Surgeon._--J. B. Gibson, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--H. Kendall, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--S. P. Constant

1855

_Colonel._--Sir. J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--J. Lawrenson
_Major._--Henry R. Benson
_Captains._--Wm. Morris
Robert White
Godfrey C. Morgan
Alex. Learmonth
Sir Wm. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis Edward Knight
J. W. C. Hartopp
John Macartney
_Lieutenants._--W. J. P. Watson
Thos. Taylor, R.M.
John Chadwick
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
G. O. Wombwell
Drury Curzon Lowe
Arthur Burnand
Henry H. Barber
Henry Baring
_Cornets._--G. H. L. Boynton
Wm. D. Nath. Lowe
Wm. Digby Seymour
John Gibsone
_Paymaster._--John Stephenson
_Adjutant._--John Chadwick
_Quartermaster._--C. J. Ffennell
_Surgeon._--H. H. Massey, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--St. John Stanley
_Vet. Surgeon._--S. P. Constant

1856

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--John Lawrenson
_Major._--Henry R. Benson
_Captains._--Wm. Morris, C.B. (Major)
Robert White
Alex. Learmonth
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis Edward Knight
John Macartney
W. J. P. Watson
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
_Lieutenants._--Thos. Taylor, R.M.
John Chadwick
Drury Curzon Lowe
Arthur Burnand
Henry Baring
G. H. L. Boynton
Wm. D. Seymour
Wm. W. King
John Gibsone
_Cornets._--James Duncan
Walter R. Nolan
Henry Marshall
George Cleghorn
Hon. W. H. Curzon
Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
_Paymaster._--John Stephenson
_Adjutant._--John Chadwick
_Quartermaster._--Dennis O’Hara
_Surgeon._--H. H. Massey, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--St. John Stanley
_Vet. Surgeon._--Wm. Partridge

1857

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K. H.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--H. R. Benson
_Major._--A. Learmonth
_Captains._--W. Morris, C.B. (Major)
R. White
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
L. E. Knight
J. Macartney
W. J. P. Watson
_Lieutenants._--T. Taylor, R.M.
A. Burnand
H. Baring
G. H. L. Boynton
W. D. Seymour
W. W. King
J. Gibsone
_Cornets._--J. Duncan
W. R. Nolan
H. Marshall
G. Cleghorn
Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Waymouth
R. Bainbridge
_Paymaster._--J. Stephenson
_Adjutant._--J. Duncan
_Quartermaster._--W. Garland
_Surgeon._--H. H. Massey, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--St. John Stanley
_Vet. Surgeon._--W. Partridge

1858

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. R. Benson
J. R. H. Rose
_Majors._--A. Learmonth
W. Morris, C.B. (Lt.-Col.)
_Captains._--R. White
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
L. E. Knight
J. Macartney
A. Burnand
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
D. C. Lowe
T. Taylor
H. Baring
H. A. Sarel
_Lieutenants._--W. D. Seymour
W. W. King
J. Gibsone
J. Duncan
W. R. Nolan
H. Marshall
Hon. H. W. Curzon
C. Waymouth
R. Bainbridge
H. E. Wood
T. Gonne
_Cornets._--A. Gooch
F. J. King
J. Harding
R. D. Macgregor
J. G. Scott
W. S. Tucker
R. T. Goldsworthy
J. T. Fraser
H. W. F. Harrison
E. A. Corbet
_Paymaster._--F. L. Bennett
_Adjutant._--J. Duncan
_Quartermaster._--W. Garland
_Surgeon._--E. Mockler
_Asst.-Surgeons._--G. C. Clery
Y. H. Johnson
_Vet. Surgeon._--W. Partridge

1859

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. R. Benson
J. R. H. Rose
_Majors._--A. Learmonth
R. White
_Captains._--Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
L. E. Knight
J. Macartney
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
D. C. Lowe
T. Taylor
H. Baring
H. A. Sarel
C. Steel
W. D. Seymour
_Lieutenants._--J. Gibsone
J. Duncan
W. R. Nolan
H. Marshall
Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Waymouth
R. Bainbridge
H. E. Wood, V.C.
T. Gonne
F. J. King
J. Harding
_Cornets._--R. D. Macgregor
J. G. Scott
W. S. Tucker
J. I. Fraser
R. T. Goldsworthy
H. W. F. Harrison
E. A. Corbet
_Paymaster._--G. B. Belcher
_Adjutant._--J. Duncan
_Quartermaster._--Wm. Garland
_Riding-Master._--G. Pumfrett
_Surgeon._--J. Kellie, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeons._--Y. H. Johnson
G. C. Clery
_Vet. Surgeon._--W. Partridge

1860

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--H. R. Benson
A. Learmonth
_Majors._--R. White
Sir. W. Gordon, Bart.
_Captains._--L. E. Knight
J. Macartney
Sir G. H. Leith
D. C. Lowe
H. A. Sarel
C. Steel
W. R. Nolan
J. Gibsone
H. Marshall
_Lieutenants._--J. Duncan
Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Waymouth
R. Bainbridge
H. E. Wood, V.C.
T. Gonne
J. Harding
A. J. Billing
R. D. Macgregor
J. G. Scott
R. T. Goldsworthy
_Cornets._--J. I. Fraser
H. W. F. Harrison
H. R. Abadie
G. J. B. Bruce
H. W. Young
G. Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
_Paymaster._--G. B. Belcher
_Adjutant._--J. Duncan
_Quartermaster._--W. Garland
_Riding-Master._--G. Pumfrett
_Surgeon._--G. Kellie, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeons._--Y. H. Johnson
G. C. Clery
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Ferris

