| By Author | [ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Other Symbols ] |
| By Title | [ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Other Symbols ] |
| By Language |
|
Download this book: [ ASCII ] Look for this book on Amazon Tweet |
Title: The Elizabethan Stage (Vol 4 of 4)
Author: Chambers, E. K. (Edmund Kerchever)
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Elizabethan Stage (Vol 4 of 4)" ***
OF 4) ***
Transcriber’s Note:
This book contains some very large tables. A wide screen is necessary
to view these.
THE ELIZABETHAN STAGE
VOL. IV
Oxford University Press
_London_ _Edinburgh_ _Glasgow_ _Copenhagen_
_New York_ _Toronto_ _Melbourne_ _Cape Town_
_Bombay_ _Calcutta_ _Madras_ _Shanghai_
Humphrey Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY
[Illustration: DESIGN BY INIGO JONES FOR THE COCKPIT THEATRE AT
WHITEHALL
NOW IN THE LIBRARY OF WORCESTER COLLEGE OXFORD]
THE ELIZABETHAN STAGE
BY E. K. CHAMBERS. VOL. IV
OXFORD: AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
M.CMXXIII
Printed in England
CONTENTS
VOLUME IV
PAGE
XXIV. ANONYMOUS WORK 1
A. Plays 1
B. Masks 55
C. Receptions and Entertainments 60
APPENDICES
A. A Court Calendar 75
B. Court Payments 131
C. Documents of Criticism 184
D. Documents of Control 259
E. Plague Records 345
F. The Presence-Chamber at Greenwich 351
G. Serlio’s _Trattato sopra le Scene_ 353
H. _The Gull’s Hornbook_ 365
I. Restoration Testimony 369
K. Academic Plays 373
L. Printed Plays 379
M. Lost Plays 398
N. Manuscript Plays 404
INDEXES
I. Plays 409
II. Persons 425
III. Places 445
IV. Subjects 454
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Design for Cockpit Theatre at Whitehall. By
Inigo Jones. From Library of Worcester
College, Oxford _Frontispiece_
The _Profilo_ or Section of a Stage. From
Sebastiano Serlio, _Architettura_ (1551) p. 354
The _Pianta_ or Ground-Plan of a Stage (_ibid._) p. 357
Elevation of a _Scena Comica_ (_ibid._) p. 359
Elevation of a _Scena Tragica_ (_ibid._) p. 361
Elevation of a _Scena Satyrica_ (_ibid._) p. 362
NOTE
I have found it convenient, especially in Appendix A, to use the symbol
< following a date, to indicate an uncertain date not earlier than that
named, and the symbol > followed by a date, to indicate an uncertain
date not later than that named. Thus 1903 < > 23 would indicate the
composition date of any part of this book. I have sometimes placed the
date of a play in italics, where it was desirable to indicate the date
of production rather than publication.
The documents from J. R. Dasent, _Acts of the Privy Council_
(1890–1907), are reprinted by permission of the Controller of His
Majesty’s Stationery Office.
XXIV
ANONYMOUS WORK
[Here I bring together, giving them the same treatment as the
individual works in ch. xxiii, pieces of which the authorship, as
regards the whole or a large part, is unknown or conjectural. They are
grouped as (A) Plays, (B) Masks, (C) Receptions and Entertainments. It
has been convenient, for the sake of classification, to include in the
third group a few which might alternatively have been brought into ch.
xxiii under the name of a part-author or describer.]
A. PLAYS
_An Alarum for London > 1600_
_S. R._ 1600, May 27. ‘Allarum to London’ is included in a memorandum
of ‘my lord chamberlens menns plaies Entred’ and noted as entered on
this day to J. Roberts (Arber, iii. 37).
1600, May 29. ‘The Allarum to London, provided that yt be not printed
without further Aucthoritie.’ _John Roberts_ (Arber, iii. 161).
1602. A Larum for London, or The Siedge of Antwerpe. With the ventrous
actes and valorous deeds of the lame Soldier. As it hath been playde by
the right Honorable the Lord Chamberlaine his Seruants. _For William
Ferbrand._ [Prologue and Epilogue.]
_Editions_ by R. Simpson (1872), J. S. Farmer (1912, _T.F.T._), and W.
W. Greg (1913, _M.S.R._).
The play has been ascribed to Shakespeare by Collier, to Shakespeare
and Marston by Simpson, and to Lodge by Fleay, _Shakespeare_, 291,
but no serious case has been made out for any of these claims. Bullen,
_Marlowe_, 1, lxxiv, says that Collier had a copy with doggerel
rhymes on the t.p. including the line,
Our famous Marloe had in this a hand,
which Bullen calls ‘a very ridiculous piece of forgery’.
_Albion Knight > 1566_
_S. R._ 1565–6. ‘A play intituled a merye playe bothe pytthy and
pleasaunt of Albyon knyghte.’ _Thomas Colwell_ (Arber, i. 295).
Fragment in Devonshire collection.
[The t.p. is lost, but the seventeenth-century play lists (Greg,
_Masques_, xlvii) include an interlude called _Albion_. A fragment on
Temperance and Humility, conjecturally assigned by Collier, i. 284, to
the same play, is of earlier printing by thirty years or so (_M.S.C._
i. 243).]
_Editions_ by J. P. Collier (1844, _Sh. Soc. Papers_, i. 55) and W.
W. Greg (1910, _M. S. C._ i. 229).--_Dissertations_: M. H. Dodds,
_The Date of A. K._ (1913, 3 _Library_, iv. 157); G. A. Jones, _The
Political Significance of A. K._ (1918, _J. G. P._ xvii. 267).
Collier suggests that this was the play disliked at court on 31 Dec.
1559, but, as Fleay, 66, points out, that would hardly have been
licensed for printing. Dodds thinks it motived by the Pilgrimage of
Grace (1536–7) and written shortly after.
_Alice and Alexis_
A fragment (to iii. 1) of a play on the loves of Alice and Alexis,
thwarted by Tanto, with an argument of the whole, is in _Douce MS._
171 (_Bodl._ 21745), f. 48^v. The date ‘1604’ is scribbled amongst the
pages. The manuscript also contains sixteenth-century accounts. There
seems nothing to connect this with Massinger’s _Alexius, or the Chaste
Lover_, licensed by Herbert on 25 Sept. 1639 and apparently included in
Warburton’s list of burnt plays (3 _Library_, ii. 232, 249).
_Alphonsus, Emperor of Germany > 1636_
_S. R._ 1653, Sept. 9. ‘A play called Alphonso, Emperor of Germany, by
John Poole.’ _H. Moseley_ (Eyre, i. 428).
1654. The Tragedy of Alphonsus Emperour of Germany. As it hath
been very often Acted (with great applause) at the Privat house in
Black-Friers by his late Maiesties Servants. By George Chapman Gent.
_For Humphrey Moseley._ [Epistle to the Reader. The B.M. copy of the
play is dated ‘Novemb. 29, 1653’.]
_Editions_ by K. Elze (1867) and H. F. Schwarz (1913), and in
collections of Chapman (q.v.).
_Alphonsus_ may reasonably be identified with the _Alfonso_ given
before the Queen and the Elector Palatine at the Blackfriars on 5 May
1636 (Cunningham, xxiv). The ascription on the title-page to Chapman
is repeated therefrom by Langbaine who rejects that of Kirkman in 1661
and 1671 (Greg, _Masques_, xlviii) to Peele, but the intimate knowledge
of German shown in the dialogue has led Elze and Ward, ii. 428, to
give Chapman a German collaborator, conceivably one Rudolf Weckerlin
of Würtemberg, who after a preliminary visit before 1614 settled
permanently in England about 1624 and obtained political employment,
which he varied with literary exercises. Later critics are inclined to
reject Chapman’s authorship altogether, and the case against it has
been effectively put by E. Koeppel, _Quellen-Studien zu den Dramen
Chapman’s_, 78, and Parrott. The ascription to Peele has been revived
by Robertson, _T. A._ 123, and though Parrott does not accept the full
argument, he agrees in regarding the play as originally of Peele’s
date, possibly by him, with or without a collaborator, and drastically
revised at a later period, perhaps by Weckerlin in 1636. Fleay, ii.
156, 311, also accepts Peele and identifies the play with _Harry of
Cornwall_, revived by Strange’s for Henslowe on 25 Feb. 1592, but, as
Greg (_Henslowe_, ii. 151) points out, the character in _Alphonsus_ is
not Henry, but Richard of Cornwall. It must be observed that no critic
has noticed the _S. R._ ascription to John Poole, which may quite well
be the origin of Kirkman’s ‘Peele’. Who John Poole was, I do not know.
_Apius and Virginia > 1567–8_
_S. R._ 1567–8. ‘A Tragedy of Apius and Virgine.’ _Richard Jones_
(Arber, i. 357).
1575. A new Tragicall Comedie of Apius and Virginia, Wherein is liuely
expressed a rare example of the vertue of Chastitie, by Virginias
constancy, in wishing rather to be slaine at her owne Fathers handes,
then to be deflowred of the wicked Iudge Apius. By R. B. _William How
for Richard Jones._ [Prologue and Epilogue.]
_Editions_ in Dodsley^{3, 4} (1825–76), and by J. S. Farmer (1908,
_T. F. T._) and R. B. McKerrow (1911, _M. S. R._).
‘Haphazard, the Vice’ is a character. The stage-directions name ‘the
stage’, ‘the scaffold’. A prologue addresses ‘lordings’; an epilogue
has a prayer for the queen, nobles, and commons. The play is not
controversial, but the tone is Protestant. Fleay, 61, thinks it a
Westminster play of 1563–4; but no Westminster play of 1563–4 is on
record. If Fleay means 1564–5, the Westminster play of that Christmas
was _Miles Gloriosus_. There is nothing but the initials to
identify the author with Richard Bower of the Chapel (q.v.), but
the suggestion is more plausible than that of Wallace, i. 108, who
gives the play to Richard Edwardes (q.v.), finding that the ‘R. E.’
subscribed to some of his manuscript poems is capable of being misread
‘R. B.’.
_Arden of Feversham > 1592_
_S. R._ 1592, April 3 (Bishop of London). ‘The tragedie of Arden of
Feuersham and Blackwall.’ _Edward White_ (Arber, ii. 607). [See s.v.
Kyd, _Spanish Tragedy_, for the record of a piracy of the play in 1592
by Abel Jeffes.]
1592. The Lamentable and True Tragedie of M. Arden of Feuersham in
Kent. Who was most wickedlye murdered, by the meanes of his disloyall
and wanton wyfe, who for the love she bare to one Mosbie, hyred two
desperat ruffins Blackwill and Shakbag, to kill him. Wherin is shewed
the great mallice and discimulation of a wicked woman, the vnsatiable
desire of filthie lust and the shamefull end of all murderers. _For
Edward White._ [Epilogue.]
1599. _J. Roberts for Edward White._
1633. _Eliz. Allde._
_Editions_ by E. Jacob (1770), A. H. Bullen (1887), R. Bayne
(1897, _T. D._), J. S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._), and in _Sh.
Apocrypha_.--_Dissertations_: C. E. Donne, _Essay on the Tragedy of
A. of F._ (1873); C. Crawford, _The Authorship of A. of F._ (1903,
_Jahrbuch_, xxxix. 74; _Collectanea_, i. 101); W. Miksch, _Die
Verfasserschaft des A. of F._ (1907, Breslau diss.); K. Wiehl, _Thomas
Kyd und die Autorschaft von ... A. of F._ (1912, _E. S._ xliv. 356); H.
D. Sykes, _Sidelights upon Shakespeare_, 48 (1919); L. Cust, _A. of F._
(1920, _Arch. Cant._ xxxiv. 101).
Jacob first claimed the authorship for Shakespeare. In spite of the
advocacy of Swinburne (_Study of Sh._, 129) modern criticism remains
wholly unconvinced. The play has tragic merit, but it is not of a
Shakespearian character, and it is impossible to fit its manner, before
1592, into any coherent theory of Shakespeare’s development. More
plausible is the case for Kyd, suggested by Fleay, ii. 28, who puts
the date as far back as 1585 on quite unreliable grounds of improbable
guess-work, and supported by Robertson, _T. A._ 151, and elaborately
argued by Crawford and Sykes. But Boas, _Kyd_, lxxxix, thinks that the
author was more likely an imitator of Kyd, and opinion remains divided.
Oliphant (_M. P._ viii. 420) suggests Kyd and Marlowe, possibly with
a third. The theme may also have been that of the _Murderous Michael_
played at court by Sussex’s in 1579.
_The Birth of Hercules. 1597 <_
[_MS._] _B.M. Add. MS._ 28722. ‘The birthe of hercules.’ [Prologus
Laureatus; Mercurius Prologus; after text, ‘Testamentum poetae, ad
peleum. Comoedarum pariter et histrionum princeps Peleu, tuo pro
iudicio, volo hanc meam Comoediam, vel recitari, vel reticeri: hoc est:
aut vivere aut mori. Scripsi, nec poeta, nec moriens: et tamen poeta
moriens’. Written in one hand, with stage-directions by a second and
corrections by a third and possibly a fourth, on paper datable by the
watermark in 1597.]
_Editions_ by M. W. Wallace (1903) and R. W. Bond (1911, _M. S. R._).
This is pretty clearly a University play, and any connexion with the
_Hercules_ of the Admiral’s men in 1595 is highly improbable. As
George Peele died in 1596, it seems difficult to identify him with
the Peleus of the MS. Bond thinks that ‘the styles of composition and
writing agree in placing a date before 1600 out of the question’.
_Caesar’s Revenge > 1606_
_S. R._ 1606, June 5. ‘A booke called Julius Caesars reuenge.’ _J.
Wright and N. Fosbrook_, licensed by Dr. Covell and the wardens (Arber,
iii. 323).
N.D. The Tragedie of Caesar and Pompey Or Caesars Reuenge. _G. E. for
Iohn Wright._
1607.... Priuately acted by the Studentes of Trinity Colledge in
Oxford. _For Nathaniel Fosbrook and Iohn Wright._ [Re-issue with cancel
t.p.]
_Editions_ by F. S. Boas (1911, _M. S. R._) and W. Mühlfeld (1911,
1912, _Jahrbuch_, xlvii. 132; xlviii. 37), and J. S. Farmer (_S. F.
T._).--_Dissertations_: T. M. Parrott, _The Academic Tragedy of C. and
P._ (1910, _M. L. R._ v. 435); H. M. Ayres, _C. R._ (1915, _M. L. A._
xxx. 771); G. C. Moore Smith, _The Tragedy of C. R._ (1916, 12 _N. Q._
ii. 305).
There is no traceable connexion between this and any other of the
several plays on Caesar, extant and lost, which are upon record. C.
Crawford (_M. S. C._ i. 290) indicates some parallels which suggest a
date of authorship between 1592 and 1596.
_Charlemagne or The Distracted Emperor c. 1600_
[_MS._] _Egerton MS._ 1994. At the end is the note, ‘Nella Φ δ Φ ν ρ la
B’ = ‘Nella fedeltà finirò la vita’.
_Editions_ by A. H. Bullen (1884, _O. E. P._ iii) and F. L. Schoell
(1920).--_Dissertation_: F. L. Schoell, _Un Drame Élisabéthain Anonyme
C_ (1912, _Revue Germanique_, viii. 155).
Bullen suggests that the author was Chapman, and also thinks Tourneur
or Marston conceivable. He quotes Fleay’s opinion in favour of Field.
Fleay, ii. 319, withdraws Field and substitutes Dekker. He identifies
the play with the ‘King Charlemagne’ of Peele’s _Farewell_ of 1589 (cf.
s.v. Peele, _Battle of Alcazar_). Schoell makes an elaborate case for
Chapman, and thinks that the play might be _The Fatall Love, a French
Tragedy_, entered as his in _S. R._ on 29 June 1660, and included,
without author’s name, in Warburton’s list of burnt plays (3 _Library_,
ii. 231). A date later than 1584 is indicated by the use of Du Bartas’s
_Seconde Semaine_ of that year. It may be added that the style points
to _c._ 1600 rather than _c._ 1590.
_Claudius Tiberius Nero > 1607_
_S. R._ 1607, April 10 (Buck). ‘A booke called the tragicall Life and
Death of Claudius Tiberius Nero.’ _Francis Burton_ (Arber, iii. 346).
1607. The Tragedie of Claudius Tiberius Nero, Rome’s greatest Tyrant.
Truly represented out of the purest Records of those Times. _For
Francis Burton._ [Epistle to Sir Arthur Mannering, son of Sir George of
Eithfield, Shropshire; Verses _Ad Lectores_.]
1607. The Statelie Tragedie of Claudius Tiberius Nero.... _For Francis
Burton_. [Another issue.]
_Edition_ by J. S. Farmer (_S. F. T._).
The play, which is on Tiberius, not Nero, is to be distinguished from
_Nero_ (1624). The epistle, not apparently by the author, says that the
play’s ‘Father was an Academician’.
_Club Law. 1599–1600_
[_MS._] St. John’s College, Cambridge, MS. S. 62. [Without t.p. and
imperfect; probably identical with a MS. of the play owned by Richard
Farmer.]
_Edition_ by G. C. Moore Smith (1907). [Epilogue.]--_Dissertation_: G.
C. Moore Smith, _The Date of C. L._ (1909, _M. L. R._ iv. 268).
The play is described by Fuller, _Hist. of Cambridge_ (1655), 156, as
given at Clare Hall in 1597–8. But J. S. Hawkins, in his edition of
Ruggle’s _Ignoramus_ (1787), xvi, gives the alternative date 1599,
and this has now been confirmed by the discovery of manuscript annals
of Cambridge, probably by Fuller himself, with the entry, under the
academic year 1599–1600, ‘Aula Clarensis. Club Law fabula festivissima
data multum ridentibus Academicis, frustra Oppidanis dolentibus’. The
play is a satire on the townsmen, and especially the anti-gown mayor of
1599–1600, John Yaxley. Fuller says that the townsmen were invited to
the performance and made to sit it through, and that they complained
to the Privy Council, who first ‘sent some slight and private check to
the principall Actors therein’, and then, when pressed, said that they
would come to Cambridge, and see the comedy acted over again in the
presence of the townsmen. The fact that there is no record of these
letters in the extant register of the Council hardly disproves the
substance of Fuller’s story. Hawkins ascribed the play to Ruggle (q.v.)
on the authority of an eighteenth-century memorandum.
_Sir Clyomon and Clamydes c. 1570_
1599. The Historie of the two valiant Knights, Syr Clyomon knight of
the Golden Sheeld, sonne to the King of Denmarke: And Clamydes the
White Knight, sonne to the King of Suauia. As it hath been sundry times
Acted by her Maiesties Players. _Thomas Creede._ [Prologue.]
_Editions_ by W. W. Greg (1913, _M. S. R._) and J. S. Farmer (_S. F.
T._), and in collections of Peele.
Subtle Shift ‘the vice’, Providence, and Rumour are among the
characters.
Dyce ascribed the play to George Peele on the strength of a manuscript
note ‘in a very old hand’ on a copy of the 1599 edition. Bullen thinks
it of earlier date than Peele. Greg agrees, regarding it as about
contemporary with _Common Conditions_. L. Kellner, in _Englische
Studien_, xiii. 187, compares the language and style at great length
with Peele’s and concludes against his authorship, unless indeed he
wrote it in a spirit of parody. His arguments are challenged by R.
Fischer in _Englische Studien_, xiv. 344. Fleay, 70, assigned it, with
_Common Conditions_, to R. Wilson. Later (ii. 295), he substituted
R[ichard] B[ower]. He noted a parallel to Thomas Preston’s _Cambyses_,
and suggested as a date 1570 or 1578, the years, according to him,
of the original production and of a revival of _Cambyses_. G. L.
Kittredge, in _Journal of Germanic Philology_, ii. 8, suggests that
Preston himself was the author of _Sir Clyomon and Clamydes_. If the
‘her Maiesties Players’ of the title-page means the later company of
that name, the play, if not written, must have been revived 1583–94.
Fleay, ii. 296, further identifies it with _The Four Kings_ licensed
for Henslowe (i. 103) in March 1599; but an old Queen’s play would not
have needed a licence. An Anglo-German repertory of 1626 includes a
‘Tragikomödie vom König in Dänemark und König in Schweden’ (Herz, 66,
72).
_Common Conditions > 1576_
_S. R._ 1576, July 26. ‘A newe and pleasant comedie or plaie after the
maner of common condycons.’ _John Hunter_ (Arber, ii. 301). [Clearly
‘maner’ is a misreading of the ‘name’ of the t.p.]
Q_{1}, N.D. An excellent and pleasant Comedie, termed after the name of
the Vice, Common Condicions, drawne out of the most famous historie of
Galiarbus Duke of Arabia, and of the good and eeuill successe of him
and his two children, Sedmond his sun, and Clarisia his daughter: Set
foorth with delectable mirth, and pleasant shewes. _William How for
John Hunter._ [T.p. adds ‘The Players names’ and ‘Six may play this
Comedie’; Prologue.]
Q_{2}. Fragment, without t.p. or date, under r.t. ‘A pleasant Comedie
called Common Conditions’.
_Editions_ in Brandl, 597 (1898), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, _Five
Anonymous Plays_) from Q_{2}, and by Tucker Brooke (1915, _Yale
Elizabethan Club Reprints_, i) from Q_{1}.
The prologue refers to the audience ‘that sit in place’ and the
‘actours’ that ‘redy stand’. Fleay, ii. 296, suggests the authorship of
Richard Bower, on grounds of style.
_The Contention of York and Lancaster > 1592_
_S. R._ 1594, March 12. ‘A booke intituled, the firste parte of the
Contention of the twoo famous houses of York and Lancaster with the
deathe of the good Duke Humfrey and the banishement and Deathe of
the Duke of Suffolk and the tragicall ende of the prowd Cardinall of
Winchester, with the notable rebellion of Jack Cade and the Duke of
Yorkes ffirste clayme vnto the Crowne. _Thomas Millington_ (Arber, ii.
646). [Part i.]
1602, April 19. Transfer from T. Millington to T. Pavier, ‘The first
and Second parte of Henry the Vj^t, ij bookes’ (Arber, iii. 204).
[Parts i and ii.]
1594. The First Part of the Contention betwixt the two famous Houses of
Yorke and Lancaster, with the death of the good Duke Humphrey: And the
banishment and death of the Duke of Suffolke, and the Tragicall end of
the proud Cardinall of Winchester, with the notable Rebellion of Iacke
Cade: And the Duke of Yorkes first claime vnto the Crowne. _Thomas
Creede for Thomas Millington._ [Part i.]
1595. The true Tragedie of Richard Duke of Yorke, and the death of
good King Henrie the Sixt, with the whole contention betweene the two
Houses Lancaster and Yorke, as it was sundrie times acted by the Right
Honourable the Earle of Pembrooke his seruants. _P. S. for Thomas
Millington._ [Part ii.]
1600. _Valentine Simmes for Thomas Millington._ [Part i.]
1600. _W. W. for Thomas Millington._ [Part ii.]
[1619] N.D. The Whole Contention betweene the two Famous Houses,
Lancaster and Yorke. With the Tragicall ends of the good Duke
Humfrey, Richard Duke of Yorke, and King Henrie the sixt. Diuided
into two Parts: And newly corrected and enlarged. Written by William
Shakespeare, Gent. _For T. P._ [Parts i and ii, printed continuously
with _Pericles_, 1619 (q.v.).]
_Editions_ by J. O. Halliwell (1843, _Sh. Soc._), Wright and Clark
(1863–6, 1893, _Cambridge Shakespeare_), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, _Sh.
Libr._ v, vi), F. J. Furnivall and T. Tyler (1886, 1889, 1891, _Sh.
Q_), and J. S. Farmer (_S. F. T._).--_Dissertations_: E. Malone, _On
the Three Parts of Hen. 6_ (1821, _Variorum_, xviii. 553); R. Grant
White, _On the Authorship of Hen. 6_ (_Works of Sh._ 1859–65, vii); J.
Lee, _On the Authorship of 2, 3 Hen. vi and their Originals_ (_N. S. S.
Trans._ 1875–6, 219); C. F. T. Brooke, _The Authorship of 2, 3 Hen. 6_
(1912, _Trans. of Connecticut Academy_, xvii. 141).
The various claims of Marlowe, Kyd, Greene, Peele, Lodge, and
Shakespeare himself to the _Contention_ can only be discussed in
relation to Shakespeare’s revision of them as _2, 3 Henry VI_, which
probably belongs approximately to the date of _1 Henry vi_, produced by
Strange’s on 3 March 1592.
_Thomas Lord Cromwell > 1602_
_S. R._ 1602, Aug. 11 (Jackson). ‘A booke called the lyfe and Deathe of
the Lord Cromwell, as yt was lately Acted by the Lord Chamberleyn his
servantes.’ _William Cotton_ (Arber, iii. 214).
1602. The True Chronicle Historie of the whole life and death of Thomas
Lord Cromwell. As it hath beene sundrie times publikely Acted by the
Right Honorable the Lord Chamberlaine his Seruants. Written by W. S.
_For William Jones._
_S. R._ 1611, Dec. 16. Transfer from William Jones to John Browne
of a ‘booke called the lyfe and death of the Lord Cromwell, by W: S.’
(Arber, iii. 474).
1613.... As it hath been sundry times publikely Acted by the Kings
Maiesties Seruants. Written by W. S. _Thomas Snodham._
1664; 1685. [Parts of F_{3} and F_{4} of Shakespeare.]
_Editions_ printed by R. Walker (1734) and by T. E. Jacob (1889,
_Old English Dramas_), J. S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._), and in _Sh.
Apocrypha._--_Dissertation_: W. Streit, _The L. and D. of T. L. C._
(1904, Jena diss.).
The W. S. of the title-page was interpreted as William Shakespeare in
Archer’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, _Masques_, lx). No modern critic
accepts the attribution, except Hopkinson, who thinks that the original
author was Greene, and that Shakespeare revised his work. Heywood was
suggested by R. Farmer, and Drayton by Fleay, _Shakespeare_, 298;
_B.C._ i. 152, 160. The guesses at Wentworth Smith and William Sly
rest merely on their initials.
_King Darius > 1565_
_S. R._ 1565–6. ‘A playe intituled of the story of kyng Daryous beyinge
taken oute of the iij^{de} and iiij^{th} chapeter of the iij^{de} boke
of Esdras &c.’. _Thomas Colwell_ (Arber, i. 298).
1565, October. A Pretie new Enterlude both pithie & pleasaunt of the
Story of Kyng Daryus, Beinge taken out of the third and fourth Chapter
of the thyrd booke of Esdras. _Colwell._ [On t.p. ‘Syxe persons
may easely play it’.]
1577. _Hugh Jackson._ [B.M. C. 34, i. 21, from Irish sale of 1906.]
_Editions_ by J. O. Halliwell (1860), A. Brandl (1898), 359, J. S.
Farmer (1907, 1909, _T. F. T._).
The characters, other than Darius and Zorobabell, are mainly abstract,
and include Iniquitie, ‘the Vyce’. There is a Prolocutor.
_The Dead Mans Fortune > 1591_
[_MS._] _Add. MS._ 10449. ‘The plotte of the deade mans fortune.’
[Probably from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Steevens, _Variorum_ (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
_Variorum_ (1821), iii. 356; Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 133; and a
facsimile by Halliwell, _The Theatre Plats of Three Old English Dramas_
(1860).
The names of actors who took part in the play point to a performance by
the Admiral’s, about 1590–1 (cf. ch. xiii).
_The Reign of King Edward the Third > 1595_
_S. R._ 1595, Dec. 1. ‘A book Intitled Edward the Third and the Blacke
Prince their warres with kinge John of Fraunce.’ _Burby_ (Arber, iii.
55).
1596. The Raigne of King Edward the third: As it hath bin sundrie times
plaied about the Citie of London. _For Cuthbert Burby._
1599. _Simon Stafford for Cuthbert Burby._
_Editions_ with Shakespeare _Apocrypha_, and by E. Capel (1759–60,
_Prolusiones_), F. J. Furnivall (1877, _Leopold Sh._), J. P. Collier
(1878, _Shakespeare_), G. C. Moore Smith (1897, _T. D._), J. S.
Farmer (1910, _T. F. T._).--_Dissertations_: H. von Friesen, _Ed.
iii, angeblich ein Stück von Sh._ (1867, _Jahrbuch_, ii. 64); J. P.
Collier, _K. Edw. III, a Historical Play by W. Sh._ (1874); A. Teetgen,
_Sh’s. K. Edw. iii, absurdly called, and scandalously treated, as a
‘Doubtful Play’: an Indignation Pamphlet_ (1875); A. C. Swinburne, _On
the Historical Play of K. Edw. iii_ (1879, _Gent. Mag._, 1880, &c.,
_Study of Sh._); G. von Vincke, _K. Edw. iii, ein Bühnenstück?_ (1879,
_Jahrbuch_, xiv. 304); E. Phipson, _Ed. iii_ (1889, _N. S. S. Trans._
58*); G. Liebau, _K. Ed. iii von England und die Gräfin von Salisbury_
(1900, 1901), _K. Ed. iii von England im Lichte europäischer Poesie_
(1901); R. M. Smith, _Edw. III_ (1911, _J. G. P._ x. 90).
The authorship was first ascribed to Shakespeare (with that of _Edw.
IV_ and _Edw. II_!) in Rogers and Ley’s play-list of 1656 (Greg,
_Masques_, lxiv). The theory was advocated by Capell, and has received
much support, largely owing to the assent of Tennyson, against whose
authority, however, may be set that of Swinburne. In its latest and not
altogether unplausible form, Shakespeare is regarded as the author, not
of the whole play, but of i. 2 and ii, which deal with the episode of
the wooing of Lady Salisbury by the king, and are possibly, although
by no means certainly, due to another hand than that of the chronicle
narrative, to which they are only slightly linked. The style of these
scenes is not demonstrably un-Shakespearian, and they, and in less
degree the play as a whole, contain many parallels with _Hen. V_ and
other works of the ‘nineties, of which the repetition in II. i. 451 and
in Sonnet XCIV of the line
Lilies that fester smell far worse than weeds
is the most striking. The controversy cannot be dealt with in detail
here. Shakespeare’s contribution, if any, may with most probability
be assigned to the winter of 1594–5; but it does not follow that
the original play may not have been of earlier date. No importance
is to be attached to the argument of Fleay (ii. 62; _Shakespeare_,
282) that the use of the phrase ‘Ave, Caesar’ in I. i. 164 caused
its use in Greene’s _Francesco’s Fortunes_ of 1590 (cf. App. C, no.
xliii), but it is noteworthy that a play on the subject was produced,
apparently under Anglo-German influence, at Danzig in 1591 (Herz, 5).
Of non-Shakespearian authors, for the whole or a part of the play as
extant, Marlowe is preferred by Fleay, Greene by Liebau and Robertson,
and Kyd by Sarrazin.
_Edward the Fourth > 1599_
_S. R._ 1599, Aug. 28. ‘Twoo playes beinge the ffirst and Second parte
of Edward the iiij^{th} and the Tanner of Tamworth With the history of
the life and deathe of master Shore and Jane Shore his Wyfe as yt was
lately acted by the Right honorable the Erle of Derbye his seruantes.’
_John Oxonbridge and John Burby_ (Arber, iii. 147).
1600, Feb. 23. Transfer of Busby’s interest to Humphrey Lownes (Arber,
iii. 156).
1600. The First and Second Parts of King Edward the Fourth. Containing
His mery pastime with the Tanner of Tamworth, as also his loue to faire
mistrisse Shoare, her great promotion, fall and miserie and lastly the
lamentable death of both her and her husband. Likewise the besieging
of London, by the Bastard Falconbridge, and the valiant defence of
the same by the Lord Maior and the Citizens. As it hath diuers times
beene publikely played by the Right Honorable the Earle of Derbie his
seruants. _F. K. for Humfrey Lownes and John Oxenbridge._
1605; 1613; 1619; 1626.
_Edition_ by B. Field (1842, _Sh. Soc._).--_Dissertation_: A. Sander,
_T. Heywood’s Historien von König Edward iv und ihre Quellen_ (1907,
Jena diss.).
Sander and others date the play 1594, by an identification with the
anonymous _Siege of London_ revived by the Admiral’s on 26 Dec. 1594.
Greg (Henslowe, ii. 173) more cautiously says that the play of 1594
‘may underlie’ certain scenes of _1 Edward iv_. He regards _Edward
iv_, ‘on internal evidence, as unquestionably Heywood’s’. This is the
usual view, but Fleay, ii. 288, had doubted it. There is no external
evidence for Heywood’s authorship, or for any connexion between him and
Derby’s men. Moreover, in May 1603, he authorized Henslowe, on behalf
of Worcester’s, to pay Chettle and Day for ‘the Booke of Shoare, now
newly to be written’, also described as ‘a playe wherein Shores wiffe
is writen’. If this was a revision of his own play, he would hardly
have left it to others. It is fair to add that in the previous January
he had himself received payment with Chettle for an unnamed play,
which might be the same (Henslowe, ii. 234). The ‘three-mans song’ on
Agincourt in iii. 2 of Part I closely resembles Drayton’s _Ballad of
Agincourt_ (ed. Brett, 81), and must, I think, be his. _Jane Shore_ is
mentioned as a play visited by citizens in _The Knight of the Burning
Pestle_ (1607), ind. 57, and ‘the well-frequented play of Shore’ in
_Pimlyco or Runne Redcap_ (1609). A play, apparently on the same
subject, was performed by English actors at Graz on 19 Nov. 1607 (Herz,
98).
_Every Woman in Her Humour. 1607–8?_
1609. Everie Woman in her Humor. _E. A. for Thomas Archer._ [Prologue.]
_Editions_ by A. H. Bullen (1885, _O. E. P._ iv) and J. S. Farmer
(1913, _S. F. T._).--_Dissertation_: J. Q. Adams, _E. W. I. and The
Dumb Knight_ (1913, _M. P._ x. 413).
Fleay, ii. 321, suggests a date _c._ 1602 on the ground of apparent
reference to the _Poetomachia_. But this is not conclusive, and Adams
points to the use of a song (p. 335) from Bateson’s _Madrigals_ (1604).
He thinks that Lewis Machin was the author, as the style resembles
that of the comic part of _The Dumb Knight_ (vide s. Markham), and two
passages are substantially reproduced in the latter. If so, this also
may be a King’s Revels play. Allusions on p. 270 to the ‘babones’ (cf.
s.v. _Sir Giles Goosecap_) and on p. 316 to the Family of Love (cf.
s.v. Middleton) are consistent with a date of 1603–8.
_Fair Em c. 1590_
N.D. _For T. N. and I. W._
[In Bodleian. Greg says that this is ‘considerably earlier’ than
1631. The t.p. is as in 1631. Chetwood mentions three early editions,
including one undated and one of 1619. This is not now known.]
1631. A Pleasant Comedie of Faire Em, the Millers Daughter of
Manchester. With the loue of William the Conqueror. As it was sundry
times publiquely acted in the Honourable Citie of London, by the right
Honourable the Lord Strange his Seruants. _For John Wright._
_Editions_ by R. Simpson (1878, _S. of S._ ii), J. S. Farmer (1911,
_T. F. T._), and in collections of _Sh. Apocrypha._--_Dissertations_:
R. Simpson, _Some Plays Attributed to Sh._ (1875–6, _N. S. S. Trans._
155); K. Elze, _Nachträgliche Bemerkungen zu Mucedorus und F. E._
(1880, _Jahrbuch_, xv. 339); P. Lohr, _Le Printemps d’Yver und die
Quelle zu F. E._ (1912).
The play has a double plot. One theme is the contest of William the
Conqueror and the Marquess Lubeck for the loves of Princess Blanch of
Denmark and of Mariana, a Swedish captive; the other is the contest
of Manvile, Mountney and Valingford for Em, daughter of the Miller of
Manchester. A ‘ballad intituled The Miller’s daughter of Manchester’
was entered on the Stationers’ Register by Henry Carr on 2 March 1581
(Arber, ii. 390). _Fair Em_ has been included in the Shakespeare
_Apocrypha_ on the strength of a volume formerly in the collection
of Charles II, and then in that of Garrick, in which it was bound
up with _Mucedorus_ and _The Merry Devil of Edmonton_ and lettered
‘Shakespeare, vol. i’. On the other hand, Edward Phillips, in his
_Theatrum Poetarum_ (1675), assigned it to Greene. Clearly Greene is
not the author, although there are certain resemblances of situation
between the play and _Friar Bacon_; for he satirizes it in the preface
to _Farewell to Folly_ (_Works_, ix. 232), quoting one or two of its
expressions and blaming them as borrowed out of Scripture. Of the
author he says, ‘He that cannot write true English without the help
of clerks of parish churches will needs make himself the father of
interludes’, and, ‘The sexton of St. Giles without Cripplegate would
have been ashamed of such blasphemous rhetoric’. _Farewell to Folly_
seems to have appeared in 1591 (cf. s.v. Greene), and _Fair Em_ may
perhaps therefore be dated between this pamphlet and _Friar Bacon_
(_c._ 1589). Simpson adopts the theory, which hardly deserves serious
discussion, of Shakespeare’s authorship. He finds numerous (but
impossible) attacks by Greene upon Shakespeare from the _Planetomachia_
(1585) onwards, and thinks that Shakespeare retorted in _Fair Em_,
satirizing Greene as Manvile and Marlowe as Mountney, and depicting
himself as Valingford. ‘Fair Em’ herself is the Manchester stage.
In the story of William the Conqueror he finds an allusion to the
travels of William Kempe and other actors in Denmark and Saxony. Fleay,
_Shakespeare Manual_ (1878), 281, adopts much of this fantasy, but
turns ‘Fair Em’ into the Queen’s company and Valingford into Peele.
In 1891 (ii. 282) he makes ‘Fair Em’ Strange’s company. His minor
identifications, whether of 1878 or of 1891, may be disregarded. More
plausible is his suggestion that the author of the play may be Robert
Wilson (q.v.), which would explain the attack upon Greene (q.v.) for
his _Farewell to Folly_ in R. W.’s _Martin Mar-sixtus_ (1591). The
suggestion that the play was the _Sir John Mandeville_ revived by
Strange’s for Henslowe in 1592 rests on a confusion between Mandeville
and Manvile, but it may have been the _William the Conqueror_ similarly
revived by Sussex’s on 4 Jan. 1594 (Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 151, 158).
_The Fair Maid of Bristow > 1604_
_S. R._ 1605, Feb. 8. ‘A commedy called “the fayre Mayd of Bristoe”
played at Hampton Court by his Maiesties players.’ _Thomas Pavier_
(Arber, iii. 283).
1605. The Faire Maide of Bristow. As it was plaide at Hampton, before
the King and Queenes most excellent Maiesties. _For Thomas Pavier._
_Editions_ by A. H. Quinn (1902, _Pennsylvania Univ. Publ._) and J. S.
Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._).
The court performance must have been during the Christmas of 1603–4,
which was at Hampton Court. Bullen, _Works of Day_, 10, rejects the
theory of Collier that this was Day’s _Bristol Tragedy_, written for
the Admiral’s in May 1602, on the grounds that it is not a tragedy and
does not resemble the known work of Day. Moreover, the King’s men are
not likely to have acquired an Admiral’s play.
_The Fair Maid of the Exchange c. 1602_
_S. R._ 1607, April 24 (Buck). ‘A booke called the faire Mayde of the
Exchaunge.’ _Henry Rocket_ (Arber, iii. 347).
1607. The Fayre Mayde of the Exchange. With the pleasaunt Humours of
the Cripple of Fanchurch. Very delectable, and full of mirth. _For
Henry Rockit._ [Dramatis Personae headed ‘Eleauen may easily acte this
Comedie’, and Prologue.]
1525. _I. L._
1637. _A. G._
_Edition_ by B. Field (1845, _Sh. Soc._).--_Dissertations_: L. A.
Hibberd, _The Authorship and Date of the Fair Maid of the Exchange_
(_M. P._ vii. 383); P. Aronstein, _Die Verfasserschaft des Dramas The
Fair Maid of the Exchange_ (1912, _E. S._ xlv. 45).
Heywood’s authorship was asserted by Kirkman in 1671 (Greg, _Masques_,
lxvii), denied by Langbaine in 1687, accepted by Charles Lamb and
out of respect to him by Ward, ii. 572, and is still matter of
dispute. Fleay, ii. 329, assigned it to Machin on quite inadequate
grounds. Hibberd argues the case for Heywood, and Aronstein attempts
a compromise by giving ii. I, iv. I, and V to Heywood and the rest to
some young academic student of Shakespeare and Jonson. The imitations
of these point to a date _c._ 1602. I do not offer an opinion.
_Fedele and Fortunio or Two Italian Gentlemen c. 1584_
_S. R._ 1584, Nov. 12. ‘A booke entituled Fedele et Fortuna. The
deceiptes in love Discoursed in a Commedie of ij Italyan gent and
translated into Englishe.’ _Thomas Hackett_ (Arber, ii. 437).
1585. Fedele and Fortunio. The deceites in Loue: excellently discoursed
in a very pleasaunt and fine conceited Comoedie, of two Italian
Gentlemen. Translated out of Italian, and set downe according as it
hath beene presented before the Queenes moste excellent Maiestie.
_For Thomas Hacket._
[In the Mostyn sale (1919). Epistle ‘To the Woorshipfull, and very
courteous Gentleman, Maister M. R. M.A. commendeth this pleasaunt and
fine conceited comœdie’, signed M.A.; Prologue before the Queene;
Epilogue at the Court, signed M.A. The compiler of the Mostyn sale
catalogue says that this differs from the imperfect print in the
Chatsworth collection, containing sheets B to G only, without t.p.,
epistle, prologue, or epilogue, which is the basis of the modern
editions. Both have the running title, ‘A pleasant Comœdie of two
Italian Gentlemen’. Collier, iii. 60, had seen a copy with the epistle
as found in the Mostyn print, but addressed to John Heardson and signed
A.M. This has been recently found in the Huntington collection.
_Editions_ by P. Simpson (1909, _M. S. R._) and F. Flügge (1909,
_Archiv_, cxxiii, 45), and extracts by _Halliwell_ (1852, _Literature
of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, 15).--_Dissertations_: W.
W. Greg, _Notes on Publications_ (1909, _M. S. C._ i. 218); F. Flügge,
_Fidele und Fortunio_ (1912, Breslau diss.).
The epistle says ‘I commende to your freendly viewe this prettie
Conceit, as well for the inuention, as the delicate conueiance thereof:
not doubting but you will so esteeme thereof, as it dooth very well
deserue, and I hartely desire’. This praise of the ‘conueiance’ (which
I take to mean either ‘style’ or possibly ‘translation’) does not
suggest that M. A. (or A. M.) was the translator. It is true that ll.
224–41 appear in _England’s Helicon_ (1600) signed ‘Shep. Tonie’, and
that this signature is often taken to indicate Munday. On the other
hand, two lines of this passage also appear in _England’s Parnassus_
(1600, ed. Crawford, 306) over the initials S. G., which suggest
Gosson. Another passage in _E. P._ (231) combines ll. 661–2 and 655–6
of the play over the signature G. Chapman. This has led Crawford (_E.
S._ xliii. 203), with some support from Greg, to suggest Chapman’s
authorship. I do not think the suggestion very convincing, in view
of the inconsistency and general unreliability of _E. P._ and the
fact that Chapman’s first clear appearance as a writer is ten years
later, in 1594. The evidence is quite indecisive, but of Munday,
Chapman, Gosson, I incline to think Gosson the most likely candidate.
On the other hand, if M. R. is Matthew Roydon, he was the dedicatee
of poems by Chapman in 1594 and 1595. For M. A. I hardly dare guess
Matthew Arundel. In any case, the play is only a translation from L.
Pasqualigo’s _Il Fedele_ (1576).
_2 Fortune’s Tennis c. 1602_
[_MS._] _Add. MS._ 10449. ‘The [plott of the sec]ond part of fortun[s
Tenn]is.’ [A fragment, probably from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 143. The actors named
show that it belonged to the Admiral’s, and Greg suggests that it may
be Dekker’s ‘fortewn tenes’ of Sept. 1600. Is it not more likely to
have been a sequel to that, possibly Munday’s _Set at Tennis_ of Dec.
1602?
_Frederick and Basilea. 1597_
[_MS._] _Add. MS._ 10449. ‘The plott of Frederick & Basilea.’ [Probably
from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Steevens, _Variorum_ (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
_Variorum_ (1821), iii. 356; Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 135; and a
facsimile by Halliwell, _The Theatre Plats of Three Old English Dramas_
(1860).
The play was produced by the Admiral’s on 3 June 1597, and the actors
named represent that company at that date (cf. ch. xiii).
_George a Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield > 1593_
_S. R._ 1595, April 1. ‘An Enterlude called the Pynder of Wakefeilde.’
_Cuthbert Burby_ (Arber, ii. 295).
1599. A Pleasant Conceyted Comedie of George a Greene, the Pinner
of Wakefield. As it was sundry times acted by the seruants of the
right Honourable the Earle of Sussex. _Simon Stafford for Cuthbert
Burby._
_Editions_ in Dodsley^{1–3} (1744–1825), by W. Scott (1810, _A. B. D._
i), F. W. Clarke (1911, _M. S. R._), and J. S. Farmer (_S. F. T._), and
in collections of Greene.--_Dissertation_: O. Mertins, _Robert Greene
and the Play of G. a G._ (1885, Breslau diss.).
Sussex’s men revived the play for Henslowe on 29 Dec. 1593 (Greg,
_Henslowe_, ii. 158). The Chatsworth copy has on the title-page the
following notes in two early seventeenth-century hands: ‘Written by
... a minister, who ac[ted] the piñers p̄t in it himself. Teste W.
Shakespea[re]’, and ‘Ed Iuby saith that the play was made by Ro.
Gree[ne]’. These, though first produced by Collier, appear (_M. S.
C._ i. 288) to be genuine. Greene’s authorship has been very commonly
accepted. Fleay, i. 264, ii. 51, supposed first Greene and Peele, then
added Lodge, but, although the text has been abridged, there is no
evidence of double authorship. Oliphant’s suggestion (_M. P._ viii.
433) of revision by Heywood only rests on the inclusion of the play
next his in the Cockpit list of 1639 (_Variorum_, iii. 159). R. B.
McKerrow thinks (_M. S. C._ i. 289) that the ‘by Ro. Greene’ of the
note may mean ‘about Ro. Greene’ as a leading incident is apparently
based on an episode of Greene’s life. An allusion in I. i. 42 to
_Tamburlaine_ gives an anterior limit of date.
_Sir Giles Goosecap. 1601 < > 3_
_S. R._ 1606, Jan. 10. (Wilson). ‘An Comedie called Sir Gyles Goosecap
Provided that yt be printed accordinge to the Copie wherevnto master
Wilson’s hand ys at.’ _Edward Blount_ (Arber, iii. 309).
1606. Sir Gyles Goosecappe. Knight. A Comedie presented by the Chil: of
the Chappell. _John Windet for Edward Blount._
1636....A Comedy lately Acted with great applause at the private House
in Salisbury Court. _For Hugh Perry, sold by Roger Bell._ [Epistle
to Richard Young of Woolley Farm, Berks. Signed ‘Hugh Perry’.]
_Editions_ by A. H. Bullen (1884, _O. E. P._ iii), W. Bang and R.
Brotanek (1909, _Materialien_, xxvi), J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._),
and T. M. Parrott (1914, _Chapman_, ii).--_Dissertations_: G. L.
Kittredge, _Notes on Elizabethan Plays_ (1898, _J. G. P._ ii. 10); T.
M. Parrott, _The Authorship of S. G. G._ (1906, _M. P._ iv. 25).
Bullen thought the author, who is stated in Perry’s epistle to be dead
in 1636, might be some imitator of Chapman. Fleay, ii. 322, suggests
Chapman himself. This view receives elaborate support from Parrott,
and appears very plausible. As ‘your greatest gallants, for men, in
France were here lately’ (III. i. 47) the date is after the visit of
Biron in Sept. 1601 and possibly after that of Nevers in April 1602. It
cannot be later than the beginning of 1603, as ‘She is the best scholar
of any woman, but one, in Europe’ (I. i. 140) points to Elizabeth’s
lifetime. Moreover, Dekker, in his _Wonderful Year_ of 1603 (Grosart,
i. 116), has ‘Galen could do no more good, than Sir Giles Goosecap’,
and though ‘goosecap’ is a known term for a booby, e.g. in Nashe’s
_Four Letters Confuted_ of 1592 (_Works_, i. 281), the play seems to
be responsible for the ‘Sir Giles’. The phrase ‘comparisons odorous’
in IV. ii. 64 echoes _Much Ado_, III. v. 18. The later part of the
period 1601–3 would perhaps best fit the allusions to the Family of
Love (II. i. 263), as to which cf. s.v. Middleton’s play of that name,
and to the baboons (I. i. 11), the memory of which is still alive in
_Volpone_ (1606) and _Ram Alley_ (1607–8). Probably these had already
amused London before 1605, as on Oct. 5 of that year the Norwich
records (Murray, ii. 338) note that ‘This day John Watson ironmonger
brought the Kyngs maiesties warrant graunted to Roger Lawrence & the
deputacion to the seid Watson to shewe two beasts called Babonnes’. So,
too, Kelly, 247, has a Leicester payment of 1606 ‘to the M^r of the
Babons, lycensed to travell by the Kings warrant’. There is a story
of a country fellow who wanted to go to a market town ‘to haue seene
the Baboones’ as late as J. Taylor’s _Wit and Mirth_ in 1629 (Hazlitt,
_Jest Books_, iii. 43). Fleay’s identifications of Chapman himself with
Clarence and Drayton with Goosecap hardly deserve consideration.
_Grim the Collier of Croydon. 1600_
[Alleged prints of 1599 (Chetwood), 1600 (Ward, i. 263), and 1606
(Jacob) probably rest on no authority.]
1662. Grim the Collier of Croyden; Or, The Devil and his Dame: With
The Devil and Saint Dunston. [Part of Gratiae Theatrales, or, A choice
Ternary of English plays. Composed upon especial occasions by several
ingenious persons; viz.... Grim the Collier ... a Comedy, by I. T.
Never before published: but now printed at the request of sundry
ingenious friends. R. D. 1662, 12^{mo}.]
_Editions_ by W. Scott (1810, _A. B. D._ iii), in Dodsley^4, viii
(1876), and by J. S. Farmer (_S. F. T._).--_Dissertation_: H. D. Sykes,
_The Authorship of G. the C. of C._ (1919, _M. L. R._ xiv. 245).
Of I. T. nothing is known. Greg (_Henslowe_, ii. 213) regards the play
as clearly of the sixteenth century on internal evidence, and points
out that Henslowe, on behalf of the Admiral’s, paid Haughton 5s. on 6
May 1600, ‘in earneste of a boocke which he wold calle the devell & his
dame’. The entry was subsequently cancelled, and presumably Haughton
transferred the play to another company. Sykes calls attention to
analogies with _Englishmen for my Money_, which confirm the probability
of Haughton’s authorship. It is only the ascription of 1662 to I. T.
which causes hesitation. Farmer (_Hand List_, 19) suggests that this
was John Tatham. Grim and the Devil both appear in the _Like Will to
Like_ of Ulpian Fulwell (q.v.), but I do not understand what kind of
indirect connexion Greg thinks may have existed between Haughton’s play
and a possible revival of Fulwell’s by Pembroke’s men in Oct. 1600.
_The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth > 1588_
_S. R._ 1594, May 14. ‘A booke intituled, The famous victories of
Henrye the Fyft, conteyninge the honorable battell of Agincourt.’
_Thomas Creede_ (Arber, ii. 648).
1598. The Famous Victories of Henry the fifth: Containing the
Honourable Battell of Agincourt: As it was plaide by the Queenes
Maiesties Players. _Thomas Creede._
1617.... as it was Acted by the Kinges Maiesties Seruants. _Bernard
Alsop._ [Another issue of the same sheets.]
_Editions_ by J. Nichols (1779, _Six Old Plays_, ii. 317), W. C.
Hazlitt (1875, _Shakespeare’s Library_, v. 321), P. A. Daniel (1887,
_Sh. Q._), and J. S. Farmer (_S. F. T._).
In _Tarlton’s Jests_ (ed. Halliwell for _Sh. Soc._ 24) is a story of
Knell acting Henry V and Tarlton doubling the parts of the judge and
the clown, which clearly refers to this play. The performance took
place ‘at the Bull in Bishopsgate’. Tarlton died in 1588. Fleay,
67; ii. 259, suggests that Tarlton was the author. Nashe in _Pierce
Penilesse_ (1592, _Works_, i. 213) speaks of ‘_Henrie_ the fifth
represented on the stage’. This is obviously too early to be the new
play of ‘harey the V’, given thirteen times for Henslowe between 28
Nov. 1595 and 15 July 1596 by the Admiral’s, in whose inventories
of March 1598 Harry the Fifth’s doublet and gown appear. An earlier
Henslowe entry on 14 May 1592, sometimes quoted as ‘harey the v^{th}’
by Collier, is really ‘harey the 6’ (Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 152, 177;
_Henslowe Papers_, 121). Sykes thinks the author S. Rowley (q.v.).
_Histriomastix. 1589 (?), 1599_
_S. R._ 1610, Oct. 31 (Buck). ‘A booke called, Histriomastix or the
player whipte.’ _Thomas Thorpe_ (Arber, iii. 447).
1610. Histrio-Mastix. Or, the Player whipt. _For Thomas Thorp._
_Editions_ by R. Simpson (1878, _S. of S._ ii. 1) and J. S. Farmer
(1912, _T. F. T._).--_Dissertation_: F. Hoppe, _Histriomastix-Studien_
(1906, Breslau diss.).
Fleay, ii. 69, gives the whole play to Marston, but the sounder view
of Simpson that Marston, whose style in places is unmistakable, was
only the reviser of an earlier play, is revived in the elaborate and
mainly satisfactory study of Small, 67. The passages assigned by Small
to Marston are ii. 63–9, 128–9, 247–79; iii. 179–v. 191; v. 234; vi.
259–95. I should be inclined to add v. 244–67, but to omit ii. 128–9;
iii. 218–64; iv. 159–201; v. 61–102; v. 147–180; vi. 259–95, which may
just as well belong to the original play. No doubt vi. 259–95 is an
addition, constituting an alternative ending for a court performance
before Elizabeth; but this may just as well have been a contemporary
as a Marstonian addition, and in fact there is no court performance at
the end of the century available for it, while the attempt to find one
led Fleay to the impossible theory that it was given by Derby’s men.
As its whole substance is a satire on professional players, it must
have been both produced and revived by amateurs or boys; and the same
conclusion is pointed to by the enormous number of characters. The
original matter is so full of the technical learning of the schools
as to suggest an academic audience; I think it was a University or
possibly an Inns of Court, not a choirboy, play. The theme is the
cyclical progression of a state through the stages Peace, Plenty,
Pride, Envy, War, Poverty, and Peace again. It is illustrated by the
fortunes of a company of players, who wax insolent in prosperity, and
when war comes, are pressed for soldiers. Their poet Posthaste is
clearly Munday and not, as Simpson and others have vainly imagined,
Shakespeare. With him is contrasted the scholar-poet, Chrisoganus, a
philosopher with whom the players will have nothing to do. He seems to
belong to the order of ideas connected with the scientific school of
Thomas Harriott. Small thinks that the date was 1596, when there was
scarcity of food, a persecution of players, and a pressing of men for
service against Spain; and that the author might be Chapman. Certainly
Chapman was an early admirer of Harriott. But I disagree as to the
date. The style seems to me to be that of Peele or some imitator,
the attitude to the players an academic reflection of the attacks of
Greene, and the political atmosphere that of the years following the
Armada, when the relief of peace was certainly not unbroken by fears of
renewed Spanish attempts. Impressment was not a device of 1596 alone.
The only notice of it known to me in which players are known to have
especially suffered is in an undated letter of Philip Gawdy, assigned
by his editor to 1602 (Gawdy, 121), ‘All the playe howses wer besett
in one daye and very many pressed from thence, so that in all ther
ar pressed ffowre thowsand besydes fyve hundred voluntaryes, and all
for flaunders’. This is too late for the _proto-Histriomastix_, and
probably also for the revival, but men were being pressed for foreign
service as early as 1585, and again in 1588 and possibly in 1589 and
1591 (Cheyney, i. 158, 197, 219, 255; _Procl._ 805, 809). As to the
revival, Small puts it definitely in August 1599, when a scare of a
Spanish invasion, which had lasted for a month, came to a crisis in
London on Aug. 7 (Stowe, _Annales_, 788; Chamberlain, 59; _Sydney
Papers_, ii. 113; _Hist. MSS._ xv, app. v, 66), and he thinks that the
words ‘The Spaniards are come!’ (v. 234) are an insertion of this date.
They are not ‘extra-metrical’, as Fleay says, for the passage is not
in metre. There had, however, been earlier scares, e.g. in Oct. 1595
(_Sydney Papers_, i. 355; cf. Arber, iii. 55, 56) and in Oct. 1597
(_Edmondes Papers_, 303). The date of 1599 would agree well enough with
the career of Marston, and with that of the Paul’s boys, to whom the
revival was probably due, although I do not agree with Small that it
was their court play of 1 Jan. 1601, because I see no evidence that the
court ending belongs to the revision. I take it that _Histriomastix_
was one of the ‘musty fopperies of antiquity’ with which we learn
from _Jack Drum’s Entertainment_, v. 112, that the Paul’s boys began.
The revision leaves Posthaste untouched, save for the characteristic
Marstonian sneer of ‘goosequillian’ (iii. 187). Munday of course was
still good sport in 1599. But Chrisoganus is turned from a scientific
into a ‘translating’ scholar (ii. 63). I agree with Small that
Marston has given him Jonsonian traits, and that he intended to be
complimentary rather than the reverse. I do not know that it is
necessary to suppose that Jonson misunderstood this and took offence,
for the real offence was given by _Jack Drum’s Entertainment_ in the
next year. But certainly some of the ‘fustian’ words put in the mouth
of Clove in _Every Man Out of His Humour_, III. i. 177 sqq., later in
1599 come from _Histriomastix_, and their origin is pointed by the
phrase ‘as you may read in Plato’s Histriomastix’. One of the fragments
of plays recited by the players contains the lines (ii. 269):
Come Cressida, my Cresset light,
Thy face doth shine both day and night;
Behold behold thy garter blue
Thy knight his valiant elbow wears,
That when he shakes his furious Speare
The foe in shivering fearful sort
May lay him down in death to snort.
I am not convinced with Small that this belongs to the revision, even
though it seems discontinuous with the following fragment of a Prodigal
Child play. But in any case the hit at Shakespeare, if there really
is one, remains unexplained. There is nothing else which points to
so early a date as 1599 for his _Troilus and Cressida_. I note the
following parallel from S. Rowlands, _The Letting of Humors Blood in
the Head-Veine_ (1600), Sat. iv:
Be thou the Lady Cressit-light to mee,
Sir Trollelolle I will proue to thee.
_The Honest Lawyer > 1615_
_S. R._ 1615, Aug. 14. (Taverner). ‘A play called The Honest Lawyer.’
_Richard Redmer_ (Arber, iii. 571). [Assigned by Redmer, apparently at
once, to Richard Woodriffe.]
1616. The Honest Lawyer. Acted by the Queenes Maiesties Seruants.
Written by S. S. _George Purslowe for Richard Woodroffe._
[Epilogue.]
_Edition_ by J. S. Farmer (1914, _S. F._).
A conceivable author is Samuel Sheppard (q.v.), but the absence of
extant early work by him makes a definite attribution hazardous.
_How a Man may Choose a Good Wife from a Bad c. 1602_
1602. A pleasant conceited Comedie, Wherein is shewed how a man may
chuse a good Wife from a bad. As it hath bene sundry times Acted by the
Earle of Worcesters Seruants. _For Mathew Law._
1605; 1608; 1614; 1621; 1630; 1634.
_Editions_: 1824 (for Charles Baldwin), in _O. E. D._ (1825, i) and
Dodsley^4 (1876–9, ix), and by A. E. H. Swaen (1912, _Materialien_,
xxxv) and J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._).--_Dissertations_: C. R.
Baskervill, _Sources and Analogues of H._ (1909, _M. L. A._ xxiv. 711);
J. Q. Adams, _Thomas Heywood and H._ (1912, _E. S._ xlv. 30).
The B.M. copy of 1602 (C. 34, b. 53) has the note ‘Written by Ioshua
Cooke’ in ink on the title-page. Presumably the author of _Greene’s Tu
Quoque_ (q.v.) is meant, with which Swaen, xiii, declares that the play
shows ‘absolutely no similarity or point of agreement’. Fleay, i. 289,
suggested an ascription to Heywood on the ground of parallelisms with
_The Wise Woman of Hogsdon_, and this case is elaborately and plausibly
argued by Swaen and Adams. The date must be before Worcester’s begin to
appear in Henslowe’s diary, 17 Aug. 1602. Fleay’s attempt to twist its
mentions of a certain ‘Thomas’ in the text (l. 790) into references to
Heywood himself and Thomas Blackwood, the actor, is mere childishness.
_Impatient Poverty (?)_
_S. R._ 1560, June 10. ‘ ... nyce wanton; impaciens poverte ...’ _John
King_ (Arber, i. 128).
1560. A Newe Interlude of Impacyente pouerte newlye Imprynted. _John
King._ [B.M. C. 34, i. 26, from Irish sale of 1906 (cf. _Jahrbuch_,
xliii. 310). Engraved t.p.; on tablet at foot ‘T. R.’ Thomas Petit’s
mark after colophon. The t.p. has also ‘Foure men may well and easelye
playe thys Interlude’, with an arrangement of the parts.]
N.D. An new enterlude of Impacient pouerte newly Imprynted. [In Mostyn
sale (1919). The t.p. has three woodcut figures. There is no imprint,
but as the woodcuts are also found in W. Copland’s print of _Youth_ and
as King’s copy of _Lusty Juventus_ also passed to Copland (1548–69), he
was probably the printer.]
_S. R._ 1582, Jan. 15. Transfer from Sampson Awdeley to John Charlwood
(Arber, ii. 405).
_Editions_ by J. S. Farmer (1907, _T. F. T._) and R. B. McKerrow (1911,
_Materialien_, xxxiii).
The play has come to light since the issue of _The Mediaeval Stage_,
and I therefore include it here, although it is pre-Elizabethan. The
characters are Peace, Envy, Impatient Poverty (afterwards Prosperity),
Conscience, Abundance, Misrule, ‘Collhasarde’, and a Summoner.
The drama is a moral, non-controversial, and not even necessarily
Protestant in tone. It sets out the mutability of the world and the
defects of poverty and prosperity. The scene is a ‘place’, and there
are allusions to Newgate and Tyburn. If the T. R. of the title-page
is the same whose name is at the end of _Nice Wanton_, the play is
probably not later than the reign of Edward VI; but the Summoner and
allusions to penance and courts spiritual suggest an even earlier date.
The final address to the ‘Soueraynes’ contains the following stanza:
Let vs pray al to that lorde of great magnificence
To send amonge vs peace rest and vnyte
And Jesu preserue our soueraigne Quene of preclare preeminence
With al her noble consanguynyte
And to sende them grace so the yssue to obtayne
After them to rule this most chrysten realme.
The form of the companion stanzas suggests that the two last lines
originally rhymed, and that a line has dropped out before them.
Possibly an ending originally meant for Henry VIII and Jane Seymour
has been altered with a view to making it appropriate to Elizabeth.
The play is offered with other pre-Elizabethan plays by the company in
_Sir Thomas More_, IV. i. 42, and was also in the obsolete library of
Captain Cox (_Robert Laneham’s Letter_, ed. Furnivall, 30).
_Jack Drum’s Entertainment. 1600_
_S. R._ 1600, Sept. 8. ‘A booke Called Jack Drum’s enterteynmente. A
commedy as yt bathe ben diuerse tymes Acted by the Children of Paules.’
_Felix Norton_ (Arber, iii. 172).
1600, Oct. 23. Transfer from Norton to Richard Oliff (Arber, iii. 175).
1601. Iacke Drums Entertainment: Or the Comedie of Pasquill and
Katherine. As it hath bene sundry times plaide by the Children of
Powles. _For Richard Olive._ [Introduction, i.e. Induction.]
1616.... Newly Corrected. _W. Stansby for Philip Knight._
1618.... The Actors 12 men, and 4 women. _For Nathaniel Fosbrooke._
_Editions_ by R. Simpson (1878, _S. of S._ ii. 125) and J. S. Farmer
(1912, _T. F. T._).
All critics have recognized the style as Marston’s and some of the
vocabulary is vomited in _Poetaster_; cf. Small, 93. The date is fixed
to 1600 by allusions to hopes of ‘peace with Spaine’, ‘Kemps morice’,
and ‘womens yeare’ (i. 37, 45, 166). There is little doubt that the
critical Brabant Senior is Jonson, and that the play is that in which
he told Drummond that Marston staged him. The cuckolding of Brabant
Senior is based upon a story narrated by Jonson to Drummond (Laing, 21)
as one in which he had played the active, not the passive, part. If he
had imparted the same story to Marston, he not unnaturally resented
the use made of it. The minor identifications suggested by Fleay, ii.
74, have nothing to commend them, except possibly that of Sir Edward
Fortune with Edward Alleyn, who was building the Fortune in 1600. Were
not this a Paul’s play, one might infer from the closing line,
Our _Fortune_ laughes, and all content abounds,
that it was given at the Fortune. Can the Admiral’s have shared it
with Paul’s, as the Chamberlain’s shared _Satiromastix_? In iv. 37–48
Brabant Senior criticizes three ‘moderne wits’ whom he calls ‘all apes
and guls’ and ‘vile imitating spirits’. They are Mellidus, Musus, and
Decius. I take them to be Marston, Middleton, and Dekker, all writers
for Paul’s; others take Decius for Drayton, to whom Sir John Davies
applied the name, and Musus, by a confusion with Musaeus, for Chapman
or Daniel. For v. 102–14, which bears on the history of the company,
cf. ch. xii (Paul’s).
_The Life and Death of Jack Straw > 1593_
_S. R._ 1593, Oct. 23. ‘An enterlude of the lyfe and deathe of Jack
Strawe.’ _John Danter_ (Arber, ii. 639).
1593. [Colophon, 1594]. The Life and Death of Iacke Straw, A notable
Rebell in England: Who was kild in Smithfield by the Lord Maior of
London. _John Danter, sold by William Barley._
1604. _For Thomas Pavier._
_Editions_ in Dodsley^4 (1874, v), and by H. Schütt (1901) and J. S.
Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._).
Fleay, ii. 153, Schütt, and Robertson, 121, all incline to suggest the
authorship, whole or in part, of Peele. Schütt would date _c._
1588, but the theme is that of T. Nelson’s pageant of 1590–1, for which
year a member of Walworth’s company, the Fishmongers, was Lord Mayor.
The text of the play is very short, with only four acts.
_Jacob and Esau > 1558_
_S. R._ 1557–8. ‘An enterlude vpon the history of Jacobe and Esawe out
of the xxvii chapeter of the fyrste boke of Moyses Called genyses.’
_Henry Sutton_ (Arber, i. 77).
1568. A newe mery and wittie Comedie or Enterlude, newely imprinted,
treating vpon the Historie of Iacob and Esau, taken out of the xxvij.
Chap. of the first booke of Moses, entituled Genesis. _Henrie
Bynneman._
_Editions_ in Dodsley^4 (1874, ii), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, _T. F.
T._).
The play must necessarily, from the date of the S. R. entry, be
pre-Elizabethan, and should have been included in Appendix X of _The
Mediaeval Stage_. C. C. Stopes, _Hunnis_, 265, and in _Athenaeum_ (28
April 1900), claims the authorship for Hunnis; W. Bang has suggested
Udall, which seems plausible. The parts of Mido and Abra point to
boy-actors.
_1 Jeronimo c. 1604_
1605. The First Part of Ieronimo. With the Warres of Portugall, and the
life and death of Don Andræa. _For Thomas Pavier._ [Dumbshows.]
_Editions_ by W. Scott (1810, _A. B. D._ i), in Dodsley^4 (1874, iv),
and by F. S. Boas (1901, _Works of Kyd_).--_Dissertations_: J. E.
Routh, _T. Kyd’s Rime Schemes and the Authorship of Soliman and Perseda
and 1 J._ (1905, _M. L. N._ xx. 49); A. L. Elmquist, _Zur Frage nach
dem Verfasser von 1 J._ (1909, _E. S._ xl. 309); A. Seeberger (1909,
_Archiv für Stenographie_, iv. 306); K. Wiehl, _Thomas Kyd und die
Autorschaft von ... 1 J._ (1912, _E. S._ xliv. 343); B. Neuendorff,
_Zur Datierung des 1 J._ (1914, _Jahrbuch_, l. 88).
The ascription by Fleay, ii. 27, and Sarrazin to Kyd is rejected on
stylistic grounds by R. Fischer, _Zur Kunstentwicklung der Englischen
Tragödie_, 100, with whom Boas and other writers concur. A reference
to the jubilee of 1600 (I. i. 25) points to a date at the beginning
of the seventeenth century. If so, the play cannot be that revived
by Strange’s for Henslowe in Feb. 1592 and given, sometimes under the
title of _Don Horatio_, and sometimes under that of the _Comedy of
Jeronimo_, during a run of, and several times on the night before, the
_Spanish Tragedy_ (Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 150, 154). It is, moreover,
not a comedy. It may, however, be a later version of the same theme,
motived by another revival of the _Spanish Tragedy_ by the Admiral’s
in 1601–2. If so, it was probably itself due, not to the Admiral’s,
but to the Chamberlain’s, and a piracy of their property by the Revels
boys explains the jest at ‘Ieronimo _in decimo sexto_’ in the induction
to the 1604 version of Marston’s _Malcontent_. It must be uncertain
whether _1 Jeronimo_ was the ‘Komödie vom König in Spanien und dem
Vice-Roy in Portugall’ given at Dresden in 1626 (Herz, 66, 76).
_The Troublesome Reign of King John 1587< >91_
1591. The Troublesome Raigne of Iohn King of England, with the
discouerie of King Richard Cordelions Base sonne (vulgarly named, The
Bastard Fawconbridge): also the death of King Iohn at Swinstead Abbey.
As it was (sundry times) publikely acted by the Queenes Maiesties
Players, in the honourable Citie of London. _For Sampson Clarke._
There is a Second part with separate signatures and title-page. The
Second part of the troublesome Raigne of King Iohn, conteining the
death of Arthur Plantaginet, the landing of Lewes, and the poysning of
King Iohn at Swinstead Abbey. As ... London ... 1591. [The text of each
part is preceded by lines ‘To the Gentlemen Readers’, and a head-piece,
which has the initials W. D.]
1611. The First and Second Part ... As they were (sundry times) lately
acted by the Queenes Maiesties Players. Written by W. Sh. _Valentine
Simmes for John Helme._ [The signatures are continuous through both
parts.]
1622.... as they were (sundry times) lately acted. Written by W.
Shakespeare. _Augustine Mathewes for Thomas Dewes._
_Editions_ by G. Steevens (1760, _T. P._ ii), J. Nichols (1779,
_Six Old Plays_, ii), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, _Sh. Libr._ v), F. G.
Fleay, _King John_ (1878), F. J. Furnivall (1888, _Sh. Q_), J. S.
Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._), F. J. Furnivall and J. Munro (1913, _Sh.
Classics_).--_Dissertations_: E. Rose, _Shakespeare as an Adapter_
(_Macmillan’s Magazine_, Nov. 1878); G. C. Moore Smith, _Sh.’s K.
J. and the T. R._ (1901, _Furnivall Miscellany_, 335); H. D. Sykes,
_Sidelights on Shakespeare_, 99 (1919).
The authorship was assigned by Malone to Marlowe, by Pope to
Shakespeare and W. Rowley, by Fleay, ii. 53, and _King John_, 34, to
Greene, Peele, and Lodge, working on a Marlowian plot. Furnivall and
Munro accept none of these theories, and the latter suggests a common
authorship with the early _Leir_. Sykes argues strongly for Peele. The
lines prefixed to Part I begin
You that with friendly grace of smoothed brow
Have entertained the Scythian Tamburlaine.
They do not claim to be a prologue, and may have been added on
publication. The play is not therefore necessarily later than
_Tamburlaine_ (_c._ 1587). But the tone is that of the Armada period.
Shakespeare used the play, with which, from the booksellers’ point of
view, his _King John_ seems to have been treated as identical.
_Judith c. 1595_ (?)
[_MS._] _National Library of Wales, Peniarth_ (formerly _Hengwrt_),
_MS._ 508.
G. A. Jones, _A Play of Judith_ (1917, _M. L. N._ xxxii. 1) describes
the MS. which contains the Latin text of the _Judithae Constantia_
of Cornelius Schonaeus, of which a reprint was issued in London in
1595, together with an incomplete English translation in unrhymed
verse written as prose, perhaps as a school exercise, in a late
sixteenth-century or early seventeenth-century hand.
_A Knack to Know an Honest Man. 1594_
_S. R._ 1595, Nov. 26. ‘A booke intituled The most Rare and plesaunt
historie of A knack to knowe an honest man.’ _Cuthbert Burby_ (Arber,
iii. 54).
1596. A Pleasant Conceited Comedie, called, A knacke to know an honest
Man. As it hath beene sundrie times plaied about the Citie of London.
_For Cuthbert Burby._
_Editions_ by H. De Vocht (1910, _M. S. R._) and J. S. Farmer (1912,
_T. F. T._).
The play was produced by the Admiral’s on 22 Oct. 1594, and
twenty-one performances were given between that date and 3 Nov. 1596
(Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 171). The text is confused and probably
surreptitious.
_A Knack to Know a Knave. 1592_
_S. R._ 1594, Jan. 7. ‘A commedie entitled “a Knack to knowe a knave”
newlye sett fourth as it hath sundrye tymes been plaid by Ned. Allen
and his Companie with Kemps applauded Merymentes of the menn of
Goteham.’ _Richard Jones_ (Arber, ii. 643).
1594. A most pleasant and merie new Comedie, Intituled, A Knacke to
knowe a knave. Newlie set foorth, as it hath sundrie tymes bene played
by Ed. Allen and his Companie. With Kemps applauded Merrimentes of
the men of Goteham, in receiuing the King into Goteham. _Richard
Jones._
_Editions_ by J. P. Collier (1851, _Five Old Plays_), in Dodsley^4
(1874, vi), and by J. S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._).
Strange’s men produced ‘the Knacke to Knowe a Knave’ on 10 June 1592,
and played it seven times to 24 Jan. 1593. Henslowe usually enters it
as ‘the cnacke’. Fleay, 100, suggests that the _Osric_, revived by
the Admiral’s men on 3 and 7 Feb. 1597, may also be this play. Both
Fleay, ii. 310, and Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 156, suggest that Kempe’s
‘merriments’ are to be found in sc. 12, and that of the rest the
romantic part may be Peele’s and the moral part Wilson’s. Gayley (_R.
E. C._ i. 422) would like to find in the play the comedy written by
Greene and the ‘young Juvenall’, Nashe. The character Cuthbert Cutpurse
the Conicatcher is from the pamphlet (cf. s.v. Greene) entered in S. R.
on 21 April 1592, and the story of Titus Andronicus is alluded to in
F_{2}^v:
As Titus was vnto the Roman Senators,
When he had made a conquest on the Goths.
_Leire > 1594_
_S. R._ 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled, The moste famous Chronicle
historye of Leire kinge of England and his Three Daughters.’ _Adam
Islip_ (Arber, ii. 649). [Islip’s name is crossed out, and Edward
White’s substituted.]
1605, May 8. ‘A booke called “the Tragecall historie of kinge Leir and
his Three Daughters &c”, As it was latelie Acted.’ _Simon Stafford_
(Arber, iii. 289). [Assigned the same day by Stafford with the consent
of William Leake to John Wright, ‘provided that Simon Stafford shall
haue the printinge of this booke’.]
1605. The True Chronicle History of King Leir, and his three daughters,
Gonorill, Ragan, and Cordelia. As it hath bene diuers and sundry times
lately acted. _Simon Stafford for John Wright._
_S. R._ 1624, June 29. Transfer of ‘Leire and his daughters’ from Mrs.
White to E. Alde (Arber, iv. 120).
_Editions_ by J. Nichols (1779, _S. O. P._ ii), W. C. Hazlitt (1875,
_Sh. Libr._ ii. 2), W. W. Greg (1907, _M. S. R._), S. Lee (1909, _Sh.
Classics_), J. S. Farmer (1910, _T. F. T._), R. Fischer (1914, _Quellen
zu König Lear_).--_Dissertations_: W. Perrett, _The Story of King Lear_
(1904, _Palaestra_, xxxv); R. A. Law, _The Date of King Lear_ (1906,
_M. L. A._ xxi. 462); H. D. Sykes, _Sidelights on Shakespeare_, 126
(1919).
The Queen’s and Sussex’s revived ‘kinge leare’ for Henslowe on 6 and
8 April 1594, shortly before the first S. R. entry (Greg, _Henslowe_,
ii. 162). As the play is not named in the Sussex’s repertory of 1593–4,
there is a presumption that it belonged to the Queen’s. The authorship
is quite obscure. Fleay, 90, assigns it to Lodge and Peele; Fleay, 97,
to Lodge and Greene; Fleay, ii. 51, to Lodge and Kyd. Robertson, 176,
thinks the claim for Lodge indecisive, and surmises the presence of
Greene. Sykes argues for Peele. Lee hints at Rankins. The publishing
history is also difficult. The entries of 1605 appear to ignore
White’s copyright, although this was still alive in his son’s widow
in 1624. Lee suggests that the Stafford-Wright enterprise was due to
negotiation between Wright and White, whose apprentice he had been. The
play was clearly regarded as distinct from that of Shakespeare, which
was entered to N. Butter and J. Busby on 22 Nov. 1607, and it, though
based on its predecessor, is far more than a revision of it. It seems
a little improbable that _Leire_ should have been revived as late as
1605, and the ‘Tragecall’ and ‘lately acted’ of the title-page, taken
by themselves, would point to an attempt by Stafford to palm off the
old play as Shakespeare’s. But although 1605 is not an impossible date
for Shakespeare’s production, 1606 is on other grounds more probable.
_Liberality and Prodigality. 1601_
1602. A Pleasant Comedie, Shewing the contention betweene Liberalitie
and Prodigalitie. As it was playd before her Maiestie. _Simon Stafford
for George Vincent._ [Prologue and Epilogue.]
_Editions_ by J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._) and W. W. Greg (1913, _M.
S. R._).
A reference to ‘childish yeeres’ in the prologue points to boy actors.
The trial (l. 1261) is for an alleged crime on 4 Feb., 43 Eliz. (1601),
and the next court performance after this date was on 22 Feb. 1601 by
the Chapel, to which occasion the production may be assigned. Elizabeth
could be described as a ‘prince’, so that the use of this term does not
bear out Fleay, ii. 323, in assuming a revival of an Edwardian play,
but the characters are mainly abstract and the style archaic for the
seventeenth century, and it is conceivable that the _Prodigality_
of 1567–8 had been revived.
_Locrine c. 1591_
_S. R._ 1594, July 20. ‘The lamentable Tragedie of Locrine, the eldest
sonne of Kinge Brutus, discoursinge the warres of the Brittans, &c.’
_Thomas Creede_ (Arber, ii. 656).
1595. The Lamentable Tragedie of Locrine, the eldest sonne of King
Brutus, discoursing the warres of the Britaines, and Hunnes, with their
discomfiture: The Britaines victorie with their Accidents, and the
death of Albanact. No lesse pleasant then profitable. Newly set foorth,
ouerseene and corrected, By W. S. _Thomas Creede_. [Prologue and
Epilogue.]
1664; 1685. [F_{3}; F_{4} of Shakespeare.]
_Editions_ of 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), and by R. B. McKerrow
(1908, _M. S. R._), J. S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._), and in _Sh.
Apocrypha_.--_Dissertations_: R. Brotanek (1900, _Anglia-Beiblatt_,
xi. 202); C. Crawford, _Edmund Spenser, L. and Selimus_ (1901, 9 _N.
Q._ vii. 61; _Collectanea_, i. 47); W. S. Gaud, _The Authorship of L._
(1904, _M. P._ i. 409); T. Erbe, _Die L.-Sage_ (1904); J. M. Robertson,
_Did Sh. Write T. A.?_ (1905); E. Köppel, _L. und Selimus_ (1905,
_Jahrbuch_, xli. 193); A. Neubner, _König Lokrin. Deutsche Übersetzung
mit literar-historischer Einleitung_ (1908); F. G. Hubbard (_MS._ cited
by J. W. Cunliffe in _C. H._ v. 84); C. A. Harper, _L. and the Faerie
Queene_ (1913, _M.L.R._ viii. 369).
The interpretation of the W. S. of the title-page in F_{3} of 1664 as
indicating Shakespeare may be accurate, but does not suggest anything
more than revision for a revival, or perhaps only for the press. Some
revision is proved by the allusion in the epilogue to Elizabeth,
That eight and thirtie yeares the scepter swayd,
an allusion which was not chronologically accurate until the close of
the thirty-eighth regnal year on 16 Nov. 1596, after the play was in
print, and could hardly have been made before the beginning of that
year on 17 Nov. 1595, after it had been entered in S. R. As to the
original author, one is bound to be sceptical of the unconfirmed notice
by J. P. Collier (_Bibliographical Account_, i. 95) of an ‘inscription
on an existing copy of the play ... assigning the authorship of it to
Charles Tylney’. This, says Collier, ‘is the handwriting of Sir George
Buck. He adds the information that he himself had written the dumb
shows by which it was illustrated, and that it was originally called
_Elstrild_’. Charles Tilney was a cousin of the Master of the Revels,
and was executed for complicity in the Babington plot in 1586 (Camden,
_transl._ 303). The statement, if true, would give an early date to
the play, which the dumb shows and other ‘Senecan’ characteristics
have been supposed to confirm. Fleay, ii. 321, boldly conjectures that
the epilogue originally referred to ‘eight and twentie yeares’, and
that the play was ‘by’ in the sense of ‘about’, Tilney, supposing the
moral drawn against ‘ciuill discord’ instigated by ‘priuate amours’
to point at Mary of Scots. Recent investigations, however, concerning
the relations of the play to Spenser on the one hand, and to _Selimus_
(q.v.) on the other, suggest a date not earlier and not much later
than 1591, either for the original composition of the play, or for a
very substantial revision of it. Most of the points are well summed up
by Cunliffe in _C. H._ v. 84. _Locrine_ may borrow historical facts
from the _Faerie Queene_ (1590); it does not borrow phrases from it.
It does, however, borrow phrases and whole lines, with more than
Elizabethan plagiarism, from Spenser’s _Complaints_ (1591). There is
also an apparent loan from Wilmot’s _Tancred and Gismund_ (1591).
Some of the _Complaints_ passages are also borrowed by _Selimus_,
which makes similar booty both of _Locrine_ itself and of the _Faerie
Queene_. I agree with Cunliffe that the evidence is clearly in favour
of _Selimus_ being the later of the two plays, but am not so certain
that the second borrowing of the _Complaints_ passages tells against
a common authorship of the two. It would be so, ordinarily, but here
we have to do with an abnormal plagiarist. Whoever the author, he
belongs to the school of the university wits. Marlowe is preferred by
Malone, Peele by Fleay, Ward, Gaud, and for all but the comic scenes by
Hopkinson, Greene by Brooke, Peele and Greene by Robertson.
_The London Prodigal. 1603 < > 05_
1605. The London Prodigall. As it was plaide by the Kings Maiesties
seruants. By William Shakespeare. _T. C. for Nathaniel Butter._
1664; 1685. [F_{3}; F_{4} of Shakespeare.]
_Editions_ in 1709, 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), by J. S. Farmer
(1910, T. F. T.), and in _Sh. Apocrypha_.
Shakespeare’s authorship is accepted by few modern critics. An
exception is Hopkinson. Fleay, _Shakespeare_, 299; _B. C._ i. 152,
thinks that he may have ‘plotted’ the play, but that the writer is
the same as that of _Thomas Lord Cromwell_, whom he believes to be
Drayton. Perhaps he is right in regarding an allusion to service ‘under
the king’ (II. i. 16) as pointing to a Jacobean date. Brooke suggests
Marston or Dekker. A play ‘von einem ungehorsamen Khauffmanns Sohn’
appears in Anglo-German repertories of 1604 and 1606 (Herz, 65, 94).
_Look About You. 1599_ (?)
1600. A Pleasant Commodie, Called Looke about you. As it was lately
played by the right honourable the Lord High Admirall his seruaunts.
_For William Ferbrand._
_Editions_ in Dodsley^4 (1874, vii), and by J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F.
T._) and W. W. Greg (1913, _M. S. R._).
At the end of the play Gloucester proposes to fight the Saracens in
Portugal, and as Anthony Wadeson (q.v.) was writing _The Honourable
Life of the Humorous Earl of Gloster with his Conquest of Portugal_ in
June or July 1601, it has been suggested by Fleay, ii. 267, and Greg,
_Henslowe_, ii. 204, that Wadeson was also the author of _Look About
You_. The play ought itself to appear somewhere in Henslowe’s diary,
and Fleay may be right in identifying it with the _Bear a Brain_ of
1599, although the only recorded payment for that play was not to
Wadeson, but to Dekker. There are reminiscences of _R.J._ II. iv. 42;
III. v. 221 in l. 2329, and of _1 Hen. IV_, II. iv. 295 in l. 2426.
_The Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. 1582_ (?)
1589. The Rare Triumphs of Loue and Fortune. Plaide before the Queenes
most excellent Maiestie: wherein are many fine Conceites with great
delight. _E. A. for Edward White._
_Editions_ by J. P. Collier (1851, Roxb. Club) and in Dodsley^4 (1874,
vi).
Fleay, ii. 26, assigns the play to Kyd on account of the similarity
of the plot to that of _Soliman and Perseda_, but this is hardly
convincing. On 30 Dec. 1582 Derby’s players performed _A History of
Love and Fortune_ at court, for which a city and battlement were
provided by the Revels office. If the two plays were identical, as
dates and style make not improbable, the city presumably served as a
background for the scenes at court, while the battlement was used for
the presenters Venus and Fortune, who are said in Act I to be ‘set
sunning like a crow in a gutter’.
_Love Feigned and Unfeigned_ (?)
[_MS._] On first and last leaves (sig. a 1 and ii. 8 of a copy (Brit.
Mus. IB. 2172) of Johannes Herolt, _Sermones Discipuli_ (1492).
_Edition_ by A. Esdaile (1908, _M. S. C._ i. 17).--_Dissertation_: E.
B. Daw, _L. F. and U. and the English Anabaptists_ (1917, _M. L. A._
xxxii. 267).
The text is a fragment, but there may have been more, as the original
fly-leaves and end papers of the volume are gone. Sir G. F. Warner
thinks the hand ‘quite early seventeenth century’. The corrections in
the same hand are such as rather to suggest an original composition,
but may also be those of an expert copyist. Miss Daw thinks that the
date of composition was in the seventeenth century, and that the play
represents ideas belonging to (_a_) the Anabaptists and (_b_) the
Family of Love, both of which were then active. She even suggests the
possible authorship of the controversialist Edmond Jessop. Personally,
I find it difficult to assign to the seventeenth century a moral
written precisely in the vein of the middle of the sixteenth century,
even to the notes (2, 69, 103) of action ‘in place’ (cf. ch. xix), and
a phrase (76),
Why stare ye at me thus I wene ye be come to se a play,
closely parallel to _Wit and Wisdom_, 12, which is probably
pre-Elizabethan. The Jacobean activity of Anabaptism and Familism only
revived movements which had been familiar in England from Edwardian
times, were particularly vigorous in 1575, and had apparently died down
during the last decade of Elizabeth’s reign; cf. for Anabaptists C.
Burrage, _The Early English Dissenters_ (1912), and for Familists s.v.
Middleton, _Family of Love_.
_The Maid’s Metamorphosis. 1600_
_S. R._ 1600, July 24 (Hartwell). ‘Two plaies or thinges thone called
the maides metamorphosis thother gyve a man luck and throw him into the
Sea.’ _Richard Oliffe_ (Arber, iii. 168).
1600. The Maydes Metamorphosis. As it hath beene sundrie times Acted by
the Children of Powles. _Thomas Creede for Richard Olive._ [Prologue.]
_Editions_ by A. H. Bullen (1882, _O. E. P._ i), R. W. Bond (1902,
_Lyly_, iii. 341), and J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._).
Archer’s play list of 1656 (Greg, _Masques_, lxxxvi) started an
ascription to Lyly, which was probably suggested by the similarity
of name to _Love’s Metamorphosis_. Daniel, with Lyly as reviser, is
substituted by Fleay, ii. 324; Day by Gosse and Bullen; Day, with Lyly
as reviser, by Bond. A limit of date is given by the reopening of
Paul’s in 1599, and IV. i. 157 points to the ‘leape yeare’ 1600. Fleay
thinks that the play was performed at Anne Russell’s wedding on 16 June
1600 (cf. ch. V), but, though ‘three or foure Muses’ dance at the end
of the play, there is no indication of a mask, while the accounts of
the wedding say nothing of a play.
_The Marriage of Wit and Science > 1570_
_S. R._ 1569–70. ‘A play intituled the maryage of Wytt and Scyence.’
_Thomas Marsh_ (Arber, i. 399).
N.D. A new and Pleasant enterlude intituled the mariage of Witte and
Science. _Thomas Marsh._
_Editions_ in Dodsley^4 (1874, ii) and by J. S. Farmer (1909, _T. F.
T._).
An allegorical moral, indebted to John Redford’s _Wit and Science_
(_Med. Stage_, ii. 454). Fleay, 64; ii. 288, 294, proposes to identify
this with the _Wit and Will_ played at court in 1567–8 (cf. App. B), as
Will is a character.
_Meleager_ (?)
B. Dobell, in _Athenaeum_ for 14 Sept. 1901, described a MS. in his
possession with the title A Register of all the Noble Men of England
sithence the Conquest Created. The date of compilation is probably
1570–90. On f. 3 is the argument in English of a play headed:
Children of Paules Play.
Publij Ovidij Nasonis Meleager.
Presumably the play was in English also. It was classical in manner
with five acts, a chorus, and dumb-shows. Act I opened with a dumb-show
before Melpomene of the Fates, Althea and the burning brand. It seems
distinct from the _Meleager_ of W. Gager (q.v.).
_The Merry Devil of Edmonton c. 1603_
_S. R._ 1607, Oct. 22 (Buck). ‘A Plaie called the Merry Devill of
Edmonton.’ _Arthur Johnson_ (Arber, iii. 362). [_The Life and Death of
the Merry Devil of Edmonton_, entered 5 April 1608, is a pamphlet by T.
B.]
1608. The Merry Devill of Edmonton. As it hath beene sundry times
Acted, by his Maiesties Seruants, at the Globe, on the banke-side.
_Henry Ballard for Arthur Johnson._ [Prologue; Induction.]
1612; 1617; 1626; 1631.
_S. R._ 1653, Sept. 9. ‘The merry devil of Edmonton, by W^m:
Shakespeare.’ _H. Moseley_ (Eyre, i. 429).
1655. _For William Gilbertson._
_Editions_ in Dodsley (1875, x), and by H. Walker (1897, _T. D._), J.
S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._), J. M. Manly (1913, _R. E. C._ ii), and in
collections of _Sh. Apocrypha_.
Moseley’s attribution was repeated in the play lists of Archer in 1656
and Kirkman in 1661 (Greg, _Masques_, lxxxix), and the play was bound
with _Mucedorus_ and _Fair Em_ as ‘Shakespeare, vol. i’ in Charles II’s
library. The attempt of Fleay, ii. 313 (cf. his _Shakespeare_, 294), to
show that Sir John the priest was originally called Oldcastle and gave
a name to the play is too far-fetched, but it leads him to support a
tradition originally based on a note by Coxeter (_Dodsley_^2, v. 247)
that the author was Drayton. He puts it in 1597, apparently because
Jessica calls Lancelot a ‘merry devil’ in _M. V._ II. iii. 2. But the
Host is pretty clearly copied from him of the _Merry Wives_ (_c._
1599), and allusions to the king’s hunting (IV. i. 158, 186), although
perhaps merely part of the historic action, might also have been
topical under James I. The play existed by 1604, when it is mentioned
in T. M.’s _Black Book_ (Bullen, _Middleton_, viii. 36). Jonson calls
it ‘your dear delight’ in the prologue to _The Devil is an Ass_ (1616),
and it was revived at court on 3 May 1618 (Cunningham, xlv).
_Minds. 1575 <_
N.D. Comoedia. A worke in ryme, contayning an Enterlude of Myndes,
witnessing the Mans Fall from God and Christ. Set forth by H. N. and
by him newly perused and amended. Translated out of Base-Almayns into
English. [_No imprint or colophon._] [Preface to the Reader; Prologue
in dialogue.]
This is a translation of the Low German _Comoedia: Ein Gedicht des
Spels van Sinnen, anno 1575_ of Henrick Niklaes, the founder of the
mystical sect known as the Family of Love (cf. s.v. Middleton).
_Misogonus. 1560 < > 77_
[_MS._] In collection of the Duke of Devonshire. [By two hands, of
which one is only responsible for the t.p. and some corrections in the
text. The t.p. has the heading ‘A mery and ρ ... Misogonus’, followed
by the names of the speakers and ‘Laurentius Bariωna Ketthering die
20 Novembris Anno 1577’. The text, which is apparently imperfect,
stopping in iv. 4, is probably all in one other hand, together with a
prologue, at the end of which is ‘Thomas Rychardes’. The inscriptions
‘Anthony Rice’ on the title-page, ‘Thomas Warde Barfold 1577’ on the
prologue-page, and ‘W. Wyll[~m]’ and ‘John York Jesu’ in margins of
the text, are all in later hands, some of them not of the sixteenth
century.]
_Editions_ by A. Brandl (1898, _Q. W. D._), J. S. Farmer (1906), and R.
W. Bond (1911, _E. P. I._).--_Dissertation_: G. L. Kittredge, _The M.
and Laurence Johnson_ (1901, _J. G. P._ iii. 335).
Brandl, following Collier, ii. 368, 378, dates the play in 1560, on the
ground of an allusion in IV. i. 131 to ‘the rising rection ith north’,
i.e. the Pilgrimage of Grace of 1536, as twenty-four years before the
time of action, but it is not quite clear that the rambling dialogue
of rustics, in which the passage occurs, justifies the interpretation
put upon it; nor is the allusion in III. ii. 3 to the weathercock of
Paul’s, set up in 1553 and destroyed in 1561, any more conclusive, as
the phrase may have become proverbial. The style might be either of
_c._ 1560 or, in a provincial play, of _c._ 1577, or, as Bond suggests,
a reviser of _c._ 1577 might have revised a text of ten or twelve years
earlier. For author, Fleay, 16, 58, 60, taking the piece to be that
disliked at court on 31 Dec. 1559, offered Richard Edwardes, and is
followed by Wallace, i. III. There is nothing to suggest that the play
was ever performed at court at all. It seems more natural to look for
him, either in the Thomas Richards or in the Laurence Barjona of the
MS. Conceivably Richards might be the T. R. whose initials appear on
the prints of _Impatient Poverty_ and _Nice Wanton_ (cf. _Mediaeval
Stage_, ii. 460) in 1560. Barjona might be the name of a converted Jew.
But Kittredge regards it as an anagram of Johnson, and points out that
a Laurence Johnson matriculated at Christ’s College, Cambridge, in
1570, and took his B.A. in 1574 and his M.A. in 1577, while a Thomas
Richards of Trinity took his B.A. in 1571, and a Thomas Ward of Jesus
in 1580. A reference to Cambridge learning (III. iii. 74) does not, of
course, go far to prove Cambridge authorship. Anyway, the Barjona of
the title-page is probably the ‘Laur. Bariona’ who signed, also from
Kettering, the epistle to a book called _Cometographia_ on 20 Jan.
1579. It is the work of an Anglican; not therefore of the Laurence
Johnson, who was an Oxford Jesuit. I can add a few facts. A Laurence
Jonson, with one Chr. Balam and George Haysyll of Cambridge, made a
complaint through Lord North to the queen against the Bishop of Ely
in Dec. 1575 (_S. P. D. Eliz._ cv. 88). This is interesting, because
George Haysell of Wisbech was apparently one of Worcester’s players
(cf. ch. xiii) in 1583. There is also a Laurence Johnson who on 12 June
1572 wrote to Lord Burghley about his service in the Mint (_S. P. D.
Eliz._ lxxxviii. 17); possibly the same of whom Burghley wrote to his
‘brother’ William Herlle on 3 April 1575, that he could do nothing for
him (_S. P. D. Eliz._ ciii. 24). Finally a Laurence Johnson engraved
plates in 1603 (_D. N. B._).
_Sir Thomas More c. 1596_
[_MS._] _B.M. Harleian MS._ 7368. [The wrapper is endorsed, ‘The
Booke of Sir Thomas Moore’, and is in part composed of a vellum leaf
also used for that of Munday’s _John a Kent and John a Cumber_. The
character of the damp stains on the two MSS. shows that they must for
some time have lain together. Two passages of the original text have
disappeared, and six passages have been inserted, on fresh leaves or
slips, to replace these and other cancelled matter. One of these leaves
appears to have been misplaced. Greg finds seven distinct hands: (_a_)
the writer of the original text, whom he has now identified (_M. L. R._
viii. 89) with Munday; (_b_) five contributors to the insertions, of
whom one appears also to have acted as a playhouse corrector, another
(writing 30 lines) seems clearly to be Dekker, and a third (writing 148
lines) has been taken (v. _infra_) for Shakespeare; (_c_) the Master
of the Revels, Edmund Tilney, who has given some directions as censor,
of which the most important, at the beginning, runs: ‘Leaue out the
insurrection wholy & the Cause ther off & begin with S^r Tho: Moore att
the mayors sessions with a reportt afterwardes off his good service don
being Shriue off London vppon a mutiny Agaynst the Lumbardes only by
A shortt reporte & nott otherwise att your own perrilles E. Tyllney’.
Whether Greg is right in calling this a ‘conditional licence’ I am not
sure, but he corrects earlier writers by pointing out that the extant
insertions do not carry out Tilney’s instructions, and were probably
made before the play reached him. Although therefore the appearance
of an actor’s name in a s.d. suggests that the play was cast for
performance, it is not likely that it was actually performed, at any
rate in its present state.]
_Editions_ by A. Dyce (1844, _Sh. Soc._), A. F. Hopkinson (1902),
C. F. Tucker Brooke (1908, _Sh. Apocrypha_), J. S. Farmer (1910,
photo-facsimile in _T. F. S._), and W. W. Greg (1911, _M. S.
R._).--_Dissertations_: R. Simpson, _Are there any extant MSS. in
Sh.’s Handwriting?_ (1871, 4 _N. Q._ viii. 1); J. Spedding, _Sh.’s
Handwriting_ (1872, 4 _N. Q._ x. 227), _On a Question concerning
a Supposed Specimen of Sh.’s Handwriting_ (1879, _Reviews and
Discussions_); B. Nicholson, _The Plays of S. T. M. and Hamlet_ (1884,
6 _N. Q._ x. 423); C. R. Baskervill, _Some Parallels to Bartholomew
Fair_ (1908, _M. P._ vi. 109); W. W. Greg, _Autograph Plays by A.
Munday_ (1913, _M. L. R._ viii. 89); L. L. Schücking, _Das Datum
der pseudo-Sh. S. T. M._ (1913, _E. S._ xlvi. 228); E. M. Thompson,
_Shakespeare’s Handwriting_ (1916) and _The Autograph MSS. of Anthony
Munday_ (1919, _Bibl. Soc. Trans._ xiv. 325); P. Simpson, _The Play
of S. T. M. and Sh.’s Hand in It_ (1917, 3 _Library_, viii. 79); J.
D. Wilson and others, _Sh.’s Hand in the Play of S. T. M._ (1919,
_T. L. S._ 24 April onwards); W. J. Lawrence and others, _Was S.T.M.
ever Acted?_ (1920, _T.L.S._ 1 July onwards); M. A. Bayfield and E.
M. Thompson, _Shakespeare’s Handwriting_ (1921, _T. L. S._ 30 June, 4
Aug.).
The play has been dated _c._ 1586 and _c._ 1596, in both of which
years there were disturbances with some analogy to the ‘Ill May Day’
of the plot, and an early date has been regarded as favoured by
mentions (ll. 1006, 1148) of Oagle a wigmaker, since men of the name
were serving the Revels Office in this and similar capacities from
1571 to 1585 (Feuillerat, _Eliz., passim_), and by the appearance
as a messenger in a stage-direction (Greg, p. 89) of T. Goodal, an
actor traceable with Berkeley’s men in 1581 and with the Admiral’s or
Strange’s in the plot of _The Seven Deadly Sins_, _c._ 1590–1. But
Goodal may have acted much longer, and the Admiral’s men had business
relations with a ‘Father Ogell’ in Feb. 1600 (Greg, _Henslowe_, ii.
300). Greg, after comparing Munday’s script in the play with other and
better datable examples of that script, inclines to put it ‘between
1596 and 1602, say 1598–1600’, and Sir E. M. Thompson, on a further
review of the same evidence, suggests 1592 or 1593. This, however,
involves putting the MS. of _John a Kent and John a Cumber_ (cf. ch.
xxiii, s.v. Munday) back to 1590, which, although palaeographically
possible, is inconsistent with evidence pointing to its production
by the Admiral’s in 1594. Certain parallels with _Julius Caesar_ and
_Hamlet_ might suggest the latter part of the possible period, although
the parallel suggested by Schücking with Fletcher’s _The Tamer Tamed_
is too slight to bear out his date of 1605–8, and the attempt of Fleay
(ii. 312; _Shakespeare_, 292) to identify the play with the _Abuses_ of
Paul’s in 1606 is guess-work. Jonson’s apparent debt to _S. T. M._ in
_Bartholomew Fair_, pointed out by Baskervill, is also in favour of a
latish date. Obviously the mention of ‘Mason among the Kings players’
(l. 1151) does not prove a Jacobean date, as Henry VIII had players.
No actor of the name in either reign is known, although an Alexander
Mason was marshal of the royal minstrels in 1494 (Collier, i. 45).
Account must be taken of the support given by Sir E. M. Thompson to the
theory of R. Simpson and Spedding that three of the added pages are in
the hand of Shakespeare. This is based on a minute comparison with the
few undoubted fragments, almost entirely signatures, of Shakespeare’s
writing. Both hands use ‘the native English script’ and are ‘of an
ordinary type’, without marked individual character ‘to any great
extent’, although slight peculiarities, such as ‘the use of the fine
upstroke as an ornamental adjunct to certain letters’, are common to
them. The demonstration would have been more convincing had the hands
been less ‘ordinary’, but Sir E. M. Thompson’s authority is great,
and some support is furnished by P. Simpson from the character of the
punctuation in the addition, and by J. D. Wilson from some orthographic
resemblances to the more reliable Shakespearian quartos. Sir E. M.
Thompson’s views are criticized in G. Greenwood, _Shakespeare’s
Handwriting_ (1920). If Shakespeare was the author, the analogies
between the matter of the addition and the Jack Cade scenes of _Henry
VI_ would be in favour of an earlier date, if that were possible, than
1596 or even 1594, although I should not like to be committed to the
view that Shakespeare might not have scribbled the fragment at any
time in the sixteenth century. On a balance of the mixed literary and
palaeographical evidence before us, the safest guess seems to be 1596.
As to the rest of the authorship, Dr. Greg’s discoveries point to
Munday, with some help from Dekker. Fleay’s argument (_Sh._ 292) for
Lodge and Drayton is flimsy. If Shakespeare had a share, the company
was probably the Chamberlain’s. Goodal’s name proves nothing as to this.
_Mucedorus > 1598; 1611_
1598. A most pleasant Comedie of Mucedorus, the Kings sonne of Valentia
and Amadine the Kings daughter of Arragon, with the merie conceites of
Mouse. Newly set foorth, as it hath bin sundrie times plaide in the
honorable Cittie of London. Very delectable and full of mirth. _For
William Jones._ [Arrangement of parts for eight actors; Induction.]
1606. _For William Jones._
1610.... Amplified with new additions, as it was acted before the Kings
Maiestie at Whitehall on Shroue-sunday night. By his Highness Seruants
vsually playing at the Globe. Very delectable, and full of conceited
Mirth. _For William Jones._ [Arrangement of parts for ten actors;
Prologue. Collier professes to follow a print of 1609 with this altered
title, otherwise unknown; cf. Greg in _Jahrbuch_, xl. 104.]
1611; 1613; 1615.
_S. R._ 1618, Sept. 17. Transfer by Sarah, widow of William Jones, to
John Wright (Arber, iii. 632).
1618; 1619; 1621; 1626; N.D. [1629] fragm.; 1631; 1634; 1639; N.D.
[1639 < > 63]; 1663; 1668.
_Editions_ by J. P. Collier (1824) and with _Shakespeare_ (1878),
N. Delius (1874), in Dodsley^4, vii (1874), Warnke-Proescholdt
(1878), J. S. Farmer (1910, _T. F. T._), and with _Sh.
Apocrypha._--_Dissertations_: R. Simpson, _On Some Plays Attributed to
Sh._ (1875, _N. S. S. Trans._ 155); W. Wagner, _Ueber und zu M._ (1876,
_Jahrbuch_, xi. 59), _Neue Conjecturen zum M._ (1879, _Jahrbuch_, xiv.
274); K. Elze, _Noten und Conjecturen_ (1878, _Jahrbuch_, xiii. 45),
_Nachträgliche Bemerkungen zu M._ (1880, _Jahrbuch_, xv. 339), _Last
Notes on M._ (1883, _E. S._ vi. 217); E. Soffé, _ IST M. ein Schauspiel
Sh.’s?_ (1887, Brünn Progr.); W. W. Greg, _On the Editions of M._
(1904, _Jahrbuch_, xl. 95).
It is difficult to date with precision the revival for which the
additions printed in the Q. of 1610 (1610/1?) were written, especially
as the genuineness of the Q. of 1609, in which Collier stated that he
found these additions, cannot be verified, since the accounts of the
Treasurer of the Chamber do not specify the exact days on which the
numerous appearances of the King’s men at court during the winters of
1608–9, 1609–10, and 1610–11 took place. The conjecture of Fleay (ii.
50; _Shakespeare_, 303) that the additions date from 1606 was
largely based on a guess that they appeared in the Q. of 1606, which
he had not seen. The added or altered passages are the prologue; i.
1, 2; iv. 1; parts of v. 2; and the final lines of the induction. The
prologue wishes James security
From blemisht Traytors, stayn’d with Periurie.
A bear is introduced in i. 2, as in _W. T._ iii. 3, and I venture to
conjecture that both episodes were inspired by the successful bear in
Jonson’s _Mask of Oberon_ on 1 Jan. 1611, to which there is also an
allusion in his _Love Restored_ of 6 Jan. 1612. If so, the revival
must have been on Shrove Sunday, 3 Feb. 1611. In I. i. 50 Anselmo says
that he was a shepherd in ‘Lord Iulios Maske’. _Oberon_, however, had
no shepherds proper, only satyrs and sylvans. The induction is altered
to compliment James instead of Elizabeth, and the following dialogue
between Comedie and Envie is introduced:
_Envie._ Comedie, thou art a shallow Goose;
Ile ouerthrow thee in thine owne intent,
And make thy fall my Comick merriment.
_Comedie._ Thy pollicie wants grauitie; thou art
Too weake. Speake, Fiend, as how?
_Env._ Why, thus:
From my foule Studie will I hoyst a Wretch,
A leane and hungry Meager Canniball,
Whose iawes swell to his eyes with chawing Malice:
And him Ile make a Poet.
_Com._ What’s that to th’ purpose?
_Env._ This scrambling Rauen, with his needie Beard,
Will I whet on to write a Comedie,
Wherein shall be compos’d darke sentences,
Pleasing to factious braines:
And euery other where place me a Iest,
Whose high abuse shall more torment then blowes:
Then I my selfe (quicker then Lightning)
Will flie me to a puisant Magistrate,
And waighting with a Trencher at his backe,
In midst of iollitie, rehearse those gaules,
(With some additions)
So lately vented in your Theator.
He, vpon this, cannot but make complaint,
To your great danger, or at least restraint.
_Com._ Ha, ha, ha! I laugh to hear thy folly;
This is a trap for Boyes, not Men, nor such,
Especially desertfull in their doinges,
Whose stay’d discretion rules their purposes.
I and my faction do eschew those vices.
Fleay, with 1606 in his mind, finds here an apology for _The Fox_,
thinking Jonson the raven and _Eastward Hoe_ the ‘trap for Boyes’. In
1610 there had been no trouble about any London play, although one in
Lincolnshire had given offence. But a careful reading of the passage
will show that it is no apology at all, but a boast, and an attack upon
informers against the stage.
As the play had been in print since 1598, it must not be assumed
that, because the King’s revived it in 1610–11, it was originally a
Chamberlain’s play. It may have belonged to the Queen’s or some other
extinct company. Evidently it was a popular play, as the number of
editions shows. _K. B. P._ ind. 91 tells us that Ralph has ‘play’d ...
Musidorus before the Wardens of our Company’.
The ascription to Shakespeare is due to Archer’s list of 1656 (Greg,
_Masques_, xci) and to the inclusion of the play with _Fair Em_ and
_The Merry Devil of Edmonton_ in a volume in Charles II’s library,
lettered ‘Shakespeare, vol. i’ (_Variorum_, ii. 682). It now receives
little support, even as regards the added passages. Greene is preferred
as the original author by Malone and Hopkinson, Peele by von Friesen,
and Lodge by Fleay.
After the suppression of the theatres in 1642, _Mucedorus_ was acted
by strolling players in various parts of Oxfordshire. An accident
during a performance at Witney on 3 Feb. 1654 is recorded in John Rowe,
_Tragi-Comoedia. Being a brieff relation of the strange and wonderful
hand of God, discovered at Witney in the Comedy acted February the
third, where there were some slaine, many hurt and several other
remarkable passages_ (1653/4).
Either _Mucedorus_ or Greene’s _Alphonsus_ (q.v.) may have been the
play on a king of Arragon given at Dresden in 1626. It has also been
suggested (Herz, 95) that _Mucedorus_ influenced Pieter Hooft’s Dutch
pastoral _Granida_ (1605).
_Narcissus. 6 Jan. 1603_
[_MS._] _Bodl. MS._ 147303 (_Rawl. Poet. MS._ 212), f. 82^v. ‘A Twelfe
Night Merriment. Anno 1602.’ [Porter’s speech ‘at the end of supper’,
Wassail Song, Prologue, and Epilogue.]
_Edition_ by M. L. Lee (1893).
The porter’s name is Francis, and from some speeches and a letter
composed for him, which appear in the same manuscript, it is clear that
he was Francis Clark, who became porter of St. John’s, Oxford, on 8 May
1601, at which house therefore the play was doubtless given. It has
borrowings from _M. N. D._ and _1 Hen. IV._
_New Custom. 1558 < > 73_
1573. A new Enterlude No less wittie: then pleasant, entituled new
Custome, deuised of late, and for diuerse causes nowe set forthe, neuer
before this tyme Imprinted. _William How for Abraham Veale._
_Editions_ in Dodsley^4 (1874, iii) and by J. S. Farmer (1908, _T. F.
T._).
A moral of Protestant controversy, with typical personages, bearing
allegorical names, arranged for four actors.
The final prayer is for Elizabeth, and Avarice played in the days of
Queen Mary. Fleay, 64; ii. 294, thinks it a revised Edward VI play, on
the ground of an allusion to a ‘square caps’ controversy of 1550. But
this was still vigorous in 1565 (cf. Parker’s _Letters_, 240). Fleay
also says that the _Nugize_ of Captain Cox’s collection (Laneham, 30)
is _Mankind_ (_Med. Stage_, ii. 438) in which New Gyse is a character.
But _Mankind_ was first printed in 1897, and probably this play is the
one Laneham had in mind.
_Nobody and Somebody > 1606_
_S. R._ 1606, Jan. 8. ‘The picture of No bodye.’ _John Trundell_
(Arber, iii. 308).
1606, March 12 (Wilson). ‘A Booke called no bodie and somme bodie &c.’
_John Trundell_ (Arber, iii. 316).
N.D. No-Body, and Some-Body. With the true Chronicle Historie of
Elydure, who was fortunately three seuerall times crowned King of
England. The true Coppy thereof, as it hath beene acted by the Queens
Maiesties Seruants. _For John Trundle._ [Prologue and Epilogue.]
_Editions_ by A. Smith (1877), R. Simpson (1878, _S. of S._ i),
J. S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._), of the early German translation
by F. Bischoff, _Niemand und Jemand in Graz im Jahre 1608_ (1899,
_Mitteilungen des historischen Vereins für Steiermark_, xlvii. 127),
and of Tieck’s translation by J. Bolte (1894, _Jahrbuch_, xxix.
4).--_Dissertation_: J. Bolte, _Eine Hamburger Aufführung von N. a. S._
(1905, _Jahrbuch_, xli. 188).
The play is probably Jacobean. There is a reference to the unwilling
recipients of knighthood (l. 325), and the use of Essex’s nickname
for Cobham, Sycophant, as the name of a courtier, must be later than
Cobham’s disgrace in 1603. Simpson thought that an allusion to the
misuse of the collections for rebuilding Paul’s steeple (l. 754)
pointed to an original date _c._ 1592, when the matter caused a
scandal, but the steeple was still unbuilt in James’s reign. Greg,
_Henslowe_, ii. 230, revising a conjecture of Fleay, i. 293, suggests
that _Albere Galles_, written by Heywood and Smith for Worcester’s
in Sept. 1602, may be this play, and Henslowe’s title a mistake for
_Archigallo_, one of the characters. The play seems to have reached
Germany by 1608. A performance at Graz in that year was probably
the occasion of the dedication by ‘Joannes Grün Nob. Anglus’ to the
archduke Maximilian of a manuscript German translation, now in the
Rein library. To it is attached a coloured drawing of a bearded man in
a doublet which hides his breeches, and with a book and chain in his
hands. Above is written ‘Nemo’ and ‘Neminis Virtus ubique Laudabilis.’
A version is also in the Anglo-German collection of 1620 (Herz, 66,
112).
_Parnassus. 1598–1602_ (?)
[_MSS._] _Bodl. Rawlinson MS._ D. 398. ‘The Pilgrimage to Parnassus’,
‘The Returne from Parnassus’. [1 _Parnassus_ with Prologue; 2
_Parnassus_ with Stagekeeper’s speech for Prologue. The cover bears the
name of ‘Edmunde Rishton, Lancastrensis’, who took his M.A. from St.
John’s, Cambridge, in 1602.]
_Halliwell-Phillipps MS._ ‘The Returne from Pernassus: or The Scourge
of Simony.’ [3 _Parnassus_, with induction for Prologue, which says,
‘The Pilgrimage to Pernassus, and the returne from Pernassus have stood
the honest Stagekeepers in many a Crownes expence for linckes and
vizards: ... this last is the last part of the returne from Pernassus’.]
_S. R._ 1605, Oct. 16 (Gwyn). ‘An Enterlude called The retourne from
Pernassus or the scourge of Simony publiquely Acted by the studentes in
Sainct Johns College in Cambridg.’ _John Wright_ (Arber, iii. 304).
1606. The Returne from Pernassus: Or The Scourge of Simony. Publiquely
acted by the Students in Saint Iohns Colledge in Cambridge. _G. Eld,
for Iohn Wright._ [Two issues. 3 _Parnassus_ only.]
_Editions_ of 3 _Parnassus_ by T. Hawkins (1773, _O. E. D._ iii),
W. Scott (1810, _A. B. D._ i), in Dodsley^4 (1874, ix), by E. Arber
(1878) and O. Smeaton (1905, _T. D._), and of 1, 2, 3 _Parnassus_ by
W. D. Macray (1886) and J. S. Farmer (_S. F. T._).--_Dissertations_:
B. Corney (1866, 3 _N. Q._ ix. 387); J. W. Hales, _The Pilgrimage
to P._ (1887, _Academy_ and _Macmillan’s Magazine_; 1893, _Folia
Litteraria_, 165); W. Lühr, _Die drei Cambridger Spiele vom P. in
ihren litterarischen Beziehungen_ (1900, Kiel diss.); E. B. Reed, _The
College Element in Hamlet_ (1909, _M. P._ vi. 453); G. C. Moore Smith,
_The P. Plays_ (1915, _M. L. R._ x. 162).
There are several notes of time and authorship. At the end of 1,
which was ‘three daies studie’ (l. 3), the pilgrimage has lasted ‘4
yeares’ (712). Kinsader’s, i.e. Marston’s, _Satires_ and Bastard’s
_Epigrams_, both of 1598, are mentioned (212). The prologue to 2,
which is a ‘Christmas toy’ (18), deprecates the former courtesy of ‘our
stage’:
Surelie it made our poet a staide man,
Kept his proude necke from baser lambskins weare,
Had like to have made him senior sophister.
He was faine to take his course by Germanie
Ere he could gett a silie poore degree.
Hee never since durst name a peece of cheese,
Thoughe Chessire seems to priviledge his name.
His looke was never sanguine since that daye;
Nere since he laughte to see a mimick playe.
It is now seven years since the scholars started for Parnassus (62).
Gullio has been ‘verie latelie in Irelande’ and ‘scapt knightinge’
(878), obviously with Essex in 1599. The _Epigrams_ (1599) of ‘one
Weaver fellow’, i.e. John Weever, are alluded to (982). The prologue to
3, also a ‘Christenmas toy’ (30), calls it ‘an old musty show, that
hath laine this twelue moneth in the bottome of a coalehouse’ (25).
‘The Authors wit’ (48) has stood ‘hammering upon ... 2 schollers some
foure (1606, whole) yeare’ (37). This is the third play of a series
(76):
In Scholers fortunes twise forlorne and dead
Twise hath our weary play earst laboured.
Making them Pilgrims to Pernassus hill,
Then penning their return with ruder quill.
_Belvedere_ (1600) is published (179) and Nashe is dead (314). The
Dominical letters are C, or for the Annunciation year D and C (1105),
and the moon is in ‘the last quarter the 5 day, at 2 of the cloke and
38 minuts in the morning’ (1133). These indications fit Jan. 1602
(Lühr, 15, 105). The siege of Ostend, which extended from 1601 to
1604, has begun (1333). Jonson has ‘brought vp Horace giving the Poets
a pill’ (1811), and Kempe is back ‘from dancing the morrice over the
Alpes’ (1823). Both events took place in 1601. It is still Elizabeth’s
reign (1141).
A quite clear conclusion as to date is not possible. The calendar
references, the four years of hammering (in 3), and the probability
that the writer would try to have his allusions to literary events up
to date, suggest performances at the Christmases of 1598–9, 1599–1600,
and 1601–2. This allows for a twelve-months’ delay, followed by a good
deal of revision, in the performance of 3. On the other hand, the
difference between four (in 1) and seven (in 2) years of pilgrimage
points to 1598–9, 1601–2, and 1602–3. On the whole, I lean to the first
alternative.
So far as we know, the association of Kempe with the Chamberlain’s men
was out of date either in 1601 or 1602; conceivably he returned to the
company for a while in 1601, but he was certainly of Worcester’s in
1602.
Moore Smith thinks that the ‘ruder quill’ of the prologue to 3 implies
that the author of 2 and 3 was distinct from the author of 1. But the
same prologue speaks clearly of a single author. Hales took the account
of his troubles in getting his degree literally, and pointed out that
foreign students at German universities were called ‘Käsebettler’
and ‘Käsejäger’. Moore Smith doubts, and thinks the degree may have
been given at Cambridge by the influence of William Holland, senior
fellow of St. John’s, and his name glanced at in ‘Germanie’. The
absence alike of matriculation books and college admission registers
for the period makes identification difficult. Corney found a copy
of the print of 3 with the inscription ‘To my Lovinge Smallocke J.
D.’, which he thought in the same hand as the _Lansdowne MS._ of John
Day’s _Peregrinatio Scholastica_. Bullen was inclined to support
Day’s authorship on internal grounds, but Day was a Caius man, whose
university career closed in disgrace, and is not very likely to have
written plays for St. John’s some years later. And it is but a slight
connexion with Cheshire that ‘dey’ means ‘dairy’ in the dialect of that
county. Cheshire ought to be our clue. Charles Chester was not, so far
as I know, a writer. Hales seems to have thought that the theatrical
Beestons of London may have been connected with the Cheshire family of
that name. There was a Cheshire foundation at St. John’s, and Moore
Smith cites a suggestion that the author may have been William Dodd, a
Cheshire man, who became Scholar of St. John’s in 1597, B.A. in 1599,
and Fellow in 1602. The ‘priviledge’ reminds me of the traditional
jurisdiction of the Dutton family over minstrelsy in Cheshire
(_Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 259), but I do not know whether any Dutton can
be traced at St. John’s.
In i. 2 of 3 Judicio is exercising the occupation of a ‘corrector
of the presse’, apparently in the employment of a particular
printing-house, not of the licensing authorities. The house would be
Danter’s, who is himself introduced in i. 3 bargaining with Ingenioso
to give him 40s. for a pamphlet. In iv. 3 Burbage and Kempe appear, and
here is the famous passage in which Kempe says:
‘Few of the vniuersity men pen plaies well, they smell too much
of that writer _Ouid_, and that writer _Metamorphosis_, and
talke too much of _Proserpina & Iuppiter_. Why heres our fellow
_Shakespeare_ puts them all downe, I and _Ben Ionson_ too. O
that _Ben Ionson_ is a pestilent fellow, he brought vp Horace
giuing the Poets a pill, but our fellow _Shakespeare_ hath giuen
him a purge that made him beray his credit.’
Fleay, _Shakespeare_, 221, suggests that the ‘purge’ was the
description of Ajax in _Troilus and Cressida_, I. ii. 15, and is
supported by Small, 167. If so, it was very irrelevant to its setting.
The purge ought to be _Satiromastix_, and though there is nothing to
indicate that Shakespeare had any responsibility for _Satiromastix_, it
is just conceivable that a Cambridge man, writing before the play was
assigned to Dekker in print, may have thought that he had. The allusion
is clearly to Shakespeare as a writer, or one might have thought that
he acted Horace-Jonson in _Satiromastix_.
Especially in 3, the writer is much occupied with contemporary
literature, but this does not justify the slap-dash attempt of Fleay,
ii. 347, to identify nearly all his characters with individual literary
men. They are, of course, not individuals, but types, and types
of university men. The most that can be said is that there may be
something of Marston in Furor Poeticus, and a good deal of Nashe, with
probably also a little of Greene, in Ingenioso, who ultimately takes
flight, with Furor and Phantasma, to the Isle of Dogs (v. 3, 4):
There where the blattant beast doth rule and raigne
Renting the credit of whom ere he please.
_Il Pastor Fido > 1601_
_S. R._ 1601, Sept. 16 (Pasfield). ‘A booke called the faythfull
Shepheard’. _Waterson_ (Arber, iii. 192).
1602. Il Pastor Fido: Or The faithfull Shepheard. Translated out of
Italian into English. _For Simon Waterson._ [Sonnets by S. Daniel and
the Translator to Sir Edward Dymocke; Epistle to the same, dated 31
Dec. 1601, and signed ‘Simon Waterson’.]
1633. _For John Waterson._ [Epistle by John Waterson to Charles Dymock.]
1633. _Augustine Matthewes for William Sheares._ [Another issue.]
The preliminary matter of 1602 and 1633 is shown by Greg, _Pastoral_,
242, to point to a kinsman, but not the son, of Sir Edward Dymocke as
the translator. He may be a John Dymmocke, to whom Archer’s play-list
of 1656 (Greg, _Masques_, xcvi) assigns in error _The Faithful
Shepherdess_. The translation is from G. Battista Guarini’s _Il Pastor
Fido_ (1590). For a Latin translation see App. L.
_The Pedlar’s Prophecy > 1594_
_S. R._ 1594, May 13. ‘A plea booke intituled the Pedlers Prophesie.’
_Thomas Creede_ (Arber, ii. 649).
1595. The Pedlers Prophecie. _Thomas Creede, sold by William Barley._
[Prologue.]
_Editions_ by J. S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._) and W. W. Greg (1914, _M.
S. R._).
The analogies of title and date of publication to _The Cobler’s
Prophecy_ have led Fleay, ii. 283, and others to ascribe the
authorship to Wilson. To me the play reads more like a belated piece of
_c._ 1560–70.
_Pericles c. 1607–8_
See Shakespeare (ch. xxiii), except in relation to whose work the play
can hardly be discussed.
_Philotus > 1603_
1603. Ane verie excellent and delectabill Treatise intitulit Philotus.
Quhairin we may persaue the greit inconveniences that fallis out in the
Mariage betwene age and zouth. _Robert Charteris, Edinburgh._ [At end
are verses beginning ‘What if a day or a month or a zeere’, possibly
Campion’s; cf. Bullen, _Campion_ (1903), 270.]
1612. A verie excellent and delectable Comedie.... _Andro Hart,
Edinburgh._
_Editions_ by J. Pinkerton (1792, _Scottish Poems_, iii) and for
Bannatyne Club (1835).
This has been ascribed to Robert Sempill (1530?-95), but merely because
his play before the Regent of Scotland on 17 June 1568 (Diary of
Robert Birrel in Dalyell, _Fragments of Scottish History_, 14) is not
otherwise known. R. Brotanek (1898, _Festschrift zum viii allgemeinen
deutschen Neuphilologentage in Wien_; cf. _Jahrbuch_, xxxv. 302)
suggests Alexander Montgomery.
_The Puritan. 1606_
_S. R._ 1607, Aug. 6 (Buck). ‘A book called the comedie of “the Puritan
Widowe”.’ _George Elde_ (Arber, iii. 358).
1607. The Puritaine Or The Widdow of Watling-streete. Acted by the
Children of Paules. Written by W. S. _G. Eld._ [Running-title ‘The
Puritaine Widdow’.]
1664; 1685. [Parts of F_{3} and F_{4} of Shakespeare.]
_Editions_ in 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), by J. S. Farmer
(1911, _T. F. T._), and in _Sh. Apocrypha_.
The W. S. of the title-page was interpreted as William Shakespeare
in Archer’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, _Masques_, c). The attribution
is accepted by no modern critic, and guesses at Wentworth Smith and
William Smith rest similarly on nothing but the initials. Internal
evidence points to an author who was an Oxford man, and familiar with
the plays of Shakespeare. Middleton is preferred by Fleay, ii. 92,
Bullen (_Middleton_, i. lxxix), and others; Marston by Brooke, who
dwells on a general resemblance to _Eastward Hoe_, and seems inclined
to think that Jonson, whose _Bartholomew Fair_ the play foreshadows,
might also have contributed. The character George Pyeboard is clearly
meant for Peele, and the play uses episodes which appear in _The Merrie
Conceited Jests of George Peele Gent_. This, though the extant print is
of 1607, was entered in S. R. on 14 Dec. 1605. The Paul’s plays seem to
have terminated in 1606, and Fleay points out that an almanac allusion
in III. vi. 289 is to Tuesday, 15 July, which fits 1606. The attack on
the Puritan ministers was resented in W. Crashaw’s Paul’s Cross sermon
of 13 Feb. 1608 (cf. App. C, no. lvi).
_The Revenger’s Tragedy. 1606 < > 7_
_S. R._ 1607, Oct. 7 (Buck). ‘Twoo plaies, thone called the revengers
tragedie.’ _George Eld_ (Arber, iii. 360).
1607. The Revengers Tragœdie. As it hath beene sundry times Acted, by
the Kings Maiesties Seruants. _G. Eld._
1608. _G. Eld._
_Editions_ in Dodsley^{1–4} (1744–1876), and by W. Scott (1810, _A. B.
D._ ii) and A. H. Thorndike (1912, _M. E. D._).
The authorship is ascribed to ‘Tournour’ in Archer’s list of 1656
and to ‘Cyril Tourneur’ in Kirkman’s lists of 1661 and 1671 (Greg,
_Masques_, cii). Fleay, ii. 264, is sceptical, thinking the work too
good for the author of _The Atheist’s Tragedy_, and inclined to suggest
Webster. Oliphant (_M. P._ viii. 427) thinks Tourneur impossible,
in view of the difference of manner, and suggests, only to reject,
Middleton. E. E. Stoll, _John Webster_, 107, 212, points out that both
plays are much under the influence of Marston, and that the date may be
fixed by the borrowing of the name and character of Dandolo from _The
Fawn_ (1606).
_The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York > 1592_
See _The Contention of York and Lancaster_.
_1 Richard the Second c. 1592 < > 5_
[_MS._] _Egerton MS._ 1994. The play forms a separate section of this
composite MS. It has no title-page and a few lines at the end are
missing. The handwriting is of the late sixteenth or early seventeenth
century.
_Editions_ by J. O. Halliwell (1870) and W. Keller (1899, _Jahrbuch_,
xxxv. 3.--_Dissertations_: F. I. Carpenter, _Notes on the Anonymous
Richard II_ (1899, _Journ. Germ. Phil._ iii. 138); F. S. Boas, _A
Seventeenth Century Theatrical Repertoire_ (_Library_ for July 1917).
The play deals with an earlier part of the reign than that of
Shakespeare’s _Richard II_. Keller concludes from a study of parallel
passages that it was known to Shakespeare, and that the author knew
Marlowe’s _Edward II_ and _2 Henry VI_. This gives a date of about
1592–5. Fleay, ii. 320, dates the play about 1591 and assigns it, for
no apparent reason, to the Queen’s men. Boas accepts the date 1590–5
on internal evidence, but finds the names ‘George’ and ‘Toby’ in the
stage-directions as players of servants’ parts, and supposes the MS.
to belong to a seventeenth-century revival and to have been collected
with others in _Egerton MS._ 1994 by the younger William Cartwright,
who was one of a late King’s Revels company traceable during 1629–37
(Murray, i. 279). He identifies ‘George’, rather hazardously, with
George Stutfield, who belonged to this company, and ‘Toby’ with an
Edward Tobye, who is not known to have belonged to it, but is found in
1623 among the Children of the Revels to the late Queen Anne (Murray,
i. 361; ii. 273). My difficulty about this is that the relation of _1
Rich. II_ to Shakespeare’s play is so close as to make it natural to
regard it as having become a Chamberlain’s play, and therefore unlikely
to get into the hands of either of these Revels companies. Any company
might have a George. George Bryan, for example, is a possibility. Toby,
no doubt, is a rarer name. Toby Mills died in 1585, but might have left
a son or godson of his name.
_The True Tragedy of Richard the Third > 1594_
_S. R._ 1594, June 19. ‘An enterlude entituled, The Tragedie of Richard
the Third wherein is showen the Death of Edward the FFourthe with the
smotheringe of the twoo princes in the Tower, with a lamentable end of
Shores wife, and the Coniunction of the twoo houses of Lancaster and
Yorke.’ _Thomas Creede_ (Arber, ii. 654).
1594. The True Tragedie of Richard the Third: Wherein is showne the
death of Edward the fourth, with the smothering of the two yoong
Princes in the Tower: With a lamentable ende of Shore’s wife, an
example for all wicked women. And lastly the conjunction and ioyning
of the two noble Houses, Lancaster and Yorke. As it was playd by
the Queenes Maiesties Players. _Thomas Creede, sold by William
Barley._ [Induction; Epilogue.]
_Editions_ in _Variorum_ (1821), xix. 251, and by B. Field (1844, _Sh.
Soc._) and W. C. Hazlitt (1875, _Sh. Libr._).--_Dissertation_: G. B.
Churchill, _Richard the Third up to Shakespeare_ (1900, _Palaestra_, x).
Collier, _Shakespeare_, v. 342, put the play earlier than 1588 on the
ground that the epilogue in praise of Elizabeth makes no mention of
the Armada. But ‘She hath put proud Antichrist to flight’ may pass
for such a mention. Fleay, 64, dates it about 1587: in ii. 28 he says
‘1586 or late in 1585’ as a ballad on the subject was entered on the
Stationers’ Register on 15 Aug. 1586; in ii. 315 he prefers 1591,
regarding the play as a continuation of _The Contention between York
and Lancaster_. He considers a later date as excluded by the close of
the court career of the Queen’s men in 1591. This, however, did not
close until 1594, and the epilogue was not necessarily given at court.
Churchill also thinks the play a continuation of the _Contention_,
and finds influences, not very striking, of Marlowe’s _Tamburlaine_,
_Faustus_, and _Edward II_. He concludes for 1590–1. There is very
little trace of any use by Shakespeare of this play for his _Richard
III_.
Boswell groundlessly took the author to be that of _Locrine_
(q.v.). Fleay, ii. 315, tries to divide the scenes between Lodge and
Peele, and suggests that they were re-writing Kyd.
_Robin Hood > 1560_
_S. R._ 1560, Oct. 30. ‘A newe playe called----.’ _William Copland_
(Arber, i. 152).
N.D. A mery geste of Robyn Hoode and of hys lyfe, wyth a newe playe
for to be played in Maye games very plesaunte and full of pastyme.
[_Colophon_] _Imprinted at London vpon the thre Crane wharfe by Wyllyam
Copland_.
N.D. _For Edward White._
_Editions_ in J. Ritson, _Robin Hood_ (1795), ii. 199, F. J. Child,
_English and Scottish Popular Ballads_, iii (1888) 114, 127, and Manly
(1897), ii. 281.
The play, which deals with the episodes of Robin Hood and the Friar and
Robin Hood and the Potter, is appended to a reprint of the narrative
_Geste_, originally printed by Wynken de Worde. Manly assigns Copland’s
edition to _c._ 1550, but Arber, v. 32, to ‘_c._ 1560, by the Printer’s
address’, and Furnivall, _Captain Cox_, to _c._ 1561. Apparently
Copland is not traceable at the Three Cranes before that year and had
earlier addresses. If so, I think that his anonymous entry of 1560 in
the Stationers’ Register may fairly be supposed to relate to _Robin
Hood_.
_Ruff, Cuff and Band c. 1615_
[_MS._] _Add. MS._ 23723.
_S. R._ 1615, Feb. 10 (Taverner). ‘A booke called a Diologue betwene
Ruffe Cuffe and Band &c.’ _Miles Patriche_ (Arber, iii. 563).
1615. A merrie Dialogue, Betwene Band, Cuffe, and Ruffe: Done by an
excellent Wit, And Lately acted in a Shew in the famous Vniversitie of
Cambridge. _William Stansby for Miles Partrich._
1615. Exchange Ware at the second hand, Viz. Band, Ruffe and Cuffe,
lately out, and now newly dearned vp. Or Dialogue, acted in a Shew in
the famous Vniversitie of Cambridge. The second Edition. _W. Stansby
for Myles Partrich._
1661. [Title as in ed. 1.] _For F. K._
_Editions_ in _Harleian Miscellany_^2, x (1813), and by J. O. Halliwell
(1849, _Contributions to Early English Literature_) and C. Hindley,
_Old Book Collector’s Miscellany_, ii (1872).
_The Second Maiden’s Tragedy. 1611_
[_MS._] _B.M._, _Lansdowne MS._ 807, f. 29, formerly _penes_ John
Warburton. [Greg distinguishes four contemporary hands: (_a_) a scribe
or copyist of the original text and certain additions on inserted
slips; (_b_) a corrector, probably the author; (_c_) the Master of the
Revels, Buck; (_d_) a theatre official, who added stage-directions.
The contributions of (_b_) and (_c_) are not wholly distinguishable,
especially where mere deletions are in question, as the author may,
besides literary corrections, have made others due to the hints, or
known views, of Buck as censor. The presence of a second literary
corrector is just possible. On the verso of the last leaf Buck has
written: ‘This second Maydens tragedy (for it hath no name inscribed)
may w^{th} the reformations bee acted publikely. 31 octob^r. 1611. G.
Buc.’ In later hands are the title ‘The Second Maydens Tragedy’ at
the beginning, and a note following Buck’s endorsed licence, which
originally ran, ‘The Second Maydens Tragedy October 31^{th} 1611 By
Thomas Goffe A Tragedy indeed’. Here Goffe’s name has been cancelled,
and two successive correctors have substituted, firstly, ‘George
Chapman’, and then ‘By Will Shakspear’. Warburton’s hand is not
discernible, and the last correction was probably made after his time,
as his list of manuscript plays (3 _Library_, ii. 232) includes ‘2^d.
p^t. Maidens Trag̃. Geo. Chapman’.]
_S. R._ 1653, Sept. 9. ‘The Maid’s Tragedie, 2^d. part.’ _H. Moseley_
(Eyre, i. 428).
_Editions_ in 1824–5 (_O. E. D._ i), Chapman’s _Works_ (1875,
iii), and Dodsley^4 (1875, x), and by W. W. Greg (1909, _M. S.
R._).--_Dissertations_: J. Phelan, _Philip Massinger_ (1879, _Anglia_,
ii. 47); A. S. W. Rosenbach, _The Curious-Impertinent_ (1902, _M. L.
N._ xvii. 179); W. Nicholson, _The S. M. T._ (1912, _M. L. N._ xxvii.
33).
The play may be assigned to the King’s men, in view of stage-directions
to ll. 1724, 1928, which show that ‘M^r Goughe’ played Memphonius and
‘Rich Robinson’ the Lady. Perhaps this also explains the ascription
of authorship to Thomas Goffe, which, like those to Chapman and
Shakespeare, now finds no favour. Tieck, who translated the play in
his _Shakespeare’s Vorschule_ (1829, ii), argued for Massinger, whose
lost _Tyrant_ he took the play to be. No doubt the chief character
is only entitled ‘Tyrant’ in the manuscript. But the _Tyrant_ has a
separate existence both in S. R. and in Warburton’s list. Fleay, ii.
331, thought that the title was originally meant to be _The Usurping
Tyrant_, and that the play was by the author of _The Revenger’s
Tragedy_, generally assigned to Tourneur. Rosenbach doubts Massinger,
and thinks Tourneur’s hand traceable. Swinburne seems to have suggested
Middleton.
_Selimus. 1591 < > 94_
1594. The First part of the Tragicall raigne of Selimus, sometime
Emperour of the Turkes, and grandfather to him that now raigneth.
Wherein is showne how hee most vnnaturally raised warres against his
owne father Baiazet, and preuailing therein, in the end caused him to
be poysoned: Also with the murthering of his two brethren, Corcut,
and Acomat. As it was playd by the Queenes Maiesties Players. _Thomas
Creede._ [Prologue and Conclusion.]
1638. The Tragedy of Selimus Emperour of the Turkes. Written T. G. _For
John Crooke and Richard Serger._ [Re-issue of 1594 sheets with new t.p.]
_Editions_ by A. B. Grosart (1898, _T. D._) and W. Bang (1908, _M. S.
R._), and in collections of Greene (q.v.).--_Dissertation_: H. Gilbert,
_Robert Greene’s S._ (1899, Kiel diss.); cf. s. _Locrine_.
The T. G. of the 1638 title-page is probably meant for Thomas Goffe,
the author of contemporary plays on Turkish history. He, however, was
only born in 1591. Six passages from the play are assigned to Greene in
R[obert] A[llot’s] _England’s Parnassus_ (1600). This is fairly strong
evidence, and Greene’s authorship is supported by Grosart, Brooke (_Sh.
Apocrypha_, xix), and Gilbert. Ward and Gayley (_R. E. C._ i. 420) take
the opposite view. Crawford, who points out (_E. P._ xxxv, 407) that
Allot is not impeccable, prefers Marlowe. Fleay, ii. 315, would divide
the play between Greene and Lodge. The problem is bound up with that
of the authorship of _Locrine_ (q.v.), from which _Selimus_ clearly
borrows. It can therefore hardly be of earlier date than 1591. The
Conclusion, or epilogue, promises a second part, of which nothing is
known.
_Soliman and Perseda c. 1589 < > 92_
_S. R._ 1592, Nov. 20 (Bp. of London). ‘The tragedye of Salamon and
Perceda.’ _Edward White_ (Arber, ii. 622).
N.D. The Tragedye of Solyman and Perseda. Wherein is laide open, Loues
constancy, Fortunes inconstancy, and Deaths Triumphs. _Edward Allde for
Edward White._ [Induction.]
1599. _E. Allde for E. White._ [In some copies ‘newly corrected and
amended’ is stamped on the t.p.]
[1815]. [A facs. reprint, with date 1599 and imprint _Edward Allde for
Edward White_, of which two copies, C. 57. c. 15 and G. 18612, are in
B.M.; cf. W. W. Greg in _M. L. Q._ iv. 188, and R. B. McKerrow, _Bibl.
Evid._ 302. Some copies have ‘J. Smeeton, Printer, St. Martin’s Lane’
on the v^o. of the t.p.]
_Editions_ by T. Hawkins (1773, _O. E. D._ ii), in Dodsley^4, v
(1874), and by F. S. Boas (1901, _Works of Kyd_) and J. S. Farmer
(_S. F. T._).--_Dissertations_: E. Sieper (1897, _Z. f. vergleichende
Litteraturgeschichte_, N. F. x); G. Sarrazin, _Die Verfasser von S. u.
P._ (1891, _E. S._ xv. 250); E. Koeppel, _Beiträge zur Geschichte des
elisabethanischen Dramas_ (1892, _E. S._ xvi. 357); J. E. Routh, _T.
Kyd’s Rime Schemes and the Authorship of S. P. and 1 Jeronimo_ (1905,
_M. L. N._ xx. 49); K. Wiehl, _Thomas Kyd und die Autorschaft von S. u.
P._ (1912, _E. S._ xliv. 343).
Fleay, ii. 26, Sarrazin, and Boas claim the play for Kyd, partly on
grounds of style, partly because the plot is an elaboration of the
‘play within the play’ of _The Spanish Tragedy_ (_c._ 1589), iv. 4;
Wiehl doubts on metrical grounds. Schick (_Archiv_, xc) suggests Peele,
who is said in the _Merry Conceited Jests_ (Bullen, _Peele_, ii. 389)
to have written, or pretended to have written, a play of _The Knight of
Rhodes_, a title which would apply to _Soliman and Perseda_. Robertson,
109, 150, 166, thinks that Greene collaborated with Kyd.
_Captain Thomas Stukeley. 1596_
_S. R._ 1600, Aug. 11 (Vicars). ‘Ye history of the life and Deathe
of Captaine Thomas Stucley, with his Mariage to Alexander Curtis
his daughter, and his valiant endinge of his life at the battell of
Alcazar.’ _Thomas Pavier_ (Arber, iii. 169).
1605. The Famous Historye of the life and death of Captaine Thomas
Stukeley. With his marriage to Alderman Curteis Daughter, and valiant
ending of his life at the Battaile of Alcazar. As it hath beene Acted.
For _Thomas Pavier_.
_Editions_ by R. Simpson (1878, _S. of S._ i) and J. S. Farmer (1911,
_T. F. T._).--_Dissertations_: E. H. C. Oliphant (1905, 10 _N. Q._ iii.
301, 342, 382); J. Q. Adams, _C. T. S._ (1916, _J. G. P._ xv. 107).
‘Tom Stucley’ is named as a stage hero by Peele in his _Farewell_
(1589); but the present play is probably the _Stewtley_ produced by
the Admiral’s on 11 Dec. 1596 (Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 181). There are
allusions to ‘the Theatre fields’ (611) and ‘her Majesty’ (752), which
may only represent historic time. Although Sebastian of Portugal is
a character, there is no reference to the legend of his survival,
which was well known in England in 1598. Simpson regards the play as
belonging to the Chamberlain’s, on the ground of certain political
proclivities which he chose to ascribe to that company. The text is
incoherent, and several theories representing it as a contamination of
two distinct plays have been promulgated. Simpson supposed that part of
a play on Don Antonio has been inserted into one dealing in five acts
with Stukeley’s adventures in England, Ireland, Spain, Rome, and Africa
respectively, and this view is elaborated by Oliphant, who attempts
to disentangle several original and revising hands, including that of
John Fletcher, to whom he assigns 245–335. Fleay, i. 127, thinks that
Dekker made up the play for Paul’s, _c._ 1600, out of _Stewtley_ and
a _Mahomet_ by Peele. Apparently he starts from _Satiromastix_, 980,
where Horace says that Demetrius Fannius ‘cut an innocent Moore i’ the
middle, to serue him in twice; & when he had done, made Poules-worke of
it’. But surely there is a difference between making two plays out of
one and making one play out of two.
_1 Tamar Cham > 1592_
[_MS._] ‘The plott of The First parte of Tamar Cham.’ In the possession
of Steevens, but now unknown.
The text is given by Steevens, _Variorum_ (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
_Variorum_ (1821), iii. 356; Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 144.
The actors’ names point to a performance by the Admiral’s, near 2 Oct.
1602, when they bought the book from Alleyn (cf. ch. xiii). The play
was produced as ‘n. e.’ by the same company on 6 May 1596, but probably
Henslowe’s ‘n. e.’ in this case only indicates a substantial revision,
as the letters are also attached to the notice of a performance of Part
ii on 11 June 1596, and Part ii had already been played as ‘n. e.’
by Strange’s on 28 April 1592. Obviously a Part i must already have
existed (Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 155).
_The Taming of A Shrew c. 1589_
_S. R._ 1594, May 2. ‘A booke intituled A plesant Conceyted historie
called “the Tayminge of a Shrowe”.’ _Peter Short_ (Arber, ii. 648).
1594. A Pleasant Conceited Historie, called The taming of a Shrew. As
it was sundry times acted by the Right honorable the Earle of Pembrook
his seruants. _Peter Short, sold by Cuthbert Burby._ [Induction.]
1596. _Peter Short, sold by Cuthbert Burby._
1607. _V. S. for Nicholas Ling._
_Editions_ by J. Nicholls (1779, _Six Old Plays_, i), T. Amyot (1844,
_Sh. Soc._), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, _Sh. Libr._ vi), E. W. Ashbee (1876,
facs.), F. J. Furnivall (1886, _Sh. Q_), F. S. Boas (1908, _Sh.
Classics_), and J. S. Farmer (_S. F. T._).
The Admiral’s and Chamberlain’s revived ‘the tamynge of A shrowe’ for
Henslowe on 11 June 1594, shortly after the entry in S. R. (Greg,
_Henslowe_, ii. 164). Presumably it belonged to the Chamberlain’s, who
had acquired it from Pembroke’s, and the 1594 performance may have been
either of the original, or of Shakespeare’s revision, _The Taming of
The Shrew_, for which 1594 is a plausible date. An early reference to
the printed book is in Harington’s _Metamorphosis of Ajax_ (1596), 95,
‘For the shrewd wife, read the book of Taming a Shrew, which hath made
a number of us so perfect, that now every one can rule a shrew in our
country, save he that hath her’. It is to be noted that, unlike _Leire_
(q.v.) and _King Lear_, the two versions counted, from the copyright
point of view, as one, so that the transfer of _A Shrew_ to Smethwick
made an entry of _The Shrew_ in S. R. for the purposes of F_{1} of
Shakespeare unnecessary. Probably Pembroke’s in their turn got the
play from the earlier Admiral’s or Strange’s. Its date has been placed
in or before 1589, because certain lines of it appear to be parodied
both in Greene’s _Menaphon_ of that year, and in the prefatory epistle
to _Menaphon_ by Nashe. Some such date is confirmed by its direct
imitations from Marlowe’s _Tamburlaine_ (_c._ 1587) and to a less
extent from _Dr. Faustus_ (_c._ 1588), which are collected by Boas, 93.
For author, Marlowe, Kyd, Greene, and Peele have all been suggested,
but, so far as we know, Marlowe did not repeat himself, and the others
did not plagiarize him, in this flagrant manner. Shakespeare also is
still often credited with a hand in the old play, as well as in the
revision, and the problem can best be discussed in connexion with
Shakespeare. Sykes gives part to S. Rowley (q.v.).
_The Thracian Wonder c. 1600_
1661. Two New Playes: Viz. A Cure for a Cuckold: A Comedy. The Thracian
Wonder: A Comical History. As it hath been several times Acted with
great Applause. Written by John Webster and William Rowley. _Tho.
Johnson, sold by Francis Kirkman._ [Separate t.p. The Thracian Wonder
... _as above_. Epistle to the Reader, signed ‘Francis Kirkman’.]
_Editions_ by C. W. Dilke (1815, _O. E. P._ vi), and in collections of
Webster (q.v.).--_Dissertations_: J. le G. Brereton, _The Relation of
T. W. to Greene’s Menaphon_ (1906, _M. L. R._ ii. 34); J. Q. Adams,
_Greene’s Menaphon and T. W._ (1906, _M. P._ iii. 317); O. L. Hatcher,
_The Sources and Authorship of T. W._ (1908, _M. L. N._ xxiii. 16).
The ascription of the title-page is rejected by Stoll, _Webster_, 34,
and modern writers generally, although Stork, _Rowley_, 61, thinks
that Rowley may have added comic touches. The use of Webster’s name
may be due to the identity of the plot with that of William Webster’s
_Curan and Argentile_ (1617). But William Webster took it from Warner’s
_Albion’s England_ (1586), iv. xx. From the same source Greene took it,
with a change of names, for _Menaphon_ (1589), and it is _Menaphon_,
with another change of names, that the play follows. Brereton ascribes
it to Greene himself; Hatcher thinks that the direct plagiarisms from
the source and the archaistic phrase ‘old Menaphon’ (iv. 2), whereas
Greene’s hero is a youth, point to an early sixteenth-century admirer
of Greene. Adams supports the suggestion of Fleay, i. 287, that this
is the _War Without Blows and Love Without Suit_ written by Heywood
for the Admiral’s in 1598, but this is a mere guess based on Heywood’s
title (Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 199). Fleay then supposed that it was
revised for Queen Anne’s about 1607; elsewhere (ii. 332) he supposes it
a dramatization of Webster’s story for Prince Charles’s about 1617.
_Timon c. 1581 < > 90_ (?)
[_MS._] _Dyce MS._ 52. [Epilogue. The MS. is a transcript in two hands.]
_Editions_ by A. Dyce (1842, _Sh. Soc._) and W. C. Hazlitt (1875, _Sh.
Libr._ ii. 2).--_Dissertation_: J. Q. Adams, _The Timon Plays_ (1910,
_J. G. P._ ix. 506).
Greek quotations and other pedantries suggest an academic audience,
but there is little indication of place or date, beyond parallels with
_Pedantius_, which lead Moore Smith (_M. L. R._ iii. 143) to suggest
Cambridge and _c._ 1581–90. Adams thinks that the piece may have been
performed by London schoolboys, and known to Shakespeare.
_Tom Tyler and his Wife > 1563_
_S. R._ 1562–3. ‘These ballettes folowynge ... an other of Tom Tyler.’
_Thomas Colwell_ (Arber, i. 210).
1661. Tom Tyler and His Wife. An Excellent Old Play, As It was Printed
and Acted about a hundred Years ago. The second Impression. [Prologue
and ‘concluding Song’. There is no imprint, but as most of the extant
copies have a variant t.p. with the additional words ‘Together, with
an exact Catalogue of all the playes that were ever yet printed’,
and as Kirkman’s catalogue of 1661 is appended, he was doubtless the
publisher.]
_Editions_ by F. E. Schelling (1900, _M. L. A._ xv. 253), G. C. Moore
Smith and W. W. Greg (1910, _M. S. R._), and J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F.
T._).
The S. R. entry may refer to a ballad based on the play, or may
possibly be a loose description of the play itself. In any case there
is no reason to doubt the existence of a print of about that date.
The evidence of the 1661 title-page is confirmed by the entry of ‘Tom
tyler’ in Archer’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, _Masques_, cxii).
Chetwood, who cannot be relied on, gave the date as 1598, and an
inaccurate reproduction of this seems to be responsible for the 1578 of
other writers. The text of 1661 has been shown by C. P. G. Scott (in
Schelling’s introduction) to be a rendering into seventeenth-century
orthography of a play whose vocabulary may be put, with decreasing
certainty, within the limits 1530–80, 1540–70, and 1550–60. The
prologue says that the play is ‘set out by prettie boyes’, and the
‘concluding Song’ has a prayer for the preservation of the queen,
‘from perilous chance that hath been seen’. Fleay, ii. 295, somewhat
arbitrarily thinks the Chapel ‘more likely’ to have presented it than
Paul’s. A misinterpretation of Kirkman’s list of 1661 led E. Phillips,
_Theatrum Poetarum_ (1675), to assign the authorship to W. Wager
(_M. S. C._ i. 325).
_The Trial of Chivalry c. 1600_
_S. R._ 1604, Dec. 4 (Pasfield). ‘A book called The life and Deathe of
Cavaliero Dick Boyer.’ _Nathaniel Butter_ (Arber, iii. 277).
1605. The History of the tryall of Cheualry, With the life and death
of Caualiero Dicke Bowyer. As it hath bin lately acted by the right
Honourable the Earle of Darby his seruants. _Simon Stafford for
Nathaniel Butter._
1605. This Gallant Caualiero Dicke Bowyer, Newly acted. [Another issue.]
_Editions_ by A. H. Bullen (1884, _O. E. P._ iii) and J. S. Farmer
(1912, _T. F. T._).--_Dissertation_: C. R. Baskervill, _Sidney’s
Arcadia and the T. of C._ (1912, _M. P._ x. 197).
Bullen thinks this may be _Love Parts Friendship_, written by Chettle
and Smith for the Admiral’s in 1602; Fleay, ii. 318, that it may be the
_Burbon_ brought to the Admiral’s by Pembroke’s in 1597, as the Duke
of Bourbon is a chief personage, and also the _Cutting Dick_ to which
Heywood wrote additions for Worcester’s in 1602 (Greg, _Henslowe_, ii.
187, 221, 231). There is, of course, no particular reason why a play by
Derby’s should appear in Henslowe’s diary at all. They were in London
in the winters of 1599–1600 and 1600–1. The only link between them and
Henslowe is Heywood, if he was the author of their _Edward IV_ (q.v.).
Fleay, i. 289, thinks that the present play may be by the same hands.
Probably the Earl of Derby himself wrote for the company.
_The Trial of Treasure > 1567_
1567. A new and mery Enterlude, called the Triall of Treasure, newly
set foorth, and neuer before this tyme imprinted. _Thomas Purfoot._
[Arrangement for 5 actors; Prologue and Epilogue, headed ‘Praie for all
estates’.]
_Editions_ by J. O. Halliwell (1850, _Percy Soc._ xxviii),
in Dodsley^4, iii (1874), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, _T. F.
T._--_Dissertation_: W. W. Greg, _The T. of T._, 1567--_A Study in
Ghosts_ (1910, 3 _Library_, i. 28).
Greg shows that there was only one edition, not two, of 1567. The play
is a non-controversial morality, and may very well date from about 1567.
_1 Troilus and Cressida. 1599_ (?)
[_MS._] _Add. MS._ 10449. [A fragmentary ‘plot’ without title, probably
from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 142, who infers from
the names of the characters that it may have been the _Troilus and
Cressida_ written by Chettle and Dekker for the Admiral’s in April
1599. The few names of actors are not inconsistent with this (cf. ch.
xiii).
_The Valiant Welshman. 1610 < > 15_
_S. R._ 1615, Feb. 21 (Buck). ‘A play called the valiant welshman.’
_Robert Lownes_ (Arber, iii. 564).
1615. The Valiant Welshman, Or The True Chronicle History of the life
and valiant deedes of Caradoc the Great, King of Cambria, now called
Wales. As it hath beene sundry times Acted by the Prince of Wales
his seruants. Written by R. A. Gent. _George Purslowe for Robert
Lownes._ [Epistle to the Reader; Induction; Epilogue.]
1663. _For William Gilbertson._
_Editions_ by V. Kreb (1902) and J. S. Farmer (1913, _S. F. T._).
Borrowings from Ben Jonson’s _Alchemist_ (1610) require a late date,
and the assertion of Fleay, i. 26, that this is _The Welshman_ revived
by the Admiral’s on 29 Nov. 1595 may be disregarded (Greg, _Henslowe_,
ii. 178). There is nothing, beyond the initials, to connect the play
with Robert Armin, and Kreb would assign it to some young University
man.
_A Warning for Fair Women > 1599_
_S. R._ 1599; Nov. 17. ‘A warnynge for fayre women.’ _William Aspley_
(Arber, iii. 151).
1599. A warning for Faire Women. Containing, The most tragicall and
lamentable murther of Master George Sanders of London Marchant, nigh
Shooters hill. Consented vnto By his owne wife, acted by M. Browne,
Mistris Drewry and Trusty Roger agents therin: with their seuerall
ends. As it hath beene lately diuerse times acted by the right
Honorable, the Lord Chamberlaine his Seruantes. _Valentine Sims for
William Aspley._ [Induction.]
_Editions_ by R. Simpson (1878, _S. of S._ ii) and J. S. Farmer (_S. F.
T._).
References to ‘this fair circuit’ and ‘this Round’ are inconclusive
as to whether the play was produced before the Chamberlain’s went to
the Globe in 1599, as their earlier houses were probably also round.
E. Phillips, _Theatrum Poetarum_ (1675), 113, and A. Wood, _Athenae_
(1691), i. 676, assign the authorship, incredibly, to Lyly. Fleay, ii.
54, conjectures Lodge; Bullen, _O. E. P._ iv. 1, Yarington.
_The Wars of Cyrus King of Persia > 1594_
1594. The Warres of Cyrus King of Persia, against Antiochus King of
Assyria, with the Tragicall ende of Panthæa. Played by the children of
her Maiesties Chappell. _E. A. for William Blackwal._
_Editions_ by W. Keller (1901, _Jahrbuch_, xxxvii. 1) and J. S. Farmer
(1911, _T. F. T._).
The play, clearly influenced by _Tamburlaine_, may rest on one by
Farrant (q.v.) _c._ 1578. There is no record of any court performance
by the Chapel between 1584 and 1601. Fleay, ii. 322, guesses that an
allusion in Nashe’s _Summer’s Last Will and Testament_ (q.v.) points to
a performance of this play at Croydon twelve months earlier. The text
is disordered. A prologue ‘To the audience’ is inserted in Act II at
621 and refers to a chorus, but there is none. At 367 is ‘Finis Actus
primi’, but ‘Actus Secundus’ is at 502.
_The Weakest Goeth to the Wall > 1600_
_S. R._ 1600, Oct. 23 (Pasfield). ‘A booke called, the Weakest goethe
to the Walles.’ _Richard Oliff_ (Arber, iii. 175).
1600. The Weakest goeth to the Wall. As it hath bene sundry times
plaide by the right honourable Earle of Oxenford, Lord great
Chamberlaine of England his seruants. _Thomas Creede for Richard
Oliue._ [Dumb Show and Prologue.]
1618. _G. P. for Richard Hawkins._
_Editions_ by J. S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._), W. W. Greg (1912, _M. S.
R._), and with _Works_ of Webster (q.v.).
The ascription of the play to Dekker and Webster by E. Phillips,
_Theatrum Poetarum_ (1675), 116, was rejected by Langbaine (1691)
and, so far as Webster is concerned, has nothing to recommend it (E.
Stoll, _Webster_, 34). Ward, iii. 56, finds Dekker’s humour, and Hunt,
_Dekker_, 42, thinks it Chettle’s, revised by Dekker. Fleay, ii. 114,
gives it to Munday, as the only known writer for Oxford’s, except
Oxford himself. But he is thinking of Oxford’s boy company of 1580–4,
not of the later company of 1601 or earlier, to whose repertory the
play probably belonged, and with whom Munday is not known to have had
anything to do.
_Wily Beguiled. 1596 < > 1606_
_S. R._ 1606, Nov. 12 (Hartwell). ‘A booke called Wylie beguilde &c.’
_Clement Knight_ (Arber, iii. 333).
1606. A Pleasant Comedie, Called Wily Beguilde. The Chiefe Actors be
these: A poore Scholler, a rich Foole, and a Knaue at a shifte. _H.
L. for Clement Knight._ [Induction, Prologue, and Epilogue.]
N.D.; 1623; 1630; 1635; 1638.
_Editions_ by T. Hawkins (1773, _O. E. D._ iii), in Dodsley^4,
ix (1874), and by J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._) and W. W. Greg
(1912, _M. S. R._).--_Dissertations_: J. W. Hales, _Shakespearian
Imitations_ (1875, _Ath._ 1875, 17 July, 4 Sept.); F. J. Furnivall,
_Parallels_ (1875, 5 _N. Q._ iv. 144); P. A. Daniel, _On W. B._ (1875,
_Brooke’s Romeus and Juliet_, xxxv, _N. S. S._); E. Landsberg, _Zur
Verfasserfrage des anonymen Lustspiels W. B._ (1911, _E. S._ xliii.
189).
The register of Merton College, Oxford, has for 3 Jan. 1567 the entry,
‘Acta est Wylie Beguylie Comoedia Anglica nocte in aedibus Custodis
per scolares, praesentibus Vicecustode, magistris, baccalaureis, cum
omnibus domesticis et nonnullis extraneis; merito laudandi recte agendo
prae se tulerunt summam spem’ (Boas, 157). No connexion is traceable
between this and the extant play, which Greg and Boas regard as of
Cambridge origin. But it does not seem to me markedly academic. The
character Lelia does not particularly suggest the Cambridge Latin
_Laelia_ of 1595, and the epilogue was spoken in a ‘circled rounde’.
The description of himself by Churms (l. 68), as ‘at Cambridge a
scholler, at Cales a souldier, and now in the country a lawyer, and
the next degree shal be a connicatcher’, does not go far in the way of
proof. This same passage fixes the date as not earlier than the Cadiz
expedition of 1596; obviously the use of the phrase ‘tricke of Wily
Beguily’ in Nashe’s _Have With You to Saffron Walden_ of 1596 (_Works_,
iii. 107) proves nothing one way or other as to date, although Dekker
naturally knew the play when he described rogues and their ‘knavish
comedy of Wily-Beguily’ in his _Belman of London_ of 1608 (_Works_,
iii. 125). If the date is 1596, the authorship of Peele, suggested by
the description of the prologue-speaker as ‘humorous George’, although
he is clearly distinct from the ‘fiery Poet’, and urged by Fleay, ii.
158, and Landsberg, becomes just possible, chronologically, before
his death in November of that year. But the Shakespearian imitations,
although most marked of _M. V._ and earlier plays, seem also to extend
to _Hamlet_, _M. W._, and _T. N._, and the right date may be _c._
1602–6. If the production was in the ‘circled rounde’ of Paul’s, the
quasi-academic note is explicable. Sykes suggests S. Rowley (q.v.) as
part author. Fleay, _Shakespeare Manual_, 272, makes an amazing attempt
to interpret the play as a satire on Lyly, Lodge, Marston, Chettle,
Dekker, Drayton, Middleton, Chapman, Jonson, Henslowe, the Admiral’s,
the Chamberlain’s, the Chapel, and Paul’s. In the Induction, a juggler
finds the title _Spectrum_ exhibited, and later, ‘_Spectrum_ is
conueied away: and _Wily beguiled_, stands in the place of it’ (l. 46).
_The Wisdom of Doctor Dodipoll. 1599 < > 1600_
_S. R._ 1600, Oct. 7. ‘A booke called The Wisdom of Doctor Dodepole
Plaied by the Children of Paules.’ _Richard Oliff_ (Arber, iii. 174).
1600. The Wisdome of Doctor Dodypoll. As it hath bene sundrie times
Acted by the Children of Powles. _Thomas Creede for Richard Oliue._
_Editions_ by A. H. Bullen (1884, _O. E. P._ iii) and J. S. Farmer
(1912, _T. F. T._).--_Dissertation_: E. Koeppel, _Sh.’s J. C. und die
Entstehungszeit des anonymen Dramas The W. of D. D._ (1907, _Jahrbuch_,
xliii. 210).
Fleay, ii. 155, assigned the play to Peele, chiefly on the ground that
a snatch of song is from his _Hunting of Cupid_ (q.v.). But Peele
died in 1596, and Koeppel points out that the phrase (Bullen, p. 129),
‘Then reason’s fled to animals, I see’, presupposes the existence of
_Julius Caesar_ (1599), III. ii. 109:
O judgement! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
And men have lost their reason.
_The Wit of a Woman > 1604_
1604. A Pleasant Comoedie, Wherein is merily shewen: The wit of a
Woman. _For Edward White._ [Prologue and Epilogue.]
_Editions_ by J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._) and W. W. Greg (1913, _M.
S. R._).
Nothing is known of the history of this prose comedy with Italian
names. ‘Sweet and twenty’ (l. 753) recalls _Tw. N._ II. iii. 52.
_Work for Cutlers c. 1615_
_S. R._ 1615, July 4 (Taverner). ‘A little thing called Worke for
Cutlers.’ _Richard Meighen_ (Arber, iii. 569).
1615. Worke for Cutlers. Or, a merry Dialogue betweene Sword, Rapier,
and Dagger. Acted in a Show in the famous universitie of Cambridge.
_Thomas Creede for Richard Meighen and Thomas Jones._ [Epilogue.]
_Editions_ by T. Park (1813, _Harleian Miscellany_^2, x), C. Hindley
(1872, _Old Book Collector’s Miscellany_, ii), A. F. Sieveking (1904).
This short dialogue is described in the epilogue as ‘a Schollers
Prize’. Sieveking suggests the possibility of Heywood’s authorship, but
an academic author is more likely.
_A Yorkshire Tragedy c. 1606_
_S. R._ 1608, May 2 (Wilson). ‘A booke Called A Yorkshire Tragedy
written by Wylliam Shakespere.’ _Thomas Pavier_ (Arber, iii. 377).
1608. A Yorkshire Tragedy. Not so New as Lamentable and true. Acted by
his Maiesties Players at the Globe. Written by W. Shakspeare. _R. B.
for Thomas Pauier._ [Head-title: ‘All’s One, or, One of the foure
plaies in one, called A Yorkshire Tragedy.’]
1619. Omits ‘Acted ... Globe’. _For T. P._ [See ch. xxiii.]
_Editions_ of 1735 (J. Tonson), by W. Knight (1843, _Pictorial Sh._
vii), J. P. Collier (1878, _Works of Sh._), J. S. Farmer (1910, _T. F.
T._), and in _Sh. Apocrypha_.--_Dissertations_: J. P. Collier (_Ath._
1863, i. 332); P. A. Daniel, _Notes on Sh.’s Y. T._ 1608 (_Ath._ 4 Oct.
1879); S. Lee, _Walter Calverley_ (_D. N. B._); B. Dobell, _The Author
of A Y. T._ (1906, 10 _N. Q._ vi. 41); H. D. Sykes, _The Authorship
of A Y. T._ (1917, _J. G. P._ xvi. 437, reprinted in _Sidelights on
Shakespeare_, 77).
This ten-scene play from a four-play bill has merit, but most modern
critics are unable to regard that merit as of Shakespearian type,
although Ward, ii. 231, finds Shakespeare’s hand in some passages, and
Fleay, after wantonly guessing at Edmund Shakespeare (_Shakespeare_,
303), remained impressed (ii. 206) by the external evidence, and
thought that the play must be Shakespeare’s original ending to an
earlier version of _The Miseries of Enforced Marriage_, subsequently
altered by his collaborator, George Wilkins (q.v.), to end happily.
This is ingenious, but too conjectural. The play, like that of Wilkins,
takes its material from the history of Walter Calverley, executed for
murder on 5 Aug. 1605, which is told in Stowe’s _Annales_ and was the
subject of contemporary pamphlets. Dobell and Sykes argue a case on
internal evidence for the authorship of Wilkins himself.
B. MASKS
_Gesta Grayorum. 1594_
[_MS._] _Harl. MS._ 541, f. 138, contains the speeches in the
Shrovetide mask, probably in the hand of Francis Davison. The opening
hymn is not included, and the final hymn seems to have been added by
another hand.
1688. Gesta Grayorum: or, the History Of the High and mighty Prince
Henry Prince of Purpoole, Arch-Duke of Stapulia and Bernardia, Duke
of High and Nether Holborn, Marquis of St. Giles and Tottenham, Count
Palatine of Bloomsbury and Clerkenwell, Great Lord of the Cantons of
Islington, Kentish-Town, Paddington and Knights-bridge, Knight of
the most Heroical Order of the Helmet, and Sovereign of the Same.
Who Reigned and Died, A.D. 1594. Together with A Masque, as it was
presented (by His Highness’s Command) for the Entertainment of Q.
Elizabeth; who, with the Nobles of both Courts, was present thereat.
_For W. Canning._ [Epistle to Matthew Smyth, of the Inner Temple,
signed ‘W. C.’ The publication is recorded in Trinity Term 1688 (Arber,
_London Term Catalogues_, ii. 230).]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _Elizabeth_^{1, 2}, iii. 262 (1807–23), and by
W. W. Greg (1914, _M. S. R._) and B. Brown (1921).
This is a narrative of the reign of a Christmas Prince, or Lord of
Misrule (cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, i. 417), appointed at Gray’s Inn for
the Christmas of 1594. The Prince was a Norfolk man, Henry Helmes,
and a list of the members of the Inn who held positions at his court
is given in the tract. The revels began on St. Thomas’s Eve, 20 Dec.,
continued until Twelfth Night, were resumed at Candlemas, and again at
Shrovetide, when the Prince’s reign terminated.
On Innocents’ Day, 28 Dec., at night, the Inner Temple were
entertained, and a stage set up, but the crowd was too great for the
‘inventions’ contemplated, and ‘it was thought good not to offer any
thing of account, saving dancing and revelling with gentlewomen;
and after such sports, a Comedy of Errors (like to _Plautus_ his
_Menechmus_) was played by the players. So that night was begun, and
continued to the end, in nothing but confusion and errors; whereupon,
it was ever afterwards called, _The Night of Errors_’. On 30 Dec.
an indictment was preferred against a supposed sorcerer, containing
a charge ‘that he had foisted a company of base and common fellows,
to make up our disorders with a play of errors and confusions; and
that that night had gained to us discredit, and itself a nickname of
Errors’. Presumably the players of Shakespeare’s _Comedy of Errors_
were the Chamberlain’s men, and the Treasurer of the Chamber’s record
(App. B) of a play at court by these men, as well as the Admiral’s, on
28 Dec. is a slip for 27 Dec. (_M. L. R._ ii. 10).
On 3 Jan. many nobles were entertained with a show illustrating the
amity of Graius and Templarius. It was followed by speeches from
six ‘Councellors’, advising respectively ‘the Exercise of War’,
‘the Study of Philosophy’, ‘Eternizement and Fame, by Buildings and
Foundations’, ‘Absoluteness of State and Treasure’, ‘Vertue, and a
Gracious Government’, and ‘Pass-times and Sports’. These are ascribed
by Spedding, i. 342, to Francis Bacon (q.v.), a view which finds some
confirmation in the fact that the Alnwick MS., many of the contents of
which are by Bacon, once contained a copy of some ‘Orations at Graies
Inne Revells’ (Burgoyne, xii). It is amusing to note that on 5 Dec.
1594 Lady Bacon, his mother, wrote to his brother Anthony, ‘I trust
they will not mum nor mask nor sinfully revel at Gray’s Inn’ (Spedding,
i. 326). The speeches of three of the ‘Councellors’, with one by the
Prince, are also preserved, without ascription, in _Inner Temple Petyt
MS._ 583, 43, f. 294.
On 6 Jan. appeared six Knights of the Helmet ‘in a very stately mask,
and danced a new devised measure; and after that they took to them
ladies and gentlewomen, and danced with them their galliards, and so
departed with musick’.
On 1 Feb. the Prince visited Greenwich, and promised to return at
Shrovetide. On his way back, he was met with a Latin oration by a boy
at St. Paul’s School.
At Shrovetide, the Prince took his mask to the court at Whitehall.
The maskers were the Prince of Purpoole and his Seven Knights;
the torchbearers eight Pigmies; the presenters Proteus, Thamesis,
Amphitrite, and one of the Prince’s Esquires; the musicians two
Tritons, two Nymphs, and a Tartarian Page.
The performance was upon a stage. After a hymn, the presenters made
speeches setting out how the Prince and Knights were in an Adamantine
Rock, to be released by Proteus, on the discovery of a Power (the
Queen) of more attractive virtue. The maskers issued from the Rock,
and danced ‘a new devised measure, &c.’; then took ladies, and danced
‘their galliards, courants, &c.’; then danced ‘another new measure’.
The Pigmies brought in eight escutcheons, with the maskers’ impresses,
which the Esquire presented to the Queen. The maskers then entered the
rock, while another hymn was sung.
The maskers were Henry Helmes (Prince), William Cooke, Jarvis Tevery,
John Lambert, Molineux, Grimes, Paylor, and Campnies.
After the mask, the courtiers danced a measure, and Elizabeth said,
‘What! shall we have bread and cheese after a banquet?’
The maskers were presented to the Queen ‘on the next day’ and praised
by her. The narrative goes on to record that ‘the same night’ was
fighting at barriers, in which the Prince took part as a defendant with
the Earl of Cumberland against the Earl of Essex and other challengers,
and won the prize; and concludes, ‘Thus on _Shrove-Tuesday_, at the
Court, were our sports and revels ended’. The dating is not quite
clear, but it seems probable that the mask and barriers were both on
the Tuesday, and the presentation on Ash Wednesday, presumably as the
Queen went to chapel. Conceivably, however, the mask was on Monday,
and the presentation and barriers on Tuesday. The Gray’s Inn records
(Fletcher, 107) note a disbursement on 11 Feb. 1595 to William Johnson
and Edward Morrys, who served as the Prince’s Lord Chancellor and Lord
Treasurer, of 100 marks for ‘the gentlemen for their sports & shewes
this Shrovetyde at the court before the Queens Majestie’. There was
also a levy on 8 May for the ‘shewes & desports’ of sums varying from
4_s._ to 10_s._ according to status, while the public stock of the
house was to contribute £30.
The speeches in the mask were apparently by Francis Davison, one of
the Prince’s Gentlemen Pensioners, who included in his _Poetical
Rapsody_ (1602), sign. D 3 v^o, amongst Sonnets, &c., ‘To his first
Loue’, one ‘Vpon presenting her with the speech of Grayes-Inne Maske
at the Court 1594, consisting of three partes, The Story of Proteus
Transformations, the wonders of the Adamantine Rocke, and a speech to
her Maiestie’. The _Poetical Rapsody_, sign. K 8, also contains the
opening hymn of the mask, which begins ‘Of Neptune’s Empyre let us
sing’, and ascribes it to Thomas Campion (q.v.). Whether ‘The Song at
the ending’, which according to Dr. Greg has been inserted in _Harl.
MS._ 541 by a later hand, is also Campion’s must remain doubtful. The
MS. as originally written is just such a present as Davison may have
sent to his mistress. A list of ‘Papers lent’ by Davison in _Harl. MS._
298 includes ‘Grayes In Sportes under S^r Henry Helmes. Eleaz. Hogdson’.
_The Twelve Months. 1608–12_
[_MS._] Formerly _penes_ Collier, but not now among his papers in
_Egerton MS._ 2623.
_Editions_ by J. P. Collier, _Five Court Masques_ (1848), 131, with
title ‘The Masque of the Twelve Months’.
The maskers are the twelve Months; the antimaskers Pages; the
presenters Madge Howlet, Pigwiggen a Fairy, Beauty, Aglaia, the Pulses,
Prognostication, and Somnus; the musicians the twelve Spheres.
The locality is not given, but the presence of a king is contemplated.
The text is disordered, but can easily be reconstructed, as follows:
Madge Howlet, ‘going up towards the King’, and Pigwiggen speak
the opening dialogue (Collier, 137). The Spheres sing the first
song calling Beauty from her fort, the Heart (140). This is the
scene; on it are plumes, ‘the ensignes of the darling of the yeare,
delicious Aprill’. Beauty, Aglaia, and the Pulses, ‘beating before
them up towardes the King’, speak a dialogue (131). The Pages dance
an ‘antemasque’ (133). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (134).
The maskers appear, and are presented by Beauty (134). The second
‘antemasque’ is danced (134). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (134).
Prognostication enters, and prognosticates (135). The maskers descend,
and Beauty describes April, a prince ‘lov’d of all, yett will not
love’, with a ‘triple plume’ (135). After a second song, ‘they dance
their entrie’ (141). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (136). There is
a third song (141). ‘They dance their mayne dance: which done, Bewty
invites them to dance with the Ladies’ (137). There is a fourth song
(142). ‘They dance with the Ladies, and the whole Revells follows’
(137). Beauty calls on Somnus (140). There is a last song (142). ‘They
dance their going off’ (140).
Brotanek, 346, suggests 1 Jan. 1612 as a probable date. I agree with
him that ‘charming all warre from his mild monarchie’ (136) suggests
James I, although I do not think that ‘our fairy King’ (137) is
necessarily a reminiscence of the _Mask of Oberon_, especially as
this fairy king is James and not Henry. In any case ‘the heart of the
yeare’ (132), ‘prime of this newe yeare’ (135), ‘this winter nighte’
(141) do not require a performance on 1 Jan. In fact, April and not
January leads the months in the mask. I would add to Brotanek’s notes
that April is clearly danced by a Prince of Wales, and that ‘lov’d of
all, yett will not love’ fits in with the uncertainty as to Henry’s
matrimonial intentions which prevailed in 1612. But he is not very
likely to have given two masks in the winter of 1611–12, nor is there
any evidence of any mask that winter except the _Love Restored_ of
6 Jan. Of course _The Twelve Months_ may never have been actually
performed. I have thought that it might have been the mask abandoned by
Anne on account of the death of the Queen of Spain in Dec. 1611 (cf.
Jonson, _Love Restored_). Beauty, ‘our fairy Queene’, is said to be
‘Great president of all those princely revells’ in honour of the ‘fairy
King’. But the mask is danced by men, not women, which seems to put a
Queen’s mask out of the question. No mask has yet been traced in the
winter of 1609–10. I am afraid I must leave the date open. If Henry led
the dance, his death in Nov. 1612 gives one limit. The ‘antemasque’ is
more likely to have been introduced after than before 1608. The use of
Pigwiggen as a fairy name recurs in Drayton’s _Nymphidia_, published in
1627.
_Mask of Flowers. 6 Jan. 1614_
_S. R._ 1614, Jan. 21 (Nidd). ‘The maske of flowers by the gent. of
Graies Inne vppon Twelfe Night 1613.’ _Robert Wilson_ (Arber, iii. 540).
1614. The Maske of Flowers. Presented By the Gentlemen of Graies-Inne,
at the Court of Whitehall, in the Banquetting House, vpon Twelfe
night, 1613. Being the last of the Solemnities and Magnificences which
were performed at the marriage of the right honourable the Earle of
Somerset, and the Lady Francis daughter of the Earle of Suffolke, Lord
Chamberlaine. _N. O. for Robert Wilson._ [With Epistle to Sir
Francis Bacon by I. G., W. D., T. B. These initials, presumably of
Gray’s Inn men, have not been identified.]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), ii. 735, and H. A. Evans,
_English Masques_ (1897).
The maskers, in white embroidered with carnation and silver and
vizards, were thirteen transformed Flowers; the antimaskers in ‘the
anticke-maske of daunce’ Pantaloon, Courtesan, Swiss and his Wife,
Usurer, Midwife, Smug and his Wench, Fretelyne, Bawd, Roaring Boy,
Citizen, Mountebank, Jewess of Portugal, Chimney-Sweeper and his Wench;
the musicians twelve Garden Gods, also described as Priests, and in the
‘anticke-maske of the song’ Miller, Wine Cooper, Vintner’s Boy, Brewer,
Skipper, Fencer, Pedlar, Barber; the presenters Invierno, Primavera,
Gallus the Sun’s Post, Silenus, Kawasha, and attendants.
The locality was the Banqueting House, at the lower end of which was a
‘travers painted in perspective’, as a city wall and gate, with temples
of Silenus and Kawasha on either side. The antimasks represented a
challenge, directed by the Sun, between wine and tobacco. ‘The travers
being drawne’ disclosed an elaborate garden sloping up to a mount and
arbour (33 ft. long × 21 ft. high) with a bank of flowers before it.
Upon a charm the flowers vanished to give place to the maskers, who
danced their first and second measure, then took ladies, for ‘measures,
corantoes, durettoes, morascoes, galliards’, and then ‘daunced their
parting measure’, which was followed by compliments to the king and the
bride and groom.
For general notices of the Somerset wedding masks, cf. s.v. Campion,
_Mask of Squires_. On 23 Dec. Chamberlain wrote to Carleton (Birch, i.
282), ‘Sir Francis Bacon prepares a masque to honour this marriage,
which will stand him in above £2000; and though he have been offered
some help by the House, and specially by Mr. Solicitor, Sir Henry
Yelverton, who would have sent him £500, yet he would not accept
it, but offers them the whole charge with the honour. Marry, his
obligations are such, as well to his majesty as to the great lord
and to the whole house of Howards, as he can admit no partner’. On 5
Jan. (Birch, i. 288) he briefly notes, ‘Mr. Attorney’s masque is for
to-morrow, and for a conclusion of Christmas and these shows together’.
The records of Gray’s Inn confirm Chamberlain’s account, by giving no
signs that any expense fell on the Inn. On a letter by Bacon which may
refer to this occasion, cf. s.v. Bacon.
Osborne, _James_, 82, a not very accurate writer, speaks of a Gray’s
Inn mask at court, following an Anglo-Scottish quarrel between Mr.
Hawley of Gray’s Inn and Mr. Maxwell. Probably he has this mask, which
was to honour a Scot, in mind. The quarrel was in fact over in June
1612 (Birch, i. 173). I doubt whether either this mask or the joint
Gray’s Inn and Inner Temple mask of 1612–13 had anything to do with it.
C. RECEPTIONS AND ENTERTAINMENTS
_Coronation Triumph. 1559_
_S. R._ 1558–9. ‘The passage of the quenes maiesties Throwoute the
Cytie of London.’ _Richard Tottle_ (Arber, i. 96).
1558[9], Jan. 23. The Passage of our most drad Soueraigne Lady Quene
Elyzabeth through the citie of London to westminster the daye before
her coronacion. _Richard Tottill. Cum privilegio._
N.D. [1604.] The Royal Passage of her Majesty from the Tower of London
to her Palace of Whitehall, with all the Speaches and Devices, both
of the Pageants and otherwise, together with her Majesties severall
Answers, and most pleasing Speaches to them all. _S. S. for Jone
Millington._
N.D. [1604.] _S. S. for John Busby._ [Another issue.]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _Eliz._ i. 38 (1823), and A. F. Pollard, _Tudor
Tracts_ (_England’s Garner_^2), 365.
There are also accounts in Machyn, 186, and in Holinshed (1808), iv.
158. For a list of the pageants cf. ch. iv.
_Bristol Entertainment. August 1574_
1575. The whole Order howe our Soveraigne Ladye Queene Elizabeth was
receyved into the Citie of Bristowe, in August, and the Speeches
spoken before her presens at her Entry; with the residue of Versis and
Matter that might not be spoken (for distance of the place), but sent
in a Book over the Waetter. _Thomas Marshe._ [In ‘_The Firste Parte
of Churchyardes Chippes, contayning Twelve seueral Labours_. Devised
and published, only by Thomas Churchyard, Gentilman’. Epistle to
Christopher Hatton.]
1578. _Thomas Marsh._
_Editions_ in Nichols, _Eliz._ i. 393 (1788, 1823), and by J. P.
Collier (1867).
Probably Churchyard was the deviser of the entertainment, as he
calls the _Chippes_ ‘a book of all my English verses in meter’. He
says, ‘Some of these Speeches could not be spoken, by means of a
Scholemaister, who envied that any stranger should set forth these
Shows’. _A worthie Dittie, song before the Queens Majestie at Bristow_,
by D. S[and], not in the Entertainment, is in _The Paradise of Daynty
Devises_ (1576). Elizabeth was at Bristol 13–21 Aug. 1574 and lay at
John Young’s. Fame, a boy with a speech in English verse, met her at
the High Cross. At the next gate were Salutation, Gratulation, and
Obedient Good Will, with their verses. On 14 Aug. the Queen attended
divine service at the College. On 15 and 16 Aug. the Forts of Peace
and Feeble Policy were arrayed, and there were sham fights by land and
sea, with speeches by Dissuasion, Persuasion, and John Roberts, who
apparently wrote his own. Was he the envious schoolmaster?
_Kenilworth Entertainment. 1575_
There are two descriptions:
A. By _Gascoigne_
1576. The Princelye pleasures, at the Courte at Kenelwoorth. That is to
saye, The Copies of all such verses Proses, or Poeticall inuentions,
and other Deuices of pleasure, as were there deuised, and presented
by sundry Gentle men, before the Quenes Maiestie: In the yeare 1575.
_Richard Jones_. [The unique copy is believed to have been burnt
in the Shakespeare Library at Birmingham. The printer’s Epistle is
dated March 26, 1576.]
1587. [Part of _Collection_.]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _Eliz._^2 i. 486 (1823), and elsewhere (cf.
Schelling, 121).
B. By _Robert Laneham_
1575. A letter: Whearin part of the entertainment untoo the Queez
Majesty at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer in this Soomerz
Progress, 1575, is signified: from a freend officer attendant in the
Coourt untoo hiz freend a Citizen, and Merchaunt of London. [_No
imprint or colophon._]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _Eliz._^2 i. 420 (1823), by F. J. Furnivall,
_Captain Cox, his Ballads and Books_ (1871, _Ballad Soc._; 1890, _N.
S. S._), in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxvii, 251 (1892), and elsewhere (cf.
Furnivall, ix, clxxvi).
Elizabeth was at Kenilworth 9–27 July 1575. The diary of entertainments
is given in ch. iv. The contributions of specific authors were as
follows:
9 July. Speeches of Sibylla, by William Hunnis; the Porter Hercules, by
John Badger; the Lady of the Lake, by George Ferrers; a Poet, in Latin,
by Richard Mulcaster, or Mercury (?) Paten. It is uncertain which was
used; Gascoigne prints Mulcaster’s, Laneham Paten’s.
11 July. Dialogue of a Savage Man and Echo, ‘devised, penned, and
pronounced’ by Gascoigne.
18 July. Device of the Delivery of the Lady of the Lake, by William
Hunnis, with verses by Hunnis, Ferrers, and Henry Goldingham, who
played Arion.
20 July. Device of Zabeta prepared by Gascoigne, but not shown.
27 July. Device of the Farewell of Silvanus, by Gascoigne.
_Woodstock Entertainment. 1575_
See ch. xxiii, s.v. SIR HENRY LEE.
_Suffolk and Norfolk Entertainments. August 1578_
There are two contemporary descriptions:
A
_S. R._ 1578, Aug. 30. ‘The ioyfull Receavinge of the Quenes maiestie
into Norwyche.’ _Henry Bynneman_ (Arber, ii. 336).
N.D. The Ioyfull Receyuing of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie into
her Highnesse Citie of Norwich: The things done in the time of hir
abode there: and the dolor of the Citie at hir departure. Wherein are
set down diuers Orations in Latine, pronounced to hir Highnesse by
Sir Robert Wood Knight, now Maior of the same Citie, and others: and
certain also deliuered to hir Maiestie in writing: euery of the turned
into English. _Henrie Bynneman._ [Epistle by Ber[nard] Gar[ter] to Sir
Owen Hopton.]
_Edition_ in Nichols, _Eliz._ (1823), ii. 136.
B
_S. R._ 1578, Sept. 20. ‘The enterteignement of the Quenes Maiestie in
Suffolk and Norffolk; gathered by Thomas Churchyard.’ _Henry Bynneman_
(Arber, ii. 338).
N.D. A Discourse of the Queenes Maiesties entertainement in Suffolk
and Norffolk: With a description of many things then presently seene.
Deuised by Thomas Churchyarde, Gent. with diuers shewes of his own
inuention sette out at Norwich: ... _Henrie Bynneman_. [Epistle by
Churchyard to Gilbert Garrard. Adnitt (cf. s.v. Churchyard) says there
were two issues with varying prefatory matter.]
_Extracts_ in Nichols, _Eliz._ (1823), ii. 115, 128, 130, 133, 179.
A ballad and a sonnet, presumably from their titles based on A, were
registered by J. Charlwood and R. Jones respectively on 24 and 31 March
1579 (Arber, ii. 349, 350).
Elizabeth was at Norwich 16–22 Aug. 1578. The diary is as follows:
16 Aug. 1578. Oration by Mayor at Hartford Bridge; Speech, prepared but
prevented by rain, of King Gurgunt in Town Close near Blanch Flower
Castle; Pageant of the Commonwealth, with representations of local
loom industries, and speech by Garter in St. Stephen’s Street; Pageant
of the City of Norwich, Deborah, Judith, Esther, and Queen Martia,
with the City Waits and songs by Garter and Churchyard, at entry to
Market-place; Speech of a Turkish Boy by Churchyard, at Mr. Peck’s door.
18 Aug. Speech of Mercury in an elaborate coach, by Churchyard.
19 Aug. Show of Chastity, with dialogue and song of Chastity, Cupid, a
Philosopher, Wantonness, Riot, Modesty, Temperance, Good Exercise, and
Shamefastness, by Churchyard; Oration by Minister of Dutch Church.
20 Aug. Oration by Stephen Limbert, Master of the Grammar School.
21 Aug. Shows of Water Nymphs, with speeches, and of Manhood and
Desert, a contention of Manhood, Good Favour, Desert, and Good
Fortune, for Lady Beauty, prepared but prevented by rain, both by
Churchyard; Mask by Henry Goldingham in Privy Chamber after supper of
Jupiter, Juno, Mars, Venus, Apollo, Pallas, Neptune, Diana, Mercury as
presenter, Cupid, torchbearers and musicians, who marched about the
chamber and made speeches and characteristic gifts, but apparently did
not dance.
22 Aug. Speech and Song at St. Benet’s Gate by Garter; Show of Fairies
with their Queen and seven speeches, outside the gate, by Churchyard;
written Oration by Mayor at departure over City boundary.
Churchyard also mentions ‘speeches well sette out and a speciall device
much commended’ in the park of the Earl of Surrey at Kenninghall on
12 Aug.; also divers ‘triumphes and devises’ in Suffolk, of which he
only specifies ‘a shew representing the Phayries (as well as might
be) ... in the whiche shew a rich jewell was presented to the Queenes
Highnesse’ at Sir Thomas Kidson’s house, Hengrave Hall, during 28–30
Aug. In _Churchyards Challenge_ (1593) he claims ‘The whole
deuises pastimes and plaies at Norwich, before her Maistie’, and also
‘The Commedy before her Maestie at Norwich in the fielde when she went
to dinner to my Lady Gerninghams’ at Costessy (19 Aug.).
_Fortress of Perfect Beauty. 15–16 May 1581_
_S. R._ 1581, July 1. ‘The Tryumphe Shewed before the Quene and the
Ffrenche Embassadors.’ _Robert Walgrave_ (Arber, ii. 396).
N.D. A brief declaratiō of the shews, deuices, speeches, and
inuentions, done & performed before the Queenes Maiestie, & the French
Ambassadours, at the most valiaunt and worthye Triumph, attempted and
executed on the Munday and Tuesday in Whitson weeke last, Anno 1581.
Collected, gathered, penned & published, by Henry Goldwel, Gen. _Robert
Waldegrave._ [Epistle by Goldwell to Rowland Brasebridge of Great
Wycombe.]
_Edition_ in Nichols, _Eliz._^2 (1823), ii. 310.
This was a tilt, before François of Bourbon, dauphin of Auvergne, Artus
de Cossé, marshal of France, and other commissioners from France, for
the treaty of marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou. The
challenge was delivered by a boy in red and white, as the Queen came
from Chapel on 16 April 1581. The tilt, first fixed for 24 April, was
put off to 1 May, 8 May, and finally 15 May. The gallery at the end
of the tilt-yard was named the Castle or Fortress of Perfect Beauty,
and the challengers, the Earl of Arundel, Lord Windsor, Philip Sidney,
and Fulke Greville, called themselves the Four Foster Children of
Desire. They entered from the stable, with trains of followers and a
Rowling Trench of printed canvas, to besiege the fortress. From this
boys spoke and sang, and cannonades of perfumes were shot off, while
flowers and other fancies were flung from scaling ladders. Then came
twenty-one defendants, each with his ‘invention’ and speech. They were
Henry Grey, Sir Thomas Perot, Anthony Cooke, Thomas Ratcliffe, Henry
Knolles, William Knolles, Robert Knolles, Francis Knolles, Rafe Bowes,
Thomas Kelwaie, George Goring, William Tresham, Robert Alexander,
Edward Dennie, Hercules Meautus, Edward Moore, Richard Skipwith,
Richard Ward, Edward Digbie, Henry Nowell, Henry Brunkerd. Perot and
Cooke were ‘both in like armour, beset with apples and fruit, the one
signifying Adam and the other Eve, who had haire hung all down his
helmet’. Their page was an Angel. Ratcliffe was a Desolate Knight, with
a page who presented his shield. The four Knolles brothers were Sons of
Despair, with Mercury for a page. The speeches of the pages are given.
Each defendant ran six courses with the challengers. ‘In the middest
of the running came in Sir Henrie Leigh, as unknowne, and when he had
broken his six staves, went out in like manner againe.’ At the end of
the first day the boy who gave the challenge announced a second on the
morrow.
On the second day the challengers entered in a chariot ‘forewearied
and half overcome’ with a lady representing Desire, and a consort of
music. A herald made a speech for them. The defendants entered, and the
tournay and barriers followed. At the end a boy clad in ash colour and
bearing an olive-branch made submission of the challengers to the Queen.
Foulkes, lxiii. 49, says that a set of blank cheques for this tilt are
in _Ashm. MS._ 845, f. 166.
_Tilbury Visit. 1588_
There are or were three accounts:
A
_S. R._ 1588, Aug. 10. ‘The quenes visitinge the campe at Tilberye and
her enterteynement there the 8 and 9 of August 1588, with condicon yat
yt may be aucthorised hereafter.’ _John Wolf_ (Arber, ii. 495).
N.D. The Queenes visiting of the Campe at Tilsburie with her
Entertainment there. _Iohn Wolfe for Edward White._ [At end, ‘T. D.’,
doubtless the initials of Thomas Deloney.]
_Editions_ in A. F. Pollard, _Tudor Tracts_ (_England’s Garner_^2),
492, and F. O. Mann, _Deloney’s Works_ (1912).
B
_S. R._ 1588, Aug. 10 (Stallard). ‘A ioyfull songe of the Roiall
Receaving of the quenes maiestie into her Campe at Tilbery: the 8 and
9 of August 1588.’ _John Wolf for Richard Jones_ (Arber, ii. 496). [It
does not seem likely that this entry relates to Aske’s book.]
C
1588. Elizabetha Triumphans. By James Aske. _Thomas Orwin for Thomas
Gubbin and Thomas Newman._
_Edition_ in Nichols, _Eliz._ ii. 545 (1823).
The two extant narratives are discussed by M. Christy in _E. H. R._
xxxiv. 43.
_Tilt-yard Entertainment. 17 Nov. 1590_
See ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee.
_Cowdray Entertainment. 1591_
1591. The Speeches and Honorable Entertainment giuen to the Queenes
Maiestie in Progresse, at Cowdrey in Sussex, by the right Honorable the
Lord Montacute. _Thomas Scarlet, sold by William Wright._
1591. The Honorable Entertainment.... _Thomas Scarlet, sold by William
Wright._ [A different text, with a fuller description, but without the
words of the songs, and inaccurately dated.]
_Editions_ by J. Nichols, _Eliz._^2 iii. 90 (1823), and R. W. Bond,
_Lyly_, i. 421 (1902).
The host was Anthony Browne, first Viscount Montague. Gascoigne’s
mask of 1572 was also written for him. Bond assigns the present
entertainment, conjecturally, to Lyly. McKerrow, 20, records that
William Barley, the stationer, was brought before the High Commission
for selling at Cowdray, on some date before 1598, a twopenny book
relating to Her Majesty’s progress.
The diary is as follows:
14 Aug. 1591. Speech by a Porter at the bridge on arrival at night.
15 Aug. Sunday: a day of rest.
16 Aug. Hunting in Park, and delivery of bow with a ditty by a Nymph.
17 Aug. Dinner at the Priory, where Lord Montague lodged, and speeches
in the walks by a Pilgrim and a Wild Man, at an oak hung with Sussex
escutcheons, and a ditty before hunting.
18 Aug. Speeches and ditty by an Angler and offering of fish by a
Netter at a pond in the walks before hunting.
19 Aug. Dance of country people with tabor and pipe.
20 Aug. Knighting, and departure to Chichester for dinner.
_Elvetham Entertainment. 1591_
_S. R._ 1591, Oct. 1. ‘The honorable entertaynement gyven to the quenes
maiestie in progresse at Elvetham in Hampshire by the righte honorable
the Erle of Hertford.’ _John Wolf_ (Arber, ii. 596).
1591. The Honorable Entertainement gieuen to the Queenes Maiestie in
Progresse, at Eluetham in Hampshire, by the right Honorable the Earle
of Hertford. _John Wolfe._ [There appear to be two editions or issues,
(_a_) without and (_b_) with a woodcut of the pond.]
1591.... Newly corrected and amended. [This has a woodcut of the pond,
different from that in (1) (_b_).]
_Editions_ by J. Nichols, _Eliz._ ii. (1788), iii. 101 (1823), and R.
W. Bond, _Lyly_, i. 431.
Elizabeth was at Elvetham 20–23 Sept. 1591. The host was Edward
Seymour, Earl of Hertford. A Three Men’s Song of Phillida and Coridon,
which formed part of the Entertainment, is ascribed in _England’s
Helicon_ (1600) and _MSS._ to Nicholas Breton. Bond ascribes the
Entertainment to Lyly. An account of the amusements is in ch. iv.
_Bisham, Sudeley, and Rycote Entertainments. 1592_
1592. Speeches deliuered to her Maiestie this last progresse, at the
Right Honorable the Lady Russels, at Bissam, the Right Honorable the
Lorde Chandos at Sudley, at the Right Honorable the Lord Norris, at
Ricorte. _Joseph Barnes, Oxford._ [There appear to be two issues,
with slight variants.]
_Editions_ by J. Nichols, _Eliz._^2 iii. 130 (1823), Sir S. E. Brydges
(1815), and R. W. Bond, _Lyly_, i. 471 (1902).
_Bisham_
The hosts were Sir Edward Hoby and his mother, Elizabeth, Dowager Lady
Russell.
21 Aug. 1592. On arrival, at the top of the hill, speech by a Wild Man;
at the middle of the hill, dialogue of Pan and two Virgins, Sybilla
and Isabella; at the foot of the hill, ditty by Ceres and Nymphs in a
harvest-cart, followed by speech and gift of crown of wheat-ears and
jewel.
_Sudeley_
The host was Giles Brydges, third Lord Chandos.
10 Sept. 1592. Speech of old Shepherd at entry to castle.
11 Sept. Show of Apollo and Daphne, with gift of tables of verses.
12 Sept. Contemplated Presentation of High Constable of Cotswold, and
Choosing of King and Queen by Shepherds, with song and dialogue of
Melibœus, Nisa, and Cutter of Cotswold--prevented by weather.
_Rycote_
The host was Henry, Lord Norris.
28 Sept. 1592. On arrival from Oxford, speech by an Old Gentleman [Lord
Norris].
2 Oct. Music in garden, with speech by Old Gentleman, and letters
containing jewels by messengers as from his sons in Ireland, Flanders,
and France.
3 Oct. At departure, letter with jewel as from daughter in Jersey.
Between Sudeley and Rycote, the Queen was entertained at Oxford (cf.
ch. iv) and Woodstock (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Sir Henry Lee).
_Tilt-yard Entertainment. 17 Nov. 1595_
See ch. xxiii, s.v. Peele, _Anglorum Feriae_.
_Harefield Entertainment. 1602_
Elizabeth was at Harefield Place, Middlesex, the house of Sir Thomas
Egerton, Lord Keeper, and his wife Alice, Countess Dowager of Derby,
from 31 July to 2 Aug. 1602. At the same house Milton’s _Arcades_
was performed before Lady Derby in 1634. Seven fragments of the
entertainment have been preserved, and are printed by Nichols, _Eliz._
iii. 570, 586, and Bond, _Lyly_, i. 491. Accounts of expenditure
involved, and a list of the gifts in kind contributed by Egerton’s
friends on this occasion are in _Egerton Papers_, 340, but the account
in 342–4 is a forgery (_vide infra_).
(i) Dialogue between a Bailiff and Dairymaid, and presentation of a
rake and fork to the Queen, as she entered the demesne near the dairy
house.
(ii) Dialogue at the steps of the house, and presentation of a heart,
by Place ‘in a partie-colored roobe, like the brick house’ and Time
‘with yeollow haire, and in a green roabe, with an hower glasse,
stopped, not runninge’.
(iii) Verse petition accompanying gift of a robe of rainbows on behalf
of St. Swithin by Lady Walsingham on Monday morning [2 Aug.].
(iv) Farewell of Place, ‘attyred in black mourning aparell’ on the
Queen’s departure, with presentation of an anchor.
(v) Verse ‘Complaint of the Satyres against the Nymphes’.
(vi) Song and speech by a Mariner, who entered the ‘presence’ with a
lottery box, ‘supposed to come from the Carricke’.
(vii) ‘The Severall Lottes’, a list of gifts and blanks, with a
poesy accompanying each, and the names of the ladies who drew them.
These were the Queen, the Dowager Countess of Derby, the Countesses
of Derby, Worcester, and Warwick, Lady Scroope, Mistresses Nevill,
Thynne, Hastinges, and Bridges, Ladies Scudamore, Francis, Knevette,
and Susan Vere, Mrs. Vavissour, Ladies Southwell and Anne Clifford,
Mrs. Hyde, Ladies Kildare, Howard of Effingham and Paget, Mistresses
Kiddermister and Strangwidge, the Mother of the Maids, Ladies
Cumberland, Walsingham, and Newton, Mrs. Wharton, Ladies Digbye and
Dorothy [Hastinges] and Mrs. Anselowe. One name, ending in ‘liffe’
is illegible. It may be Ratcliffe. One MS. adds three lots assigned
to ‘country wenches’. Most of these ladies were maids of honour and
others who came with the court; one or two, e.g. Mrs. Kiddermister,
were country neighbours of the Egerton’s.
These pieces are derived from various sources:
(_a_) A transcript made by R. Churton in 1803 of a contemporary MS.
found at Arbury, the house of Sir Roger Newdigate, to whose family
Harefield passed in 1675, contains (i)-(v) and was printed by Nichols.
(_b_) A _Conway MS._, printed by P. Cunningham in _Sh. Soc. Papers_,
ii. 65, contains (iii), the song from (vi), and (vii), with the heading
‘The Devise to entertayne hir M^{ty} at Harfielde ...’ and the date
1602.
(_c_) The second edition (1608) of Francis Davison’s _Poetical
Rhapsody_ contains the speech from (vi) and (vii), with the incorrect
indication ‘at the Lord Chancellor’s house, 1601’, which misled Nichols
into supposing it to belong to some entertainment at York Place, the
year before that of Harefield. The item comes between two pieces by Sir
John Davies and has the initials J. D.
(_d_) The diary of John Manningham (_Harl. MS._ 5353, f. 95) contains
amongst entries of Feb. 1603 some extracts from (i) and (vii), dating
the latter in ‘the last Sumer at hir M^{ties} being with the L. Keeper’.
(_e_) A contemporary MS., printed as _Poetical Miscellanies_ (_Percy
Soc._ lv), 5, has (vii) dated 1602.
(_f_) _Talbot MS._ K, f. 43, in the College of Arms, contains (iv) as
given at ‘Harville’ with the date ‘Aug. 1602’ and is printed by Lodge,
ii. 560.
(_g_) _B.M. Birch MS._ 4173 contains a similar copy of (iv).
On the strength of the _Poetical Rhapsody_, (vii) is generally assigned
to Sir John Davies, which hardly justified Dr. Grosart in assigning all
the pieces to him (_Works_, ii, clxxii). Bond transferred the whole
to Lyly, primarily as a conjecture, but was confirmed in his view by
finding in _Egerton Papers_, 343, a payment to ‘M^r Lillyes man, which
brought the lotterye boxe to Harefield’. But the document in which this
is found, and which also contains the item ‘x^{li} to Burbidges players
for Othello’, is one of Collier’s forgeries (Ingleby, 261).
John Chamberlain (_Letters_, 164, 169) sent Dudley Carleton ‘the Quenes
entertainment at the Lord Kepers’ on 19 Nov. 1602, and on 23 Dec. wrote
that, as Carleton liked the Lord Keeper’s devices so ill, he had not
cared to get Sir Robert Cecil’s (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Cecil).
_Progress from Scotland. 1603_
There were several contemporary prints:
A
_S. R._ 1603, May 9. ‘Kinge James his entrance into England.’ _Burby
and Millington_ (Arber, iii. 234).
1603. The True Narration of the Entertainment of his Royal Majestie.
_Thomas Creede for Thomas Millington._ [Epistle by T. M. to Reader.]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), i. 53, and C. H. Firth, _Stuart
Tracts_ (_English Garner_^2), 11.
B
_S. R._ 1603, May 14. ‘King James his entertainement at Theobaldes,
with his welcomme to London.’ _Thomas Snodham_ (Arber, iii. 234).
1603. King James his entertainment at Theobalds: With his Welcome to
London. By John Sauile. _Thomas Snodham, sold by T. Este._
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), i. 135, and C. H. Firth, _Stuart
Tracts_, 53.
C
_S. R._ 1604, Mar. 27. ‘The tyme Triumphant.’ _Ralph Blore_ (Arber,
iii. 256).
1604. The Time Triumphant, Declaring in brief the arrival of our
Sovereign liege Lord, King James, into England, His Coronation at
Westminster, ... [&c.]. By Gilbert Dugdale. _By R. B._
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), i. 408, and C. H. Firth, _Stuart
Tracts_, 69.
D
Jonson’s _Althorp Entertainment_ (cf. ch. xxiii).
E
_S. R._ 1603, June 16. A ballad of ‘Englandes sweet Comfort with the
kinges entertaynmente by the Maior of Yorke’. _William White_ (Arber,
iii. 238).
There is also an account in Stowe, _Annales_ (1631), 819. For the
stages of the progress cf. App. A. Besides the device at Althorp,
speeches were prepared by Dekker for the entry to London, but not used
(cf. s.a. 1604).
_Coronation Triumph. 1604_
There are four contemporary prints:
A
_S. R._ 1604, Apr. 2 (Pasfield). ‘The magnificent Entertainement ...
the 15 of marche 1603.’ _Thomas Man junior_ (Arber, iii. 258).
1604. The Magnificent Entertainment: Giuen to King Iames, Queene Anne
his wife, and Henry Frederick the Prince, vpon the day of his Maiesties
Tryumphant Passage (from the Tower) through the Honourable Citie (and
Chamber) of London, being the 15. of March, 1603. As well by the
English as by the Strangers: With the speeches and Songes, deliuered in
the seuerall Pageants. Tho. Dekker. _T. C. for Tho. Man the younger._
1604. The Whole Magnificent Entertainment.... And those speeches that
before were publish’t in Latin, now newly set forthe in English. _E.
Allde for Tho. Man the younger._
1604. _Thomas Finlason, Edinburgh._
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_, i. 337, and _Somers Tracts_ (1810),
iii. 1.
The speeches for three of the pageants were Jonson’s, and some of those
for a fourth Middleton’s. Two others were in Latin. But Dekker himself
probably contributed the rest. Prefixed is a dialogue intended, but not
used, for James’s original entry into London in 1603, which may also be
assigned to Dekker.
B
Jonson’s _Coronation Entertainment_ (cf. ch. xxiii).
C
1604. The Arches of Triumph Erected in honor of the High and mighty
prince, James, the first of that name, King of England, and the sixt of
Scotland, at his Maiesties Entrance and passage through his Honorable
Citty and chamber of London, vpon the 15^{th} day of March 1603.
Invented and published by Stephen Harrison Joyner and Architect: and
graven by William Kip. _John Windet._ [Verses by Thomas Dekker and
John Webster.]
1604.... _John Windet, sold by John Sudbury and George Humble._
D
G. Dugdale’s _Time Triumphant_. See s.a. 1603.
There is also an account in Stowe, _Annales_, 835, based on A. Some
ballads are registered in Arber, iii. 255–7, and various verses and
other illustrative materials are printed by Nichols. A list of the
pageants is in ch. iv.
_Entertainment of King of Denmark. 1606_
There are four contemporary prints:
A
_S. R._ 1606, July 30 (Wilson). ‘The Kinge of Denmarkes entertainement
at Tilberie Hope by the kinge &c.’ _Henry Robertes_ (Arber, iii. 327).
1606. The Most royall and Honourable entertainement, of the famous and
renowmed King, Christiern the fourth, King of Denmarke, &c.... With
the royall passage on Thursday the 31. of July, thorough the Citty of
London, and honorable shewes there presented them, and maner of their
passing. By H. R. _W. Barley for H. R._ [Epistle to Sir Thomas
Smith, signed ‘Hen. Robarts’.]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), ii. 54, and _Harleian
Miscellany_, ix. 431.
B
_S. R._ 1606, Aug. 19 (Wilson). ‘A Booke called Englandes farewell to
Christian the Ffourthe kinge of Denmarke With a Relacon of suche shewes
and seuerall pastymes presented to his Maiestie, as well at Courte
the ffirste of Auguste as in other places since his honorable passage
through the Cytie of London &c.’ _William Welbye_ (Arber, iii. 328).
1606. Englands Farewell to Christian the fourth, famous King of
Denmarke. By H. Roberts. _For William Welby._ [Epistle to Sir John
Jolles, signed ‘H. Roberts’.]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), ii. 75, and _Harleian
Miscellany_, ix. 440.
C
Jonson’s _Entertainment of the King of Denmark_ at Theobalds (cf. ch.
xxiii).
D
_S. R._ 1606, Aug. 8 (Hartwell). ‘A booke called the Kinge of Denmarkes
welcomme into England &c.’ _Edward Allde_ (Arber, iii. 327).
1606. The King of Denmarkes welcome: Containing his arriual, abode, and
entertainement, both in the Citie and other places. _Edward Allde._
_Extracts_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), iv. 1072.
There are also an account in Stowe, _Annales_, 885, and a _Relatio
oder Erzehlung wie ... Christianus IV, &c. im Königreich Engellandt
angelanget_ (1607, Hamburg). For the itinerary cf. App. A. Bond,
_Lyly_, i. 505, prints a song at Theobalds on 24 July and a pastoral
dialogue in Fleet Street on 31 July as possibly Lyly’s.
_The Christmas Prince. 1607–8_
[_MS._] _St. John’s College, Oxford, MS._ ‘A True and Faithfull
Relation of the Risinge and Fall of Thomas Tucker, Prince of Alba
Fortunata, Lord of St. John’s,’ &c. The writer is said (_D. N. B._) to
be Griffin Higgs, but the evidence is inadequate.
_Edition_ [by P. Bliss], An Account of the Christmas Prince (1816,
_Miscellanea Antiqua Anglicana_). Another is planned in _M. S. R._
This is the narrative of a lordship of misrule at St. John’s during
the Christmas of 1607–8. The MS. includes the text of a number of
plays and shows. Unfortunately Bliss omits the text of these, with the
exception of one called _The Seven Days of the Week_. The others were
_Ara Fortunae_, _Saturnalia_, _Philomela_, _Time’s Complaint_, _Somnium
Fundatoris_, _Philomathes_, _Yuletide_, _Ira seu Tumulus Fortunae_,
_Periander_ (an English play). Others were planned, but not given; cf.
_Mediaeval Stage_, i. 409.
_Chesters Triumph. 23 April 1610_
_S. R._ 1610, June 12 (Wilson). ‘A booke called Chesters Triumph in
honour of ye Prince, as it was performed vpon Saincte Georges Day 1610
in thaforesayd Citty.’ _John Browne_ (Arber, iii. 436).
1610. Chesters Triumph in Honor of her Prince. As it was performed
vpon S. Georges Day 1610, in the foresaid Citie. _For I. B._ [The name
of Robert Amerie appears at the end. A preface and one poem are by R.
Davies.]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_, ii. 291 (1828), and in _Chetham Soc._
publications (1844).
G. Ormerod, _Hist. of Cheshire_ (1882), i. 381, gives a description of
the show from a shorter account or programme in _Harl. MS._ 2150, f.
186, indexed (f. 3^v) as ‘M^r. Amory’s new shew invented by him’. This
is confirmed by the lines:
Amor is loue and Amory is his name,
That did begin this pompe and princelye game.
_Camp-Bell. 29 Oct. 1609_
N.D. [1609?] Running title: Campbell, or The Ironmongers Faire Field.
[The only known copy (B.M. C. 33, E. 7) lacks the t.p. and sig. A.
Thomas Campbell was mayor in 1609. For his grandson, James Campbell,
mayor in 1629, Dekker wrote _London’s Tempe, or The Field of Happines_.]
Greg, _Masques_, 21, assigns this to Munday, without stating his
grounds.
_London’s Love to Prince Henry. 31 May 1610_
1610. Londons Loue, to the royal Prince Henrie, meeting him on the
Riuer of Thames, at his returne from Richmonde, with a worthie fleete
of her Cittizens, on Thursday the last of May, 1610. With a breife
reporte of the water Fight, and Fire workes. _Edward Allde, for
Nathaniel Fosbrooke._ [Epistle to Sir Thomas Campbell, Lord Mayor.]
_Edition_ by J. Nichols, _James_, ii. 315 (1828).
It appears from the city records that the device was by Munday, and
that Richard Burbadge and John Rice of the King’s men delivered the
speeches as Amphion and Corinea; cf. _Repertory_, xxix, f. 232^v,
and Letter Book D.D., f. 148^v, quoted by Halliwell-Phillipps in
_Athenaeum_ (19 May 1888), Stopes, _Burbage_, 108, and C. W. Wallace in
_Times_ (28 March 1913). Doubtless Munday also wrote the description.
_Creation of Henry Prince of Wales. 4 June 1610_
_S. R._ 1610, June 14 (Mokett). ‘A booke called, The creation of the
Prince, by master Danyell Price.’ _Roger Jackson_ (Arber, iii. 436).
1610. The Order and Solemnitie of the Creation of the High and mightie
Prince Henrie, Eldest Sonne to our sacred Soueraigne, Prince of Wales,
Duke of Cornewall, Earle of Chester, &c. As it was celebrated in the
Parliament House, on Munday the fourth of Iunne last past. Together
with the Ceremonies of the Knights of the Bath, and other matters of
speciall regard, incident to the same. Whereunto is annexed the Royall
Maske, presented by the Queene and her Ladies, on Wednesday at night
following. _For John Budge._ [The Mask is Daniel’s _Tethys’ Festival_,
with a separate t.p.]
_Editions_ in W. Scott, _Somers Tracts_ (1809–15), ii. 183, and
Nichols, _James_ (1828), ii. 324.
The ceremonies are also described in Stowe, _Annales_ (1615), 899, and
in MSS. of W. Camden quoted by Nichols.
The diary is:
31 May 1610. City reception with water pageant.
4 June. Creation.
5 June. Daniel’s mask.
6 June. Tilt; fireworks; sea-fight.
_Marriage of Frederick and Elizabeth. 1613_
The most important descriptions, besides the masks of Campion,
Beaumont, and Chapman (q.v.), are.
A
_S. R._ 1613, Feb. 18 (Mokett). ‘A booke called The Mariage of the twoo
great prynces Ffriderick Counte Palatine and the Lady Elizabeth &c with
the shewes and fierwoorkes on the Water, the maskes and Revels at the
Courte.’ _William Barley_ (Arber, iii. 516).
1613. The Magnificent Marriage of the two great princes Frederick
Count Palatine, &c. and the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter to the Imperial
Majesties of King James and Queen Anne, to the Comfort of All Great
Britain. Now the second time imprinted, with many new additions of the
same Tryumphes, performed by the Gentlemen of the Innes of Court in the
Kings Pallace at Whitehall. _T. C. for W. Barley._ [Nichols says that a
manuscript copy of the first edition is in _Addl. MS._ 5767.]
_Editions_ in W. Scott, _Somers Tracts_ (1809–15), iii. 35, and
Nichols, _James_ (1828), ii. 536.
B
1613. Heavens Blessing and Earths Joy: or, a True Relation of the
Supposed Sea-Fights and Fire-Workes as were Accomplished before the
Royall Celebration of the All-beloved Marriage of the two Peerlesse
Paragons of Christendome, Fredericke and Elizabeth. By John Taylor, the
Water Poet. _For Joseph Hunt, sold by John Wright._
1630. [Part of Taylor’s _Works_.]
_Edition_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), ii. 527.
C
1613. Beschreibung der Reiss: Empfahung des Ritterlichen Ordens:
Volbringung des Heyraths: vnd glückliche Heimführung: Wie auch der
ansehnlichen Einführung, gehaltene Ritterspiel vnd Freudenfests des
Durchleuchtigsten Hochgeboren Fürsten und Herrn Friedrichen des Fünften
... mit der ... Princessin Elisabethen. _G. Vögelin, Heidelberg._ [Of
this there is also a French translation, _Les Triomphes ... pour le
Mariage et Reception de Monseigneur le Prince Frederic V ... et de
Madame Elisabeth_. 1613.]
D
A distinct French account in _Mercure François_, iii. 72.
For other accounts, extant and lost, and verses, cf. Arber, iii. 499,
514–18; Nichols, ii. *463, 536, 601, 624; Rimbault, 161–3; M. A. Green,
_Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia_, 36.
The diary is:
16 Oct. 1612. Arrival of Frederick at Gravesend.
18 Oct. Reception at Court.
29 Oct. Visit to Guildhall.
21 Dec. Investiture with Garter.
27 Dec. Betrothal.
7 Feb. 1613. Garter installation.
11 and 13 Feb. Fireworks and sea-triumph at Whitehall.
14 Feb. Wedding. Campion’s mask.
15 Feb. Running at the ring. Chapman’s mask.
21 Feb. Beaumont’s mask.
_Bristol Entertainment. 1613_
[_MS._] _Calendar_ by William Adams, _penes_ C. J. Harford (in 1828).
_S. R._ 1613, Oct. 8 (Mason). ‘A booke called the Queenes Maiesties
entertaynement at Bristoll.’ _John Budge_ (Arber, iii. 533).
1613. A Relation of the Royall, Magnificent, and Sumptuous
Entertainment given to the High and Mighty Princesse Queen Anne, at
the Renowned Citie of Bristoll, by the Mayor, Sheriffes, and Aldermen
thereof; in the moneth of June last past, 1613. Together with the
Oration, Gifts, Triumphes, Water-combats and other Showes there made.
_For John Budge._ [Epistle by Robert Naile.]
_Editions_ in _Bristol Memorialist_, No. 3 (1816), and Nichols,
_James_, ii. 648 (1828).
APPENDIX A
A COURT CALENDAR
[_Bibliographical Note._--This is primarily a list of plays, masks, and
quasi-dramatic entertainments at court. The chronological evidence for
the plays mainly rests upon Appendix B. Tilts and a few miscellaneous
entertainments are included. And it has seemed worth while to trace
the movements of the court, partly in order to locate the palaces
at which the winter performances were given, partly because of the
widespread use of mimetic pageantry during Elizabeth’s progresses and
visits abroad. For the main migrations of the household (in small
capitals), the authorities here cited are confirmed by the daily or
weekly indications of a much more detailed _Itinerarium_ than can be
printed. Additions from sources not explored by me may be possible to
the record of shorter visits or even that of the by-progresses, upon
which Elizabeth was not always accompanied by the full household. I
have not attempted to deal so completely with the Jacobean period.
The King’s constant absences from court on hunting journeys are
difficult to track and of no interest to dramatic history. Appendix
B will show at which of the court plays he was personally present.
The principal material used may be classified as follows: (_a_) The
royal movements are frequently noted in ambassadorial dispatches,
in private letters, notably those of Roger Manners to the Earls of
Rutland (_Rutland MSS._), of Rowland Whyte, court postmaster, to Sir
Robert Sidney (_Sydney Papers_), and of John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley
Carleton (_Letters_, ed. Camden Soc., and Birch, _Court of James_) and
Sir Ralph Winwood (_Winwood Memorials_); and in the diaries of Henry
Machyn, Lord Burghley (Haynes-Murdin, ii. 745; _Hatfield MSS._, i. 149;
v. 69; xiii. 141, 199, 389, 464, 506, 596), Sir Francis Walsingham
(_Camden Miscellany_, vi), and John Dee. (_b_) Collections of State and
quasi-State Papers contain many dated and located documents emanating
from the court, such as proclamations, privy seals, signet letters,
and less formal communications from the sovereign or a secretary
or other officer in attendance. Unfortunately Elizabeth’s letters
missive have never been collected, and many of them are unlocated.
Naturally ministerial documents require handling with discretion,
lest the writers should be away from court. Letters patent bear the
date and location of the Chancellor’s _recepi_, and the Chancellor
was largely detached from the court. The sources for (_a_) and (_b_)
are given in the _Bibl. Note_ to ch. i. (_c_) The _Register_ of the
Privy Council records the localities of the meetings of that body, but
it must be borne in mind that the registration was not very perfect
(cf. ch. ii), and also that, although the Council ordinarily followed
the court, meetings were occasionally held in Westminster or London,
either at the Star Chamber or in the house of a councillor or even a
citizen, when the court happened to be out of town. (_d_) Church bells
were rung when the sovereign moved into or out of a parish, and the
churchwardens entered the ringers’ fees in their accounts. The entries
in J. V. Kitto, _The Accounts of the Churchwardens of St. Martin’s in
the Fields, 1525–1603_ (1901, cited as _Martin’s_), record many comings
and goings from Whitehall, but in some cases the date entered appears
to be other than that of the actual ringing, either by error or because
the payment was on a different day. The extracts from the accounts of
St. Margaret’s, Westminster (cited as _Margaret’s_), in J. Nichols,
_Illustrations_, 1, of Lambeth in D. Lysons, _Environs of London_, i.
222, and S. Denne, _Historical Particulars of Lambeth_ (1795, _Bibl.
Top. Brit._ x. 185), of Fulham in T. Faulkner, _Fulham_ (1813), 139,
of Kingston in Lysons, _Environs_, i. 164, and of Wandsworth by C.
T. Davis in _Surrey Arch. Colls._, xviii (1903), 96, are scrappy and
the year concerned is not always clear. Nichols, _Eliz._ iii. 37,
gives an analogous record from the accounts of Chalk in Kent of the
occasions on which the local carts were requisitioned for removes from
Greenwich. (_e_) The dates and localities of knightings are given in
W. A. Shaw, _The Knights of England_ (1906), but many of them are from
inconsistent and untrustworthy sources. (_f_) The _Chamber Accounts_
(cf. App. B) contain under the annual heading ‘Apparelling of Houses’
summaries of monthly bills sent in by the Gentlemen Ushers of the
Chamber of their expenses while engaged in making preparations for
royal visits. They yield much new information as to the houses visited,
but only very approximately date the visits. And it may be that the
Ushers occasionally had to prepare for a visit which never took place.
Analogous information is contained in the _Declared Accounts_ of the
Office of Works. A single account of the Cofferer of the Household,
printed by Nichols, i. 92, gives a daily record of the locality of
the household throughout the progress of 1561; as far as I know, it
is the only extant document of its kind. (_g_) J. Nichols, in his
_Progresses of Elizabeth_^2 (1823) and _Progresses of James I_ (1828),
drew fully upon the contemporary printed descriptions of state entries
and progresses, of which a list is given in ch. xxiv, and upon such
‘gests’ of progresses (cf. ch. iv) as survive. I have been able to
correct and amplify his record of houses visited to a great extent, as
much of the material now available, notably the Privy Council Register
and the Chamber Accounts, was not used by him, and he occasionally
assumed that royal plans were carried out, when they were not. I have
done what I can to identify the royal hosts and their houses, but there
is more of conjecture in my lists than my query-marks quite indicate.
The Chamber Accounts entries are not in chronological order. Often
only a name or a locality is given, and a good deal of plotting of
routes on a map has been necessary. A more thorough study of local and
family histories than I have been able to undertake would doubtless add
corrections and further details. Local antiquaries might well follow
the lines of study opened up by E. Green, _Did Queen Elizabeth visit
Bath in 1574 and 1592_ (1879, _Proc. of Bath Field Club_, iv. 105), W.
D. Cooper, _Queen Elizabeth’s Visits to Sussex_ (1852, _Sussex Arch.
Colls._, v. 190), W. Kelly, _Royal Progresses and Visits to Leicester_
(1884), and M. Christy, _The Progresses of Queen Elizabeth through
Essex and the Houses in which she stayed_ (1917, _Essex Review_, xxvi.
115, 181). A knowledge of sixteenth-and seventeenth-century roads is
useful. The Elizabethan list in W. Smith, _The Particular Description
of England, 1588_ (ed. H. B. Wheatley and E. W. Ashbee, 1879) is fuller
than that in W. Harrison, _Description of England_ (ed. _N. S. S._
ii. 107), or that described from a manuscript of _c._ 1603 by G. S.
Thomson in _E. H. R._ xxxiii. 234. The seventeenth-century description
of J. Ogilby, _Itinerarium Angliae_ (1675) became the parent of many
travellers’ guides. But it does not include three private royal roads
largely used in removes; viz. the King’s road by Chelsea to Richmond
and Hampton Court, Theobald’s Road, and a road from Lambeth Ferry to
Greenwich and Eltham. Useful studies are T. F. Ordish, _History of
Metropolitan Roads_ (_L. T. R._ viii. 1), and H. G. Fordham, _Studies
in Carto-Bibliography_ (1914). Other books are given in D. Ballen,
_Bibliography of Roadmaking and Roads_ (1914).]
1558
Nov. 17. Accession of Elizabeth at HATFIELD.
Nov. 22. PROGRESS through Herts and Middlesex to London by Hadley
(Alice Lady Stamford?, Nov. 22–3) and Charterhouse (Lord North, Nov.
23–8).[1]
Nov. 28. _Tower of London._[2]
Dec. 5. _Somerset House_, by water.[3]
Dec. 22. _Whitehall._[4]
1559
Jan. 6. Play (=Queen’s=?) and mask (Papists).[5]
Jan. 12. TOWER, by water.[6]
Jan. 14. Entry through London with pageants to WHITEHALL.[7]
Jan. 15. Coronation.[8]
Jan. 16. Tilt and mask (Almains and Palmers?).
Jan. 17. Barriers.[9]
Jan. 29. Mask (Moors?).
Feb. 5 (S.S.). Mask (Swart Rutters).
Feb. 7. Mask (Fishers).
March 21. Morris from Household feast at Mile End to court.[10]
_c._ March 31. Visit to Greenwich?[11]
Apr. 25. Supper at Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke).[12]
May 1. Maying on Thames at Whitehall.[13]
_c._ May 17. Visit to Greenwich.[14]
May 24. Mask (Astronomers) for French embassy.[15]
May 25. Baiting at palace for embassy.[16]
June 21. GREENWICH.[17]
June 25. May game from London to court.[18]
July 2. City musters and tilt at court.[19]
July 3. Visit to Woolwich, with banquet in the _Elizabeth
Jonas_.[20]
July 11. Joust by pensioners and mask.[21]
July 17. PROGRESS in Kent and Surrey.[22] Dartford (July 17–18), Cobham
Hall (Lord Cobham, July 18–21 <), Gillingham, Otford (July > 23–28 <),
Eltham (Aug. 4), Croydon (Abp. of Canterbury, Aug. 5–6?) and Nonsuch
(Earl of Arundel, Aug. 6–10).
Aug. 7. =Paul’s.=
Aug. 10. HAMPTON COURT.[23]
Aug. 17–> 23. Visit to West Horsley (Lord Clinton), with mask
(Shipmen and Country Maids).[24]
Sept. 28. WHITEHALL.[25]
Nov. 5. Tilt.[26]
Dec. 31. Play (=Chapel=?) and mask (Clowns or Nusquams?).[27]
1560
Jan. 1. Mask (Barbarians) for John Duke of Finland.[28]
Jan. 6. Masks (Patriarchs, Italian Women).
Feb. 25 (S.S.) or 26. Mask (Nusquams or Clowns?).
Feb. 27. Masks (Diana and Nymphs, Actaeon?).
Apr. 10. Morris and ‘queen’ from London to court.[29]
Apr. 21. Tilt.[30]
Apr. 24 < > 27. Visit to Deptford.[31]
Apr. 28. Tilt.[32]
May 14. GREENWICH.[33]
_c._ May 24. Visit to Westminster?[34]
_c._ May. Visit to Eltham.[35]
July 29. RICHMOND by Lambeth (Abp. Parker).[36]
Aug. 3. OATLANDS.[37]
Aug. 5–30. PROGRESS in Surrey and Hants.[38] Sutton Place, Woking (Sir
Henry Weston, Aug. 5), Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 7, 8), Rotherfield
(John? Norton), Southwick (John White), Portsmouth, Netley Castle (Aug.
12–13), Southampton (Aug. 13–16), Winchester (Aug. 16–23), Micheldever
(Edmund Clerk, Aug. 23), Basing (Marquis of Winchester, Aug. 23–28),
Odiham (Chidiock Paulet?), Hartley Wintney (Sir John Mason?), Bagshot
(Sir Henry Weston?).
Aug. 30. _Windsor._[39]
Sept. 22 < > 30. HAMPTON COURT.[40]
_c._ Oct. Visit to Horsley (Lord Clinton?).[41]
Nov. 10 < > 25. WHITEHALL.[42]
Nov. 27–> Dec. 2. Visit to Greenwich and Eltham.[43]
_c._ Dec. Visit to Queenborough.[44]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=, and masks. One of
the plays was Preston’s _Cambyses_.[45]
1561
Feb. 17 (S.M.). Wrestling in ‘prychyng-plase’ at court.[46]
Feb. 18, 19. Masters of fence at court.[47]
Apr. 26 < > 29. GREENWICH.[48]
June 24. River triumph. Dinner with Lord R. Dudley.[49]
July 10–Sept. 22. PROGRESS in Essex, Suffolk, Herts., Middlesex.[50]
Tower (July 10), Charterhouse (Lord North, July 10–14) with visit to
Strand (Sir W. Cecil, July 13), Wanstead (Lord Rich, July 14), Havering
(July 14–19) with visits to Pyrgo (Lord John Grey, July 16) and
Loughton Hall (Lord Darcy?, July 17), Ingatestone (Sir William Petre,
July 19–21), New Hall in Boreham (Earl of Sussex, July 21–26), Felix
Hall (Henry Long?, July 26), Colchester (Sir Thomas Lucas, July 26–30)
with visit to Layer Marney (George Tuke), St. Osyth (Lord Darcy, July
30–Aug. 2), Harwich (Aug. 2–5), Ipswich (Aug. 5–11),[51] Shelley Hall
(Philip Tilney, Aug. 11), Smallbridge (William Waldegrave, Aug. 11–14),
Hedingham (Earl of Oxford, Aug. 14–19), Gosfield (Sir John Wentworth,
Aug. 19–21), Lees (Lord Rich, Aug. 21–25), Great Hallingbury (Lord
Morley, Aug. 25–27), Standon (Sir Ralph Sadleir, Aug. 27–30), Hertford
(Aug. 30–Sept. 16), Hatfield?, Enfield (Sept. 16–22).
Sept. 22. ST. JAMES’S.[52]
Oct. 28. Visit to Whitehall. Baiting and mask (Wise and Foolish
Virgins) for French embassy.[53]
Dec. 4 < > 14. WHITEHALL.[54]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=.
Dec. 27 < > Jan. 3. Lord of Misrule from Temple to court.[55]
1562
Jan. 15–16. Visit to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke), with mask.[56]
Jan. 18. _Gorboduc_ and mask by Inner Temple.
Feb. 1. Mask from London to court, ‘and Julyus Sesar’.[57]
Feb. 2 < > 10 (S. T.). =Paul’s.=
Feb. 10. Tilt.[58]
Feb. 14. Running at ring.[59]
June 5. GREENWICH.[60]
Sept. 16 < > 19. HAMPTON COURT, by Southwark.[61]
_c._ Oct. Visit to Oatlands.[62]
Nov. 8. SOMERSET HOUSE.[63]
Dec. 14 < > 21. WHITEHALL.[64]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=.
1563
Feb. 21 (S.S.).
June 14. GREENWICH.[65]
July 20 < > Aug. 1. RICHMOND, by Lambeth.[66]
Aug. 2 < > 4. WINDSOR by Stanwell.[67]
1562–3. Visits to Sunninghill, Oatlands, Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel), the
New Lodge, the Twelve Oaks.[68]
Christmas.[69] Two plays by unnamed companies.
1564
Feb. 2. Play by unnamed company.
Feb. 13 (S.S.).
Apr. 23 < > May 5. RICHMOND.[70]
June 9. Three masks and ‘devise with the men of armes’ for French
embassy.[71]
June 28. Visit _incognita_ to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke) for
St. Peter’s watch.[72]
June 30 < > July 5. WHITEHALL.[73]
July 5. Visit to Sackville House (Sir Richard Sackville), with play and
mask.[74]
July 6. Visit to Cecil House (Sir W. Cecil) for christening of
Elizabeth Cecil.[75]
July 6 < > 16. GREENWICH.[76]
July 21 or 22. WHITEHALL.[77]
_c._ July 27–Sept. 12. PROGRESS in Middlesex, Herts., Cambridgeshire,
Hunts., Northants., Leicestershire, Bucks., and Beds.[78] Theobalds
(Sir William Cecil), Enfield (July 31, Aug. 1), Hertford Castle,
Aldbury (Thomas Hyde), Haslingfield (Mr. Worthington, Aug. 4–5),
Grantchester (Aug. 5), Cambridge (King’s College, Aug. 5–10),[79] Long
Stanton (Bp. of Ely, Aug. 10), Hinchinbrook (Sir Henry Cromwell, Aug.
10),[80] Kimbolton (Thomas? Wingfield), Boughton (Edward Montague),
Launde (Henry, Lord Cromwell, _c._ Aug. 18), Braybrooke Castle (Sir
Thomas Griffin), Dallington? (Sir Andrew Corbett), Northampton (Mr.
Crispe), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor), Grafton, Thornton (George
Tyrrell), Toddington (Sir Henry Cheyne), St. Albans (Sir Richard Lee),
Great Hampden? (Griffith Hampden), Princes Risborough? (Mr. Penton),
Shardeloes in Amersham? (William Totehill), Harrow (Sept. 12), Osterley
(Sir Thomas Gresham).
Sept. 13. ST. JAMES’S.[81]
Sept. 15. Dinner with Marchioness of Northampton at Whitehall.[82]
_c._ Oct.-Nov. Visits to Oatlands and Windsor.[83]
Dec. 7. WHITEHALL.[84]
Christmas. =Warwick’s= (twice), =Paul’s=, and =Chapel= (_Damon and
Pythias_?).
1565
Jan. =Westminster= (_Miles Gloriosus_ and (?) _Heautontimorumenos_).
Jan. 7. Tilt, dance, and foot tourney at night.[85]
Feb. 2. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 18. Play by =Sir Percival Hart’s sons= and mask (Hunters and
Muses).
March 5 (S.M.). Tilt.[86]
March 6. Tourney. Masks (Satyrs and Tilters) and play by =Gray’s Inn=
at supper by Earl of Leicester.[87]
Apr. 27. Visit to Earl of Leicester.[88]
May 12. Visit to Greenwich.[89]
_c._ June 2. Visit to Tower, with imperial ambassador, Adam
Swetkowyz.[90]
June 24 < > 26. GREENWICH.[91]
July 14. WHITEHALL.[92]
July 16. Visit to Durham Place for wedding of Henry Knollys and
Margaret Cave, with tourney and two masks.[93]
July 17. RICHMOND.[94]
Aug. 8. WINDSOR, by Ankerwyke (Sir Thomas Smith).[95]
_c._ Aug.-Sept. Visits to Sunninghill, Farnham, and Bagshot.[96]
Sept. 14. WHITEHALL. Visit to Cecilia of Sweden (Bedford
House?).[97]
_c._ Sept. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[98]
Oct. 7, 13. Visits to Cecilia of Sweden.[99]
Oct. 29–> Nov. 2. Visit to Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel).[100]
Nov. 11. Tilt at wedding of Earl of Warwick and Lady Anne Russell.[101]
Nov. 12. Tourney.
Nov. 13. Barriers.
Christmas. =Paul’s= (thrice by Jan. 3, including one at Savoy for
Cecilia of Sweden) and =Westminster= (_Sapientia Solomonis_).
1566
Jan. 6. King of the Bean at court.[102]
Feb. 5. GREENWICH.[103]
Feb. 14. Visit to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke).[104]
Feb. 24–26 (S.). _Gismond of Salerne_ by Inner Temple (?). Wedding of
Earl of Southampton and Mary Browne, with two masks and tourney.[105]
June 28 or 29. ST. JAMES’S.[106]
July 1. Wedding of Thomas Mildmay and Frances Radcliffe at Bermondsey
(Earl of Sussex).[107]
July 8–Sept. 9. PROGRESS in Middlesex, Herts., Beds., Hunts.,
Northants., Lincs., Rutland, Warwickshire, Oxfordshire, Berks.[108]
Hendon (Edward? Herbert, July 8), Shenley (Michael Pulteney), Hatfield,
Knebworth (Rowland Lytton), Bygrave (William Warren?), Wrest (Duchess
of Suffolk), Dame Ellensbury’s in Houghton Conquest, Willington (John
Gostwick), Bletsoe (Lord St. John), Bushmead (William Gery), Kimbolton
(Thomas? Wingfield, July 21), Leighton Bromswold, Fotheringay Castle,
Apethorpe (Sir Walter Mildmay), Colly Weston (July 29, Aug. 3),
Greyfriars at Stamford (Sir W. Cecil, Aug. 5), Grimsthorpe (Duchess of
Suffolk), Sempringham (Lord Clinton), Irnham (Richard Thimelby), Exton
(Sir James Harington), Kingscliffe, Deene (Edmund Brudenell), Dingley
(Edward Griffin), Whitefriars at Coventry (Aug. 17–19),[109] Kenilworth
(Earl of Leicester, Aug. 19–22), Warwick (Earl of Warwick), Charlecote
(Sir Thomas Lucy, > Aug. 24), Broughton (Richard Fiennes), Woodstock
(Aug. > 26–31), Oxford (Aug. 31–Sept. 6),[110] Rycote (Sir Henry
Norris, Sept. 6–7), Bradenham (Lord Windsor, Sept. 7–9).
Sept. 9. WINDSOR.[111]
Sept. Visit to Bagshot (The Bush).[112]
Sept. 10 < > 17. RICHMOND.[113]
Sept. 27. WHITEHALL.[114]
Christmas. =Paul’s= (twice).
1567
Jan. 10. Queen in country.[115]
Jan. 17–Feb. 1. Visits to Croydon (Abp.?) by Lambeth (?), Nonsuch (Earl
of Arundel, Jan. 21–27), and Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, Jan. 27–Feb.
1).[116]
Feb. 9–11 (S.). =Westminster.=
Feb. 10. Visit to Arundel House (Earl of Arundel)?[117]
Feb. 11. =Windsor Chapel.=
Apr. 13. Play for Spanish embassy.[118]
June 11. RICHMOND.[119]
July 22. WINDSOR.[120]
Aug. 12? OATLANDS.[121]
Aug. Visit to Beddington? (Francis Carew) by Kingston.[122]
Aug. 18 < > 20–30. PROGRESS or visits in Surrey and Hants. Woking,
Guildford Manor (Aug. 20, 21), Loseley? (William More), Farnham (Bp.
Winchester, Aug. 24, 25, 29), Odiham, Bagshot.[123]
Aug. 30. WINDSOR.[124]
Oct. 12. HAMPTON COURT.[125]
Dec. 23. WHITEHALL.[126]
Christmas. =Rich’s= (twice), =Paul’s= (twice), =Westminster=. The
Revels prepared eight plays this winter, _The King of Scots_ (tragedy),
_As Plain As Can Be_, _The Painful Pilgrimage_, _Jack and Jill_, _Six
Fools_, _Wit and Will_, _Prodigality_, _Orestes_ (the extant play?),
and six masks, of which two were not used.
1568
Jan. 2. Visit to Charterhouse.[127]
_c._ Feb. Visit to Hackney.[128]
Feb. 29–March 2 (S.). =Chapel= (tragedy) and =Windsor Chapel=.
Apr. 6. GREENWICH.[129]
July 6–12? Visit to Charterhouse (Duke of Norfolk).[130]
July 12–Sept. 22. PROGRESS in Essex, Middlesex, Herts., Beds.,
Bucks., Northants., Oxon., Berks.[131] Havering (July 13–15) with
visits to Giddy Hall in Romford (Sir Anthony Cooke) and Pyrgo (Lord
John Grey), Copt Hall (Thomas Heneage, July 19), Enfield (July 22,
25), Hatfield (July 30, Aug. 3, 4, 7), Knebworth (Rowland Lytton),
St. Albans (Sir Ralph Rowlett, Aug. 8), Dunstable (Edward Wingate),
Brickhill (Thomas Duncombe?), Whaddon (Lord Grey), Buckingham (William
Davers? at parsonage), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor, Aug. 14, 21),
Grafton Regis, Charlton (Sir Robert Lane), Bicester (Mr. More, Aug.
27), Rycote (Sir Henry Norris), Ewelme, Wallingford (Thomas Parry at
College), Yattendon (Sir Henry Norris?), Donnington Castle, Newbury
(Sept. 12, 13), Aldermaston (William? Forster), Reading (Queen’s house,
Mr. Stafford, Mr. Gare, Sept. 18?).
Sept. 22. WINDSOR.[132]
Oct. 3 < > 20. HAMPTON COURT.[133]
Dec. 26. =Rich’s.=
1569
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 12. WHITEHALL.[134]
Feb. 22 (S.T.). =Windsor Chapel.=
May 6. GREENWICH.[135]
May 15 (?). Visit of Earl of Leicester and Odo de Coligny, Cardinal of
Châtillon, to Oxford, with _The Destruction of Thebes_.[136]
July 21. RICHMOND, by Lambeth.[137]
July 29. OATLANDS.[138]
Aug. 5 < > 8–Sept. 23 or 24. PROGRESS in Surrey and Hants.[139]
Chertsey (Sir William FitzWilliam?), Woking (Aug. 9), Guildford (Aug.
10, 12), Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 14, 17, 20, 22) with visit to
Kingsley (Nicholas Backhouse), Odiham, Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
Aug. 27, 29; Sept. 1), Abbotstone (Lord St. John), Soberton (Anne,
Lady Lawrence), Tichfield (Lady Southampton, Sept. 4, 6), Southampton
Tower (Sept. 6?, 8, 9, 14), Melchet (Richard? Audley), Mottisfont (Lord
Sandys), Wherwell (Sir Adrian Poynings), Hurstbourne? (Sir Robert
Oxenbridge), Steventon (Sir Richard Pexall), The Vine in Sherborne St.
John (Lady Sandys, Sept. 22), Hartley Wintney (Lady Mason), Bagshot
(Sir Henry Sutton).
Sept. 23 or 24. WINDSOR.[140]
Nov. 17. Accession day first kept.[141]
_c._ Dec. Visit to Bisham (Lady Hoby).[142]
Dec. 27. =Windsor Chapel.=
1570
Jan. 6. =Chapel.=
Jan. 20. HAMPTON COURT.[143]
Feb. 5 (S.S.). =Rich’s.=
March 19. Visit to Ham House (Madame de Châtillon).[144]
June 18 < > 20. OATLANDS.[145]
July 16–Sept. 29. PROGRESS in Middlesex, Bucks., Beds., Oxon., and
Berks.[146] Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, July 16–18), Denham (Sir
George Peckham, July 18–19), Chenies (Earl of Bedford, July 19–Aug.
13), Pendley (Edmund Verney, Aug. 15–17), Toddington (Sir Henry
Cheyne, Aug. 19, 20), Dame Ellensbury in Houghton Conquest, Segenhoe
in Ridgmont (Peter Grey), Wing (Sir William Dormer, _c._ Aug. 24),
Eythorpe (Sir W. Dormer), Rycote (Sir Henry Norris, Aug. 30, Sept. 2,
6, 7), Ewelme, Reading (Sept. 17, 24–26), Philberds in Bray (Sir Thomas
Neville).
Sept. 29. WINDSOR.[147]
Nov. 6 or 7. HAMPTON COURT.[148]
Dec. 28. =Paul’s.=
1571
Jan. 6. Challenge for jousting.
Jan. 14 < > 19. SOMERSET HOUSE.[149]
Jan. 23. Visit to Bishopsgate (Sir Thomas Gresham) to open Royal
Exchange.[150]
Jan. 20 < > 29. WHITEHALL.[151]
Feb. 25–27 (S.). =Chapel=, =Windsor Chapel=, and =Paul’s=.
March 2. GREENWICH.[152]
March 31 < > Apr. 2. WHITEHALL.[153]
Apr. 20. Visit to St. George’s Fields.[154]
Apr. 29. Queen at wedding of Marquis of Northampton and Helena von
Snavenberg or Snachenberg.[155]
May 1–3. Tilt, tourney, barriers.[156]
June 7, 8. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[157]
_c._ Apr.-July. Two visits to Bermondsey (Earl of Sussex).[158]
July 7 < > 8. HAMPTON COURT.[159]
July-Aug. Visits to Horsley (Earl of Lincoln), Oatlands, Byfleet.[160]
Aug. 8 < > 12–Sept. 22. PROGRESS in Middlesex, Herts., and Essex.[161]
Gunnersbury, Hendon (Edward Herbert), Hatfield (Aug. 15–21), Knebworth
(Rowland Lytton), Brent Pelham (Lord Morley, Aug. 26), Saffron Walden,
Audley End (Duke of Norfolk, Aug. 29–Sept. 3), Horham Hall in Thaxted
(Sir John Cutts, Sept. 5) with hunt in Henham Park, Lees (Lord Rich,
Sept. 7, 8), Rookwood Hall in Roding Abbess (Wiston Browne), Mark Hall
in Latton (James Altham, Sept. 13, 14, 17), Stanstead Abbots (Edward
Bashe, Sept. 20), Theobalds (Lord Burghley, Sept. 22), Hadley (Lady
Stamford), Harrow (William Wightman).
Sept. 22. ST. JAMES’S.[162]
Sept. 26. RICHMOND.[163]
Oct. 23 < > 28. GREENWICH.[164]
Dec. 12. WHITEHALL.[165]
Dec. 16 < > 23. Wedding of Earl of Oxford and Anne Cecil.[166]
Dec. 23. Wedding of Edward Somerset (Lord Herbert) and Elizabeth
Hastings.[167]
Christmas. The Revels prepared six masks this winter.
Dec. 27. =Lane’s= (_Lady Barbara_).
Dec. 28. =Paul’s= (_Iphigeneia_).
1572
Jan. 1. =Windsor Chapel= (_Ajax and Ulysses_).
Jan. 6. =Chapel= (_Narcissus_).
Feb. 17 (S.S.). =Lane’s= (_Cloridon and Radiamanta_).
Feb. 19. =Westminster= (_Paris and Vienna_, with tourney and
barriers).
Apr. 10 or 11. GREENWICH.[168]
May 5. ST. JAMES’S.[169]
_c._ May 25. Visit to Hampton Court (?).[170]
_c._ June 10. Visit to Greenwich.[171]
June 15. Baiting, and mask (Apollo and Peace) and tourney in banqueting
house at Cockpit for French embassy.[172]
June 20. WHITEHALL.[173]
July 15–Sept. 28. PROGRESS in Middlesex, Essex, Herts., Beds.,
Bucks., Northants., Warwickshire, Oxon., Berks.[174] Bishopsgate
(Jasper Fisher), Bethnal Green (Joan, Lady White), Havering (July
19, 20), Birch Hall in Theydon Bois (Edward? Elderton), Theobalds
(Lord Burghley, July 22–25) visit to Enfield, Hatfield, Gorhambury
(Sir Nicholas Bacon, July 25–28), Dunstable (Edward Wingate?, July
28–29), Woburn (Earl of Bedford, July 29–31) with visit to Chicheley
(Elizabeth Weston), Salden (John Fortescue, Aug. 1–4), Beachampton
(Thomas? Pigott), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor, Aug. 4–8), Edgecott
(William Chauncy, Aug. 10), Bishop’s Itchington (Edward Fisher, Aug.
11), Warwick Castle (Earl of Warwick, Aug. 11–13), Kenilworth (Earl of
Leicester, Aug. 13–16),[175] Warwick Castle (Aug. 16–18) with visit to
Warwick Priory (Thomas Fisher, Aug. 16),[176] Kenilworth (Aug. 18–23),
Charlecote (Sir Thomas Lucy, Aug. 23), Compton Wyniates (Lord Compton,
Aug. 23), Great Tew (Henry Rainsford), Woodstock (Aug. 27, Sept. 7–19)
with visit to Langley (Sir Edward Unton), Holton (Sir Christopher
Browne), Ewelme, Reading (Sept. 21–28), Philberds in Bray (Sir Thomas
Neville, Sept. 28).
Sept. 28. WINDSOR.[177]
_c._ Nov. 11. HAMPTON COURT.[178]
Christmas. =Leicester’s= (thrice) and =Paul’s=. The Revels prepared
plays on _Theagenes and Chariclea_, _Perseus and Andromeda_, and
_Fortune_, and a double mask (Fishermen and Fruit-wives) this winter.
1573
Jan. 1. =Windsor Chapel.=
Jan. 6. =Eton.=
_c._ Jan. 29. GREENWICH, by Somerset House.[179]
Feb. 1–3 (S.). =Sussex’s=, =Lincoln’s= and =Merchant Taylors= (_Perseus
and Andromeda_?).
Feb. 24–March 10. Visits to Fold in South Mimms (Mr. Waller),
Islehampstead Latimer (Miles Sandys), Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas Bacon),
Brockett Hall in Hatfield (John Brockett), Northiaw (Earl of Warwick),
Theobalds (Lord Burghley, 8 days), and Bishopsgate (Jasper Fisher,
March 7).[180]
July 14–Sept. 26. PROGRESS in Surrey, Kent, and Sussex.[181] Croydon
(Abp. of Canterbury, July 14–21), Orpington (Sir Percival Hart, July
21–24),[182] Otford (July 24), Knole in Sevenoaks (July 24–29), Bastead
(July 29), Comfort in Birling(Lord Abergavenny, July 29–Aug. 1),
Oxenheath in West Peckham? (Sir Thomas Cotton, Aug. 1), Eridge (Lord
Abergavenny, Aug. 1–7) with visit to Mayfield (Sir Thomas Gresham)?,
Bedgebury in Goudhurst (Alexander Culpepper, Aug. 7–8) by Kilndown,
Hemstead in Benenden (Thomas Guildford, Aug. 8–11), Northiam (George
Bishop, Aug. 11), Rye (Aug. 11–14) with visit to Winchelsea (Mr.
Savage?), Northiam (Aug. 14), Sissinghurst in Cranbrook (Richard Baker,
Aug. 14–17), Boughton Malherbe (Thomas Wotton, Aug. 17–19) by Smarden,
Hothfield (John Tufton, Aug. 19–21), Olantigh in Wye (Sir Thomas Kempe,
Aug. 21–22), Brabourne (Sir Thomas Scott, Aug. 22), Westenhanger (Aug.
22–25), Sandgate Castle (Aug. 25), Dover, (Aug. 25–31) by Folkestone
with visit to Thomas? Fisher, Sandwich (Roger? Manwood, Aug. 31–Sept.
3),[183] Wingham (Sept. 3), Canterbury (St. Augustine’s, Sept. 3–16)
with visit to Abp. Parker (Sept. 7),[184] Faversham (Sept. 16–18),
Tunstall (William Cromer, Sept. 18–19), Gillingham (Sept. 19),
Rochester (the Crown, Sept. 19–23) with visit to a ship, Bulley Hill
(Richard Watts, Sept. 23–24), Cobham (Lord Cobham, Sept. 24), Sutton
(Sept. 24), Dartford (Sept. 24–26).
Sept. 26. GREENWICH.[185]
_c._ Nov. Two visits to Deptford.[186]
Nov. 25. SOMERSET HOUSE, by Leicester House (?).[187]
Dec. 19. WHITEHALL.[188]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s= (_Predor and Lucia_). Mask (Lance-knights).
Dec. 27. =Paul’s= (_Alcmaeon_).
Dec. 28. =Leicester’s= (_Mamillia_).
1574
Jan. 1. =Westminster= (_Truth, Faithfulness, and Mercy_). Mask
(Foresters and Wild Men).
Jan. 3. =Clinton’s= (_Herpetulus the Blue Knight and Perobia_).
Jan. 6. =Windsor Chapel= (_Quintus Fabius_). Mask (Sages).
Jan. 12. HAMPTON COURT.[189]
Feb. 2. =Merchant Taylors= (_Timoclea at the Siege of Thebes by
Alexander_). Mask (Virtues) not shown.
Feb. 18–20. Visits to Earl of Lincoln and to Osterley (Sir Thomas
Gresham).[190]
Feb. 21–23 (S.). Queen entertained privately by neighbours.[191]
Feb. 21. =Leicester’s= (_Philemon and Philecia_).
Feb. 23. =Merchant Taylors= (_Perseus and Andromeda_). Masks (Warriors
and Ladies).
March 2–3. GREENWICH, by Lambeth (Abp. Parker).[192]
June 30. RICHMOND, by Merton Abbey (Gregory? Lovell).[193]
July 7. WINDSOR, by Stanwell and Colnbrook.[194]
July 11 < > 13. =Italians.=
July 15–Sept. 25. PROGRESS in Berks., Oxon., Gloucestershire, Somerset,
Wilts., Hants, and Surrey.[195] Binfield, Reading (July 15–23) with
play (July 15) by =Italians=, Caversham or Rotherfield Greys (Sir
Francis Knollys, July 23), Ewelme (July 23–24), Holton (Christopher
Browne, July 24), Woodstock (July 24–Aug. 2), Langley (Sir Edward
Unton, Aug. 2–3), Burford (Aug. 3), Sherborne (Thomas Dutton, Aug.
3–4), Sudeley Castle (Lady Chandos, Aug. 4, 5), Boddington (Mr. Denne),
Gloucester (Aug. 10) with visit to Churcham?, Frocester (George
Huntley, Aug. 10–11), Iron Acton (Sir Nicholas Pointz), Berkeley Castle
(Lord Berkeley, Aug. 11–12), Berkeley Hearne?, Bristol St. Lawrence,
Bristol (Sir John Young, Aug. 14–21),[196] Keynsham (Henry? Brydges,
Aug. 21), Morecroft (Stokes Croft?, Aug. 21), Bath (Aug. 21–23),
Hazelbury (John Bonham, Aug. 23), Lacock (Sir Henry Sherington, Aug.
23–28), Erlestoke (William Brouncker, Aug. 28–31), Heytesbury (Mr.
Hawker, Aug. 31–Sept. 3) with visit to Longleat (Sir John Thynne, Sept.
2), Wylye? (Lady Mervyn, Sept. 3), Wilton (Earl of Pembroke, Sept. 3–6)
with visit to Clarendon Park, Salisbury (Bp.’s, Sept. 6–9) with visit
to Amesbury, Winterslow (Giles Thistlethwaite?, Sept. 9), Mottisfont
(Lord Sandys, Sept. 9–10), Somborne (Henry? Gifford, Sept. 10),
Winchester (Sept. 10–13), Abbotstone (Marquis of Winchester, Sept. 13),
Alresford, Herriard (George Puttenham), Odiham (Sept. 14–16), Farnham
(Bp. Winchester, Sept. 15, 19), Bagshot (Sept. 24–25).
Sept. 25. OATLANDS.[197]
Oct. 1. HAMPTON COURT.[198]
Oct. 19–22. Visit to Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel).[199]
Christmas. _Phedrastus_ and _Phigon and Lucia_ rehearsed by =Sussex’s=,
Three masks this winter (Pilgrims, Mariners. Hobby-horses).[200]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s=, with boys.
Dec. 27. =Clinton’s= (_Pretestus_?).
1575
Jan. 1. =Leicester’s= (_Panecia_?).
Jan. 2. =Clinton’s.=
Jan. 6. =Windsor Chapel= (_Xerxes_?).
Feb. 2. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 3 < > 6. RICHMOND.[201]
Feb. 13 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 14. =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 15? =Merchant Taylors.=
March 16. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. Dee).[202]
March 23 < > 25. ST. JAMES’S.[203]
_c._ Apr. (?). Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham), by Chiswick.[204]
Apr. 20. GREENWICH.[205]
_c._ May 5–8. Two visits to Lady Pembroke in illness at Baynard’s
Castle.[206]
May 23–Oct. 10 < > 11. PROGRESS in Middlesex, Herts., Beds., Bucks.,
Northants., Warwickshire, Staffs., Worcestershire, Gloucestershire,
Oxon., Berks.[207] Stoke Newington (John Dudley, May 23), Theobalds
(Lord Burghley, May 24–June 6), Broxbourne (Sir George Penruddock),
Woodhall (Sir John Butler), Hatfield (June 7–14), Luton (George
Rotherham), Toddington (Lord Cheyne), Segenhoe in Ridgmont (Peter
Grey), Holcutt (Richard Charnock), Chicheley (Elizabeth Weston),
Grafton (June 19–July 6), Fawsley (Sir Richard Knightley), Long
Itchington (Earl of Leicester, July 9), Kenilworth (Earl of Leicester,
July 9–27),[208] Meriden (William Foster), Middleton (Sir Francis
Willoughby), Swinfen (John Dyott?), Lichfield (July 30–Aug. 3)[209]
with visits to Beaudesert (Lord Paget) and Alrewas (Walter Griffith,
July 30), Colton (Katharine, Lady Gresley), Chartley (Lady Essex),
Stafford Castle (Lord Stafford, Aug. 7, 8) with visit to Ellenhall
(Walter? Harcourt), Chillington (John Giffard), Dudley Castle (Lord
Dudley, Aug. 12), Hartlebury Castle (Bp. of Worcester, Aug. 12–13),
Worcester (Bp. of Worcester, Aug. 13–20)[210] with visits to Hindlip
(John Habington, Aug. 16), Hallow Park (John Habington, Aug. 18)
and Batenhall Park (Thomas Bromley, Aug. 19), Elmley Bredon (Anne
Daston, Aug. 20–22), Evesham? (Aug. 21), Campden (Thomas Smythe),
Sudeley Castle (Lord Chandos), Sherborne (Thomas Dutton), Langley
(Sir Edward Unton, Aug. 27), Cornbury (Thomas Stafford?, Aug. 29),
Woodstock (Aug. 29–Oct. 3) with entertainment by Sir Henry Lee,[211]
Holton (Christopher Browne), Rycote (Lord Norris, Oct. 6–8), Bradenham
(Frederick Lord Windsor), Wooburn (Sir John Goodwin), Philberds in Bray
(Sir Thomas Neville).
Oct. 10 or 11. WINDSOR.[212]
Dec. 20. HAMPTON COURT, by Colnbrook.[213]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s.=
Dec. 27. =Windsor Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Leicester’s.=
1576
Jan. 1. =Warwick’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 6 or 7. WHITEHALL, by Sion.[214]
Feb. 27. =Italians.=
March 4 (S.S.). =Leicester’s.=
March 5. =Warwick’s.=
March 6. =Merchant Taylors.=
Apr. 26. GREENWICH.[215]
May 9–19. Visits to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester, May 9–10),
Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, May 10–12), Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln, May
12–15), Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel, May 15–17), Beddington (Sir Francis
Carew, May 17–19).[216]
_c._ June 7. Visit to Hatfield.[217]
June 18. Visit to Deptford.[218]
_c._ June. Visit to Eltham.[219]
July 9. ST. JAMES’S.[220]
July 22 or 23. WHITEHALL.[221]
_c._ July. Visits to Highgate (Thomas? Lichfield), Fold? at Barnet (Mr.
Waller), and Hendon (Edward Herbert).[222]
July 30–Oct. 9. PROGRESS in Essex, Herts., Bucks., Berks., and
Surrey.[223] Stratford at Bow (Richard? Young, July 30), Havering (July
30–Aug. 7) with visit to Pyrgo (Henry Grey) and hunt in Harolds Park,
Chigwell Hall (Sir John Petre, Aug. 7), Loughborough (John Stonard,
Aug. 7), Upshire? (Aug. 10), Mark Hall in Latton (James Altham, Aug.
10–11), Hatfield Broadoak (Sir Thomas Barrington, Aug. 11), Great
Hallingbury (Lord Morley, Aug. 11–14), Stanstead Abbots (Edward Bashe,
Aug. 14–19), Hertford Castle (Aug. 19–22), Hatfield (Aug. 24), Hertford
again (Aug. 26–28), Northiaw (Earl of Warwick, Aug. 30), St. Albans
(Aug. 30–Sept. 1), Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas Bacon, Sept. 1), Latimer
(Miles Sandys, Sept. 1–3) with visit to Chalfont St. Giles (John?
Gardiner), Hedgerley (Sir Robert Drury, Sept. 3), Windsor (Sept.
3–10) with visit to Folly John Park, Thorpe (Richard Polsted, Sept.
10), Byfleet (Sept. 10–11), Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln, Sept. 11–12),
Guildford (Sept. 12), Loseley in Artington (Sir William More, Sept.
12–13), Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Sept. 13?-20), Odiham (Sept. 20–22),
Mr. Hall’s (Sept. 22), Reading (Sept. 22–Oct. 8), Rotherfield Greys
(Sir Francis Knollys Oct. 8), Hurst (Richard Ward, Oct. 8–9), Windsor
(Oct. 9–12).
Oct. 12. HAMPTON COURT.[224]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s= (_Painter’s Daughter_).
Dec. 27. =Howard’s= (_Tooley_).
Dec. 30. =Leicester’s= (_Collier_).
1577
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (_Error_).
Jan. 6. =Chapel= and =Windsor Chapel= together (_Mutius Scaevola_).
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s= (_Cynocephali_).
Feb. 12. WHITEHALL.[225]
Feb. 17–19 (S.). _Cutwell_ rehearsed, but not played.
Feb. 17. =Howard’s= (_Solitary Knight_).
Feb. 18. =Warwick’s= (_Irish Knight_).
Feb. 19. =Paul’s= (_Titus and Gisippus_). Mask of children.
Feb. 26–March 3. Visit to Wanstead? (Earl of Leicester).[226]
April. Italian play before Privy Council at Durham Place.[227]
Apr. 29 < > May 6. GREENWICH.[228]
May 9–10. Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[229]
May 14–_c._ 25. Visits to Stoke Newington (John Dudley), Theobalds
(Lord Burghley, May 14 or 15, for 3 days), Northiaw (Earl of Warwick),
Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas Bacon, May 18–22), Fold? at Barnet (Mr.
Waller), Highgate (Thomas? Lichfield).[230]
June 24. Visit to Southwark for weddings of George, Earl of Cumberland,
to Margaret Russell, and Philip, Lord Wharton, to Frances Clifford.[231]
_c._ July. Visit to Deptford.[232]
July 19. RICHMOND, by Clapham.[233]
July 24. Visit to Isleworth (Countess of Derby).[234]
July 26. Visits to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham?) and Mortlake
Park Lodge (Earl of Leicester).[235]
Aug. 23. OATLANDS, by Hampton Court.[236]
Sept. 4–7 or 8. Visit to Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln).[237]
Sept. 12. Visit to Hanworth (Duchess of Somerset).[238]
_c._ Sept. Visit to Sir John Zouch.[239]
Sept. 23. WINDSOR, by Thorpe (Richard Polsted?).[240]
_c._ Sept. Visit to Sunninghill.[241]
Dec. 10. HAMPTON COURT, by Staines.[242]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Warwick’s.=
Dec. 29. =Paul’s.=
1578
Jan. 5. =Howard’s.=
Jan. 6. =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 9 (S.S.). =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 11. =Lady Essex’s= (instead of =Leicester’s=).
_c._ Feb. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[243]
Feb. 25–27. Visit to Putney (John Lacy?).[244]
Feb. 27–March 3 (?). Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[245]
March 3. GREENWICH.[246]
Apr. 5 and 28. Visits to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[247]
May 6–16. Visits to Tottenham (Lord Compton, May 6, 7), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, May 7–10), Stanstead Abbots (Edward Bashe, May 10–12), Copt
Hall (Sir Thomas Heneage, May 12–13), Wanstead (Earl of Leicester, May
13–16).[248]
May 16. GREENWICH.[249]
July 11 < > 12–Sept. 23 < > 24. PROGRESS in Essex, Herts., Suffolk,
Norfolk, Cambridgeshire.[250] West Ham (Henry? Meautys), Havering
(July 12–20), Theydon Garnon (John Branch), Mark Hall in Latton (James
Altham, July 23), Standon (Sir Ralph Sadleir, July 24), Berden Priory
(Margery Averie), Audley End (Thomas Howard, July 26–30),[251] Barham
Hall in Linton (Robert Milsent), Keddington (Thomas Barnardiston), De
Greys in Cavendish (Sir George Colt, Aug. 1), Long Melford (Sir William
Cordell, Aug. 3–5), Lawshall (Sir William Drury, Aug. 5), Bury St.
Edmunds (Aug. 5, 6), Onehouse? (Sir William Drury), Stowmarket?,[252]
Euston (Edward Rookwood, Aug. 10), Kenninghall (Earl of Surrey, Aug.
11, 12),[253] Bracon Ash (Thomas Townsend, Aug. 16), Norwich (Bp. of
Norwich, Aug. 16–22) with visits to Costessey (Mary, Lady Jerningham,
Aug. 19) and Mount Surrey on Mousehold Hill (Earl of Surrey, Aug.
20), Kimberley (Sir Roger Woodhouse, Aug. 22 or 23), Wood Rising (Sir
Robert Southwell, Aug. 24), Breckles (Francis Woodhouse), Thetford (Sir
Edward Cleere, Aug. 27), Hengrave (Sir Thomas Kitson, Aug. 28–30),
Chippenham (Thomas Revett, Sept. 1), Kirtling (Lord North, Sept. 1–3),
Horseheath (Sir Giles Alington, Sept. 4), Waltons in Ashdon (Edward
Tyrell). Horham Hall in Thaxted (Sir John Cutts, Sept. 7, 11), Manuden
(Thomas Crawley), Hadham Hall (Henry Capel, Sept. 14), Hyde Hall
in Sawbridgeworth (Henry? Heigham), Hatfield Broadoak? (Sir Thomas
Barrington, Sept. 15), Rookwood Hall in Roding Abbess (Wiston Browne,
Sept. 18), Theydon Bois (Mrs. Elderton) with visit to Gaynes Park (Sir
William Fitzwilliam, Sept. 19), Loughborough (John Stonard, Sept. 21,
22), Wanstead (Earl of Leicester), Greenwich.
Sept. 25. RICHMOND.[254]
_c._ Dec. Visit to Hampton Court.[255]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s= (_Three Sisters of Mantua_).
Dec. 27. =Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Sussex’s= (_Cruelty of a Stepmother_).
1579
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (_Marriage of Mind and Measure_).
Jan. 4. =Leicester’s= (_A Greek Maid_).
Jan. 6. =Sussex’s= (_Rape of the Second Helen_).
Jan. 11. Mask (Amazons and Knights) and barriers, for Alençon’s agent,
M. de Simier.[256]
Jan. 22 < > 25. WHITEHALL, by Chelsea.[257]
_c._ Jan. 31. Visit to Hampton Court, by Putney (John Lacy).[258]
_c._ Jan.-Feb. Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[259]
Feb. 1–2. Tilt and barriers for John Casimir, son of Elector
Palatine.[260] Play by =Warwick’s= ready, but not shown.
March 1 (S.S.). =Warwick’s= (_Knight in the Burning Rock_).
March 2. =Chapel= (_Loyalty and Beauty_).
March 3. =Sussex’s= (_Murderous Michael_). Device by Earls of Oxford
and Surrey, Lord Thomas Howard, and Lord Windsor before French
ambassador and De Simier. Morris mask prepared, but not danced.[261]
Apr. 28 or 29–May 2. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester), by
Greenwich.[262]
June 24–26. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[263]
July 2. GREENWICH, by Lambeth.[264]
July 15–17. Visits to Gravesend and Deptford.[265]
Aug. 17–29. Private visit of Duke of Alençon to England.[266]
_c._ Aug. 30–31. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[267]
Sept. 9–27 < > Oct. 2. PROGRESS in Essex.[268] Stratford at Bow
(Richard? Young, Sept. 9), Havering (Sept. 11–14), Ingatestone (Lady
Petre), New Hall in Boreham (Earl of Sussex, Sept. 17, 18), Moulsham
(Sir Thomas Mildmay), Thoby (Anthony? Berners), Brentwood (John?
Searle), Giddy Hall in Romford (Richard Cooke, Sept. 25–7), Ilford
(Thomas Fanshawe, at St. Mary’s Hospital?).
Sept. 27 < > Oct. 2. GREENWICH.[269]
Dec. 22. WHITEHALL.[270]
Dec. 26. =Sussex’s= (_Duke of Milan and Marquis of Mantua_).
Dec. 27. =Chapel= (_Alucius_).
Dec. 28. Play by =Leicester’s= ready, but not shown.
1580
Jan. 1. =Warwick’s= (_Four Sons of Fabius_).
Jan. 3. =Paul’s= (_Scipio Africanus_).
Jan. 6. =Leicester’s.=
Jan. 15. =Strange’s tumblers.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s= (_Portio and Demorantes_).
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Derby’s= (_The Soldan and the Duke of ---- _).
Feb. 16. =Sussex’s= (_Sarpedon_).
_c._ Feb. Visit to Charterhouse.[271]
May 26 < > 29. NONSUCH, by Putney (John Lacy).[272]
_c._ June. Visits to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[273]
July 11 or 12. OATLANDS, by Molesey.[274]
_c._ July-Aug. Visits to Chobham (Abp. Heath, Edward? Bray, John
Wolley) and Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln).[275]
Aug. 16–20. Visit to Sunninghill, and Windsor?[276]
_c._ Aug. 25–27. Visit to Woking.[277]
Sept. 13. RICHMOND, by Molesey (Thomas Brand).[278]
Sept. 17. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. John Dee).[279]
Oct. 10. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. Dee).[280]
_c._ Nov. Visits to Harmondsworth (Mr. Drury), Colnbrook (Henry?
Draper), Windsor, Eton College, Ditton Park, and Nonsuch.[281]
Dec. 6. WHITEHALL.[282]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s= (_Delight_).
Dec. 27. =Sussex’s.=
1581
Jan. 1. =Derby’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s= (_Pompey_). Challenge for tilt.
Jan. 22. Tilt.[283]
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 5 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 7. =Leicester’s.=
March 20. ST. JAMES’S.[284]
Apr. 4. Visit to _Golden Hind_ (Sir Francis Drake) at Deptford.[285]
Apr. 14. Challenge for Whitehall tilt.
Apr. 20. WHITEHALL.[286]
Apr. 20–June 14. Commissioners for marriage with Duke of Alençon in
London. Revels prepared barriers and two masks.[287]
Apr. 25. Dinner by Queen for commissioners.
Apr. 27. Dinner by Earl of Leicester for commissioners.
Apr. 30. Dinner by Lord Burghley for commissioners.
May 1. Baiting for commissioners.
May 4. Supper by Earl of Sussex for commissioners.
May 6–7. Tilt at Hampton Court for commissioners.
May 15–16. Tilt at Whitehall for commissioners.[288]
June 20. GREENWICH.[289]
June 26 < > 30. Visit to Eltham.[290]
July 5–8. Visits to Aldersbrook in Little Ilford? (Nicholas? Fuller),
Loughborough (Francis Stonard), and Leyton (Mary, Lady Paulett).[291]
July 27–29. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[292]
_c._ Sept. Visits to Eltham and Sundridge (William Isley).[293]
Sept. 22–23. NONSUCH, by Streatham (Dr. Robert Forth).[294]
Oct. 3. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[295]
Oct. 4. RICHMOND.[296]
Nov. 1. Visit of Duke of Alençon to England.[297]
Nov. 16 or 17. WHITEHALL, by Putney (John Lacy).[298]
Nov. 17–19. Tilt.[299]
Christmas. The Revels prepared five plays and a mask.[300]
Dec. 26. =Paul’s.=
Dec. 28. =Strange’s= (activities).
Dec. 31. =Chapel.=
1582
Jan. 1. Barriers.[301]
Jan. Visit to Deptford for launch of _Golden Lion_.[302]
Feb. 1–17. PROGRESS in Kent at departure of Duke of Alençon.
Southfleet (William? Sedley, Feb. 1), Rochester (the Crown, Feb.
1–3), Sittingbourne (the George, Feb. 3–5), Canterbury (Sir Roger
Manwood, Feb. 5–6), Sandwich (Mr. Manwood, Feb. 8), Dover (St. James),
Canterbury (Feb. 12), Faversham (Feb. 13), Newington
(Feb. 14), Rochester (Feb. 14–16) with visit to Bulley Hill (Anne?
Watts), Swanscombe (Ralph Weldon, Feb. 16), Horseman Place in Dartford
(Nicholas? Beer, Feb. 16–17).[303]
Feb. 17. GREENWICH.[304]
Feb. 26 (S.M.). Play at wedding of William Wentworth and Elizabeth
Cecil.[305]
Feb. 27. =Chapel.=
_c._ March. Visit to Highgate (Lady Sheffield).[306]
_c._ Apr. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[307]
May 17–19. Hunting visit.[308]
May 20–22. Visit to Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon) for wedding of Sir
Edward Hoby and Margaret Carey.[309]
July 10–12. NONSUCH, by Putney (John Lacy).[310]
_c._ July-Aug. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[311]
Aug. 17. OATLANDS, by Molesey (Thomas Brand).[312]
_c._ Aug.-Sept. Visits to Woking and Chobham (John Wolley).[313]
Sept. 1–2 <. Visit to Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln), by Byfleet (Lady Anne
Askewe)?[314]
Sept. 20. WINDSOR, by Egham (Richard Kellefet).[315]
_c._ Sept. Visits to Folly John, Mote Park, and Sunninghill.[316]
Dec. 26. =Chapel= (_A Game of the Cards_).
Dec. 27. =Hunsdon’s= (_Beauty and Housewifery_).
Dec. 30. =Derby’s= (_Love and Fortune_).
1583
Jan. 1. =Strange’s= (activities).
Jan. 5. Mask by ladies and boys.
Jan. 6. =Sussex’s= (_Ferrar_).
Jan. 12 < > 18. RICHMOND, by Colnbrook.[317]
Feb. 10 (S.S.). =Leicester’s= (_Telomo_).
Feb. 11. Visit to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham).[318]
Feb. 12. =Merchant Taylors= (_Ariodante and Genevora_).
_c._ March. Visit to Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon).[319]
_c._ Apr. 13. Wedding of Robert Southwell and Elizabeth Howard.[320]
Apr. 18. GREENWICH, by Clapham (John Worsopp).[321]
May. Tilt for Count Albert of Alasco and French ambassador.[322]
May 27–31 < > June 1. Visits to Theobalds (Lord Burghley) and
Ponsbourne (Sir Henry Cock), by Edmonton (Lady Nicholas) and Hackney
(Sir Rowland Hayward).[323]
_c._ July. Visit to Nonsuch, by Streatham.[324]
July 30. OATLANDS, by Chelsea, Mortlake, and Sion.[325]
_c._ Aug. 27. Visits to Woking, Loseley (Sir William More), Guildford,
and (?) Petworth (Earl of Northumberland).[326]
_c._ Aug. Visits to Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln) and Sunninghill, and to
Hampton Court.[327]
_c._ Sept. Visits to Chobham (John Wolley) and Egham.[328]
Oct. 5. ST. JAMES’S.[329]
Nov. 25–29. Visit to Hampton Court, by Brentford (Thomas Wilkes).[330]
Dec. 20. WHITEHALL.[331]
_c._ Oct.-Dec.? Visit to Arundel House (Earl of Arundel).[332]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 29. =Queen’s.=
1584
Jan. 1. =Oxford’s= (_Campaspe_?).
Jan. 6. =Chapel.=
? Jan. or Feb. Visits to Heneage House (Sir Thomas Heneage) and Tower
Hill (Lord Lumley).[333]
Feb. 2. =Chapel.=
March 3 (S.T.). =Queen’s= and =Oxford’s= (_Sapho and Phao_?).
Apr. 20 < > May 2. GREENWICH.[334]
June 9. RICHMOND, by Stockwell.[335]
July 17 < > 21. NONSUCH.[336]
Aug. 7. OATLANDS, by Kingston (George Evelyn).[337]
_c._ Aug. Visit to Cobham (Robert Gavell?).[338]
_c._ Sept. 2. Visits to Egham, Sunninghill, Windsor, Burley Bushes,
Bagshot (Sir Henry Weston), and Blackwater.[339]
Oct. 6 < > 10. HAMPTON COURT.[340]
_c._ Nov. 5. Visit to Nonsuch.[341]
Nov. 12. ST. JAMES’S, by Putney (John Lacy).[342]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[343]
Dec. 6. Tilt.[344]
_c._ Dec. Visit to Arundel House.[345]
> Christmas. GREENWICH.[346]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s= (_Phyllida and Corin_).
Dec. 27. =Oxford’s boys= (_Agamemnon and Ulysses_).
1585
Jan. 1. =Oxford’s= (activities).
Jan. 3. =Queen’s= (_Felix and Philiomena_).
Jan. 6. =Queen’s= (_Five Plays in One)_.
Feb. 8 < > 12. SOMERSET HOUSE.[347]
Feb. 21 (S.S.). =Queen’s= (_Three Plays in One_), ready, but not shown.
Feb. 23. =Queen’s= (‘antick’ play and comedy).
Feb. 23 < > 26. GREENWICH.[348]
_c._ March. Visit to Oatlands (?).[349]
March 26–30. Visit to Lambeth and Westminster.[350]
March 30 (?)-Apr. 3. Visits to Croydon (Abp.), Beddington (Sir Francis
Carew), and Lambeth (Abp.).[351]
_c._ Apr. Visit to Lewisham.[352]
_c._ May 2. Visit to Croydon.[353]
_c._ June 18. Visit to Theobalds by Edmonton (Mr. Brassey) and
Tottenham High Cross (Richard Martin).[354]
March-July. Tilt for M. de Campagny.[355]
July 11. Visit to Barn Elms.[356]
July 20 < > 24. NONSUCH.[357]
July 27–29. Visit to Putney (John Lacy).[358]
_c._ Aug. 25. Visit to Wimbledon.[359]
_c._ Aug. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[360]
Sept. 26 < > Oct. 1. RICHMOND.[361]
Nov. 17–19. Visit to Westminster (Lord Admiral).[362]
Dec. 20–21. GREENWICH, by Lambeth (Lord Burgh).[363]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Howard’s.=
1586
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Howard’s and Hunsdon’s.=
Jan. 9. =Stanley’s boys= (activities).
Feb. 13 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Feb. 26. Visit to Lambeth (Abp.).[364]
March 27–Apr. 6. Visit to Lambeth and Westminster.[365]
_c._ July 12. RICHMOND, by Putney (John Lacy).[366]
_c._ July. Visit to Hampton Court.[367]
Aug. 10. WINDSOR, by Staines.[368]
_c._ Sept. Visit to New Lodge.[369]
Oct. 24. RICHMOND, by Colnbrook.[370]
Dec. 20–21. GREENWICH, by Clapham and Lambeth.[371]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Leicester’s.=
1587
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
Feb. 26 (S.S.). =Paul’s.=
Feb. 28. =Queen’s.=
_c._ Jan.-Apr. Archery show (Arthur and Round Table) by Hugh Offley
between Merchant Taylors and Mile End.[372]
Apr. 26–May 1 or 2. Visit to Croydon.[373]
May 1 or 2. NONSUCH.[374]
_c._ May. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[375]
May 25 < > 29. GREENWICH, by Streatham (Dr. Robert Forth).[376]
_c._ July 9–Aug. 13. THEOBALDS (Lord Burghley), by Hackney (Sir Rowland
Hayward) and Enfield (Henry Middlemore), with visits to Waltham Forest,
Cheshunt (Lord Talbot), and Northiaw (Earl of Warwick, July 20–21).[377]
Aug. 13 < > 20. OATLANDS, by Barnet (Mr. Waller), Harrow (William
Wightman), Sion, and West Molesey (Thomas Brand).[378]
Sept. 19 < > 24. RICHMOND.[379]
Oct. 24. Dinner at Westminster (Lord Admiral).[380]
Nov. 17–21. Visit to Westminster (Lord Admiral) with dinner at Barn
Elms (Sir F. Walsingham, Nov. 20).[381]
Nov. 18. Tilt.[382]
Nov. 21–Dec. 6. Visit to Ely House (Sir Christopher Hatton).[383]
Dec. 6. SOMERSET HOUSE.[384]
Dec. 23. GREENWICH.[385]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. Symons and company (? =Queen’s=, activities).
1588
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (_Galathea_?).
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
_c._ Jan. 16–20. Visits to Fulham (Bp. of London), Hounslow (Thomas
Crompton), Kensington (Mr. Malinge), and Lambeth (Abp.).[386]
Feb. 2. =Paul’s= (_Endymion_?).
Feb. 18 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Feb. 20. =Evelyn’s.=
Feb. 10 or 20. Show in honour of Leicester.[387]
Feb. 28. =Gray’s Inn= (_Misfortunes of Arthur_).
_c._ Apr. 13–16. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward), Tottenham
High Cross (Richard Martin), and Stoke Newington? (Roger?
Townsend).[388]
Apr.-May. Visits to Erith (Thomas? Compton), Croydon (Abp. of
Canterbury), by Lewisham and Wanstead (Earl of Leicester, May 7).[389]
July 5–6. RICHMOND, by Lambeth and Stockwell.[390]
July 29. ST. JAMES’S, by Putney (John Lacy).[391]
Aug. 8–10. Visit to Tilbury camp, Ardern Hall in Horndon (Thomas Rich),
and (?) Belhus in Aveley (Edward Barrett).[392]
Aug. 19. Visit to Ely House (Sir Christopher Hatton).[393]
Aug. 26. Tilt.[394]
Oct. 25. GREENWICH.[395]
Nov. 8 or 12. Salute from the _Desire_ (Thomas Cavendish).[396]
Nov. 12 < > 17. SOMERSET HOUSE.[397]
Nov. 17. Tilt.
Nov. 19. Tilt.[398]
Nov. 24. Visit to St. Paul’s.[399]
Nov. 30. GREENWICH.[400]
Dec. 21–23. RICHMOND, by Lambeth.[401]
Christmas. The Admiral’s showed activities as well as plays this winter.
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Paul’s.=
Dec. 29. =Admiral’s.=
1589
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 12. =Paul’s.=
_c._ Jan. Visit to Hampton Court.[402]
Jan. 30. WHITEHALL, by Chelsea.[403]
Feb. 9 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Feb. 11. =Admiral’s.=
May 26–28. Visit to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham).[404]
_c._ June 11. Visit to Highgate.[405]
June 18–19. NONSUCH, by Merton Abbey (Gregory Lovell).[406]
Aug. 10 < > 16. OATLANDS, by West Molesey (Thomas Brand).[407]
_c._ Sept. Visit to Hampton Court.[408]
Sept. 26 or 27. RICHMOND.[409]
_c._ Sept. Mask prepared for wedding of James VI in Scotland.[410]
Nov. 15. SOMERSET HOUSE.[411]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[412]
Dec. 2. RICHMOND, by Putney (John Lacy).[413]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Paul’s= and =Admiral’s= (activities).
1590
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s= (_Midas?_).
Jan. 23–24. GREENWICH, by Lambeth.[414]
Jan. 27. Visit to Earl of Warwick (at Bedford House?).[415]
March 1 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
March 3. =Admiral’s.=
May 30 or 31–June 6. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward, Aug. 31),
Waltham Forest (Sir Richard Bartlett), and Ely House (Sir Christopher
Hatton, June 4–6).[416]
July 28 < > Aug. 6. OATLANDS, by Sydenham House (William Aubrey?),
Beddington (Sir Francis Carew), Chessington (William Harvey), and Stoke
d’Abernon (Thomas Leyfield).[417]
Aug. Visit to the New Lodge.[418]
Aug. 30–31. Visit to Woking.[419]
Aug. 31 < > Sept. 6. WINDSOR, by Chobham (Edward? Bray) and
Sunninghill.[420]
Sept. Visits to Ditton Park and Folly St. John Park (Mr. Norris).[421]
Nov. 8 < > 14. SOMERSET HOUSE, by Staines, Richmond, and Putney (John
Lacy).[422]
Nov. 17, 19. Tilts.[423]
_c._ Nov. Visit to Sydenham Park.[424]
_c._ Nov. Visit to Ely House (Sir C. Hatton).[425]
_c._ Nov. 24. RICHMOND.[426]
Dec. 4, 14. Visits to Mortlake and East Sheen.[427]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s and Admiral’s= (play and activities).
1591
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 3. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
Feb. 11–13. GREENWICH, by Lambeth.[428]
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Feb. 16. =Strange’s and Admiral’s= (play and activities).
May 2 < > 9–20 < > 23. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward, May
9, 10), Tottenham High Cross (Sir Richard Martin), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, May 10–20), Enfield (Robert Wroth), and Havering.[429]
_c._ July 1. Visit to Croydon (?).[430]
July 19. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley) for review of Earl of
Essex’s horse in Covent Garden.[431]
July 29 < > Aug. 1–Sept. 27. PROGRESS in Surrey, Sussex, and
Hants.[432] Mitcham (Margaret, Lady Blank), Nonsuch (Aug. 1, 2) with
visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew), Leatherhead (Edmund Tilney),
East Horsley (Thomas Cornwallis, Aug. 3), Clandon Park (Sir Henry
Weston), Guildford (Aug. 4), Loseley (Sir William More, Aug. 5–9),
Katherine Hall, Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 10–14), Bramshott (Edmund
Mervyn, Aug. 14), The Holt (Lord Delawarr), Cowdray (Lord Montague,
Aug. 14–20) with visit to Oseburn Priory (Lord Montague, Aug. 17),[433]
West Dean (Sir Richard Lewknor, Aug. 20), Chichester (Lord Lumley, Aug.
20–22), Stanstead (Lord Lumley, Aug. 26), Portsmouth (Earl of Sussex,
Aug. 26–31), Southwick (John White, Aug. 31, Sept. 1), Tichfield
(Earl of Southampton, Sept. 2, 3), South Stoneham? (John Caplen),
Southampton (Sept. 5, 6), Fairthorne (Francis? Serle), Bishop’s Waltham
(Bp. Winchester, Sept. 8, 9), Warnford (William Neale), Tichborne
(Sir Benjamin Tichborne), Winchester (Bp.), Abbotstone (Marquis of
Winchester), Wield (William Wallop), Farleigh (Sir Henry Wallop, Sept.
12, 13), Basing (Marquis of Winchester, Sept. 13–16) with visit to The
Vine in Sherborne St. John? (Lord Sandys, Sept. 18), Odiham (Edward
More, Sept. 19, 20), Elvetham (Earl of Hertford, Sept. 20–23),[434]
Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Sept. 23, 24) with visit to Bagshot?, Sutton
in Woking (Sir Henry Weston, Sept. 26–27).
Sept. 27. OATLANDS.[435]
Oct. 4 < > 7. RICHMOND, by Hampton Court.[436]
_c._ Nov. 11. Visit to Ely House (Sir C. Hatton).[437]
Nov. 15 < > 20. WHITEHALL.[438]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[439]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s.=
Dec. 28. =Strange’s.=
1592
Jan. 1. =Strange’s.=
Jan. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Jan. 6. =Hertford’s.=
Jan. 9. =Strange’s.=
Feb. 6 (S.S.). =Strange’s.=
Feb. 8. =Strange’s.=
Apr. 7–21. Visits to Hammersmith (William Payne, Apr. 7), Osterley
(Lady Gresham, Apr. 7–9), Hampton Court (Apr. 12), Wimbledon (Sir
Thomas Cecil, Apr. 14–17), Croydon (Abp. of Canterbury, Apr. 17–21?),
Beddington (Sir Francis Carew, Apr. 18), Sydenham (William Aubrey, Apr.
21).[440]
Apr. 21. GREENWICH.[441]
_c._ Apr.-July (?). Visit to Blackfriars (Sir George Carey).[442]
July 29–31. NONSUCH, by Mitcham (John Dent).[443]
_c._ Aug. 9–Oct. 9. PROGRESS in Surrey, Middlesex, Bucks., Berks.,
Wilts., Gloucestershire, and Oxon.[444] West Molesey (Thomas Brand),
Hanworth, Eastridge in Colnbrook (Ostrich Inn?), Eton College,
Maidenhead (the Lion), Bisham (Lady Russell, Aug. 11–13),[445] John
Haynes, Hurst (Edward? Ward), Reading (Mr. Davies, Aug. 15–19),
Burghfield (Francis? Plowden, Aug. 19), Aldermaston (Sir Humphrey
Forster, Aug. 19–22), Chamberhouse in Thatcham (Nicholas Fuller), Shaw
near Newbury (Thomas Dolman, Aug. 24–26) with hunt in Donnington Park,
Hampstead Marshall (Thomas Parry, Aug. 26–27?), Avington (Richard?
Choke, Aug. 27?), Ramsbury (Earl of Pembroke, Aug. 27–29?),[446]
Burderhope (Thomas Stevens, Aug. 29), Lydiard Tregoze (Sir John
St. John, Sept. 1), Down Ampney (Anthony Hungerford, Sept. 1–2),
Cirencester (Sir John Danvers, Sept. 2–7), Rendcombe (Sir Richard
Berkeley), Whittington (John Cotton, Sept. 9), Sudeley Castle (Lord
Chandos, Sept. 9–12)[447] with visit to Alderton (Sir John Hickford),
Northleach (William Dutton?), Sherborne (William Dutton, Sept. 14–15),
Taynton? (Mr. Bray?), Burford (Laurence Tanfield, Sept. 15–16), Witney
(James Yate, Sept. 16–18), Woodstock (Sept. 18–23) with visit to
Ditchley (Sir Henry Lee),[448] Yarnton (Sir William Spencer, Sept.
23), Oxford (Sept. 23–28),[449] Holton (George Browne, Sept. 28),
Rycote (Lord Norris, Sept. 28–Oct. 1),[450] Princes Risborough (John
Reve at parsonage), Hampden (Mrs. Hampden, Oct. 2, 3), Chequers in
Elsborough? (William Hawtrey), Amersham?, Chenies (Lady Bedford, Oct.
4, 5), Latimer? (Edwin Sandys), Denham (John Norris, Oct. 7), Uxbridge
(Francis? Clifford), Bedfont (John Draper, Oct. 9).
Oct. 9. HAMPTON COURT.[451]
Nov. 17. Challenge for Shrovetide tilt.[452]
Dec. 26. =Pembroke’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s.=
Dec. 31. =Strange’s.=
1593
Jan. 1. =Strange’s.=
Jan. 6. =Pembroke’s.=
_c._ Jan. Visit to Chelsea (Lord Admiral).[453]
Jan. 30–Feb. 1. Visit to Strand (Sir Robert Cecil), by Putney (John
Lacy)?[454]
Feb. 5–14. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[455]
Feb. 17. SOMERSET HOUSE.[456]
Feb. 25. ST. JAMES’S.[457]
Feb. 26 (S.M.). Tilt.[458]
Apr. 21. WHITEHALL.[459]
May 2–14 <. Visit to Croydon (Abp.), by Streatham (Dr. Robert
Forth).[460]
May 14 < > 22. NONSUCH.[461]
June 18 < > 24. OATLANDS, by Hampton Court.[462]
Aug. 1 < > 4. WINDSOR, by Egham (Richard Kellefet).[463]
_c._ Aug. Visit to Sunninghill.[464]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[465]
Dec. 1. HAMPTON COURT, by Laleham (Lawrence? Tomson).[466]
1594
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=[467]
Feb. 10–12 (S.).
March 19. GREENWICH, by Richmond and Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon).[468]
May 29 < > June 2–June 22 < > July 5. Visits to Lambeth (Abp. of
Canterbury), Sion (June 3), Wimbledon (Sir Thomas Cecil, June 3),
Richmond, Osterley (Anne, Lady Gresham), Willesden (Mr. Payne, June 7),
Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis, June 7), Hendon (Sir John Fortescue),
Friern Barnet (Sir John Popham), Theobalds (Lord Burghley, June
13–23?), Pyneste near Waltham, Enfield (Robert Wroth), Loughborough
(Francis Stonard), Hackney (Katharine, Lady Hayward).[469]
July 12. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[470]
Oct. 1 or 2. NONSUCH, by Camberwell (Bartholomew Scott) and Mitcham
(Lady Blank).[471]
Oct. 25 < > 31. RICHMOND, by Combe (Thomas Vincent).[472]
Nov. 14. WHITEHALL?, by Battersea.[473]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[474]
Nov. 27. SOMERSET HOUSE.[475]
Dec. 7. Visit to Savoy (Sir Thomas Heneage).[476]
Dec. 8. Visit to Hampton Court.[477]
Dec. 11. GREENWICH.[478]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Admiral’s.=
1595
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 6. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 26. Wedding of Earl of Derby and Lady Elizabeth Vere.[479]
=Chamberlain’s= (_Midsummer Night’s Dream_)?.
Jan. 30–Feb. 1. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[480]
Feb. 18. ST. JAMES’S, by Lambeth (Abp.).[481]
Feb. 24 < > March 3. WHITEHALL.[482]
March 3 (S.M.). Mask (Proteus and the Rock Adamantine) by Gray’s
Inn.[483]
March 4. Tilt and Barriers.[484]
May 3. GREENWICH.[485]
Aug. 18–22. NONSUCH, by Whitehall and Mitcham (John? Dent).[486]
_c._ Aug.-Oct. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[487]
Oct. 19 < > 24. RICHMOND, by Combe (Thomas Vincent).[488]
Nov. 4. Visit to Barn Elms (Earl of Essex).[489]
Nov. 14. _Whitehall_, by Putney (John Lacy).[490]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[491]
Nov. 27 or 28. RICHMOND.[492]
Dec. 11. Visit to Kew (Sir John Puckering).[493]
Dec. 18 or 19. WHITEHALL.[494]
Dec. 20. Visit to Huntingdon House (Lady Huntingdon).[495]
Dec. 23. RICHMOND, by Putney (John Lacy).[496]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Chamberlain’s.=
1596
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 4. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 22 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s= and =Admiral’s=.
Feb. 24. =Admiral’s.=
Apr. 2–3. GREENWICH, by Putney (John Lacy) and Lambeth.[497]
Apr. 8. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[498]
_c._ Aug. Visit to Eltham.[499]
Oct. 1–2. NONSUCH, by Lambeth (Lord Burgh) and Mitcham.[500]
Oct. 12. RICHMOND, by Kingston (John? Cox).[501]
Nov. 17. WHITEHALL, by Putney (John Lacy).[502] Tilt.[503]
Dec. 23. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[504]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
1597
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s=.
Feb. 6 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 8. =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 19. Visit to Chelsea (Earl of Nottingham).[505]
March. Visit to Putney (John Lacy).[506]
May 7. GREENWICH.[507]
_c._ July 20–22. Visit to Scadbury (Sir Thomas Walsingham), by Eltham
and Chislehurst (Richard Carmarden).[508]
Aug. 17–Sept. 20. PROGRESS in Essex, Middlesex, and Herts.[509]
Hackney (Lady Hayward), Ruckholt in Leyton (Michael Hicks, Aug.
17–19), Claybury (Thomas Knyvett, Aug. 19), Havering (Aug. 19–30)
with visit to Pyrgo (Sir Henry Grey), Loughborough (Francis Stonard)
with hunt at Loughton (Robert Wroth), Mrs. Bracy (Sept. 5), Theobalds
(Lord Burghley, Sept. 5, 7, 9) with visit to Enfield Chase (Sir Robert
Cecil) and hunt in Waltham forest (Ralph Colston’s walk), Edmonton
(Mr. Woodward), Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis, Sept. 13, 18, 19),
Kensington (Walter Cope, Sept. 19), Putney (John Lacy, Sept. 19–20).
Sept. 20. RICHMOND.[510]
_c._ Oct. 20. WHITEHALL, by Putney (John Lacy) and Chelsea (Lord
Delawarr).[511]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[512]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1598
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.= Mask (Passions) by Middle Temple.[513]
Feb. 26 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 28. =Admiral’s.=
May 2. GREENWICH.[514]
July 5. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[515]
_c._ July. Visit to Eltham (Hugh Miller and John Lee).[516]
_c._ Sept. Visit to Newington (Mr. Saunderson).[517]
Sept. 12–13. NONSUCH, by Mitcham (Dr. Julius Caesar).[518]
Sept. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[519]
_c._ Oct. 10. RICHMOND, by Kingston (George? Evelyn).[520]
Nov. 13 or 14. WHITEHALL, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[521]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[522]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1599
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 10. RICHMOND, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[523]
Feb. 18 (S.S.). =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 20. _Chamberlain’s._
Apr. 3. GREENWICH, by Lambeth (Abp.).[524]
Apr. 7 (Easter Eve). Two Admiral’s men at court.[525]
June 25. Visit to Alice, Countess of Derby (Holborn?), for wedding of
Mary Hemingham.[526]
_c._ July. Visit to Eltham.[527]
July 27–30. Visit to Wimbledon (Thomas, Lord Burghley), by Vauxhall
(Sir Noel Caron).[528]
July 30. NONSUCH.[529]
Aug. 16–17. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[530]
_c._ Aug. 22. Visit to Somerset House.[531]
Sept. 4–7. Visit to Hampton Court.[532]
Oct. 3. RICHMOND, by Kingston (George? Evelyn).[533]
_c._ Oct. Visit to Hampton Court.[534]
Nov. 13. WHITEHALL, by Putney (John Lacy) and Chelsea (Earl of
Nottingham and Sir Arthur Gorges).[535]
Nov. 19. Tilt.[536]
Nov. 28. Visit to Earl of Essex at York House.[537]
Dec. 7. RICHMOND, by Putney (John Lacy).[538]
Christmas.[539]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s= (_Old Fortunatus_?).
1600
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s= (_Shoemaker’s Holiday_).
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 19–21. Visit to Chelsea (Earl of Nottingham).[540]
Feb. 3 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 5. =Derby’s.=
Apr. 13 < > 20. GREENWICH, by Lambeth.[541]
May 12. Activities, by Peter Bromvill.
May 13. Baiting.[542]
June 10. Visit to Lumley House (Lord Lumley), Greenwich.[543]
June 16–17. Visit to Blackfriars (Lady Russell and Lord Cobham)
for wedding of Lord Herbert and Anne Russell, with mask (_The Lost
Muse_).[544]
July 29. NONSUCH, by Newington (Mr. Carey).[545]
Aug. 5–6. Visit to Tooting (John Lacy).[546]
Aug. 13–16. Visit to Beddington (Sir F. Carew) and Croydon (Aug.
14).[547]
Aug.? Visit to Kingston (George Evelyn).[548]
Aug. 24 < > 26. OATLANDS, by Molesey (Dorothy, Lady Edmondes).[549]
Sept. 1. Hunt at New Lodge.[550]
Sept. 4. Visit to Hanworth (William Killigrew).[551]
Sept. 9. Visit to Esher (Richard Drake).[552]
> Sept. 12. Visit to Hampton Court (Earl of Nottingham).[553]
_c._ Sept.-Oct. Visit to Thorpe (Mr. Bereblock).[554]
Oct. 9. RICHMOND, by Sunbury (Sir Philip Boteler).[555]
Nov. 13. WHITEHALL, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[556]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[557]
> Dec. 4. Visit to Sackville House (Lady Glemham).[558]
Dec. 22. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[559]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Admiral’s.=
1601
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= and =Derby’s=.
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s=, =Admiral’s=, =Derby’s=, and =Chapel= (‘showe’).
Feb. 2. =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 22 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 24. =Chamberlain’s.=
May 1. Visit to Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis).[560]
May 2. Visit to Chelsea (Earl of Lincoln)?[561]
May 7. GREENWICH.[562]
May 23. Visit by Lambeth.[563]
_c._ July. Visits to Eltham (Hugh Miller) and Blackwall.[564]
Aug. 6–8. WINDSOR, by Fulham (Bp. of London), Brentford, Hanworth
(William Killigrew), Staines (Bush Inn, Aug. 8).[565]
Aug. Visits to Old Windsor (William? Meredith), Little Park, Mote
Park, Folly John Park (Anthony? Duck), and Philberds in Bray (William?
Goddard).[566]
Aug. 13. Visit to Stoke Poges (Sir Edward Coke).[567]
Aug. 28–Sept. 28. PROGRESS in Berks., Hants, and Surrey.[568] Hurst
(Sir Richard Ward, Aug. 28), Reading (Mr. Davies?, Aug. 28–Sept. 1)
with visit to Caversham (Sir William Knollys),[569] Englefield (Sir
Edward Norris), Aldermaston (Sir Humphrey Forster, Sept. 5), Silchester
Heath (Sept. 5), Beaurepaire (Sir Robert Remington), Basing (Marquis
of Winchester, Sept. 5–19), South Warnborough (Richard White, Sept.
20), Crondall (Mr. Paulet), Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, Sept. 22, 23),
Seale (Lady Woodruff), Loseley (Sir George More, Sept. 23), Clandon
(Sir Richard Weston), Stoke d’Abernon (Thomas? Vincent), Absey (Epsom?)
Court (Mr. Blanden).
Sept. 28. RICHMOND.[570]
Oct. 24. WHITEHALL, by Putney.[571]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[572]
Christmas.[573] There may have been barriers.[574]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s= and =Admiral’s= (with activities).
Dec. 29. Visit to Blackfriars (Lord Hunsdon), with play.[575]
1602
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 3. =Worcester’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chapel.=
Jan. 10. =Chapel.=
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s= and =Chapel=.
Feb. 19. RICHMOND, by Putney (John Lacy).[576]
Apr. 9 or 10. Visit to Wimbledon (Lord Burghley)?[577]
Apr. 19. GREENWICH, by Lambeth (Abp.) and Blackfriars (Lord
Hunsdon).[578]
May 1. Visit to Sydmonscourt, Lewisham (Sir Richard Buckley).[579]
May 5. Visit to St. James’s Park (Dorothy Lady Chandos and Sir William
Knollys).[580]
_c._ July 15. Visit to Eltham (Sir John Stanhope, Hugh Miller, and Sir
Thomas Walsingham).[581]
July 28–Aug. 10? PROGRESS in Middlesex and Bucks.[582] Lambeth (July
28), Chiswick (Sir William Russell, July 28), Hounslow (Mr. Whitby),
Harlington (Ambrose Copinger), Harefield (Sir Thomas Egerton, July
31–Aug. 3),[583] Hitcham (Sir William Clarke, Aug. 3–9) with visit to
Taplow (Sir Henry Guilford, Aug. 7), Riddings in Datchet (Richard?
Hanbury), Thorpe (Mr. Oglethorpe).
Aug. _c._ 10. OATLANDS.[584]
_c._ Aug.-Sept. Visits to Woking, Chertsey (John Hammond), Byfleet
Lodge, New Lodge, and to Mr. Brooke in the forest, Mr. Bromley, and Mr.
Woodward.[585]
Oct. 2 <. Visit to West Drayton (Lord Hunsdon) by Bedfont (John
Draper).[586]
Oct. 8. RICHMOND.[587]
Nov. 15. WHITEHALL, by Putney (John Lacy).[588]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[589]
Dec. 6. Visit to Savoy (Sir Robert Cecil), with dialogues.[590]
Dec. 6 < > 23. Visits to Arundel House (Earl of Nottingham) and
Blackfriars (Lord Hunsdon).[591]
Christmas.[592]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1603
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 6. =Hertford’s.=
Jan. 17. Visit to Charterhouse (Lord Howard de Walden).[593]
Jan. 21. RICHMOND, by Putney (John Lacy).[594]
Feb. 2. =Chamberlain’s.=
March 6 (S.S.). =Admiral’s.=
March 8 (?). =Admiral’s.=
March 24. _Obiit Elizabetha._ Accession of James.
Apr. 5–May 11. PROGRESS of James from Scotland.[595] Seton (Earl of
Wintoun, Apr. 5), Dunglass (Lord Home, Apr. 5, 6), Berwick (Apr. 6–8).
Fenham (Sir William Read, Apr. 8), Widdrington (Sir Robert Carey,
Apr. 8, 9), Newcastle (Robert Dudley, Apr. 9–13), Lumley Castle (Lord
Lumley, Apr. 13), Durham Castle (Bp. of Durham, Apr. 13, 14), Walworth
(Mrs. Jenison, Apr. 14, 15), Topcliffe (William Ingleby, Apr. 15, 16),
York (Lord Burghley, Apr. 16–18), Grimston Hall (Sir Edward Stanhope,
Apr. 18, 19), Pontefract Castle (Apr. 19), Doncaster (Bear and Sun,
Apr. 19, 20), Blyth (Apr. 20), Worksop (Earl of Shrewsbury, Apr. 20,
21),[596] Southwell (Apr. 21), Newark Castle (Apr. 21, 22), Belvoir
Castle (Earl of Rutland, Apr. 22, 23), Burley on the Hill (Sir John
Harington, Apr. 23), Burghley (Lord Burghley, Apr. 23–27) with another
visit to Burley on the Hill (Apr. 25, 26), Apethorpe (Sir Anthony
Mildmay, Apr. 27), Hinchinbrook (Sir Oliver Cromwell, Apr. 27–29),
Godmanchester (Apr. 29), Royston (Robert Chester, Apr. 29, 30), Standon
(Thomas Sadleir, Apr. 30–May 2), Broxbourne (Henry Cock, May 2, 3),
Theobalds (Sir Robert Cecil, May 3–7), Stamford Hill (May 7),[597]
Charterhouse (Lord Howard de Walden, May 7–11) with visits to Whitehall
and St. James’s.
May 11. TOWER, by Whitehall.[598]
May 13. GREENWICH.[599]
May 25–27. Visits to Nonsuch by Putney, Beddington (Sir Francis Carew),
Oatlands, and Hampton Court.[600]
_c._ June 12. Visits to Sion and Windsor.[601]
June 1–27. PROGRESS of Anne from Scotland.[602] Berwick (June 3),
Bishop Auckland? (Bp. of Durham), York (June 11–15), Grimston Hall
(Sir Edward Stanhope, June 15), Worksop (Earl of Shrewsbury), Newark,
Nottingham, Wollaton (Sir Percival Willoughby, June 21), Ashby de la
Zouch (Earl of Huntingdon. June 23), Leicester (Sir William Skipwith,
June 23, 24), Dingley (Sir Thomas Griffin, June 24, 25), Holdenby
(Christopher Hatton, June 25), Althorp (Sir Robert Spencer, June
25–27),[603] Easton Neston (Sir George Fermor, June 27).
June 24. WINDSOR, by Hanworth (Sir William Killigrew).[604]
June 27–30. Visits to Easton Neston (June 27) meeting Anne, Grafton
(Earl of Cumberland, June 27, 28),[605] Salden in Muresly (Sir John
Fortescue), and probably Aylesbury (Sir John Packington), Hampden
(Alexander Hampden), and Great Missenden (Sir William Fleetwood).[606]
July 13 < > 16. _Hampton Court._[607]
July 22–23. _Whitehall_, by Fulham (Bp. of London).[608]
July 25. Coronation.[609]
July 27. _Hampton Court._[610]
Aug. 10–Sept. 20. PROGRESS in Surrey, Hants, Berks., and Oxon.[611]
Pyrford (Sir Francis Wolley, Aug. 10), Loseley (Sir George More,
Aug. 11, 12), Farnham Castle (Bp. of Winchester, Aug. 14, 17), South
Warnborough (Sir Thomas White), Basing (Marquis of Winchester, Aug. 17,
22, 23), Salisbury (Bp. of Salisbury, Aug. 26–28), Basing again (Aug.
31), Shaw (Thomas Dolman), Woodstock (Sept. 8–20) with visit to Sir
Henry Lee (Sept. 15).
Sept. 20. WINCHESTER.[612]
Sept. 20 < > Oct, 6. Play.[613]
Sept. 20 < > Oct. 17. Mask on arrival of Henry.[614]
Sept. 20 < > Oct. 17. Visits to Southampton and Isle of Wight.[615]
Oct. 20 < > 24. WILTON (Earl of Pembroke).[616]
Nov. 1. Visit to Salisbury.[617]
Dec. 2. =King’s= (_As You Like It_?).
Dec. 12 < > 21. HAMPTON COURT.[618]
Christmas.[619]
Dec. 26. =King’s.=
Dec. 27. =King’s.=
Dec. 28. =King’s.=
Dec. 30. =King’s.=
1604
Jan. 1. =King’s= (two plays, one of Robin Goodfellow, _Midsummer
Night’s Dream_?). Mask (Indian and Chinese Knights).[620]
Jan. 2. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 6. Mask.
Jan. 8. Queen’s mask (_The Vision of the Twelve Goddesses_).
Jan. 13. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 15. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 21. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 22. =Prince’s.=
Jan. Tilt.[621]
Feb. 2. =King’s.=
Feb. 13. WHITEHALL.[622]
Feb. 19 (S.S.). =King’s.=
Feb. 20. =Prince’s= and =Paul’s= (Middleton’s _Phoenix_?).[623]
Feb. 21. =Queen’s Revels.=
March 12. TOWER.[624]
March 13. Lion baiting.[625]
March 15. Entry through London with pageants to WHITEHALL.[626]
March 29. Tilt.[627]
May 1. Visit to Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis) with Jonson’s
_Penates_.[628]
May 30 < > June 2. GREENWICH.[629]
June 16. Visit to Ruckholt in Leyton (Michael Hicks).[630]
July 3 or 4. WHITEHALL.[631]
July 12–21. Visits to Oatlands (July 14–16) and Windsor (July 18,
21).[632]
July 24–Aug. 14. PROGRESS in Herts., Hunts., and Beds., broken by
Spanish visit.[633] Theobalds (Lord Cecil, July 24–29), Somersham (Sir
John Cutts, > Aug. 2), Bletsoe (Lord St. John, Aug. 5–14).
Aug. 10. Arrival of Fernandez de Velasco, Constable of Castile, and
other Spanish and Flemish commissioners at Somerset House.
Aug. 14. WHITEHALL.[634]
Aug. 19. Signature of treaty and dinner to commissioners at Whitehall,
with baiting and activities.[635]
Aug. 25. Departure of Constable of Castile.
Aug. 20–Sept. 6 < > 15. PROGRESS resumed in Herts. and Oxon.[636] Ware
(Aug. 20), Woodstock (Sept. 6), Langley.
Sept. 6 < > 15. WINDSOR.[637]
Sept. 21. Visit to Eton College.[638]
Sept. 22. HAMPTON COURT.[639]
Oct. 1–6. Visit to Windsor and Easton Neston (Sir George Fermor) to
meet Charles.[640]
Oct. 16. WHITEHALL.[641]
Nov. 1. =King’s= (_Othello_).
Nov. 4. =King’s= (_Merry Wives of Windsor_).
Nov. 23. =Prince’s.=
Nov. 24. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 14. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 26. =King’s= (_Measure for Measure_).
Dec. 27. Mask for wedding of Sir Philip Herbert and Lady Susan Vere.
Dec. 28. =King’s= (_Comedy of Errors_).
Dec. 30. =Queen’s= (_How to Learn of a Woman to Woo_).
1605
Jan. 1. =Queen’s Revels= (_All Fools_).
Jan. 3. =Queen’s Revels.=[642]
Jan. 6. Creation of Charles as Duke of York. Queen’s mask (_Mask of
Blackness_).
Jan. 7. =King’s= (_Henry V_).
Jan. 8. =King’s= (_Every Man Out of His Humour_).
Jan. 9 < > 14. =King’s= (_Love’s Labour’s Lost_), at the Earl of
Southampton’s or Viscount Cranborne’s for the Queen.[643]
Jan. 15. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 22. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. =King’s= (_Every Man in His Humour_). Mask by Duke of Holst
(?).[644]
Feb. 3. =King’s= (play ready but not shown).
Feb. 5. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 10 (S.S.). =King’s= (_Merchant of Venice_).
Feb. 11. =King’s= (_Spanish Maze_).
Feb. 12. =King’s= (_Merchant of Venice_).
Feb. 19. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 28 < > March 6. GREENWICH.[645]
March 24. Tilt.[646]
Apr. 4. Tilt.[647]
May 20. Tilt.[648]
June 3. Lion baiting in Tower.[649]
June 26. WHITEHALL.[650]
July 15. Baiting for imperial ambassador.[651]
July 16–Aug. 31. PROGRESS in Essex, Herts., Beds., Northants., Oxon.,
and Berks.[652] Havering (July 16–18), Loughton (Sir Robert Wroth,
July 18–20), Theobalds (Earl of Salisbury, July 20–24), Hatfield (July
24–26), Luton (Sir John Rotheram, July 26–27), Ampthill (July 27–Aug.
1), Bletsoe (Lord St. John, Aug. 1–3), Drayton (Lord Mordaunt, Aug.
3–6), Apethorpe (Sir Anthony Mildmay, Aug. 6–9), Rockingham (Sir Edward
Watson, Aug. 9–12), Harrowden (Lord Vaux, Aug. 12–15), Castle Ashby
(Lord Compton, Aug. 15–16), Grafton (Earl of Cumberland, Aug. 16–20),
Hanwell (Sir Anthony Cope, Aug. 20–21), Wroxton (Sir William Pope, Aug.
21), Woodstock (Aug. 21–27), Oxford (Aug. 27–30),[653] Bisham (Sir
Edward Hoby, Aug. 30–31).
Aug. 31. WINDSOR.[654]
Sept. 10 < > 12. HAMPTON COURT.[655]
_c._ Sept. 30. WHITEHALL.[656]
Dec. 1. =Prince’s.=
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (ten) and =Paul’s= (two).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 30. =Prince’s.=
1606
Jan. 1. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 5. Mask (_Hymenaei_) for wedding of Essex and Frances Howard.
Jan. 6. Barriers, with speeches (Truth and Opinion) by Jonson.
March 3 (S.M.). =Prince’s.=
March 4. =Prince’s.=
March 22. Rumoured assassination of James on visit to Woking.[657]
March 24. Tilt.[658]
March 28. Visit incognito to Guildhall for trial of Henry Garnet.[659]
May 16. GREENWICH.[660]
June 1. Challenge for tilt by Knights of the Fortunate Island, or the
Lucent Pillar.[661]
June 22–23. Birth and death of Princess Sophia.
July _c._ 15–17. Visits to Oatlands and Farnham.[662]
July 17–Aug. 11. Visit of Christian IV of Denmark.[663] Plays (two) by
=King’s= at Greenwich.
July 18. Kings meet at Tilbury.
July 18–24. Greenwich.
July 24–28. Visit to Theobalds (Earl of Salisbury), by Blackwall and
Stratford. Mask (_Solomon and Queen of Sheba_).[664]
July 24. Entertainment by Jonson.
July 28–31. Greenwich.
July 30. =Paul’s= (_Abuses_).[665]
July 31. Triumph through London to Somerset House, with pageants at
Great Conduit (Bower of the Muses), Little Conduit (Concord), and Fleet
Conduit (Pastoral).
Aug. 1–2. Whitehall.
Aug. 2–6. Greenwich.
Aug. 4. Ringing.
Aug. 5. Tilt.
Aug. 6. Masters of defence.
Aug. 6. Visit to Richmond.
Aug. 7. Visit to Hampton Court, with play by =King’s=.
Aug. 7–8. Visit to Windsor.
Aug. 8–9. Greenwich.
Aug. 9–11. Rochester (Bp. William Barlow).
Aug. 10. Dinner on _Elizabeth James_ near Chatham.
Aug. 11. Farewell on _Admiral_ of Denmark at Gravesend, with
fireworks,
_c._ Aug. 17. HAMPTON COURT.[666]
Aug. PROGRESS, including Farnham (Aug. 23–24, Bp. of Winchester) and
Beaulieu (Aug. 30, Earl of Southampton).[667]
Sept. 11–_c._ 18. Visit to Windsor.[668]
Oct. 20 < > Nov. 1. WHITEHALL.[669]
Dec. 26. =King’s= (_King Lear_).
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 29. =King’s=.
1607
Jan. 4. =King’s.=
Jan. 6. =King’s.= Mask (by Campion) for wedding of Lord Hay and Honora
Denny.
Jan. 8. =King’s.=
Jan. 13, 24, 30. =Prince’s= (three plays).
Feb. 1. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. =King’s= (Barnes’s _Devil’s Charter_).
Feb. 5. =King’s.=
Feb. 11. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 15 (S.S.). =King’s.=
Feb. 27. =King’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[670]
May _c._ 20–24. Entry on Theobalds, with entertainment by
Jonson.[671]
May 25. Tilt for Prince de Joinville. Play (_Aeneas and Dido_) at
banquet by Earl of Arundel for Anne.[672]
June 12. Visit to Lord Mayor and Clothworkers.[673]
July 16. Visit to Merchant Taylors, with speech by Jonson.[674]
July 19. WINDSOR, by Oatlands?[675]
Aug. PROGRESS in Hants and Wilts.[676] Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
Aug. 5), Romsey, Beaulieu (Earl of Southampton, Aug. 10, 12), Salisbury
(Aug. 14–23), and possibly Isle of Wight.
Aug. 23 < > Sept. 7. _Windsor._[677]
Sept. 23 < > 27. _Hampton Court._[678]
Oct. 27 < > 29. WHITEHALL.[679]
Nov. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 26, 27, 28. =King’s= (three plays).
Dec. 30. =Prince’s.=
1608
Jan. 2. =King’s.=
Jan. 3. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.= Fireworks.[680]
Jan. 6. =King’s= (two plays).
Jan. 7. =King’s.=
Jan. 9. =King’s.=
Jan. 10. Queen’s mask (_Mask of Beauty_).
Jan. 17. =King’s= (two plays).
Jan. 26. =King’s.=
Feb. 2, 7 (S.S.). =King’s= (two plays).
Feb. 9. Mask (by Jonson) for wedding of Viscount Haddington and
Elizabeth Radcliffe.
March 24. Tilt.[681]
May 13 < > 19. GREENWICH.[682]
July 1. WHITEHALL.[683]
July 7 < > 14–Aug. 14 < > 28. PROGRESS in Herts., Beds., and
Northants.[684] Theobalds (July 14–20) with visit to Lamer in
Wheathampstead (Sir John Garrard, July 19), Toddington (Lady Cheyne,
July 24, 25), Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 1–3), Alderton (Sir Thomas
Hesilrige, Aug. 4), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 5–14) with visit to
Bletsoe (Lord St. John, Aug. 5).
Aug. 14 < > 28. WINDSOR.[685]
Sept. 4 < > 17. HAMPTON COURT.[686]
Oct. 1 < > 21. WHITEHALL.[687]
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (twelve), =Queen’s= (five),
Prince’s (three), and =Children of Blackfriars= (three).[688]
1609
Jan. 1. =Children of Blackfriars= (Middleton’s _Trick to catch
the Old One_).
Jan. 4. =Children of Blackfriars.=
Feb. 2. Queen’s mask (_Mask of Queens_).
Feb. 28 (S.T.). Ringing.[689]
March 24. Tilt.[690]
Apr. 11. Visit to Durham House for opening of Britain’s Burse.[691]
Apr. 18. Baiting.[692]
May 6 < > 15. GREENWICH.[693]
June 23. Lion baiting in Tower.[694]
July 6. WHITEHALL.[695]
July 22. WINDSOR.[696]
July 23–Aug. 20 < > 31. PROGRESS in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., Dorset.[697]
Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 23–26), Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
July 26), Beaulieu (Earl of Southampton, Aug. 3–7), Salisbury (Aug. 15,
20), Cranborne (Aug. 17–19), Tarrant.
Aug. 20 < > 31. WINDSOR.[698]
Sept. 1 < > 7. HAMPTON COURT.[699]
Oct. 30. WHITEHALL.[700]
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (thirteen) and =Children of
Whitefriars= (five).
Dec. 26. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 31. Challenge for barriers by Henry as Meliadus.
1610
Jan. 6. Henry’s barriers, with speeches by Jonson.[701]
Jan. 7. =Prince’s.=[702]
Jan. 18. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 9. _Duke of York’s._
Feb. 18–20 (S.).
March 24, 27. Tilt.[703]
Apr. 20. Lion baiting in Tower.[704]
Apr. 23. Triumph for Henry at Chester.[705]
May 31–June 6. Creation of Henry as Prince of Wales.[706]
June 5. Queen’s mask (_Tethys’ Festival_).
June 6. Tilt, water triumph, and fireworks.[707]
June 19. Visit to Woolwich.[708]
July 24–_c._ Sept. 2. PROGRESS in Northants., Oxon., Berks., and
Hants.[709] Bletsoe (Lord St. John, July 29), Holdenby (Duke of York,
Aug. 5, 6, 11, 12, 13, 19) with visits to Apethorpe (Sir Anthony
Mildmay) and Kirby (Sir Christopher Hatton, Aug. 7) and Castle Ashby
(Lord Compton, Aug. 13, 14), Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 19),
Woodstock (Aug. 22–25), Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Aug. 28), Aldershot
(Walter Tichborne? Sept. 2).
_c._ Sept. 2. HAMPTON COURT.[710]
Oct. 8 < > 18. WHITEHALL.[711]
Dec. 10. =Queen’s= (three plays).
Dec. 12. =Duke of York’s.=
Dec. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 20. =Duke of York’s.=
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (fifteen).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
1611
Jan. 1. Prince’s mask (_Oberon_).
Jan. 14. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 15. =Duke of York’s.=
Jan. 16. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. Queen’s mask (_Love Freed from Ignorance and Folly_).
Feb. 3–5 (S.).
Feb. 3. King’s (_Mucedorus_)?
Apr. 27. GREENWICH.[712]
June 26 < > July 2. WINDSOR.[713]
July 18–21. Visit to Englefield (Sir Edward Norris).[714]
July 22 < > 25–Sept. 1 < > 10. PROGRESS in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., and
Isle of Wight.[715] Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 25–8), Salisbury
(Aug. 3, 6, 10, 13), Beaulieu (Earl of Southampton, Aug. 19, 21,
26) with visit to Isle of Wight (Aug. 22), Tichborne (Sir Benjamin
Tichborne, Aug. 29), Farnham (Aug. 31), Bagshot (Sept. 1).
Sept. 1 < > 10. HAMPTON COURT.[716]
Oct. 31. WHITEHALL.[717] =King’s.=
Nov. 1. King’s (_Tempest_).
Nov. 5. King’s (_Winter’s Tale_).
Nov. 9. =King’s.=
Nov. 19. =King’s.=
Dec. 16. =King’s.=
Christmas.[718]
Dec. 26. Ringing.[719] =King’s= (_A King and no King_).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s= (_Greene’s Tu Quoque_).
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 29. =Prince’s= (_Almanac_).
Dec. 31. =King’s.=
1612
Jan. 1. Ringing.[720] =King’s= (_Twins’ Tragedy_).
Jan. 5. =King’s= and/or =Children of Whitefriars= (_Cupid’s
Revenge_).
Jan. 6. Ringing.[721] Prince’s mask (_Love Restored_?) by gentlemen of
the court.
Jan. 7. =King’s.=
Jan. > 12–22. Visit of Anne and Henry to Greenwich.[722]
Jan. 12. =King’s and Queen’s= (_Silver Age_) and/or =Duke
of York’s=.
Jan. 13. =King’s and Queen’s= (_Rape of Lucrece_).
Jan. 15. =King’s.=
Jan. 19. =Lady Elizabeth’s.=
Jan. 21. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 23. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 28. =Duke of York’s.=
Feb. 2. =Queen’s= (_Greene’s Tu Quoque_).
Feb. 5. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 9. =King’s.=
Feb. 13. =Duke of York’s.=
Feb. 19. =King’s.=
Feb. 20. =King’s= (two plays).
Feb. 23 (S.S.). =King’s= (_Nobleman_).
Feb. 24. =Duke of York’s= (_Hymen’s Holiday or Cupid’s Vagaries_).
Feb. 25. Ringing. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (_Proud Maid’s Tragedy_).
Feb. 28. Visit by Henry to Marquis of Winchester, with plays.[723]
=King’s.=
Feb. 29. =Prince’s.=
March 11. =Lady Elizabeth’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[724]
March 28. =King’s.=
Apr. 3. =King’s.=
Apr. 11. =Prince’s.=
Apr. 16. =King’s.=
Apr. 26. =King’s=, for Duc de Bouillon?[725]
May-June. Visits to Eltham, Wanstead (Sir Edward Phelips, June 17, 25),
and Havering (Lady Oxford, June 18).[726]
_c._ July 9. Visit to Kensington (Sir Walter Cope).[727]
_c._ July 17–_c._ Sept. 1. PROGRESS in Herts., Beds., Northants.,
Rutland, Notts., Leicester, Oxon., Berks.[728] Theobalds (July 17),
St. Albans?, Wrest? (Earl of Kent), Ampthill (July 23), Bletsoe (Lord
St. John, July 24–27), Castle Ashby (Lord Compton, July 27–30), Kirby
(Sir Christopher Hatton, July 30–Aug. 3), Apethorpe (Sir Anthony
Mildmay, Aug. 3–6), Brooke (Sir Edward Noel, Aug. 6–7), Belvoir (Earl
of Rutland, Aug. 7–10), Newark Castle (Aug. 10–11), Rufford Abbey
(Sir George Saville, Aug. 11–14), Newstead Abbey (Sir John Byron,
Aug. 14–17), Nottingham (Thurland House, Aug. 17–18), Loughborough
(Aug. 18–19), Leicester (Earl of Huntingdon, Aug. 19–21), Dingley
(Sir Thomas Griffin, Aug. 21–22), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 22–24),
Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 24–26?), Hanwell? (Sir Anthony Cope),
Woodstock (Prince Henry, Aug. 26–31?),[729] Rycote (Lord Norris, Aug.
31–Sept. 1?), Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Sept. 1?).
Sept. 1 < > 21. WHITEHALL.[730]
Oct. 16. Arrival of Elector Palatine.[731]
Oct. 20. =Lady Elizabeth’s.=[732]
Oct. 29. Visit of Elector to Lord Mayor’s show.[733]
Oct. 31 or Nov. 1. Play put off for Henry’s illness.[734]
Nov. 2 or 3. =Queen’s Revels= (_Coxcomb_)?[735]
Nov. 6. Death of Henry.
Christmas. Twenty plays by =King’s= this winter (Shakespeare’s _1, 2
Hen. IV_ (?), _J. C._, _M. Ado_ (twice), _Oth._, _W. Tale_, _Tp._;
Jonson’s _Alchemist_; Beaumont and Fletcher’s _Philaster_ (twice),
_Maid’s Tragedy_, _King and No King_, _Captain_; Tourneur’s _Nobleman_;
Niccolls’s _Twins_; Ford’s _A Bad Beginning_, and _Cardenio_, _Merry
Devil of Edmonton_, _Knot of Fools_).[736]
Dec. 27. Betrothal of Elector and Elizabeth.[737]
1613
Jan. 1. =Queen’s Revels= (_Cupid’s Revenge_).
Jan. 9. =Queen’s Revels= (_Cupid’s Revenge_).
Feb. 11. Fireworks.
Feb. 13. River triumph.
Feb. 14 (S.S.). Wedding of Elector and Elizabeth. Lords’ mask (by
Campion).
Feb. 15. Ringing. Middle Temple and Lincoln’s Inn mask (by Chapman).
Feb. 16. =King’s.= Mask put off.
Feb. 20. Inner Temple and Gray’s Inn mask (by Beaumont).
Feb. 21. Banquet for James and the maskers.
Feb. 25. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (_Dutch Courtesan_).
Feb. 27. =Queen’s Revels= (_Widow’s Tears_).
March 1. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (_Raymond Duke of Lyons_).
March 2. =Prince Charles’s= (_1 The Knaves_).
March 2–_c._ 4. Visit of Charles and Elector to Cambridge, with
Brooke’s _Adelphe_ (Mar. 2) and _Scyros_ (Mar. 3) by Trinity men.
March? Visit by Frederick to Oxford.[738]
March 10. =Prince’s= (_2 The Knaves_).
March 24. Tilt.[739]
Apr. 10. Departure of Elector and Elizabeth, accompanied by James to
Rochester (Apr. 13).[740]
Apr. 24–June 17. PROGRESS of Anne.[741] Hampton Court, with James,
Windsor, Reading (the Friars), Caversham (Lord Knollys, Apr.
27–28),[742] Bath, Bristol (Marchioness of Winchester, June 4–8),[743]
Siston (Sir Henry Billingsley, June 8), Bishop’s Cannings (June
11).[744]
May 26. GREENWICH.[745]
June 8. =King’s= (_Cardenio_) for Savoyard ambassador.
July 1–4. Visits to Hampton Court and Oatlands.[746]
_c._ July 8. WHITEHALL.[747]
_c._ July 18. WINDSOR.[748]
July 19 < > 20–_c._ Aug. 21. PROGRESS in Surrey, Hants, and Wilts.[749]
Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 20), Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
July 23), Andover (July 24, 26), Lydiard (Sir Oliver St. John?, July
27), Charlton (Earl of Suffolk, July 31), Salisbury (Aug. 5), Beaulieu
(Earl of Southampton, _c._ Aug. 6 < > 21).
July-Sept. Visits of Anne to Bath and Wells (Aug. 20–22).[750]
_c._ Aug. 21. WINDSOR.[751]
Sept. 8. WHITEHALL.[752]
_c._ Sept. 28. Visit to Hampton Court.[753]
Nov. 1. =King’s.=
Nov. 4. =King’s.=
Nov. 5. =King’s.=
Nov. 15. =King’s.=
Nov. 16. =King’s.=
Dec. 12. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (_Dutch Courtesan_).
Dec. 24 or 28. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 26. Mask (by Campion) for wedding of Earl of Somerset and Frances
Howard.
Dec. 27. =King’s.= Challenge for tilt, with device by Jonson.
Dec. 29. Mask (_Irish Mask_) for wedding.
1614
Jan. 1. Tilt. =King’s.=
Jan. 3. _Irish Mask_ repeated.
Jan. 4. =King’s.=
Jan. 4. Play and two masks (one Middleton’s lost _Mask of Cupid_) by
City at Merchant Taylors for wedding.[754]
Jan. 5. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. Gray’s Inn mask (_Mask of Flowers_) for wedding.[755]
Jan. 10. =King’s.=
Jan. 25. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (_Eastward Hoe_).
Feb. 2. =King’s.=
Feb. 3. Play (Daniel’s _Hymen’s Triumph_) for wedding of Lord
Roxborough and Jean Drummond at Somerset House.
Feb. 4. =King’s.= Play for Lord Mayor at Somerset House.[756]
Feb. 8. =King’s.=
Feb. 10. =King’s.=
Feb. 18. =King’s.=
March 6 (S.S.). =King’s.=
March 8. =King’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[757]
June 8 < > 12. GREENWICH.[758]
June 21. WHITEHALL.[759]
June 29. Visit to Richmond.[760]
July 17–23. PROGRESS in Herts., Essex, Beds., broken by Denmark
visit.[761] Theobalds (July 17), The Rye in Hatfield Broadoak (Richard
Francke, July 18–19), Audley End (Earl of Suffolk, July 19–21), Royston
(July 21–22), Haynes (Robert Newdigate, July 22–23).
July 22. Arrival of Christian IV, King of Denmark, at Somerset
House.[762]
July 24 < > 30. Plays before Christian.[763]
Aug. 1. Visit to Woolwich, Rochester, and Gravesend for departure of
Christian.[764]
Aug. 1–31. PROGRESS resumed in Herts., Northants., Rutland, Notts.,
Leicestershire, Oxon., Berks.[765] Theobalds (Aug. 1), Apethorpe (Sir
Anthony Mildmay, Aug. 3–4), Burley on the Hill (Lord Harington, Aug.
4–6), Belvoir (Earl of Rutland, Aug. 6–9), Newark Castle (Aug. 9–10),
Rufford Abbey (Sir George Saville, Aug. 10–15), Newstead Abbey (Sir
John Byron, Aug. 15–17), Nottingham (Thurland House, Aug. 17–18),
Leicester (Earl of Huntingdon, Aug. 18–19), Dingley (Sir Thomas
Griffin, Aug. 19–20), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 20–22), Grafton
(Duke of Lennox, Aug. 22–25), Woodstock (Aug. 25–29), Oxford (Aug. 29),
Rycote (Lord Norris, Aug. 29–30), Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Aug. 30–31).
> Sept. 11. WHITEHALL.[766]
Nov. 1. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (_Bartholomew Fair_).
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (eight), =Queen’s= (three),
=Elector Palatine’s= (three), =Prince’s= (six).[767]
1615
Jan. 6. Household mask (_Mercury Vindicated_?).
Jan. 8. Mask repeated.
Feb. 19–21 (S.). Mask by Spanish ambassador?[768]
March 7–11. Visit of James and Charles to Cambridge.[769]
March 24. Tilt.[770]
May 13–15. Visit to Cambridge.
> May 21. GREENWICH.[771]
_c._ July 2–5. Visit to Oatlands.[772]
July 20. WINDSOR.[773]
July 21–_c._ Sept. 2. PROGRESS in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., and
Dorset.[774] Bagshot (July 22), Basing (Marquis of Winchester, July
23), Andover (July 26), Salisbury (July 28–31, Aug. 5), Lulworth
Castle (Viscount Bindon, Aug. 15), Broadlands (Henry? St. Barbe, Aug.
27), Tichborne (Sir Benjamin Tichborne, Aug. 29), Farnham (Bp. of
Winchester, Aug. 31).
_c._ Sept. 2. WINDSOR.[775]
Sept. 2 < > Oct. 18. WHITEHALL.[776]
Dec. 17. =Queen’s= at Somerset House.
Dec. 21. =King’s= at Somerset House.
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (fourteen), =Queen’s= (four),
and =Prince’s= (four).
1616
Jan. 1. Household mask (_Golden Age Restored_?).
Jan. 6. Mask repeated.
Feb. 11–13 (S.).
March 4 < > 16. Visit to Royston, with play (_Susenbrotus_?) by
Cambridge men.[777]
March 25. Tilt.[778]
Apr. 23. _Obiit Gulielmus Shakespeare._
APPENDIX B
COURT PAYMENTS
The body of this appendix contains extracts from the accounts of the
Treasurer of the Chamber and the Office of Revels, in which expenditure
on plays or masks at court is recorded. But in view of the importance
of these documents as sources for the history of court entertainment,
it will be well to add something about their general nature and state
of preservation to what has already been said about the procedure of
the Treasurer of the Chamber in ch. ii and that of the Revels Office in
ch. iii.
THE AUDIT OF HOUSEHOLD ACCOUNTS
Most, but not all, of the accounts preserved are records of audit.
There is, unfortunately, no systematic history of the Audit Office; but
the somewhat scrappy notices in F. S. Thomas, _The Ancient Exchequer
of England_ (1848), and H. Hall, _Studies in English Official
Historical Documents_ (1908), and _A Formula Book of English
Official Historical Documents_, Part II (1909), may be supplemented
for the Tudor period by the valuable study of M. D. George, _The
Origin of the Declared Account_ (1916, E. H. R. xxxi. 41). The
Record Office series of _Lists and Indexes_ includes lists of
_Declared Accounts_ (ii) and _Exchequer Accounts_ (xxxv).
Normally the auditing of royal expenditure was a function of the
mediaeval Exchequer. The procedure was for the officer charged with
incurring expenditure to appear as accountant before the Auditor-Baron
and his Clerk, and produce detailed statements, known as ‘particulars’,
together with vouchers for sums already spent out of any ‘imprest’ or
advance that had been made to him, and the warrants under which his
expenditure was authorized. From these the Exchequer officers prepared
a ‘compotus’ or balance sheet, signed it, when the balance was settled,
as a record that the accountant was ‘quietus’ or quit from debt to
the Crown, and passed it through the King’s Remembrancer to the Lord
Treasurer’s Remembrancer, in whose office it was enrolled by the Clerk
of the Pipe on the roll of ‘foreign’ or non-revenue accounts. It
was then returned to the King’s Remembrancer, who kept it, with the
particulars and vouchers as subsidiary documents. It was a lengthy
and cumbrous process. Moreover, the Lord Treasurer, like the Lord
Chancellor, was one of the high officers of state whose functions came
at an early date under the control of the barons, and the same motives,
which led the sovereign (cf. ch. ii) to develop in the Wardrobe and
Chamber an executive machinery independent of the Lord Chancellor, also
led him to desire that his more private expenditure should be withdrawn
from the survey of the Exchequer. Thus we find the Treasurer of the
Chamber accountable (cf. ch. ii) at the end of the fifteenth century
to the King alone, and in the mid-sixteenth century to the Court of
Surveyors or to _ad hoc_ auditors specially appointed by the King
or the Privy Council. When the Court of Augmentations absorbed the
Court of Surveyors in 1553, its establishment included two Auditors
of Prests, and although this court was itself merged in the Exchequer
under Mary, the more up-to-date methods of auditing were continued by
Elizabeth’s appointment in 1560, as themselves Exchequer officers, of
two ‘Auditores de lez Prestes et Compotorum forinsecorum nostrorum’.
The main difference between the methods of the Auditors of the Prests
and that of the Auditor-Baron appears to have been that the personal
appearance of the accountant was no longer necessary, who now himself
prepared in duplicate a balance sheet known as his Original Account,
or Book of Account, of which one copy was signed after examination and
returned to him as evidence of his quittance, while the other was kept
by the Auditors, who based upon it a summary known as the Declared or
Recorded Account, which took the place of the old _Compotus_.
This also was in duplicate. Apparently the Auditors kept one copy,
on paper, and sent another, on parchment, for preservation, as of
record, in the Pipe Office. I understand Miss George, however, to
think that the accountant was entitled to the paper copy, if he
chose to pay a fee for it, which he very often did not. The amount
of detail taken into the Declared Account from the Original Account
varied for different offices. The Revels Declared Accounts are very
summary; those of the Treasurer of the Chamber, at any rate as regards
play-payments, practically duplicates of the Original Accounts, except
that, unfortunately, the names of plays, which sometimes appeared in
the Original Accounts, are usually omitted. The Auditors also kept the
subsidiary documents submitted with the Original Account, and became
involved in a controversy, recorded in T. Fanshawe, _The Practice
of the Exchequer Court_ (1658), with the King’s Remembrancer, who
claimed that they should come to him. The King’s Remembrancer did
apparently see the Declared Account on its way to the Pipe Office, and
enrolled it, or a further summary of it. About 1603 all the Household
accounts appear to have gone before the Auditors of the Prests, except
those of the Cofferer, which still followed the old course of the
Exchequer. The procedures here described explain the provenance of such
Household accounts as belong to the official repositories now united in
the Record Office; some others, preserved there or elsewhere, come from
the private archives of the accountants themselves, being either the
audit duplicates supplied to them, or office copies and drafts of their
own Original Accounts, or the journals, pay books, and ledgers from
which these were prepared.
CHAMBER ACCOUNTS
The following accounts appear to be extant.
(a) _Mediaeval Period._
A few accounts and subsidiary documents of the reigns of Edward II,
Edward III, and Richard II are included in the Foreign Accounts on the
Great Rolls of the Exchequer (_P. R. O. Lists and Indexes_, xi.
108, 109), and in the Exchequer Wardrobe and Household Accounts (_L.
and I_. xxxv. 376, 379, 380, 382, 386, 391, 392, 396, 540). The
earliest are described, with extracts, by J. C. Davies, _The First
Journal of Edward II’s Chamber_ (_E. H. R._ xxx. 662).
(b) _Early Tudor Period._
A number of accounts passed from the Augmentation Office to the
Exchequer and were amalgamated in 1839 with others from the office of
the King’s Remembrancer in a series of Exchequer Accounts, Various.
Here they are numbered 413 to 427. They are mainly accounts of
revenue and subsidiary documents, but a few accounts of payments
presented to the Record Office by the Trevelyan family have been added
to the series, and with them are listed as Wardrobe and Household
Accounts (_L. and I._ xxxv) some other payment accounts from
the Miscellaneous Books of the Treasury of Receipt of the Exchequer,
and one from the Miscellaneous Books of the Court of Augmentations.
Other payment accounts are in the British Museum and in unofficial
collections. It may be the case, as Newton, 359, suggests, that these
or some of them were abstracted from the Records by officials of
antiquarian tastes, but it must be remembered that duplicates even of
audited accounts were often kept by the accountants. These accounts are
generally known as The King’s Books of Payments. The following can be
traced:
i. _Accounts of John Heron._
Three Books of Payments, for 1505–9, 1509–18, and 1518–21 respectively,
with many royal signatures by way of audit, are now in the P. R.