1861

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lt.-Col. & Col._--H. R. Benson, C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Robert White
_Lt.-Col. & Col._--J. C. H. Gibsone
_Majors._--Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
L. E. Knight
_Captains._--John Macartney
D. C. Lowe
H. A. Sarel
W. R. Nolan
John Gibsone
James Duncan
Hon. W. H. Curzon
Charles Waymouth
James Goldie
Robert Bainbridge
_Lieutenants._--H. E. Wood, V.C.
T. Gonne
J. Harding
A. J. Billing
R. D. Macgregor
J. G. Scott
R. T. Goldsworthy
J. I. Fraser
H. W. F. Harrison
H. R. Abadie
_Cornets._--G. J. B. Bruce
H. W. Young
George Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
J. D. Jackson
Edward Corbett
E. H. Maunsell
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Adjutant._--G. Pumfrett
_Riding-Master._--Thomas Martin
_Quartermaster._--W. Garland
_Surgeon._--James Kellie, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeons._--Sam. Fuller
David Cullen, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Ferris

1862

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lt.-Col. & Col._--H. R. Benson
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Robert White
_Lt.-Col. & Col._--J. C. H. Gibsone
_Majors._--Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
L. E. Knight
_Captains._--D. C. Lowe
H. A. Sarel (B. Lt.-Col.)
W. R. Nolan
John Gibsone
James Duncan
Hon. W. H. Curzon
Charles Waymouth
James Goldie
Robert Bainbridge
H. E. Wood, V.C.
_Lieutenants._--T. Gonne
James Harding
A. J. Billing
R. T. Goldsworthy
H. R. Abadie
B. Chamley
G. J. B. Bruce
H. W. Young
George Rosser
_Cornets._--F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
T. D. Jackson
Edward Corbett
E. H. Maunsell
E. W. Pritchard
S. Y. Clark
H. Faulkner
Harris St. J. Dick
_Adjutant._--George Pumfrett
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Riding-Master._--Thomas Martin
_Quartermaster._--William Garland
_Surgeon._--James Kellie, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeons._--Sam. Fuller
D. Cullen, M.D.
_Veterinary-Surgeon._--J. Ferris

1863

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Robert White
Sir W. Gordon, Bt.
_Majors._--L. E. Knight
Drury C. Lowe
_Captains._--H. A. Sarel (B. Lt.-Col.)
Walter R. Nolan
James Duncan
Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Waymouth
James Goldie
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
T. W. S. Miles
W. Balfe
_Lieutenants._--A. J. Billing
R. T. Goldsworthy
H. R. Abadie
B. Chamley
H. W. Young
George Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
G. Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
W. S. Browne
_Cornets._--J. D. Jackson
E. Corbett
E. H. Maunsell
E. W. Pritchard
S. Y. Clark
H. Faulkner
H. St. J. Dick
Robert Blair
J. C. Symonds
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Adjutant._--G. Pumfrett
_Riding-Master._--Thomas Martin
_Quartermaster._--W. Garland
_Surgeon._--J. Kellie, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeons._--Sam. Fuller
David Cullen, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--John Ferris

1864

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Robert White
Sir W. Gordon, Bt.
_Majors._--L. E. Knight
Drury C. Lowe
_Captains._--H. A. Sarel (Lieut.-Col.)
W. R. Nolan
James Duncan
Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Waymouth
J. Goldie
Robert Bainbridge
Thomas Gonne
T. W. S. Miles
W. Balfe
_Lieutenants._--A. J. Billing
R. T. Goldsworthy
H. R. Abadie
B. Chamley
H. W. Young
George Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
_Cornets._--J. D. Jackson
E. Corbett
E. H. Maunsell
S. Y. Clark
H. Faulkner
H. St. J. Dick
Robert Blair
J. C. Symonds
W. A. Ellis
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Adjutant._--George Pumfrett
_Riding-Master._--T. Martin
_Quartermaster._--W. Garland
_Surgeon._--J. Kellie, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeons._--J. Fuller
D. Cullen, M.D.
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1865

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Robert White
L. E. Knight
_Majors._--Drury C. Lowe
Hon. W. H. Curzon
_Captains._--H. A. Sarel (B. Lt.-Col.)
W. R. Nolan
James Duncan
C. Waymouth
J. Goldie
R. Bainbridge
T. Gonne
T. W. S. Miles
_Lieutenants._--A. J. Billing
R. T. Goldsworthy
H. R. Abadie
H. W. Young
George Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
J. D. Jackson
Edward Corbett
_Cornets._--E. H. Maunsell
S. Y. Clark
H. Faulkner
J. C. Symonds
William A. Ellis
H. T. S. Carter
William Watt
H. Bancroft
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Adjutant._--George Pumfrett
_Riding-Master._--T. Martin
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon._--James Kellie, M.D.
_Asst-Surgeon._--S. A. Lithgow
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Lambert

1866

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Robert White
_Majors._--Drury C. Lowe
Hon. W. H. Curzon
_Captains._--H. A. Sarel (B. Lt.-Col.)
W. R. Nolan
Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
William A. Battine
Sir John Hill, Bart.
George C. Robinson
_Lieutenants._--Arthur J. Billing
Henry R. Abadie
H. W. Young
F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
Edward Corbett
W. G. Walmesley
E. H. Maunsell
_Cornets._--S. Y. Clark
H. Faulkner
John C. Symonds
Harry T. S. Carter
H. Bancroft
E. B. Callander
S. M. Benson
W. Brougham
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Adjutant._--George Pumfrett
_Riding-Master._--Thomas Martin
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon._--James Kellie, M.D.
_Asst-Surgeon._--S. A. Lithgow
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1867

_Colonel._--Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Drury C. D. Lowe
_Major._--Hon. W. H. Curzon
_Major Lieut.-Col._--Henry A. Sarel
_Captains._--Walter R. Nolan
Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
Sir J. Hill, Bt. (B. Maj.)
George C. Robinson
Sam. Boulderson
W. A. Battine
_Lieutenants._--Henry R. Abadie
F. W. Blumberg
H. A. Robinson
W. G. Walmesley
Stanley Y. Clark
H. Bancroft
Thomas A. Cooke
Hon. A. W. Erskine
_Cornets._--E. B. Callander
S. M. Benson
W. Brougham
Thomas Crowe
E. V. W. Edgell
Sir Charles Nugent, Bart.
C. W. J. Unthank
Ernest A. Belford
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Adjutant._--A. J. Billing
_Riding-Master._--Thomas Martin
_Quartermaster._--John Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon._--James Kellie, M.D.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--S. A. Lithgow
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1868