O. (_Misc. Books of Treasury of Receipt_, 214, 215, 216). The
contents of the Henry VIII books are abstracted in Brewer, ii. 1441;
iii. 1533. There must once have been an earlier book, for Collier, i.
49, 52, 76, gives extracts from one for 1492–1505, which he describes
as ‘formerly in the Chapter-house, Westminster’, as well as from
the three now extant, which he describes as ‘in the Chapter-house’.
Possibly this was _Addl. MS._ 21480, which has been traced back
(Newton, 359) through the hands of Craven Ord (a friend of Collier)
and Thomas Astle to those of Peter Le Neve, a Deputy-Chamberlain of
the Exchequer. But _Addl. MS._ 21481, which also came from Le
Neve, is a duplicate of the R. O. books for 1505–18, and therefore
_Addl. MS._ 21480 may only have been a duplicate of the missing
volume. Both the _Addl. MSS._ contain the royal signatures. Craven
Ord made some extracts which are now _Addl. MSS._ 7099, 7100,
and to these those supplied by Astle to R. Henry, _History of Great
Britain_, vi (1793), app., and those in S. Bentley, _Excerpta
Historica_ (1831), 85, owe their origin. Collier, i. 49, also cites
a small book for 1501–2 kept (perhaps under Heron) by one Robert
Fowler, which refers to parallel payments made by Thomas Trollop.
ii. _Accounts of Brian Tuke._
A book signed monthly by Henry VIII, with some entries from 31 Dec.
1528 to 30 June 1529, but mainly covering the period from 17 Nov.
1529 to 29 Dec. 1532, was printed by N. H. Nicolas from a MS.
then in his possession as _The Privy Purse Expenses of Henry the
Eighth_ (1827) and misdescribed as an account of the Treasurer of
the Household. Presumably this MS. is identical with that owned by
Sir O. Bridgeman in 1634 and now _Addl. MS._ 20030. It overlaps
with an account for 1 Oct. 1528 to May 1531, presented by Sir W. C.
Trevelyan to the P. R. O. (_Exchequer Accounts, Various_, 420/11);
extracts are given in _Trevelyan Papers_ (C. S.), i. 136, and
an abstract in Brewer, v. 303. Collier, i. 116, and Nicolas (_ut
supra_), xxviii, give extracts from an account for Feb. 1538 to June
1541 in the possession of the Royal Society, presumably a duplicate of
the account for the same period in _Arundel MS._ 97, incorrectly
catalogued by the B.M. as an account of the Treasurer of the Household,
and abstracted in Brewer, xiii. 2. 524; xiv. 2. 303; xvi. 178, 698. An
account for May to Sept. 1542 in _Stowe MS._ 554 is abstracted in
Brewer, xvii. 474. Collier, i. 117, gives extracts from an account for
1543–4 in Craven Ord’s collection.
iii. _Accounts of William Cavendish._
Account for 31 March 1547 to 31 Sept. 1549, of which extracts are given
in _Trevelyan Papers_, i. 191, ii. 13, were presented by Sir W. C.
Trevelyan to the P. R. O. (_Exchequer Accounts, Various_, 426/5,
6). _Misc. Exch. Augm._ 439 for 1547–8 is referred to by Newton,
359, as a Chamber account, and is presumably a duplicate.
iv. _Account of Edmund Felton._
A Declared Account for 1 Apr. to 31 Dec. 1557 is in _D. A. Pipe
Office_, 541. Stopes, _Hunnis_, 145, cites a ‘Compotus Marie Rither and
Edmond Felton’ for 5 and 6 Edw. VI (_Queen’s Remembrancia_, 77/5) as a
Chamber Account. It is doubtless a Cofferer’s Account.
(c) _Elizabethan and Jacobean Periods._
i. _Accounts in P. R. O._
The P. R. O. contains Chamber Accounts in four forms. Original
Accounts, as submitted for audit, are in _Audit Office, Accounts
Various_, 3/127–9. These are no doubt the ‘very incomplete’ set from
which extracts are given by Cunningham, xxvii. So far as play-payments
are concerned, they do not appear to be more detailed than the Declared
Accounts annually drawn up from them by the auditors, of which there
are duplicate sets, both nearly complete, belonging respectively
to the Audit Office and to the Pipe Office in the Lord Treasurer’s
Remembrancer’s Department of the Exchequer. They cover the terms of
office of Mason (1558–66), Knollys (1566–70), Heneage (1570–95),
Killigrew (1595–6), and Stanhope (1596–1617). From the Pipe Office
series I supplemented Cunningham’s extracts in _M. L. R._ ii
(1906), 1; iv (1909), 153, and give a complete record of play-payments
below. The payments are also given for 1558–85 from the Audit Office
series in Wallace, i (1912), 210, and very imperfectly from the Pipe
Office series for 1559–97 in Stopes, _Hunnis_, 318. Finally,
there are Enrolled Accounts in the King’s Remembrancer’s Department
(Scargill-Bird^1, liv). A single book for 1569–70 is in the same
Department (_Exchequer Accounts, Various_, 430/15). It appears to
be an office book, and has some original signatures by way of receipts
for payments.
ii. _Accounts in British Museum._
_Harl._ 1641 and 1642 are duplicates of Heneage’s accounts for
1585–6 and 1593–4 as prepared for audit. _Harl._ 1644 is an office
book, 1581–3, containing signatures by way of receipts for wages and
the like.
iii. _Accounts in Bodleian._
_Rawlinson MS._ A. 204, ff. 212, 269, contains duplicates of
Stanhope’s accounts for 1604–5 and 1610–11 as prepared for audit, and
_Rawlinson MSS._ A. 239 and 240 (formerly _Pepys MSS._ 78 and
79) are similar duplicates of his accounts for 1612–13 and 1616–17.
They are possibly office drafts, with some notes by a checking officer
or an auditor, but are not signed either by accountant or auditors.
Occasionally they are slightly more detailed as regards play entries
than the Declared Accounts. Thus in 1610–11 and 1612–13 they give
some dates of performances instead of the mere number for the season,
and in 1612–13 they even give the titles of the plays. Extracts of
these titles are given in Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 87, and _N. S. S.
Trans._ (1875–6) 419, and more completely below. Similar entries
are given by P. Cunningham in _Sh. Soc. Papers_, ii. 123, not
direct from the manuscript, but from notes taken therefrom by Vertue
and Oldys. These had passed, in the case of the Oldys notes through
Percy, to Steevens, and from him to Hazlewood, who had copied them, as
Oldys and Steevens had done, into an interleaved Langbaine. Malone had
already used Vertue’s notes.
I should add that many ‘declarations’ or memoranda on the business of
the Treasurer of the Chamber and the state of his finances from time
to time are to be found in the Domestic State Papers, in Lansdowne and
other B.M. MSS., and in a volume (_Lord Steward’s Misc._ 301)
collected by Sir J. Caesar.
REVELS ACCOUNTS
The following accounts appear to be extant:
(a) _Early Tudor Period._
(i) _Accounts of Richard Gibson._
Brewer, ii. 1490; iii. 35, 1548; iv. 418, 837, 1390, 1392, 1415, 1603,
3073, gives abstracts of a series of accounts, ranging from 1510 to
1530, some or all of which are presumably taken from _Miscellaneous
Books of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer_, 217, 228,
229.
(ii) _Accounts of John Bridges._
It appears from extracts given by Kempe, 69, that some accounts of John
Bridges between 1539, when he became Yeoman of the Revels, and 1544,
when Cawarden became Master, are at Loseley.
(iii) _Accounts of Sir Thomas Cawarden._
Many of these are at Loseley, often in more than one copy. Kempe, 69,
gives a few extracts for the last years of Henry VIII, and the most
important documents for the next three reigns, ranging from 1547 to
1559; are printed by A. Feuillerat in _Materialien_, xxi and xliv,
with accompanying warrants and other subsidiary documents. From 1547
to 1550 the accounts are mainly office copies of ‘particular’ books,
setting out the details and cost of each individual revel, airing, or
the like; but for 1550–55, and again for 1555–9, the ‘particular paye
bookes’ are brought together with summaries in two great ‘Certificates’
(_Loseley MSS._ 62 and 63), which relate to the Tents as well as
the Revels. The second of these includes, as well as money accounts,
inventories of the office stuff and notes of its employment in masking
and other garments during 1555–60, and a similar record for 1550–5 is
in _Loseley MS._ 112. These Certificates, although signed by the
Clerk, Clerk Controller, and Yeoman, are not audited. Probably they are
office copies of Original Accounts prepared for audit.
(b) _Elizabethan Period._
Eleven Original Accounts of the Masters or Acting Masters of the
Revels, with annotations by the Auditors, are in _R. O. Audit
Office, Accounts Various_, 3, 907 (formerly 1213). They relate to
the periods: (i) Feb. 1571–May 1572; (ii) June 1572–Oct. 1573; (iii)
Nov. 1573–Feb. 1574; (iv) March 1574–Feb. 1575; (v) March 1576–Feb.
1577; (vi) Feb. 1578–Oct. 1579; (vii) Nov. 1579–Oct. 1580; (viii) Nov.
1580–Oct. 1581; (ix) Nov. 1582–Oct. 1583; (x) Nov. 1584–Oct. 1585; (xi)
Nov. 1587–Oct. 1588. It will be seen that a regular annual system,
starting with the opening of the season for revels at All Saints in
each year, was ultimately adopted. All these accounts were printed in
P. Cunningham, _Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court_
(1842, _Sh. Soc._), but (ii) imperfectly and (xi) from an
unaudited duplicate in the same bundle. These vagaries are corrected in
the text of Feuillerat (1908, _Materialien_, xxi), who also gives
an account for Nov. 1587–Oct. 1589 from _Lansd. MS._ 59, f. 38,
which in part duplicates (xi), and much illustrative matter, including
an estimate in some detail of the expenditure from Christmas 1563 to
Shrovetide 1565 from _S. P. Dom. Eliz._ xxxvi. 22. The Audit
Office series of Declared Accounts for the Revels is imperfect, but
contains two, printed by Feuillerat, for the years 1581–2 and 1583–4,
for which there are no Original Accounts. The Pipe Office series
appears to be complete.
(c) _Jacobean Period._
There are only two Original Accounts, for 1604–5 and 1611–12, which are
printed by Cunningham. The Pipe Office Declared Accounts are complete.
I have not examined those of the Audit Office. The Original Accounts
for 1604–5 and 1611–12, and especially the former, have been the
subject of a good deal of controversy. The facts are as follows. They
were printed in 1842 by Peter Cunningham, then a clerk in the Audit
Office, who described them as a separate discovery from the Elizabethan
bundle, which he also printed. Twenty-six years afterwards, in 1868, he
attempted to sell them to the British Museum, stating that he had found
them some thirty years before ‘under the vaults of Somerset House--far
under the Quadrangle in a dry and lofty cellar, known by the name of
the “Charcoal Repository”’. Their official character was realized,
and they were sent to the Record Office, and placed amongst the papers
known as _Audit Office, Accounts Various_, 3, 908 (formerly 1214),
with a note that Mr. E. A. Bond, Keeper of the Manuscripts in the
British Museum, ‘saw reasons for doubting the genuineness of one, at
least, of these papers, from the peculiar character of the writing and
the spelling’. It is probable that Bond had in mind, wholly or mainly,
the play-list of the 1604–5 book, which does use some spellings, such
as ‘Shaxberd’ and ‘aleven’, which are unusual although by no means
unparalleled, and is, moreover, in a style of handwriting sufficiently
different from the rest of the document to have at first sight a
suspicious air. But it is an integral part of the book, occupying ff.
2, 2^v of its three small folio sheets, with other matter both on ff.
1, 1^v, and on ff. 5, 5^v, which form the second half of its sheet, and
therefore, if a forged insertion, it occupies a long blank conveniently
left by the original scribe just where, according to Revels practice,
such a list ought to come. Bond’s scepticism was shared by Sir Thomas
Duffus Hardy, and although the grounds of it did not extend beyond the
play-list in the 1604–5 account, the acceptance of this as a forgery
naturally reflected some suspicion upon the corresponding list for
1611–12. The position, however, called for some reconsideration when,
in _A Note on Measure for Measure_ (1880) and subsequently in the
fifth edition (1885) of his _Outlines_ (ed. 9, ii. 163, 309),
Halliwell-Phillipps called attention to evidence that Malone, at some
date before his death in 1812, and therefore before Cunningham was
born, was acquainted at least with the substance of the 1604–5 list.
The Bodleian contains a number of Malone’s note-books, which are
believed to have been purchased from Mr. Rodd, a London bookseller,
in 1838, and contain material collected after the issue of Malone’s
_Shakespeare_ of 1790 with a view to a second edition ultimately
produced by Boswell in 1821. With them were a bundle of loose scraps,
which have since been mounted and bound as a supplementary volume.
One of these scraps (_Malone MS._ 29, f. 69^v) consists of a
list of plays headed ‘1604 & 1605 Ed^d. Tylney’, which substantially
agrees with the list in the Revels book, even to the unusual spelling
‘Shaxberd’, although it is clearly not a transcript of the Revels list,
but merely an abstract of this, or a similar document, in an unknown
hand other than Malone’s. One of the plays named in the Revels book,
_The Spanish Maze_ of Shrove Monday, is omitted. No use of the
scrap had been made by Boswell, although he prints (_Variorum_,
iii. 360) extracts made by Malone from the Elizabethan Revels books,
together with a letter of 7 Nov. 1591 from Sir William Musgrave, of
the Audit Office, inviting Malone to inspect them, and an official
memorandum on the ‘State of the Books of Accounts and Records of the
Master of the Revels, still remaining in the Office for Auditing the
Public Accounts in 1791’. It is, I think, inconceivable that, if the
Jacobean as well as the Elizabethan books had then been discovered,
no reference should have been made to them either by Musgrave or
Malone, and the most probable explanation of the Bodleian scrap is
that the Jacobean books turned up later, and that an abstract of the
1604–5 list was then prepared for the use of Malone. It is true that
in that case the Jacobean books would naturally have been added to
the ‘proper presses’ which Musgrave says that he had provided for the
Elizabethan ones, whereas Cunningham found the two sets apart. But as
Cunningham also says that he had redeemed the Elizabethan bundle from
‘a destructive oblivion’, it is possible that Musgrave’s successors had
been neglectful. Moreover, although the 1604–5 list does not appear in
the 1821 _Variorum_, it is difficult to see on what other grounds
Malone can have stated of _Othello_ (_Variorum_, ii. 404),
‘We know that it was acted in 1604’. Probably, indeed, he had seen the
list, before he abandoned in a note of 1800 to Dryden’s _Grounds of
Criticism in Tragedy_ his earlier opinion that _Othello_ was
one of Shakespeare’s latest plays. Further, there is similar indirect
evidence that he had also come across the 1611–12 list. In 1808 he
privately printed and in 1809 published an _Account of the ...
Tempest_, written ‘some years ago’. The chief object of this was
to fix an inferior date by Shakespeare’s use of a pamphlet of 1610.
The superior date he took for granted, saying (p. 31) ‘That it was
performed before the middle of 1611, we have already seen’, and adding
the foot-note ‘Under a former article’. There was no former article,
but in the preface Malone describes the essay as making ‘a part of
the Disquisition concerning the order of the plays in an enlarged
form’, and no doubt the former article would have been included in
the disquisition, had Malone ever completed his own work. Boswell,
reprinting the essay in _Variorum_, xv. 414, altered the foot-note
to refer to the essay on the Chronological Order of Shakespeare’s Plays
in ‘vol. i’. This is in fact in vol. ii, but though Boswell here states
(ii. 465) that there is evidence that the _Tempest_ ‘was produced
in 1611’, he does not give any evidence beyond the pamphlet of 1610.
Probably he did not know everything that Malone knew. But how did
Malone arrive at ‘the middle of 1611’, since the 1604–5 list does not
take us beyond 1 Nov. 1611? I suppose he assumed that public production
preceded performance at court. Later in the essay (_Variorum_, xv.
423) he says that the play ‘had a being and a name in the autumn of
1611’.
Since Halliwell-Phillipps’s discovery the prevalent view, suggested by
him, has been that if the lists, or at any rate that of 1604–5, are
forged, the forger had before him a genuine original. More recently,
however, the matter has been fully investigated by Mr. Ernest Law, who
stimulated the Record Office to a minute examination of the 1604–5
document, including chemical and microscopical tests of the ink
conducted by Professor J. J. Dobbie at the Government Laboratories.
As a result, Mr. Law’s own view that the list is genuine is confirmed
by such high palaeographical authorities as Sir George Warner of the
British Museum and Sir Henry Maxwell Lyte, Mr. Scargill-Bird, and other
officers of the Record Office, as well as by Professor Feuillerat,
than whom no one knows the Revels documents better, and Professor
Wallace. Mr. Law set out the evidence and the whole history of the
case in _Some Supposed Shakespeare Forgeries_ (1911). His view
was controverted in a review and a number of subsequent communications
in the _Athenaeum_ for 1911 (i. 638; ii. 101, 131, 421) and 1912
(i. 469, 654; ii. 142) by a writer using the signature ‘Audi Alteram
Partem’, whose rather amazing contentions Mr. Law disposed of in the
same periodical (1911, ii. 297, 324, 388; 1912, i. 390, 470) and in
_More about Shakespeare Forgeries_ (1913). A recent controversy
between Mrs. C. C. Stopes, Mr. Law, and Sir E. M. Thompson (_T. L.
S._ 2, 23, 30 Dec. 1920; 27 Jan., 10, 24 Feb. 1921) has led to no
different result.
I do not think that, in view of the palaeographical investigation, it
is any longer possible to reject the genuineness of the 1604–5 list,
and although that of 1611–12 has not been so minutely tested, it is
pretty obviously of a piece with the ‘Book’ of which it forms a part,
and had it stood alone, probably no suspicion would have fallen upon
it. In fact, it would really be more plausible--although this also is
not in the least plausible--to take the whole documents as forgeries,
than to take the lists as forged insertions in genuine accounts.
It must be added that there are some singular things about the
substance of the books, with which Mr. Law does not seem to me quite
to grapple. On the whole, that of 1604–5 is rather less perplexing
than that of 1611–12. But the scribe has been oddly confused about his
dates. On f. 1^v he has written ‘iij^o’, instead of ‘ij^o’ for the
regnal year. And at the top of f. 2 he has apparently written ‘1605’
and then corrected it to ‘1604’. The Queen’s Revels are called by
their obsolete name of ‘The Boyes of the Chapell’, which is odd in an
official document, but so they are, much later, in the Treasurer of the
Chamber’s account for 1612–13. It is more important that, while the
Treasurer of the Chamber records payments for two plays to the Queen’s
Revels, one on 1 Jan. and the other on 3 Jan., the Revels list omits
the play on 3 Jan. altogether, and instead records a performance of
_Love’s Labour’s Lost_ by the King’s men ‘betwin Newers Day and
Twelfe Day’. No complete explanation of this is possible. The most that
can be said is that there is independent evidence of a performance
of _Love’s Labour’s Lost_ in Jan. 1605, but at a date after
and not before Twelfth Night. This is derived from two letters. The
first is from Sir Walter Cope to Robert Cecil, Viscount Cranborne,
preserved at Hatfield (_Hist. MSS._ iii. 148) and printed by
Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 83:
‘I have sent and bene all thys morning huntyng for players
juglers and such kinde of creaturs, but fynde them harde to
fynde; wherfore, leavinge notes for them to seeke me, Burbage
ys come, and sayes ther ys no new playe that the Quene hath not
seene, but they have revyved an olde one cawled _Loves Labore
lost_, which for wytt and mirthe he sayes will please her
excedingly. And thys ys apointed to be playd tomorowe night
at my Lord of Sowthamptons, unless yow send a wrytt to remove
the corpus cum causa to your howse in Strande. Burbage ys my
messenger ready attendyng your pleasure.’
The letter is undated, but endorsed ‘1604’. Cecil’s title was Viscount
Cranborne from 20 Aug. 1604 to 4 May 1605. A second letter, from Dudley
Carleton to John Chamberlain on 15 Jan. 1605 (_S. P. D. Jac. I_,
xii. 13) gives within near limits the date of the performance. Carleton
says,
‘It seems we shall have Christmas all the yeare and therefore I
shall never be owt of matter. The last nights revels were kept
at my Lord of Cranbornes, where the Q. with the D. of Holst and
a great part of the Court were feasted, and the like two nights
before at my Lord of Southamptons. The Temples have both of them
done somewhat since Twelftide but nothing memorable, save that
it was observed on Friday last at night the greatest part of the
femal audience was the sisterhoode of Blackfriers.’
Mr. Law (_More about S. F._ 50) rightly rejects the suggestion of
‘Audi Alteram Partem’ that the ‘last night’ referred to was necessarily
14 Jan., the night before the date of Carleton’s letter; but I think
he is wrong in taking it as the last night of Christmas. This, of
course, was traditionally Twelfth Night, the day in 1605 of Jonson’s
_Mask of Blackness_. But surely Carleton’s whole point lies in
the exceptional prolongation of the Christmas festivities of this year
beyond Twelfth Night, and I feel clear that all the revels he here
refers to fell between 6 and 15 Jan. On 7 and 8 Jan. came _Hen. V_
and _E. M. O._ Putting the facts together, we get a performance,
either at Southampton’s house or Cranborne’s, between 8 and 15 Jan. of
_Love’s Labour’s Lost_, which the Queen had not seen before. It
is not therefore at all likely that there had been another performance
of the same play at court between 1 and 6 Jan. It is true that the
Queen might by some accident have missed such a performance. But that
would not have prevented the Treasurer of the Chamber from paying for
it, whereas he would not pay for a performance ordered as part of an
entertainment given by Southampton or Cranborne. Nor would it have been
the duty of the Revels Office to attend such a performance, which makes
it rather mystifying that they should have confused it with the second
Queen’s Revels performance at court some days earlier, which it would
have been their duty to attend. The vagueness of the phrase ‘betwin
Newers Day and Twelfe Day’, suggesting that the list was prepared
retrospectively from memory, when the account was made up in the autumn
of 1605, may perhaps help to explain an error. On the other hand, a
forger, presumably knowing nothing of Cope’s letter, which first came
to light in 1872, could hardly have guessed at a revival of _Love’s
Labour’s Lost_ in 1605.
The discrepancies between the Revels list of 1611–12 and the
corresponding accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber are rather
numerous. The Revels list records thirteen plays from 1 Nov. to 25
Feb. ‘before the Kinges Maiestie’, including two which, although, I
suppose, ordered for the King, were in fact only given before the Queen
and Prince. The Treasurer paid for only ten plays as before the King,
and for many others before the younger members of the royal family
only, with which the Revels would not normally be concerned. The two
records agree as to 1 and 5 Nov., 26, 27, and 29 Dec., and 2, 23, and
25 Feb. On 28 Dec. the Treasurer notes a play by the Prince’s men which
the Revels list does not. On 1 Jan. the Revels list notes a play by
the King’s men, which the Treasurer does not. The play on 5 Jan. is
assigned by the Treasurer to the King’s men, and by the Revels list to
the Whitefriars. The plays on 12 and 13 Jan. appear from the Revels
list to have been joint performances by the King’s and Queen’s men, but
the Treasurer notes the play on 12 Jan. only, assigns that to the Duke
of York’s men, and refers to Henry but not to the Queen as present.
He also paid for one play by the King’s men before Henry, of which he
does not give the date, and which may be that of 13 Jan. Both records
note a play by the Duke of York’s men on 24 Feb., but while the Revels
list does not indicate that James was absent, the Treasurer treats the
performance as one before the royal children only. I do not know that
all this is beyond the blundering of the clerks concerned, especially
perhaps the Clerk of the Revels, at a time when the functions of the
office in relation to court plays had become trivial. On the other
hand, I am not clear that plays ordered by the Queen and paid for out
of her privy purse, instead of by the Treasurer of the Chamber, may not
sometimes have been produced under Revels Office auspices; if so, some
of the discrepancies might be thus accounted for. But obviously the
facts necessitate some caution in the use of the 1611–12 list.
ABSTRACT OF PAYMENTS
I now give in tabular form an abstract of all entries in the Chamber
and Revels accounts, which enable us to establish the succession of
court performances during 1558–1616. These are arranged under years
running from Michaelmas to Michaelmas. Four columns are devoted to the
Chamber Accounts. Col. 1 records the dates of the performances, as
recorded in the Declared Accounts. Any correction or closer information
as to date derivable from other sources is added in square brackets.
For the Jacobean period I also show the personages before whom the
performances were given, K. standing for James, Q. for Anne, H. for
Henry, C. for Charles, E. for the Princess Elizabeth, and F. for the
Elector Palatine. Col. 2 contains the verbatim descriptions in the
accounts of the companies performing and their payees, and in a very
few cases of the nature of the performances. A few miscellaneous
entries are inserted in this column. Probably an exhaustive examination
of the records of the subordinate royal households during 1603–16
might enable a few additions to be made. It is also possible that an
occasional play, perhaps on a progress, may have been rewarded out of
the Privy Purse. But the main series of performances provided for the
regular winter ‘solace’ of the sovereign appears to be fairly complete.
Col. 3 shows the amounts of the rewards. Col. 4 adds the dates of the
warrants for payment as given in the Declared Accounts and in brackets
the places where they were made out, W. for Westminster, H. for Hampton
Court, G. for Greenwich, R. for Richmond, J. for St. James’s, Wi. for
Windsor. I add references to the parallel extracts of Cunningham from
the Original Chamber Accounts (C.), and to the notes of the signing of
warrants in the Privy Council Register (D.) where these exist. A fifth
column, for certain years, adds the relevant extracts from such Revels
Accounts as survive. The references are to Feuillerat’s edition. Any
discrepancies of importance between Chamber, Privy Council, and Revels
records are dealt with in foot-notes. The variant dates of warrants in
the ill-kept Privy Council Register are not important.
CHAMBER ACCOUNTS. REVELS ACCOUNTS.
_Perfor- _Payees._ _Amount._ _Warrant._
mance._
=1558–60= (_Pipe Office, Declared Accounts, Roll 541, mm. 17, 22_).
-- ‘Quenes ... £6 13_s._ 4_d._ F. 34 (_1555–60_).
enterlude players [779] ‘ffurnisshinge a
for her hyghnes pley by the
accustomed rewarde children of the
dewevnto them at Chapple.’
Newe yerestyde.’
-- ‘to players of £13 6_s._ 8_d._ F. 79 (_1558–9_).
enterludes.’ ‘playes and other
pastymes sett
forthe and shewen
in her Maiesties
presence.’
=1560–1= (_D. A. 541, m. 28_).
Xmas. ‘Lorde Robte £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 21 Jan. (W.);
Dudleyes C. xxvii.
players.’
Xmas. ‘Sebastiane £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 21 Jan. (W.);
Westcott M^r of C. xxvii.
the Children of
Polles.’
=1561–2= (_D. A. 541, m. 37_).
Xmas. ‘Lorde Robert £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 6 Jan.
Dudeleys
playo^{rs}.’
Xmas. ‘Sebestiane £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 6 Jan.
Westcote M^r of
the Children of
Powles.’
-- ‘Sebastiane £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 9 Mar. (W.);
Westecote M^r of C. xxvii.
the Children of
Powles.’
=1562–3= (_D. A. 541, m. 47_).
Xmas. ‘playo^{res} of £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 10 Jan. (W.);
the Lorde Robte C. xxviii;
Duddeley.’ D. vii. 134.
Xmas. ‘M. of the £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 10 Jan. (W.);
children of C. xxviii;
Poles.’[780] D. vii. 134.
=1563–4= (_no entry in D. A._).
F. 116. ‘Charges
agaynst Cristmas
and Candelmas ffor
iij plays at
Wyndsor.’[781]
=1564–5= (_D. A. 541, m. 67_).
Xmas ‘therle of £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 18 Jan. (W.);
(2 plays).Warwickes C. xxviii;
players.’ D. vii. 187.
Xmas. ‘Sebastian £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 18 Jan. (W.); F. 117. ‘in
Westcote M^r of [782] C. xxviii; Ienevery ffor
the Children of D. vii. 187. cayrtene playes by
Powles.’ the gramar skolle
of Westmynster and
the childerne of
Powles.’
2 Feb ‘Sebastian £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 9 Mar. (W.);
Westcott M^r of C. xxviii;
the Children of D. vii. 204.
Poles.’ F. 116. ‘Cristmas
... ffor a maske
and a showe and a
play by the
childerne of the
Chaple.’
[_In margin_]
‘Edwardes tragedy’.
F. 117. ‘The
xviij^{th} of
februerie ... for
a play maid by Sir
Percivall Hartts
sones with a maske
of huntarsand
diuers devisses
and a rocke or
hill ffor the ix
musses to singe
vppone with a
vayne of sarsnett
dravven vpp and
downe before
them.’
F. 117. ‘Shroftid
[4–6 March] ...
new and diuers
showes made by the
gentillmen of
Greys Ine.’
[_In margin_]
‘Gentillmenne of
y^e Innes of
Court. Diana,
Pallas.’
=1565–6= (_D. A. 541, m. 76_).
Xmas ‘Sebastian £20 3 Jan. (W.).
(3 plays) Westcote M^r of
the Children of
Powles ... for
two seūall playes
... at the Courte
... and one other
also before her
Ma^{tie} at the
Ladye Cecilias
Lodging at the
Savoye.’
=1566–7= (_D. A. 541, m. 92_).
Xmas ‘Sebastyan £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 11 Jan. (W.);
(2 plays) Westcote M^r of D. vii.
the children of 322 (12 Jan.).
Powles.’
Shrove- ‘John Taylor M^r £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 13 Feb. (W.);
tide of the Children D. vii. 327.
(9–11 of Westm^{r}.’
Feb.).
Shrove- ‘Richarde £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 16 Feb.;
tide Farraunte M^r of D. vii. 331
(9–11 the children of (W. 17 Feb.).
Feb.) Windsore.’
[11 Feb.].
[783]
=1567–8= (_D. A. 541, mm. 102–3_).
Xmas. ‘John Tailer M^r £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 10 Jan. (W.). F. 119. ’ theis
of the Children playes Tragides
at Westm^r.’ and Maskes ...
Xmas ‘The Lord Ryches £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 11 Jan. (W.). viz. ... seven
(2 plays).Plaiers.’ playes, the firste
namede as playne
Xmas ‘Sebastian £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 13 Jan. (W.). as canne be, The
(2 plays).Westcote M^r of seconde the
the Children of paynfull
Powles.’ plillgrimage, The
thirde Iacke and
Shrove- ‘William Hunnys £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 3 Mar. (W.). Iyll, The forthe
tide M^r of the sixe fooles, The
(29 Feb. Children of the fiveth callede
-2 Mar.). Quenes Ma^{tes} witte and will,
Chappell ... for The sixte callede
... a Tragedie’. prodigallitie, The
sevoenth of
Shrove- ‘Richarde £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 1 Mar. (W.). Orestes diuers
tide. Ferrante M^r of howses, ...
the children of as Stratoes and a
Windesore.’ Tragedie of the
Kinge of Scottes,
to y^e whiche
belonged howse,
Gobbyns howse,
Orestioes howse
Rome, the Pallace
of prosperitie
Scotlande and a
gret Castell one
thothere side.’
[784]
F. 123. ‘Revelles
vppon
Shrovesonday and
Shroftuisday at
nighte.’
=1568–9= (_D. A. 541, m. 113_).
26 Dec. ‘the Lorde Riches £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 28 Dec. (H.);
players.’ C. xxix.
1 Jan. ‘Sebastian £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 2 Jan.;
Westecote m^r of C. xxix.
the Children of
Powles.’
22 Feb. ‘Richard £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 25 Feb. (W.);
Ferraunte Scole C. xxix.
m^r of the
Children of
Windesore.’
=1569–70= (_D. A. 541, m. 115_).
27 Dec. ‘Richarde £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 2 Jan. (Wi.);
Ferrante Schole C. xxix.
m^r to the
Children of
Windesore.’
6 Jan. ‘Willm Hun̄ys m^r £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 7 Jan. (Wi.);
of the children C. xxix.
of her ma^{tes}
Chappell.’
5 Feb. ‘the Lorde Riches £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 7 Feb. (H.);
playo^{res}.’ C. xxix.
=1570–1= (_D. A. 541, m. 127_).
28 Dec. ‘Sebastian £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 22 Feb.
Westecote M^r of
the Children of
Powles.’
Shrove- ‘Willm̄ Honnyes, £20 28 Feb.
tide (25 Richarde
–7 Feb.) Farraunte and
(3 plays).Sebastian
Westcote M^{rs}
of the Children
of the Q ma^{tes}
Chapple Royall
Windsore and
Powles.’
=1571–2= (_D. A. 541, m. 137_).
27 Dec. ‘Lawrence Dutton £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 5 Jan. (W.); F. 144. ‘Lady
and his D. viii. 61 Barbara showen on
fellowes.’[785] (12 Jan.). Saint Iohns day at
nighte by Sir
Robert Lanes Men.’
28 Dec. ‘Sebastian £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 9 Jan. (W.); ‘Effiginia A
Westcott M^r of D. viii. 62 Tragedye showen on
the Children of (12 Jan.). the Innosentes
Powles.’ daie at nighte by
the Children of
Powles.’
1 Jan. ‘Richard Farrant £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 5 Jan. (W.); ‘Aiax and vlisses
gent M^r of the D. viii. 62 showen on New
Children of (12 Jan.). Yeares daie at
Windsor.’ nighte by the
Children of
Wynsor.’
6 Jan. ‘Willm̄ Hunnys £6 13_s._ 4_d._ N.D.; D. viii.‘Narcisses showen
M^r of the 62 (12 Jan., on Twelfe daye at
childer of the ‘John’ Nighte by the
Chappell.’ Hunnis). Children of the
Chappell.’
17 Feb. ‘John Greaves and £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 26 Feb. (W.); ‘Cloridon and
Thomas Goughe D. viii. 71 Radiamanta showen
servauntes to Sr (29 Feb.). on Shrove sundaye
Robt. Lane at Nighte by Sir
Knighte.’[786] Robert Lanes Men.’
19 Feb. ‘John £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 22 Feb. (W.); ‘Paris and Vienna
Billingesley.’ D. viii. 71 showen on
[787] (29 Feb.). Shrovetewsdaie at
Nighte by the
Children of
Westminster.’
=1572–3= (_D. A. 541, m. 150_).
Xmas ‘Therle of Leic. £30, ‘videlt. 1 Jan. (H.). F. 174. Scattered
(3 plays).players.’ for eūye playe entries refer to
vj^l xiij^s all these
iiij^d and for companies except
a more rewarde Sussex’s and to--
by hirMa^{tes} ‘the play of
owne comaundem^t Cariclia’,
x^lIn all xxx^l.’ ‘Theagines’,
‘the picture of
Andromadas’,
‘the monster’,
‘the playe of
fortune’.
1 Jan. ‘Richarde £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 2 Jan. (H.).
Farrante M^r of
the children at
Wyndesore.’
-- ‘Sebastian £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 7 Jan. (H.).
Westecote M^r of
the Children of
Polles.’
6 Jan. ‘Elderton and the £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 7 Jan. (H.).
Children of
Eyton.’
-- ‘Therle of Sussex £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 7 Feb.
players.’
-- ‘Laurence Dutton £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 10 Feb.
s^runte to therle
of Lincoln.’
3 Feb. ‘M^r Moncaster.’ £20, ‘vj^l 10 Feb.
xiij^s iiij^d
and for a more
rewarde by her
Ma^{tes} owne
comaundem^t
xiij^l vj^s
viij^d.’
=1573–4= (D. A. 541, _mm_. 165–6).
Xmas ‘Therle of £20, ‘xiij^l 9 Jan. (W.); F. 193. ‘Predor: &
(2 plays) Leicestres vj^s viij^d and D. viii. 177 Lucia, played by
[26, 28 players.’ by waye of (8 Jan.). Therle of
Dec.] speciall Leicesters
rewarde for servauntes vpon
theyre chardges Saint stevens
cunyng[788] and daye.’
skill shewed ‘Mamillia, playde
therein vj^l by therle of
xiij^s iiij^d.’ Leicesteres
seruauntes on
Innosentes daye.’
27 Dec. ‘Sebastian £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 10 Jan. (W.); ‘Alkmeon, played
Westcote M^r of D. viii. 178. by the Children of
the Children of Powles on Saint
Powles.’ Iohns daye.’
1 Jan. ‘Willm̄ £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 10 Jan. (W.); ‘Truth,
Elderton.’ D. viii. 178. ffaythfullnesse, &
Mercye, playde by
the Children of
Westminster for
Elderton vpon
New yeares daye.’
3 Jan. ‘Laurence Dutton £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 11 Jan. (W.); ‘Herpetulus the
and the rest of D. viii. 178 blew knighte &
his Fellowes (10 Jan.). perobia playde by
s^runtes to the my Lorde Klintons
L Clinton.’ servantes the
third of Ianuary.’
6 Jan. ‘Richarde Ferant £10, ‘vj^l 10 Jan. (W.); ‘Quintus ffabius
Scholem^r.’ xiij^s iiij^d D. viii. 178. played by the
and in respecte Children of
of his chardges Wyndsor ffor M^r
coming hyther ffarrant on Twelfe
lxvj^s viij^d.’ daye.’
2 Feb.} ‘Richarde £26 13_s._ 4_d._, 18 Mar. (G.); F. 206. ‘ffor
23 Feb.} Moncaster.’ ‘xiij^l vj^s D. viii. 210. ... Timoclia at
viij^d and the sege of Thebes
further her by Alexander
Ma^{tes} speciall showen ... by M^r
rewarde for suche Munkesters
costes and Children.’
chardges as he F. 213. ‘Percius &
was at for the Anthomiris playde
same xiij^l vj^s by Munkesters
viij^d.’ Children on
Shrovetewsdaye.’
21 Feb. ‘Therle of Leic £10, ‘vj^l 22 Feb. (H.); ‘Philemon &
[789] his plaiers.’ xiij^s iiij^d D. viii. 198. Philecia play by
and forther by the Erle of
waye of her Lecesters men on
highnes rewarde Shrove Mundaye.’
for suche chardges F. 227. ‘Italyan
as they had Players at Wynsor
furniture of bene & Reding ... the
at for the the xv^{th} of July
same lxvj^s 1574.’
viij^d.’
=1574–5= (_D. A._ 541, _m._ 178).
26 Dec. ‘Therle of £10. 9 Jan.; F. 239. 27 Dec.
Lecesters C. xxx. ‘gloves for my
players.’ Lord of Lesters
boyes y^t plaied
at thecoorte.’
F. 244. 25 Dec.
‘my Lord of
Leicesters menns
playe.’
1 Jan. ‘the Erle of £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 9 Jan.; F. 239. 1 Jan.
Leic’ players.’ C. xxx. ‘chymney sweepers
in my Lord of
Leycesters mennes
playe & for mosse
& styckes.’
27 Dec. ‘the lord Clynton £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 11 Jan.; F. 244. 27 Dec.
players.’ C. xxx. ‘the Duttons
playe.’
2 Jan. ‘the lord Clinton £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 11 Jan.;
players.’ C. xxx.
6 Jan. ‘Richard Farrante £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 23 Jan. (H.); F. 244. ‘King
m^r of the C. xxx. Xerxces syster in
children of the ffarrantes playe,
chapell of ... cariage ...
Wyndsor.’ for the playe ...
on twelfe nighte.’
2 Feb. ‘Sebastian £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 16 Feb.;
Westecote M^r of C. xxxi.
the Children of
Powles.’
13 Feb. ‘William Hunys £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 16 Feb. (R.); F. 244. 13 Feb.
m^r of the C. xxxi. ‘M^r Hvnnyes his
children of her playe.’
ma^{tes}
Chappell.’
13 Feb. ‘Richarde £13 6_s._ 8_d._, 17 Feb. (R.). [F. 238. The
[15 Feb. Moncaster.’ ‘vj^l. xiij^s. following
?]. iiij^d and for a rehearsals took
reward gyven by place: 14 Dec. ‘my
her heignes vj^l. Lord Chamberlens
xiij^s. iiij^d’. players did show
the history of
Phedrastus &
Phigon and Lucia
together.’
18 Dec. ‘my Lord
of Leicesters
menne showed
theier matter of
Panecia.’
20 Dec. ‘my lord
Clyntons players
rehearsed a matter
called Pretestus.’
21 Dec. ‘the
showed ij other
playes.’]
13 Feb. ‘Therle of £10. 16 Feb. (R.);
[14 Feb.].Warwickes C. xxxi.
[790] players.’
=1575–6= (_D. A. 541, mm. 195–6_).
26 Dec.} ‘John Dutton, £20. 2 Jan. (H.);
1 Jan. } Lawrence Dutton, D. ix. 68.
Jerome Savage,
etc. Thearle of
Warwickes
players.’
27 Dec. ‘Richard Farraunt £10. 30 Dec. (H.);
M^r of the D. ix. 67
children of the (29 Dec.).
Chappell at
Wyndsore.’
28 Dec. ‘Thearle of £10. 30 Dec. (H.);
Leicestre D. ix. 68
players.’ (29 Dec.)
6 Jan. ‘Sebasten £10. 7 Feb. (H.);
Westcott M^r of D. ix. 71
the children of (7 Jan.).
Powles.’
2 Feb. ‘John Adams and £10. 4 Feb. (H.);
the rest of my D. ix. 81
Lorde (-- Jan.).
Chamberlaynes
servaunt players.’
27 Feb. ‘Alfruso £10. 12 Mar. (W.).
Ferrabolle and
the rest of the
Italyan players.’
4 Mar.? ‘to ---- Burbag £10. 14 Mar. (W.).
[791] and his company
Servauntes to
thearle of
Leicester.’
5 Mar. ‘Lawraunce Dutton £10. 8 Mar. (W.);
[792] and the rest of D. ix. 95
his company (11 Mar.).
Servauntes to
thrighte
honourable Thearle
of Warwicke.
6 Mar. ‘Richard £10. 11 Mar. (W.);
Moulcastre to D. ix. 94.
hime.’
[Sept. ‘Richarde -- 11 Nov. 1577.
-Oct.] Farrant, M^r of
the Children of
her Ma^{tes}
chappell of
Winsore viz. for
the chardges of
xv of the singinge
men of the said
chappell and sixe
of the children
repayringe thither
to Readynge at her
ma^{tes} laste
being there.’
=1576–7= (_Audit Office, Declared Accounts, Roll xv, Bundle 382_) [Pipe Office
missing].
Xmas ‘Therle of £16 13_s._ 4_d._ 20 Jan. (H.); F. 256, 269. ‘The
holidays. Warwickes D. ix. 270. Paynters Daughter
[26 Dec.] players.’ ... on S^t Stevens
27 Dec. ‘the Lord £10. 12 Jan. (H.). daie ... by therle
Howardes of Warwickes
players.’ seruauntes ... the
Xmas ‘Therle of £16 13_s._ 4_d._ 20 Jan. (H.); Duttons plaie.’
holidays. Leicesters D. ix. 270. F. 256. ‘Toolie
[30 Dec.] players.’ ... on St. Iohns
Xmas ‘Sebastian £16 13_s._ 4_d._ 20 Jan. (H.); daie ... by the
holidays Westcote m^r of D. ix. 270. Lord Howardes
[1 Jan.] the Children of seruantes.’
Powles.’ F. 256. ‘The
Xmas ‘Richard Farrante £16 13_s._ 4_d._ 20 Jan. (H.); historie of the
holidays. m^r of the D. ix. 270. Collyer ... on the
[6 Jan.] children of the Sundaie folowing
Chappell.’ [30 Dec.] ... by
th’ erle of
Leicesters men.’
F. 266. ‘ffor
cariadge ... for
the Earle of
Leicesters to the
court 28^o
Decembris.’
F. 266. ‘for that
their
[Leicester’s?]
plaie was deferred
until the Sundaie
folowing [30 Dec.].’
folowing [30
F. 256. ‘The
historie of Error
... on Newyeres
daie ... by the
Children of
Powles.’
F. 256. ‘The
historye of
Mutius Sceuola ...
by the on Twelf
daie ... Children
of Windsore and
the Chappell.’
2 Feb. ‘Therle of £16 13_s._ 4_d._ 3 Feb. (H.); F. 256. ‘The
Sussexes D. ix. 280. historye of
players.’ the Cenofalles
... on Candelmas
daie ... by the
Lord Chamberleyn
his men.’
17 Feb. ‘The Lord £10. 20 Feb. (W.); F. 270. ‘The
Howardes D. ix. 293 Historie of
players.’[794] the Solitarie
Knight ... on
Shrove-sundaie
... by the
Lord Howardes
seruauntes.’
18 Feb. ‘Therle of £10. 20 Feb. (W.); F. 270. ‘The
Warwikes D. ix. 293 Irisshe Knyght
players.’ ... on
Shrovemundaie ...
by the Earle of
Warwick his
seruauntes.’
17 Feb. ‘Sebastian £10. 20 Feb. (W.); F. 270. ‘The
[9 Feb.] Westcote.’ D. ix. 293. historye of Titus
[795] and Gisippus ...
on Shrove-tuysdaie
... by the Children
of Pawles.’
April. ‘Durham Place (an N.D.
Italian playe [‘Apparelling
their done before charge.’]
her ma^{tes}
Privy Council).’
=1577–8= (_D. A. 541, mm. 209–12_).
26 Dec. ‘The Earle of £10.[796] 9 Jan. (H.);
Leicesters D. x. 138.
seruantes.’
27 Dec. ‘Richarde £10. 20 Jan. (H.). F. 277. Probably
Farrante m^r of for a rehearsal,
the children of ‘the cariadge of
her ma^{tes} the partes of y^e
chappell.’ well counterfeit
from the Bell
in Gracious strete
to St. Iohns to be
performed for the
play of Cutwell.’
8 Dec. ‘The Earle of £10. 12 Jan. (H.).
Warwickes
players.’
30 Dec. ‘Sebastian £10. 31 Jan. (H.).
Westcott.’
5 Jan. ‘The Lorde £10. 9 Jan. (H.);
[797] Howarde baron of D. x. 138.
Effingham his
players.’
6 Jan. ‘Earle of £10. 12 Jan. (H.).
Warwickes
players.’
2 Feb. ‘The Lorde £10. 15 Mar. (G.),
Chamblaynes in duplicate;
players.’ D. x. 185
(14 Mar.).
9 Feb. ‘The Earle of £10. 18 Feb. (H.).
Warwickes
players.’
11 Feb. ‘The Countes of £10. 14 Feb. (H.).
Essex players.’
(11 Feb.) ‘The Earle of £6 13_s._ 4_d._, 18 Feb. (H.).
Leicesters ‘for makinge
players.’ their repaire to
the Courte w^{th}
their whole
company and
furniture to
presente a
playe before her
ma^{tie} uppon
Shrove-tuesdaye
at nighte in
consideracon of
their chardgies
for that purpose
although the
plaie by her
ma^{ties}
comaundement
was supplyed
by others.’
-- ‘for a mattres N.D. [‘Apparelling
hoopes and charge’]
boardes with
tressells for
the Italian
Tumblers.’
=1578–9= (_d. a. 541, m. 222_).
26 Dec. ‘Therle of £10. 16 Jan.; F. 286. ‘An
Warwicke D. xi. 21 Inventyon or playe
sr^auntes.’ (R.). of the three
Systers of Mantua
... on St Stephens
daie ... by thearle
of Warwick his
servauntes.’
28 Dec. ‘y^e lord £10. 16 Jan.; F. 286. ‘An history
Chamblaynes D. xi. 21 of the creweltie of
players.’ (R.). A Stepmother ... on
Innocentes daie ...
by the Lord
Chamberlaynes
servauntes.’
6 Jan. ‘y^e sayd lord £10. 16 Jan.; F. 286. ‘The
Chamblaynes D. xi. 21 historie of the
sr^auntes.’ (R.). Rape of the second
Helene ... on Twelf
daie.’
F. 299. 6 Jan. ‘my
Lord Chamberleynes
players second
plaie.’
1 Jan. ‘ye M^r of ye £10. 16 Jan.; F. 286. ‘A Morrall
[798] Children at D. xi. 21 of the marryage of
Pawles.’ (R.). Mynde and Measure
... on the sondaie
next after Newe
yeares daie ... by
the children of
Pawles.’
4 Jan. ‘Therle of £10. 16 Jan.; F. 286. ‘A
Leicestres D. xi. 21 pastorell or
players.’ (R.). historie of A
Greeke maide ... on
the sondaie next
after Newe yeares
daie ... by the
Earle of Leicester
hisservauntes.’
6 Jan. ‘M^r Ferr^aunte £10. 16 Jan.; F. 286. ‘The
[27 Dec.] M^r of the D. xi. 21 historie of ---- ...
[799] Children of her (R.). on St Iohns daie ...
Ma^{tes} by the children of
chappell.’ the Quenes maiesties
chappell.’
F. 298. 27 Dec. ‘for
cariage of the
stuffe that served
the plaie for the
children of the
chappell to the
courte and back
agayne.’
(2 Feb.) ‘Jerome Savage £6 13_s._ 4_d._, 11 Mar.; F. 303. ‘The history
and his companye ‘in consideracon D. xi. 81 of ---- provided to
sr^auntes to of a playe (W. 18 have ben shewen ...
Therle of w^{ch} was in Mar.). on candlemas daie
Warwickes.’ readynes to have ... by the Earle of
bene presented Warwickes
before her servauntes.... Being
Ma^{tie} on in redines at y^e
Candlemas night place to have
last paste’. enacted the same.
But the Quenes
maiestie wold not
come to heare the
same and therefore
put of.’
1 Mar. ‘therle of £10. 13 Mar.; F. 303. ‘The history
Warwickes D. xi. 75 of the Knight in the
sr^auntes.’ (W.). Burnyng Rock ... on
shrovesundaie ... by
the Earle of
Warwickes
servauntes.’
2 Mar. ‘Richarde £10. 12 Mar.; F. 303. ‘The history
Ferrante M^r of D. xi. 70 of Loyaltie and
the children of (W.). bewtie ... on Shrove
her ma^{tes} monday ... by the
chapell.’ children of the
Quenes maiesties
chappell.’
3 Mar. ‘ye lorde £10. 13 Mar.; F. 303. ‘The history
[800] Chamblaynes D. xi. 75 of murderous
players.’ (W.). mychaell ... on
shrove-tuesdaie ...
by the Lord
Chamberleynes
servauntes.’
=1579–80= (_D. A. 542, m. 8_).
26 Dec. ‘the Lorde £10. 25 Feb. F. 320. ‘A history
Chamblaynes (W.); of the Duke of
players.’ D. xi.377 Millayn and the
(25 Jan.). Marques of Mantua
... on S^t Stephens
daie ... by the lord
Chamberlaynes
seruauntes.’
27 Dec. ‘Richarde Farrant £10. 25 Jan. F. 320. ‘A history
m^r of the (W.); of Alucius ... on
children of her D. xi.377. S^t Iohns daie ...
Ma^{tes} by the Children of
Chappell.’ her Maiesties
Chappell.’
1 Jan. ‘y^e players of £10. 25 Jan. F. 320. ‘A history
the Erle of (W.); of the foure sonnes
Warwicke.’ D. xi. 377. of ffabyous ... on
Newe Yeares daie ...
by the Earleof
Warwickes
servauntes.’
3 Jan. ‘Sebastian £10. 25 Jan. F. 321. ‘The history
Westcote master (W.); of Cipio Africanus
of the children D. xi. 377. ... the sondaye
of the Churche night after newe
of S^t Paules.’ yeares daie ... by
the Children of
Pawles.’
6 Jan. ‘the players of £10. 25 Jan. F. 321. ‘The history
the E of (W.); of ---- ... on
Leicester.’ D. xi. 377. Twelve-daye ... by
the Earle of
Leicesters
seruauntes.’
15 Jan. ‘the Lorde £10. 25 Jan.
Straunge his (W.);
Tumblers ... in D. xi.377.
consideracon of
certen feates of
Tumblinge by them
done before her
Ma^{tie}.’
2 Feb. ‘the L. £10. 23 Feb. F. 321. ‘The history
Chamblaynes (W.); of Portio and
players.’ D. xi. 398. demorantes ... on
Candlemas daie ...
by the Lord
Chamberleyns
seruauntes.’
16 Feb. ‘the saide L. £10. 23 Feb. F. 321. ‘The history
Chamberlaynes (W.); of Serpedon ... on
players.’ D. xi. 398. Shrovetwesdaye ...
by the lord
Chamberleyns
seruauntes.’
14 Feb. ‘the players of £10. 23 Feb. F. 321. ‘The history
the Erle of (W.); of the Soldan and
Derbye.’ D. xi. 398. the Duke of ---- ...
on Shrovesondaye ...
by the Earle of
Derby his
seruauntes.’
[F. 326. ‘Examynynge
and rehersinge of
dyuers plaies and
choise makinge of x
of them to be showen
before her Maiestie.’
In addition to the 8
above were the
tumbling and
F. 320. ‘A historye
of ---- provided to
haue bene shewen ...
on Innocentes daie
... by the Earle of
Leicesters
seruauntes being in
readynes in the
place to haue
enacted the same....
But the Queenes
Maiestie coulde not
come forth to heare
the same/therefore
put of.’]
=1580–1= (_D. A. 542, m. 21_).
27 Dec. ‘Therle of Sussex £10. 14 Jan. F. 336. ‘The Earle
srauntes.’ (W.); of Sussex men. A
D. xii. 321 storie of ---- ...
(30 Jan.). on S^t Iohns daie.’
1 Jan. ‘Therle of £10. 20 Jan. F. 336. ‘The Earle
Darbyes players.’ (W.); of Derbiesmen. A
D. xii. 321 storie of ---- ...
(30 Jan.). on newe yeres daye.’
6 Jan. ‘Sebastian £10. 18 Jan. F. 336. ‘The
[801] Wastcote m^r of (W.); children of Pawles.
the children of D. xii. 321 A storie of Pompey
Powles.’ (30 Jan.). ... on twelf nighte.’
2 Feb. ‘the Lorde £10. 13 Feb. F. 336. ‘The earle
Chamblaynes (W.); of Sussex men. A
players.’ D. xii. 330 storie of ---- ...
(14 Feb.). on Candlemas daie.’
5 Feb. ‘the M^r of the £10. 14 Feb. F. 336. ‘The
(W.) Children of the (W.); children of the
Chappell.’ D. xii. 330. Quenes maiesties
chappell. A storie
of ---- ... on
shrove-sondaie.’
7 Feb. ‘Therle of £10. 14 Jan. F. 336. ‘The Earle
Leiscesters (W.); of Leicesters men.
players.’ D. xii. 330 A storie of ----
(14 Feb.). ... on shrove-
tuesdaie.’
26 Dec. ‘to them £10. 14 Jan. F. 336. ‘The Earle
[Leicester’s] (W.); of Leicesters men.
more.’ D. xii.321 A Comodie called
(30 Jan.). delighte ... on St
Stephens daie.’
=1581–2= (_D. A. 542, mm. 32–3; Harl. MS. 1644, ff. 78^v, 80^v, 81^v_).
26 Dec. ‘the M^r of the £10. 14 Apr. F. 345. Table II, ‘v
Children of (W.); playes’.
Powles.’ D. xiii. 393
(G.).
28 Dec. ‘the Servauntes £10. 21 Jan.
of the Lorde (W.);
Straunge ... for D. xiii. 311.
certen feates of
activitie shewed
her Ma^{tie}.’
31 Dec.} ‘the M^r of the £20. 1 Apr. (G.);
27 Feb.} Children of her D. xiii. 374.
ma^{tes}
Chappell.’
=1582–3= (_D. A. 542, mm. 44–5_).
26 Dec. ‘William Hunnys £10. 17 Feb. F. 349. ‘A Comodie
(Wi.) the m^r of the (R.). or Morrall devised
children of the on A game of the
chappell.’ Cardes ... on St
Stephens daie ...
by the Children of
her maiesties
Chapple.’
27 Dec. ‘the Seruauntes £10. 17 Feb. F. 349. ‘A Comodie
(Wi.) of the Lorde of (R.). of Bewtie and
Hunsdon.’ Huswyfery ... on St
Iohns daie ... by
the lord of
Hundesdons
servauntes.’
30 Dec. ‘the Seruauntes £10. 17 Feb. F. 349. ‘A Historie
(Wi.) of Thearle of (R.). of Loue and ffortune
Darby.’ ... on the sondaie
... next before newe
yeares daie ... by
the Earle of Derbies
servauntes.’
1 Jan. ‘John Simons ... £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 17 Feb. F. 349. ‘Sundrey
(Wi.) for showinge (R.). feates of Tumbling
c̄ten ffeates of and Activitie were
actiuitye and shewed before her
Tomblinge.’ maiestie on Newe
yeares daie at night
by the Lord Straunge
his servauntes.’
6 Jan. ‘the Seruauntes £10. 17 Feb. F. 350. ‘A historie
(Wi.) of the Lorde (R.). of fferrar ... on
Chamberlayne.’ Twelf daie ... by
the Lord
Chamberleynes
servauntes.’
10 Feb. ‘The Seruantes of £10. 17 Feb. F. 350. ‘A historie
(R.) Thearle of (R.). of Telomo ... on
Lecester.’ Shrovesondaie ... by
the Earle of
Leicesters
servauntes.’
12 Feb. ‘Richarde £10. 17 Feb. F. 350. ‘A historie
(R.) Mulcaster ... (R.). of Ariodante and
w^{th} his Geneuora ... on
Scholers.’ Shrove-tuesdaie ...
by m^r Mulcasters
children.’
=1583–4= (_D. A. 342, m. 56_).
26 Dec.} 12 Mar. F. 362. Table III,
29 Dec.} ‘her ma^{tes} £20. (W.), paid ‘vj histories, one
3 Mar. } servauntes.’ 9 May. Comedie.’
6 Jan. } ‘the master of £15. 12 Mar.
2 Feb. } the children of (W.),
her ma^{tes} paid 29 Mar.
Chappell.’
1 Jan. } ‘the Erle of £20. 12 Mar.
3 Mar. } Oxforde his (W.),
servauntes ... paid 25 Nov.
paide to Johon
Lilie.’
=1584–5= (_D. A. 542, mm. 66–8_).
26 Dec.} ‘Robte Willson to £40. 14 Mar. F. 365. ‘A pastorall
3 Jan.} thuse of him (G.). of phillyda & Choryn
6 Jan.} selfe and the ... by her highnes
23 Feb.} rest of her servauntes on S^t
ma^{tes} players.’ Stephens daie.’
‘The history of
felix & philiomena
... by her maiesties
servauntes on the
Sondaie next after
newe yeares daye.’
‘An inuention called
ffiue playes in one
... on Twelfe daie
... by her highnes
servauntes.’
‘An inuention of
three playes in one
prepared to haue ben
shewed ... on Shroue
Sondaye ... by her
maiesties
servauntes. ... But
the Quene came not
abroad that night.’
‘An Antick play & a
comodye ... on
Shrouetewsdaie ...
by her maiesties
servauntes.’
27 Dec. ‘Henry Evans ... £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 7 Apr. (G.). F. 365. ‘The history
for one play ... of Agamemnon &
by the children Vlisses ... by the
of Therle of Earle of Oxenford
Oxforde.’ his boyes on St
Iohns daie.’
1 Jan. ‘John Symons and £10. 14 Mar. F. 365. ‘Dyuers
other his fellowes (G.). feates of Actyuytie
Servantes to were shewed and
Therle Oxforde ... presented ... on
for ... feates of newe yeares daye ...
actiuitye and by Symons and his
vawtinge.’ fellowes.’
=1585–6= (_D. A. 542, m. 79; Harl. MS. 1641, ff. 20^v, 21_).
26 Dec. ‘her Ma^{tes} £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
players.’
27 Dec. ‘the Servantes £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
of the lo
admirall.’
1 Jan. ‘her Ma^{tes} £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
players.’
6 Jan. ‘the Servantes of £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
the lo: admirall
and the lo
Chamblaine.’
9 Jan. ‘John Symondes £10. 31 Jan. (G.)
and M^r
Standleyes Boyes
... for Tumblinge
and shewinge
other feates of
activitie.’
13 Feb. ‘her ma^{tes} £10. 28 Feb.
players.’ (G.);
D. xiv. 20
(6 Mar.).
=1586–7= (_D. A. 542, m. 94_).
26 Dec.}
1 Jan.} ‘the Quenes £40. 18 Mar. (G.).
6 Jan.} ma^{tes}
28 Feb.} players.’
27 Dec. ‘the Erle of £10. 31 Mar. (G.).
Lecesters
players.’
26 Feb. ‘Thomas Giles m^r £10. 9 Apr. (G.);
of the Children D. xv. 24.
of Paules.’
=1587–8= (_D. A. 542, mm. 108, 115_).
26 Dec.} £20, ‘for their 20 Mar. F. 378, 388. ‘vij
6 Jan.} ‘the Queenes chardges and (G.); playes besides
18 Feb.} ma^{tes} paines as also D. xv. 425. feattes of Activitie
players.’ by waye of her and other shewes by
ma^{tes} rewarde the Childeren of
for geving their Poles her Maiesties
attendaunce in owne servantes & the
recitinge and gentlemen of Grayes
playing certein In.’
playes and
enterludes before
her ma^{tie}‘.
28 Dec. ‘John Simons ... £10. 6 Mar. (G.).
for certein
feates of
actiuitie by him
and his Companie.’
1 Jan.} ‘Thomas Giles m^r £20. 29 Feb. (G.).
2 Feb.} of the children
of Powles.’
=1588–9= (_D. A. 542, mm. 125–6_).
26 Dec.} ‘the Quenes £20. 16 Mar. F.388. ‘at Christmas
9 Feb.} Ma^{ts} Players.’ (W.); Newyearstide &
D. xvii.109. Twelftide there were
shewed presented &
27 Dec.} ‘Tho Gyles m^r of £30. 23 Mar. enacted before her
1 Jan.} the children of (W.); highnes ffyve playes
12 Jan.} Powles.’ D. xvii.115. & ... at Shrovetide
there were shewed &
‘the Lorde £20. 29 Feb. presented before her
11 Feb.} Admyrall his (W.); twoe plaies All
[802] } players ... for D. xvii.90. which playes were
twoe Enterludes enacted by her
or playes ... Maiesties owne
and for showinge servantes the
other feates of children of Paules &
activity and the Lord Admiralls
tumblinge.’ men besides sondry
feates of actyvity
tumbling and
Matichives.’...
F. 390, ‘a paire of
fflannell hose for
Symmons the Tumbler’.
=1589–90= (_D. A. 542, m. 142_).
26 Dec.} ‘John Dutton and £20. 15 Mar.;
1 Mar.} John Lanham her D. xviii.420.
ma^{tes}
S^ru^antes for
themselves and
their companie.’
28 Dec.} ‘the Servauntes £20. 10 Mar. (G.);
[803] } of the Lorde D. xviii.410.
} Admirall ... for
3 Mar.} shewinge certen
} feates of
activities ‘the
servauntes of
the Lorde Admirall
... for playinge.’
‘Chris-}
tide.’ } ‘Thomas Giles m^r £30. 10 Mar.;
[28 } of the children D. xviii. 410
Dec.] } of Powles.’ (G.).
[804] }
1 Jan. }
6 Jan. }
=1590–1= (_D. A. 542, m. 155_).
26 Dec.} ‘Lawrence Dutton
3 Jan.} and John Dutton £40. 7 Mar.;
6 Jan.} her ma^{tes} C. xxxii;
14 Feb.} players & there D. xx. 327
companye.’ (G., 5 Mar.).
1 Jan. ‘John Laneham and £10. 7 Mar.;
his companye her C. xxxii;
ma^{tes} players.’ D. xx. 328
(G., 5 Mar.).
27 Dec.} ‘George Ottewell £20. 7 Mar.;
16 Feb.} and his companye D. xx. 328
the Lorde Straunge (G., 5 Mar.).
his players for
[plays] ... and
for other feates
of Activitye then
also done by
them.’[805]
=1591–2= (_D. A. 542, m. 168_).
26 Dec. ‘y^e Queenes £10. 29 Feb. (W.);
ma^{tes} players.’ D. xxii. 286
(27 Feb.).
7 Dec. }
8 Dec. }
1 Jan. } ‘y^e seruantes of £60. 24 Feb. (W.);
9 Jan. } y^e lo: Straunge.’ D. xxii.264
6 Feb. } (20 Feb.).
8 Feb. }
2 Jan. ‘y^e servauntes £10. 20 Feb. (W.);
of y^e Earle of D. xxii.264.
Sussex.’
6 Jan. ‘y^e servauntes £10. 28 Feb. (W.);
of y^e Erle of D. xxii.263
Hartford.’ (20 Feb.).
=1592–3= (_D. A. 542, m. 181_).
26 Dec.} ‘the servantes of £20. 11 Mar. (J.);
[806] } the Erle of D. xxiv.113.
6 Jan. } Pembroke.’
27 Dec.} ‘Servantes of the £30. 7 Mar. (J.);
31 Dec.} Lorde Strange.’ D. xxiv.102.
1 Jan. }
=1593–4= (_D. A. 542, m. 194: Harl. MS. 1642, f. 19^v_).
6 Jan. ‘her Ma^{tes} £10. 31 Jan.
players.’
=1594–5= (_D. A. 542, m. 208_).
26 Dec.} ‘To Willm̄ Kempe £20. 15 Mar. (W.).
28 Dec.} Willm̄ Shakespeare
[27 } & Richarde Burbage
Dec.?] } seruantes to the
[807] } Lord Chamƃleyne
vpon the
councelles warr^t
dated at Whitehall
xv^{to} Martii
1594 for twoe
seuerall comedies
or Enterludes
shewed by them
before her
Ma^{tie} in xpmas
tyme laste paste
viz^d vpon S^t
Stephens daye &
Innocentes daye
xiii^l vj^s viij^d
and by waye of her
ma^{tes} Rewarde
vj^l xiij^s
iiij^d.’
28 Dec.} ‘Edwarde Allen, £30. 15 Mar. (W.).
1 Jan.} Richarde Jones &
6 Jan.} John Synger,
seruaunts to the
Lord Admyrall.’
=1595–6= (_D. A. 543, m. 12_).
26 Dec.} ‘John Hemynge and £50. 21 Dec. 1596 (W.).
27 Dec.} George Bryan
28 Dec.} srvu^antes to the
6 Jan.} late Lorde
22 Feb.} Chamƃlayneand now
srvu^antes to the
Lorde Hunsdon.’
1 Jan.} ‘Edwarde Allen £40. 13 Dec. 1596 (W.).
4 Jan.} and Martyn Slater
22 Feb.} seruauntes to the
24 Feb.} Lorde Admyrall.’
=1596–7= (_D. A. 543, m. 25_).
26 Dec.}
27 Dec.} ‘Thomas Pope & £60. 27 Nov. 1597 (W.);
1 Jan.} John Hemynges D. xxviii. 151.
6 Jan.} servauntes to the
6 Feb.} Lord Chambleyne.’
8 Feb.} [808]
=1597–8= (_D. A. 543, m. 39_).
26 Dec.} ‘John Heminges £40. 3 Dec. 1598 (W.);
1 Jan.} and Thomas Pope D. xxix. 324.
6 Jan.} servauntes to the
26 Feb.} Lorde Chamƃleyne.’
27 Dec.} ‘Roƃte Shawe and £20. 3 Dec. 1598 (W.);
28 Feb.} Thomas Downton D. xxix. 325.
servauntes to the
Erle of
Nottingham.’
=1598–9= (_D. A. 543, m. 55_).
26 Dec.} ‘John Heminges £30. 2 Oct. 1599 (N.);
1 Jan.} and Thomas Pope C. xxxii.
20 Feb.} servantes vnto
the Lorde
Chamberleyne.’
27 Dec.} ‘Robert Shawe and £20. 2 Oct. 1599 (N.).
6 Jan.} Thomas Downton
18 Feb.} servauntes to
Therle of
Nottingham.’
=1599–1600= (_D. A. 543, m. 57_).
26 Dec.} ‘John Hemynge £30. 17 Feb. (R.);
6 Jan.} servaunt to the C. xxxiii;
3 Feb.} Lorde D. xxx. 89
Chamberlaine. (18 Feb.).
27 Dec.} ‘Robert Shawe £20. 18 Feb. (R.);
1 Jan.} servaunt to Therle C. xxxiii;
of Nottingham.’ D. xxx. 89.
[809]
3 Feb. ‘Robert Browne £10. 18 Feb. (R.);
[5 Feb.] servaunt to Therle D. xxx. 89.
[810] of Darby.’
=1600–1= (_D. A. 543, m. 69_).
26 Dec.} ‘John Hemynges £30. 31 Mar. (W.);
6 Jan.} and Richarde C. xxxiii;
24 Feb.} Cowley servunts D. xxxi. 217
to the Lord (11 Mar.).
Chamƃleine.’
28 Dec.} ‘Edwarde Allen £30. 31 Mar. (W.);
6 Jan.} servaunte to the C. xxxiii.
2 Feb.} Lord Admyrall.’
1 Jan.}
6 Jan.} ‘Roƃte Browne.’ £20. 31 Mar. (W.).
1 Jan. ‘Edwarde Peers £10. 24 June (G.);
M^r of the D. xxxi. 453.
children of
Poules.’
6 Jan. ‘Nathanyell Gyles £5. }
m^r of the }
children of the } 4 May (W.);
Chapple, for a } C. xxxiii.
showe w^{th} }
musycke and }
speciall songes }
p’pared for the }
purpose.’ }
22 Feb. [the same] ... £10. }
‘for a play’.
=1601–2= (_D. A. 543, m. 83_).
26 Dec.}
27 Dec.} ‘John Hemyng £40. 28 Feb. (R.).
1 Jan.} servaunte to the
14 Feb.} Lord
Chamberleyne.’
27 Dec. ‘Edward Allen £10. 28 Feb. (R.).
servaunt to the
Lord Admyrall.’
3 Jan. ‘William Kempe £10. 28 Feb. (R.).
and Thomas
Heywoode
servauntes to
Therle of
Worcester.’
6 Jan.} ‘Nathanyell Gyles £30. 7 Mar. (R.).
10 Jan.} M^r of the
14 Feb.} Children of her
Ma^{tes} Chappell.’
=1602–3= (_D. A. 543, mm. 95, 97_).
26 Dec.} ‘John Hemynges £20. 20 Apr. (W.);
2 Feb.} and the rest of C. xxxiv.
his companie
servauntes to the
Lorde
Chamberleyne.’
27 Dec.} ‘Edwarde Allen £30. 22 Apr. (W.);
6 Mar.} servaunte to the C. xxxiv.
-- } Lorde Admyrall and
the reste of his
companie.’
1 Jan. ‘Edward Peirs m^r £10. 31 May (G.).
of the Children
of Paules.’
6 Jan. ‘Martyn Slater £10. 20 Apr.
and his fellowes
servauntes to
the Erle of
Hertforde.’
-- ‘John Hassett ... £10. 29 July (H.).
for presentinge
and makinge shewe
before his highnes
of his skyll in
vaultinge w^{ch}
he performed
w^{th} his
ma^{tes} good
lykinge.’
=1603–4= (_D. A. 543, m. 115–17_).
2 Dec. ‘John Hemyngs one £30. 3 Dec. (Wilton);
(K.) of his ma^{tes} C. xxxiv.
players ... for
the paynes and
expences of
himself and the
rest of the
company in comming
from Mortelake in
the countie of
Surrie unto the
courte aforesaid
[at Wilton] and
there p’senting
before his ma^{tie}
one playe.’
26 Dec.} ‘John Hemynges £53. 18 Jan. (H.);
(K.) } one of his C. xxxv.
27 Dec.} ma^{tes}
(K.) } players.’
28 Dec.}
(K.) }
30 Dec.}
(H.) }
1 Jan.}
(K.) }
1 Jan.}
(H.) }
2 Jan.} ‘John Duke one of £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 19 Feb. (W.);
(H.) } the Queenes C. xxxv.
13 Jan.} ma^{tes} players.’
(H.) }
4 Jan.} ‘Edward Allen and £30. 19 Feb. (W.);
(H.) } Edward Juby two C. xxxv.
15 Jan.} of the Princes
(H.) } Players.’
21 Jan.}
(K.) }
22 Jan.}
(H.) }
‘Richard Burbadg £30. 8 Feb. (H.);
one of his C. xxxv.
ma^{tes} comedians
... for the
mayntenaunce and
releife of
himselfe and the
rest of his
company being
prohibited to
p’sente any playes
publiquelie in or
neere London by
reason of greate
perill that might
growe through the
extraordinary
concourse and
assemble of people
to a newe increase
of the plague till
it shall please
God to settle the
cittie in a more
p’fecte health by
way of his
ma^{ties} free
gifte.’
2 Feb.} ‘John Hemynges £20. 29 Feb. (W.);
(K.) } one of his C. xxxvi.
19 Feb.} ma^{tes} players.’
(K.) }
20 Feb. ‘Edward Jubie to £10. 17 Apr. (W.);
(K.) the use of C. xxxvii.
himselfe and the
rest of his
to the company
servauntes prince.’
20 Feb. ‘Edward Pearce £10. 17 Apr. (W.).
(K.) m^r of the
children of
Powles.’
21 Feb. ‘Edward Kircham £10. 30 Apr. (W.);
(K.) m^r of the C. xxxvii.
children of the
Queenes Ma^{tes}
Revells.’
[_Apparelling Charges_]
‘To Augustine
Phillippes and John
Hemynges for
thallowaunce of
themselves and
tenne of theire
ffellowes his
ma^{tes} groomes
of the chamber,
and Players for
waytinge and
attendinge on his
ma^{tes} service
by com̃ aundemente
vppon the Spanishe
Embassador at
Som’sette howse
the space of xviij
dayes viz^d from
the ix^{th} day of
Auguste 1604 vntill
the xxvij^{th} day
of the same as
appeareth by a bill
thereof signed by
the Lord Chamƃlayne.
xxj^{li}. xij^s.’
‘To Thomas Greene
for thallowaunce
of hymselfe and
tenne of his
ffelowes groomes
of the chamber and
the Queenes Players
for waytinge and
attendinge vppon
Countye Arrenbergh
and the reste of the
comyssioners at
Durham howse by
com̃ aundmente the
space of eighteene
dayes viz^d from
the ix^{th} of
Auguste 1604 vntill
the xxvij^{th} of
the same as
appeareth by a bill
thereof signed by
the Lord Chamberlayne.
xix^{li}, xvj^s.’
CHAMBER ACCOUNTS. REVELS ACCOUNTS.[811]
_Perfor- _Payees._ _Amount._ _Warrant._
mance._
Cunningham, 203; Halliwell-Phillipps,
=1604–5= (_D. A. 543, mm. 136–8; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 204_). _Bodl. Malone ii. 162; Law, _Sh. Forgeries_, xvi;
MS._ 29, f. _Audit_ _Office_, _Accounts Various_,
69^v. 3, 907.
The Poets
1604 & 1605 The w^{ch} mayd
Ed^d. Tylney Plaiers. 1604. the plaies.
1 Nov.} Sunday after By By the Hallamas Day
(K.) } the Hallowmas--Merry Kings being the first of
4 Nov.} ‘John Hemynges one £60. 21 Jan. Wyves of Windsor ma^{tis} Nouembar A play in
(K.) } of his Ma^{tes} (W.); perf^d. by the K’s plaiers. the Banketinge
26 Dec.} players.’ C. xxxvi. players. house att Whithall
(K.) } Hallamas-- in the called The Moor of
28 Dec.} Banquetting ho^s at By his Venis. The Sunday
(K.) } Whitehall the Moor Ma^{tis} ffollowinge A Play
7 Jan.} of Venis--perf^d. by plaiers. of the Merry Wiues
(K.) } the K’splayers. of Winsor.
8 Jan.} On S^t Stephens By his On S^t Stiuens Shaxberd.
(K.) } Night--Mesure for Ma^{tis} Night in the Hall
Mesur by Shaxberd-- plaiers. A Play caled Mesur
perf^d. by the K’s for Mesur.
players. On By his On Inosents Night Shaxberd.
Innocents Night Ma^{tis} The Plaie of
Errors by Shaxberd-- plaiers. Errors.
perf^d. by the K’s
plaiers.
23 Nov.} ‘Edward Jubie one £16 13_s._ 4_d._ 10 Dec. On Sunday following By the On Sunday Hewood.
(Q.) } of the princes (W.); C. “How to Learn of a Queens ffollowinge A
24 Nov.} plaiors.’ xxxvii. Woman to wooe by Mat^{tis} plaie cald How to
(H.) } ‘John Duke one of £10. 19 Feb.; Hewood, perf^d. by plaiers. Larne of a woman
30 Dec.} the Quenes Ma{tes} C. the Q’s players. to wooe.
(K.) } plaiers.’ £20. xxxvi.
1 Jan.} ‘Samuell Daniell 24 Feb. On New Years Night-- The On Newers Night A By Georg
(K.) } and Henrie Evans (W.); C. All fools by G. Boyes playe cauled: Chapman.
3 Jan.} ... for ... the xxxvi. Chapman perf^d. by of the All Foulles.
(K.) } Quenes Ma{tes} the Boyes of the Chapell.
Children of the Chapel.
Revells.’
14 Dec.} bet New y^{rs} day & By his Betwin Newers Day
(H.) } twelfth day--Loves Ma^{tis} and Twelfe day A
19 Dec.} ‘Edward Jubie one £40. 22 Feb.; Labour lost perf^d. plaiers. Play of Loues
(H.) } of the princes C. xxxvi. by the K’s p:^{rs}. Labours Lost.
15 Jan.} plaiers.’ On the 7^{th} Jan. K. By his On the 7 of January
(H.) } Hen. the fifth Ma^{tis} was played the play
22 Jan.} perf^d. by the K. plaiers. of Henry the fift.
(H.) } p^{rs}.
5 Feb.} On 8^{th} Jan.-- By his The 8 of January A
(H.) } Every one out of his Ma^{tis} play cauled Euery
19 Feb.} humour. plaiers. on out of his Umor.
(H.) } On Candlemas night By his On Candelmas night
Every one in his Ma^{tis} A playe Euery one
humour. plaiers. In his Umor.
2 Feb.} On Shrove Sunday The Sunday
(K.) } ‘John Heminges one £40. 24 Feb.; ‘the Marchant of ffollowing playe
10 Feb.} of his Ma^{tes} C. Venis’ by Shaxberd-- provided and
(K.) } plaiers.’ xxxvii. perf^d. by the K’s discharged.
11 Feb.} P^{rs}.--the same
(K.) } repeated on Shrove By his On Shrousunday A Shaxberd.
12 Feb.} tuesd. by the K’s Ma^{tis} play of the
(K.) } Comm^d.’ plaiers. Marthant of Venis.
By his On Shroumonday A
Feb. ‘The same John £10. 28 Apr.; Ma^{tis} Tragidye of The
(K.) Heminges.’ C. xxxvii. plaiers. Spanishe Maz.
By his On Shroutusday A Shaxberd.
Ma^{tis} play cauled the
players. Martchant of Venis
againe com̃ anded
By the Kings
Ma^{tie}.
=1605–6= (_D. A. 543, mm. 163, 176_).
27 Dec. ‘John Duke one £8 6_s._ 8_d._ 30 Apr.;
(K.) of the Queenes C. xxxviii.
Ma^{tes} players.’
Xmas ‘John Hemynges £100. 24 Mar.;
and one of his C. xxxviii.
since Ma^{tes}
(K. 10 players.’
plays)
1 Dec.}
(H.) }
30 Dec.} ‘Edward Jubie one £50. 30 Apr.;
(H.) } of the Princes C. xxxviii.
1 Jan.} players.’
(K.) }
4 Jan.}
(H.) }
3 Mar.}
(K.) }
4 Mar.}
(K.) }
--(H. C. ‘Edward Kirkham £16 13_s._ 4_d._ 31 Mar.;
2 plays) one of the C. xxxviii.
Mr^{es} of the
Childeren of
Pawles.’
2 plays}
at G. }
[July } (K. and K. ‘John Heminges £30. 18 Oct.;
-Aug. } of Denmark) one of his C. xxxviii.
1606] } Ma^{tes}
1 play } Players.’
at H. }
[7 Aug.}
1606] }
=1606–7= (_D. A. 543, m. 177_).
26 Dec.}
(K.) }
29 Dec.}
(K.) } ‘John Heminges one of his £90. 30 Mar.; C. xxxix.
4 Jan.} Ma^{tes} Players.’
(K.) }
6 Jan.}
(K.) }
8 Jan.}
(K.) }
2 Feb.}
(K.) }
5 Feb.}
(K.) }
15 Feb.}
(K.) }
27 Feb.}
(K.) }
28 Dec.} ‘Edwarde Jubye £60. 28 Feb.;
13, 24,} one of the C. xxxviii.
30 Jan.} princes players.’
1, 11 }
Feb. }
=1607–8= (_D. A. 543, mm. 195–6_).
26 Dec.}
(K.) }
27 Dec.}
(K.) }
28 Dec.}
(K.) }
2 Jan.} ‘John Hemynges £130. 8 Feb. ‘1608’;
(K.) } one of his C. xxxviii
6 Jan.} Ma^{ties} (1607’).
(K. } Players.’
2 plays)}
7 Jan.}
(K.) }
9 Jan.}
(K.) }
17 Jan.}
(K. }
2 plays)}
26 Jan.}
(K.) }
2 Feb.}
(K.) }
7 Feb.}
(K.) }
19 Nov.}
30 Dec.} (K. ‘Edward Juby one £40. 8 May; C. xxxix.
3 Jan.} H.) of the Princes
4 Jan.} Players.’
‘John Hassett & £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 23 Sept.
Caleb Hassett ...
for feates of
activitie by them
performed upon a
vaughting horse.’
=1608–9= (_D. A. 543, m. 214_).
Xmas. } ‘John Hemynges £120. 5 Apr.; C. xxxix.
(K. Q. } one of his
H. C. } mat^{es} plaiers.’
12 }
plays) }
-- } ‘Thomas Greene £50. 5 Apr.
(K. H. } one of the
5 } Queenes Ma^{tes}
plays) } plaiers.’
-- } ‘Edwarde Jubye £30. 5 Apr.; C. xxxix.
(K. H. } one of the
3 } Princes Players.’
plays) }
Xmas. } ‘Roƃte Keyser ... £20. 10 Mar. (W.).
(K. 2 } for ... plaies
plays) } ... by the
Children of the
blackfriers.’
4 Jan. ‘the same Roƃte £10. 10 Mar.
(H.) Keyser ... for
one play
presented by the
Children of the
blackfriers before
his highnes in the
Cockpitt at
Whitehall.’
-- -- ‘John Hemynges £40. 26 Apr.; C. xxxix.
one of his
ma^{tes} plaiers
... by way of his
ma^{tes} rewarde
for their private
practise in the
time of infecc̄on
that thereby they
mighte be inhabled
to performe their
service before his
Ma^{tie} in
Christmas
hollidaies
1609.’
=1609–10= (_D. A. 543, mm. 233–5_).
‘before (K. Q. ‘John Heminges one £130 2 Mar. (W.).
xρmas H. C. of the Kinges
and in E. 13 Ma^{tes} players.’
the tyme plays)
of the
holidayes
and
afterwardes.’
-- ‘Roberte Keysar £50. 10 May (W.).
(K. H. ... in the behalfe
5 plays) of himselfe and
the reste of the
Children of the
Whitefryars.’
27 Dec. ‘Thomas Greene £10. 31 Mar. (W.).
(K.) one of the Queene
Ma^{tes} players.’
26 Dec.}
(K.) } ‘Edwarde Jubye £40. 10 Mar. (W.).
28 Dec.} one of the
(K.) } Princes Players.’
7 Jan.}
(K.) }
18 Jan.}
(K.) }
9 Feb. ‘the sayd William £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 20 Jan. 1613; C. xlii.
(C. E.) Rowley.’
-- -- ‘John Heminges £30. 10 Mar.; C. xl.
... for himselfe
and the reste of
his companie
beinge restrayned
from publique
playinge w^{th}in
the citie of
London in the tyme
of infecc̄on
duringe the space
of sixe weekes in
which tyme they
practised
pryvately for his
ma^{tes} service.’
=1610–11= (_D. A. 543, mm. 249, 250, 267; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 204_).
-- (K. ‘John Hemynges £150. 12 Feb.; C. xl.
Q. H. one of the Kinges
15 players.’
plays)
10 Dec.} ‘Thomas Greene £30. 18 Mar.; C. xl.
(H. } one of the Quenes
3 } players ... for
plays) } three seuerall
27 Dec.} playes before the
(K.) } Kinges Ma^{tie}
and the prince’
(_D. A._); ‘for
presentinge three
severall playes
before the princes
highnes vppon the
x^{th} of Decemb:
and S^t Johns daye
at night 1610
before the Kinges
Ma^{tie}’
(_Rawl. MS._).
19 Dec.}
28 Dec.} (K.) ‘Edwarde Jubye £40. 20 Mar.; C. xl.
14 Jan.} one of the
16 Jan.} Princes players.
12 Dec.}
(C. E.)} ‘the sayd William £20. 20 Jan. 1613 (W.); C. xlii.
20 Dec.} Rowley.’
(C. E.)}
15 Dec.}
(C. E.)}
[Cunningham, xiii,
from _Privy Purse
Accounts_ of £2 10_s._ 8_d._
Henry.]‘For
makinge readie the
Cocke pitt fower
seuerall tymes for
playes by the space
of fower dayes in
the month of
December 1610.’
CHAMBER ACCOUNTS. REVELS ACCOUNTS.[812]
Cunningham, 210, from
_Perfor- _Payees._ _Amount._ _Warrant._ _Audit Office, Accounts
mance._ Various_, 3, 907.
=1611–12= (_D. A. 543, mm. 267–8_).
31 Oct.} By the Hallomas nyght was
(K.) } ‘John Heminges £60. 1 June; Kings presented att
1 Nov.} ... for ... the C. xl. Players: Whithall before y^e
(K.) } Kinges Ma^{tes} Kinges Ma^{tie} a
5 Nov.} servauntes and play called the
(K.) } players.’ Tempest.
26 Dec.} The Kings The 5^{th} of
(K.) } players: Nouember: A play
5 Jan.} called y^e winters
(K.) } nightes Tayle.
23 Feb.} The Kings On S^t Stiuenes
(K.) } players: night A play called
A King [symbol] no
King.
9 Nov.} ‘the sayd John £80.[813] 1 June; The Queens S^t John night A
(H. C.)} Heminges.’ C. xii. players: play called the
19 Nov.} City Gallant.
(H. C.)}
16 Dec.} The Princes The Sunday
(H. C.)} players. followinge A play
31 Dec.} called the Almanak.
(H. C.)}
7 Jan.} The Kings On Neweres night A
(H. C.)} players. play called the
15 Jan.} Twiñes Tragedie.
(H. C.)}
9 Feb.}
(H. C.)}
20 Feb.} The The Sunday following A
(H. C.)} Childern play called Cupids Reueng.
28 Feb.} of
(H. C.)} Whitfriars.
3 Apr.}
(H. C.)}
16 Apr.}
(H. C.)}
9 Feb.} ‘the sayd John £26 13_s._ 4_d._ 1 June; By the The Sunday following
(H. C. E.)} Heminges.’ C. xli. Queens [Twelfth Night] att
20 Feb.} players Grinwidg before the
(H.) } and the Queen and the Prince
28 Mar.} Kings was playd the Siluer
(E.) } Men. Aiedg: and y^e next
26 Apr.} night following
(H. C. E.)} Lucrecia.
27 Dec.} ‘Thomas Greene £20. 18 June; By the Candelmas night A
(K. Q.)} ... for ... the C. xli. Queens play called Tu
2 Feb.} Queenes Ma^{tes} players. Coque.
(K. Q.)} servauntes.’
21 Jan.} ‘the sayd Thomas £13 6_s_. 8_d_. 18 June; By the Shroue Sunday: A
[814] } Greene’ C. xli Kings play called the
(H. E.)} players. Noblman.
23 Jan.}
(H. E.)}
28 Dec.} ‘Edward Juby ... £20. 18 June; By the Shroue Munday: A
(K.) } for ... the Prince C. xli. Duck of play called
29 Dec.} highnes Yorks Himens Haliday.
(K.) } servauntes.’ players.
5 Feb.} ‘the sayd Edward £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 18 June; By the Shrove Tuesday A
(H.) } Juby.’ C. xlii. Ladye play called the
29 Feb.} Eliza- proud Mayds
(H.) } beths Tragedie.
players.
11 Apr. ‘Edward Jubye ... £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 31 Mar.
‘last for ... the 1613;
past’ Prynce Palatynes C. xlii.
(E.) Servants.’[815]
25 Feb. ‘Alexander Foster £10. 1 Apr.;
(K.) ... for ... the C. xl.
Ladye Eliz.
servauntes and
players ... for
... the proud
Mayde.’
19 Jan.} ‘the sayd £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 1 Apr.;
(H. E.)} Alexander C. xl.
11 Mar.} Foster.’
(H. E.)}
12 Jan. } ‘Willm̄ Rowley £26 13_s._ 4_d._ 20 June (W.);
(H. C. E.)} ... for ... the C. xlii.
28 Jan. } Duke of Yorkes
(H. C. E.)} Servauntes
13 Feb. } and Players.’
(H. C. E.)}
24 Feb. }
[816] }
(H. C. E.)}
[Cunningham, xiv, £1 14_s._ 4_d._
from _Privy Purse
Accounts_ of
Henry.] ‘For
makeinge readie
the Cockepitt for
a playe by the
space of twoe
dayes in the month
of December 1611.’
‘For makinge £3 10_s._ 8_d._
readie the
Cockepitt for
playes twoe
severall tymes by
the space of
ffower dayes in
the monethes of
January and
February 1611.’
=1612–13= (_D. A. 544, m. 14; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 239, ff. 46^v-48_).
8 June. ‘John Hemynges £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 9 July;
... for ... the C. xliii.
kinges Ma^{tes}
Players for
presentinge a
playe before the
Duke Savoyes
Ambassado^{es}’;
_Rawl. MS._ ‘a
playe ... called
Cardenna’.
-- ‘To him [Hemynges] £93 6_s._ 8_d._ 20 May;
(C. E. more’; _Rawl. MS._ C. xliii.
F., 14 ‘fowerteene
plays) severall playes,
viz: one playe
called ffilaster,
One other called
the knott of
ffooles, One other
Much adoe aboute
nothinge, The
Mayeds Tragedy,
The merye dyvell
of Edmonton, The
Tempest, A kinge
and no kinge, The
Twins Tragedie,
The Winters Tale,
Sir John
ffalstaffe, The
Moore of Venice,
The Nobleman,
Caesars Tragedye,
And on other
called Love lyes a
bleedinge’.
-- ‘the sayd John £60. 20 May;
(K., 6 Heminges’; _Rawl. C. xliii.
plays) MS._ ‘Sixe
severall playes,
viz: one play
called a badd
beginininge makes
a good endinge,
One other called
y^e Capteyne, One
other the Alcumist.
One other Cardenno,
One other the
Hotspur, And one
other called
Benedicte and
Betteris’.
2 Mar.} ‘Willm̄ Rowley £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 7 June;
[817] } ... for ... the C. xlii.
(C. E. } Prynces
F.) } servantes’; _Rawl.
10 Mar.} MS._ ‘One called
(C. E. } the first parte
F.) } of the Knaues ...
And one other
playe called the
second parte of
the Knaues’.
25 Feb.} ‘Josephe Taylor £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 28 June;
(C. E. } ... for ... the C. xliii.
F.) } Ladie Elizabeth
1 Mar.} hir servantes’;
(C. E. } _Rawl. MS._ ‘one
F.) } playe called
Cockle de moye ...
and one other
called Raymond
Duke of Lyons’.
-- ‘Phillip Rosseter £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 24 Nov.;
(C. E. for ... a play by C. xlii.
F.) [2 the Children of
or 3 the Chappell’;
Nov.?] _Rawl. MS._ ‘for
... the Children
of the Queens
Majestys Revels,
for ... a Commedye
called the
Coxcombe’.
9 Jan.} ‘To him more ... £13 6_s._ 8_d._ 31 May;
(C. E. } for ... two other C. xlii.
F.) } playes by the
27 Feb.} Children of the
(C. E. } Chappell’; _Rawl.
F.) } MS._ ‘one called
Cupidds revenge,
and the other
called the
Widdowes Teares’.
1 Jan. ‘The sayd Phillip £10. 31 May.
‘1613’ Rosseter ... for
(K.) ... a play by the
said Children’;
_Rawl. MS._ ‘called
Cupides Revenge’.
[Sullivan, 139,
from _Accounts_ of
Elizabeth 29 Sept.
1612 to 25 March
1613 in _Exchequer
of Receipt Misc._,
Bundle 343.]
-- ‘To her gracs £5.
[Oct. plaiers for
20?] acting a Comedie
[818] in the Cocke pitt
w^{ch} her highnes
lost to M^r Edward
Sackvile on a
wager.’
=1613–14= (_D. A. 544, m. 29_).
4 Nov.}
(C.) }
16 Nov.}
(C.) } ‘John Heminges £46 13_s._ 0_d._ 21 June;
10 Jan.} and the rest of [819] C. xliii.
(C.) } his fellowes his
4 Feb.} Ma^{tes} servaunts
(C.) } the Players.’
8 Feb.}
(C.) }
10 Feb.}
(C.) }
18 Feb.}
(C.) }
‘1614’.}
1 Nov.} ‘the said John £90. 21 June;
(K.) } Heminges and the C. xliii.
‘1614’.} rest of his
5 Nov.} fellowes.’
(K.) }
15 Nov.}
(K.) }
27 Dec.}
(K.) }
1 Jan.}
(K.) }
4 Jan.}
(K.) }
2 Feb.}
(K.) }
6 Mar.}
(K.) }
8 Mar.}
(K.) }
24 Dec.} ‘Robƃte Lee and £20. 21 June (W.);
[820] } the rest of his C. xliii.
(K.) } fellowes the
5 Jan.} Queenes Ma^{tes}
(K.) } servauntes the
Play^iers.’
25 Jan. ‘Joseph Taylor £10. 21 June (W.);
(K.) for himselfe and C. xliv.
the rest of his
fellowes servaunts
to the Lady Eliz’
her grace ... for
presenting ... a
Comedy called
Eastward howe.’
12 Dec. ‘To him [Taylor] £6 13_s._ 4_d._ 21 June (W.);
(C.) more ... for C. xliv.
presenting ... a
comedy called the
Dutch Curtezan.’
=1614–15= (_D. A. 544, mm. 47, 48, 65_).[821]
-- (K. ‘John Hemynges £80. 19 May;
8 plays) ... in the behalfe C. xiii
of himselfe and (19 May ‘1613’).
his fellowes the
Kinges ma^{tes}
players.’
-- (K. ‘Roberte Leigh.’ £30. Apr. (W.).
3 plays) [822]
-- (K. } ‘Edward Juby in £26 13_s._ 4_d._ 15 Apr.
2 plays)} the behalfe of
(C.) } himselfe and the
reste of his
fellowes the
Palsgraves
players.’
-- (C. ‘Willm̄ Rowley £43 6_s._ 8_d._ 17 May.
6 plays) one of the
Princes players.’
1 Nov.
(K.) ‘Nathan ffeilde £10. 11 June; [_Pipe Office D. A._
in the behalfe of C. xliv. (_Revels_), 2805.]
himselfe and the ‘Canvas for the
rest of his Boothes and other
fellowes ... for necessaries for a
... Bartholomewe play called
Fayre.’ Bartholmewe Faire.’
=1615–16= (_D. A. 544, mm. 66, 77_).
Between ‘John Heminges £140. 24 Apr.
1 Nov. and the rest of 1617.[823]
and his fellowes the
1 Apr. Kings Ma^{tes}
(K. Q. Players.’
14 plays)
-- ‘Roberte Lee and £40. 20 May (G.).
(K. his fellowes the
4 plays) Queenes Ma^{tes}
Servauntes.’
-- ‘Alexander Foster £26 13_s._ 4_d._ 29 Apr. (W.).
(C. one of the Princes
4 plays) highnes Players.’
[A. F. Westcott, _New Poems of James I_,
lxxii, from _Accounts_ of Anne for Apr. 1615–Jan.
1616.]
17 Dec. ‘Ellis Worth one £10. 7 Jan.
(Q.) of her Ma^{tes}
plaiers for so
much paid vnto him
in the behalfe of
himselfe and the
rest of his
fellowes of that
companie for one
plaie acted before
her ma^{tie} [at]
Queenes Court.’
21 Dec. ‘John Heminge one £10. 22 Jan.
(Q.) of the Kinge
Ma^{tes} plaiers
for so much paid
vnto him in the
behalfe of
himselfe and the
reste of his
fellowes of that
companie for one
plaie acted before
her Ma^{tie} at
Queenes Court.’
APPENDIX C
DOCUMENTS OF CRITICISM
[There is much vain repetition in learned controversy, whether
literary or ethical. I have attempted, by extract or summary,
to indicate the main critical positions taken up by writers of
different schools with regard to plays, and at the same time
to preserve the incidental information which they furnish on
points of stage history. It does not seem to me necessary to
do more than cite, as of minor importance, and practically
adding nothing, T. Becon, _The Catechisme_ (1564, _Works_, i,
f. cccccxxxii); E. Hake, _Merry Maidens of London_ (1567),
_A Touchstone for this Time_ (1574), sig. G 4^v; E. Dering,
_Catechisme for Householders_ (1572); T. Brasbridge, _Poor Man’s
Jewel_ (1578); R. Crowley, _Unlawful Practises of Prelates_ (>
1583), sig. B 3^v; N. Bownde, _Doctrine of the Sabbath_ (1595),
211; J. Norden, _Progress of Piety_ (1596, ed. _Parker Soc._),
177; T. Beard, _Theatre of God’s Judgments_ (1597), 193, 197,
374; W. Vaughan, _The Golden Grove_ (1600), i. 51; F. Hering,
_Rules for the Prevention of the Sickness_ (1603), sig. A 4^v;
R. Knolles, _Six Books of a Commonweal_ (1606, from J. Bodin,
_Six Livres de la République_, 1576–8, 1601), vi. 1; W. Perkins,
_Cases of Conscience_ (1608, ed. T. Pickering), 118; R. Bolton,
_Discourse of True Happiness_ (1611), 73; L. Bayly, _Practice of
Piety_ (_c._ 1612, ed. Webster, 1842), 182, 190; O. Lake, _Probe
Theologicall upon the Commandments_ (1612), 267; J. Dod and R.
Cleaver, _Exposition of the Ten Commandments_ (1612); G. Wither,
_Abuses Stript and Whipt_ (1613), ii. 3; D. Dyke, _Michael and
the Dragon_ (1615), 216. Probably such references could be
multiplied indefinitely; they show how dread of the stage became
a commonplace of pastoral theology. Thomas Spark’s _Rehearsal
Sermon_ (1579) is only known from the citation of it by Munday
(cf. No. xxvii, _infra_).]
i. 1489 (?). DESIDERIUS ERASMUS.
[From _Epistola_ 31, to an unnamed friend (P. S. Allen, _Opus
Epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami_, i. 123), conjecturally
dated by Mr. Allen in 1489. Erasmus more briefly commends the
educational use both of Terence and Plautus in _De Ratione
Studii_ (1511, _Opera_, i. 521). In 1532 he edited Terence, and
to the same year belongs _Epist._ 1238 (_Opera_, iii. 2, 1457),
which praises the comedies without re-arguing at length the
ethical controversy; cf. W. H. Woodward, _Desiderius Erasmus
concerning the Aim and Method of Education_ (1904), 28, 39, 113,
164.]
Est enim in his Terentianis comoediis mirifica quaedam sermonis
puritas, proprietas, elegantia ac, vt in tam antiquo comico, horroris
minimum; lepos (sine quo rustica est omnis, quantumuis phalerata,
oratio) et vrbanus et salsus. Aut hoc igitur magistro aut nemine
discere licebit quo pacto veteres illi Latini, qui nunc vel nobis peius
balbutiunt, locuti sint. Hunc itaque tibi non modo etiam atque etiam
lectitandum censeo, verumetiam ad verbum ediscendum.
Caue autem ne homuncionum istorum imperitulorum, imo liuidulorum
garritus te quicquam permoueant, qui vbi in ineptissimis authoribus
Florista, Ebrardo Graecista, Huguitione se senuisse viderunt, nec
tantis ambagibus ex imperitiae labyrintho potuisse emergere, id vnicum
suae stulticiae solatium proponunt, si in eundem errorem suum iuniores
omnes pelliciant. Nefas aiunt a Christianis lectitari Terentianas
fabulas. Quam ob rem tandem quaeso? Nihil, inquiunt, praeter lasciuiam
ac turpissimos adolescentum amores habent, quibus lectoris animum
corrumpi necesse sit. Facile vnde libet corrumpitur qui corruptus
accesserit. Syncerum nisi vas, quodcunque infundis acescit. Itane
isti religiosuli ad caetera vel vtilissima talpis caeciores, ad vnam,
si qua est, lasciuiam capreae sunt? Imo capri ac stolidi nihil sibi
praeter nequitiam, qua sola imbuti sunt (indocti quippe iidemque
mali), rapientes, non vident quanta illic sit moralitas, quanta vitae
instituendae tacita exhortatio, quanta sententiarum venustas. Neque
intelligunt totum hoc scripti genus ad coarguenda mortalium vitia
accommodatum, imo adeo inuentum. Quid enim sunt comoediae, nisi seruus
nugator, adolescens amore insanus, meretrix blanda ac procax, senex
difficilis, morosus, auarus? Haec nobis in fabulis, perinde atque
in tabula, proponuntur depicta; vt, quum in moribus hominum quid
deceat, quid dedeceat, viderimus, alterum amemus alterum castigemus.
En, in Eunucho Phaedria ille ex summa continentia in summam ineptiam
amore, tanquam morbo validissimo, immutatus, adeo vt eundem esse non
cognoscas; quam pulchro exemplo docet amorem rem esse et miserrimam et
anxiam, instabilem et prorsus insaniae turpissimae plenam. Assentatores
istos, pestilens hominum genus, Gnatonem suum, artis suae principem,
spectare iubeto. Iactabundi et sibi placentes, quales diuitum
plerosque imperitos videmus, Thrasonem suum spectent ac tandem cum sua
magnificentia quam ridiculi sint intelligant.
Sed de his latius (quum [quae] de litteris scripsimus edemus)
nostra leges, volente quidem Deo. Ad praesentem locum satis fuerit
tetigisse comoedias Terentianas; modo recte legantur, non modo non ad
subuertendos mores, verum etiam ad corrigendos maximopere valere, certe
ad Latine discendum plane necessarias iudicauerim. An potius istud
ex Catholicon, Huguitione, Ebrardo, Papia caeterisque ineptioribus
sperare iubebunt? Mirum vero si his authoribus quis quid Latine dicat,
cum ipsi nihil non barbare locuti sint. Huiusmodi amplectatur, qui
balbutire volet; qui loqui cupiet, Terentium dicat, quem Cicero, quem
Quintilianus, quem Hieronymus, quem Augustinus, quem Ambrosius et
iuuenes didicere et senes vsi sunt; quem denique nemo, nisi barbarus,
non amauit.
ii. 1523–31. IOHANNES LUDOVICUS VIVES.
(_a_)
[From Commentary on St. Augustine, _De Civitate Dei_ (1522),
viii. 27. The book was placed on the _Index Expurgatorius_,
‘donec corrigatur’, and Rainolds, _Th’ Overthrow of
Stage-Playes_, 161, says that this was one of the offending
passages. Vives, a Spaniard by birth, was lecturer at Louvain
1520–3, mainly in England 1523–8, and at Bruges 1528–31.]
At qui mos nunc est, quo tempore sacrum celebratur Christi morte sua
genus humanum liberantis, ludos nihil prope a scenicis illis veteribus
differentes populo exhibere, etiam si aliud non dixero satis turpe
existimabit quisquis audiet, ludos fieri in re maxime seria. Ibi
ridetur Iudas, quam potest ineptissima iactans, dum Christum prodit:
ibi discipuli fugiunt militibus persequentibus, nec sine cachinnis
et actorum et spectatorum: ibi Petrus auriculam rescindit Malcho,
applaudente pullata turba, ceu ita vindicetur Christi captiuitas.
Et post paulum, qui tam strenue modo dimicarat, rogationibus unius
ancillulae territus abnegat magistrum, ridente multitudine ancillam
interrogantem, et exibilante Petrum negantem. Inter tot ludentes, inter
tot cachinnos et ineptias solus Christus est serius et seuerus. Quumque
affectus conatur moestos elicere, nescio quo pacto non ibi tantum, sed
etiam ad sacra frigefacit, magno scelere atque impietate, non tam eorum
qui vel spectant vel agunt, quam sacerdotum, qui eiusmodi fieri curant.
Sed hisce de rebus loquemur forsan commodiore loco.
(_b_)
[From _De Tradendis Disciplinis_, iii. 6 (1531, _Opera_, vi.
328).]
After comparing the Latinity of Plautus and Terence for school
purposes, he adds:
Ex vtroque cuperem resecta quae pueriles animos iis vitiis possent
polluere ad quae naturae quasi nutu quodam vergimus.
(_c_)
[From _De Causis Corruptarum Artium_, ii. 4 (1531, _Opera_, vi.
99).]
Venit in scenam poesis, populo ad spectandum congregato, et ibi sicut
pictor tabulam proponit multitudini spectandam, ita poeta imaginem
quandam vitae; vt merito Plutarchus de his dixerit, Poema esse
picturam loquentem, et picturam poema tacens, ita magister est populi,
et pictor, et poeta: corrupta est haec ars, quod ab insectatione
flagitiorum et scelerum transiit ad obsequium prauae affectionis,
vt quaecunque odisset poeta, in eum linguae ac stili intemperantia
abuteretur: cui iniuriae atque insolentiae itum est obuiam, primum a
diuitibus potentia sua, et opibus, hinc legibus, quibus cauebatur,
ne quis in alium noxium carmen pangeret: tum inuolucris coepit tegi
fabula; paullatim res tota ad ludicra, et in vulgum plausibilia, est
traducta, ad amores, ad fraudes meretricum, ad periuria lenonis, ad
militis ferociam et glorias; quae quum dicerentur cuneis refertis
puerorum, puellarum, mulierum, turba opificum hominum, et rudium, mirum
quam vitiabantur mores ciuitatis admonitione illa, et quasi incitatione
ad flagitia, praesertim quum comici semper catastrophen laetam
adderent amoribus, et impudicitiae; nam si quando addidissent tristes
exitus, deterruissent ab iis actibus spectatores, quibus euentus
esset paratus acerbissimus. In quo sapientior fuit qui nostra lingua
scripsit Celestinam tragicomoediam; nam progressui amorum, et illis
gaudiis voluptatis, exitum annexuit amarissimum, nempe amatorum, lenae,
lenonum casus et neces violentas: neque vero ignorarunt olim fabularum
scriptores turpia esse quae scriberent, et moribus iuuentutis damnosa
... Recentiores in linguis vernaculis multo, mea quidem sententia,
excellunt veteres in argumento deligendo. Nullae fere exhibentur nunc
publicae fabulae quae non delectationem vtilitate coniungant.
iii. 1531. SIR THOMAS ELYOT.
[From _The Governour_, i. 13 (ed. H. H. S. Croft, i. 123).]
‘They whiche be ignoraunt in poetes wyll perchaunce obiecte, as is
their maner, agayne these verses [Horace, _Epist._ ii. 1. 126–31],
sayeng that in Therence and other that were writers of comedies,
also Ouide, Catullus, Martialis, and all that route of lasciuious
poetes that wrate epistles and ditties of loue, some called in latine
_Elegiæ_ and some _Epigrammata_, is nothyng contayned but
incitation to lechery.
First, comedies, whiche they suppose to be a doctrinall of rybaudrie,
they be undoutedly a picture or as it were a mirrour of man’s life,
wherin iuell is nat taught but discouered; to the intent that men
beholdynge the promptnes of youth unto vice, the snares of harlotts
and baudes laid for yonge myndes, the disceipte of seruantes, the
chaunces of fortune contrary to mennes expectation, they beinge therof
warned may prepare them selfe to resist or preuente occasion. Semblably
remembring the wisedomes, aduertisements, counsailes, dissuasion from
vice, and other profitable sentences, most eloquently and familiarely
shewed in those comedies, undoubtedly there shall be no litle frute
out of them gathered. And if the vices in them expressed shulde be
cause that myndes of the reders shulde be corrupted: than by the
same argumente nat only entreludes in englisshe, but also sermones,
wherin some vice is declared, shulde be to the beholders and herers
like occasion to encreace sinners.’ Quotes Terence, _Eunuchus_,
v. 4. 8–18, on the moral end of comedy and virtuous counsel from
Plautus, _Amphitruo_, ii. 2. 17–21; Ovid, _Remedia Amoris_,
131–6; and Martial, _Epigr._ xii. 34. ‘Wherfore sens good and
wise mater may be picked out of these poetes, it were no reason, for
some lite mater that is in their verses, to abandone therefore al
their warkes, no more than it were to forbeare or prohibite a man to
come into a faire gardein, leste the redolent sauours of swete herbes
and floures shall meue him to wanton courage, or leste in gadringe
good and holsome herbes he may happen to be stunge with a nettile.
No wyse man entreth in to a gardein but he sone espiethe good herbes
from nettiles, and treadeth the nettiles under his feete whiles he
gadreth good herbes. Wherby he taketh no damage, or if he be stungen
he maketh lite of it and shortly forgetteth it. Semblablye if he do
rede wanton mater mixte with wisedome, he putteth the warst under foote
and sorteth out the beste, or, if his courage be stered or prouoked,
he remembreth the litel pleasure and gret detriment that shulde ensue
of it, and withdrawynge his minde to some other studie or exercise
shortly forgetteth it.... So all thoughe I do nat approue the lesson of
wanton poetes to be taughte unto all children, yet thynke I conuenient
and necessary that, when the mynde is become constante and courage is
asswaged, or that children of their naturall disposition be shamfaste
and continent, none auncient poete wolde be excluded from the leesson
of suche one as desireth to come to the perfection of wysedome.’
iv. c. 1538 (?). NICHOLAS UDALL.
[From Prologue to _Roister Doister_ (? 1566–7).]
What Creature is in health, eyther yong or olde,
But som mirth with modestie wil be glad to use
As we in thys Enterlude shall now unfolde,
Wherin all scurilitie we utterly refuse,
Avoiding such mirth wherin is abuse:
Knowing nothing more comendable for a mans recreation
Than Mirth which is used in an honest fashion:
For Myrth prolongeth lyfe, and causeth health.
Mirth recreates our spirites and voydeth pensivenesse,
Mirth increaseth amitie, not hindring our wealth,
Mirth is to be used both of more and lesse,
Being mixed with vertue in decent comlynesse.
As we trust no good nature can gainsay the same:
Which mirth we intende to use, avoidyng all blame.
The wyse Poets long time heretofore,
Under merrie Comedies secretes did declare,
Wherein was contained very vertuous lore,
With mysteries and forewarnings very rare.
Suche to write neither _Plautus_ nor _Terence_ dyd spare,
Whiche among the learned at this day beares the bell:
These with such other therein dyd excell.
v. 1551. MARTIN BUCER.
[From _De honestis ludis_, a section of _De Regno
Christi_, presented to Edward VI by Bucer, who was then
Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, on 1 Jan. 1551,
printed in 1557, and again in _Scripta Anglicana_ (1577),
ii. 54.]
Poterit iuuentus etiam exerceri agendo comoedias et tragoedias:
populisque his honesta, et ad augendam pietatem non inutilis exhiberi
oblectatio: sed piis, et ad regnum Christi doctis atque sapientibus
viris opus fuerit, qui comoedias eas atque tragoedias componant: in
quibus nimirum eiusmodi imitatio repraesentetur, consiliorum, actionum,
atque euentuum humanorum, siue communium et vulgarium, vt fit in
comoediis: sive singularium et qui sint maioris admirationis, quod
proprium est tragoediae, quae ad certam morum correctionem, et piam
conserat vitae institutionem.
Vt si comoedia repraesentetur iurgium pastorum Abrahae et Lot, atque
horum a se inuicem discessio.... In huiusmodi comoedia tractari
possent, et vtili ad piam institutionem oblectatione repraesentari,
hi loci.... Ad eundem modum suppeditet piae comoediae vberem sane et
aedificandae pietati peridoneam materiam, historia quaesitae, obtentae
et adductae Isaaco sponsae Ribkae: ex hac enim historia queat describi
pia parentum cura, quaerendi liberis suis religiosa connubia: fides
bona et officiositas proborum seruorum.... Non dissimile argumentum
desumi queat et ex ea historiae de Iacobo parti qua describitur,
vt metu fratris, relictis parentibus, ad Labam auunculum suum
concesserit....
Tragoediis, Scripturae vbique perquam copiosam offerunt materiam,
historiis prope omnibus S. Patrum, regum, Prophetarum et Apostolorum
inde ab Adam vsque, primo humani generis parente. Omnino enim refertae
sunt hae historiae diuinis et heroicis personis, affectionibus,
moribus, actionibus, euentibus quoque inexpectatis, atque in contrarium
quam expectarentur cadentibus, quae Aristoteles vocat περιπετείας. Quae
omnia cum mirificam vim habeant fidem in Deum confirmandi, et amorem
studiumque Dei accendendi admirationem item pietatis atque iusticiae,
et horrorem impietatis, omnisque peruersitatis ingenerandi atque
augendi: quanto magis deceat Christianos, ut ex his sua poemata sumant,
quibus magna et illustria hominum consilia, conatus, ingenium, affectus
atque casus repraesentent, quam ex impiis ethnicorum vel fabulis vel
historiis! Adhibendae autem sunt in vtroque genere poematum, comico
et tragico, vt cum hominum vitia et peccata describuntur, et actione
quasi oculis conspicienda exhibentur, id fiat ea ratione, vt quamuis
perditorum hominum referantur scelera, tamen terror quidam in his
diuini iudicii, et horror appareat peccati: non exprimantur exultans in
scelere oblectatio, atque confidens audacia. Praestat hinc detrahere
aliquid decoro poetico, quam curae aedificandi pietate spectatores;
quae poscit vt in omni peccati repraesentatione sentiantur,
conscientiae propriae condemnatio, et a iudicio Dei horrenda trepidatio.
At dum piae et probae exhibentur actiones, in his debet exprimi
quam clarissime sensus divinae misericordiae laetus, securaque et
confidens, moderata tamen, et diffidens sibi exultansque in Deo fiducia
promissionum Dei cum sancta et spirituali in recte faciendo voluptate.
Hac enim ratione sanctorum et ingenia, et mores, et affectus, ad
instaurandam in populo omnem pietatem ac virtutem, quam scitissima
imitatione repraesentantur. Eum autem fructum vt Christi populus ex
sanctis comoediis et tragoediis percipiant praeficiendi et huic rei
erunt viri, vt horum poematum singulariter intelligentes, ita etiam
explorati et constantis studii in regnum Christi: ne qua omnino agatur
comoedia, aut tragoedia, quam hi non ante perspectam decreuerint
agendam.
Hi quoque curabunt, ne quid leue aut histrionicum in agendo admittatur:
sed omnia exhibeantur sancta quadam, et graui, iucunda tamen, sanctis
duntaxat, actione: qua repraesententur non tam res ipsae, et actiones
hominum, affectus et perturbationes, quam mores et ingenia: ac ita
repraesententur, vt excitetur in spectatoribus studiosa imitatio: eorum
autem quae secus sunt instituta et facta, confirmetur detestatio, et
excitetur declinatio vigilantior.
His observatis cautionibus, poterit sane multa, nec minus ad virtutem
alendam prouehendamque, vtilis ludendi materia iuuentuti praeberi,
maxime cum studium et cura eiusmodi et comoediarum et tragoediarum
excitata fuerit, cum lingua vernacula, tum etiam lingua Latina et
Graeca. Extant nunc aliquot non poenitendae huius generis comoediae
et tragoediae, in quibus, etiamsi docti mundi huius desiderent in
comoediis illud acumen, eumque leporem, et sermonis venustatem, quem
admirantur in Aristophanis, Terentii, Plautique fabulis: in tragoediis,
grauitatem, versutiam, orationisque elegantiam, Sophoclis, Euripidis,
Senecae: docti tamen ad regnum Dei, et qui viuendi Deo sapientiam
discere student, non desiderant in his nostrorum hominum poematis
doctrinam coelestem, affectus, mores, orationem, casusque dignos filiis
Dei. Optandum tamen, vt quibus Deus plus dedit in his rebus praestare,
vt id mallent ad eius gloriam explicare, quam aliorum pia studia
intempestiuis reprehensionibus suis retardare: atque ducere satius,
comoedias atque tragoedias exhibere, quibus si minus ars poetica,
scientia tamen vitae aeternae praeclare exhibetur, quam quibus vt
ingenii linguaeque cultus aliquid iuuatur, ita animus et mores impia
atque foeda et scurrili mutatione conspurcantur.
vi. 1559. WILLIAM BAVANDE.
[From _A Woork of Ioannes Ferrarius Montanus touchynge the good
orderynge of a Common-weale_, translated from the _De Republica
bene instituenda Paraenesis_, published by Ferrarius, a Marburg
jurist, in 1556.]
[Extracts] f. 81. ‘The laste of all [the seven handicrafts in a
commonweal] is the exercise of stage plaiyng, where the people use to
repaire to beholde plaies, as well priuate as publique, whiche be set
forthe partlie to delight, partlie to move us to embrace ensamples of
vertue and goodnesse, and to eschue vice and filthie liuyng’ ... f.
100^v. ‘_Chapter viii, Concernyng Scaffolds and Pageauntes of divers
games and plaies and how farre thei be to be allowed, and set forthe
in a Citee_.... Plaies, set foorthe either upon stages, or in open
Merket places, or els where, for menne to beholde. Whiche, as thei
doe sometime profite, so likewise thei tourne to great harme, if thei
be not used in such sorte, as is bothe ciuill and semely in a citee,
whiche wee dooe abuse, when anythyng is set foorthe openly, that is
uncleanlie, unchaste, shamefull, cruell, wicked, and not standyng
with honestie.... Soche pastimes therefore muste bee set foorthe in a
commonweale, as doe minister unto us good ensamples, wherin delight and
profite be matched togither.... It is a commendable and lawfull thing
to bee at plaies, but at soche tymes as when we be unoccupied with
grave and seuere affaires, not onely for our pleasure and minde sake,
but that hauyng little to doe, we maie learne that, whiche shall bee
our furtheraunce in vertue.... There shall be no Tragedie, no Comedie,
nor any other kinde of plaie, but it maie encrease the discipline of
good maners, if by the helpe of reason and zeale of honestie, it bee
well emploied. Which then is doen, when, if thou either hearest, or
seest anything committed that is euill, cruell, vilanous, and unseamely
for a good manne, thou learnest thereby to beware and understandest
that it is not onely a shame to committe any soche thinge but also
that it shall be reuenged with euerlasting death. Contrariwise, if
thou doest espie any thing dooen or saied well, manfully, temperatly,
soberly, iustly, godlilye, & vertuously, thou ... maiest labour to
doe that thyself, whiche thou likest in another.... With whiche
discrecion, who so beholdeth Tragedies, Comedies, ... plaies of
histories, holie or prophane, or any pageaunt, on stage or on grounde,
shall not mispende his time. But like as a Bee of diuers floures, that
be of theire owne nature of smalle use, gathereth the swetenes of her
honie: so thence gathereth he that which is commodious for the trade of
his life, ioigneth it with his painfull trauaile, and declareth that
soche histories and exercises bee the eloquence of the bodie.’
vii. 1563–8. ROGER ASCHAM.
[From _The Scholemaster_ (1570), as reprinted in W. A. Wright,
_English Works of Roger Ascham_ (1904), 171. The tract, which
was largely based on the teaching of Ascham’s friend John Sturm,
was begun as a New Year gift for Elizabeth in December 1563, and
left unfinished at the author’s death in 1568. The best modern
edition is by J. E. B. Mayor (1863).]
_The first booke teachyng the brynging vp of youth_.... P. 185. In
the earliest stage of Latin, Ascham ‘would haue the Scholer brought
vp withall, till he had red, & translated ouer y^e first booke of
[Cicero’s] Epistles chosen out by _Sturmius_, with a good peece of a
Comedie of _Terence_ also.... P. 208. There be som seruing men do but
ill seruice to their yong masters. Yea, rede _Terence_ and _Plaut_.
aduisedlie ouer, and ye shall finde in those two wise writers, almost
in euery commedie, no vnthriftie yong man, that is not brought there
vnto, by the sotle inticement of som lewd seruant. And euen now in our
dayes _Getae_ and _Daui_, _Gnatos_ and manie bold bawdie _Phormios_
to, be preasing in, to pratle on euerie stage, to medle in euerie
matter, when honest _Parmenos_ shall not be hard, but beare small swing
with their masters.... _The second booke teachyng the ready way to
the Latin tong_.... P. 238. Read dayly vnto him ... some Comedie of
_Terence_ or _Plautus_: but in _Plautus_, skilfull choice must be vsed
by the master, to traine his Scholler to a iudgement, in cutting out
perfitelie ouer old and vnproper wordes.... On _Imitatio_ ... P. 266.
The whole doctrine of Comedies and Tragedies, is a perfite _imitation_,
or faire liuelie painted picture of the life of euerie degree of
man.... One of the best examples, for right _Imitation_ we lacke, and
that is _Menander_, whom our _Terence_ (as the matter required) in like
argument, in the same Persons, with equall eloquence, foote by foote
did follow. Som peeces remaine, like broken Iewelles, whereby men may
rightlie esteme, and iustlie lament, the losse of the whole.... P.
276. In Tragedies, (the goodliest Argument of all, and for the vse,
either of a learned preacher, or a Ciuill Ientleman, more profitable
than _Homer_, _Pindar_, _Vergill_, and _Horace_: yea comparable
in myne opinion, with the doctrine of _Aristotle_, _Plato_, and
_Xenophon_,) the _Grecians_, _Sophocles_ and _Euripides_ far ouer match
our _Seneca_, in _Latin_, namely in οἱκονομία _et Decoro_, although
_Senecaes_ elocution and verse be verie commendable for his tyme.’
... P. 284. Ascham describes some contemporary Latin tragedies.... P.
286. ‘Of this short tyme of any pureness of the Latin tong, for the
first fortie yeare of it, and all the tyme before, we haue no peece
of learning left, saue _Plautus_ and _Terence_, with a litle rude
vnperfit pamflet of the elder _Cato_. And as for _Plautus_, except the
scholemaster be able to make wise and ware choice, first in proprietie
of wordes, then in framing of phrases and sentences, and chieflie in
choice of honestie of matter, your scholer were better to play, then
learne all that is in him. But surelie, if iudgement for the tong, and
direction for the maners, be wisely ioyned with the diligent reading
of _Plautus_, than trewlie _Plautus_, for that purenesse of the Latin
tong in Rome, whan Rome did most florish in wel doing, and so thereby,
in well speaking also, is soch a plentifull storehouse, for common
eloquence, in meane matters, and all priuate mens affaires, as the
Latin tong, for that respect, hath not the like agayne. Whan I remember
the worthy tyme of Rome, wherein _Plautus_ did liue, I must nedes honor
the talke of that tyme, which we see _Plautus_ doth vse. _Terence_
is also a storehouse of the same tong, for an other tyme, following
soone after, & although he be not so full & plentiful as _Plautus_ is,
for multitude of matters, & diuersitie of wordes, yet his wordes, be
chosen so purelie, placed so orderly, and all his stuffe so neetlie
packed vp, and wittely compassed in euerie place, as, by all wise
mens iudgement, he is counted the cunninger workeman, and to haue his
shop, for the rowme that is in it, more finely appointed, and trimlier
ordered, than _Plautus_ is.... The matter in both, is altogether within
the compasse of the meanest mens maners, and doth not stretch to any
thing of any great weight at all, but standeth chiefly in vtteryng the
thoughtes and conditions of hard fathers, foolish mothers, vnthrifty
yong men, craftie seruantes, sotle bawdes, and wilie harlots, and so,
is moch spent, in finding out fine fetches, and packing vp pelting
matters, soch as in London commonlie cum to the hearing of the Masters
of Bridewell. Here is base stuffe for that scholer, that should becum
hereafter, either a good minister in Religion, or a Ciuill Ientleman
in seruice of his Prince and contrie: except the preacher do know soch
matters to confute them, whan ignorance surelie in all soch thinges
were better for a Ciuill Ientleman, than knowledge. And thus, for
matter, both Plautus and Terence, be like meane painters, that worke by
halfes, and be cunning onelie, in making the worst part of the picture,
as if one were skilfull in painting the bodie of a naked person, from
the nauell downward, but nothing else.’
viii. 1565. WILLIAM ALLEY.
[From _Miscellanea_ of notes to a _Praelectio_ of 1561 in
Πτωχὸμυσεȋον: _The Poore Mans Librarie_ (1565). On Alley, v. ch.
xxiii, s.v.]
Alas, are not almost al places in these daies replenished with iuglers,
scoffers, iesters, plaiers, which may say and do what they lust, be it
neuer so fleshly and filthy? and yet suffred and heard with laughing
and clapping of handes.
ix. 1565–71. RICHARD EDWARDES.
[The Prologue to _Damon and Pithias_. It appears from the
title-page that this had been ‘somewhat altered’ between the
production of the play in 1565 and its publication in 1571; cf.
ch. xxiii.]
On euerie syde, wheras I glaunce my rouyng eye,
Silence in all eares bent I playnty do espie:
But if your egre lookes doo longe suche toyes to see,
As heretofore in commycall wise, were wont abroade to bee:
Your lust is lost, and all the pleasures that you sought,
Is frustrate quite of toying Playes. A soden change is wrought.
For loe, our Authors Muse, that masked in delight,
Hath forst his Penne agaynst his kinde, no more suche sportes to write.
Muse he that lust, (right worshipfull) for chaunce hath made this change,
For that to some he seemed too muche, in yonge desires to range:
In whiche, right glad to please, seyng that he did offende,
Of all he humblie pardon craues: his Pen that shall amende:
And yet (worshipfull Audience,) thus much I dare aduouche.
In Commedies, the greatest Skyll is this, rightly to touche
All thynges to the quicke: and eke to frame eche person so,
That by his common talke, you may his nature rightly knowe:
A Royster ought not preache, that were to straunge to heare,
But as from vertue he doth swerue, so ought his woordes appeare:
The olde man is sober, the yonge man rashe, the Louer triumphyng in ioyes,
The Matron graue, the Harlot wilde and full of wanton toyes.
Whiche all in one course they [in] no wise doo agree:
So correspondent to their kinde their speeches ought to bee.
Which speeches well pronounste, with action liuely framed,
If this offende the lookers on, let _Horace_ then be blamed,
Which hath our Author taught at Schole, from whom he doth not swarue,
In all suche kinde of exercise decorum to obserue,
Thus much for his defence (he sayth) as Poetes earst haue donne,
Which heretofore in Commedies the selfe same rase did ronne:
But now for to be briefe, the matter to expresse,
Which here wee shall present: is this _Damon_ and _Pithias_,
A rare ensample of Friendship true, it is no Legend lie,
But a thinge once donne in deede as Hystories doo discrie,
Whiche doone of yore in longe time past, yet present shalbe here,
Euen as it were in dooynge now, so liuely it shall appeare:
Lo here in _Siracusae_ thauncient Towne, which once the Romaines wonne,
Here _Dionysius_ Pallace, within whose Courte this thing most strange was donne,
Which matter mixt with myrth and care, a iust name to applie,
As seemes most fit wee haue it termed, a Tragicall Commedie,
Wherein talkyng of Courtly toyes, wee doo protest this flat,
Wee talke of _Dionysius_ Courte, wee meane no Court but that,
And that wee doo so meane, who wysely calleth to minde.
The time, the place, the Authours here most plainely shall it finde,
Loe this I speake for our defence, lest of others wee should be shent:
But worthy Audience, wee you pray, take thinges as they be ment,
Whose vpright Judgement wee doo craue, with heedefull eare and eye,
To here the cause, and see theffect of this newe Tragicall Commedie.
x. 1566. LEWIS WAGER.
[From Prologue to _The Life and Repentance of Marie Magdalene_
(1566). cf. ch. xxiii.]
We and other persons haue exercised l. 10.
This comely and good facultie a long season,
Which of some haue bene spitefully despised;
Wherefore, I thinke, they can alleage no reason.
Where affect ruleth, there good iudgement is geason.
They neuer learned the verse of Horace doubtles,
Nec tua laudabis studia, aut aliena reprehendes....
I maruell why they should detract our facultie: l. 24.
We haue ridden and gone many sundry waies;
Yea, we haue vsed this feate at the vniuersitie;
Yet neither wise nor learned would it dispraise: ...
Doth not our facultie learnedly extoll vertue? l. 31.
Doth it not teache, God to be praised aboue al thing?
What facultie doth vice more earnestly subdue?
Doth it not teache true obedience to the kyng?
What godly sentences to the mynde doth it bryng!
I saie, there was neuer thyng inuented,
More worth for man’s solace to be frequented.
Hipocrites that wold not haue their fautes reueled
Imagine slaunder our facultie to let;
Faine wold they haue their wickednes still concealed;
Therfore maliciously against vs they be set;
O (say they) muche money they doe get.
Truely, I say, whether you geue halfpence or pence,
Your gayne shalbe double, before you depart hence....
We desire no man in this poynt to be offended, l. 80.
In that vertues with vice we shall here introduce;
For in men and women they haue depended:
And therfore figuratiuely to speake, it is the vse.
I trust that all wise men will accept our excuse.
Of the Preface for this season here I make an ende;
In godly myrth to spend the tyme we doe intende.
xi. 1569. ANON.
[T. Warton, _History of Poetry_, iii (1781) 288 (ed. Hazlitt,
iv. 217), ascribes to this year a ‘Puritanical pamphlet without
name’, _The Children of the Chapel stript and whipt_, which he
says was ‘among Bishop Tanner’s books at Oxford’. It is not,
however, now traceable in the Bodleian. Warton’s extracts are
quoted in ch. xii, s.v. Chapel.]
xii. 1569. HENRY CORNELIUS AGRIPPA.
[From _Henry Cornelius Agrippa, of the Vanitie and uncertaintie
of Artes and Sciences_, Englished by Ja[mes] San[ford] Gent.
(1569), a translation of _De incertitudine et vanitate
scientiarium et artium atque excellentia Verbi Dei declamatio_
(1530), written in 1526 (_Opera_, ii. 1).]
‘Cap. 4. Of Poetrie’ condemns it as lying. ‘Cap. 20. Of the Science
of stage Plaiers.’ After defining the player’s art and citing the
discussion between Cicero and Roscius recorded by Macrobius (cf.
no. xliii and ch. xi) and the banishment of players by the City of
Marseilles (cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, i. 7), Agrippa concludes, ‘And
therefore to exercise this Arte, is not onely a dishonest and wicked
occupation, but also to behold it, and therein to delite is a shameful
thinge, bicause that the delite of a wanton minde is an offence. And
to conclude, there was in times paste no name more infamous then stage
players, and moreouer, al they that had plaide an Enterlude in the
Theater, were by the lawes depriued from all honour.’ Plays are briefly
referred to in ‘Cap. 59. Of Holy daies’ and ‘Cap. 63. Of the whoorishe
Arte’.
xiii. 1574. GEOFFREY FENTON.
[From _A Forme of Christian Pollicie gathered out of French_
(1574). No single source has been traced and the treatise is
probably a compilation.]
Book iii, ch. 7. ‘Players ... corrupt good moralities by wanton shewes
and playes: they ought not to be suffred to prophane the Sabboth
day in such sportes, and much lesse to lose time on the dayes of
trauayle. All dissolute playes ought to be forbidden: All comicall and
tragicall showes of schollers in morall doctrines, and declamations
in causes made to reprooue and accuse vice and extoll vertue are very
profitable.’ _The 7 Chapter_ expands the foregoing.... ‘Great then
is the errour of the magistrate to geue sufferance to these players,
whether they bee minstrels, or enterludours who on a scaffold, babling
vaine newes to the sclander of the world, put there in scoffing the
vertues of honest men.... There often times are blowen abroade the
publike and secreete vices of men, sometimes shrowded under honourable
personage, withe infinite other offences.... How often is the maiestie
of God offended in those twoo or three howres that those playes endure,
both by wicked wordes, and blasphemye, impudent jestures, doubtful
sclaunders, unchaste songes, and also by corruption of the willes of
the players and the assistauntes. Let no man obiect heare that by these
publike plaies, many forbeare to doo euill, for feare to bee publikely
reprehended ... for it may be aunswered first, that in such disguised
plaiers geuen over to all sortes of dissolucion, is not found a wil to
do good, seeing they care for nothing lesse than vertue: secondlye that
is not the meane to correct sinne.... Heare I reprooue not the plaies
of scollers ... Ch. 6. I wish that in place of daunses at mariage, the
time were supplied with some comical or historical show of the auncient
manages of Abraham and Sara, of Isaac and Rebecca, and of the two
Tobies and theyr wiues, matters honest and tending much to edify the
assistauntes.’
xiv. 1575. GEORGE GASCOIGNE.
[Prologue to _The Glasse of Governement_ (cf. ch. xxiii).]
What man hath minde to heare a worthie Jest,
Or seekes to feede his eye with vayne delight:
That man is much unmeete to be a guest,
At such a feaste as I prepare this night.
Who list laye out some pence in such a Marte,
Bellsavage fayre were fittest for his purse,
I lyst not so to misbestowe mine arte,
I have best wares, what neede I then shewe woorse?
An Enterlude may make you laugh your fill,
_Italian_ toyes are full of pleasaunt sporte:
Playne speache to use, if wanton be your wyll,
You may be gone, wyde open standes the porte.
But if you can contented be to heare,
In true discourse howe hygh the vertuous clyme,
Howe low they fall which lyve withouten feare
Of God or man, and much mispende theyr tyme:
What ryght rewardes a trustie servaunt earnes,
What subtile snares these Sycophantes can use,
Howe soone the wise such crooked guyles discernes,
Then stay a whyle: gyve eare unto my Muse.
A Comedie, I meane for to present,
No _Terence_ phrase: his tyme and myne are twaine:
The verse that pleasde a _Romaine_ rashe intent,
Myght well offend the godly Preachers vayne.
Deformed shewes were then esteemed muche,
Reformed speeche doth now become us best,
Mens wordes muste weye and tryed be by touche
Of Gods owne worde, wherein the truth doth rest.
Content you then (my Lordes) with good intent,
Grave Citizens, you people greate and small,
To see your selves in Glasse of Governement:
Beholde rashe youth, which daungerously doth fall
On craggy rockes of sorrowes nothing softe,
When sober wittes by Vertue clymes alofte.
xv. 1577. THOMAS WHITE.
[From _A Sermon preached at Pawles Crosse on Sunday the thirde
of November 1577 in the time of the Plague_. By T. W. This was
printed, according to the colophon, by F. Coldocke on 10 Feb.
1578. There are two copies in the B.M., but one has been bound
in error with the title-page of an earlier sermon of 9 Dec.
1576, by the same author. T. W. was probably Thomas White, vicar
of St. Dunstan-in-the-West, and later founder of Sion College
and of White’s Professorship of Moral Philosophy at Oxford. The
sermon is sometimes claimed for Thomas Wilcox; but he was in
ecclesiastical disgrace in 1577 and unlikely to have access to
Paul’s Cross.]
P. 46. ‘Looke but vppon the common playes in London, and see the
multitude that flocketh to them and followeth them: beholde the
sumptuous Theatre houses, a continuall monument of Londons prodigalitie
and folly. But I vnderstande they are nowe forbidden bycause of the
plague. I like the pollicye well if it holde still, for a disease is
but bodged or patched vp that is not cured in the cause, and the cause
of plagues is sinne, if you looke to it well: and the cause of sinne
are playes: therefore the cause of plagues are playes.... Shall I
reckon vp the monstrous birds that brede in this nest? without doubt I
am ashamed, and I should surely offende your chast eares: but the olde
world is matched, and Sodome ouercome, for more horrible enormities
and swelling sins are set out by those stages, than euery man thinks
for, or some would beleeue, if I shold paint them out in their colours:
without doubt you can scantly name me a sinne, that by that sincke is
not set a gogge: theft and whoredome; pride and prodigality; villanie
and blasphemie; these three couples of helhoundes neuer cease barking
there, and bite manye, so as they are vncurable euer after, so that
many a man hath the leuder wife, and many a wife the shreuder husband
by it: and it can not otherwise be, but that whiche robbeth flatlye the
Lord of all his honor, and is directly against the whole first table of
his law, should make no bones of breache of the second also, which is
toward our neighbour only. Wherefore if thou be a father, thou losest
thy child: if thou be a maister, thou losest thy seruaunt; and thou be
what thou canst be, thou losest thy selfe that hauntest those scholes
of vice, dennes of theeues, and Theatres of all leudnesse: and if it be
not suppressed in time, it will make such a Tragedie, that London may
well mourne whyle it is London, for it is no playing time.’
xvi. 1577. JOHN NORTHBROOKE.
[From _A Treatise wherein Dicing, Dauncing, Vaine playes, or
Enterluds, with other idle pastimes, &c., commonly used on the
Sabboth day, are reproued by the Authoritie of the word of God
and auntient writers_. N.D. H. Bynneman for George Byshop.
This is doubtless the ‘booke wherein Dycinge, dauncinge, vaine
playenge and Interludes, with other idle pastimes, &c., comonlie
used on the Saboth daie are reproved’, entered for Bishop in S.
R. on 2 Dec. 1577 (Arber, ii. 321). A second edition was printed
in 1579. Northbrooke was a Gloucester minister. The book was
edited by J. P. Collier (1843, _Sh. Soc._).]
[Summary and Extracts.] The treatise is ‘made dialogue-wise’ between
Youth and Age. _Epistles_ to Sir John Yong and to The Christian
and Faithful Reader, dated respectively from Bristol and Henbury. _A
Treatise against Idlenes, Idle Pastimes, and Playes._ The greater
part deals generally with ‘ydle playes and vaine pastimes’ and their
relation to the Christian life. P. 82. Youth asks Age his opinion
of ‘playes and players, which are commonly vsed and much frequented
in most places in these dayes, especiallye here in this noble and
honourable citie of London’. Age condemns ‘stage playes and enterludes’
as ‘not tollerable, nor sufferable in any common weale, especially
where the Gospell is preached; for it is right prodigalitie, which
is opposite to liberalitie’. Considers ‘the giftes, buildings, and
maintenance of such places for players a spectacle and schoole for
all wickednesse and vice to be learned in’, and particularly applies
this to ‘those places also, whiche are made vppe and builded for such
playes and enterludes, as the Theatre and Curtaine is, and other such
lyke places.... Satan hath not a more speedie way, and fitter schoole
to work and teach his desire, to bring men and women into his snare
of concupiscence and filthie lustes of wicked whoredome, than those
places, and playes, and theatres are; and therefore necessarie that
those places, and players, shoulde be forbidden, and dissolued, and put
downe by authoritie, as the brothell houses and stewes are’. Quotes the
Fathers on the offences to chastity at theatres. P. 92. Condemns the
playing of ‘histories out of the scriptures. By the long suffering and
permitting of these vaine plays, it hath stricken such a blinde zeale
into the heartes of the people, that they shame not to say, and affirme
openly, that playes are as good as sermons, and that they learne as
much or more at a playe, than they do at God’s worde preached.... Many
can tarie at a vayne playe two or three houres, when as they will not
abide scarce one houre at a sermon.... I speake (alas! with griefe
and sorowe of heart) against those people that are so fleshlye ledde,
to see what rewarde there is giuen to such crocodiles, whiche deuoure
the pure chastitie bothe of single and maried persons, men and women,
when as in their playes you shall learne all things that appertayne to
craft, mischiefe, deceytes, and filthinesse, &c. If you will learne
howe to bee false and deceyue your husbandes, or husbandes their wyues,
howe to playe the harlottes, to obtayne one’s loue, howe to rauishe,
howe to beguyle, howe to betraye, to flatter, lye, sweare, forsweare,
how to allure to whoredome, howe to murther, howe to poyson, howe to
disobey and rebell against princes, to consume treasures prodigally,
to mooue to lustes, to ransacke and spoyle cities and townes, to
bee ydle, to blaspheme, to sing filthie songs of loue, to speake
filthily, to be prowde, howe to mocke, scoffe, and deryde any nation
... shall not you learne, then, at such enterludes howe to practise
them?... Therefore, great reason it is that women (especiallye) shoulde
absent themselues from such playes.’ Notes the _infamia_ of
_histriones_, which he translates ‘enterlude players’, and refers
to the statute of 1572. Expounds the heathen origin of plays. P. 101.
Youth admits ‘that they ought to be ouerthrowne and put downe.... Yet
I see little sayd, and lesse done vnto them; great resort there is
daily vnto them, and thereout sucke they no small aduantage’. P. 102.
‘They vse to set vp their billes vpon postes certain dayes before, to
admonishe the people to make their resort vnto their theatres, that
they may thereby be the better furnished, and the people prepared to
fill their purses with their treasures.’ P. 102. Youth concludes: ‘I
maruaile the magistrates suffer them thus to continue, and to haue
houses builded for such exercises.... I maruaile much, sithe the rulers
are not onely negligent and slowe herein to doe, but the preachers are
as dumme to speake and saye in a pulpitte against it’; and Age: ‘I
doubt not but God will so moue the hearts of magistrates, and loose
the tongue of the preachers in such godly sort (by the good deuout
prayers of the faithfull) that both with the sworde and the worde such
vnfruitfull and barren trees shall be cut downe’. P. 103. Youth then
raises the question of scholastic plays. These Age admits. ‘I thinke
it is lawefull for a schoolmaster to practise his schollers to playe
comedies, obseruing these and the like cautions: first, that those
comedies which they shall play be not mixt with anye ribaudrie and
filthie termes and wordes (which corrupt good manners). Secondly, that
it be for learning and vtterance sake, in Latine, and very seldome
in Englishe. Thirdly, that they vse not to play commonly and often,
but verye rare and seldome. Fourthlye, that they be not pranked and
decked vp in gorgious and sumptious apparell in their play. Fiftly,
that it be not made a common exercise, publickly, for profit and gaine
of money, but for learning and exercise sake. And lastly, that their
comedies be not mixte with vaine and wanton toyes of loue. These being
obserued, I iudge it tollerable for schollers.’ _An Inuectiue against
Dice-Playing_ and _A Treatise against Dauncing_.
xvii. 1578. JOHN STOCKWOOD.
[From _A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse_ on 24 Aug. 1578. A
reprint is in Harrison, iv. 329. John Stockwood was Master of
Tonbridge Grammar School.]
P. 23. ‘Wyll not a fylthye playe, wyth the blast of a Trumpette, sooner
call thyther a thousande, than an houres tolling of a Bell, bring to
the Sermon a hundred? nay euen heere in the Citie, without it be at
this place, and some other certaine ordinarie audience, where shall
you finde a reasonable company? whereas, if you resorte to the Theatre,
the Curtayne, and other places of Playes in the Citie, you shall on the
Lords day haue these places, with many other that I can not recken, so
full, as possible they can throng.’ P. 50. ‘We notwithstanding on the
Lordes daye must haue Fayers kept, must haue Beare bayting, Bulbayting
(as if it wer a thing of necessity for the Beares of Paris garden to be
bayted on the Sunnedaye) must haue baudie Enterludes.’ P. 85. Calls on
the Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen as ‘publike magistrates’ to keep watch
against ‘flocking and thronging to baudie playes by thousandes’ on the
Lord’s Day, and notes ‘resorting to playes in the time of sermons a
thing too manifest’. P. 133. ‘There be not many places where y^e word
is preached besides the Lords day (I woulde to God there were) yet euen
that day the better parte of it is horriblie prophaned by diuellishe
inuentions, as with Lords of Misserule, Morice dauncers, May-games,
insomuch that in some places, they shame not in y^e time of diuine
seruice, to come and daunce aboute the Church, and without to haue
men naked dauncing in nettes, which is most filthie: for the heathen
that neuer hadde further knowledge, than the lighte of nature, haue
counted it shamefull for a Player to come on the stage without a slop,
and therefore amongest Christians I hope suche beastly brutishnesse
shal not be let escape vnpunished, for whiche ende I recite it, and
can tell, if I be called, where it was committed within these fewe
weekes. What should I speake of beastlye Playes, againste which out of
this place euery man crieth out? haue we not houses of purpose built
with great charges for the maintenance of them, and that without the
liberties, as who woulde say, there, let them saye what they will say,
we will play. I know not how I might with the godly learned especially
more discommende the gorgeous Playing place erected in the fieldes,
than to terme it, as they please to haue it called, a Theatre ... I
will not here enter this disputation, whether it be vtterly vnlawfull
to haue any playes, but will onelye ioine in this issue, whether in
a Christian common wealth they be tolerable on the Lords day.... If
playing in the Theatre or any other place in London, as there are by
sixe that I know to many, be any of the Lordes wayes (which I suppose
there is none so voide of knowledge in the world wil graunt) then not
only it may, but ought to be vsed, but if it be any of the wayes of
man, it is no work for y^e Lords Sabaoth, and therfore in no respecte
tollerable on that daye.’ P. 137. ‘For reckening with the leaste, the
gaine that is reaped of eighte ordinarie places in the Citie whiche I
knowe, by playing but once a weeke (whereas many times they play twice
and somtimes thrice) it amounteth to 2000 pounds by the yeare.’
xviii. 1578. JOHN FLORIO.
[From _First Fruites_ (1578), A_{1}, an Anglo-Italian phrase
book.]
Where shal we goe?
To a playe at the Bull, or els to some other place.
Doo Comedies like you wel?
Yea sir, on holy dayes.
They please me also wel, but the preachers wyll not allowe them.
Wherefore, knowe you it:
They say, they are not good.
And wherfore are they vsed?
Because euery man delites in them.
I beleeue there is much knauerie vsed at those Comedies: what thinke you?
So beleeue I also.
xix. 1578. GEORGE WHETSTONE.
[From _Epistle_ to William Fleetwood, dated 29 July 1578,
prefixed to _Promos and Cassandra_; cf. ch. xxiii.]
... I devided the whole history into two Commedies: for that, Decorum
used, it would not be convayde in one. The effects of both, are
good and bad: vertue intermyxt with vice, unlawful desyres (yf it
were possible) queancht with chaste denyals: al needefull action (I
thinke) for publike vewe. For by the rewarde of the good, the good
are encowraged in wel doinge: and with the scowrge of the lewde, the
lewde are feared from evil attempts: mainetayning this my oppinion
with Platoes auctority. ‘Nawghtinesse commes of the corruption of
nature, and not by readinge or hearinge the lives of the good or lewde
(for such publication is necessarye), but goodnesse (sayth he) is
beawtifyed by either action.’ And to these ends Menander Plautus and
Terence, themselves many yeares since intombed, (by their Commedies)
in honour live at this daye. The auncient Romanes heald these showes
of suche prise, that they not onely allowde the publike exercise of
them, but the grave Senators themselves countenaunced the Actors with
their presence: who from these trifles wonne morallyte, as the Bee
suckes the honny from weedes. But the advised devises of auncient
Poets, discredited with the tryfels of yonge, unadvised, and rashe
witted wryters, hath brought this commendable exercise in mislike.
For at this daye, the Italian is so lascivious in his commedies, that
honest hearers are greeved at his actions: the Frenchman and Spaniarde
folowes the Italians humor: the Germaine is too holye: for he presentes
on everye common Stage, what Preachers should pronounce in Pulpets.
The Englishman in this quallitie, is most vaine, indiscreete, and
out of order: he fyrst groundes his worke, on impossibilities: then
in three howers ronnes he throwe the worlde: marryes, gets Children,
makes Children men, men to conquer kingdomes, murder monsters, and
bringeth Gods from Heaven, and fetcheth Divels from Hel. And (that
which is worst) their ground is not so unperfect, as their working
indiscreete: not waying, so the people laugh, though they laugh them
(for theyr folleys) to scorne: Manye tymes (to make mirthe) they
make a Clowne companion with a Kinge: in theyr grave Counsels, they
allow the advise of fooles: yea they use one order of speach for all
persones: a grose _Indecorum_, for a Crowe wyll yll counterfet the
Nightingales sweete voice: even so, affected Speeche doth misbecome a
Clowne. For to work a Commedie kindly, grave olde men should instruct:
yonge men should showe the imperfections of youth: Strumpets should
be lascivious: Boyes unhappy: and Clownes should be disorderly:
entermingling all these actions, in suche sorte, as the grave matter
may instruct, and the pleasant delight: for without this chaunge,
the attention would be small, and the likinge, lesse. But leave I
this rehearsall, of the use, and abuse of Commedies: least that I
check that in others, which I cannot amend in my selfe. But this I am
assured, what actions so ever passeth in this History, either merry, or
morneful: grave or lascivious; the conclusion showes the confusion of
Vice, and cherishing of Vertue....
xx. 1579. T. F.
[From _Newes from the North. Otherwise called a Conference
between Simon Certen and Pierce Plowman_. Faithfully
collected and gathered by T. F. Student (1579, 1585), F_{4},
quoted from 1585 ed. in Stubbes, 299. There seems to be no
justification for Collier’s identification of T. F. with Francis
Thynne.]
I call to witnesse the Theaters, Curtines, Heauing houses, Rifling
boothes, Bowling alleyes, and such places, where the time is so
shamefully mispent, namely the Sabaoth daies, vnto the great dishonor
of God, and the corruption and vtter distruction of youth.
xxi. 1579. THOMAS TWYNE.
[From _Physic against Fortune_ (1579), i. 30. This is a
translation from Petrarch’s _De remediis utriusque Fortunae_;
but Twyne has adapted the wording to bring in the names of the
London theatres.]
_Joy._ I am delighted with sundrie Shewes.
_Reason._ Perhaps with the Curteine or Theater: which two places
are well knowen to be enimies to good manners: for looke who goeth
thyther evyl, returneth worse. For that iourney is unknowen to the
good, whiche yf any undertake uppon ignoraunce, he cannot choose but be
defyled.
xxii. 1579. STEPHEN GOSSON.
[From _The Schoole of Abuse, Containing a pleasaunt inuectiue
against Poets, Pipers, Plaiers, Iesters and such like
Caterpillers of a Commonwelth_ ... (1579; S. R. 22 July 1579).
A second edition appeared in 1587. There are modern reprints in
_Somers Tracts_, iii (1810), 552, and by J. P. Collier (1841,
_Sh. Soc_.) and E. Arber (1868, _English Reprints_). On 5 (or
16) Oct. 1579 Spenser wrote to Gabriel Harvey (Gregory Smith,
i. 89, from _Two Other very Commendable Letters_, 1580): ‘Newe
Bookes I heare of none, but only of one, that writing a certaine
Booke, called The Schoole of Abuse, and dedicating it to Maister
Sidney, was for hys labor scorned, if at leaste it be in the
goodnesse of that nature to scorne. Suche follie is it not to
regarde aforehande the inclination and qualitie of him to whome
wee dedicate oure Bookes.’]
[Summary and Extracts.] _Epistle to Sidney. Epistle to the
Reader_.... ‘I take vpon mee to driue you from playes, when mine
owne woorkes are dayly to be seene vpon stages, as sufficient witnesses
of mine owne folly, and seuere iudges againste my selfe.’ Poetry and
Music are first attacked; an apologist for Homer being likened (p. 21)
‘to some of those players, that come to the scaffold with drum and
trumpet to profer skirmishe, and when they haue sounded allarme, off
go the peeces to encounter a shadow, or conquere a paper monster.’ P.
28. ‘As poetrie and piping are cosen germans: so piping and playing
are of great affinity, and all three chayned in linkes of abuse.’ P.
29. ‘I was first instructed in the university, after drawne like a
nouice to these abuses.’ Criticism of the theatre by the graver Greeks
and Romans and its abuses in Rome. Similar abuses have replaced ‘the
olde discipline of Englande’. P. 35. ‘In our assemblies at playes in
London, you shall see suche heauing, and shoouing, suche ytching and
shouldring, too sitte by the women; suche care for their garments,
that they bee not trode on: such eyes to their lappes, that no chippes
light in them: such pillowes to ther backes, that they take no hurte:
such masking in their eares, I knowe not what: such giuing them pippins
to passe the time: suche playing at foote saunt without cardes: such
ticking, such toying, such smiling, such winking, and such manning
them home, when the sportes are ended, that it is a right comedie, to
marke their behauiour, to watche their conceites, as the catte for the
mouse, and as good as a course at the game it selfe, to dogge them a
little, or followe aloofe by the printe of their feete, and so discouer
by slotte where the deare taketh soyle. If this were as well noted,
as ill seene: or as openly punished, as secretly practised: I haue no
doubte but the cause would be seared to dry vp the effect, and these
prettie rabbets very cunningly ferretted from their borrowes. For
they that lack customers al the weeke, either because their haunte is
vnknowen, or the constables and officers of their parishe watch them
so narrowly, that they dare not queatche, to celebrate the Sabboth,
flock to theaters, and there keepe a generall market of bawdrie: not
that any filthynesse in deede is committed within the compasse of that
grounde, as was doone in Rome, but that euery wanton and his paramour,
euery man and his mistresse, euery John and his Joan, euery knaue and
his queane, are there first acquainted and cheapen the merchandise in
that place, which they pay for elsewhere as they can agree.’ Players
at least indirectly to blame for London’s wantonness. P. 37. ‘They
seeke not to hurte, but desire too please: they haue purged their
comedyes of wanton speaches, yet the corne whiche they sell, is full
of cockle, and the drinke that they drawe, ouercharged with dregges.’
Advises those who would avoid offence to avoid the theatre. The
abuses are contrary to the Queen’s will. P. 39. ‘How often hath her
Maiestie, with the graue aduise of her honorable Councell, sette downe
the limits of apparell to euery degree, and how soone againe hath the
pride of our harts ouerflowen the chanel? How many times hath accesse
to theaters beene restrayned, and how boldly againe haue we reentred.
Ouerlashing in apparel is so common a fault, that the very hyerlings
of some of our players, which stand at reuersion of vi.s by the weeke,
iet vnder gentlemens noses in sutes of silke, exercising themselues
too prating on the stage, and common scoffing when they come abrode,
where they looke askance ouer the shoulder at euery man, of whom the
Sunday before they begged an almes. I speake not this, as though euerye
one that professeth the qualitie so abused him selfe, for it is well
knowen, that some of them are sober, discreete, properly learned honest
housholders and citizens well thought on amonge their neighbours at
home, though the pryde of their shadowes (I meane those hangebyes
whome they succour with stipend) cause them to bee somewhat il talked
of abroade. And as some of the players are farre frome abuse: so some
of their playes are without rebuke: which are as easily remembered as
quickly reckoned. The twooe prose bookes plaied at the Belsauage, where
you shall finde neuer a woorde without wit, neuer a line without pith,
neuer a letter placed in vaine. The _Iew_ and _Ptolome_,
showne at the Bull, the one representing the greedinesse of worldly
chusers, and bloody mindes of usurers: the other very liuely descrybing
how seditious estates, with their owne deuises, false friendes, with
their owne swoordes, and rebellious commons in their owne snares are
owerthrowne: neither with amorous gesture wounding the eye: nor with
slouenly talke hurting the eares of the chast hearers. The _Blacke
Smiths daughter_, and _Catilins Conspiracies_ vsually brought
in to the Theater: the first contayning the trechery of Turkes, the
honourable bountye of a noble minde, and the shining of vertue in
distresse: the last, because it is knowen too be a pig of myne owne
sow, I will speake the lesse of it; onely giuing you to vnderstand,
that the whole marke which I shot at in that woorke, was too showe the
rewarde of traytors in Catilin, and the necessary gouernment of learned
men, in the person of Cicero, which forsees euery danger that is likely
to happen, and forstalles it continually ere it take effect.... These
playes are good playes and sweete playes, and of al playes the best
playes and most to be liked, woorthy to bee soung of the Muses, or set
out with the cunning of Roscius himself, yet are they not fit for euery
mans dyet: neither ought they commonly to bee shewen. Now if any man
aske me why my selfe haue penned comedyes in time paste, and inueigh
so egerly against them here, let him knowe that _Semel insaniuimus
omnes_: I have sinned, and am sorry for my fault: hee runnes farre
that neuer turnes, better late than neuer. I gaue my self to that
exercise in hope to thriue but I burnt one candle to seek another, and
lost bothe my time and my trauell, when I had doone.’ Deprecates the
excuse that plays keep idle heads occupied. P. 42. ‘These because they
are allowed to play euery Sunday, make iiii or v Sundayes at least
euery weeke, and all that is doone is good for Augustus, to busy the
wittes of his people, for running a wool-gathering, and emptie their
purses for thriuing to fast.’ Has shown the abuses of players out of
profane writers rather than out of the Scriptures. Exhorts against
vanity; but, p. 44, ‘if players can promise in woordes, and performe it
in deedes, proclame it in their billes, and make it good in theaters;
that there is nothing there noysome too the body, nor hurtfull to the
soule: and that euerye one which comes to buye their iestes, shall
haue an honest neighbour, tagge and ragge, cutte and longe tayle, goe
thither and spare not, otherwise I aduise you to keepe you thence, my
selfe will beginne too leade the daunce’. Briefly reprehends dancers,
tumblers, dicers, carders, and bowlers, and more at length fencers.
_Epistle to Sir Richard Pipe, Lord Mayor, and the Aldermen_....
P. 56. ‘I woulde the abuses of my Schoole were as wel knowen of you,
to reformation: as they are found out by other to their owne peril.
But the fishe _Sepia_ can trouble the water to shun the nettes,
that are shot to catch her: _Torpedo_ hath craft inough at the
first touch to inchant the hooke, to coniure the line, to bewitch
the rod, and to benumme the handes of him that angleth. Whether our
players be the spawnes of such fishes, I know not wel, yet I am sure
that how many nets so euer ther be layde to take them, or hookes to
choke them, they haue ynke in their bowels to darken the water, and
sleights in their budgets, to dry vp the arme of euery magistrate. If
their letters of commendations were once stayed, it were easie for you
to ouerthrow them.... I doubte not but the gouernours of London will
vexe mee for speaking my minde, when they are out of their wittes, and
banishe their players, when they are beste aduised.’ _Epistle to
the Gentlewomen Citizens of London_.... P. 58. ‘It is not ... your
sober countenance, that defendeth your credite; nor your friends which
accompany your person, that excuse your folly; nor your modestie at
home, that couereth your lightnesse, if you present your selues in open
theaters.... Though you go to theaters to se sport, Cupid may catche
you ere you departe.... In deede I muste confesse there comes to playes
of all sortes, old and young; it is hard to say that all offend, yet I
promise you, I wil sweare for none.’
xxiii. _c._ 1579. THOMAS LODGE.
[From a print without title-page edited by D. Laing (1853, _Sh.
Soc._) under the title of _A Defence of Poetry, Music and Stage
Plays_; part in Gregory Smith, i. 61. There can be little doubt
that this is the _Honest Excuses_ of Gosson’s _Apology_ and the
suppressed work of Lodge referred to in his _Alarum_ and Gosson,
_P. C._ (Nos. xxx, xxxv, _infra_); cf. J. D. Wilson in M. L. R.
iii. 166.]
[Summary and Extracts.] P. 3. ‘There came to my hands lately a litle
(would God a wittye) pamphelet, baring a fayre face as though it
were the Scoole of Abuse.’ Defends against Gosson poetry, music, and
thirdly players, for whose art he claims both ‘antiquity’ and ‘use and
comoditye’ as an instrument of moral criticism. P. 24. Of comedies
he says, ‘Tulley defines them thus, _Comedia_ (saith he) is
_imitatio vitae, speculum consuetudinis, et imago veritatis_’.
P. 27. He has concessions to make. ‘I wish as zealously as the best
that all abuse of playinge weare abolished, but for the thing, the
antiquitie causeth me to allow it, so it be used as it should be. I
cannot allow the prophaning of the Sabaoth. I praise your reprehension
in that; you did well in discommending the abuse, and surely I wysh
that folly wer disclaymed; it is not to be admitted, it maks those
sinne, which perhaps if it were not, would have binne present at a good
sermon. It is in the magistrate to take away that order, and appoynt
it otherwyse. But sure it were pittie to abolish that which hath so
great vertue in it, because it is abused.’ P. 28. He turns on the
critic. ‘But, after your discrediting of playmaking, you salue upon
the sore somewhat, and among many wise workes there be some that fitte
your vaine: The Practice of Parasites is one, which I meruel it likes
you so well, since it bites you so sore. But sure in that I like your
judgement, and for the rest to, I approue your wit, but for the pigg
of your owne sow, (as you terme it) assuredly I must discommend your
verdit: Tell me, Gosson, was all your owne you wrote there? did you
borow nothing of your neyghbours? Out of what booke patched you out
Cicero’s Oration? Whence fet you Catilin’s Inuectiue?.... Beleue me
I should preferr Wilson’s Shorte and sweete if I were judge, a peece
surely worthe prayse, the practice of a good scholler; would the wiser
would ouerlooke that, they may perhaps cull some wisedome out of a
player’s toye.’ Assents to Gosson’s rebuke of carders, dicers, fencers,
bowlers, dancers, and tumblers.
xxiv. 1579. STEPHEN GOSSON.
[From _The Ephemerides of Phialo and a short Apologie of the
Schoole of Abuse_ (1579; S. R. 7 Nov. 1579). A second edition
appeared in 1586. The Apologie is reprinted by E. Arber with
_The Schoole of Abuse_ (1868).]
[Extracts.] _Epistle to Sidney_.... Sith it hath beene my fortune to
bear sayle in a storme, since my first publishing the _Schoole of
Abuse_ ... I can not but acknowledge my safetie, in your Worships
patronage. _The Ephemerides of Phialo_.... I think it necessary, before
I set downe the discourses of _Phialo_ ... to whippe out those Doggs,
which haue barked ... at mee for writinge the _Schoole of Abuse_.... It
is not long since, a friend of mine presented me with straunge newes
out of _Affrick_ [in margin, ‘A Libell cast out against the Schoole
of Abuse’] requesting me earnestly to shape them an answere.... I ...
unfolded the Paper, and found nothing within but guttes and garbage....
And had not the writer himself, which sent these newes into _England_,
reuealed his name to some of his friends by whom I hearde it, I would
haue iudged such a Daw to bee hacht in _Barbary_, and the tydinges
that came, to be scribled in post.... This Doctour of _Affrike_ with
a straunge kinde of style begins to write thus: _To his frinds the
Plaiers_ ... If Players get no better Atturnie to pleade their case, I
will holde mee contented where the Haruest is harde, too take Otes of
yl debters in parte of payment.... I intende not to aunswere him....
_An Apologie of the Schoole of Abuse_.... Such is the skirmishe of our
players, who perceiuing the truthe to stand on my side as an armour of
proofe; and finding them selues vnappointed for the fielde, keepe a
farre off, biting me in corners, casting out libels which are but clay,
and rattle on mine armour, or tippe me on the shinnes, without farther
hurt.... If plaiers take a little more counsel of their pillowe, they
shall finde them selues to be the worste and the daungerousest people
in the world.... If Diogenes were nowe aliue, to see the abuses that
growe by playes, I beleeue hee would wyshe rather to bee a Londoners
hounde than his apprentice, bicause hee rateth his dogge, for wallowing
in carrion; but rebukes not his seruaunt for resorting to playes, that
are ranke poyson.... We perceiue not ... that players counterfaiting a
shewe to make vs merry, shoote their nettes to worke our misery; that
when _Comedie_ comes vpon the stage, _Cupide_ sets vpp a Springe for
Woodcockes, which are entangled ere they descrie the line, and caught
before they mistruste the snare.... Our players, since I set out the
_Schole of abuse_, haue trauailed to some of mine acquaintance of both
Vniuersities, with fayre profers, and greater promises of rewardes,
yf they woulde take so much paine as too write agaynst mee.... When
neither of both Vniuersities would heare their plea, they were driuen
to flie to a weake hedge, and fight for themselues with a rotten
stake.... It is tolde mee that they haue got one in London to write
certaine _Honest Excuses_, for so they tearme it, to their dishonest
abuses which I reuealed.... How he frames his excuses, I knowe not yet,
because it is doone in hudder mudder. Trueth can neuer be Falsehods
Visarde, which maketh him maske without a torche and keepe his papers
very secret.... If the Excuser be the man that is named to me, he is
as famous a Clarke as _Clauitius Sabinus_, which was so troubled with
a grosse conceite, and as short a memory, that euery minute he forgote
the names of _Vlisses_, _Achilles_, _Priamus_, and such as he knew as
well as the Begger his dishe.... I was determined to send you greater
matters, touching the saleable toung of _Curio_, but I stay my handes
till I see his booke, when I haue perusd it I will tel you more.
xxv. 1580. ANON.
[From Stationers’ Register, 8 April 1580 (Arber, ii. 368).
This is one of a number of ballads and pamphlets entered in
April-June 1580 as a result of the earthquake on 6 April;
Abraham Fleming, in his _A Bright Burning Beacon_, names eight
writers on the subject besides himself, including Thomas
Churchyard and Richard Tarlton. It may be that several of these
improved the occasion by reproving bear-baitings and plays, as
did Arthur Golding in his _A Discourse Upon the Earthquake_, but
it does not appear from Golding’s ‘reporte’ that any playhouses
suffered serious damage, although Halliwell-Phillipps, i.
369, quotes Munday, _View of Sundry Examples_ (1580), ‘At the
playhouses the people came running foorth, supprised with great
astonishment’, and S. Gardiner, _Doomes-day Booke_ (1606), ‘The
earthquake ... shaked not only the scenicall Theatre, but the
great stage and theatre of the whole land’. On the contrary, the
only deaths were those of two children killed ‘while they were
hearing a sermon’ at Christ Church, Newgate, a detail which is
omitted in the reprint of the ‘reporte’ and of some of Golding’s
moralizing, with an official _Order of Prayer_ issued for use in
parish churches (_Liturgical Services_, Parker Soc., 573).]
H. Carr, ‘a ballat intituled comme from the plaie, comme from the
playe: the house will fall, so people saye: the earth quakes, lett us
hast awaye’.
xxvi. 1580. ANTHONY MUNDAY (?).
[Entry in S. R. for Edward White on 10 Nov. 1580 (Arber, ii.
381). Collier, _S. R._ ii. 125, prints a ballad, probably
forged, ‘which has come down to us in MS.’, and suggests that it
may be the one in question. Fleay, 52, Thompson, 86, and J. D.
Wilson in _M. L. R._ iv. 486, suppose the entry to refer to the
‘balat against plays’ ascribed to Munday (cf. ch. xxiii).]
A Ringinge Retraite Couragiouslie sounded, wherein Plaies and Players
are fytlie Confounded.
xxvii. 1580. ANTHONY MUNDAY (?).
[From _A second and third blast of retrait from plaies and
Theaters: the one whereof was sounded by a reuerend Byshop dead
long since: the other by a worshipful and zealous Gentleman now
aliue_: ... Set forth by Anglo-phile Eutheo (1580; _S. R._ 18
Oct. 1580) in Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 97. It bears the City arms.
The title recalls that of No. xxvi. J. D. Wilson (_M. L. R._
iv. 484) supports the conjectural attribution of Fleay, 51, to
Munday, on the ground that the author is a converted playwright,
probably identical with the one referred to in Gosson, _P. C._,
in terms resembling those applied to Munday in _A True Report of
... M. Campion_ (cf. ch. xxiii).]
[Summary and Extracts.] _Anglo-phile Eutheo to the Reader_....
P. 99. ‘The first blast in my compt is The Schoole of abuse: a title
not vnfitlie ascribed vnto plaies. For what is there which is not
abused thereby?... that not vnfitlie they are tearmed, as of late The
schoole of abuse, by one; The schoole of Bauderie, by another; The nest
of the Diuel, and sinke of al sinne, by a third’ [_in margin_,
‘M^r Spark in his rehersal sermon at Paules Crosse, 29 of April, Ann.
1579’].... ‘I cal them, A second and third blast ... in respect of
the time present, wherein none, that I knowe, besides these Autors
haue written, though manie, thanked be God, in the principal places of
this land haue, and dailie, yea and openlie do speake against plaies
and Theaters.... Touching the Autor of the latter blast, thou maist
coniecture who he was, but I maie not name him at this time for my
promise sake; yet this do I saie of him, that he hath bine, to vse
his verie wordes, A great affecter of that vaine Art of plaie making,
&c. Yea, which I ad, as excellent an Autor of those vanities, as who
was best.... Praise God, I beseech you, for bringing this Autor, and
Maister Gosson, who made the Schoole of Abuse, out of Babylon.’ _A
second blast of retrait._ This is translated from Salvian, _De
Gubernatione Dei_, lib. vi. _A third blast of retrait._ P. 120.
‘Such doubtles is mine opinion of common plaies, vsual iesting, and
riming extempore that in a Christian-weale they are not sufferable.
My reason is, because they are publike enimies to virtue, & religion:
allurements vnto sinne; corrupters of good manners; the cause of
securitie and carelesnes; meere brothel houses of Bauderie: and bring
both the Gospel into slander; the Sabboth into contempt; mens soules
into danger; and finalie the whole Common-weale into disorder.’
Offers his judgement for what it is worth; describes his experience
of plays and the reasons that led him to turn from them. P. 123. ‘I
confess that ere this I haue bene a great affecter of that vaine art
of Plaie-making, insomuch that I haue thought no time so wel bestowed,
as when my wits were exercised in the inuention of those follies.’ P.
125. ‘What I shal speake of the abuse of plaies by my owne knowledge,
I know maie be affirmed by hundreds, to whom those matters are as wel
knowen as to my selfe. Some citizens wiues, vpon whom the Lord for
ensample to others hath laide his hands, haue euen on their death beds
with teares confessed, that they haue receiued at those spectacles such
filthie infections, as haue turned their minds from chast cogitations,
and made them of honest women light huswiues; by them they haue
dishonored the vessels of holines; and brought their husbandes into
contempt, their children into question, their bodies into sicknes, and
their soules to the state of euerlasting damnation.... When I gaue
my selfe first to note the abuse of common plaies ... the Theater I
found to be an appointed place of Bauderie; mine owne eares haue heard
honest women allured with abhominable speeches. Sometime I haue seen
two knaues at once importunate vpon one light huswife; whereby much
quarel hath growen to the disquieting of manie. There seruants, as it
is manifestlie to be prooued, haue consented to rob their maisters, to
supplie the want of their harlots; there is the practising with married
wiues to traine them from their husbands, and places appointed for
meeting and conference. When I had taken a note of all these abuses,
& sawe that the Theater was become a consultorie house of Satan, I
concluded with my selfe, neuer to imploie my pen to so vile a purpose,
nor to be an instrument of gathering the wicked together.’ Apologizes
for pressing forward in the cause. The abuse of the Sabbath is the
first thing to be put down. P. 128. ‘Let therefore the Magistrate but
repel them from the libertie of plaieng on the Sabboth daie, For that
is the abuse which is generalie found fault withal, & allowed of none
but those who are altogether destitute of the feare of God, and without
conscience. To plaie on the Sabboth is but a priuiledge of sufferance,
and might with ease be repelled, were it throughlie followed. The
warrant which Magistrats have to forbid plaies is great, and passed
vnto them by such a Prince, whose auctoritie is aboue al auctorities
of earthlie gouernors.... Is not the Sabboth of al other daies the
most abused?... Are not our eies (there) carried awaie with the pride
of vanitie? our eares abused with amorous, that is lecherous, filthie
and abhominable speech? Is not our tong, which was giuen vs onelie to
glorifie God withal, is not our tong there imploied to the blaspheming
of Gods holie Name; or the commendation of that is wicked? Are not our
hartes through the pleasure of the flesh; the delight of the eie; and
the fond motions of the mind, withdrawen from the seruice of the Lord,
& meditation of his goodnes? So that albe it is a shame to saie it, yet
doubtles whosoeuer wil mark with what multitudes those idle places are
replenished, & how emptie the Lordes sanctuarie is of his people, may
wel perceaue what deuotion we haue.... Alas, what folie is in you, to
purchase with a penie damnation to your selues?... The Magistrate is
therefore to prouide in time a remedie to redresse the mischiefes that
are like to ensue by this common plague.... The Magistrates hart must
be as the hart of a Lion. He is not to shrinke in the Lordes cause,
or to stand in feare to reforme abuses of the Common-weale, because
of some particular men of auctoritie.... Alas, that priuate affection
should so raigne in the Nobilitie, that to pleasure, as they thinke,
their seruants, and to vphold them in their vanitie, they should
restraine the Magistrates from executing their office! What credite can
returne to the Noble, to countenance his men to exercise that qualitie
which is not sufferable in anie Common-weale? wheras it was an ancient
custome, that no man of Honor should reteine anie man, but such as
was excellent in some one good qualitie or other, whereby if occasion
so serued, he might get his owne liuing? Then was euerie noble mans
house a Common-weale in it selfe: but since the reteining of these
Caterpillers, the credite of noble men hath decaied, they are thought
to be couetous by permitting their seruants, which cannot liue of them
selues, and whome for neerenes they wil not maintaine, to liue at the
deuotion or almes of other men, passing from countrie to countrie,
from one Gentlemans house to another, offering their seruice, which is
a kind of beggerie. Who in deede, to speake more trulie, are become
beggers for their seruants. For commonlie the goodwil men beare to
their lordes, makes them drawe the stringes of their purses to extend
their liberalitie to them; where otherwise they would not.... Such like
men, vnder the title of their maisters or as reteiners, are priuiledged
to roaue abroad, and permitted to publish their mametree in euerie
Temple of God, and that through England, vnto the horrible contempt of
praier. So that now the Sanctuarie is become a plaiers stage, and a
den of theeues and adulterers.... And trust me I am of that opinion,
that the Lord is neuer so il serued as on the holie-daies. For then
hel breakes loase. Then wee permit our youth to haue their swinge;
and when they are out of the sight of their maisters, such gouernment
haue they of themselues, that what by il companie they meete withal, &
il examples they learne at plaies, I feare me, I feare me their harts
are more alienated in two houres from virtue, than againe maie wel be
amended in a whole yeare.’ P. 135. Players break the first commandment
by profanity. P. 137. Appeal against vanities. ‘Those pleasures of the
stage, what are they, but the drifts of Satan?... The foole no sooner
showeth himselfe in his colors to make men merrie, but straight-waie
lightlie there foloweth some vanitie, not onlie superfluous, but
beastlie and wicked. P. 139. Whosoeuer shal visit the chappel of Satan,
I meane the Theater, shal finde there no want of yong ruffins, nor
lacke of harlots, vtterlie past al shame: who presse to the fore-frunt
of the scaffoldes, to the end to showe their impudencie, and to be as
an obiect to al mens eies. Yea, such is their open shameles behauior,
as euerie man maie perceaue by their wanton gestures, wherevnto they
are giuen; yea, they seeme there to be like brothels of the stewes. For
often without respect of the place and company which behold them, they
commit that filthines openlie, which is horrible to be done in secret;
as if whatsoeuer they did, were warranted. For neither reuerence,
iustice, nor anie thing beside can gouerne them.’ The shamelessness
of young men. ‘Seeke to withdrawe these felowes from the Theater vnto
the sermon, they wil saie, By the preacher they maie be edified, but
by the plaier both edified and delighted.’ P. 142. Plays are a snare
to chastity, both through the examples shown on the stage, and the
comments of companions on the scaffolds. ‘The nature of these Comedies
are, for the most part, after one manner of nature, like the tragical
comedie of Calistus; where the bawdresse Scelestina inflamed the
maiden Melibeia with her sorceries.’ P. 144. Examples of the intrigues
‘aptlie taught in the Schoole of abuse.... I am sorie this schoole is
not pluckt downe by the magistrate; and the schoole-maisters banished
this citie.... The reuerend word of God & histories of the Bible, set
forth on the stage by these blasphemous plaiers, are so corrupted with
their gestures of scurrilitie, and so interlaced with vncleane, and
whorish speeches, that it is not possible to drawe anie profite out
of the doctrine of their spiritual moralities.’ P. 145. Attacks the
authors of plays. ‘The notablest lier is become the best Poet.... Our
nature is led awaie with vanitie, which the auctor perceauing frames
himself with nouelties and strange trifles to content the vaine humors
of his rude auditors, faining countries neuer heard of; monsters
and prodigious creatures that are not; as of the Arimaspie, of the
Grips, the Pigmeies, the Cranes, & other such notorious lies. And if
they write of histories that are knowen, as the life of Pompeie; the
martial affaires of Caesar, and other worthies, they giue them a newe
face, and turne them out like counterfeites to showe themselues on
the stage.... What doe they leaue behind them? monumentes of wanton
wicked life, and doting things for men of these latter daies.... But
some perhaps wil saie, The noble man delighteth in such things, whose
humors must be contented, partlie for feare, & partlie for commoditie:
and if they write matters pleasant, they are best preferred in court
among the cunning heads.... Those goodlie persons, if they be voide of
virtue, maie wel be counted like faire clothes ouer a foule wal; big
bladers ful of wind, yet of no waight.’ P. 147. Attacks the actors.
‘When I see by them yong boies, inclining of themselues vnto wickednes,
trained vp in filthie speeches, vnnatural and vnseemlie gestures, to
be brought vp by these Schoole-masters in bawderie, and in idlenes,
I cannot chuse but with teares and griefe of hart lament.... And as
for those stagers themselues, are they not commonlie such kind of
men in their conuersation, as they are in profession? Are they not
as variable in hart, as they are in their partes? Are they not as
good practisers of Bawderie, as inactors? Liue they not in such sort
themselues, as they giue precepts vnto others? doth not their talke
on the stage declare the nature of their disposition?’ Meets divers
objections. P. 148. ‘But they perhaps wil saie, that such abuses as are
handled on the stage, others by their examples, are warned to beware
of such euils, to amendment.... I cannot by anie means beleeue that
the wordes proceeding from a prophane plaier, and vttered in scorning
sort, interlaced with filthie, lewde, & vngodlie speeches, haue greater
force to mooue men vnto virtue, than the wordes of truth vttered
by the godlie Preacher.... If the good life of a man be a better
instruction to repentance than the tong, or words, why do not plaiers,
I beseech you, leaue examples of goodnes to their posteritie?... Are
they not notoriouslie knowen to be those men in their life abroade,
as they are on the stage, roisters, brallers, il-dealers, bosters,
louers, loiterers, ruffins?... To conclude, the principal end of all
their interludes is to feede the world with sights, & fond pastimes;
to iuggle in good earnest the monie out of other mens purses into
their owne handes.’ P. 150. ‘Some haue obiected, that by these
publique places manie forbeare to do euil for feare to be publiquelie
reprehended. And for that cause they wil saie it was tolerated in Rome,
wherein Emperors were touched, though they were present. But to such
it maie be answered, first that in disguised plaiers giuen ouer to al
sortes of dissolutenes, is not found so much as a wil to do good, seing
they care for nothing lesse than for virtue. Secondlie, that is not a
good meanes to correct sinne. For that if it be secret, it ought not
to be reuealed openlie, but by such meanes to be reformed as Christ
himselfe alloweth in his Gospel.’ P. 151. ‘The antiquitie of plaieng
is likewise often vsed for an argument to proue it allowable. But the
custome of euil is not to be maintained, because of antiquitie.’ P.
152. A final appeal. ‘The citie Marsiles ... would receaue into it
no stage-plaiers.... I would to God the Magistrates of our citie of
London would haue the like foresight. The permission of plaies so long
a time hath alreadie corrupted this citie; and brought the name of
the citizens into slander; the examples of Gods iudgement is at this
present an example in this citie.’
xxviii. 1581. ANON.
[Only known to me from the entry in _Catalogue of Chatsworth
Library_, iv. 49.]
A Treatise of Daunses, wherein it is showed, that they are as it were
accessories and dependants (or things annexed) to whoredom: where also
by the way is touched and proved, that Playes are ioyned and knit
together in a ranck or rowe with them.
xxix. 1581. JOHN RAINOLDS.
[From _Praefatio ad Academiam Oxoniensem_, dated ‘Febr. 2.
1580’, to _Sex Theses de Sacra Scriptura et Ecclesia_ (1580),
30. A translation is on p. 678 of _The Summe of the Conference
between John Rainolds and John Hart_ (1584). Rainolds was Fellow
of C.C.C., Oxford, 1566–86, then retired to Queens, became Dean
of Lincoln in 1593 and President of C.C.C. in 1598; for his
share in later stage controversy cf. No. 1.]
Excitate studia, paene dixeram iacentia, sed spero meliora. Extinguite
Sirenes a studiis auocantes, desidiam, dulce malum: delicias, escam
Veneris: conuiuiorum luxum, vanitatem vestium, ludos illiberales,
symposia intempestiua, pestes scenicorum, Theatralia spectacula.
xxx. 1582. STEPHEN GOSSON.
[From _Playes Confuted in fiue Actions, Prouing that they are
not to be suffred in a Christian common weale, by the waye both
the Cauils of Thomas Lodge, and the Play of Playes, written in
their defence, and other obiections of Players frendes, are
truely set downe and directlye aunsweared_ (N.D.; S. R. 6 Apr.
1582), reprinted by Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 157.]
[Summary and Extracts.] _Epistle to Sir Frances Walsingham._ ‘So fareth
it this present time with me, which giuing forth my Defiaunce vnto
Playes, am mightily beset with heapes of aduersaries.... I thought
it necessarye to nettle one of their Orators aboue the rest, not of
any set purpose to deface hym, because hee hath dealt very grossely,
homely, and vncharitably with me, but like a good Surgeon to cut, & to
seare, when the place requireth, for his owne amendment. Which thinge I
trust shall neither displease your honor, nor any of the godly, in the
reading, so long as the person whom I touch is (as I heare by hys owne
frendes, to hys repentance if he can perceiue it) hunted by the heauy
hand of God, and become little better than a vagarant, looser than
liberty, lighter than vanitie it selfe.’ Plays are an Augean stable to
be cleansed. ‘If euer so notable a thinge bee brought to passe it must
bee done by some Hercules in the Court, whom the roare of the enimy
can neuer daunt.’ Hints that this should be Walsingham. ‘The Gentlemen
Players in the citie of London, are growen in such a heate, that by
their foming, their fretting, their stampinge, my frendes do perceiue
how their harts woorke, and enforce me to bring to your honor no
common fraighte, but as much as my life and securitie hereafter shall
be woorth. If the prouidence of God, who many times scourgeth a man
with the sinne that he loued, haue ordeined those players whom I fed
with fancies, to be a whippe to my back, and a dagger to my brest, the
fault is mine owne, the punishmente due.’ _Epistle to the Universities
and Inns of Court._ P. 165. ‘I was very willing to write at this time,
because I was enformed by some of you which heard it with your ears,
that since my publishing the _Schole of Abuse_, two Playes of my making
were brought to the Stage: the one was a cast of Italian deuises,
called, The Comedie of Captaine Mario: the other a Moral, Praise at
parting. These they very impudently affirme to be written by me since
I had set out my inuectiue against them. I can not denie, they were
both mine, but they were both penned two yeeres at the least before I
forsoke them, as by their owne friends I am able to proue: but they
haue got suche a custome of counterfaiting vpon the Stage, that it is
growen to a habite, & will not be lefte. God knoweth, before whom to
you all I doe protest, as I shall answer to him at the last day, when
al hidden secrets shal be discouered, since the first printing of my
Inuectiue, to this day, I neuer made Playe for them nor any other.... I
departed from the City of London, and bestowed my time in teaching yong
Gentlemen in the Countrie, where I continue with a very worshipfull
Gentleman, and reade to his sonnes in his owne house.... As sonne as I
had inueighed against Playes, I withdrewe my selfe from them to better
studies, which so long as I liue I trust to follow.’ _The Confutation
of Playes. The First Action._ The Efficient Cause of Plays. Defends
his own change of mind. P. 167. ‘When I firste gaue my selfe to the
studie of Poetrie, and to set my cunning abroache, by penning Tragedies
and Comedies in the Citte of London: perceiuing such a Gordians knot
of disorder in euery play house, as woulde neuer bee loosed without
extremitie, I thought it better with Alexander to draw y^e sword that
should knappe it a sunder at one stroke, than to seeke ouernisely or
gingerly to vndoe it, with the losse of my time and wante of successe.
This caused mee to bidde them the base at their owne gole, and to geue
them a volley of heathen writers: that our diuines considering the
danger of suche houses as are set vp in London against the Lord, might
better them thoroughly with greater shotts.’ An incomplete remedy.
‘Acknowledging the mischiefe bred by playes wee hope to auoid yt by
changing their day yet suffer them still to remaine amonge vs.... The
abhominable practises of playes in London haue bene by godly preachers,
both at Paules crosse, and else where so zealously, so learnedly, so
loudly cried out vpon to small redresse; that I may well say of them,
as the Philosophers reporte of the moouing of the heauens, we neuer
heare them, because we euer heare them.’ Notes an answer to him. P.
169. ‘Amongest all the fauorers of these vncircumcised Philistines,
I meane the Plaiers, whose heartes are not right, no man til of late
durst thrust out his heade to mayntaine there quarrell, but one, in
witt, simple; in learning, ignorant; in attempt, rash; in name, Lodge:
whose booke, as it came not to my handes in one whole yeere after the
priuy printing thereof, so I confesse, that to it, before this time,
I aunswered nothing, partlie because he brought nothing; partlie
because my hearte was to bigge, to wrastle with him, that wanteth
armes. Therefore considering with my selfe that such kinde of sores
might bee launced to sone, I chose rather to let him ripen and breake
of him selfe, that vomiting out his owne disgrace, & being worne out
of fauour among his own friends, I might triumph in the cause & shedde
no blood.... Some of his acquaintance haue vaunted to cut and hewe
mee, I knowe not howe.’ The Devil is the efficient cause of plays, as
noted by Tertullian. P. 171. ‘And William [‘Thomas’ on a cancel in some
copies] Lodge in that patchte pamphlet of his ... confesseth openly
that playes were consecrated by the heathens to y^e honour of their
gods.’ Expounds the policy of the Devil in the matter. P. 172. ‘First
hee sente ouer many wanton Italian bookes.... Not contented with the
number he hath corrupted with reading Italian baudery, because all
cannot reade, [he] presenteth vs Comedies cut by the same paterne,
which drag such a monstrous taile after them, as is able to sweep whole
Cities into his lap.’ Argues that plays are of idolatrous origin, and
disliked by Scipio Nasica and other severer Romans. Rome held players
infamous. P. 178. ‘Wherefore I beseech God so to touch the heartes of
our Magistrates with a perfite hatred of sinne, and feare of Iudgement;
so to stirr vp some noble Scipio in the Courte, that these daunsing
Chaplines of Bacchus and all such as set vp these wicked artes, may be
driuen out of Englande.’ _The Second Action._ The Material Cause of
Plays. P. 179. ‘Yonge Master Lodge thinking to iett vpon startoppes,
and steale an ynche of his hight by the bare name of Cicero, allegeth
from him, y^t a Play is the Schoolmistresse of life; the lookinge
glasse of manners; and the image of trueth.... It seemeth that Master
Lodge saw this in Tullie with other folkes eyes, and not his owne.
For to my remembrance I neuer read it in him, neither doe I thinke
that Master Lodge can shewe it me.’ Cites passages of Cicero against
_spectacula_. Sets down the matter of plays. P. 180. ‘The argument of
Tragedies is wrath, crueltie, incest, iniurie, murther eyther violent
by sworde, or voluntary by poyson. The persons, Gods, Goddesses,
furies, fiendes, Kinges, Quenes, and mightie men. The grounde worke of
Commedies, is loue, cosenedge, flatterie, bawderie, slye conueighance
of whoredome; The persons, cookes, queanes, knaues, baudes, parasites,
courtezannes, lecherous olde men, amorous yong men.’ Criticizes the
Lodge-Cicero metaphor in detail. Plays no schoolmistress of life. ‘The
beholding of troubles and miserable slaughters that are in Tragedies,
driue vs to immoderate sorrow, heauines, womanish weeping and mourning,
whereby we become louers of dumpes, and lamentation, both enemies to
fortitude. Comedies so tickle our senses with a pleasanter vaine, that
they make vs louers of laughter, and pleasure, without any meane, both
foes to temperance. What schooling is this? Sometime you shall see
nothing but the aduentures of an amorous knight, passing from countrie
to countrie for the loue of his lady, encountring many a terible
monster made of broune paper, & at his retorne, is so wonderfully
changed, that he can not be knowne but by some posie in his tablet,
or by a broken ring, or a handkircher, or a piece of a cockle shell.
What learne you by that? When y^e soule of your playes is eyther meere
trifles, or Italian baudery, or wooing of gentlewomen, what are we
taught?’ Aristotle forbade plays to the young. P. 182. ‘If any goodnes
were to be learned at Playes it is likely that the Players them selues
which committ euery sillable to memory shoulde profitte most ... but
the dayly experience of their behauiour sheweth, that they reape no
profit by the discipline them selues.’ Thinks Master Lodge found ‘some
peeuish index or gatherer of Tullie to be a sleepe.... Wherein I
perceiue hee is no changeling, for he disputeth as soundly being from
the vniuersitie and out of exercise, as he did when hee was there, and
at his booke.’ P. 183. Plays no glass of behaviour. Manners should
not be rebuked where no reply is possible, or before such judges as
‘the common people which resorte to Theaters being but an assemblie
of Tailers, Tinkers, Cordwayners, Saylers, olde Men, yong Men, Women,
Boyes, Girles, and such like’. The Roman law of libel restrained ‘the
ouer-lashing of players’. P. 185. Criticizes [Wilson’s] _The Three
Ladies of London_ [cf. ch. xxiii] for making Love detest and Conscience
allow plays; also a rival play of _London against the Three Ladies_.
Denies that intention either of poets or players is to profit those
they rebuke. P. 187. Plays not the image of truth. P. 188. ‘In Playes
either those thinges are fained that neuer were, as Cupid and Psyche
plaid at Paules; and a greate many Comedies more at ye Blacke friers
and in euery Playe house in London, which for breuities sake I ouer
skippe: of if a true Historie be taken in hand, it is made like our
shadows, longest at the rising and falling of the Sunne, shortest
of all at hie noone. For the Poets driue it most commonly vnto such
pointes as may best showe the maiestie of their pen in Tragicall
speaches; or set the hearers a gogge with discourses of loue; or painte
a fewe antickes to fitt their owne humors with scoffes & tauntes; or
wring in a shewe to furnish the Stage when it is to bare; when the
matter of it selfe comes shorte of this, they followe the practise of
the cobler, and set their teeth to the leather to pull it out. So was
the history of Caesar and Pompey, and the Playe of the Fabii at the
Theater, both amplified there, where the Drummes might walke, or the
pen ruffle; when the history swelled and ran to hye for the number of
y^e persons that should playe it, the Poet with Proteus [? Procrustes]
cut the same fit to his owne measure; when it afoorded no pompe at
al, he brought it to the racke to make it serue.... I may boldely say
it because I haue seene it, that the Palace of pleasure, the Golden
Asse, the Œthiopian historie, Amadis of Fraunce, the Rounde Table,
baudie Comedies in Latine, French, Italian, and Spanish, haue beene
throughly ransackt to furnish the Playe houses in London.... Forsooth
saith the Authour of the Playe of plays showen at the Theater, the
three and twentieth of Februarie last: They shalbe nowe purged, the
matter shalbe good.... As for that glosing plaie at y^e Theater which
profers you so faire, there is enterlaced in it a baudie song of a
maide of Kent, and a little beastly speech of the new stawled roge,
both which I am compelled to burie in silence, being more ashamed to
vtter them than they.’ Thinks the minority of honest plays a trick of
the devil. Repeats his points as to the idolatrous origin of plays and
the infamy of players at Rome. The devil makes them alluring. P. 192.
‘For the eye, beeside the beautie of the houses and the Stages, hee
sendeth in Gearish apparell, maskes, vauting, tumbling, daunsing of
gigges, galiardes, morisces, hobbihorses, showing of iudgeling castes.’
_The Third Action._ The Formal Cause of Plays. P. 195. ‘The Law of God
very straightly forbids men to put on womens garments.’ This is not to
be explained away as a prohibition of disguises meant to facilitate
adultery, but is absolute. P. 197. ‘In Stage Playes for a boy to put
one the attyre, the gesture, the passions of a woman; for a meane
person to take vpon him the title of a Prince with counterfeit porte,
and traine, is by outwarde signes to shewe them selues otherwise then
they are, and so with in the compasse of a lye, which by Aristotles
iudgement is naught of it selfe and to be fledde.’ Admits that Gregory
Nazianzen and Buchanan wrote plays. ‘To what ende? To be Plaied vpon
Stages? neither Players nor their friendes are able to proue it.’
Refutes another objection. P. 198. ‘Let the Author of the playe of
playes & pastimes, take heede how he reason y^t action, pronuntiation,
agility of body are y^e good gifts of God. _Ergo_, plaies consisting
of these cannot be euill.’ Even the heathens condemned the waste of
money in spectacles. _The Fourth Action._ The Final Cause of Plays. P.
201. The end of plays is sinful delight, as is proved by the admissions
of Menander and Terence, ‘By the manner of penning in these dayes,
because the Poets send theire verses to the Stage vpon such feete
as continually are rowled vp in rime at the fingers endes, which is
plaucible to the barbarous, and carrieth a stinge into the eares of
the common people. By the obiect, because Tragedies and Commedies
stirre vp affections, and affections are naturally planted in that part
of the minde that is common to vs with brute beastes.’ Analyses the
argument of the Author of the Play of Plays, ‘spreading out his battel
to hemme me in’. P. 202. ‘He tyeth Life and Delight so fast together,
that if Delight be restrained, Life presently perisheth; there, zeale
perceyuing Delight to be embraced of Life, puttes a snafle in his
mouth, to keepe him vnder. Delight beinge bridled, Zeale leadeth life
through a wildernesse of lothsomenesse, where Glutte scarreth them
all, chafing both Zeale and Delight from Life, and with the clubbe
of amasednesse strikes such a pegge into the heade of Life, that he
falles downe for dead vpon the Stage. Life beinge thus fainte, and
ouertrauailed, destitute of his guyde, robbed of Delight, is readie to
giue vp the Ghost, in the same place; then entereth Recreation, which
with music and singing rockes Life a sleepe to recouer his strength.
By this meanes Tediousnesse is driuen from Life, and the teinte is
drawne out of his heade, which the club of amasednes left behinde. At
last Recreation setteth vp the Gentleman vpon his feete, Delight is
restored to him againe, and such kinde of sportes for cullices are
brought in to nourishe him, as none but Delighte must applye to his
stomache. Then time beinge made for the benefite of Life, and Life
being allowed to followe his appetite, amongst all manner of pastimes,
Life chooseth Commedies, for his Delight, partly because Commedies are
neither chargable to y^e beholders purse, nor painful to his body;
partly, because he may sit out of the raine to veiwe the same, when
many other pastimes are hindred by wether. Zeale is no more admitted to
Life before he be somewhat pinchte in the waste, to auoyde extremitie,
and being not in the end simply called Zeale but Moderate Zeale a fewe
conditions are prescribed to Comedies, that the matter be purged,
deformities blazed, sinne rebuked, honest mirth intermingled, and fitte
time for the hearing of the same appointed. Moderate Zeale is contented
to suffer them, who wyneth with delight to direct life againe, after
which he triumphes ouer Death & is crowned with eternitie.’ P. 203.
As Fathers and Councils ‘and y^e skilfulst Deuines at this day in
England which are compelled in Sermons to cry out against them’ are
challenged by this playmaker, will answer him. Distinguishes between
carnal and spiritual delight. Plays bring carnal delight, which is
contrary to reason and comes of corruption. _The Fifth Action._ The
Effects of Plays. P. 211. Why should he write against plays, when,
although famous men in both universities cry out against plays, ‘none
of them by printing haue taken the paines to write any full discouery
against them’? Partly because, being young, he will be better excused
than they if he ‘shoulde speake but one worde against y^e sleepines
of Magistrats which in this case is necessary to be toucht’; partly
because, ‘hauing once already written against playes, which no man
that euer wrote playes, did, but one, who hath changed his coppy,
and turned himself like y^e dog to his vomite, to plays againe, and
being falsly accused my selfe to do y^e like, it is needfull for me
to write againe’. Declares the effects of plays. Wantonness on the
stage excites the passions of the spectators. Theatres are ‘markets
of bawdry’. P. 215. ‘Our Theaters, and play houses in London, are as
full of secrete adulterie as they were in Rome.... In the playhouses
at London, it is the fashion of youthes to go first into the yarde,
and to carry theire eye through euery gallery, then like vnto rauens
where they spye the carion thither they flye, and presse as nere to y^e
fairest as they can.... They giue them pippines, they dally with their
garmentes to passe y^e time, they minister talke vpon al occasions,
& eyther bring them home to their houses on small acquaintance, or
slip into tauerns when y^e plaies are done. He thinketh best of his
painted sheath, & taketh himselfe for a iolly fellow, y^t is noted of
most, to be busyest with women in all such places.’ The players are
an evil in the commonwealth. P. 215. ‘Most of the Players haue bene
eyther men of occupations, which they haue forsaken to lyue by playing,
or common minstrels, or trayned vp from theire childehood to this
abhominable exercise & haue now no other way to get theire liuinge....
In a commonweale, if priuat men be suffered to forsake theire calling
because they desire to walke gentleman like in sattine & veluet, with
a buckler at their heeles, proportion is so broken, vnitie dissolued,
harmony confounded, that the whole body must be dismembred and the
prince or the heade cannot chuse but sicken.... Let them not looke to
liue by playes; the little thrift that followeth theire greate gaine,
is a manifest token that God hath cursed it.’ A final appeal to his
countrymen, ending, ‘God is iust, his bow is bent & his arrowe drawen,
to send you a plague, if you staye too long’.
xxxi. 1583. JOHN FIELD.
[From _A godly exhortation, by occasion of the late iudgement of
God, shewed at Parris-garden, the thirteenth day of Ianuarie:
where were assembled by estimation aboue a thousand persons,
whereof some were slaine; & of that number, at the least, as is
crediblie reported, the thirde person maimed and hurt_. Giuen
to all estates for their instruction, concerning the keeping of
the Sabboth day. By Iohn Field, Minister of the word of God....
Robert Waldegrave for Henry Carre, 1583. There is no entry in
S. R., but on 21 Jan. Richard Jones and William Bartlett were
imprisoned and fined for printing ‘a thing of the fall of the
gallories at Paris Garden’ without licence (Arber, ii. 853).
On 19 Jan. Fleetwood wrote to Lord Burghley (_M. S. C._ i.
160, from _Lansdowne MS._ 37, f. 10; also in Wright, ii. 184),
‘Vpon the same day [13 Jan.] the violaters of the Sabothe were
punished by Godes providens at Paris garden and as I was writing
of these last wordes loo here is a booke sett downe vpon the
same matter’.]
Epistle to the Lord Mayor, William Fleetwood, the Recorder, and the
Aldermen. Explains the address to them. A 2^v. ‘Is it not a lamentable
thing, that after so long preaching of the Gospell, there should bee
so great prophanation amongst vs? that Theaters should be full and
churches be emptie? that the streetes shoulde be replenished, and the
places of holy exercises, left destitute? I write not this simplie but
in respect, and by comparison.... If you say that this thing belongeth
not vnto you, because that Parris garden is out of your iurisdiction,
yet why are these men suffered to bring their Beares into the citie,
that thereby they may gather your company vnto them? It were duety in
you to hinder these and to take order that none of the citie should
repaire vnto such places.... 18^{th} January 1583. Iohn Feild.’
The exhortation is mainly a general call to repentance and fear of
judgement, without special reference to the occasion. B 3. Stress is
laid on abuse of the Sabbath. B 4. ‘There is no Dicing house, Bowling
alley, Cock pit, or Theater, that can be found empty. Those flagges of
defiance against God, & trumpets that are blown to gather together such
company, will sooner preuail to fil those places, then the preaching
of the holy worde of God ... to fill Churches. Nothing can stoppe them
from the same: neyther feare of danger, losse of tyme, corruption
of maners, infection of diseases, expence of money, suspition of
honestie and such like.... Pounds and hundreds can be well ynough
afforded, in following these least pleasures, though euery dore hath
a payment, & euery gallerie maketh a yearely stipend: thogh euery dog
hath a coller, & euery Beare a prize, and euery cracke bring a great
aduenture.’ Enforces the warning of Paris Garden. B vii^v. ‘I wil set
it down as plainly as I can, and as truly as can be gathered from the
examination of those same common euidences, that haue fallen out....
You shal vnderstand therfore (beloued Christians) that vpon the last
Lords day being the thirteen day of the first month, that cruell and
lothsome exercise of bayting Beares being kept at _Parris-garden_, in
the after-noone, in the time of common praiers, and when many other
exercises of Religion, both of preaching and Catechizing were had in
sundry places of the City, diuers Preachers hauing not long before
also cryed out against such prophanations: yet (the more pitty) there
resorted thither a great company of people of al sorts and conditions,
that the like nomber, in euery respect (as they say) had not beene
seene there a long time before. Beeing thus vngodly assembled, to so
vnholy a spectacle and specially considering the time; the yeard,
standings, and Galleries being ful fraught, being now amidest their
iolity, when the dogs and Bear were in the chiefest Battel, Lo the
mighty hand of God vppon them. This gallery that was double, and
compassed the yeard round about, was so shaken at the foundation, that
it fell (as it were in a moment) flat to the ground, without post
or peere, that was left standing, so high as the stake whervnto the
Beare was tied. Although some wil say (and as it may be truly) that
it was very old and rotten and therefore a great waight of people,
being planted vpon it then was wont, that it was no maruaile that it
fayled: and would make it but a light matter. Yet surely if this be
considered, that no peece of post, boord, or stake was left standing:
though we vrge it not as a miracle, yet it must needes be considered
as an extraordinary iudgement of God, both for the punishment of those
present prophaners of the Lordes day that were then, & also informe and
warne vs that were abroad. In the fal of it, there were slaine fiue
men and two women, that are come to knowledge, who they were and where
they dwelled, to wit, _Adam Spencer_ a _Felmonger_, in _Southwarke_,
_William Cockram_ a Baker, dwelling in _Shordich_, _Iohn Burton_
Cleark, of _S. Marie Wolmers_ in _Lombard streat_, _Mathew Mason_,
seruant with Master _Garland_, dwelling in _Southwarke_, _Thomas
Peace_, seruant with _Robert Tasker_, dwelling in _Clerken well_.
The maydens names, _Alice White_, seruant to a Pursemaker without
_Cripplegate_, and _Marie Harrison_, daughter to _Iohn Harrison_, being
a waterbearer, dwelling in _Lombard streat_.’ C i^v. Nowe beside these
that were thus killed out right, with the flat fal of the Galleries,
strangely wrunge in peeces as it were by God himselfe, it could not
bee but in such confusion, there must needes come great hurt to many.
Howe many carried away death, as it were in theyr bosomes, that died
the same night, or some little tyme after, the Lorde knoweth. And we
heare since, though we know not the iust number, that many of them are
dead & buried, and namely one _Web_ a Pewterer his wife that dwelt in
_Limestreete_ who being there sore wounded, is now gon with diuers
others. Of all the multitude there, which must needes be farre aboue
a thousande, it is thought by the iudgement of most people, that not
the third personne escaped vnhurt; and by some that haue made search,
they esteme that there were sore hurt and maimed, aboue one hundred and
fiftye persons, some hauing theyr legs and armes broken, some theyr
backes, theyr bodies beeing sore brused, so that euery way into the
cittie from that time tyll towardes nine of the clocke and past: and
specially ouer _London bridge_, many were carried in Chayres, & led
betwixt their freendes, and so brought home wyth sorrowfull and heauy
heartes lyke lame cripples. They say also that at the first, when the
Scaffolde cracked (as it did once or twise) there was a crye of _fire
fire_, which set them in such a maze as was wonderfull, so that as
destitute of their wits they stood styll, and could make no shifte
for them selues, till the Scaffold was made euen with the ground....
Amongst the rest it is credibly reported that there was one Woman, that
beeing in the Gallery, threw downe her childe before her, & leaped
after herselfe; and yet thankes bee to God neyther of both had any
maner of hurt, so was it with diuers others. But it shoulde appere that
they were most hurt and in danger, which stoode vnder the Galleries on
the grounde, vpon whom both the waight of Timbre and people fel. And
sure it was a miraculous worke of God, that any one of those should
haue escaped. But heere also God shewed his power for one man falling
downe into an hole as if it had beene some sawpit, it pleased God
that it was the meane of his deliuerance, so as all things that fell
vpon him did not touch him, and by that hee was preserued, wheras two
of th’other were slaine of either side of him.’ C. iii. Urges the
magistrates to ‘take order especially on the Sabaoth dayes that no
Cittizen or Cittizens seruauntes haue libertie to repaire vnto any of
those abuse places, that albeit the place be without the Cittie, and
by that meanes they haue not to deale with them, yet that they keepe
theyr _Beares_ out, and their straggling _Wantons_ in, that they may
be better occupied. And as they haue with good commendation so far
preuailed, that vppon Sabaoth dayes these Heathenishe _Enterludes_ and
_Playes_ are banished, so it wyll please them to followe the matter
still, that they may be vtterly rid and taken away. For surely it is
to be feared, beesides the distruction bothe of bodye and soule, that
many are brought vnto, by frequenting the _Theater_, the _Curtin_ and
such like, that one day those places will likewise be cast downe by God
himselfe, & being drawen with them a huge heape of such contempners
and prophane persons vtterly to be killed and spoyled in their bodyes.
God hath giuen them as I haue heard manye faire warninges already....
January 17, 1583.’
xxxii. 1583. PHILLIP STUBBES.
[From _The Anatomie of Abuses: Contayning a Discoverie, or
briefe Summarie of such Notable Vices and Imperfections, as
now raigne in many Christian Countreyes of the Worlde: but
(especiallie) in a verie famous Ilande called Ailgna_ (S. R.
1 Mar. 1583; eds. 1 May 1583, 16 Aug. 1583, 1584, 1585, 1595),
as reprinted by F. J. Furnivall (1877–9, _N. S. S._); other
reprints are by W. D. Turnbull (1836, from 1585) and J. P.
Collier (1870). Stubbes, a layman and Londoner, was author of
various ballads and pamphlets during 1581–93. A second part of
_The Anatomie of Abuses_ (S. R. 7 Nov. 1583) has not been
reprinted.]
[Summary and Extracts.] The book, which is ‘made dialogue-wise’ between
Spudeus and Philoponus, who does most of the denunciation, is not
confined to the stage, but is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary
frailty. _Epistle to Phillip Earl of Arundel. Preface to the Reader._
P. x. ‘Wheras in the processe of this my booke, I haue intreated of
certen exercyses vsually practised amongest vs, as namely of Playes
and Enterludes.... I would not haue thee so to take mee, as though
my speaches tended to the overthrowe and vtter disliking of all kynd
of exercyses in generall: that is nothing my simple meaning. But the
particulare Abuses which are crept into euery one of these seuerall
exercyses is the only thing which I think worthie of reprobation.
For otherwise (all Abuses cut away) who seeth not that some kind of
playes, tragedies and enterluds, in their own nature are not only of
great ancientie, but also very honest and very commendable exercyses,
being vsed and practised in most Christian common weales, as which
containe matter (such they may be) both of doctrine, erudition, good
example, and wholsome instruction; and may be vsed, in tyme and place
conuenient, as conducible to example of life and reformation of maners.
For such is our grosse and dull nature, that what thing we see opposite
before our eyes, do pearce further and printe deeper in our harts
and minds, than that thing which is hard onely with the eares....
But being vsed (as now commonly they be) to the prophanation of the
Lord his sabaoth, to the alluring and inuegling of the People from
the blessed word of God preached, to Theaters and vnclean assemblies,
to ydlenes, vnthriftynes, whordome, wantonnes, drunkennes, and what
not; and which is more, when they are vsed to this end, to maintaine
a great sort of ydle Persons, doing nothing but playing and loytring,
hauing their lyuings of the sweat of other Mens browes, much like vnto
dronets deuouring the sweet honie of the poore labouring bees, than
are they exercyses (at no hand) sufferable. But being vsed to the
ends that I haue said, they are not to be disliked of any sober and
wise Christian.’ _The Maner of Sanctifiyng the Sabaoth in Ailgna._ P.
137. ‘Some spend the Sabaoth day (for the most part) in frequenting
of baudie Stage-playes and enterludes.’ P. 140. _Of Stage-playes and
Enterluds, with their wickednes._ ‘All Stage-playes, Enterluds, and
Commedies are either of diuyne or prophane matter: If they be of diuine
matter, then are they most intollerable, or rather Sacrilegious; for
that the blessed word of God is to be handled reuerently, grauely,
and sagely, with veneration to the glorious Maiestie of God, which
shineth therin, and not scoffingly, flowtingly, and iybingly, as it is
vpon stages in Playes and Enterluds, without any reuerence, worship,
or veneration to the same. The word of our Saluation, the price of
Christ his bloud, & the merits of his passion, were not giuen to be
derided and iested at, as they be in these filthie playes and enterluds
on stages & scaffolds, or to be mixt and interlaced with bawdry,
wanton shewes, & vncomely gestures, as is vsed (euery Man knoweth) in
these playes and enterludes.... Doo these Mockers and Flowters of his
Maiesty, these dissembling _Hipocrites_, and flattering _Gnatoes_,
think to escape vnpunished? beware, therfore, you masking Players,
you painted sepulchres, you doble dealing ambodexters, be warned
betymes, and, lik good computistes, cast your accompts before, what wil
be the reward therof in the end, least God destroy you in his wrath:
abuse God no more, corrupt his people no longer with your dregges,
and intermingle not his blessed word with such prophane vanities. For
at no hand it is not lawfull to mixt scurrilitie with diuinitie, nor
diuinitie with scurrilitie.... Vpon the other side, if their playes
be of prophane matters, than tend they to the dishonor of God, and
norishing of vice, both which are damnable. So that whither they be the
one or the other, they are quite contrarie to the Word of grace, and
sucked out of the Deuills teates to nourish vs in ydolatrie, hethenrie,
and sinne. And therfore they, cariyng the note, or brand, of God his
curse vppon their backs, which way soeuer they goe, are to be hissed
out of all Christian kingdomes, if they wil haue Christ to dwell
amongst them.’ Quotes the Fathers and ancients against _histriones_.
P. 143. ‘Then, seeing that Playes were first inuented by the Deuil,
practised by the heathen gentiles, and dedicat to their false ydols,
Goddes and Goddesses, as the howse, stage, and apparell to _Venus_,
the musicke to _Appollo_, the penning to _Minerua_ and the Muses,
the action and pronuntiation to _Mercurie_ and the rest, it is more
than manifest that they are no fit exercyses for a Christen Man to
follow. But if there were no euill in them saue this, namely, that the
arguments of tragedies is anger, wrath, immunitie, crueltie, iniurie,
incest, murther, & such like, the Persons or Actors are Goddes,
Goddesses, Furies, Fyends, Hagges, Kings, Queenes, or Potentates. Of
Commedies the matter and ground is loue, bawdrie, cosenage, flattery,
whordome, adulterie; the Persons, or agents, whores, queanes, bawdes,
scullions, knaues, Curtezans, lecherous old men, amorous yong men, with
such like of infinit varietie. If, I say, there were nothing els but
this, it were sufficient to withdraw a good christian from the vsing of
them; For so often as they goe to those howses where Players frequent,
thei go to _Venus_ pallace, & sathans synagogue [_in margin_, ‘Theaters
and curtaines Venus pallaces’], to worship deuils, & betray Christ
Iesus.’ To say that plays are ‘as good as sermons’ is to say that ‘the
Deuill is equipolent with the Lord’. P. 144. ‘There is no mischief
which these plaies maintain not. For do they not norish ydlenes?
and _otia dant vitia_, ydlenes is the Mother of vice. Doo they not
draw the people from hering the word of God, from godly Lectures and
sermons? for you shall haue them flocke thither, thick & threefould,
when the church of God shalbe bare & emptie.... Do they not maintaine
bawdrie, infinit folery, & renue the remembrance of hethen ydolatrie?
Do they not induce whordom & vnclennes? nay, are they not rather plaine
deuourers of maydenly virginitie and chastitie? For proofe wherof,
but marke the flocking and running to Theaters & curtens, daylie and
hourely, night and daye, tyme and tyde, to see Playes and Enterludes;
where such wanton gestures, such bawdie speaches, such laughing and
fleering, such kissing and bussing, such clipping and culling, Suche
winckinge and glancinge of wanton eyes, and the like, is vsed, as is
wonderfull to behold. Then, these goodly pageants being done, euery
mate sorts to his mate, euery one bringes another homeward of their way
verye freendly, and in their secret conclaues (couertly) they play the
_Sodomits_, or worse. And these be the fruits of Playes or Enterluds
for the most part. And wheras you say there are good Examples to be
learned in them, Trulie so there are: if you will learne falshood; if
you will learn cosenage; if you will learn to deceiue; if you will
learn to play the Hipocrit, to cogge, lye, and falsifie; if you will
learne to iest, laugh, and fleer, to grin, to nodd, and mow; if you
will learn to playe the vice, to swear, teare, and blaspheme both
Heauen and Earth: If you will learn to become a bawde, vncleane, and
to deuerginat Maydes, to deflour honest Wyues: if you will learne to
murther, slaie, kill, picke, steal, robbe, and roue: If you will learn
to rebel against Princes, to commit treasons, to consume treasurs,
to practise ydlenes, to sing and talke of bawdie loue and venery; if
you will lerne to deride, scoffe, mock, & flowt, to flatter & smooth:
If you will learn to play the whore-maister, the glutton, Drunkard,
or incestuous person: if you will learn to become proude, hawtie, &
arrogant; and, finally, if you will learne to contemne God and al his
lawes, to care nither for heauen nor hel, and to commit al kinde of
sinne and mischeef, you need to goe to no other schoole, for all these
good Examples may you see painted before your eyes in enterludes and
playes: wherfore that man who giueth money for the maintenance of
them must needs incurre the damage of _premunire_, that is, eternall
damnation, except they repent. For the Apostle biddeth vs beware,
least wee communicat with other mens sinnes; & this their dooing is
not only to communicat with other mens sinnes, & maintain euil to the
destruction of them selues & many others, but also a maintaining of
a great sorte of idle lubbers, and buzzing dronets, to suck vp and
deuoure the good honie, wherupon the poor bees should liue.’ Exhorts
‘all players & Founders of plaies and enterluds’ to leave their life.
P. 146. ‘Away therfore with this so infamous an art! for goe they neuer
so braue, yet are they counted and taken but for beggers. And is it
not true? liue they not vpon begging of euery one that comes? Are they
not taken by the lawes of the Realm for roagues and vacaboundes? I
speak of such as trauaile the Cuntries with playes & enterludes, making
an occupation of it, and ought so to be punished, if they had their
deserts.’ _Lords of Misrule in Ailgna.... The Manner of Church-ales in
Ailgna.... The maner of keeping of Wakesses, and feasts in Ailgna....
The horrible Vice of pestiferous Dauncing, vsed in Ailgna.... Of
Musick in Ailgna, and how it allureth to vanitie.... Beare baiting and
other exercyses, vsed unlawfully in Ailgna._ P. 177. ‘These Hethnicall
exercyses vpon the Sabaoth day, which the Lord hath consecrat to holy
vses, for the glory of his Name, and our spirituall comfort, are not
in any respect tollerable, or to be suffered. For is not the baiting
of a Bear, besides that it is a filthie, stinking, and lothsome game,
a daungerous & perilous exercyse? wherein a man is in daunger of his
life euery minut of an houre; which thing, though it weare not so, yet
what exercyse is this meet for any Christian? what christen heart can
take pleasure to see one poore beast to rent, teare, and kill another,
and all for his foolish pleasure?... And, to be plaine, I thinke the
Deuill is the Maister of the game, bearward and all.’ _A Fearfull
Example of God his Iudgement vpon the prophaners of his Sabaoth._ P.
179. Describes the accident of 13 Jan. 1583, with the page-heading, ‘A
wofull cry at Syrap garden’. ‘So that either two or three hundred men,
women, and children (by estimation), wherof seuen were killed dead,
some were wounded, some lamed, and othersome brused and crushed almost
to the death.’ _A fearfull Iudgement of God, shewed at the Theaters._
P. 180. ‘The like Iudgement (almost) did the Lord shew vnto them a
litle befor, being assembled at their Theaters, to see their bawdie
enterluds and other trumperies practised: For he caused the earth
mightely to shak and quauer, as though all would haue fallen down;
wherat the People, sore amazed, some leapt down (from the top of the
turrets, pinacles, and towres, wher they stood) to the ground; wherof
some had their legs broke, some their arms, some their backs, some hurt
one where, some another, and many sore crusht and brused; but not any
but they went away sore affraid, & wounded in conscience. And yet can
neither the one nor the other fray them from these diuelish exercyses,
vntill the Lorde consume them all in his wrath; _which God forbid_!
The Lord of his mercie open the eyes of the maiestrats to pluck down
these places of abuse, that god may be honored and their consciences
disburthened.’
xxxiii. 1583. GERVASE BABINGTON.
[From _A very Fruitful Exposition of the Commandements by
way of Questions and Answers_ (1583), 316. More general
references to the evils of plays and bear-baiting are on pp.
190, 385. Babington was Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge,
and tutor in the Earl of Pembroke’s house at Wilton; he
afterwards became Bishop successively of Llandaff, Exeter, and
Worcester.]
These prophane & wanton stage playes or interludes: what an occasion
they are of adulterie and vncleanenesse, by gesture, by speech, by
conueyances, and deuices to attaine to so vngodly desires, the world
knoweth with too much hurt by long experience. Vanities they are if we
make the best of them.... But I referre you to them, that vpon good
knowledge of the abominations of them, haue written largely & wel
against them. If they be dangerous on the day time, more daungerous on
the night certainely: if on a stage, & in open courtes, much more in
chambers and priuate houses. For there are manie roumes beside that
where the play is, & peraduenture the strangenes of the place & lacke
of light to guide them, causeth errour in their way, more than good
Christians should in their houses suffer.
xxxiv. 1583 (?). PHILIP SIDNEY.
[From _The Defence of Poesie_ (1595, William Ponsonby; S. R.
29 Nov. 1594), reprinted as _An Apologie for Poetrie_ (1595,
Henry Olney), and with 1598 and later editions of _Arcadia_.
Among many modern editions are those by E. Arber (1868), E.
Flügel (1889), A. S. Cook (1890), E. S. Schuckburgh (1891), J.
C. Collins (1907), and in Gregory Smith (1904), i. 148. The date
1583 is conjecturally assigned by Cook on the ground of the
stylistic development since the _Arcadia_ (1580–3). But any date
is possible between 1579, when Gosson’s _School of Abuse_, which
probably stimulated it, and Spenser’s _Faerie Queene_, which it
mentions, appeared, and Nov. 1585, when Sidney went to the Low
Countries. The book contains a general valuation of poetry, on
humanistic lines, together with a criticism of English poetry in
particular. Only a few pages are devoted to the drama.]
P. 44. ‘Perchance it is the Comick, whom naughtie Playmakers and
Stagekeepers, have iustly made odious. To the argument of abuse, I will
answer after. Onely thus much now is to be said, that the Comedy is
an imitation of the common errors of our life, which he representeth,
in the most ridiculous and scornefull sort that may be. So as it is
impossible, that any beholder can be content to be such a one.... So
that the right vse of Comedy will (I thinke) by no body be blamed,
and much lesse of the high and excellent Tragedy, that openeth the
greatest wounds, and sheweth forth the Vlcers, that are couered with
Tissue: that maketh Kinges feare to be Tyrants, and Tyrants manifest
their tirannicall humors: that with sturring the affects of admiration
and commiseration, teacheth, the vncertainety of this world, and vpon
how weake foundations guilden roofes are builded.... But it is not
the Tragedy they doe mislike: For it were too absurd to cast out so
excellent a representation of whatsoeuer is most worthy to be learned.’
P. 50. Answers criticisms of poetry as the ‘Nurse of abuse’, &c. P.
63. Criticizes ‘Our Tragedies and Comedies (not without cause cried
out against)’. Even in _Gorboduc_, much more in other plays, the
unities are disregarded (cf. quotations in ch. xix). ‘Besides these
gross absurdities, how all theyr Playes be neither right Tragedies,
nor right Comedies: mingling Kings and Clownes’ in a ‘mungrell
Tragy-comedie.... Our Comedians thinke there is no delight without
laughter.... Delight hath a ioy in it, either permanent, or present.
Laughter, hath onely a scornful tickling.... But I haue lauished out
too many wordes of this play matter. I doe it because as they are
excelling parts of Poesie, so is there none so much vsed in England,
and none can be more pittifully abused.’
xxxv. 1584. THOMAS LODGE.
[From _An Alarum against Usurers_ (1584; S. R. 4 Nov. 1583),
edited with _Defence of Poetry_ by D. Laing (1853, _Sh. Soc._).]
[Extract from Epistle to Inns of Court.] ‘About three yeres ago,
one Stephen Gosson published a booke, intituled _The Schoole of
Abuse_, in which having escaped in many and sundry conclusions, I,
as the occasion then fitted me, shapt him such an answere as beseemed
his discourse; which by reason of the slendernes of the subject,
(because it was in defence of plaies and play makers) the godly and
reverent that had to deale in the cause, misliking it, forbad the
publishing: notwithstanding he, comming by a private unperfect coppye,
about two yeres since made a reply, dividing it into five sections,
and in his Epistle dedicatory, to the right honorable, Sir Frances
Walsingham, he impugneth me with these reproches, that I am become
a vagarant person, visited by the hevy hand of God, lighter than
libertie, and looser than vanitie.’ He proceeds to call Gosson an
‘untamed curtail’ and an ‘injurious Asinius’.
xxxvi. 1584. GEORGE WHETSTONE.
[From _A Touchstone for the Time_, printed as an ‘Addition’
to _A Mirour for Magestrates of Cyties_ (1584).]
The tract is mainly on gaming. P. 24. ‘The godly Divines, in public
sermons, and others in printed books, have (of late) very sharply
inveighed against Stage-plays (unproperly called, Tragedies, Comedies,
and Morals), as the springs of many vices, and the stumbling-blocks
of godliness and virtue. Truly the use of them upon the Sabbath day,
and the abuse of them at all times, with scurrility and unchaste
conveyance, ministred matter sufficient for them to blame, and the
Magistrate to reforme.’
xxxvii. 1586. WILLIAM WEBBE.
[From _A Discourse of English Poetrie_ (1586), ed. Arber, 27;
also in Gregory Smith, i. 226. The promised expression of
opinion (p. 42) is on humanist lines.]
The profitte or discommoditie which aryseth by the vse of these
Comedies and Tragedies, which is most, hath beene long in controversie,
and is sore urged among us at these dayes: what I think of the same,
perhaps I shall breefely declare anon.
xxxviii. 1587. WILLIAM RANKINS.
[From _A Mirrour of Monsters: Wherein is plainely described the
manifold vices & spotted enormities, that are caused by the
infectious sight of Playes, with the description of the subtile
slights of Sathan, making them his instruments_. Compiled by
Wil. Rankins. Magna spes est inferni. Seene and allowed. _I. C.
for T. H._ 1587. The reference to Holywell suggests that the
author was the dramatist (cf. ch. xxiii).]
Describes the wedding of Fastus and Luxuria at the ‘Chapell
_Adulterinum_’, near to Κοȋλοφρἑαρ ‘by interpretation from the
Greeks Hollow well [i.e. Holywell] where my selfe lulled in the
lap of Securitie, not long since was brought a sleepe by carelesse
cogitations’. The Chapel Adulterinum is ‘the Theater and Curtine’
(4^v). A banquet and mask with torchbearers furnish an allegory of the
vices of players, and various allusions, to the fall of the Bear-garden
(3), to the 2_d._ payment for entrance (3^v), to advertisements by
drums and trumpets (5) and bills (5^v), to doorkeepers and boxholders
(6^v), are commented on in marginal notes.
xxxix. 1588. JOHN CASE.
[From _Sphaera Civitatis_ (1588), a commentary on Aristotle’s
_Politics_ (_ad_ v. 8; vii. 17). A similar passage from the
commentary on the _Ethics_ (iv. 8) in _Speculum Moralium
Quaestionum_ (1586), 183, is quoted by Boas, 228. It is
interesting to find from _The Christmas Prince_, 12 (cf. ch.
xxiv), that Case once served as lord of misrule at St. John’s,
Oxford.]
(a) _Lib. v, c. 8._
Alia nunc dubitatio sequitur, Vtrum ludi chorique permittendi sunt in
ciuitate? Memini me olim in Ethicis de his rebus obiter disputasse,
verum quoniam opportune se offert quaestio, abs re non erit eandem
paucissimis demonstrare: censeo ergo quibusdam adhibitis circumstantiis
haec tolerari ac permitti debere; non quod per se et vi sua res vtiles,
sed quod in moderato illorum vsu splendor comitatis (quae virtus minima
non est) manifeste apparet. Sunt igitur ludi non inanes et histrionicae
fabulae, veneris illecebrae, sed facetae comoediae magnificaeque
tragaediae, in quibus expressa imago vitae morumque cernitur.... Adhuc
in his mores hominum depictos discere, praeclara inuenta doctorum
obseruare, temporum antiquorum caniciem cernere, vocem, vultum,
gestumque splendide componere, varios affectus et passiones mouere,
famam acquirere et comparare possumus [_in margin_: scenae
trigemina corona]. Cum ergo ex iis tot commoda existant, non solum
toleranda sed etiam iuste approbanda videntur. Insuper antiquissimis
olim temporibus in omni praeclare instituta republica floruerunt ista:
ergo sunt licita.... Postremo his addi potest ratio quae est in textu,
nempe quod hoc modo potentiores viri quos timet ciuitas (coacti ad ista
edenda populo) elumbentur sedatioresque fiant.
(b) _Lib. vii, c. 17._
Tertium est vt parentes suos liberos diligenter custodiant, et arceant
ab audiendis, videndis, spectandis, malis sermonibus, obscoenis idolis
Veneris, vanis spectaculis leuissimorum histrionum, qui plusquam
ridiculas ne dicam impias fabellas huc illuc vagabundi agunt. Hic
opportunè monendi sunt illi, qui suos infantulos iurare et conuitiari
docent, qui simulachra Veneris intuenda, artemque amandi perdiscendam
suis filiolis proponunt, qui denique ad theatra plena Veneris, plena
vanitatis illos non solum ire permittunt sed etiam alliciunt. Non hic
omnes ludos omnesque histriones praesertim hystoricos, tragicos, et si
placet comicos (modò sint verè faceti) condemno: quippè Aristoteles hoc
loco Theodorum quendam peritum tragoediarum actorem laudat, Cicero suum
laudauit Roscium, nos Angli Tarletonum, in cuius voce et vultu omnes
iocosi affectus, in cuius cerebroso capite lepidae facetiae habitant.
xl. 1588–90. MARTIN MARPRELATE CONTROVERSY.
[The texts of the Marprelate pamphlets have been edited by W.
Pierce, _The Marprelate Tracts_ (1911); some were reprinted
earlier by E. Arber and in J. Petheram, _Puritan Discipline
Tracts_ (1842–60). The best accounts of this ribald controversy
on Church government are E. Arber, _An Introductory Sketch
to the Martin Marprelate Controversy_ (1879); W. Pierce,
_Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts_ (1908); J.
D. Wilson, _The Marprelate Controversy_ (1909, C. H. iii. 374),
and _Martin Marprelate and Shakespeare’s Fluellen_ (1912); R.
B. McKerrow, _Works of Nashe_, v (1910), 34, 184; G. Bonnard,
_La Controverse de Martin Marprelate_ (1916). It seems probable
that Martin was a composite personality; Sir Roger Williams,
John Penry, and Job Throckmorton may all have had a share in
the pamphlets. The replies were inspired by Richard Bancroft,
then Canon of Westminster and a member of the High Commission.
It seems clear that both Lyly and Nashe took part in them, and
_Pappe with an Hatchet_ may reasonably be ascribed to Lyly.
Nashe has often been regarded as Pasquil, but Mr. McKerrow
does not think that any of the pamphlets can be supposed with
any certainty to be his; he probably contributed to the lost
plays. Of these Bonnard, 92, would distinguish five--(_a_)
Martin anatomized, (_b_) the May Game of Martinism, (_c_) Martin
carried to hell, as a vice, (_d_) Martin as cock, ape, and wolf,
(_e_) Martin ravishing Divinity; but (_b_) seems to be referred
to as a forthcoming pamphlet rather than as a play, and of the
others (_d_) and (_e_) almost certainly, and possibly all four,
were episodes in the same piece. F. Bacon in his _Advertisement
Touching the Controversies_ (_Works_, viii. 74), written in the
summer of 1589, criticizes the episcopal policy of answering
like by like, and ‘this immodest and deformed manner of writing
lately entertained, whereby matters of religion are handled in
the style of the stage’.]
(_a_)
[From _The Epistle to the Terrible Priests of the Confocation
House_ (Oct.-Nov. 1588), 11, 19, reprinted by E. Arber (1880);
also by J. Petheram (1842) in _Puritan Discipline Tracts_
(Martinist).]
Sohow, brother Bridges [John Bridges, Dean of Salisbury] ... you haue
bin a worthy writer as they say of a long time, your first book was a
proper Enterlude, called Gammar Gurtons needle. But I think that this
trifle, which sheweth the author to haue had some witte and inuention
in him, was none of your doing: Because your bookes seeme to proceede
from the braynes of a woodcocke as hauing neyther wit nor learning....
What if I should report abroad, that cleargie men come vnto their
promotions by Simonie? haue not you giuen me iuste cause? I thinke
Simonie be the bishops lacky. Tarleton tooke him not long since in Don
Iohn [Aylmer] of Londons cellor.
(_b_)
[From _A Whip for an Ape: Or Martin displaied_ (Apr. 1589), 53,
133, in Bond, _Lyly_, iii. 417 (Anti-Martinist).]
Now _Tarleton’s_ dead, the Consort lackes a vice:
For knaue and foole thou maist beare pricke and price.
* * * * *
And ye graue men that answer _Martins_ mowes,
He mockes the more, and you in vaine loose times:
Leaue Apes to dogges to baite, their skins to crowes,
And let old _Lanam_ lash him with his rimes.
(_c_)
[From _Anti-Martinus, sive Monitio cuiusdam Londinensis, ad
Adolescentes utriusque Academiae_, signed A. L. (1589; S. R.
3 July 1589), 59 (Anti-Martinist).]
Libros autem _Martini_ qui legit, nihil aliud reperiet, quam
perpetuatum conuitium; sic autem vibratum, vt facile videas ad
huiusmodi scurrilitates conquirendas, totam eius vitam theatris illis
Londinensibus, & leuissimis scenis, vel scurrarum & nepotum circulis
insidiatam.
(_d_)
[From _Theses Martinianae, or Martin Junior_ (_c._ 22 July
1589), sig. D ij (Martinist).]
‘There bee that affirme the rimers and stage-players to haue cleane
putte you out of countenaunce ... the stage-players, poore rogues, are
not so much to be blamed, if being stage-players, that is plaine rogues
(saue onely for their liueries) they in the action of dealing against
Maister Martin, have gotten them many thousande eie witnesses, of their
wittelesse and pittifull conceites.’ The writer condoles with those
who ‘for one poor penny’ play ‘ignominious fools for an hour or two
together’. Martin may ‘contemn such kennel-rakers and scullions as have
sold themselves’ to be laughed at as ‘a company of disguised asses’.
(_e_)
[From _Martins Months Minde_ (Aug. 1589), in Grosart, _Nashe_,
i. 164, 166, 175, 177, 180, 189 (Anti-Martinist).]
_To the Reader._ ‘_Roscius_ pleades in the Senate house; Asses play
vpon harpes; the Stage is brought into the Church; and vices make
plaies of Churche matters.... These Iigges and Rimes, haue nipt the
father [Martin] in the head & kild him cleane, seeing that hee is
ouertaken in his owne _foolerie_. And this hath made the yong youthes
his sonnes, to chafe and fret aboue measure, especiallie with the
Plaiers, (their betters in all respects, both in wit, and honestie)
whom sauing their _liueries_ (for indeede they are hir Maiesties
men, and these not so much as hir good subiects) they call _Rogues_,
for playing their enterludes, and Asses for trauelling _all daie
for a pennie_ [_in margin_, Martin the vice condemneth the Plaiers,
Eigulus, sigulum].... _A true report of the death and buriall of Martin
Marprelate._ ... _Martin_ ... being ... sundrie waies verie curstlie
handled; as ... wormd and launced, that he tooke verie grieuouslie, to
be made a _May-game_ vpon the _Stage_ [_in margin_, The Theater] ... as
he saw that ... euerie stage Plaier made a iest of him ... fell into
a feauer.... _Martin_, ... calling his sonnes ... said ... I perceiue
that euerie stage plaier, if he play the foole but two houres together,
hath somewhat for his labour: and I ... nothing.... [The common people
are] now wearie of our state mirth, that for a penie, may haue farre
better by oddes at the Theater and Curtaine, and any blind playing
house euerie day.... In lept I ... with ... twittle tattles; that
indeede I had learned in Alehouses, and at the Theater of Lanam and
his fellowes.* ... These gambols (my sonnes) are implements for the
Stage, and beseeme Iesters, and Plaiers, but are not fit for _Church
plotters_.... Afterwards ensued his bequestes, in manner and forme
following ... Item, all my foolerie I bequeath to my good friend Lanam;
and his consort, of whom I first had it.’
(_f_)
[From _A Countercuffe giuen to Martin Iunior: ... by Pasquill
of England_ (Aug. 1589), in McKerrow, _Nashe_, i. 59
(Anti-Martinist).]
The Anotamie latelie taken of him, the blood and the humors that were
taken from him, by launcing and worming him at _London_ vpon the
common Stage ... are euident tokens, that beeing thorow soust in so
many showres, hee had no other refuge but to runne into a hole, and die
as he liued, belching.
(_g_)
[From _The Protestatyon of Martin Marprelat_ (1589, before 20
Oct.), 25 (Martinist).]
Then among al the rimers and stage plaiers, which my Ll. of the cleargy
had suborned against me I remember Mar-Martin, Iohn a Cant. his
hobbie-horse, was to his reproche, newly put out of the Morris, take it
how he will; with a flat discharge for euer shaking his shins about a
May-pole againe while he liued.
(_h_)
[From _The Returne of the renowned Caualiero Pasquill of
England_ (_c._ 20 Oct. 1589) in McKerrow, _Nashe_, i. 82, 92,
100 (Anti-Martinist).]
Howe whorishlie Scriptures are alleaged by them, I will discouer (by
Gods helpe) in another new worke which I haue in hand, and intituled
it, _The May-game of Martinisme_. Verie defflie set out, with Pompes,
Pagents, Motions, Maskes, Scutchions, Emblems, Impreases, strange
trickes, and deuises, betweene the Ape and the Owle, the like was neuer
yet seene in Paris-garden. _Penry_ the welchman is the foregallant
of the Morrice, with the treble belles, shot through the wit with a
Woodcocks bill: I woulde not for the fayrest horne-beast in all his
Countrey, that the Church of England were a cup of Metheglin, and came
in his way when he is ouer-heated; euery Bishopricke woulde prooue
but a draught, when the Mazer is at his nose. _Martin_ himselfe is
the Mayd-marian, trimlie drest vppe in a cast Gowne, and a Kercher of
Dame _Lawsons_, his face handsomlie muffled with a Diaper-napkin to
couer his beard, and a great Nosegay in his hande, of the principalest
flowers I could gather out of all hys works. _Wiggenton_ daunces
round about him in a Cotten-coate, to court him with a Leatherne
pudding, and a woodden Ladle. _Paget_ marshalleth the way, with a
couple of great clubbes, one in his foote, another in his head, & he
cryes to the people with a loude voice, _Beware of the Man whom God
hath markt_. I can not yet find any so fitte to come lagging behind,
with a budget on his necke, to gather the deuotion of the lookers on,
as the stocke-keeper of the Bridewel-house of Canterburie; he must
carrie the purse, to defray their charges, and then hee may be sure to
serue himselfe.... Methought _Vetus Comœdia_ beganne to pricke him at
London in the right vaine, when shee brought foorth _Diuinitie_ wyth
a scratcht face, holding of her hart as if she were sicke, because
_Martin_ would haue forced her, but myssing of his purpose, he left
the print of his nayles vppon her cheekes, and poysoned her with a
vomit which he ministred vnto her, to make her cast vppe her dignities
and promotions.... Who commeth yonder _Marforius_, can you tell me?
MARFORIUS. By her gate and her Garland I knowe her well, it is _Vetus
Comœdia_. She hath been so long in the Country, that she is somewhat
altred: this is she that called in a counsell of Phisitians about
_Martin_, and found by the sharpnes of his humour, when they had opened
the vaine that feedes his head, that hee would spit out his lunges
within one yeere.... PASQUIL. I haue a tale to tell her in her eare, of
the slye practise that was vsed in restraining of her.
(_i_)
[From _Pappe with an Hatchet_ (1589, end of Oct.) in Bond,
_Lyly_, iii. 408 (Anti-Martinist).]
_Sed heus tu, dic sodes_, will they not bee discouraged for the common
players? Would these Comedies might be allowed to be plaid that are
pend, and then I am sure he would be decyphered, and so perhaps
discouraged.
He shall not bee brought in as whilom he was, and yet verie well, with
a cocks combe, an apes face, a wolfs bellie, cats clawes, &c. but in a
cap’de cloake, and all the best apparell he ware the highest day in the
yeare....
... Would it not bee a fine Tragedie, when _Mardocheus_ shall play
a Bishoppe in a Play, and _Martin Hamman_, and that he that seekes
to pull downe those that are set in authoritie aboue him, should be
hoysted vpon a tree aboue all other. [_In margin_] If it be shewed
at Paules, it will cost you foure pence: at the Theater two pence: at
Sainct Thomas a Watrings nothing.
(_k_)
[From G. Harvey, _An Advertisement for Papp-Hatchett_ (1589,
Nov. 5), printed with _Pierces Supererogation_ (1593) and in
Grosart, _Harvey_, ii. 131, 213 (Philo-Martinist).]
Had I bene Martin ... it should haue beene one of my May-games, or
August triumphes, to haue driuen Officials, Commissaries, Archdeacons,
Deanes, Chauncellors, Suffraganes, Bishops and Archbishops, (so
Martin would have florished at the least) to entertaine such an
odd, light-headded fellow for their defence; a professed iester, a
Hickscorner, a scoff-maister, a playmunger, an Interluder; once the
foile of Oxford, now the stale of London, and ever the Apesclogge of
the presse, _Cum Priuilegio perennitatis_.... I am threatened with a
Bable, and Martin menaced with a Comedie: ... All you, that tender
the preseruation of your good names, were best to please Pap-hatchet,
and fee Euphues betimes, for feare lesse he be mooued, or some One
of his Apes hired, to make a Playe of you; and then is your credit
quite vndone for euer, and euer: Such is the publique reputation of
their Playes. He must needes be _discouraged_, whom they _decipher_.
Better, anger an hundred other, then two such; that haue the Stage at
commaundement, and can furnish-out Vices, and Diuels at their pleasure.
(_l_)
[From _An Almond for a Parrat, Or Cutbert Curry-knaues Almes_
(1590, early), in McKerrow, _Nashe_, iii. 354 (Anti-Martinist).]
Therefore we must not measure of _Martin_ as he is allied to _Elderton_
or tongd like _Will Tony_, as he was attired like an Ape on the Stage,
or sits writing of Pamphlets in some spare outhouse, but as he is
_Mar-Prelat_ of England.
(_m_)
[From _The First parte of Pasquils Apologie ... Printed where
I was, and where I will bee readie by the helpe of God and my
Muse, to send you the May-game of Martinisme for an intermedium,
betweene the first and seconde parte of the Apologie_ (2 July
1590), in McKerrow, _Nashe_, i. 135 (Anti-Martinist). It may
be doubted whether _The May-game of Martinism_ ever had an
existence outside the allusions to it in these pamphlets.]
And when I haue sent you the _May-game of Martinisme_, at the next
setting my foote into the styrroppe after it, the signet shall be
giuen, and the fielde fought.
xli. 1589. RICHARD (?) PUTTENHAM.
[From _The Arte of English Poesie_ (1589; S. R. 9 Nov. 1588),
edited by E. Arber (1869); also in J. Haslewood, _Ancient
Critical Essays_, vol. i (1811), and in part in Gregory Smith,
ii. 1. On the author, cf. ch. xxiii.]
Most of the treatise (bks. ii, iii) deals with the technicalities of
poetic structure and style, which the author sometimes illustrates from
interludes and verses of his own. Bk. i praises poetry in general, on
familiar but non-controversial humanist lines, and discusses with some
classical erudition the origin of various types of poetry, as tragedy,
comedy, and pantomime (c. 11), comedy (c. 14), tragedy (c. 15), staging
(c. 17), pastoral (c. 18). In a brief account of English poets (c. 31)
occurs: ‘But the principall man in this profession at the same time
[Edward’s] was Maister Edward [_sic_] Ferrys a man of no lesse mirth
and felicitie that way, but of much more skil, and magnificence in his
meeter, and therefore wrate for the most part to the stage, in Tragedie
and sometimes in Comedie or Enterlude, wherein he gaue the king so
much good recreation, as he had thereby many good rewardes.... Of the
later sort I thinke thus. That for Tragedie, the Lord of Buckhurst
and Maister Edward Ferrys for such doings as I haue sene of theirs do
deserue the hyest price: Th’ Earle of Oxford and Maister Edwardes of
her Maiesties Chappell for Comedy and Enterlude.’
xlii. 1589. THOMAS NASHE.
[From an epistle _To the Gentlemen Students of Both
Universities_, prefixed to Robert Greene’s _Menaphon_ (1589;
S. R. 23 Aug. 1589), reprinted from ed. 1610, which has some
corrections possibly by Nashe, in McKerrow, iii. 311, with
valuable notes (iv. 444) upon the allusions and supposed
allusions. The suggestion of Collier that _Menaphon_ was
originally printed in 1587 appears to be baseless. Outside the
three passages quoted, Nashe praises Watson’s translation of
_Antigone_. McKerrow’s collection of material for the critical
discussion of the epistle is so full that I need only compare
briefly my conclusions with his. In (i) Nashe seems to me to
be criticizing (_a_) ‘tragedians’, which for me are clearly
‘tragic actors’, while McKerrow inclines to make them ‘writers
of tragedy’, and (_b_) their dramatists, who include blank-verse
‘Art-masters’, which I agree with McKerrow is more likely, in
view of the fact that Greene above all flourished his University
degree, to mean ‘masters of their art’ than ‘masters of Arts’,
and translating tradesmen or serving-men with no education
beyond a grammar-school. The slight suggestions that Nashe
may have had Marlowe especially in mind are perhaps hardly
sufficient to outweigh his statement in _Have with you to
Saffron Walden_ (1596) that he ‘neuer abusd Marloe’; and Marlowe
was a University man, and no tradesman or serving-man. On the
other hand, there is no specific praise of Marlowe with other
University poets in the epistle. The whole of (i) is a precise
parallel to the following lines by Thomas Brabine, also prefixed
to _Menaphon_:
‘Come foorth you witts that vaunt the pompe of speach,
And striue to thunder from a Stage-mans throate:
View _Menaphon_ a note beyond your reach;
Whose sight will make your drumming descant doate:
Players auaunt, you know not to delight;
Welcome sweete Shepheard; worth a Schollers sight.’
In (ii) I am rather more inclined than McKerrow to think that
the ‘_Nouerint_’ and the ‘Kidde in _Æsop_’ may glance at Kyd,
who was not one of the University group, and was a grammarian,
a translator, and very likely already a serving-man. But the
attempts to trace him elsewhere in the passage come to very
little; nor is one playwright only necessarily in question, so
that, although the ‘handfuls of Tragicall speeches’ may point
to a play of _Hamlet_ as already extant in 1589, the inference
that Kyd was its author becomes extremely thin. In (iii) Nashe
attacks the players as parasitic on the poets, in terms closely
resembling those used later by Greene in his _Groatsworth of
Wit_ (No. xlviii). Probably Roscius is here Alleyn, and Caesar
stands for the poets in general. I do not agree with Fleay, _L.
of S._ 10, 99, that the epistle reflects a rivalry between the
poets of the Queen’s men and those of Pembroke’s, who indeed did
not yet exist, or any other company. The issue is between the
University poets on the one hand and the players and illiterate
poets on the other.]
P. 311. ‘I am not ignorant how eloquent our gowned age is grown of
late; so that euery mechanicall mate abhorres the English he was borne
too, and plucks, with a solemne periphrasis, his _vt vales_ from the
inkehorne: which I impute, not so much to the perfection of Arts,
as to the seruile imitation of vainglorious Tragedians, who contend
not so seriously to excell in action, as to embowell the cloudes in
a speech of comparison, thinking themselues more than initiated in
Poets immortality, if they but once get _Boreas_ by the beard and the
heauenly Bull by the deaw-lap. But heerein I cannot so fully bequeath
them to folly, as their ideot Art-masters, that intrude themselues to
our eares as the Alcumists of eloquence, who (mounted on the stage of
arrogance) think to out-braue better pennes with the swelling bumbast
of a bragging blanke verse. Indeede it may bee the ingrafted ouerflow
of some kil-cow conceit, that ouercloyeth their imagination with a
more than drunken resolution, being not extemporall in the inuention
of any other meanes to vent their manhoode, commits the disgestion of
their cholericke incumbrances to the spacious volubilitie of a drumming
decasillabon. Mongst this kind of men that repose eternitie in the
mouth of a Player, I can but ingrosse some deep read Grammarians, who,
hauing no more learning in their skull than will serue to take vp a
commoditie, nor Art in their braine than was nourished in a seruing
mans idlenesse, will take vppon them to be the ironicall Censors of
all, when God and Poetrie doth know they are the simplest of all. To
leaue these to the mercy of their Mother tongue, that feed on nought
but the crums that fall from the Translators trencher, I come (sweet
friend) to thy _Arcadian Menaphon_, ...’ P. 315. ‘I’le turne backe to
my first text of Studies of delight, and talke a little in friendship
with a few of our triuiall translators. It is a common practise now a
dayes amongst a sort of shifting companions, that runne through euery
Art and thriue by none, to leaue the trade of _Nouerint_, whereto
they were borne, and busie themselues with the indeuours of Art, that
could scarcely Latinize their neck verse if they should haue neede;
yet English _Seneca_ read by Candlelight yeelds many good sentences,
as _Blood is a begger_, and so forth; and if you intreate him faire
in a frostie morning, hee will affoord you whole _Hamlets_, I should
say handfuls of Tragicall speeches. But O griefe! _Tempus edax rerum_,
whats that will last alwayes? The Sea exhaled by droppes will in
continuance bee drie, and _Seneca_, let blood line by line and page by
page, at length must needes die to our Stage; which makes his famished
followers to imitate the Kidde in _Æsop_, who, enamoured with the Foxes
newfangles, forsooke all hopes of life to leape into a newe occupation;
and these men, renouncing all possibilities of credite or estimation,
to intermeddle with Italian Translations: wherein how poorely they
haue plodded, (as those that are neither prouenzall men, nor are able
to distinguish of Articles,) let all indifferent Gentlemen that haue
trauailed in that tongue discerne by their two-pennie pamphlets: & no
maruell though their home borne mediocritie bee such in this matter;
for what can bee hoped of those that thrust _Elisium_ into hell, and
haue not learned, so long as they haue liued in the Spheres, the iust
measure of the Horizon without an hexameter? Sufficeth them to bodge
vp a blanke verse with ifs and ands, and otherwhile for recreation
after their Candle-stuffe, hauing starched their beards most curiously,
to make a Peripateticall path into the inner parts of the Citie, and
spend two or three howers in turning ouer French _Doudie_, where they
attract more infection in one minute, then they can do eloquence all
daies of their life, by conuersing with any Authors of like argument.’
P. 323. ‘There are extant about _London_ many most able men to reuiue
Poetry ... as, for example, _Mathew Roydon_, _Thomas Atchelow_, and
_George Peele_; the first of whom, as he hath shewed himselfe singular
in the immortall Epitaph of his beloued _Astrophell_, besides many
other most absolute Comike inuentions (made more publike by euery mans
praise, than they can be by my speech), so the second hath more than
once or twice manifested his deepe witted schollership in places of
credite: and for the last, though not the least of them all, I dare
commend him to all that know him, as the chiefe supporter of pleasance
now liuing, the _Atlas_ of Poetrie, and _primus verborum Artifex_:
whose first increase, the arraignement of _Paris_, might pleade to
your opinions his pregnant dexterity of wit, and manifold varietie of
inuention; where in (_me iudice_) he goeth a steppe beyond all that
write. Sundry other sweete gentlemen I know, that haue vaunted their
pennes in priuate deuices, and tricked vp a company of taffata fooles
with their feathers, whose beauty if our Poets had not peecte with the
supply of their periwigs, they might haue antickt it vntill this time
vp and downe the Countrey with the King of _Fairies_, and dined euery
day at the pease porredge ordinary with _Delphrigus_. But _Tolossa_
hath forgot that it was sometime sacked, and beggars that euer they
carried their fardels on footback: and in truth no meruaile, when as
the deserued reputation of one _Roscius_ is of force to enrich a rabble
of counterfets; yet let subiects for all their insolence dedicate a _De
profundis_ euery morning to the preseruation of their _Caesar_, least
their increasing indignities returne them ere long to their iugling
to mediocrity, and they bewaile in weeping blankes the wane of their
_Monarchie_.’
xliii. 1590. ROBERT GREENE.
[From _Francescos Fortunes: Or, The second part of Greenes Neuer
too Late_ (1590), reprinted in _Works_, viii. 111. For the
Roscius story, cf. No. xii and ch. xi.]
P. 129. A palmer, telling the tale of Francesco, which contains some
probably autobiographical matter on the hero’s writing for the stage
(cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Greene), is interrupted by a request for his
‘iudgement of Playes, Playmakers and Players’. After observing that
‘some for being too lauish against that facultie, haue for their
satiricall inuectiues been well canuased’, he sketches the growth
of comedy at Athens and Rome, where ‘couetousnesse crept into the
qualitie’ and ‘the Actors, by continuall vse grewe not onely excellent,
but rich and insolent’. This is illustrated (p. 132) by a rebuke of
Cicero to Roscius, ‘Why _Roscius_, art thou proud with _Esops_ Crow,
being pranct with the glorie of others feathers? of thy selfe thou
canst say nothing, and if the Cobler hath taught thee to say Aue
Caesar, disdain not thy tutor, because thou pratest in a Kings chamber:
what sentence thou vtterest on the stage, flowes from the censure of
our wittes, and what sentence or conceipte of the inuention the people
applaud for excellent, that comes from the secrets of our knowledge.
I graunt your action, though it be a kind of mechanical labour; yet
wel done tis worthie of praise: but you worthlesse, if for so small a
toy you waxe proud’. _Publius Seruilius_ also bade a player ‘bee not
so bragge of thy silken roabes, for I sawe them but yesterday make a
great shew in a broakers shop’. The palmer concludes, ‘Thus sir haue
you heard my opinion briefly of plaies, that Menander deuised them for
the suppressing of vanities, necessarie in a common wealth, as long as
they are vsed in their right kind; the play makers worthy of honour for
their Arte: & players, men deseruing both prayse and profite, as long
as they wax neither couetous nor insolent’.
xliv. 1591. SAMUEL COX.
[This letter of 15 Jan. 1591 to an unknown correspondent,
brother of one Mr. Lewin, occurs with other letters by Cox
in the letter-book of Sir Christopher Hatton (Nicolas,
_Hatton_, xxix), to whom he was secretary.]
Has his letter ‘reprehending me in some sort for my sharpness against
the use of plays’. Cites view of Fathers, especially Chrysostom.
Regrets present toleration of ‘these dangerous schools of licentious
liberty, whereunto more people resort than to sermons or prayers’.
Now ‘rich men give more to a player for a song which he shall sing in
one hour, than to their faithful servants for serving them a whole
year.... I could wish that players would use themselves nowadays, as
in ancient former times they have done, which was only to exercise
their interludes in the time of Christmas, beginning to play in the
holidays and continuing until twelfth tide, or at the furthest until
Ashwednesday, of which players I find three sorts of people: the first,
such as were in wages with the king and played before him some time at
Hallowmass, and then in the later holidays until twelfthtide, and after
that, only in Shrovetide; and these men had other trades to live of,
and seldom or never played abroad at any other times of the whole year.
The second sort were such as pertained to noblemen, and were ordinary
servants in their house, and only for Christmas times used such plays,
without making profession to be players to go abroad for gain, for in
such cases they were subject to the statute against retainers. The
third sort were certain artisans in good towns and great parishes, as
shoemakers, tailors, and such like, that used to play either in their
town-halls, or some time in churches, to make the people merry; where
it was lawful for all persons to come without exacting any money for
their access, having only somewhat gathered of the richer sort by the
churchwardens for their apparel and other necessaries.’
xlv. 1591. SIR JOHN HARINGTON.
[From _A Preface, or rather a Briefe Apologie of Poetrie, and of
the Author and Translator_, prefixed to Harington’s translation
of Ariosto’s _Orlando Furioso_ (1591), reprinted in Gregory
Smith, ii. 194.]
Harington upholds poetry on humanist lines, and answers the objections
of Cornelius Agrippa. P. 209. ‘The last reproofe is lightnes &
wantonnes.... First, the Tragicall is meerly free from it, as
representing onely the cruell and lawlesse proceedings of Princes,
mouing nothing but pitie or detestation. The Comicall, whatsoeuer
foolish playmakers make it offend in this kind, yet being rightly vsed,
it represents them so as to make the vice scorned and not embraced....
And for Tragedies, to omit other famous Tragedies, that that was played
at _S. Iohns_ in Cambridge, of _Richard the 3_, would moue
(I thinke) _Phalaris_ the tyraunt, and terrifie all tyrannous
minded men from following their foolish ambitious humors, seeing how
his ambition made him kill his brother, his nephews, his wife, beside
infinit others, and, last of all, after a short and troublesome raigne,
to end his miserable life, and to haue his body harried after his
death. Then, for Comedies, how full of harmeles myrth is our Cambridge
_Pedantius_? and the Oxford _Bellum Grammaticale_? or, to
speake of a London Comedie, how much good matter, yea and matter of
state, is there in that Comedie cald the play of the Cards, in which
it is showed how foure Parasiticall knaues robbe the foure principall
vocations of the Realme, _videl_, the vocation of Souldiers,
Schollers, Marchants, and Husbandmen? Of which Comedie I cannot forget
the saying of a notable wise counseller that is now dead, who when some
(to sing _Placebo_) aduised that it should be forbidden, because
it was somewhat too plaine, and indeed as the old saying is, _sooth
boord is no boord_, yet he would haue it allowed, adding it was fit
that _They which doe that they should not should heare that they
would not_.’
xlvi. 1592. THOMAS NASHE.
[From _Pierce Penilesse his Supplication to the Diuell_ (1592;
S. R. 8 Aug. 1592), reprinted in McKerrow, i. 149.]
[Extracts.] P. 211. ‘There is a certaine waste of the people for whome
there is no vse, but warre: and these men must haue some employment
still to cut them off.... To this effect, the pollicie of Playes is
very necessary, howsoeuer some shallow-braind censurers (not the
deepest serchers into the secrets of gouernment) mightily oppugne
them. For whereas the after-noone beeing the idlest time of the day;
wherein men that are their owne masters (as Gentlemen of the Court,
the Innes of the Courte, and the number of Captaines and Souldiers
about _London_) do wholy bestow themselues vpon pleasure, and that
pleasure they deuide (howe vertuously it skils not) either into
gameing, following of harlots, drinking, or seeing a Playe: is it not
then better (since of foure extreames all the world cannot keepe them
but they will choose one) that they should betake them to the least,
which is Playes? Nay, what if I prooue Playes to be no extreame; but
a rare exercise of vertue? First, for the subiect of them (for the
most part) it is borrowed out of our English Chronicles, wherein our
forefathers valiant acts (that haue line long buried in rustie brasse
and worme-eaten bookes) are reuiued, and they themselues raised from
the Graue of Obliuion, and brought to pleade their aged Honours in
open presence: than which, what can be a sharper reproofe to these
degenerate effeminate dayes of ours? How would it haue ioyed braue
_Talbot_ (the terror of the French) to thinke that after he had lyne
two hundred yeares in his Tombe, hee should triumphe againe on the
Stage, and haue his bones newe embalmed with the teares of ten thousand
spectators at least (at seuerall times) who, in the Tragedian that
represents his person, imagine they behold him fresh bleeding? I will
defend it against any Collian, or clubfisted Vsurer of them all, there
is no immortalitie can be giuen a man on earth like vnto Playes.... All
Artes to them are vanitie: and, if you tell them what a glorious thing
it is to haue _Henrie_ the fifth represented on the Stage, leading
the French King prisoner, and forcing both him and the Dolphin to
sweare fealty, I, but (will they say) what do we get by it? Respecting
neither the right of Fame that is due to true Nobilitie deceased, nor
what hopes of eternitie are to be proposed to aduentrous mindes, to
encourage them forward, but onely their execrable luker, and fillthie
vnquenchable auarice. They know when they are dead they shall not be
brought vpon the Stage for any goodnes, but in a merriment of the
Vsurer and the Diuel, or buying Armes of the Herald, who giues them the
Lyon, without tongue, tayle, or tallents, because his maister whome
hee must serue is a Townesman, and a man of peace, and must not keepe
any quarrelling beasts to annoy his honest neighbours. In Playes, all
coosonages, all cunning drifts ouer-guylded with outward holinesse,
all stratagems of warre, all the cankerwormes that breede on the rust
of peace, are most liuely anatomiz’d: they shewe the ill successe of
treason, the fall of hastie climbers, the wretched end of vsurpers, the
miserie of ciuill dissention, and how iust God is euermore in punishing
of murther.... Whereas some Petitioners of the Counsaile against them
obiect, they corrupt the youth of the Cittie, and withdrawe Prentises
from theyr worke; they heartily wishe they might bee troubled with none
of their youth nor their prentises; for some of them (I meane the ruder
handicrafts seruants) neuer come abroade, but they are in danger of
vndoing: and as for corrupting them when they come, thats false; for no
Play they haue, encourageth any man to tumult or rebellion, but layes
before such the halter and the gallowes; or praiseth or approoueth
pride, lust, whoredome, prodigalitie, or drunkennes, but beates them
downe vtterly. As for the hindrance of Trades and Traders of the Citie
by them, that is an Article foysted in by the Vintners, Alewiues, and
Victuallers, who surmise, if there were no Playes, they should haue
all the companie that resort to them, lye bowzing and beere-bathing in
their houses euery after-noone.... Our Players are not as the players
beyond Sea, a sort of squirting baudie Comedians, that haue whores
and common Curtizens to playe womens partes, and forbeare no immodest
speech or vnchast action that may procure laughter; but our Sceane
is more statelye furnisht than euer it was in the time of _Roscius_,
our representations honourable, and full of gallant resolution, not
consisting, like theirs, of a Pantaloun, a Whore, and a Zanie, but
of Emperours, Kings, and Princes; whose true Tragedies (_Sophocleo
cothurno_) they do vaunt. Not _Roscius_ nor _Æsope_, those admyred
tragedians that haue liued euer since before Christ was borne, could
euer performe more in action than famous _Ned Allen_.... If I euer
write any thing in Latine (as I hope one day I shall) not a man of any
desert here amongst vs, but I will haue vp. _Tarlton_, _Ned Allen_,
_Knell_, _Bentlie_, shall be made knowne to _France_, _Spaine_, and
_Italie_: and not a part that they surmounted in, more than other, but
I will there note and set downe, with the manner of theyr habites and
attyre.’
xlvii. 1592. ROBERT GREENE.
[From _A Quip for an Upstart Courtier: Or, A quaint Dispute
between Velvet Breeches and Cloth Breeches. Wherein is plainely
set downe the disorders in all Estates and Trades_ (_Works_, xi.
205).]
A jury is being empanelled between the disputants, who represent new
and old ideals of gentry. P. 289. ‘An ouerworne gentleman attired in
veluet and satin’ is followed by ‘two pert Applesquires: the one had
a murrey cloth gowne on, faced down before with gray conny, and laid
thicke on the sleeves with lace, which he quaintly bare vp to shew his
white taffata hose, and black silk stockings: a huge ruffe about his
necke wrapt in his great head like a wicker cage, a little Hat with
brims like the wings of a doublet, wherein he wore a jewell of glasse,
as broad as a chancery seale: after him followed two boies in cloakes
like butterflies: carrying one of them his cutting sword of choller,
the other his dauncing rapier of delight.’ The ‘ouerworne gentleman’ is
a poet, the ‘applesquires’ a player and the usher of a dancing school.
Velvet Breeches thinks the poet ‘a proud fellow’, the others ‘plaine,
honest, humble men, that for a penny or an old-cast sute of apparell
will do anything. Indeed quoth Cloth Breeches you say troth, they are
but too humble, for they be so lowly, that they be base minded: I mean
not in their lookes or apparell, for so they be peacockes and painted
asses, but in their corse of life, for they care not how they get
crowns, I meane how basely so they haue them, and yet of the two I hold
the Plaier to be the better Christian, although in his owne imagination
too full of selfe liking and selfe loue, and is vnfit to be of the Iury
though I hide and conceale his faults and fopperies, in that I haue
beene merry at his sports: onely this I must say, that such a plaine
country fellow as my selfe, they bring in as clownes and fooles to
laugh at in their play, whereas they get by vs, and of our almes the
proudest of them all doth line. Well, to be breefe, let him trot to the
stage, for he shall be none of the Iury.’
xlviii. 1592. ROBERT GREENE.
[From _Greens Groatsworth of Wit_ (1596; S. R. 20 Sept. 1592),
reprinted in Grosart, xii. 131, and C. M. Ingleby, _Shakespere
Allusion-Books_, Part i (1874, _N. S. S._); cf. ch. xxiii, s.v.
Greene.]
‘_Roberto_ ... vttered his present greefe, beseeching his advuise
how he might be imployed. Why easily, quoth hee, and greatly to your
benefit: for men of my profession get by schollers their whole liuing.
What is your profession, sayd _Roberto_? Truely sir, said he, I am a
player. A Player, quoth _Roberto_, I tooke you rather for a gentleman
of great liuing; for if by outward habit men shuld be censured, I tell
you, you would be taken for a substantiall man. So am I where I dwell
(quoth the player) reputed able at my proper cost, to build a Windmill.
What though the worlde once went hard with mee, when I was faine to
carrie my playing Fardle a footebacke; _Tempora mutantur_: I know you
know the meaning of it better than I, but I thus conster it, it is
otherwise now; for my very share in playing apparrell will not be solde
for two hundred pounds. Truely (said _Roberto_) it is strange, that you
should so prosper in that vaine practise, for that it seemes to me your
voyce is nothing gracious. Nay then, said the player, I mislike your
iudgement: why, I am as famous for Delphrigus, and the king of Fairies,
as euer was any of my time. The twelue labors of _Hercules_ haue I
terribly thundred on the stage, and plaied three scenes of the deuill
in the highway to heauen. Haue ye so (said _Roberto_?) then I pray you
pardon me. Nay more (quoth the player) I can serue to make a prettie
speech, for I was a countrie Author, passing at a morrall, for it was
I that pende the Morral of mans wit, the Dialogue of Diues, and for
seauen yeeres space was absolute interpreter of the puppets. But now my
Almanacke is out of date:
_The people make no estimation,
Of Morrals teaching education._
Was not this prettie for a plaine rime extempore? if ye will, ye shall
haue more. Nay it is enough, said _Roberto_, but how meane you to vse
mee? Why sir, in making playes, said the other, for which you shall
be well paied, if you will take the paines.... Roberto, now famozed
for an Arch-plaimaking-poet, his purse like the sea sometime sweld,
anon like the same sea fell to a low ebbe; yet seldom he wanted, his
labors were so well esteemed. Marry, this rule he kept, what euer he
fingerd afore-hand, was the certaine meanes to vnbinde a bargaine; and
being asked why he so sleightly dealt with them that did him good?
It becomes me, sath hee, to be contrarie to the worlde: for commonly
when vulgar men recieue earnest, they doe performe; when I am paid any
thing afore-hand, I breake my promise.... _To those Gentlemen, his
Quondam acquaintance, that spend their wits in making Plaies, R. G.
wisheth a better exercise, and wisdome to preuent his extremities_....
Base minded men al three of you, if by my miserie ye be not warned:
for vnto none of you (like me) sought those burres to cleaue: those
Puppits (I meane) that speake from our mouths, those Anticks garnisht
in our colours. Is it not strange that I, to whom they al haue beene
beholding: is it not like that you, to whome they all haue beene
beholding, shall (were ye in that case that I am now) be both at once
of them forsaken? Yes, trust them not: for there is an vpstart Crow,
beautified with our feathers, that with his _Tygers heart wrapt in
a Players hide_, supposes he is as well able to bumbast out a blank
verse as the best of you: and being an absolute _Iohannes fac totum_,
is in his owne conceit the onely Shake-scene in a countrie. O that
I might intreate your rare wits to be imployed in more profitable
courses: & let these Apes imitate your past excellence, and neuer more
acquaint them with your admired inuentions. I know the best husband
of you all will neuer proue an Vsurer, and the kindest of them all
wil neuer prooue a kinde nurse: yet, whilst you may, seeke you better
Maisters; for it is pittie men of such rare wits, should be subiect to
the pleasures of such rude groomes. In this I might insert two more,
that both haue writ against these buckram Gentlemen: but let their
owne works serue to witnesse against their owne wickednesse, if they
perseuer to maintaine any more such peasants. For other new commers, I
leaue them to the mercie of these painted monsters, who (I doubt not)
will driue the best minded to despise them: for the rest, it skils not
though they make a ieast at them.’ Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Greene.
xlix. 1592. HENRY CHETTLE.
[From _Kind-Harts Dreame. Conteining fiue Apparitions, with
their Inuectiues against abuses raigning. Deliuered by seuerall
Ghosts vnto him to be publisht_ ... by H. C. (N. D.). The tract
was entered in the Stationers’ Register (Arber, ii. 623) on 8
Dec. 1592. The Ghosts are those of Anthony Now Now a fiddler,
William Cuckoe a juggler, Doctor Burcot a physician, Robert
Greene, and Richard Tarlton. Greene died in Sept. 1592. The
Epistle is signed by Henry Chettle (cf. ch. xxiii). The whole is
reprinted by C. M. Ingleby in Part I (1874) of the _Shakspere
Allusion-Books_ of the New Shakspere Society.]
P. 37. _To the Gentlemen Readers._ ‘About three moneths since died M.
_Robert Greene_, leauing many papers in sundry Booke sellers hands,
among other his Groatsworth of wit, in which a letter written to diuers
playmakers, is offensiuely by one or two of them taken; and because
on the dead they cannot be auenged, they wilfully forge in their
conceites a liuing Author: and after tossing it two and fro, no remedy,
but it must light on me. How I haue all the time of my conuersing
in printing hindered the bitter inueying against schollers, it hath
been very well knowne; and how in that I dealt, I can sufficiently
prooue. With neither of them that take offence was I acquainted, and
with one of them I care not if I neuer be: The other, whome at that
time I did not so much spare, as since I wish I had, for that as I
haue moderated the heate of liuing writers, and might haue vsde my
owne discretion (especially in such a case) the Author beeing dead,
that I did not, I am as sory as if the originall fault had beene my
fault, because my selfe haue seene his demeanor no lesse ciuill, than
he exelent in the qualitie he professes: Besides, diuers of worship
haue reported his vprightnes of dealing, which argues his honesty, and
his facetious grace in writting, that aprooues his Art. For the first,
whose learning I reuerence, and at the perusing of _Greenes_ Booke,
stroke out what then in conscience I thought he in some displeasure
writ: or had it beene true, yet to publish it, was intollerable: him
I would wish to vse me no worse than I deserue. I had onely in the
copy this share: it was il written, as sometime _Greenes_ hand was
none of the best; licensd it must be, ere it could bee printed, which
could neuer be if it might not be read. To be breife, I writ it ouer;
and as neare as I could, followed the copy; onely in that letter I put
something out, but in the whole booke not a worde in; for I protest
it was all _Greenes_, not mine nor Maister _Nashes_, as some vniustly
haue affirmed.’ _Henrie Chettle_.... _The Dreame_. P. 43. ‘There
entered at once fiue personages.... The next, by his sute of russet,
his buttond cap, his taber, his standing on the toe, and other tricks,
I knew to be either the body or resemblaunce of Tarlton, who liuing,
for his pleasant conceits was of all men liked, and dying, for mirth
left not his like.... With him was the fifth, a man of indifferent
yeares, of face amible, of body well proportioned, his attire after
the habite of a schollerlike Gentleman, onely his haire was somewhat
long, whome I supposed to be Robert Greene, maister of Artes: of whome
(howe euer some suppose themselues iniured) I haue learned to speake,
considering he is dead, _nill nisi necessarium_. He was of singuler
pleasaunce the verye supporter, and, to no man’s disgrace bee this
intended, the only Comedian of a vulgar writer in this country.’ P.
63. _To all maligners of honest mirth_, Tarleton _wisheth continuall
melancholy_. ‘Now Maisters, what say you to a merrie knaue, that for
this two years day hath not beene talkt of. Wil you giue him leaue, if
he can, to make ye laugh? What, all a mort? No merry countenance? Nay
then I see hypocrisie hath the vpper hand, and her spirit raignes in
this profitable generation. Sith it is thus, Ile be a time-pleaser.
Fie vppon following plaies, the expence is wondrous; vpon players
speeches, their wordes are full of wyles; vppon their gestures, that
are altogether wanton. Is it not lamentable, that a man should spende
his two pence on them in an after-noone, heare couetousnes amongst
them daily quipt at, being one of the commonest occupations in the
countrey; and in liuely gesture see trecherie set out, with which euery
man now adaies vseth to intrap his brother. Byr lady, this would be
lookt into: if these be the fruites of playing, tis time the practisers
were expeld. Expeld (quoth you); that hath been pretily performd, to
the no smal profit of the Bouling-allyes in Bedlam and other places,
that were wont in the after-noones to be left empty, by the recourse
of good fellows vnto that vnprofitable recreation of Stage-playing.
And it were not much amisse, would they ioine with the Dicing houses
to make sute againe for their longer restraint, though the sicknesse
cease. Is not this well saide (my maisters) of an olde buttond cappe,
that hath most part of his life liu’d vppon that against which he
inueighs: Yes, and worthily.’ Suppression of plays to the advantage of
bawdy-houses, especially those not near Shoreditch. Discourse with a
pander. P. 65. ‘And you, sir, find fault with plaies. Out vpon them,
they spoile our trade, as you your selfe haue proued. Beside, they
open our crosse-biting, our conny-catching, our traines, our traps,
our gins, our snares, our subtilties: for no sooner haue we a tricke
of deceipt, but they make it common, singing Iigs, and making ieasts
of vs, that euerie boy can point out our houses as they passe by.
Whither now _Tarlton_? this is extempore, out of time, tune, and
temper.... Thy selfe once a Player, and against Players: nay, turne
out the right side of thy russet coate, and lette the world know thy
meaning. Why thus I meane, for now I speake in sobernes. Euery thing
hath in it selfe his vertue and his vice: from one selfe flower the Bee
and Spider sucke honny and poyson. In plaies it fares as in bookes,
vice cannot be reproued, except it be discouered: neither is it in
any play discouered, but there followes in the same an example of
the punishment: now he that at a play will be delighted in the one,
and not warned by the other, is like him that reads in a booke the
description of sinne, and will not looke ouer the leafe for the reward.
Mirth in seasonable time taken, is not forbidden by the austerest
Sapients. But indeede there is a time of mirth and a time of mourning.
Which time hauing been by the Magistrats wisely obserued, as well for
the suppressing of Playes, as other pleasures: so likewise a time
may come, when honest recreation shall haue his former libertie. And
lette _Tarleton_ intreate the yoong people of the Cittie, either to
abstaine altogether from playes, or at their comming thither to vse
themselues after a more quiet order. In a place so ciuill as this
Cittie is esteemed, it is more than barbarously rude, to see the
shamefull disorder and routes that sometimes in such publike meetings
are vsed. The beginners are neither gentlemen, nor citizens, nor any
of both their seruants, but some lewd mates that long for innouation;
& when they see aduantage, that either Seruingmen or Apprentises are
most in number, they will be of either side, though indeed they are
of no side, but men beside all honestie, willing to make boote of
cloakes, hats, purses, or what euer they can lay holde on in a hurley
burley. These are the common causers of discord in publike places. If
otherwise it happen (as it seldome doth) that any quarrell be betweene
man and man, it is far from manhood to make so publike a place their
field to fight in: no men will doe it, but cowardes that would faine
be parted, or haue hope to haue many partakers. Nowe to you that
maligne our moderate merriments, and thinke there is no felicitie but
in excessiue possession of wealth: with you I would ende in a song,
yea an Extempore song on this Theame, _Ne quid nimis necessarium_: but
I am now hoarse, and troubled with my Taber and Pipe: beside, what
pleasure brings musicke to the miserable. Therefore letting songes
passe, I tell them in sadnes, how euer Playes are not altogether to be
commended: yet some of them do more hurt in a day, than all the Players
(by exercizing theyr profession) in an age. Faults there are in the
professors as other men, this the greatest, that diuers of them beeing
publike in euerie ones eye, and talkt of in euery vulgar mans mouth,
see not how they are seene into, especially for their contempt, which
makes them among most men most contemptible. Of them I will say no
more: of the profession, so much hath _Pierce Pennilesse_ (as I heare
say) spoken, that for mee there is not any thing to speake. So wishing
the chearefull, pleasaunce endlesse; and the wilfull sullen, sorrow
till they surfet; with a turne on the toe I take my leaue. _Richard
Tarleton._’
l. 1592–9. JOHN RAINOLDS V. WILLIAM GAGER AND ALBERICO GENTILI.
[A controversy arising out of criticism by Rainolds on the
legitimacy of academic drama is contained in (_a_) Gager’s
_Momus_ and _Epilogus Responsiuus_, written _c._ Jan. 1592,
spoken 8 Feb., printed with additional matter _c._ May (cf. ch.
xxiii, s.v. Gager, _Ulysses Redux_; (_b_) Rainolds to Thomas
Thornton, 6 Feb. 1592; (_c_) Rainolds to Gager, 10 July 1592;
(_d_) Gager to Rainolds, 31 July 1592; (_e_) Rainolds to Gager,
30 May 1593; (_f_) Gentili, _Commentatio de Professoribus et
Medicis_, printed with _Ad Titulum de Maleficis et Mathematicis
Commentarius_ (1593, with epistle of 26 June 1593; 1604); (_g_)
Gentili to Rainolds, 7 July 1593; (_h_) Rainolds to Gentili,
10 July 1593; (_i_) Gentili to Rainolds, 14 July 1593; (_k_)
Rainolds to Gentili, 5 Aug. 1593; (_l_) two further letters by
Gentili and two by Rainolds, who ends the correspondence on
12 Mar. 1594; (_m_) Gentili, _De Actoribus et Spectatoribus
Fabularum non Notandis Disputatio_ (1599, with epistle of 14
Oct. 1597; reprinted in Gronovius, _Thesaurus Antiquitatum_,
viii); (_n_) _Th’ Overthrow of Stage-Players_ (1599, no
imprint, with epistle from Printer to Reader; 1600; 1629). This
is a print of (_c_), (_e_), (_g_), (_h_), (_i_), (_k_). All
the twelve letters are in _Oxon. C.C.C. MS._ 352 and some in
_Queen’s Coll. MS._ 359; a collection in _Univ. Coll. MS._ 157
is lost, but probably added no more. Rainolds is satirized in
the Queen’s College, Cambridge, play of _Fucus Histriomastix_
(_1623_, ed. G. C. Moore Smith, 1909), probably by Robert Ward.]
The academic controversy is fully summarized by F. S. Boas in
_Fortnightly Review_ for August 1907 and _University Drama in the Tudor
Age_ (1914), 229, together with the analysis of Gager’s defence by
K. Young in _An Elizabethan Defence of the Stage_ (1916, _Wisconsin
Shakespeare Studies_, 103). I only quote the reference in the Epistle
to _Th’ Overthrow_ of 1599 to ‘Men ... that haue not been afraied of
late dayes to bring vpon the Stage the very sober countenances, graue
attire, modest and matronelike gestures, and speaches of men & women to
be laughed at as a scorne and reproch to the world’.
li. 1597 (?). JOHN HARINGTON.
[From _A Treatise on Playe_, printed in _Nugae_, i. 191. I
retain Park’s date of ‘circa 1597’, although I doubt whether
it is based on anything but a conjecture that ‘this deere
yeer’ (204) may be 1595 or 1597, and the latest definite event
referred to is the death of Hatton on 20 Nov. 1591. The treatise
deals mainly with gambling.]
One sayd merely that ‘enterludes weare the divells sarmons, and jesters
the divells confessors; thease for the most part disgracing of vertue,
and those not a little gracinge of vices’. But, for my part, I commend
not such sowere censurers, but I thinke in stage-playes may bee much
good, in well-penned comedies, and specially tragedies; and I remember,
in Cambridge, howsoever the presyser sort have banisht them, the wyser
sort did, and still doe mayntayn them.
lii. 1598. FRANCIS MERES.
[From _Palladis Tamia: Wit’s Treasury_ (S. R. 7 Sept. 1598).
The general attitude of the treatise is humanist, but it is
only of value for the incidental notices and appreciations
of contemporary writers given in a rather fantastic series
of parallels between classical and Elizabethan literature.
Fuller extracts, including some personalia on Shakespeare and
other playwrights, not reprinted here, are in C. M. Ingleby,
_Shakspere Allusion-Books_, Part I (1874, _N. S. S._), 151, and
Gregory Smith, ii. 308.]
Our famous and learned Lawreat masters of England would entitle our
English to far greater admired excellency if either the Emperor
Augustus, or Octauia his sister, or noble Mecaenas were aliue to
rewarde and countenaunce them; or if our witty Comedians and stately
Tragedians (the glorious and goodlie representers of all fine witte,
glorified phrase, and queint action) bee still supported and vphelde,
by which meanes for lacke of Patrones (O ingratefull and damned
age) our Poets are soly or chiefly maintained, countenaunced, and
patronized....
... A COMPARATIUE DISCOURSE OF OUR ENGLISH POETS WITH THE GREEKE,
LATINE, AND ITALIAN POETS....
... As Plautus and Seneca are accounted the best for Comedy and
Tragedy among the Latines: so Shakespeare among the English is the
most excellent in both kinds for the stage. For Comedy, witnes his
_Gentlemen of Verona_, his _Errors_, his _Loue Labors Lost_, his _Loue
Labours Wonne_, his _Midsummers Night Dreame_, and his _Merchant of
Venice_; For Tragedy, his _Richard the 2_, _Richard the 3_, _Henry the
4_, _King Iohn_, _Titus Andronicus_, and his _Romeo and Iuliet_....
... These are our best for Tragedie, The Lorde Buckhurst, Doctor Leg of
Cambridge, Doctor Edes of Oxford, Master Edward Ferris, the author of
the _Mirror for Magistrates_, Marlow, Peele, Watson, Kid, Shakespeare,
Drayton, Chapman, Decker, and Beniamin Iohnson.
As M. Anneus Lucanus writ two excellent tragedies, one called _Medea_,
the other _De incendio Troiae cum Priami calamitate_: so Doctor Leg
hath penned two famous tragedies, the one of _Richard the 3_, the other
of _The Destruction of Ierusalem_....
... The best for Comedy amongst vs bee Edward, Earle of Oxforde, Doctor
Gager of Oxforde, Master Rowley, once a rare scholler of learned
Pembrooke Hall in Cambridge, Maister Edwardes, one of Her Maiesties
Chappell, eloquent and wittie Iohn Lilly, Lodge, Gascoyne, Greene,
Shakespeare, Thomas Nash, Thomas Heywood, Anthony Mundye, our best
plotter, Chapman, Porter, Wilson, Hathway, and Henry Chettle....
As Georgius Buchananus’ _Iepthae_ amongst all moderne Tragedies is able
to abide the touch of Aristotle’s precepts and Euripedes’s examples: so
is Bishop Watson’s _Absalon_. As ... Watson for his _Antigone_ out of
Sophocles, ha[s] got good commendations: so these versifiers for their
learned translations are of good note among vs ... the Translators
of Seneca’s _Tragedies_, ... As Antipater Sidonius was famous for
extemporall verse in Greeke, and Ouid for his _Quicquid conabar dicere
versus erat_: so was our Tarleton, of whome Doctor Case, that learned
physitian, thus speaketh in the Seuenth Booke and seuenteenth chapter
of his _Politikes: Aristoteles suum Theodoretum laudauit quendam
peritum Tragœdiarum actorem, Cicero suum Roscium: nos Angli Tarletonum,
in cuius voce et vultu omnes iocosi affectus, in cuius cerebroso capite
lepidae facetiae habitant_. And so is now our wittie Wilson, who for
learning and extemporall witte in this facultie is without compare or
compeere, as, to his great and eternall commendations, he manifested in
his challenge at the _Swanne_ on the Banke Side.
liii. 1603. HENRY CROSSE.
[From _Vertues Commonwealth: Or The Highway to Honour_,
reprinted in A. B. Grosart, _Occasional Issues_, vii (1878),
111.]
Must the holy Prophets and Patriarkes be set vpon a Stage, to be
derided, hist, and laught at? or is it fit that the infirmities of
holy men should be acted on a Stage, whereby others may be inharted
to rush carelessly forward into vnbrideled libertie?... Furthermore,
there is no passion wherwith the king, the soueraigne maiestie of the
Realme was possest, but is amplified, and openly sported with, and made
a May-game to all the beholders.... If a man will learne to be proud,
fantasticke, humorous, to make love, sweare, swagger, and in a word
closely doo any villanie, for a twopenny almes hee may be throughly
taught and made a perfect good scholler.... And as these copper-lace
gentlemen growe rich, purchase lands by adulterous Playes, & not fewe
of them vsurers and extortioners, which they exhaust out of the purses
of their haunters, so are they puft vp in such pride and selfe-loue,
as they enuie their equalles, and scorne theyr inferiours.... But
especially these nocturnall and night Playes, at vnseasonable and
vndue times, more greater euils must necessarily proceed of them,
because they do not onely hide and couer the thiefe, but also entice
seruants out of their maisters houses, wherby opportunitie is offered
to loose fellowes, to effect many wicked stratagems.... To conclude,
it were further to be wished, that those admired wittes of this age,
Tragædians, and Comædians, that garnish Theaters with their inuentions,
would spend their wittes in more profitable studies, and leaue off to
maintaine those Anticks, and Puppets, that speake out of their mouthes:
for it is pittie such noble giftes, should be so basely imployed, as to
prostitute their ingenious labours to inriche such buckorome gentlemen.
liv. 1604–5 (?). BEN JONSON.
[Prologue to _Every Man In His Humour_, first printed in Folio
of 1616, and possibly written for a Jacobean revival.]
Though neede make many _Poets_, and some such
As art, and nature haue not betterd much;
Yet ours, for want, hath not so lou’d the stage,
As he dare serue th’ill customes of the age:
Or purchase your delight at such a rate,
As, for it, he himselfe must iustly hate.
To make a child, now swadled, to proceede
Man, and then shoote vp, in one beard, and weede,
Past threescore yeeres: or, with three rustie swords,
And helpe of some few foot-and-halfe-foote words,
Fight ouer _Yorke_, and _Lancasters_ long iarres:
And in the tyring-house bring wounds, to scarres.
He rather prayes, you will be pleas’d to see
One such, to day, as other playes should be.
Where neither _Chorus_ wafts you ore the seas;
Nor creaking throne comes downe, the boyes to please;
Nor nimble squibbe is seene, to make afear’d
The gentlewomen; nor roul’d bullet heard
To say, it thunders; nor tempestuous drumme
Rumbles, to tell you when the storme doth come;
But deedes, and language, such as men doe vse:
And persons, such as _Comœdie_ would chuse,
When she would shew an Image of the times,
And sport with humane follies, not with crimes.
Except, we make ‘hem such, by louing still
Our popular errors, when we know th’are ill.
I meane such errors as you’ll all confesse
By laughing at them, they deserue no lesse:
Which when you heartily doe, there’s hope left, then,
You, that haue so grac’d monsters, may like men.
lv. 1607. BEN JONSON.
[From Epistle to _Volpone_ (cf. ch. xxiii).]
Hence is it, that I now render my selfe gratefull, and am studious
to iustifie the bounty of your act: To which, though your mere
authority were satisfying, yet it being an age wherein _Poëtry_ and the
Professors of it heare so ill on all sides, there will a reason bee
look’d for in the subject. It is certaine, nor can it with any forehead
be oppos’d, that the too-much licence of _Poëtasters_ in this time
hath much deform’d their _Mistresse_; that euery day their manifold
and manifest ignorance doth stick vnnaturall reproches vpon her. But
for their petulancy, it were an act of the greatest iniustice, either
to let the learned suffer, or so diuine a _skill_ (which indeed should
not be attempted with vncleane hands) to fall vnder the least contempt.
For if men will impartially, and not à-squint, looke toward the offices
and function of a _Poët_, they will easily conclude to themselues
the impossibility of any mans being the good _Poët_, without first
being a good _Man_. He that is sayd to be able to informe _yong-men_
to all good disciplines, inflame _growne-men_ to all great vertues,
keepe _old men_ in their best and supreme state, or as they decline
to child-hood, recouer them to their first strength; that comes forth
the Interpreter and Arbiter of _Nature_, a Teacher of things diuine no
lesse than humane, a Master in manners; and can alone, or with a few,
effect the busines of Mankind. This, I take him, is no subject for
_Pride_ and _Ignorance_ to exercise their railing _rhetorique_ vpon.
But it will here be hastily answer’d, that the _Writers_ of these dayes
are other things; that not onely their manners, but their natures, are
inuerted, and nothing remaining with them of the dignity of _Poët_,
but the abused name, which euery Scribe vsurpes; that now, especially
in _Dramatick_, or (as they terme it) Stage-_Poëtry_, nothing but
Ribaldry, Profanation, Blasphemy, al Licence of offence to God, and
Man, is practisd. I dare not deny a great part of this, and am sory I
dare not: because in some mens abortiue _Features_ (and would they had
neuer boasted the light) it is ouer-true. But that all are embarqu’d
in this bold aduenture for Hell, is a most vncharitable thought, and
vtterd, a more malicious slander. For my particular, I can, and from a
most cleare conscience, affirme, that I haue euer trembled to thinke
toward the least Prophanenesse; haue loathed the vse of such foule and
vn-washd Baudr’y, as is now made the foode of the _Scene_.
lvi. 1608. WILLIAM CRASHAW.
[From _The Sermon preached at the Crosse, Feb. xiiij. 1607_
(1608, 2nd ed. 1609). Crashaw was preacher at the Inner Temple
and father of Richard Crashaw, the poet. The hypocrites,
Nicholas Saint-Tantlings and Simon Saint-Mary-Oueries, are
characters in _The Puritan_ (1607). John Selden says in his
_Table Talk_ (1689; ed. Reynolds, 134), ‘I never converted
but two, the one was Mr. Crashaw from writing against plays, by
telling him a way how to understand that place, of putting on
woman’s apparel, which has nothing to do with the business’; cf.
_infra_, s.v. Selden (1616).]
P. 169. ‘Now there are also besides these two great Babels, certaine
other little pettie Babylons, namely, incurable sinnes amongst vs,
...’ P. 170. ‘2. The vngodly Playes and Enterludes so rife in this
nation: what are they but a bastard of Babylon, a daughter of error
and confusion, a hellish deuice (the diuels owne recreation to mock
at holy things) by him deliuered to the Heathen, from them to the
Papists, and from them to vs? Of this euill and plague, the Church of
God in all ages can say, truly and with a good conscience, _wee would
haue healed her_. [Quotes Tertullian and others.] ... All this they
are daily made to know, but all in vaine, they be children of Babylon
that will not bee healed: nay, they grow worse and worse, for now they
bring religion and holy things vpon the stage: no maruel though the
worthiest and mightiest men escape not, when God himselfe is so abused.
Two hypocrites must be brought foorth; and how shall they be described
but by these names, _Nicolas S. Antlings_, _Simon S. Maryoueries_.
Thus hypocrisie a child of hell must beare the names of two Churches
of God, and two wherein Gods name is called on publikely euery day in
the yeere, and in one of them his blessed word preached euerie day (an
example scarce matchable in the world): yet these two, wherin Gods
name is thus glorified, and our Church and State honoured, shall bee
by these miscreants thus dishonoured, and that not on the stage only,
but euen in print.’ Complains of profaneness, atheism, blasphemy, and
profaning of Sabbath ‘which generally in the countrie is their play
day’. Calls on magistrate, lest God take the matter into his own hand.
lvii. 1608 (?). THOMAS HEYWOOD.
[From _An Apology for Actors. Containing three briefe Treatises.
1. Their Antiquity. 2. Their ancient Dignity. 3. The True Use of
their Quality_ (1612), reprinted by William Cartwright as _The
Actor’s Vindication_ (N.D., but according to Douce 1658) and in
1841 (_Sh. Soc._). I think the treatise was probably written in
1607 and touched up in 1608, since (_a_) the series of actors
named as dead ends with Sly, who died in Aug. 1608; (_b_) the
Revels Office is located at St. John’s, which it lost about
Feb. 1608; (_c_) the frustrated Spanish landing in ‘Perin’ in
Cornwall ‘some 12 yeares ago’ is probably the abortive Spanish
attempt to burn Pendennis Castle on Falmouth Harbour, 3 miles
from Penrhyn, which appears from _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclvi, 21,
40, and Dasent, xxv. 15, to have taken place in the autumn of
1595, probably in connexion with the better-known landing of
22 July 1595 in Mount’s Bay. Here there is a Perranuthnoe, but
this was a successful landing, resulting in serious damage to
Penzance, Mousehole, and Newlyn (_Procl._ 879). There was also
a raid at Cawsand Bay near Plymouth on 14 Mar. 1596 (_S. P.
D. Eliz._ cclvi. 89), in which the invaders fired some houses
and boats, and fled to sea on a shot being fired. But there
is no ‘Perin’ in Cawsand Bay. In _Journal of the Folk-Song
Society_, v. 275, is recorded a tradition that ‘the French once
landed invading troops at Padstow Bay; but on seeing a number
of mummers in red cloaks with their hobby-horse they supposed
that the English army was at hand, and fled’. This raid was at
St. Eval, 3 miles west of Padstow, on 13 July 1595 (_Hatfield
MSS._ v. 285), and no doubt formed part of the same expedition
which reached Mount’s Bay. Of course it was Spanish, not French;
the perversion is characteristic of tradition. Conceivably
this episode was what Heywood had in mind, but the nearest
‘Perin’, Perranporth, is some dozen miles farther west than St.
Evall. Heywood was answered by I. G. in _A Refutation of the
Apology for Actors_ (1615), which contributes nothing new, and
uses material from Gosson’s _Plays Confuted_ (No. xxx), with
references to the long-destroyed Theatre unchanged.]
[Summary and Extracts.] P. 3. _To the Earl of Worcester_. ‘I presumed
to publish this unworthy worke under your gracious patronage ... as
an acknowledgement of the duty I am bound to you in as a servant.’
P. 4. _To my good Friends and Fellowes the Citty-Actors_. ‘That it
[our quality] hath beene esteemed by the best and greatest ... I
need alledge no more than the royall and princely services in which
we now live.... Some over-curious have too liberally taxed us ... we
may as freely (out of our plainnesse) answere, as they (out of their
perversenesse) object, instancing my selfe by famous Scaliger, learned
Doctor Gager, Doctor Gentiles, and others.... So, wishing you judiciall
audiences, honest poets, and true gatherers, I commit you all to the
fulnesse of your best wishes.’ P. 6. _Verses_ by, _inter alios_,
John Webster, and by Richard Perkins, Christopher Beeston and Robert
Pallant to their ‘fellow’. _Book i._ P. 15. The author is ‘mooved by
the sundry exclamations of many seditious sectists in this age.... It
hath pleased the high and mighty princes of this land to limit the use
of certaine publicke theaters, which, since many of those over-curious
heads have lavishly and violently slandered, I hold it not amisse to
lay open some few antiquities to approve the true use of them.’ A
vision of Melpomene. Actors in antiquity. P. 20. The lives of worthies
‘can no way bee so exquisitly demonstrated, nor so lively portrayed,
as by action.... A description is only a shadow, received by the eare,
but not perceived by the eye; so lively portrature is meerely a forme
seene by the eye, but can neither shew action, passion, motion, or any
other gesture to moove the spirits of the beholder to admiration: but
to see a souldier shap’d like a souldier, walke, speake, act like a
souldier; to see a Hector all besmered in blood, trampling upon the
bulkes of kinges; a Troilus returning from the field, in the sight of
his father Priam, as if man and horse, even from the steed’s rough
fetlockes to the plume on the champion’s helmet, had bene together
plunged into a purple ocean; to see a Pompey ride in triumph, then
a Caesar conquer that Pompey; labouring Hannibal alive, hewing his
passage through the Alpes. To see as I have seene, Hercules, in his
owne shape, hunting the boare, knocking downe the bull, taming the
hart, fighting with Hydra, murdering Geryon, slaughtering Diomed,
wounding the Stymphalides, killing the Centaurs, pashing the lion,
squeezing the dragon, dragging Cerberus in chaynes, and lastly, on his
high pyramides waiting _Nil ultra_, Oh, these were sights to make an
Alexander! To turne to our domesticke hystories: what English blood,
seeing the person of any bold Englishman presented, and doth not hugge
his fame, and hunnye at his valor, pursuing him in his enterprise
with his best wishes, and as beeing wrapt in contemplation, offers to
him in his hart all prosperous performance, as if the personator were
the man personated? so bewitching a thing is lively and well-spirited
action, that it hath power to new-mold the harts of the spectators,
and fashion them to the shape of any noble and notable attempt. What
coward, to see his countrymen valiant, would not bee ashamed of his
owne cowardise? What English prince, should hee behold the true
portrature of that famous King Edward the Third, foraging France,
taking so great a king captive in his owne country, quartering the
English lyons with the French flower-delyce, and would not bee suddenly
inflam’d with so royale a spectacle, being made apt and fit for the
like atchievement. So of Henry the Fift.’ The place of actors at Rome.
P. 24. ‘Neither Christ himselfe, nor any of his sanctified apostles,
in any of their sermons, acts, or documents, so much as named them, or
upon any abusive occasion touched them.... Since they (I say) in all
their holy doctrines, bookes, and principles of divinity, were content
to passe them over, as thinges tollerated and indifferent, why should
any nice and over-scrupulous heads, since they cannot ground their
curiousnesse either upon the Old or New Testament, take upon them to
correct, controule, or carpe at that, against which they cannot finde
any text in the sacred scriptures?’ P. 25. ‘Since God hath provided
us of these pastimes, why may we not use them to his glory? Now, if
you aske me why were not the theaters as gorgeously built in all other
cities of Italy as Rome, and why are not playhouses maintained as
well in other cities of England as London? My answere is ... Rome was
a metropolis, a place whither all the nations knowne under the sunne
resorted: so is London, and being to receive all estates, all princes,
all nations, therefore to affoord them all choyce of pastimes, sports,
and recreations.’ Actors in Greece. The scriptural prohibition of
change of sex-costume has no reference to plays. P. 28. ‘To see our
youths attired in the habit of women, who knowes not what their intents
be? who cannot distinguish them by their names, assuredly knowing they
are but to represent such a lady, at such a tyme appoynted? Do not
the Universities, the fountaines and well springs of all good arts,
learning, and documents, admit the like in their colledges? and they
(I assure my selfe) are not ignorant of their true use. In the time of
my residence at Cambridge, I have seen tragedyes, comedyes, historyes,
pastorals, and shewes, publickly acted, in which the graduates of
good place and reputation have bene specially parted.’ Value of such
exercises in teaching audacity in disputation and good enunciation. The
critics of acting ‘a sorte of finde-faults’. _Book ii._ Antiquities
of the theatre, and distribution of theatres in ancient and modern
states. P. 40. ‘The King of Denmarke, father to him that now reigneth,
entertained into his service a company of English comedians, commended
unto him by the honourable the Earle of Leicester: the Duke of
Brunswicke and the Landgrave of Hessen retaine in their courts certaine
of ours of the same quality.... And amongst us one of our best English
Chroniclers [in margin, ‘Stowe’] records, that when Edward the Fourth
would shew himselfe in publicke state to the view of the people, hee
repaired to his palace at S. Johnes, where he accustomed to see the
citty actors: and since then that house, by the prince’s free gift,
hath belonged to the Office of the Revels, where our court playes have
beene in late daies yearely rehersed, perfected, and corrected before
they come to the publike view of the prince and the nobility.’ Famous
classical actors. P. 43. ‘According to the occasion offered to do some
right to our English actors, as Knell, Bentley, Mils, Wilson, Crosse,
Lanam, and others, these, since I never saw them, as being before my
time, I cannot (as an eye-witnesse of their desert) give them that
applause, which no doubt they worthily merit; yet by the report of
many juditiall auditors their performances of many parts have been
so absolute, that it were a kinde of sinne to drowne their worths in
Lethe, and not commit their (almost forgotten) names to eternity.
Here I must needs remember Tarleton, in his time gratious with the
queene, his soveraigne, and in the people’s generall applause, whom
succeeded Wil. Kemp, as wel in the favour of her majesty, as in the
opinion and good thoughts of the generall audience. Gabriel, Singer,
Pope, Phillips, Sly, all the right I can do them is but this, that,
though they be dead, their deserts yet live in the remembrance of
many. Among so many dead, let me not forget one yet alive, in his
time the most worthy, famous Maister Edward Allen.... I also could
wish, that such as are condemned for their licentiousnesse, might by
a generall consent bee quite excluded our society; for, as we are
men that stand in the broad eye of the world, so should our manners,
gestures, and behaviours, savour of such government and modesty, to
deserve the good thoughts and reports of all men, and to abide the
sharpest censures even of those that are the greatest opposites to the
quality. Many amongst us I know to be of substance, of government, of
sober lives, and temperate carriages, house-keepers, and contributory
to all duties enjoyned them, equally with them that are rank’t with
the most bountifull; and if amongst so many of sort, there be any few
degenerate from the rest in that good demeanor which is both requisite
and expected at their hands, let me entreat you not to censure hardly
of all for the misdeeds of some.’ On royal actors, quoting (p. 45)
‘M. Kid, in his Spanish Tragedy’. _Book iii._ The quality not to be
condemned because of its abuses. P. 52. ‘Playing is an ornament to the
citty.’ It refines the language, instructs the ignorant, and teaches
moral lessons. P. 54. ‘Briefly, there is neither tragedy, history,
comedy, morall, or pastorall, from which an infinite use cannot be
gathered. I speake not in the defence of any lascivious shewes,
scurrelous jests, or scandalous invectives. If there be any such I
banish them quite from my patronage.’ Plays have discovered murders. P.
57. ‘We will prove it by a domestike and home-borne truth, which within
these few years happened. At Lin, in Norfolke, the then Earl of Sussex
players acting the old History of Feyer Francis’ drove a townswoman to
confess the murder of her husband in circumstances parallel to those
of the play. P. 58. Relates rout of Spanish raiders ‘at a place called
Perin in Cornwall’, though their alarm at the drum and trumpets of ‘a
company of the same quality some 12 yeares ago, or not so much ...
playing late in the night’. Another story of a woman who had driven a
nail into her husband’s brain, urged to remorse by a similar incident
in ‘the last part of the Four Sons of Aymon’ played by ‘a company of
our English comedians (well knowne)’ at Amsterdam. Summarizes the
favour of many sovereigns to players. P. 60. ‘The cardinal at Bruxels
hath at this time in pay a company of our English comedians.... But
in no country they are of that eminence that our’s are: so our most
royall and ever renouned soveraigne hath licenced us in London: so
did his predecessor, the thrice vertuous virgin, Queen Elizabeth;
and before her, her sister, Queene Mary, Edward the sixth, and their
father, Henry the eighth.’ P. 61. ‘Moreover, to this day in divers
places of England there be townes that held the priviledge of their
faires, and other charters by yearely stage-playes, as at Manningtree
in Suffolke, Kendall in the north, and others.... Now, to speake of
some abuse lately crept into the quality, as an inveighing against the
state, the court, the law, the citty, and their governements, with
the particularizing of private men’s humors (yet alive) noblemen, and
others: I know it distastes many; neither do I any way approve it,
nor dare I by any meanes excuse it. The liberty which some arrogate
to themselves, committing their bitternesse, and liberall invectives
against all estates, to the mouthes of children, supposing their
juniority to be a priviledge for any rayling, be it never so violent,
I could advise all such to curbe and limit this presumed liberty
within the bands of discretion and government. But wise and juditiall
censurers, before whom such complaints shall at any time hereafter
come, wil not (I hope) impute these abuses to any transgression in
us, who have ever been carefull and provident to shun the like.’ P.
162. _Epistle to the publisher._ Notes the printer’s faults in his
_Britain’s Troy_, and the pirating of his two epistles of Paris to
Helen, and Helen to Paris by Jaggard [in _The Passionate Pilgrim_].
lviii. 1610. WILLIAM CRASHAW.
[From _A Sermon Preached in London before the right honorable
the Lord Lawarre, Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall of
Virginea ... Feb. 21, 1609_ (1610).]
P. 57. ‘We confesse this action hath three great enemies: but who
be they? euen the Diuell, Papists, and Players.’ P. 62. ‘3. As for
Plaiers: (pardon me right Honourable and beloued, for wronging this
place and your patience with so base a subiect) they play with Princes
and Potentates, Magistrates and Ministers, nay with God and Religion,
and all holy things: nothing that is good, excellent or holy can escape
them: how then can this action?... But why are the Players enemies to
this Plantation and doe abuse it? I will tell you the causes: First,
for that they are so multiplied here, that one cannot liue by another,
and they see that wee send of all trades to Virginea, but will send no
Players, which if wee would doe, they that remaine would gaine the more
at home. Secondly ... because wee resolue to suffer no Idle persons
in Virginea, which course if it were taken in England, they know they
might turne to new occupations.’
lix. 1615. I. H.
[From _This World’s Folly. Or A Warning-Peece discharged vpon
the Wickednesse thereof_. By I. H. (1615).]
B^v-B2. ‘What voice is heard in our streetes? Nought but the squeaking
out of those τερετίσματα, obscaene and light Iigges, stuft with
loathsome and vnheard-of Ribauldry, suckt from the poysonous dugs
of Sinne-sweld Theaters.... More haue recourse to Playing houses,
then to Praying houses.... I will not particularize those _Blitea
dramata_ (as _Laberius_ termes another sort) those _Fortune_-fatted
fooles, and Times Ideots, whose garbe is the Tooth-ache of witte, the
Plague-sore of Iudgement, the Common-sewer of Obscaenities, and the
very Traine-powder that dischargeth the roaring _Meg_ (not _Mol_) of
all scurrile villanies vpon the Cities face; who are faine to produce
blinde _Impudence_ [_in margin_, ‘Garlicke’], to personate himselfe
vpon their stage, behung with chaynes of Garlicke, as an Antidote
against their owne infectious breaths, lest it should kill their
Oyster-crying Audience. _Vos quoque_ [_in margin_, ‘Or _Tu quoque_’],
and you also, who with _Scylla_-barking, _Stentor_-throated bellowings,
flash choaking squibbes of absurd vanities into the nosthrils of your
spectators, barbarously diuerting _Nature_, and defacing Gods owne
image, by metamorphising humane [_in margin_, ‘_Greenes_ Baboone’]
shape into bestiall forme. Those also stand within the stroke of my
penne, who were wont to _Curtaine_ ouer their defects with knauish
conueyances, and scum off the froth of all wanton vanity, to qualifie
the eager appetite of their slapping Fauorites.’
lx. 1615. J. COCKE.
[The variant texts of this character are here given from the
two editions of John Stephens’ essays, in each of which it is
Bk. ii, char. 4, viz. (A) _Satyrical Essayes Characters and
Others_ (1615) and (B) _Essayes and Characters, Ironical and
Instructive. The second impression_ (1615), of which a reprint
is in J. O. Halliwell, _Old Books of Characters_ (1857), 131.
Between A and B had appeared the sixth edition of _The Wife_,
with the character of _An Excellent Actor_ and the reference to
a rival as ‘the imitating Characterist’ (v. No. lxi). To this
the additions in B are a rejoinder, and they are reinforced
by two epistles. One is ‘To the namelesse Rayler: who hath
lenghthened his Excellent Actor, a most needy Caracter following
the wife with a peece of dog-skin witt; dressed ouer with oyle
of sweaty Posthorse’. Here the writer, I. S., says he did
‘admit a friends Satyre’. The other epistle, ‘To the nameles
Author of a late Character entituled, an _Excellent Actor_,
following _The Wife_’, is signed by ‘I. Cocke’, who says,
‘witnes your gross mistaking of approued and authorised actors
for counterfeit Runagates, or country Players, inueighed against
by the Characterist’. Some appended verses claim for Cocke the
authorship of the _Tinker_, _Apparator_, and _Almanac-maker_ in
_The Wife_. It seems clear that Cocke and not Stephens wrote the
present character, and that _An Excellent Actor_ was a reply to
it. It is true that Stephens only speaks of it as ‘lenghthened’
by the attack on himself, but ‘lenghthened’ may mean ‘pieced
out’, and there is no version, long or short, in any of the five
first editions of _The Wife_, while a reference to ‘the sixt
impression of S. Thomas Overburyes wife’ on p. 434 of B shows
this was before its writers. John Stephens (cf. ch. xxiii) was
a Lincoln’s Inn dramatist. I cannot find a likely Cocke in the
_Lincoln’s Inn Admission Books_; there is an Isaac Cox, admitted
10 Jan. 1611 (i. 154), and a John Cookes on 6 June 1614 (i.
166). Can the satirist be the John Cooke (cf. ch. xxiii) who
wrote _Greene’s Tu Quoque_?]
_A common Player_
_Is a slow Payer, seldom a Purchaser, never a Puritan._ The Statute
hath done wisely to acknowledg him a Rogue errant[824], for his chiefe
essence is, _A daily Counterfeit_[825]: He hath beene familiar so long
with out-sides, that he professes himselfe (being unknowne) to be an
apparant Gentleman. But his thinne Felt, and his silke Stockings,
or his foule Linnen, and faire Doublet, doe (in him) bodily reveal
the Broker: So beeing not sutable, hee proves a Motley: his mind
observing the same fashion of his body: both consist of parcells
and remnants: but his minde hath commonly the newer fashion, and
the newer stuffe: hee would not else hearken so passionately after
new Tunes, new Trickes, new Devises: These together apparrell his
braine and understanding, whilst he takes the materialls upon trust,
and is himself the Taylor to take measure of his soules liking. Hee
doth conjecture somewhat strongly, but dares not commend a playes
goodnes,[826] till he hath either spoken, or heard the _Epilogue_[827]:
neither dares he entitle good things _Good_, unlesse hee be heartned
on by the multitude: till then hee saith faintly what hee thinkes,
with a willing purpose to recant or persist: So howsoever hee pretends
to have a royall Master or Mistresse, his wages and dependance prove
him to be the servant of the people.[828] When he doth hold conference
upon the stage; and should looke directly in his fellows face; hee
turnes about his voice into the assembly for applause-sake, like a
Trumpeter in the fields, that shifts places to get an eccho.[829]
The cautions of his judging humor (if hee dares undertake it) be a
certaine number of sawsie rude[830] jests against the common lawyer;
hansome conceits against the fine Courtiers; delicate quirkes against
the rich Cuckold a cittizen; shadowed glaunce[831] for good innocent
Ladies and Gentlewomen; with a nipping scoffe for some honest Justice,
who hath[832] imprisoned him: or some thriftie Trades-man, who hath
allowed him no credit: alwayes remembred, his object is, _A new play_,
or _A play newly revived_. Other Poems he admits, as good-fellowes
take Tobacco, or ignorant Burgesses give a voyce, for company sake; as
thinges that neither maintaine nor be against him. To be a player, is
to have a _mithridate_ against the pestilence; for players cannot tarry
where the plague raignes; and therfore they be seldome infected.[833]
He can seeme no lesse then one in honour, or at least one mounted;
for unto miseries which persecute such, he is most incident. Hence
it proceeds, that in the prosperous fortune of a play frequented, he
proves immoderate, and falles into a Drunkards paradise, till it be
_last_ no longer. Otherwise when adversities come, they come together:
For Lent and Shrovetuesday be not farre asunder, then he is dejected
daily and weekely: his blessings be neither lame nor monstrous; they
goe upon foure legges, but moove slowly, and make as great a distance
between their steppes, as between the foure Tearmes. Reproofe is
ill bestowed uppon him; it cannot alter his conditions: he hath bin
so accustomed to the scorne and laughter of his audience, that hee
cannot bee ashamed of himselfe: for hee dares laugh in the middest
of a serious conference, without blushing.[834] If hee marries, hee
mistakes the Woman for the Boy in Womans attire, by not respecting a
difference in the mischiefe: But so long as he lives unmarried, hee
mistakes the Boy, or a Whore for the Woman; by courting the first on
the stage, or visiting the second at her devotions. When hee is most
commendable, you must confesse there is no truth in him: for his best
action is but an imitation of truth, and _nullum simile est idem_. It
may be imagined I abuse his carriage, and hee perhaps may suddenly bee
thought faire-conditioned; for he _playes above board_.[835] Take him
at the best, he is but a shifting companion; for hee lives effectually
by putting on, and putting off. If his profession were single, hee
would think himselfe a simple fellow, as hee doth all professions
besides his owne: His own therefore is compounded of all Natures, all
humours, all professions. Hee is politick also[836] to perceive the
commonwealth[837] doubts of his licence, and therefore in spight of
Parliaments or Statutes hee incorporates himselfe by the title of a
brotherhood. Painting and fine cloths may not by the same reason be
called abusive, that players may not be called rogues: _For they bee
chiefe ornaments of his Majesties Revells_.[838] I need not multiplie
his character; for boyes and every one, wil no sooner see men of this
Facultie walke along but they wil (unasked) informe you what hee is
by the vulgar title.[839] Yet in the generall number of them, many
may deserve a wise mans commendation: and therefore did I prefix an
Epithite of _common_, to distinguish the base and artlesse appendants
of our citty companies, which often times start away into rusticall
wanderers and then (like Proteus) start backe again into the Citty
number.[840]
lxi. 1615. JOHN WEBSTER (?).
[This Character _Of an Excellent Actor_ is one of the additions
made in the 6th edition (1615) to the Characters printed with
Sir Thomas Overbury’s _The Wife_, of which the 1st edition
appeared after Overbury’s death on 15 Sept. 1613. The Characters
do not profess to be all from Overbury’s hand, and the present
one was evidently written as a reply to that of _A Common
Player_ (No. lx). The allusion to painting suggests that the
model was Richard Burbadge. The passage _Therefore the imitating
Characterist ... flea them_ was omitted in the 7th edition
(1616) and in later editions, including the 9th (1616), from
which the reprints in E. F. Rimbault, _Works of Overbury_,
147, and H. Morley, _Character Writings_, 86, are taken. A. F.
Bourgeois, in 11 _N. Q._ x. 3, 23, gives some striking parallels
of phrase between the Characters of 1615 and the work of John
Webster, which may point to his authorship. Later Characters of
a Player are in J. Earle, _Microcosmography_ (1628, ed. A. S.
West, 81), and R. M., _Micrologia_ (1629, Morley, 285).]
_An Excellent Actor._
Whatsoeuer is commendable in the graue Orator, is most exquisitly
perfect in him; for by a full and significant action of body, he
charmes our attention: sit in a full Theater, and you will thinke
you see so many lines drawne from the circumference of so many
eares, whiles the _Actor_ is the _Center_. He doth not striue to
make nature monstrous, she is often seene in the same Scaene with
him, but neither on Stilts nor Crutches; and for his voice tis not
lower then the prompter, nor lowder then the Foile and Target. By his
action he fortifies morall precepts with example; for what we see him
personate, we thinke truely done before vs: a man of a deepe thought
might apprehend, the Ghosts of our ancient _Heroes_ walk’t againe, and
take him (at seuerall times) for many of them. Hee is much affected
to painting, and tis a question whether that make him an excellent
Plaier, or his playing an exquisite painter. Hee addes grace to the
Poets labours: for what in the Poet is but ditty, in him is both ditty
and musicke. He entertaines vs in the best leasure of our life, that
is betweene meales, the most vnfit time, either for study or bodily
exercise: the flight of Hawkes and chase of wilde beastes, either of
them are delights noble: but some think this sport of men the worthier,
despight all _calumny_. All men haue beene of his occupation: and
indeed, what hee doth fainedly that doe others essentially: this day
one plaies a Monarch, the next a priuate person. Heere one Acts a
Tyrant, on the morrow an Exile: A Parasite this man to night, to morow
a Precisian, and so of diuers others. I obserue, of all men liuing, a
worthy Actor in one kind is the strongest motiue of affection that can
be: for when he dies, wee cannot be perswaded any man can doe his parts
like him. Therefore the imitating Characterist was extreame idle in
calling them Rogues. His Muse it seemes, with all his loud inuocation,
could not be wak’d to light him a snuffe to read the Statute: for I
would let his malicious ignorance vnderstand, that Rogues are not to
be imploide as maine ornaments to his Maiesties Reuels; but the itch
of bestriding the Presse, or getting vp on this wodden Pacolet, hath
defil’d more innocent paper, then euer did Laxatiue Physicke: yet is
their inuention such tyred stuffe, that like Kentish Posthorse they
can not go beyond their ordinary stage, should you flea them. But to
conclude, I valew a worthy Actor by the corruption of some few of the
quality, as I would doe gold in the oare; I should not mind the drosse,
but the purity of the metall.
lxii. 1616. JOHN SELDEN.
[From a letter to Ben Jonson of ‘28th of Feb. 1615’ (_Works_,
ii. 1690).]
‘I have most willingly collected what you wished, my notes touching the
literal sense and historical of the holy text usually brought against
the counterfeiting of sexes by apparell.’ Explains it as a prohibition
of an idolatrous Palestine ritual.
lxiii. 1616. NATHAN FIELD.
[From _Feild the Players Letter to M^r Sutton, Preacher att
S^t Mary Overs_, 1616, printed by Halliwell, _Illustrations_,
115, from _S. P. Dom. Jac. I_, lxxxix. 105. There are some
slight references to the stage in Thomas Sutton’s _England’s
First and Second Summons_ (1616), 27, 195, but these are Paul’s
Cross sermons delivered, and in the case of the first at least
printed, before he became preacher at Saint Mary Overies in
1616, and Field is probably answering something later and more
pointed.]
Protests that Sutton’s labour ‘to hinder the Sacrament and banish me
from myne owne parishe Churche’ is ‘uncharitable dealing with your
poore parishioners, whose purses participate in your contribucion and
whose labour yow are contented to eate’. Can find nothing in the Bible,
‘which I have studied as my best parte’, condemning players, nor does
‘our Caesar, our David’, King James, condemn them.
APPENDIX D
DOCUMENTS OF CONTROL
[_Bibliographical Note._--The material here collected relates
to the control of the stage both by the central and, so far as
London and its suburbs are concerned, by the local authorities.
It is largely drawn from official sources, especially the
Chancery Rolls and the Privy Council Register, and the City
archives, in particular the series of _Remembrancia_, which
begins in 1579 and contains copies of official correspondence
between the Corporation and the Privy Council, or individual
persons of honour. Something has also been contributed by the
_Repertories_ of the Court of Aldermen and the _Journals_ of
the Common Council, but these, as well as the _Liber Legum_
and the _Letter Books_, which extend to 1590, probably still
require further search. The nature of the Privy Council Register
is described in ch. ii, and it must be borne in mind that
orders relating to plays are probably missing from it, owing
to _lacunae_, of which the chief are May 1559–May 1562, Sept.
1562–Nov. 1564, Dec. 1565–Oct. 1566, May 1567–May 1570, July
1572–Feb. 1573, June 1582–Feb. 1586, Aug. 1593–Oct. 1595, April
1599–Jan. 1600, Jan. 1602–May 1613. For the last of these an
abstract covering 1602–10 in _Addl. MS_. 11402 is an inadequate
substitute. Probably some volumes of the Register were burnt in
the fire of 1619 (cf. ch. i). Many of the documents were printed
by Collier, Hazlitt, Wright, and others, but in most cases
more authoritative texts are available in such publications as
the _Statutes of the Realm_ (1810–22), J. R. Dasent, _Acts of
the Privy Council_ (1890–1907), J. C. Jeaffreson, _Middlesex
County Records_ (1888–92), W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_ (1907),
C. C. Stopes, _Extracts from London Play Regulations_ (1908,
Harrison, _Description of England_, Part iv), and _Collections
of the Malone Society_, vol. i (_Dramatic Records_ from the
_Remembrancia_, _Lansdowne Manuscripts_, _Patent Rolls_, and
_Privy Council Register 1603–42_, by E. K. Chambers and W. W.
Greg), and in view of the diplomatic accuracy of these I have
allowed myself to make the present copies more readable by means
of additional punctuation, modifications in the use of capitals,
and the extension of contractions. I have also occasionally
omitted an irrelevant passage or an endorsement. And I have
replaced full texts by abstracts where, as in the case of the
company patents, the full texts seemed to go better in other
sections of this work.]
i.
[1531. Extract from _An Acte concernyng punysshement of Beggers
& Vacabundes_ (_22 Hen. VIII_, c. 12), printed in _Statutes_,
iii. 328. The Act was continued and amended in detail in 1536 by
_27 Hen. VIII_, c. 25 (_St._ iii. 558), replaced in 1547 by the
more severe _1 Edw. VI_, c. 3 (_St._ iv. 5), revived in 1550 by
_3 & 4 Edw. VI_, c. 16 (_St._ iv. 115), and continued in 1551–2
by _5 & 6 Edw. VI_, c. 2 (_St._ iv. 131), in 1552–3 by _7 Edw.
VI_, c. 11 (_St._ iv. 175), in 1553 by _1 Mary_, c. 13 (_St._
iv. 215), and in 1563 by _5 Eliz._ c. 3 (_St._ iv. 411).]
[§ 3.] And be it farther enacted by the aucthoryte aforsayde that yf
any person or persones beyng hole & myghtie in body & able to laboure,
at any tyme after the sayde feast of Saynt John [24 June 1531] be taken
in beggyng in any parte of this Realme, or yf any Man or Woman beyng
hole & myghty in body & able to laboure havyng no lande [or] maister
nor usyng any lawful marchaundyse crafte or mystery, wherby he myght
gette his lyvyng after the same feast, be vagarant & can gyve none
rekenyng howe he doth lefully gett his lyvyng, that than yt shalbe
lefull to the Constables & all other the Kynges Officers Mynysters &
Subjectes of every Towne Paryshe & Hamlet to arest the sayd Vacaboundes
& ydell persons & them bryng to any of the Justices of Peace of the
same Shyre or Libertie, or els to the Highe Constable of the Hundrede
Rape or Wapentake wythin whyche suche persones shalbe taken; and yf he
be taken wythin any Cyte or Towen Corporate, than to be brought before
the Mayre, Shereffes or Baylyffes of every suche Towne Corporate; and
that every suche Justyce of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres, Shereffes
and Baylyffes by their dyscretions shall cause every suche ydell
person so to hym brought to be had to the next market Towne or other
place, where the sayde Justices of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres,
Baylyffes or other Officers shall thynke most convenyent by his or
there discretions & there to be tyed to the end of a Carte naked and be
beten wyth Whyppes thoroughe oute the same market Towne or other place
tyll his Body be blody by reason of suche whyppyng; and after suche
punysshement & whyppyng had, the person so punysshed by the dyscretion
of the Justice of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayre, Sheryffes, Baylyffes
& other Officers, afore whom suche person shalbe brought, shalbe
enyoyned upon his othe to retourne forthewyth wythout delaye in the
next & streyght waye to the place where he was borne, or where he last
dwelled before the same punysshement by the space of iij yeres & there
put hym selfe to laboure, lyke as a trewe man oweth to doo ... and yf
the person so whypped be an ydell person & no common begger than after
suche whippyng he shall be kepte in the Stockes till he hath founde
suertie to goo to servyce or elles to laboure after the dyscretion
of the sayde Justice of Peace, Mayres, Shireffes, Baylyffes, Highe
Constables or other suche Offycers afore whome any suche ydell person
beyng no commen begger shalbe brought, yf by the dyscretion of the same
Justice of Peace, Mayer, Shyreff, Bayly, Highe Constable, or other
suche hedde offycer, yt be so thought convenyent & that the partie so
punysshed be able to fynde suretye or elles to be ordered & sworne to
repayer to the place where he was borne or where he last dwelled by the
space of three yeres.
ii.
[1549, May 27. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 313, from London _Repertory_, xii, f. 92.]
[Sidenote: Amcotes, Mayor. Wylkynson.]
Item, John Wylkynson, coriour, who comenly suffreth & meynteyneth
interludes & playes to be made and kept within his dwellyng house, was
streyghtly commandid no more to suffer eny suche pleyes there to be
kept, vpon peyne of imprysonement, &c.
iii.
[1549, July 4. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 313, from London _Repertory_, xii. 1, f. 100.]
[Sidenote: Interludes & bukler playinge.]
At this courte. yt was agreyd that my Lorde Mayer, at his next
repayrynge to the Lorde Chaunceler, shulde desyre his Lordeshyps ayde
and advise for the steyinge of all comen interludes & pleyes within the
Citie & the suburbes therof. And further, that euery of my maisters
thaldermen shulde take suche ordre in their wardes with the constables,
& otherwyse by their discrecion, that there be no more buckler playing
suffred nor vsed within eny of their wardes duryng this besye tyme.
iv.
[1549, 7 Nov. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 314, from London _Repertory_, xii. 1, f. 162^v.]
[Sidenote: Hyll, Mayor. Enterludes.]
Item, it is orderyd that the ij Secondaries of the Compters, Mr. Atkyns
& Mr. Burnell, shall, accordyng to the tenour of the recognysaunce
lately taken before the Lorde grete Master, & remaynyng with my Lorde
Mayer, pervse all suche enterludes as hereafter shalbe pleyed by eny
comen pleyr of the same within the Citie or the liberties therof, And
make reporte of the same to the Lorde Mayer for the tyme beynge, And
accordyng thervnto, my Lorde Mayer to suffer them to go forwarde, or to
stey.
v.
[1550, 23 Dec. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 314, from London _Repertory_, xii. 2, f. 294^v.]
[Sidenote: Players of interludes.]
At this Courte, certein comen plaiers of interludes within this Citie
were bounden by Recognisaunce as herafter insuythe:
Item, Johannes Nethe, Robertus Southyn, Robertus Drake, Robertus
Peacocke, Johannes Nethersall, Robertus Sutton, Ricardus Jugler,
Johannes Ronner, Willelmus Readyng, Edmundus Stokedale, Johannes
Rawlyns, Johannes Crane, Ricardus Gyrke, Johannes Radstone, Oliuerus
Page, Ricardus Pokeley, Ricardus Parseley, & Willelmus Clement,
recognoverunt se & eorum quemlibet, per se debere domino Regi xx li,
bonis etc soluendis etc: The condicion, etc, that yf the above bounden
John Nethe, Robert Southyn etc & eny and euery of them, do not at
herafter play eny interlude or comen play within eny of our Soueraygn
Lorde the kynges domynyons, without the especiall licence of our seid
Soueraygn Lorde, or of his most honourable Councell for the tyme beyng,
had & obteyned for the same, And also yf they the seid Recognytours,
& euery of them, do att all & euery tyme & tymes herafter, when they
or any of them shalbe, by the seid Counsell or eny of them, sent for,
personally appere before the seid Counsell or some of them, that then,
etc, or els etc.
vi.
[1553. City order cited from _Letter Book_, R, f. 246, in _V. H.
London_, i. 295.]
Plays and interludes were forbidden before 3 p.m. on Sundays and
holidays.
vii.
[1558. A reference to plays is cited from _Letter Book_, V, f.
216, in _V. H. London_, i. 322.]
viii.
[1559, April 7. Proclamation. Despatches in V. P. vii. 65, 71,
also record this, which, however, is not preserved. It forms no
part of _Procl._ 504 for peace with France, which both Machyn
and Holinshed describe as proclaimed immediately before it, and
which bears date 7 April. _Procl._ 503, of 22 March, prescribing
Easter Sacrament in both kinds, has a clause enjoining mayors
and other officers to commit to prison ‘all disordred persons,
that shall seke willingly to breake, either by misordred dede,
or by railing, or contemptuous speach, the common peace and band
of charytie’; but, apart from the discrepancy of dates, this
seems too general in its terms to answer the descriptions.]
(_a_)
[Entry in _Machyn’s Diary_, 193, misdated April 8.]
Bluw-mantyll dyd proclaymyd that no players shuld play no more tyll
a serten tyme of no mans players; but the mare or shreyff, balle,
constabull, or odur offesers take them, lay them in presun, and the
quen commondement layd on them.
(_b_)
[Extract from Holinshed, _Chronicle_, iii. 1184.]
The same time also [April 7] was another proclamation made under the
queenes hand in writing, inhibiting that from thenceforth no plaies nor
interludes should be exercised, till Alhallowes tide next insuing.
ix.
[1559, May 8. Extract from _An Act for the Uniformity of Common
Prayer and Service in the Church and Administration of the
Sacraments_ (_1 Eliz._ c. 2), printed in _Statutes_, iv. 1, 355.
Later clauses give concurrent power to deal with offences under
the Act to justices of assize or mayors and other head officers
of cities and boroughs, and to archbishops and bishops and other
ordinaries by ecclesiastical process.]
It is ordained and enacted by the authority abovesaid, that if any
person or persons whatsoever, after the said feast of the Nativity of
St. John Baptist next coming [24 June 1559], shall in any interludes,
plays, songs, rhymes, or by other open words, declare or speak anything
in the derogation, depraving, or despising of the same book [of Common
Prayer], or of anything therein contained, or any part thereof, ...
then every such person, being thereof lawfully convicted in form
aforesaid, shall forfeit to the queen our sovereign lady, her heirs and
successors, for the first offence a hundred marks.
x.
[1559, May 16. Proclamation 509, printed in Collier, i. 166, and
Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 19.]
¶ By the Quene.
Forasmuche as the tyme wherein common Interludes in the Englishe tongue
are wont vsually to be played, is now past vntyll All Hallou-tyde,
and that also some that haue ben of late vsed, are not conuenient
in any good ordred Christian Common weale to be suffred. The Quenes
Maiestie doth straightly forbyd all maner Interludes to be playde
eyther openly or priuately, except the same be notified before hande,
and licenced within any Citie or towne corporate, by the Maior or other
chiefe officers of the same, and within any shyre, by suche as shalbe
Lieuetenauntes for the Quenes Maiestie in the same shyre, or by two of
the Justices of peax inhabyting within that part of the shire where any
shalbe played.
And for instruction to euery of the sayde officers, her maiestie
doth likewise charge euery of them, as they will aunswere: that they
permyt none to be played wherin either matters of religion or of
the gouernaunce of the estate of the common weale shalbe handled or
treated, beyng no meete matters to be wrytten or treated vpon, but
by menne of aucthoritie, learning and wisedome, nor to be handled
before any audience, but of graue and discreete persons: All which
partes of this proclamation, her maiestie chargeth to be inuiolably
kepte. And if any shal attempt to the contrary: her maiestie giueth
all maner of officers that haue authoritie to see common peax kepte in
commaundement, to arrest and enprison the parties so offendinge, for
the space of fourtene dayes or more, as cause shal nede: And furder
also vntill good assuraunce may be founde and gyuen, that they shalbe
of good behauiour, and no more to offende in the likes.
And further her maiestie gyueth speciall charge to her nobilitie and
gentilmen, as they professe to obey and regarde her maiestie, to take
good order in thys behalfe wyth their seruauntes being players, that
this her maiesties commaundement may be dulye kepte and obeyed.
Yeuen at our Palayce of Westminster the xvi. daye of Maye, the first
yeare of oure Raygne.
xi.
[1559, June. Lord Robert Dudley to the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord
President of the North, printed from _Heralds College Talbot
MS._ E. f. 29, in Collier, i. 168; also in Lodge, i. 376.]
My good Lorde,
Where my servauntes, bringers hereof unto you, be suche as ar plaiers
of interludes; and for the same have the Licence of diverse of my Lords
here, under ther seales and handis, to plaie in diverse shieres within
the realme under there aucthorities, as maie amplie appere unto your
L. by the same licence. I have thought emong the rest by my Lettres
to beseche your good L. conformitie to them like wise, that they maie
have your hand and seale to ther licence for the like libertye in Yorke
shiere; being honest men, and suche as shall plaie none other matters
(I trust); but tollerable and convenient; whereof some of them have
bene herde here alredie before diverse of my Lordis: for whome I shall
have good cause to thank your L. and to remaine your L. to the best
that shall lie in my litle power. And thus I take my leave of your good
L. From Westm., the of June, 1559.
Your good L. assured,
R. Duddley.
To the right Honourable & my verie good Lorde, the Erle of Shrewsburie.
xii.
[1559, _c._ 13 June. Extract from _Injunctions given by the
Queen’s Majesty concerning both the Clergy and Laity of this
Realm_, printed by Pollard, _S. F._ 13; in full in Gee, 46, and
E. Cardwell, _Documentary Annals of the Church of England_ (ed.
1844), i. 210.]
Li. Item, because there is a great abuse in the printers of bookes,
which for couetousness cheefely, regard not what they print, so
they may haue gaine, whereby ariseth great disorder by publication
of vnfruitefull, vaine, and infamous bookes and papers, the Queenes
maiestie straitlye chargeth and commaundeth, that no manner of person
shall print any manner of booke or paper, of what sort, nature or in
what language soeuer it be, excepte the same be firste licensed by
her maiestie, by expresse wordes in writing, or by six of her priuie
counsel: or be perused and licensed by the Archbishops of Canterburie
and Yorke, the Bishop of London, the Chauncelors of both Vniuersities,
the Bishop being Ordinarye and the Archdeacon also of the place, where
any such shal be printed or by two of them, wherof the Ordinarie of the
place to be alwayes one. And that the names of such as shall allowe
the same to bee added in the end of euery such worke, for a testimonie
of the alowance thereof. And because many pamphlets, playes and
ballads, bee oftentimes printed, wherein regarde would bee had, that
nothing therein should be either heretical, seditious, or vnseemely
for Christian eares: her maiestie likewise commaundeth, that no manner
of person shall enterprise to print any such, excepte the same bee to
him licensed by suche her maiesties Commissioners, or three of them,
as be appointed in the Cittie of London, to heare and determine diuers
causes Ecclesiasticall, tending to the execution of certaine statutes,
made the last Parliament for vniformitie of order in Religion. And
if any shall sell or vtter any maner of bookes or papers, being not
licensed, as is aboue sayd: that the same partie shalbe punished by
order of the saide Commissioners, as to the qualitie of the fault
shalbe thought meete. And touching all other bookes of matters of
religion, or pollicie, or gouernance, that hath bene printed eyther on
this side the seas, or on the other side, because the diuersitie of
them is great, and that there nedeth good consideration to be had of
the particularities thereof, her maiestie referreth the prohibition
or permission thereof, to the order whiche her sayde Commissioners
within the Cittie of London shall take and notifie. Accordinge to the
whiche, her maiestie straitly commaundeth all maner her subiectes, and
especially the Wardens and company of Stationers to be obedient.
Prouided that these orders doe not extende to any prophane aucthors,
and works in any language that hath ben heretofore commonly receiued
or allowed in any of the vniuersities or schooles, but the same may be
printed and vsed as by good order they were accustomed.
[From appended Articles of Enquiry for diocesan visitations.]
Item, whether you know any person in your parish ... that hath
invented, bruited, or set forth any rumours, false and seditious
tales, slanders, or makers, bringers, buyers, sellers, keepers, or
conveyors of any unlawful books, which might stir or provoke sedition,
or maintain superstitious service within this realm, or any aiders,
counsellors, procurers, or maintainers thereunto.
Item, whether any minstrels or any other persons do use to sing or
say any songs or ditties that be vile or unclean, and especially in
derision of any godly order now set forth and established.
xiii.
[1559, July 19. Extract from Patent for the establishment of the
High Commission for ecclesiastical causes, printed by Gee, 147,
from _Patent Roll, 1 Eliz._ p. 9, m. 23 dorso; also in Cardwell,
_Documentary Annals_, i. 255. There were later commissions of 20
July 1562 (heads from _S. P. D. Eliz._ xxvi. 41, in Gee, 178),
1572 (_P. R. 14 Eliz._ p. 8), 23 April 1576 (text in Strype,
_Grindal_, 543), 1583 (cf. Strype, _Whitgift_, i. 268), and
1601 (text from _P. R. 43 Eliz._ p. 16, m. 37 dorso, in Rymer,
xvi. 400). That of 1562 seems to have followed the model of
1559; those of 1576 and 1601 give a jurisdiction over seditious
books similar to that of 1559, but omit the provision as to
vagrants in London, which was doubtless made unnecessary by the
legislation of 1572 (cf. No. xxiv).]
Elizabeth, by the grace of God, &c., to the Reverend Father in God
Matthew Parker nominated Bishop of Canterbury, and Edmond Grindall
nominated Bishop of London [and others] greeting. Where at our
Parliament ... there was two Acts and Statutes made and established,
the one entitled An Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer ... and the
other entitled An Act restoring to the Crown the Ancient Jurisdiction
of the State Ecclesiastical and Spiritual ... and where divers
seditious and slanderous persons do not cease daily to invent and set
forth false rumours, tales, and seditious slanders, not only against
us and the said good laws and statutes, but also have set forth divers
seditious books within this our realm of England, meaning thereby to
move and procure strife, division, and dissension amongst our loving
and obedient subjects, much to the disquieting of us and our people:
Wherefore we ... have authorized, assigned, and appointed you to be
our Commissioners, and by these presents do give our full power and
authority to you or six of you ... to inquire ... for all offences,
misdoers, and misdemeanours ... contrary to the tenor and effect of the
said several Acts and Statutes, and either of them; and also of all and
singular heretical opinions, seditious books, contempts, conspiracies,
false rumours, tales, seditious misbehaviours, slanderous words or
showings published, invented or set forth or hereafter to be published,
invented or set forth by any person or persons against us or contrary
or against any the laws or statutes of this our realm, or against the
quiet governance and rule of our people and subjects in any county,
city, or borough or other place or places within this our realm of
England, and of all and every the coadjutors, counsellors, comforters,
procurers and abettors of every such offender; and ... to hear and
determine all the premises ... and to visit, reform, redress, order,
correct and amend ... errors, heresies, crimes, abuses, offences,
contempts and enormities spiritual and ecclesiastical ... and to
inquire of and search out all ruleless men, quarrellers, vagrants and
suspect persons within our city of London and ten miles compass about
the same city, and of all assaults and frays done and committed within
the same city and the compass aforesaid.
xiv.
[1563, Sept. 30. Precept from Lord Mayor to Aldermen, noted,
apparently from _Journal, Lodge_, No. 18, f. 184, in ‘Abstract
of Several Orders relating to the Plague’ (_Addl. MS._ 4376, f.
52); cf. Creighton, i. 317.]
Another to prohibit all interludes & playes during the Infection.
xv.
1564, Feb. 23. Extract from letter of Edmund Grindal, Bishop of
London, at Paul’s, to Sir W. Cecil, printed _M. S. C._ i. 148,
from _Lansd. MS._ 7, f. 141; also in Grindal, _Remains_ (1843),
269; Wright, i. 166.]
Mr. Calfhill this mornynge shewed me your letter to him, wherin ye
wishe some politike orders to be devised agaynste Infection. I thinke
it verie necessarie, and wille doo myne endevour bothe by exhortation,
and otherwise. I was readye to crave your helpe for that purpose afore,
as one nott vnmyndefulle of the parishe.
By searche I doo perceive, thatt ther is no one thinge off late is
more lyke to have renewed this contagion, then the practise off an
idle sorte off people, which have ben infamouse in all goode common
weales: I meane these Histriones, common playours; who now daylye, butt
speciallye on holydayes, sett vp bylles, whervnto the youthe resorteth
excessively, & ther taketh infection: besydes that goddes worde by
theyr impure mowthes is prophaned, and turned into scoffes; for remedie
wheroff in my iugement ye shulde do verie well to be a meane, that a
proclamation wer sette furthe to inhibitte all playes for one whole
yeare (and iff itt wer for ever, it wer nott amisse) within the Cittie,
or 3. myles compasse, vpon paynes aswell to the playours, as to the
owners off the howses, wher they playe theyr lewde enterludes.
xvi.
[1569, May 12. City precept, printed in Harrison, iv. 315, from
_Journal_, xix, f. 167^v.]
[Sidenote: A precept for no playes to be played from the last day of
May 1569, vntill the last day of September then next following.
And also for beting clothes in wyndowes & other places next the streat.
Intratur.]
Forasmuch as thoroughe the greate resort, accesse and assembles of
great multitudes of people vnto diuerse and seuerall Innes and other
places of this Citie, and the liberties & suburbes of the same, to
thentent to here and see certayne stage playes, enterludes, and other
disguisinges, on the Saboth dayes and other solempne feastes commaunded
by the church to be kept holy, and there being close pestered together
in small romes, specially in this tyme of sommer, all not being and
voyd of infeccions and diseases, whereby great infeccion with the
plague, or some other infeccious diseases, may rise and growe, to the
great hynderaunce of the comon wealth of this citty, and perill and
daunger of the quenes maiesties people, the inhabitantes thereof, and
all others repayryng thether, about there necessary affares; ... Thes
are, in the quenes maiesties name, streightly to charge and commaund,
that no mannour of parson or parsons whatsoeuer, dwelling or inhabiting
within this citie of London liberties and suburbes of the same, being
Inkepers, Tablekepers, Tauernours, hall-kepers, or bruers, Do or shall,
from and after the last daye of this moneth of May nowe next ensuinge,
vntill the last day of September then next following, take vppon him
or them to set fourth, eyther openly or privatly, anny stage play or
interludes, or to permit or suffer to be set fourth or played within
his or there mansion howse, yarde, court, garden, orchard, or other
place or places whatsoeuer, within this Cittye of London, the liberties
or suburbes of the same, any mannour of stage play, enterlude, or other
disguising whatsoeuer.... And fayle ye not herof, as ye tender the
welth of this citie, and the health of the quenes maiesties people, her
highnes good fauour and pleasure, and will aunswere for the contrary at
your vttermost perills. Yeouen at the guild hall of London, the xij of
May, 1569. God save the Quene.
xvii.
[1571, Nov. 27. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in
Harrison, iv. 317, from _Repertory_, xvii, f. 236^v.]
[Sidenote: Intratur.
Preceptes to be made.]
Item, it was ordered that preceptes shalbe made to euery of my Masters
thaldermen, that they from henceforth suffre no playe or enterlude to
be played within the precynctes of there seuerall wardes vpon Sondaies,
holly daies, or other daie of the weke, or ells at nyght of any of the
same daies, till suche tyme as other order by this courte shalbe taken
in that behalf.
xviii.
[1571, Dec. 6. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 318, from _Repertory_, xvii, f. 239^v.]
[Sidenote: My Lord of Leicesters men licensed to playe.]
Item, this daye, licence is geven to my lord of Leicesters men to
playe within this Citie such matters as are alowed of to be played, at
convenient howers & tymes, so that it be not in tyme of devyne service.
xix.
[1572, Jan. 3. Abstract of Proclamation for the Execution of the
Laws made against Unlawful Retainers (_Procl._ 663); for text
cf. _M. S. C._ i. 350.]
Requires justices of assise to enforce after 20 Feb. 1572 the statutes
against unlawful retainers, and in particular _3 Hen. VII_ (1487), c.
12, one of several statutes confirming _8 Hen. VI_ (1429), c. 4, which
forbade the giving of any livery of cloths or hat by a lord to other
than his menials and lawyers (_R. O. Statutes of the Realm_, ii. 240,
522).
xx.