_Colonel._--C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Drury C. Lowe
_Majors._--Hon. W. H. Curzon
H. A. Sarel (B. Lt.-Col.)
_Captains._--W. R. Nolan
Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
W. A. Battine
G. C. Robinson
S. Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
_Lieutenants._--H. A. Robinson
W. G. Walmesley
S. Y. Clark
Thomas A. Cooke
Hon. A. W. Erskine
S. M. Benson
W. Brougham
Thomas Crowe
G. H. L. Pellew
_Cornets._--E. V. W. Edgell
Sir Charles Nugent, Bart.
C. W. J. Unthank
Ernest A. Belford
James F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown
William Bashford
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly (Hon. Captain)
_Adjutant._--John Brown
_Riding-Master._--Thomas Martin
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon._--Arthur Greer
_Asst.-Surgeon._--J. E. O’Loughlin
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1869

_Colonel._--C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Drury C. D. Lowe
_Majors._--Hon. W. H. Curzon
Henry A. Sarel (Lt.-Col.)
_Captains._--W. R. Nolan
Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
G. C. Robinson
Samuel Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
H. A. Robinson
_Lieutenants._--W. G. Walmesley
S. Y. Clark
T. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
Thomas Crowe
G. H. L. Pellew
Sir C. Nugent, Bart.
C. W. J. Unthank
_Cornets._--Ernest A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
William Bashford
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
C. E. Swaine
R. N. Humble
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly, (Hon. Captain)
_Riding-Master._--Thomas Martin
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon._--A. J. Greer
_Asst.-Surgeon._--J. E. O’Loughlin
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1870

_Colonel._--C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Drury C. Lowe
_Majors._--Hon. W. H. Curzon
W. R. Nolan
_Captains._--Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
G. C. Robinson
S. Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
_Lieutenants._--T. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
Thomas Crowe
E. V. W. Edgell
C. W. J. Unthank
Ernest A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
William Bashford
_Cornets._--W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
Charles E. Swaine
R. N. Humble
Charles E. Arkwright
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Adjutant._--J. Brown (Lieut.)
_Riding-Master._--R. H. Boyle
_Surgeon._--A. J. Greer
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Asst.-Surgeon._--J. E. O’Loughlin
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1871

_Colonel._--C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
_Lieut.-Colonel._--D. C. Drury Lowe
_Majors._--W. R. Nolan
Robert Bainbridge
_Captains._--T. Gonne
G. C. Robertson
S. Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
_Lieutenants._--E. V. W. Edgell
C. W. J. Unthank
E. A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
William Bashford
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
C. E. Swaine
R. N. Humble
_Cornets._--C. E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
A. E. De Butts
_Paymaster._--De P. O’Kelly
_Riding-Master._--R. H. Boyle
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon._--A. J. Greer
_Asst.-Surgeon._--Ed. Hoile, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Lambert

1872

_Colonel._--C. W. M. Balders, C.B. (Lieut.-General)
_Lt.-Col._--D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
_Majors._--W. R. Nolan
G. C. Robertson
_Captains._--T. Gonne
S. Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
C. W. J. Unthank
_Lieutenants._--E. V. W. Edgell
E. A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Robert N. Humble
H. M. Barton
C. E. Arkwright
_Sub-Lieutenants._--T. Mack
A. E. de Butts
G. A. Wood
_Paymaster._--J. W. Smith
_Riding-Master._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon._--Arthur J. Greer
_Assistant-Surgeon._--E. Hoile, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Lambert

1873

_Colonel._--C. W. M. Balders, C.B. (Lieut.-General)
_Lt.-Col._--D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
_Majors._--W. R. Nolan
G. C. Robertson
_Captains._--Thomas Gonne
Samuel Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
T. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
C. W. J. Unthank
_Lieutenants._--E. V. W. Edgell
E. A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
Charles E. Swaine
R. N. Humble
C. E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
_Sub-Lieutenants._--George A. Wood
Percy Wormald
John M. Russell
_Paymaster._--John W. Smith
_Riding-Master._--Richard H. Boyle
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon._--Arthur Greer
_Assistant-Surgeon._--E. Hoile, M.D.
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Lambert

1874

_Colonel._--C. W. M. Balders, C.B. (Lieut.-General)
_Lt.-Col._--D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
_Major._--Walter R. Nolan
_Captains._--Thomas Gonne
Samuel Boulderson
Frederick W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. W. Edgell
_Lieutenants._--Ernest A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Robert N. Humble
C. E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
George A. Wood
Mortimer G. Neeld
_Sub-Lieutenants._--Percy Wormald
John M. Russell
C. H. Purvis
_Paymaster._--J. W. Smith
_Riding-Master._--Richard Boyle
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Medical Officer._--Arthur J. Greer
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Lambert

[Illustration: 1894.]

1875

_Colonel._--C. W. M. Balders, C.B. (Lieut.-General)
_Lt-Col._--D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
_Major._--Thomas Gonne
_Captains._--Samuel Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
S. M. Benson
E. V. W. Edgell
Ernest A. Belford
_Lieutenants._--James F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Charles E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
Percy Wormald
John M. Russell
George A. Wood
Mortimer G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
_Sub-Lieutenant._--C. H. Purvis
_Riding-Master._--Richard H. Boyle
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Medical Officer._--A. C. McTavish
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Lambert

1876

_Colonel._--J. C. Hope Gibsone (Lieut.-General)
_Lt.-Col._--D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
_Major._--Thomas Gonne
_Captains._--Samuel Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. Wyatt-Edgell
Ernest A. Belford
_Lieutenants._--J. F. Alexander
Hon J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Charles E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
Percy Wormald
John M. Russell
George A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
_Sub-Lieut._--C. F. S. Anstruther-Thomson
_Riding-Master._--Richard H. Boyle
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon-Major._--A. C. McTavish
_Veterinary Surgeon._--J. Lambert

1877

_Colonel-in-Chief_
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--J. C. Hope Gibsone (Lieut.-General)
_Lt.-Col._--D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
_Majors._--Thomas Gonne
Samuel Boulderson
_Captains._--Fred. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. Wyatt Edgell
Ernest A. Belford
James F. Alexander
_Lieutenants._--Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Charles E. Arkwright
Percy Wormald
John M. Russell
George A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
_Riding-Master._--R. H. Boyle
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Surgeon-Major._--A. C. McTavish
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1878

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--J.C. Hope Gibsone(Gen.)
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
_Majors._--Thomas Gonne
S. Boulderson
_Captains._--S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
T. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. Wyatt-Edgell
Ernest A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
_Lieutenants._--John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
C. E. Swaine
J. M. Russell
G. A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
_Sub-Lts._--F. J. C. Frith
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
_Riding-Master._--R. H. Boyle
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1879

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--J.C.Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Thomas Gonne
_Major._--Samuel Boulderson
_Captains._--S. Y. Clark
James C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. Wyatt Edgell
E. A. Belford
James F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
_Lieuts._--John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
C. E. Swaine
J. M. Russell
George A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
F. J. Cockayne Frith
Henry Fortescue
Thomas A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
_2nd Lieuts._--C. J. Anstruther Thomson
C. H. Butler
F. D. H. St. Quintin
_Riding-Master._--R. H. Boyle
_Quartermaster._-J. Berryman, V.C.
_Vet. Surgeon._-James Lambert

1880

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Thomas Gonne
_Major._--Samuel Boulderson
_Captains._--S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
Ernest A. Belford
James F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
_Lieutenants._--Charles E. Swaine
John M. Russell
Geo. A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
Thos. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
_2nd Lieuts._--C. J. Anstruther Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
F. D. H. St. Quintin
W. G. Renton
M. H. Woods
James H. Dyer
_Paymaster._--J. Brown (Hon. Cap.)
_Adj._--Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
_Riding-Master._--John Perry
_Quartermaster._--J. Berryman, V.C.
_Vet. Surgeon._--James Lambert

1881

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Thos. Gonne
_Major._--Samuel Boulderson
_Captains._--S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thos. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
Ernest A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John M. Russell
_Lieutenants._--Geo. A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
Henry Fortescue
Thos. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue (Adj.)
_2nd Lieuts._--C. J. Anstruther Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
J. H. Dyer
C. Coventry
_Paymaster._--J. Brown (Hon. Capt.)
_Riding-Master._--John Perry
_Quartermaster._--Douglas Shawe

1882

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H. R. H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Samuel Boulderson
S. Y. Clark
_Majors._--J. C. Duke
Thos. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson.
_Captains._--Ernest A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John M. Russell
F. W. Benson
_Lieutenants._--M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Chas. H. Purvis
Henry Fortescue
Thos. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue (Adj.)
C. J. Anstruther
Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
James H. Dyer
Chas. Coventry
Thos. H. Standbridge
_Paymaster._--John Brown (Hon. Capt.)
_Riding-Master._--John Perry
_Quartermaster._--Douglas Shawe

1883

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Sam. Boulderson
Thos. A. Cooke
_Majors._--S. M. Benson
Ernest A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
_Captains._--F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
Henry Fortescue
_Lieutenants._--Thos. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue (Adj.)
C. J. Anstruther Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
Wm. G. Renton
James H. Dyer
Chas. Coventry
T. H. Standbridge
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
_Paymaster._--J. M. Russell (H. Capt.)
_Riding-Master._--John Perry
_Quartermaster._--Douglas Shawe

1884

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonels._--Sam. Boulderson
Thos. A. Cooke
_Majors._--S. M. Benson
Ernest A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
_Captains._--F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. Purvis
Henry Fortescue
_Lieutenants._--Thomas A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue (Adj.)
C. J. Anstruther Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
Wm. G. Renton
James H. Dyer
Chas. Coventry
T. H. Standbridge
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
_Paymaster._--J. M. Russell (H. Capt.)
_Riding-Master._--John Perry
_Quartermaster._--Douglas Shawe

1885

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonels._--S. Boulderson
Thos. A. Cooke
_Majors._--S. M. Benson
E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
_Captains._--F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
_Lieutenants._--E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther Thomson
C. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
J. H. Dyer
C. Coventry
T. H. Standbridge
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
_Paymaster._--J. M. Russell (Hon. Captain)
_Adjutant._--Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
_Riding-Master._--H. M’Gee
_Quartermaster._--D. Shawe

1886

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshall, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonels._--S. Boulderson
T. A. Cooke
_Majors._--S. M. Benson
E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
_Captains_.--F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
_Lieutenants._--E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther Thomson
C. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
J. H. Dyer
C. Coventry
T. H. Standbridge
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
B. P. Portal
_Paymaster._--J. M. Russell (Hon. Captain)
_Adjutant._--C. Coventry
_Riding-Master._--H. M’Gee (Hon. Captain)
_Quartermaster._--D. Shawe (Hon. Captain)

1887

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshall, Commanding-in-Chief
_Colonel._--H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonels._--T. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
_Majors._--E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
_Captains._--C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther Thomson
_Lieutenants._--C. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
E. W. N. Pedder
C. A. S. Warner
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Viscount Clandeboye
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
_Paymaster._--J. M. Russell (Hon. Captain)
_Adjutant._--C. Coventry (Lieut.)
_Riding-Master._--H. M’Gee
_Quartermaster._--D. Shawe

1888

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commander-in-Chief
_Colonel._--H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonels._--T. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
_Majors._--E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
_Captains._--C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther Thomson
C. H. Butler
_Lieutenants._--W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
E. W. N. Pedder
C. A. S. Warner
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Viscount Clandeboye
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
_2nd Lieuts._--R. du P. Grenfell
T. G. Collins
_Paymaster._--J. M. Russell (Capt.)
_Adjutant._--C. Coventry
_Riding-Master._--H. M’Gee
_Quartermaster._--D. Shawe

1889

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commander-in-Chief
_Colonel._--H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonel._--S. M. Benson
_Majors._--E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
_Captains._--C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry (Adjutant)
H. W. R. Ricardo
_Lieutenants._--Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-Wilson
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Earl of Ava
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
_2nd Lieuts._--R. du P. Grenfell
T. G. Collins
Prince Adolphus of Teck
H. C. Noel
_Paymaster._--J. M. Russell
_Riding-Master._--H. M’Gee
_Quartermaster._--D. Shawe

1890.