[1572, _c._ Jan. Letter to the Earl of Leicester from his
Players; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Requests that they may be retained as ‘houshold servaunts and daylie
wayters’, in view of the recent proclamation (No. xix, _supra_), and
may continue to have their lord’s license to certify the same when they
travel.
xxi.
[1572, Jan. 29. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in
Harrison, iv. 318, from _Repertory_, xvii, f. 263^v.]
[Sidenote: My lord of Burgaueneys players.]
Item, it is further granted at the like request [of Sir Thomas Gresham]
that my lord of Burgaueneys players shall play within this Citie
duringe my lordes Maiours pleasure.
xxii.
[1572. Extract from MS. _Chronologie_ of William Harrison, s.a.
1572, printed in Harrison, i. liv. The entries continue to 1593,
and this one was probably written after the building of the
Theatre and Curtain in 1576.]
1572. Plaies are banished for a time out of London, lest the resort
vnto them should ingender a plague, or rather disperse it, being alredy
begonne. Would to god these comon plaies were exiled for altogether, as
semenaries of impiety, & their theaters pulled downe, as no better then
houses of baudrie. It is an euident token of a wicked time when plaiers
wexe so riche that they can build suche houses. As moche I wish also to
our comon beare baitinges vsed on the Sabaothe daies.
xxiii.
[1572, May 20. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in
Harrison, iv. 318, from _Repertory_, xvii, f. 316.]
[Sidenote: The Counsells Lettres for Plaies & Commodies. Intratur.]
Item, this daie, after the readyng of the Lordes of the Quenes
Maiesties most honorable Counselles Letters, written in the favor of
certein persones to haue in there howses, yardes, or back sydes, being
overt & open places, such playes, enterludes, commedies, & tragedies
as maye tende to represse vyce & extoll vertwe, for the recreacion of
the people, & therby to drawe them from sundrye worser exercyses, The
matter theerof being first examyned, sene & allowed, by such discrete
person or persones as shalbe by the Lord Maiour thervnto appoynted, and
takyng bondes of the said houskeapars not to suffer the same playes to
be in the tyme of devyne service, & vpon other condicions in the same
Letters specified:
Item, it was agreed that Master Townclark shall devyse a letter for
answer of thother, to be sent vnto my Lord Burleighe, signifiing to his
honour, that it is thought very perillous (considering the tyme of the
yere & the heat of the weather) to haue such conventicles of people
by such meanes called together, wherof the greatest number are of the
meanest sorte, beseching his honour, yf it maye so seame him good, to
be a meane wherby the same, for a tyme, may be forborne.
xxiv.
[1572, June 29. Extract from _An Acte for the punishement of
Vacabondes and for Releif of the Poore & Impotent_ (_14 Eliz._
c. 5), printed in _Statutes_, iv. 590. The Act was continued and
amended in detail by _18 Eliz._ c. 3 in 1576 (_St._ iv. 610) and
continued by _37 Eliz._ c. 11 in 1584–5 (_St._ iv. 718).]
[§ 2.] ... All & every person and persons whatsoever they bee, being
above thage of fourtene yeres, being hereafter sett foorth by this Acte
of Parliament to bee Roges Vacabonds or Sturdy Beggers, and bee at any
tyme after the Feaste of Sainte Bartholomewe the Apostle next comming
[24 Aug.] taken begging in any parte of this Realme, or taken vagrant
wandring and misordering themselves contrary to the purport of this
present Acte of Parliament in any part of the same, shall uppon their
Apprehention be brought before one of the Justices of the Peece or
Maior or Cheef Officer of Cities Boroughes and Townes Corporate within
the Countye Cytye Boroughe or Towne Corporate, where the Apprehention
shall happen to bee ... to bee presentlye commytted to ... Gaole ... or
... Prison ... untyll the next Sessions of the Peace or Generall Gaole
Delivery.... At whiche Sessions or Gaole Delyverye yf suche person or
persones bee duelye convict of his or her Rogishe or Vacabondes Trade
of Lyef ... that then ymmedyatlye he or shee shalbe adjudged to bee
grevouslye whipped, and burnte through the gristle of the right Eare
with a hot Yron of the compasse of an Ynche about, manifestinge his or
her rogyshe kynde of Lyef, and his or her Punyshment receaved for the
same ... which Judgment shall also presentlye bee executed, Except some
honest person ... wyll of his Charitye be contented presentlye to take
suche Offendour before the same Justices into his Service for one whole
yere next followinge.
[§ 4.] ... Yf after the said Punyshment executed or Judgement gyven,
the said persone ... do eftsones fall againe to any kynde of Rogyshe
or Vacabonde Trade of Lyef, that then the said Roge Vacabonde or
Sturdy Begger from thenceforthe to be taken adjudged & demed in all
respectes as a Felon; and shall in all Degrees receave have suffer
and forfayte as a Felon, excepte some honest person ... wyll ... take
him or her into his Service for two whole yeres.... And yf suche Roge
or Vacabounde ... eftsones the third tyme fall againe to a kynde of
Rogyshe or Vacabounde Trade of Lyef, that then suche Roge or Vacabound
shalbe adjudged & deemed for a Felon, and suffer paynes of Death and
losse of Land and Goodes as a Felon without Allowance or Benefyte of
Cleargye or Sanctuary.
[§ 5.] ... All and everye persone and persones beynge whole and mightye
in Body and able to labour, havinge not Land or Maister, nor using
any lawfull Marchaundize Crafte or Mysterye whereby hee or shee might
get his or her Lyvinge, and can gyve no reckninge howe he or shee
dothe lawfully get his or her Lyvinge; & all Fencers Bearewardes Comon
Players in Enterludes & Minstrels, not belonging to any Baron of this
Realme or towardes any other honorable Personage of greater Degree;
all Juglers Pedlars Tynkers and Petye Chapmen; whiche seid Fencers
Bearewardes Comon Players in Enterludes Mynstrels Juglers Pedlers
Tynkers & Petye Chapmen, shall wander abroade and have not Lycense
of two Justices of the Peace at the leaste, whereof one to be of the
Quorum, when and in what Shier they shall happen to wander ... shalbee
taken adjudged and deemed Roges Vacaboundes and Sturdy Beggers.
[§ 12.] Provided alwayes, That yt shalbe lawfull to the Lord
Chauncelour or Lorde Keper of the Greate Seale of England for the tyme
beinge to make Lycence under the said Greate Seale, as heretofore hath
benne accustomed, and that the said Lycence and Lycences shall as
largely extend as the Contentes of them wyll beare; any thing herein to
the contrary in any wyse notwithstandinge.
[§ 39.] Provided alwayes, That ... yt maye and shall be lawfull to the
Justice and Justices of Peace, Maior Baylyffes and other Head Officers
of those Cytyes, Boroughes Places and Townes Corporate where there bee
Justice or Justices, to proceed to the execucion of this Acte within
the Precinct and Compasse of their Liberties, in suche manner & fourme
as the Justices of Peace in any Countye may or ought to doo within the
same Countye by vertue of this Acte, any Matter or Thinge in this Acte
expressed to the contrary therof notwithstandinge.
[§ 42.] Provided alwayes, That this Acte or any Thing therein
contayned, or any aucthoritye thereby given, shall not in any wyse
extend to dysheneryte prejudice or hinder John Dutton of Dutton in
the Countye of Chester Esquier, his Heires or Assignes, for towching
or concerninge any Libertye Priviledge Preheminence Aucthoritie
Jurisdiccion or Inheritaunce which the sayd John Dutton nowe lawfully
useth or hathe, or lawfully may or ought to use within the County
Palatyne of Chester and the Countye of the Cyte of Chester, or eyther
of them, by reason of any anncient Charteres of any Kinges of this
Land, or by reason of any Prescription or other lawfull Usage or Tytle
whatsoever.
xxv.
[1573, July. Privy Council Minutes, printed in Dasent, viii.
131, 132.]
(_a_) [July 14]
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London to permitte libertie to certein
Italian plaiers to make shewe of an instrument of strainge motiones
within the Citie.
(_b_) [July 19]
A letter to the Lord Mayour to graunt libertie to certein Italians to
make shewe of an instrument there, merveling that he did it not at
their first request.
xxvi.
[1574, March 2. Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London to Lord
Chamberlain Sussex, printed from _Cotton MS._ Roll xvi. 41, in
Collier, i. 206; also by S. Ayscough in _Gentleman’s Magazine_,
lxii, 1, 412; Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 23.]
Our dutie to your good L. humbly done. Whereas your Lord. hath made
request in favour of one Holmes for our assent that he might have the
appointment of places for playes and enterludes within this citie, it
may please your L. to reteine undoubted assurance of our redinesse to
gratifie, in any thing that we reasonably may, any persone whom your
L. shall favor and recommend. Howbeit this case is such, and so nere
touching the governance of this citie in one of the greatest matters
thereof, namely the assemblies of multitudes of the Queenes people,
and regard to be had to sundry inconveniences, whereof the peril is
continually, upon everie occasion, to be foreseen by the rulers of this
citie, that we cannot, with our duties, byside the precident farre
extending to the hart of our liberties, well assent that the sayd
apointment of places be committed to any private persone. For which,
and other reasonable considerations, it hath long since pleased your
good L. among the rest of her Majesties most honourable Counsell, to
rest satisfied with our not granting to such persone as, by their most
honourable lettres, was heretofore in like case commended to us. Byside
that, if it might with reasonable convenience be granted, great offres
have been, and be made for the same to the relefe of the poore in the
hospitalles, which we hold as assured, that your L. will well allow
that we prefer before the benefit of any private person. And so we
committ your L. to the tuition of Almighty God. At London, this second
of March, 1573.
Your L. humble
Wm. Box.
Thomas Blanke.
Nicholas Woodrof.
Anthony Gamage.
Wyllm Kympton.
Wolstan Dixe.
John Ryvers, Maior.
Row. Hayward, Alder.
William Allyn, Alderman.
Leonell Ducket, Aldr.
James Haloys, Alderman.
Ambrose Nich’as, Ald.
Jhon Langley, Ald.
Thomas Ramsey.
Wyllym Lond.
John Clyffe.
Richard Pype.
To the most honourable our singular good Lord, the Erle of Sussex, Lord
Chamberlan of the Queens most honourable Houshold.
xxvii.
[1574, March 22. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, viii. 215.]
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London to advertise their Lordships what
causes he hath to restraine plaies, to thintent their Lordships may the
better aunswer suche as desyre to have libertye for the same.
xxviii.
[1574, May 10. Patent for Leicester’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform music, and plays seen and allowed by the
Master of the Revels, both in London and elsewhere, except during the
time of common prayer, or of plague in London.
xxix.
[1574, July 22. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, viii. 273.]
A letter to the Mayor of London to admitte the comedie plaiers to play
within that Cittie and to be otherwise favorablie used.
A pasport for them to go to London, and to be well used in their
voyadge.
xxx.
(_a_)
[1574, Nov. 15. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, viii. 313.
Three letters of one effect to the Sherif and Justices of the counties
of Middlesex, Essex and Surrey to restraine all plaiers and other
unnecessarie assemblies, in respect of the plague, within x miles of
London untill Esther next.
(_b_)
[1574, Nov. 15. Extract from report on papers of W. M. Molyneux
_Hist. MSS._ vii. 627).]
Letter from Lords of the Council to the Sheriff and Justices of the
Peace of co. Surrey. Ordering ‘that there be no plays shewes nor any
such unnecessarie assemblies vsed in that countie within ten myles of
the cytie vntill Easter next vppon payne of imprisonment to such as
shall in any wies offend to the contrarie’: it having been ‘found by
experience that very great perill and inconveniences hath fallen vppon
sondry of the queenes maiesties subjects by the sufferance of great
assemblies of the people to come together at plaies and shewes neare
London in this tyme of contagion and infection of the plague’.
xxxi.
[1574, _c._ Nov. Extract from _An Exhortation, or Rule, sett
downe by one Mr. (Thomas) Norton, sometyme Remembrauncer of
London, wherebie the L. Maior of Lo. is to order himselfe and
the Cittie_, printed by Collier, _Illustrations_, iii. 14, from
a manuscript of Sir Christopher Hatton, now _Addl. MS._ 32379,
f. 36, and datable by a mention of James Hawes (1574–5) as
mayor.]
And one note out of place, that showld before have bene spoken: the
presente time requirithe yowe to have good care and use good meanes
towchinge the contagion of sickenes, that the sicke be kept from the
whole, that the places of persons infected be made plaine to be knowen
and the more releeved; that sweetenes and holsomnes of publique places
be provided for; that unnecessarie and scarslie honeste resorts to
plaies, to shewes to thoccasion of thronges and presse, except to
the servyce of God; and especiallie the assemblies to the unchaste,
shamelesse and unnaturall tomblinge of the Italion Weomen maye be
avoided: to offend God and honestie is not to cease a plague.
xxxii.
[1574, Dec. 6. Act of Common Council of London during the
mayoralty of Sir James Hawes, printed _M. S. C._ i. 175,
from copy in _Lansd. MS._ 20, enclosed with reply of City
to Petition of Queen’s men _c._ Nov. 1584 (cf. No. lxxv);
also in Collier, i. 208; Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 27. I suppose
that this is the record of 1574 on plays cited from _Liber
Legum_, x. 363, in _V. H. London_, i. 322.]
Whearas hearetofore sondrye greate disorders and inconvenyences have
benne found to ensewe to this Cittie by the inordynate hauntyinge
of greate multitudes of people, speciallye youthe, to playes,
enterludes, and shewes, namelye occasyon of ffrayes and quarrelles,
eavell practizes of incontinencye in greate Innes, havinge chambers
and secrete places adioyninge to their open stagies and gallyries,
inveglynge and alleurynge of maides, speciallye orphanes and good
Cityzens Children vnder Age, to previe and vnmete Contractes, the
publishinge of vnchaste vncomelye and vnshamefaste speeches and
doynges, withdrawinge of the Queenes Maiesties Subiectes from dyvyne
service on Sonndaies and hollydayes, at which Tymes suche playes
weare Chefelye vsed, vnthriftye waste of the moneye of the poore and
fond persons, sondrye robberies by pyckinge and Cuttinge of purses,
vtteringe of popular busye and sedycious matters, and manie other
Corruptions of youthe and other enormyties, besydes that allso soundrye
slaughters and mayheminges of the Quenes Subiectes have happened by
ruines of Skaffoldes, fframes, and Stagies, and by engynes, weapons,
and powder used in plaies; And whear[as] in tyme of goddes visitacion
by the plaigue suche assemblies of the people in thronge and presse
have benne verye daungerous for spreadinge of Infection, and for the
same and other greate Cawses by the Aucthoritie of the honorable Lordes
maiors of this Cyttie and the aldermen their Brethern, and speciallye
uppon the severe and earneste Admonition of the Lordes of the moste
honorable Councell, with signifyenge of her maiesties expresse pleasure
and commaundemente in that behalfe, suche vse of playes, Interludes,
and shewes hathe benne duringe this tyme of syckenes forbydden and
restrayned; And for that the lorde Maior and his Bretheren the
aldermen, together with the grave and discrete Citizens in the Comen
Councell assemblyd, doo doughte and feare leaste vppon Goddes mercyfull
withdrawinge his hand of syckenes from vs (which god graunte!) the
people, speciallye the meaner and moste vnrewlye sorte, sheould with
sodayne forgettinge of his visytacion, withowte feare of goddes wrathe,
and withowte deowe respecte of this good and politique meanes that he
hathe ordeyned for the preservacion of Commen weales and peoples in
healthe and good order, retourne to the vndewe vse of suche enormyties
to the greate offence of god, the Quenes maiesties commaundementes and
good gouernaunce; Nowe therfore, to the intent that suche perilles
maie be avoyded and the lawefull honest and comelye vse of plaies
pastymes and recreacions in good sorte onelye permitted, And good
provision hadd for the saiftie and well orderynge of the people thear
assemblydd, Be yt enacted by the Aucthoritie of this Comen Councell,
That from henceforthe no playe, Commodye, Tragidye, enterlude, nor
publycke shewe shalbe openlye played or shewed within the liberties of
the Cittie, whearin shalbe vttered anie wourdes, examples, or doynges
of anie vnchastitie, sedicion, nor suche lyke vnfytt and vncomelye
matter, vppon paine of Imprisonment by the space of xiiijten daies
of all persons offendinge in anie suche open playinge or shewinges,
and v li. for euerie suche offence; And that no Inkeper Tavernekeper
nor other person whatsoeuer within the liberties of thys Cittie shall
openlye shewe or playe, nor cawse or suffer to be openlye shewed or
played, within the hous, yarde or anie other place within the Liberties
of this Cyttie anie playe, enterlude, Commodye, Tragidie, matter, or
shewe, which shall not be firste pervsed and Allowed in suche order
and fourme and by suche persons as by the Lorde Maior and Courte
of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shalbe appoynted, nor shall suffer
to be enterlaced, Added, mynglydd, or vttered in anie suche play,
enterlude, Comodye, Tragidie, or shewe anie other matter then suche as
shalbe firste perused and allowed as ys abovesaid; And that no person
shall suffer anie plays, enterludes, Comodyes, Tragidies, or shewes
to be played or shewed in his hous, yarde, or other place wheareof
he then shall have rule or power, but onelye suche persons and in
suche places as apon good and reasonable consideracions shewed shalbe
thearvnto permitted and allowed by the lord maiour and Aldermen for
the tyme beinge; Neither shall take or use anie benifitt or Advauntage
of suche permission or Allowaunces before or vntill suche person be
bound to the Chamberlaine of London for the tyme beinge with suche
suerties and in suche Summe and suche fourme for the keepinge of good
order and avoydinge of the discordes and Inconvenyences abovesaid, as
by the Lorde maior and Courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shall
seme convenyent; neither shall vse or execvte aine suche Lycence, or
permission, at or in anie tymes in which the same for anie reasonable
consideración of syckenes or otherwise shalbe by the Lorde Maior and
Aldermen by publique proclamacion or by precept to suche persons
restrayned or Commaunded to staye and cease, nor in anie usuall tyme of
dyvyne service in the sonndaie or hollydaie, nor receyve anie to that
purpose in tyme of service to se the same, apon payne to forfeite for
euerie offence v li.; And be yt enacted that euerie person so to be
lycensed or permitted shall duringe the tyme of suche Contynuaunce of
suche lycens or permission paye or Cawse to be paid to the vse of the
poor in hospitalles of the Cyttie or of the poore of the Cyttie visyted
with sycknes, by the dyscretion of the said lorde maiour and Aldermen,
suche somes and Paymentes and in suche forme as betwen the lord Maior
and Aldermen for the tyme beinge on thonne partie and suche person so
to be lycensed or permitted on th’other partie shalbe Agreed, apon
payne that in waunte of euerie suche paymente, or if suche person shall
not firste be bound with good suerties to the Chamberlayne of London
for the tyme beinge for the trewe payment of suche Sommes to the poore,
That then euerye suche lycence or permission shalbe vtterlye voide and
euerie doinge by force or Cullour of suche lycence or permission shalbe
adiudged an offence against this Acte in suche manner as if no suche
lycence or permission hadd benne hadd, nor made, anie suche lycence
or permission to the Contrarye Notwithstandinge; And be yt lykewise
Enacted that all Sommes and fforfeytures to be incurrydd for anie
offence Against this Acte and all forfeytures of Bondes to be taken by
force meane or occasyon of this Acte shalbe ymployed to the reliefe of
the poore in the hospitalles of this Cittie, or the poore infected or
diseased in this Cittie of London, as the lorde Maior and Courte of
Aldermen for the tyme beinge shall adiudge meete to be distributed; and
that the Chamberlayne of London shall have and recover the same to the
purpozies aforesaid by Bill, plainte, Accion of dett, or ynformacion to
be Comenced and pursewed in his owne name in the Courte of the vtter
Chamber of the Guildhall of London Called the Maioures Courte, in which
svte no Essoine nor Wager of Lawe for the defendaunte shalbe Admittyd
or allowed; Provydid allwaie that this Acte (otherwise then towchinge
the publishinge of vnchaste, sedycious, and vnmete matters:) shall not
extend to anie plaies, Enterludes, Comodies, Tragidies, or shewes to be
played or shewed in the pryvate hous, dwellinge, or lodginge of anie
nobleman, Citizen, or gentleman, which shall or will then have the same
thear so played or shewed in his presence for the festyvitie of anie
marriage, Assemblye of ffrendes, or otherlyke cawse withowte publique
or Commen Collection of money of the Auditorie or behoulders theareof,
reservinge alwaie to the Lorde Maior and Aldermen for the tyme beinge
the Iudgement and construction Accordinge to equitie what shalbe
Counted suche a playenge or shewing in a pryvate place, anie thinge in
this Acte to the Contrarie notwithstanding.
xxxiii.
[1577, April 8. Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to Lord
Burghley, printed _M. S. C._ i. 151, from _Lansdowne MS._ 25, f.
38. The Lord Chamberlain was the Earl of Sussex. Nothing more is
known of the nature or issue of Sir Jerome Bowes’s suit. He was
a follower of Leicester in 1571 (Stowe, _Annales_, 669), but was
banished from court for slandering him between the date of this
letter and Aug. 8, 1577 (_S. P. D. Add. Eliz._ xxv. 30). In 1583
he was sent as ambassador to Russia.]
My good L. I am requyred to put you in remembrance, for that Sir
Ierome Boues semes that your L. hath partely forgotten that hit was
her maiesties pleashr, that your L. my Chamberleyn & I shuld conferr
& consider of the sute touching plays to be granted to him & certayn
others, &c., which hir maiesties pleashr I brought to your L. & my
Chamberleyn being together in the preuey Chamber at Hampton court. & I
remember at that time we talking of that we myslyked of the perpetuytie
that they sutors desiered. & this also my L. Chamberleyn him self doth
well remember. Thus much I thought good at his request to remember to
your L. that it ys very trew hir maiestie dyd referr the consyderacion
of the sute to vs & to make report thereof accordingly. So I wyll take
leue & wishe your L. perfect health, this viij of Aprill,
your L. assured frend,
R. Leycester.
xxxiv.
[1577 Aug. 1. Minute of Privy Council, printed (_bis_) from
Register in Dasent, ix. 388; x. 4.]
A letter to the Lord Wentworth, Master of the Rolles, and Mr.
Lieutenant of the Tower signifieng unto them that for thavoiding of
the sicknes likelie to happen through the heate of the weather and
assemblies of the people of London to playes, her Highnes’ plesure is
that as the Lord Mayour hath taken order within the Citee, so they
immediatlie upon the receipt of their Lordships’ letters shall take
order with such as are and do use to play without the Liberties of the
Citee within that countie, as the theater and such like, shall forbeare
any more to play untill Mighelmas be past, at the least, as they will
aunswer to the contrarye.
xxxv.
[1577, Oct. 5. Extract from letter (Oct. 6) of William
Fleetwood, Recorder of London, to Lord Treasurer Burghley,
printed in _M. S. C._ i. 152, from _Lansdowne MS._ 24, f. 196;
also in Wright, ii. 66.]
Yesterday ... I was at London with the Master of the Rolls at my Lord
Maiors at dyner.... At my Lord Maiors there dyned the Master of the
Rolles, Justice Sowthcot, Sir William Damsell, Mr. Levetenant, Sir
Rowland Hayward, Mr. Justice Randoll, Alderman Pulliso and my self. At
after dyner we heard a brabell betwene John Wotton and the Levetenuntes
sonne of the one parte, and certen ffreholders of Shordyche, for a
matter at the Theater. I mistrust that Wotton wilbe found in the fault
although he complayned.
xxxvi.
[1578, Jan. 13. Privy Council Minute, printed in Dasent, x. 144
To the Lord Maiour of London to geve order that one Drousiano
[‘Dronsiano’, Dasent], an Italian, a commediante and his companye, may
playe within the Cittie and the Liberties of the same betwene this and
the firste weeke in Lent.
xxxvii.
[1578, July 18. Extract from letter (July 21) from William
Fleetwood, Recorder of London, to Lord Treasurer Burghley,
printed in _M. S. C._ i. 155, from _Lansdowne MS._ 26, f. 191;
also in Wright, ii. 86.]
Vpon Fridaye laste my Lord of London, my Lord Wentworthe and Mr.
Lievetenunte (but the Master of the Rolles was absent) did assemble
at my Lord Maiours, in assistaunce for good order shewed furthe the
Lords lettres. Sir Thomas Gresham, the Deane of Westminster, Mr.
Iustice Southcote, Sir William Damsell and others were wont to be of
the nomber; but surelie I think they were forgotten at the writinge
of my Lords theire honorable lettres.... I shewed vnto my Lords our
Assistaunts those pointes that your honour in tyme paste gave vs for
good order; plaies, vnlawful games, ffensse skoles, vacaboundes and
suche like to be suppressed, with a vigilant eye to the plage, to the
watches, and to laye often privie searches.
xxxviii.
[1578, Nov. 10. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, x. 381.]
A letter to Mr. Doctor Fourthe, Robert Lewseye, Edward Bellingham and
Barnarde Randolphe, esquiers, to restraine certen players within the
Bouroghe of Southewarke and other places nere adjoyning within that
part of Surreye, who by means of the alluring of the people to their
plaies [plans, Dasent] doe augement the infection of the Plages in
London, and if they shall not obeye their order to see them severely
punished.
xxxix.
[1578, Dec. 23. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, x. 435.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour and the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey
requiring them to suffer the exercise of playes within the Cittie
of London and without the Liberties, and to have regarde that suche
orders as are prescribed for the stayeng of thinfection maie be duelie
observed, so as ther growe no hurte unto the sounde in their publicque
assemblies.
xl.
[1578, Dec. 24. Privy Council Minute, printed in Dasent, x. 436.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour, &c, requiring him to suffer the Children
of her Majesties Chappell, the servauntes of the Lord Chamberlaine,
therle of Warwicke, the Erle of Leicester, the Erle of Essex and the
Children of Powles, and no companies els, to exercise playeng within
the Cittie, whome their Lordships have onlie allowed thereunto by
reason that the companies aforenamed are appointed to playe this tyme
of Christmas before her Majestie.
xli.
[1579, March 13. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, xi. 73.]
To the Lord Maiour of London to take order within the Cittie and in all
other places within his jurisdiccion that there be no plaiers suffered
to plaie during this tyme of Lent, untill it be after the Ester weke;
and also to advertise their Lordships whose plaiers they be, and in
what places they have plaied since the begynnyng of this Lent, and that
this order may be observed hereafter yerelie in the Lent tyme &c.
To the Justices of Peace in Midlesex to forbidd all maner of plaiers
in the Suburbs of London and other places neare adjoyning to the same,
that they do not in any wise exercise the same during this tyme of
Lent, and that this order may be observed hereafter yerelie during the
tyme of Lent, &c.
xlii.
[1580, Feb. 21. Indictment of Middlesex jury, printed by J. C.
Jeaffreson, _Middlesex County Records_, ii. xlvii.]
Midd. ss. Juratores pro domina Regina presentant quod Johannes Braynes
de Shorditche in comitatu Middlesexie yoman et Jacobus Burbage de
eadem yoman xxi^{mo} die Februarii anno regni Elizabethe Dei gracia
Anglie Francie et Hibernie Regine fidei defensoris &c. xxii^{do}
et diuersis aliis diebus et vicibus antea et postea congregauerunt
et manutenuerunt illicitas assemblaciones populi ad audienda et
spectanda quedam colloquia siue interluda vocata playes or interludes
per ipsos Johannem Braynes et Jacobum Burbage et diuersas alias
personas ignotas exercitata et practicata apud quendam locum vocatum
the Theatre in Hallywell in comitatu predicto Racione cuius quidem
illicite assemblacionis populi magne affraie insultus tumultus et quasi
insurrexiones et diuersa alia malefacta et enormia per quamplures
maledispositas personas tunc et ibidem facta et perpetrata fuere in
magnam perturbacionem pacis Domine Regine ac subuersionem bonorum
ordinis et regiminis ac ad periculum vitarum diuersorum bonorum
subditorum dicte Domine Regine ibidem existencium ac contra pacem
ipsius Domine Regine necnon contra formam statuti inde editi et prouisi
&c.
xliii.
[1580, April 12. Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, Lord Mayor, to Sir
Thomas Bromley, Lord Chancellor, printed in _M. S. C._ i. 46,
from _Remembrancia_, 9.]
My dutie humblie done to your Lp. Where it happened on Sundaie last
that some great disorder was committed at the Theatre, I sent for the
vnder shireue of Middlesex to vnderstand the cercumstances, to the
intent that by my self or by him I might haue caused such redresse to
be had as in dutie and discretion I might, and therefore did also send
for the plaiers to haue apered afore me, and the rather because those
playes doe make assembles of Cittizens and their familes of whome I
haue charge. But forasmuchas I vnderstand that your Lp with other of
hir Maiesties most honorable Counsell haue entered into examination
of that matter, I haue surceassed to procede further, and do humbly
refer the whole to your wisdomes and graue considerations. Howbeit I
haue further thought it my dutie to informe your Lp, and therewith also
to beseche to haue in your honorable remembrance, that the players
of playes, which are vsed at the Theatre, and other such places, and
tumbleres and such like are a very superfluous sort of men, and of
suche facultie as the lawes haue disalowed, and their exersise of those
playes is a great hinderaunce of the seruice of God, who hath with his
mighty hand so lately admonished vs of oure earnest repentance. It
is also great corruption of youthe with vnchast and wicked matters,
occasion of muche incontinence, practises of many ffrayes, querrells,
and other disorders and inconueniences, bisid that the assemble of
terme and parliament being at hand, against which time the most
honorable Lordes haue given vs earnest charge to haue care to auoide
vncleanenesse and pestering of the Citty, the said playes are matter
of great daunger. Therefore I humble beseche your Lp, for those and
other graue considerations that your Lp can better call to mind, it
will please you that some order be taken by commaundement from your
Lp and the rest of the most honorable Lordes that the said playes and
toumbelers be wholy stayed and forbidden as vngodlye and perilous, as
well at those places nere our liberties as within the iurisdiction of
this Cittie. And so I leaue to troble your Lp. At London this 12 of
Aprill 1580.
Your Lps humble,
N: W: M.
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord the Lord Chaunceller of
England.
xliv.
1580, April-July. Minutes of Privy Council, printed from
Register in Dasent, xi. 445; xii. 37, 112.]
(_a_) [April 13]
Robert Leveson and Larrance Dutton, servantes unto the Erle of Oxford,
were committed to the Mareshalsea for committing of disorders and
frayes appon the gentlemen of the Innes of the Courte.
(_b_) [May 26]
A letter to the Lord Chiefe Justice, Master of the Rolles and Mr.
Justice Southcote, to examine a matter of a certaine fraye betwene the
servauntes of th’erle of Oxforde and the gentlemen of the Innes of the
Courtes.
(_c_) [July 18]
A letter to the Master of the Rooles and the Recorder of London to take
bondes of Thomas Chesson (sometime servant to therle of Oxford) for his
good behavior for one yere next following, and to release him out of
the prison of the Gatehowse.
xlv.
[1580, April 17. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, xi. 449.]
A letter to the Lord Wentworth and Lord Hunsdon and the rest of the
Justices of Pece in the county of Middlesex that wheras the Queen’s
Majesty had given straight charg unto the Lord Maiour to have a
speciall care to the keping cleene of the City, and to provide and
prevent all soch occasions and causes as might breed or encrease
any infection, forasmuche as the great resorte of people to playes
ys thought to be very dangerous &c, they are required to give order
that all playes may be restrained until Michelmas, and further to
have a good regard to the execution of the Statute against roges and
vagabondes.
xlvi.
[1580, May 13. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in
Dasent, xii. 15.]
A letter to the Justices of Peace of the countie of Surrey that whereas
their Lordships do understand that notwithstandinge their late order
geven to the Lord Maiour to forbidd all playes within and about the
Cittie untill Michalmas next for avoydynge of infection, nevertheles
certen players do playe sunderie daies every weeke at Newington Buttes
on that parte of Surrey without the jurisdiccion of the said Lord
Maior contrary to their Lordships’ order; their Lordships requier
the Justices not only to enquier who they be that disobey their
comaundement in that behalf, and not only to forbidd them expresly
for playing in any of theis remote places nere unto the Cittie untill
Michaelmas, but to have regard that within the precincte of Surrey none
be permitted to play; if any do to comitt them and to advertise, &c.
xlvii.
[1580, June 17. Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, Lord Mayor, to Lord
Burghley, Lord High Treasurer, printed _M. S. C._ i. 47,
from _Remembrancia_, i. 40–1.]
It may please your good Lp. Byside the continuall charge of my Dutie,
hauing lately receued by your Lp. a speciall and ernest commaundement
from hir Maiestie for the best meanes to be vsed that I can for
preseruing the Citty from infection, I will not faile so to do my
dilligence both for the cleane keping of the streates, for avoiding
of Inmeates, and for keping of good orders as haue ben heretofore
prescribed or that I can any way deuise, as shall ly in my power to
the vttermost that I shalbe able. Howbeit, because perill may and doth
commonlie growe vnto hir Maiesties Cittie and people many wayes by such
meanes as we cannot reforme, I humble besech your Lp. that you wilbe
meane to hir Maiestie and give the ayde of the hye autoritie of your
Lp. and the rest of the most honorable Counsell for redresse of such
thinges as in that behalf we finde dangerous, whereof some thinges haue
doble perill, both naturarly in spreding the infection and otherwise in
drawing Godes wrath and plage vpon vs, as the erecting and frequenting
of howses verie infamous for incontinent rule out of our liberties
and iurisdiction, also the drawing of the people from the seruice of
God and from honest exersises to vnchast plaies. Some vther thinges
do carrie other inconveniences, as the pestering of the Cittie with
mvltitudes of people for whome we shall not be able to make prouision
of vitale, fewell, and other necessaries at any reasonable prises. I
haue therefore sett downe a note which I send to your Lp. hereinclosed
of such matters as I do lack power to redresse, but ame constrayned to
craue such further ayde and assistance, as shalbe by your Lp. thought
meete in those cases. And so I leaue to troble your Lp. At London this
xvijth of Iune 1580.
Your Lps. humble to comaund,
N. W. M.
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord the Lord Tresorer of
England.
The ‘note’ enclosed includes:
‘Item that haunting of playes out of the liberties be restrayned as
well as within the fredome.’
xlviii.
[1581, July 10. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor and the
Justices of Middlesex and the Liberties, printed _M. S. C._
i. 49, from _Remembrancia_, i. 221. The minute of the
letter is in Dasent, xiii. 128.]
After our right hartie commendacons. Whereas we haue ben credibly
informed that the plage and other contagious diseases are sumwhat
of late increased within the Citie of London and liberties thereto
adioyning: fforasmuch as it is to be feared that the said infections
will spred further, in case any great assemblies of people together,
especially in this somer season, be permitted, as by former experience
it hath appeared, We haue thought good to requier yowe and euery of
yowe vpon the receipte hereof to geue streight order that no playes
or enterludes be suffered to be played within the Citie or liberties
adioyning, but that fourthwith yow charge and comaunde them to forbere
and desist, vntill thende of September or that yowe shall receaue
further order from vs, whereof we pray yowe that there be no fault. And
so bid yow hartely farewell. From Grenewich the xth of Iuly 1581.
Your louing frendes,
Thomas Bromeley Cancellarius
Ambrose Warwicke
Robert Leycester
Henrie Sidney
Thomas Sussex
ffraunces Bedford
ffraunces Knowles
Christopher Hatton.
xlix.
[1581, July 11. City order, printed in Harrison, iv. 320,
without reference, probably from _Repertory_, xx.]
[Sidenote: Stafferton committed to the Compter.]
Item, Parr Stafferton gentleman of Grayes Inne for that he that daye
brought a dysordered companye of gentlemen of the Innes of Courte &
others, to assalte Arthur Kynge, Thomas Goodale, and others, servauntes
to the Lord Barkley, & players of Enterludes within the Cyttye, was
by this Courte committed to the Compter in Wood streete, and the
said players lykewyse. And aswell the sayd players as the sayd Parre
Stafferton, weare by this Courte commanded to set downe in wrytinge the
maner how the same quarell began.
l.
[1581, July. Henry Lord Berkeley to the Lord Mayor, printed
_M. S. C._ i. 51, from _Remembrancia_, i. 224; but it appears
from No. xlix that the date is rather earlier than was there
suggested.]
My very good Lord, ther is lately fallen owt some broile betwixt
certaine of my men and some of the Innes of the Courte, sought onely
by them. The matter, as I ame aduertised, is better knowen to your Lp.
then to my self. Whereupon ther is some of my men comitted to warde.
If by their misdemeanour they shold deserue imprisonment, I ame most
willing they shold abide it: Otherwise behauing them selues honestly
in euery respecte, as I cannot learne the contrary, sauing that they
played on the sabothe daie contrary to your order & comaundment
vnknowen to them, in respecte of that I yelde them faultie and they
them selues craue pardon. So ame I now to desier your Lp. to sett them
at libertie, whoe are vpon going into the Countrie to auoide querrell
or other inconuenience that mought followe. And thereupon I geue my
word that at any time hereafter, if further question shall arise
hereby, they shalbe fourthcoming to answere it, and so I leaue your
good Lp. to the Almightie. From my lodgeing at Strand this presente
Tuesdaie. 1581.
Your Lps assured
Henrie Berkeley.
To the right honorable the Lord Maiour of the Citie of London.
li.
[1581, July 13. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in
Harrison, iv. 320, from _Repertory_, xx. f. 192.]
[Sidenote: Preceptes for playes & enterludes.]
Item, yt ys orderyd that preceptes shalbe forthwith made and dyrected
vnto euery Alderman of thys Cyttye, that from henceforthe durynge the
pleasure of thys Courte, they suffer no playes, enterludes, tumblynges,
pryces, or other suche publyque shewes, to be had or made within theyr
sayde wardes, by any parson or parsons whatsoever, vntil further order
shalbe taken by this Courte.
lii.
[1581, Nov. 14. Precept of Lord Mayor, printed in Harrison, iv.
320, from London _Journal_, xxi, f. 151^v.]
By the Mayor.
[Sidenote: A preceptt agaynste foote-ball playe and stage playes.]
Theis shalbe streightlye to charge and commaunde you, that ye
take present order.... And also that ye gyve streighte charge &
commaundement to all thinhabitauntes within the same warde, that
they doe not at anye tyme hereafter, suffer anye person or persons
whatsoeuer, to sett vpp or fixe anye papers or breifes vppon anye
postes, houses, or other places within your warde, for the shewe or
settynge out of anye playes, enterludes, or pryzes, within this Cyttye,
or the lybertyes and suburbes of the same, or to be played or shewed in
anye other place or places within two myles of this Cyttie, and that
if anye suche shalbe sett vp, the same presentlye to be pulled downe &
defaced. Fayle you not hereof, as you will, etc. Dated the xiiijth of
November, 1581.
Sebryght [Town Clerk].
liii.
1581, Nov. 18. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, the
Recorder, and the Court of Aldermen, printed _M. S. C._ i.
50, from _Remembrancia_, i. 295. The Acts of the Council
show no meeting on 18 Nov. 1581; cf. No. lv.]
After our hartie commendations. Whereas for auoyding the increase of
infection within your citie this last somer yow receaued order from vs
for the restrainte of plaies vntill Mighelmas last. For that (thankes
be to god) the sicknesse is very well seised and not likely in this
time of the yeare to increase; Tendering the releife of theis poore
men the players and their redinesse with conuenient matters for her
highnes solace this next Christmas, which cannot be without their
vsuall exercise therein; We haue therefore thought good to requier yowe
forethwith to suffer them to vse such plaies in such sort and vsuall
places as hath ben heretofore accustomed, hauing carefull regard for
continuance of such quiet orders in the playeng places as tofore yowe
haue had. And thus we bidd yowe hartelie farewell from the Courte at
Whitehall this xviij^o of Nouember 1581.
Your Louing frendes,
Edward Lincoln
Robert Leycester
Christopher Hatton
Thomas Sussex
H. Hunsdon
Amb: Warwick
James Croft
To our very Louing frendes the Lord Maiour, mr. Sariant Fletewood
Recorder, and the Aldermen of the Cittie of London.
liv.
[1581, Nov. 25. Extract from letter of John Field to the Earl of
Leicester, printed from _Cotton MS. Titus_, B. vii, f. 22,
in Collier, i. 245.]
The more Sathan rageth, the more valianter be you under the standert
of him who will not be foyled. And I humblie beseech your honor to
take heede howe you gyve your hande, either in evill causes, or in the
behalfe of evill men, _as of late you did for players to the great
greife of all the godly_; but as you have shewed your forwardnes
for the Ministery of the Gospel, so followe that course still. Our
Cyttie hath bene well eased of the pester of those wickednesses, and
abuses, that were wonte to be nourished by those impure _interludes
and playes_ that were in use--surely the schooles of as greate
wickednesses as can be. I truste your honor will herein joyne with them
that have longe, owt of the word, cryed out against them; and I am
persuaded that if your honor knewe what sincks of synne they are, you
woulde never looke once towards them. The lord Jesus blesse you. Nov.
25, 1581.
Your good lordshippes most bounden
Jo Feilde.
lv.
[1581, Dec. 3. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in
Dasent, xiii. 269.]
Whereas certayne companyes of players hertofore usinge their common
excersice of playing within and aboute the Cittie of London have
of late in respect of the generail infection within the Cittie ben
restrayned by their Lordships’ commaundement from playing, the said
players this daye exhibited a peticion unto their Lordships, humblie
desiring that as well in respecte of their pore estates, having noe
other meanes to sustayne them, their wyves and children but their
exercise of playing, and were only brought up from their youthe in the
practise and profession of musicke and playeng, as for that the sicknes
within the Cittie was well slaked, so as noe danger of infection could
followe by the assemblyes of people at their playes, yt would please
their Lordships therfore to grante them licence to use their sayd
exercise of playeng as heretofore they had don; their Lordships their
upon for the consyderations aforesaid as also for that they are to
present certayne playes before the Quenes Majestie for her solace in
the Christmas tyme nowe following, were contented to yeld unto their
said humble peticion, and ordered that the Lord Mayor of the Cittie of
London should suffer and permitt them to use and exercise their trade
of playing in and about the Cittie as they have hertofore accustomed
upon the weeke dayes only, being holy dayes or other dayes, so as
they doe forbeare wholye to playe on the Sabothe Daye, either in the
forenone or afternone, which to doe they are by this their Lordships’
order expressely denyed and forbidden.
lvi.
[1581, Dec. 24. Patent of Commission for Edmund Tilney as Master
of the Revels, printed by Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 51, from _Patent
Rolls_, 1606 (_Watson’s Rolls_), m. 34, No. 46; also by T. E.
Tomlins in _Sh. Soc. Papers_, iii (1847), 1; Collier, i. 247,
who supposed the document to refer to the formation of the
Queen’s men in 1583; and Halliwell-Phillipps, _Illustrations_,
114; cf. ch. iii and _Tudor Revels_, 62, 72.]
[Sidenote: De Commissione speciali pro Edmundo Tylney Armigero Magistro
Revellorum.]
Elizabeth by the grace of God &c. To all manner our Iustices, Maiors,
Sheriffes, Bayliffes, Constables, and all other our officers,
ministers, true liege men, and subiectes, and to euery of them
greetinge. We lett you witt that we haue aucthorised licensed and
commaunded and by these presentes do aucthorise licence and commaunde
our welbeloved Edmunde Tylney Esquire Maister of our Revells, aswell
to take and retaine for vs and in our name at all tymes from hensforth
and in all places within this our Realme of England, aswell within
ffrancheses and liberties as without, at competent wages aswell
all suche and as many painters, imbroderers, taylors, cappers,
haberdashers, joyners, carders, glasiers, armorers, basketmakers,
skinners, sadlers, waggen makers, plaisterers, fethermakers, as all
other propertie makers and conninge artificers and laborers whatsoever
as our said Servant or his assigne bearers hereof shall thinke
necessarie and requisite for the speedie workinge and fynisheinge of
any exploite workmanshippe or peece of seruice that shall at any tyme
hereafter belong to our saide office of the Revells, As also to take
at price reasonable in all places within our said Realme of England
aswell within ffrancheses and liberties as without any kinde or kindes
of stuffe, ware or marchandise, woode or coale or other fewell, tymber,
wainscott, boarde, lathe, nailes, brick, tile, leade, iron, wier, and
all other necessaries for our said workes of the said office of our
Revells as he the said Edmunde or his assigne shall thinke behoofefull
and expedient from tyme to tyme for our said seruice in the said
office of the Revells together with all carriages for the same both
by land and by water as the case shall require. And furthermore we
haue by these presentes aucthorised and commaunded the said Edmunde
Tylney that in case any person or persons, whatsoever they be, will
obstinatelie disobey and refuse from hensforth to accomplishe and
obey our commaundement and pleasure in that behalfe, or withdrawe
themselues from any of our said workes vpon warninge to them or any of
them given by the saide Edmunde Tylney, or by his sufficient deputie
in that behalfe to be named, appointed for their diligent attendance
and workmanship vpon the said workes or devises as to their naturall
dutie and alleigeance apperteineth, that then it shalbe lawfull vnto
the same Edmund Tilney or his deputie for the tyme beinge to attache
the partie or parties so offendinge and him or them to commytt to
warde, there to remaine without baile or mainprise vntill suche tyme
as the saide Edmunde or his deputie shall thinke the tyme of his or
their imprisonment to be punnishment sufficient for his or their saide
offences in that behalfe, and that done to enlarge him or them so
beinge imprisoned at their full libertie without any losse, penaltie,
forfaiture or other damage in that behalfe to be susteined or borne by
the said Edmunde Tilney or his saide deputie. And also if any person
or persons beinge taken into our said workes of the said office of
our Revells beinge arrested comminge or goinge to or from our saide
workes of our said office of our Revells at the sute of any person or
persons, then the said Edmunde Tilney by vertue and aucthoritie hereof
to enlarge him or them as by our speciall proteccion during the tyme of
our said workes. And also if any person or persons beinge reteyned in
our said workes of our said office of Revells haue taken any manner of
taske worke, beinge bound to finishe the same by a certen day, shall
not runne into any manner of forfeiture or penaltie for breakinge of
his day, so that he or they ymediatly after the fynishinge of our said
workes indevor him or themselues to fynishe the saide taske worke. And
furthermore also we haue and doe by these presentes aucthorise and
commaunde our said Servant Edmunde Tilney Maister of our said Revells
by himselfe or his sufficient deputie or deputies to warne commaunde
and appointe in all places within this our Realme of England, aswell
within francheses and liberties as without, all and euery plaier or
plaiers with their playmakers, either belonginge to any noble man
or otherwise, bearinge the name or names of vsinge the facultie of
playmakers or plaiers of Comedies, Tragedies, Enterludes or what other
showes soever, from tyme to tyme and at all tymes to appeare before
him with all suche plaies, Tragedies, Comedies or showes as they shall
haue in readines or meane to sett forth, and them to presente and
recite before our said Servant or his sufficient deputie, whom wee
ordeyne appointe and aucthorise by these presentes of all suche showes,
plaies, plaiers and playmakers, together with their playing places, to
order and reforme, auctorise and put downe, as shalbe thought meete or
vnmeete vnto himselfe or his said deputie in that behalfe. And also
likewise we haue by these presentes aucthorised and commaunded the said
Edmunde Tylney that in case if any of them, whatsoever they bee, will
obstinatelie refuse, vpon warninge vnto them given by the said Edmunde
or his sufficient deputie, to accomplishe and obey our commaundement
in this behalfe, then it shalbe lawful to the said Edmunde or his
sufficient deputie to attache the partie or parties so offendinge, and
him or them to commytt to warde, to remaine without bayle or mayneprise
vntill suche tyme as the same Edmunde Tylney or his sufficient deputie
shall thinke the tyme of his or theire ymprisonment to be punishement
sufficient for his or their said offences in that behalfe, and that
done to inlarge him or them so beinge imprisoned at their plaine
libertie, without any losse, penaltie, forfeiture or other daunger in
this behalfe to be susteyned or borne by the said Edmunde Tylney or his
deputie, Any Acte Statute Ordynance or prouision heretofore had or made
to the contrarie hereof in any wise notwithstandinge. Wherefore we will
and commaunde you and euery of you that vnto the said Edmunde Tylney or
his sufficient deputie bearer hereof in the due execution of this our
aucthoritie and commaundement ye be aydinge, supportinge and assistinge
from tyme to tyme as the case shall require, as you and euery of you
tender our pleasure and will answer to the contrarie at your vttermost
perills. In witnesse whereof &c, witnes our selfe at Westminster the
xxiiijth day of December in the xxiiijth yere of our raigne.
per breve de priuato sigillo.
lvii.
[1582, April 3. Precept by Lord Mayor, printed in Nicholl,
_Ironmongers_, 128.]
By the Maior.
These shalbe straightlie to charge and command you, that forthwithe
uppon the receit hereof you call before you all the freemen of your
said companie, and give to everie one of them straightlie charge and
commandement that they or anie of them do at annye time hereafter
suffer any of ther sarvants, apprentices, journemen, or children, to
repare or goe to annye playes, peices, or enterludes, either within
the cittie or suburbs thereof, or to annye place witheout the same,
uppon payne of everie servant so offendinge, or master so sufferinge,
to be punyshed at the dyscretion of me and my brethren. Fayle you not
hereof, as you will answer the contrarie at your perill. Geven at the
Guildhall, the iij daie of April, 1582.
Sebright [Town Clerk].
lviii.
[1582, April 11. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed
_M. S. C._ i. 52, from _Remembrancia_, i. 317. The minute of the
letter, undated and bound up before a minute of April 13 as f.
691 of the manuscript Register among minutes of May 1582, is in
Dasent, xiii, 404.]
After our hartie comendacons. Whereas heretofore for sundry good
causes and consideracons, as yow know, we haue oftentimes geuen order
for the restraint of plaies, in and about the Citie of London: and
neuerthelesse of late for honest recreation sake, in respecte that her
maiestie sometimes taketh delight in those pastimes, we thought it not
vnfitt, hauing regard vnto the season of the yere and the Clerenes of
the Citie from infection, to allowe of certaine companies of plaiers to
exercise their playeng in London, partly to the ende they might thereby
attaine to the more dexteritie and perfection in that profession,
the better to content her maiestie, whereupon we permitted the said
players to vse their playeng vntill we shold se cause to the contrary,
and foreseing that the same might be done without impeachment of the
seruice of God whereof we haue a speciall care, we restrained them from
playeng on the sabothe daye: and forasmucheas we suppose that their
honest exercise of recreation in playeng, to be vsed on the ordinarie
S. Hollydaies after euening prayer, as long as the season of the yere
may permitt and may be without daunger of the infection, will not be
offensiue, so that if care be had that their comodies and enterludes
be looked into, and that those which do containe mater that may bread
corruption of maners and conuersacion among the people (which we
desire in any case to haue auoided) be forbidden, whereunto we wishe
yow did appointe some fitt persones whoe maie consider and allowe of
suche playes onely as be fitt to yeld honest recreacion and no example
of euell: We haue therefore thought good to pray your Lp. to reuoke
your late inhibition against their playeng on the said hollydaies
after euening prayer, onely forbearing the Sabothe daie whollie
according to our former order. And when yow shall finde that the
continuance of the same their excercise by the increase of the sicknes
and infection shalbe dangerous, we praye your Lp. therin to geue vs
knowlege & thereupon we will presentely take order for their restrainte
accordinglie: Soe fare yowe hartelie well from the Court at Grenewich
the xjth of Aprill 1582.
Your louing frendes,
E: Lyncoln: T: Sussex: A: Warwyk: R: Leycester.
H: Hunsdon. I: Crofte.
To our very Louing frende the Lord maior of the Citie of London.
lix.
[1582, April 13. The Lord Mayor to the Privy Council, printed
_M. S. C._ i. 54, from _Remembrancia_, i. 319.]
My dutie humblie done to your LLps. I haue receaued significacon of
your LLps. pleasure by your letters for enlarging the restrainte of
players on holydaies in the afternone, being not the sabbat daye,
so as the same may be done after seruice and without disturbance of
comon prayer and seruice of God, which as the experience is among vs
peraduenture not made knowen to your LLps. can very hardly be done.
For thoughe they beginne not their playes till after euening prayer,
yet all the time of the afternone before they take in hearers and fill
the place with such as be therby absent from seruing God at Chirch,
and attending to serue Gods enemie in an Inne; If for remedie hereof I
shold also restraine the letting in of the people till after seruice
in the chirche, it wold driue the action of their plaies into very
inconuenient time of night, specially for seruantes and children to
be absent from their parentes and masters attendance and presence:
Howbet the case is of more inconuenience (as I take it) for that the
plag increaseth, and the season extraordinarilie whote and perelous
for this time of yere, and in the opinion of me and my bretheren,
both more mete for the safetie of the Quenes subiectes, and more easy
to be stayed by good and lawfull policie in the beginning then when
it is growen to further spreding of infection, byside that the tearme
being at hand, and the parlament by prorogacon not long after, I haue
thought it dutie to obey your LLps. comaundement in signifieng that
euen now the renewing and continuance of their exersise by the increase
of siknes and infection is daungerous, prayeng your LLps. to take order
for continuing the restrainte accordinglie. As touching the orders
prescribed in your LLps. lettres for the maters and maner of their
playes at such time as yow may hereafter enlarge them, I will according
to your said direction take furder order at all times to restraine
them, till their maters be perused by graue and discrete persones such
as I shall require to take that peine, and till they well asure me to
obey the cautions appointed in your said letters. And so I leaue to
troble your LLps. At London this xiijth of Aprill 1582.
Your LLps. humble.
To the right honorable the Lords and other of the Quenes Maiesties most
honorable Counsell.
lx.
[1582, July 1. Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Mayor and
Aldermen, printed _M. S. C._ i. 55, from _Remembrancia_, i. 359.]
My Lord maiour, I ame to request yow and the rest whome it doth
apperteine that they wold geue licence to my seruant John Dauid this
bearer to playe his prouest prices in his science and profession of
defence at the Bull in Bishopsgatestrete or some other conuenient place
to be assigned within the liberties of London, and I will hartely
thanke your Lp. and the rest for the fauor yow shal shew him in this
behalf: So with my very hartie commendacions I wish yowe all well to
fare. From the Court this first of Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. very louing frend,
Amb: Warwik.
To my verie honorable good frend the L. Maiour and the rest of the
aldermen or shirefes.
lxi.
[1582, July 23. Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Mayor,
printed _M. S. C_. i. 56, from _Remembrancia_, i. 383.]
My Lord Maiour, I cannot thinke my self frendely delt with to haue my
seruante put to such publike disgrace: Yf yow had not first allowed
bothe others and him to take a like course of playeng prises, I had
not moued your Lp. by my former lettres nor my man shold not haue
requested extraordinary fauour aboue otheres, but to repulse him and to
forbid the place appointed, after allowance & publicacon of his Bills
(wherein my name was also vsed) and my seruante hereby greatly charged,
wanteth some part of that good and frendely consideracion, which in
curtesie and common humanitie I might looke for. The Circumstances and
manner of dealing geueth me cause to iudge my self hardly befrended
and regarded, that a light suggestion of a Companie of lewde verlettes
could so sodainely and easely carry yow awaye from a good frende to
my mans great losse and discredit, and in some sort to myne owne
impeachement. Yf yow be resolued that it standeth most behouefull for
the good gouerment of the Citie to haue those exercises vtterly put
downe and none allowed hereafter to deale in these kinde of prises, my
man shall rest him self without further sute, (albeit the first and
last to whome disgrace hath ben offered in this sorte:) But if others
be suffered to proceade as heretofore, and they not restrained, aswell
as my man, I must nedes iuge it no frendely nor indifferent maner of
dealing. I pray therefore, vnlesse there be cause to the contrary and
greater mater of exception, than lewde suggestions of badd persones;
(because my man refused to yealde to their disorder, and abvse of
exaction) giue my man such ordinarie and indifferent fauor, that he may
forthwith haue his daie and place as others of his profession. Or ells
I shall haue more iust cause of vnkindnesse offered me. From the Court
this xxiijth of Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. very louing frende,
Ambrose: Warwike.
To my very louing frende the Lord Maiour of London: ffrom the Courte.
lxii.
[1582, July 24. The Lord Mayor to Ambrose, Earl of Warwick,
printed _M. S. C._ i. 57, from _Remembrancia_, i. 384.]
My dutie humblie done to your Lp. I ame sorry that your Lp. taketh
my dealinges toward your seruant in such part, as I perceaue by your
letters yow are informed. Albeit the lawe in case of fensers haue some
hard exposition in some mens iugement, yet the truthe is that I did
not expulse your seruant from playeng his prise, but for your sake I
did geue him licence. Onely I did restraine him from playeng in an
Inne which was somewhat to close for infection, and appointed him to
playe in an open place of the leaden hall more fre from danger and
more for his Comoditie, which licence I gaue him in open Courte, and
he might well haue vsed it before increace of peril by heate of the
yere. But about xiiijtene daies afterward, when I thought he had taken
the benefitt and effecte of my graunte, the infection growing, whereof
your Lp. knoweth what earnest care I ought to haue, and how seriously
bothe her maiestie and your Lp. with the rest of the most honorable
haue often charged me, and for some other reasonable respectes touching
my dutie, I was indede inforced to restraine him from gathering publik
assemblie of people to his play within the Citie, and neuerthelesse
did allowe him in the open feildes where the peril might not be so
great: But verely my good Lord, whoesoeuer hath Informed yow that I
haue forbidden your man and licenced other to your seruantes disgrace
he doth me great wrong, for I neither haue nor intende so to doe. For
bothe your Lp. and my Lord of Leycester your brother haue euer ben my
honorable good Lordes, and so I haue and doe esteeme yow, and wold
doe asmuche to gratefie yow or any of yours as any that hath ben in
my place; and so I beseche yow to accoumpte of me. I haue herein yet
further done for your seruante what I may, that is that if he obteine
lawefully to playe at the Theater or other open place out of the Citie,
he hath and shall haue my permition with his companie, drumes, and
shewe to passe openly throughe the Citie, being not vpon the Sondaye,
which is asmuche as I maye iustefie in this season, and for that cause
I haue with his owne consent apointed him Monday next. And so I humblie
comitt your Lp. to the tuition of the Almightie. At London the xxiiijth
of Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. humble.
To the right honorable my singular good L. my Lorde the Erle of
Warwicke.
lxiii.
[1582 (?). Extract from _Orders Appointed to be Executed in the
Cittie of London for Setting Rogues and Idle Persons to Worke,
and for Releefe of the Poore_, printed by Hugh Singleton (N.D.).
The B.M. copy (796 E. 37) is catalogued, with the date 1587, as
an Act of the Court of Aldermen. C. Welch, _The City Printers_
(_Bibl. Soc. Trans._ xiv. 191), also gives the date as 1587,
and says that Singleton became City Printer on 4 Aug. 1584.
Whatever the date of the print, it seems clear from No. lxxv (2)
(_a_) that the order itself, or at any rate Art. 62 of it, is
later than the crying of the preachers against plays and earlier
than the Paris Garden accident of 13 Jan. 1583. The autumn of
1582 seems to me the most likely date. Possibly Art. 62 was
alone new. Aydelotte, 70, says that the Orders which were to
enforce 18 Eliz. c. 3 were originally printed in 1579 or 1580,
and refers to _Journal_, xx, pt. ii, f. 325. Art. 61, and also
Art. 25, which directs an inquest for ‘suspect persons which ...
spend their times at bowling allies, playes, and other places
unthriftily’, may belong to the earlier version.]
Art. 61. For helpe of the hospitals & Parishes in this charge all
churchwardens & collectors for the poore be strayghtly charged to
execute the lawe against such as come not to church, against al persons
without exception, and specially against such as while they ought to
be at diuine seruice, doo spend their time and their money lewdly in
haunting of plaies, and other idle and wycked pastimes and exercises.
Art. 62. For as much as the playing of Enterludes, & the resort to
the same are very daungerous for the infection of the plague, whereby
infinite burdens and losses to the Citty may increase, and are very
hurtfull in corruption of youth with incontinence & lewdnes, and also
great wasting both of the time and thrift of many poore people and
great prouoking of the wrath of God the ground of all plagues, great
withdrawing of the people from publique prayer & from the seruice of
God: and daily cryed out against by the graue and earnest admonitions
of the preachers of the word of God: Therefore be it ordered that all
such Enterludes in publique places, and the resort to the same shall
wholy be prohibited as ungodly, and humble sute be made to the Lords
that lyke prohibition be in places neere unto the Cittie.
lxiv.
[1583, Jan. 14. Extract from letter of Lord Mayor to Lord
Burghley, printed _M. S. C._ i. 158, from _Lansd. MS._ 37, f. 8,
and _M. S. C._ i. 58, from letter-book copy misdated Jan. 18 in
_Remembrancia_, i. 456; also in Wright, ii. 184, and quoted by
Collier, i. 243, with inaccurate reference to _Lansd. MS._ 73.]
It maye please your Lp. to be further advertised (which I thinke you
haue alredie hard) of a greate mysshappe at Parise gardeine, where by
ruyn of all the scaffoldes at once yesterdaie a greate nombre of people
are some presentlie slayne, and some maymed and greavouslie hurte.
It giveth greate occasion to acknowledge the hande of god for suche
abuse of the sabboth daie, and moveth me in Consciens to beseche your
Lp. to give order for redresse of suche contempt of gods service. I
haue to that ende treated with some Iustices of peace of that Countie,
who signifie them selfes to haue verye good zeale, but alledge want
of Comyssion, which we humblie referre to the Consideracion of your
honorable wisedome. And so I leve to trowble your Lp. At London the
xiiijth of Ianuarye 1582.
Your Lps. humble,
Thomas Blank Maior.
To the right honorable my singler good lorde my lorde highe Tresurer of
Englande.
lxv.
[1583, Jan. 15. Extract from letter of Lord Burghley to Lord
Mayor, printed _M. S. C._ i. 60, from _Remembrancia_, i. 458.]
I am also hartely sorry for the mischance, whereof I haue vnderstanding
bothe by your Lps. lettres and otherwise at my being now at
Westminster, mishappened at Parrise Garden on Sonday last, and
althoughe I thinke your learning derely bought by the losse of so many
bodies, to haue the Saboth daie so prophaned to see wilde beastes
bayted, yet I think it very conuenient to haue both that and other like
prophane assemblies prohibited on the Saboth daie, and if it shalbe
requisite to haue such like worldly pastimes, I think some other daie
within the weke meeter for those purposes, and to that ende I minde
to treate with my LLs. of the Counsell, that some good order may be
taken for that purpose; wishing neuerthelesse that your Lp. in the
meane time, hauing rule of the whole Citie, might thinke it conuenient
to make a generall prohibition within euerie warde of that Citie and
liberties, that no person vnder your comaundement shold on the Saboth
daie resort to any such prophane assemblies or pastimes, which I leaue
to your Lps. discretion to be considered by the aduise of the Aldermen
your bretheren. From Richmond the xvth of Ianuary 1582.
Your Lps. assured louing frend,
William: Burghley.
To my very good Lord the Lord maiour of the Citie of London.
lxvi.
[1583, Jan. 14–Feb. 6. Notes of credentials of Worcester’s men,
shown at Leicester in March 1584; for text of entries in _Hall
Papers_, cf. ch. xiii, s.v. Worcester’s.]
(_a_) [Jan. 14]
Abstract of warrant of licence and recommendation from William Earl of
Worcester.
(_b_) [Feb. 6]
Abstract of article in indenture of licence from Edmund Tilney, Master
of the Revels.
lxvii.
[1583, April 19. Proclamation against Retainers (_Procl._ 768).]
This is substantially similar to _Procl._ 663 of 3 Jan. 1572 (v. No.
xix).
lxviii.
[1583, April 27. The Lord Mayor to Mr. Young, a Justice
of Middlesex, printed _M. S. C._ i. 62, from
_Remembrancia_, i. 498. The letter referred to in the first
sentence was one from the Privy Council on April 21, intimating
the Queen’s surprise that no plague hospital had been built
outside the City (_Remembrancia_, i. 497; _Index_,
336). ‘Ill May daie’ was that of 1517, on which a riot took
place against the aliens resident in London.]
Mr. Yong. I and my brethren haue lately receiued lettres from the
LLs. of the most honorable counsell for auoiding of all perills of
infection, in which lettres we haue also a most ernest significaton
of maiesties pleasure to that end with verie greuous charging vs with
negligence and defalt. Ther ar certain fencers that haue set vp billes
and meane to play a prise at the Theatre on Tuesday next, which is
May eue. How manie waies the same maie be inconuenient and dangerous,
specially in that they desire to passe with pomp through the citie,
yowe can consider, namelie the statute against men of that facultie,
the perill of infection, the danger of disorders at such assemblies,
the memorie of ill May daie begon vpon a lesse occasion of like sort,
the weakenesse of the place for ruine, wherof we had a late lamentable
example at Paris garden. For these causes, in good discretion we haue
not only not geuen them licence, but also declared to them the dangers,
willing them at their perill to forbeare their passing both thorough
the citie, and their whole plaieng of such prise. Now bicause yowe know
how much this mater importeth the whole citie, and how from time to
time the LLs. of the counsell haue willed the iustices of the cowntie
geue assistance for auoideng of such perills, we pray yowe hartely,
in confidence of your good diligence in her maiesties seruice and the
safetye of this citie, that yowe will both looke vnto it your self, and
so deale with the rest of the iustices, that no such prise be suffred,
or assemblie had, specially in this time of infection and those daies
of speciall danger, considering also the like danger in plaies at
that place. And so praieng yowe to remember that, if we be blamed for
suffering, we must say that we admonished yowe of it in time, I bid
yowe hartelie ffarewell. At the Guildhall this xxvijth of Aprill 1583.
Your louing freind.
lxix.
[1583, May 3. The Lord Mayor to Sir Francis Walsingham,
Secretary, printed _M. S. C._ i. 63, from _Remembrancia_, i.
538.]
It may please your honor. According to oure dutie, I and my bretheren
haue had care for staye of infection of the plage and published
orders in that behalfe, which we intend god willing to execute
with dilligence. Among other we finde one very great and dangerous
inconuenience, the assemblie of people to playes, beare bayting,
fencers, and prophane spectacles at the Theatre and Curtaine and other
like places, to which doe resorte great multitudes of the basist sort
of people; and many enfected with sores runing on them, being out of
our iurisdiction, and some whome we cannot discerne by any dilligence;
and which be otherwise perilous for contagion, biside the withdrawing
from Gods service, the peril of ruines of so weake byldinges, and
the auancement of incontinencie and most vngodly confederacies, the
terrible occasion of gods wrathe and heauye striking with plages. It
auaileth not to restraine them in London, vnlesse the like orderes
be in those places adioyning to the liberties, for amendment whereof
I beseche your honor to be meane to the most honorable Counsel, and
the rather I ame to make that humble sute, for that I wold be lothe
to susteine hir maiesties heauie displeasure, when such forren and
extraordinarie occasions shalbe aboue all our habilities by any
dilligence or foresight to redresse it. And so I leaue to troble your
honor. At London this 3 of May 1583.
Your honours to comaund.
To the right honorable Sir Frances Walsingham knight, principal
Secretarle to the Quenes most excellent Maiestie.
lxx.
[1583, July 3. The Lord Mayor to the Privy Council, printed _M.
S. C._ i. 64, from _Remembrancia_, i. 520. In reply to a letter
of June 30, calling attention to the neglect of the statutes and
orders for the maintenance of archery (_Remembrancia_, i. 519;
_Index_, 16).]
My dutie humbly done to your LLps. I and my brethren haue receiued
your honourable letters, for execution of the lawes for maintenance of
archerie and restraineng of vnlawfull games. We must acknowledge your
honourable and godly consideracion and for our partes do accordingly
intend to call the wardens of those pore companies, at whose suite
your lettres were obteined, and both to vse their aduise and diligence
and to adde our owne good meanes and indeuours that your LLps. good
meaninges maie take effect, and the lawes be executed with such good
circumspection and reasonable orders, as haue ben founde requisite for
the good gouernance of the youth in this citie. Vpon the occasion of
your LLps. said lettres reciting the vse of vnlawfull games to be to
the hinderance of the vse of archerie and of the maintenance of those
honest artificors, We ar humbly to pray [your] LLps. to haue in your
honorable remembrance how much not only the said vse of archerie and
maintenance of good artes ar decaied by the assemblers to vnlawfull
spectacles, as barebaiting, vnchast enterludes and other like, but
also infection therby increased, affraies, actes and bargaines of
incontinencie and thefte, stolen contractes and spoiling of honest
mens children, the withdrawing of people from seruice of God, and the
drawing of godes wrath and plages vpon vs, whereof god hath in his
iudgement shewed a late terrible example at Paris garden, in which
place in great contempt of god the scaffoldes ar new builded, and
the multitudes on the Saboath daie called together in most excessiue
number. These thinges ar obiected to vs, both in open sermons at
Poules crosse and elsewhere in the hearing of such as repaire from
all partes of to our shame and greif, when we cannot remedie it. The
reproch also to vs as the sufferers and mainteiners of such disorders
is published to the whole world in bokes. We herewith moued, as
becomieth vs in conscience and in regard of our honestie and credites
not to be accompted senselesse of the feare of God and of our duties
to her maiestie and the preseruacion of her subiectes in our charge,
haue endeuoured, and your good fauours concurring will more endeuour,
our selues for redresse of such enormities within our iurisdiction,
specially on the Sabbat and daies appointed for comon praier. Which our
trauailes shall yet be vaine and to no effect without your honourable
help and assistance. It may therfore please your good Lps. both to
geue your allowance of our proceding in such reformacion within our
liberties, and to send your Lps. lettres of request and comandement to
the Iustices of the cownties and gouernours of precinctes adioining to
this citie to execute like orders as we shall do for the honour of god
and seruice of her maiestie. And so beseching your Lps. that I may haue
your resolucion herein I leaue to troble your honours. At London this
iijd of Iulie 1583.
Your LLps. humble.
To the right honourable the Lordes and other of the Quenes maiesties
most honorable Counsell.
lxxi.
[1583, Nov. 26. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed
_M. S. C._ i. 66, from _Remembrancia_, i. 554.]
After our hartie comendacons to your good Lp. Forasmuch as (God
be thanked) there is no suche infection within that citie at this
presente, but that hir maiesties playeres may be suffered to playe
within the liberties as heretofore they haue done, especially seeing
they are shortly to present some of their doeinges before hir maiestie,
we haue thought good at this present to pray your Lp. to geue order,
that the said players may be licenced so to doe within the Citie and
liberties betwene this and shroftyde next; so as the same be not done
vpon sondaies, but vpon some other weke daies, at conuenient times.
And so prayeng yowe that thereof there be no defaulte, We bid yowe
right hartely farewell. From St Iames the xxvjth of Nouember 1583.
Your very louing frendes,
Tho: Bromeley: cancellarius:
Fra: Bedford:
Chr. Hatton:
He: Hunsdon
William Burghley
Fra: Knollys:
Fra: Walsingham:
To our verie louing frende the L. Maiour of the Citie of London.
lxxii.
[1583, Nov. 28. Abstract of City licence, given by C. W. Wallace
in _Nebraska University Studies_, xiii. 11.]
I shall later publish in extenso a licence granted by the City to the
Queen’s men, dated 28 Nov. 1583, wherein we learn for the first time
that the twelve chosen actors were ‘Robert Wilson, John Dutton, Rychard
Tarleton, John Laneham, John Bentley, Thobye Mylles, John Towne, John
Synger, Leonell Cooke, John Garland, John Adams, and Wyllyam Johnson’,
and that their playing places were to be ‘at the sygnes of the Bull in
Bushoppesgate streete, and the sygne of the Bell in Gratioustreete and
nowheare els within this Cyttye’ for the time being.
lxxiii.
[1583, Dec. 1. Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary, to the Lord
Mayor, printed _M. S. C._ i. 67, from _Remembrancia_,
i. 553.]
My very good L. Vnderstanding that vpon the receipte of my Ls. letters
written lately vnto yow in the behalf of hir maiesties players, your
Lp. interpreteth the licence geuen them therin to extend onely to holy
daies and not to other weke daies, I haue therefore thought good, being
partlie priuie to their LLps. meaning signified in their letters,
to explane more plainely their pleasures herein to your Lp., whoe,
considering in their graue wisdomes that without frequent exercise of
such plaies as are to be presented before hir maiestie, her seruantes
cannot conueniently satisfie hir recreation and their owne duties,
were therefore pleased to directe their letters vnto yowe, that vpon
the weke daies and worke daies at conuenient times your Lp. wold geue
order that they might be licenced betwene this and Shrouetide to
exercise their playes and enterludes (sondaies onely excepted and such
other daies wherein sermons and lectures are comonly vsed). I pray
your Lp. therefore that from hence fourthe yow will suffer them to
haue the benefite of this libertie accordinglie, as without the which
they shall not be able to doe that which is expected at their handes
for hir maiesties seruice and contentacion, whereunto I know your Lp.
will rather yelde your best ayde and furtherance, than any the least
impediment or interruption, which I wishe may be effectually manifested
by your especiall licence to be graunted to this ende to those hir
maiesties seruantes with all fauorable regard and expedition. And so I
comitt your Lp. to the grace of God. From the Courte at St. Iames the
first of December 1583.
Your Lps. very assured louing frende,
Fra: Walsingham.
To my very good Lord the Lord maiour of the Citie of London.
lxxiv.
[1584, June 18. Extracts from letter of William Fleetwood to
Lord Burghley, printed _M. S. C._ i. 163, from _Lansd.
MS._ 41, f. 31; also in Wright, ii. 226.]
Right honorable and my very good Lo. Vpon Whit Sondaye there was a very
good Sermond preached at the New churche yard nere bethelem, wherat my
Lo. Maiour was with his bretherne, and by reason no playes were the
same daye all the citie was quiet....
Vpon Mondaye night I retorned to London and found all the wardes full
of watchers. The cause thereof was for that very nere the Theatre or
Curten at the tyme of the Playes there laye a prentice sleping vpon
the Grasse, and one Challes _al._ Grostock dyd turne vpon the Too
vpon the belly of the same prentice, whervpon the apprentice start vp
and after wordes they fell to playne bloues; the companie encressed of
bothe sides to the nosmber of v^c at the least. This Challes exclaimed
and said that he was a gentelman and that the apprentise was but a
Rascall; and some there were litell better then rooges that tooke vpon
theym the name of gentilmen and said the prentizes were but the skomme
of the worlde. Vpon these trobles the prentizes began the next daye,
being Twesdaye, to make mutines and assembles, and dyd conspire to have
broken the presones & to have taken furthe the prentizes that were
imprisoned; but my Lo. and I having intelligens thereof apprensed .iiij.
or.v. of the chieff conspirators, who are in Newgate and stand Indicted
of theire lewd demeanors.
Vpon Weddensdaye one Browne, a serving man in a blew coat, a shifting
fellowe having a perrelous witt of his owne, entending a spoile if
he cold have browght it to passe, did at Theatre doore querell with
certen poore boyes, handicraft prentises, and strook some of theym, and
lastlie he with his sword wondend and maymed one of the boyes vpon the
left hand; where vpon there assembled nere a ml. people. This Browne
dyd very cuninglie convey hym selff awaye, but by chaunse he was taken
after and browght to mr. Humfrey Smithe, and because no man was able to
charge hym he dismissed hym, and after this Browne was browght before
mr. Yonge, where he vsed hym selff so connynglie and subtillie, no man
being there to charge hym, that there also he was demised. And after
I sent a warraunt for hym, and the Constables with the deputie at the
Bell in Holbourne found hym in a parlor fast locked in, and he wold not
obeye the warraunt, but by the meane of the hoost he was conveyed a
waye, and then I sent for the hoost and caused hym to appere at Newgat
at the Sessions of Oier and determiner, where he was committed vntill
he browght furth his gest. The next daye after he browght hym forthe,
and so we Indicted hym for his misdemeanour. This Browne is a commen
Cossiner, a thieff, & a horse stealer, and colloreth all his doynges
here abowt this towne with a sute that he haithe in the lawe agaynst a
brother of his in Staffordshire. He resteth now in Newgate....
Vpon Weddensdaye, Thursdaye, Frydaye and Satterdaye we dyd nothing els
but sitt in commission and examine these misdemeanors; we had good
helpe of my lord Anderson and mr. Sackforthe.
Vpon Sonndaye my Lo. sent ij Aldermen to the Court for the suppressing
and pulling downe of the Theatre and Curten. All the LL. agreed
therevnto, saving my Lord Chamberlen and mr. Viz-chamberlen, but we
obteyned a lettre to suppresse theym all. Vpon the same night I sent
for the quenes players and my Lo. of Arundel his players, and they
all willinglie obeyed the LL. lettres. The chiefestes of her highnes
players advised me to send for the owner of the Theater, who was a
stubburne fellow, and to bynd hym. I dyd so; he sent me word that he
was my Lo. of Hunsdons man, and that he wold not come at me, but he
wold in the mornyng ride to my lord; then I sent the vndershereff for
hym and he browght hym to me; and at his commyng he stowtted me owt
very hastie; and in the end I shewed hym my Lo. his mrs. hand and then
he was more quiet; but to die for it he wold not be bound. And then I
mynding to send hym to prison, he made sute that he might be bound to
appere at the Oier & determiner, the which is to morrowe; where he said
that he was suer the Court wold not bynd hym being a Counselers man.
And so I have graunted his request, where he shalbe sure to be bound or
els ys lyke to do worse.
lxxv.
[_c._ 1584, Nov. (1) Petition of the Queen’s Players to the
Privy Council, and (2) Answer of the Corporation of London
enclosing the Act of Common Council of 6 Dec. 1574 (No. xxxii),
printed _M. S. C._ i. 168, from _Lansd. MS._ 20, f. 23; also
in part by Strype in his edition of Stowe’s _Survey_ (1720),
i. 292; Collier, i. 208; Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 27. The documents
are bound up out of order in the Lansdowne volume, the Act of
1574 being Art. 10 and (1) being inserted as Art. 12 between
the two parts of (2) which are the reply to it. Each article is
officially endorsed in pencil with the date 1575, and the same
date is assigned by the printed _Catalogue of the Lansdowne
Manuscripts_ (1819) to Arts. 10, 12, and 13. This has misled
Collier and nearly all subsequent historians of the stage into
a belief that players were expelled from the City more or less
permanently in 1575, and that this expulsion led to the building
of the Theatre and the Curtain in 1576. The difficulty due to
the description of the petitioners as the Queen’s men is met by
Collier with a suggestion that ‘perhaps the Earl of Leicester’s
servants might so call themselves after the grant of the patent
in May 1574’, and by Fleay, 46, with an assertion that ‘the
whole body of then existing men actors who were going to perform
at Court at Christmas (Warwick’s, Leicester’s, Howard’s)’ were
meant. I called attention to the true bearing of the documents
in a review of T. F. Ordish, _Early London Theatres_ in the
_Academy_ for 24 Aug. 1895, but the misconception still exists;
it is found, for instance, in Thompson, 41. The facts, however,
are correctly given in Gildersleeve, 171. It is clear from
that part of the Corporation’s Answer which Collier suppressed
that the real date of the Lansdowne documents is later than
the ‘ruine at Parise garden’, which was on 13 Jan. 1583 (cf.
No. lxiv), and it must also be later than the establishment of
the Queen’s men in March 1583, and their first performances at
court in the winter of 1583–4. The petition was, on the face of
it, written at the beginning of a winter, and the most natural
interpretation would place it in the winter of 1584. It might
conceivably be 1585. There is no reference to it in the Acts of
the Privy Council, and it probably belongs to the period of the
missing register between June 1582 and Feb. 1586. Unfortunately,
the _Remembrancia_ also have a gap between March 1584 and Jan.
1587. It will be observed that the Lansdowne papers are not, as
they stand, complete, since they lack the Articles sent with the
players’ Petition, and also the printed Act of Common Council
sent by the Corporation (No. lxiii). Strype says that the
proposed Remedies were adopted, but it is doubtful whether he
had any evidence other than the Lansdowne MS. itself.]
(1)
To the Right Honorable the Lordes of her Maiesties
Privie Counsell:
In most humble manner beseche your LLp. your dutifull and daylie
Orators the Queenes Maiesties poore Players. Wheras the tyme of our
service draweth verie neere, so that of necessitie wee must needes haue
excercise to enable vs the better for the same, and also for our better
helpe and relief in our poore lyvinge, the season of the yere beynge
past to playe att anye of the houses without the Cittye of London, as
in our articles annexed to this our Supplicacion maye more att large
appeere vnto your LLp: Our most humble peticion ys thatt yt maye
please your LLp. to vowchsaffe the readinge of these few Articles, and
in tender Consideracion of the matters therin mentioned, contayninge
the verie staye and good state of our Lyvinge, to graunt vnto vs the
Confirmacion of the same, or of as manye or as much of them as shalbe
to your Honors good Lykinge, And therwith all your LLp: favorable
letters vnto the L. Mayor of London to permitt vs to excercise within
the Cittye accordinge to the articles, and also thatt the said lettres
maye contayne some order to the Justices of Middlesex as in the same
ys mentioned, wherbie as wee shall cease the Continewall troublinge of
your LLp. for your often lettres in the premisses. So shall wee daylie
be bownden to praye for the prosperous preservation of your LLp. in
honor helth and happines long to Continew.
Your LLp: most humblie bownden and daylie Orators,
her Maiesties poore Players.
[Endorsed] Queens Players their Petition.
(2) (_a_)
It may please your good Lp.
The orders in London whereunto the players referr them are
misconceaued, as may appeare by the two actes of comon Counsell which I
send yow with note [pointing finger] directing to the place.
The first of these actes of Comon counsell was made in the maraltie
of Hawes xvij^o Regine, and sheweth a maner how plaies were to be
tollerated and vsed, althoughe it were rather wished that they were
wholly discontinued for the causes appearing in the preamble; which is
for that reason somewhat the longer.
Where the players reporte the order to be that they shold not play till
after seruice time, the boke [‘fo. 8^o’ added in margin] is otherwise;
for it is that they shal not onely not play in seruice time, but also
shal not receue any in seruice time to se the same; for thoughe they
did forbeare beginning to play till seruice were done, yet all the time
of seruice they did take in people; which was the great mischef in
withdrawing the people from seruice.
Afterward when these orders were not obserued, and the lewd maters of
playes encreasced, and in the haunt vnto them were found many dangers,
bothe for religion, state, honestie of manners, vnthriftinesse of the
poore, and danger of infection &c, and the preachers dayly cryeng
against the L. maiour and his bretheren, in an Act of Common Counsel
for releafe of the poore which I send yowe printed, in the Article
62 the last leafe, is enacted as there appeareth, by which there are
no enterludes allowed in London in open spectacle, but in priuate
howses onely at marriages or such like, which may suffise, and sute
is apointed to be made that they may be likewise banished in places
adioyning.
Since that time and namely upon the ruine at Parise garden, sute was
made to my LLs. to banishe playes wholly in the places nere London,
according to the said lawe. Letters were obtained from my LLs. to
banishe them on the sabbat Daies.
(_b_)
Now touching their petition and articles
Where they pretend that they must haue exercise to enable them in their
seruice before her maiestie:
It is to be noted that it is not conuenient that they present before
her maiestie such playes as haue ben before commonly played in open
stages before all the basest assemblies in London and Middlesex, and
therfore sufficent for their exercise and more comely for the place
that (as it is permitted by the sayd lawes of common counsell) they
make their exercise of playeng only in priuate houses.
Also it lyeth within the dutiefull care for her Maiesties royal
persone, that they be not suffred, from playeing in the throng of a
multitude and of some infected, to presse so nere to the presence of
her maiestie.
Where they pretend the mater of stay of their lyuing:
It hath not ben vsed nor thought meete heretofore that players haue
or shold make their lyuing on the art of playeng, but men for their
lyuings vsing other honest and lawfull artes, or reteyned in honest
seruices, haue by companies learned some enterludes for some encreasce
to their profit by other mens pleasures in vacant time of recreation.
Where in the first article they require the L. Maiors order to continue
for the times of playeing on hollydaies:
They missreport the order. For all those former orders of toleration
are expired by the last printed act of common Counsell.
Also if the toleration were not expired, they do cautelously omitt the
prohibition to receiue any auditoire before common prayer be ended. And
it may be noted how vncomely it is for youth to runne streight from
prayer to playes, from Gods seruice to the Deuells.
To the second article.
If in winter the dark do cary inconuenience, and the short time of day
after euening prayer do leaue them no leysure, and fowlenesse of season
do hinder the passage into the feldes to playes, the remedie is ill
conceyued to bring them into London, but the true remedie is to leaue
of that vnnecessarie expense of time, wherunto God himself geueth so
many impediments.
To the third.
To play in plagetime is to encreasce the plage by infection: to play
out of plagetime is to draw the plage by offendinges of God vpon
occasion of such playes.
But touching the permission of playes vpon the fewnesse of those that
dye in any weke, it may please you to remember one special thing. In
the report of the plage we report only those that dye, and we make no
report of those that recouer and cary infection about them either in
their sores running or in their garmentes, which sort are the most
dangerous. Now, my Lord, when the number of those that dye groweth
fewest, the number of those that goe abrode with sores is greatest, the
violence of the disease to kill being abated. And therfore while any
plage is, though the number reported of them that dye be small, the
number infectious is so great that playes are not to be permitted.
Also in our report, none are noted as dyeing of the plage except
they haue tokens, but many dye of the plage that haue no tokens, and
sometime fraude of the searchers may deceiue. Therfore it is not reason
to reduce their toleration to any number reported to dye of the plage.
But it is an vncharitable demaund against the safetie of the Quenes
subiectes, and per consequens of her persone, for the gaine of a few,
whoe if they were not her maiesties seruants shold by their profession
be rogues, to esteme fifty a weke so small a number as to be cause of
tolerating the aduenture of infection.
If your Lp. shal think resonable to permit them in respect of the
fewnesse of such as dye, this were a better way. The ordinarie deaths
in London, when there is no plage, is betwene xl. and l. and commonly
vnder xl., as our bokes do shew. The residue or more in plage time is
to be thought to be the plage. Now it may be enough if it be permitted,
that when the whole death of all diseases in London shal by ij or iij
wekes together be vnder l. a weke, they may play (_obseruatis alioqui
obseruandis_) during such time of death vnder l. a weke.
Where they require that only her maiesties servants be permitted to
play:
It is lesse eiuell than to grannt moe. But herin if your Lp. will so
allow them, it may please you to know that the last yere when such
toleration was of the Quenes players only, all the places of playeing
were filled with men calling themselues the Quenes players. Your
Ls. may do well in your lettres or warrants for their toleration to
expresse the number of the Quenes players and particularly all their
names.
The remedies.
That they hold them content with playeing in priuate houses at weddings
etc. without publike assemblies.
If more be thought good to be tolerated: that then they be restrained
to the orders in the act of common Counsell tempore Hawes.
That they play not openly till the whole death in London haue ben by xx
daies under 50 a weke, nor longer than it shal so continue.
That no playes be on the sabbat.
That no playeing be on holydaies but after euening prayer: nor any
receiued into the auditorie till after euening prayer.
That no playeing be in the dark, nor continue any such time but as any
of the auditorie may returne to their dwellings in London before sonne
set, or at least before it be dark.
That the Quenes players only be tolerated, and of them their number and
certaine names to be notified in your Lps. lettres to the L. Maior and
to the Iustices of Middlesex and Surrey. And those her players not to
diuide themselues into seueral companies.
That for breaking any of the orders, their toleration cesse.
lxxvi.
[1586, May 11. Minutes of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, xiv. 99, 102.]
A letter to the Justices of Surrey that according to suche direction as
hath ben geven by their Lordships to the Lord Maior to restraine and
inhibite the use of plaies and interludes in publique places in and
about the Cittie of London, in respect of the heat of the yeere now
drawing on, for th’avoyding of the infection like to grow and increase
by th’ordinarie assemblies of the people to those places, they ar also
required in like sorte to take order that the playes and assemblies
of the people at the theater or anie other places about Newington be
forthwith restrained and forborne as aforesaid, &c.
A letter to the Lord Maiour; his Lordship is desired, according to his
request made to their Lordships by his letters of the vijth of this
present, to geve order for the restrayning of playes and interludes
within and about the Cittie of London, for th’avoyding of infection
feared to grow and increase this time of sommer by the comon assemblies
of people at those places, and that their Lordships have taken the
like order for the prohibiting of the use of playes at the theater and
th’other places about Newington out of his charge.
lxxvii.
[1586, June 23. Extract from _The newe Decrees of the Starre
Chamber for orders in printinge_, printed by Arber, ii. 807,
from _S. P. D. Eliz._ cxc. 48.]
4. _Item_ that no person or persons shall ymprynt or cawse to be
ymprinted, or suffer by any meanes to his knowledge his presse,
letters, or other Instrumentes to be occupyed in pryntinge of any
booke, work, coppye, matter, or thinge whatsoever, Except the same
book, woork, coppye, matter, or any other thinge, hath been heeretofore
allowed, or hereafter shall be allowed before the ymprintinge thereof,
accordinge to thorder appoynted by the Queenes maiesties _Iniunctyons_,
And been first seen and pervsed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and
Bishop of London for the tyme beinge or any one of them (The Queenes
maiesties Prynter for somme speciall service by her maiestie, or by
somme of her highnes pryvie Councell therevnto appoynted, and such as
are or shalbe pryviledged to prynte the bookes of the _Common Lawe_ of
this Realme, for such of the same bookes as shalbe allowed of by the
Twoo Chief Justices, and Chief Baron for the tyme beinge, or any twoo
of them onely excepted). Nor shall ymprynt or cause to be ymprinted any
book, work or coppie against the fourme and meaninge of any Restraynt
or ordonnaunce conteyned or to be conteyned in any statute or lawes of
this Realme, or in any Iniunctyon made, or sett foorth by her maiestie,
or her highnes pryvye Councell, or against the true intent and meaninge
of any Letters patentes, Commissions or prohibicons vnder the great
seale of England, or contrary to any allowyd ordynaunce sett Downe for
the good governaunce of the Cumpany of Staconers within the Cyttie of
London, vppon payne to haue all such presses, letters, and instrumentes
as in or about the pryntinge of any such bookes or copyes shalbe
employed or vsed, to be defaced and made vnserviceable for ymprintinge
forever. And vppon payne also that euery offendour and offendours
contrarye to this present Artycle or ordynaunce shalbe dishabled
(after any such offence) to vse or exercise or take benefytt by vsinge
or exercisinge of the art or feat of ympryntinge. And shall moreover
sustayne ymprysonment Six moneths without Bayle or mayneprise.
Clause 6 empowers the Stationers Company to seize offending books
and bring offenders before the ‘highe Comissioners in causes
Ecclesyastycall or some three or more of them, whereof the sayd
Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London for the tyme beinge to be
one’.
lxxviii.
[1587, Jan. 25. Anon. to Secretary Sir Francis Walsingham,
printed from _Harl. MS._ 286, f. 102, in Collier, i. 257. A
partial copy by T. Birch is in _Addl. MS._ 4160, No. 53.]
The daylie abuse of Stage Playes is such an offence to the godly, and
so great a hinderance to the gospell, as the papists do exceedingly
rejoyce at the bleamysh thearof, and not without cause; for every day
in the weake the players billes are sett up in sondry places of the
cittie, some in the name of her Majesties menne, some the Earl of
Leic^r, some the E. of Oxford, the Lo. Admyralles, and dyvers others;
so that when the belles tole to the Lectorer, the trumpetts sound to
the Stages, whereat the wicked faction of Rome lawgheth for joy, while
the godly weepe for sorrowe. Woe is me! the play howses are pestered,
when churches are naked; at the one it is not possible to gett a place,
at the other voyde seates are plentie. The profaning of the Sabaoth
is redressed, but as badde a custome entertayned, and yet still our
long suffering God forbayreth to punishe. Yt is a wofull sight to see
two hundred proude players jett in their silkes, wheare five hundred
pore people sterve in the streets. But yf needes this mischief must
be tollerated, whereat (no doubt) the highest frownith, yet for God’s
sake (Sir) lett every Stage in London pay a weekly pention to the pore,
that _ex hoc malo proveniat aliquod bonum_: but it weare rather
to be wisshed that players might be used, as Apollo did his lawghing,
_semel in anno_.... Nowe, mee thinks, I see your honor smyle, and
saye to your self, theise things are fitter for the pullpit, then a
souldiers penne; but God (who searcheth the hart and reynes) knoweth
that I write not hipocritically, but from the veary sorrowe of my soule.
lxxix.
[1587, May 7. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in
Dasent, xv. 70.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour of the Citie of London that whereas their
Lordships were given to understand that certaine outrages and disorders
were of late committed in certaine places and theaters erected within
that Citie of London or the suburbes of the same, where enterludes and
comedies were usuallie plaied, and for that the season of the yeare
grew hotter and hotter, it was to be doubted least by reason of the
concorse of people to such places of common assemblies there might some
danger of infeccion happen in the Citie, their Lordships thought it
expedient to have the use of the said interludes inhibited both at the
theaters and in all other places within his jurisdiccion, and therefore
required him accordinglie to take presente order for the stayinge of
the same, charginge the plaiers and actors to cease and forbeare the
use of the said places for the purpose of playinge or shewinge of anie
such enterludes or comedies untill after Bartholomew tide next ensuinge.
A like letter to the same effecte to the Master of the Rolles.
A like letter to the like effecte to the Justices of Surrie.
lxxx.
[1587, Oct. 29. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, xv. 271.]
A letter to the Justices of Surry that whereas thinhabitauntes of
Southwark had complained unto their Lordships declaring that th’order
by their Lordships sett downe for the restrayning of plaies and
enterludes within that countie on the Saboath Daies is not observed,
and especiallie within the Libertie of the Clincke and in the parish
of St. Savours in Southwarke, which disorder is to be ascribed to the
negligence of some of the Justices of Peace in that countie; they
are required to take suche stricte order for the staying of the said
disorder as is allreadie taken by the Lord Maiour within the Liberties
of the Cittie, so as the same be not hereafter suffred at the times
forbidden in any place of that countie.
A letter to the Justices of Middlesex that forasmuch as order is
taken by the Lord Maiour within the precinctes of the Cittie for the
restrayninge of plaies and interludes on the Saboath Daie, according to
such direccion as hath been heretofore given by their Lordships in that
behalfe, they are required to see the like observed and kept within
that countie, aswell in anie places priviledged as otherwise.
lxxxi.
[1587, Nov. 23. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in
Harrison, iv. 322, from _Repertory_, xxi, f. 503^v.]
Item yt is ordered that Sir Rowland Haywarde, Sir George Barne, Knight,
Mr. Martyn, Mr. Harte, Mr. Allott, Aldermen, shall repayre to the right
honorable the LL. and others of her Maiesties most honorble Pryuye
Councell & to move theyre honours for the suppressinge of playes and
interludes within this Cittye and the libertyes of the same.
lxxxii.
[1589, Nov. 6. Sir John Harte, Lord Mayor, to Lord Burghley,
printed _M. S. C._ i. 180, from _Lansd. MS._ 60, f. 47; also in
Collier, i. 265; Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 34.]
My very honourable good L. Where by a lettre of your Lps. directed
to mr. Yonge it appered vnto me, that it was your honours pleasure I
sholde geue order for the staie of all playes within the Cittie, in
that mr. Tilney did vtterly mislike the same. According to which your
Lps. good pleasure, I presentlye sente for suche players as I coulde
here of, so as there appered yesterday before me the L. Admeralles and
the L. Straunges players, to whome I speciallie gaue in Charge and
required them in her Maiesties name to forbere playinge, vntill further
order mighte be geuen for theire allowance in that respecte: Whereupon
the L. Admeralles players very dutifullie obeyed, but the others in
very Contemptuous manner departing from me, went to the Crosse keys
and played that afternoon, to the greate offence of the better sorte
that knewe they were prohibited by order from your L. Which as I might
not suffer, so I sent for the said Contemptuous persons, who haueing
no reason to alleadge for theire Contempt, I coulde do no lesse but
this evening Comitt some of them to one of the Compters, and do meane
according to your Lps. direction to prohibite all playing, vntill your
Lps. pleasure therein be further knowen. And thus resting further to
trouble your L., I moste humblie take my leaue. At London the Sixte of
Nouember 1589.
Your Lps. moste humble,
John Harte, maior.
To the righte honorable my very good Lorde, the Lorde highe Tresaurer
of Englande.
lxxxiii.
[1589, Nov. 12. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, xviii. 214.]
At the Starre Chamber 12^o Novembris, 1589.
A letter to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury that whereas there bathe
growne some inconvenience by comon playes and enterludes in and about
the Cyttie of London, in [that] the players take upon themselves to
handle in their plaies certen matters of Divinytie and of State unfitt
to be suffred, for redresse whereof their Lordships have thought good
to appointe some persones of judgement and understanding to viewe
and examine their playes before they be permitted to present them
publickly. His Lordship is desired that some fytt persone well learned
in Divinity be appointed by him to joyne with the Master of the Revells
and one other to be nominated by the Lord Mayour, and they joyntly with
some spede to viewe and consider of suche comedyes and tragedyes as are
and shalbe publickly played by the companies of players in and aboute
the Cyttie of London, and they to geve allowance of suche as they shall
thincke meete to be plaied and to forbydd the rest.
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London that whereas their Lordships have
already signified unto him to appointe a sufficient persone learned
and of judgement for the Cyttie of London to joyne with the Master of
the Revelles and with a divine to be nominated by the Lord Archebishop
of Canterbury for the reforming of the plaies daylie exercised and
presented publickly in and about the Cyttie of London, wherein the
players take uppon them without judgement or decorum to handle matters
of Divinitye and State; he is required if he have not as yet made
choice of suche a persone, that he will so doe forthwith, and thereof
geve knowledge to the Lord Archebishop and the Master of the Revells,
that they may all meet accordingly.
A letter to the Master of the Revelles requiring him [to join] with two
others, the one to be appointed by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury
and the other by the Lord Mayour of London, to be men of learning and
judgement, and to call before them the severall companies of players
(whose servauntes soever they be) and to require them by authorytie
hereof to delyver unto them their bookes, that they maye consider of
the matters of their comedyes and tragedyes, and thereuppon to stryke
oute or reforme suche partes and matters as they shall fynd unfytt
and undecent to be handled in playes, bothe for Divinitie and State,
comaunding the said companies of players, in her Majesties name, that
they forbeare to present and playe publickly anie comedy or tragedy
other then suche as they three shall have seene and allowed, which if
they shall not observe, they shall then knowe from their Lordships that
they shalbe not onely sevearely punished, but made [in]capable of the
exercise of their profession forever hereafter.
lxxxiv.
[1591, July 25. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, xxi. 324.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour of the Cyttie of London and the Justices of
Midlesex and Surrey. Whereas heretofore there hathe ben order taken to
restraine the playinge of enterludes and playes on the Sabothe Daie,
notwithstandinge the which (as wee are enformed) the same ys neglected
to the prophanacion of this daie, and all other daies of the weeke
in divers places the players doe use to recyte theire plaies to the
greate hurte and destruction of the game of beare baytinge and lyke
pastymes, which are maynteyned for her Majesty’s pleasure yf occacion
require. These shalbe therefore to require you not onlie to take order
hereafter that there maie no plaies, interludes or commodyes be used or
publicklie made and shewed either on the Sondaie or on the Thursdaies,
because on the Thursdayes those other games usuallie have ben allwayes
accustomed and practized. Whereof see you faile not hereafter to see
this our order dulie observed for the avoydinge of the inconveniences
aforesaid.
lxxxv.
[1592, Feb. 25. The Lord Mayor to John Whitgift, Archbishop of
Canterbury, printed _M. S. C._ i. 68, from _Remembrancia_, i.
635.]
Our most humble dueties to your Grace remembred. Whereas by the daily
and disorderlie exercise of a number of players & playeng houses
erected within this Citie, the youth thearof is greatly corrupted &
their manners infected with many euill & vngodly qualities, by reason
of the wanton & prophane divises represented on the stages by the
sayed players, the prentizes & seruants withdrawen from their woorks,
& all sorts in generall from the daylie resort vnto sermons & other
Christian exercises, to the great hinderance of the trades & traders
of this Citie & prophanation of the good & godly religion established
amongst vs. To which places allso doe vsually resort great numbers
of light & lewd disposed persons, as harlotts, cutpurses, cuseners,
pilferers, & such lyke, & thear, vnder the collour of resort to those
places to hear the playes, divise divers evill & vngodly matches,
confederacies, & conspiracies, which by means of the opportunitie of
the place cannot bee prevented nor discovered, as otherwise they might
bee. In consideration whearof, wee most humbly beeseach your Grace for
your godly care for the refourming of so great abuses tending to the
offence of almightie god, the prophanation & sclaunder of his true
religion, & the corrupting of our youth, which are the seed of the
Church of god & the common wealth among vs, to voutchsafe vs your good
favour & help for the refourming & banishing of so great evill out of
this Citie, which our selves of loong time though to small pourpose
have so earnestly desired and endeavoured by all means that possibly
wee could. And bycause wee vnderstand that the Q. Maiestie is & must
bee served at certen times by this sort of people, for which pourpose
shee hath graunted hir lettres Patents to Mr. Tilney Master of hir
Revells, by virtue whearof hee beeing authorized to refourm exercise or
suppresse all manner of players, playes, & playeng houses whatsoeuer,
did first licence the sayed playeng houses within this Citie for hir
Maiesties sayed service, which beefore that time lay open to all the
statutes for the punishing of these & such lyke disorders. Wee ar most
humbly & earnestly to beeseach your Grace to call vnto you the sayed
Master of hir Maiesties Revells, with whome allso wee have conferred of
late to that pourpose, and to treat with him, if by any means it may
bee devised that hir Maiestie may bee served with these recreations as
hath ben accoustomed (which in our opinions may easily bee don by the
privat exercise of hir Maiesties own players in convenient place) & the
Citie freed from these continuall disorders, which thearby do growe,
& increase dayly among vs. Whearby your Grace shall not only benefit
& bynd vnto you the politique state & government of this Citie, which
by no one thing is so greatly annoyed & disquieted as by players &
playes, & the disorders which follow thearvpon, but allso take away a
great offence from the Church of god & hinderance to his ghospell, to
the great contentment of all good Christians, specially the preachers,
& ministers of the word of god about this Citie, who have long time &
yet do make their earnest continuall complaint vnto vs for the redresse
hearof. And thus recommending our most humble dueties and service to
your Grace wee commit the same to the grace of the Almightie. From
London the 25th of February, 1591.
Your Graces most humble.
To the right reuerend Father in God my L. the Archbisshop of Canturbury
his Grace.
lxxxvi.
[1592, March 6. The Lord Mayor to Archbishop Whitgift, printed
_M. S. C._ i. 70, from _Remembrancia_, i. 646. Whitgift’s
letter, here referred to, does not appear to be in the
_Remembrancia_.]
My humble duety to your Grace remembred. I received your graces letter,
whearin I vnderstood the contents of the same, & imparted the same
presently to my Brethren the Aldermen in our common Assembly, who
togither with my self yeld vnto your Grace our most humble thancks for
your good favour & godly care over vs, in vouchsafing vs your healp for
the removing of this great inconvenience which groweth to this Citie
by playes & players. As toutching the consideracion to bee made to Mr.
Tilney, and other capitulations that ar to passe beetwixt vs, for the
better effecting & continuance of this restraint of the sayed playes
in & about this Citie, wee have appointed certein of our Brethren the
Aldermen to conferre with him forthwith, pourposing to acquaint your
Grace with our agreement & whole proceeding hearin as occasion shall
requier. And thus recommending my humble duety and seruice to your
Grace I commit the same to the grace of the Almightie. From London the
6. of March, 1591.
Your Graces most humble.
To the right reverend Father in God the L. Archbishop of Canterbury his
Grace.
lxxxvii.
[1592, March 18. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in
Harrison, iv. 322, from _Repertory_, xx, f. 345.]
[Sidenote: Mr. Tilney to be treated for restraynte of plays.]
Item yt is ordered that Sir Richard Martyn Knighte and William Horne
grocer, shall treate with Tilney Esquire Maister of the Revells for
some good order to be taken for the restrayning of the playes and
enterludes within this citie.
lxxxviii.
[1592, March 22. Extracts from records of the Court of the Guild
of Merchant Taylors of London, printed in C. M. Clode, _Early
History of the Guild of Merchant Taylors_ (1888), i. 236.]
‘A precepte directed frome the Lord Mayor to this Companie shewinge
to the Companie the great enormytie that this Citie susteyneth by the
practice and prophane exercise of players and playinge howses in this
Citie, and the corrupcion of youth that groweth thereupon, invitinge
the Companie by the consideration of this myscheyfe to yeilde to the
paymente of one Anuytie to one Mr. Tylney, mayster of the Revelles of
the Queene’s house, in whose hands the redresse of this inconveniency
doeth rest, and that those playes might be abandoned out of this citie.’
‘An Assemblye hereon the xxijth of March (1591), beinge our Master’s
view daye after they came downe frome dynner out of the Gallarie,’ took
the precept into consideration and determined, ‘albeit the Companie
think yt a very good service to be performed yet wayinge the damage of
the president and enovacion of raysinge of Anuyties upon the Companies
of London what further occasions yt may be drawne unto, together
with their great chardge otherwyse which this troublesome tyme hath
brought, and is likely to bringe, they thinke this no fitt course to
remedie this myscheife, but wish some other waye were taken in hand to
expell out of our Citye so generall a contagion of manners and other
inconveniency, wherein if any endevour or travile of this Companie
might further the matter they would be readye to use their service
therein. And this to be certified as the Companies answere if yt shall
apeare by conference with other Companies that the precepte requireth
necessarilie a returne of the Companies certificate, and answere in
this behalf.’
lxxxix.
[1592, June 12. Extract from a letter of Sir William Webbe, Lord
Mayor, to Lord Burghley, printed _M. S. C._ i. 187, from _Lansd.
MS._ 71, f. 28, and _M. S. C._ i. 70, from a letter-book copy
misdated ‘May 30’ in _Remembrancia_, i. 662.]
My humble duety remembred to your good L. Beeing informed of a great
disorder & tumult lyke to grow yesternight abowt viij of the clock
within the Borough of Southwark, I went thither with all speed I could,
taking with mee on of the Sherifes, whear I found great multitudes of
people assembled togither, & the principall actours to bee certain
servants of the ffeltmakers gathered togither out of Barnsey street &
the Black fryers, with a great number of lose & maisterles men apt for
such pourposes. Whearupon having made proclamation, & dismissed the
multitude, I apprehended the chief doers and authors of the disorder,
& have committed them to prison to bee farther punished, as they shall
bee found to deserve. And having this morning sent for the Deputie &
Constable of the Borough with Divers other of best credit, who wear
thear present, to examine the cause & manner of the disorder, I found
that it began vpon the serving of a warrant from my L. Chamberlain by
on of the Knight Mareschalls men vpon a feltmakers servant, who was
committed to the Mareschallsea with certein others, that were accused
to his L. by the sayed Knight Mareschalls men without cause of offence,
as them selves doe affirm. For rescuing of whome the sayed companies
assembled themselves by occasion & pretence of their meeting at a play,
which bysides the breach of the Sabboth day giveth opportunitie of
committing these & such lyke disorders. The principall doers in this
rude tumult I mean to punish to the example of others. Whearin also
it may please your L. to give mee your direction, if you shall advise
vpon anything meet to bee doon for the farther punishment of the sayed
offenders.
xc.
[1592, June 23. Extract from Privy Council Minute, printed by
Dasent, xxii. 549. The main purpose of the letter is to require
a ‘watch’ at midsummer, as certain apprentices were expected to
renew the recent disorder in Southwark (cf. No. lxxxix). The
Lord Mayor had already been charged, and letters also went to
the Justices of Surrey for the precincts of Newington, Kentish
Street, Bermondsey Street, the Clink, Paris Garden, and the
Bankside, and to those of other places near the City, including
Lord Cobham for the Blackfriars.]
A letter to the Master of the Rolles, Sir Owen Hopton, knight, John
Barnes and Richard Yonge, esquiours....
Moreover for avoidinge of theis unlawfull assemblies in those quarters,
yt is thoughte meete you shall take order that there be noe playes used
in anye place neere thereaboutes, as the Theator, Curtayne, or other
usuall places where the same are comonly used, nor no other sorte of
unlawfull or forbidden pastymes that drawe together the baser sorte of
people, from hence forth untill the feast of St. Michaell.
xci.
[1592, June 23. Privy Council Minute, printed by Dasent, xxii.
549.]
A letter to the Earle of Darbye. Whereas wee are informed that there
are certaine May gaimes, morryce daunces, plaies, bearebaytinges, ales
and other like pastimes used ordinarilye in those counties under your
Lordship’s Lieutenancye on the Sondaies and Hollydaies at the tyme
of Divine service and other Godlie exercyses, to the disturbance of
the service, and bad example that those kinde of pastimes should be
used in such sorte and at suche tyme when men do assemble togeather
for the hearinge of God’s worde and to joyne in Common praiers, which
sportes are moste ordinarilye used at those undue seasons by such as
are evill affected in religion, purposlie by those meanes to drawe the
people from the service of God, and to disturbe the same. Theis shalbe
therefore to praie your Lordship by vertue hereof to give knowledge
not onlie to the Byshop of that Dioces of this common and unsufferable
disorder, but to give speciall direction to all the Justices in theire
severall divisions by all meanes to forbid and not to suffer theis or
the like pastimes to be in anye place whatsoever on the Sondaie or
Holydaie at the tyme of Divine service. And yf notwithstandinge this
straite prohibicion and speciall order taken, any shall presume to
use the saide sportes or pastimes in the tyme [of] services, sermons
or other Godlye exercyses, you shall cause the favorers, mayntainers
or cheife offenders to be sent up hether to answere this theire
contentions and lewde behaviour before us.
xcii.
[_c._ 1592, _c._ July. Undated documents, printed by Greg,
_Henslowe Papers_, 42, from _Dulwich MS._ i. 16–18; also
in Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 33–6. I agree with Greg (cf.
Henslowe, ii. 52) that 1592 is a more likely date than 1593,
during the whole of the long vacation of which plague ruled.
We have not the terms of the Surrey inhibition of 23 June 1592
(cf. No. xc), but it may have made an exception for Newington
Butts. If so, the documents can hardly be later than July, as
the plague was increasing by 13 Aug. (Dasent, xxiii. 118). But
Greg tacitly assumes that no earlier year than 1592 can be in
question, and as against this, cf. vol. i, p. 359. I think that
1591 is a conceivable alternative, as Strange’s (q.v.) were
probably at the Rose by the spring of that year. There is no
corroborative evidence, indeed, of any inhibition in 1591. But
do the documents point to a general inhibition? The inference
from (b) is that houses other than the Rose were open.]
(_a_)
[Petition from Strange’s men to the Privy Council.]
To the right honorable our verie good Lordes, the Lordes of her
maiesties moste honorable privie Councell.
Our dueties in all humblenes remembred to your honours. Forasmuche
(righte honorable) oure Companie is greate, and thearbie our chardge
intollerable, in travellinge the Countrie, and the Contynuaunce thereof
wilbe a meane to bringe vs to division and seperacion, whearebie wee
shall not onelie be vndone, but alsoe vnreadie to serve her maiestie,
when it shall please her highenes to commaund vs, And for that the
vse of our plaiehowse on the Banckside, by reason of the passage to
and frome the same by water, is a greate releif to the poore watermen
theare, And our dismission thence, nowe in this longe vacation, is to
those poore men a greate hindraunce, and in manner an vndoeinge, as
they generallie complaine, Both our and theire humble peticion and
suite thearefore to your good honnours is, That youe wilbe pleased of
your speciall favour to recall this our restrainte, and permitt vs the
vse of the said Plaiehowse againe. And not onelie our selues But alsoe
a greate nomber of poore men shalbe especiallie bounden to praie for
yor Honours.
Your honours humble suppliantes,
The righte honorable the Lord Straunge
his servantes and Plaiers.
(_b_)
[Petition from the Watermen of the Bankside to Lord Admiral
Howard.]
To the right honnorable my Lorde Haywarde Lorde highe
Admirall of Englande and one of her maiesties moste
honnorable previe Counsayle.
In most hvmble manner Complayneth and sheweth vnto your good
Lordeshipp, your poore suppliantes and dayly Oratours Phillipp Henslo,
and others the poore watermen on the bancke side. Whereas your good
L. hathe derected your warrant vnto hir maiesties Justices, for the
restraynte of a playe howse belonginge vnto the saide Phillipp Henslo
one of the groomes of her maiesties Chamber, So it is, if it please
your good Lordshipp, that wee your saide poore watermen have had muche
helpe and reliefe for vs oure poore wives and Children by meanes of
the resorte of suche people as come vnto the said playe howse, It
maye therefore please your good L. for godes sake and in the waye of
Charetie to respecte vs your poore water men, and to give leave vnto
the said Phillipp Henslo to have playinge in his saide howse duringe
suche tyme as others have, according as it hathe byne accustomed.
And in your honnors so doinge youe shall not onely doe a good and a
Charitable dede, but also bynde vs all according to oure dewties, with
oure poore wives and Children dayly to praye for your honnor in muche
happynes longe to lyve.
Isack Towelle. William Dorret, master of her maiestes barge.
[Fifteen signatures or marks of royal watermen and others follow.]
(_c_)
[Warrant from the Privy Council for the reopening of the Rose.]
Wheareas not longe since vpon some Consideracions we did restraine
the Lorde Straunge his servauntes from playinge at the Rose on the
banckside, and enioyned them to plaie three daies at Newington Butts,
Now forasmuch as wee are satisfied that by reason of the tediousnes
of the waie and that of longe tyme plaies haue not there bene vsed
on working daies, And for that a nomber of poore watermen are therby
releeved, Youe shall permitt and suffer them or any other there to
exercise them selues in suche sorte as they haue don heretofore, And
that the Rose maie be at libertie without any restrainte, solonge as
yt shalbe free from infection of sicknes, Any Comaundement from vs
heretofore to the Contrye notwithstandinge: ffrom.
To the Justices Bayliffes Constables and others to whome yt shall
Apperteyne.
xciii.
[1593, Jan. 28. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in Dasent, xxiv. 31.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour and Aldermen of the cittie of London.
Forasmuch as by the certificate of the last weeke yt appeareth the
infection doth increase, which by the favour of God and with your
diligent observance of her Majesty’s comandementes and the meanes and
orders prescribed to be put in execution within the cittie of London
maie speedelie cease. Yeat for the better furderance therof we thinke
yt fytt that all manner of concourse and publique meetinges of the
people at playes, beare-baitinges, bowlinges and other like assemblyes
for sportes be forbidden, and therefore doe hereby requier you and
in her Majesty’s name straightlie charge and commande you forthwith
to inhibite within your jurisdiction all plaies, baiting of beares,
bulls, bowling and any other like occasions to assemble any nombers of
people together (preacheing and Devyne service at churches excepted),
wherby no occasions be offred to increase the infection within the
cittie, which you shall doe both by proclamacion to be published to
that ende and by spetiall watche and observacion to be had at the
places where the plaies, beare-baitinges, bowlinges and like pastimes
are usually frequented. And if you shall upon the publicacion finde
any so undutifull and disobedient as they will notwithstanding this
prohibition offer to plaie, beate beares or bulles, bowle, &c., you
shall presentelie cause them to be apprehended and comitted to prison,
there to remaine untill by their order they shalbe dismissed. And
to the end the like assemblies within the out liberties adjoyning
to the cittie [may be prohibited], we have given direction to the
Justices of the Peace and other publique officers of the counties of
Middelsex and Surrey to hold the like course, not onlie within the
said liberties but also within the distance of seven myles about the
cittie, which we doubte not they will carefullie see to be executed, as
you for your partes within the cittie will doe the like, in reguarde
of her Majestie’s comandement, the benefitt of the cittie and for the
respectes alreadie signified unto you.
Two other letters of the like tenour written to the Justices of the
Peace within the counties of Surrey and Middelsex for the prohibition
of like assemblies in the out liberties and within seven miles of the
cittie of either countie.
xciv.
[1593, April 12. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in
Harrison, iv. 322, from _Repertory_, xxiii, f. 50^v.]
[Sidenote: Elders of the Councell. Bearebaitinge and plaies.]
Item, yt is ordered that Sir Richarde Martyn, Knighte, and Master
Saltonstall, aldermen, shall repayre to the righte honourable the
Lordes and others of her Maiesties most honorable Pryuey Counsell,
towching the presente suppressinge of bearebaitinge, bowling alleyes,
and such like prophane exercises within this Cytie, and the libertyes
thereof, and other places neare adioyninge. And Christofer Stubbes to
warne them, etc.
xcv.
[1593, April 29. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxiv.
209.]
An open warrant for the plaiers, servantes to the Erle of Sussex,
authorysinge them to exercyse theire qualitie of playinge comedies and
tragedies in any county, cittie, towne or corporacion not being within
vij^{en} miles of London, where the infection is not, and in places
convenient and tymes fitt.
xcvi.
[1593, May 6. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxiv. 212;
cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to Strange’s men, notwithstanding inhibition of plays
in London, to perform in towns seven miles from London or court, at
their most convenient times and places, except during times of divine
prayer.
xcvii.
[1594, Feb. 3. The Privy Council to Sir Cuthbert Buckle, Lord
Mayor, printed _M. S. C._ i. 72, from _Remembrancia_,
ii. 6.]
[Sidenote: For restraint of playes.]
After our very hartie commendations to your L. Whearas certein
infourmation is given that very great multitudes of all sorts of people
do daylie frequent & resort to common playes lately again set vp in &
about London, whearby it is vpon good cause feared that the dangerous
infection of the plague, by Gods great mercy and goodnes well slaked,
may again very dangerously encrease and break foorth, to the great
losse and preiudice of hir Maiesties Subiects in generall & especially
to those of that Citie, of whose safetie & well doing hir Highnes
hath alwayes had an especiall regard, as by the last years experience
by lyke occasions & resort to playes it soddainly encreased from a
very little number to that greatnes of mortallitie which ensued. Wee
thearfore thought it very expedient to require your L. foorthwith to
take strait order that thear bee no more publique playes or enterludes
exercised by any Compaine whatsoever within the compas of five miles
distance from London, till vpon better lykelyhood and assurance of
health farther direction may bee giuen from vs to the contrary. So wee
bid your L. very hartily farewell. From the Court at Hampton, the 3. of
February. 1593.
Your L. very louing friends,
Io: Cant. Io. Puckering. C. Howard.
Th. Buckhurst. R. Cecyll. I. Fortescue.
To our very good L. mr. Alderman Buckle L. Maior of the Citie of London.
xcviii.
[1594, May 10. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in
Harrison, iv. 323, from _Repertory_, xxiii, f. 220.]
Countess of Warwicks playes.
Item yt is ordred that Mr. Saltonstall, Mr. Soame, Mr. Weoseley,
Mr. Barnham, and Mr. Houghton, aldermen, or any others [?] of them,
calling unto them Richard Wright, gentleman, shall consider of a cawse
recommended to this courte by the right honorable the Countys of
Warwicke concerning playes, And to make reporte to this courte of their
doings therein. And George Foster to warne them to meet together and to
attend on them.
xcix.
[_c._ 1594, July-Oct. Extract from Articles submitted to the
Privy Council against the increase of the plague and for the
relief of poor people, printed _M. S. C._ i. 202, from _Lansd.
MS._ 74, f. 75. The date 1593 is assigned in the _Catalogue of
Lansdowne MSS._, but the document seems to be related to No. c.]
That for avoydinge of great concourse of people, which causeth increase
of thinfection, yt were convenient, that all Playes, Bearebaytinges,
Cockpittes, common Bowlinge alleyes, and suche like vnnecessarie
assemblies should be suppressed duringe the tyme of infection, for that
infected people, after theire longe keepinge in, and before they be
clered of theire disease and infection, beinge desirous of recreacion,
vse to resort to suche assemblies, where throughe heate and thronge,
they infecte manie sound personnes.
c.
[_c._ 1594, July-Oct. Extract from Orders, suggested by the
Privy Council, to be set down by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen.
These are undated, but appear to be the ‘breif’ of orders sent
with a letter of the Privy Council, also undated, but addressed
to Sir Richard Martin, who was Lord Mayor from July to Oct.
1594. Both documents are printed in _M. S. C._ i. 206, 211,
from _Lansd. MS._ 74, ff. 69, 71.]
Interludes and plaies.
If the increase of the sicknes be feared, that Interludes and plaies be
restreyned within the libertyes of the Cyttye....
... That all maisterlesse men who lyve idelie in the Cyttye without
any lawfull calling, frequenting places of common assemblies, as
Interludes, gaming howses, cockpittes, bowling allies, and such other
places, maie be banished the Cyttye according to the lawes in that case
provyded.
ci.
[1594, Oct. 8. Henry Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain, to Sir
Richard Martin, Lord Mayor, printed _M. S. C._ i. 73, from
_Remembrancia_, ii. 33. The document is misdescribed in the
_Index_ to _Remembrancia_, 353, as referring, not to ‘my nowe
companie’, but to ‘the new company’.]
[Sidenote: For players to bee suffred to play with in London.]
After my hartie comendacions. Where my nowe companie of Players haue
byn accustomed for the better exercise of their qualitie, & for the
seruice of her Maiestie if need soe requier, to plaie this winter time
within the Citye at the Crosse kayes in Gracious street. These are to
requier & praye your Lo. (the time beinge such as, thankes be to god,
there is nowe no danger of the sicknes) to permitt & suffer them soe
to doe; The which I praie you the rather to doe for that they haue
vndertaken to me that, where heretofore they began not their Plaies
till towardes fower a clock, they will now begin at two, & haue don
betwene fower and fiue, and will nott vse anie Drumes or trumpettes att
all for the callinge of peopell together, and shalbe contributories
to the poore of the parishe where they plaie accordinge to their
habilities. And soe not dowting of your willingnes to yeeld herevnto,
vppon theise resonable condicions, I comitt yow to the Almightie.
Noonesuch this viijth of October 1594.
Your lo. lovinge friend,
H. Hounsdon.
To my honorable good friend Sir Richard Martin knight Lo: mayour of the
Citie of London.
cii.
[1594, Nov. 3. The Lord Mayor to Lord Burghley, printed _M.
S. C._ i. 74, from _Remembrancia_, ii. 73. The theatre was
doubtless the Swan.]
[Sidenote: Langley intending to erect a niew stage on the Banckside &
against playes.]
My humble duetie remembred to your good L. I vnderstand that one
Francis Langley, one of the Alneagers for sealing of cloth, intendeth
to erect a niew stage or Theater (as they call it) for thexercising
of playes vpon the Banck side. And forasmuch as wee fynd by daily
experience the great inconuenience that groweth to this Citie & the
government thearof by the sayed playes, I haue embouldened my self to
bee an humble suiter to your good L. to bee a means for vs rather to
suppresse all such places built for that kynd of exercise, then to
erect any more of the same sort. I am not ignorant (my very good L.)
what is alleadged by soom for defence of these playes, that the people
must haue soom kynd of recreation, & that policie requireth to divert
idle heads & other ill disposed from other woorse practize by this kynd
of exercize. Whearto may bee answeared (which your good L. for your
godly wisedom can far best iudge of) that as honest recreation is a
thing very meet for all sorts of men, so no kynd of exercise, beeing
of itself corrupt & prophane, can well stand with the good policie
of a Christian Common Wealth. And that the sayed playes (as they are
handled) ar of that sort, and woork that effect in such as ar present
and frequent the same, may soon bee decerned by all that haue any
godly vnderstanding & that obserue the fruites & effects of the same,
conteining nothing ells but vnchast fables, lascivious divises, shifts
of cozenage, & matters of lyke sort, which ar so framed & represented
by them, that such as resort to see & hear the same, beeing of the base
& refuse sort of people or such yoong gentlemen as haue small regard
of credit or conscience, draue the same into example of imitation &
not of avoyding the sayed lewd offences. Which may better appear by
the qualitie of such as frequent the sayed playes, beeing the ordinary
places of meeting for all vagrant persons & maisterles men that hang
about the Citie, theeues, horsestealers, whoremoongers, coozeners,
conny-catching persones, practizers of treason, & such other lyke,
whear they consort and make their matches to the great displeasure of
Almightie God & the hurt and annoyance of hir Maiesties people, both
in this Citie & other places about, which cannot be clensed of this
vngodly sort (which by experience wee fynd to bee the very sinck &
contagion not only of this Citie but of this whole Realm), so long as
these playes & places of resort ar by authoritie permitted. I omit
to trouble your L. with any farther matter how our apprentices and
servants ar by this means corrupted & induced hear by to defraud their
Maisters, to maintein their vain & prodigall expenses occasioned by
such evill and riotous companie, whearinto they fall by these kynd of
meetings, to the great hinderance of the trades & traders inhabiting
this Citie, and how people of all sorts ar withdrawen thearby from
their resort vnto sermons & other Christian exercise, to the great
sclaunder of the ghospell & prophanation of the good & godly religion
established within this Realm. All which disorders hauing observed &
found to bee true, I thought it my duetie, beeing now called to this
publique place, to infourm your good L., whome I know to bee a patrone
of religion & lover of virtue & an honourable a friend to the State
of this Citie, humbly beeseaching you to voutchsafe mee your help for
the stay & suppressing, not only of this which is now intended, by
directing your lettres to the Iustices of peace of Middlesex & Surrey,
but of all other places, if possibly it may bee, whear the sayed playes
ar shewed & frequented. And thus crauing pardon for this ouer much
length I humbly take my leaue. From London the 3. of November. 1594.
Your L. most humble.
To the right honourable my very good L. the L. high Treasurer of
England.
ciii.
[1595, Sept. 13. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the Privy
Council, printed _M. S. C._ i. 76, from _Remembrancia_, ii. 103.]
[Sidenote: Toutching the putting doune of the plaies at the Theater &
Bankside which is a great cause of disorder in the Citie:]
Our humble duty remembred to your good LL. & the rest. Wee haue been
bold heartofore to signify to your HH: the great inconvenyence that
groweth to this Cytie by the common exercise of Stage Plaies, whear in
wee presumed to be the more often & earnest suters to your HH: for the
suppressing of the said Stage Plaies, aswell in respect of the good
government of this Cytie, (which wee desire to be such as her Highnes &
your HH: might be pleased thearwithall), as for conscience sake being
perswaded (vnder correccion of your HH. Iudgment) that neither in
policye nor in religion they ar to be permitted in a Christian Common
wealthe, specially being of that frame & making as vsually they are, &
conteyning nothing but profane fables, Lasciuious matters, cozonning
devizes, & other vnseemly & scurrilous behaviours, which ar so sett
forthe, as that they move wholy to imitacion & not to the avoyding of
those vyces which they represent, which wee verely think to bee the
cheef cause, aswell of many other disorders & lewd demeanors which
appeer of late in young people of all degrees, as of the late stirr &
mutinous attempt of those fiew apprentices and other servantes, who
wee doubt not driew their infection from these & like places. Among
other inconveniences it is not the least that the refuse sort of evill
disposed & vngodly people about this Cytie haue oportunitie hearby
to assemble together & to make their matches for all their lewd &
vngodly practizes: being also the ordinary places for all maisterles
men & vagabond persons that haunt the high waies to meet together & to
recreate themselfes. Whearof wee begin to haue experienc again within
these fiew daies, since it pleased her highnes to revoke her Comission
graunted forthe to the Provost Marshall, for fear of whome they retired
themselfes for the time into other partes out of his precinct, but
ar now retorned to their old haunt & frequent the Plaies (as their
manner is) that ar daily shewed at the Theator & Bankside: Whearof will
follow the same inconveniences whearof wee haue had to much experienc
heartofore, ffor preventing whearof wee ar humble suters to your good
LL: & the rest to direct your lettres to the Iustices of peac of Surrey
& Middlesex for the present stay & finall suppressing of the said
Plaies, aswell at the Theator & Bankside as in all other places about
the Cytie. Whearby wee doubt not but, the oportunytie & very cause
of so great disorders being taken away, wee shalbe able to keepe the
people of this Cytie in such good order & due obedienc, as that her
highnes & your HH: shalbe well pleased & content thearwithall. And so
most humbly wee take our Leaue. From London the xiijth of September.
1595.
Your HH: most humble.
To the right honourable the LL: & others of her Maiesties most
honourable privy Counsell.
civ.
[1596, July 22. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvi. 38.]
Letters to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey to restrayne the
players from shewing or using anie plaies or interludes in the places
usuall about the citty of London, for that by drawing of muche people
together increase of sicknes is feared.
cv.
[1596, _c._ Sept. Extract from letter of T. Nashe to William
Cotton, printed with facsimile by McKerrow, _Nashe_, v. 194,
from _Cotton MS. Julius_, C. iii, f. 280. Internal evidence
bears out the ‘T. Nashe’ subscribed in a nineteenth-century
hand. The original signature has gone, but the top of ‘N’ was
declared to be visible by Collier, who printed the letter in _H.
E. D. P._ (1831), i. 303; it is also in Grosart, _Nashe_, i.
lxi. The date is suggested by an allusion to the return of Essex
from Cadiz on 10 Aug. 1596, and the beginning of term on 9 Oct.
1596. Allusions to Harington’s _Metamorphosis of Ajax_ (S. R. 30
Oct. 1596) might point to a rather later date, but Harington’s
dedication is dated 3 Aug. 1596, and the first issue may not
have been registered.]
Sir this tedious dead vacation is to mee as vnfortunate as a terme at
Hertford or St. Albons to poore cuntry clients or Iack Cades rebellion
to the lawyers, wherein they hanged vp the L. cheife iustice. In towne
I stayd (being earnestly inuited elsewhere) vpon had I wist hopes, &
an after harvest I expected by writing for the stage & for the presse,
when now the players as if they had writt another Christs tears, ar
piteously persecuted by the L. Maior & the aldermen, & howeuer in there
old Lords tyme they thought there state setled, it is now so vncertayne
they cannot build vpon it.
cvi.
[1596, Nov. Petition by Inhabitants of Blackfriars to Privy
Council, printed by Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 304, from undated
copy assignable by the handwriting to c. 1631 in _S. P. D.
Eliz._ cclx. 116. The date is given by No. cvii; cf. Bk. iv,
s.v. Blackfriars. The document has been suspected as a forgery,
but is probably genuine, although it is odd to find Lord Hunsdon
as a signatory, since one would have supposed that he could
influence James Burbage through his son Richard, who was one of
Hunsdon’s players. Collier, who first produced it, misdated it
1576, and used it to support a theory that the Blackfriars was
built in 1576 (i. 219). Curiously enough, he used it again for
1596 (i. 287), and added to it an alleged counter-petition by
the Chamberlain’s men, now in _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclx. 117, which
is certainly a forgery. Hunsdon was not Chamberlain in Nov.
1596.]
To the right honorable the Lords and others of her Majesties most
honorable Privy Councell,--Humbly shewing and beseeching your honors,
the inhabitants of the precinct of the Blackfryers, London, that
whereas one Burbage hath lately bought certaine roomes in the same
precinct neere adjoyning unto the dwelling houses of the right
honorable the Lord Chamberlaine and the Lord of Hunsdon, which romes
the said Burbage is now altering and meaneth very shortly to convert
and turne the same into a comon playhouse, which will grow to be a
very great annoyance and trouble, not only to all the noblemen and
gentlemen thereabout inhabiting but allso a generall inconvenience
to all the inhabitants of the same precinct, both by reason of the
great resort and gathering togeather of all manner of vagrant and
lewde persons that, under cullor of resorting to the playes, will come
thither and worke all manner of mischeefe, and allso to the great
pestring and filling up of the same precinct, yf it should please
God to send any visitation of sicknesse as heretofore hath been, for
that the same precinct is allready growne very populous; and besides,
that the same playhouse is so neere the Church that the noyse of
the drummes and trumpetts will greatly disturbe and hinder both the
ministers and parishioners in tyme of devine service and sermons;--In
tender consideracion wherof, as allso for that there hath not at
any tyme heretofore been used any comon playhouse within the same
precinct, but that now all players being banished by the Lord Mayor
from playing within the Cittie by reason of the great inconveniences
and ill rule that followeth them, they now thincke to plant them
selves in liberties;--That therefore it would please your honors to
take order that the same roomes may be converted to some other use,
and that no playhouse may be used or kept there; and your suppliants
as most bounden shall and will dayly pray for your Lordships in all
honor and happines long to live. Elizabeth Russell, dowager; G.
Hunsdon; Henry Bowes; Thomas Browne; John Crooke; William Meredith;
Stephen Egerton; Richard Lee; ... Smith; William Paddy; William de
Lavine; Francis Hinson; John Edwards; Andrew Lyons; Thomas Nayle; Owen
Lochard; John Robbinson; Thomas Homes; Richard Feild; William Watts;
Henry Boice; Edward Ley; John Clarke; William Bispham; Robert Baheire;
Ezechiell Major; Harman Buckholt; John Le Mere; John Dollin; Ascanio de
Renialmire; John Wharton.
cvii.
[1596, Nov. Extract from Petition of _c._ Jan. 1619 from
Constables and Inhabitants of Blackfriars to Lord Mayor and
Aldermen, printed in _M. S. C._ i. 90, from _Remembrancia_, v.
28; cf. Bk. iv, s.v. Blackfriars.]
Sheweth That whereas in Nouember 1596, diuers both honorable persons
and others then inhabitinge the said precinct, made knowne to the
Lordes and others of the privie Counsell, what inconveniencies
where likelie to fall vpon them, by a common Playhouse which was
then preparinge to bee erected there, wherevpon their Honours then
forbadd the vse of the said howse, for playes, as by the peticion and
indorsemente in aunswere thereof may appeare.
cviii.
[1597, May 6. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 97.]
A letter to the High Sheriff of Suffolk, William Foorth, John Gurdall
and ---- Clopton, esquires. We do understand by your letter of the third
of this instant of a purpose in the towne of Hadley to make certaine
stage playes at this time of the Whitson holydaies next ensuinge, and
thether to draw a concourse of people out of the country thereaboutes,
pretending heerein the benefit of the towne, which purpose we do
utterly mislike, doubting what inconveniences may follow thereon,
especially at this tyme of scarcety, when disordred people of the comon
sort wilbe apt to misdemeane themselves. We do therefore require you
straightly to prohibite the officers and all others in the towne of
Hadley not (_sic_) to goe forward with the sayd playes and to
cause the stage prepared for them to be plucked downe, letting them
know that they are to obey this our order as they will answere it at
their perill. We thanck you for the care you take to keepe the country
in good order. And so, &c.
cix.
[1597, July 28. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the Privy
Council, printed _M. S. C._ i. 78, from _Remembrancia_, ii. 171.]
[Sidenote: To the Lords against Stage playes.]
Our humble dutyes remembred to your good LL. & the rest. Wee haue
signifyed to your HH. many tymes heartofore the great inconvenience
which wee fynd to grow by the Common exercise of Stage Playes. Wee
presumed to doo, aswell in respect of the dutie wee beare towardes her
highnes for the good gouernment of this her Citie, as for conscience
sake, beinge perswaded (vnder correction of your HH. iudgment) that
neither in politie nor in religion they are to be suffered in a
Christian Commonwealth, specially beinge of that frame & matter as
vsually they are, conteining nothinge but prophane fables, lascivious
matters, cozeninge devises, & scurrilus beehaviours, which are so set
forth as that they move wholie to imitation & not to the auoydinge of
those faults & vices which they represent. Amonge other inconveniences
it is not the least that they give opportunity to the refuze sort of
euill disposed & vngodly people, that are within and abowte this Cytie,
to assemble themselves & to make their matches for all their lewd &
vngodly practices; being as heartofore wee haue fownd by th’examinaton
of divers apprentices & other seruantes whoe have confessed vnto vs
that the said Staige playes were the very places of theire Randevous
appoynted by them to meete with such otheir as wear to ioigne with them
in theire designes & mutinus attemptes, beeinge allso the ordinarye
places for maisterles men to come together & to recreate themselves.
For avoyding wheareof wee are now againe most humble & earnest sutours
to your honours to dirrect your lettres aswell to our selves as to the
Iustices of peace of Surrey & Midlesex for the present staie & fynall
suppressinge of the saide Stage playes, aswell at the Theatre, Curten,
and banckside, as in all other places in and abowt the Citie, Wheareby
wee doubt not but, th’opportunitie & the very cause of many disorders
beinge taken away, wee shalbee more able to keepe the worse sort of
such evell & disordered people in better order then heartofore wee haue
been. And so most humbly wee take our leaves. From London the xxviijth
of Iulie. 1597.
Your HH most humble.
[Sidenote: The inconueniences that grow by Stage playes abowt the Citie
of London.]
1. They are a speaciall cause of corrupting their Youth, conteninge
nothinge but vnchast matters, lascivious devices, shiftes of Coozenage,
& other lewd & vngodly practizes, being so as that they impresse the
very qualitie & corruption of manners which they represent, Contrary to
the rules & art prescribed for the makinge of Comedies eaven amonge the
Heathen, who vsed them seldom & at certen sett tymes, and not all the
year longe as our manner is. Whearby such as frequent them, beinge of
the base & refuze sort of people or such young gentlemen as haue small
regard of credit or conscience, drawe the same into imitacion and not
to the avoidinge the like vices which they represent.
2. They are the ordinary places for vagrant persons, Maisterles men,
thieves, horse stealers, whoremongers, Coozeners, Conycatchers,
contrivers of treason, and other idele and daungerous persons to meet
together & to make theire matches to the great displeasure of Almightie
God & the hurt & annoyance of her Maiesties people, which cannot be
prevented nor discovered by the Gouernours of the Citie for that they
are owt of the Citiees iurisdiction.
3. They maintaine idlenes in such persons as haue no vocation & draw
apprentices and other seruantes from theire ordinary workes and all
sortes of people from the resort vnto sermons and other Christian
exercises, to the great hinderance of traides & prophanation of
religion established by her highnes within this Realm.
4. In the time of sicknes it is fownd by experience, that many hauing
sores and yet not hart sicke take occasion hearby to walk abroad & to
recreat themselves by heareinge a play. Whearby others are infected,
and them selves also many things miscarry.
cx.
[1597, July 28. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii.
313.]
A letter to Robert Wrothe, William Fleetwood, John Barne, Thomas
Fowler and Richard Skevington, esquires, and the rest of the Justices
of Middlesex nerest to London. Her Majestie being informed that there
are verie greate disorders committed in the common playhouses both
by lewd matters that are handled on the stages and by resorte and
confluence of bad people, hathe given direction that not onlie no
plaies shalbe used within London or about the citty or in any publique
place during this tyme of sommer, but that also those play houses that
are erected and built only for suche purposes shalbe plucked downe,
namelie the Curtayne and the Theatre nere to Shorditch or any other
within that county. Theis are therfore in her Majesty’s name to chardge
and commaund you that you take present order there be no more plaies
used in any publique place within three myles of the citty untill
Alhalloutide next, and likewyse that you do send for the owners of the
Curtayne Theatre or anie other common playhouse and injoyne them by
vertue hereof forthwith to plucke downe quite the stages, gallories
and roomes that are made for people to stand in, and so to deface the
same as they maie not be ymploied agayne to suche use, which yf they
shall not speedely perform you shall advertyse us, that order maie
be taken to see the same don according to her Majesty’s pleasure and
commaundment. And hereof praying you not to faile, we, &c.
The like to Mr. Bowier, William Gardyner and Bartholomew Scott,
esquires, and the rest of the Justices of Surrey, requiring them to
take the like order for the playhouses in the Banckside, in Southwarke
or elswhere in the said county within iij^e miles of London.
cxi.
[1597, Aug. 15. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii.
338.]
A letter to Richard Topclyfe, Thomas Fowler and Richard Skevington,
esquires, Doctour Fletcher and Mr. Wilbraham. Uppon informacion given
us of a lewd plaie that was plaied in one of the plaiehowses on the
Bancke Side, contanynge very seditious and sclanderous matter, wee
caused some of the players to be apprehended and comytted to pryson,
whereof one of them was not only an actor but a maker of parte of the
said plaie. For as moche as yt ys thought meete that the rest of the
players or actors in that matter shalbe apprehended to receave soche
punyshment as theire leude and mutynous behavior doth deserve, these
shalbe therefore to require you to examine those of the plaiers that
are comytted, whose names are knowne to you, Mr. Topclyfe, what ys
become of the rest of theire fellowes that either had theire partes in
the devysinge of that sedytious matter or that were actors or plaiers
in the same, what copies they have given forth of the said playe and
to whome, and soch other pointes as you shall thincke meete to be
demaunded of them, wherein you shall require them to deale trulie as
they will looke to receave anie favour. Wee praie you also to peruse
soch papers as were fownde in Nash his lodgings, which Ferrys, a
Messenger of the Chamber, shall delyver unto you, and to certyfie us
th’examynacions you take. So, &c.
cxii.
[1597, Oct. 8. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxviii. 33.
A note dates the actual signing of the warrants on Oct. 3.]
A warrant to the Keeper of the Marshalsea to release Gabriell Spencer
and Robert Shaa, stage-players, out of prison, who were of lat comitted
to his custodie.
The like warrant for the releasing of Benjamin Johnson.
cxiii.
[1598, Feb. 9. Extract from _An Acte for punyshment of Rogues
Vagabondes and Sturdy Beggars_ (_39 Eliz._ c. 4, printed in
_Statutes_, iv. 899). The Act was continued, subject as regards
John Dutton to legal proof of his claim, by _43 Eliz._ c. 9, in
1601 (_St._ iv. 973).]
[§ 1.] From and after the Feaste of Easter next comminge [16 April
1598], all Statutes heretofore made for the punyshment of Rogues
Vagabondes or Sturdy Beggers ... shall ... be utterly repealed....
[§ 2.] All Fencers Bearewardes common Players of Enterludes and
Minstrelles wandring abroade (other than Players of Enterludes
belonging to any Baron of this Realme, or any other honorable Personage
of greater Degree, to be auctoryzed to play, under the Hand and Seale
of Armes of such Baron or Personage) ... shalbe taken adjudged and
deemed Rogues Vagabondes and Sturdy Beggers, and shall susteyne such
Payne and Punyshment as by this Acte is in that behalfe appointed.
[§ 3.] Every person which is by this presente Acte declared to be
a Rogue Vagabonde or Sturdy Begger, which shalbe ... taken begging
vagrant wandering or mysordering themselves in any part of this Realme
..., shall uppon their apprehension by thappoyntment of any Justice of
the Peace Constable Hedborough or Tythingman of the same County Hundred
Parish or Tything where suche person shalbe taken, the Tythingman or
Headborow being assisted therein with thadvise of the Minister and one
other of that Parrish, be stripped naked from the middle upwardes and
shall be openly whipped untill his or her body be bloudye, and shalbe
forthwith sent from Parish to Parish by the Officers of every the same,
the nexte streighte way to the Parish where he was borne, if the same
may be knowen by the Partyes confession or otherwyse; and yf the same
be not knowen, then to the Parish where he or she last dwelte before
the same Punyshment by the space of one whole yeare, there to put him
or her selfe to labour as a true Subject ought to do; or not being
knowen where he or she was borne or last dwelte, then to the Parish
through which he or she last passed without Punyshment.
[§ 4.] Yf any of the said Rogues shall appeare to be dangerous to the
inferior sorte of People where they shalbe taken, or otherwyse be such
as will not be reformed of their rogish kinde of lyfe by the former
Provisions of this Acte, ... it shall and may be laufull to the said
Justices of the Lymittes where any such Rogue shalbe taken, or any two
of them, whereof one to be of the Quorum, to commit that Rogue to the
House of Correccion, or otherwyse to the Gaole of that County, there to
remaine untill their next Quarter Sessions to be holden in that County,
and then such of the same Rogues so committed, as by the Justices of
the Peace then and there presente or the most parte of them shalbe
thought fitt not to be delivered, shall and may lawfully by the same
Justices or the more parte of them be banysshed out of this Realme....
And if any such Rogue so banyshed as aforesaid shall returne agayne
into any part of this Realme or Domynion of Wales without lawfull
Lycence or Warrant so to do, that in every such case such Offence
shalbe Felony, and the Party offending therein suffer Death as in case
of Felony.
[§ 10.] Reserves privileges of John Dutton.
cxiv.
[1598, Feb. 19. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxviii.
327.]
A letter to the Master of the Revelles and Justices of Peace of
Middlesex and Surrey. Whereas licence hath bin graunted unto two
companies of stage players retayned unto us, the Lord Admyral and
Lord Chamberlain, to use and practise stage playes, whereby they
might be the better enhabled and prepared to shew such plaies before
her Majestie as they shalbe required at tymes meete and accustomed,
to which ende they have bin cheefelie licensed and tollerated as
aforesaid, and whereas there is also a third company who of late (as
wee are informed) have by waie of intrusion used likewise to play,
having neither prepared any plaie for her Majestie nor are bound to
you, the Masters of the Revelles, for perfourming such orders as
have bin prescribed and are enjoyned to be observed by the other two
companies before mencioned. Wee have therefore thought good to require
you uppon receipt heereof to take order that the aforesaid third
company may be suppressed and none suffered heereafter to plaie but
those two formerlie named belonging to us, the Lord Admyrall and Lord
Chamberlaine, unles you shall receave other direccion from us. And so,
&c.
cxv.
[1598, May 1. Abstract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s,
Southwark, by W. Rendle, _Bankside_, vi, in Harrison, ii,
App. i.]
It had been ordered, May 1, 1598, that Mr. Langley’s new buildings
shall be viewed--they were near to the Paris Garden playhouse--and that
Mr. Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall be moved for money for the poor on
account of the playhouses.
cxvi.
[1598, July 19. Extract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s,
Southwark, printed in _Variorum_, iii. 452, and by W. Rendle,
_Bankside_, v, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]
It is ordered at this vestrye that a petition shal be made to the bodye
of the councell concerninge the play houses in this pareshe, wherein
the enormeties shal be showed that comes therebye to the pareshe,
and that in respect thereof they may be dismissed and put down from
playing, and that iiij or ij of the churchwardens, Mr. Howse, Mr.
Garlonde, Mr. John Payne, Mr. Humble, or ij of them, and Mr. Russell
and Mr. Ironmonger, or one of them, shall prosecute the cause with a
collector of the Boroughside and another of the Bankside.
cxvii.
[1600, Jan. 12. Warrant from Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham,
Lord Admiral, printed by W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_,
49, from _Dulwich MS._ i. 27; also by Collier, _Alleyn
Memoirs_, 55.]
Weareas my Servant Edward Allen (in respect of the dangerous decaye
of that Howse which he and his Companye haue nowe, on the Banck, and
for that the same standeth verie noysome for resorte of people in the
wynter tyme) Hath thearfore nowe of late taken a plott of grounde neere
Redcrossestreete London (verie fitt and convenient) for the buildinge
of a new Howse theare, and hath prouided Tymber and other necessaries
for theffectinge theareof, to his greate chardge: Forasmuche as the
place standeth verie convenient for the ease of People, and that
her Maiestie (in respect of the acceptable Service, which my saide
Servant and his Companie haue doen and presented before her Highenes
to her greate likeinge and Contentment, aswell this last Christmas
as att sondrie other tymes) ys gratiouslie moued towardes them, with
a speciall regarde of fauor in their proceedinges: Theis shalbe
thearefore to praie and requier youe, and everie of youe, To permitt
and suffer my saide Servant to proceede in theffectinge and finishinge
of the saide New howse, without anie your lett or molestation, towardes
him or any of his woorkmen. And soe not doubtinge of your observacion
in this behalf, I bidd youe right hartelie farewell. Att the Courte, at
Richmond, the xijth of Januarye, 1599.
Notingham.
To all & euery her maiesties Justices & other Ministers, and Officers,
within the Countye of Middlesex, & to euery of them, And to all others
whome it shall Concerne:
cxviii.
[1600, March 9. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxx. 146.]
A letter to Sir Drew Drewry, knight, William Waad, esquier, Clerke
of the Councell, Thomas Fowler, Edward Vaughan and Nicholas Collyns,
esquires, Justices of the Peace in the countie of Middlesex. Wee are
given to understand by our very good Lord the Lord Willoughby and
other gentlemen and inhabitauntes in the parishe of St. Giles without
Creplegate that there is a purpose and intent in some persons to
erect a theatre in White Crosstreete, neere unto the Barres in that
parte that ys in the countie of Middlesex, wherof ther are to manie
allreadie not farr from that place, and as you knowe not longe sithence
you receaved spetiall direction to pluck downe those and to see them
defaced, therefore yf this newe erection should be suffered yt would
not onlie be an offence and scandall to divers, but a thinge that would
greatly dysplease her Majestie. These are therefore to will and require
you in any case to take order that no soche theatre or plaiehowse be
built there, or other howse to serve for soche use, both to avoide
the many inconveniences that therby are lyklie to ensue to all the
inhabitantes, and the offence that would be to her Majestie, havinge
heretofore given sufficient notice unto you of the great myslyke
her Highnes hath of those publicke and vayne buildinge[s] for soche
occacions that breed increase of base and lewde people and divers other
disorders. Therefore wee require you not to faile forthwith to take
order that the foresaid intended buildinge maie be staied, and yf any
be begone, to see the same quite defaced. So, &c.
cxix.
[1600, March 28. Extract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s,
Southwark, printed in _Variorum_, iii. 452, and by W. Rendle,
_Bankside_, v, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]
It is ordered that the churchwardens shall talk with the players for
tithes for their playhouses within the liberty of the Clinke, and for
money for the poore, according to the order taken before my lords of
Canterbury and London and the Master of the Revels.
cxx.
[1600, April 1. Abstract of entry in Roll of the General
Sessions of the Peace for Middlesex, printed by J. C.
Jeaffreson, _Middlesex County Records_, i. 260. The
proclamation referred to must, I suppose, be the old one of 1559
(No. x). I do not know of any Star Chamber order about plays,
but it is quite possible that one was made in 1597, and not
recorded in the Council Registers, as the Star Chamber had its
own Clerk, distinct from those of the Privy Council.]
Recognizance ... of John Wolf of Eastsmithfield, co. Midd. Stationer,
in the sum of forty pounds; The condition of the recognizance being
‘that, whereas the abovebounden John Wolf hathe begun to erecte and
builde a Playhowse in Nightingale Lane near East Smithefeilde aforesaid
contrary to Her Majesties proclamacion and orders sett downe in Her
Highenes Court of Starrchamber. If therefore the said John Wolf do not
proceede anie further in buildinge or erectinge of the same playhowse,
unless he shall procure sufficient warrant from the Rt. Honourable the
Lords of Her Majesties most honourable Privye Councill for further ...
then this recognizaunce to be void or els to remaine in full force.’
cxxi.
[_c._ 1600, April. Certificate of the Inhabitants of Finsbury to
the Privy Council, printed by W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 50,
from _Dulwich MS._ i. 28; also by Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 58.]
To the righte honorable the Lordes and others of her
maiesties most honorable privie Councell:
In all humblenes, wee the Inhabitantes of the Lordshipp of Fynisburye,
within the parrishe of St. Gyles without Creplegate, London, doe
certifie vnto your honnours, That wheare the Servantes of the right
honorable Earle of Nottingham haue latelie gone aboute to erect and
sett vpp a newe Playehowse within the said Lordshipp, Wee could be
contented, that the same might proceede and be Tollerated (Soe it
stande with your honnours pleasuers) ffor the reasons and Causes
followeinge.
First because the Place appoynted oute for that purpose Standeth very
tollerable, neere vnto the ffeildes, and soe farr distant and remote
frome any person or Place of accompt, as that none cann be Annoyed
thearbie:
Secondlie because the Erectours of the saied howse are contented to
give a very liberall porcion of money weekelie, towardes the releef of
our Poore, The nomber & necessity whereof is soe greate that the same
will redounde to the contynuall comfort of the saied Poore:
Thirdlie and lastlie wee are the rather Contented to accept this meanes
of releif of our Poore, because our Parrishe is not able to releeue
them, neither hath the Justices of the Sheire taken any order, for
any Supplie oute of the Countrye, as is enioyned by the late Acte of
Parliamente:
[Twenty-seven signatures follow.]
[Endorsed] The Certificate of the Inhabitantes of the Lordship of
Fynisburye of theire Consent to the Tolleracion of the Erection of a
newe Plaiehowse theare.
cxxii.
[1600, April 8. Privy Council to the Justices of Middlesex,
printed by W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 51, from _Dulwich MS._
i. 29; also by Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 57.]
After our hartie comendacions. Whereas her Maiestie (haveinge been
well pleased heeretofere at tymes of recreacion with the services of
Edward Allen and his Companie, Servantes to me the Earle of Nottingham,
wheareof, of late he hath made discontynuance) hath sondrye tymes
signified her pleasuer, that he should revive the same agayne:
Forasmuche as he hath bestowed a greate some of money, not onelie for
the Title of a plott of grounde, scituat in a verie remote and exempt
place neere Goulding lane, theare to erect a newe house, but alsoe is
in good forwardnes aboute the frame and woorkmanshipp theareof; the
convenience of which place for that purpose ys testified vnto vs vnder
the handes of manie of the Inhabitantes of the Libertie of Fynisbury,
wheare it is, and recomended by some of the Justices them selves. Wee
thearfore havinge informed her Maiestie lykewise of the decaye of
the house, wherein this Companye latelie plaied, scituate vppon the
Bancke, verie noysome for the resorte of people in the wynter tyme,
haue receaued order to requier youe to Tollerate the proceedinge of the
saide New howse neere Goulding lane, and doe heerbye requier youe and
everie of youe to permitt and suffer the said Edward Allen to proceede
in theffectinge and finishinge of the same Newe howse, without anie
your lett or interrupcion, towardes him, or anye of his woorkmen, the
rather because an other howse is pulled downe, in steade of yt. And
soe, not doubtinge of your conformitye heerin, wee comitt youe to God.
Frome the Courte at Richmond the viijth of Aprill 1600.
Your lovinge frendes
Notingham
G Hunsdon
Ro: Cecyll
To the Justices of Peace of the Countye of Middlesex especially of St.
Gyles without Creplegate, and to all others whome it shall Concerne.
cxxiii.
[1600, May 15. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxx. 327.
Bromvill had performed at court on 12 May (cf. App. A).]
An open letter to the Justices of Peace in the countie of Surrey,
and to all others her Majesty’s officers and lovinge subjectes in
that county or burrough of Southwark to whome yt shall appertain,
&c. Whereas the bearer Peter Bromvill hath bene recommended unto her
Majestie from her good brother the French Kinge and hath shewed some
feates of great activity before her Highnes, her Majestie ys pleased
to afforde him her gratious favor and leave to exercyse and shewe the
same in soch publicke place as maie be convenient for soche exercyses
and shewes, and because for the present he hath made choice of a place
called the Swann, in old Parys Garden, beinge the howse of Francis
Langley, these shalbe to let you understand her Majesty’s good pleasure
in his behalfe, and to require you not onlie to permytt him there to
shewe his feates of activitye at convenient tymes in that place without
let or interrupcion, but to assyst him (as there shalbe occacion) that
no abuse be offered him.
_Postscript_ of Mr. Secretary’s hand. It ys not meant that he shall
exercyse upon any Sabothe day.
cxxiv.
[1600, June 22. Order of the Privy Council, printed _M.S.C._ i.
80, from _Remembrancia_, ii. 188; also by Dasent, xxx. 395, and
Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 307, from minute in Council Register.
The examiner’s note at the end is by one of the Clerks of the
Council. The original draft of the order has been altered in the
Register, and there is a marginal note by Thomas Smith that ‘the
alteracion and interlyning of this order was by reason that the
said order after the same was entred in the Booke came againe in
question and debate, and the said interlyninge and amendementes
were sett downe according to the laste determinacion of their
Lordships’. Evidently the interlineations were important, and
they are therefore marked below with square brackets, although
of course they do not appear as such in the _Remembrancia_ copy,
which agrees substantially with the final draft in the Register.
Dasent found the cancelled passages in the Register illegible.]
[Sidenote: An order sett downe by the lordes and others of hir
Maiesties pruiye Councell the 22 of Iune 1600 to restrain the excessiue
number of Plaie howses & the imoderate vse of Stage plaies in & about
the Cittye.]
Whereas diuers Complaintes haue bin heretofore made vnto the Lordes and
others of hir Maiesties privie Counsaile of the manifold abuses and
disorders that haue growen and doe Continew by occasion of many howses
erected & emploied in and aboute the Cittie of London for common Stage
Plaies. And nowe verie latelie, by reason of some Complainte exhibited
by sondrie persons against the buildinge of the like house in or nere
Goldinge Lane by one Edward Allen, a seruant of the right honorable
the Lo: Admirall, the matter, aswell in generalitie touchinge all the
said houses for Stage Plaies and the vse of playenge, as in particuler
concerninge the said house now in hand to be builte in or neere
Goldinge Lane, hath bin brought into question & Consultacion amonge
theire LL. Forasmuch as yt is manifestlie knowne and graunted that the
multitude of the said houses and the misgouerment of them hath bin made
and is dailie occasion of the idle riotous and dissolute livinge of
great numbers of people, that leavinge all such honest and painefull
Course of life, as they should followe, doe meete and assemble there,
and of maine particuler abuses and disorders that doe there vppon
ensue. And yet neuerthelesse yt is Considered that the vse and exercise
of suche plaies, not beinge euill in yt self, may with a good order
and moderacion be suffered in a well gouerned estate, and that, hir
Maiestie beinge pleased at some times to take delighte and recreacion
in the sight and hearinge of them, some order is fitt to bee taken
for the allowance and mainteinance of suche persons, as are thoughte
meetest in that kinde to yeald hir Maiestie recreacion and delight, &
consequentlie of the howses that must serue for publique playenge to
keepe them in exercise. To the end therefore, that bothe the greatest
abuses of the plaies and plaienge houses maye be redressed, and the
vse and moderacion of them retained, The Lordes and the rest of hir
Maiesties privie Councell, withe one and full Consent, haue ordered in
manner and forme as followeth.
First, that there shall bee about the Cittie two howses and noe more
allowed to serue for the vse of the Common Stage plaies, of the which
howses one shalbe in Surrey in that place which is Commonlie called
the banckside or there aboutes, and the other in Midlesex. And foras
muche as there Lordshippes haue bin enformed by Edmond Tylney Esquire,
hir Maiesties seruant and Master of the Reuells, that the howse now in
hand to be builte by the said Edward Allen is not intended to encrease
the number of the Plaiehowses, but to be in steed of an other, namelie
the Curtaine, Which is either to be ruined and plucked downe or to be
putt to some other good vse, as also that the scituacion thereof is
meete and Conuenient for that purpose. Yt is likewise ordered that the
said howse of Allen shall be allowed to be one of the two howses, and
namelie for the house to be alowed in Middlesex, [for the Companie
of Plaiers belonging to the L: Admirall], soe as the house Called
the Curtaine be (as yt is pretended) either ruinated or applied to
some other good vse. And for the other allowed to be on Surrey side,
whereas [there Lordshipps are pleased to permitt] to the Companie of
players that shall plaie there to make there owne Choice which they
will haue [of diuers houses that are there], Choosinge one of them and
noe more, [And the said Companie of Plaiers, being the Seruantes of the
L. Chamberlen, that are to plaie there haue made choise of the house
called the Globe, yt is ordered that the said house and none other
shall be there allowed]. And especiallie yt is forbidden that anie
stage plaies shalbe plaied (as sometimes they haue bin) in any Common
Inn for publique assemblie in or neare about the Cittie.
Secondlie, forasmuche as these stage plaies, by the multitude of
houses and Companie of players, haue bin too frequent, not seruing for
recreacion but inviting and Callinge the people daily from there trad
and worke to mispend there time, It is likewise ordered that the two
seuerall Companies of Plaiers assigned vnto the two howses allowed
maie play each of them in there seuerall howse twice a weeke and noe
oftener, and especially that they shall refraine to play on the Sabboth
daie, vppon paine of imprisonment and further penaltie, and that they
shall forbeare altogether in the time of Lent, and likewise at such
time and times as anie extraordinarie sicknes or infeccion of disease
shall appeare to be in and about the Cittie.
Thirdlie, because these orders wilbe of litle force and effecte vnlesse
they be dulie putt in execucion by those to whome yt appertaineth to
see them executed, It is ordered that seuerall Coppies shall be sent
to the L. Mayor of London, and to the Iustices of the Peace of the
Counties of Middlesex and Surrey, and that Lettres should be written
vnto them from there Lordshipps, straightlye Charginge them to see the
execucion of the same, as well by Committinge to prison the owners of
Plaiehouses and players as shall disobey & resist these orders, as by
anie other good and lawfull meanes that in there discretion they shall
finde expedient, And to certifie there Lordshipps from time to time, as
they shall se Cause, of there proceedinges therein.
Examinatum per Tho: Smithe.
cxxv.
[1600, June 22. Minute of Privy Council for letters conveying
No. cxxiv, printed by Dasent, xxx. 411, and Halliwell-Phillipps,
i. 308, from Council Register.]
Letter of this tenour to the Lord Maiour of London, the Justices of
the Peace of the counties of Midlesex and Surrey. By occasion of some
complaintes that of late have bin made unto us of the multitude of
houses servinge for common stage-playes in and aboute the citty of
London, and of the greate abuses and disorders growen by the overmuch
haunte and resorte of many licentious people unto those houses and
places, we have entred into consideracion of some fitt course to
be taken for redresse of the saide disorders by suppressing dyvers
of those houses and by some restrainte of the imoderate use of the
plaies. For which cause wee have sett downe certaine orders to be
duely henceforth observed and kept, a copy whereof we sende you
hereinclosed, and have sent the like to the Lord Maiour of London and
to the Justices of the Peace of Middlesex. But as wee have donne our
partes in prescribinge the orders, so unlesse you perfourme yours in
lookinge to the due execution of them wee shall loose our labour and
the wante of redresse must be imputed unto you and others unto whome it
apperteyneth, and therefore wee doe hereby authorize and require you
to see the said orders to be putt in execucion and to be continued, as
you do wish the amendement of the aforesaide abuses and will remove the
blame thereof from your selves. And so, &c.
cxxvi.
[1601, March 11. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxi.
218.]
A letter to the Lord Mayour requiring him not to faile to take order
the playes within the cyttie and the liberties, especyally at Powles
and in the Blackfriers, may be suppressed during this time of Lent.
cxxvii.
[1601, May 10. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxi. 346.]
A letter to certaine Justices of the Peace in the county of Middlesex.
Wee do understand that certaine players that use to recyte their playes
at the Curtaine in Moorefeildes do represent upon the stage in their
interludes the persons of some gentlemen of good desert and quallity
that are yet alive under obscure manner, but yet in such sorte as all
the hearers may take notice both of the matter and the persons that
are meant thereby. This beinge a thinge very unfitte, offensive and
contrary to such direccion as have bin heretofore taken that no plaies
should be openly shewed but such as were first perused and allowed and
that might minister no occasion of offence or scandall, wee do hereby
require you that you do forthwith forbidd those players to whomsoever
they appertaine that do play at the Courtaine in Moorefeildes to
represent any such play, and that you will examine them who made that
play and to shew the same unto you, and as you in your discreccions
shall thincke the same unfitte to be publiquely shewed to forbidd them
from henceforth to play the same eyther privately or publiquely, and
yf upon veiwe of the said play you shall finde the subject so odious
and inconvenient as is informed, wee require you to take bond of the
cheifest of them to aunswere their rashe and indiscreete dealing before
us. So, &c.
cxxviii.
[1601, Dec. 31. Minute of letter from Privy Council to Justices
of Middlesex and Surrey, printed by Dasent, xxxii. 466, and
Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 309, from Council Register.]
Two letters of one tenour to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey.
It is in vaine for us to take knowledg of great abuses and disorders
complayned of and to give order for redresse, if our directions finde
no better execution and observation then it seemeth they do, and wee
must needes impute the fault and blame thereof to you or some of you,
the Justices of the Peace, that are put in trust to see them executed
and perfourmed, whereof wee may give you a plaine instance in the great
abuse contynued or rather encreased in the multitude of plaie howses
and stage plaies in and about the cittie of London.
For whereas about a yeare and a half since (upon knowledge taken of
the great enormities and disorders by the overmuch frequentinge of
plaies) wee did carefullie sett downe and prescribe an order to be
observed concerninge the number of playhowses and the use and exercise
of stage plaies, with lymytacion of tymes and places for the same
(namely that there should be but two howses allowed for that use, one
in Middlesex called the Fortune and the other in Surrey called the
Globe, and the same with observacion of certaine daies and times as in
the said order is particularly expressed), in such sorte as a moderate
practice of them for honest recreation might be contynued, and yet the
inordinate concourse of dissolute and idle people be restrayned, wee do
now understande that our said order hath bin so farr from takinge dew
effect, as in steede of restrainte and redresse of the former disorders
the multitude of play howses is much encreased, and that no daie
passeth over without many stage plaies in one place or other within and
about the cittie publiquelie made.
The default of perfourmance of which our said order we must in greate
parte the rather impute to the Justices of the Peace, because at the
same tyme wee gave earnest direction unto you to see it streightly
executed, and to certifie us of the execution, and yet we have neither
understoode of any redresse made by you, nor receaved any certificate
at all of your proceedinges therein, which default or omission wee
do now pray and require you foorthwith to amende, and to cause our
said former order to be putt duely in execution, and especiallie to
call before you the owners of all the other play howses (excepting
the two howses in Middlesex and Surrey aforementioned), and to take
good and sufficient bondes of them not to exercise, use or practise,
nor to suffer from henceforth to be exercised, used or practized any
stage playinge in their howses, and if they shall refuse to enter into
such bondes, then to comitt them to prison untill they shall conforme
themselves. And so, &c.
cxxix.
[1601, Dec. 31. Minute of letter from Privy Council to Lord
Mayor and Aldermen of London, printed by Dasent, xxxii. 468, and
Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 308, from Council Register; also in _M.
S. C._ i. 83, from letter-book copy in _Remembrancia_, ii. 187.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour and Aldermen of London. Wee have receaved
a letter from you renewing a complaint of the great abuse and disorder
within and about the cittie of London by reason of the multitude of
play howses and the inordinate resort and concourse of dissolute
and idle people daielie unto publique stage plaies, for the which
information, as wee do commende your Lordship because it betokeneth
your care and desire to reforme the disorders of the cittie, so wee
must lett you know that wee did muche rather expect to understand that
our order (sett downe and prescribed about a yeare and a half since
for reformation of the said disorders upon the like complaint at that
tyme) had bin duelie executed, then to finde the same disorders and
abuses so muche encreased as they are. The blame whereof, as wee cannot
but impute in great part to the Justices of the Peace or somme of them
in the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, who had speciall direction
and charge from us to see our said order executed for the confines of
the cittie, wherein the most part of those play howses are scituate,
so wee do wishe that it might appeare unto us that any thinge hath
bin endeavoured by the predecessours of you, the Lord Maiour, and by
you, the Aldermen, for the redresse of the said enormities, and for
observation and execution of our said order within the cittie.
Wee do therefore once againe renew heereby our direction unto you (as
wee have donne by our letters to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey)
concerninge the observation of our former order, which wee do praie and
require you to cause duelie and dilligentlie to be put in execution
for all poyntes thereof, and especiallie for th’expresse and streight
prohibition of any more play howses then those two that are mentioned
and allowed in the said order, charging and streightlie comaunding
all suche persons, as are the owners of any the howses used for stage
plaies within the cittie, not to permitt any more publique plaies to
be used, exercised or shewed from hencefoorth in their said howses,
and to take bondes of them (if you shall finde it needefull) for the
perfourmaunce thereof, or if they shall refuse to enter into bonde or
to observe our said order, then to committ them to prison untill they
shall conforme themselves thereunto. And so praying you, as your self
do make the complaint and finde the ennormitie, so to applie your best
endeavour to the remedie of the abuse, wee bidd, &c.
cxxx.
[1602, March 31. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed
_M.S.C._ i. 85, from _Remembrancia_, ii. 189.]
[Sidenote: A lettre to the L. Maior for the Bores head to be licensed
for the plaiers.]
After our verey hartie Commendacions to your Lp. We receaued your
lettre, signifieinge some amendment of the abuses or disorders by
the immoderate exercise of Stage plays in and about the Cittie, by
meanes of our late order renued for the restraint of them, and with
all shewinge a speciall inconvenience yet remayneinge, by reason that
the seruants of our verey good L. the Earle of Oxford, and of me the
Earle of Worcester, beinge ioyned by agrement togeather in on Companie
(to whom, vpon noteice of her Maiesties pleasure at the suit of the
Earle of Oxford, tolleracion hath ben thaught meete to be graunted,
notwithstandinge the restraint of our said former Orders), doe not
tye them selfs to one certaine place and howse, but do chainge there
place at there owne disposition, which is as disorderly and offensiue
as the former offence of many howses. And as the other Companies that
are alowed, namely of me the L. Admirall and the L. Chamberlaine, be
appointed there certaine howses, and one and noe more to each Companie.
Soe we doe straightly require that this third Companie be likewise to
one place. And because we are informed the house called the Bores head
is the place they haue especially vsed and doe best like of, we doe
pray and require yow that that said howse, namely the Bores head, may
be assigned onto them, and that they be verey straightlie Charged to
vse and exercise there plaies in noe other but that howse, as they will
looke to haue that tolleracion continued and avoid farther displeasure.
And soe we bid your Lp. hartely farewell, from the Court at Ritchmond
the last of March, 1602.
Your lordshippes verey lovinge friendes,
T Buckurst
E Worcester.
Ihon Stannop:
Io: fortescu.
Notingham
W: Knowlis
Ro: Cecyll.
I: Herbert.
cxxxi.
[1603, March 19. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed
Dasent, xxxii. 492, from _Addl. MS._ 11402.]
Letters to the Lord Mayor and Justices of Middlesex and Surrey for the
restraint of stage-plaies till other direction be given.
cxxxii.
[1603, May 7. Extract from _Procl._ 944, printed, with ‘in
their lewd’ for ‘Enterludes’, in Strype, _Annals_, iv. 528.]
And for that we are informed that there hath beene heretofore great
neglect in this kingdome of keeping the Sabbath-day: For better
observing of the same, and avoyding all impious prophanation, we do
straightly charge and commaund, that no Beare-bayting, Bulbayting,
Enterludes, Common Playes, or other like disordered or unlawful
Exercises, or Pastimes, be frequented, kept, or used at any time
hereafter upon the Sabbath-day.
cxxxiii.