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commander-in-Chief
_Colonel._--H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
_Lieut.-Colonel._--S. M. Benson
_Majors._--E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
_Captains._--C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
_Lieutenants._--Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-Wilson
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Earl of Ava
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
_2nd Lieuts._--T. G. Collins
Prince Adolphus of Teck
H. C. Noel
W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
_Paymaster._--J. M. Russell
_Adjutant._--C. Coventry
_Riding-Master._--H. M’Gee
_Quartermaster._--D. Shawe

1891.

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commander-in-Chief
_Col._--H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--S. M. Benson
_Majors._--E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
_Captains._--C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
_Lieutenants._--Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-Wilson
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Earl of Ava
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
_2nd Lieuts._--T. G. Collins
Prince Adolphus of Teck
H. C. Noel
W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
_Adjutant._--Hon. H. A. Lawrence
_Riding-Master._--H. M’Gee
_Quartermaster._--D. Shawe

1892.

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commander-in-Chief
_Colonel._--H. R. Benson (Gen.)
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--S. M. Benson
_Majors._--E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
_Captains._--C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
_Lieutenants._--Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-Wilson
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Earl of Ava
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
_2nd Lieuts._--T. G. Collins
Prince Adolphus of Teck
H. C. Noel
W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
_Adjt._--Hon. H. A. Lawrence
_Riding-Master._--W. Pilley (Hon. Lieutenant)
_Quartermaster._--D. Shawe

1893.

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commander-in-Chief
_Colonel._--Sir D. C. Drury-Lowe, K.C.B. (Lieut.-Gen.)
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--E. A. Belford
_Majors._--F. W. Benson (Attached Egyptian Army)
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
_Captains._--C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
_Lieutenants._--G. C. C. D’Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-Wilson
B. P. Portal
N. T. Nickalls
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
T. G. Collins
_2nd Lieuts._--Prince Adolphus of Teck
H. C. Noel
W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
_Adjutant._--Hon. H. A. Lawrence
_Riding-Master._--W. Pilley
_Quartermaster._--C. Clarke (Hon. Lieutenant)

1894.

_Colonel-in-Chief._
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field Marshal, Commander-in-Chief
_Colonel._--Sir D. C. Drury-Lowe, K.C.B. (Lieut.-Gen.)
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--E. A. Belford
_Majors._--M. G. Neeld
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
_Captains._--E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
_Lieutenants._--G. C. C. D’Aguilar
C. A. S. Warner
B. P. Portal
N. T. Nickalls
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
T. G. Collins
Prince Adolphus of Teck
H. C. Noel
_2nd Lieutenants._--W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
Sir F. Burdett, Bt.
_Adjutant._--Hon. H. A. Lawrence
_Riding-Master._--W. Pilley
_Quartermaster._--C. Clarke

APPENDIX B

QUARTERS AND MOVEMENTS OF THE I7TH LANCERS SINCE THEIR FOUNDATION

[^1 signifies headquarters]

1759. _November 7th._--Warrant for raising the regiment.
_November 26th_ (?)--First rendezvous. Watford and
Rickmansworth.
_December._--Coventry.

1760. _October._--Haddington,^1 Musselburgh.

1761. _August._--Perth,^1 Falkland, Aberdour, Cupar, Culross,
Leven.

1762. _June._--Musselburgh^1 (2 troops), Dalkeith (2), Hamilton.
_September._--Haddington,^1 Dalkeith, Dunbar, Hamilton,
Musselburgh, Linlithgow.

1763. _January._--Haddington^1 (2), Dalkeith, Dunbar, Musselburgh,
Linlithgow.

1764 to 1771.--Ireland. [Gap in the muster-rolls; 2 troops in the
Isle of Man 1766.]

1772. _January._--Clonmell^1 (3), Clogheen (2), Leightonbridge (1).
_July._--Kilkenny^1 (2), Carrick (2), Ross (2).

1773. _January._--Kilkenny^1 (2), Carrick (2), Ross, Leightonbridge.
_July._--Carlow,^1 Athy, Tullow, Callen.

1774. _January._--Carlow,^1 Athy, Tullow, Callen.
_July._--Maryborough,^1 Mount Mellick.

1775. _April._--Embarked for Boston; arrived 10–15 June.
America, active service.

1776. _March._--Embarked for Halifax.
_June._--Left Halifax.
_July._--Landed Staten Island.
_August._--Mustered Staten Island.

1777. _January._--Mustered at New York.
_May._ „ Perth and Amboy.
_August._ „ Camp, New York Island, and
Bloomendale.

1778. _February._ „ Philadelphia.

1779. _September._ „ Flushing, Long Island (detachment to
Carolina).

1780. _May._--Mustered at Hampstead, Long Island.

1780. _July._--Mustered at East Chester.

1781. _January._ „ Haarlem, N. Y., and Hampstead, L. I.
_July._ „ Flushing, L. I.

1782. _January._ „ Hampstead, L. I.
_July._ „ Fort Knyphausen.

1783. _January._ „ New York and Haarlem.
_July._ „ New York.
Embarked for Ireland.