[1603, May 19. Patent for King’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Globe and in convenient places
in towns elsewhere.
cxxxiv.
[1604, Feb. 4. Patent for Children of the Queen’s Revels; cf.
text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays approved by Samuel Daniel in the
Blackfriars or other convenient place.
cxxxv.
[1604, April 9. Privy Council to Lord Mayor of London
and Justices of Middlesex and Surrey, printed by W. W.
Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 61, from contemporary copy in
_Dulwich MS._ i. 39; also in Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 66;
Halliwell-Phillipps, _Illustrations_, 115, _Outlines_, i. 310.
The abstract of the lost Council Register in _Addl. MS._ 11402
has the note (f. 93^v) ‘9 Ap. 1604 A lettre to the lo: Mayor
& the Iustices of Surrey & Middlesex to suffer the players to
playe againe Lent being past &c’ (Dasent, xxxii. 511; _M. S. C._
i. 371).]
After our hart[ie commendations] to your [Lo.] Wheras the kings
maiesties Plaiers have given ty[ ] hyghnes good service in
ther Quallitie of Playinge, and for as much Lickwise as they are at all
times to be emploied in that Service, whensoever they shalbe Comaunded,
we thinke it therfore fitt, the time of Lent being now Passt, that
your L. doe Permitt and suffer the three Companies of Plaiers to the
King, Queene, and Prince publicklie to Exercise ther Plaies in ther
severall and vsuall howses for that Purpose, and noe other, viz. The
Globe scituate in Maiden lane on the Banckside in the Countie of
Surrey, the Fortun in Golding Lane, and the Curtaine in Hollywell in
the Cowntie of Midlesex, without any lett or interupption in respect of
any former Lettres of Prohibition heertofore written by vs to your Lo.
Except there shall happen weeklie to die of the Plague Aboue the Number
of thirtie within the Cittie of London and the Liberties therof. Att
which time we thinke it fitt they shall Cease and forbeare any further
Publicklie to Playe, vntill the Sicknes be again decreaced to the saide
Number. And so we bid your Lo. hartilie farewell. From the Court at
Whitehalle the ixth of Aprille, 1604.
Your very Loving ffrends
Nottingham
Suffock
Gill Shrowsberie
Ed Worster
W: Knowles
J: Stanhopp
To our verie good L. the Lord Maior of the Cittie of London and to the
Justices of the Peace of the Counties of Midlesex and Surrey. L. Maiore.
cxxxvi.
[1604, July 7. Extracts from _An Acte for the Continuance and
Explanation of the Statute made in the 39 yeere of the Raigne of
our late Queene Elizabeth, intituled An Acte for Punishmente of
Rogues, Vagabondes and Sturdie Beggers_ (_1 Jac. I_, c. _7_),
printed in _Statutes_, iv. 1024. The Act was amended in detail
by _7 Jac. I_, c. 4, in 1610 (_St._ iv. 1159).]
[§ 1.] Whereas by [_39 Eliz._ c. 4] ... it was enacted, That all
persons callinge themselves Scholers goinge aboute begginge, all
Seafaringe men pretending losse of their Shippes or Goods on the Sea,
goinge aboute the Countrie begginge, all idle persons goinge aboute
in any Countrie, either begginge, or usinge any subtile Crafte or
unlawfull Games or Playes, or fayninge themselves to have knowledge in
Phisiognomie Palmestry or other like craftye Science, or pretendinge
that they can tell Destinies Fortunes or such other like fantasticall
Imaginations; all persons that be, or utter themselves to be Proctors
Procurers Patent Gatherers or Collectors for Gaoles Prisons or
Hospitals; all Fencers Bearwardes common Players of Enterludes,
and Minstrels wandringe abroad, (other then Players of Enterludes
belonginge to any Baron of this Realme, or any other honourable
Personage of greater Degree, to be authorized to play under the Hande
and Seale of Armes of such Baron or Personage) shalbe taken adjudged
and deemed as Rogues Vagabondes and Sturdie Beggers, and shall suffer
such Paine and Punishment as in the said Acte is in that behalfe
appointed, as by the same Acte more at large is declared; Sithence the
making of which Acte divers Doubtes and Questions have bene moved and
growen by diversitie of Opinions taken in and upon the letter of the
said Acte: For a plaine Declaration whereof be it declared and enacted,
That from henceforthe no Authoritie to be given or made by any Baron of
this Realme or any other honourable Personage of greater Degree, unto
any other person or persons, shall be availeable to free and discharge
the saide persons, or any of them, from the Paines and Punishmentes in
the saide Statute mentioned, but that they shall be taken within the
Offence and Punishment of the same Statute.
[§ 3.] Amends _39 Eliz_. c. 4, § 4, which provided for banishment of
dangerous rogues, by providing for branding and setting to labour in
place of settlement; a second offence to be felony, without benefit of
clergy.
[§ 6.] Continues _39 Eliz_. c. 4 as amended.
[§ 8.] Reserves privileges of John Dutton.
cxxxvii.
[1604, Oct. 13. Letter of Assistance from the Duke of Lennox for
his players, printed by W. W. Greg from _Dulwich MS._ i. 40, in
_Henslowe Papers_, 62; also in Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 69.]
Sir I am given to vnderstand that youe haue forbidden the Companye of
Players (that call themselues myne) the exercise of their Playes; I
praie youe to forbeare any such course against them, and seeing they
haue my License, to suffer them to continue the vse of their Playes;
and vntill you receaue other significacion from me of them, to afforde
them your favoure and assistance. And so I bidd youe hartely farewell.
From Hampton Courte the xiijth of October, 1604.
Your loving freende
Lenox.
To all maiors, Justeses of peas, Shreefes, Balifes, Constabells and all
other his highnes officers and lofing subiects to whome it shall or may
in any wise appertaine.
[_Addressed_] To my loving freend Mr. Dale esqr. and all other Justeses
whatsoeuer.
cxxxviii.
[N.D. _c._ 1604. Draft royal licence for Queen Anne’s men; cf.
text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays, when the plague-list in London and
the liberties thereof falls to thirty, in the Curtain and Boar’s Head,
and in convenient places in towns elsewhere.
cxxxix.
[1605, Oct. 5. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed _M.
S. C._ i. 371, from _Addl. MS._ 11402, f. 107.]
A lettre to the Lord Mayor to forbidde Stage plaies & to take order
that the infectede bee kept in their howses, &c.
Like lettres to the Iustices of the peace of Middlesex & Surrey.
cxl.
[1605, Dec. 15. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed _M.
S. C._ i. 372, from _Addl. MS._ 11402, f. 109.]
Lettres to the Lord Mayor, the Iustices of Middlesex and Surrey to
suffer the Kings the Queens and the Princes Players, to play & recite
their enterludes at their accustomed places.
cxli.
[1606, March 7. Signet warrant from Queen Anne for her players;
cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in London and other towns, except
during divine service, and requires assistance of justices.
cxlii.
[1606, April 30. Patent for Prince Henry’s men; cf. text in Bk.
iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Fortune and in convenient
places in towns elsewhere, with a proviso saving the authority, power,
privileges, and profits of the Master of the Revels.
cxliii.
[1606, May 27. _An Acte to Restraine Abuses of Players_ (_3 Jac.
I_, c. 21), printed in _Statutes_, iv. 1097; also in Hazlitt,
_E. D. S._ 42.]
For the preventing and avoyding of the greate Abuse of the Holy Name
of God in Stagelayes, Interludes, May-games, Shewes, and such like;
Be it enacted by our Soveraigne Lorde the Kinges Majesty, and by the
Lordes Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons in this present Parliament
assembled, and by the authoritie of the same, That if at any tyme or
tymes, after the end of this present Session of Parliament, any person
or persons doe or shall in any Stage play, Interlude, Shewe, May-game,
or Pageant jestingly or prophanely speake or use the holy Name of God
or of Christ Jesus, or of the Holy Ghoste or of the Trinitie, which
are not to be spoken but with feare and reverence, [? such person
or persons] shall forfeite for everie such Offence by hym or them
committed Tenne Pounds, the one moytie thereof to the Kinges Majestie,
his Heires and Successors, the other moytie thereof to hym or them that
will sue for the same in any Courte of Recorde at Westminster, wherein
no essoigne, Proteccion or Wager of Lawe shalbe allowed.
cxliv.
[1607, April 12. The Lord Mayor to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord
Chamberlain, printed _M. S. C._ i. 87, from _Remembrancia_, ii.
283.]
[Sidenote: Concerninge the Infection of the Plague.]
My humble dutie remembred to your good Lp: Whereas it pleaseth god
that the Infeccion of sicknes is for theis two or three weekes of
late somewhat increased in the Skirtes and Confines of this Cittie,
and by the vntymely heate of this season may spreade further then
can hereafter be easelie prevented, My humble desier is that your
Lp: for the preventinge of soe great a danger will vouchsafe your
honourable favour in two speciall pointes concerninge this Matter.
First in restrayninge such comon Stage Plaies, as are Daylie shewed and
exercised and doe occasion the great Assembleis of all sortes of people
in the suburbes and partes adioyninge to this Cittie, and cannot be
continiewed but with apparant daunger of the encrease of the sicknes.
Secoundly, Whereas it appeareth by the Certificate that the said
Skirtes and out Partes of the Cittie are more subiecte to the Infection
then any other Places. That your Honours will please to give order to
the Iustices of Middlesex to put in due execution such ordenances as
are formerly by your Lordshippes recomended vnto them in this behalfe,
especially that there may be a better care hade of White Chappell,
Shorditch, Clarken-Well and such other remote Partes then formerly hath
ben accustomed. And that there may some speciall Officers be appointed
to see good order kept and obserued in those Places, where there is noe
Justice of Peace resident or nere there biwaies to looke to the same.
Which beinge accordingly performed in the out Skirtes of this Cittie,
My desier is that your Lp: will rest satisfied and assuered of oure
carefullnes here within the Cittie and Lyberties thereof to the vtmost
of our Indeauour, as is fittinge a matter of such Consequence. And soe
most humblie I take my leaue And rest
Aprill 12, 1607. Your Lps: most humble.
To the right honourable my very good Lo: the Earle of Suffolke Lo:
Chamberlaine of his Maiesties House.
cxlv.
[1608, Dec. 20. Entry in Gaol Delivery Register of Justices for
Middlesex, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, _Middlesex County
Records_, ii. 47.]
Recognizances, taken before Sir William Waad knt. J.P., Lieutenant
of the Tower of London, of Daniel Hitch of Whitechappell yeoman and
James Waters of Eastsmythfeilde ironmounger, in the sum of ten pounds
each, and of William Claiton of Eastsmythfeilde victualler, in the sum
of twenty pounds; For the appearance of the said William Claiton at
the next Session of the Peace, to answer for sufferinge playes to bee
played in his house in the night season.
cxlvi.
[1609, April 15. Patent for Queen Anne’s men; cf. text in Bk.
iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Red Bull and Curtain and
in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with a proviso saving the
authority, power, privileges and profits of the Master of the Revels.
cxlvii.
[1610, Jan. 4. Patent for the Children of the Queen’s Revels;
cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in the Whitefriars or other convenient
place.
cxlviii.
[1610, March 30. Patent for the Duke of York’s men; cf. text in
Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in houses and about London and
in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the
authority, power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
cxlix.
[1611, April 27. Patent for the Lady Elizabeth’s men; cf. text
in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in houses in and about London and
in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the
authority, power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
cl.
[1612, Oct. 1. Order at General Session of the Peace for
Middlesex held at Westminster, printed from Sessions Rolls in J.
C. Jeaffreson, _Middlesex County Records_, ii. 83.]
An Order for suppressinge of Jigges att the ende of Playes--Whereas
Complaynte have [_sic_] beene made at this last Generall Sessions,
that by reason of certayne lewde Jigges songes and daunces vsed and
accustomed at the playhouse called the Fortune in Gouldinglane,
divers cutt-purses and other lewde and ill disposed persons in greate
multitudes doe resorte thither at th’end of euerye playe, many tymes
causinge tumultes and outrages wherebye His Majesties peace is often
broke and much mischiefe like to ensue thereby, Itt was hereuppon
expresselye commaunded and ordered by the Justices of the said benche,
That all Actors of euerye playhouse within this cittye and liberties
thereof and in the Countye of Middlesex that they and euerie of them
utterlye abolishe all Jigges Rymes and Daunces after their playes,
And not to tollerate permitt or suffer anye of them to be used vpon
payne of ymprisonment and puttinge downe and suppressinge of theire
playes, And such further punishment to be inflicted upon them as their
offences shall deserve, And that if any outrage tumult or like disorder
as aforesaid should be committed or done, that then the partyes so
offending should forthwith be apprehended and punished accordinge
to their demeritt. For the better suppressinge of which abuses and
outrages, These are to will and require you and in His Majesties name
streightelye to charge and commaunde you that you diligently and
stryctlye looke vnto the performaunce of the same order, And that if
either the players do persiste and contynewe their sayd Jigges daunces
or songes as aforesayd or any disordered persons doe committ or attempt
any violence or outrage in or about the sayd playe-houses, That then
you apprehend all and euerie such person of either kind so offendinge
and forthwith bringe them before me or some other of his Majesties
Justices of Peace to answeare their contemptes and further to be dealt
[with] as to Justice shall appertayne.--By the Court. S. P. Reg.
cli.
[1612, Nov. 8. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed _M.
S. C._ i. 88, from _Remembrancia_, iii. 64.]
[Sidenote: From the Lordes, for the suppressinge of Stage plaies,
Bearebaytinges and idle shewes, vpon the death of Prince Henry.]
After our very hartie Commendacions to your Lordshipp. Whereas it hath
pleased the Almightie God to take awaie the most Noble and Worthie
Prince of Wales, to the exceedinge greate sorrowe and Greef, aswell of
theire Maiesties, as of all theire deere and lovinge Subiectes. And
that these tymes doe not suite with such playes and idle shewes, as are
daily to be seene in and neere the cittie of London, to the scandall
of Order and good governement at all occasions when they are most
tollerable. As wee haue allreadie addressed lettres to the Iustices of
peace of Middlesex and Surrey for the suppressinge of any playes or
shewes whatsoever within those Counties, soe wee doe hereby require
your Lpp. to take speedie and speciall order for the prohibitinge of
all Playes, shewes, Bearebaytinges, or any other such sighte, within
that cittie and liberties thereof, and vtterlie to restraine the vse
and exercise thereof, vntill you shall receave further order from vs.
And if you shall finde anie person offendinge therein, to commytt him
or them to Prison without favour or connyvauncie, and to acquainte
vs therewith. And soe wee bidd your Lordshipp Hartelie farewell. From
Whitehall the viijth of November, 1612.
Your Lps. verie loving Frindes,
T. Ellesmore Cancellarius.
E. Wotton:
H: Northampton:
Stanhop.
T. Suffolk:
clii.
[1613, Jan. 11. Patent for the Elector Palatine’s men; cf. Bk.
iii, and text in _M. S. C._ i. 275.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Fortune and in convenient
places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority, power,
privileges and profits of the Master of the Revels.
cliii.
[1613, July 13. Extract by Sir Henry Herbert from an office-book
of Sir George Buck, printed in _Variorum_, iii. 52, and
Adams, _Herbert_ 42.]
For a license to erect a new playhouse in the White-friers, &c. £20.
cliv.
[1615, March 29. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in _M. S. C._ i. 372; also in Collier, i. 380.]
A warrant to John Sentie one of the Messingers. Whereas John Hemminges,
Richard Burbidge, Christopher Beeston, Robert Lee, William Rowley,
John Newton, Thomas Downton, Humphry Ieffs with others Stageplayers
in and about the Citty of London have presumed notwithstanding the
commaundement of the Lord Chamberlayne signified vnto them by the
Master of the Revells to play this prohibited time of Lent. Theese
are therefore to will and commaund yowe to make your repayre vnto the
persons abouenamed, and to charge them in his Maiesties name to make
their appearance heere before vs of his Maiesties Privie Councell on
ffriday next at 8 of the Clocke in the forenoone without any excuse or
delay. And in the meane time that neither they, nor the rest of their
Company presume to present any Playes or interludes, as they will
answere the contrary at their perills.
clv.
[1615, June 3. Patent for erection of Porter’s Hall; cf. text in
Bk. iv.]
Gives authority to the patentees of the Queen’s Revels to build a
playhouse for the Queen’s Revels, at Porter’s Hall in Blackfriars, and
for the performance of plays by the Queen’s Revels, Prince Charles’s
men, and the Lady Elizabeth’s men therein.
clvi.
[1615, July 13. Patent for the Children of the Queen’s Chamber
of Bristol; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority for the performance of plays in houses in Bristol
and in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the
authority, power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
clvii.
[1615, Sept. 26. Minute of Privy Council, printed from
Register in _M. S. C._ i. 372; also in Chalmers, 463;
_Variorum_, iii. 493.]
[Sidenote: Ordered at the Sessions next before.]
Whereas Complaint was made to this Boarde by the Lord Mayour and
Aldermen of the Cittie of London That one Rosseter, and others havinge
obtayned lycense vnder the great Seale of Englande for the buildinge
of a Play house haue pulled downe a great Messuage in Puddle wharfe,
which was sometimes the house of the Ladie Sanders within the Precinct
of the Blackfryers, are now erectinge a Newe Playhouse in that place,
to the great prejudice and inconvenience of the Gouerment of that
Cittie: Their Lordships thought fitt to send for Rosseter to bringe
in his Lettres Patentes, which beinge seene, and pervsed by the Lord
Chief Iustice of Englande fforasmuch as the Inconveniences vrged by the
Lord Mayour and Aldermen were many, and of some consequence to their
Goverment. And specially for that the said Play house would adioyne
soe neere vnto the Church in Blackfryers, as it would disturbe, and
interrupt the Congregacion at divine Service vpon the weeke dayes: And
that the Lord Chiefe Iustice did deliver to their Lordships, That the
Lycence graunted to the said Rosseter did extende to the buildinge of a
Playhouse without the liberties of London, and not within the Cittie.
It was this day ordered by their Lordships, That there shalbe noe
Play house erected in that place, And that the Lord Mayour of London
shall straitly prohibit, and forbidd the said Rosseter and the rest
of the Patentees, and their workemen to proceede in the makeinge, and
convertinge the said Buildinge into a Play house: And if any of the
Patentees or their workemen shall proceede in their intended buildinge
contrary to this their Lordships Inhibicion, that then the Lord Mayour
shall committ him or them soe offendinge, vnto Prison and certefie
their Lordships of their contempt in that behalfe. Of which their
Lordships order the said Rosseter, and the rest are to take notice, and
conforme themselves accordingly as they will aunsweare to the contrary
at their perrilles.
clviii.
[1616, July 16. Warrant by William Earl of Pembroke, Lord
Chamberlain, printed by Murray, ii. 343, from copy recorded in
Mayor’s Court Books of Norwich.]
Whereas Thomas Swynnerton and Martin Slaughter beinge two of the Queens
Maiesties company of Playors hauinge separated themselves from their
said Company, have each of them taken forth a severall exemplification
or duplicate of his maiesties Letters patente graunted to the whole
Company and by vertue therof they severally in two Companies with
vagabonds and such like idle persons, haue and doe vse and exercise the
quallitie of playinge in diuerse places of this Realme to the great
abuse and wronge of his Maiesties Subjects in generall and contrary to
the true intent and meaninge of his Maiestie to the said Company And
whereas William Perrie haueinge likewise gotten a warrant whereby he
and a certaine Company of idle persons with him doe travel and play
under the name and title of the Children of his Maiesties Revels, to
the great abuse of his Maiesties service And whereas also Gilberte
Reason one of the prince his highnes Playours hauing likewise separated
himselfe from his Company hath also taken forth another exemplification
or duplicate of the patent granted to that Company and liues in the
same kinde & abuse And likewise one Charles Marshall, Homfry Jeffes and
William Parr: three of Prince Palatynes Company of Playours haveinge
also taken forthe an exemplification or duplicate of the patent
graunted to the said Company and by vertue thereof liue after the like
kinde and abuse Wherefore to the [end that] such idle persons may not
be suffered to continewe in this course of life These are therefore
to pray, and neatheless in his Maiesties name to will and require you
vpon notice giuen of aine of the said persons by the bearer herof
Joseph More whome I haue speciallye directed for that purpose that you
call the said parties offendours before you and therevpon take the
said seuerall exemplifications or duplicats or other ther warrants by
which they vse ther said quallitie from them, And forthwith to send the
same to me And also that you take goode and sufficient bonds of any of
them to appeare before me at Whitehall at a fixt daye to answeare ther
said contempte and abuses whereof I desire you not to fayle And these
shalbe your sufficient warrant in that behalfe Dated at the Courte at
Theobalds this 16th day of July in the fowertenth yeare of the raigne
of our soueraigne Lord the Kings Maiestie of England ffrance and
Irelande and of Scotland the nine and fortieth 1616.
Pembrook.
To all Justices of peace Maiours Sheriffs Baliffs Constables and other
his Maiesties officers to whome it may appertayne.
clix.
[1616, Oct. 4. Abstract of entries in Process Book for
General Sessions of the Peace for Middlesex, printed by J. C.
Jeaffreson, _Middlesex County Records_, ii. 235.]
Amongst memoranda of process against a large number of persons, charged
with neglecting to work or contribute for the repair of the highways,
appears this memorandum, touching the Red Bull theatre, ‘Christofer
Beeston and the rest of the players of the Redd Bull are behinde
five pounds, being taxed by the bench 40s. the yeare by theire owne
consentes’.
clx.
[1617, Jan. 27. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register
in _M. S. C._ i. 374; also in Chalmers, 463; _Variorum_, iii.
494.]
A letter to the Lord Mayor of London. Whereas his Maiestie is informed
that notwithstanding diverse Commaundementes and prohibicions to the
contrary there bee certaine persons that goe about to sett vp a Play
howse in the Black ffryaers neere vnto his Maiesties Wardrobe, and for
that purpose have lately erected and made fitt a Building, which is
allmost if not fully finished, Youe shall vnderstand that his Maiesty
hath this day expressly signifyed his pleasure, that the same shalbee
pulled downe, so as it bee made vnfitt for any such vse, whereof wee
Require your Lordshipp to take notice, and to cause it to bee performed
accordingly with all speede, and therevpon to certify vs of your
proceedinges. And so, &c.
APPENDIX E
PLAGUE RECORDS
[_Bibliographical Note._--Early accounts of the vital statistics
of the plague are J. Graunt, _Natural and Political Observations
upon the Bills of Mortality_ (1662, 1665, 1676); _Reflections
on the Weekly Bills of Mortality_ (1665, two eds.); J. Bell,
_London’s Remembrancer_ (1665). Modern studies are C. Creighton,
_History of Epidemics in Britain_ (1891); C. H. Hull, _The
Economic Writings of Sir William Petty_ (1899, with reprint
of Graunt’s _Observations_); W. J. Simpson, _A Treatise on
Plague_ (1905). Murray, ii. 171, discusses _The Relation of the
Plague to the Closing of the Theatres_. The ultimate material
consists largely of the weekly bills of mortality returned
for each London parish and published by the City authorities.
In these the deaths from plague were separately stated. They
were probably prepared throughout our period, at any rate from
the plague of 1563. On 14 July 1593 John Wolf entered in the
Stationers’ Register (Arber, ii. 634) a licence to print ‘the
billes, briefes, notes and larges gyven out for the sicknes
weekly or otherwise’. The only complete bill extant is one for
20 Oct. 1603 (_Political Tracts_, 1680, in Guildhall Library),
but summaries of the weekly totals are available for 1563–6
(J. Gairdner, _Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles_, 123, 144),
1578–83 (Creighton, i. 341, from _Hatfield MSS._), 1593 (Hull,
ii. 426, from Graunt; _vide infra_), 1597–1600 (Hull, ii. 432,
from _Ashmolean MS._ 824), 1603 (Hull, ii. 426, from Graunt;
Scaramelli in _V. P._ x. 33 sqq.), 1604 (Nicolo Molin in _V.
P._ x. 132 sqq.), 1606–10 (Creighton, i. 494, from Bell).
During the sixteenth century the bills appear normally to have
covered 108 or 109 parishes wholly or partly within the City
jurisdiction, but on 4 Aug. 1593 Westminster, St. Katherine’s,
St. Giles, Southwark, Shoreditch, and other suburbs were ordered
exceptionally to make returns to the Lord Mayor (Dasent, xxiv.
442). On 14 July 1603 the normal list was extended to include
eleven suburban parishes, and in 1606 another was added, making
121 in all. But the important areas of Westminster, Lambeth,
Newington, Stepney, Hackney, Islington, and Rotherhithe remained
uncovered. Moreover, the suburban figures seem from the print
of 1603 to have been recorded separately, and those in Bell’s
pamphlet are shown by a comparison of his entry for 12 May 1636
with that in Herbert’s Office-Book (_Variorum_, iii. 239) to
relate only to the City and liberties. The returns for this area
were probably the basis for play restraints in the seventeenth
century (cf. Bk. ii, ch. x). The bills seem to have been issued
on Thursdays, with figures for the seven days ending on the day
of issue.]
I give all facts indicating any epidemic condition of plague such as
would affect the performance of plays. The play restraints cited are in
App. D.
_1560._ Trinity term was adjourned to Michaelmas on 24 May (_Procl._
525), but plague is not named as the reason.
_1563._ Plague was brought about June by English troops from Havre. The
deaths were above 30 from 3 July to 7 Jan. 1564, and reached 1,828 on
1 Oct. Stowe, _Annales_, 656, gives the totals as 17,404 from 108 City
parishes, and 2,732 from 11 suburban parishes; Camden (tr.), 83, as
21,130 from 121 parishes. Michaelmas term was adjourned to Hilary on
21 Sept. (_Procl._ 582), and Hilary term transferred to Hertford on 10
Dec. (_Procl._ 583). Plays were restrained on 30 Sept.
_1564–6._ The bills show no plague deaths over 30.
_1568._ Some precautions were taken in the City and Westminster
against plague (Creighton, i. 318, 338).
_1569._ Further precautions were taken on 27 March (Creighton, i.
338) and plays restrained on 31 May until 30 Sept. There was in fact
plague in September and October (Creighton, i. 338; La Mothe, ii. 249,
287; _Sp. P._ ii. 193, 203). Michaelmas term was deferred on 28 Sept.
(_Procl._ 642) and adjourned to Hilary on 23 Oct. (_Procl._ 644).
Access to court was restrained on 3 Oct. (_Procl._ 643).
_1570._ There was plague in July and August (_Hatfield MSS._ i. 476;
_Sp. P._ ii. 262, 270, 273; Creighton, i. 338). Michaelmas term was
deferred on 24 Sept. (_Procl._ 658).
_1572._ Harrison reports a restraint of plays for fear of plague.
There is no other evidence.
_1573._ Plague appeared in the autumn (Creighton, i. 339). The Lord
Mayor’s feast was suppressed (_Remembrancia_, 38).
_1574._ Michaelmas term was deferred on 1 Oct. (_Procl._ 691). The
plague deaths on 28 Oct. were 65 (Holinshed, iii. 1240). The Lord
Mayor’s feast was suppressed (Dasent, viii. 303). Plays were restrained
on 15 Nov. until Easter.
_1575._ There was plague in Westminster, but apparently none in London
(Creighton, i. 340). Michaelmas term was deferred on 26 Sept. (_Procl._
696).
_1576._ There was plague in the Tower on 13 July (Dasent, ix. 163).
Michaelmas term was deferred on 29 Sept. (_Procl._ 708).
_1577._ There was plague in August, September, and November (Dasent,
x. 22, 35, 40, 86). Plays were restrained on 1 Aug. to Michaelmas.
Michaelmas term was deferred on 16 Sept. (_Procl._ 719), and further on
15 Oct. (_Procl._ 722).
_1578._ The plague deaths were over 30 in nearly every week from 17
April to 18 Dec., reaching 280 on 2 Oct., and totalling 3,568 for the
year. The Lord Mayor’s feast was suppressed and the precautions against
infection revised (Dasent, x. 339, 386, 413). Michaelmas term was
deferred on 22 Sept. (_Procl._ 724) and 20 Oct. (_Procl._ 725), and
adjourned on 14 Nov. to Hilary (_Procl._ 729). Plays were restrained on
10 Nov. and the restraint removed on 23 Dec.
_1579._ The plague deaths were below 30 in each week, totalling 629 for
the year.
_1580._ The plague deaths were not above 8 in any week, totalling 128
for the year, but plays were restrained from 17 April to Michaelmas,
and other precautions taken (_Remembrancia_, 329).
_1581._ There was plague in the latter part of the year, with deaths
over 30 from 17 Aug. to 2 Nov., reaching 107 on 5 Oct., and totalling
987 for the first forty-five weeks of the year; the figures for the
last seven weeks are missing. The precautions were revised (Creighton,
i. 319). Plays were restrained on 10 July and the restraint removed on
18 Nov. Michaelmas term was deferred on 21 Sept. (_Procl._ 760), and
other precautions taken (_Remembrancia_, 331).
_1582._ There was some plague during the year (_Remembrancia_, 332),
with deaths over 30 from 26 July to 27 Dec., reaching 216 on 25 Oct.,
and totalling 2,976 for fifty-one recorded weeks of the year. Plays
were restrained, probably with the assent of the Privy Council,
although the Register is missing. Michaelmas term was deferred on 18
Sept. (_Procl._ 764), and transferred to Hertford on 8 Oct. (_Procl._
765).
_1583._ The plague deaths were over 30 from 3 to 31 Jan., after
which the record fails. But precautions continued (_Remembrancia_,
335). A restraint of plays was terminated on 26 Nov.
_1584._ There is no evidence of plague, but the dispute of this
year suggests that the summer restraint of recent years had been
repeated.
_1585._ There is no evidence of plague or restraint.
_1586._ There is no evidence of plague, other than a precautionary
restraint of 11 May.
_1587._ There was a similar precautionary restraint on 7 May.
_1588–91._ There is no evidence of plague or even of precautionary
restraints.
_1592._ The first notice of plague is on 13 Aug., when it was daily
increasing (Dasent, xxiii. 118), and there is ample evidence of
its seriousness to the end of the year (ibid., 136, 177, 181, 183,
203, 220, 230, 231, 241, 273, 274, 276, 365; Birch, _Eliz._ i.
87; Creighton, i. 351). A new ‘booke of orders and remedies’ was
recommended by the Council (Dasent, xxiii. 203) on 19 Sept. to the Kent
justices. This is doubtless the _Orders Thoughte Meete by her Maiestie
and her privie Counsell to be executed_ of which several prints
(1592, 1593, 1603, N.D.) exist. It is for provincial use, and has no
special reference to the restraint of plays. Plays had been under
restraint for other reasons than plague since 23 June. The mayoral
feast was suppressed on 11 Oct. (Dasent, xxiii. 232). Access to Hampton
Court was restrained on 12 Oct. (_Procl._ 854). Michaelmas term was
deferred and finally transferred for a short session to Hertford on
21 Oct. (_Procl._ 852, 855, 856). There appear to be no statistics of
deaths; those ordinarily given belong to 1593 (_vide infra_). Suitors
were still excluded from court on 13 Dec. (Dasent, xxiii. 365), but
thereafter there was some recovery, and the records in Henslowe, i. 15,
show that plays were permitted from 29 Dec. to 1 Feb. 1593, although no
formal order is extant.
_1593._ This was a year of continuous plague (Creighton, i. 352). The
Privy Council warned the Lord Mayor on 21 Jan. that the increase of
deaths after some weeks of diminution required care (Dasent, xxiv.
21), and the Register shows preoccupation with the subject up to
August, when the record fails (ibid., 31, 163, 209, 212, 252, 265,
284, 342, 343, 347, 373, 400, 405, 413, 442, 443, 448, 472). Plays
were restrained on 28 Jan. Trinity term was deferred on 28 May and
Michaelmas term transferred for a short session to St. Albans on 24
Sept. (_Procl._ 860, 865, 866). Bartholomew Fair (24 Aug.) was strictly
limited (_Procl._ 863). Access to court at Nonsuch was restrained on
18 June and at Windsor on 15 Sept. (_Procl._ 861, 864). The statistics
of deaths are puzzling. Stowe, _Annales_, 766, gives for the period
from 29 Dec. 1592 (Friday) to 20 Dec. 1593 (Thursday) 8,598 in all
and 5,390 from plague within the walls, and 9,295 in all and 5,385
from plague in the liberties, totalling 17,893 in all and 10,775 from
plague. Camden (tr.), 423, gives a corresponding total of 17,890. A
marginal note to the printed bill of 1603 gives for weeks ending 20
Dec. 1592 (Wednesday) to 23 Dec. 1593 (Sunday) 25,886 in all and 15,003
from plague. Here are two divergent computations for the same period,
one of which deserts the Thursdays, to which we know that earlier and
later weekly bills related. Both are more or less contemporary records.
On the other hand, a series of broadsheets (cited in Hull, ii. 426),
followed by a table appended to Graunt’s _Observations_ (ibid.), give
nearly the same figures (25,886 and, not 15,003, but 11,503) as the
totals of weekly figures for the period from 17 March (Friday) to
22 Dec. (Friday), not of 1593, but of 1592, and Graunt adopts these
figures for March to Dec. 1592 in the text of his _Observations_ (Hull,
ii. 363), while he adopts 17,844 and 10,662, which are approximately
Stowe’s figures, for 1593. As a matter of fact, the weekly figures
given do not add up exactly to 25,886 and 11,503; I make them (as
does Hull, ii. 427) 26,407 and 11,106; Creighton, i. 354, makes the
larger figure 25,817. Finally, the anonymous _Reflections on the
Bills of Mortality_ (1665) give 25,886 and 11,503 as the totals for
13 March (Tuesday) to 18 Dec. (Tuesday), not of 1592, but of 1593
again. The authority of these _Reflections_ is not great, and there
is a discrepancy between the period they take and that taken in the
1603 bill. But I do not see how the detailed weekly figures of the
broadsheets can belong to 1592. The plague deaths are 3 on 17 March
and 31 on 24 March. For the rest of the year they only fall below 30
on 31 March, 7 April, 5 May, and finally on 22 Dec. They reach 41 on
28 April, 58 on 26 May, and climb to 118 on 30 June. There is a big
jump to 927 on 7 July; they get to a maximum of 983 on 4 Aug. and
thereafter decline, dropping below 100 from 24 Nov. and ending with 71
on 15 Dec. and 39 on 22 Dec. These figures cannot apply to 1592, when
plague only made its appearance about August. On the other hand, the
figures for 4 Aug. (1,503 and 983) and 29 Sept. (450 and 330) do not
tally exactly, although they do in general effect, with the 1,603 and
1,135 given as ‘the greatest that came yet’ in Henslowe’s letter of
Aug. 1593, or the 1,100 to 1,200 from plague, representing an abatement
in two weeks of 435, in his letter of 28 Sept. (_H. P._ 37, 40). On
the whole, however, I think that all the figures before us relate to
1593 and not 1592, and that the ascription of the detailed tables to
1592 is due to the fact that they begin with 17 March 159–2/3. Graunt
similarly (Hull, ii. 378) quotes 1593 and 1594, where he clearly means
1594 and 1595. The discrepancies between Stowe and the tables are
probably due to the different number of parishes covered by different
computations. If the larger figures relate to an area wider than that
of City and liberties (cf. the P. C. order of 4 Aug. 1593 cited in the
_Bibl. Note_), we perhaps get also an answer to the view of Creighton,
i. 354, and Hull, ii. 427, that they are neither of 1592 nor 1593, but
altogether spurious as representing an impossibly high rate of general
mortality for sixteenth-century London, even when allowance is made for
the unscientific nature of the ‘plague-tokens’ as a diagnosis and the
consequent increase in plague-time of deaths ascribed to other causes.
_1594._ As in 1592–3, the diminution of plague in December allowed
of a short winter play season. Henslowe, i. 16, records plays from
26 Dec. to 6 Feb. A restraint was ordered on 3 Feb. It was still
thought necessary to inhibit access to court on 21 April (_Hatfield
MSS._ iv. 514), but the plague deaths for the year were only 421
(Graunt in Hull, ii. 378; Bell, _London’s Remembrancer_). Plays began
tentatively in April and May and regularly in June (Henslowe, i. 17).
The systematization of City precautions was under consideration in the
autumn.
_1595._ There were only 29 plague deaths (Graunt, in Hull, ii. 378;
Bell, _London’s Remembrancer_).
_1596._ Plays were restrained for fear of infection on 22 July, but
there is no other evidence of plague.
_1597–1600._ The tables show no plague deaths above 4 in any week.
_1601–2._ There is no evidence of plague.
_1603._ Plague broke out during April (_V. P._ x. 33). Precautions were
already being taken on 18 April (_Remembrancia_, 337). Plays had been
restrained during the illness of Elizabeth on 19 March and probably not
resumed. The terms of the patent to the King’s men on 19 May imply an
existing restraint. The epidemic was a bad one; for an account of it,
cf. Creighton, i. 474, and Dekker, _The Wonderful Year_ (1603, _Works_,
i. 100). The coronation was shorn of its entry and other splendours,
and speedy resort to the country enjoined (_Procl._ 961, 964, 967).
Bartholomew and other fairs were suppressed or put off (_Procl._
964, 968). Trinity term was deferred on 23 June (_Procl._ 957) and
Michaelmas term deferred on 16 Sept, and transferred to Winchester on
18 Oct. (_Procl._ 970, 973). Stowe, _Annales_, 857, gives the total
deaths in the City and liberties as 38,244, including 30,578 from
plague. Creighton, i. 478, calculates from the weekly tables that with
the addition of those suburbs for which records are available, these
figures must be increased to 42,945 and 33,347. The report of 60,000
deaths, which Nicolo Molin (_V. P._ x. 126) found hard to believe, was
obviously an exaggeration. The weekly plague bill for the City and
liberties reached 30 on 26 May, 43 on 9 June, and rose very rapidly
from the end of the month, reaching a maximum of 2,495, with 542 for
the recorded suburbs, on 1 Sept. On 22 Dec. the plague deaths for City,
liberties, and the suburbs henceforward included in the City lists (120
parishes in all) was still 74. Nicolo Molin’s statements on 5 Dec. that
the plague had almost disappeared, and on 15 Dec. that it was never
mentioned (_V. P._ x. 124, 126), must have been optimistic.
_1604._ Nicolo Molin (_V. P._ x. 132 sqq.) records the totals of the
bills (probably a week or so late) in despatches from 26 Jan. to 23
Oct. He gives 15 on 26 Jan. and 27 for the City only on 8 Feb., and
thereafter 20 is only reached in a few weeks of May, August, and
September; 30 never. On 23 Oct. there had only been 6 in the last
fortnight, and ‘as that is nothing out of the common, I will not make
any further reports on this subject’ (_V. P._ x. 190). A play restraint
was removed on 9 April, but the reason given was the expiration of
Lent, and it is not impossible that the theatres may have been open
before Lent, which began on 22 Feb. The warrant of 8 Feb., however, for
a special royal subsidy to the King’s men (App. B) suggests that they
were still unable to perform in public on that date.
_1605._ Creighton, i. 493, says there was ‘not much’ plague; but a
letter of 12 Oct. (Winwood, ii. 140) notes a ‘sudden rising of the
sickness to thirty a week’, followed by some abatement, and there was a
restraint of plays for infection on 5 Oct. which was removed on 15 Dec.
_1606._ This was a year of plague. The deaths reached 33 on 10 July and
50 on 17 July, rose to a maximum of 141 on 2 Oct., and remained, but
for one or two weeks, above 40 to 4 Dec. and above 30 to the end of
the year. The total, for 121 parishes, was 2,124. Michaelmas term was
adjourned on 23 Sept. (_Procl._ 1038) and access to court restrained
on 1 Nov. (_Procl._ 1039). There is no record of a specific order for
the restraint of plays; possibly it was automatic as a result of the
play-bill.
_1607._ During the first half of the year the plague deaths were under
30, except for 38 on 1 Jan., 33 on 5 Feb., 30 on 12 March, 33 on 19
March, and 43 on 30 April. They increased in the autumn, passing 30
on 9 July and 40 on 23 July, to a maximum of 177 on 24 Sept. After 19
Nov. they fell below 30. The total for the year was 2,352. As early as
12 April the City, unjustified as yet by the plague bill, asked for a
restraint of plays. Access to court was restrained on 2 Nov. (_Procl._
1050).
_1608._ The plague deaths were under 30 until 28 July, when they rose
to 50; for the rest of the year they were over 40, with a maximum
of 147 on 29 Sept, and a total of 2,262. The King’s men practised
privately for about eight weeks this winter (App. B).
_1609._ The plague of this year, the heaviest since 1603, is recorded
in Dekker’s _Work for Armourers_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 96). The deaths
were over 30, and, with four exceptions, over 40 up to 30 Nov., with
a maximum of 210 on 21 Sept. and a total of 4,240. Michaelmas term
was deferred on 22 Sept. (_Procl._ 1085). The King’s men practised
privately for six weeks this winter (App. B).
_1610._ The plague deaths were between 30 and 40 on 28 Dec. 1609 and on
4 and 18 Jan. 1610; then under 30 to 28 June, passing 30 on 5 July and
40 on 12 July, and remaining there during most of the rest of the year,
with a maximum of 99 on 30 Aug. and a total of 1,803. They fell below
40 on 29 Nov. and below 30 on 6 Dec.
_1611–16._ Plague was absent from London (Creighton, i. 496).
APPENDIX F
THE PRESENCE-CHAMBER AT GREENWICH
[Entry for 27 Aug. 1598 in _Pauli Hentzneri J. C. Itinerarium
Germaniae, Galliae, Angliae, Italiae_ (1629) 200. The first
edition is of 1612. A translation by R. Bentley was printed by
Horace Walpole in 1757.]
Venimus deinde, ad Arcem Regiam, Grönwidge seu Grunwidge, vulgo
dictam.... Postquam hanc arcem ingressi sumus, ex mandato summi
Cubiculariorum Praefecti, quod Dn. Daniel Rogerius impetraverat, in
Cameram Praesentationis, undiquaque tapetis preciosis exornatam,
(Pavimentum vero, uti in Anglia moris est, foeno erat constratum)
quam Regina, quando in sacellum ad preces ire vult, transire solet;
Ad ianuam stabat nobilis quidam vestibus holosericis amictus,
et catena aurea cinctus, qui Comites, Barones, Nobiles et alios
utriusque sexus, Reginam adire cupientes, ad eandem deducebat; (erat
tum forte dies Dominicus, quo Magnates plaerumque Reginam invisere
solent) in Camera, quam dixi, praestolabantur Reginam, Episcopi,
Cantuariensis et Londinensis, Consiliarii, Officiarii, et nobiles
magno numero. Postea cum hora precum instaret, Regina ex suo conclavi
prodiit, tali cum comitatu; Praeibant Nobiles, Barones, Comites, et
Equites Ordinis Periscelidis, omnes splendide vestiti, et capite
detecto; Proxime antecedebant duo, alter qui sceptrum Regni, alter
qui gladium in vagina rubra aureis liliis distincta, reconditum
cuspide sursum versa portabat, inter quos medius procedebat, Magnus
Angliae Cancellarius, sigillum Regni in marsupio holoserico rubro
gerens; Hos sequebatur Regina, aetatis, uti rumor erat, lxv annorum,
magna cum Maiestate, facie oblonga et candida, sed rugosa, oculis
parvis, sed nigris et gratiosis, naso paululum inflexo, labiis
compressis, dentibus fuliginosis (quod vitium ex nimio saccari usu,
Anglos contrahere verisimile est) inaures habens duas margaritis
nobilissimis appensis, crinem fulvum sed factitium; Capiti imposita,
erat parva quaedam corona, quae ex particula auri celeberrimae illius
tabulae Lunaeburgensis, facta esse perhibetur; pectore erat nuda,
quod Virginitatis apud Anglos Nobiles signum est; Nam maritatae sunt
tectae; Collum torques gemmis nobilissimis refertus circumdabat; manus
erant graciles, digiti longiusculi, statura corporis mediocris; in
incessu magnifica, verbis blanda et humanissima; induta forte tum
temporis erat veste serica alba, cuius oram margaritae preciosissimae
fabarum magnitudine decorabant, toga superiniecta ex serico nigro,
cui argentea fila admista, cum cauda longissima, quam Marchionissa
pone sequens a posteriori parte elevatum gestabat; Collare habebat
oblongum, vice catenae, gemmis et auro fulgens; Tum, cum tali in pompa
et magnificentia incederet, nunc cum hoc, mox cum alio loquebatur,
perhumaniter, qui vel legationis vel alterius rei causa eo venerant,
utens nunc materno, nunc Gallico, nunc Italico idiomate; Nam,
praeterquam quod Graece, et Latine eleganter est docta, tenet ultra iam
commemorata idiomata, etiam Hispanicum, Scoticum, et Belgicum; Omnes
illam alloquentes, pedibus flexis id faciunt, quorum aliquos interdum
manu elevare solet; Hos inter forte tum erat, Baro quidam Bohemus,
Gulielmus Slawata nomine, Reginae literas offerens, cui manum dextram,
chirotheca detracta, annulis et lapidibus preciosissimis splendentem
porrexit osculandam, quod maximum insignis clementiae signum est; In
transitu, quocunque faciem vertit, omnes in genua procidunt; Sequebatur
Gynaeceum ex Comitissis, Baronissis, et Nobilibus foeminis, summa
pulchritudine et forma excellentibus constans, et maxima ex parte,
vestimentis albicans; Ab utroque latere comitabantur eam Satellites
nobiles cum hastis deauratis, quorum quinquaginta sunt numero; In
praeambulo Sacelli, quod huic atrio contiguum est, porriguntur ipsi
libelli supplices, quos benignissime accipit, unde tales fiunt
acclamationes; God save the quene Elisabeth, hoc est, Deus salvet
Reginam Elisabetham; Ad quae populo sic ipsa respondet; I thancke you
myn good peupel, id est, Ago tibi gratias popule mi bone; In sacello
habebatur excellens Musica, qua finita una cum precibus, quae vix
ultra dimidiam horam durabant, Regina eadem magnificentia et ordine,
quo antea discesserat, redibat, et ad prandium se conferebat. Interea
vero dum sacris intererat, vidimus illi apparari mensam hac adhibita
solemnitate; Primo Nobilis quidam atrium ingressus, sceptrum manu
tenebat, adiunctum sibi habens alium quendam Nobilem cum mappa, qui
ambo cum ter summa cum veneratione genua flexissent, alter ad mensam
propius accedens, eam mappa insternebat; quo facto, rursus poplite
flexo discedebant; veniebant post hos alii duo, quorum alter rursum
cum sceptro, alter cum salino, orbe, et pane aderat, qui cum, uti
priores, ter genua incurvassent, et res modo dictae mensae impositae
essent, eadem omnino cum ceremonia abivere. Venit tandem Virgo quaedam
Comitissa, uti affirmabatur, eximiae pulchritudinis, vestita veste
serica alba, cui erat adiuncta nobilis matrona, cultrum praegustatorium
ferens, quae ter summo cum decore in pedes provoluta, postea ad mensam
accessit, orbes sale et pane abstersit, tanta cum veneratione, ac si
Regina ipsa praesens fuisset; cumque paululum commorata ad mensam
esset, venerunt satellites Regii, omnes capite nudi, sagis rubris
induti, quibus in postica parte erant affixae rosae aureae, singulis
vicibus xxiv missus ferculorum, in patinis argenteis et maxima ex parte
deauratis, adferentes; Ab his nobilis quidam, ordine cibos accepit,
et mensae imposuit; Praegustatrix vero, cuilibet satelliti, ex eadem,
quam ipsemet attulerat, patina, buccellam degustandam praebuit, ne
aliqua veneni subesset suspicio; Dum satellites isti, qui centum
numero procera corporis statura, et omnium robustissimi ex toto
Angliae Regno, ad hoc munus summa cura deliguntur, supradictos cibos
adportarent, erant in Aulae area xii Tubicines, et duo Tympanistae, qui
tubis, buccinis, et tympanis magno sonitu per sesqui horam clangebant;
Caeremoniis autem, modo commemoratis, circa mensam absolutis, aderant
illico virgines aliquot nobiles, quae singulari cum veneratione,
cibos de mensa auferebant, et in interius et secretius Reginae
cubiculum asportabant; Eligere ibi Regina solet quos vult, caeteri pro
Gynaeceo servantur; Prandet et coenat sola paucis astantibus, atque
nullus admittitur, neque peregrinus, neque Regni quoque incola, nisi
rarissime, et quidem ex singulari magnatis alicuius intercessione.
APPENDIX G
SERLIO’S TRATTATO SOPRA LE SCENE
[Extract from Sebastiano Serlio’s _Architettura_ (1551), being
the text of ff. 26^v-31^v of _Il secondo libro di Perspettiva_,
which also contain five woodcuts, representing (_A_) the
_profilo_ or section of a stage (f. 26^v), (_B_) the _pianta_
or ground-plan of the same stage (f. 27^v), (_C_), (_D_), (_E_)
elevations of a _scena comica_ (f. 28^v), _scena tragica_ (f.
29^v), and _scena satyrica_ (f. 30). An English translation,
through the ‘Dutch’, of the five books of the _Architettura_
was published in 1611, having been entered in the Stationers’
Register by Thomas Snodham on 14 Dec. 1611 (Arber, iii. 473).
Each book has a separate imprint, _London Printed for Robert
Peake and are to be sold at his shop neere Holborne conduit,
next to the Sunne Tauerne. Anno Dom. 1611_. Each has also a
colophon, with slight variants; that of the fifth book, which
alone names the printer, is _Here endeth the fift Booke: And
this also is the end of the whole worke of Sebastian Serlius;
Translated out of Italian into Dutch, and out of Dutch into
English, at the charges of Robert Peake. Printed at London,
by Simon Stafford. 1611. B. W._ I do not know whether B. W.
conceals the name of a translator. Robert Peake, who also
signs an Epistle to Prince Henry, prefixed to the first book,
was not a stationer, but a serjeant painter to James. In this
translation the _Treatise of Scenes_ occupies ff. 23^v-27
of Bk. ii, ch. 3. The title of this book is _The second
Booke of Architecture, made by Sebastian Serly, entreating
of Perspectiue, which is, Inspection, or looking into, by
shortening of the sight_. The woodcuts are reproduced, with some
modifications, especially in details of heraldic decoration.]
[Illustration: (_A_)
THE _PROFILO_ OR SECTION OF A STAGE]
[f. 26^v] Per che ne la seguente carta io trattaro delle Scene e de
Theatri che a nostri tempi si costumano, onde sara difficile a
comprendere doue et come si debbia porre l’ orizonte delle scene, per
essere diuerso modo dalle regole passate, ho voluto far prima questo
profilo, accio che la pianta in sieme col profilo l’ un per l’ altro si
possino intendere; ma sara perho bene a studiare prima su la pianta,
et se quelle cose non si intenderanno ne la pianta, recorrere al
profilo doue meglio s’ intendera. Primieramente donque io cominciaro
dal suolo dauanti: loquale sara a l’ altezza de l’ occhio et voglio
que sia piano et e segnato C, et da B fin a l’ A sara lo suolo leuato
dalla parte de A la nona parte; et quel diritto piu grosso sopra del
qual e M dinota lo muro nel capo della sala. Quel diritto piu sottile
doue e P sara lo pariete della scena cioe l’ ultimo. Il termine doue
e l’ O e l’ orizonte. La linea di punti che viene ad essere aliuello
da L a O doue essa finira nel pariete vltimo della scena, iui sara l’
orizonte, loqual pero seruira solamente per quel pariete, et questa
linea sara quella che sara sempre orizonte, alle faccie de i casamenti
che saranno in maiesta. Ma quelle parti de i casamenti che scurtiano
lo suo orizonte sara quel piu lontano segnato O. Et e ben ragione se
i casamenti in effetto han dua facie, lequai spettino a dua lati, che
anchora habbino dua orizonti; et questo e quanto al profilo della
scena. Ma lo proscenio si e quella segnata D: la parte E rappresenta
l’ horchestra leuata da terra mezzo piede. Doue si vede F sonno le
sedie de piu nobili. Li primi gradi segnati G saran per le donne piu
nobili, et salendo piu ad alto le men nobili vi si metterano. Quel
luoco piu spacioso doue e H e vna strada, et cosi la parte I vn altra
strada onde fra l’ una e l’ altra quei gradi saranno per la nobilita
de gli huomini. Dal I in su li gradi che vi sonno, li men nobili si
metteranno. Quel gran spacio segnato K sara per la plebe, et sara
magiore et minore secondo la grandezza del luoco; et lo Theatro, et
la scena ch’ io feci in Vicenza, furono circa a questo modo, et de
l’ un corno a l’ altro del Theatro era da piedi ottanta, per essere
questo fatto in vn gran cortile, doue trouai magior spacio, che doue
era la scena per essere quella appoggiata ad vna loggia. Li armamenti
et ligature de i legnami furono nel modo dimostrato qui auanti, et
per esser questo Theatro senza appoggio alcuno, io volsi (per magior
fortezza) farlo ascarpa nella circonferentia di fori.
[Illustration: (_B_)
THE _PIANTA_ OR GROUND-PLAN OF A STAGE]
_Trattato sopra le Scene._
[f. 27] Fra l’ altre cose fatte per mano de gli huomini che si
possono mirare con gran contentezza d’ occhio et satisfationi d’
animo: e (al parer mio) il discoprirsi lo apparato di vna scena, doue
si vede in picol spacio fatto da l’ arte della Perspettiua superbi
palazzi, amplissimi tempij, diuersi casamenti, et da presso, e di
lontano, spaciose piazze ornate di varii edificij, dritissime e longhe
strade incrociate da altre vie, archi triomphali, altissime colonne,
pyramide, obelischi, et mille altre cose belle, ornate d’ infiniti
lumi, grandi, mezzani, et piccoli, secondo che l’ altre lo comporta,
liquali sono cosi arteficiosamente ordinati, che rappresentano tante
gioie lucidissime, come saria Diamanti, Rubini, Zafiri, Smeraldi, et
cose simili. Quiui si vede la cornuta et lucida Luna leuarsi pian
piano; et essersi inalzata, che gli occhi de i spettatori non l’ han
veduta muouersi: in alcune altre si vede lo leuare del sole, et il suo
girare, et nel finire della comedia tramontar poi con tale artificio
che molti spettatori di tal cosa stupiscono; con l’ artificio a qualche
bon proposito si vedera descendere alcun Dio dal cielo, correre
qualche Pianeta per l’ aria, venir poi su la scena diuersi intermedij
richissimamente ornati, liuree di varie sorti con habiti strani, si per
moresche come per musiche. Tal’ hor si vede strani animali entro de i
quali son huomini, et fanciulli, atteggiando, saltando, et correndo
cosi bene, che non e senza merauiglia de riguardanti, le quai tutte
cose dan tanto di contentezza a l’ hocchio, et a l’ animo, che cosa
materiale, fatta da l’ arte, non si potria imaginare piu bella; et di
quelle cose poi che siamo in proposito de l’ arte della perspettiua,
io ne trattaro alquanto. Pure quantunque questo modo di perspettiua
di ch’ io parlaro sia diuerso dalle regole passate, per essere quelle
imaginate sopra li parieti piani: et questa per essere materiale et
di rilieuo e ben ragione a tenere altra strada. Primieramente per il
commune vso si fa vn suolo leuato da terra quanto l’ hocchio nostro;
cioe dalla parte dauanti et di dietro si fa piu alto la nona parte,
partendo in noue parti tutto il piano, et vna di quelle. Sia leuato
il detto suolo dalla parte di drieto verso l’ orizonte, et sia ben
piano et forte per causa delle moresche. Questa pendentia io l’ ho
trouata commoda con la esperientia, perche in Vicenza (citta molto
ricca et pomposissima fra l’ altre d’ Italia) io feci vno Theatro, et
vna scena di legname, perauentura, anzi senza dubio, la magiore che
a nostri tempi si sia fatta, doue per li merauigliosi intermedij che
vi accadeuano, cioe carette, Elefanti, et diuerse moresche, io volsi
che dauanti la scena pendente vi fosse vn suolo piano, la latitudine
del quale fu piede xij, et in longitudine piedi lx, doue io trouai tal
cosa ben commoda, et di grande aspetto. Questo primo suolo essendo
piano, lo suo pauimento non vbidiua a l’ orizonte, ma li suoi quadri
furono perfetti, et al cominciare dal piano pendente tutti quei quadri
andauano a l’ orizonte ilche con la sua debita distantia sminui. Et
perche alcuni han posto l’ orizonte a l’ ultimo pariete che termina la
scena, il qual e necessario metterlo sul proprio suolo al nascimento
di esso pariete, doue dimostra che tutti li casamenti se adunano, io
mi sono imaginato di trapassare piu la con l’ orizonte, la qual cosa
mi e cosi bene reuscita, che a fare tal cose ho sempre tenuto questa
strada, et cosi consiglio coloro che di tal arte se diletterano, a
tener questo camino, como nella seguente carta dimostraro, et come ne
ho trattato qui adietro nel profilo del Theatro, et della Scena. Et
perche gli apparati delle comedie sono di tre maniere, cioe la Comica,
la Tragica, et la Satyrica, io trattaro al presente de la comica, i
casamenti della quale voglion essere di personagi priuati, liquali
apparati per la maggior parte si fanno al coperto in qualche sala, che
nel capo di essa vi sia camere per la commodita de i dicitori, et iui
si fa lo suolo come qui piu a dietro io dissi, e ne dimostrai lo suo
profilo, et qui alianti dimostrero la pianta. Primieramente la parte
C e quel suolo piano et poniam caso che vn quadro sia dua piedi, et
medesimamente quegli del piano pendente son dua piedi per ogni lato, et
e segnato B; e (come ho detto nel profilo) io non intendo di mettere l’
orizonte al pariete vltimo de la scena, ma quanto sara dal principio
di esso piano B fin al muro sia trapassato altro tanto di la dal muro
con l’ orizonte; et quelle dua linee di punti dinotano lo muro in capo
di essa sala, e cosi tutti li casamenti et altre cose haueranno piu
dolcezza ne i scurcij, doue tirati tutti li quadri ad esso orizonte,
et diminuiti secondo la sua distantia, si leuaran su li casamenti, li
quali son quelle linee grosse sul piano, per diritto, et per trauerso;
et questi tai casamenti io li ho sempre fatti di telari, sopra liquali
ho poi tirato tele, facendogli le sue porte in faccia et in scurtio
secondo le occasioni, et ancho ci ho fatto alcune cose di basso rilieuo
di legnami che han aiutato molto le pitture, come al suo loco ne
trattaro. Tutto lo spacio da li telari al muro segnati A seruiranno
per li dicittori, et sempre lo pariete vltimo vuol essere discosto
dal muro almen dua piedi, accio li diccitori possino passar coperti;
dipoi quanto si trouera alto l’ orizonte, sia tanto alzato vn termino
al principio del piano B che sara L et da li a l’ orizonte sia tirata
vna linea chi e di punti, laquale sara al liuello, et doue questa
ferira nel vltimo pariete: iui sara l’ orizonte di esso pariete: et non
seruira perho ad altro telaro: ma la detta linea sia vna cosa stabile,
perche questa seruira a tutti quei telari che saranno in maiesta, per
trouare le grossezze di alcune cose, ma lo primo orizonte di la dal
muro seruira a tutti li scurcij de i casamenti. Et perche a far questo
saria necessario a rompere esso muro, ilche non si puo fare, io ho
sempre fatto vno modello piccolo di cartoni et legnami, ben misurato
et traportato poi in grande di cosa in cosa giustamente con facilita.
Ma questa lettione forsi ad alcuno sara difficile, nondimeno sara
necessario faticarsi nel far de modelli et esperientie, che studiando
trouara la via. Et perche le sale (per grande che siano) non son capaci
di Theatri, io nondimeno, per accostarmi quanto io possi agli antichi,
ho voluto di esso Theatro farne quella parte che in vna gran sala possi
capere. Perho la parte D seruira per proscenio. La parte circolare
segnata E sara l’ orchestra leuata vn grado dal proscenio, intorno
laquale son sedie per li piu nobili, che son F; li gradi primi G son
per le donne piu nobili; la parte H e strada et cosi la parte I. Gli
altri gradi son per li huomini men nobili, fra liquali vi son scale per
salire piu agiatamente. Quei luochi spaciosi segnati K saran poi per la
plebe et saranno magiori o minori secondo li luochi, et come il luoco
sara magiore, lo Theatro prendera piu della sua perfetta forma.
[Illustration: (_C_)
ELEVATION OF A _SCENA COMICA_]
_Della Scena Comica._
[f. 28] Quanto alla dispositione de i Theatri, et delle Scene circa
alla pianta io ne ho trattato qui adietro, hora delle scene in
perspettiua ne trattaro particularmente, et perche (com’ io dissi) le
scene si fanno di tre sorte, cioe la Comica per rappresentar comedie,
la Tragica per le tragedie, e la Satyrica per le satyre, questa prima
sara la Comica, i casamenti della quale vogliono essere di personaggi
privati, come saria di cittadini auocati, mercanti, parasiti, et altre
simili persone. Ma sopra il tutto che non vi manchi la casa della
Rufiana ne sia senza hostaria, et uno tempio vi e molto necessario.
Per disporre li casamenti sopra il piano detto suolo, io ne ho dato il
modo piu adietro, si nel leuare i casamenti sopra li piani, come nella
pianta delle scene massime, come et doue si dee porre l’ orizonte.
Nientedimeno accio che l’ huomo sia meglio instrutto circa alle forme
de i casamenti, io ne dimostro qui a lato vna figura, laquale potra
essere vn poco di luce a chi di tal cosa vorra dilettarsi. Pur in
questa essendo cosi picola non ho potuto osseruare tutte le misure.
Ma solamente ho accennato alla inuentione per aduertir l’ huomo a
saper fare elettione di quei casamenti che posti in opera habbino a
reuscir bene come saria un portico traforato, dietro del quale si vegga
vn altro casamento come questo primo, li archi delquale son di opera
moderna. Li poggiuoli (altri dicono pergoli; altri Renghiere) hanno
gran forza nelle faccie che scurzano, et cosi qualche cornice che li
suoi finimenti vengono fuori del suo cantonale, tagliati intorno et
accompagnati con l’ altre cornice dipinte, fanno grande effetto; cosi
le case che han gran sporto in fuori riusciscono bene, come l’ hostaria
della luna qui presente; et sopra tutte le altre cose si de fare
elettione delle case piu piccole, et metterle dauanti, accio che sopra
esse si scuoprano altri edificii, come si vede sopra la casa della
Ruffiana, l’ insegna della quale sono li rampini, o vogliam dire hami,
onde per tal superiorita della casa piu adietro viene a rappresentar
grandezza, et riempisse meglio la parte della scena, che non farebbe
diminuendo, se le summita delle case diminuissero l’ una dopo altra; et
benche le cose qui disegnate habbino vn lume solo da vn lato, nondimeno
tornano meglio a dargli il lume nel mezzo: percioche la forza de i lumi
si mette nel mezzo, pendenti sopra la scena, et tutti quei tondi, o
quadri, che si veggono per gli edificii sono tutti i lumi artificiati
di varii colori transparenti: de i quali daro il modo da fargli ne l’
estremo di questo libro. Le finestre che sono in faccia sara bene a
mettergli de lumi di dietro, ma che siano di vetro, et ancho di carta
ouero di tela dipinta torneran bene. Ma s’ io volessi scriuere di tutti
gli aduertimenti che mi abbundano circa a tal cose, io sarei forsi
tenuto prolisso, perho io le lassaro nel’ intelletto di coloro che in
tal cose si voranno essercitare.
[Illustration: (_D_)
ELEVATION OF A _SCENA TRAGICA_]
_Della Scena Tragica._
[f. 29] La Scena Tragica sara per rappresentare tragedie. Li casamenti
d’ essa vogliono essere di grandi personagi; percioche gli accidenti
amorosi, et casi inopinati, morte violenti et crudeli (per quanto si
lege nelle tragedie antiche, et ancho nelle moderne) sonno sempre
interuenute dentro le case de signori, duchi, o gran principi, imo, di
Re; et perho (come ho detto) in cotali apparati non si fara edificio
che non habbia del nobile: si come se dimostra nella seguente figura,
entro la quale (per esser cosa piccola) non ho potuto dimostrare
quei grandi edificij Regij et signorili, che in vn luogo spatioso
si potrebbono fare. Ma basti solamente a l’ Arcitetto che in torno
a cose simili si vorra essercitare, per hauer vn poco di luce circa
alla inuentione, et dipoi secondo li luochi et anchora li sugietti
sapersi accommodare; et (come ho detto nella scena comica) sempre si
de fare elettione di quelle cose che tornano meglio a riguardanti,
non hauendo rispetto a mettere vn edificio piccolo dauanti ad vno
grande, per le gia dette ragioni. Et perche tutte le mie scene ho
fatte sopra li telari, ci sonno tal volta alcune difficulta, che e ben
necessario a seruirsi del rilieuo di legname, come quello edificio
al lato sinistro, li pilastri del quale posano sopra vn basamento
con alcuni gradi. In questo caso sara da fare il detto basamento di
basso rilieuo, leuato sopra lo piano, et poi si faran li due telari,
cioe quello in faccia, et quello in scurtio; et stano solamente fin
alla summita del parapetto, che e sopra li primi archi. Hora perche
gli archi secondi se ritirano per dar luoco al parapetto, cosi li dua
telari di sopra si ritiraranno: di maniera che tal opera verra bene, et
quello ch’ io dico di questo edificio se intende anchora de gli altri,
quando qualche parti si ritireranno, massimamente di quei casamenti
che sono qua dauanti. Ma quando tai cose fussero di lontano, vn telaro
solo seruiria, facendo tutte le parti ben lineate, et ben colorite.
Circa alli lumi artificiati, s’ e detto a bastanza nella scena comica.
Tutte le superficie sopra li tetti, come saria camini, campanili, et
cose simili (benché quiui non vi siano) se faranno sopra vna tauola
sottile, tagliati intorno, ben lineati et coloriti. Similmente qualche
statue finte di marmo o di bronzo si faranno di grosso cartone, o
pur di tauola sottile, ben ombregiate et tagliate intorno; poi si
metteranno alli suoi luochi, ma siano talmente disposti, et lontani che
i spettatori non le possino vedere per fianco. In queste Scene, benche
alcuni hanno dipinto qualche personagi che rappresentano il viuo, come
saria vna femina ad vn balcone, o drento d’ una porta, etiamdio qualche
animale, queste cose non consiglio che si faccino, perche non hanno
il moto et pure rappresentano il viuo; ma qualche persona che dorma a
bon proposito, ouero qualche cane o altro animale che dorma, perche non
hanno il moto. Anchora si possono accomodare qualche statue, o altre
cose finte di marmo, o d’ altra materia, o alcuna hystoria, o fabula
dipinta sopra vn pariete, che io lodaro sempre si faccia cosi. Ma nel
rappresentare cose viue lequali habbino il moto, ne l’ estremo di
questo libro ne trattaro, et daro il modo come s’ abbino a fare.
[Illustration: (_E_)
ELEVATION OF A _SCENA SATYRICA_]
_Della Scena Satyrica._
[f. 30] La Scena Satyrica e per rappresentar satyre, nelle quali se
riprendono (anzi vero se mordeno) tutti coloro che licentiosamente
viuono, et senza rispetto nelle satyre antiche erano quasi mostrati
a dito gli huomini viciosi et mal viuenti. Perho tal licentia si
puo comprendere che fusse concessa a personaggi che senza rispetto
parlassero, come saria a dire gente rustica, percioche Vitruuio
trattando delle scene, vuole che questa sia ornata di arbori, sassi,
colli, montagne, herbe, fiori, et fontane, vuole anchora che vi
siano alcune capanne alla rustica, come qui appresso se dimostra. Et
perche a tempi nostri queste cose per il piu delle volte si fanno
la inuernata, doue pochi arbori et herbe con fiori se ritrouano, si
potran bene artificiosamente fare cose simili di seta lequali saranno
anchora piu lodate che le naturali; percioche, cosi come nelle Scene
Comiche et Tragiche se imitano li casamenti et altri edificij, con
l’ artificio della pittura, cosi anchora in questa si potran bene
imitare gli arbori et l’ herbe co fiori. Et queste cose quanto saranno
di maggior spesa tanto piu lodeuoli saranno, perche (nel vero) son
proprie di generosi magnanimi, et richi signori, nemici della bruta
Auaritia. Questo gia vidiro gli occhi mei in alcune scene ordinate da
l’ intendente Architetto Girolamo Genga, ad instantia del suo padrone
Francesco Maria Duca di Vrbino, doue io compresi tanta liberalita nel
prence, tanto giuditio et arte l’ Arcitetto, et tanta bellezza nelle
cose strutte, quanto in altra opera fatta da l’ arte che da me sia
stata veduta giamai. (O Dio immortale) che magnificentia era quella di
veder tanti arbori et frutti, tante herbe et fiori diuersi, tutte cose
fatte di finissima seta di variati colori, le ripe et i sassi copiosi
de diuerse conche marine, di limache et altri animaletti, di tronchi
di coralli di piu colori, di matre perle, et di granchi marini inserti
ne i sassi, con tanta diuersita di cose belle; che a volerle scriuere
tutte, io sarei troppo longo in questa parte. Io non diro de i satyri,
delle Nymphe, delle syrene, et diuersi monstri o animali strani, fatti
con tal artificio, che aconzi sopra gli huomini et fanciulli secondo la
grandezza loro, et quelli, andando et mouendosi secondo la sua natura,
rappresentauano essi animali viui. Et se non ch’ io sarei troppo
prolisso, io narrarei gli habiti superbi di alcuni pastori, fatti di
ricchi drappi d’ oro et di seta, foderati di finissime pelle d’ animali
seluatichi. Direi anchora de i vestimenti d’ alcuni pescatori, liquali
non furono men ricchi de gli altri, le rete de i quali erano di fila
d’ oro fino, et altri suoi stromenti tutti dorati. Direi di alcune
pastorelle et Nymphe, gli habiti delle quali sprezauano l’ Auaritia.
Ma io lassaro tutte queste cose ne gli intelletti de i giudiciosi
Architetti: liquali faranno sempre di queste cose, quando trouaranno
simili padroni conformi alle lor voglie, gli et donanti piena licentia,
con larga mano, di operare tutto quello che vorranno.
_Di Lumi arteficiali delle Scene._
[f. 31] Ho promesso piu adietro negli trattati delle scene, di dare il
modo come si fanno i lumi artificiali di variati colori transparenti;
perche primieramente diro del colore celeste, il quale rappresenta il
zafiro et ancho assai piu bello. Prendi vn pezzo di sale ammoniaco, et
habbi vn bacile da barbiere o altro vaso di ottone, mettendogli drento
vn detto di aqua. Poi questo pezzo di sale va ben fregando nel fondo,
et intorno questo bacile, tanto che ’l se consumi tutto: agiungendoli
de l’ aqua tuttauia, et quando vorrai piu quantita di questa aqua,
et che ’l colore sia piu bello, fa maggiore la quantita del sale
ammoniaco. Fatto adonque vno bacile pieno di questa aqua falla passare
per il feltro in vno altro vaso, et questa sara di color celeste
bellissimo. Ma volendolo piu chiaro vi agiungerai de l’ aqua pura,
cosi di questo sol colore ne farai di molti piu chiari et piu scuri
quanto vorrai; et se di questa medesima aqua zafrina vorrai fare colore
di Smeraldo, mettili drento alquanto di zaffarano, tanto piu o meno,
secondo che la vorrai piu oscura o piu chiara. Di queste cose non ti do
le proportioni; ma con la esperientia ne farai di piu forte o chiare
o pur oscure. Se vorrai fare del colore di Rubino, se sarai in luoco
doue siano vini vermigli carichi di colore et chiaretti: questi faranno
di rubin maturi et gai cioe acerbi, et se non hauerai de vini, prendi
del vergine tagliato in pezzeti, mettendolo in vna caldara piena d’
aqua, con alquanto di alume di rocha, et la farai bolire spiumandola,
et poi passare pel feltro, et agiungendoli aqua pura se vorrai colore
piu chiaro; et se vorai colore di Balasso, il vino goro, bianco, et
vermiglio insieme, fara tal colore. Cosi anchora li vini bianchi piu
et meno carichi faran colore de Griso passo, et di Thopasso. Ma (senza
dubio alcuno) l’ aqua pura passata pel feltro contrafara li Diamanti.
Pure, per farli, sara necessario adoperare alcune forme in punta, et
in tauola, et alla fornace de i vetri fare delle bozze che prendano
tal forma, et quelle impire d’ aqua. Ma il modo de disporre questi
colori transparenti sara questo. Sara di dietro alle cose dipinte,
doue anderanno questi colori, vna tauola sottile traforata nel modo
che saran compartiti questi lumi, sotto laquale sara un’ altra tauola
per sostenere le bozze di vetro piene di queste aque; poi dette bozze
si metteranno con la parte piu curua appoggiate a quei buchi, et bene
assicurate che non caschino per i strepiti delle moresche; et dietro le
bozze si mettera vno cesendelo, overo lampada, accio lo lume sia sempre
equale; et selle bozze verso la lampada saranno piane anzi concaue,
riceueranno meglio la luce, et li colori saranno piu transparenti,
cosi anchora per quei tondi liquali saranno in scurtio sara da fare
le bozze di quella sorte. Ma se accadra tal fiata vn lume grande et
gagliardo, sara da metterui di dietro vna torza, dopo laquale sia vn
bacile da barbiere ben lucido et nuovo, la reflettione del quale fara
certi splendori, come di raggi del sole. Et se alcuni luochi saranno
quadri come mandola, o altre forme, si prendera delle piastre di vetri
di variati colori posti a quei luochi col suo lume di dietro. Ma questi
lumi non saran (perho) quelli che allumineranno la scena, percioche
gran coppia di torze si metteno pendente dauanti alla scena. Si potra
anchora su per la scena mettere alcuni candelieri con torze sopra, ed
anchora sopra essi candelieri vi sia vn vaso pieno di acqua, drento
laquale metterai vn pezzo di camphora, loquale ardendo fa bellissimo
lume, et e odorifero. Alcuna fiata accadera a dimostrare qualche cosa
che abbruscia (sia che si voglia); si bagnara benissimo di aqua vite
della piu potente, et apizatogli lo fuoco con vna candeletta: ardera
per vn pezzo. Et ben che quanto alli fuochi si potra dire assai piu,
voglio questo sia basteuole per presente. Ma parliamo di alcune cose
lequali sono di gran diletto a spettatori. Mentre la scena e vota
de dicitori, potra l’ Arcitetto hauer preparato alcune ordinanze
di figurette, di quella grandezza che si ricercara dove hauranno a
passare, et queste saranno di grosso cartone colorite et tagliate
intorno, lequali posaranno sopra vn regolo di legno a trauerso la
scena, doue sia qualche arco, fatto sopra il suolo vno incastro a
coda di Rondina, entro lo quale si mettera detto regolo; et cosi
pianamente vna persona dietro al detto arco le fara passare, et tal
fiata dimostrare che siano musici con istrumenti et voci, onde dietro
alla scena sara vna musica a somissa voce. Tal volta fara correre vn
squadrone di gente chi a piedi et chi a cauallo, lequali con alcune
voci o gridi sordi, strepiti di tamburi, et suono di trombe, pascono
molto gli spettatori. Et se tal volta accadera che vno Pianeta, o altra
cosa per aria si vegga passare, sia ben dipinta quella cosa in cartone
et tagliata intorno; poi dietro la scena (cioe a gli vltimi casamenti)
sia tirato a trauerso vn filo di ferro sottile, et con alcuni aneletti
in esso filo attacati dietro il cartone, nel quale sia un filo negro,
et da l’ altro lato sara vna persona che pian piano lo tirara a se,
ma sara di forte lontano, che ne l’ uno ne l’ altro filo sara veduto.
Tal fiata accadera tuoni, lampi et folgori a qualche proposito; li
tuoni cosi si faranno. Sempre (come ho detto) le scene si fanno nel
capo di vna sala, sopra laquale gli e sempre vn suolo, sopra del
quale si fara correre vna grossa balla di pietra, laquale fara bene
il tuono. Lo lampo cosi si fara. Sara vno dietro alla scena in luoco
alto, hauendo nella mano vna scatoletta, entro laquale vi sia polue di
vernice: et il coperchio sia pieno di busi: nel mezzo del coperchio
sara vna candeletta accesa: et alzando in su la mano, quella polue
salira in alto, et perchuotera nella candela accesa, di maniera che
fara lampi assai bene. Circo al folgore, sara tirato vn filo di ferro
lontano a trauerso la scena, che descenda a basso, entro del quale
sara aconcio vn rochetto, o raggio, che si sia, ma questo sara ornato
di oro stridente, et mentre si fara lo tuono, nel finir di quello sia
scaricata vna coda, et nel medesimo tempo dato il fuoco al folgore, et
fara buono effetto. Ma s’ io volessi trattare di quante cose similimi
abbondano, io saria troppo longho; pero faccio fine quanto alla
perspettiua.
APPENDIX H
THE GULL’S HORNBOOK
[Chapter vi from T. Dekker, _The Gull’s Hornbook_ (1609). There
is no entry in the Stationers’ Register. Editions are by J. Nott
(1812), J. O. Halliwell (1862), C. Hindley (1872, _Old Book
Collector’s Miscellany_, ii), A. B. Grosart (1884, _Dekker’s
Works_, ii), G. Saintsbury (1892), O. Smeaton (1904), and R.
B. McKerrow (1904, _King’s Library_; 1905, _King’s Classics_).
I have adopted two trifling emendations; ‘Plaiers are’ for
‘Plaiers and’ in the first paragraph, and ‘Stage, like time’ for
‘Stagelike time’ in the ninth. McKerrow reprints the chapter
on the Stage from S. Vincent’s Restoration adaptation of the
pamphlet in _The Young Gallant’s Academy_ (1674).]
_How a Gallant should behaue himself in a Playhouse._
The Theater is your Poets Royal Exchange, vpon which, their Muses (that
are now turnd to Merchants) meeting, barter away that light commodity
of words for a lighter ware then words, _Plaudities_ and the _Breath_
of the great _Beast_, which (like the threatnings of two Cowards)
vanish all into aire. _Plaiers_ are their _Factors_, who put away the
stuffe, and make the best of it they possibly can (as indeed tis their
parts so to doe). Your Gallant, your Courtier, and your Capten, had
wont to be the soundest paymaisters, and I thinke are still the surest
chapmen: and these by meanes that their heades are well stockt, deale
vpon this comical freight by the grosse: when your _Groundling_, and
_Gallery Commoner_ buyes his sport by the penny, and, like a _Hagler_,
is glad to vtter it againe by retailing.
Sithence then the place is so free in entertainment, allowing a stoole
as well to the Farmers sonne as to your Templer: that your Stinkard
has the selfe same libertie to be there in his Tobacco-Fumes, which
your sweet Courtier hath: and that your Car-man and Tinker claime as
strong a voice in their suffrage, and sit to giue iudgement on the
plaies life and death, as well as the prowdest _Momus_ among the tribe
of _Critick_: It is fit that hee, whom the most tailors bils do make
roome for, when he comes should not be basely (like a vyoll) casd vp in
a corner.
Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Playhouse
stand to receiue the after-noones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid
it) presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage. I meane
not into the Lords roome, (which is now but the Stages Suburbs). No,
those boxes, by the iniquity of custome, conspiracy of waiting-women
and Gentlemen-Ushers, that there sweat together, and the couetousnes of
Sharers, are contemptibly thrust into the reare, and much new Satten
is there dambd by being smothred to death in darknesse. But on the
very Rushes where the Commedy is to daunce, yea and vnder the state
of _Cambises_ himselfe must our fethered _Estridge_, like a peece of
Ordnance be planted valiantly (because impudently) beating downe the
mewes and hisses of the opposed rascality.
For do but cast vp a reckoning, what large cummings in are pursd vp by
sitting on the Stage. First a conspicuous _Eminence_ is gotten;
by which meanes the best and most essenciall parts of a Gallant (good
cloathes, a proportionable legge, white hand, the Persian lock, and a
tollerable beard) are perfectly reuealed.
By sitting on the stage, you haue a signd pattent to engrosse the whole
commodity of Censure; may lawfully presume to be a Girder: and stand at
the helme to steere the passage of _Scænes_[;] yet no man shall
once offer to hinder you from obtaining the title of an insolent,
ouer-weening Coxcombe.
By sitting on the stage, you may (without trauelling for it) at the
very next doore, aske whose play it is: and, by that _Quest_ of
_inquiry_, the law warrants you to auoid much mistaking; if you
know not the author, you may raile against him: and peraduenture so
behaue your selfe, that you may enforce the Author to know you.
By sitting on the stage, if you be a Knight, you may happily get you a
Mistresse: if a mere _Fleet street_ Gentleman, a wife: but assure
yourselfe by continuall residence, you are the first and principall man
in election to begin the number of _We three_.
By spreading your body on the stage, and by being a Justice in
examining of plaies, you shall put your selfe into such true
_Scænical_ authority, that some Poet shall not dare to present his
Muse rudely vpon your eyes, without hauing first vnmaskt her, rifled
her, and discouered all her bare and most mysticall parts before you
at a Tauerne, when you most knightly shal for his paines, pay for both
their suppers.
By sitting on the stage, you may (with small cost) purchase the deere
acquaintance of the boyes: haue a good stoole for sixpence: at any
time know what particular part any of the infants present: get your
match lighted, examine the play-suits lace, and perhaps win wagers
vpon laying tis copper, &c. And to conclude whether you be a foole or
a Justice of peace, a Cuckold or a Capten, a Lord Maiors sonne or a
dawcocke, a knaue or an vnder-Sheriffe, of what stamp soeuer you be,
currant or counterfet, the Stage, like time, will bring you to most
perfect light, and lay you open: neither are you to be hunted from
thence though the Scar-crows in the yard, hoot at you, hisse at you,
spit at you, yea throw durt euen in your teeth: tis most Gentlemanlike
patience to endure all this, and to laugh at the silly Animals: but if
the _Rabble_ with a full throat, crie away with the foole, you
were worse then a mad-man to tarry by it: for the Gentleman and the
foole should neuer sit on the Stage together.
Mary let this obseruation go hand in hand with the rest: or rather
like a country-seruing-man, some fiue yards before them. Present not
your selfe on the Stage (especially at a new play) vntill the quaking
prologue hath (by rubbing) got cullor into his cheekes, and is ready
to giue the trumpets their Cue that hees vpon point to enter: for then
it is time, as though you were one of the _Properties_, or that you
dropt out of the _Hangings_, to creepe from behind the Arras, with
your _Tripos_ or three-footed stoole in one hand, and a teston mounted
betweene a forefinger and a thumbe in the other: for if you should
bestow your person vpon the vulgar, when the belly of the house is but
halfe full, your apparell is quite eaten vp, the fashion lost, and the
proportion of your body in more danger to be deuoured, then if it were
serued vp in the Counter amongst the Powltry: auoid that as you would
the Bastome. It shall crowne you with rich commendation to laugh alowd
in the middest of the most serious and saddest scene of the terriblest
Tragedy: and to let that clapper (your tongue) be tost so high that all
the house may ring of it: your Lords vse it; your Knights are Apes to
the Lords, and do so too: your Inne-a-court-man is Zany to the Knights,
and (many very scuruily) comes likewise limping after it: bee thou a
beagle to them all, and neuer lin snuffing till you haue scented them:
for by talking and laughing (like a Plough-man in a Morris) you heap
_Pelion_ vpon _Ossa_, glory vpon glory: As first, all the eyes in the
galleries will leaue walking after the Players, and onely follow you:
the simplest dolt in the house snatches vp your name, and when he
meetes you in the streetes, or that you fall into his hands in the
middle of a Watch, his word shall be taken for you: heele cry, _Hees
such a Gallant_, and you passe. Secondly, you publish your temperance
to the world, in that you seeme not to resort thither to taste vaine
pleasures with a hungrie appetite: but onely as a Gentleman, to spend
a foolish houre or two, because yoe can doe nothing else. Thirdly you
mightily disrelish the Audience, and disgrace the Author: mary, you
take vp (though it be at the worst hand) a strong opinion of your owne
iudgement and inforce the Poet to take pitty of your weakenesse, and,
by some dedicated sonnet to bring you into a better paradice, onely to
stop your mouth.
If you can (either for loue or money) prouide your selfe a lodging
by the water-side: for, aboue the conueniencie it brings, to shun
Shoulder-clapping, and to ship away your Cockatrice betimes in the
morning, it addes a kind of state vnto you, to be carried from thence
to the staires of your Playhouse: hate a Sculler (remember that) worse
then to be acquainted with one ath’ Scullery. No, your Oares are your
onely Sea-crabs, boord them, and take heed you neuer go twice together
with one paire: often shifting is a great credit to Gentlemen; and that
diuiding of your fare wil make the poore watersnaks be ready to pul
you in peeces to enioy your custome: No matter whether vpon landing
you haue money or no, you may swim in twentie of their boates ouer the
riuer upon _Ticket_: mary, when siluer comes in, remember to pay
trebble their fare, and it will make your Flounder-catchers to send
more thankes after you, when you doe not draw, then when you doe; for
they know, It will be their owne another daie.
Before the Play begins, fall to cardes, you may win or loose (as
_Fencers_ doe in a prize) and beate one another by confederacie,
yet share the money when you meete at supper: notwithstanding, to gul
the _Ragga-muffins_ that stand aloofe gaping at you, throw the
cards (hauing first torne foure or fiue of them) round about the Stage,
iust vpon the third sound, as though you had lost: it skils not if the
foure knaues ly on their backs, and outface the Audience, theres none
such fooles as dare take exceptions at them, because ere the play go
off, better knaues than they will fall into the company.
Now sir, if the writer be a fellow that hath either epigramd you, or
hath had a flirt at your mistris, or hath brought either your feather
or your red beard, or your little legs, &c. on the stage, you shall
disgrace him worse then by tossing him in a blancket, or giuing him the
bastinado in a Tauerne, if, in the middle of his play (bee it Pastoral
or Comedy, Morall or Tragedie), you rise with a skreud and discontented
face from your stoole to be gone: no matter whether the Scenes be
good or no, the better they are the worse do you distast them: and,
beeing on your feet, sneake not away like a coward, but salute all your
gentle acquaintance, that are spred either on the rushes, or on stooles
about you, and draw what troope you can from the stage after you: the
_Mimicks_ are beholden to you, for allowing them elbow roome:
their Poet cries perhaps a pox go with you, but care not you for that,
theres no musick without frets.
Mary if either the company, or indisposition of the weather binde you
to sit it out, my counsell is then that you turne plain Ape, take vp
a rush and tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants, to make
other fooles fall a laughing: mewe at passionate speeches, blare at
merrie, finde fault with the musicke, whew at the childrens Action,
whistle at the songs: and aboue all, curse the sharers, that whereas
the same day you had bestowed forty shillings on an embrodered Felt and
Feather, (scotch-fashion) for your mistres in the Court, or your punck
in the city, within two houres after, you encounter with the very same
block on the stage, when the haberdasher swore to you the impression
was extant but that morning.
To conclude, hoard vp the finest play-scraps you can get, vpon which
your leane wit may most sauourly feede for want of other stuffe, when
the _Arcadian_ and _Euphuisd_ gentlewomen haue their tongues sharpened
to set vpon you: that qualitie (next to your shittlecocke) is the onely
furniture to a Courtier thats but a new beginner, and is but in his A
B C of complement. The next places that are fild, after the Playhouses
bee emptied, are (or ought to be) Tauernes, into a Tauerne then let vs
next march, where the braines of one Hogshead must be beaten out to
make vp another.
APPENDIX I
RESTORATION TESTIMONY
i.
[Extracts from _A Short Discourse of the English Stage. To his
Excellency, the Lord Marquess of Newcastle_, attached to Richard
Flecknoe’s _Love’s Kingdom_ (1664), and reprinted in Hazlitt,
_E. D. S._ 275. Flecknoe, who died _c._ 1678, was old enough to
travel abroad in 1640.]
They Acted nothing here but Playes of the holy Scripture, or Saints’
Lives; and that without any certain Theaters or set Companies, till,
about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, they began here first
to assemble into Companies, and set up Theaters, first in the City, (as
in the Inn-yards of the Cross-Keyes, and Bull in Grace and Bishops-Gate
Street at this day is to be seen) till that Fanatick Spirit which
then began with the Stage, and after ended with the Throne, banisht
them thence into the Suburbs, as after they did the Kingdom, in the
beginning of our Civil Wars. In which time, Playes were so little
incompatible with Religion, and the Theater with the Church, as on
Week-dayes after Vespers, both the Children of the Chappel and St.
Pauls Acted Playes, the one in White-Friers, the other behinde the
Convocation-house in Pauls, till people growing more precise, and
Playes more licentious, the Theatre of Pauls was quite supprest,
and that of the Children of the Chappel converted to the use of the
Children of the Revels....
It was the happiness of the Actors of those times to have such Poets
as these to instruct them, and write for them; and no less of those
Poets to have such docile and excellent Actors to Act their Playes,
as a Field and Burbidge; of whom we may say, that he was a delightful
Proteus, so wholly transforming himself into his Part, and putting
off himself with his Cloathes, as he never (not so much as in the
Tyring-house) assum’d himself again until the Play was done: there
being as much difference between him and one of our common Actors, as
between a Ballad-singer who onely mouths it, and an excellent singer,
who knows all his Graces, and can artfully vary and modulate his
Voice, even to know how much breath he is to give to every syllable.
He had all the parts of an excellent Orator (animating his words
with speaking, and Speech with Action) his Auditors being never more
delighted then when he spoke, nor more sorry then when he held his
peace; yet even then, he was an excellent Actor still, never falling
in his Part when he had done speaking; but with his looks and gesture,
maintaining it still unto the heighth, he imagining Age quod agis,
onely spoke to him: so as those who call him a Player do him wrong,
no man being less idle then he, whose whole life is nothing else but
action; with only this difference from other mens, that as what is but
a Play to them, is his Business: so their business is but a play to him.
Now for the difference betwixt our Theaters and those of former times,
they were but plain and simple, with no other Scenes, nor Decorations
of the Stage, but onely old Tapestry, and the Stage strew’d with Rushes
(with their Habits accordingly) whereas ours now for cost and ornament
are arriv’d at the heighth of Magnificence.... For Scenes and Machines
they are no new invention, our Masks and some of our Playes in former
times (though not so ordinary) having had as good or rather better then
any we have now.
ii.
[Extracts from _Historia Histrionica: an Historical Account
of the English Stage, shewing the Ancient Use, Improvement,
and Perfection of Dramatick Representations in this Nation. In
a Dialogue of Plays and Players_ (1699). A facsimile reprint
was issued by E. W. Ashbee in 1872. The text is also given in
Dodsley^4, xv. I use, with a correction, the modernized text of
A. Lang, _Social England Illustrated_ (1903, Arber, _English
Garner_^2), 422. The _Historia Histrionica_ is ascribed to James
Wright, an antiquary and play-collector (1643–1713), who can
only have recorded what he learnt from others. He is, of course,
writing primarily of the Caroline, rather than the Elizabethan
or Jacobean period.]
_Truman._ I say, the actors that I have seen, before the Wars, Lowin,
Taylor, Pollard, and some others, were almost as far beyond Hart and
his company; as those were, beyond these now in being....
_Lovewit._ Pray, Sir, what master-parts can you remember the old
‘Blackfriars’ men to act, in Johnson’s, Shakespeare’s, and Fletcher’s
plays?
_Truman._ What I can at present recollect I’ll tell you. Shakespeare
(who, as I have heard, was a much better Poet than Player), Burbage,
Hemmings, and others of the older sort, were dead before I knew the
Town. But, in my time, before the Wars; Lowin used to act, with mighty
applause, Falstaff; Morose; Vulpone; and Mammon in the _Alchemist_;
Melancius in the _Maid’s tragedy_. And at the same time, Amyntor was
played by Stephen Hammerton: who was, at first, a most noted and
beautiful Woman-Actor; but afterwards he acted, with equal grace and
applause, a young lover’s part.
Taylor acted Hamlet incomparably well; Jago; Truewit, in the _Silent
Woman_; and Face, in the _Alchemist_.
Swanston used to play Othello.
Pollard and Robinson were Comedians. So was Shank; who used to act Sir
Roger in the _Scornful Lady_. These were of the ‘Blackfriars’....
_Truman._ Before the Wars, there were in being, all these Play
Houses at the same time.
The ‘Blackfriars’ and ‘Globe’ on the Bankside. A winter, and
summer house belonging to the same Company; called ‘The King’s
Servants’.
The ‘Cockpit’ or ‘Phoenix’ in Drury Lane; called ‘The Queen’s
Servants’.
The Private House in Salisbury Court; called ‘The Prince’s
Servants’.
The ‘Fortune’ near White Cross Street: and the ‘Red Bull’ at
the upper end of St. John’s Street. The two last were mostly
frequented by citizens, and the meaner sort of people.
All these Companies got money, and lived in reputation: especially
those of the ‘Blackfriars’, who were men of grave and sober behaviour.
_Lovewit._ Which I much admire at. That the Town, much less than
at present, could then maintain Five Companies; and yet now Two can
hardly subsist.
_Truman._ Do not wonder, but consider! That though the Town was then,
perhaps, not much more than half so populous as now; yet then the
prices were small (there being no scenes), and better order kept among
the company that came: which made very good people think a play an
innocent diversion for an idle hour or two; the plays being then, for
the most part, more instructive and moral.... It is an argument of the
worth of the Plays and Actors of the last Age, and easily inferred that
they were much beyond ours in this, to consider that they could support
themselves merely from their own merit, the weight of the matter, and
goodness of the action; without scenes and machines....
_Lovewit._ I have read of one Edward Alleyn.... Was he one of the
‘Blackfriars’?
_Truman._ Never, as I have heard; for he was dead before my time.
He was Master of a Company of his own; for whom he built the ‘Fortune’
playhouse from the ground: a large round brick building....
_Lovewit._ What kind of Playhouses had they before the Wars?
_Truman._ The ‘Blackfriars’, ‘Cockpit’, and ‘Salisbury Court’
were called Private Houses; and were very small to what we see now.
The ‘Cockpit’ was standing since the Restoration; and Rhodes’s Company
acted there for some time.
_Lovewit._ I have seen that.
_Truman._ Then you have seen the other two, in effect; for they
were all three built almost exactly alike, for form and bigness. Here
they had ‘Pits’ for the gentry, and acted by candlelight.
The ‘Globe’, ‘Fortune’, and ‘Bull’ were large houses, and lay partly
open to the weather: and there they always acted by daylight....
_Truman._ Plays were frequently acted by Choristers and Singing
Boys; and several of our old Comedies have printed in the title-page,
Acted by the Children of Paul’s (not the School, but the Church);
others, By the Children of Her Majesty’s Chapel. In particular,
_Cynthia’s Revels_ and the _Poetaster_ were played by them;
who were, at that time, famous for good action.... Some of the Chapel
Boys, when they grew men, became Actors at the ‘Blackfriars’. Such were
Nathan Field and John Underwood.
iii.
[Extracts from John Downes, _Roscius Anglicanus, or, an
Historical Review of the Stage_ (1708), reprinted by Joseph
Knight (1886). An earlier reprint is in F. G. Waldron, _Literary
Museum_ (1792). Downes became prompter to the Duke of York’s men
under Sir William Davenant at Lincoln’s Inn Fields in 1662.]
In the Reign of King _Charles_ the First, there were Six Play Houses
allow’d in Town: The _Black-Fryars_ Company, His Majesty’s Servants;
The Bull in St. _John’s-street_; another in _Salisbury Court_; another
call’d the _Fortune_; another at the _Globe_; and the Sixth at the
Cock-Pit in _Drury-Lane_; all which continu’d Acting till the beginning
of the said Civil Wars. The scattered Remnant of several of these
Houses, upon King _Charles’s_ Restoration, Fram’d a Company who Acted
again at the Bull, and Built them a New House in _Gibbon’s Tennis
Court_ in _Clare-Market_; in which Two Places they continu’d Acting all
1660, 1661, 1662 and part of 1663. In this time they Built them a New
Theatre in _Drury Lane_....
Sir _William_ [Davenant] in order to prepare Plays to Open his Theatre,
it being then a Building in _Lincoln’s-Inn Fields_, His Company
Rehearsed the First and Second Part of the Siege of _Rhodes_; and the
Wits at _Pothecaries-Hall_: And in Spring 1662, Open’d his House with
the said Plays, having new Scenes and Decorations, being the first that
e’re were Introduc’d in _England_.
APPENDIX K
ACADEMIC PLAYS
[The academic drama only lies on the fringe of my subject, but
I have included notes on extant English plays in chapters xxiii
and xxiv, and give below, for the sake of convenience, a list
of these, and another of those Latin plays which there is any
positive evidence for assigning to the period 1558–1616 and to
English authorship. Fuller treatment will be found in G. B.
Churchill and W. Keller, _Die lateinischen Universitäts-Dramen
in der Zeit der Königin Elisabeth_ (1898, _Jahrbuch_, xxxiv.
220); G. C. Moore Smith, _Notes on Some English University
Plays_ (1908, _M. L. R._ iii. 141), and _Plays performed in
Cambridge Colleges before 1583_ (1909, _Fasciculus J. W. Clark
dicatus_, 265); L. B. Morgan, _The Latin University Drama_
(1911, _Jahrbuch_, xlvii. 69); and F. S. Boas, _University
Plays_ (1910, _C. H._ vi. 293, with full bibliography), and
_University Drama in the Tudor Age_ (1914). Further material
from Cambridge archives is in preparation by G. C. Moore
Smith. In addition to the plays given in this list, some are
incorporated in the description of _The Christmas Prince_ (cf.
ch. xxiv, s.a. 1607–8.]
ENGLISH PLAYS
_Albumazar._
By T. Tomkis.
_Antipoe._
By F. Verney.
_Birth of Hercules._
Anon.
_Caesar’s Revenge._
Anon.
_Claudius Tiberius Nero._
Anon.
_Club Law._
Anon.
_Lingua._
By T. Tomkis.
_Narcissus._
Anon.
_1, 2, 3 Parnassus._
Anon.
_Queen’s Arcadia._
By S. Daniel.
_Ruff, Cuff and Band._
Anon.
_Sicelides._
By P. Fletcher.
_Timon_
Anon.
_Work for Cutlers._
Anon.
LATIN PLAYS
_Adelphe._
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
_Atalanta._
_Harl. MS._ 6924, with dedication to Laud, President of St.
John’s, Oxford, 1611–21, signed by Philip Parsons, of St.
John’s, B.A. 1614, M.A. 1618.
_Bellum Grammaticale._
_S. R._ 1634, April 17. ‘A booke called Bellum grammaticale
&c by Master Spense’, authorized by Herbert. _John Spenser_
(Arber, iv. 317).
1635. Bellum Grammaticale sive Nominum Verborumque discordia civilis
Tragico-Comoedia. Summo cum applausu olim apud Oxonienses in Scaenam
producta et nunc in omnium illorum qui ad Grammaticam animos appellant
oblectamentum edita. _B. A. and T. Fawcet, impensis Joh. Spenceri._
_Editions_ of 1658, 1698, 1718, 1726, 1729, and in J. Bolte (1908,
_Andrea Guarnas B. G. und seine Nachahmungen_, 106).
A performance was given before Elizabeth at Ch. Ch., Oxford, on 24
Sept. 1592, with a prologue and epilogue by Gager, which are printed
with his _Meleager_. But the play was not new, for Sir John Harington,
who records the 1592 performance in his _Metamorphosis of Ajax_ (1596),
127, had already named ‘the Oxford Bellum Grammaticale’ as ‘full of
harmeles myrth’ in his _Apologie of Poetrie_ (1591). The ‘Master
Spense’ of the S. R. entry may be a confusion with the publisher’s
name. Wood, _Ath. Oxon._ ii. 533, was told by Richard Gardiner of Ch.
Ch. that the author was Leonard Hutten, who took his B.A. from Ch. Ch.
in 1578, and his M.A. in 1582. He was known as a dramatist by 26 Sept.
1583, when Gager wrote of him (Boas, 256),
Seu scribenda siet Comoedia, seu sit agenda,
Primum Huttone potes sumere iure locum.
The source was the Latin prose narrative _Bellum Grammaticale_ (1511)
of Andrea Guarna. Ralph Radclif (_c._ 1538) seems to have also treated
the theme, but not necessarily in dramatic form (_Mediaeval Stage_, ii.
197).
_Britanniae Primitiae, sive S. Albanus Protomartyr_ (_c._
1600).
_Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS._ 215. The Bodleian Catalogue dates
the MS. _c._ 1600. The play, described in _Jahrbuch_,
xlvii. 75, is a fragment only, probably written in some Jesuit
seminary on the Continent, but with an English interest. There
seems to be nothing specifically English in the theme of
_Sanguis Sanguinem sive Constans Fratricida Tragoedia_,
which is in the same MS.
_Caesar Interfectus_ (_c._ March 1582).
Epilogue of a play by Richard Edes (q.v.) at Ch. Ch., Oxford.
_Dido_ (12 June 1583).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
_Euribates Pseudomagus._
_Camb. Emmanuel MS._ 3. 1. 17. ‘Authore M^r Cruso Caii
Colle: Cantabr.’
Aquila Cruso entered Gonville and Caius in 1610.
_Fatum Vortigerni._
_Lansd. MS._ 723, f. 1. ‘Fatum Vortigerni seu miserabilis
vita et exitus Vortigerni regis Britanniae vna complectens
aduentum Saxonum siue Anglorum in Britanniam.’
Keller puts the play at the end of the sixteenth century, and
thinks it influenced by _Richard III_.
_Fortunia_ (March 1615).
See s.v. _Susenbrotus_.
_Herodes._
_Camb. Univ. MS._ Mm. I. 24, with dedication by William
Goldingham, B.A. 1567 and Fellow of Trinity Hall 1571, to ‘D.
Thomae Sackuilo, Equiti aurato, Domino de Buckhurst.’ Sackville
became Lord Buckhurst 1567 and K.G. 1588.
_Hispanus_ (March 1597).
_Bodl. Douce MS._ 234, f. 15^v. This was ‘in diem
comitialem anno domini 1596’, and the actor-list is composed
of members of St. John’s, Cambridge (Boas, 398). The MS. has
the note ‘Summus histrio-didascalus Mr. Pratt’ and a possible
indication of authorship in the mutilated name ‘orrell’, which
may stand for Roger Morrell, Fellow of St. John’s.
_Hymenaeus_ (March 1579).
_St. John’s Cambridge MS._ S. 45; _Caius Cambridge
MS._ 62.
_Edition_ by G. C. Moore Smith (1908).
The actor-list agrees closely with that of Legge’s _Ricardus
III_, and points to St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1579 (Boas,
393). The source is Boccaccio’s _Decamerone_, which suggests
the possible authorship of A. Fraunce (q.v.), who used the
_Decamerone_ for his contemporary _Victoria_.
_Ignoramus_ (8 March 1615).
By G. Ruggle (q.v.).
_Labyrinthus_ (March 1603?).
By W. Hawkesworth (q.v.).
_Laelia_ (1 March 1595).
_Lambeth MS._ 838.
_Edition_ by G. C. Moore Smith (1910).--_Dissertation_: G. C.
Moore Smith, _The Cambridge Play ‘Laelia_’ (1911, _M. L. R._ vi.
382).
The production is assigned by Fuller, _Hist. of Cambridge_
(ed. Nichols), 217, to a visit by the Earl of Essex to Cambridge
as Chancellor of the University in 1597–8. Moore Smith has,
however, shown that it almost certainly belongs to an earlier
visit, and took place at Queens’ College on 1 March 1595. The
chief evidence is the reference in Rowland Whyte’s account of
the _Device_ by Essex or Bacon (q.v.) for 17 Nov. 1595 to
‘Giraldy’ and ‘Pedantiq’, as played at Cambridge. These may
fairly be taken to be the Gerardus and the pedant Petrus of
_Laelia_. The actors of these two parts are identified with
George Meriton and George Mountaine, Fellows of Queens’, by John
Weever, _Epigrammes_ (1599), iv. 19.
Your entertaine (nor can I passe away)
Of Essex with farre-famed Laelia;
Nor fore the Queen your service on Queens day.
Conceivably this may also attribute authorship of the play
and the device. The play is an adaptation of the Italian _Gl’
Ingannati_ (_c._ 1531) through _Les Abusez_ (1543) of Charles
Estienne. It is possible that, directly or indirectly, it
influenced _Twelfth Night_.
_Leander_ (March 1598).
By W. Hawkesworth (q.v.).
_Machiavellus_ (1597).
_Bodl. Douce MS._ 234, f. 40^v, dated ‘Anno Dmni 1597, Decemb.
9’.
A note in Douce’s hand assigns the authorship to [Nathaniel]
Wiburne, who, like the other actors, was of St. John’s,
Cambridge, in 1597 (Boas, 398).
_Melanthe_ (1615).
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
_Meleager_ (Feb. 1582)
By W. Gager (q.v.).
_Nero_ (1603).
By M. Gwynne (q.v.).
_Oedipus._
By W. Gager (q.v.).
_Panniculus Hippolyto Assutus_ (8 Feb. 1592).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
_Parthenia._
_Emmanuel, Cambridge, MS._ 1. 3. 16. Greg, _Pastoral Poetry and
Pastoral Drama_, 368, thinks the handwriting later than 1600.
_Pastor Fidus_ (> 1605).
_Cambridge Univ. Libr. MS._ Ff. ii. 9. ‘Il pastor fido, di
signor Guarini ... recitata in Collegio Regali Cantabrigiae’,
with _Prologus_ and _Argumentum_. _T. C. C. MS._
R. 3. 37.
Greg, _Pastoral_, 247, points out that this must be the
‘Fidus Pastor, which was sometimes acted by King’s College men
in Cambridge’, out of which a contemporary observer thought
that Daniel’s _Queen’s Arcadia_ (q.v.) was drawn. It is a
translation of Guarini’s _Il Pastor Fido_ (1590).
_Pedantius_ (1581).
_Caius College, Cambridge, MS._ 62. ‘Paedantius comoedia
acta in collegio Sanctae et individuae Trinitatis authore M^{ro}
Forcet.’
_T. C. C. MS._ R. 17 (9).
_S. R._ 1631, Feb. 9. ‘A Comedy in Lattyn called
Pedantius’, authorized by Austen. _Milborne_ (Arber, iv.
248).
1631. Pedantius Comoedia, Olim Cantabrig. Acta in Coll. Trin.
Nunquam antehac Typis evulgata. _W. S. Impensis Roberti
Mylbourne._
[Engravings of Dromodotus and Pedantius. Introductory lines,
‘Pedantius de Se’. The title-page has an engraved border
dated 1583, already used for W. Alexander’s _Monarchicke
Tragedies_ (1616).]
_Edition_ by G. C. Moore Smith (1905, _Materialien_,
viii).
The introductory line, ‘Ante quater denos vixi Pedantius
annos’, suggests production in 1591, but the play cannot
have been very recent when Sir John Harington, in a note to
his translation of _Orlando Furioso_ (1591), Bk. xiv, cited
a ‘pretie conceit’ of ‘our Cambridge Comedie Pedantius (at
whiche I remember the noble Earle of Essex that now is, was
present)’. In his _Apologie of Poetrie_, prefixed to the
translation, Harington also says (G. Smith, _Elizabethan
Critical Essays_, ii. 210), ‘How full of harmeles myrth is our
Cambridge _Pedantius_? and the Oxford _Bellum Grammaticale_?’
Harington, who again cites ‘our _Pedantius_ of Cambridge’ in his
_Metamorphosis of Ajax_ (1596), 126, was with Essex at Cambridge
during 1578–81, and Moore Smith has shown that the production
at Trinity was probably on 6 Feb. 1581, shortly before the
defeat of Gabriel Harvey by Anthony Wingfield of Trinity for
the Public Oratorship of Cambridge. There can be little doubt
that Harvey was the butt of _Pedantius_, and hardly more that
Wingfield was concerned in this satire. Nashe has two allusions
to the matter. In _Strange News_ (1593) he says that Harvey’s
verses were ‘miserably flouted at in M. _Winkfields_ Comoedie of
_Pedantius_ in Trinitie Colledge’ (_Works_, i. 303). In _Have
With You to Saffron-Walden_ (1596) he says, ‘Ile fetch him aloft
in Pedantius, that exquisite Comedie in Trinitie Colledge;
where, vnder the cheife part, from which it tooke his name, as
namely the concise and firking finicaldo fine School-master,
hee was full drawen & delineated from the soale of the foote to
the crowne of his head’, and goes on to enumerate the principal
traits of Harvey touched off by the actors, who ‘borrowed his
gowne to playe the Part in, the more to flout him’ (_Works_,
iii. 80). So far, we are left a little uncertain whether the
main authorship is to be ascribed, with Nashe in _Strange News_,
to Anthony Wingfield, or, with the _Caius MS._, to Edward
Forsett, both of whom were Fellows of Trinity in 1581. Moore
Smith has, however, shown in _T. L. S._ (10 Oct. 1918) that
Forsett refers to ‘Pedantio meo’ in the epistle to an unprinted
_Concio_ of his among the MSS. of St. John’s, Cambridge. For an
absurd attempt to assign the authorship to Bacon, largely on the
ground of some non-existent pigs in the title-page border, cf.
E. A. [E. G. Harman], _The Shakespeare Problem_ (1909), and _T.
L. S._ (27 March, 17 April, 1 May, 1919). Modern ascriptions
to Thomas Beard and to Walter Hawkesworth seem to rest on
misunderstandings.
_Perfidus Hetruscus._
_Bodl. Rawlinson MS._ C. 787.
_Physiponomachia_ (1609–11).
_Bodl. MS._ 27639.
Dedicated to John Buckeridge, President of St. John’s, Oxford,
1605–11, by Christopher Wren, father of the architect, who took
his B.A. from St. John’s in 1609.
_Psyche et Filii Ejus._
_Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS._ 171, f. 60.
This is a Jesuit play, on the heresy of England.
Lugentis Angliae faciem dum Poeta pingeret.
Moore Smith (_M. L. R._ iii. 143), who is responsible
for the title, thinks that it was written at the seminary of
Valladolid, perhaps in Elizabeth’s reign.
_Richardus Tertius_ (March 1580).
By T. Legge (q.v.).
_Romeus et Julietta_ (c. 1615).
_Sloane MS._ 1775, f. 242.
According to H. de W. Fuller in _M. P._ iv (1906), 41, this is
a fragment based on A. Brooke’s _Romeus and Juliet_, probably a
student’s exercise, with corrections. It is datable by two poems
in the same hand on the royal visit to Cambridge in 1615.
_Roxana_ (_c._ 1592).
By W. Alabaster (q.v.).
_Sapientia Solomonis_ (1565–6).
_Addl. MS._ 20061. ‘Sapientia Solomonis: Drama Comicotragicum.’
This is an expanded version of the _Sapientia Solomonis_ of Sixt
Birck (1555). A performance is recorded at Trinity, Cambridge,
in 1559–60 (Boas, 21, 387), but the prologue and epilogue to
this version make it clear that it was acted before Elizabeth
and the _inclita princeps Cecilia_, i. e. Cecilia of Sweden, who
was in England during 1565–6 (cf. ch. i), by a
puellorum cohors
Nutrita magnificis tuis e sumptibus.
These were the Westminster boys, who gave the play in 1565–6
(cf. ch. xii). The elaborately bound and decorated MS. bears
Elizabeth’s initials in several places, and was evidently the
‘book’ officially provided for her.
_Scyros_ (3 March 1613).
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
_Silvanus_ (13 Jan. 1597).
_Bodl. Douce MS._ 234. ‘Acta haec fabula 13º Januarii an.
dmi. 1596.’
The actor-list belongs to St. John’s, Cambridge, and is headed
by the name of [Francis] Rollinson, whose authorship has been
unjustifiably assumed.
_Solymannidae_ (5 March 1582).
_Lansd. MS._ 723. ‘Solymannidae, Tragoedia ... 1581 Martii
5º.’
_Susenbrotus_ or _Fortunia_ (March 1615).
_Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS._ 195, f. 79. ‘Susenbrotus Comoedia.
Acta Cantabrigiae in Collegio Trin. coram Rege Jacobo & Carolo
principe Anno 1615.’
_Bridgewater MS._ ‘Fortunia.’
The accounts of the royal visit of 7–11 March 1615 do not
mention the play, and the date of this visit would be ‘1614’.
It may be the unnamed play given by Cambridge men, not at
Cambridge, but at Royston in March 1616; the actors are ‘extra
Lyceum’, cf. ch. iv.
_Tomumbeius_ (> 1603).
_Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS._ 75. ‘Tomumbeius siue Sultanici in
Aegypto Imperii Euersio. Tragoedia noua auctore Georgio Salterno
Bristoënsi.’
Nothing is known of George Salterne, and a dedication to
Elizabeth is hardly sufficient to indicate a production before
her at Bristol during the progress of 1574.
_Ulysses Redux_ (5 Feb. 1592).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
_Vertumnus_ (29 Aug. 1605).
By M. Gwynne (q.v.).
_Victoria_ (_c._ 1580–3).
By A. Fraunce (q.v.).
_Zelotypus_ (1606).
_Emmanuel, Cambridge, MS._ 3. 1. 17; _T. C. C. MS._ R.
3, 9.
The actor-list points to St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1606.
APPENDIX L
PRINTED PLAYS
[_Preliminary Note._--This is a chronological abstract of plays,
printed or entered for printing in the Stationers’ Register,
of which either the entry or the possible date of production
falls in 1558–1616. Some of the later plays are only included
in deference to the conjectures of others as to their early
origin in whole or in part. The list is little more than an
index; details must be sought in chh. xxiii and xxiv. I think it
is nearly self-explanatory. The plays marked T. in col. 1 are
those of which the first entry in the Register is in connexion
with a transfer of copyright; the name in col. 4 is then that
of the transferrer. Titles of non-extant plays are marked with
inverted commas in col. 3; some of them (cf. App. M) may not
really relate to plays at all. The symbol (s) in col. 6 is used
where the imprint indicates, not that a play is printed ‘for’ a
stationer, but that it is ‘to be sold by’ a stationer; it is not
quite clear how far the two formulae are equivalent. The most
important notes in col. 7 are those in italics, which indicate
direct evidence afforded by the entry or first title-page as
to companies by which the plays had been acted. I have added
from other sources additional ascriptions which seem certain
or reasonably probable, and sometimes omitted even title-page
evidence where it obviously relates to production by a company
of later origin than 1616. The notes in col. 8 must not be taken
as attributions of authorship, but merely as guides to the
relevant sections in ch. xxiii or to ch. xxiv. The brackets in
this column indicate that the plays, being pre-Elizabethan, are
dealt with in App. X of _The Mediaeval Stage_. Some statistics,
based on this list, of the output of plays from the Elizabethan
press, will be found in ch. xxii.]
DATE OF DATE OF
ENTRY. PRINT. TITLE. ENTERER. PRINTER. PUBLISHER. SOURCE. AUTHOR.
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
1557–8 N.D. Wealth and Health J. Walley [_No imprint_] [Anon.]
1557–8 N.D. Youth J. Walley J. Walley [Anon.]
1557–8 1568 Jacob and Esau H. Sutton Bynneman [Anon.]
1558–9 1559 Troas Tottel Tottel Transl. Seneca.
1560, } Thyestes Powell? Transl. Seneca.
Mar. 26}
1560, June 10 1560 Nice Wanton King King [Anon.]
1560, June 10 N.D. Impatient Poverty King King [Anon.]
1560, Aug. 14 N.D. Lusty Juventus King Copland [Wever.]
1560, Oct. 30? N.D. Robin Hood Copland Copland Anon.
N.D. Enough is as Good as a J. Allde W. Wager.
Feast
1560–1 ‘Witless’ Hacket [Heywood.]
1560–1 1561 Godly Queen Hester Pickering {Pickering } [Anon.]
1561, May 11 N.D. Free Will Tisdale Tisdale Transl. Cheke.
1561 Hercules Furens H. Sutton Transl. Seneca.
1561–2 ‘Two Sins of King David’ Hacket [App. M.]
1562–3 1562 Three Laws Colwell Colwell [Bale.]
1562–3 N.D. Jack Juggler Copland Copland [Anon.]
1562–3 1575 Gammer Gurton’s Needle Colwell Colwell Univ. [Anon.]
1562–3 1661 Tom Tyler and his Wife Colwell Kirkman Anon.
1562–3 1563, Oedipus Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
Apr. 28
[T. 1582, N.D. Weather [Awdeley] Awdeley [Heywood.]
Jan. 15]
1565–6 [_t.p. Albion Knight (fragm.) Colwell Anon.
lost_]
1565–6 1565, }Gorboduc Griffith Griffith _Inner Temple_ Norton.
Sept. 22}
1565–6 1565, }King Darius Colwell Colwell Anon.
Oct. }
1565–6 1566 Agamemnon Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
1565–6 [_t.p. Cruel Debtor (fragm.) Colwell W. Wager.
lost_]
1565–6 1566 Medea Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
1565–6} N.D. Patient Grissell Colwell Colwell Phillip.
1568–9}
1566–7 N.D. Octavia Denham Denham Transl. Seneca.
1566–7 1581 Hippolytus Denham T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1566–7} 1581 Hercules Oetaeus {Denham }
1570–1} {Colwell } T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1566–7 [_t.p. Ralph Roister Doister Hacket [Udall.]
lost_]
1566–7 ‘Far Fetched and Dear Hacket [App. M.]
Bought is Good for
Ladies’
1566–7 1566 Repentance of Mary Charlwood Charlwood L. Wager.
Magdalen
1566–7 ‘College of Canonical Charlwood [App. M.]
Clerks’
1567 Trial of Treasure Purfoot Anon.
1567 Orestes Griffith Pickering.
1567–8 1571 Damon and Pithias R. Jones R. Jones _Chapel_ Edwardes.
1567–8 1575 Apius and Virginia R. Jones Howe R. Jones Anon.
1568–9 1568 Like Will to Like J. Allde J. Allde Fulwell.
1568–9 [1578?] ‘Susanna’ Colwell T. Garter.
1568–9 N.D. The Longer Thou Livest, R. Jones Howe R. Jones W. Wager.
the More Fool Thou Art
[T. 1582, {1569, }
Jan. 15] {Sept. 14}Four Ps [Awdeley] J. Allde [Heywood.]
1569–70 N.D. Disobedient Child Colwell Colwell Ingelend.
1569–70 N.D. Marriage of Wit and T. Marsh T. Marsh Anon.
Science
1569–70 N.D. Cambyses J. Allde J. Allde Preston.
1573 Supposes Bynneman R. Smith _Gray’s Inn_ Gascoigne.
1573 Jocasta Bynneman R. Smith _Gray’s Inn_ Gascoigne.
1573 New Custom Howe Veale Anon.
1575 Glass of Government Middleton Barker Gascoigne.
N.D. Minds [_No imprint_] Transl. Anon.
1576, July 26 N.D. Common Conditions Hunter Howe Hunter Anon.
1576, Oct. 22 1576 Tide Tarrieth No Man H. Jackson H. Jackson Wapull.
1577, Nov. 25 1578 All for Money Ward {Ward and } Lupton.
{Mundee }
1577 Abraham’s Sacrifice Vautrollier Transl. Golding.
1577 God’s Promises Charlwood Peele [Bale.]
1578, July 31 1578, ) Promos and Cassandra R. Jones R. Jones Whetstone.
Aug. 20}
1580–1 1581 Ten Tragedies T. Marsh T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1581, July 31 1581 Antigone Wolf Wolf Transl. Watson.
1581 Conflict of Conscience Bradock Woodes.
1584, Apr. 6 1584 Sapho and Phao Cadman Dawson Cadman _Chapel, Paul’s_ Lyly.
1584, Nov. 12 1585 Fedele and Fortunio Hacket Hacket Transl. Anon.
1584 Arraignment of Paris H. Marsh _Chapel_ Peele.
1584 Three Ladies of London Ward Wilson.
[T. 1597, 1584 Campaspe [Cadman] Cadman _Chapel, Paul’s_ Lyly.
Apr. 12]
1585, Apr. 1 } 1592 Galathea {Cawood }
1591, Oct. 4 } {J. Broome } Charlwood J. Broome _Paul’s_ Lyly.
1587 [8] Misfortunes of Arthur Robinson _Gray’s Inn_ Hughes.
1588 Andria East Woodcock Transl. Kyffin.
1589 Rare Triumphs of Love E. A. E. White Derby’s? Anon.
and Fortune
1590, July 31 1590 Three Lords and Three R. Jones R. Jones Queen’s? Wilson.
Ladies of London
1590, Aug. 14 1590 1, 2 Tamburlaine R. Jones R. Jones _Admiral’s_ Marlowe.
1591, Feb. 9 1591 Phillis and Amyntas Ponsonby T. Orwin Ponsonby Transl. Fraunce.
1591, July 26 ‘Hunting of Cupid’ R. Jones Peele.
1591, Oct. 4 1591 Endymion J. Broome Charlwood J. Broome _Paul’s_ Lyly.
1591, Oct. 4 1592 Midas J. Broome Scarlet J. Broome _Paul’s_ Lyly.
1591 Tancred and Gismund Scarlet Robinson (s) _Inner Temple_ Wilmot.
1591 1, 2 Troublesome Reign of [T. Orwin] Clarke Queen’s Anon.
King John
1592, Apr. 3 1592 Arden of Feversham E. White E. White Anon.
1592, May 3 1592 Antonius Ponsonby Ponsonby Transl. Herbert.
1592, Oct. 6 N.D. Spanish Tragedy Jeffes E. Allde E. White Strange’s? Kyd.
1592, Nov. 20 N.D. Soliman and Perseda E. White E. Allde E. White Anon.
[Oxford] 1592 Ulysses Redux Joseph Barnes Univ. Gager.
{Meleager }
[Oxford] 1592 {Panniculus Hippolyto} Joseph Barnes Univ. Gager.
{ assutus }
1593, July 6 1594 Edward II W. Jones W. Jones _Pembroke’s_ Marlowe.
1593, Oct. 8 1593 Edward I Jeffes Jeffes Barley (s) Peele.
{Roberts }
1593, Oct. 19 1594 Cleopatra S. Waterson { and } S. Waterson Closet Daniel.
{E. Allde}
1593, Oct. 23 1593 Jack Straw Danter Danter Barley (s) Anon.
{Queen’s }
1593, Dec. 7 1594 Orlando Furioso Danter Danter Burby {Admiral’s} Greene.
{Strange’s}
1594, Jan. 7 1594 Knack to Know a Knave R. Jones R. Jones _Strange’s_ Anon.
1594, Jan. 26 1594 Cornelia {Ling and } Roberts {Ling and} Transl. Kyd.
{Busby } {Busby }
{E. White (s) {_Derby’s_ }
1594, Feb. 6 1594 Titus Andronicus Danter Danter { and {_Pembroke’s_} Shakespeare.
{Millington (s) {_Sussex’s_ }
1594, Mar. 5 1594 Looking Glass for London Creede Creede Barley (s) {Queen’s? } Greene.
and England {Strange’s }
1594, Mar. 12 1594 1 Contention of York and Millington Creede Millington Pembroke’s? Anon.
Lancaster
1594, May 2 1594 Taming of A Shrew Short Short Burby (s) _Pembroke’s_ Anon.
1594, May 13 1595 Pedlar’s Prophecy Creede Creede Barley (s) Anon.
1594, May 14 1598 Famous Victories of Creede Creede _Queen’s_ Anon.
Henry V
1594, May 14 1598 James IV Creede Creede Queen’s? Greene.
{Strange’s}
1594, May 14 1594 Friar Bacon and Friar Islip E. White {Sussex’s } Greene.
Bungay {_Queen’s_}
1594, May 14 } 1605 King Leir {Islip } Stafford J. Wright {Queen’s } Anon.
1605, May 8 } {Stafford} {Sussex’ }
1594, May 14 ‘John of Gaunt’ E. White [App. M.]
1594, May 14 1599 David and Bethsabe Islip Islip Peele.
1594, May 14 ‘Robin Hood and Little Islip [App. M.]
John’
1594, May 17 } {Ling and } {Strange’s}
1632, Nov. 20 } 1633 Jew of Malta {Millington. } I. B. Vavasour {Sussex’s } Marlowe.
{Vavasour } {Admiral’s}
1594, May 24 1594 Wounds of Civil War Danter Danter _Admiral’s_ Lodge.
1594, June 8 1594 Cobbler’s Prophecy Burby Danter Burby Wilson.
1594, June 10 1595 Menaechmi Creede Creede Barley (s) Transl. Warner.
1594, June 18 1594 Mother Bombie Burby Scarlet Burby _Paul’s_ Lyly.
1594, June 19 1615 Four Prentices of London Danter I. W. {Admiral’s} Heywood.
{_Anne’s_ }
1594, June 19 ‘Heliogabilus’ Danter [App. M.]
1594, June 19 1594 True Tragedy of Richard III Creede Creede Barley (s) _Queen’s_ Anon.
1594, July 20 1595 Locrine Creede Creede Anon.
N.D. Fair Em {T. N. and} _Strange’s_ Anon.
{I. W. }
1594 Battle of Alcazar E. Allde Bankworth {Strange’s } Peele.
{_Admiral’s_}
1594 Selimus Creede _Queen’s_ Anon.
1594 Wars of Cyrus E. A. Blackwall _Chapel_ Anon.
[T. 1600, 1594 Dido [Lynley] J. Orwin Woodcock _Chapel_ Marlowe.
June 26?]
1595, Apr. 1 1599 George a Greene Burby Stafford Burby _Sussex’s_ Anon.
{Hancock (s)}
1595, Apr. 16 1595 Old Wive’s Tale Hancock Danter { and } _Queen’s_ Peele.
{Hardy (s) }
1595, May 10 Ninus and Semiramis’ Hardy [App. M.]
{T. Gosson}
1595, May 23 } Valentine and Orson’ {and } _Queen’s_ [App. M.]
1600, Mar. 31} {Hancock. }
{W. White }
1595, Sept. 22 1597 Woman in the Moon Finch W. Jones Lyly.
1595, Nov. 24 ‘Rufus I’ Blackwell Admiral’s? [App. M.]
1595, Nov. 26 1596 Knack to Know an Honest Burby Burby Admiral’s Anon.
Man
1595, Dec. 1 1596 Edward III Burby Burby Chamberlain’s? Anon.
[T. 1602, 1595 True Tragedy of Richard [Millington] P. S. Millington _Pembroke’s_ Anon.
Apr. 19] Duke of York
1596, Jan. 20 ‘1 Chinon of England’ [?] {Gosson and } [App. M.]
{Danter }
1597, Apr. 21 ‘Eunuchus’ Linley Transl. Kyffyn
1597, Aug. 29 1597 Richard II Wise Simmes Wise _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
1597, Oct. 20 1597 Richard III Wise Simmes Wise _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
[T. 1607, 1597 Romeo and Juliet [Burby] Danter _Hunsdon’s_ Shakespeare.
Jan. 22] 1598 1 Henry IV Wise P. S. Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
1598, Feb. 25
1598, July 22 1600 Merchant of Venice Roberts Roberts Hayes _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
1598, Aug. 15 1598 Blind Beggar of Alexandria W. Jones W. Jones _Admiral’s_ Chapman.
1598, Oct. 5 ‘Celestina’ Aspley [App. M.]
1598, Oct. 5 1598 Virtuous Octavia Ponsonby Ponsonby Closet Brandon.
[T. 1607, 1598 Love’s Labour’s Lost [Burby] W. W. Burby Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Jan. 22]
[T. 1618, 1598 Mucedorus [S. Jones] W. Jones Anon.
Sept. 17]
{Adelphi }
{Andria }
[Cambridge] 1598 {Eunuchus } Legatt Transl. Bernard.
{Heautontimoroumenos}
{Hecyra }
{Phormio }
{Oxenbridge } {H. Lownes }
1599, Aug. 28 1600 1, 2 Edward IV {and } F. K. {and } _Derby’s_ Anon.
{Busby } {Oxenbridge }
1599, Nov. 17 1599 Warning for Fair Women Aspley Simmes Aspley _Chamberlain’s_ Anon.
1599 Humourous Day’s Mirth Simmes _Admiral’s_ Chapman.
1599 Two Angry Women of {Hunt and } _Admiral’s_ Porter.
Abingdon {Ferbrand }
1599 Clyomon and Clamydes Creede _Queen’s_ Anon.
1599 Alphonsus Creede Greene.
1600, Feb. 20 1600 Old Fortunatus Aspley S. S. Aspley _Admiral’s_ Dekker.
1600, Mar. 28 1603 Patient Grissell Burby Rocket _Admiral’s_ Dekker.
1600, Apr. 8 1600 Every Man Out of His Holme Ling Chamberlain’s Jonson.
Humour
1600, May 27 ‘Cloth Breeches and Velvet Roberts _Chamberlain’s_
Hose’
1600, May 29 1602 A Larum for London Roberts Ferbrand _Chamberlain’s_ Anon.
1600, July 24 1600 Maid’s Metamorphosis Oliffe Creede Oliffe _Paul’s_ Anon.
1600, July 24 ‘Give a Man Luck, and Oliffe
Throw Him into the Sea’
[Stayed 1600,
Aug. 4] [1623] As You Like It _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
[Stayed 1600,} {Millington }
Aug. 4] } 1600 Henry V [?] Creede {and } _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
[T. 1600, } {Busby (sen.)}
Aug. 14] }
[Stayed 1600,} {Burby }
Aug. 4] } 1601 Every Man In His Humour {and } Burre _Chamberlain’s_ Jonson.
1600, Aug. 14} {Burre }
[Stayed 1600,} {Wise } {Wise }
Aug. 4] } 1600 Much Ado About Nothing {and } V. S. { and } _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
1600, Aug. 23} {Aspley} {Aspley}
1600, Aug. 11 1600 {1 Sir John Oldcastle Pavier V. S. Pavier _Admiral’s_ } Drayton.
{‘2 Sir John Oldcastle’ Pavier }
1600, Aug. 11 1605 Captain Thomas Stukeley Pavier Pavier Admiral’s? Anon.
1600, Aug. 14 ‘Tartarian Cripple, Burby [App. M.]
Emperor of
Constantinople’
1600, Aug. 23 1600 2 Henry IV {Wise and} V. S. {Wise and} _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
{Aspley } {Aspley }
1600, Sept. 8 1601 Jack Drum’s Entertainment F. Norton Oliffe _Paul’s_ Anon.
1600, Oct. 7 1600 Wisdom of Dr. Dodipoll Oliffe Creede Oliffe _Paul’s_ Anon.
1600, Oct. 8 1600 Midsummer Night’s Dream Fisher Fisher _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
1600, Oct. 23 1600 Weakest Goeth to the Wall Oliffe Creede Oliffe _Oxford’s_ Anon.
1600, Oct. 28 1600 Summer’s Last Will and {Burby and} Stafford Burre Private Nashe.
Testament {Burre }
1600, Nov. 25 1601 Love’s Metamorphosis Wood Wood _Paul’s, Chapel_ Lyly.
1600, Dec. 1 1601 1, 2 Robert Earl of Leake Leake _Admiral’s_ Munday.
Huntingdon
1600 Look About You Ferbrand _Admiral’s_ Anon.
[T. 1610, 1600 Shoemaker’s Holiday [Simmes] Simmes _Admiral’s_ Dekker.
Apr. 19]
1601, Jan. 7 1604 Dr. Faustus Bushell V. S. Bushell _Admiral’s_ Marlowe.
1601, Mar. 1 ‘God Speed the Plough’ John Harrison [App. M.]
1601, May 23 1601 Cynthia’s Revels Burre Burre _Chapel_ Jonson.
1601, July 3 ‘George Scanderbarge’ E. Allde _Oxford’s_ [App. M.]
1601, Aug. 3 1616 Englishmen for my Money W. White W. White Admiral’s Haughton.
1601, Sept. 16 1602 Pastor Fido S. Waterson S. Waterson Transl. Anon.
{M. Lownes } {M. Lownes }
1601, Oct. 24 1602 1, 2 Antonio and Mellida {and } {and Fisher.} _Paul’s_ Marston.
{Fisher } {Fisher }
1601, Nov. 11 1602 Satiromastix John Barnes E. White {_Chamberlain’s_} Dekker.
{_Paul’s_ }
1601, Dec. 21 1602 Poetaster M. Lownes M. Lownes _Chapel_ Jonson.
1601 Two Lamentable Tragedies Lawe Admiral’s? Yarington.
1602, Jan. 18 1602 Merry Wives of Windsor Busby (sen.) T. C. A. Johnson _Chamberlain’s_ Shakespeare.
1602, June 7 1602 Blurt Master Constable E. Allde Rocket _Paul’s_ Middleton.
1602, July 26 1603 Hamlet Roberts [Simmes] {Ling and} _King’s_ Shakespeare.
{Trundle }
1602, Aug. 11 1602 Thomas Lord Cromwell Cotton W. Jones _Chamberlain’s_ Anon.
1602 Liberality and Prodigality Stafford Vincent Chapel? Anon.
1602 How a Man may Choose a Lawe _Worcester’s_ Anon.
Good Wife from a Bad
[Edinburgh] 1602 Satire of the Three Charteris [Lindsay.]
Estaitis
1603, Feb. 7 } {Roberts. } {Bonian}
1609, Jan. 28 } 1609 Troilus and Cressida {Bonian and } Eld { and } _King’s_ Shakespeare.
{Walley } {Walley}
1603, Feb. 23 [_t.p. Nero Blount Blount Univ. Gwynne.
impf._]
[Edinburgh] 1603 Darius Waldegrave Closet Alexander.
[Edinburgh] 1603 Philotus Charteris Anon.
N.D. Massacre at Paris E. A. E. White {Strange’s } Marlowe.
{_Admiral’s_}
{1604 Croesus }
1604, Apr. 30 {1607 Alexandraean } Blount Simmes Blount Closet Alexander.
{1607 Julius Caesar }
1604, July 5 1604 Malcontent {Aspley and } V. S. Aspley Revels, King’s Marston.
{Thorpe }
1604, Nov. 2 1605 Sejanus Blount Eld Thorpe King’s Jonson.
1604, Nov. 9 1604 1 Honest Whore T. Man (jun.) V. S. Hodgets Henry’s Dekker.
1604, Nov. 29 1605 Philotas {S. Waterson } Eld {S. Waterson} Revels Daniel.
{and Blount } {and Blount }
1604, Dec. 4 1605 Trial of Chivalry Butter Stafford Butter _Derby’s_ Anon.
1604 Wit of a Woman E. White Anon.
1605, Feb. 8 ‘Richard Whittington’ Pavier _Henry’s_ [App. M.]
1605, Feb. 8 1605 Fair Maid of Bristow Pavier Pavier _King’s_ Anon.
1605, Feb. 12 1605 When You See Me, You Butter Butter _Henry’s_ S. Rowley.
Know Me
1605, Mar. 2 1607 Westward Ho Rocket Hodgets (s) _Paul’s_ Dekker.
[_cancelled_]
1605, June 26 1605 Dutch Courtesan Hodgets T. P. Hodgets _Revels_ Marston.
1605, July 5 1605 1 If You Know Not Me, Butter Butter Anne’s? Heywood.
You Know Nobody
1605, Sept. 4 1605 Eastward Ho {Aspley and} Aspley _Revels_ Chapman.
{Thorpe }
1605, Sept. 14 1606 2 If You Know Not Me, Butter Butter Anne’s? Heywood.
You Know Nobody
1605, Oct. 16 1606 3 Parnassus J. Wright Eld J. Wright Univ. Anon.
1605, Nov. 26 1606 Queen’s Arcadia S. Waterson Eld S. Waterson Univ. Daniel.
1605, Nov. 26 1606 Gentleman Usher Simmes Simmes Thorpe Chapel? Chapman.
1605 All Fools Thorpe _Revels_ Chapman.
1605 London Prodigal T. C. Butter _King’s_ Anon.
1605 1 Jeronimo Pavier Chamberlain’s? Anon.
1606, Jan. 10 1606 Sir Giles Goosecap Blount Windet Blount _Chapel_ Anon.
1606, Mar. 12 N.D. Nobody and Somebody Trundle Trundle _Anne’s_ Anon.
1606, Mar. 12 1606 Fawn Cotton T. P. Cotton _Revels_, _Paul’s_ Marston.
1606, Mar. 17 1606 Sophonisba Edgar Windet _Revels_ Marston.
1606, May 13 1607 Fleir {rundle } F. B. F. B. (s) _Revels_ Sharpham.
{and Busby}
{J. Wright}
1606, June 5 N.D. Caesar’s Revenge { and } G. E. J. Wright Univ. Anon.
{Fosbrooke}
1606, Nov. 12 1606 Wily Beguiled C. Knight H. L. C. Knight Paul’s? Anon.
1606 M. D’Olive T. C. Holmes _Revels_ Chapman.
1606 Isle of Gulls Hodgets (s) _Revels_ Day.
1607, Feb. 23 1607 Lingua S. Waterson Eld S. Waterson Univ.? Tomkis.
1607, Apr. 10 1607 Claudius Tiberius Nero Burton Burton Univ.? Anon.
1607, Apr. 20 1607 Whore of Babylon {Butter and} Butter _Henry’s_ Dekker.
{Trundle }
1607, Apr. 24 1607 Fair Maid of the Exchange Rocket Rocket Anon.
1607, May 9 1607 Phoenix Johnson E. A. Johnson _Paul’s_ Middleton.
1607, May 15 1607 Michaelmas Term Johnson Johnson _Paul’s_ Middleton.
1607, May 20 1607 Woman Hater {Edgar and }
{R. Jackson } R. R. Hodgets (s) _Paul’s_ Beaumont.
1607, June 3 1607 Bussy D’Ambois Aspley Aspley _Paul’s_ Chapman.
1607, June 29 1607 Cupid’s Whirligig {Busby and } E. Allde Johnson (s) _King’s Revels_ Sharpham.
{Johnson }
1607, June 29 1607 Travels of the Three J. Wright J. Wright _Anne’s_ Day.
English Brothers
1607, July 31 1607 Miseries of Enforced Vincent Vincent _King’s_ Wilkins.
Marriage
1607, Aug. 6 1607 Puritan Eld Eld _Paul’s_ Anon.
1607, Aug. 6 1607 Northward Ho Eld Eld _Paul’s_ Dekker.
1607, Aug. 6 1607 What You Will Thorpe Eld Thorpe Paul’s? Marston.
1607, Oct. 7 1607 Revenger’s Tragedy Eld Eld _King’s_ Anon.
1607, Oct. 7 1608 Trick to Catch the Old One Eld Eld _Paul’s_ Middleton.
1607, Oct. 12 1608 Family of Love {Browne and} Helme _King’s Revels_ Middleton.
{Helme }
1607, Oct. 14 ‘Jesuits Comedy’ {E. Allde [App. M.]
{and }
{Johnson }
1607, Oct. 16 1607 Devil’s Charter J. Wright G. E. J. Wright _King’s_ Barnes.
1607, Oct. 22 1608 Merry Devil of Edmonton Johnson Ballard Johnson _King’s_ Anon.
1607, Nov. 26 1608 King Lear {Butter and } [Okes] Butter _King’s_ Shakespeare.
{Busby (sen.) }
[T. 1610, 1607 Volpone [Thorpe] Thorpe King’s Jonson.
Oct. 3]
1607 Woman Killed with Kindness W. Jaggard Hodgets (s) Anne’s Heywood.
1607 Sir Thomas Wyatt E. A. T. Archer _Anne’s_ Dekker.
1607 Vertumnus Okes Blount Univ. Gwynne.
1608, Mar. 22 N.D. Your Five Gallants Bonian Bonian _Revels_ Middleton.
1608, Mar. 26 ‘Adams Tragedy’ W. White [App. M.]
1608, Mar. 28 1608 Law Tricks Moore Moore _Revels_ Day.
1608, Apr. 12 1608 Humour out of Breath Helme Helme _King’s Revels_ Day.
1608, Apr. 29} 1630 2 Honest Whore {T. Man (jun.)} Eliz. Allde Butter Henry’s Dekker.
1630, June 29} {Butter }
1608, May 2 1608 Yorkshire Tragedy Pavier R. B. Pavier _King’s_ Anon.
1608, May 20 1609 Pericles Blount H. Gosson _King’s_ Shakespeare.
{W. Jaggard}
1608, May 20} 1623 Antony and Cleopatra {Blount. } W. Jaggard {and Blount} King’s Shakespeare.
1623, Nov. 8} {Blount and} {and }
{I. Jaggard} {Smethwick }
{and Aspley}
1608, June 3 1608 Rape of Lucrece {Busby and} Busby _Anne’s_ Heywood.
{Butter }
1608, June 5 1608 Conspiracy and Tragedy of Thorpe Eld Thorpe _Revels_ Chapman.
Byron
1608, Oct. 4 1608 A Mad World, my Masters {Burre and} H. B. Burre _Paul’s_ Middleton.
{Edgar }
1608, Oct. 6 1608 Dumb Knight Bache Okes Bache _King’s Revels_ Markham.
1608, Nov. 25 1609 Mustapha Butter Butter Closet Greville.
{H. Walley }
1609 { Jan. 26} 1609 The Case is Altered {and } B. Sutton _Revels_ Jonson.
{ July 20} {Bonian and}
{B. Sutton }
1609, Jan. 27 ‘Bonos Nochios’ Charlton [App. M.]
1609, Jan. 27 ‘Craft upon Subtlety’s Charlton [App. M.]
Back’
1609, Mar. 10 1610 Turk Busby (jun.) E. A. Busby (jun.) _King’s Revels_ Mason.
1609 Every Woman in Her E. A. Archer King’s Revels? Anon.
Humour
1609 Two Maids of Moreclack N. O. Archer _King’s Revels_ Armin.
N.D. Faithful Shepherdess {Bonian and} Revels? Beaumont.
{H. Walley }
1610, Sept. 20 {1612?} Epicoene {Browne and } Stansby Browne (s) _Revels_ Jonson.
{1620 } {Busby (jun.)}
1610, Oct. 3 1612 Alchemist Burre Snodham {Burre } King’s Jonson.
{Stepney (s)}
1610, Oct. 31 1610 Histriomastix Thorpe Thorpe Paul’s? Anon.
1610, Nov. 9 1611 Ram Alley Wilson Eld Wilson _King’s Revels_ Barry.
{Stepney}
1611, Sept. 14 1611 Atheist’s Tragedy Stepney { and } Tourneur.
{Redmer }
1611, Oct. 14 1611 Golden Age Barrenger Barrenger _Anne’s_ Heywood.
1611, Nov. 23 1612 Woman a Weathercock Budge Budge _Revels_ Field.
[T. 1635, 1611 Catiline [Burre] Burre King’s Jonson.
July 4]
1611 May Day Browne _Revels_ Chapman.
1611 Roaring Girl Archer _Henry’s_ Dekker.
1612, Feb. 1 1612 Christian Turned Turk Barrenger Barrenger Daborne.
1612, Feb. 15} ‘Nobleman’ {Blount } King’s Tourneur.
1653, Sept. 9} {Moseley }
1612, Feb. 15 ‘Twins’ Tragedy’ Blount King’s Niccols.
1612, Apr. 17 1612 Widow’s Tears Browne Browne _Revels_ Chapman.
1612, Apr. 17 1613 Revenge of Bussy Browne T. S. Helme (s) _Revels_ Chapman.
1612, Dec. 17 1613 Mariam Hawkins Creed Hawkins Closet Carey.
1612 White Devil N. O. Archer _Anne’s_ Webster.
1612 If It Be not Good, the {I.T. } _Anne’s_ Dekker.
Devil is in It {Marchant (s)}
1613 Silver Age Okes Lightfoot (s) Anne’s Heywood.
1613 Brazen Age Okes Rand Anne’s? Heywood.
1613 Cynthia’s Revenge R. Barnes Stephens.
1613 Insatiate Countess T. S. Archer _Revels_ Marston.
1613 Knight of the Burning Burre Revels Beaumont.
Pestle
1614, May 23 1614 Hog Hath Lost his Pearl Redmer Redmer _Prentices_ Tailor.
1614 Greene’s Tu Quoque Trundle Anne’s_ Cooke.
1615, Jan. 13 1615 Hymen’s Triumph Constable Constable Somerset House_ Daniel.
1615, Feb. 10 1615 Ruff, Cuff, and Band Partrich Stansby Partrich Univ. Anon.
1615, Feb. 21 1615 Valiant Welshman R. Lownes Purslowe R. Lownes _Charles’s_ Anon.
[Cambridge] {1615,} Melanthe Legge Univ. Brooke.
{Mar. }
{ 27 }
1615, Apr. 18} {Burre }
1630, July 20} 1630 Ignoramus {Edmondson } T. P. I. S. Univ. Ruggle.
{and Spencer}
1615, Apr. 24 1615 Hector of Germany Jos. Harrison Creede Jos. Harrison _Prentices_ Smith.
1615, Apr. 24 1615 Cupid’s Revenge Jos. Harrison Creede Jos. Harrison _Revels_ Beaumont.
1615, Apr. 28 1615 Albumazar Okes Okes Burre Univ. Tomkis.
{Meighen }
1615, July 4 1615 Work for Cutlers Meighen Creede {and } Univ. Anon.
{T. Jones}
1615, Aug. 14 1616 Honest Lawyer Redmer Purslowe Woodroffe _Anne’s_ Anon.
1616, Mar. 19 1616 Scornful Lady Partrich Partrich _Revels_ Beaumont.
1618, Aug. 7 1619 A King and No King Blount Walkley _King’s_ Beaumont.
1618 Amends for Ladies Eld Walbancke {_Charles’s_ } Field.
{_Elizabeth’s_ }
{Higgenbotham }
1619, Apr. 28 1619 Maid’s Tragedy {and } Constable _King’s_ Beaumont.
{Constable }
1620, Jan. 10 1620 Philaster Walkley Walkley _King’s_ Beaumont.
1621, Oct. 6 1622 Othello Walkley N. O. Walkley _King’s_ Shakespeare.
1621, Dec. 7 1622 Virgin Martyr T. Jones B. A. T. Jones Dekker.
1621 Thierry and Theodoret Walkley _King’s_ Beaumont.
{Tempest }
{Two Gentlemen of Verona }
{Measure for Measure }
{Comedy of Errors } [W. Jaggard]
{[As You Like It] } at charges of
{All’s Well that Ends Well} {W. Jaggard}
{Twelfth Night } {Blount } {and Blount} {I. Jaggard }
1623, Nov. 8 1623 {Winter’s Tale } {and } {and } {and Blount } King’s Shakespeare.
{I Henry VI } {I. Jaggard} {Smethwick }
{Henry VIII } {and Aspley}
{Coriolanus }
{Timon of Athens }
{Julius Caesar }
{Macbeth }
{[Anthony and Cleopatra] }
{Cymbeline} }
1623 Duchess of Malfi Okes J. Waterson _King’s_ Webster.
1628, Jan. 9 1632 [Six Court Comedies] Blount Stansby Blount Lyly.
1630, Feb. 26 1631 Hoffman J. Grove I. N. Perry Henry’s? Chettle.
1630, Apr. 8 1630 Chaste Maid in Cheapside Constable Constable _Elizabeth’s_ Middleton.
1630, Nov. 8 1631 Match Me in London Seile {Alsop and } Seile Dekker.
{Fawcet }
1631, Feb. 9 1631 Pedantius Milborne W. S. Milborne Univ. [App. K.]
1631, Apr. 25 1631 Sicelides Sheares I. N. Sheares Univ. P. Fletcher.
1631, May 16} 1634 Noble Soldier {Jackman } Vavasour Dekker.
1633, Dec. 9} {Vavasour}
1631, May 16 } 1636 Wonder of a Kingdom {Jackman } Raworth Vavasour Dekker.
1636, Feb. 24} {Vavasour}
1631, May 18 1631 Caesar and Pompey Harper Harper {Edmonson (s)} Chapman.
{Alchorne (s)}
1631, Nov. 24 1632 A New Wonder Constable G. P. Constable Anne’s? W. Rowley.
1631 Bartholomew Fair I. B. Allott _Elizabeth’s_ Jonson.
1631 The Devil is an Ass I. B. Allott _King’s_ Jonson.
1632, May 9 1632 Roxana Crooke Badger Crooke Univ. Alabaster.
1632, Nov. 10 1633 Alaham Seile E. P. Seile Closet Greville.
1632 1, 2 Iron Age Okes Anne’s? Heywood.
1633, Jan.15 1633 Match at Midnight Sheares Mathewes Sheares W. Rowley.
1634, Apr. 8 1634 Two Noble Kinsmen J. Waterson Cotes J. Waterson _King’s_ Beaumont.
1634, Apr. 17 1635 Bellum Grammaticale Spencer {B. A. and} Spencer Univ. [App. K.]
{Fawcet }
1635, July 17 1636 Labyrinthus Robinson Univ. Hawkesworth.
1635, Aug. 29 1637 Pleasant Dialogues and } Hearne R. O. {Hearne }
Dramas } {Slater (s)} Closet Heywood.
1637, Mar. 25 1637 Royal King and Loyal Becket N. and J. Becket _Henrietta’s_ Heywood.
Subject Okes
1637, Nov. 28 1638 A Shoemaker a Gentleman J. Okes J. Okes Cooper (s) Anne’s? W. Rowley.
1638, Mar. 12 1638 Wise Woman of Hogsdon Shephard M. P. Shephard Anne’s? Heywood.
1638, Oct. 24 1639 Chabot Admiral of France {Crooke and} Cotes {Crooke and} _Henrietta’s_ Chapman.
{Cooke } {Cooke }
1639, Jan. 22 1639 Monsieur Thomas J. Waterson Harper J. Waterson _King’s_ Beaumont.
1639, Apr. 25 1639 Wit Without Money {Crooke and} Cotes {Crooke and} _Henrietta’s_ Beaumont.
{Cooke } {Cooke }
1639, Apr. 25 1640 Nightwalker {Crooke and} Cotes {Crooke and} _Henrietta’s_ Beaumont.
{Cooke } {Cooke }
1641, Mar. 23 1641 Parliament of Bees Ley Ley Closet Day.
1646, Sept. 4} {Robinson and}
1661, Feb. 13} 1661 Mayor of Quinborough {Moseley. } Herringham _King’s_ Middleton.
{Herringham }
{Captain } {King’s }
{Coxcomb } {Revels }
{Bonduca } {Robinson} {Robinson} {King’s }
1646, Sept. 4 1647 {Woman’s Prize } { and } { and } {King’s? } Beaumont.
{Love’s Cure } {Moseley } {Moseley } {King’s? }
{Honest Man’s Fortune} {Elizabeth’s}
{Valentinian } {King’s }
1660, June 29 1647 {Wit at Several Weapons} {Robinson} {Robinson}
{Four Plays in One } { and } { and } Beaumont.
{Moseley } {Moseley }
1652, Apr. 12 1652 Widow Moseley Moseley _King’s_ Middleton.
1653, Sept. 9 1654 Alphonsus, Emperor of Moseley Moseley _King’s_ Anon.
Germany
{ ‘Jew of Venice’ } Dekker.
{ ‘History of Cardennio’ } King’s Shakespeare.
{1657 No Wit, no Help, like a} Moseley Middleton.
1653, Sept. 9 { Woman’s } Moseley
{[1824–5] Second Maiden’s Tragedy} Anon.
{ ‘Henry y^e first’ } Shakespeare.
{ ‘Hen. y^e 2^d’ } Shakespeare.
{ ‘Knave in Print’ } Charles’s W. Rowley.
1654, Apr. 8 ‘Maidens Holiday’ Moseley Marlowe.
1654, May 13 1654 Appius and Virginia Marriott [_No imprint_] Anne’s? Webster.
1655, June 20 1655 Fortune by Land and Sea Sweeting {Pollard and} _Henrietta’s_ Heywood.
{Sweeting }
1655, June 20 1655 Lovesick King Sweeting {Pollard and} Provincial? Brewer.
{Sweeting }
1655, June 20 1655 Poor Man’s Comfort Sweeting {Pollard and} Daborne.
{Sweeting }
1656 Old Law E. Archer Middleton.
1656 Sun’s Darling Bell Penneycuicke Dekker.
1657, Sept. 14 1659 Blind Beggar of Bethnal F. Grove {Pollard and} Admiral’s Day.
Green {Dring }
1657 Lust’s Dominion {F. K. } Marlowe.
{Pollard (s)}
1658, May 21 1658 Witch of Edmonton Blackmore Cottrel Blackmore Dekker.
{[1812] Faithful Friends } Beaumont.
{ ‘History of Madon King } Beaumont.
{ of Britain’ }
{ ‘Philenzo & Hypollita’ } Dekker.
{ ‘Antonio & Vallia’ } Dekker.
{ ‘History of King Stephen’} Shakespeare.
1660, June 29 { ‘Duke Humphrey’ } Shakespeare.
{ ‘Iphis & Iantha’ } Moseley Shakespeare.
{ ‘An Ill Beginning has a } King’s Ford.
{ Good End’ }
{ ‘London Merchant’ } Ford.
{ ‘Gustavus, King of } Dekker.
{ Swethland’ }
{ ‘Tale of Joconda and } Dekker.
{ Astolso’ }
1661 Thracian Wonder T. Johnson Kirkman (s) Anon.
{Kirkman }
1662 Birth of Merlin T. Johnson { and } W. Rowley.
{H. Marsh}
1662 Grim the Collier of Croydon R. D. Anon.
APPENDIX M
LOST PLAYS
[_Bibliographical Note._--As unknown prints have turned up in
the sale of an Irish collection (1907) and the Mostyn sale
(1919), and others may yet turn up from time to time, I give a
list of plays as to the existence or preparation for publication
of which there is some evidence. These are mainly taken
either from the Stationers’ Register or from the publishers’
advertisement lists (Rogers and Ley’s in 1656, Archer’s in
1656, Kirkman’s in 1661 and 1671), analysed by W. W. Greg in
an appendix to his _Masques_ (1902). One is included in Sir
John Harington’s catalogue of his library of plays apparently
compiled in 1610 (cf. ch. xxii). Probably some of the registered
titles, in which the description ‘play’ or ‘interlude’ is not
used, do not relate to plays at all. I might have added a few
more of this type from A. Esdaile, _List of English Tales and
Romances_ (1912, _Bibl. Soc._), xxxiii. And it must be borne
in mind that registration is not proof of publication. In
particular, it is pretty clear that the two long series of
entries by Humphrey Moseley on 9 Sept. 1653 and 29 June 1660,
from which I have taken those conceivably relating to pre-1616
work, represent unaccomplished enterprises. They are fully
discussed in W. W. Greg, _The Bakings of Betsy_ (1911, _3
Library_, ii. 225), together with John Warburton’s (_ob._ 1759)
list in _Lansd. MS._ 807, f. 1, of plays which he claims to have
possessed in MS., until ‘through my own carelesness and the
ignorance of my ser[vant] in whose hands I had lodgd them they
was unluckely burnd or put under Pye bottoms’. As this list is
evidently in some way related to Moseley’s entries, I have, for
the sake of completeness, cited a few titles which it adds.]
_A Bad Beginning Makes a Good Ending._
By Ford (q.v.).
_Adam’s Tragedy._
_S. R._ 1608, March 26 (Pasfield). ‘A book called Adams
tragedie.’ _W. White_ (Arber, iii. 372).
This is not likely to have been a play.
_Antonio and Vallia._
By Massinger (q.v.).
_Baggs Seneca._
See ch. xxiii (Seneca).
_Bartholomew Fairing._
Comedy in Archer’s list as well as Jonson’s _B. Fair_.
_Battle of Affliction._
Tragedy in Archer’s list.
_Belinus._
_Brennus._
Sir John Harington’s catalogue of his plays in 1610 (7 _N.
Q._ ix. 382) includes ‘Belynus, Brennus’. This might
represent either two plays or one.
_Bonos Nochios._
_S. R._ 1609, Jan. 27 (Segar). ‘An enterlude called Bonos
Nochios.’ _Charlton_ (Arber, iii. 400).
_Cardenio._
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.) and Fletcher.
_Celestina._
_S. R._ 1598, Oct. 5. ‘A booke intituled The tragicke Comedye of
Celestina, wherein are discoursed in most pleasant stile manye
Philosophicall sentences and advertisementes verye necessarye
for younge gentlemen Discoveringe the sleightes of treacherous
servantes and the subtile cariages of filthye bawdes.’ _William
Aspley_ (Arber, iii. 127).
This was doubtless, like the earlier _Calisto and Meliboea_
(_Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 455) and James Mabbe’s _The Spanish
Bawd_ (1631), a version of the Spanish _Celestina_ (1499) of
Fernando de Rojas, but it can hardly have been Mabbe’s, which
was entered in S. R. on 27 Feb. 1630, while Mabbe, although born
in 1572, is first heard of as a writer in 1611, and appears to
have turned his attention to things Spanish as a result of a
visit to Spain in that year.
_1 Chinon of England._
_S. R._ 1596, Jan. 20. ‘The ffirste parte of the famous historye
of Chinan of England.’ _T. Gosson and Danter_ (Arber, iii. 57).
The Admiral’s produced ‘Chinone of Ingland’ as a new play on
3 Jan. 1596. Greg, ii. 178, is probably right in relating the
S. R. entry to Christopher Middleton’s romance, _The Famous
Historie of Chinon of England_, printed by Danter for Cuthbert
Burby in 1597. But ‘Chinon of England’ is in Rogers and Ley’s
list.
_Cleopatra._
An unascribed ‘Cleopatra’, in addition to the plays of Daniel
(q.v.) and May, is in Rogers and Ley’s list.
_Cloth Breeches and Velvet Hose._
_S. R._ 1600, May 27. ‘A morall of Clothe breches and veluet
hose, As yt is acted by my lord Chamberlens servantes.’
_Roberts_ (Arber, iii. 161).
This is one of the plays stayed by a note in the Register on the
same day (cf. ch. xxii).
_College of Canonical Clerks._
_S. R._ 1566–7. ‘An interlude named the Colledge of canonycall
clerkes.’ _John Charlewod_ (Arber, i. 335).
_Craft Upon Subtlety’s Back._
_S. R._ 1609, Jan. 27 (Segar). ‘An enterlude called, Crafte
vppon Subtiltyes backe.’ _Charlton_ (Arber, iii. 400).
_Crafty Cromwell._
A tragi-comedy in Kirkman’s list of 1661. Greg, _Masques_, lx,
thinks it may be a duplicate entry of _Cromwell’s Conspiracy_
(1660).
_Destruction of Jerusalem._
By Legge (q.v.).
_Duke Humphrey._
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
_English Arcadia._
A comedy in Archer’s list, but probably, as suggested by Greg,
_Masques_, lxv, an error for Gervase Markham’s romance (1607,
1613) of that name.
_Eunuchus._
By Kyffyn (q.v.)?
_Faithful Friends._
Ascribed to Beaumont (q.v.) and Fletcher.
_Far Fetched and Dear Bought is Good for Ladies._
_S. R._ 1566–7. ‘A playe intituled farre fetched and deare
bowght ys good for lades.’ _Thomas Hackett_ (Arber, i. 331).
_Fatal Love._
Ascribed to Chapman (q.v.).
_Fortune._
_S. R._ 1566–7. ‘A playe of Fortune to know eche one hyr
conditions and gentle manours aswell of Women as of men &c.’
_Thomas Purfoote_ (Arber, i. 332).
Collier, _Stationers’ Registers_, i. 155, suggested that
this was a ‘lottery, or game’, not an interlude, and this
receives support from a transfer of his father’s copies to
Purfoot’s son on 6 Nov. 1615 (Arber, iii. 576), which includes
‘The little booke of Fortune with pictures’.
_George Scanderbeg._
_S. R._ 1601, July 3. ‘The true historye of George
Scanderbarge as yt was lately playd by the right honorable the
Earle of Oxenforde his servantes.’ _E. Allde_ (Arber, iii.
187).
There seems no adequate reason for ascribing this to Marlowe
(q.v.) or Nashe.
_Give a Man Luck and Throw him into the Sea._
_S. R._ 1600, July 24. ‘Two plaies or thinges ... the other gyve
a man luck and throw him into the sea.’ _Oliffe_ (Arber, iii.
168).
_Godfrey of Bulloigne._
See Heywood, _Four Prentices of London_.
_God Speed the Plough._
_S. R._ 1601, March 1. ‘A booke called God spede the ploughe.’
_Harrison_ (Arber, iii. 180).
This is not necessarily the play acted by Sussex’s men for
Henslowe in Dec. 1593 (ch. xiii), or indeed a play at all.
_Guise._
Entered in Rogers and Ley’s list as by Marston (q.v.), in
Archer’s as a comedy by Webster (q.v.), and in Kirkman’s of 1661
and 1671 without ascription; that of 1671 calls it a tragedy.
_Gustavus, King of Swethland._
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
_Heliogabalus._
_S. R._ 1594, June 19. ‘An ... enterlude of the lyfe and deathe
of Heliogabilus.’ _Danter_ (Arber, ii. 654).
Can this be the play on ‘the mad priest of the Sun’ apparently
referred to by Greene (q.v.) in _Perimides_ (1588)?
_Hemidos and Thelay._
_S. R._ 1569–70. ‘A boke intituled the Rufful tragedy of Hemidos
and Thelay by Rychard Robynson.’ _Henry Bynneman_ (Arber, i.
411).
Probably not a play.
_Henry I._
_Henry II._
Both ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
_Hunting of Cupid._
By Peele (q.v.).
_Impatient Grissell._
A comedy in Archer’s list.
_Iphis and Iantha._
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
_The Jesuits’ Comedy._
_S. R._ 1607, Oct. 14 (Jackson). ‘A book called the Jesuytes
Commedie. Acted at Lyons in Fraunce the 7 and 8 of August 1607.’
_Allde and Johnson_ (Arber, iii. 361).
Probably only a narrative of this famous performance; cf. ch. x.
_The Jew of Venice._
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
_Job._
Ascribed to Greene (q.v.).
_Joconda and Astolso._
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
_John of Gaunt._
_S. R._ 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled the famous historye of
John of Gaunte sonne to Kinge Edward the Third with his Conquest
of Spaine and marriage of his Twoo daughters to the Kinges of
Castile and Portugale &c.’ _E. White_ (Arber, ii. 649).
Probably not a play but the chap-book source of that begun by
Hathway (q.v.) and Rankins for the Admiral’s in 1601 (cf. Greg,
_Henslowe_, ii. 216). Arber, v. 176, however, describes it
as a play printed for White by Islip.
_Joseph’s Afflictions._
An interlude in the lists of Archer and Kirkman.
_A Knave in Print._
By W. Rowley (q.v.).
_The London Merchant._
By Ford (q.v.).
_Madon, King of Britain._
Ascribed to Beaumont (q.v.).
_The Maiden’s Holiday._
Ascribed to Marlowe (q.v.) and Day.
_Manhood and Misrule_ (?).
In Rogers and Ley’s list; presumably identical with the comedy
of _Manhood and Wisdom_ in those of Archer and Kirkman.
_The Second Maiden’s Tragedy._
Extant in MS. (cf. ch. xxiv).
_Marriage of Wit and Wisdom._
By Merbury (q.v.); extant in MS.
_Mother Rumming._
A comedy in Archer’s list. Greg, _Masques_, xc, suggests an
error for T. Thompson’s late _Mother Shipton_, which Archer
omits. Elinor Rumming, however, might well have made a
play-theme.
_The Netherlands._
In Rogers and Ley’s list.
_Niniveh’s Repentance._
An interlude in Rogers and Ley’s and Archer’s lists.
_Ninus and Semiramis._
_S. R._ 1595, May 10. ‘The tragedie of Ninus and Semiramis,
the first Monarchs of the world.’ _Hardy_ (Arber, ii. 297).
_The Nobleman._
By Tourneur (q.v.).
_2 Sir John Oldcastle._
By Drayton (q.v.).
_Ortenus._
Archer’s list has both _Ortenas_, a tragedy, and _Ortenus_, a
comedy.
_The Owl._
By Daborne (q.v.).
_Philenzo and Hippolyta._
By Massinger (q.v.).
_The Queen._
A tragedy in Archer’s list. Fletcher’s name is given, but Greg,
_Masques_, c, says this has ‘crept in from another entry’.
_Richard Whittington._
_S. R._ 1605, Feb. 8. ‘The history of Richard Whittington of his
lowe byrthe, his great fortune, as yt was plaid by the prynces
servantes.’ _Pavier_ (Arber, iii. 282).
The play is referred to in _K. B. P._ ind. 22.
_Robin Hood and Little John._
_S. R._ 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled a pastorall plesant
Commedie of Robin Hood and Little John.’ _Islip_ (Arber, ii.
649).
Arber, v. 176, describes the play as printed by Islip for E.
White, to whom the copy was passed by a cancel. It appears in
Rogers and Ley’s and Archer’s lists of 1656. Greg, _Henslowe_,
ii. 190, finds an allusion to its ‘merry jests’ in Munday’s
_Downfall of Robin Hood_, iv. 2.
_Rufus I._
_S. R._ 1595, Nov. 24. ‘A booke intituled The true tragicall
historie of kinge Rufus the First with the life and deathe of
Belyn Dun the first thief that ever was hanged in England.’ _W.
Blackwell_ (Arber, iii. 54).
Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 164, thinks this the _Bellendon_ played
as a new piece by the Admiral’s and Chamberlain’s for Henslowe
on 10 June 1594 (cf. ch. xiii). The title curiously resembles
that of another book, probably, as Greg suggests, a chap-book,
entered in S. R. by T. Gosson on 17 May 1594 as ‘a book
intituled The famous Cronicle of Henrye the First, with the life
and death of Bellin Dunn the firste thief that ever was hanged
in England’ (Arber, ii. 650). Perhaps this was the source of the
play.
_A Sackful of News._
_S. R._ 1557–8. ‘These bokes folowynge called ... a sacke full
of newes.’ _J. King_ (Arber, i. 75).
1582, Jan. 15. Transfer from S. Awdeley to John Charlwood
(Arber, ii. 405).
1586, Sept. 5. ‘A sackfull of newes, beinge an old copie: whiche
the said Edward is ordered to haue printed by Abell Jeffes.’
_Edward White_ (Arber, ii. 456).
This is less likely to have been the ‘lewd’ play suppressed at
the Boar’s Head, Aldgate, in Aug. 1557 (_Mediaeval Stage_,
ii. 223) than the jest-book known to Captain Cox in 1575 (F. J.
Furnivall, _Laneham’s Letter_, lxvi. 30) and printed from
the earliest extant edition of 1673 by W. C. Hazlitt, _Old
English Jest Books_, ii. 163.
_King Stephen._
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
_Susanna._
By T. Garter (q.v.).
_The Tartarian Cripple._
_S. R._ 1600, Aug. 14. ‘The famous Tragicall history, of ye
Tartarian Crippell Emperour of Constantinople.’ _Burby_ (Arber,
iii. 169).
Not necessarily a play.
_’Tis Good Sleeping in a Whole Skin._
By W. Wager (q.v.).
_Tityrus and Galatea._
Possibly identical with Lyly’s _Galathea_ (q.v.).
_The Twins’ Tragedy._
By Niccolls (q.v.).
_The Two Sins of King David._
_S. R._ 1561–2. ‘An new interlude of the ij synmes of kynge
Davyd.’ _Hacket_ (Arber, i. 181).
_Valentine and Orson._
_S. R._ 1595, May 23. ‘An enterlude of Valentyne and Orsson,
plaid by her maiesties Players.’ _T. Gosson and Hancock_ (Arber;
ii. 298).
1600, March 31 (in full court). ‘A famous history called
Valentine and Orsson played by her maiesties Players.’ _W.
White_ (Arber, iii. 159).
The relation of this Queen’s play to that written by Hathaway
and Munday (q.v.) for the Admiral’s in 1598 is uncertain.
_Witless._
_S. R._ 1560–1. ‘Playe of wytles.’ _Hacket_ (Arber, i. 154).
Probably John Heywood’s dialogue of _Witty and Witless_, extant
in MS. (_Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 446).
_A Yorkshire Gentlewoman and her Son._
Ascribed to Chapman (q.v.).
APPENDIX N
MANUSCRIPT PLAYS
[_Bibliographical Note._--This list includes only English texts.
Most of the Latin plays (cf. App. K) also exist in MS. The
English ones so preserved are generally of an academic type; on
the general character of the few that are of playhouse origin,
cf. ch. xxii. Of the fifteen play texts collected in _Egerton
MS._ 1994, only three appear to be of plays written before
1616; descriptions of this collection are in A. H. Bullen,
_O. E. P._ ii. 417, and F. S. Boas, _A Seventeenth-Century
Theatrical Repertoire_ (_3 Library_, July 1917). In addition
to the plays named below, there are a _Pelopidarum Secunda_
in _Harleian MS._ 5110, which may be of any date in the first
half of the seventeenth century, and a Welsh ‘enterlut’, dated
1584 and without ascription or title in _Peniarth MS._ 68 (_H.
M. C. Welsh MSS._ i. 2. 467). A full account of the Plots
(‘plott’ ‘plotte’, ‘platt’) is given, with the seven texts,
by Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 127. They have sometimes been
taken for ‘_scenarie_’ of impromptu plays, like the Italian
‘Commedie dell’arte’, although one of them is for the extant
_Battle of Alcazar_; but they were probably for the use of the
‘bookholder’ or the ‘tireman’, and consist of skeleton outlines
of the action, with notes of entrances and exits, and of the
points at which properties and music are required. The names
of the dramatis personae are generally accompanied by those of
the actors who represented them. The paper on which they are
written is mounted on pasteboard, and a hole cut near the top
probably served to suspend them on a peg in the playhouse. All
seven probably belong to companies (Strange’s and Admiral’s)
with which Edward Alleyn was connected. One was utilized for the
cover of a Dulwich MS., and G. Steevens, who once owned three of
the others, found ‘reason to suppose that these curiosities once
belonged to the collection of Alleyn’.]
PLAYS
_Alaham_ (Greville). MS. at Warwick Castle.
_Alice and Alexis._ Bodl. MS. 21745 (Douce MS. 171).
_Antipoe_ (Verney). Bodl. MS. 31041.