1784. _January._--Cork (on arrival).
_July._--Maryborough,^1 (3), Mount Mellick (3).

1785. _January._--Maryborough,^1 Mount Mellick.
_July._--Tullamore,^1 Philipstown.

1786. _January._--Tullamore,^1 Philipstown.
_July._--Longford,^1 Navan.

1787. _January._--Athlone,^1 Mount Mellick, Navan, “Man-of-War.”
_July._--Castlebar,^1 Sligo, Ballinrobe.

1788.--Castlebar,^1 Sligo, Ballinrobe.

1789.--Bandon.

1790. _July._--Kilkenny.

1791. _January._--Kilkenny,^1 Carrick, Ross.
_July._--Kilkenny.

1792. _January._--Kilkenny.
_July._--Phœnix Park.

1793. _January._--Collon.
_July._--Lisburn.

1794.--Belturbet.

1795. _May_?--Three troops embarked for West Indies--Jamaica.
_August._ „ „ „ St. Domingo.
Active service.

1796.--Jamaica, Grenada, St. Domingo.

1797. _March._--Port Royal (3 troops)? for embarkation.
_May._--Trowbridge (2 troops? depôt).
_August._--Return from West Indies. Nottingham, Trowbridge,
Gloucester, Bath, Bristol.

1798.--Canterbury (detachment on active service to Ostend).

1799.--Canterbury. Two troops to Southampton.
_Summer._--Swinley Camp.
_Winter._--Exeter and Taunton.

1800. _Summer._--Bagshot Heath.
_Winter._--Duffield (in aid of civil power).

1801 to 1802.--Manchester,^1 Lancaster, Chester, Bolton, Preston.

1803. _May._--Embarked for Ireland.
Tullamore,^1 Philipstown, Carlow, Kilkenny.

1804.--Clonmel,^1 Tullamore, Philipstown, Carlow, Kilkenny.

1805.--Dublin.
_September._--Moved to Northampton.

1806. _April._--Brighton, Romney, Rye, Hastings.
_October._--Embarked for active service in South America.
_December._--Arrived in La Plata.

1807.--Active service in South America.
_November._--Embarked for England.

1808. _January._--Disembarked at Portsmouth and marched to
Chichester.
_February._--Embarked for East Indies.
_August._--Fort William, Calcutta.

1809. _February._--Surat. Detachment to Persia.

1810.--Surat.

1811. _December._--Ruttapore.

1812 to 1821.--Ruttapore. Active service, detachments 1813 to 1815;
whole regiment, 1816 to 1821.

1822.--Ruttapore.

1823. _January._--Embarked for England.
_May._--Arrived in England. Quarters, Chatham.

1824. _June._--Regent’s Park Barracks.
_July._--Canterbury.

1825. _June._--Regent’s Park Barracks.
_July._--Brighton, Chichester.

1826. _March._--Exeter and Topsham.

1827. _January._--Hounslow and Hampton Court.

1828. _April._--Dundalk, Belturbet.

1829. _May._--Dublin.

1830. _May._--Newbridge,^1 Armagh, Navan, Kells, Kilkenny.

1831. _April._--Limerick,^1 Ennis, Newmarket, Adair.
_June._--Headquarters to Ballincollig.

1832. _April._--Portobello Barracks, Dublin.
_June._--Newport,^1 Berkeley, Dursley.
_July._--Dursley,^1 Wootton-under-Edge.
_November._--Headquarters to Gloucester.
(Cholera year.)

1833. _March._--Hounslow,^1 Hampton Court, Kensington.

1834. _May._--Leeds,^1 Burnley.

1835. _May._--Manchester.

1836. _April._--Norwich, Ipswich.

1837. _May._--Coventry, Northampton.

1838. _June._--Portobello Barracks, Dublin

1839. _January._--Royal Barracks, Dublin.
_August._--Portobello Barracks.

1840.--Portobello Barracks.

1841.--Glasgow, Edinburgh.^1

1842.--Leeds.

1843. _April._--Nottingham.^1
[_Autumn._]--Birmingham.^1

1844. _May._--Hounslow.^1

1845. _April._--Brighton.^1

1846. _June._--Dundalk.^1

1847. _April._--Island Bridge,^1 Portobello and Royal Barracks.
_October._--Royal Barracks.

1848 to 1849.--Royal Barracks, Dublin.

1850. _April._--Newbridge,^1 Clonmel, Kilkenny, Waterford, Carrick.

1851. _April._--Woolwich.
_October._--Canterbury.

1852. _June._--Brighton,^1 Christchurch, Trowbridge.

1853. _March._--Brighton,^1 Dorchester.
_June._--Chobham.
_July._--Hounslow,^1 Hampton Court.

1854. _April._--Sailed for active service in the Crimea. Depôt,
Canterbury.

1855.--Crimea.

1856. _April._--Left the East for Ireland.
_May._--Cahir Barracks,^1 Fethard, Clonmel, Clogheen,
Limerick.
_September._--Portobello Barracks.

1857. _March._--Island Bridge Barracks.
_October._--Embarked for active service in India. Depôt,
Canterbury.

1858. _February._--Arrived Kirkee, Bombay.
Pursuit of Tantia Topee.

1859. _May_--Gwalior.

1860. _January._--Left Gwalior.
_April._--Secunderabad.

1861 to December 1864.--Secunderabad.

1865. _January._--Embarked for England.
_May._--Colchester.

1866. _March._--Aldershot.

1867. _August._--Brighton,^1 Shorncliffe.

1868. _June._--Woolwich,^1 Kensington, Hampton Court.
_August._--Hounslow, Kensington, Hampton Court.

1869. _July._--Edinburgh,^1 Hamilton.

1870. _April._--Royal Barracks, Dublin.

1871. _April._--Longford,^1 Athlone, Ballinrobe, Castlebar, Gort.

1872. _May._--Ballincollig, Limerick, Cork, Fermoy, Clogheen.

1873. _July._--Curragh.
_August._--Island Bridge Barracks, Dublin.

1874. _August._--Dundalk,^1 Belfast, Belturbet (1 troop in December)

1875. _June._--Island Bridge^1 and Royal Barracks, Dublin.

1876. _June._--Embarked for England for autumn manœuvres.

1876. _September._--East Cavalry Barracks, Aldershot.

1877. _August._--Leeds,^1 Preston, Sheffield.

1878. [_May._--Detachments to Burnley, Blackburn, and Clitheroe, in
aid of civil power.]
_July._--Aldershot.
_September._--Hounslow,^1 Hampton Court.

1879. _February._--Embarked for active service in South Africa.
Depôt, Hounslow.
_April._--Arrived Durban.
_October._--Embarked for India.
_November._--Arrived at Mhow.

1880 to _January_ 1884.--Mhow. Depôt, Canterbury.

1884. _January and February._--Lucknow.

1885 to 1890.--Lucknow.

1890. _October._--Embarked for England.
_November._--Shorncliffe (one squadron in Egypt).

1891. _July._--Hounslow.

1892. Hounslow, Hampton Court, and Kensington.

1893. _September._--Preston^1 [Derby, Alfreton, Normanton (in aid
of civil power)] and Birmingham.

1894. Leeds,^1 Birmingham.

APPENDIX C

PAY OF ALL RANKS OF A LIGHT DRAGOON REGIMENT

1764

S. = “Subsistence.” A. = Arrears. G. = Grass money.

_Colonel._

S. £483 12 6
A. 112 13 3
-------------
£596 5 9
=============

_Lieut.-Colonel._

S. £337 12 6
A. 79 14 9
-------------
£417 7 3
=============

_Major._

S. £282 17 6
A. 66 7 0
-------------
£349 4 6
=============

_Captain._

S. £209 17 6
A. 54 3 5
-------------
£264 0 11
=============

_Capt.-Lt. & Lieut._

S. £127 15 0
A. 25 11 4
-------------
£153 6 4
=============

_Cornet._

S. £109 10 0
A. 26 15 8
-------------
£136 5 8
=============

_Chaplain._

S. £91 5 0
A. 22 6 4
-------------
£113 11 4
=============

_Adjutant._

S. £82 2 6
A. 20 1 9
-------------
£102 4 3
=============

_Surgeon._

S. £82 2 6
A. 20 1 9
-------------
£102 4 3
=============

_Surgeon’s Mate._

S. £54 15 0
A. 4 17 5
-------------
£59 12 5
=============

_Quartermaster._

S. £75 0 0
A. 20 13 10
-------------
£93 13 10
=============

_Sergeant._

S. £18 5 0
A. 9 9 0
G. 1 11 10
-------------
£29 5 10
=============

_Corporal._

S. £12 2 8
A. 6 2 0
G. 1 11 10
-------------
£19 16 6
=============

_Trumpeter._

S. £18 5 0
A. 7 16 0
G. 1 11 10
-------------
£27 12 10
=============

_Farrier._

S. £9 2 0
A. 3 1 0
G. 1 11 10
-------------
£13 14 10[15]
=============

_Light Dragoon._

S. £9 2 0
A. 3 1 0
G. 1 11 10
-------------
£13 14 10
=============

1796

All the allowances hitherto known under the head of

Bread money,
Grass money,
Poundage money,
New allowances for necessaries,

to be comprised under one head, and form a daily rate of allowance.
Such daily rate for non-commissioned officers and men of the cavalry
(after deduction of 1s. 8d. per man for horsecloth and surcingle) to be
3½ d. _per diem_.

APPENDIX D

HORSE FURNITURE AND ACCOUTREMENTS OF A LIGHT DRAGOON (WITH PRICES
THEREOF) IN 1759

Saddle £1 1 0
Holsters 0 5 8
Stirrup Leather 0 1 3
Tinned Stirrups 0 3 6
Girths and Surcingle[16] 0 2 6
Crupper 0 0 11
Breastplate 0 1 2
Furniture complete with Leather Seat and Embroidery 1 7 6
Crupper Pad 0 1 3
Point Straps and Loops 0 1 0
Carbine Bucket 0 1 8
Bucket Strap 0 0 9
Carbine Strap 0 0 3½
2 long Baggage Straps 0 1 6
2 single „ „ 0 1 4
1 middle „ Strap 0 0 6½
2 Cloak Straps 0 0 8
1 middle Cloak Strap 0 0 3
Bridle and Bridoon 0 4 6
Tinned Bit 0 3 0
Linking Collar, brown 0 2 6
„ „ white 0 1 6
Pair Leathered Canvas Bags for curry comb and brushes 0 3 2
Curry Comb and Brush[16] 0 2 3
Mane Comb and Sponge[16] 0 0 8
Horse Cloth[16] 0 4 9
Snaffle Watering Bridle[16] 0 2 0
Carbine 2 0 0
Pair of Pistols 1 10 0
Sword 0 12 0
„ Belt 0 5 0
Shoulder Belt 0 5 0
Cartridge Box and Belt 0 2 8

“NECESSARIES” OF A CAVALRY SOLDIER, 1795

3 Shirts
2 pairs Shoes
1 „ Gaiters
2 „ Stockings
Forage Cap
Saddle Bag
1 pair Canvas or Woollen Overhose
1 Stock
1 Black Ball
1 Canvas or Woollen Frock or Jacket
2 Brushes
1 Curry Comb and Brush
1 Mane Comb and Sponge
1 Horse Picker

APPENDIX E

CLOTHING, ETC., OF A LIGHT DRAGOON, 1764

Coat, waistcoat, breeches, and cloak found by the Colonel by contract.