_Aphrodysial_ (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke
of Devonshire.
_Arabia Sitiens_ (Percy). Ibid.
_Birth of Hercules._ B.M. Addl. MS. 28722.
_Bugbears_ (Jeffere). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 807.
_Charlemagne._ B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
_Club Law._ St. John’s College, Cambridge, MS. S. 62.
_Cuck-Queans and Cuckolds Errant_ (Percy). MS. formerly in
collection of Duke of Devonshire.
_Cupid’s Sacrifice_ (Percy). Ibid.
_Faery Pastoral_ (Percy). Ibid.
_Faithful Friends_ (Beaumont and Fletcher). Victoria and
Albert Museum, Dyce MS. 10.
_Gentleman Usher_ (Chapman). Alleged MS. in Heber
collection.
_Gismund of Salerne_ (Wilmot). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 786. B.M.
Hargrave MS. 205. MS. in private collection, now unknown.
_Hercules Oetaeus_ (Elizabeth). Bodl. MS. e Museo 55.
_Honest Man’s Fortune_ (Beaumont and Fletcher). Victoria
and Albert Museum, Dyce MS. 9.
_Hymen’s Triumph_ (Daniel). Edinburgh University, Drummond
MS.
_Iphigeneia_ (Lumley). B.M. Royal MS. 15 A. ix.
_Jocasta_ (Gascoigne). B.M. Addl. MS. 34063.
_John a Kent and John a Cumber_ (Munday). MS. in collection
of Lord Mostyn.
_Judith._ National Library of Wales, Peniarth MS. 508
(formerly Hengwrt MS.).
_Love Feigned and Unfeigned._ B.M. I. B. 2172.
_Marriage Between Wit and Wisdom_ (Merbury). B.M. Addl. MS.
26782.
_Massacre at Paris_ (Marlowe). Alleged fragmentary MS.
_Mayor of Quinborough_ (Middleton). A late MS.
_Meleager_ (argument). MS. formerly in possession of Mr. B.
Dobell.
_Misogonus_ (Johnson). Formerly in collection of Duke of
Devonshire.
_Monsieur d’Olive_ (Chapman). Alleged MS. in Heber
Collection.
_Sir Thomas More._ B.M. Harleian MS. 7368.
_Mustapha_ (Greville). MS. at Warwick Castle. Cambridge
University Library MS. Ff. ii. 35.
_Narcissus._ Bodl. MS. 147303 (Rawlinson Poet. MS. 212).
_Necromantes_ (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke
of Devonshire.
_Nobleman_ (Tourneur). Alleged MS. in private collection at
Oxford.
_Oration of Gwgan and Poetry_ (Owen). National Library of
Wales, Peniarth MS. 65.
_Orlando Furioso_ (Greene). Dulwich MS. i. 138.
_Parliament of Bees_ (Day). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 725.
_Parnassus._ Bodl. Rawlinson MS. D. 398. MS. formerly in
collection of J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps.
_Poor Man’s Comfort_ (Daborne). B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
_1 Richard II._ B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
_Ruff, Cuff, and Band._ B.M. Addl. MS. 23723.
_Second Maiden’s Tragedy._ B.M. Lansdowne MS. 807.
_Sicelides_ (P. Fletcher). Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 214. B.M.
Addl. MS. 4453.
_Timon._ Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce MS. 52.
_Volpone_ (Jonson). MS. as yet unprinted.
PLOTS
_Battle of Alcazar._ B.M. Addl. MS. 10449.
_Dead Man’s Fortune._ Ibid.
_2 Fortune’s Tennis._ Ibid.
_Frederick and Basilea._ Ibid.
_1 Tamar Cham._ MS. formerly in the collection of George
Steevens, not now known.
_Troilus and Cressida._ B.M. Addl. MS. 10449.
_2 Seven Deadly Sins._ Dulwich MS. xix.
MASKS
_Ashby Entertainment_ (Marston). B.M. Sloane MS. 848. MS.
at Bridgewater House.
_Mask of Blackness_ (Jonson). B.M. Royal MS. 17 B. xxxi.
_Mask of Queens_ (Jonson). B.M. Royal MS. 18 A. xlv. B.M.
Harleian MS. 6947.
_Twelve Months._ MS. formerly in the collection of J. P.
Collier, now unknown.
_Ulysses and Circe_ (Browne). Cambridge, Emmanuel College
MS. 68. MS. in collection of Mr. H. C. Pole-Gell.
INDEXES
I. OF PLAYS
II. OF PERSONS
III. OF PLACES
IV. OF SUBJECTS
INDEXES
These indexes are selective, not exhaustive. That of _Plays_
is, I hope, full. Classical and foreign plays, including plays
given by English players abroad, but not Latin plays written
in England, are printed in italics; plays not clearly extant
in inverted commas. Translations and fragmentary texts are
indicated by ‘tr.’ and ‘fr.’ respectively, and compositions
not properly to be classed as plays are also noted. Duplicate
titles which might cause confusion are distinguished by
dates or authorship. References to the main notices, in vol.
iii, pp. 201–518, and vol. iv, pp. 1–74, and occasionally
elsewhere, of plays belonging or conjecturally assigned to
the period 1558–1616 are printed in blacker type. Titles are
shortened by the omission of such words as ‘A’, ‘The’, ‘King’,
and cross-references are only given from the better-known
alternative titles. The index of _Persons_ gives those connected
with the Court and with stage affairs, other as a rule than the
players and playwrights, who are alphabetically arranged in
chh. xv and xxiii respectively. The index of _Places_ includes,
besides London localities, all those recorded in Appendix A as
visited by Elizabeth, but not, unless for some special reason,
those at which travelling players performed. In the index of
_Subjects_ inverted commas are used for technical terms and for
ordinary objects as represented on the stage.
INDEX I: OF PLAYS
A
‘A Bad Beginning Makes a Good Ending’, iii. 315; iv. 127, 180.
A Woman is a Weathercock, iii. =313=.
A Woman will have her Will. _See_ Englishmen for my Money.
_Abraham_, iii. 322, 514.
‘Abraham and Lot’, ii. 95.
_Abraham Sacrifiant_, i. 249; iii. 322.
Abraham’s Sacrifice (tr.), iii. =322=.
‘Absalom’ (1602), ii. 228.
Absalon (_c._ 1535), iii. 506; iv. 246.
‘Abuses’, iv. 33.
‘Adams Tragedie’, iv. =398=.
Adelphe, i. 131; iv. 127.
Adelphi (tr.), iii. =236=.
Aegio (fr.), iii. =209=.
‘Aemilia’, i. 131.
‘Aeneas and Dido’, iv. 122.
‘Aesop’s Crow’, ii. 83.
Agamemnon (tr.), iii. =477=.
‘Agamemnon’, ii. 169.
‘Agamemnon and Ulysses’, ii. 17, 101; iv. 101, 160.
_Agarite_, iii. 16.
‘Ajax and Ulysses’, ii. 63; iv. 87, 146.
‘Ajax Flagellifer’, i. 130, 233.
‘Ajax Flagellifer’ (tr.), i. 127.
Alaham, iii. =331=.
Alarum for London, iv. =1=.
‘Alba’, i. 130.
‘Albere Galles’, ii. 227; iii. 341; iv. 37.
Albion Knight (fr.), iv. =1=.
Albumazar, i. 131; iii. =498=.
Alchemist, iii. 123, 222, 224, =371=, 499; iv. 51, 127, 180, 371.
‘Alcmaeon’, ii. 15; iv. 89, 147.
‘Alexander and Lodowick’, ii. 144, 167, 170.
Alexandraean Tragedy, iii. =209=.
‘Alexius’, iv. 2.
‘Alfonso’, iv. 2.
Alice and Alexis (fr.), iv. =2=.
‘Alice Pierce’, ii. 132, 166.
All Fools, iii. 146, =252=; iv. 119, 171.
‘All Fools but the Fool’. _See_ ‘The World Runs on Wheels’.
All for Money, iii. 23, =411=.
‘All is not Gold that Glisters’, ii. 178.
All is True. _See_ Henry VIII.
All’s One. _See_ Yorkshire Tragedy.
All’s Well that Ends Well, ii. 207; iii. =487=.
Allot Pageant, iii. =455=.
‘Almanac’, ii. 190; iv. 125, 178.
Alphonsus, Emperor of Germany, iv. =2=.
Alphonsus, King of Arragon, ii. 286; iii. =327=; iv. 36.
‘_Alt Proculo_’, ii. 286.
Althorp Entertainment, i. 126; iii. =391=.
‘Alucius’, ii. 35; iv. 97, 156.
_Amantes Amentes_, ii. 285.
Amends for Ladies, iii. 297, =313=.
_Aminta_, ii. 262; iii. 317.
_Amphitrio_, iii. 4, 5.
‘_Amphitryo_’, ii. 286; iii. 345.
_Andria_, iii. 7.
Andria (tr. Bernard), iii. =236=.
Andria (tr. Kyffin), iii. =398=.
‘_Anglia_’, ii. 277.
Anglorum Feriae (tilt), iii. =463=.
‘_Annabella eines Hertzogen Tochter von Ferrara_’, ii. 284, 286;
iii. 432.
Annus Recurrens. _See_ Vertumnus.
Antigone (tr.), iv. 234, 246.
Antipoe, iii. =503=.
1, 2 Antonio and Mellida, iii. 139, 256, =429=.
Antonio’s Revenge. _See_ Antonio and Mellida.
Antony, iii. =337=.
Antony and Cleopatra, ii. 213; iii. 124, 220, 275, =488=.
‘Antony and Valia’, ii. 147; iii. 301.
Aphrodysial, iii. 137, =464=.
Apius and Virginia (R. B.), iii. 23; iv. =3=.
Appius and Virginia (Webster), iii. =508=.
Ara Fortunae. _See_ Christmas Prince.
Arabia Sitiens, iii. =464=.
Arcadia Reformed. _See_ Queen’s Arcadia.
‘Arcadian Virgin’, ii. 173.
Arches of Triumph. _See_ Coronation Triumph.
Archipropheta, iii. 31.
Arden of Feversham, ii. 108; iii. 395, 518; iv. =3=.
‘Ariodante and Geneuora’, ii. 76; iv. 99, 159.
‘Arraignment of London’, ii. 253; iii. 35, 272.
Arraignment of Paris, iii. =459=; iv. 236.
‘Arthur, King’, ii. 166.
Ashby Entertainment, iii. =434=.
_Asinaria_, iii. 5.
‘As Plain as can Be’, iv. 84, 144.
As You Like It, ii. 6, 204, 209, 296; iii. =486=; iv. 117.
_Astrologo_, iii. 499.
Atalanta, iv. =373=.
Atheist’s Tragedy, iii. =499=; iv. 42.
_Aulularia_, i. 127.
B
_Bacchides_, iii. 5.
_Balet Comique de la Royne_, i. 176; iii. 15.
Ball, iii. 260.
Band, Cuff and Ruff. _See_ Ruff, Cuff and Band.
‘Barnardo and Fiammetta’, ii. 144.
Bartholomew Fair, i. 262; ii. 469; iii. 227, =372=; iv. 33, 42,
130, 183.
‘Bartholomew Fairing’, iv. =398=.
‘Battle of Affliction’, iv. =398=.
Battle of Alcazar, ii. 175; iii. =459=; iv. 5.
‘Battle of Evesham’, iii. 214.
‘Battle of Hexham’, iii. 214.
‘Baxster’s Tragedy’, ii. 179.
‘Bear a Brain’, ii. 171; iv. 28.
Bearing down the Inn. _See_ Cuckqueans and Cuckolds Errants.
Beaumont’s Mask, i. 173.
Beauty (mask), i. 173; iii. =379=; iv. 122.
‘Beauty and Housewifery’, ii. 192; iv. 99, 159.
‘Beech’s Tragedy’. _See_ ‘Thomas Merry’.
‘_Behendig Dieb_’, ii. 286.
Believe as You List, i. 321.
‘Belin Dun’, ii. 141, 143; iv. 403.
‘Belinus’, iii. 182; iv. =398=.
‘Bellman of London’, ii. 253.
‘Bellman of Paris’, iii. 289, 304.
Bellum Grammaticale, i. 129; iv. 238, =374=.
‘Bendo and Richardo’, ii. 122.
Birth of Hercules, iv. =4=.
Birth of Merlin, ii. 145; iii. 474.
Bisham Entertainment, iv. =66=.
‘1, 2 Black Bateman of the North’, ii. 162, 166.
‘1, 2 Black Dog of Newgate’, ii. 227.
‘Black Joan’, ii. 132, 168.
Blackness (mask), i. 171; iii. =375=; iv. 119.
‘Blacksmith’s Daughter’, ii. 394; iv. 204.
Blind Beggar of Alexandria, iii. =251=.
Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green, iii. =285=.
Blurt Master Constable, iii. 142, =439=.
‘Bold Beauchamps’, iii. 347.
Bonduca, iii. =228=.
‘Bonos Nochios’, iv. =399=.
‘Boss of Billingsgate’, ii. 180.
‘_Botzario ein Alt Römer_’, ii. 284.
‘Bourbon’, ii. 132, 156, 167; iv. 50.
‘Brandimer’, ii. 122.
‘Branholt’, ii. 132, 166; iii. 230.
Brazen Age, iii. 109, =345=.
‘Brennus’, iii. 183; iv. =398=.
Bristol Entertainment (1574). iv. =60=.
Bristol Entertainment (1613), iv. =74=.
‘Bristol Tragedy’, ii. 179; iii. 304; iv. 12.
‘Bristow Merchant’, iii. 304.
Britanniae Primitiae, iv. =374=.
‘Brute Greenshield’. _See_ ‘Conquest of Brute’.
‘Buckingham’, ii. 95, 130, 202, 217.
Bugbears, ii. 14; iii. 28, =351=.
Bussy D’Ambois, iii. 142, =253=.
‘Byron’ (1602), ii. 228; iii. 258, 267.
Byron (1608). _See_ Conspiracy and Tragedy.
C
Caesar and Pompey (Chapman), iii. =259=.
‘Caesar and Pompey’ (_c._ 1582), ii. 394; iv. 216.
‘1, 2 Caesar and Pompey’ (1594–5), ii. 143–4; iii. 259.
Caesar and Pompey. _See_ Caesar’s Revenge.
‘Caesar Interfectus’, iii. 309.
‘Caesar’s Fall, or, The Two Shapes’, ii. 179.
Caesar’s Revenge, iv. =4=.
_Calandra_, iii. 9, 13.
Calisto and Melibaea, ii. 30; iv. 211, 399.
Calthrop Pageant, iii. =463=.
Cambyses, iii. 37, =470=; iv. 6, 79.
Campaspe, ii. 17, 39; iii. 32, =413=.
Campbell, or, the Ironmongers’ Fair Field (show), i. 137; iv. =72=.
Captain, iii. =226=; iv. 127, 180.
‘Captain Mario’, iv. 214.
Captain Thomas Stukeley. _See_ Stukeley.
‘Capture of Stuhl Weissenburg’, ii. 207, 367.
‘Cardenio’, ii. 217; iii. =489=; iv. 127, 128, 180.
‘1, 2 Cardinal Wolsey’, ii. 178; iii. 266.
‘Cards’, i. 268; iii. 453; iv. 238.
‘_Carolus Herzog aus Burgundt_’, ii. 284.
_Casina_, iii. 5.
_Cassaria_, iii. 8, 11.
‘Castle of Security’, i. 333.
‘Catiline’ (1588), i. 222.
Catiline his Conspiracy (1611), iii. =372=.
‘Catiline’s Conspiracies’ (_c._ 1579), ii. 394; iv. 204.
‘Catiline’s Conspiracy’ (1598–9), ii. 163, 170.
Caversham Entertainment, iii. =244=.
Cecil House Entertainment, iii. =248=.
‘Celestina’, iv. =399=.
‘_Celinde und Sedea_’, ii. 284, 289.
Chabot, Admiral of France, iii. =259=.
Challenge at Tilt, iii. =393=.
‘Chance Medley’, ii. 169.
Chapman’s Mask, i. 173; iii. =260=.
‘Charlemagne’ (_c._ 1589), iii. 260, 329; iv. 5.
Charlemagne (_c._ 1600), iii. 260; iv. =5=.
Chaste Maid in Cheapside, iii. =441=.
Chester’s Triumph, iv. =71=.
‘Chinon of England’, ii. 144; iv. =399=.
‘_Christabella_’, ii. 286.
Christian Turned Turk, i. 328; iii. =271=.
‘Christmas Comes but Once a Year’, ii. 227; iii. 267.
Christmas Prince (revels), iv. =71=, 228.
Christus Redivivus, iii. 31.
Chrysanaleia (show), i. 137; iii. =449=.
Chryso-Thriambos (show), i. 137; iii. =449=.
City Gallant. _See_ Greene’s Tu Quoque.
‘1, 2, 3 Civil Wars of France’, ii. 169; iii. 253.
Civitatis Amor (show), iii. =443=.
Claudius Tiberius Nero, iv. =5=.
‘Cleopatra’ (Anon.), iv. =399=.
Cleopatra (Daniel), iii. =275=.
_Cléopâtre Captive_, iii. 13.
‘Cloridon and Radiamanta’, ii. 96; iv. 87, 146.
‘Clorys and Orgasto’, ii. 122.
‘Cloth Breeches and Velvet Hose’, iv. =399=.
Club Law, iv. =5=.
Clyomon and Clamydes, ii. 286; iii. 39; iv. =6=.
‘Cobler of Queenhithe’, ii. 168.
Cobler’s Prophecy, iii. 35, =516=; iv. 41.
Cockle de Moye. _See_ Dutch Courtesan.
‘College of Canonical Clerks’, iv. =399=.
‘Collier’, ii. 89; iii. 317; iv. 93, 151.
‘Columbus’, iii. =434=.
Come See a Wonder. _See_ Wonder of a Kingdom.
Comedy of Errors, i. 222; ii. 123, 130, 201, 211; iii. =482=, 506;
iv. 56, 119, 171, 246.
Comedy of Humours. _See_ Humorous Day’s Mirth.
‘Comedy of Jeronimo’, ii. 122; iv. 23.
Common Conditions, iii. 39; iv. =6=.
‘Conan, Prince of Cornwall’, ii. 169.
Conflict of Conscience, iii. 25, =517=.
‘1, 2 Conquest of Brute’, ii. 163, 169, 170.
‘Conquest of Spain by John of Gaunt’, ii. 161, 178.
‘Conquest of the West Indies’, ii. 161, 178.
Conspiracy and Tragedy of Byron, i. 327; ii. 53; iii. 147, =257=.
‘Constantine’, ii. 122.
Contention between Liberality and Prodigality. _See_ Liberality and
Prodigality.
Contention of York and Lancaster, ii. 129–30; iv. =7=, 44.
Coriolanus, ii. 213; iii. =488=, 509.
Cornelia, iii. =397=.
_Cornélie_, iii. 16, 397.
Coronation Triumph (1559), iv. =60=.
Coronation Triumph (1604), iii. =391=; iv. =69=.
‘Cosmo’, ii. 123.
Country Girl, iii. 237.
Country’s Tragedy in Vacuniam. _See_ Cupid’s Sacrifice.
Cowdray Entertainment, iv. =65=.
‘Cox of Collumpton’, ii. 171, 172.
Coxcomb, ii. 251; iii. =223=; iv. 127, 181.
‘Crack Me this Nut’, ii. 144, 180.
‘Craft upon Subtlety’s Back’, iv. =399=.
‘Crafty Cromwell’, iv. =399=.
Creation of Henry Prince of Wales, iv. =72=.
Croesus, iii. =209=.
Cromwell, iv. =8=, 28.
Cruel Debtor (fr.), iii. =505=.
‘Cruelty of a Stepmother’, ii. 93; iv. 95, 154.
‘Crysella’, ii. 286; iii. 292.
Cuckqueans and Cuckolds Errants, iii. 136, =464=.
‘Cupid’ (mask), i. 174; iii. =442=; iv. 129.
‘Cupid and Psyche’, ii. 15, 171; iii. 346; iv. 216.
Cupid’s Revenge, iii. =225=; iv. 125, 127, 178, 181.
Cupid’s Sacrifice, iii. =464=.
‘Cupid’s Vagaries’. _See_ ‘Hymen’s Holiday’.
Cupid’s Whirligig, iii. =491=.
‘Cutlack’, ii. 140–1, 146.
‘Cutting Dick’, ii. 228; iv. 50.
‘Cutwell’, i. 223; ii. 381; iv. 91, 152.
Cymbeline, ii. 214–15; iii. 111, 223, =489=.
‘Cynocephali’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 152.
Cynthia and Ariadne (mask). _See_ Ashby Entertainment.
Cynthia’s Revels, ii. 43; iii. 145, =363=, 430; iv. 372.
Cynthia’s Revenge, iii. =495=.
D
‘Damon and Pythias’ (Chettle), ii. 171.
Damon and Pythias (Edwardes), ii. 34; iii. 32, =310=; iv. 81, 143,
193.
‘Damon and Pythias’ (puppet-play), iii. 373.
‘Danish Tragedy’, ii. 179; iii. 264.
Darius (Alexander), iii. =209=.
Darius, King (Anon.), iii. 23; iv. =8=.
David and Bethsabe, iii. 48, =461=.
Dead Man’s Fortune (plot), ii. 136; iv. =9=.
‘Death of the Duke of Guise’ (Anon.), i. 323.
Death of the Duke of Guise (Marlowe). _See_ Massacre at Paris.
Death of Robert Earl of Huntingdon. _See_ Robin Hood.
‘Delight’, ii. 89, 394; iv. 97, 158.
‘Delphrigus’, iv. 236, 241.
Denmark Entertainment, iii. =392=; iv. 70.
Descensus Astraeae (show), i. 137; iii. =463=.
‘Destruction of Jerusalem’ (Legge), iii. =408=; iv. 246.
‘Destruction of Jerusalem’ (Smythe), iii. 409.
‘Destruction of Thebes’, i. 129; iv. 85.
‘Devil and Dives’, iii. 411.
Devil and his Dame. _See_ Grim the Collier of Croydon.
‘Devil of Dowgate’, iii. 232.
Devil’s Charter, iii. 112, =214=; iv. 122.
‘Dialogue of Dives’, iv. 241.
Dido (Gager), i. 129; iii. =318=.
‘Dido’ (Halliwell), i. 127.
‘Dido’ (Ritwise), ii. 11.
‘Dido and Aeneas’, ii. 132, 166; iii. 374, 427.
Dido Queen of Carthage (Marlowe), iii. 35, =426=.
‘Diocletian’, ii. 143; iii. 298.
‘Disguises’, ii. 144; iii. 256.
Disobedient Child, iii. 25, =351=.
Distracted Emperor. _See_ Charlemagne.
Dixie Pageant, iii. =463=.
Doctor Faustus, ii. 281, 286; iii. 329, =422=; iv. 44, 48.
‘Don Horatio’, ii. 122; iv. 23.
Double Falsehood, iii. 490.
Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntingdon. _See_ Robin Hood.
Dream of a Dry Year. _See_ Arabia Sitiens.
Duchess of Malfi, iii. =510=.
‘Duke Humphrey’, iii. 489.
Duke of Guise, iii. 26.
‘Duke of Milan and Marquis of Mantua’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 156.
Dumb Knight, ii. 289; iii. =418=; iv. 11.
Dutch Courtesan, iii. 148, =430=; iv. 127, 128, 180, 182.
E
‘1, 2 Earl Godwin and his Three Sons’, ii. 166.
‘Earl of Hertford’, ii. 180.
Eastward Ho! i. 326; ii. 51; iii. 149, =254=, 257, 286, 367, 433;
iv. 36, 42, 129, 182.
Edward I, iii. =460=.
Edward II, iii. =425=; iv. 9, 42, 44.
Edward III, iv. =9=.
Edward IV, ii. 281; iv. =10=.
_Ehrebrecherin_, ii. 275–6.
Elstrild. _See_ Locrine.
Elvetham Entertainment, iv. =66=.
Endymion, i. 327; ii. 18–19; iii. 33, =415=; iv. 103.
England’s Joy (show), iii. 287, =500=.
‘English Arcadia’, iv. =400=.
‘English Fugitives’, ii. 173.
English Traveller, iii. 339.
Englishmen for my Money, iii. =334=; iv. 16.
Enough is as Good as a Feast, iii. =504=.
Epicoene, i. 327; ii. 59; iii. 222, 230, =369=; iv. 371.
_Epidicus_, iii. 5.
Epithalamion on the Marquis of Huntly’s Marriage (show), iii.
=351=.
‘_Erlösung aus der Löwengrube_’, ii. 283–4.
‘Error’, ii. 15; iv. 93, 151.
_Esther und Haman_, ii. 285–6.
_Eugène_, iii. 13.
_Eunuchus_, iii. 5, 7.
Eunuchus (tr. Bernard), iii. =236=.
‘Eunuchus’ (tr. Kyffin?), iii. =398=.
Euribates Pseudomagus, iv. =374=.
Every Man In his Humour, iii. =359=; iv. 119, 172, 247.
Every Man Out of his Humour, i. 381; iii. 122, 128, 292, =360=;
iv. 19, 119, 172.
Every Woman in her Humour, iii. 418; iv. =11=.
Exchange Ware at Second Hand. _See_ Ruff, Cuff and Band.
‘Ezechias’, i. 127.
F
‘Fabii’. _See_ ‘Four Sons of Fabius’.
Faery Pastoral, iii. 137, =464=.
‘1, 2 Fair Constance of Rome’, ii. 161, 171, 173.
Fair Em, iii. 325, 329; iv. =11=, 30, 36.
Fair Maid of Bristow, iii. 431; iv. =12=.
‘Fair Maid of Italy’, ii. 95–6, 114.
‘Fair Maid of London’, i. 320.
Fair Maid of the Exchange, iv. =13=.
‘Fairy Knight’, iii. 304.
Faithful Friends, iii. =232=.
Faithful Shepherdess, iii. 151, =221=, 313; iv. 41.
Fall of Mortimer (fr.), iii. 374.
Family of Love, iii. =440=; iv. 11, 29.
Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth, ii. 202; iii. 472; iv. =17=,
239.
‘Famous Wars of Henry I and the Prince of Wales’. _See_ ‘Welshman’s
Prize’.
‘Far Fetched and Dear Bought is Good for Ladies’, iv. =400=.
Fatal Dowry, iii. 314.
‘Fatal Love’, iii. 259; iv. 5.
Father’s Own Son. _See_ Monsieur Thomas.
Fatum Vortigerni, iv. =374=.
_Favola d’Orfeo_, iii. 6.
Fawn, or, Parasitaster, ii. 22, 284, 286; iii. 140, =432=; iv. 42.
_Fedele_, iii. 316.
Fedele and Fortunio, iii. 28, 316; iv. =13=.
‘Felix and Philiomena’, ii. 106; iv. 101, 160.
‘Felmelanco’, ii. 180; iii. 471.
‘Ferrar’, ii. 93; iv. 99, 159.
Ferrex and Porrex. _See_ Gorboduc.
‘Ferrex and Porrex’ (Haughton), ii. 164, 171.
_Filli di Sciro_, iii. 238.
‘Finding of Truth’, ii. 79.
‘First Introduction of the Civil Wars of France’, ii. 164, 169.
‘Five Plays in One’ (1585), ii. 106; iii. 497; iv. 101, 160.
‘Five Plays in One’ (1597), ii. 144; iii. 347.
Fleir, iii. 151, =490=.
_Flora_, iii. 13.
Flowers (mask), i. 174; iv. =59=, 129.
‘Forces of Hercules’ (activities), ii. 90, 272.
Forest of Elves. _See_ Faery Pastoral.
Fortress of Perfect Beauty (tilt), i. 144; iv. =63=.
_Fortunato_, ii. 285–6.
‘Fortune’, iv. 88, 146.
‘Fortune’ (lottery), iv. =400=.
Fortune by Land and Sea, iii. =343=.
‘1, 2 Fortune’s Tennis’ (plot), ii. 177, 180; iii. 448; iv. =14=.
Fortunia. _See_ Susenbrotus.
‘Fount of New Fashions’. _See_ ‘Isle of a Woman’.
Fountain of Self-Love. _See_ Cynthia’s Revels.
Four Elements, ii. 30; iii. 23.
‘Four Kings’, ii. 167, 169; iv. 6.
Four PP., ii. 30.
‘Four Plays in One’, ii. 122; iii. 497.
Four Plays in One. _See_ Yorkshire Tragedy.
Four Plays or Moral Representations in One, iii. =231=.
Four Prentices of London, iii. 221, =340=.
‘Four Sons of Aymon’, ii. 181.
‘Four Sons of Fabius’, ii. 98, 394; iv. 97, 156, 216.
Fox. _See_ Volpone.
Frederick and Basilea (plot), ii. 150; iv. =14=.
Free Will (tr.), iii. =262=.
‘Freeman’s Honour’, iii. 493.
‘French Comedy’ (1595), ii. 143.
‘French Comedy’ (1597), ii. 144.
‘French Doctor’, ii. 146, 180; iii. 301.
Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay, ii. 114; iii. =328=; iv. 12.
‘Friar Fox and Gillian of Brentford’, ii. 169.
‘Friar Francis’, ii. 95; iv. 253.
‘Friar Rush and the Proud Woman of Antwerp’, ii. 178.
‘Friar Spendleton’, ii. 132, 156, 166.
‘_Fromme Frau zu Antorf_’, ii. 281.
Fucus, sive, Histriomastix, i. 253.
Fulgens and Lucres, iii. 22–4.
‘Funeral of Richard Cœur de Lion’, i. 320; ii. 166.
G
Galathea, ii. 18; iii. 34, =415=; iv. 103.
‘Galiaso’, ii. 143.
Game at Chess, i. 327; iii. 438.
‘Game of the Cards’, i. 268; ii. 37; iv. 99, 158.
Gammer Gurton’s Needle, ii. 274; iii. 27; iv. 229.
_Genièvre_, iii. =14=.
Gentle Craft. _See_ Shoemaker’s Holiday.
Gentleman Usher, iii. 146, =251=, 253.
Gentleness and Nobility, ii. 30.
George a Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield, iv. =14=.
‘George Scanderbeg’, iv. =400=.
Gesta Grayorum (mask), i. 168; iii. 240; iv. =56=, 109.
‘_Gevatter_’, ii. 286.
‘Ginecocratia’, iii. 470.
_Giocasta_, iii. 321.
Gismond of Salerne, iii. 30, =514=; iv. 82.
‘Give a Man Luck and Throw him into the Sea’, iv. =400=.
Glass of Government, iii. =321=; iv. 196.
‘God Speed the Plough’, ii. 95; iv. =400=.
‘2 Godfrey of Bulloigne’, ii. 143; iii. 340.
Godly Queen Hester, iii. 25, 311, 350.
Golden Age, iii. 109, 114, =344=.
Golden Age Restored (mask), i. 174; iii. =390=; iv. 130.
‘Golden Ass’. _See_ ‘Cupid and Psyche’.
Goosecap, Sir Giles, iii. 146, 251, 255; iv. 11, =15=.
Gorboduc, i. 265; iii. 29, =456=; iv. 80, 226.
‘Gowry’, i. 328; ii. 211.
‘_Graf von Angiers_’, ii. 286.
Great Duke of Florence, ii. 286.
‘Grecian Comedy’. _See_ ‘Love of a Grecian Lady’.
‘Greek Maid’, ii. 89; iv. 96, 154.
Greene’s Tu Quoque, iii. =269=; iv. 20, 125, 126, 178, 254.
Grim the Collier of Croydon, iv. =16=.
_Griseldis_, iii. 292.
‘Guido’, ii. 144.
Guise (Marlowe). _See_ Massacre at Paris.
‘Guise’ (Webster), iii. 426, 434; iv. 400.
‘Gustavus King of Swethland’, iii, 304.
Guy Earl of Warwick, iii. 304.
‘Guy of Warwick’, ii. 127; iii. 289, 304.
H
Haddington Mask, i. 173; iii. =381=.
Hamlet, i. 380; ii. 193, 195, 202, 206, 209, 219, 286, 395; iii.
107, 112, 116, 117, 185, 252, 397, =486=; iv. 33, 53, 234, 371.
‘Hannibal and Hermes’, ii. 166.
‘Hannibal and Scipio’, ii. 177.
‘Hardicanute’, ii. 132, 156, 167.
‘Hardshifte for Husbands’, iii. 472.
Harefield Entertainment, iv. =67=.
Hay Mask, iii. =240=.
_Heautontimorumenus_, i. 75; ii. 72; iv. 82.
Heautontimorumenus (tr.), iii. =236=.
Heaven’s Blessing and Earth’s Joy. _See_ Marriage of Frederick and
Elizabeth.
Hector of Germany, iii. =493=.
Hecyra (tr.), iii. =236=.
‘Heliogabalus’, iii. 324; iv. =401=.
Hemetes the Hermit. _See_ Woodstock Entertainment.
‘Hemidos and Thelay’, iv. =401=.
‘Hengist’. _See_ ‘Vortigern’.
‘Henry I’, ii. 144; iii. 307, 489.
‘Henry II’, iii. 489.
1 Henry IV, i. 220, 311; ii. 6, 196, 204, 217, 443; iii. 307,
=484=; iv. 36, 127, 180, 246, 371.
2 Henry IV, ii. 196, 217, 293, 443; iii. =485=; iv. 127, 180, 246,
371.
‘Henry V’ (Anon.), ii. 144, 211; iv. 17.
Henry V (Shakespeare), ii. 203, 211, 415; iii. =485=; iv. 9, 119,
172.
Henry V. _See_ Famous Victories.
1 Henry VI, i. 260; ii. 122, 129–30, 201; iii. 55, 97, =481=; iv.
8, 17, 238.
2 Henry VI, ii. 129–30, 202; iii. 113, =481=; iv. 8, 34, 43.
3 Henry VI, ii. 129–30, 200, 202; iii. =481=; iv. 8.
Henry VIII (Rowley). _See_ When You See Me, You Know Me.
Henry VIII (Shakespeare), ii. 95, 130, 202, 217, 219, 419; iii.
=489=.
‘Henry of Cornwall’, ii. 122; iv. 2.
‘2 Henry Richmond’, ii. 161, 171.
‘Herbert Mask’, iii. 377.
‘1, 2 Hercules’, ii. 143–4, 167; iii. 345; iv. 4.
Hercules Furens (tr.), iii. =477=.
Hercules Oetaeus (fr. tr.), iii. =311=.
Hercules Oetaeus (tr.), iii. =478=.
Herod and Antipater, iii. 417.
Herodes, iv. =375=.
‘Herpetulus the Blue Knight and Perobia’, ii. 97; iv. 89, 148.
‘_Herzog von Florenz und Edelmanns Tochter_’, ii. 281, 286.
‘_Herzog von Mantua und Herzog von Verona_’, ii. 286.
‘Hester and Ahasuerus’, ii. 140, 193, 202.
Hickscorner, iii. 22.
Highgate Entertainment, i. 126; iii. =392=.
Himatia Poleos (show), i. 137; iii. =449=.
_Hippolytus_, iii. 3, 319.
Hippolytus (tr.), iii. =478=.
Hispanus, iv. =375=.
‘_Histoire Angloise contre la Roine d’Angleterre_’, i. 323.
‘History of Love and Fortune’, iv. 28.
‘History of the Old Testament’, ii. 11.
Histriomastix, i. 381–2; iii. 135, 362; iv. =17=.
‘Hit Nail o’ th’ Head’, iii. 437.
Hoffman, iii. =264=.
Honest Lawyer, iv. =19=.
Honest Man’s Fortune, i. 321; ii. 251; iii. =227=.
1, 2 Honest Whore, iii. =294=.
Horestes, iii. 38, =466=; iv. 84, 144.
‘Hot Anger Soon Cold’, ii. 169.
How a Man may Choose a Good Wife from a Bad, iii. 342; iv. =19=.
‘How to Learn of a Woman to Woo’, iii. 342; iv. 119, 171.
Hue and Cry after Cupid. _See_ Haddington Mask.
Huff, Suff, and Ruff. _See_ Cambyses.
Humorous Day’s Mirth, iii. =251=.
‘Humorous Earl of Gloucester with his Conquest of Portugal’, ii.
179; iv. 28.
Humour out of Breath, iii. =287=.
Hunting of Cupid, iii. =462=; iv. 54.
‘Huon of Bordeaux’, ii. 95; iii. 304.
Hymenaei (mask), i. 172; iii. =378=; iv. 120.
Hymenaeus, iv, =375=.
‘Hymen’s Holiday’, ii. 244; iv. 126, 178.
Hymen’s Triumph, i. 174; iii. =276=; iv. 129.
I
If It be not Good, the Devil is in It, iii. 271, =297=.
1, 2 If You Know not Me, You Know Nobody, iii. =342=.
Ignoramus, i. 131; iii. =475=.
_Illusion Comique_, iii. 16.
‘Impatient Grissell’, iv. 401.
Impatient Poverty, iii. 23; iv. =20=, 31.
Inner Temple and Gray’s Inn Mask, iii. =233=.
Insatiate Countess, iii. =433=.
‘Iphigenia’ (Anon.), ii. 14; iii. 352; iv. 87, 146.
Iphigenia (tr. Lumley), ii. 14; iii. =411=.
‘Iphigenia’ (tr. Peele), iii. =462=.
_Iphigenia in Aulis_, iii. 411.
‘Iphis and Iantha’, iii. 489.
Ira seu Tumulus Fortuna. _See_ Christmas Prince.
‘Irish Knight’, ii. 98, 381; iv. 91, 152.
Irish Mask, i. 173; iii. 247, =388=; iv. 128.
1, 2 Iron Age, iii. =345=.
Irus. _See_ Blind Beggar of Alexandria.
‘Isle of a Woman’, ii. 167, 169; iii. 253.
‘Isle of Dogs’, i. 298, 324; ii. 132, 151; iii. 353, 364, =453=;
iv. 323.
Isle of Gulls, i. 326; ii. 52; iii. 150, =286=, 295, 296.
‘Italian Tragedy’ (Day), ii. 173; iii. 518.
‘Italian Tragedy’ (Smith), ii. 227.
Ivy-Church, The Countess of Pembroke’s. _See_ Phillis and Amyntas.
J
‘Jack and Jill’, iv. 84, 144.
Jack Drum’s Entertainment, i. 381; ii. 20; iii. 138; iv. 18, 19,
=21=.
Jack Juggler, iii. 27.
Jack Straw, iv. =22=.
Jacob and Esau, iii. 24, 350; iv. =22=.
James IV, ii. 296; iii. =330=.
‘Jealous Comedy’, ii. 123, 130, 201.
_Jemand und Niemand_, ii. 281–2, 285–6.
‘Jephthah’ (Dekker), ii. 179.
_Jephthes_ (Buchanan), iii. =514=; iv. 246.
1 Jeronimo, ii. 286; iii. 396; iv. =22=.
‘Jeronimo, Comedy of’, ii. 122–3.
‘Jeronimo’. _See_ Spanish Tragedy.
‘Jerusalem’, ii. 122; iii. 409.
‘Jesuits’ Comedy’, i. 323; iv. =401=.
‘Jew’, ii. 380; iv. 204.
Jew of Malta, ii. 286; iii. =424=.
‘Jew of Venice’, iii. =301=.
‘Joan as Good as my Lady’, ii. 169.
‘Job’, iii. 330.
Jocasta, iii. 30, =320=.
‘Joconda and Astolso’, iii. 304.
Johan, Kinge, i. 241, 245; iii. 22; iv. 79.
Johan Johan, ii. 30; iii. 23.
Johan the Evangelist, iii. 22.
John, King, ii. 194; iii. =483=; iv. 24, 246.
John. _See_ Troublesome Reign.
John a Kent and John a Cumber, iii. =446=; iv. 32, 33.
John and Matilda, iii. 447.
John Baptist, i. 241.
‘John of Gaunt’, iv. =401=.
_Joseph_, iii. 18.
‘Joseph’s Afflictions’, iv. =401=.
_Josephus Jude von Venedig_, ii. 145, 147, 286.
‘Joshua’, ii. 180.
‘Judas’ (1600), ii. 173, 178.
‘Judas’ (1601), ii. 178.
‘_Jude_’, ii. 281.
Judith (fr. tr.), iv. =24=.
‘Jugurtha’, ii. 171.
‘Julian the Apostate’ (Anon.), ii. 144.
‘Julian the Apostate’ (Ashton), iii. 210.
_Julio und Hyppolita_, ii. 145, 285; iii. 301.
Julius Caesar (Alexander), iii. =209=.
Julius Caesar (Shakespeare), ii. 203, 217, 286, 365; iii. =486=,
509; iv. 33, 54, 127, 180.
_Juvenis_, _Pater_, _Uxor_, iii. 351.
K
Kenilworth Entertainment, iv. =61=.
King and No King, iii. =225=; iv. 125, 127, 177, 180.
King of Denmark’s Entertainment, iv. =70=.
‘King of Fairies’, iv. 236, 241.
‘King of Scots’, iii. 432; iv. 84, 144.
Knack to Know a Knave, iv. =24=.
Knack to Know an Honest Man, iv. =24=.
‘1, 2 Knaves’, ii. 244; iv. 127, 180.
‘Knight in the Burning Rock’, ii. 98; iv. 96, 155.
‘Knight of Rhodes iii. 462; iv. 47.
Knight of the Burning Pestle, iii. 151, =220=, 237; iv. 36.
‘Knot of Fools’, iv. 127, 180.
‘_König aus Arragona_’, ii. 286; iii. 327.
‘_König aus Engelandt und Goltschmitt Weib_’, ii. 281.
‘_König in Dennemark und König in Schweden_’, ii. 286.
‘_König in Spanien und Vice Roy in Portugall_’, ii. 286.
‘_König Ludwig und König Friedrich von Ungarn_’, ii. 281.
‘_König von Khipern und Herzog von Venedig_’, ii. 281, 286.
_Königes Sohne aus Engellandt und Königes Tochter aus Schottlandt_,
ii. 281, 285, 286.
L
Labyrinthus, iii. =336=.
‘Lady Amity’, iii. 215.
‘Lady Barbara’, ii. 96; iv. 87, 146.
1, 2 Lady Jane. _See_ Sir Thomas Wyatt.
Lady of May (show), i. 124; ii. 89; iii. =491=.
Laelia, iii. 212; iv. 53, =375=.
‘Late Murder of the Son upon the Mother’, iii. 512.
Law Tricks, iii. =285=.
Leander, iii. =336=.
Lear, King, ii. 212, 286; iii. =488=, 499; iv. 25, 48, 121.
Leire, King, ii. 202; iv. =25=, 48.
_Lena_, iii. 11.
Liberality and Prodigality, iii. 145; iv. 26.
Life and Repentance of Mary Magdalene, iii. 25, =503=; iv. 194.
‘Like Quits Like’, iii. 267.
‘Like unto Like’ (1600), ii. 133; iv. 16.
Like will to Like (_c._ 1568), ii. 14; iii. 24, =317=; iv. 16.
Lingua, iii. =497=.
_Lisandre et Caliste_, iii. 16.
Little Thief. _See_ Nightwalker.
Locrine, iii. 232; iv. =26=, 44, 46.
‘London Against the Three Ladies,’ iii. 515; iv. 216.
‘1, 2 London Florentine’, ii. 180–1.
‘London Merchant’, iii. 315.
London Maid. _See_ Thorny Abbey.
London Prodigal, iv. =27=.
London’s Love to Prince Henry, iv. =72=.
‘1 Long Meg of Westminster’, ii. 147, 190.
‘Longshanks’, ii. 144, 181; iii. 461.
‘Longsword, Sir William’, i. 320; ii. 170.
Look About You, iv. =28=.
Looking Glass for London and England, ii. 280, 296; iii. =328=.
Lords’ Mask, i. 173; iii. =241=.
Love and Fortune, ii. 118; iii. 45; iv. =28=, 99, 159.
‘Love and Self-Love’ (show), iii. 212, 306.
Love Feigned and Unfeigned, iv. =28=.
Love Freed from Ignorance and Folly (mask), i. 173; iii. =386=; iv.
125.
Love Lies Bleeding. _See_ Philaster.
‘Love of a Grecian Lady’, ii. 146; iii. 462.
‘Love of an English Lady’, ii. 143.
‘Love Parts Friendship’, ii. 179; iii. 266; iv. 50.
‘Love Prevented’, ii. 166; iii. 467.
Love Restored (mask), i. 173; iii. =387=; iv. 35, 58, 125.
Love’s Cure, iii. =231=.
Love’s Labour’s Lost, ii. 194, 211; iii. 260, =482=; iv. 119, 139,
172, 246.
‘Love’s Labour’s Won’, ii. 197; iii. 489; iv. 246.
Love’s Metamorphosis, iii. 34, 145, =416=.
Love’s Mistress, iii. 346.
Lovesick King, iii. =237=.
‘Loyalty and Beauty’, ii. 35; iv. 96, 155.
_Lucidi_, iii. 13.
‘Lud, King’, ii. 95.
‘_Ludovico, ein König aus Hispania_’, ii. 284.
‘Lustie London’, iii. 470.
Lust’s Dominion, iii. =427=.
Lusty Juventus, iii. 22; iv. 380.
M
Macbeth, i. 126; ii. 212, 215, 269; iii. 332, 438, 439, =488=, 498.
‘Machiavel’ (1592), ii. 122; iii. 272.
‘Machiavel and the Devil’ (1613), i. 374; ii. 252; iii. 272.
Machiavellus, iv. =376=.
‘Mack’, ii. 143; iii. 299.
Mad World, my Masters, iii. 143, =439=.
‘Madman’s Morris’, ii. 166.
‘Madon King of Britain’, iii. 233.
‘Mahomet’, ii. 146, 180; iii. 327; iv. 47.
‘Mahomet’s Poo’, iii. 327, 460, 462.
Maidenhead Well Lost, iii. 347.
‘Maiden’s Holiday’, iii. 289, =427=.
Maid’s Metamorphosis, ii. 20; iii. 136; iv. =29=.
Maid’s Tragedy, iii. =224=; iv. 127, 180, 371.
‘Malcolm King of Scots’, ii. 179.
Malcontent, iii. 147, =431=; iv. 23.
‘Mamillia’, ii. 89; iv. 89, 147.
‘Mandeville’, ii. 122–3; iv. 12.
‘Manhood and Misrule’, iv. =402=.
Mankind, iv. 37.
‘Man’s Wit’, iv. 241.
_Marc Antoine_, iii. 337.
‘Marcus Geminus’, i. 128.
Mariam, iii. 247.
Marius and Sulla. _See_ Wounds of Civil War.
‘Marquis d’Ancre’, i. 327; iii. 511.
Marriage between Wit and Wisdom, iii. =437=.
Marriage of Frederick and Elizabeth (shows), iv. =73=.
‘Marriage of Mind and Measure’, ii. 15; iii. 437; iv. 96, =154=.
Marriage of Wit and Science, iv. =29=.
‘Marshal Osric’, ii. 227; iii. 341.
‘_Märtherin Dorothea_’, ii. 286.
Martial Maid. _See_ Love’s Cure.
‘Martin Swart’, ii. 144.
Mary Magdalene. _See_ Life and Repentance.
Mask of Heroes, ii. 245.
Massacre at Paris, i. 323; ii. 123, 146; iii. =425=.
Match at Midnight, iii. =474=.
Match Me in London, iii. =297=.
‘Match or No Match’, iii. 472.
May Day, iii. 147, =256=.
‘May Lord’, iii. 374.
Mayor of Quinborough, iii. =442=.
Measure for Measure, ii. 211; iii. =487=; iv. 119, 171.
Medea (tr.), iii. =478=.
‘Medicine for a Curst Wife’, ii. 179, 227.
Melanthe, i. 131; iii. =238=.
Meleager, i. 129; iii. 32, =318=; iv. 30.
Meleager (argument), ii. 18; iv. =30=.
‘_Melone König aus Dalmatia_’, ii. 284.
_Menaechmi_, iii. 4, 5, 20.
Menaechmi (tr.), iii. =505=.
_Menechmes_, iii. 17.
‘Merchant of Emden’, ii. 143.
Merchant of Venice, ii. 195, 211, 283, 286; iii. 301, =484=; iv.
30, 53, 119, 172, 246.
Mercury Vindicated from the Alchemists (mask), i. 174; iii. =389=;
iv. 130.
‘Merry as May Be’, ii. 180.
Merry Devil of Edmonton, iv. 12, =30=, 36, 127, 180.
Merry Wives of Windsor, ii. 64, 204, 211; iii. 185, =486=; iv. 30,
53, 119, 171.
Messallina, ii. 519.
Metropolis Coronata (show), i. 137; iii. =449=.
Michaelmas Term, iii. 143, =440=.
Midas, ii. 18; iii. 34, =416=; iv. 104.
Middle Temple and Lincoln’s Inn Mask. _See_ Chapman’s Mask.
Midsummer Night’s Dream, i. 124; ii. 117, 194; iii. =483=; iv. 36,
109, 118, 246.
_Miles Gloriosus_, i. 75; ii. 72; iii. 5, 20; iv. 3, 82.
‘Miller’, ii. 168; iii. 407.
Minds (tr.), iv. =31=.
‘Mingo’, ii. 89.
Miseries of Enforced Marriage, iii. =513=; iv. 55.
Misfortunes of Arthur, iii. 30, =348=; iv. 103.
Misogonus, iii. 24; iv. =31=.
Moll Cut-Purse. _See_ Roaring Girl.
Monsieur d’Olive, iii. 146, =252=.
Monsieur Thomas, iii. =228=.
Montague Mask, iii. 321.
More, Sir Thomas, i. 321; iv. 21, =32=.
‘Mortimer’, iii. 425.
Mother Bombie, iii. 34, =416=.
‘Mother Redcap’, ii. 166.
‘Mother Rumming’, iv. =402=.
Mountebanks Mask, iii. 240, 435.
Mucedorus, i. 328; ii. 286; iii. 271; iv. 12, 30, =34=.
Much Ado About Nothing, ii. 197, 217, 300, 312; iii. =485=; iv. 16,
127, 180.
Mulleasses. _See_ Turk.
‘Mulmutius Dunwallow’, ii. 170.
‘Muly Mollocco’, ii. 122–3; iii. 460.
‘Murderous Michael’, ii. 93; iv. 4, 96, 155.
Mustapha, iii. =331=.
‘Mutius Scaevola’, ii. 35, 63; iv. 91, 151.
N
‘Narcissus’ (1572), iv. 87, 146.
Narcissus (1603), iv. =36=.
‘Nebuchadnezzar’, ii. 144.
Necromantes, iii. =464=.
Nero (Anon.), iv. 5.
Nero (Gwynne), iii. =332=.
‘Netherlands’, iv. =402=.
New Custom, iv. =36=.
New Wonder, A Woman Never Vexed, iii. =474=.
‘New World’s Tragedy’, ii. 144.
Nice Wanton, iii. 23.
Nightwalker, iii. =230=.
‘Niniveh’s Repentance’, iv. =402=.
‘Ninus and Semiramis’, iv. =402=.
No Wit, no Help, like a Woman’s, iii. =441=.
Noble Soldier, iii. 288, =300=.
‘Nobleman’, iii. =500=; iv. 126, 127, 178, 180.
Nobody and Somebody, iv. =37=.
Northern Man. _See_ Too Good to be True.
Northward Ho! iii. 141, 286, =295=.
‘Nugize’, iv. 37.
O
Oberon (mask), i. 173; iii. =385=; iv. 35, 58, 125.
Octavia (tr.), iii. =478=.
Oedipus (fr.), iii. =319=.
Oedipus (tr.), iii. =477=.
Old Fortunatus, ii. 281, 286; iii. =290=; iv. 112.
Old Law, iii. =438=.
Old Wive’s Tale, iii. 48, 329, =461=.
1, ‘2’ Oldcastle, ii. 6, 171, 218; iii. =306=.
‘Olympo’, ii. 143; iii. 344.
_Oration of Gwgan and Poetry_ (Welsh), iii. =457=.
Orestes. _See_ Horestes.
‘Orestes Furious’. _See_ ‘Agamemnon’.
Orlando Furioso, i. 378; ii. 286; iii. 325, =329=, 461, 472.
‘Orphans’ Tragedy’, ii. 173, 179; iii. 518.
‘Ortenus’, iv. =402=.
‘Osric’, ii. 147.
Othello, ii. 207, 211, 215, 217; iii. 112, =487=; iv. 68, 119, 127,
138, 171, 180, 371.
Overthrow of Rebels. _See_ Sir Thomas Wyatt.
‘Owen Tudor’, ii. 173.
‘Owl’, ii. 253; iii. 233, 272.
P
‘Page of Plymouth’, ii. 171.
‘Painful Pilgrimage’, iv. 84, 144.
‘Painter’s Daughter’, ii. 98; iv. 93, 151.
‘Palamon and Arcite’ (Anon.), ii. =143=.
‘Palamon and Arcite’ (Edwardes), i. 128; iii. =311=.
_Pammachius_, i. 241.
_Pandoste_, iii. 16–17.
‘Panecia’, ii. 88; iv. 91, 149.
Panniculus Hippolyto Assutus, iii. =319=.
‘Paradox’, ii. 144.
Parasitaster. _See_ Fawn.
Pardoner and Frere, ii. 30; iii. 22.
‘Paris and Vienna’, ii. 75; iv. 87, 146.
Parliament of Bees (dialogues), iii. =287=, 299, 300.
1, 2, 3 Parnassus, i. 381, 385; iv. =38=.
Parthenia, iv. =376=.
Pasquill and Katherine. _See_ Jack Drum’s Entertainment.
‘Passion of Christ’, iii. 211.
Pastor Fido (tr.), iv. =40=.
Pastor Fidus (tr.), iv. =376=.
Pastoral Dialogue, iii. =492=.
‘Pastoral Tragedy’, ii. 170.
Pathomachia, iii. 499.
Patient Grissell (Dekker), ii. 286; iii. =292=.
Patient Grissell (Phillip), iii. 38, =465=.
Pedantius, iv. 49, 238, =376=.
Pedlar’s Prophecy, iv. =41=.
Penates. _See_ Highgate Entertainment.
_Penulus_, iii. 5.
Perfidus Etruscus, iv. 377.
Periander. _See_ Christmas Prince.
Pericles, ii. 213; iii. =488=, 513; iv. 41.
‘Perseus and Andromeda’, ii. 76; iv. 88, 90, 146, 148.
‘Phaethon’, ii. 164, 166, 178; iii. 300.
‘Phedrastus’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 149.
‘Phigon and Lucia’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 149.
Philaster, or, Love Lies Bleeding, iii. =222=, 224; iv. 127, 180.
‘Philemon and Philecia’, ii. 88; iv. 90, 148.
‘Philenzo and Hypollita’, ii. 145; iii. 301.
‘Philip of Spain’, ii. 181; iii. 343.
‘Philipo and Hippolito’, ii. 143; iii. 300.
Phillis and Amyntas (tr.), iii. =316=.
‘_Philole und Mariana_’, ii. 289; iii. 418.
Philomathes. _See_ Christmas Prince.
Philomela. _See_ Christmas Prince.
Philotas (Daniel), i. 326; iii. 150, =275=.
‘Philotas’ (Lateware), iii. 275.
Philotus, iv. =41=.
‘Phocas’, ii. 144, 167.
_Phoenissae_, iii. 321.
Phoenix, iii. 143, =439=; iv. 118.
_Phormio_, ii. 11; iii. 20.
Phormio (tr.), iii. =236=.
‘Phyllida and Corin’, ii. 106; iv. 101, 160.
Physiponomachia, iv. 377.
‘Pierce of Exton’, ii. 167.
‘Pierce of Winchester’, ii. 169.
Pinner of Wakefield. _See_ George a Greene.
‘Plays and Pastimes’, i. 257; ii. 394; iv. 217.
Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas, ii. 448; iii. =346=.
Poetaster, i. 380–1, 384; ii. 43; iii. 146, 293, =364=, 430; iv.
21, 372.
Polyhymnia (tilt), i. 145; iii. =402=.
‘Pompey’, ii. 15, 394; iv. 97, 158.
‘Pontius Pilate’, ii. 168, 180.
Poor Man’s Comfort, iii. =271=.
‘Poor Man’s Paradise’, ii. 173.
‘Pope Joan’, ii. 122.
_Porcie_, iii. 397.
‘Portio and Demorantes’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 156.
‘Practice of Parasites’, iv. 206.
‘Praise at Parting’, iv. 214.
‘Predor and Lucia’, ii. 88; iv. 89, 147.
‘Pretestus’, ii. 97; iv. 91, 149.
Prince Henry’s Barriers, iii. =393=.
Princely Pleasures at Kenilworth. _See_ Kenilworth Entertainment.
Prodigal Child (fr.), iii. 445.
‘Prodigality’, iv. 26, 84, 144.
‘Progne’, i. 129; iii. 239.
_Progne_, iii. 239.
Progress of James I from Scotland, iv. =68=.
Promos and Cassandra, iii. 29, =512=; iv. 201.
Prophetae, i. 241.
Prophetess, iii. 298.
Proteus (mask). _See_ Gesta Grayorum.
‘Proud Maid’s Tragedy’, iii. 441; iv. 126, 178.
Psyche et Filii ejus, iv. =377=.
‘Ptolome’, ii. 380; iv. 204.
Puritan, i. 262; iii. 143; iv. =41=, 249.
_Pyrame et Thisbée_, iii. 16–17.
‘_Pyramo und Thisbe_’, ii. 283.
‘Pythagoras’, ii. 144, 167.
Q
‘Queen’, iv. =402=.
‘Queen of Ethiopia’, ii. 135.
Queens (mask), i. 173; iii. =382=; iv. 123.
Queen’s Arcadia, i. 131; iii. 227, =276=, 373.
‘Quintus Fabius’, ii. 63; iv. 89, 148.
R
Ralph Roister Doister, ii. 14, 70, 74; iii. 27; iv. 188.
Ram Alley, iii. =215=; iv. 16.
‘Randulf Earl of Chester’, ii. 180; iii. 446.
‘Ranger’s Comedy’, ii. 96, 114, 140, 146.
Rape of Lucrece, iii. =343=; iv. 126, 178.
‘Rape of the Second Helen’, ii. 93; iv. 96, 154.
Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. _See_ Love and Fortune.
‘Raymond Duke of Lyons’, ii. 248; iv. 127, 181.
‘Re Vera’, iii. 476.
‘Red Knight’, ii. 93.
‘_Reich Mann und arme Lazarus_’, ii. 281, 286.
_Rencontre_, iii. 13.
Revenge for a Father. _See_ Hoffman.
Revenge for Honour, iii. 260.
Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois, iii. =258=.
Revenger’s Tragedy, iv. =42=, 45.
1 Richard II (_c._ 1592), iv. =42=.
Richard II, i. 220, 325; ii. 194, 204, 270; iii. =484=; iv. 43,
246.
‘Richard II’ (1611), ii. 216.
‘Richard III’ (Rowley), iii. 472.
Richard III (Shakespeare), ii. 95, 130, 202, 448; iii. =481=; iv.
44, 246.
Richard III. _See_ True Tragedy.
‘Richard Crookback’, ii. 179.
Richard Duke of York. _See_ Contention of York and Lancaster.
‘Richard the Confessor’, ii. 95.
‘Richard Whittington’, ii. 189; iv. =402=.
Richardus Tertius, iii. =408=; iv. 238, 246.
Rivales, i. 129, 251; iii. =319=.
Roaring Girl, ii. 439; iii. =296=; iv. 254.
Robert Laneham’s Letter. _See_ Kenilworth Entertainment.
‘Robert II, or, The Scot’s Tragedy’, ii. 171.
‘Robin Goodfellow’, iii. 279.
‘Robin Goodfellow’ (forgery), iii. 267.
1, 2 Robin Hood, ii. 6; iii. =446=.
Robin Hood (May game), iv. =44=.
‘Robin Hood and Little John’, iii. 447; iv. =402=.
‘Robin Hood’s Pennyworths’, ii. 178.
‘Roderick’, ii. 133.
Romeo and Juliet, ii. 194, 196, 203, 283, 286, 403; iii. 51, 58,
59, 66, 83, 94, 98, 99, 200, =483=; iv. 246.
Romeus et Julietta, iv. =378=.
Roxana, ii. 519; iii. =208=.
Royal King and Loyal Subject, iii. =341=.
‘Royal Widow of England’, ii. 46.
Ruff, Cuff and Band, iv. =44=.
‘Rufus I’, iv. =403=.
Running Stream Entertainment, iii. =443=.
Rycote Entertainment, iv. =66=.
S
‘Sackful of News’, ii. 444; iv. =403=.
Sad Shepherd (fr.), iii. 374.
S. Albanus Protomartyr. _See_ Britanniae Primitiae.
‘Samson’ (1567), ii. 380.
‘Samson’ (1602), ii. 180, 367.
‘Samson’ (_c._ 1607), iii. 120.
Sapho and Phao, ii. 17, 39; iii. 33, =414=; iv. 100.
Sapientia Solomonis, ii. 74; iv. =378=.
‘Sarpedon’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 157.
Satiromastix, i. 381; iii. 141, 253, =293=, 353, 364–6; iv. 21,
40, 47.
Saturnalia. _See_ Christmas Prince.
Satyr. _See_ Althorp Entertainment.
‘Scipio Africanus’, ii. 15; iv. 97, 156.
‘Scogan and Skelton’, ii. 178.
Scornful Lady, iii. =229=; iv. 371.
‘Scot’s Tragedy’. _See_ Robert II.
Scourge of Simony. _See_ Parnassus.
Scyros, i. 131; iii. =238=; iv. 127.
Sea Feast. _See_ Aphrodysial.
‘Sebastian of Portugal’, ii. 178.
Second Maiden’s Tragedy, i. 321; iii. 224; iv. =45=.
Sejanus, i. 327; iii. 255, =366=, 433.
‘Self Love’, ii. 83.
Selimus, iv. 27, =46=.
‘Set at Maw’, ii. 143; iii. 297.
‘Set at Tennis’, ii. 177, 180; iii. 448; iv. 14.
‘1, 2 Seven Days of the Week’, ii. 144.
Seven Days of the Week. _See_ Christmas Prince.
Seven Deadly Sins, ii. 107, 122, 125; iii. =496=; iv. 33.
‘Seven Wise Masters’, ii. 171.
‘She Saint’, ii. 253.
‘Shepherd’s Song’ (show), iii. 313.
Shoemaker a Gentleman, iii. =473=.
Shoemaker’s Holiday, iii. =291=; iv. 112.
Shore. _See_ Edward IV.
‘Short and Sweet’, iii. 516; iv. 206.
Sicelides, i. 131; iii. =315=.
_Sidonia und Theagenes_, ii. 285.
‘Siege of Dunkirk and Alleyn the Pirate’, ii. 181.
‘Siege of Edinburgh Castle’, iii. 283.
‘Siege of London’, ii. 146.
Silent Woman. _See_ Epicoene.
Silvanus, iv. =378=.
Silver Age, ii. 286; iii. 109, =344=; iv. 126, 178.
‘Silver Mine’, ii. 53.
‘Singer’s Voluntary’, ii. 177, 180; iii. 492.
Sir Clyomon and Clamydes. _See_ Clyomon and Clamydes.
Sir Giles Goosecap. _See_ Goosecap.
‘Sir John Mandeville’. _See_ ‘Mandeville’.
Sir John Oldcastle. _See_ Oldcastle.
Sir John van Olden Barnevelt. _See_ Van Olden Barnevelt.
Sir Thomas More. _See_ More.
Sir Thomas Wyatt. _See_ Wyatt.
‘Sir William Longsword’. _See_ ‘Longsword’.
‘1, 2 Six Clothiers’, ii. 178–9.
‘Six Fools’, iv. 84, 144.
‘Six Yeomen of the West’, ii. 162, 178.
‘Soldan and the Duke of ----’, ii. 118; iv. 97, 157.
Soliman and Perseda, iv. 28, =46=.
‘Solitary Knight’, ii. 134; iv. 91, 152.
‘Solomon and Queen of Sheba’ (mask), i. 172; iv. 121.
Solymannidae, iv. =378=.
Somnium Fundatoris. _See_ Christmas Prince.
Sophonisba, iii. 148, =433=.
_Sophonisbe_, iii. 13.
Spaniard’s Night-Walk. _See_ Blurt Master Constable.
‘Spanish Comedy’, ii. 122.
‘Spanish Fig’, ii. 179; iii. 300.
‘Spanish Maze’, iv. 119, 137, 172.
‘Spanish Moor’s Tragedy’, ii. 173; iii. 427.
Spanish Tragedy, ii. 279, 286; iii. =395=; iv. 23, 46, 253.
_Speculum Aestheticum_, iii. 498.
‘Spencers’, ii. 163, 169; iii. 425.
_Spiritata_, iii. 352.
Squires (mask), i. 173; iii. =245=.
‘Stephen’, iii. 489.
‘Stepmother’s Tragedy’, ii. 171.
‘Stewtley’, iv. 47.
‘Strange News out of Poland’, ii. 171; iii. 465.
_Studentes_, iii. 351.
Stukeley, Captain Thomas, iv. =47=.
‘Sturgflattery’, ii. 132, 168.
Sudeley Entertainment, iv. =66=.
Suffolk and Norfolk Entertainment, iv. =62=.
Summer’s Last Will and Testament, iii. 35, 427, =451=; iv. 52.
Sun’s Darling, iii. =299=.
Supposes (tr.), iii. 27, =321=.
_Suppositi_, iii. 9, 321.
‘Susanna’, iii. =319=.
_Susanna_, ii. 275, 283–4.
Susenbrotus, i. 131; iv. 130, =378=.
Swetnam the Woman Hater Arraigned by Women, ii. 448.
_Sylvanaire_, iii. 16.
T
Tale of a Tub, iii. 373.
‘1, 2 Tamar Cham’ (plot), ii. 122–3, 126, 144, 181; iv. =47=.
1, 2 Tamburlaine, iii. =421=; iv. 15, 24, 44, 48, 52.
Tamer Tamed. _See_ Woman’s Prize.
Taming of A Shrew, ii. 130, 193, 311; iii. 324, 423, 472; iv. =48=.
Taming of The Shrew, ii. 193, 197, 200, 202; iii. 222, =482=; iv.
48.
Tancred and Gismund, iii. 30, =514=; iv. 27.
‘Tancredo’, iii. =517=.
‘Tanner of Denmark’, ii. 122.
‘Tartarian Cripple’, iv. =403=.
‘Tasso’s Melancholy’, ii. 143, 181.
‘Telomo’, ii. 89; iv. 99, 159.
Temperance and Humility, iv. 1.
Tempest, ii. 216, 217; iii. 360, 373, =489=; iv. 125, 127, 177,
180.
‘Terminus et non Terminus’, iii. 450, 453.
Tethys’ Festival (mask), i. 173; iii. =281=; iv. 72, 124.
‘That Will Be Shall Be’, ii. 144.
‘Theagenes and Chariclea’, iv. 88, 146.
‘The Blind Eats Many a Fly’, ii. 227.
‘The Buck is a Thief’, iii. 232.
The Case is Altered, iii. =357=.
The Devil is an Ass, iii. =373=; iv. 30.
The Hog hath Lost his Pearl, iii. =496=.
The Longer Thou Livest, the More Fool Thou Art, iii. =504=.
The Tide Tarrieth No Man, iii. =505=.
The Weakest Goeth to the Wall, iii. 503; iv. =52=.
‘The Woman is too Hard for Him’, iii. 222.
‘The World Runs on Wheels’, ii. 169; iii. 252.
Thebais (tr.), iii. 478.
Thenot and Piers (show), i. 124; iii. =337=.
Theobalds Entertainment (1591), iii. =247=.
Theobalds Entertainment (1594), iii. =248=.
Theobalds Entertainment (1607), i. 126; iii. =392=.
Thersites, iii. 24.
Thierry and Theodoret, iii. =230=.
Thomas Lord Cromwell. _See_ Cromwell.
‘Thomas Merry’, ii. 171; iii. 518.
Thorny Abbey, iii. 506.
Thracian Wonder, iv. =49=.
‘Three Brothers’, ii. 227.
Three Ladies of London, ii. 380; iii. 25, =515=; iv. 217.
Three Lords and Three Ladies of London, iii. =515=.
‘Three Plays in One’, ii. 106; iii. 497; iv. 101, 160.
‘Three Sisters of Mantua’, ii. 98; iv. 95, 154.
Thyestes (tr.), iii. =477=.
Tilbury Visit, iv. =64=.
Time Triumphant. _See_ Progress of James I.
Time’s Complaint. _See_ Christmas Prince.
‘Time’s Triumph and Fortune’s’, ii. 147; iii. 346.
‘Timoclea at the Siege of Thebes by Alexander’, ii. 76; iv. 90,
148.
Timon, iv. =49=.
Timon of Athens, ii. 213; iii. 260, =488=, 513.
‘Tinker of Totnes’, ii. 144.
‘’Tis Good Sleeping in a Whole Skin’, iii. 505.
‘’Tis no Deceit to Deceive the Deceiver’, ii. 163, 170.
Titirus and Galathea. _See_ Galathea.
_Tito Andronico_, ii. 285.
‘Titus and Gisippus’, ii. 15; iv. 91, 152.
‘Titus and Vespasian’, ii. 122–3, 129–30, 202.
Titus Andronicus, ii. 122, 126, 129–30, 193, 202; iii. =482=;
iv. 246.
‘Tobias’, ii. 179.
‘2 Tom Dough’, ii. 179.
Tom Tyler and his Wife, iii. 27; iv. =50=.
Tomumbeius, iv. =379=.
‘Too Good to be True’, ii. 162, 179; iii. 266.
‘Tooley’, ii. 134; iv. 93, 151.
‘Torrismount’, ii. 65.
‘Toy to Please Chaste Ladies’, ii. 144.
_Tragedia del Libero Arbitrio_, iii. 263.
‘Transformation of the King of Trinidadoes Daughters’, iii. 268.
_Trappolaria_, iii. 476.
Travels of the Three English Brothers, ii. 446; iii. 117, 221,
=286=.
Tres Sibyllae (show), i. 126, 130; iii. 332.
Trial of Chivalry, iii. 266, 495; iv. =50=.
Trial of Treasure, iv. =51=.
‘Triangle of Cuckolds’, ii. 166.
Trick to Catch the Old One, iii. 143, =439=; iv. 123.
_Trinummus_, iii. 5.
‘Tristram of Lyons’, ii. 170.
Triumphs of Truth (show), i. 137; iii. =443=.
Triumphs of Reunited Britannia (show), i. 137; iii. =448=.
Troas (tr.), iii. =477=.
Troilus and Cressida, ii. 207; iii. =487=; iv. 19, 40.
Troilus and Cressida (plot), ii. 158, 169, 170; iv. =51=.
Troja Nova Triumphans (show), i. 137; iii. =305=.
Troublesome Reign of King John, ii. 202; iv. =23=.
‘Troy’, ii. 144; iii. 345.
‘Troy’s Revenge and the Tragedy of Polyphemus’, ii. 163, 169.
True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York. _See_ Contention of York and
Lancaster.
True Tragedy of Richard III, ii. 108; iv. 4, =43=.
‘Truth, Faithfulness, and Mercy’, ii. 75; iv. 89, 147.
‘Truth’s Supplication to Candlelight’, ii. 173; iii. 296.
_Tugend- und Liebesstreit_, ii. 147.
‘_Turcke_’, ii. 289; iii. 435.
‘Tumholt’, i. 322.
Turk, ii. 289; iii. =435=.
‘Turkish Mahomet and Hiren the Fair Greek’, iii. 327, =462=.
Twelfth Night, i. 222; ii. 207; iii. =487=; iv. 53, 376.
‘Twelve Labours of Hercules’, iv. 241.
Twelve Months (mask), i. 173; iv. =58=.
‘Twins’ Tragedy’, iv. 125, 127, 178, 180.
1, ‘2’ Two Angry Women of Abingdon, iii. =467=.
Two Gentlemen of Verona, ii. 194, 285; iii. =483=; iv. 246.
Two Italian Gentlemen. _See_ Fedele and Fortunio.
Two Lamentable Tragedies, iii. 266, =518=.
Two Maids of Moreclack, iii. =210=.
‘Two Merry Women of Abingdon’, ii. 170.
Two Noble Kinsmen, ii. 217; iii. =226=, 311, 373.
‘Two Shapes’. _See_ ‘Caesar’s Fall’.
‘Two Sins of King David’, iv. =403=.
Two Supposed Heads. _See_ Necromantes.
Two Tragedies in One. _See_ Two Lamentable Tragedies.
Two Wise Men and All the Rest Fools, iii. 260.
‘Tyrant’, iv. 45.
U
Ulysses and Circe (mask), i. 174; iii. =238=.
Ulysses Redux, i. 251; iii. =318=; iv. 245.
‘Unfortunate General’, ii. 227.
‘_Ungehorsam Khauffmanns Sohn_’, ii. 284.
‘Uther Pendragon’, ii. =144=; iii. 475.
V
‘Valentine and Orson’, ii. 166; iv. =403=.
Valentinian, iii. =229=.
Valiant Welshman, iv. =51=.
Van Olden Barnevelt, i. 321, 327.
‘Vanity’, iii. 178.
‘Vayvode’, ii. 170.
‘Venetian Comedy’, ii. 143; iii. 301.
‘Verity’. _See_ ‘Re Vera’.
_Verlorne Sohn_, ii. 281, 284, 285–6.
‘Vertumnus’. _See_ ‘Alba’.
Vertumnus, sive, Annus Recurrens, i. 130; iii. =332=.
_Victoria_, iii. 31, =316=.
Vincentio and Margaret. _See_ Gentleman Usher.
_Vincentius Ladislaus_, ii. 276, 284.
Virgin Martyr, ii. 286; iii. =298=.
Virtuous Octavia, iii. =236=.
Vision of the Twelve Goddesses (mask), i. 171; iii. =277=; iv. 118.
Volpone, iii. 286, =368=, 432; iv. 16, 36, 248, 371.
‘Vortigern’, ii. 144, 180; iii. 442.
W
‘War without Blows and Love without Suit’, ii. 169; iv. 49.
‘Warlamchester’, ii. 146.
Warning for Fair Women, ii. 434; iv. =52=.
Wars of Cyrus King of Persia, iii. 311; iv. =52=.
Wealth and Health, ii. 22; iv. 380.
‘Welshman’, ii. 147; iv. 51.
‘Welshman’s Prize’, ii. 166; iii. 307.
Westward Ho! iii. 141, 256, 286, =295=.
‘What Mischief Worketh in the Mind of Man’, ii. 104.
What You Will, i. 381; iii. 140, 293, =430=.
What You Will. _See_ Twelfth Night.
When You See Me, You Know Me, iii. =472=.
White Devil, iii. =509=.
Whore of Babylon, iii. =296=.
Widow, iii. =442=.
Widow of Watling Street. _See_ Puritan.
‘Widow’s Charm’, ii. 181.
Widow’s Tears, ii. 367; iii. 147, =256=; iv. 127, 181.
‘Will of a Woman’. _See_ ‘Isle of a Woman’.
‘William Cartwright’, ii. 181.
‘William the Conqueror’, ii. 95; iv. 12.
Wily Beguiled, iii. 136, 472; iv. =53=.
Winter’s Tale, ii. 215, 216, 217, 286; iii. 373, =489=; iv. 125,
127, 177, 180.
Wisdom of Doctor Dodipoll, iii. 136; iv. =54=.
‘Wise Man of West Chester’, ii. 143, 180; iii. 446.
Wise Woman of Hogsdon, iii. =342=; iv. 20.
Wit and Science, ii. 11.
‘Wit and Will’, iv. 30, 84, 144.
Wit and Wisdom, iii. 24.
Wit at Several Weapons, iii. =232=.
Wit of a Woman, iv. =54=.
Wit without Money, iii. =229=.
Witch of Edmonton, iii. =298=.
‘Witch of Islington’, ii. 147.
‘Witless’, iv. =404=.
‘Woman Hard to Please’, ii. 144; iii. 467.
Woman Hater, i. 327; iii. 143, =219=.
Woman in the Moon, iii. 46, =416=.
Woman Killed with Kindness, iii. =341=, 342.
Woman’s Prize, iii. =222=; iv. 33.
‘Woman’s Tragedy’, ii. 163, 167.
Wonder of a Kingdom, iii. 288, =299=.
‘Wonder of a Woman’, ii. 144; iii. 433, 474.
Wonder of Women. _See_ Sophonisba.
Woodstock Entertainment (1575), iii. =400=.
Woodstock Entertainment (1592), iii. =404=.
‘Wooer’, iii. 470.
‘Wooing of Death’, ii. 173.
Work for Cutlers, iv. =54=.
‘World’s Tragedy’, ii. 144.
‘Worse Afeared than Hurt’, ii. 169.
Wounds of Civil War, iii. =410=.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, iii. =293=.
‘Wylie Beguylie’, iv. 53.
X
‘Xerxes’, ii. 63; iv. 91, 149.
Y
‘Yorkshire Gentlewoman and her Son’, iii. 260.
Yorkshire Tragedy, iii. 231; iv. =54=.
Your Five Gallants, iii. 150, =440=.
Youth, iii. 23; iv. 380.
Yuletide. _See_ Christmas Prince.
Z
Zelotypus, iv. =379=.
‘Zenobia’, ii. 122.
‘_Zerstörung der Stadt Constantinopel_’, ii. 289–90; iii. 462.
‘_Zerstörung der Stadt Troja_’, ii. 289; iii. 345.
INDEX II: OF PERSONS
A
Abercrombie, Mr., iii. 388.
Abergavenny (title). _See_ Neville.
Acton, Richard, iii. 402.
Adams, Robert, ii. 343.
Agrippa, Henry Cornelius, on plays, iv. 195.
Alamanni, Luigi, iii. 13.
Alasco, Count Albert of, i. 129; iii. 318; iv. 100.
Alberghini, Angelica, ii. 263.
Alberti, Leo Battista, iii. 2.
Alençon, François, Duke of, also Duke of Anjou, i. 5, 16, 22, 90,
167; iv. 96, 98.
Alexander, Robert, iii. 402; iv. 64.
Allde, John, stationer, iii. 444.
Allen, Giles, ii. 385, 398.
Allen, John, musician, i. 201; iii. 246, 383.
Allen, Sir William, ii. 401.
Alley, William, iii. 209;
on plays, i. 244; iv. 192.
Andreae, Joannes Valentinus, i. 344.
Anhalt-Cöthen, Louis Prince of, ii. 360.
Anne of Denmark, Queen, i. 6, 167, 170, 174, 199, 204, 212, 218,
325; ii. 220, 265; iii. 241, 244, 278, 282, 380, 383, 386, 387,
392; iv. 116, 117, 125, 128, 183;
her men, ii. 225–40.
Ansell, Richard, mat-layer, iii. 262.
Ansley. _See_ Harvey.
Anton Maria, ii. 263.
Archer, Francis, iii. 419.
Aremberg, Jean de Ligne, Count of, i. 25; iv. 170.
Ariosto, Ludovico, iii. 8, 321.
Aristotle, i. 240, 254.
Armstrong, Archie, court fool, i. 53.
Arnold, John, yeoman of revels, i. 79, 83, 86.
Arundel (title). _See_ Fitzalan, Howard.
Ascham, Roger, on plays, i. 239; iv. 191.
Ashley, Sir Anthony, clerk of privy council, ii. 411, 517.
Ashley or Astley (b. Champernowne), Catherine, mistress of robes,
i. 45.
Ashley or Astley, Sir John, master of revels, i. 104; iii. 241,
378.
Ashton, Roger, ii. 111, 266, 269.
Askewe, Anne Lady, iv. 99.
Aubigny (title). _See_ Stuart.
Aubrey, William, master of requests, iv. 105, 106.
Auchternouty, Mr., iii. 388.
Austin, William, iii. 287.
Aylmer, John, bishop of London, ii. 110; iv. 229.
Ayrer, Jacob, ii. 271; iii. 396, 418, 462.
B
Babington, Gervase, on plays, i. 254; iv. 225.
Bacon (b. Cooke), Anne Lady, i. 264; ii. 381; iii. 211; iv. 56.
Bacon, Anthony, ii. 381; iii. 211; iv. 56.
Bacon, Sir Francis, ii. 371; iii. 187; iv. 59.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, lord keeper of the seals, i. 110, 117; iv. 88,
93.
Baden, Margrave of, i. 324.
Badger, Sir Thomas, iii. 241, 377.
Badius Ascensius, Jodocus, iii. 7.
Baile, Steven, groom of revels, i. 100.
Baines, Richard, iii. 419.
Baldwin, William, ii. 82–3.
Bale, John, i. 241.
Ball, Cutting, iii. 324.
Bame. _See_ Baines.
Banbury (title). _See_ Knollys.
Bancroft, Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, iii. 168.
Banks, horse trainer, ii. 383; iii. 279.
Barbarigo, Gregorio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25.
Barley, William, stationer, iv. 65.
Barlow, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Barnard, John, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 73; ii.
491–2.
Barrose, John, fencer, iii. 359.
Barry, Leonard, iii. 388.
Basil, Simon, surveyor of works, i. 180.
Baskervile, Susanna, ii. 236.
Bavande, William, on plays, i. 237; iv. 190.
Bawdewin, Thomas, ii. 301.
Beaumont, Comte de, French ambassador, i. 24, 204; iii. 258, 281,
376.
Becke, Mathew, sergeant of bears, ii. 450.
Bedford (title). _See_ Russell.
Bedingfield, Anne, ii. 445.
Belgiojoso, Baldassarino da, i. 176.
Benger, Sir Thomas, master of revels, i. 75, 80, 319.
Berkeley (b. Carey), Elizabeth, ii. 194; iii. 272, 378.
Berkeley, George, 8th Lord, iii. 510.
Berkeley, Henry, 7th Lord, i. 115; ii. 103; iv. 90;
his men, ii. 103.
Berkeley, Thomas, ii. 103, 194.
Berkshire (title). _See_ Norris.
Bertie (b. Willoughby), Catharine, Duchess of Suffolk, i. 108; ii.
2; iv. 83.
Bertie, Peregrine, 9th Lord Willoughby d’Eresby, ii. 440, 500; iv.
326.
Bertie, Richard, ii. 2.
Bertie, Robert, 10th Lord Willoughby d’Eresby, iii. 246, 377, 378.
Bethell, Mr., i. 210; iii. 381.
Bett, Henry, ii. 390, 397.
Betts, Robert, ii. 316.
Bevill (b. Knyvet), Frances Lady, iii. 375.
Beza, Theodore, i. 245, 249; iii. 322, 514.
Bibbiena, Bernardo da, iii. 9, 13.
Bill, William, dean of Westminster, ii. 70.
Biron, Charles, Duc de, i. 23; ii. 456; iii. 257; iv. 15.
Bishop, Nicolas, ii. 392.
Blackwell, William, ii. 485.
Blagrave, Thomas, clerk of tents and revels, acting master of
revels, i. 73, 83, 85, 89, 93, 99; ii. 492, 499, 500, 502; iii.
409.
Blount, Charles, 8th Lord Mountjoy, Earl of Devonshire, i. 4, 220;
iii. 212, 276, 402.
Bochan, dancer, i. 202; iii. 244, 387.
Bodley, Sir John, ii. 426.
Boier, Simon, gentleman usher of chamber, i. 108.
Boissise, Thumery de, French ambassador, i. 24, 169.
Bonarelli della Rovere, G., iii. 238.
Bonetti, Rocco, fencer, ii. 500–3.
Bouillon, Duc de, i. 24; iv. 126.
Bourke, John, 2nd Lord Bourke of Connell, iii. 402.
Bouset, Johan, ii. 275.
Bowes, Edward, ii. 451.
Bowes, Sir Jerome, i. 88; ii. 506; iv. 276.
Bowes, Ralph, master of Paris Garden, ii. 450, 486; iii. 402; iv.
64.
Bowes, Thomas, ii. 451.
Bowll, William, yeoman of chamber, deputy yeoman of revels, i. 79,
86.
Bowyer, Sir Henry, iii. 388.
Box, Edward, ii. 410.
Boyd, sergeant, iii. 388.
Brabine, Thomas, iii. 325.
Bracciano, Duke of, i. 6, 222.
Brackyn, Francis, iii. 476.
Bradshaw, Charles, ii. 495, 504.
Bramante Lazzari, iii. 9.
Brantôme, Pierre de Bourdeilles, Abbé de, i. 159, 176.
Braye, locksmith, ii. 388.
Brayne, John, ii. 380, 387, 397.
Brayne, Margaret, ii. 389.
Brend, Judith, ii. 431.
Brend, Sir Matthew, ii. 426–31.
Brend, Nicholas, ii. 415, 426.
Breton, Nicholas, iii. 320.
Brewe, Patrick, ii. 435.
Brewer, Thomas, iii. 237.
Bridges, John, dean of Salisbury, iv. 229.
Bridges, John, yeoman of revels, i. 73; iv. 135.
Brigham, Mark, ii. 442.
Bromfield, Robert, mercer, ii. 175, 184.
Bromley, Sir Thomas, lord chancellor, i. 287; iv. 92, 297, 282,
296.
Bromley, Thomas, ii. 334, 418.
Bromvill, Peter, iv. 112, 329.
Brooke, Christopher, iii. 262.
Brooke (b. Howard), Frances, Lady Cobham, formerly Countess of
Kildare, ii. 507.
Brooke, George, 9th Lord Cobham, ii. 476, 478, 485, 492–3.
Brooke, George, i. 199.
Brooke, Henry, 8th Lord Cobham, lord warden of Cinque Ports, i.
220; ii. 507; iv. 37, 113.
Brooke, William, 7th Lord Cobham, lord warden of Cinque Ports, lord
chamberlain, i. 40, 169, 268; ii. 195, 495, 507; iv. 77, 89.
Brooke. _See_ Parr.
Broughton. _See_ Unton.
Browker, Hugh, ii. 413.
Browne, Anthony, 1st Viscount Montague, i. 111, 162–3; iii. 321;
iv. 65.
Browne, Sir Anthony, judge, ii. 486.
Browne, Anthony, i. 163; iii. 322.
Browne, John, bearward, ii. 450.
Browne (b. Dormer), Mary, i. 163; iii. 322.
Browne, Thomas, i. 163.
Browne. _See_ Dormer, Petre, Wriothesley.
Brunkerd, Henry, iv. 64.
Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, Henry Julius, Duke of, playwright, ii. 275,
284.
Bruskett, Thomas, ii. 503–5.
Bryan, Sir Francis, ii. 485.
Brydges (b. Bray), Dorothy, Lady Chandos, afterwards Lady Knollys,
iv. 115.
Brydges (b. Clinton), Frances, Lady Chandos, iv. 90.
Brydges, Giles, 3rd Lord Chandos, iv. 66, 92, 107.
Brydges, Grey, 5th Lord Chandos, iii. 246, 394.
Brydges, Katherine, iii. 401.
Brydges (b. Hopton), Mary, Lady Chandos, ii. 299; iii. 401.
Brydges, William, 4th Lord Chandos, ii. 299.
Brydges. _See_ Kennedy.
Bucer, Martin, on plays, i. 239; iv. 188.
Buchanan, George, iii. 12, 514.
Buck, Sir George, master of revels, i. 46, 96–105, 322; ii. 68;
iii. 170, 412; iv. 45.
Buckeridge, John, president of St. John’s, Oxford, iii. 168; iv.
377.
Buckhurst (title). _See_ Sackville.
Buckingham (title). _See_ Villiers.
Buggin, Edward, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 79, 82,
96.
Burby, Cuthbert, stationer, ii. 306.
Burgh, Sir John, ii. 361.
Burgh, Thomas, 5th Lord Burgh, lord deputy of Ireland, iv. 101,
110.
Burghley (title). _See_ Cecil.
Burgram (Bingham), John, ii. 432.
Burnaby, Thomas, ii. 451, 464–5.
Burrough, Mrs., iii. 401.
Butler, Sir Philip, iii. 402; iv. 113.
Button, Sir William, deputy master of ceremonies, i. 53.
Bywater, Laurence, ii. 499.
C
Caesar, Sir Julius, master of requests, chancellor of exchequer,
master of the rolls, ii. 371, 451; iv. 111.
Calle, Mrs., tire-woman, ii. 228.
Calliopius, iii. 7.
Calvin, John, i. 245–9.
Camden, William, iii. 254, 359, 398, 507.
Campbell (b. Cornwallis), Anne, Countess of Argyll, ii. 317.
Campion, Edmund, iii. 468.
Campnies, Mr., iv. 57.
Cardell, Thomas, dancer, i. 202.
Carew, Sir Francis, iv. 84, 92, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 106,
109, 111, 112, 113, 116.
Carew, George, 1st Lord Carew, iii. 212.
Carey (b. Morgan), Anne, Lady Hunsdon, i. 10; iii. 401.
Carey, George, 2nd Lord Hunsdon, knight marshal, lord chamberlain,
i. 40, 220; ii. 192, 204, 479, 501, 504, 508; iii. 450, 505;
iv. 107, 114, 115, 320, 329;
his men, ii. 195–208.
Carey, Henry, 1st Lord Hunsdon, lord chamberlain, i. 10, 40, 110,
141, 268; ii. 192, 411, 486, 497; iii. 505; iv. 99, 108, 280,
284, 288, 296;
his men, ii. 192–5.
Carey, Robert, 1st Earl of Monmouth, i. 145, 199; iii. 212, 267,
377, 402, 405.
Carey. _See_ Berkeley, Hoby, Howard, Scrope.
Carlisle (title). _See_ Hay.
Caron, Sir Noel, iv. 112.
Carr, Robert, Viscount Rochester, Earl of Somerset, lord
chamberlain, i. 12, 41, 53, 146, 148, 173, 200, 216; ii. 68,
372; iii. 220, 232, 240, 245, 250, 286, 388, 389, 393, 442; iv.
59, 128.
Carr, Mr., iii. 389.
Cartwright, William, player, iv. 43.
Cary, Henry, 1st Lord Falkland, iii. 241, 245, 294.
Cary, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Case, John, iii. 318;
on plays, i. 250; iv. 228.
Casimir, John, Prince Palatine, iv. 96.
Cason (b. Brend), Elizabeth, ii. 431.
Castelvetro, Ludovico, iii. 18.
Cavallerizzo, Claudio, ii. 265.
Cave. _See_ Knollys.
Cavendish, Thomas, iv. 103.
Cavendish, William, Earl, Marquis, and Duke of Newcastle, i. 208;
ii. 374; iii. 372.
Cavendish, Sir William, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; iv. 134.
Cavendish, Mrs., i. 45.
Cawarden, Elizabeth Lady, ii. 480.
Cawarden, Sir Thomas, master of revels, i. 34, 73; ii. 477, 480–93;
iv. 135.
Cecil (b. Howard), Katharine, Viscountess Cranborne, iii. 383.
Cecil (b. Cooke), Mildred, Lady Burghley, iii. 248.
Cecil, Robert Lord, Viscount Cranborne, 1st Earl of Salisbury,
secretary, lord treasurer, i. 10, 12, 96, 118, 121, 220; ii.
196; iii. 212, 247, 254, 257, 276, 331, 384, 392, 413, 496; iv.
69, 71, 108, 109, 111, 113, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 139,
315, 329, 335.
Cecil, Thomas, 2nd Lord Burghley, 1st Earl of Exeter, iii. 247; iv.
106, 108, 112, 115, 116.
Cecil, William, 1st Lord Burghley, secretary, lord treasurer, i.
20, 79, 80, 88, 91, 110, 117, 119, 167, 227, 244, 265, 267; ii.
100, 113, 306; iii. 160, 212, 247, 411, 459, 477; iv. 79, 81,
83, 87, 88, 91, 93, 94, 98, 100, 101, 102, 105, 108, 109, 110,
111, 266, 269, 276, 277, 281, 292, 296, 305, 310, 316.
Cecil, William, 2nd Earl of Salisbury, iii. 242, 246.
Cecil. _See_ Hatton, Vere, Wentworth.
Cecilia of Sweden, i. 10, 23, 142, 324; iv. 82, 144, 378.
Cervantes, Miguel de, iii. 221.
Chaderton, Edmund, treasurer of chamber, i. 57.
Chaloner, Sir Thomas, i. 211; iii. 386.
Champagny, M. de, iii. 405; iv. 101.
Chandos (title). _See_ Brydges.
Charles Duke of York, afterwards Charles I, i. 13, 171, 199, 322;
ii. 241; iii. 238, 280, 281, 376, 382, 383, 443; iv. 119, 122,
123, 124, 127, 129, 130;
his men, ii. 241.
Charles IX, King of France, ii. 261.
Châtillon, Odet de Coligny, Cardinal of, i. 129; iv. 85.
Cheke, Sir John, ii. 493; iii. 262.
Chester, Charles, iii. 363.
Chettle, Henry, on plays, i. 261; iv. 242.
Cheyne, Henry Lord, iv. 81, 86, 91.
Cheyne (b. Wentworth), Jane Lady, iii. 263; iv. 123.
Cheyne, Sir Thomas, treasurer of household, lord warden of Cinque
Ports, i. 35; ii. 476, 485, 490–2, 499.
Cheyne. _See_ Pole, Wriothesley.
Chichester (b. Harington), Frances Lady, iii. 380.
Chidley, Mr., iii. 269.
Chisan, Alexander, musician, i. 202; iii. 385.
Cholmley, John, i. 356, 361; ii. 406–8.
Chytraeus, N., ii. 455.
Cicero, on plays, i. 238, 377; iv. 206, 215.
Cinthio, Giraldi, iii. 512.
Claiton, William, victualler, i. 304; iv. 340.
Clark, Francis, porter of St. John’s, Oxford, iv. 36.
Clarke, Roger, ii. 115.
Clarke, Sir William, i. 118; iv. 115.
Clatterbocke, Thomas, groom of revels, i. 93, 100.
Clifford, Francis, 4th Earl of Cumberland, i. 338; iv. 107.
Clifford, George, 3rd Earl of Cumberland, i. 145; iii. 212, 402;
iv. 94, 117, 120.
Clifford (b. Russell), Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, iii. 268,
273, 399; iv. 94.
Clifford. _See_ Sackville, Stanley, Wharton.
Clifton, Henry, ii. 42.
Clinton, Edward, 1st Earl of Lincoln, lord admiral, lord steward,
i. 35, 109, 157; ii. 90, 96, 261; iv. 78, 79, 83, 86, 92, 93,
94, 97, 100, 284, 288;
his men, ii. 97.
Clinton, Henry, 2nd Earl of Lincoln, i. 328; ii. 96, 278; iv. 113;
his men, ii. 97.
Clowes, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Cobham (title). _See_ Brooke.
Cock, Sir Henry, cofferer of household, iv. 100, 116.
Cocke, J., on players, iv. 255.
Coke, Sir Edward, solicitor- and attorney-general, chief justice of
common pleas and king’s bench, i. 103, 200, 306, 338; ii. 473;
iv. 114.
Coke. _See_ Hatton.
Cole, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Colet, John, dean of St. Paul’s, ii. 9.
Collins, Edward, ii. 390.
Collins, Richard, clerk to Stationers, iii. 158, 165.
Compton, William, 2nd Lord Compton, i. 220; iii. 212, 246, 394,
402; iv. 88, 94, 120, 124, 126.
Confess, dancer, i. 202; iii. 244, 386, 387.
Constable, Sir William, ii. 205.
Conyers, John, auditor of the prest, i. 92.
Cooke, Sir Anthony, reformer, iv. 84.
Cooke, Sir Anthony, tilter, i. 144; iii. 402; iv. 64.
Cooke, Richard, iv. 96.
Cooke, W. iv. 57.
Cooke. _See_ Bacon, Cecil, Russell.
Cooper or Coprario, John, musician, i. 202; iii. 244, 246.
Cop, Michel, i. 247.
Cope, Sir Walter, i. 220; iii. 306, 371, 389; iv. 111, 126, 139.
Cope. _See_ Rich.
Cornwallis, Sir William, i. 111; iii. 391, 506; iv. 108, 111, 113,
118.
Corraro, Gregorio, iii. 239.
Correr, Marc’ Antonio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25.
Coryat, Thomas, ii. 276; iii. 315.
Cosin, Richard, corrector of books, iii. 167, 187.
Cossé, Artus de, Seigneur de Gonnor, i. 161.
Cotton, William, corrector of books, iii. 167, 451; iv. 319.
Cox, Samuel, on plays, iv. 237.
Cranborne (title). _See_ Cecil.
Cranwigge, James, i. 361.
Crashaw, William, on plays, i. 262; iv. 249, 254.
Creede, Thomas, stationer, iii. 184.
Crichton, Robert, 6th Lord Sanquhar, ii. 413; iii. 382.
Crocus, Cornelius, iii. 18.
Croft, Sir James, comptroller of household, i. 35; iv. 284, 288.
Cromwell, Henry, Lord Cromwell, iv. 81.
Cromwell, Sir Oliver, iii. 498; iv. 81, 116.
Cromwell, Oliver, lord protector, iii. 498.
Cromwell, Thomas, Earl of Essex, lord privy seal, i. 242; ii. 74;
iv. 8.
Crosse, Henry, on plays, iv. 247.
Crowley, Robert, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Cruso, Aquila, iv. 375.
Cumberland (title). _See_ Clifford.
Cure, Thomas, ii. 411.
‘Cuthbert Cony-catcher’, pamphleteer, i. 377; iii. 325; iv. 25.
D
D’Ancre, Marshal, iii. 511.
Danter, John, stationer, iii. 187, 263.
Danvers, Sir Charles, iii. 402.
Danvers, Henry Lord, iii. 390.
Danvers. _See_ Herbert.
Darcy, Thomas, iii. 393.
Dauncy, John, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 79, 93.
David, John, fencer, ii. 380; iv. 289.
Dee, John, astrologer, iii. 372, 398; iv. 91, 97.
De Laune, Gideon, ii. 507.
De Laune, William, physician, ii. 498, 504.
Delawarr (title). _See_ West.
Denmark, Christian IV, King of, i. 12, 23, 134, 138, 146, 172, 179;
ii. 22, 276, 458; iii. 316, 392; iv. 70, 121, 129.
Denny, Edward Lord, iii. 240, 402; iv. 64.
Denny. _See_ Hay.
Denton, James, ii. 62.
Derby (title). _See_ Stanley.
Derry, Thomas, court jester, i. 53.
D’Este, Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara, iii. 4.
D’Este, Hippolyte, iii. 13.
Dethick, Sir William, ii. 283.
Devereux (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Essex, afterwards of
Somerset, i. 172, 173; iii. 245, 282, 378, 383, 388, 393; iv.
59, 67, 120, 128.
Devereux (b. Knollys), Lettice, Countess of Essex, afterwards
Countess of Leicester and Lady Blount, i. 220; ii. 48, 85, 102;
iv. 91;
her men, ii. 103.
Devereux, Robert, 2nd Earl of Essex, master of the horse, earl
marshal, lord deputy of Ireland, i. 6, 18, 33, 34, 45, 145,
220, 324, 385; ii. 102, 205, 415; iii. 211, 212, 276, 296, 318,
364, 402, 408; iv. 105, 108, 109, 112, 319, 375;
his men, ii. 103.
Devereux, Robert, 3rd Earl of Essex, lord chamberlain, i. 41, 146,
172; iii. 378; iv. 120.
Devereux, Walter, 1st Earl of Essex, lord deputy of Ireland, i. 10;
ii. 102; iii. 211, 349;
his men, ii. 102.
Devereux. _See_ Percy, Rich.
Devonshire (title). _See_ Blount.
De Witt, John, ii. 360, 456; iii. 72, 78, 90, 100.
Dickens, George, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Digby, Edward, iv. 64.
Digby, Sir Everard, iii. 402, 433.
Digby, Sir John, iii. 241.
Digby, Sir Kenelm, iii. 355.
Digby, Lady, iv. 67.
Dingwall (title). _See_ Preston.
Dix, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Dodmer, Bryan, of the revels, i. 81, 86, 88.
Doncaster (title). _See_ Hay.
Donne, John, i. 349, 359; ii. 298, 464; iii. 238, 355, 479.
Dormer (b. Browne), Elizabeth Lady, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dormer, Robert, 1st Lord, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dormer, Sir William, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dorrington, Sir John, master of Paris Garden, ii. 451–2.
Dorrington (Darrington), Richard, keeper of dogs, ii. 450.
Dorset (title). _See_ Sackville.
Dossi, Dosso, iii. 11.
Dover, tailor, ii. 184.
Dowland, John, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Dowland, Robert, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Downes, John, iv. 372.
Drake, Sir Francis, i. 5; ii. 299; iv. 97.
Drawater, John, of the revels, i. 86.
Drummond, William, of Hawthornden, iii. 276, 354.
Drummond. _See_ Ker.
Drury, William, i. 165.
Drury, Mr., iii. 212.
Du Bartas, Guillaume, iv. 5.
Dudley, Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, master of ordnance, i. 142; ii.
97, 117, 380; iv. 82, 83, 88, 93, 102, 104, 282, 284, 288, 289;
his men, ii. 97.
Dudley, Ann, iii. 242.
Dudley (b. Russell), Anne, Countess of Warwick, i. 142; ii. 97;
iii. 399, 401; iv. 67, 82, 315;
her men, ii. 99.
Dudley, Edward, 4th Lord, ii. 304; iv. 92.
Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, master of horse, lord steward,
i. 4, 5, 34, 107, 109, 110, 112, 114, 118, 125, 129, 141, 227,
267, 288, 324; ii. 85, 342, 345, 453, 496; iii. 268, 318, 322,
349, 402, 456, 478; iv. 61, 79, 82, 83, 85, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94,
95, 96, 98, 99, 282, 284, 288;
his men, ii. 85–91.
Dudley, Sir Robert, i. 45; iii. 212.
Dudley. _See_ Hastings.
Dun, fencer, ii. 413.
Dunbar (title). _See_ Home.
D’Urfé, Honoré, iii. 228, 229.
Dutton, John, of Cheshire, i. 280, 299; ii. 314; iv. 46, 271, 324,
337.
Dymock, Sir Edward, i. 328; iv. 40.
E
Edmondes (b. Lydcott), Dorothy Lady, gentlewoman of privy chamber,
ii. 451; iv. 113.
Edmonds, Mary, ii. 418.
Edwardes, Richard, on plays, iv. 193.
Egerton, Thomas, Lord Ellesmere, Viscount Brackley, lord keeper of
the seal, lord chancellor, i. 98, 117; iv. 67, 115, 342.
Elizabeth, Queen, i. 3–6, 19, 107, 112, 113, 119, 120, 125, 142,
155, 267, 268, 327; ii. 173; iii. 253, 278, 310, 364, 469; iv.
60, 351;
alleged visit to playhouse, ii. 48;
references to, in plays, i. 323; iii. 296, 361, 452, 498; iv. 15,
26, 43, 47;
her men, ii. 83, 104–17.
Elizabeth, Lady, Princess of England, Electress Palatine, i. 7, 12,
17, 22, 139, 173, 199, 216, 218; ii. 246, 285; iii. 233, 241,
260, 282, 388; iv. 72, 128, 129, 181;
her men, ii. 246–60.
Ellesmere (title). _See_ Egerton.
Elyot, Sir Thomas, iii. 470;
on plays, i. 239; iv. 187.
Eottes (Eworth, Eeuwowts), Hans, i. 163, 165, 178.
Erasmus, Desiderius, ii. 449;
on plays, i. 238; iv. 184.
Erskine, James, master of Mar, iii. 382.
Erskine, Thomas, Viscount Fenton, Earl of Kelly, captain of guard,
groom of stole, i. 47, 53.
Erskine, Mr., iii. 382.
Essex (title). _See_ Devereux.
Evelyn, George, ii. 117; iv. 100, 111, 112, 113;
his men, ii. 117.
Exeter (title). _See_ Cecil.
F
Fanshawe, Thomas, king’s remembrancer in the exchequer, iv. 96.
Farel, William, i. 245, 248.
Farlyon, John, serjeant of tents, yeoman of revels, i. 72.
Farrant, Anne, ii. 496.
Favour, John, ii. 503.
Feake, James, ii. 341.
Feckenham, John, abbot of Westminster, i. 243.
Felton, Edmund, cofferer of household, i. 62; iv. 134.
Fennor, William, ii. 191, 468; iii. 500, 502.
Fenton, Christopher, ii. 499, 502, 505.
Fenton, Geoffrey, on plays, iv. 195.
Fenton (title). _See_ Erskine.
Féria, Count of, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Ferrabosco, Alfonso, musician (the elder), i. 25, 49, 163, 178; ii.
264.
Ferrabosco, Alfonso, musician (the younger), i. 201; ii. 264; iii.
378, 382, 383, 385, 387.
Ferrarius, Joannes, on plays, i. 237; iv. 190.
Ferrers, George, ii. 82, 332, 341.
Field, John, ii. 316;
on plays, i. 267; iv. 219, 284.
Field, Nathan, on plays, iv. 259.
Field, Nathaniel, stationer, ii. 316.
Field, Richard, stationer, ii. 508.
Finett, Sir John, master of ceremonies, i. 25, 53, 203.
Finland, John Duke of, iv. 78.
Firenzuola, A., iii. 13.
Fish, Walter, yeoman of revels, i. 86, 96.
Fitton, Anne, ii. 326.
Fitton, Mary, maid of honour, i. 45, 169; iv. 115.
Fitzalan, Henry, 12th Earl of Arundel, lord steward, i. 4, 11, 35,
111, 157; ii. 116; iii. 411; iv. 77, 80, 82, 83, 91;
his men, ii. 116.
Fitzgerald (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Kildare, ii. 507; iv.
67.
Flecknoe, Richard, iv. 369.
Fleetwood, William, recorder of London, i. 265, 285, 292; iii. 512;
iv. 201, 219, 277, 280, 284, 297, 322.
Fleetwood, Sir William, iv. 117.
Fleming, Abraham, iii. 400.
Florio, John, iii. 274;
on plays, iv. 201.
Flower, John, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Fluddie, Thomas, yeoman of bears, ii. 460.
Ford, Thomas, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Forsett, Edward, iv. 377.
Fortescue, Sir John, master of wardrobe, chancellor of exchequer,
chancellor of duchy of Lancaster, i. 80, 90; ii. 479; iv. 88,
108, 117, 315, 335.
Foscarini, Antonio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25, 264.
Fowler, Edmund, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Fox, Matthew, i. 130.
Francatrippa, ii. 263, 325.
Frederick V, Count and Elector Palatine (Palsgrave), i. 22, 24,
131, 173; ii. 134, 285; iii. 233, 238, 241, 260, 305, 493; iv.
73, 127, 128;
his men, ii. 190–2.
Fremownte, Jane, ii. 492.
Freshwater, William, merchant tailor, ii. 228, 239.
Frith, Mary, iii. 296, 313.
Frith, Richard, dancing-master, ii. 494, 498–9.
G
Gager, William, on plays, i. 251; iv. 245.
Ganassa, Alberto, ii. 263, 294.
Gardiner, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, i. 275.
Gargrave, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Garland, Thomas, ii. 465.
Garnet, Henry, iv. 121.
Garnier, Robert, iii. 13, 337, 397.
Garret, Elizabeth, maid of honour, iii. 401.
Garret, Mr., i. 146.
Gascoigne, George, on plays, iv. 196.
Gawdy. _See_ Hatton.
Genga, Girolamo, iii. 9; iv. 363.
Gentili, Alberico, iii. 318;
on plays, i. 253; iv. 245.
Gerard, Elizabeth Lady, iii. 380.
Gerard, Thomas, 1st Lord, iii. 402.
Germaine, Sir Thomas, iii. 377.
Gerrard, William, iii. 235.
Gerschow, Frederic, ii. 46, 367; iii. 256.
Gibson, Richard, serjeant of arms, revels, and tents, i. 72; iv.
135.
Giles, Thomas, dancer, i. 201–2; iii. 241, 244, 378, 380, 382, 383,
385.
Giles, Thomas, haberdasher, i. 79, 86, 164.
Gill, Daniel, ii. 435.
Giustinian, Giorgio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25; iii. 380.
Glemham (b. Sackville), Anne Lady, iv. 113.
Gonzaga, Louis, Duke of Nevers, ii. 261.
Goodyere, Sir Henry, iii. 280.
Gordon, George, 1st Marquis of Huntly, iii. 351.
Gordon (b. Stuart), Henrietta, Marchioness of Huntly, iii. 351.
Gordon, Sir Robert, iii. 393.
Gorges, Sir Arthur, iii. 267; iv. 112.
Gorges. _See_ Parr.
Goring, Sir George, iii. 241; iv. 64.
Gosson, Stephen, on plays, i. 254; iv. 203, 206, 213.
Gosson, Mrs., tire-woman, ii. 184.
Goterant, M., iii. 509.
Gravett, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Grazzini, A. F., iii. 352.
Greene, Robert, on players, iv. 236, 240.
Grene, Jack, court fool, i. 48.
Grene, Robert, court fool, i. 48.
Gresham (b. Ferneley), Anne Lady, iv. 106, 108.
Gresham, Sir Thomas, i. 20; iv. 81, 82, 83, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94,
268, 277.
Gresham, William, iii. 402.
Greville, Sir Fulke, 1st Lord Brooke, secretary for Wales,
treasurer of the navy, chancellor of the exchequer, i. 144;
iii. 187, 211, 402; iv. 64.
Grey (b. Blennerhasset), Anne Lady, ii. 485.
Grey, Anne Lady, iii. 514.
Grey, Arthur, 14th Lord Grey of Wilton, iii. 320; iv. 84.
Grey (b. Talbot), Elizabeth, Lady Ruthin, iii. 282.
Grey, Henry, 6th Earl of Kent, iv. 126.
Grey, Henry, 1st Lord Grey of Groby, iv. 64, 93, 111.
Grey, Lord John, iv. 79, 84.
Griffeth, John, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 93.
Griggs, John, carpenter, ii. 391, 406.
Grimald, Nicholas, iii. 31.
Grimes, Mr., iv. 57.
Grindal, Edmund, bishop of London, archbishop of Canterbury, i.
244, 278; ii. 73; iv. 266.
Groto, Luigi, iii. 208.
Guaras, Antonio de, Spanish agent, i. 24.
Guarini, G. Battista, iv. 41.
Guildford, Sir Henry, comptroller of household, i. 71.
Guildford (b. Somerset), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 282, 380, 383.
Guildford, Sir Richard, master of horse, ii. 476.
H
Habington (b. Wykes), Catharine, iii. 401.
Habington, John, cofferer of household, iv. 92.
Haddington (title). _See_ Ramsay.
Hale, Thomas, groom of tents, ii. 499.
Hales, Robert, lutenist, i. 49; iii. 403.
Hall, Thomas, musician, ii. 499.
Hannam, Jack, iii. 365.
Hardy, Alexandre, iii. 15.
Harington, Sir James, iv. 83.
Harington, John, 1st Lord Harington of Exton, iii. 388; iv. 116.
Harington, Sir John, i. 172; iii. 183, 222, 329, 363, 370, 404,
498; iv. 48, 319, 374, 377, 398;
on plays, i. 258, 268; iv. 237, 245.
Harington. _See_ Chichester, Russell.
Harmon, Edmund, barber, ii. 31.
Harper, Sir George, ii. 485, 492.
Harriot, Thomas, iii. 249; iv. 18.
Harrison, William, on plays, iv. 269.
Harsnett, Samuel, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Hart, Sir Percival, i. 214, 280; iv. 82, 89, 143.
Hartwell, Abraham, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Harvey (b. Ansley), Cordelia Lady, maid of honour, iv. 67.
Harvey, Gabriel, i. 97; ii. 4, 19; iii. 263, 325–6, 358, 363, 412,
419, 428, 450, 461, 494, 497; iv. 377.
Harvey, Richard, ii. 109; iii. 325, 450.
Harvey. _See_ Wriothesley.
Hassett, Caleb, vaulter, iv. 174.
Hassett, John, vaulter, iv. 167, 174.
Hastings (b. Dudley), Catherine, Countess of Huntingdon, iv. 110.
Hastings, Lady Dorothy, maid of honour, iii. 278, 378; iv. 67.
Hastings (b. Stanley), Elizabeth, Countess of Huntingdon, iii. 383,
434.
Hastings, George, 4th Earl of Huntingdon, iv. 116.
Hastings, Henry, 5th Earl of Huntingdon, i. 174; iii. 434; iv. 126,
129.
Hastings, Mrs., iv. 67.
Hastings. _See_ Somerset.
Hatcher, John, vice-chancellor of Cambridge, ii. 100.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, K.G., gentleman of privy chamber,
vice-chamberlain, captain of guard, lord chancellor, i. 4, 42,
47, 109, 110, 112, 199; iii. 457, 468; iv. 60, 103, 104, 105,
106, 282, 284, 296.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, K.B., iv. 117, 123, 124, 126.
Hatton (b. Cecil), Elizabeth Lady, afterwards Lady Coke, i. 200;
iii. 278, 376, 380.
Hatton (b. Gawdy), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 334.
Hatton or Newport, Sir William, iii. 334.
Hawes, Sir James, lord mayor, i. 282; iv. 273, 300.
Hawley, of Gray’s Inn, iv. 60.
Hay (b. Denny), Honora Lady, i. 172; iii. 240; iv. 122.
Hay, James Lord, Viscount Doncaster, 1st Earl of Carlisle,
gentleman of the bedchamber, master of the wardrobe, i. 172,
200; iii. 240, 242, 246, 280, 377, 378, 382, 393, 394; iv. 122.
Hayward, Katharine Lady, iv. 108, 110.
Hayward, Sir Rowland, lord mayor, iv. 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 272,
277, 305.
Hayward. _See_ Knyvet.
Heardson, John, iv. 13.
Heath, Nicholas, archbishop of York, lord chancellor, i. 243; iv.
97.
Heath, Richard, mercer, ii. 184.
Helmes, Henry, lord of misrule, iv. 56.
Hemingham, Mary, iv. 112.
Heneage, Sir Thomas, gentleman of the privy chamber, treasurer of
the chamber, vice-chamberlain, chancellor of the duchy of
Lancaster, i. 4, 42, 64; ii. 113; iv. 84, 94, 100, 134.
Heneage. _See_ Wriothesley.
Henri IV, King of France, i. 23, 204, 323, 327; ii. 160; iii. 297;
iv. 329.
Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, i. 7, 12, 22, 23, 131, 134, 138,
140, 147, 171, 173, 199, 304; ii. 134, 266; iii. 238, 250, 275,
282, 305, 382, 385, 387, 393, 507; iv. 58, 72, 117, 124, 125,
126, 127, 341, 353;
his men, ii. 186–90.
Henslowe, Philip, groom of chamber, sewer for chamber, i. 46, 47,
358–68; iii. 288; iv. 312.
Hentzner, Paul, i. 14; ii. 362, 456; iv. 351–3.
Herbert (b. Talbot), Catherine, Countess of Pembroke, i. 160; iv.
91.
Herbert, Henry, 2nd Earl of Pembroke, president of Wales, i. 160,
179; ii. 128; iii. 318, 337, 394, 436; iv. 90, 107;
his men, ii. 128–34.
Herbert, Sir Henry, master of revels, i. 105, 316, 319, 321, 322,
370; ii. 346; iii. 183, 194, 222, 227.
Herbert, Sir John, secretary of state, iv. 335.
Herbert (b. Newport), Magdalen Lady, afterwards Lady Danvers, iii.
370.
Herbert (b. Sidney), Mary, Countess of Pembroke, iii. 272, 401,
404, 492.
Herbert (b. Talbot), Mary, Countess of Pembroke, iii. 316.
Herbert, Philip, 1st Earl of Montgomery and 4th Earl of Pembroke,
lord chamberlain, i. 41, 146, 172, 200; iii. 218, 242, 246,
268, 280, 316, 332, 377, 378, 382, 393, 394, 436; iv. 119.
Herbert (b. Vere), Susan, Countess of Montgomery, i. 54, 172, 200;
iii. 278, 282, 316, 375, 377, 378, 380, 383; iv. 67, 119.
Herbert, Thomas, ii. 401.
Herbert, William, 1st Earl of Pembroke, lord steward, i. 35, 159;
ii. 362; iii. 349, 372, 477; iv. 77, 80, 81, 82.
Herbert, William, 3rd Earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain, i. 41,
45, 53, 146, 200; ii. 308; iii. 246, 280, 316, 377, 382, 394;
iv. 117, 342.
Herbert. _See_ Talbot.
Herbert (title). _See_ Somerset.
Héroard, Jean, ii. 293.
Heron, Jerome, dancer, i. 201–2; iii. 244, 382, 383, 386.
Heron, Sir John, treasurer of chamber, i. 58.
Hertford (title). _See_ Seymour.
Hesse-Cassel, Maurice Landgrave of, ii. 277; iii. 498.
Hesse-Cassel, Otto Prince of, ii. 369, 457; iii. 498.
Heywood, John, ii. 12, 18, 30, 32; iii. 19.
Heywood, Thomas, on plays, i. 262; iv. 250.
Hicks, Sir Michael, i. 112; iv. 111, 118.
Hobart, Sir Henry, attorney-general, iii. 260.
Hoby, Sir Edward, i. 220; iv. 66, 99, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Hoby (b. Carey), Margaret Lady, iv. 99.
Hoby, Sir Thomas, iii. 263.
Hoby. _See_ Russell.
Holderness (title). _See_ Ramsay.
Holland, Aaron, ii. 445.
Holmes, Mr., i. 318; iv. 271.
Holst, Duke of, i. 24, 205; iii. 377; iv. 119.
Holt, John, yeoman of revels, i. 73, 79; ii. 492.
Home, Alexander, 1st Earl of, iv. 116.
Home, George, 1st Earl of Dunbar, keeper of privy purse, i. 63.
Honing, William, clerk comptroller, afterwards clerk, of tents and
revels, i. 95, 99.
Hooft, Pieter, iv. 36.
Hopton, Sir Owen, lieutenant of Tower, i. 89; iii. 321; iv. 62.
Horace, on comedy, i. 238.
Horley, John, ii. 494.
Howard (b. Talbot), Alethea, Countess of Arundel, i. 200; iii. 282,
380, 383.
Howard (b. St. John), Anne, Lady Howard of Effingham, iii. 375; iv.
67.
Howard (b. Knyvet), Catherine, Countess of Suffolk, i. 54, 210;
iii. 278, 375.
Howard, Charles, 2nd Lord Howard of Effingham, 1st Earl of
Nottingham, lord chamberlain, lord admiral, lord steward, i.
18, 35, 40, 41, 98, 125; ii. 134, 274, 440, 451; iv. 101, 102,
112, 113, 115, 312, 315, 335, 336;
his men, ii. 134–86.
Howard, Sir Charles, iii. 245, 246.
Howard, Henry, Earl of Northampton, lord warden of Cinque Ports,
lord privy seal, i. 103; ii. 210; iii. 367; iv. 342.
Howard, Sir Henry, iii. 245, 246.
Howard (b. Carey), Katharine, Countess of Nottingham, mistress of
robes, i. 45; iii. 375, 401.
Howard, Katherine, iii. 401.
Howard (b. Stuart), Margaret, Countess of Nottingham, i. 54; iii.
278.
Howard, Mary, i. 45.
Howard, Philip, Earl of Surrey, afterwards 13th Earl of Arundel, i.
141, 144; ii. 116; iii. 506; iv. 63, 64, 95, 96, 100;
his men, ii. 116.
Howard, Theophilus, 2nd Lord Howard de Walden, iii. 241, 245, 246,
378, 382, 394.
Howard, Thomas, 4th Duke of Norfolk, i. 10, 33, 156; iv. 84, 87.
Howard, Thomas, 14th Earl of Arundel, i. 53, 147; iii. 316, 378,
382, 393.
Howard, Thomas, Lord Howard de Walden, Earl of Suffolk, lord
chamberlain, lord treasurer, i. 10, 40, 103, 200, 209; iii.
214, 255, 367, 388; iv. 59, 95, 96, 116, 128, 129, 336, 339,
342.
Howard, Sir Thomas, iii. 241, 245, 246, 378.
Howard, William, 1st Lord Howard of Effingham, lord admiral, lord
chamberlain, lord privy seal, i. 40, 110.
Howard, William, iii. 212.
Howard. _See_ Brooke, Cecil, Devereux, Fitzgerald, Knollys,
Seymour, Southwell.
Humfrey, Laurence, vice-chancellor of Oxford, iii. 401.
Hunsdon (title). _See_ Carey.
Huntingdon (title). _See_ Hastings.
Huntley (title). _See_ Gordon.
Hussey. _See_ Russell.
Hutchinson, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Hutten, Leonard, iv. 374.
Hyde, John, ii. 389.
Hyde, Lucy, gentlewoman of the bedchamber, iv. 67.
Hynde, John, iii. 383.
I
Ibotson, Richard, ii. 383.
Il Bianchino, iii. 5.
Inghirami, Tommaso, iii. 3.
Ipolyta, the Tartarian, i. 48.
Isam, Mrs., iii. 326.
Isley. _See_ Mason.
J
Jaggard, William, stationer, iii. 479–80.
James, King, i. 7, 13, 21, 23, 122, 125, 146, 167, 215, 264, 341;
ii. 7, 111, 265, 275; iii. 255, 257, 372, 392; iv. 104;
references to, in plays, i. 323, 325; iv. 28, 35;
his men, ii. 208–20.
James, Walter, iii. 389.
Jarret, Sir Thomas, iii. 241.
Jeffes, Abel, stationer, iii. 395.
Jerningham, Sir Henry, ii. 478, 493.
Jerningham (b. Baynham), Mary, Lady, iv. 95.
Jerningham. _See_ Kingston.
Jodelle, Étienne, iii. 13.
Johnson, Peter, ii. 504.
Johnson, Robert, musician, i. 202; iii. 244, 262, 385, 387.
Joinville, Prince de, i. 24; ii. 454; iii. 392; iv. 122.
Jones, Inigo, i. 7, 17, 130, 171, 178–80, 233, 234; iii. 242, 250,
262, 282, 354, 373, 375, 378, 382, 383, 386, 387.
Jonson, Benjamin, on Puritans, i. 262;
on plays, iv. 247, 248.
Joyner, William, fencer, ii. 499.
K
Katherens, Gilbert, carpenter, ii. 465.
Kellefet, Richard, groom of wardrobe of beds, iv. 99, 100, 108.
Kelly (title). _See_ Erskine.
Kelway, Thomas, iv. 64.
Kennedy (b. Brydges), Elizabeth Lady, i. 45; iv. 67.
Kennedy, Sir John, iii. 382.
Kent (title). _See_ Grey.
Ker (b. Drummond), Jean, Lady Roxborough, i. 174; iii. 277; iv.
129.
Ker, Robert, Lord Roxborough, i. 174; iii. 277; iv. 129.
Keyes, Thomas, ii. 464.
Kiddermister, Mrs., iv. 67.
Kiechel, Samuel, ii. 358.
Kildare (title). _See_ Fitzgerald.
Killigrew, Sir William, groom of privy chamber, acting treasurer of
chamber, i. 65; iv. 113, 114, 117, 134.
Kingston, Felix, stationer, iii. 163.
Kingston (b. Scrope), Mary Lady, formerly Lady Jerningham, ii. 485,
501.
Kingston, Sir William, comptroller of household, ii. 476.
Kirkham, Edward, yeoman of revels, i. 96, 99.
Knasborough, James, ii. 424.
Knollys or Knowles (b. Howard), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 278, 375, 378.
Knollys, Sir Francis, vice-chamberlain, treasurer of the chamber,
treasurer of the household, i. 35, 42, 64, 161; iv. 90, 93,
134, 282, 296.
Knollys, Francis, iii. 212; iv. 64.
Knollys, Henry, i. 161; ii. 486; iv. 64, 82.
Knollys (b. Cave), Margaret, i. 161; iii. 401; iv. 82.
Knollys, Robert, iii. 212, 402; iv. 64.
Knollys, Sir Thomas, iii. 402.
Knollys, William, 1st Lord Knollys, afterwards Earl of Banbury,
comptroller and treasurer of the household, i. 35, 174; iii.
212, 244, 402; iv. 64, 114, 115, 128, 335, 336.
Knollys. _See_ Brydges, Devereux, Paget.
Knowles, John, ii. 429, 432.
Knyvet or Knevet, Lady, iv. 67.
Knyvet, Thomas Lord, gentleman of privy chamber, keeper of
Whitehall, i. 102; iii. 283; iv. 111.
Knyvet. _See_ Bevill, Howard.
L
La Boderie, Antoine de, French ambassador, i. 24, 204; ii. 53; iii.
257, 380, 382, 384.
Lacy, John, i. 20; iv. 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105,
108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116.
Lake, Sir Thomas, clerk of signet, i. 22; ii. 53, 69.
Lambarde, William, ii. 206, 358; iii. 162.
Lambe, Sir John, dean of arches, iii. 163.
Lambert, John, iv. 57.
La Mothe-Fénelon, Bertrand de, French ambassador, i. 24.
Lane, Sir Robert, ii. 96; iv. 84;
his men, ii. 96.
Laneham, Robert, keeper of council chamber door, i. 69; ii. 328;
iv. 403.
Langley, Francis, i. 368; ii. 131–3, 411–12; iv. 316.
Langworth, Arthur, ii. 451.
Lanier, Nicholas, musician, i. 201; iii. 246.
Latewar, Richard, iii. 275, 318.
Laud, William, president of St. John’s, Oxford, archbishop of
Canterbury, iv. 373.
Leath, Nicolas, iii. 503.
Lee (b. Paget), Anne Lady, iii. 399.
Lee, Sir Henry, K.G., master of the armoury, i. 18, 42, 141, 145–6;
iv. 64, 92, 107, 117.
Lee, Sir Henry, baronet, iii. 400.
Lee, Sir John, iii. 377.
Leek, Sir Francis, i. 270.
Lees, Richard, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 73, 79.
Leicester (title). _See_ Dudley, Sidney.
Lennox (title). _See_ Stuart.
Lewknor, Sir Lewis, master of ceremonies, i. 53; iii. 377.
Lily, William, ii. 8, 16, 18.
Limbert, Stephen, master of Norwich grammar school, iv. 63.
Lincoln (title). _See_ Clinton.
Lisle (title). _See_ Sidney.
Lodge, Thomas, on plays, i. 256; iv. 206, 226.
Long, Sir Richard, master of Paris Garden, ii. 450.
L’Orme, Philibert de, iii. 14.
Lorraine, François de, i. 159.
Louis XIV, King of France, ii. 298.
Lovell, Gregory, cofferer of the household, iv. 90, 104.
Lovell, Sir Thomas, treasurer of chamber, i. 58.
Lucy, Sir Thomas, iv. 83, 88.
Lumley, John Lord, i. 11; iii. 411; iv. 100, 116.
Lupo, Thomas, musician, i. 202; iii. 241, 244, 385, 387.
Luther, Martin, on plays, i. 241.
Lygon, Roger, ii. 486.
Lyly, John, on plays, iv. 232.
Lyly, Peter, corrector of books, iii. 168, 413.
Lyzarde, William, painter, i. 230.
M
Mabbe, James, iv. 399.
Macrobius, i. 377.
Madox, Richard, i. 371; iii. 321.
Mahelot, Laurent, iii. 16.
Malim, William, master of Eton, ii. 74.
Malthouse, John, ii. 464.
Manners, Edward, 3rd Earl of Rutland, ii. 385, 401.
Manners (b. Sidney), Elizabeth, Countess of Rutland, i. 211; iii.
212, 354, 378.
Manners, Francis, 6th Earl of Rutland, i. 148; iii. 246, 394; iv.
126, 129.
Manners, Roger, 5th Earl of Rutland, i. 220; iv. 116.
Manners. _See_ Russell, Sandys, Tyrwhitt.
Mantegna, Andrea, iii. 5.
Manwood, Sir Roger, chief baron of exchequer, iv. 89, 98.
Mar (title). _See_ Erskine.
Marchand, Guillaume, iii. 15.
Markham, Gervase, i. 121.
Marprelate, Martin, on plays, iv. 229–33.
Marsigli, Bernardino, iii. 5.
Marsigli, Fino, iii. 5.
Martial, i. 377.
Martin, Sir Richard, lord mayor, iv. 101, 103, 105, 305, 309, 314,
315, 316.
Martin, Richard, lawyer, i. 169; iii. 262, 365.
Mary, Queen of Scots, i. 23, 159.
Mason, Alexander, marshal of minstrels, iv. 33.
Mason (b. Isley), Elizabeth Lady, iv. 85.
Mason, Sir John, treasurer of chamber, i. 62; iii. 477; iv. 78,
134.
Mason, John, yeoman of crown, ii. 12.
Mason, Mathias, lute of privy chamber, i. 49.
Matthew, Sir Toby, iii. 212.
Maxwell, Mr., iv. 60.
Maynard, Sir Henry, i. 112.
Meade, Jacob, keeper of bears, ii. 452, 465.
Meautys, Hercules, iv. 64.
Medici, Catherine de, i. 176; iii. 12–13.
Medwall, Henry, ii. 79.
Melanchthon, Philip, i. 239.
Mendoza, Bernardino de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Meres, Francis, on plays, iv. 246.
Meriton, George, iii. 212; iv. 375.
Merry, Edward, ii. 504.
Meyrick, Sir Gilly, i. 220; ii. 205.
Middlemore, Henry, groom of privy chamber, iv. 102.
Middlemore, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Middleton, Christopher, iv. 399.
Miklowe, John, treasurer of chamber, i. 59.
Mildmay, Sir Anthony, iv. 116, 120, 124, 126, 129.
Mildmay (b. Radcliffe), Frances Lady, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 83.
Mildmay, Sir Thomas, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 83.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, chancellor of exchequer, i. 76; iv. 83.
Miles, Ralph, ii. 390.
Miles, Robert, ii. 387–92.
Millet, William, ii. 426.
Moldavia, Prince of, iii. 371.
Molin, Nicolo, Venetian ambassador, i. 25; iii. 377.
Molineux, Mr., iv. 57.
Mompelgard, Count, iii. 452.
Monarcho, an Italian, i. 48.
Monmouth (title). _See_ Carey.
Monox, William, iii. 326.
Monson, Sir Thomas, iii. 240.
Montague (title). _See_ Browne.
Monteagle (title). _See_ Parker.
Montgomery (title). _See_ Herbert.
Montmorency, François, Duc de, French ambassador, i. 15, 80, 144,
157, 162.
Moore, Edward, iv. 64.
Mordaunt, Henry, 4th Lord, iv. 120.
More, Christopher, clerk of exchequer, ii. 476.
More, Sir George, ii. 486, 503, 506; iv. 114, 117.
More, Sir William, i. 74, 95, 109; ii. 476–506; iv. 84, 93, 100,
106.
More. _See_ Wolley.
Morgan, Meredith, iii. 387, 391.
Morice, Ralph, ii. 460.
Morison. _See_ Radcliffe.
Morley, Thomas, musician, corrector of books, iii. 168, 212.
Morley (title). _See_ Parker.
Morrell, Roger, iv. 375.
Moseley, Humphrey, iii. 183; iv. 398.
Mountaine, George, iii. 212; iv. 375.
Mountford, Thomas, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Mountfort, Thomas, clerk to Stationers, iii. 165.
Mountjoy (title). _See_ Blount.
Munday, Anthony, on plays, i. 254; iv. 208.
Muretus, iii. 12.
Murgatroyd, Michael, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Murray, Sir James, iii. 254.
N
Najera, Duke of, ii. 454.
Nannoccio, Andrea, iii. 13.
Napton, John, ii. 451.
Nashe, Thomas, on plays, i. 260; iv. 234, 238.
Necton, William, surveyor of works, i. 95.
Needham, John, iii. 212, 402.
Nevers, Duc de, i. 6, 23, 170; iv. 15.
Neville, Henry, 3rd Lord Abergavenny, ii. 92; iv. 89;
his men, ii. 92.
Neville, Sir Henry, ii. 493.
Neville, Lady Mary, iii. 380.
Neville, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 169; iv. 67.
Newcastle (title). _See_ Cavendish.
Newdigate, Nicholas, i. 87, 165–6.
Newman, John, ii. 496.
Newport. _See_ Hatton, Herbert.
Newton, Katharine Lady, iv. 67.
Nicoll, Basil, ii. 335, 418, 425.
Nicoll, William, ii. 390.
Nidd, Gervas, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Nigri, Francesco, de Bassano, iii. 263.
Niklaes, Henrick, iv. 31.
Noel, Henry, iii. 212, 402; iv. 64.
Norfolk (title). _See_ Howard.
Norris, Sir Edward, iv. 114, 125.
Norris, Francis, 2nd Lord, afterwards Earl of Berkshire, iii. 394;
iv. 127, 129.
Norris, Henry, 1st Lord, i. 112; iv. 66, 83, 85, 86, 92, 107.
Norris (b. Williams), Marjorie Lady, i. 112.
North, Dudley, 3rd Lord, iii. 245, 246, 394.
North, Edward, 1st Lord, i. 10; iv. 77, 79.
North, Sir John, ii. 500.
North, Roger, 2nd Lord, treasurer of household, i. 35; ii. 113; iv.
95.
Northampton (title). _See_ Howard, Parr.
Northbrooke, John, i. 253;
on plays, iv. 198.
Northumberland (title). _See_ Percy.
Norton, Thomas, city remembrancer, on plays, i. 265, 282; iv. 273.
Nottingham (title). _See_ Howard.
Nowell, Alexander, dean of St. Paul’s, ii. 16, 70.
O
Offley, Hugh, i. 139; iv. 102.
Ogle, wigmaker, ii. 184; iv. 33.
Oldcastle, Sir John, i. 324.
Overbury, Sir Thomas, iv. 257.
Oxford (title). _See_ Vere.
P
Page, William, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Paget (b. Knollys), Lettice Lady, iv. 67.
Paget, Thomas, 3rd Lord, iv. 91.
Paget, William, 1st Lord, secretary of state, i. 275; iii. 399.
Paget. _See_ Lee.
Pakenham, Edmund, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 96,
100.
Palladio, Andrea, iii. 11.
Palmer, Mr., dancer, iv. 115.
Parker, Edward, 10th Lord Morley, his men, ii. 113, 120, 124, 192.
Parker, Henry, 9th Lord Morley, iv. 79, 87, 93.
Parker (b. Harlestone), Margaret, i. 114.
Parker, Matthew, archbishop of Canterbury, i. 110, 114, 117; iv.
77, 78, 83, 89, 90, 265.
Parker, William, 4th Lord Monteagle, ii. 205.
Parr (b. Brooke), Elizabeth, Marchioness of Northampton, iv. 81.
Parr (b. Suavenberg), Helena, Marchioness of Northampton,
afterwards wife of Sir Thomas Gorges, iv. 86.
Parr, William, Marquis of Northampton, ii. 476; iii. 263; iv. 86.
Parry (b. Reade), Blanche Lady, lady of privy chamber, i. 45; iii.
401.
Parry, Sir Thomas, comptroller and treasurer of household, i. 35.
Parsons, Philip, iv. 373.
Parsons, Robert, ii. 63.
Parys, Robert de, ii. 459.
Pasfield, Zacharias, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Pasqualigo, Luigi, iv. 14.
Paulet, John, Lord St. John, 2nd Marquis of Winchester, iv. 85, 90.
Paulet, John, 4th Marquis of Winchester, i. 117; iv. 114, 117, 122,
123, 126, 128, 130.
Paulet, William, 1st Marquis of Winchester, lord treasurer, i. 79;
iv. 78, 85.
Paulet, William, 3rd Marquis of Winchester, ii. 91; iv. 106.
Pavier, Thomas, stationer, iii. 479.
Paylor, Mr., iv. 57.
Payne, Anthony, ii. 446.
Payne, Joan, ii. 464.
Payne, William, ii. 451, 462–4.
Peake, Robert, serjeant printer, iv. 353.
Peck, Mr., of Norwich, iv. 63.
Peckham, Sir George, ii. 385; iv. 86.
Pellegrino da Udine, iii. 9.
Pembroke (title). _See_ Herbert.
Percy, Sir Charles, ii. 205.
Percy (b. Devereux), Dorothy, Countess of Northumberland, i. 220;
iii. 375.
Percy, Henry, 8th Earl of Northumberland, i. 110; iv. 100.
Percy, Henry, 9th Earl of Northumberland, iii. 367.
Percy, Sir Josceline, ii. 205.
Perrot, Sir Thomas, i. 144; iv. 64.
Peruzzi, Baldassare, iii. 9.
Petre (b. Browne), Anne Lady, iv. 96.
Petre, John, 1st Lord, iv. 93.
Petre (b. Somerset), Katharine Lady, iii. 282, 380.
Petre (b. Waldegrave), Mary Lady iii. 514.
Petre, Sir William, iii. 160; iv. 79.
Pett, Phineas, iii. 234.
Phelips, Sir Edward, master of the rolls, iii. 260; iv. 126.
Philip II, King of Spain, i. 243, 323.
Philipps, Thomas, clerk of tents and revels, i. 73; ii. 492.
Pickering, Sir William, i. 4, 42.
Pickleherring, Robert, ii. 285.
Pinck, ii. 299.
Platter, Thomas, ii. 364, 456.
Plautus, i. 127, 222, 238–40; iii. 2, 19; iv. 186, 187, 188, 190,
191, 201, 256.
Plutarch, on poetry, i. 238.
Pod, puppet-showman, ii. 319.
Pole, Henry, ii. 499.
Pole, Margaret, formerly Cheyne, ii. 499.
Pomponius Laetus, iii. 3.
Pope, Morgan, ii. 410, 450–1, 463–4.
Popham, Sir John, chief justice of queen’s bench, ii. 205; iv. 108.
Porta, Giambattista, iii. 476, 499.
Porter, Henry, lutenist and sackbut, i. 49.
Portinari, Sir John, ii. 477, 490, 500–3.
Portington, William, master carpenter of works, i. 180; iii. 380.
Poupin, Abel, i. 247.
Powlter, Simon, yeoman of bears, ii. 450–1.
Pratt, Mr., iv. 375.
Prescot, Richard, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 100.
Preston, Richard, 1st Lord Dingwall, i. 146; iii. 241, 280, 377,
393, 394.
Pricket, Robert, i. 307.
Proby, Peter, i. 65.
Prynne, William, i. 253, 263, 306, 387; ii. 374, 423.
Puckering, Sir John, lord keeper of the seal, i. 125; iv. 110, 315.
Puttenham, George, iii. 470; iv. 90.
Puttenham, Richard, on plays, i. 258; iv. 233.
Q
Quadra, Alvarez de, bishop of Aquila, Spanish ambassador, i. 10, 24.
R
Radcliffe (b. Morison), Bridget, Countess of Sussex, iii. 397.
Radcliffe, Henry, 4th Earl of Sussex, ii. 92; iii. 394, 468;
his men, ii. 94.
Radcliffe (b. Pound), Honora, Countess of Sussex, ii. 92;
her men, ii. 94.
Radcliffe, Robert, 5th Earl of Sussex, i. 46, 146; ii. 92; iii.
212, 213; iv. 106;
his men, ii. 94–6.
Radcliffe, Sir S., iii. 262.
Radcliffe, Thomas, 3rd Earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, i. 40, 88,
110, 141; ii. 92, 342; iv. 79, 96, 98, 271, 276, 282, 284, 288;
his men, ii. 92–3.
Radcliffe. _See_ Mildmay, Ramsay.
Radford, tailor, ii. 184.
Rainolds, John, president of Corpus, Oxford, i. 129; iii. 318;
on plays, i. 250; iv. 185, 213, 245.
Raleigh (b. Throgmorton), Elizabeth Lady, i. 45, 220.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, captain of the guard, i. 4, 10, 42, 45, 47,
220, 324; ii. 196, 204, 342, 456, 500; iii. 31, 267, 354, 363,
419.
Raleigh, Walter (the younger), ii. 323, 354.
Ramsay (b. Radcliffe), Elizabeth, Viscountess Haddington, i. 173;
ii. 300; iii. 282, 381; iv. 123.
Ramsay, John, Viscount Haddington, afterwards Earl of Holderness,
i. 173; ii. 300; iii. 381; iv. 123.
Rankins, William, on plays, i. 260; iv. 227.
Raphael, iii. 9.
Rastell, John, ii. 30, 80.
Ratcliffe, Mary, lady of the privy chamber, i. 45, 108; iv. 67.
Ratcliffe, Thomas, iv. 64.
Ratcliffe, Mr., iii. 212.
Ratsey, Gamaliel, i. 310, 340, 350, 353.
Rawlidge, Richard, i. 298; ii. 359.
Redman, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Retz, Marshal de, i. 165.
Reynolds, Edward, iii. 212.
Reynolds, Henry, iii. 384.
Rhenanus, Johannes, i. 344; iii. 498.
Riario, Raffaelle, iii. 3.
Rich, Sir Henry, iii. 243, 245.
Rich (b. Cope), Isabel Lady, iii. 243.
Rich (b. Devereux), Penelope Lady, i. 54, 220; iii. 278, 375, 492.
Rich, Richard, 1st Lord, ii. 91; iv. 79;
his men, ii. 91.
Rich, Robert, 2nd Lord, ii. 91;
his men, ii. 92.
Rich, Sir Robert, i. 220; iii. 382.
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, ii. 77.
Rippon, Roger, i. 285.
Ritwise, John, ii. 11.
Roberts, James, stationer, iii. 188.
Roche, David, 5th Lord Roche of Fermoy, ii. 92.
Rochester (title). _See_ Carr.
Roe, Sir John, i. 205; iii. 279.
Rogers, Sir Edward, vice-chamberlain, comptroller of household, i.
35, 41.
Rollinson, Francis, iv. 378.
Rookwood, Edward, i. 114; iv. 95.
Roper, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Rossello, Pietro, iii. 4.
Rous, Sir Anthony, treasurer of chamber, i. 59.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della, Duca d’Urbino, iii. 9; iv. 363.
Rovere, Guidobaldo della, Duca d’Urbino, iii. 9.
Rowe, John, iv. 36.
Roxborough (title). _See_ Ker.
Rubidge, Rowland, musician, i. 202; iii. 385.
Russell (b. Hussey), Bridget, Countess of Bedford, formerly
Countess of Rutland, iv. 107.
Russell, Edward, 3rd Earl of Bedford, iii. 212.
Russell, Elizabeth, lady of privy chamber, i. 45.
Russell (b. Cooke), Elizabeth Lady, formerly Lady Hoby, i. 169; ii.
479, 508; iv. 66, 85, 107, 113, 320.
Russell, Francis, 2nd Earl of Bedford, i. 110; iii. 478; iv. 86,
88, 282, 296.
Russell (b. Harington), Lucy, Countess of Bedford, i. 54, 171, 200,
220; iii. 273, 278, 306, 354, 375, 378, 380, 383, 389, 399.
Russell, William, 1st Lord Russell of Thornhaugh, lord deputy of
Ireland, iv. 115.
Russell. _See_ Clifford, Dudley, Somerset.
Ruthin (title). _See_ Grey.
Rutland (title). _See_ Manners.
S
Sackford, Sir Henry, master of tents, keeper of privy purse, i. 63,
74, 76, 80, 83; ii. 497.
Sackford, Thomas, master of requests, i. 89; iv. 298.
Sackville (b. Clifford), Anne, Countess of Dorset, afterwards of
Pembroke and Montgomery, i. 200; iii. 268, 273, 282, 380, 383,
399; iv. 67.
Sackville, Lady Anne, iii. 378.
Sackville, Edward, 4th Earl of Dorset, iii. 246, 248; iv. 181.
Sackville, Henry, iii. 398.
Sackville, Sir Richard, under treasurer, i. 76, 161; iv. 81.
Sackville, Richard, 3rd Earl of Dorset, iii. 245, 246, 268, 394.
Sackville, Robert, Lord Buckhurst, ii. 65, 516.
Sackville, Thomas, Lord Buckhurst, 1st Earl of Dorset, lord
treasurer, i. 110, 161; ii. 261; iii. 318, 398; iv. 315, 335,
375.
Sackville, Thomas, iii. 398.
Sackville, Sir William, iii. 398.
Sackville. _See_ Glemham.
Sadler, Edmund, iii. 391.
Sadler, Sir Ralph, iv. 79, 95.
Saint-Gelais, Mellin de, iii. 13.
St. John, Oliver, 1st Lord St. John of Bletsoe, iv. 83.
St. John, Oliver, 3rd Lord St. John of Bletsoe, iv. 118, 120, 123,
124, 126.
St. John. _See_ Howard.
St. John (title). _See_ Paulet.
Salisbury (title). _See_ Cecil.
Salterne, George, iv. 379.
Salvian, i. 254.
Sandys (b. Manners), Elizabeth Lady, iv. 85.
Sandys, William, 3rd Lord, iv. 85, 90, 106.
Sanford, Henry, iii. 279.
Sanquhar (title). _See_ Crichton.
Sarmiento de Acuña, Diego, Conde de Gondomar, i. 25; iii. 230.
Saunders, Sir Nicholas, ii. 474, 486.
Saunders, Sir Thomas, ii. 474, 478, 486.
Saunders, Lady, ii. 474.
Sawnders, Ninian, ii. 474.
Scamozzi, Vincenzo, iii. 11.
Scaramelli, Giovanni, Venetian secretary of embassy, i. 25.
Schonaeus, Cornelius, iv. 24.
Scrope, Emmanuel, 11th Lord, iii. 394.
Scrope, Henry, 9th Lord, warden of west marches, ii, 266.
Scrope (b. Carey), Philadelphia Lady, iv. 67.
Scrope. _See_ Kingston.
Scudamore, Sir John, gentleman usher of the chamber, iii. 212.
Scudamore, Mary Lady, i. 108; iii. 401; iv. 67.
Segar, Sir William, Garter king of arms, i. 319; iii. 170, 439.
Segna, Nicoletto, iii. 5.
Selden, John, iii. 254;
on plays, iv. 258.
Sellers, William, ii. 432.
Selman, John, cut-purse, iii. 387.
Serlio, Sebastiano, iii. 10, 12, 153; iv. 353–65.
Servi, Constantine de’, i. 173, 180; iii. 246.
Seton, Robert, 1st Earl of Wintoun, iv. 116.
Seymour (b. Stanhope), Anne, Duchess of Somerset, iv. 94.
Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford, i. 10, 123; ii. 116; iv. 66,
106;
his men, ii. 116.
Seymour (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Hertford, i. 54; ii. 278,
375, 401.
Seymour, Lord Henry, ii. 500–2.
Seymour, Jane, queen consort, ii. 80.
Shakespeare, Edmund, iv. 55.
Shakespeare, William, i. 349–50, 370, 381–2; ii. 90, 91, 95, 129,
199, 269, 272, 309, 340, 346, 361, 417–25, 474, 496, 541; iii.
331, 460, 495, 513; iv. 33, 40.
Sheffield, Edmund, 3rd Lord, ii. 299.
Shelton, Thomas, translator, iii. 221.
Shelton. _See_ Walsingham.
Shenton, William, court fool, i. 48.
Sherley (Shirley) family, iii. 286.
Shirley, James, iii. 259.
Shrewsbury (title). _See_ Talbot.
Sidney, Sir Henry, iii. 337; iv. 282.
Sidney, Sir Philip, i. 144; ii. 90, 343; iii. 40, 211, 316, 317,
318, 330, 337; iv. 64, 203, 206;
on plays, i. 257; iv. 226.
Sidney, Sir Robert, Viscount Lisle, afterwards Earl of Leicester,
i. 53, 121, 322; ii. 237; iv. 113.
Sidney, Sir Thomas, iii. 402.
Sidney. _See_ Herbert, Manners, Wroth.
Silva, Diego de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Simier, M. de, i. 166; iv. 96.
Skipwith, Sir Richard, iv. 64.
Skipwith, Sir William, iii. 222.
Slawata, Gulielmus, iv. 352.
Smallpiece, Thomas, ii. 497.
Smith, John, of Christ’s, i. 250.
Smith, Sir Thomas, secretary, iii. 160; iv. 82.
Smith, Sir Thomas, clerk of privy council, master of requests, iv.
331.
Smith, William, ii. 399.
Smythe, John, iii. 409.
Soldino, ii. 263.
Somerset (b. Russell), Anne, Lady Herbert, i. 6, 169, 220; iii.
375; iv. 29, 113.
Somerset, Lady Blanch, iii. 378.
Somerset, Edward, Lord Herbert of Chepstow, 4th Earl of Worcester,
master of the horse, lord privy seal, i. 34, 200, 209; ii. 220;
iv. 87, 250, 335, 336;
his men, ii. 225–9.
Somerset (b. Hastings), Elizabeth, Countess of Worcester, i. 54;
iv. 67, 87.
Somerset, Henry, Lord Herbert of Chepstow, afterwards 5th Earl and
1st Marquis of Worcester, i. 169; iv. 113.
Somerset, Sir Thomas, iii. 280, 378, 393.
Somerset, William, 3rd Earl of Worcester, ii. 220;
his men, ii. 220.
Somerset. _See_ Guildford, Petre, Windsor, Winter.
Somerset (title). _See_ Carr.
Sophia, Princess, iv. 121.
Sotherton, John, baron of exchequer, i. 92.
Southampton (title). _See_ Wriothesley.
Southwell (b. Howard), Elizabeth Lady, i. 54; iv. 67, 99.
Southwell, Elizabeth, i. 45.
Southwell, Sir Robert, iv. 95, 99.
Spark, Thomas, on plays, iv. 184, 208.
Sparo, Mother, i. 87.
Spencer, Sir John, iii. 500.
Spencer, John, iii. 391.
Spencer, Robert, 1st Lord, ii. 283; iii. 391.
Spencer, Sir William, iv. 107.
Spencer. _See_ Stanley.
Spenser, Edmund, iii. 207, 328, 412; iv. 27.
Spes, Guerau de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Stafford, Alexander, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Stafford (b. Stafford), Dorothy Lady, mistress of Robes, i. 45.
Stafford, Edward, 3rd Lord, iii. 272; iv. 92.
Stafford, Sir Edward, iii. 272.
Stallard, Thomas, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Stanhope, John, 1st Lord Stanhope of Harrington, treasurer of
chamber, vice-chamberlain, i. 42, 64; iv. 134, 335, 336, 342.
Stanhope. _See_ Seymour.
Stanley (b. Spencer), Alice, Countess of Derby, i. 174; iii. 434;
iv. 67, 112.
Stanley (b. Vere), Elizabeth, Countess of Derby, i. 54, 168, 200;
ii. 118, 127, 194, 301; iii. 278, 282, 375, 380, 383; iv. 67,
109.
Stanley, Ferdinando, Lord Strange, 5th Earl of Derby, ii. 118; iii.
394, 402, 450;
his men, ii. 118–26.
Stanley, Henry, Lord Strange, 4th Earl of Derby, lord steward, i.
35; ii. 118; iv. 311;
his men, ii. 118.
Stanley (b. Clifford), Margaret, Countess of Derby, iii. 401; iv.
94.
Stanley, William, 6th Earl of Derby, i. 168; ii. 117, 118, 194; iv.
109;
his men, ii. 126.
Stanley. _See_ Hastings.
Stephens, John, iv. 255.
Stettin-Pomerania, Philip Julius, Duke of, ii. 46, 367, 456; iii.
256.
Stocket, Lewis, surveyor of works, i. 80.
Stockfisch, Hans, ii. 291.
Stockwood, John, on plays, i. 254; iv. 199.
Stone, Philip, ii. 445.
Stone, Sir William, mercer, ii. 184; iii. 369.
Stone the fool, iii. 369.
Strange (title). _See_ Stanley.
Strangwidge, Mrs., iv. 67.
Street, Peter, carpenter, ii. 399, 415, 436, 465.
Stuart, Lady Arabella, i. 54, 199, 212, 325, 327; ii. 59; iii. 282,
370, 380.
Stuart, Esmé, Lord Aubigny, i. 102; iii. 255, 280, 367, 382.
Stuart, Sir Francis, iii. 370.
Stuart, Ludovick, 2nd Duke of Lennox, Duke of Richmond, gentleman
of bedchamber, lord steward, i. 35, 146, 171; ii. 241; iii.
246, 258, 280, 316, 382, 393;
his men, ii. 241.
Stuart, Sir William, master of Paris Garden, ii. 452, 465.
Stuart. _See_ Gordon, Howard.
Stubbes, Phillip, on plays, i. 253; iv. 221.
Stukeley, Thomas, i. 138.
Sturm, John, i. 239.
Stymmelius, Christopherus, iii. 351.
Suavenberg or Snachenberg. _See_ Parr.
Suffolk (title). _See_ Bertie, Howard.
Surrey (title). _See_ Howard.
Sussex (title). _See_ Radcliffe.
Sutton, Thomas, founder of Charterhouse, iii. 369.
Sutton, Thomas, preacher, i. 263; iv. 259.
Swallow, John, ghost-name, iii. 495.
Swego, Mrs., tire-woman, i. 163.
Swetkowyz, Adam, imperial ambassador, iv. 82.
Sylvester, William, carpenter, ii. 379.
Symonds, Thomasine, ii. 405.
T
Tabarin, Giovanni, ii. 262.
Talbot (b. Herbert), Anne Lady, i. 160.
Talbot, Edward, i. 325.
Talbot, Francis, 5th Earl of Shrewsbury, president of the north,
i. 277; iv. 264.
Talbot, Francis Lord, i. 160.
Talbot, Gilbert, 7th Earl of Shrewsbury, i. 46; iii. 213; iv. 102,
111, 113, 116, 336.
Talbot, corrector of books, iii. 165.
Talbot. _See_ Grey, Herbert, Howard.
Tamworth, John, groom of privy chamber, keeper of privy purse,
i. 62.
Tanfield, Sir Lawrence, chief baron of exchequer, iv. 107.
Tasso, Torquato, iii. 317.
Taverner, Mr., iii. 170.
Taxis, Juan de, Spanish ambassador, i. 25, 26, 204; iii. 281, 376.
Taylor, John, waterman, ii. 127, 191, 370, 459, 468; iv. 16.
Taylor, John, witness, ii. 462.
Terence, i. 237–40; iii. 2, 6, 15; iv. 184, 186, 187, 188, 190,
191, 196, 201, 217.
Tevery, Jarvis, iv. 57.
Textor, J. Ravisius, iii. 351.
Theobald, Lewis, iii. 490.
Thomasina, court dwarf, i. 48.
Thornton, Thomas, i. 251; iv. 245.
Thrale, Hester, afterwards Piozzi, ii. 428.
Throgmorton, Arthur, i. 168.
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, i. 244.
Throgmorton. _See_ Raleigh.
Thynne, Sir John, iv. 90.
Thynne, Mrs., iv. 67.
Tice, John, ii. 503, 506.
Tilney, Edmund, master of revels, i. 88, 93, 96, 318, 321; iii.
170; iv. 32, 106, 285, 293, 305, 306, 308, 309.
Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worcester, ii. 293.
Topcliffe, Richard, i. 114; iii. 444, 455; iv. 323.
Topping, Richard, tailor, iii. 410.
Travers, John, serjeant of tents, i. 73.
Treheren, Mr., ii. 175.
Trentham. _See_ Vere.
Tresham, William, iv. 64.
Tripp, Henry, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Tuke, Sir Brian, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; iv. 133.
Turenne, Viscount, iii. 403; iv. 105.
Turner, fencer, ii. 413.
Twyne, Thomas, on plays, iv. 202.
Tyrwhitt (b. Manners), Bridget Lady, i. 45.
Tyrwhitt, Robert, i. 45.
U
Ubaldini, Petruccio, i. 163, 178; ii. 264.
Udall, Nicholas, ii. 70, 74;
on plays, iv. 188.
Unton (b. Broughton), Dorothy Lady, i. 164.
Unton, Sir Edward, iv. 88, 90, 92.
Unton, Sir Henry, i. 64, 163.
V
Van Buchell, Arend, ii. 361.
Vaughan, Cuthbert, master of Paris Garden, ii. 450.
Vaughan, Richard, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Vaughan, Thomas, treasurer of chamber, i. 57.
Vaux, Edward, 4th Lord Vaux, ii. 103; iv. 120;
his men, ii. 103.
Vaux, William, 3rd Lord, ii. 103;
his men, ii. 103.
Vavasour, Sir Thomas, iii. 399, 402.
Vavasour or Finch, Anne, iii. 399, 407.
Vavisour. _See_ Warburton.
Velasco, Juan Fernandez de, Constable of Castile, i. 12, 24; ii.
211, 453; iv. 118, 169.
Vere (b. Cecil), Anne, Countess of Oxford, iv. 87.
Vere, Edward, 17th Earl of Oxford, great chamberlain, i. 4, 141,
144; ii. 99, 497; iii. 412, 444, 506; iv. 87, 96;
his players, ii. 100–2.
Vere (b. Trentham), Elizabeth, Countess of Oxford, iv. 126.
Vere, Sir Francis, i. 322; iii. 499.
Vere, Henry, 18th Earl of Oxford, ii. 301.
Vere, John, 16th Earl of Oxford, great chamberlain, ii. 99; iii.
322; iv. 79;
his men, ii. 99.
Vere, Lady Mary, iii. 401.
Vere, Lady Susan, iii. 401.
Vere. _See_ Herbert, Stanley.
Vernon. _See_ Wriothesley.
Verreyken, Ludovic, Flemish ambassador, i. 23, 25, 220; ii. 204.
Viaud, Théophile de, iii. 17.
Villiers, George, Duke of Buckingham, i. 174, 200; iii. 389.
Vitruvius, iii. 2; iv. 362.
Vittoria (Fioretta), ii. 262.
Vives, Johannes Ludovicus, on plays, i. 238; iv. 185.
W
Wager, Lewis, i. 261;
on plays, iv. 194.
Walden (title). _See_ Howard.
Waller, Sir Walter, i. 280.
Walsingham (b. Shelton), Audrey Lady, i. 54, 200, 210, 220; iii.
278, 375, 380; iv. 67.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, secretary of state, i. 88, 89, 111, 266,
267; ii. 104, 343, 497; iii. 174, 187, 506; iv. 94, 99, 102,
104, 213, 294, 296, 303.
Walsingham, Sir Thomas, iii. 252, 257, 419; iv. 110, 115.
Walton, Henry, ii. 80.
Wapull, George, clerk to Stationers, iii. 158.
Warburton (b. Vavisour), Anne Lady, iii. 399; iv. 67.
Warburton, John, iv. 398.
Ward, Richard, cofferer of household, iv. 64, 93.
Warwick (title). _See_ Dudley.
Webbe, William, on plays, i. 258; iv. 227.
Webster, John, on players, iv. 257.
Wedel, Lupold von, ii. 358, 455.
Weldon, Sir Ralph, clerk of green cloth, iv. 99.
Wentworth (b. Cecil), Elizabeth, iv. 81, 99.
Wentworth, Thomas, 2nd Lord Wentworth, iv. 276, 277, 280.
Wentworth, William, iv. 99.
West, Thomas, 11th Lord Delawarr, iv. 111.
West, Thomas, 12th Lord Delawarr, iv. 254.
West, William, 10th Lord Delawarr, iii. 412; iv. 106.
Wharton (b. Clifford), Frances Lady, iv. 94.
Wharton, Philip, 3rd Lord, iv. 94.
Wharton, Mrs., iv. 67.
Whetstone, George, on plays, iv. 201, 227.
White, Edward, stationer, iii. 395.
White, Thomas, on plays, i. 254; iv. 197.
White, William, property maker, ii. 184.
Whitgift, John, archbishop of Canterbury, iii. 166, 450, 451; iv.
101, 102, 103, 106, 108, 109, 111, 115, 306, 307, 308, 315.
Whithorne, Timothy, ii. 334.
Wiburne, Nathaniel, iv. 376.
Wilcox, Thomas, iv. 197.
Wilkes, Sir Thomas, clerk of privy council, iv. 100.
Wilkes, William, iii. 428.
Wilkins, Thomas, ii. 401.
Wilkinson, John, coriour, iv. 261.
Willett, John, mercer, ii. 228.
Williams, John, bishop of Lincoln, ii. 349.
Williams, Sir Roger, iii. 212.
Williams. _See_ Norris.
Willis, R., i. 333.
Willoughby, Ambrose, esquire of body, i. 46.
Willoughby, Francis, ii. 2.
Willoughby. _See_ Bertie.
Wilson, John, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Wilson, Thomas, master of requests, secretary of state, ii. 15;
iii. 165.
Winchester (title). _See_ Paulet.
Windsor, Edward, 3rd Lord, iv. 83.
Windsor, Frederick, 4th Lord, i. 144; iv. 64, 92, 96.
Windsor (b. Somerset), Katharine Lady, iii. 282, 380, 383.
Wingfield, Sir Anthony, i. 109; iv. 377.
Winter (b. Somerset), Anne Lady iii. 282, 380, 383.
Wintoun (title). _See_ Seton.
Wistow, ii. 451.
Withens, Robert, ii. 406.
Wither, Anne, formerly Phillips, ii. 418.
Wither, John, ii. 334, 418, 423–4.
Wolf, John, stationer, iv. 327, 345.
Wolley (b. More), Elizabeth Lady, ii. 498.
Wolley, Sir John, Latin secretary, ii. 497; iv. 97, 99, 100.
Wood, Sir Robert, mayor of Norwich, iv. 62.
Woodford or Simball, Thomas, ii. 445, 516–17.
Woodhouse, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Woodman, victualler, ii. 493.
Woodward, Agnes, i. 358.
Woodward, Elizabeth, ii. 333.
Woodward, Joan, i. 358.
Worcester (title). _See_ Somerset.
Wotton, Edward, 1st Lord, comptroller of household, i. 35, 64; iv.
342.
Wren, Christopher, iv. 377.
Wright, James, iv. 370–2.
Wriothesley (b. Vernon), Elizabeth, Countess of Southampton, i. 45.
Wriothesley, Henry, 2nd Earl of Southampton, i. 162; iii. 488; iv.
82.
Wriothesley, Henry, 3rd Earl of Southampton, i. 45, 46, 147, 220;
iii. 212, 249, 358, 393, 417; iv. 106, 119, 121, 122, 123, 125,
128, 139.
Wriothesley (b. Cheyne), Jane, Countess of Southampton, iv. 85.
Wriothesley (b. Browne), Mary, Countess of Southampton, afterwards
Lady Heneage and Lady Hervey, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 82.
Wroth (b. Sidney), Mary Lady, iii. 371, 375.
Wroth, Sir Robert, iv. 105, 108, 111, 120, 322.
Württemberg, Frederick, Duke of, ii. 455.
Württemberg, Lewis Frederick, Prince of, ii. 369, 457.
Wyatt, Sir Henry, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; ii. 476.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, i. 59; ii. 476.
Y
Yaxley, John, mayor of Cambridge, iv. 6.
Yelverton, Sir Henry, solicitor-general, iv. 59.
Yetswiert, Nicasius, French secretary and clerk of signet, i. 98.
Yorke, Sir John, i. 305, 328.
Young, Sir John, mayor of Bristol, iv. 90, 198.
Young, Richard, i. 285; ii. 478; iv. 93, 96, 293, 297, 305, 310.
Z
Zanobi, iii. 13.
Zingerling, Justus, ii. 369, 457.
INDEX III: OF PLACES
A
Abbotstone (Hants), iv. 85, 90, 106.
Aberdeen, ii. 269.
Absey Court, iv. 114.
Aldbury (Herts.), iv. 81.
Aldeburgh (Suffolk), plays at, ii. 2.
Aldermaston (Berks.), iv. 85, 107, 114.
Aldersbrook (Essex), iv. 98.
Aldershot (Hants), iv. 124.
Alderton (Glos.), iv. 107.
Alderton (Northants), iv. 123.
Alresford (Hants), iv. 90.
Alrewas (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Althorp (Northants), i. 126; iii. 391; iv. 117.
Amersham (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107.
Amesbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Ampthill (Beds.), iv. 120, 126.
Andover (Hants), iv. 128, 130.
Ankerwyke (Bucks.), iv. 82.
Apethorpe (Northants), iv. 83, 116, 120, 124, 126, 129.
Ardern Hall (Essex), iv. 103.
Artington. _See_ Loseley.
Ashby, Castle (Northants), iv. 120, 124, 126.
Ashby de la Zouch (Leicester), i. 174; iii. 434; iv. 116.
Ashdon (Essex), iv. 95.
Audley End (Essex), i. 75; iv. 87, 95, 129.
Aveley (Essex), iv. 103.
Avington (Berks.), iv. 107.
Aylesbury (Bucks.), iv. 117.
B
Bagshot (Surrey), iv. 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 90, 100, 106, 125, 130.
Barham Hall (Cambs.), iv. 95.
Barn Elms (Surrey), iv. 94, 99, 101, 102, 104, 109.
Barnet (Herts.), iv. 92, 93, 102.
Barnstaple (Devon), plays at, ii. 1.
Basing (Hants), i. 117; iv. 78, 85, 106, 114, 117, 122, 123, 128,
130.
Bastead (Kent), iv. 89.
Batenhall Park (Worcester), iv. 92.
Bath (Somerset), i. 122, 334; iv. 90, 128.
Battersea (Surrey), iv. 109.
Beachampton (Bucks.), iv. 88.
Beaudesert (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Beaulieu (Hants), iv. 121, 122, 123, 125, 128.
Beaurepaire (Hants), iv. 114.
Beddington (Surrey), iv. 84, 92, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 106,
109, 111, 112, 113, 116.
Bedfont (Middlesex), iv. 107, 115.
Bedgebury (Kent), iv. 89.
Belhus (Essex), iv. 103.
Belvoir (Leicester), i. 118; iv. 116, 126, 129;
plays at, ii. 2.
Benenden (Kent), iv. 89.
Berden (Essex), iv. 95.
Berkeley (Glos.), i. 115; iv. 90.
Berwick (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Bethnal Green (Middlesex), iv. 88.
Bicester (Oxon.), iv. 85.
Binfield (Berks.), iv. 90.
Birch Hall (Essex), iv. 88.
Birling (Kent), iv. 89.
Bisham (Berks.), iv. 66, 85, 107, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Bishop Auckland (Durham), iv. 116.
Bishop’s Cannings (Wilts.), iii. 312; iv. 128.
Bishop’s Itchington (Warwick), iv. 88.
Bishop’s Waltham (Hants), iv. 106.
Blackwater (Hants), iv. 100.
Bletsoe (Beds.), iv. 83, 118, 120, 123, 124, 126.
Blyth (Notts.), iv. 116.
Boddington (Glos.), iv. 90.
Boreham (Essex), iv. 79, 96.
Boughton (Northants), iv. 81.
Boughton Malherbe (Kent), iv. 89.
Brabourne (Kent), iv. 89.
Bracon Ash (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Bradenham (Bucks.), iv. 83, 92.
Bramshott (Hants), iv. 106.
Brasted (Kent), i. 280.
Bray (Berks.), iv. 86, 88, 92, 114.
Braybrooke (Northants), iv. 81.
Breckles (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Brent Pelham (Herts.), iv. 87.
Brentford (Middlesex), i. 388; iv. 100, 114.
Brentwood (Essex), iv. 96.
Brickhill (Bucks.), iv. 84.
Bridgnorth (Shropshire), i. 335.
Bristol (Glos.), i. 139; ii. 68; iv. 60, 74, 90, 128, 379;
plays at, ii. 1.
Broadlands (Hants), iv. 130.
Brockett Hall (Herts.), iv. 88.
Brooke (Rutland), iv. 126.
Broughton (Oxon.), iv. 83.
Broxbourne (Herts.), iv. 91, 116.
Buckingham, iv. 84.
Bulley Hill (Kent), iv. 89, 99.
Burderhope (Wilts.), iv. 107.
Burford (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Burghfield (Berks.), iv. 107.
Burghley (Northants), iv. 116.
Burley on the Hill (Rutland), iv. 116, 129.
Bury St. Edmunds (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Bushmead (Beds.), iv. 83.
Byfleet (Surrey), iv. 86, 93, 99, 115.
Bygrave (Herts.), iv. 83.
C
Camberwell (Kent), iv. 109.
Cambridge, i. 127, 131, 226, 233, 250; ii. 99, 113, 206; iv. 49,
53, 81, 127, 130, 373–9.
Campden (Glos.), iv. 92.
Canterbury (Kent), i. 110, 117, 165, 334, 339; iv. 89, 98.
Cavendish (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Caversham (Oxon.), i. 174, 199; iv. 90, 114, 128.
Chalfont St. Giles (Bucks.), iv. 93.
Chamberhouse (Berks.), iv. 107.
Charlecote (Warwick), iv. 83, 88.
Charlton (Northants), iv. 84.
Charlton (Wilts.), iv. 128.
Chartley (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Chatham (Kent), iv. 121.
Chelsea (Middlesex), i. 17, 20; iv. 96, 100, 104, 107, 110, 111,
112, 113.
Chenies (Bucks.), i. 110, 118; iv. 86, 107.
Chequers (Bucks.), iv. 107.
Chertsey (Surrey), iv. 85, 115.
Cheshire, iv. 271.
Cheshunt (Herts.), iv. 102.
Chessington (Surrey), iv. 105.
Chester, i. 134, 339, 387; iv. 71, 124, 271.
Chicheley (Bucks.), iv. 88, 91.
Chichester (Sussex), iv. 106.
Chigwell (Essex), iv. 93.
Chillington (Staffs.), iv. 92.
Chippenham (Wilts.), iv. 95.
Chislehurst (Kent), iv. 110.
Chiswick (Middlesex), iv. 91, 115.
Chobham (Surrey), iv. 97, 99, 100, 105.
Churcham (Glos.), iv. 90.
Cirencester (Glos.), iv. 107.
Clandon (Surrey), iv. 106, 114.
Clapham (Surrey), iv. 94, 99, 102.
Clarendon Park (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Claybury (Essex), iv. 111.
Cobham (Kent), i. 15; iv. 77, 89.
Cobham (Surrey), iv. 100.
Colchester (Essex), ii. 345; iv. 79.
Colly Weston (Northants), iv. 83.
Colnbrook (Bucks.), iv. 90, 92, 97, 99, 102, 107.
Colton (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Combe (Surrey), iv. 109.
Combe Abbey (Warwick), i. 12.
Comfort (Kent), iv. 89.
Compton Wyniates (Warwick), iv. 88.
Copt Hall (Essex), iv. 84, 94.
Cornbury (Oxon.), iv. 92.
Costessy (Norfolk), iv. 63, 95.
Coventry (Warwick), i. 116, 126, 335; iv. 83;
plays at, ii. 1.