Helmet £0 16 0
Boots and Spurs 1 3 0
Watering Cap 0 2 6
4 Shirts[17] at 6s. 10d. 1 7 4
4 pairs Stockings[17] at 2s. 10d. 0 11 4
1 pair Boot Stockings 0 2 0
2 pairs Shoes at 6s.[17] 0 12 0
1 Black Stock[17] 0 0 8
1 „ „ Buckle[17] 0 0 6
1 pair Leather Breeches[17] 1 5 0
1 pair Knee Buckles[17] 0 0 8
1 pair Short Black Gaiters[17] 0 7 4
White Jacket[17][18] 0 8 6
Stable Frock 0 4 8
Pick-wire and Pan Brush 0 0 2
Worm and Oil Bottle ...
Necessary Bags 0 7 3
Corn Bag 0 2 6
Black Ball[17] 0 1 0
3 Shoe Brushes[17] 0 1 3
Hair Comb 0 0 6
Burnisher 0 0 6
White Portmanteau 0 8 0
1 pair of Gloves 0 1 6
Farrier’s Cap 0 14 0
„ Budgets 0 14 0
„ Apron 0 1 8
„ Axe and Case 0 5 0
„ Saw and Case 0 8 6
Trumpeter’s Hat and Feather 1 0 0
Trumpet 2 2 0
Sling and Tassels of crimson and white 0 10 0

APPENDIX F

EVOLUTIONS REQUIRED AT THE INSPECTION OF A REGIMENT

1759

The squadron was drawn up in three ranks at open order, _i.e._
with a distance equal to half the front of the squadron between ranks.

Each squadron was told off into half-ranks, one-third of ranks, and
fours.

_Officers take your posts of exercise._--The officers rode out
from their posts till eight or ten paces in rear of the C.O., then
turned about and faced their squadrons.

_Half-ranks to the right; double your files._--The left half-ranks
of each squadron reined back to the half-distance between ranks, and
passaged to the right until the right half-ranks were covered.

_Half-ranks that doubled; as you were._--The left half-ranks
passaged to the left and rode back to their original places.

(The same manœuvre then executed to the left.)

_Rear ranks to the right; double your front._--The rear ranks
wheeled into column of half-ranks, then wheeled (as a column) to the
left and came up, the leading half-rank on the right flank of the
front, and the rear half-rank on the right flank of the centre rank.

_Rear ranks that doubled; as you were._--The columns of half-ranks
wheeled to the right, and countermarched to their original places.

(The same manœuvre then repeated to the left.)

_By two divisions to right and left about, outward, march._--Each
rank of each squadron divided in the centre, and wheeled, the right
half-ranks to right about, and the left half-ranks to left about;
whereby each squadron was formed into two divisions, with an interval
between them, facing to the rear.

_Wheel to the right and left about to your proper front._--The
original formation resumed.

_Centre rear ranks move up to your order._--“Order” allowed a
distance equal to one-third of the squadron’s frontage between ranks.

_By three divisions wheel to the right._--We should now give the
word “Divisions, right wheel.”

_To the right._

_To the right about._

(Same manœuvre repeated to the left.)

_Centre and rear ranks move forward to your close order._--Close
order reduced the distance between ranks to the space required for four
men to wheel abreast.

_By fours wheel to the right about._

_By fours wheel to the left about._

_Officers take post in front of your squadrons._

_Squadrons wheel to the right; march._

_To the right._

_To the right about._

The same then was repeated to the left; and the evolutions came to an
end, the trumpets blowing a march till the inspecting officer was out
of sight.

THE END

_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED,
_Edinburgh_

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In those days written Tap-to, meaning that no more liquor was to be
drawn.

[2] There were curious ideas afloat in those days about soldiers’
heads. Colonel Dalrymple of the King’s Own Dragoons suggests (1761)
that the men’s hair should be cut close, but that they should be
provided with Spanish lamb’s-wool wigs for cold and rainy weather.

[3] They were said, when thus docked, to have “hunter’s tails”; hence,
perhaps, the popular identification of the Light Dragoon officer with
the sportsman.

[4] Denotes one of the six original trumpet-calls.

[5] The calls were first authorised by regulation (so far as is known)
in 1799.

[6] These are fragments of some of the inspection reports:--1770, “A
_very good_ regiment.” 1771, “A very fine regiment, and appears
perfectly fit for service. Must have had great care taken of it.” 1772,
“In every respect a fine regiment and fit for service.” 1773, “This
regiment is an extreme pretty one and in good order.” 1774, “This
regiment is in great order and fit for service.”

[7] This Colonel Washington must not be confounded with his namesake
the famous George.

[8] Froude, _English in Ireland_, iii. 105, 106.

[9] This officer was not of the Seventeenth.

[10] This year 1802 also witnessed the introduction of the chevron on
the sleeves of non-commissioned officers.

[11] This animal proved to be Cheettoo’s death. His hoofs were so
extraordinarily large that his tracks were always recognisable, and
hence exposed his rider to the certainty of continued pursuit. Cheettoo
having been driven thus into the jungle was finally killed by a tiger.

[12] It is perhaps worth noting that the poleaxe was a favourite weapon
with Royalist cavalry officers in the civil war.

[13] Now A.D.C. to the Governor of Bombay.

[14] The first hint of a short service system was given by a Frenchman,
and presented, by translation, to England in 1590.

[15] Besides a halfpenny per day per horse of his troop.

[16] Articles marked [16] were found at the Dragoon’s expense out of his
arrears and grass money. Also the following articles (besides the
clothing specified in Appendix E): Goatskin holster top at 1s. 6d.;
Horse picker and turnscrew, 2d.; Pair of saddle bags.

[17] All articles marked [17] supplied, according to King’s regulation
and custom, out of the Light Dragoon’s arrears and grass money.

[18] White Jacket added to the kit by the special request of the men
themselves at the close of the Seven Years’ War.

Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been
corrected silently.

2. Where appropriate, the original spelling has been retained.

3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words
have been retained as in the original.

4. Italics are shown as _xxx_.

5. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D^r. or
X^{xx}.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A History of the 17th Lancers (Duke of Cambridge's Own)" ***

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