Cowdray (Sussex), i. 110; iv. 65, 106.
Cranborne (Dorset), iv. 123.
Cranbrook (Kent), iv. 89.
Crondall (Hants), iv. 114.
Croydon (Surrey), ii. 160; iii. 426, 451; iv. 52, 77, 83, 89, 101,
102, 105, 106, 108, 113.
D
Dallington (Northants), iv. 81.
Dartford (Kent), iv. 77, 99.
Datchet (Bucks.), iv. 115.
De Greys (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Dean, West (Sussex), iv. 106.
Deene (Northants), iv. 83.
Denham (Bucks.), iv. 86, 107.
Deptford (Kent), iii. 419; iv. 78, 89, 92, 94, 96, 97, 98.
Dingley (Northants), iv. 83, 117, 127.
Ditchley (Oxon.), iii. 399, 407; iv. 107.
Ditton Park (Bucks.), iv. 97, 105.
Doncaster (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Donnington (Berks.), iv. 85, 107.
Dover (Kent), iv. 89, 98;
plays at, ii. 1.
Down Ampney (Wilts.), iv. 107.
Drayton (Northants), iv. 120.
Drayton, West (Middlesex), iv. 115.
Dudley (Worcester), i. 119; iv. 92.
Dulwich (Surrey), i. 349, 360; ii. 298.
Dunglass (Haddington), iv. 116.
Dunstable (Beds.), iv. 84, 88.
Dunwich (Suffolk), plays at, ii. 2.
Durham, iv. 116.
E
Earlham (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Easton Neston (Northants), iv. 81, 84, 88, 117, 119.
Edgecott (Northants), iv. 88.
Edinburgh, ii. 78, 265–9.
Edmonton (Middlesex), iv. 100, 101, 111.
Egham (Surrey), iv. 99, 100, 108.
Ellenhall (Staffs.), iv. 92.
Elmley Bredon (Worcester), iv. 92.
Elsborough (Bucks.), iv. 107.
Eltham (Kent), i. 11, 15; iv. 77, 78, 79, 92, 98, 110, 111, 112,
113, 115, 126.
Elvetham (Hants), i. 123; iv. 66, 106.
Enfield (Middlesex), i. 11; iv. 79, 81, 84, 88, 102, 105, 108, 111.
Englefield (Berks.), iv. 114, 125.
Epsom (Surrey), iv. 114.
Erith (Kent), iv. 103.
Erlestoke (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Esher (Surrey), iv. 113.
Eton (Bucks.), ii. 73; iv. 97, 107, 119.
Euston (Suffolk), i. 114; iv. 95.
Evesham (Worcester), iv. 92.
Ewelme (Oxon.), iv. 85, 86, 88.
Exeter (Devon), ii. 69, 355; iii. 424;
plays at, ii. 1.
Exton (Rutland), i. 12; iv. 83.
Eythorpe (Bucks.), iv. 86.
F
Fairthorne (Hants), iv. 106.
Farleigh (Hants), iv. 106.
Farnham (Surrey), iv. 78, 82, 84, 85, 90, 93, 106, 114, 117, 121,
123, 125, 128, 130.
Faversham (Kent), iv. 89, 98.
Fawsley (Northants), iv. 91.
Felix Hall (Essex), iv. 79.
Fenham (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Fold (Middlesex), iv. 88, 92, 93.
Folkestone (Kent), iv. 89.
Fotheringay (Northants), iv. 83.
Friern Barnet (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Frocester (Glos.), iv. 90.
Fulham (Middlesex), iv. 103, 114, 117.
G
Gaynes Park (Essex), iv. 95.
Giddy Hall (Essex), iv. 84, 96.
Gillingham (Kent), iv. 77, 89.
Gloucester, i. 333; iv. 90;
plays at, ii. 1.
Godmanchester (Hunts.), iv. 116.
Gorhambury (Herts.), i. 110, 117; iv. 88, 93.
Gosfield (Essex), iv. 79.
Goudhurst (Kent), iv. 89.
Grafton (Northants), iv. 81, 84, 91, 117, 120, 123, 124, 127, 129.
Grantchester (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Grantham (Lincs.), ii. 222.
Gravesend (Kent), i. 138; iv. 96, 121, 129.
Greenwich (Kent), i. 9, 12, 15, 138; ii. 33; iii. 349; iv. 77–130
_passim_, 351.
Grimsthorpe (Lincs.), iv. 83;
plays at, ii. 2.
Grimston (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Guildford (Surrey), i. 110; iv. 84, 85, 93, 100, 106.
Gunnersbury (Middlesex), iv. 87.
H
Hackney (Middlesex), iv. 84, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110.
Hadleigh (Suffolk), i. 338; iv. 319.
Hadley (Middlesex), iv. 77, 87.
Hallingbury, Great (Essex), iv. 79, 93.
Hallow Park (Worcester), iv. 92.
Ham (Surrey), iv. 86.
Ham, West (Essex), iii. 369; iv. 95.
Hammersmith (Middlesex), iv. 106.
Hampden (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107, 117.
Hampstead Marshall (Berks.), iv. 107.
Hampton Court (Middlesex), i. 9, 12, 13, 15, 108, 144; iii. 277;
iv. 77–128 _passim_.
Hanwell (Oxon.), iv. 120, 127.
Hanworth (Middlesex), iv. 94, 107, 113, 114, 117.
Harefield (Middlesex), i. 117, 125; ii. 207; iv. 67, 115.
Harlington (Middlesex), iv. 115.
Harmondsworth (Middlesex), iv. 97.
Harold’s Park (Essex), iv. 93.
Harrow (Middlesex), iv. 81, 87, 102.
Harrowden (Northants), iv. 120.
Hartlebury (Worcester), iv. 92.
Hartley Wintney (Hants), iv. 78, 85.
Harwich (Essex), iv. 79.
Haslingfield (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Hatfield (Herts.), i. 11, 12, 126; ii. 12, 13; iv. 77, 79, 83, 84,
87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 120.
Hatfield Broadoak (Essex), iv. 93, 95, 129.
Havering (Essex), i. 11, 12, 21; iv. 79, 84, 88, 93, 95, 96, 105,
111, 120, 126.
Haynes (Beds.), iv. 129.
Hazelbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Hedgerley (Bucks.), iv. 93.
Hedingham (Essex), iv. 79.
Hemstead (Kent), iv. 89.
Hendon (Middlesex), iv. 83, 87, 92, 108.
Hengrave (Suffolk), iv. 63, 95.
Henham Park (Essex), iv. 87.
Herriard (Hants), iv. 90.
Hertford (Herts.), iv. 79, 81, 93, 346, 347, 348.
Heytesbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Highgate (Middlesex), i. 126; iii. 391; iv. 92, 93, 99, 104, 108,
111, 113, 118.
Hinchinbrook (Hunts.), i. 13, 127; iii. 498; iv. 81, 116.
Hindlip (Worcester), iv. 92.
Hitcham (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Holcutt (Beds.), iv. 91.
Holdenby (Northants), i. 13; iv. 117, 123, 124, 127, 129.
Holt (Sussex?), iv. 106.
Holton (Oxon.), iv. 88, 90, 92, 107.
Horham Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Horndon (Essex), iv. 103.
Horseheath (Cambs.), iv. 95.
Horsley, East (Surrey), iv. 106.
Horsley, West (Surrey), i. 15, 157; iv. 78, 79, 86.
Hothfield (Kent), iv. 89.
Houghton Conquest (Beds.), iv. 83, 86.
Hounslow (Middlesex), iv. 103, 115.
Hull (Yorks.), i. 339.
Hurst (Berks.), iv. 93, 107, 114.
Hurstbourne (Hants), iv. 85.
Hyde Hall (Herts.), iv. 95.
I
Ilford (Essex), iv. 96, 98.
Ingatestone (Essex), iv. 79, 96.
Ipswich (Suffolk), i. 335; iv. 79;
plays at, ii. 2.
Irnham (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Iron Acton (Glos.), iv. 90.
Islehampstead (Bucks.), iv. 88.
Isleworth (Middlesex), iv. 94.
K
Katharine Hall (Surrey?), iv. 106.
Keddington (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Kendal (Westmorland), iv. 253.
Kenilworth (Warwick), i. 13, 118, 122, 166; iii. 468; iv. 61, 83,
88, 91.
Kenninghall (Norfolk), iv. 63, 95.
Kennington (Surrey), i. 150.
Kensington (Middlesex), i. 220; iv. 103, 111, 126.
Kettering (Northants), iv. 31.
Kew (Surrey), i. 12, 125; iv. 110.
Keynsham (Somerset), iv. 90.
Kilndown (Kent), iv. 89.
Kimberley (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Kimbolton (Hunts.), iv. 81, 83.
King’s Lynn (Norfolk), iv. 253.
Kingscliffe (Northants), iv. 83.
Kingsley (Hants), iv. 85.
Kingston (Surrey), i. 87, 108; iv. 84, 100, 110, 111, 112, 113.
Kirby (Northants), iv. 124, 126.
Kirtling (Cambs.), iv. 95.
Knebworth (Herts.), iv. 83, 84, 87.
L
Lacock (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Laleham (Surrey), iv. 108.
Lambeth (Surrey), i. 20, 114; iv. 77–115 _passim_.
Lamer (Herts.), iv. 123.
Lancashire, i. 339; iv. 311.
Langley (Oxon.), iv. 88, 90, 92, 119.
Latimer (Bucks.), iv. 88, 93, 107.
Latton (Essex), iv. 87, 93, 95.
Launde (Leicester), iv. 81.
Lawshall (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Layer Marney (Essex), iv. 79.
Leatherhead (Surrey), iv. 106.
Lees (Essex), iv. 79, 87.
Leicester, i. 116, 334, 337; ii. 221; iv. 116, 126, 129;
plays at, ii. 2.
Leighton Bromswold (Hunts.), iv. 83.
Lewes (Sussex), i. 110.
Lewisham (Kent), iv. 101, 103, 115.
Leyton (Essex), iv. 98, 111, 118.
Lichfield (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Linton (Cambs.), iv. 95.
London, Westminster and Suburbs
--_City of London and Whitefriars._
Artillery Garden, iii. 340;
Baynard’s Castle, i. 9, 159, 160; ii. 494; iv. 77, 80, 81, 82,
91, 113;
Bishopsgate (Bull), ii. 380; iv. 86, 87, 88;
Boar’s Head (Aldgate), ii. 356, 443;
Boar’s Head (Eastcheap), ii. 443;
Bridewell, ii. 52, 476, 481; iii. 496;
Britain’s Burse, i. 10; iii. 129;
Carpenters’ Hall, ii. 356;
Carter Lane, ii. 481, 483;
Castle Lane, ii. 481;
Christ Church, ii. 44;
Christ’s Hospital, iii. 458;
Clothworkers’ Hall, iv. 122;
Conduits, i. 132; ii. 453; iv. 121;
Convocation House, ii. 13, 16;
Counter (Poultry), ii. 164; iv. 367;
Counter (Wood St.), iv. 282;
Creed Lane, ii. 481;
Crosby Hall, i. 10;
Dorset (Sackville) House, i. 161; ii. 516; iv. 81, 113;
East Smithfield, i. 301, 304; iv. 327, 340;
Ely Place, i. 102; iii. 235; iv. 103, 104, 105, 106;
Fleet Ditch, ii. 476, 481;
Fleet St., ii. 159;
Gracechurch St. (Bell, Cross Keys), ii. 344, 380–2;
Guildhall, i. 135; iv. 121;
Heneage House, iv. 100;
Holborn, i. 220; ii. 475; iv. 112;
Huntingdon House, iv. 110;
Leadenhall, iv. 290;
London Bridge, ii. 366, 376;
Ludgate Hill or Bowier Row (Bel Savage), ii. 382, 481;
Merchant Taylors, i. 134, 174; ii. 75, 213; iii. 442; iv. 102,
122, 129;
New Fish St., ii. 159;
Newgate, ii. 54; iv. 298;
Northumberland Place, ii. 356; iii. 502;
Puddle Wharf, ii. 472, 481;
St. Andrew’s Hill, i. 9; ii. 474;
St. Andrew’s (Holborn), iii. 507;
St. Antholin’s, i. 262;
St. Bartholomew’s, ii. 44;
St. Botolph’s (Aldersgate), ii. 356;
St. Giles’s (Cripplegate), ii. 295, 435; iv. 12;
St. Gregory’s, ii. 13, 16;
St. Leonard’s (Shoreditch), ii. 295, 384;
St. Mary’s (Aldermanbury), ii. 311, 320;
St. Mary-le-Bow, i. 104;
St. Mary Woolnoth, ii. 73;
St. Mildred’s (Bread St.), ii. 404;
St. Paul’s Cathedral, i. 135; ii. 9–11; iii. 128; iv. 103;
its weathercock, iii. 466; iv. 31, 37;
St. Paul’s Churchyard, iii. 420;
St. Paul’s Cross, i. 254, 262; iv. 208;
St. Paul’s Grammar School, i. 132, 133; iv. 56;
St. Peter’s Hill, i. 103;
Salisbury Court, ii. 516–17;
Southampton House, iv. 119;
Stationers’ Hall, iii. 166, 174, 186, 422;
Tower, i. 9, 131, 134; iv. 77, 79, 82, 100, 116, 118, 120, 123,
124;
Trinity Hall, ii. 356;
Wardrobe, i. 9; ii. 473, 476;
Warwick Inn, i. 74; ii. 491;
Water Lane (Fleet St.), ii. 516;
Whitefriars, i. 10, 103; ii. 477–9, 515–7.
--_Blackfriars_, i. 10, 74, 76, 95, 169; ii. 48, 194, 475–515; iv.
107, 113, 114, 115;
Ankerhouse, ii. 483;
Apothecaries’ Hall, ii. 492, 507; iv. 372;
Bridewell Lane, ii. 482;
Cobham House, ii. 485, 488, 492, 504;
Duchy Chamber, ii. 490, 502;
Fleet Bridge, ii. 481;
Gate St., ii. 481;
Glass-house, ii. 506;
High St., ii. 482;
Hunsdon House, ii. 501, 504, 506;
Ireland Yard, ii. 482–3;
King’s Printing House, ii. 506;
Pipe Office, ii. 498, 504;
Porter’s Hall playhouse, ii. 472;
Printing House Lane, ii. 501;
St. Anne’s, ii. 474, 478, 482, 486, 491, 511; iv. 320;
Shoemakers’ Row, ii. 483;
Stairs, ii. 481;
Water Lane, ii. 482, 484, 501, 508.
--_Middlesex Suburbs._
Blackwall, iv. 113, 121;
Charterhouse, i. 10; iv. 77, 79, 84, 97, 116;
Finsbury, ii. 435;
Finsbury Fields, ii. 370, 385–6, 396;
Golden Lane (Fortune), ii. 435;
Holywell (Theatre, Curtain), ii. 363, 384, 400;
Hoxton fields, ii. 158, 400; iii. 353;
Islington (Saracen’s Head), ii. 127, 356;
Kingsgate, i. 13;
Marylebone Park, i. 11;
Mile End, i. 139: iv. 77, 102;
Moorfields, ii. 401;
New River, i. 137; iii. 443;
Nightingale Lane, iv. 327;
St. James’s (Clerkenwell), ii. 445;
St. John’s (Clerkenwell), i. 11, 76, 79, 95, 101, 223; ii. 481;
iv. 250, 252;
St. John St. (Red Bull), ii. 445;
Stepney (Red Lion), ii. 380;
Stratford at Bow, iv. 93, 96, 121;
Whitechapel (Boar’s Head), ii. 67, 242, 444;
Whitecross St., ii. 435.
--_Southwark and Surrey Suburbs._
Bankside (Rose, Globe, Hope), ii. 359, 363, 370, 376–8, 449;
Barge, Bell and Cock, ii. 464;
Bargehouse, i. 8; ii. 413, 460;
Bearsfoot Alley, ii. 470;
Beargardens, ii. 449–65;
Beargardens Lane, ii. 463, 470;
Bermondsey, ii. 459; iv. 83, 86;
Clink, ii. 228, 359, 376, 406, 459, 461;
Copt Hall, ii. 411, 461;
Cuckold’s Haven, iii. 149;
Deadman’s Place, ii. 377, 427;
Globe Alley, ii. 378, 427–33;
Holland St., ii. 377, 461;
Horseshoe Alley, ii. 433;
Lambeth Marsh, ii. 459;
Maid (Maiden) Lane, ii. 359, 377, 405, 427–33;
Marshalsea, ii. 132, 163; iii. 353; iv. 280, 310, 323;
Mason Stairs, ii. 462;
Newington (Newington Butts), ii. 359, 404; iv. 111, 113;
Paris Garden or Wideflete (Swan), i. 8, 63; ii. 342, 359, 376,
449, 458–61;
Palmyra, ii. 428;
Park, ii. 431;
Pike Garden, ii. 462;
Rose Alley, ii. 406;
St. George’s Fields, ii. 359; iv. 86;
St. Margaret’s, ii. 405, 427;
St. Mary Overies, i. 262, 263, 376, 427;
St. Saviour’s, ii. 405, 427;
Stews, i. 359; ii. 376, 405, 460, 462;
Southwark, i. 275, 300, 315, 317, 359; ii. 99, 295, 355, 359,
376, 407, 449; iv. 80, 94;
Winchester House, ii. 376; iii. 234.
--_Liberty of Duchy of Lancaster._
Arundel House, iv. 83, 100, 101, 115;
Bedford House, iv. 82, 104;
Cecil House, iii. 248; iv. 119;
Leicester (Essex) House, iv. 92, 93, 94, 96;
Savoy, i. 9; iv. 82, 109, 115, 144;
Somerset House (Denmark House, Queen’s Court), i. 10, 12, 174,
216; ii. 211; iii. 277; iv. 77–112 _passim_, 118, 121, 129,
130, 169, 183;
Strand, iii. 392; iv. 79, 108, 109, 113.
--_Westminster._
Banqueting House, i. 15–17; ii. 453, 480; iii. 234, 242, 245,
282, 375, 378, 379, 383, 385, 386; iv. 59, 87, 171;
Baptista’s, i. 102;
Burghley House, i. 168; ii. 194; iv. 81, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111;
Cockpit, i. 8, 13, 146, 216, 218, 234; iv. 87, 175, 177, 179,
181;
Conduit Court, ii. 453;
Covent Garden, iv. 105;
Durham Place, i. 10; iv. 93, 123, 170;
Exchequer Chamber, i. 135;
Gatehouse, i. 328; iv. 280;
Haunce’s, i. 102;
Hyde Park, i. 11;
King’s Road, i. 13;
St. James’s, i. 11, 13; iv. 77–116 _passim_;
St. James’s Park, i. 8; iv. 115;
St. Stephen’s, ii. 25;
Tilt-yard, i. 8, 18, 141–8; ii. 453; iii. 211, 261, 268, 402–5;
Westminster Abbey, ii. 70, 361;
Westminster Hall, i. 135, 150;
Westminster palace, i. 8, 102;
Whitehall, i. 8, 15, 19, 143; iv. 77–129 _passim_;
York House, iv. 112.
Long Itchington (Warwick), iv. 91.
Long Melford (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Long Stanton (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Longleat (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Loseley (Surrey), i. 109; iv. 84, 93, 100, 106, 114, 117.
Loughborough (Essex), iv. 93, 95, 98, 108, 111.
Loughborough (Leicester), iv. 126.
Loughton (Essex), iv. 79, 111, 120.
Lulworth (Dorset), iv. 130.
Lumley (Durham), iv. 116.
Lumley House, Greenwich (Kent), iv. 112.
Luton (Beds.), iv. 91, 120.
Lydiard (Wilts.), iv. 107, 128.
Lyons, iv. 401.
M
Maidenhead (Berks.), iv. 107.
Maldon (Essex), i. 339;
plays at, ii. 2.
Manningtree (Suffolk), iv. 253.
Manuden (Essex), iv. 95.
Mark Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 93, 95.
Marlborough (Wilts.), plays at, ii. 1.
Mayfield (Kent), iv. 89.
Melchet (Hants), iv. 85.
Meriden (Warwick), iv. 91.
Merton (Surrey), iv. 90, 104.
Micheldever (Hants), iv. 78.
Middleton (Warwick), iv. 91.
Mimms, South (Middlesex), iv. 88.
Missenden, Great (Bucks.), iv. 117.
Mitcham (Surrey), iv. 106, 107, 109, 110, 111.
Molesey (Surrey), iv. 97, 99, 102, 104, 107, 113.
Morecroft (Somerset), iv. 90.
Mortlake (Surrey), i. 218; ii. 209; iv. 91, 94, 97, 100, 105, 168.
Mottisfont (Hants), iv. 85, 90.
Moulsham (Essex), iv. 96.
Mount Surrey (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Mousehold (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Muresley. _See_ Salden.
N
Netley (Hants), iv. 78.
New Hall (Essex), i. 111; iv. 79, 96.
Newark (Notts.), iv. 116, 126, 129.
Newbury (Berks.), iv. 85, 107.
Newcastle (Northumberland), i. 334; iv. 116;
plays at, ii. 2.
Newington (Kent), iv. 98.
Newmarket (Cambs.), i. 13.
Newstead (Notts.), iv. 126, 129.
Nonsuch (Surrey), i. 11, 12, 20, 157; iv. 77–113 _passim_, 116.
Northampton, iv. 81.
Northiam (Sussex), iv. 89.
Northiaw (Herts.), iv. 88, 93, 102.
Northleach (Glos.), iv. 107.
Norwich (Norfolk), i. 126, 166, 306, 336, 339, 387; ii. 59, 60,
105, 221, 326, 345; iii. 517; iv. 62, 95;
plays at, ii. 1.
Nottingham, i. 159, 335; iv. 116, 126, 129.
O
Oatlands (Surrey), i. 11, 12, 20; iv. 77–115 _passim_, 116, 118,
121, 122, 128, 130.
Odiham (Hants), iv. 78, 84, 85, 90, 93, 106.
Olantigh (Kent), iv. 89.
Onehouse (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Orpington (Kent), iv. 89.
Oseburn (Sussex), iv. 106.
Osterley (Middlesex), i. 20, 139; iii. 267; iv. 81, 82, 83, 86, 90,
91, 92, 94, 106, 108.
Otford (Kent), iv. 77, 89.
Oxenheath (Kent), iv. 89.
Oxford, i. 87, 116, 126, 128–30, 142, 227, 233, 250; ii. 40, 206;
iv. 83, 85, 107, 120, 127, 129, 373–9;
plays at, ii. 2.
P
Peckham, West (Kent), iv. 89.
Pendley (Herts.), iv. 86.
Penrhyn (Cornwall), iv. 250, 253.
Pershore (Worcester), ii. 300.
Petworth (Sussex), i. 110, 111; iv. 100.
Philberds (Berks.), iv. 86, 88, 92, 114.
Plymouth (Devon), plays at, ii. 1.
Ponsbourne (Herts.), iv. 100.
Pontefract (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Portsmouth (Hants), iv. 78, 106.
Princes Risborough (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107.
Putney (Surrey), i. 20; iv. 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104,
105, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116.
Pyneste (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Pyrford (Surrey), iv. 92, 93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 117.
Pyrgo (Essex), iv. 79, 84, 93, 111.
Q
Quarrendon (Bucks.), iii. 398, 407.
Queenborough (Kent), iv. 79.
R
Ramsbury (Wilts.), iii. 337; iv. 107.
Reading (Berks.), i. 11, 13, 20; iv. 85, 86, 88, 90, 93, 107, 114,
128, 151;
plays at, ii. 2.
Rendcombe (Glos.), iv. 107.
Richmond (Surrey), i. 9, 13, 15; iv. 77–116 _passim_, 121, 129.
Riddings (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Ridgmont (Beds.), iv. 86, 91.
Rochester (Kent), iv. 89, 98, 99, 121, 128, 129.
Rockingham (Northants), iv. 120.
Roding Abbess (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Romford (Essex), iv. 84, 96.
Romsey (Hants), iv. 122.
Rookwood Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Rotherfield (Hants), iv. 78.
Rotherfield Greys (Oxon.), iv. 90, 93.
Royston (Cambs.), i. 13, 131; iv. 116, 129, 130, 378.
Ruckholt (Essex), i. 111; iv. 111, 118.
Rufford (Notts.), iv. 126, 129.
Rycote (Oxon.), i. 111, 125; iv. 66, 83, 85, 86, 92, 107, 127, 129.
Rye (Sussex), iv. 89.
S
Saffron Walden (Essex), iv. 87;
plays at, ii. 2.
St. Albans (Herts.), i. 13; iv. 81, 84, 93, 126, 348.
St. Osyth (Essex), iv. 79.
Salden (Bucks.), iv. 88, 117.
Salisbury (Wilts.), iv. 90, 117, 122, 123, 125, 128, 130.
Sandgate (Kent), iv. 89.
Sandwich (Kent), iv. 89, 98.
Sawbridgeworth (Herts.), iv. 95.
Scadbury (Kent), iii. 419; iv. 110.
Seale (Surrey), iv. 114.
Segenhoe (Beds.), iv. 86, 91.
Sempringham (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Seton (Haddington), iv. 116.
Shardeloes (Bucks.), iv. 81.
Shaw (Berks.), iv. 107, 117.
Sheen (Surrey), i. 9, 13; iv. 105.
Sheffield (Yorks.), ii. 301.
Shelley Hall (Suffolk), iv. 79.
Shenley (Herts.), iv. 83.
Sherborne (Glos.), iv. 90, 92, 107.
Sherborne St. John (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
Shrewsbury (Shropshire), iii. 110;
plays at, ii. 1.
Silchester (Hants), iv. 114.
Sion (Middlesex), iv. 92, 100, 102, 108, 116.
Sissinghurst (Kent), iv. 89.
Siston (Glos.), iv. 128.
Sittingbourne (Kent), iv. 98.
Smallbridge (Suffolk), iv. 79.
Smarden (Kent), iv. 89.
Soberton (Hants), iv. 85.
Somborne (Hants), iv. 90.
Somersham (Hunts.), iv. 118.
Southampton (Hants), i. 387; iv. 78, 85, 106, 117;
plays at, ii. 1.
Southfleet (Kent), iv. 98.
Southwell (Notts.), iv. 116.
Southwick (Hants), iv. 78, 106.
Stafford, iv. 92.
Staines (Middlesex), iv. 94, 102, 105, 114.
Stamford (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Stamford Hill (Middlesex), iv. 116.
Standon (Herts.), iv. 79, 95, 116.
Stanstead (Sussex), iv. 106.
Stanstead Abbots (Herts.), iv. 87, 93, 94.
Stanwell (Middlesex), iv. 80, 90.
Steventon (Hants), iv. 85.
Stockwell (Surrey), iv. 100, 103.
Stoke d’Abernon (Surrey), iv. 105, 114.
Stoke Newington (Middlesex), iv. 91, 93, 103.
Stoke Poges (Bucks.), iv. 114.
Stokes Croft (Somerset), iv. 90.
Stoneham, South (Hants), iv. 106.
Stowmarket (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Stratford-on-Avon (Warwick), ii. 91, 107, 305, 320, 321, 361;
plays at, ii. 2.
Streatham (Surrey), iv. 98, 100, 102, 108.
Sudeley (Glos.), iv. 66, 90, 92, 107.
Sunbury (Middlesex), iv. 113.
Sundridge (Kent), iv. 98.
Sunninghill (Berks.), iv. 80, 82, 94, 97, 99, 100, 105, 108.
Sutton (Kent), iv. 89.
Sutton Place, Woking (Surrey), iv. 78, 106.
Swinfen (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Sydenham (Kent), iv. 105, 106.
Sydmonscourt (Kent), iv. 115.
T
Taplow (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Tarrant (Dorset), iv. 123.
Taynton (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Tew, Great (Oxon.), iv. 88.
Thatcham (Berks.), iv. 107.
Thaxted (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Theobalds (Herts.), i. 13, 20, 113, 118, 120, 124, 126; iii. 247–9,
392; iv. 69, 71, 81, 87, 88, 91, 93, 94, 100, 101, 102, 105,
108, 111, 116, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 126, 129.
Thetford (Norfolk), i. 13; iv. 95.
Theydon Bois (Essex), iv. 88, 95.
Theydon Garnon (Essex), iv. 95.
Thoby (Essex), iv. 96.
Thornton (Bucks.), iv. 81.
Thorpe (Surrey), iv. 93, 94, 113, 115.
Tichborne (Hants), iv. 106, 125, 130.
Tichfield (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
Tilbury (Essex), iv. 64, 70, 103, 121.
Toddington (Beds.), iv. 81, 86, 91, 123.
Tooting (Surrey), iv. 113.
Topcliffe (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Tottenham (Middlesex), iv. 94, 101, 103, 105.
Tunstall (Kent), iv. 89.
Twickenham (Middlesex), iii. 211.
U
Upshire (Essex), iv. 93.
Urbino, iv. 363.
Utrecht, ii. 90.
Uxbridge (Middlesex), iv. 107.
V
Vauxhall (Surrey), iv. 112.
Vicenza, iv. 355, 356.
Vine (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
W
Wallingford (Berks.), iv. 85.
Waltham (Essex), iv. 102, 104, 108, 111.
Waltons (Essex), iv. 95.
Walworth (Durham), iv. 116.
Wanstead (Essex), i. 125; iii. 492; iv. 79, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98,
99, 126.
Ware (Herts.), i. 13; iv. 119.
Warnborough, South (Hants), iv. 114, 117.
Warnford (Hants), iv. 106.
Warwick, i. 139; iv. 83, 88.
Wells (Somerset), i. 126; iv. 128.
Westenhanger (Kent), iv. 89.
Weymouth (Dorset), plays at, ii. 2.
Whaddon (Bucks.), iv. 84.
Wheathampstead (Herts.), iv. 123.
Wherwell (Hants), iv. 85.
Whittington (Glos.), iv. 107.
Widdrington (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Wield (Hants), iv. 106.
Wight, Isle of, iv. 117, 122, 125.
Willesden (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Willington (Beds.), iv. 83.
Wilton (Wilts.), i. 122, 143; ii. 209; iii. 238, 272, 337, 492; iv.
90, 117, 168.
Wimbledon (Surrey), iv. 101, 106, 108, 112, 115.
Winchelsea (Sussex), iv. 89.
Winchester (Hants), i. 11; iii. 285, 468; iv. 78, 90, 106, 117,
350;
plays at, ii. 1.
Windsor (Berks.), i. 9, 15, 20, 142; ii. 61, 160; iv. 77–130
_passim_.
Windsor Forest--Burley Bushes, iv. 100;
Folly John Park, iv. 93, 99, 105, 114;
Mote Park, iv. 99, 114;
New Lodge, iv. 80, 102, 105, 113, 115;
Twelve Oaks, iv. 80.
Wing (Bucks.), iv. 86.
Wingham (Kent), iv. 89.
Winterslow (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Witney (Oxon.), iv. 37, 107.
Woburn (Beds.), i. 110; iv. 88.
Woking (Surrey), i. 13; iv. 84, 85, 97, 99, 100, 105, 115, 120.
Wollaton (Notts.), iv. 116;
plays at, ii. 2.
Wooburn (Bucks.), iv. 92.
Wood Rising (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Woodhall (Herts.), iv. 91.
Woodstock (Oxon.), i. 11, 13, 121, 142; iii. 267, 400–2, 404–7;
iv. 83, 88, 90, 92, 107, 117, 119, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Woolwich (Kent), iii. 369; iv. 77, 124, 129.
Worcester, i. 116, 387; iv. 92.
Worksop (Notts.), iv. 116.
Wrest (Beds.), iv. 83, 126.
Wroxton (Oxon.), iv. 120.
Wye (Kent), iv. 89.
Wylye (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Y
Yarmouth (Norfolk), i. 298, 336, 355; iii. 451.
Yarnton (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Yattendon (Berks.), iv. 85.
York, i. 336; iv. 69, 116;
plays at, ii. 1.
Yorkshire, i. 277, 304, 328; iv. 264.
INDEX IV: OF SUBJECTS
A
Abergavenny’s men, ii. 92.
‘Above’, iii. 91–8, 115, 133, 153.
Abridgement of plays, iii. 186, 251.
Academic plays, lists of, i. 127–31; iv. 273–9;
staging of, i. 226;
critics of, i. 249.
Accession day, i. 18, 128, 141–8; iii. 212, 402, 405–6, 463; iv.
85, 375.
Accidents at performances, i. 128, 228, 256, 264, 283, 290; ii.
135, 175, 462; iii. 311; iv. 208, 219, 225, 274, 292–5.
Activities, i. 123, 282, 300; ii. 99, 101, 110, 111, 118–19, 136,
182, 261–3, 272, 292, 294, 413, 529, 550; iv. 97, 98, 99, 101,
102, 103, 104, 105, 112, 114, 154, 156, 158, 159, 161, 162,
163, 167, 174, 205, 206, 217, 273, 279, 283.
Actors. _See_ Players.
Acts, iii. 124, 130, 199.
Admiral, lord, i. 67.
Admiral’s men, ii. 134–86.
Adult companies, list of, ii. 77.
‘Alcove’, iii. 82, 111, 120.
Allowances. _See_ Licences.
Almonry, i. 35;
boys of, ii. 9, 70.
Alphabetical figures in masks, i. 198; iii. 378, 383.
‘Alternationist’ theory of staging, iii. 120.
Amalgamation of companies, i. 355; ii. 17, 94, 95, 112, 113, 120,
124, 129, 132, 136, 140, 155, 192–3, 225, 244, 248, 258; iii.
343–4.
Amanuensis to playwright, iii. 368.
Ambassadors, i. 22–5, 204; iii. 241, 243, 246, 277, 280, 283, 376,
380, 382, 384, 385, 386, 389, 390; iv. 63, 77, 79, 81, 84, 87,
96, 98, 100, 118, 119, 120.
Animals on stage, i. 372; iii. 75.
Anne, warrant to players from, ii. 234.
‘Antemasque’, i. 194; iii. 261, 281; iv. 59.
‘Antick’ dance, iii. 385.
‘Antick’ play, iii. 502; iv. 101, 159.
‘Anticke-maske’, i. 194; iii. 244; iv. 59.
Antimask, i. 193; iii. 381, 383, 385, 386.
Apparel of players, i. 348, 352, 358, 362, 371, 372; ii. 131, 168,
184, 215, 228, 243, 245, 248, 254, 256; iv. 199, 204, 217, 237,
240, 241, 304.
‘Apparelling’ charges, i. 63.
Apprentices, plays by, iii. 493, 496.
Apprentices to players, i. 371; ii. 154, 212.
_Arbori_, iv. 362.
‘Arbours’, iii. 55, 89.
Archery, i. 139, 290.
Armada day, i. 22.
Armoury, office of, i. 49; iii. 399.
Arms of players, i. 350; ii. 98, 305, 333.
‘Arras’, iii. 80, 111, 133; iv. 367.
Arthur and Round Table show, i. 139; iv. 102.
Articles of players, i. 352, 364–5, 379; ii. 45, 65, 241, 245, 247,
254–5.
Arundel’s men, ii. 116.
Assaults in masks, i. 151, 154, 191.
‘Assembled’ texts of plays, iii. 185, 194.
Associations of players, i. 352; ii. 3.
Atmospheric phenomena on stage, iii. 76, 110.
Attacks on plays. _See_ Ethics.
Attendants in playhouses, i. 371; ii. 150, 187, 541.
Audit, i. 58–62; iv. 131.
Auditorium. _See_ Court plays, Playhouses.
Augmentations, court of, i. 60.
_Aulaeum_, iii. 11.
‘Ave, Caesar’, iv. 10.
B
Baboons, iii. 215, 234, 261, 369; iv. 11, 16, 254.
Back cloths, iii. 129.
Badges of players, i. 311, 382; ii. 81, 91.
_Ballet_ in France, i. 176.
Banqueting houses, i. 15–17, 74, 80, 84, 90, 116, 157, 202, 216;
iii. 401.
Banquets after masks, i. 206; iii. 235, 280, 283, 376.
_Barbaturiae_, i. 152, 192.
Barriers, i. 19, 140; iii. 378, 385, 393; iv. 57, 64, 77, 86, 87,
96, 98, 109, 114, 120, 124;
in play, i. 232;
in show, iii. 501.
Battle scenes, iii. 52, 106.
Battlements in court plays, i. 231; iii. 44, 91.
‘Beam’ on Paul’s stage, iii. 136.
Bear-baiting, ii. 375, 449–71;
days for, i. 316; ii. 257, 471; iv. 307.
_See_ Blind Bear.
Beargardens, ii. 376–9, 449–72.
‘Beards’, ii. 105.
‘Bears’ in masks, iii. 385, 388;
in plays, iv. 35.
Bears, names of, ii. 457.
Bed Chamber, i. 14, 53.
Bed ‘thrust out’, iii. 113.
‘Bed-curtains’, iii. 86, 112.
Bel Savage playhouse, ii. 382.
Bell playhouse, ii. 381.
‘Benefits’, i. 370, 373; ii. 172.
Berkeley’s men, ii. 103.
‘Bills’, ii. 113, 514, 547; iii. 373, 501; iv. 199, 205, 228, 267,
283, 289, 303.
Birthday of sovereign, i. 20.
Black stages, iii. 79.
Blackfriars, children of, ii. 53–5.
Blackfriars playhouse (1576), ii. 495–7.
Blackfriars playhouse (1596), ii. 503–15.
Blind bear, whipping of, ii. 456–8, 469.
Board and cord game, i. 123.
Boar’s Head playhouse, ii. 443–5.
Bonds of players, i. 352; ii. 131, 224.
‘Bookholders’, ii. 540; iv. 404.
‘Books’, as stock of players, i. 372; ii. 65, 161, 168; iii. 193;
used by prompter, i. 227; ii. 540;
provided for court audience, i. 227; ii. 72; iv. 378;
describing masks, i. 207; ii. 264; iii. 278, 281, 382;
describing tilt, i. 145.
_See_ Original, Play-texts.
Books hawked in playhouses, ii. 549.
‘Bouche of court’, i. 51.
‘Boxes’, ii. 531, 555; iii. 496.
‘Boxholders’, i. 356; ii. 187, 388, 514, 532; iv. 228.
Boy bishop, ii. 11.
Boy companies, ii. 8–76, 88, 100–1, 119;
list of, ii. 8;
organization of, i. 378, 386; ii. 47;
staging for, iii. 130–54.
Boys in women’s clothes, i. 248, 251, 254, 262, 362, 371; iii. 373;
iv. 217, 249, 252, 256, 258.
Brandenburg, players at court of, ii. 288–92.
Brawls, i. 198; iii. 239.
Bride ale, i. 123.
Bristol, children of Chamber of, ii. 68.
Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, players at court of, ii. 275–7.
Bull playhouse, ii. 380.
Bull-baiting, ii. 449, 454–8.
_Bullettini_ (tickets), iii. 496.
Burning of playhouses, ii. 419, 442.
‘By’ progresses, i. 20, 120.
C
_Calciatura_, i. 51.
Calvinism and plays, i. 245.
_Camera regis_, i. 54.
_Camerarii_, i. 36.
Camp scenes, iii. 53, 106.
_Candelieri_, iv. 364.
Candlemas, i. 20, 213.
‘Canopy’, ii. 557; iii. 138, 141, 142, 148.
Capitalism and profit-sharing, i. 360–8; ii. 248–50.
Captain of Guard, i. 47.
Cards in playhouse, ii. 549; iv. 368.
Cart-takers, i. 117.
_Casamenti_ (houses), iii. 5; iv. 355, 356, 359, 360.
_Case_ (houses), iii. 3–12.
‘Castles’, i. 11.
‘Casts’, number of players required for, i. 332; iii. 179, 317,
437, 470, 504, 505, 517; iv. 7, 13, 20, 21, 37, 51;
players’ names in, iii. 510.
Censorship, i. 224, 239, 240, 246, 249, 266, 271, 275, 282, 283,
288, 289, 295, 303, 318–22; iii. 158–77, 191, 365, 367; iv. 2,
6, 32, 35, 45, 261, 263, 264, 269, 271, 274, 288, 306.
_See_ Licences, Master of Revels, Play-texts, Restraints, Satire,
Sedition.
Ceremonies, Master of, i. 53.
Challenges for tilt, i. 142.
Chamber accounts, i. 58–66; iv. 132–5, 140, 142–83 (extracts).
Chamber as organ of administration, i. 56.
Chamber officers, i. 42–7.
Chamber scenes, iii. 65, 94, 111.
Chamberers, i. 44.
Chamberlain, Great, i. 32.
Chamberlain of Household, Lord, i. 36–41, 48, 50, 66, 67, 100, 108,
205, 209, 218, 224, 226;
of Queen Anne’s household, ii. 237.
Chamberlain’s men, ii. 92–3, 134–5, 193–208.
‘Chameleon’ players, i. 340, 376, 378, 383; ii. 3, 98; iii. 325.
Chancellor, Lord, iv. 67.
Chancery, i. 31, 55.
Chapel, children of, ii. 23–48, 50, 52, 59, 60.
Chapel Royal, i. 14, 48; ii. 24; iv. 352;
plays in, ii. 35.
‘Cheques’ for tilt, iv. 64.
Children, of Blackfriars, ii. 53–5;
Chamber of Bristol, ii. 68;
Chapel, ii. 23–48, 50, 52, 59, 60;
Eton, ii. 73;
King’s Revels, ii. 64–8;
Merchant Taylors, ii. 75;
Paul’s, ii. 8–23;
Queen’s Revels, ii. 48–51, 56–61;
Revels, ii. 51;
Revels to Queen Anne (1623), iii. 474; iv. 43;
Westminster, ii. 69–73;
Whitefriars, ii. 55;
Windsor, ii. 61–4.
_Children of the Chapel Stript and Whipt_, i. 278; ii. 34.
‘Christian Terence’, i. 239; iii. 12, 321.
Christmas, i. 19, 213; ii. 24, 71, 74; iv. 237.
Christmas Prince, iv. 71.
Churches, plays in, i. 336; ii. 35;
advertised in, iv. 210.
‘Cities’ in court plays, i. 231; iii. 44.
Civic receptions, i. 126, 131.
_Claque_, ii. 549.
Clerk of Market, i. 116.
Clerk of Revels and Tents, i. 73, 83, 94.
Clerk Comptroller of Revels and Tents, i. 73, 94.
‘Clerk plays’ ii. 265.
Clinton’s men, ii. 96.
‘Close walk’, iii. 56.
Closet, i. 14, 48.
‘Closet’ plays, iii. 19, 208, 236, 247, 275, 321, 330.
Clowns, ii. 152, 334.
Cockmaster, i. 53.
Cockpit at court, i. 8;
as playhouse, i. 216, 234.
Cockpit, Drury Lane, playhouse, ii. 238, 240, 302, 372; iv. 15.
Coffer Chamber, i. 45.
Cofferer of Household, i. 35, 50, 115; iv. 134.
_Comedie_, iv. 357–60.
Comedy, definitions of, i. 238, 239, 257.
_Comitas_, i. 250.
_Commedia dell’ arte_, ii. 262–3, 553; iii. 13.
_Commedia sostenuta_, ii. 264; iii. 11, 13.
Commissions, to take up boys, ii. 17, 24, 27, 31, 33, 41, 43, 50,
52, 62, 64;
for Revels office, i. 84, 89.
‘Commoning’ in mask, i. 153, 197.
Competition of companies, i. 386; ii. 7, 367.
‘Compositions’ of players, i. 352; ii. 174, 191, 237.
Comptroller of Household, i. 35, 55, 67.
Continent, players on, i. 342–7; ii. 271–94.
Contracts for playhouses, ii. 436, 466;
with players, ii. 151–5.
Conversion of players abroad, ii. 290.
Copper lace, i. 208; ii. 184; iv. 367.
‘Copy’ for printed plays, iii. 193, 432.
Copyright, iii. 159, 172–7, 186–91, 395; iv. 48.
Corantos, i. 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 375, 378, 380,
383, 385, 390, 435; iv. 57, 59, 115.
‘Coronation’ Day. _See_ Accession day.
Coronations, i. 131–4; ii. 29; iii. 392; iv. 60, 69.
Corrector of press, iv. 40.
‘Correctors’ of books, iii. 165, 167, 192.
Council Chamber, i. 14.
‘Counting-house’, iii. 69.
Court plays, i. 213–19, 223–34;
statistics of, ii. 3–8;
seasons for, i. 213;
rooms for, i. 216;
rewards for, i. 217;
Revels officers at, i. 223;
lighting of, i. 225;
auditorium for, i. 226;
staging of, i. 229; iii. 1–46.
_See_ Auditorium, Battlements, Cities, Domus, Front Curtains,
Maisons, Payments, Perspective, Rehearsals, Senate houses,
State, Walls.
Courtyard scenes, iii. 61.
Cressets, ii. 543.
Cross Keys playhouse, ii. 383.
‘Cues’, ii. 541; iv. 367.
_Curia regis_, i. 30, 54, 66.
Curtain playhouse, ii. 400–4.
Curtains, iii. 78, 81, 111;
on court stage, i. 231; iii. 21, 30, 33, 35, 44, 46;
in masks, i. 181.
_See_ Arras, Aulaeum, Bed curtains, Black, Discoveries, Front
curtains, Hangings, Sinking, Traverse, Veil.
Cutpurses in playhouses, i. 264, 283, 304, 317; ii. 403, 441, 447,
545;
at court, iii. 376–7, 387.
D
Dances, i. 6, 198;
in masks, i. 149, 195, 199;
after plays, ii. 550;
between acts, ii. 557; iii. 130;
in nets, iv. 200.
_See_ Jigs.
Dancing bears, ii. 449.
Dancing masters, i. 201; ii. 494.
Dates, styles used for, iii. 355, 362, 390.
Daylight playing, iv. 372.
Days for playing, i. 285, 288, 290, 291, 293, 295, 301, 302, 303,
314, 316; iv. 200, 205, 303, 307, 312, 331.
‘Dead rent’ of playhouse, ii. 22.
Debts of players, i. 351, 363, 368; ii. 149, 157, 175, 191, 226,
245, 248.
Declared Accounts, iv. 132.
_Decorum_, i. 256.
Defences of plays, i. 250–3, 256–60, 262; iv. 184, 186, 187, 188,
190, 191, 193, 194, 196, 201, 206, 226, 228, 237, 238, 243, 245,
250, 257, 259.
Denmark, players in, ii. 271, 276, 284.
‘Deputations’ of players, i. 336; ii. 59–60.
Derby’s men, ii. 118–27.
‘Descents’, iii. 77, 108, 132.
Devices in masks, i. 190; iii. 279;
in tilts, i. 143;
on progress, i. 122–6.
Devil on the stage, i. 256; iii. 423.
Diagrams of stage, iii. 84.
_Dicitori_ (players), iv. 358, 364.
‘Diet’, i. 51.
Dining in state, i. 15, 34, 46.
Disard, ii. 82.
‘Discoveries’, iii. 28, 81, 96, 111, 133.
Disguising, i. 151.
Disorders at playhouses, i. 264, 266, 283, 287, 291, 293, 297, 298,
304, 317; ii. 100, 104, 105, 396, 441, 447; iii. 501; iv. 244,
274, 277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 297, 310, 318, 321, 341.
Division of companies, i. 293, 332, 341; ii. 106, 111, 121, 129,
239; iv. 302, 312, 343.
_Domus_, ii. 539; iii. 6–8, 31.
Doors of playhouse, ii. 538;
on stage, iii. 73, 83, 100, 132; iv. 366.
Double mask, i. 152, 154, 191.
Doubling of parts, i. 371.
Drama. _See_ Plays.
Dramatists. _See_ Playwrights.
Drums and trumpets announcing plays, ii. 160, 547; iv. 199, 203,
219, 228, 291, 316, 320.
Duke of York’s men, ii. 241–4.
Duration of plays, iv. 195, 198, 230, 316.
Duretto, i. 198; iii. 234; iv. 59.
Dwarfs at court, i. 48.
E
Earl Marshal, i. 33.
‘Earnest’, ii. 161.
Earthquake, i. 256, 286–7; iv. 208.
‘Easer’ to playhouse, ii. 393, 402.
Economics of stage, i. 308, 348–88.
Edge of stage, action on, iii. 29, 90, 107, 154.
Educational value of plays, i. 237–40, 249, 251; iv. 184, 186, 187,
188, 191, 199.
Εκκύκλημα, iii. 97.
Elector Palatine’s men, ii. 190–2.
‘End’ of stage, iii. 74.
_Engelische Comedien und Tragedien_, ii. 285.
Enrolled Accounts, iv. 132, 134.
Entrance fees, ii. 531–4, 556; iii. 501; iv. 194, 219, 228, 230,
232, 240, 243, 366.
Entrances to stage, iii. 73.
_Entremets_, i. 152.
Entry of maskers, i. 182.
Epilogue, ii. 547, 550; iv. 256.
Esquires of Body, i. 46, 50;
of Household, i. 42–4.
Essex’s men, ii. 102.
Ethics of the stage, i. 236–68; iv. 184–259 (extracts), 267, 269,
273, 279, 281, 284, 291, 294, 295, 300, 303, 307, 317, 318,
321.
Eton, children of, ii. 73.
Evelyn’s men, ii. 117.
Exchequer, i. 5, 31, 54, 60, 62; iv. 131.
Exchequer court, i. 8.
‘Excursions’, iii. 53.
Execution scenes, iii. 57, 97.
Executions near playhouse, ii. 396.
Exemplifications of patents, i. 305, 355; ii. 192, 235, 259.
‘Extempore’ plays, ii. 553; iii. 287, 444–5.
‘Extraordinary’ household officers, i. 46, 49.
Extravagance of plays, i. 252, 255, 263.
F
Fairies in shows, i. 124; iii. 401–2; iv. 63.
Family of Love, iii. 440, 441; iv. 11, 16, 29.
‘Fee lists’, i. 29.
Fees of household, i. 29, 50;
of players, ii. 78, 83.
Fencing, i. 289, 305, 361; ii. 343, 380, 382, 404, 410, 413–14,
470, 499, 500, 529; iv. 54, 79, 121, 205, 206, 270, 277, 283,
289, 293, 294, 324, 337.
Ferrara, plays at, iii. 4, 8.
Finance of masks, i. 207–12.
Finance of stage. _See_ Boxholders, Entrance fees, Fees of players,
Gallery takings, Gatherers, Gratuity, Henslowe, Highway,
Hospitals, Housekeepers, Pensions, Poor, Profits, Rewards,
Sharers, Stock, Takings.
Fines of players, ii. 256.
_Finestre_ (windows), iv. 360.
Fireworks, i. 123, 139; ii. 455; iv. 72, 73, 74, 88, 121, 122, 124,
127.
Flags on playhouses, ii. 546; iv. 219.
_Folgore_ (lightning), iv. 365.
Folk-survivals in masks, i. 150.
Fools, at court, i. 48, 53;
on stage, ii. 327, 339.
_See_ Clowns.
Foreshortening of space, iii. 25, 33, 37, 38, 41, 43, 50, 99, 117,
137, 150.
Forgeries, i. 59; ii. 79, 108, 159, 195, 207, 211, 229, 480, 496,
508, 510, 515; iii. 247, 252, 266–7, 274, 292, 421, 423, 425,
426, 428, 434, 459, 490, 512; iv. 1, 68, 136–41.
Fortune playhouse, ii. 435–43.
France, players in, ii. 292–4.
Free list, i. 361, 374; ii. 387, 406.
French players in England, iii. 19.
Front curtains, i. 231; iii. 10, 21, 30, 44, 79.
G
‘Gag’, i. 322.
Galleries, of stage, ii. 534; iii. 45, 90–8, 119;
of auditorium, ii. 514, 530–4, 555.
Gallery takings, i. 355; ii. 131, 139, 182, 239, 245, 249, 256,
388, 393, 412.
Galliards, i. 6, 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 378, 380,
383, 385, 390, 435; iv. 56, 57, 59, 115, 217.
Garden scenes, iii. 55.
_Garderoba_, i. 55.
Garter, i. 20, 139; ii. 61, 160.
Gatherers, i. 356, 371; ii. 150, 174, 187, 389, 392, 393, 406, 445,
538.
‘Gatheryngs’, ii. 532; iii. 504.
_Gelosi_, ii. 262–3.
Geneva, history of plays at, i. 245.
Gentlemen of Chapel, ii. 24–30; iv. 150;
of Privy Chamber, i. 43, 50.
Gentlemen Ushers of Chamber, i. 44–5, 50, 108, 205, 226.
Germany, players in, i. 342–7; ii. 272–92.
‘Gests’ of progresses, i. 108; iv. 117, 120, 126.
‘Get-penny’, i. 373.
‘Ghost-names’, ii. 108, 312, 319; iii. 495.
Gifts in mask, i. 150, 160, 168, 196; iii. 278, 279, 282, 375, 435,
468;
on progress, i. 113, 116, 125.
Globe playhouse, ii. 414–34.
‘Good’ and ‘bad’ Shakespearian quartos, iii. 185.
Gowry Day, i. 21.
Grades in household, i. 42.
_Gradi_ (tiers of seats), iv. 355, 358.
Graphic dances, i. 199.
‘Gratuity’ to players, i. 339.
Gray’s Inn, i. 214, 222; iii. 233, 239, 320–1, 348; iv. 56, 59, 82,
109, 127, 143, 162.
Great Chamber, i. 13, 216.
Green Cloth, board of, i. 35.
Groom Porter of Chamber, i. 45, 100.
Grooms of Chamber, i. 45, 50, 208, 311, 358;
of Privy Chamber, i. 43, 50;
of Revels, i. 93, 100;
of Stole, i. 53.
Grooms, in playhouses. _See_ Attendants.
Groundlings, ii. 527; iv. 366.
Guard Chamber, i. 13.
Guilds and plays, i. 289, 296.
Gunpowder Day, i. 21; iii. 367.
H
Hall officers, i. 34, 226.
‘Hall’ or ‘room’, for masks, ii. 189;
for interludes, iii. 23, 27.
Hall scenes, iii. 63, 86.
Hallowmas, i. 21; iv. 237.
Halls of palaces, i. 13, 15, 202, 216.
Hangings, iii. 78, 111, 133, 501; iv. 367, 370.
Harbingers, i. 46, 108.
Harlots in playhouses, i. 255, 264; ii. 549; iv. 203, 209, 211,
218, 223.
‘Heavens’, ii. 544–6, 555; iii. 30, 75–7, 108, 133, 501.
‘Hell’, ii. 528; iii. 30, 501.
Hell-mouth, i. 232; ii. 528; iii. 72, 90.
Henchmen, i. 45.
Henslowe’s companies, finance of, ii. 94, 121, 123, 139–43, 148,
156–7, 159–64, 174, 181–5, 189, 225–8, 245, 248–50, 254–7.
_Hercules, Labours of_, i. 152, 246; ii. 90.
Hereditary household officers, i. 32.
Hertford’s men, ii. 116.
Hesse-Cassel, players at court of, ii. 277–83.
High Commission, i. 275–6; iii. 162, 166–8, 171–2; iv. 265, 303.
Highway rates on playhouses, i. 317; iv. 344.
Hireling players, i. 362, 370; ii. 184, 250; iv. 204.
Hiring of playhouses, i. 369; ii. 448, 516.
Hissing, ii. 549.
Hobby-horses, i. 232; iii. 475; iv. 91, 217.
Hock Tuesday play, i. 123.
‘Honour’ in dance, i. 198; iii. 241.
Hope playhouse, ii. 448–71.
Horse and ape baited, ii. 454–7.
Horse, performing, ii. 383; iii. 279.
Hospitals, subsidies by players to, iv. 272, 275.
_Hosteria_ (inn), iv. 360.
Hôtel de Bourgogne, staging at, iii. 15–19.
Hour of performances, i. 289, 313; ii. 543, 556; iv. 262, 288, 300,
316.
Household, i. 30–70.
Household accounts, iv. 131.
‘Housekeepers’, i. 356, 368; ii. 417, 425, 442, 510.
‘Houses’ for plays, i. 78, 229; iii. 21, 42.
Howard’s men, ii. 134–86.
Humanism and the stage, i. 237, 250.
Hunsdon’s men, ii. 192–208.
Hunt in plays, i. 232.
Hunting, i. 7, 11, 13, 17, 21, 22.
‘Hut’, ii. 544–6; iii. 78.
I
_Imprese_, i. 143, 148, 197; iii. 213, 403; iv. 57, 231.
Improvisation, ii. 553.
_Infamia_ of players, i. 252, 254; iv. 195, 199, 215, 217.
‘Ingle’, ii. 550.
Inhibition of plays. _See_ Restraint.
Inner Temple, i. 214, 221; iii. 215, 233, 237, 238, 457, 514; iv.
80, 82, 127.
‘Innovation’, restraint for, ii. 206.
Inns, plays in, i. 283, 284, 304; ii. 356, 379–83, 527; iv. 267,
273, 288, 340, 369.
Inter-act dances, ii. 557; iii. 130;
music, ii. 541, 557; iii. 125, 130.
Interior action, iii. 63, 70, 119, 133, 152.
Interlude, early use of term, i. 56.
Interlude players of Household, i. 48, 63; ii. 77–85.
Interludes, setting of, iii. 21–7.
_Intermedii_, i. 152, 185; iii. 6, 384; iv. 356.
Inventories of Admiral’s, ii. 165.
Ireland, players in, i. 341.
Italian plays, ii. 261–5.
Italy, player in, ii. 273.
J
Jesuit plays, i. 323; iv. 374, 377, 401.
Jewel House, i. 42, 57, 63.
Jigs, i. 304; ii. 325, 342, 404, 455, 542, 551; iii. 496; iv. 217,
243, 340.
Jugglers, iv. 192, 217, 270.
Justices, control of plays by, i. 271, 274, 276, 279, 285, 299,
306, 337.
‘Juxtaposition’ of backgrounds, iii. 18, 21.
K
Keepers of Bears, ii. 450–2;
of Dogs, ii. 450–1;
of Council Chamber Door, i. 69.
King of the Bean, i. 19; iv. 82.
King’s men, ii. 208–20.
King’s Revels (1629–37), iv. 43.
King’s Revels, children of, ii. 64–8.
Kirk of Scotland and plays, ii. 265–8.
Knight Marshal, i. 33.
Knight of Crown, i. 141; iii. 403.
Knight of Pendragon Castle, iii. 268.
Knights of Body, i. 42–4.
Knights, satirized in plays, iii. 215, 252, 253, 255, 257, 439,
440; iv. 37, 38.
L
Labels, for localities, iii. 30, 40, 122, 126, 137, 154;
for play-titles, iii. 20, 41, 126, 137, 154;
for properties, iii. 137.
Ladies at playhouses, ii. 549, 555.
Ladies of Bed Chamber, i. 44, 54;
of Drawing Chamber, i. 54;
of Presence Chamber, i. 45;
of Privy Chamber, i. 44, 54.
Lady Elizabeth’s men, ii. 246–60.
Lady Essex’s men, ii. 103.
Lady Warwick’s men, ii. 99.
_Lampo_, iv. 365.
Lane’s men, ii. 96.
Lavoltas, i. 198; iii. 241, 435.
Lawsuits of players, ii. 23, 43, 57, 64, 80, 128, 131, 156, 202,
221, 236–40, 241–3, 383, 387–93, 398–400, 414, 424, 445,
515–17.
Leap-year, in plays, iii. 253, 292, 440; iv. 21, 29.
Learned counsel, i. 69.
Leicester’s boys, ii. 88.
Leicester’s men, ii. 85–91.
Length of plays, ii. 543, 556.
Lennox’s men, ii. 241.
Lent, restraint in, i. 286, 297, 301, 315; ii. 141–2, 159–60; iv.
256, 278, 297, 332, 336, 342.
_Liaison_, iii. 200.
‘Liberties’, ii. 477–80.
Licences, _for plays_, by high commission, i. 275;
by local officers, i. 276;
by master of revels, i. 318; ii. 222; iii. 276;
by privy council, i. 275;
by secondaries of the compter, i. 275;
by sovereign, i. 275;
by special commission, i. 295, 319;
by Samuel Daniel, ii. 49;
_for playhouses_, by local officers, i. 276, 279, 299, 306, 337;
by master of revels, i. 288, 295;
by privy council, i. 300;
_for playing companies_, by lords, i. 266, 270, 274, 276, 279,
286, 294, 299, 304, 310, 335, 337, 354; ii. 222;
by master of revels, i. 288; ii. 221;
by privy council, i. 274, 300; ii. 94, 123;
under signet, i. 306, 338; ii. 260;
_for printing books_, by correctors, iii. 162–77, 187–92;
by high commission, iii. 162, 166–8;
by lord chamberlain, iii. 192;
by master of revels, iii. 158, 169, 191, 258;
by privy council, iii. 159–63, 168;
by sovereign, iii. 160;
by Stationers’ company, iii. 162–77, 187–92;
subject to conditions, iii. 169, 188–90.
_See_ Censorship, Deputations, Exemplifications, Patents,
Restraints.
_Liebeskampff_, ii. 285.
Lighting of plays, i. 225, 227; ii. 541, 543, 556; iv. 372.
Lincoln’s Inn, i. 222; iii. 260; iv. 127.
Lincoln’s men, ii. 96.
Lion-baiting, ii. 454.
Lists for tilt, i. 140.
Livery of Household, i. 51, 539;
of players, i. 311, 313; ii. 82, 86, 105, 107, 211, 229, 239.
Local players, i. 280, 310, 328.
Locality, indicated in dialogue, iii. 41, 127;
change of, iii. 18, 25, 34, 36, 38–9, 43, 102, 121.
_See_ Edge, Foreshortening, Juxtaposition, Labels, Multiple,
Split Scenes, Unity.
_Loggia_, iii. 25, 32, 36, 43.
Long Parliament, plays suppressed by, i. 306, 387.
Lord Lieutenant, plays licensed by, i. 276.
Lord Mayor’s show, i. 135–8; iii. 305, 443, 445, 448, 455, 463; iv.
72.
Lords of Misrule, i. 19, 135; iv. 55, 71, 80, 200.
Lords of players, i. 266, 270, 274, 276, 279, 286, 294, 299, 304,
310, 335, 337, 354; ii. 3, 221; iii. 180, 188; iv. 205, 210,
230, 237, 263, 264, 268, 293, 298, 316, 319, 320, 324, 326,
328, 334, 337.
Lords’ rooms, ii. 531, 535–7; iii. 118; iv. 366.
Lost plays (list), iv. 398–404.
Lotteries, iv. 67, 400.
_Lumi artificiali_, iv. 355, 363.
_Luoghi deputati_, iii. 6.
Lutenists, i. 49; ii. 31, 277.
M
Machines, i. 179, 184, 232, 233; iii. 77, 97, 282, 376, 378–9, 383,
386; iv. 370, 371.
Maids of Honour, i. 45; iii. 514; iv. 114, 352.
‘Maisons’, iii. 16.
Managers of companies, i. 352; ii. 219, 238–9.
Manuscript plays (list), iv. 404–6.
Manuscripts used by players, iii. 193–7; iv. 4, 32, 43, 45.
Maps and plans of London, ii. 353–5, 376–9, 433.
Marprelate controversy, i. 261, 294; ii. 18, 110, 412; iii. 450;
iv. 229–33.
_Mascarade_, i. 176.
‘Mask’, etymology of, i. 153.
Masks, i. 75, 76, 78, 79, 86, 100, 149–212; iii. 500;
characters in, i. 158, 192;
inserted in plays, i. 186–90.
_See_ Alphabetical, Antimask, Assaults, Banquets, Books,
Commoning, Devices, Double Mask, Entry, Finance,
Folk-survivals, Gifts, Hall, Honour, Patterns, Perspective,
Proscenium, Revels, Scenes, Spectators, Taking out,
Torch-bearers, Truchmen.
‘Masque’, so spelt by Jonson, i. 176.
Master of Ceremonies, i. 53;
of Horse, i. 34, 67, 100, 107, 209;
of Paris Garden, ii. 450–3;
of Posts, i. 48, 62, 69;
of Requests, i. 48, 69;
of Robes, i. 52.
Master of Revels, i. 71–105, 282, 288, 295, 299, 300, 303, 305,
318–22; iv. 135–41, 272, 285, 293, 305, 308–9, 325, 338, 340,
342, 343;
fees of, i. 319; ii. 184;
play-texts altered by, i. 320;
supposed players of, i. 318; ii. 223.
_See_ Licences.
Masters of Chapel, ii. 23, 27;
of Eton, ii. 73;
of Merchant Taylors, ii. 75;
of Paul’s, ii. 8, 21;
of Westminster, ii. 69;
of Windsor Chapel, ii. 61.
Masters of companies, i. 379, 386; iv. 371.
Masterships in Household, i. 34.
Matachines, iii. 280, 382; iv. 162.
Mat-layer, i. 182, 208; iii. 262.
May games, i. 4, 6, 20, 120, 135, 303; iii. 268, 391; iv. 44, 77,
94, 113, 115, 200, 231–3, 247, 311, 338.
Mayors, control of plays by. _See_ Justices, Restraint.
Measures, i. 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 375, 378, 383,
385, 386, 434; iv. 56, 57, 59.
Men companies, list of, ii. 77.
Merchant Taylors, i. 296; ii. 72, 75, 213; iii. 394, 493; iv. 309;
children of, ii. 75.
‘Merriments’, ii. 325; iv. 24.
_Messalina_ engraving, ii. 519.
Messengers of Chamber, i. 45, 69; ii. 114; iii. 444.
‘Mewing’, ii. 549; iv. 369.
Middle Temple, i. 222; iii. 260; iv. 111, 127.
Midsummer bonfires, i. 20;
watch, i. 4, 135; iv. 81.
_Mimorum aedes_, ii. 538.
Minstrels, i. 48; iv. 337.
‘Momer’, ii. 324, 332.
_Momeries_, i. 152.
‘Monarke’ at Revels office, i. 87.
‘Morals’ written for printing, iii. 179.
Morascos, i. 198; iv. 59.
_Moresche_, i. 195; iii. 6; iv. 356.
Morley’s men, ii. 113, 120, 124, 192.
Morris dance, i. 4, 124, 126, 135, 151, 156, 195, 262; ii. 326;
iii. 362, 391, 453, 513; iv. 77, 78, 96, 200, 217, 231, 311,
367.
Mother of the Maids, i. 45, 54; iv. 67.
Motions, i. 281; iii. 373; iv. 271;
in masks, iii. 382, 387.
‘Mouth’, officers for, i. 46.
‘Multiple’ staging, iii. 18, 21, 25, 43.
Mumming, i. 150–1.
Music, ii. 541, 556.
Music house, i. 225; ii. 542, 557; iii. 139.
Music room, iii. 96, 120.
Music tree, ii. 557; iii. 137.
Musicians at court, i. 48, 63;
in masks, i. 201.
N
‘ne’, significance of, ii. 122, 141, 145; iii. 421.
Netherlands, players in, ii. 273–4, 285, 288, 291, 292.
New Year’s Day, i. 19, 213.
Newington Butts playhouse, ii. 404.
Night performances, i. 304; iv. 225, 247, 268, 302, 306, 340.
Nîmes, synod of, i. 249.
Nottingham’s men, ii. 141–86.
O
Open country scenes, iii. 51.
_Orchestra_, ii. 530.
_Ordinanze di figurette_ (plots?), iv. 364.
Original Accounts, iv. 132.
‘Originals’ of plays, iii. 193, 227.
_Orizonte_ (vanishing-point), iv. 355–8.
Ostend, siege of, iv. 39.
Out-of-doors action, convention of, iii. 29, 42, 60, 63.
Outer Chamber, i. 42, 45.
‘Over the stage’, ii. 534.
Oxford’s boys, ii. 100–1.
Oxford’s men, ii. 99–102.
P
‘Pageanter’, iii. 445.
Pageants, i. 126, 132, 135, 138, 151, 160, 175, 303; ii. 90; iii.
20, 305, 358, 445; iv. 60, 63, 77, 92, 118, 121, 231, 339.
Pages of Chamber, i. 45.
Palaces, i. 8–15.
Palsgrave’s men, ii. 190–2.
Papist plays, i. 328.
_Pariete_ (scenic wall), iv. 355, 362.
Paris Garden, ii. 450–65.
Parliaments, i. 22.
‘Parts’ of plays, ii. 44; iii. 185, 194, 329.
Passports, ii. 138, 274.
Patents, stages of, i. 272;
for Master of Revels, i. 89, 99; iv. 285;
for playing companies, i. 281, 302, 304, 305, 385; ii. 49, 55,
56, 67, 68, 87, 187, 190, 208, 218, 229, 230, 243, 246; iv.
270, 272, 335–43, 344;
for playhouse, ii. 472.
Patterns for masks, i. 163, 165.
Paul’s, children of, ii. 8–23;
grammar school, ii. 9–11, 16, 21;
playhouse, ii. 16; iii. 144.
Payments for court plays, iv. 141–83.
Pembroke’s men, ii. 128–34, 166, 199.
_Pendentia_ (rake of stage), iv. 356.
Pensioners, i. 47, 50, 140; iv. 352.
Pensions of players, i. 352; ii. 191, 237.
Pent-house, ii. 544.
_Pergoli_ (balconies), iv. 360.
Περίακτοι (turn-tables), i. 233; iii. 3.
Perspective, in mask-settings, i. 184;
on court stage, i. 231;
on Italian stage, iii. 8–10, 13; iv. 355;
on French stage, iii. 17;
on court stage, iii. 21, 44;
in private theatres, iii. 133, 154.
Phoenix playhouse, ii. 372, 375.
_Pianta_ (ground-plan of stage), iv. 355.
Pippins in playhouses, iv. 203, 218.
‘Piracy’ of plays, iii. 184–92.
Pit, ii. 555; iv. 372.
‘Place’, iii. 22, 27, 37.
‘Place behind the stage’, iii. 82.
Plagiarism, iii. 408.
Plague, history of, in London, i. 329; iv. 345–51;
bills of, i. 292, 302, 330; iv. 301, 336, 338, 345;
restraint of plays for, i. 267, 278, 282, 286–97, 302–4, 329;
ii. 113; iv. 259–345, 346–51;
subsidies to King’s men in, i. 218; ii. 210, 214; iv. 168, 174,
176;
in progress time, i. 109, 111, 119, 121.
_Platea_, iii. 16, 22.
_Plaudite_, ii. 549; iii. 370; iv. 366.
Players as covenant servants, ii. 154;
as gentlemen, i. 349; ii. 98, 298;
as Grooms of Chamber, i. 47, 52, 311; ii. 105, 211; iv. 169;
as rogues and vagabonds, i. 254, 270, 279, 287, 292, 294, 299,
305, 383; iv. 224, 230, 255, 258, 270, 300, 324, 337;
in masks, i. 200; ii. 217;
in poets’ feathers, i. 376; iii. 326, 450;
in prison, i. 298, 339; ii. 52, 55, 155, 323; iii. 257, 353, 496;
iv. 305, 323;
on the road, i. 332, 376, 380, 383–4; iii. 353; iv. 236, 241,
257;
pressing of, i. 383; iv. 18.
_See_ Apparel, Apprentices, Arms, Boys, Casts, Chameleon, Clowns,
Continent, Contracts, Conversion, Copper lace, Debts,
Doubling, Fines, Hireling, Infamia, Lawsuits, Quality,
Ranting, Recognisances, Statutes, Supers, Temperament,
Vizards, Women.
Playhouses, list of, ii. 379;
succession of, ii. 355–79;
iconography of, ii. 519;
audience in, ii. 548, 555;
auditorium of, ii. 526–38, 555;
cost of, i. 368; ii. 387, 391, 406–9, 423, 436, 441, 443;
destruction of, ii. 374;
luxury of, i. 285, 348; ii. 358, 395, 530; iv. 197, 200, 217,
269;
profits of, i. 355, 368; ii. 391, 424–5, 510, 512;
seating of, ii. 530–8, 555;
shape of, ii. 524, 554;
size of, ii. 527, 554;
structure of, ii. 393, 409, 434, 439, 443, 448, 522–57;
suppression of, in city, ii. 359;
visits of foreigners to, ii. 358–69.
_See_ Accidents, Attendants, Bills, Bookholders, Books, Boxes,
Boxholders, Bullettini, Burning, Cards, Contracts, Cressets,
Cutpurses, Disorders, Doors, Entrance fees, Executions,
Flags, Free list, Galleries, Gatherers, Groundlings, Harlots,
Hiring, Hissing, Hour, Housekeepers, Hut, Ladies, Licences,
Lighting, Lords’ rooms, Mewing, Night, Pent-house, Pippins,
Pit, Plaudite, Private, Public, Refreshments, Rooms, Round,
Shadow, Seats, Signs, Smoking, Sounding, Square, Stage,
Stagekeepers, Staging, Stinkards, Stools, Taphouses, Tiring
house, Tombs, Top, Trumpets, Understanders, Upper rooms,
Yard.
Playing companies, lists of, i. 341; ii. 8, 77;
succession of, ii. 3–8;
organization of, i. 310–13, 352–68, 378.
_See_ Adult, Amalgamation, Articles, Associations, Badges, Bonds,
Boy, Competition, Compositions, Deputations, Division,
Exemplifications, Finance, Housekeepers, Licences, Local,
Lords, Managers, Masters, Patents, Pensions, Provincial,
Sharers, Size, Stock, Syndicates.
Plays, lists of, iv. 373–406;
called ballads, iii. 504, 505;
falsity of, i. 254; iv. 211, 217;
incongruities in, iii. 40, 88; iv. 201, 203, 215, 226, 248;
preferred to sermons, i. 255, 258; iv. 199, 219, 223, 304;
price of, i. 372; ii. 160–4;
written for printing, iii. 28;
within plays, iii. 93.
_See_ Acts, Calvinism, Closet, Defences, Duration, Epilogue,
Ethics, Extempore, Get-penny, Length, Morals, Plots,
Politics, Prayers, Prologue, Puritans, Religious, Revision,
Revivals, Runs, Satire, Sedition, Topical, Vice.
Play-texts, sold to printers, iii. 184, 194;
printing of, i. 341; ii. 114, 128; iii. 158–200, 479.
_See_ Abridgement, Assembled, Copy, Copyright, Corrector, Good
and Bad, Manuscripts, Morals, Originals, Parts, Piracy,
Press-corrections, Publishers, Scriveners, Shorthand,
Stage-directions, Star Chamber, Stationers, Staying,
Surreptitious.
Playwrights, collaboration of, ii. 161, 253; iii. 368;
in prison, iii. 254, 257, 263, 270, 353, 367, 394, 419, 428, 454,
500;
relation of, to players, i. 372–86; ii. 162, 251–3; iii. 325,
365, 450; iv. 236, 241, 450;
to boy companies, i. 378; ii. 50.
_See_ Amanuensis, Benefits, Earnest.
_Pléiade_, plays of, iii. 13, 19.
‘Plot’ of playhouse, ii. 439.
‘Plots’ of plays, ii. 125, 136, 150, 158, 175–7; iii. 125, 459,
496, 500; iv. 9, 14, 47, 51, 404.
_Poetomachia_, i. 381; iii. 252, 292, 293, 353, 365, 369, 428, 430;
iv. 11, 17, 21, 40, 47.
_Poggiuoli_ (balconies), iv. 360.
Politics in plays, i. 244, 262–3, 276, 304, 321, 322–8; ii. 51–5,
196, 204, 210, 211, 215; iii. 254, 257, 271, 275, 286, 296,
364, 367, 415.
_Pomponiani_, iii. 3.
Poor rate on playhouses, i. 281, 283, 294, 300, 301, 317; ii. 410;
iv. 304, 316, 324, 325, 327, 328.
Porter of St. John’s Gate, i. 79, 93, 100.
Porter’s Hall playhouse, ii. 472–4; iii. 272.
_Porticus_, ii. 530.
Posts, Master of, i. 48, 62, 69.
Posts on stage, ii. 544–5; iii. 27, 38, 72, 75, 108.
Prayers at end of plays, i. 245, 311; ii. 550; iii. 180, 466, 470,
504, 505; iv. 3, 37, 50, 51.
Prayer-time, restraint in, i. 282, 283, 289, 292, 313; ii. 123.
Presence Chamber, i. 14; iv. 351–3.
Presenters, iii. 92, 128.
President of Council, i. 68.
Press-corrections, iii. 197.
Prices of seats, ii. 531–4, 536.
Prince Charles’s men, ii. 241–6.
Prince Henry’s men, ii. 186–90.
Printed plays (list), iv. 379–97.
Prison scenes, iii. 62, 66.
Private performances, i. 219, 283, 292, 340; ii. 159; iii. 451–3;
iv. 36, 276, 300, 302, 308.
‘Private’ playhouses, i. 380; ii. 355, 511, 522, 536; iii. 149; iv.
366, 372;
arrangements of, ii. 554–6;
staging in, iii. 130–54.
‘Privileges’ for books, iii. 159.
Privy Chamber, i. 14, 42.
Privy Council, i. 66–70;
Clerks of, i. 48, 68;
register of, i. 68, 277; iv. 259;
control of plays by, i. 69, 217, 266–8, 269–307; iii. 367; iv.
259–345;
of printing, iii. 159–63, 168, 172.
Privy Gallery, i. 14.
Privy Garden, i. 14.
Privy Purse, i. 62, 66.
Privy Seal, i. 54, 56, 67.
Proclamations, i. 68, 270, 273, 276, 279, 302.
Profanity in plays, i. 255, 303, 322; iv. 338.
_Profilo_ (section of playhouse), iv. 353–5.
Profits of players, i. 348, 368–70; iv. 200, 219, 269, 371.
Progresses, i. 17, 21, 107–31; ii. 25;
plays during, i. 214.
Prologue, ii. 542, 547; iii. 72; iv. 367.
Prompters. _See_ Bookholders.
Properties, i. 224, 231, 372; ii. 168; iii. 88, 137; iv. 367.
_Proscenio_ (floor of stage), iii. 4; iv. 355, 358.
Proscenium, ii. 528, 540; iii. 16, 31.
Proscenium arch of masks, i. 181, 234;
of plays, i. 234; iii. 20.
Provinces, plays in, i. 304, 328, 332–41, 387; ii. 1; iv. 36, 273,
311, 319.
‘Provision’, offices of, i. 35.
Public halls, plays in, ii. 356.
‘Public’ playhouses, ii. 355, 511, 522, 536; iv. 366.
Publishers, iv. 379;
play-lists of, iv. 398.
_Pueri elemosinariae_, ii. 9, 70.
Puppet plays. _See_ Motions.
Puritans and plays, i. 236–68, 294; iv. 184–259 (extracts).
Purveyance, i. 116.
Q
_Quadri_ (squares), iv. 356, 358.
‘Quality’ of players, i. 309.
‘Queen’ of folk, i. 124; iv. 78.
Queen’s men, ii. 83, 104–15, 229–40.
Queen’s Revels, children of, ii. 48–51, 56–61; iii. 273.
Quintain, i. 123.
R
‘Rake’ of stage, i. 233; iv. 356.
Ranting of players, i. 384; ii. 447.
_Rappresentazioni_, iii. 6.
Recesses on stage, iii. 42, 51, 70, 81, 110.
Recognisances by players, i. 283, 300, 319; iv. 261, 269, 275, 298,
325, 327, 333, 340.
Recreation, i. 267, 309.
Red Bull playhouse, ii. 445–8.
Red Lion playhouse, ii. 379.
_Rederijker_, iii. 102.
Refreshments, ii. 548.
Regensburg theatre, iii. 78.
Rehearsals, i. 87, 223; iv. 149, 152, 157, 252, 286, 372.
Religious subjects in plays, i. 239–45, 255, 266, 323, 325; ii.
265; iv. 185, 188, 196, 198, 222, 369.
_Remembrancia_ of City, i. 277, 286; iv. 259.
‘Removes’, i. 17, 20.
_Renghiere_ (balconies), iv. 360.
‘Repertory’ theatres, ii. 148;
output of, ii. 162.
Requests, Masters of, i. 48, 69.
Restraint of plays, i. 265, 269–307; iv. 259–345;
area of, i. 278, 282, 331; ii. 94, 123.
_See_ Innovation, Lent, Plague, Prayer-time, Royal deaths,
Sedition, Sunday.
Retainers, i. 271, 279; ii. 86; iv. 268, 293.
Revels, children of, ii. 51.
Revels companies in provinces, ii. 53, 59–61, 67.
‘Revels’ in mask, i. 198; iii. 386.
Revels Office, i. 71–105, 116, 223;
airings in, i. 78, 101;
allowances to officers of, i. 76, 79, 90, 94, 101;
arms and seal of, i. 104;
commission for, i. 84, 89, 99;
finance and accounts of, i. 71–105; iv. 135–41, 142–83
(extracts);
functions of, at court plays, i. 223;
housing of, i. 74, 75, 81, 83, 87, 89, 95, 101; ii. 477, 491–3,
516;
inventories of, i. 73, 74, 76, 89, 158; iv. 136;
ledgers of, i. 74, 82.
_See_ Clerk, Clerk Comptroller, Groom, Master, Yeoman.
Revision of plays, i. 373, 384; ii. 130, 170, 172, 179; iii. 396,
423, 431, 433, 440.
Revivals of plays, i. 373; ii. 43, 211; iii. 104, 364.
Rewards for plays, i. 217, 369; ii. 78–9.
Rich’s men, ii. 91.
‘Riding’ charges, i. 63.
Rings, ii. 355, 449, 525.
‘Rivers’, iii. 51, 58, 90, 107.
Robes, Master of, i. 52;
Mistress of, i. 44.
Rome, plays at, iii. 3, 9.
‘Room’. _See_ ‘Hall’.
‘Rooms’, ii. 530.
Roscius, i. 376–7; ii. 297–8, 329, 331; iii. 223, 353; iv. 195,
204, 228, 230, 236, 239.
Rose playhouse, ii. 405–10.
Round playhouses, ii. 355, 434, 524; iv. 372.
_Roxana_ engraving, ii. 519.
Royal deaths, restraint for, i. 302, 304, 329, 339; iv. 335, 341.
_Ruffiana_ (courtesan), iii. 32; iv. 359.
Running at the ring, iii. 243, 279; iv. 74, 80, 121, 125, 127.
‘Runs’ of plays, ii. 148.
Rushes on stage, ii. 529; iv. 366–8.
S
St. Elizabeth’s Day, i. 18.
St. George’s Day, i. 20; iii. 367; iv. 71.
St. Peter’s watch, iv. 81.
Salisbury Court playhouse, ii. 373, 375, 517.
Satire in plays, i. 258, 261–3, 268–9, 322–8; iv. 194, 238, 253,
256, 368;
of bishops, i. 294;
citizens, i. 264; iv. 239;
courtiers, iii. 310;
French, i. 323; ii. 53; iii. 257, 426;
Henri IV, ii. 53;
James, i. 325–8; ii. 53;
humours, i. 263;
lawyers, iii. 365, 475;
magistrates, iv. 254;
persons of honour, i. 321, 324, 327; ii. 343; iii. 455, 496; iv.
332;
Poles, iii. 455;
Puritans, i. 261, 262, 294; iii. 372, 476; iv. 229–33, 245, 249;
Scotch, i. 323, 326; ii. 51; iii. 254, 286, 354, 432;
soldiers, iii. 365;
sovereigns, i. 327–8, 493; iv. 247, 254;
Spanish, i. 323;
Swedish, i. 324;
usurers, iii. 286, 288; iv. 239;
women, iii. 417; &c., &c.
_See_ Marprelate, Sedition.
_Satyre_, iv. 362.
Saxony, players at court of, ii. 288–9.
_Scale_ (steps), iv. 358.
_Scena_, ii. 539; iii. 3.
_Scenae trigemina corona_, i. 251.
_Scenarie_, iv. 404.
_Scene_, iv. 353–65.
Scenes, as background for stage, i. 233; iii. 12, 129; iv. 366,
370, 371, 372;
for masks, i. 155, 170–84;
as divisions of play, iii. 50, 125, 131, 199;
types of, iii. 50–68, 106.
_See_ Perspective.
Scenic presentation. _See_ Staging.
Schoolboy plays, i. 378; ii. 11, 69–76; iii. 211.
Scotland, players in, i. 341; ii. 78, 265–70.
Scriveners’ copies of plays, iii. 193.
Seasons for plays, i. 329.
Seats on stage, ii. 534–8; iv. 366–8.
Secondaries of the Compter, plays licensed by, i. 275.
Secretaries of State, i. 48, 56, 67, 68.
_Secretarii_, i. 55, 56.
_Sedie_ (seats), iv. 355, 358.
_Sedilia_, ii. 530.
Sedition in plays, i. 264, 266, 271, 273, 275, 283, 295, 299; iii.
453–5; iv. 322.
_See_ Politics, Restraints, Satire, Theology.
‘Senate houses’, i. 231; iii. 44, 58, 95.
Serjeants, i. 34, 42;
at Arms, i. 47.
Servitors in playhouses. _See_ Attendants.
Setting of plays. _See_ Staging.
Sewers for Chamber, i. 46.
‘Shadow’, ii. 544.
Sharers, i. 352–8, 369; iv. 369.
_Sharers Papers_ of 1635, i. 357; ii. 59, 384, 417, 425, 508–10.
Shepherds, king and queen of, iv. 66.
Ship-board scenes, iii. 116.
Shoes, in play, ii. 326, 365; iii. 362.
Shops on stage, iii. 59, 110.
Shorthand, plays reported by, iii. 185, 343–4.
Shrovetide, i. 20, 213; iv. 237.
Shrove-Tuesday riots, i. 265; ii. 240.
‘Side’ of stage, iii. 74.
Siege scenes, iii. 38, 54, 96.
Signet, Clerks of, i. 48, 57.
Signet licences for players, i. 306, 338; ii. 260.
Signs of theatres, ii. 362, 400, 424.
Silver mine, satire of, in play, ii. 53.
Sinking curtains, iii. 9, 30.
Size of companies, i. 354.
Small seals, i. 56.
Smoking in playhouse, ii. 548; iv. 367.
‘Solace’ of queen, i. 267, 292.
‘Soundings’ in playhouse, ii. 542; iii. 72; iv. 368.
Sovereign, plays licensed by, i. 275.
Spain, players in, ii. 292.
Spanish landings in Cornwall, iv. 251.
Spectators, _rôle_ of, in mask, i. 150, 153, 155, 197.
‘Split’ scenes, iii. 86.
Square playhouse, ii. 439, 524.
Stage, structure of, ii. 528.
Stage-directions, nature of, iii. 180, 193–8;
players named in, iii. 196, 227, 271, 285, 295, 330; iv. 32, 43,
45.
Stagekeepers, ii. 109, 541; iv. 38.
Staging, in Italy, iii. 2–12; iv. 353–65;
in France, iii. 12–19;
at court, iii. 19–46;
in 16th century, iii. 47–102;
in 17th century, iii. 103–30;
in private theatres, iii. 130–54;
change of locality the problem of, iii. 18, 99, 121–30.
_See_ Above, Academic, Alcove, Alternationist, Animals, Arbours,
Arras, Atmospheric, Back cloths, Beam, Bears, Bed, Black,
Canopy, Castles, Close walk, Counting house, Curtains,
Descents, Diagrams, Discoveries, Domus, Doors, Edge,
Εκκύκλημα, End, Entrance, Excursions, Foreshortening,
Hangings, Heavens, Hell, Houses, Hut, Interior action,
Interludes, Juxtaposition, Locality, Machines, Multiple,
Out-of-doors, Over, Perspective, Place, Posts, Properties,
Rake, Recesses, Rivers, Rushes, Scenes, Senate houses, Shops,
Side, Stairs, Standardization, Studies, Tents, Throne,
Thunder, Titles, Traps, Traverse, Trees, Upper stage, Walls,
Windows, Wings.
‘Stairs’, iii. 95.
‘Standardization of effects’, iii. 2, 50, 131.
‘Standing’ houses, i. 8, 115;
offices, i. 49, 71, 102.
Stanley’s boys, ii. 119.
Star Chamber, i. 67, 69, 273, 300, 328; ii. 43; iv. 327;
orders of, on printing, iii. 162, 166, 172.
‘State’ for sovereign, i. 203, 226.
Stationers, ethics of, iii. 186.
Stationers’ Company, iii. 160–77, 186–91, 505; iv. 265, 303.
Stationers’ Register, iii. 158, 163–77, 188–91, 422; iv. 379, 398.
Statistics of plays, iii. 22, 49, 105, 177, 181–3.
Statutes concerning players, i. 270, 276, 279, 299, 303, 304; iv.
260, 263, 269, 324, 336, 338.
‘Staying’ of printing, ii. 172, 204; iii. 183–91, 292, 359–60.
Steward of Household, Lord, i. 35, 55, 67.
‘Stinkards’, ii. 533; iv. 366.
Stock of playing companies, i. 352, 372; ii. 55, 137, 230, 243.
Stole, Groom of, i. 53.
‘Stools’, ii. 535–7; iv. 366–8.
_Strade_ (gangways), iv. 355.
Strange’s men, ii. 118–24.
Street scenes, iii. 56.
_Strenae_, i. 5, 19.
‘Strolling’ players, i. 332.
‘Studies’, iii. 67, 110.
Suburbs convenient for players, i. 278, 284, 298, 300; ii. 370.
Sunday performances, i. 255, 283, 285, 287–90, 293–6, 301, 302,
314; iv. 195, 200, 201, 202, 203, 206, 210, 221, 225, 249, 262,
267, 268, 275, 279, 282, 285, 288, 292, 295, 296, 297, 302,
305, 307, 310, 329, 335.
‘Supers’, i. 371.
‘Surreptitious’ prints of plays, iii. 184–92.
Surveyors, court of, i. 58.
Sussex’s men, ii. 92–6.
Swan playhouse, ii. 411–14, 521 (drawing), 526–31, 538–9, 544–7.
Sweden, players in, ii. 274.
Sword dance, i. 171; iii. 280; iv. 117.
Syndicates for companies, i. 379; ii. 43, 45, 56, 65.
T
‘Taking out’ in mask, i. 150, 153, 155, 197.
Takings of playhouses, i. 370; ii. 122, 148.
Taphouses at playhouses, i. 369; ii. 406, 424, 442.
_Tectum_, ii. 531.
_Telari_ (scenic cloths), iv. 358.
Temperament of players, i. 351.
Tenancy, joint and in common, ii. 417.
Tents, office of, i. 49, 72, 74, 76, 82, 94, 102; ii. 491.
Tents on stage, iii. 53, 86, 106.
Terence engravings, iii. 6, 15.
_Théâtre en demi-rond_, iii. 14.
Theatre playhouse, ii. 383–400.
_Théâtre tout en pastoralle_, iii. 17, 34, 35, 44, 48, 52.
Theatres. _See_ Playhouses.
_Theatri_, iv. 353–65.
Themes, ii. 191, 300, 343–4, 349, 553; iv. 244, 246.
Theocracy at Geneva, i. 245.
Theology in plays, i. 242, 271, 273, 294; ii. 328; iv. 254.
Threshold scenes, iii. 59.
‘Throne’, iii. 64, 72, 77, 87, 89, 108; iv. 248.
Thunder on stage, iii. 76, 110; iv. 248.
Thursdays kept for bear-baiting, i. 316.
Tilts, i. 18, 19, 20, 21, 139–48; iii. 212–13, 245, 268–9, 316,
393, 399, 402–5, 463, 509; iv. 63.
_See_ Books, Challenges, Cheques, Devices, Lists, Tourney.
Tiltyards, i. 141.
‘Tiph, toph’, ii. 293.
Tire-men, i. 371; ii. 149, 226, 541; iii. 83; iv. 404.
Tire-women, i. 163; iii. 387.
Tiring house, i. 100, 225, 229, 231; ii. 392, 538, 555; iii. 72,
82; iv. 248, 370.
Titles. _See_ Labels.
‘Tombs’, iii. 59, 110.
‘Top’, iii. 98.
Topical allusions in plays, i. 322–8.
_See_ Satire, Sedition.
Torch-bearers in mask, i. 195.
_Torze_ (torches), iv. 364.
Touching for evil, i. 123.
Tourney, i. 140.
_Tragedie_, iv. 360.
Tragedy, definitions of, i. 240, 257.
Traps, ii. 528; iii. 42, 89, 96, 107, 133.
‘Traverse’, i. 181; iii. 25, 78, 234, 279, 282, 434; iv. 59.
Treason, executions for, iii. 286, 433, 440, 491.
Treasurer, Lord High, i. 54, 67;
of Chamber, i. 54–67, 217; iv. 132–5;
of Household, i. 35, 37, 55, 67.
Trees on stage, iii. 52, 89, 107.
_Trionfi_, i. 152.
Truchmen, i. 163, 165, 166, 190.
Trumpets in playhouse, iv. 367.
Tumblers. _See_ Activities.
_Tuono_ (thunder), iv. 365.
Turkish rope-dancer, ii. 111, 261, 550.
Twelfth Night, i. 19, 205, 213; iii. 281.
U
Unchastity in plays, i. 252, 255, 258, 282–3, 304.
‘Understanders’, ii. 527.
Unity of place, iii. 18, 22, 29, 34, 36, 40, 121, 134.
_See_ Locality.
Universities, public plays within, ii. 100, 113, 213; iii. 469;
criticism of plays at, i. 249.
University receptions, i. 127.
Unlocated scenes, iii. 50.
Upper rooms, ii. 387.
Upper stage, iii. 120, 153.
_Ursarii_, ii. 449.
V
Vaux’s men, ii. 103.
‘Veil’, iii. 80.
Verge, iii. 387.
_Versurae_ (wings), iii. 3, 11, 100.
_Vexillatores_, ii. 547.
_Viae ad forum_, iii. 4, 100.
‘Vice’, iii. 317, 412, 437, 466, 504, 505; iv. 3, 6, 7, 9, 229,
233.
Vice-Chamberlain of household, i. 41, 67.
Vitruvius on stage, iii. 3.
Vizards, i. 151, 196, 371; iii. 241, 376, 387; iv. 38.
‘Void’, i. 152.
_Vuota di dicitori_ (tiring room?), iv. 364.
W
Wager paid in play, iv. 181.
Wager plays, ii. 297, 468, 554.
‘Wages’ at court, i. 51.
_Wagner Book_, iii. 71.
‘Walls’, ii. 36, 39, 44; iii. 54, 72, 96, 106.
Wardrobe as organ of administration, i. 55.
Wardrobe, Great, i. 72, 80, 90, 94, 211.
Wardrobe officers, i. 42, 56.
Warwick’s men, ii. 97–9.
Watching Chamber, i. 13.
Water triumphs, i. 123, 134, 138; iv. 72, 73, 74, 103, 124, 127.
Watermen, i. 63, 296; ii. 121, 370; iv. 312, 368.
Waymaker, i. 108, 116.
Weddings at court, iii. 233, 239, 241, 245, 260, 276, 351, 378,
381, 388, 393; iv. 82, 83, 86, 87, 94, 99, 109, 112, 113, 119,
120, 122, 123, 127, 128, 129.
Welsh play, iii. 457.
Westminster, children of, ii. 69–73.
White staves, i. 39, 205, 226.
Whitefriars, children of, ii. 55.
Whitefriars playhouse, ii. 515–17.
Wild men. _See_ Woodwoses.
‘Windows’, iii. 42, 58, 95, 98, 116, 119, 153.
Windsor chapel, children of, ii. 61–4.
‘Wings’, iii. 100.
Withdrawing Chamber, i. 14.
_Wits_ engraving, ii. 519.
Women on stage, i. 371; iii. 296.
Woodcuts in plays, iii. 210, 322, 328; iv. 20.
‘Woodwoses’, i. 123–4, 135, 194; iv. 65, 66.
Worcester’s men, ii. 220–9.
Works, office of, i. 49, 80, 90, 211, 226.
Y
‘Yard’, ii. 527.
Yeomen of Chamber, i. 44;
of Crown, i. 47;
of Guard, i. 47, 63;
of Revels, i. 72, 94.
Yeomen Ushers of Chamber, i. 45, 47, 69; iv. 353.
‘Young minstrels’, ii. 13, 31–2.
Z
_Zoglia_ (lintle), iii. 21.
PRINTED IN ENGLAND
AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _P. C._ (Nov. 22, 24); Machyn, 179; Lettenhove, i. 300.
[2] Machyn, 180; Burghley, _Diary_.
[3] _P. C._ (Dec. 4, 5); Machyn, 180; Stowe, _Annales_.
[4] _P. C._ (Dec. 22, 23); _V. P._ vii. 2.
[5] Cf. ch. v.
[6] _P. C._ (Jan. 14); _V. P._ vii. 11; Machyn, 186; Stowe,
_Annales_.
[7] Machyn, 186; Stowe, _Annales_; cf. ch. xxiv.
[8] Machyn, 186; Nichols, i. 60; from _Bodl. Ashm. MS._, 863;
_V. P._, vii. 11.
[9] Machyn, 187; _V. P._ vii. 18.
[10] Machyn, 191.
[11] _S. P. D._
[12] Machyn, 196; _V. P._ vii. 80.
[13] Machyn, 196.
[14] _V. P._ vii. 84; Lettenhove, i. 522.
[15] Machyn, 198; _V. P._ vii. 91; cf. chh. i, v.
[16] Machyn, 198.
[17] _Sp. P._ i. 79.
[18] Machyn, 201.
[19] Machyn, 202.
[20] _C. A._; Machyn, 203.
[21] Machyn, 203.
[22] _C. A._; _S. P. F._; _Sc. P._ (July 28, Aug. 7); _Sadler Papers_
(Aug. 8); Burghley, _Diary_; Machyn, 204, 206.
[23] _Procl._ 513; Machyn, 206.
[24] _C. A._; _Procl._ 514; _S. P. F._ (Aug. 16; _S. P. D._ (Aug.
23); Machyn, 207 (app. Aug. 15 in error); Nichols, i. 75; Feuillerat,
_Eliz._ 105. Quadra (Aug. 18, _C. D. I._ lxxxvii. 231), ‘Los
Embajadores de Suecia se van muy quejosos y agraviados porque creo que
ha llegado á su noticia que burlaban en Palacio dellos, y la Reina
mejor que los demás’ hardly bears out the interpretation of M. A. S.
Hume, _Courtships of Elizabeth_, 32, that the ridicule was in a mask.
[25] _Sp. P._ i. 98; _Sadler Papers_, i. 462.
[26] Machyn, 216.
[27] Machyn, 221, ‘the plaers plad suche matter that they wher
commondyd to leyff off, and contenent the maske cam in dansyng’.
[28] Machyn, 221.
[29] Machyn, 230.
[30] Machyn, 231.
[31] _C. A._; Machyn, 232.
[32] Machyn, 233.
[33] Machyn, 234; Lodge^1, i. 313.
[34] _Procl._ 525.
[35] _C. A._
[36] Machyn, 241; Parker, 120; _Sc. P._ i. 459.
[37] Machyn, 241; _Sc. P._ i. 459.
[38] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 23, 27); _S. P. F._ (Aug. 22, 27, 28);
_Sc. P._ i. 475; Machyn, 241; Wright, i. 43; _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 50,
142; Howard, 215; _V. H. Hants_, iii. 531.
[39] _S. P. D. Addl._; Lodge, i. 423.
[40] _Procl._ 529; _S. P. F._ (Sept. 30).
[41] _C. A._
[42] _S. P. F._ (Nov. 10, 25).
[43] _C. A._; _Hardwicke Papers_, i. 163; _Hatfield
MSS._ xiii. 62.
[44] _C. A._
[45] Christopher Playter to Mr. Kytson (J. Gage, _Hist. of Hengrave_,
180), ‘at the corte new plays, which lasted almost all night--the name
of the play was huff-suff-and ruff, with other masks, both of ladies
and gents’. The only date is ‘21 Feb.’, but the year can be fixed by
references in the letter to the masters of fence at court, and to
_Procl._ 538 and 541 of this winter.
[46] Machyn, 251.
[47] Machyn, 250.
[48] _S. P. F._ (Apr. 26, 29).
[49] Machyn, 261; _Sp. P._ i. 208.
[50] Nichols, i. 92, from Cofferer’s Account in _Cott. MS. Vesp._ C.
xiv; _C. A._; Works Account in _Lansd. MS._, 5; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 9,
11); _S. P. F._ (July 15, 21; Aug. 16, 17, 27; Sept. 10, 17); _Sc. P._
(July 13; Aug. 16; Sept. 3, 17); _Procl._ 547–50; Rymer (July 27);
Machyn, 263, 267; Parker (Aug. 9, 12, 22); Wright, i. 67, 68, 69, 71;
Hardwicke, i. 174; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 752; _Hatfield MSS._ v. 69; cf.
M. Christy in _Essex Review_, xxvi. 115, 181.
[51] Fleay, 62, suggests a revival of Bale’s _Kinge Johan_, the MS. of
which was found at Ipswich.
[52] Machyn, 267; Nichols, i. 103.
[53] Machyn, 270; Brantôme, i. 312; cf. ch. v.
[54] Parker, 156; Wallace, ii. 65.
[55] Machyn, 273.
[56] Machyn, 275.
[57] Machyn, 276. The word ‘played’, after ‘Sesar’, appears to be in a
modern hand; cf. Wallace, i. 200.
[58] Machyn, 276.
[59] Machyn, 277.
[60] _Sp. P._ i. 243; Machyn, 284. Dasent, vii. 238, has a reference to
this as ‘a tyme of progresse begonne’, but there was no real progress;
cf. Somers to Throckmorton (Aug. 29, _S. P. F._ v. 269), ‘The Queen
has all this summer kept herself here, without accustomed progress or
hunting pleasures, to attend to that whereof she shall have honour’.
On the unrealized plans for a meeting with Mary of Scots and the mask
devised, cf. ch. v.
[61] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ (Sept. 16); _S. P. F._ (Sept.
19).
[62] _C. A._
[63] Machyn, 295.
[64] _S. P. D. Addl._ (Dec. 14); _S. P. F._ (Dec. 14);
_Procl._ 572.
[65] Machyn, 309.
[66] _C. A._; _Procl._ 578, 579; _Rutland MSS._ (June
30); _S. P. F._ (Aug. 2); Parker, 184 (Aug. 1).
[67] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 4); _S. P. F._ (Aug. 4).
[68] _C. A._
[69] Francis to Sir Thos. Chaloner (Froude, vii. 92), ‘Regina tota
amoribus dedita est venationibusque, aucupiis, choreis et rebus
ludicris insumens dies noctesque’.
[70] Wright, i. 171, 172 (Apr. 23); _S. P. D._ (May 5); _S. P. F._ (May
5).
[71] Cf. ch. v.
[72] _Sp. P._ i. 366.
[73] _S. P. D._ (June 30); _Sp. P._ i. 368.
[74] _Sp. P._ i. 367, 385; Parker, 219; Burghley, _Diary_.
[75] Burghley, _Diary_.
[76] _S. P. D. Addl._ (July 16).
[77] _Procl._ 597; _Sp. P._ i. 368.
[78] _C. A._; _Pipe Office D. A._ (_Works_), 3202; _P. C._; _Procl._
598; _S. P. F._ (Aug. 1, 8; Sept. 11); _Sp. P._ i. 373, 374, 376,
379; Stowe, _Annales_; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 756; Nichols, i. 151, from
Cambridge MSS.; Lysons, _Magna Britannia_, i. 143, 496, 571, 627, from
Lord Hampden’s MSS. (year uncertain); Bridges, _Northants_, i. 431
(misdated 1563).
[79] For Cambridge plays cf. ch. iv.
[80] For mask at Hinchinbrook cf. ch. v.
[81] _Sp. P._ i. 376, 379.
[82] _Sp. P._ i. 381.
[83] _C. A._
[84] _P. C._; _Martin’s_, 218; _S. P. D._ (Dec. 9).
[85] _Sp. P._ i. 403.
[86] _Sp. P._ i. 404.
[87] Cf. ch. v.
[88] _Sp. P._ i. 428.
[89] _C. A._; _Lambeth_.
[90] _C. A._; Burghley, _Diary_; Wright, i. 198.
[91] Stowe, _Annales_ (June 24); _Sp. P._ i. 442.
[92] _Martin’s_, 222; _Sp. P._ i. 446; _Procl._ 611;
_P. C._ (July 15).
[93] _Sp. P._ i. 446, 451; cf. ch. v.
[94] _Martin’s_, 222.
[95] _Sp. P._ i. 465; _Pepys MSS._ 67.
[96] _C. A._
[97] _Martin’s_, 222; _Sp. P._ i. 475.
[98] _C. A._
[99] _Sp. P._ i. 487, 494.
[100] _C. A._; _Lambeth_; _P. C._ (Oct. 29, Nov. 2).
[101] _C. A._; Leland, _Collectanea_, ii. 666.
[102] _V. P._ vii. 374.
[103] _Martin’s_, 228; _Sp. P._ i. 523.
[104] _Sp. P._ i. 526.
[105] Cf. ch. v.
[106] _Martin’s_, 229; _Sp. P._ i. 564.
[107] _C. A._; _Lambeth_; cf. ch. v.
[108] _C. A._; _Pipe Office D. A._ (_Works_), 3203; Works Account in
_Rawl. MS._, A. 195^c; _S. P. D._ (July 21); _S. P. F._ (July 29,
Aug. 30, Sept. 8); _Sp. P._ i. 568, 571, 574, 577, 578; _Margaret’s_;
_Martin’s_; Shaw, ii. 72; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 762 (Aug. 3, 5);
_Middleton MSS._ (_Hist. MSS._), 528; Stowe, _Annales_; Burgon,
_Gresham_, ii. 155, 212; Nichols, i. 192, 197, 199*, 206, 247, from
Coventry records, &c.; Plummer, _Elizabethan Oxford_, 115, 175, 191,
198, 205; Boas, 385.
[109] At the entry to Coventry the Corpus Christi pageant of the
Tanners stood at St. John’s Church, the Drapers at the Cross, the
Smiths at Little Park Street End, the Weavers at Much Park Street
(H. Craig, _Two Coventry C. C. Plays_, xxi, 106). The date is
sometimes given as 1565 or 1567 in error.
[110] For the Oxford plays cf. ch. iv.
[111] _S. P. F._ (Sept. 10); _Sp. P._ i. 580.
[112] _D. A._ (_Works_).
[113] _S. P. F._ (Sept. 10, 17).
[114] _Martin’s_, 229; _Sp. P._ i. 582.
[115] _Sp. P._ i. 609.
[116] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 232; _Sp. P._ i. 609, 610,
612, 613.
[117] Shaw, ii. 73.
[118] _Sp. P._ i. 633: ‘The hatred that this Queen has of marriage is
most strange. They represented a comedy before her last night, until
nearly one in the morning, which ended in a marriage, and the Queen, as
she told me herself, expressed her dislike of the woman’s part.’
[119] _Sp. P._ i. 644.
[120] _Sp. P._ i. 661.
[121] _Sc. P._ ii. 373; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 764.
[122] _C. A._ (‘Mr. Kyrres’).
[123] _C. A._; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 764; _S. P. F._ (Aug. 20,
24); _Sc. P._ (Aug. 29); _Sp. P._ i. 672; Kempe, 265.
[124] _Sp. P._ i. 672.
[125] _Sp. P._ i. 679.
[126] _Sp. P._ i. 690; _Martin’s_, 234.
[127] Nichols, i. 266, from _Privy Purse Acct._
[128] _C. A._
[129] _Sp. P._ ii. 21; _Martin’s_, 239.
[130] _C. A._; _Parker Letters_ (July 7); Burghley, _Diary_; _S. P.
F._ (July 11); _C. D. I._ xc. 98, ‘Vino por el rio hasta Reder’;
the translation ‘Reading’ in _Sp. P._ ii. 50 is absurd; it might be
Knightrider St.
[131] _C. A._; Works Account in _Rawl. MS._ A. 195^e; Burghley,
_Diary_; _S. P. D._ (July 30, Aug. 8); _S. P. F._ (July 22, Aug. 21,
27); _Sc. P._ (July 22, Aug. 14); _Sp. P._ ii. 54, 57, 64, 71, 72, 74;
_Syd. P._ i. 36; _Procl._ 628, 629; Shaw, ii. 73.
[132] _Sp. P._ ii. 73.
[133] _S. P. D._ (Oct. 3); Burghley, _Diary_ (Oct. 20).
[134] La Mothe, i. 203.
[135] _C. A._; _Sp. P._ ii. 149; Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 124 (May 10);
Nichols, i. 257 (May 9). The May 11 of La Mothe, i. 373, must be an
error.
[136] Cf. ch. iv.
[137] _Sp. P._ ii. 178, 180. The July 27 or 28 of La Mothe, ii. 100,
133, 138, must again be an error.
[138] Sp. P. ii. 182.
[139] C. A.; Works Accounts in _Rawl. MS._ A. 195^c; _S. P. F._ (Sept.
4) _Sc. P._ (Aug. 12, 20); _Sp. P._ ii. 189, 191; _P. C. Wales_ (Aug.
22); Burghley, _Diary_; _Hatfield MSS._ i. 418, 421, 435; Camden, 420;
Nichols, i. 261; _Finch MSS._ (Aug. 9); _V. H. Surrey_, iii. 383;
Lodge, i. 480, 482, 483, 485; La Mothe, ii. 196, 218, 223, 229, 237.
[140] Lodge, i. 483, 485; _S. P. F._ (Sept. 24); _Parker Letters_
(Sept. 24).
[141] Cf. ch. i.
[142] _C. A._
[143] _Sp. P._ ii. 228; _Sadler Papers_ (Jan. 18).
[144] _Sp. P._ ii. 239.
[145] _P. C._ (June 18, 20).
[146] _C. A._; Works Accounts in _Rawl. MS._ A. 195^c; _P. C._; _S. P.
D._ (Sept. 25); _S. P. F._ (Aug. 8; Sept. 7, 26); _Procl._ 657, 658;
_Finch MSS._ (_Hist. MSS._); Burghley, _Diary_; _Hatfield MSS._ i. 481;
Wiffen, i. 474; Digges, 5; Shaw, ii. 74; La Mothe, iii. 240, 246, 258,
264, 289.
[147] La Mothe, iii. 317; _P. C._ (Sept. 30).
[148] _P. C._ (Nov. 6, 7).
[149] _P. C._ (Jan. 14, 19); La Mothe, iii. 434.
[150] Holinshed, iii. 1224; La Mothe, iii. 443, 450, 454; _Margaret’s_,
18.
[151] _P. C._ (Jan. 29).
[152] _Sp. P._ ii. 295; _Rutland MSS._ i. 91.
[153] _P. C._ (March 31); Stowe, _Annales_ (Apr. 2).
[154] _Lambeth._
[155] La Mothe, iv. 94; Rimbault, 160.
[156] Holinshed, iii. 1225; Nichols, ii. 334, from Segar; _Arch_,
lxiii. 47; _Arch. Journal_, lv. 315; lxi. 305; Clephan, 171, from
_Ashm. MSS._ 837, 845; La Mothe, iv. 88, 95.
[157] Digges, 108.
[158] _Lambeth._
[159] _P. C._ (July 7); _S. P. F._ (July 8).
[160] _C. A._; La Mothe, iv. 206; _Kingston_.
[161] _C. A._; _P. C._; _C. D. I._ xc. 492; Burghley, _Diary_;
_Hatfield MSS_. i. 516; v. 70; _Rutland MSS._ i. 95; Wright, i. 393;
Lodge, i. 525, 527; La Mothe, iv. 245; Digges, 134, 138; Shaw, ii. 75;
Hunter, _Hallamshire_, 111; Nichols, i. 280; cf. M. Christy in _Essex
Review_, xxvi. 115, 181.
[162] _Rutland MSS._ i. 96.
[163] La Mothe, iv. 245; _Wandsworth_.
[164] _C. A._, _P. C._
[165] _Sp. P._ ii. 355; _S. P. F._ (Dec. 15, 16); _Procl._ 663 (Jan.
3). I think the _P. C._ entries of Greenwich for Dec. 25, 31 must be
errors.
[166] _Hatfield MSS._ v. 70; _Rutland MSS._ i. 94–96; La Mothe, iv.
319; _Sp. P._ ii. 358. The wedding was originally planned for Theobalds
in Sept. (Hunter, _Hallamshire_, 111).
[167] La Mothe, iv. 319, 321; _Sp. P._ ii. 358. Possibly Elizabeth
was also at the weddings of Lords Dudley and Paget this week.
[168] La Mothe, iv. 424.
[169] La Mothe, iv. 447.
[170] _Sp. P._ ii. 393.
[171] _Martin’s_, 268.
[172] Nichols, i. 305 (dating June 14), from _Lambeth MS._ 959; ii.
335. from Segar.
[173] _Martin’s_, 268.
[174] _C. A._; _P. C._ (July 31); _S. P. D._ (Aug. 10); _S. P. F._
(Aug. 22); _Procl._ 676; _Margaret’s_; _Martin’s_; _Select Committee
on Public Records_ (1800), 174; _Sp. P._ ii. 399, 413, 417; _Hatfield
MSS._ v. 69, xiii. 110; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 773; _Finch MSS._ (Sept.
16); La Mothe, v. 47, 59, 63, 65, 76, 77, 79, 84, 89, 91, 92, 99, 122,
134; L. Howard, 195; _Wilts. Arch. Mag._ xviii. 261; 1 Ellis, ii. 265;
Lodge, i. 540, 542, 548, 549; Strype, _Sir T. Smith_, 121; _Zurich
Letters_, ii. 211; Digges, 228–65; Nichols, i. 309, from _Warwick
Corporation MSS._, with errors.
[175] At Kenilworth were ‘such princely sports as could be devised’
(Nichols, i. 318, from Warwick _Black Book_).
[176] At Warwick on Aug. 17 were a country dance and a show of
fireworks (ibid.).
[177] Digges, 260, 263.
[178] _Hatfield MSS._ ii. 28; _Sp. P._ ii. 435; La Mothe, v.
200.
[179] _Martin’s_, 272 (Feb. 27, 28, in error?); Digges, 328 (Jan. 29);
_P. C._ (Feb. 3); Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 171.
[180] _C. A._; _P. C._; La Mothe, v. 262, 267, 270; _Sp. P._ ii. 467;
Wright, i. 466; _Hatfield MSS._ v. 70 (misdated); Nichols, i. 378.
[181] Nichols, i. 332, 378, 548, from M. Parker, _Matthaeus_,
Dering MS., and local archives; _C. A._; _P. C._; W. D.
Cooper, _Winchelsea_, 107, and in _Sussex Arch. Coll._ v.
190, from _Acct._ of Controller of Household and local archives;
Denne, _Bibl. Top. Brit._ xlv. 211; Parker Corres. 436, 437,
441, 475; _Arch. Cantiana_, vi. 43; ix. 235; xi. 199; _Zurich
Letters_, ii. 221; _S. P. F._ (Sept. 15); Lodge, ii. 33; Shaw,
ii. 75; La Mothe, v. 412; 1 Ellis, ii. 267.
[182] There was a reception at Orpington by a Nymph as Genius of the
house, and a sea-fight in a bark (Hasted, i. 134).
[183] A mock sea-fight was shown at Sandwich on Sept. 1 (Nichols, i.
337, from town archives).
[184] There was a mask of Mariners at Canterbury on Sept. 7
(Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 183).
[185] Nichols, i. 351; La Mothe, v. 412.
[186] _C. A._
[187] La Mothe, v. 454; _P. C._ (Nov. 25, 28, 29).
[188] _Martin’s_, 273; _P. C._ (Dec. 19, 21).
[189] Walsingham, _Diary_; La Mothe, vi. 8.
[190] Walsingham, _Diary_; La Mothe, vi. 34.
[191] La Mothe, vi. 39.
[192] Walsingham, _Diary_; _Lambeth_; Nichols, i. 325 (misdated), 384.
[193] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_; La Mothe, vi. 167.
[194] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[195] _C. A._; _P. C._; Walsingham, _Diary_; Burghley, _Diary_; _S. P.
D._ (Aug. 15); _S. P. F._ (July 18, 30; Aug. 10, 11; Sept. 15); _Zurich
Letters_, ii. 258; A. Hall, _Life_, 57; Shaw, ii. 75, 76; Lodge, ii.
43; La Mothe, vi. 197, 229; Nichols, i. 321 (misdated 1572), 379, 392,
408; R. H. Gretton, _Burford Records_, 415; cf. E. Green in _Proc. Bath
Field Club_, iv. 105.
[196] For _Bristol Entertainment_ cf. ch. xxiv.
[197] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[198] Ibid.
[199] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[200] Some particulars of this winter’s revels appear to be in _S. P.
D. Eliz._ ciii. 54.]
[201] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 241 (Feb. 2); _P. C._ (Feb. 6).
[202] Lysons, i. 381; Dee, _Compendious Rehearsal_ (ed. Hearne), 516.
[203] _P. C._ (March 21, 23, 25); _Martin’s_, 284.
[204] _C. A._
[205] _Martin’s_, 284.
[206] Hunter, _Hallamshire_, 84.
[207] _C. A._; _P. C._; _P. C. Wales_ (June 13, Aug. 17); _S. P. D._
(Aug. 21; Sept. 4, 12; Oct. 6); _S. P. F._ (July 12, Aug. 29, Sept. 4,
7); _Procl._ 693, 696; _Sp. P._ ii. 492, 498; La Mothe, vi. 437, 442,
444, 487, 495, 498, 502; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 776; _Hatfield MSS._ ii.
99, 107, 108, 112, 116; v. 70; xiii. 142; Walsingham, _Diary_; _Rutland
MSS._ i. 104, 105; _Middleton MSS._ 538; Shaw, ii. 76; _Sydney Papers_,
i. 71; Wright, ii. 11, 16; Devon, i. 119; _Wilts. Arch. Mag._ xviii.
261; _Kenilworth Entertainments_ (cf. ch. xxiv); Nichols, i. 417, 529,
533, from local archives.
[208] For Kenilworth entertainments cf. chh. iv, xxiv.
[209] Warwick’s players were at Lichfield (cf. ch. xiii).
[210] There were pageants by Ralph Wyatt and Thomas Heywood at the
Cross and St. Ellen’s Church, Worcester (Nichols, i. 537).
[211] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee.
[212] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[213] _C. A._; _Sp. P._ ii. 515.
[214] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[215] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[216] Walsingham, _Diary_; Shaw, ii. 77.
[217] _Hatfield MSS._ ii. 134.
[218] _P. C._
[219] _C. A._
[220] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[221] _P. C._ (July 22, 23).
[222] _C. A._, apparently (_Sp. P._ ii. 531) a false start for the
progress.
[223] _C. A._; _P. C._; Walsingham, _Diary_; _S. P. D._ (Sept. 6, 12);
_S. P. F._ (Sept. 6); _Sp. P._ ii. 533; _Procl._ 708; _Syd. P._ i. 392;
_Hatfield MSS._ ii. 133; Kempe, 490; Lodge, _App._ 38, 39; cf. App. B.
[224] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[225] Ibid.
[226] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_; _Martin’s_, 297.
[227] _C. A._
[228] _P. C._ (Apr. 27–29); Walsingham, _Diary_ (May 6);
_Martin’s_, 297 (Apr. 26 in error).
[229] _Martin’s_, 297.
[230] _C. A._; _P. C._ (May 14); Birch, i. 12; Nichols, ii. 55, from
_Birch MS._ 4100; Shaw, ii. 78; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 779; _Hatfield MSS._
v. 70; Walsingham, _Diary_ (May 25).
[231] Wiffen, i. 508.
[232] _C. A._
[233] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[234] _Hatfield MSS._ ii. 157.
[235] Ibid.
[236] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[237] _P. C._; Walsingham, _Diary_: _Finch MSS._ (Sept. 4); Lodge, ii.
91.
[238] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[239] _C. A._
[240] _C. A._; _S. P. F._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[241] _C. A._
[242] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[243] _C. A._ A lost device and play at Osterley by Churchyard (cf. ch.
xxiii) may belong to this visit.
[244] Walsingham, _Diary_; _Fulham_; Nichols, ii. 92.
[245] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[246] _S. P. F._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[247] _Sp. P._ ii. 576, 581.
[248] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ (May 8, 9, 10); _S. P. F._ (May 6, 15);
Walsingham, _Diary_; _Hatfield MSS._ v. 70; _Sp. P._ ii. 582; Lodge,
ii. 99. Sidney’s _May Lady_ entertainment may belong to this Wanstead
visit or to that of 1579 (cf. ch. xxiii). For Italian tumblers in
1577–8, cf. App. B.
[249] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_; _S. P. F._ (May 16).
[250] _C. A._; _P. C._; _Procl._ 724; _S. P. D._ (July 11, 14, 17;
Sept. 2, 21); _Sp. P._ ii. 607, 610; Shaw, ii. 78, 79; Haynes-Murdin,
ii. 780; _Hatfield MSS._ ii. 190, 192; xiii. 160; _Sydney Papers_,
i. 270; Hatton, 93; Lodge, ii. 119; Kempe, 248 (misdated?);
_Archaeologia_, xix. 283; Cullum, _Hawsted_, 130; Hollingsworth,
_Stowmarket_, 128; Nichols, ii. III sqq., from local archives;
_Entertainments_ by Churchyard and Garter (cf. ch. xxiv).
[251] Speeches and verses sent from Cambridge to Audley End are in G.
Harvey, _Gratulationes Valdinenses_ (1578).
[252] A. G. H. Hollingsworth, _Hist. of Stowmarket_ (1844), 128, 130,
says that players from Ipswich under John Corke were employed.
[253] For devices at Kenninghall, Norwich, and Hengrave, cf.
_Entertainments_ by Churchyard and Garter (ch. xxiv). Blomefield,
vii. 214, prints from _Harl. MS._ 890, f. 282, verses given at
Norwich with a pair of golden spurs by William (Edward?) Downes of
Earlham.
[254] Dee, 5; _S. P. D. Addl._ (Sept. 25); _P. C._ (Sept. 26).
[255] _C. A._
[256] _Sp. P._ ii. 627, 630.
[257] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Jan. 20, 22).
[258] _C. A._; _Procl._ 735.
[259] _C. A._
[260] Devereux, i. 170; Lodge, ii. 140, 146, ‘There was never any of
his cote that was able to brag of the like entertainment’.
[261] Lodge, ii. 146, ‘prettier than it happened to be performed’;
_Sp. P._ ii. 655, ‘a grand ball, in which there were comedies and many
inventions’. In the previous August (_Sp. P._ ii. 607) Oxford had
declined a request of the queen to dance before Alençon’s agents, ‘as
he did not want to entertain Frenchmen’.
[262] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 310; _Sp. P._ ii. 669, 679.
[263] _Martin’s_, 310; _Sp. P._ ii. 681.
[264] _Martin’s_, 310; _Lambeth_ (June 2 in error).
[265] _P. C. Wales_, 192; Stowe, _Annales_.
[266] _S. P. F._ xiv. 46, 49; _V. P._ vii. 609, 611, 612, 614; _Sp. P._
ii. 690, 694; _Hatfield MSS._ ii. 293.
[267] _P. C._; Shaw, ii. 79.
[268] _C. A._; _P. C._; _S. P. D._ (Sept. 13, 27); _Sp. P._ ii. 697;
_Hatfield MSS._ (Sept. 17); _Procl._ 740; cf. M. Christy in _Essex
Review_, xxvi. 115, 181. But Nichols, ii. 285, has clearly used _two_
abandoned ‘gests’.
[269] _P. C._ (Oct. 2).
[270] _Martin’s_, 311; _P. C._ (Dec. 21, 23).
[271] _C. A._
[272] _C. A._; _P. C._ (May 26, 29); Lysons, i. 297.
[273] _C. A._
[274] _C. A._; _P. C._ (July 11); Walsingham, _Diary_.
[275] _C. A._
[276] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[277] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ ii. 340.
[278] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[279] Dee, 9.
[280] Dee, 9.
[281] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ cl. 62 (app. misdated 1581).
[282] _Martin’s_, 321; Dee, 10.
[283] _M. S. C._ i. 181; _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 199; Nichols, ii. 334,
from Segar; Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 336, noting devices in the ‘meane
season’ between challenge and tilt.
[284] _Martin’s_, 329.
[285] _C. A._; _Sp. P._ iii. 95, 101; Nichols, ii. 303.
[286] _Martin’s_, 329.
[287] _S. P. F._ xv. 82, 115, 144, 202; _Sp. P._ iii. 110, 131; _V.
P._ viii. 2–15; Walsingham, _Diary_; Wright, ii. 134; _Remembrancia_,
487. On Apr. 6 the Queen was only thinking ‘whether there are any new
devices in the joust, or where a ball is to be held, or what beautiful
women are to be at court’ (_Sp. P._ iii. 91).
[288] Cf. chh. iv, xxiv.
[289] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[290] _Sp. P._ iii. 141, 144.
[291] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[292] _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 200; _Rutland MSS._ i. 127.
[293] _C. A._
[294] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_; _Rutland MSS._ i.
127.
[295] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 201.
[296] Walsingham, _Diary_.
[297] _S. P. F._ xv. 357; _Sp. P._ iii. 203; _V. P._
viii. 21.
[298] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_; Dee, 13; _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 201.
[299] _Sp. P._ iii. 222; Clephan, 132, from _Bodl. Ashm. MS._ 845, ff.
164, 167; _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 201.
[300] _S. P. F._ xv. 442, 453, 473, and _V. P._ viii. 26, note the
princely entertainment of Anjou.
[301] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 344 (table); Nichols, ii. 336, from Segar.
[302] _C. A._
[303] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Feb. 1); Holinshed, iii. 1330; Walsingham,
_Diary_; _Sp. P._ iii. 280, 282; _Hatfield MSS._ ii. 500; _S. P.
F._ xv. 444 (misdated), 484, 485; _V. P._ viii. 29. Apparently the
Sandwich and Dover stages are for Anjou only, and Elizabeth remained at
Canterbury Feb. 5–13.
[304] Walsingham, _Diary_; _P. C._ (Feb. 18).
[305] _Hatfield MSS._ v. 70; _S. P. D._ clv. 54; 3 Ellis, iv.
43; cf. ch. vii.
[306] _C. A._
[307] _C. A._
[308] _Sp. P._ iii. 375.
[309] _Rutland MSS._ i. 136; Shaw (May 22).
[310] _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 203; Hatton, 255; Lysons, i. 297.
[311] _C. A._
[312] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 12, 17).
[313] _C. A._
[314] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[315] _C. A._; Walsingham, _Diary_.
[316] _C. A._
[317] _C. A._; _S. P. D. Addl._ (Jan. 12); Peck, 131 (Jan.
18).
[318] Walsingham, _Diary_; Dee, 18; _Lambeth_.
[319] _C. A._
[320] Lodge, app. 46; _Rutland MSS._ i. 149.
[321] _C. A._; Dee, 20; _Lambeth_.
[322] _Sp. P._ iii. 474.
[323] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ v. 70; xiii. 229; _Rutland MSS._ i. 150,
151; Birch, i. 37.
[324] _C. A._
[325] _C. A._; _S. P. I._ (July 29, 30); _Martin’s_, 349; _Margaret’s_;
Dee, 21; _Finch MSS._; Hatton, 346.
[326] _C. A._; Kempe, 269; _Sussex Arch. Colls._ v. 193; _S. P. D._
clxi. 15.
[327] _C. A._
[328] _C. A._
[329] _Martin’s_, 349; _Margaret’s_; _S. P. I._ (Oct.
14).
[330] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 349; _Remembrancia_, 407, ‘for her private
recreation, to take the air abroad’.
[331] _Martin’s_, 350.
[332] Duke of Norfolk, _Life of Philip Earl of Arundel_, 22.
[333] Shaw, ii. 82.
[334] _S. P. F._ (Apr. 20); Peck, 149 (May 2).
[335] _C. A._; _S. P. D._; Shaw; _Hatfield MSS._ iii. 35.
[336] _S. P. F._ (July 17); Hatton, 382 (July 21).
[337] _C. A._; Hatton, 388; Peck, 154.
[338] _C. A._
[339] _C. A._; Lodge, ii. 246.
[340] _Sc. P._ (Oct. 6); _S. P. D._ (Oct. 10).
[341] _C. A._; _S. P. F._ xix. 92 (misdated Oct. 5?).
[342] _C. A._; Stowe, _Annales_.
[343] 2 _R. Hist. Soc. Trans._ ix. 258.
[344] Ibid. 262; Clephan, 171, from _Bodl. Ashm. MS._ 845, f. 168.
[345] _C. A._; Duke of Norfolk, _Life of Earl of Arundel_, 193, puts
this or another visit after the Earl’s committal to the Tower on 25
Apr. 1585.
[346] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 365.
[347] Ibid.; _Martin’s_, 371; _S. P. I._ (Feb. 8); _S. P. F._ (Feb. 12).
[348] _Hatfield MSS._ vi. 556.
[349] _C. A._
[350] _Margaret’s_; Stowe, _Annales_ (March 29).
[351] _C. A._; Hatton, 416.
[352] _C. A._
[353] Hatton, 426.
[354] _C. A._; Shaw, ii. 83; Nichols, ii. 427.
[355] Cf. ch. xxiii (Lee).
[356] _Lambeth._
[357] Hatton, 406 (July 20); _S. P. D._ (July 24).
[358] Lysons, i. 297.
[359] _C. A._; _S. P. F._ (Aug. 25).
[360] _C. A._
[361] _Sc. P._ (Sept. 26); Nichols, ii. 440 (Oct. 1).
[362] _C. A._; _Rutland MSS._ i. 183; _Margaret’s_.
[363] _Martin’s_, 374; _Lambeth_.
[364] _Lambeth._
[365] _Lambeth._
[366] _C. A._; _P. C._ (July 10); _Hatfield MSS._ iii. 178; _Rutland
MSS._ i. 199.
[367] _C. A._
[368] _C. A._; Nichols, ii. 460, from speech of Mayor of Windsor.
[369] _C. A._
[370] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ iii. 182.
[371] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 386; _Lambeth_.
[372] Nichols, ii. 529, from private MS.
[373] _C. A._; Dasent, xv. 59, 64; _Hatfield MSS._ iii. 249.
[374] _P. C._ (May 2).
[375] _C. A._
[376] _C. A._; _Rutland MSS._ i. 215 (May 25); _P. C._
(May 29).
[377] _C. A._; _P. C._; _S. P. D._ (July 16, 18); _Rutland MSS._ i.
222; _Hatfield MSS._ iii. 270; v. 71; Devon, i. 187; Goodman, ii. 1.
[378] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Aug. 20).
[379] _P. C._ (Sept. 19, 24).
[380] _Martin’s_, 397; _Margaret’s_; _Lambeth_; Gawdy, 18.
[381] Gawdy, 25; Shaw.
[382] Gawdy, 25.
[383] _Foljambe MSS._ 28; Gawdy, 25, 29; _Sc. P._ (Dec. 2).
[384] _Rutland MSS._ i. 232; _Hist. MSS._ vii. 520.
[385] _Rutland MSS._ i. 234.
[386] _C. A._; _Margaret’s_; _Lambeth_; _Rutland MSS._ i. 236, 237.
[387] Cf. ch. xxiii (Churchyard).
[388] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Apr. 12, 16); Wright, ii. 370.
[389] _C. A._; Gawdy, 35.
[390] _C. A._; _P. C._ (July 7, 8); _Margaret’s_;
_Lambeth_.
[391] _C. A._; _P. C._ (July 28, 29); _Rutland MSS._ i. 253; _Lambeth_;
_Margaret’s_.
[392] _C. A._; Wright, ii. 387, 389; _Margaret’s_; _Lambeth_; M.
Christy in _E. H. R._ xxxiv. 43, quoting J. Aske, _Elizabetha
Triumphans_, and T. Deloney, _The Queen’s Visiting of the Camp at
Tilbury_ (cf. ch. xxiv).
[393] _Sp. P._ iv. 419.
[394] Ibid.
[395] _P. C._ (Oct. 26); _S. P. D._ (Oct. 23, 26);
_Margaret’s_ (Oct. 15 in error).
[396] _Sp. P._ iv. 487 (Nov. 8); Arber, ii. 506; Nichols, ii. 544.
[397] _P. C._ (Nov. 17).
[398] _Sp. P._ iv. 494; Arber, ii. 508.
[399] _C. A._; Stowe, _Annales_; _Sp. P._ iv. 494;
Arber, ii. 508.
[400] _Martin’s_, 407; _P. C._ (Dec. 1).
[401] _Sp. P._ iv. 504; _S. P. D._ (Dec. 19); _Margaret’s_.
[402] _C. A._
[403] Stowe, _Annales_; _Martin’s_, 411; Arber, v. lxxvii.
[404] _Martin’s_, 411; _Margaret’s_; _Lambeth_; _Fulham_; Lodge,
ii. 368, 375, ‘whilst she is there may be moved to her but matter
of delight and to content her, which is the only cause of her going
thither’.
[405] _Margaret’s._
[406] _C. A._; Lodge, ii. 379; _Margaret’s_.
[407] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Aug. 10); _Hatfield MSS._ iii. 427; xiii. 416
(Aug. 10, 16).
[408] _C. A._
[409] Dasent, xviii. 329 (Sept. 26); _Rutland MSS._ i. 276 (Sept. 27).
[410] Cf. ch. v.
[411] _Martin’s_, 413; _Margaret’s_.
[412] _C. A._
[413] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 414; _Margaret’s_.
[414] _Martin’s_, 422; _P. C._ (Jan. 25).
[415] _Martin’s_, 422.
[416] _C. A._; _P. C._; _Procl._ 825; _Margaret’s_; _Martin’s_; Lodge,
app. 83.
[417] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ iv. 52 (July 28); _P. C._ (Aug. 6).
[418] _C. A._
[419] _S. P. D._ (Aug. 30); _P. C._ (Aug. 31); _Rutland
MSS._ i. 283; Lodge, app. 83.
[420] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Sept. 6).
[421] _C. A._
[422] _C. A._; Dasent, xx. 71, 75 (Nov. 8, 15); Lodge, ii. 422.
[423] Lodge, ii. 419; cf. ch. xxiii (Lee).
[424] _C. A._
[425] Lodge, ii. 419 (Nov. 20), ‘secretly, as she thought’, to meet the
French ambassador, Viscount Turenne.
[426] Lodge, ii. 420; _P. C._ (Nov. 22); Dee, 36 (Nov. 20 in error).
[427] Dee, 37.
[428] _Syd. P._ i. 317; _Martin’s_, 430; _Margaret’s_.
[429] _C. A._; _P. C._; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 796; _Hatfield MSS._ iv.
108, 115; v. 71; _Rutland MSS._ i. 291; Wright, ii. 412.
[430] Lodge, app. 68. Probably she did not go, as the letter refers to
a plot to murder her there.
[431] _Hatfield MSS._ v. 71; Burghley, _Diary_.
[432] _C. A._; _P. C._; Burghley, _Diary_; _Hatfield MSS._ v. 71; iv.
136; vi. 238; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 1, 2, 5, 31); Rymer, xvi. 109, 116–23;
Kempe, 270, 305; G. C. Williamson, _Earl of Cumberland_, 77; _Procl._
836; Nichols, iii. 96, 99; cf. W. D. Cooper in _Sussex Arch. Colls._ v.
176, 196, with some doubtful localities.
[433] For _Cowdray Entertainment_, cf. ch. xxiv.
[434] For _Elvetham Entertainment_, cf. chh. iv, xxiv.
[435] Burghley, _Diary_.
[436] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ iv. 144 (Oct. 4); _P. C._ (Oct. 7).
[437] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Nov. 15); Burghley, _Diary_.
[438] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Nov. 20).
[439] _C. A._; G. C. Williamson, _George Earl of Cumberland_, 108.
[440] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ iv. 187; xiii. 465; _P. C._ (Apr. 12,
15, 16); _Margaret’s_.
[441] _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 465.
[442] _Lambeth._
[443] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ iv. 220.
[444] _C. A._; _P. C._; _Hatfield MSS._ iv. 224, 226, 227; xiii. 466;
_S. P. D._ (Aug. 13, Sept. 6); _Procl._ 851–3; Shaw; Lodge, app. 69,
70; Birch, i. 79; _Rutland MSS._ i. 302; Rye, 11–14; _Finch MSS._
(Sept. 15); Nichols, _Illustrations_, 135; Plummer, _Elizabethan
Oxford_, 249, 261; Boas, 252.
[445] For _Bisham Entertainment_, cf. ch. xxiv.
[446] For a possible entertainment at Ramsbury, cf. ch. xxiii (Mary
Herbert).
[447] For _Sudeley Entertainment_, cf. ch. xxiv.
[448] For _Woodstock_ (or _Ditchley_) _Entertainment_, cf. ch. xxiii,
s.v. Lee.
[449] For Oxford plays, cf. ch. iv.
[450] For _Rycote Entertainment_, cf. ch. xxiv.
[451] _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 466.
[452] Gawdy, 67.
[453] _C. A._
[454] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 451.
[455] _Martin’s_, 451; _P. C._ (Feb. 7, 8, 11, 12, 14); Dee,
43.
[456] _Martin’s_, 451.
[457] Ibid.
[458] Gawdy, 67.
[459] _Martin’s_, 452.
[460] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 452; _P. C._ (May 6, 13, 14); _S. P. D._
(May 9); _Hatfield MSS._ iv. 309 (May 5).
[461] _Hatfield MSS._ iv. 319 (May 22).
[462] _C. A._; _Procl._ 861; _P. C._ (June 24).
[463] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Aug. 1, 4).
[464] _C. A._
[465] Carey, _Memoirs_, 32; Clephan, 133, from _Bodl. Ashm. MS._
1109, f. 154^v; Arber, ii. 640; G. C. Williamson, _George Earl of
Cumberland_, 121.
[466] _C. A._; Birch, i. 137.
[467] Birch, i. 146. ‘Mr. [Anthony] Standen was at the play and dancing
on twelfth-night, which lasted till one after midnight, more by
constraint than by choice, the earl of Essex having committed to him
the placing and entertaining of certain Germans. The queen appeared
there in a high throne, richly adorned, and “as beautiful”, says he,
“to my old sight, as ever I saw her; and next to her chair the earl,
with whom she often devised in sweet and favourable manner”.’
[468] _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 506; _Martin’s_, 462.
[469] _C. A._; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 804; _Hatfield MSS._ iv. 539, 552,
558; v. 71; _Martin’s_; Dee, 49; _Rutland MSS._ i. 320; Wright, ii.
433; J. H. Lloyd, _Highgate_, 225, from _Frere MS._ (misdated 1593);
Gawdy, 85.
[470] _Hatfield MSS._ v. 71; xiii. 507; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 804.
[471] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ v. 1; xiii. 508.
[472] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ (Oct. 31); _Sc. P._ (Oct. 25).
[473] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ v. 19; _Martin’s_ (misdated Oct.).
[474] _C. A._; Arber, ii. 664.
[475] _Martin’s_, 465; _Rutland MSS._ i. 324.
[476] Dee, 51.
[477] _C. A._; _S. P. I._ (Dec. 8).
[478] _Martin’s_, 465.
[479] _C. A._; Stowe, _Annales_.
[480] _Martin’s_, 471; cf. my paper on _The Occasion of A Midsummer
Night’s Dream_ in _Sh. Homage_, 154. I there thought that the wedding
must have been at Burghley House, but I now find that _C. A._ confirms
Stowe in placing it at Greenwich, and must suppose that, after the
ceremony, Elizabeth accompanied the bridal pair to Burghley House. If
_M. N. D._ was produced, it may have been at either place.
[481] _C. A._; Nichols, iii. 38; _Hatfield MSS._ v. 121.
[482] _C. A._; _Rutland MSS._ i. 326; _Hatfield MSS._ v.
135, 138.
[483] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[484] _C. A._; _Gesta Grayorum_, 68.
[485] _Martin’s_, 472.
[486] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ i. 344; Lodge, app. 78; _Martin’s_, 472.
[487] _C. A._
[488] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Oct. 19); Birch, i. 311.
[489] _Syd. P._ i. 357.
[490] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ i. 365 (misdated Nov. 25 for 15); _Martin’s_,
473.
[491] _C. A._
[492] _Syd. P._ i. 366, 369, 371; _Martin’s_, 473.
[493] _Syd. P._ i. 376.
[494] _Syd. P._ i. 380; _Martin’s_, 474.
[495] _Syd. P._ i. 382.
[496] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Dec. 28); _Syd. P._ i. 384; _Martin’s_, 474.
[497] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 483; _P. C._ (Apr. 4).
[498] _Martin’s_, 483.
[499] _C. A._
[500] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 5, 6; _Martin’s_, 488; _Margaret’s_.
[501] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ vi. 425; Birch, ii. 173 (Oct. 13).
[502] _C. A._; Wright, ii. 465.
[503] _C. A._; cf. ch. xxiii (Bacon).
[504] _Martin’s_, 488.
[505] _Syd. P._ ii. 17; _Fulham_.
[506] Lysons, i. 297.
[507] _Martin’s_, 496.
[508] _C. A._; Wright, ii. 477 (July 20); _Hatfield MSS._ vii. 306
(July 22).
[509] _C. A._; _P. C._; _S. P. D._ (Sept. 13); _Hatfield MSS._ vii.
361, 370, 378; _Rutland MSS._ i. 342, 343; iv. 209; Stowe, _Annales_;
Stiffkey, 141; Carey, _Memoirs_, 51; 1 Ellis, ii. 274.
[510] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Sept. 21).
[511] _P. C._; _Martin’s_, 497.
[512] _C. A._
[513] Cf. ch. v.
[514] _Martin’s_, 514; _Rutland MSS._ i. 345 (May 1).
[515] _Martin’s_, 515.
[516] _C. A._
[517] _C. A._
[518] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Sept. 13); Chamberlain, 19; Lysons,
i. 257.
[519] _C. A._
[520] _C. A._; Chamberlain, 20.
[521] _C. A._; Stowe, _Annales_; _Martin’s_, 516; Chamberlain, 29.
[522] Chamberlain, 29.
[523] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 522; _Rutland MSS._ i. 351.
[524] _Martin’s_, 523; _P. C._ (Apr. 2, 3, 4).
[525] Henslowe, i. 104.
[526] Chamberlain, 52; Nichols, iii. 467.
[527] _C. A._
[528] _C. A._; Chamberlain, 57; _Lambeth_.
[529] Chamberlain, 57.
[530] _Syd. P._ ii. 118.
[531] _Procl._ 903.
[532] _S. P. D._; _Syd. P._ ii. 119.
[533] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 129, 130.
[534] _C. A._
[535] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 141; _Martin’s_, 525; _Margaret’s_; Stowe,
_Annales_.
[536] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 142.
[537] Devereux, ii. 92.
[538] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 149; Winwood, i. 137;
_Martin’s_, 525.
[539] _Syd. P._ ii. 155 (Jan. 5): ‘Her Majestie is in very good health,
and comes much abroad these holidayes; for almost every night she is in
the presence, to see the ladies dawnce the old and new country dawnces,
with the taber and pipe.’
[540] _Syd. P._ ii. 161.
[541] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Apr. 13, 20).
[542] _Hatfield MSS._ x. 139 (May 5), ‘The Queen would fain hear the
French gentleman sing and play who is so much commended, and saith if
she had been put in mind or could yet tell how to do it, she would
see the gentleman who danced on the rope and is so cunning in those
voltiges’; _Syd. P._ ii. 194 (May 12), ‘Her Maiestie is very well; this
day she appointes to see a Frenchman doe feates upon a rope in the
Conduit court. To morrow she hath comanded the beares, the bull, and
the ape, to be baited in the tilt-yard. Upon Wednesday she will have
solemn dawncing.’ On Peter Bromvill, cf. App. D, No. cxxiii.
[543] _Syd. P._ ii. 201.
[544] Cf. ch. v.
[545] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 208.
[546] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 210.
[547] _Syd. P._ ii. 210.
[548] Nichols, iii. 489.
[549] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 23); _Syd. P._ ii. 208–213.
[550] _Syd. P._ ii. 213.
[551] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 213.
[552] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 213, 214.
[553] _Syd. P._ ii. 215.
[554] _C. A._
[555] _C. A._; _Syd. P._ ii. 217; Chamberlain, 89.
[556] _C. A._; Stowe, _Annales_; _Margaret’s_.
[557] _C. A._; Winwood, i. 271, 274; Gawdy, 103, 105; cf. ch. xxiii
(Clifford).
[558] _Hatfield MSS._ x. 406. A visit of 1600 to Baynard’s Castle (Sir
Robert Sydney) described in Harrington, i. 312, must fall between Nov.
13 and the Essex outbreak of 8 Feb. 1601, as Sydney was abroad earlier
in 1600.
[559] Chamberlain, 97.
[560] _Martin’s_, 546; _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 543, ‘There is a great gest
expected to come a maying hither. I wish your leisure and disposition
may serve for maying’.
[561] _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 185.
[562] _Martin’s_, 546.
[563] _Lambeth._
[564] _C. A._
[565] _C. A._; _Lambeth_; _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 328, 329.
[566] _C. A._
[567] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 332; Chamberlain, 118; _S. P. D._
(Sept. 19).
[568] _C. A._; _P. C._; Shaw; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 27; Sept. 1, 19, 23);
Stowe, _Annales_, 797; Chamberlain, 117; _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 381, 392,
394; _Carew-Cecil Corres._ 95; Goodman, ii. 22; _Remembrancia_, 286;
_Rutland MSS._ i. 379, 380; _Egerton Papers_, 328.
[569] Chamberlain, 117, ‘Mr. Controller made great chere, and
entertained her with many devises of singing, dauncing, and playing
wenches, and such like’; _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 362 (J. Herbert--R.
Cecil), ‘Her Majesty, God be praised, liketh her journey, the air
of this soil and the pleasures and pastimes shewed her in the way,
marvellous well’.
[570] _Rutland MS._ i. 380.
[571] _C. A._; _P. C._ (Oct. 25); _Margaret’s_; _Martin’s_, 548.
[572] _C. A._
[573] Chamberlain in _S. P. D._ cclxxxii, 48, ‘There has been such a
small court this Christmas that the guard were not troubled to keep
doors at the plays and pastimes’.
[574] _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 544.
[575] _S. P. D._ _Eliz._ cclxxxii. 48, ‘The Q: dined this day priuatly
at my L^d Chamberlains; I came euen now from the Blackfriers, where I
saw her at the play with all her _candidae auditrices_’; cf. ch. xiii
(Chamberlain’s) and _M. L. R._ ii. 12.
[576] _C. A._; _Martin’s_, 558; _Lambeth_ (misdated 1602/3).
[577] _Hatfield MSS._ xii. 99.
[578] _C. A._; Chamberlain, 126; _Lambeth_.
[579] _C. A._; Chamberlain, 133. Lord Cumberland’s May Day show of
horsemen (cf. ch. xxiii) may belong to this year, or less probably 1601.
[580] _Hatfield MSS._ xii. 140; Chamberlain, 133.
[581] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ xii. 226.
[582] _C. A._; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 4, 6, 7); _Martin’s_; FULHAM; HATFIELD
MSS. xii. 302, 305, 358; Lodge, ii. 552, 554; _Egerton Papers_, 340;
Winwood, i. 429; Chamberlain, 150.
[583] For _Harefield Entertainment_, cf. ch. xxiv.
[584] _S. P. D._ (Aug. 6, 15).
[585] _C. A._
[586] _C. A._; cf. Chamberlain, 152.
[587] Chamberlain, 157.
[588] _C. A._; Chamberlain, 162; _Martin’s_, 561.
[589] _C. A._; _Hatfield MSS._ xii. 438, 459; Chamberlain,
163.
[590] Chamberlain, 167; _Hatfield MSS._ xii. 507, 560, 568; cf. ch.
xxiii (Cecil).
[591] Chamberlain, 169.
[592] Chamberlain, 172, ‘The court hath flourisht more then ordinarie’,
with ‘many playes’; _Syd. P._ ii. 262, ‘M^{rs}. Mary [Fitton] upon S^t.
Steuens day in the afternoon dawnced before the Queen two galliards
with one M^r. Palmer, the admirablest dawncer of this tyme; both were
much commended by her Majestie; then she dawnced with hym a corante’.
[593] Chamberlain, 174.
[594] _C. A._; Lysons, i. 297; Chamberlain, 174; _Martin’s_, 567.
[595] _Contemporary Prints_ (cf. ch. xxiv); Stowe, _Annales_; Camden;
Nichols, iii. 306; iv. 1054; Shaw; 1 Ellis, iii. 71, 75; _Procl._ 943,
944; _S. P. D._ (Apr. 21, 22, 25, 29; May 10); Hawarde, 180; _Egerton
Papers_, 369.
[596] At Worksop were huntsmen in green with a woodman’s speech
(Nichols, i. 86, from printed description).
[597] For an abandoned entertainment at Bishopsgate, cf. ch. xxiv
(Dekker, _Coronation Entertainment_).
[598] Stowe, _Annales_; Shaw; Hawarde, 181.
[599] Hawarde, 181.
[600] Hawarde, 182; Shaw; Gawdy, 132.
[601] Shaw; 2 Ellis, iii. 201, ‘having vewed all his housese’.
[602] Green, 4, from _Account_ of Marmaduke Darrell; Nichols, i. 189;
iv. 1056, and _Leicestershire_, i. 417; iii. 589; Kelly, _Progresses_,
318; _Middleton MSS._ 463; Wiffen, ii. 70; 1 Ellis, iii. 73; Lodge,
App. 108.
[603] For entertainment at Althorp, cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson).
[604] Lodge, iii. 15; 1 Ellis, iii. 81; Shaw; Gardiner, i. 113.
[605] There were ‘speeches and delicate presents’ at Grafton (Wiffen,
ii. 71).
[606] Wiffen, ii. 71; Shaw.
[607] _S. P. D._ (July 13); _Procl._ 965.
[608] Stowe, _Annales_; V. P. x. 74.
[609] Stowe, _Annales_; _V. P._ x. 75.
[610] _V. P._ x. 74.
[611] Nichols, i. xi, 250 (from gests in B.M. _Cole MS._ xlvi. 324);
iv. 1059; _S. P. D._ (Aug. 17, 22, 31; Sept. 11, 15); _Procl._ 969–71
Shaw; Bradley, ii. 180–3; Hawarde, 272; Lodge, iii. 22, 24, 26, 28, 33,
34 (‘our _camp volant_, which every week dislodgeth’), 38, App. 108,
109, 115; _V. P._ x. 83.
[612] Lodge, iii. 34, 36, 41.
[613] Bradley, ii. 190 (Arabella Stuart to Lord Shrewsbury), ‘There was
an interlude, but not so ridiculous, as ridiculous as it was, as my
letter’.
[614] Cf. ch. v.
[615] Shaw; Beaumont in _King’s MS._ cxxiv, f. 174^v.
[616] Lodge, iii. 58; _S. P. D._ (Oct. 20); _Procl._ 974 (Oct. 24).
[617] Nichols, iv. 1059; _S. P. D._ (Nov. 1).
[618] _S. P. D._ (Dec. 21).
[619] Bradley, ii. 195, ‘It is said there shall be 30 playes’, 199;
_Wilbraham’s Journal_ (_Camd. Misc._ x), 66, ‘manie plaies and dances
with swordes.’ One of the King’s men’s plays was _Fair Maid of Bristow_.
[620] Cf. ch. xxiii (Daniel, _Twelve Goddesses_).
[621] Law, _Hampton Court_, ii. 11.
[622] _Margaret’s._
[623] Gawdy, 141 (Feb. 20), ‘Ther hath bene ij playes this shroftyde
before the king and ther shall be an other to morrow’.
[624] _V. P._ x. 139.
[625] Stowe, _Annales_.
[626] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[627] Arber, iii. 257.
[628] Shaw; cf. ch. xxii (Jonson).
[629] Shaw (May 30, June 2).
[630] Shaw.
[631] Shaw (July 3); _S. P. D._ (July 4).
[632] _Procl._ 995; _S. P. D._ (July 14, 18); Shaw; _V. P._ x. 171.
[633] _S. P. D._ (July 28, 29, 30; Aug. 2, 6); Shaw; _V. P._ x. 171;
Lodge, App. 115.
[634] 2 Ellis, iii. 207; _Egerton Papers_, 395.
[635] _C. D. I._ lxxi. 483; Rye, 117; E. Law, _Shakespeare as a Groom
of the Chamber_; _V. P._ x. 175; _Gawdy MSS._ 95; Winwood, ii. 26; cf.
App. B.
[636] _S. P. D._ (Sept. 6); Winwood, ii. 26; _Gawdy MSS._ 95; Warton,
_Hist. of Kiddington_ (1815), 58; Shaw.
[637] _Procl._ 1001; _S. P. D._ (Sept. 16, 20).
[638] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 33.
[639] _Gawdy MSS._ 96.
[640] Stowe, _Annales_, 823; Carey, _Memoirs_, 83.
[641] _Gawdy MSS._ 97; _Margaret’s_.
[642] This is probably the play which concluded an entertainment by the
Spanish ambassador to the Duke of Holst (Winwood, ii. 44; Sullivan,
26). Carleton says, ‘After Dinner he came home to us, with a Play and a
Banquett’.
[643] Cf. App. B (introd.).
[644] Cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson, _Blackness_).
[645] Winwood, ii. 51; _S. P. D._ (March 6).
[646] Winwood, ii. 54.
[647] _V. P._ x. 234.
[648] Lodge, iii. 162.
[649] Stowe, _Annales_.
[650] _S. P. D._; Winwood, ii. 81.
[651] Stowe, _Annales_.
[652] Leland, _Collectanea_, ii. 626, from gests; Nichols, i. 517,
apparently from abandoned gests (Lodge, App. 97, 99), 518, 560;
_Procl._ 1015, 1016; _S. P. D_. (July 26, Aug. 5); _V. P._ x. 265; Shaw
(July 27); Winwood, ii. 99, 107; Lodge, iii. 171; Warton, _Life of
Sir T. Pope_ (1772), 413; _Reliquiae Hearnianae^2_, ii. 68 (misdated
1608); and for Oxford, Camden, _Annales_; Nichols, i. 530, iv. 1067,
from description of Philip Stringer in _Harl. MS._ 7044; A. Nixon, _The
Oxford Triumph_ (1605); I. Wake, _Rex Platonicus_ (1607); A. Wood,
_Annals_; _S. P. D. Addl._ xxxvii. 66, 67; _V. P._ x. 270; Winwood, ii.
140.
[653] For plays at Oxford, cf. chh. iv, vii.
[654] Nichols, i. 518, 560, from _Marlow Accts._
[655] _S. P. D_. (Sept. 10); Winwood, ii. 132.
[656] _Rutland MSS._ i. 396.
[657] Stowe, _Annales_, 882; _Procl._ 1030; _V. P._ x. 332; Winwood,
ii. 204; _Margaret’s_.
[658] _V. P._ x. 332; Winwood, ii. 205.
[659] Winwood, ii. 205.
[660] _Margaret’s._
[661] Cf. ch. iv.
[662] _S. P. D._ (July 16); Shaw (July 15); Nichols, ii. 53, from
Drummond (app. a day out).
[663] Nichols, ii. 54; iv. 1072, from prints (cf. ch. xxiv); Stowe,
885; Harington, i. 348; Boderie, i. 223, 226, 241, 259, 283, 297; _V.
P._ x. 379, 383, 386, 391; Winwood, ii. 247; Birch, i. 65.
[664] Cf. ch. v.
[665] _King of Denmarkes Welcome_, 16, ‘On Wednesday at night, the
Youthes of Paules, commonlye cald the Children of Paules, plaide before
the two Kings, a playe called _Abuses_: containing both a Comedie and
a Tragedie, at which the Kinges seemed to take delight and be much
pleased’.
[666] Shaw (Aug. 17).
[667] _Procl._ 1037; Shaw.
[668] Lodge, iii. 184.
[669] _Procl._ 1039; Shaw.
[670] Boderie, ii. 144.
[671] Boderie, ii. 253; _V. P._ x. 501.
[672] Boderie, ii. 247, 264, ‘Et à la fin d’icelui se présenta une
Tragédie d’Enée et de Didon, qui les tint jusques à deux heures après
minuit’.
[673] Stowe, _Annales_, 890; _V. P._ x. 8; Nichols, ii. 133.
[674] Cf. ch. iv.
[675] _S. P. D._; _Margaret’s_; Shaw; _Procl._ 1044; Birch, i. 68
(misdated), ‘The King went home yesterday’.
[676] _S. P. D._; _Procl._ 1046; Shaw; Winwood, ii. 328; Rymer, xvi.
664; Hunter, _Hallamshire_, 95.
[677] _S. P. D._
[678] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 344; Lodge, app. 102.
[679] Nichols, ii. 155; _V. P._ xi. 59.
[680] Birch, i. 69.
[681] Boderie, iii. 195.
[682] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 403.
[683] _Margaret’s._
[684] Birch, i. 76; _Procl._ 1063–4; _S. P. D._ (July 14, 18, 20, 24;
Aug. 10); Rymer, xvi. 673; Lodge, App. 126; Shaw; Nichols, ii. 203.
[685] _S. P. D._ (Aug. 28).
[686] _Procl._ 1065; _S. P. D._ (Sept. 17).
[687] _Procl._ 1066; _S. P. D._ (Oct. 21).
[688] Birch, i. 85 (Jan. 3), ‘a dull and heavy Christmas hitherto’.
[689] _V. P._ xi. 243, 246.
[690] Birch, i. 92.
[691] Stowe, _Annales_.
[692] Birch, i. 96 (misdated Apr. 6).
[693] _Procl._ 1077, 1078, 1079.
[694] Stowe, _Annales_.
[695] _Margaret’s._
[696] Lodge, iii. 261.
[697] _S. P. D._ (July 26, Aug. 15, 20); Lodge, iii. 267, 268; Shaw
(Aug. 2, 13, misdated?); Nichols, ii. 263; Hutchins, _Dorset_, iii. 381.
[698] _S. P. D._ (Aug. 31).
[699] _S. P. D._ (Sept. 1, 7).
[700] _Margaret’s._
[701] Cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson).
[702] At St. James’s, 10 p.m., after a supper by Henry to the players
at barriers (_Arch._ xii. 258).
[703] Nichols, ii. 287; _V. P._ xi. 453, 460.
[704] Nichols, ii. 307; Stowe, _Annales_, 895.
[705] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[706] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[707] Ibid.
[708] _Arch._ xii. 258. On June 10 a newswriter (Winwood, iii. 182)
says, ‘As often as he can he absents himself from the town, yet is
quickly fetched again on every occasion, which much troubles him’.
[709] _Procl._ 1095; _S. P. D._ (July 29; Aug. 5, 6, 7, 11, 13, 19, 23;
Sept. 2); Rymer, xvi. 703, 704; Nichols, ii. 364, and _Illustrations_,
135; Birch, i. 131; Winwood, iii. 201, 213; _Rutland MSS._ i. 423; _V.
P._ xii. 26, 41; Hearne, _Reliquiae^2_, ii. 69.
[710] _Rutland MSS._ i. 423; _S. P. D._ (Sept. 2).
[711] _S. P. D._ (Oct. 8, 18).
[712] _Margaret’s._
[713] _S. P. D._
[714] Ibid.
[715] _Procl._ 1115; _S. P. D._; Nichols, iv. 1083.
[716] _Procl._ 1117.
[717] _S. P. D._ (Oct. 31).
[718] There is some doubt as to the dates of this winter’s plays; cf.
p. 140.
[719] Cunningham, 211.
[720] Ibid.
[721] Ibid.
[722] Ibid.; Birch, i. 133 (Jan. 29), ‘The prince went on Saturday to
Royston, called thither from his martial sports of tilt, tourney, and
barrier, which he followed so earnestly, that he was every day five or
six hours in armour. The rest of the time was spent in---- and every
night a play, in all which exercises the Lord Cranbourne attended him,
keeping an honourable table all the while they were at Greenwich,
and grows daily into his favour.’ The plays of Jan. 12 and 13 were
certainly and those of Jan. 15, 19, 21, almost certainly at Greenwich.
An extant challenge to tilt of 1612 (Clephan, 133, 176, from _Harl.
MS._ 4888) may be of this period.
[723] Birch, i. 137.
[724] _V. P._ xii. 329; Cunningham, 211.
[725] _V. P._ xii. 349.
[726] Birch, i. 169, 174 (June 17, ‘The King has been coming and going
to Eltham all the last week’), 181; Shaw (June 3).
[727] Birch, i. 187.
[728] Nichols, ii. 450 (from records at Leicester and Nottingham); iv.
1083; Kelly, _Progresses_, 344 (from Leicester gests); _S. P. D._ (July
23, 26, 28); _Procl._ 1123; Rymer, xvi. 724; Shaw; Birch, i. 188, 189,
197; Winwood, iii. 384.
[729] Birch, i. 197, ‘The prince made the king an entertainment, with
some devices, at Woodstock’.
[730] _Procl._ 1124; _S. P. D._ (Sept. 24).
[731] Winwood, iii. 403; Birch, i. 198; _V. P._ xii. 443; cf. ch. xxiv
for descriptions of visit and wedding.
[732] Birch, i. 198 (cf. App. B).
[733] Winwood, iii. 406.
[734] Birch, i. 201; Winwood, iii. 406.
[735] Ibid.
[736] Cf. App. B.
[737] Winwood, iii. 421; _V. P._ xii. 473.
[738] Birch, i. 229; Wood, _Annals_, ii. 315.
[739] Birch, i. 238; _Rutland MSS._ iv. 494; Arber, iii. 518.
[740] Stowe, 1007; Nichols, ii. 611.
[741] Nichols, ii. 628, 643; Wotton, ii. 20, 22, 29; Winwood, iii. 454,
461; Birch, i. 243.
[742] For entertainment at Caversham, cf. ch. xxiii (Campion).
[743] For entertainment at Bristol, cf. ch. xxiv.
[744] For entertainment at Bishop’s Cannings, cf. ch. xxiii (Ferebe).
[745] Wotton, ii. 25 (misdated).
[746] _S. P. D._ (July 1, 3, 4); Shaw.
[747] Winwood, iii. 468.
[748] _S. P. D._ (July 19); _Remembrancia_, 290; Birch, i. 261.
[749] _S. P. D._ (July 20, 23, 24, 26, 27, 31); Birch, i. 257; Winwood,
iii. 461, 475; _Egerton Papers_, 462.
[750] Birch, i. 257, 275; _V. P._ xiii. 36; _Hist. MSS._ i. 107;
_Journal of Arch. Ass._ xvi. 319. For entertainment at Wells, cf. ch.
iv.
[751] Birch, i. 269.
[752] _S. P. D._ (Sept. 9); Birch, i. 275.
[753] _S. P. D._; Wotton, ii. 35.
[754] Cf. ch. xxiii (Middleton).
[755] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[756] Nichols, ii. 754.
[757] Nichols, ii. 759, from _Harl. MS._ 5171.
[758] Shaw; Wotton, ii. 39; Nichols, iii. 6.
[759] _C. A._; _Procl._ 1145.
[760] Birch, i. 329.
[761] Nichols, iii. 10, from gests at Leicester; _S. P. D._ (July 14,
18, 21, 22); Shaw; Stowe, _Annales_, 1012; Birch, i. 333, 339; Camden,
_Annales_; _Procl._ 1147, 1148.
[762] Birch, i. 339; _V. P._ xiii. 166.
[763] Stowe, 1012.
[764] Birch, i. 341, 342; Stowe, 1012.
[765] Nichols, iii. 20; Kelly, _Progresses_, 360; Birch, i. 343; Shaw
(Aug. 25); Wood, _Annals_, ii. 319; _Egerton Papers_, 464.
[766] Birch, i. 346.
[767] Birch, i. 290, ‘They have plays at least every night, both
holidays and working days, wherein they show great----, being for the
most part such poor stuff, that instead of delight, they send the
auditory away with discontent. Indeed, our poets’ brains and inventions
are grown very dry, insomuch that of five new plays there is not one
pleases, and therefore they are driven to furbish over their old,
which stand them in best stead, and bring them most profit’ (John
Chamberlain).
[768] Nichols, iii. 41.
[769] For plays at Cambridge in March and May, see chh. iv, vii.
[770] Birch, i. 358.
[771] _S. P. D._
[772] _S. P. D._ (July 3, 5); Shaw.
[773] Birch, i. 368.
[774] Camden, _Annales_; _S. P. D._ (July 23, 26, 28–31); Shaw; Birch,
i. 369; Nichols, iii. 97.
[775] Birch, i. 369.
[776] Nichols, iii. 104.
[777] Birch, i. 395, 397; cf. ch. iv, App. K (_Susenbrotus_).
[778] Birch, i. 394; _Rutland MSS._ iv. 508.
[779] This payment was by warrant of the Lord Chamberlain.
[780] P. C. Acts name Westcote.
[781] On the unrewarded plays of 1563–4 and 1564–5, cf. ch. vii.
[782] In P. C. Acts, by an obvious error, £7 13_s._ 8_d._
[783] P. C. Acts specify ‘Shrove Tuesday’.
[784] Apparently one play was unrewarded.
[785] P. C. Acts describe the company as Lane’s, and put the
performance 26 Dec., Windsor 27 Dec., and Paul’s 1 Jan.
[786] P. C. Acts give payees as ‘Lawrence Dutton and his fellows’.
Wallace, i. 213, states in error that this and the next payment are not
in _D. A._
[787] P. C. Acts give payee as ‘----, Master of the Children of
Westminster’.
[788] Wallace, i. 215, reads ‘cumyng’ in error.
[789] In view of the date in the warrant, the ‘Monday’ of the Revels
Accounts should clearly be ‘Sunday’.
[790] The _D. A._ give all three plays on Shrove Sunday, but Cunningham
has Shrove Monday for Warwick’s and omits Muncaster’s, which may have
been on the Tuesday, although two plays were sometimes given on the
same night.
[791] The _D. A._ give Sunday before Shrovetide, which might mean
either Shrove Sunday (Mar. 4) or the preceding Sunday (Feb. 26).
[792] P. C. Acts name John Dutton, as well as Lawrence, and put
Muncaster’s play on Sunday. It is safer to follow _D. A._
[793] As the entry stands, it should refer to Warwick’s, but I think it
probably does refer to Leicester’s.
[794] P. C. Acts have Chamberlain’s for Howard’s.
[795] As two plays on one night are exceptional, it is safer to follow
the Revels Account.
[796] The £10 payment has now become normal, but to the end of the
reign is stated, usually but not invariably, as made up of £6 13_s._
4_d._ with a ‘more’ sum of £3 6_s._ 8_d._, by way of Her Majesty’s
‘rewarde’, ‘speciall rewarde’, or ‘further liberalitie and rewarde’.
[797] The Pipe Office _D. A._ date Sunday, Jan. ‘firste’. Jan. 5
was Sunday; the ‘fifte’ of A. O. (Wallace, i. 220) is right.
[798] Presumably the Revels Accounts put this play on 4 Jan. in error.
[799] The 27 Dec. of Revels Accounts is preferable.
[800] P. C. Acts give Shrove Sunday for the Chamberlain’s as well as
Warwick’s.
[801] Both the ‘Twesday’ of the Pipe Office and the ‘Tewsday’ of the
Audit Office (Wallace, i. 223) _D. A._ are doubtless errors for
‘Twelfday’. P. C. Acts have ‘Twelfte Daye’.
[802] P. C. Acts give Shrove Sunday (Feb. 9).
[803] P. C. Acts give 23 Dec., obviously in error.
[804] So P. C. Acts.
[805] P. C. Acts do not name Ottewell, and call the company the
Admiral’s.
[806] P. C. Acts give 27 Dec.
[807] Cf. p. 56.
[808] Dasent reads ‘Flemings’.
[809] P. C. Acts have ‘John’ Shawe.
[810] So P. C. Acts.
[811] For a discussion of these entries, cf. p. 136.
[812] For a discussion of these entries, cf. p. 140.
[813] The payment is for 12 plays; one date [13 Jan.?] is obviously
omitted.
[814] Cunningham gives the date as 16 Jan.
[815] This item is entered in Account for 1612–13; _Rawl. MS_.
gives the date.
[816] Cunningham gives this date as 18 Feb.
[817] The dates of the Prince’s, Lady Elizabeth’s, and Revels plays are
given by _Rawl. MS._ but not _D. A._
[818] This is probably the play of 20 Oct. in the Cockpit to which
(Birch, i. 198) Elizabeth invited Frederick.
[819] Both _D. A._ and Cunningham, xliii, have the error for £46 13_s._
4_d._ Both records also date the King’s men’s plays of this winter as
‘1614’ instead of ‘1613’.
[820] So _D. A._, but Cunningham’s 28 Dec. is more probable.
[821] Henceforward play payments are by warrant from Lord Chamberlain,
not Privy Council; cf. ch. vii.
[822] This item is entered in the Account for 1615–16.
[823] This item is entered in the Account for 1616–17.
[824] errant. _Om._ A. B has marginal note ‘_Erratum_ in the last
impression’.
[825] B adds in margin, King Agesilaus teaches the respect due to
common players in his answere to Callipides, who being a presumptious
excellent actor; & thinking himself not graced enough by the kings
notice, as the king passed along, doth sawcily interrupt him thus;
_doth not your grace know me?_ _Yes_, said the king, _thou art
Calipides the Player_.
[826] Hee ... goodnes. A, If hee cannot beleeue, hee doth coniecture
strongly; but dares not resolue vpon particulars.
[827] _Epilogue._ A adds: ‘vnlesse he be prevented’.
[828] B, in margin, Iuxta Plautinum illud Collybisci: quin aedepol
conductior sum quam tragaedi aut comici.
[829] When ... eccho. _Om._ A.
[830] sawsie rude. A, lying.
[831] glaunce. A, glaunces.
[832] hath. A, hath once.
[833] To ... infected. _Om._ A.
[834] Reproofe ... blushing. _Om._ A.
[835] When ... _board_. _Om._ A.
[836] also. A, enough.
[837] commonwealth. A, common-wealths.
[838] Painting ... _Revells_. _Om._ A. B, in margin, I would haue the
correcting Pedant goe study _Logicke_.
[839] title. A, denomination.
[840] Yet ... number. _Om._ A.
Transcriber’s Notes:
1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been
corrected silently.
2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the
original.
3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have
been retained as in the original.
4. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D^r. or
X^{xx}.
5. Italics are shown as _xxx_.
6. Bold print is shown as =xxx=.
7. In some cases a letter with a macron has been written as m¯ with a
straight upper bar to the right of the letter. The same for g̃ with
tilde.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Elizabethan Stage (Vol 4 of 4)" ***
Copyright 2023 LibraryBlog. All rights reserved.